Piety and polyphony in sixteenth-century Holland : the choirbooks of St Peter’s Church, Leiden 9781783273263, 1783273267

Table of contents :
The Zeven-Getijdencolleges --
The Zeven-Getijdencolleges in Holland --
The Getijdencolleges Considered Individually --
The Seven Hours in St Peter's Church at Leiden --
The Zeven-Getijdencollege --
The Foundation of Boudijn van Zwieten --
Tire Daily Marian Lof Services --
The Endowments of 1460-1520 --
Exceptional Masses, Processions and Meals --
The Constitution of the Vocal Ensemble --
The Zangmeesters --
Complaints about the Singers --
Schoolmasters, Chant and Polyphony --
The Organist --
The Reformation --
The Choirbooks of St Peter's Church --
Anthonius de Blauwe --
Manuscripts 1438, 1439 and 1440 --
Manuscripts 1441, 1442 and 1443 --
The Later History of the Choirbooks --
The Repertoire of the Choirbooks --
The Composers --
Conflicting Ascriptions --
The Works of Johannes Flamingus --
The Leiden Transmissions --
The Genres --
The Ordering of the Repertoire --
Contemporary Choirbooks from the Low Countries.

Citation preview

Piety and Polyphony

This book describes the manuscripts, their provenance, history and repertory, and the zeven-getijdencollege, the ecclesiastical organisation which ordered the music books, in detail. Zeven-getijdencolleges have their roots in fifteenth-century piety, founded on the initiative of individuals and town administrators throughout Holland, principally to ensure that prayers and Masses were said for those in the afterlife. Music, both chant and polyphony, played an important part in these commemorative practices; the volume also looks at the choristers and choirmasters, and how such services were organised.

in Sixteenth-Century Holland

The musical culture of the Low Countries in the early modern period was a flourishing one, apparent beyond the big cathedrals and monasteries, and reaching down to smaller parish churches. Unfortunately, very few manuscripts containing the music of these parish churches have survived from the period, and what we know rests to a huge extent on six music books preserved from St Peter’s Church, Leiden.  

ERIC JAS is a lecturer in music at the university of Utrecht.

general editors: Tess Knighton (ICREA-IMF/CSIC, Barcelona) Helen Deeming (Royal Holloway, University of London)

Cover image: Inked calligraphic initial in ms. 1438 on the first opening of Johannes Cleve’s Peccata mea (f. 1v). Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. Cover design: riverdesignbooks.com

Eric Jas

Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music

Piety and Polyphony in Sixteenth-Century Holland The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Eric Jas



studies in medieval and renaissance music 18

Piety and Polyphony in Sixteenth-Century Holland

Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music issn 1479-9294 General Editors Tess Knighton Helen Deeming This series aims to provide a forum for the best scholarship in early music; deliberately broad in scope, it welcomes proposals on any aspect of music, musical life, and composers during the period up to 1600, and particularly encourages work that places music in an historical and social context. Both new research and major reassessments of central topics are encouraged. Proposals or enquiries may be sent directly to the editors or the publisher at the addresses given below; all submissions will receive careful, informed consideration. Professor Tess Knighton, Institucio Mila i Fontanals/CSIC, c/ Egipciaques, Barcelona 08001, Spain Dr Helen Deeming, Department of Music, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey tw20 0ex Boydell & Brewer, PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk ip12 3df Previously published titles in the series are listed at the back of this volume.

Piety and Polyphony in Sixteenth-Century Holland The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Eric Jas

the boydell press

© Eric Jas 2018 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner The right of Eric Jas to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 First published 2018 The Boydell Press, Woodbridge ISBN 978-1-78327-326-3 The Boydell Press is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620–2731, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com A CIP catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library The publisher has no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate This publication is printed on acid-free paper Typeset in Adobe Arno Pro by Sparks Publishing Services Ltd—www.sparkspublishing.com

Contents List of Illustrations

vii

Preface and Acknowledgements

xii

List of Abbreviations

xiv

Introduction

1

1 The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 4 The Zeven-Getijdencolleges in Holland 5 The Getijdencolleges Considered Individually 16 2 The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden The Zeven-Getijdencollege The Foundation of Boudijn van Zwieten The Daily Marian Lof Services The Endowments of 1460–1520 Exceptional Masses, Processions and Meals The Constitution of the Vocal Ensemble The Zangmeesters Complaints about the Singers Schoolmasters, Chant and Polyphony The Organist The Reformation

44 50 51 55 57 65 66 68 76 79 81 83

3 The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church Anthonius de Blauwe Manuscripts 1438, 1439 and 1440 Manuscripts 1441, 1442 and 1443 The Later History of the Choirbooks

85 86 98 106 140

4 The Repertoire of the Choirbooks The Composers Conflicting Ascriptions The Works of Johannes Flamingus The Leiden Transmissions The Genres The Ordering of the Repertoire Contemporary Choirbooks from the Low Countries

142 142 148 157 164 166 184 189

Epilogue

196

vi

Contents

Appendix 1  Archival Documents 198 I Complaints about the Singers 198 II Documents Concerning Anthonius de Blauwe 205 III Documents Concerning the Later History of the Choirbooks 212 Appendix 2  Descriptions and Inventories of the Choirbooks Codicological Introduction Inventories of the Manuscripts Manuscript 1438 Manuscript 1439 Manuscript 1440 Manuscript 1441 Manuscript 1442 Manuscript 1443

218 218 220 224 235 254 267 282 303

Appendix 3  Watermarks

311

Alphabetical List of Compositions Alphabetical List of Composers Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions Bibliography Index

319 340 349 394 409

Illustrations Plates  1 Map of Holland from Le miroir du monde by Abraham Ortelius (Amsterdam 1598) with the towns with a zeven-getijdencollege boxed 9  2 Undated copper engraving of the Nieuwe Kerk at Delft. Leiden, University Library, COLLBN P 323 N 196  11  3 Undated copper engraving of the Oude Kerk at Delft. Leiden, University Library, COLLBN P 323 N 232  17  4 Copper engraving of the church of St Bavo at Haarlem from the Beschryvinge ende lof der stad Haerlem in Holland (Haarlem: Adriaen Rooman, 1628), between p. 288 and p. 289  22  5 Undated copper engraving of the church of St John at Gouda. Leiden, University Library, COLLBN P 325 N 184  26  6 Copper engraving of the Oude Kerk at Amsterdam as it was before 1544. Leiden, University Library, COLLBN P 317 N 050  29  7 Copper engraving of the church of St Lawrence at Alkmaar, c. 1730. Leiden, University COLLBN P 316 N 124  35  8 Anonymous painting of St Peter’s church at Leiden. Museum De Lakenhal 47  9 Town plan of Leiden (c. 1581) from Guicciardini’s Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi  49 10 Straetbouc Leiden 1588–1597 (SA II, inv. no. 5153), with the house that belonged to Anthonius de Blauwe boxed (bottom centre)  90 11 Detail of Plate 9, with the church of St Peter and the location of the Heilige-Geesthuis encircled and the approximate position of Anthonius de Blauwe’s house marked with an asterisk (bottom right) 91 12 Letter from Anthonius de Blauwe to zangmeester Job at Gouda, with in dorso inscription placed above it  97 13 The colophon of ms. 1440  99

viii

Illustrations 14 The upper parts of the tables of contents of mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440 100 15 Two text scripts in ms. 1439: f. 4v (top) with a littera gothica textualis formata; f. 6v (bottom) with a littera gothica cursiva formata 102 16 Inked calligraphic initial in ms. 1438 on the first opening of Johannes Cleve’s Peccata mea (f. 1v)  103 17 Inked calligraphic initial in ms. 1438 at the beginning of the secunda pars of Johannes Cleve’s Peccata mea (f. 4v)  103 18 Selection of blind stamps from the original covers of ms. 1440  105 19 Ms. 1441, upper part of f. 37v  107 20 Upper part of table of contents of ms. 1441  108 21 Ms. 1442, detail from f. 64v (Hand I)  109 22 The hands of scribes A (left) and II (right) in ms. 1443  111 23 The hand of scribe A in ms. 1443 on ff. 125v–126r  112 24 The hand of scribe A in ms. 1443 on f. 122v  112 25 Ms. 1441, f. 105v compared to ms. 1443, f. 116v in similar reductions 113 26 Ms. 1441, ff. 105v–106r compared to ms. 1443, ff. 116v–117r, each reduced to approximately the same size  114 27 Ms. 1441, graphemes of Hand A  115 28 Ms. 1443, f. 68v (Hand A)  117 29 Ms. 1443, f. 147r (left) and f. 377r (right) compared  118 30 Hand of Flamingus in ms. 1443: f. 355v (left, in rhombic notation) and f. 390v (right, in teardrop notation)  119 31 Ms. 1442, f. 1v (hand A)  121 32 Ms. 1442, f. 220v (left) compared to ms. 1443, f. 106v (Hand A; right) 121

Illustrations ix



33 Ms. 1442, f. 130v (Hand A’)  123 34 Ms. 1442, f. 289v (Hand A′; left) compared to ms. 1443, f. 323v (Hand A; right)  124 35 Two choirbook fragments that were used as binding material for Kenningboek N (1553–1570) in the Oude Rechterlijke Archief in Leiden 125 36 The two motets from the fragments in Plate 35 as copied into ms. 1441 125 37 G-, C- and F-clefs in ms. 1439 (De Blauwe) and in ms. 1441 (hand A) 130 38 Fusae flags in ms. 1439 (De Blauwe) and in ms. 1441 (hand A)  131 39 Semiminim rests in ms. 1439 (De Blauwe) and in ms. 1441 (hand A) 132 40 Text script in ms. 1441: f. [4]v with a littera gothica cursiva formata, and f. IIIIv with a littera gothica cursiva libraria 133 41 Details of ms. 1439, ff. 290v and 291v showing De Blauwe’s littera gothica cursiva libraria 133 42 Ms. 1438, f. 212v and ms. 1443, f. 7v in similar reductions  135 43 Ms. 1438, f. 212v (left) and ms. 1443, f. 7v (right), each reduced to approximately the same size  135 The author and publisher are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for permission to reproduce the materials in which they hold copyright. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders; apologies are offered for any omission, and the publisher will be pleased to add any necessary acknowledgement in subsequent editions. Permissions Plates 1 and 4: Utrecht University Library, Special Collections Plates 2, 3, 5, 6 and 7: Leiden University Library Plate 8: Museum De Lakenhal, Leiden Plates 9–11, 13–17 and 19–43: Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken Plate 12: Streekarchief Midden-Holland, Gouda Plate 18: Photos by Constant Lem, used with permission

Illustrations

x

Tables Chronology of the foundation of zeven-getijdencolleges in the northern part of the Netherlands  8



 1



 2 Daily and weekly services performed by the zeven-getijdencollege in St Peter’s church  63



 3 Annual services performed by the zeven-getijdencollege in St Peter’s church  64



 4 Scribal hands in the nucleus of ms. 1443 (ff. 1r–315r)  110



 5 Scribal hands A and A’ in ms. 1442 on ff. 178r–279r  122



 6 Composers represented in the Leiden choirbooks  143



 7a Conflicting ascriptions: cases where the conflicting ascription appears in peripheral sources only  150



 7b Conflicting ascriptions: cases where ascription can be taken from an authoritative source  151



 7c Conflicting ascriptions: cases where ascription can be taken from the earliest surviving source  152



 7d Conflicting ascriptions: cases where ascription relies on stylistic evidence  156



 8 The polyphonic hymn strophes in the Leiden manuscripts and their uses according to the Cantuale iuxta usum Leidanae 178



 9 Motets and their uses in LeidGA 1438  186



10



11a Choirbooks from the Low Countries, c. 1540–1560: dating and provenance 190



11b Choirbooks from the Low Countries, c. 1540–1560: repertoire 192



11c Choirbooks from the Low Countries, c. 1540–1560: composers 193



12

Compositions and rubrics in the ms. BrusC 27088  188

Composers with masses or more than five motets in editions printed by Susato, Phalèse and Waelrant (1546–1560)  195



Illustrations xi

Musical Examples 1a Flamingus, Christe qui lux es (1441: 1), mm. 1–11  158 1b

Flamingus (?), Christe qui lux es (1442: 21), mm. 1–12  159

2 Flamingus, Quis deus magnus (1441: 55), mm. 20–49  160 3a Flamingus, Christe qui lux es (1442: 46), mm. 1–2  162 3b Flamingus, In mariam vite (1442: 93), mm. 1–2  162 3c Flamingus, Asperges me (1443: 6), mm. 1–2  162 4a

Flamingus (?), Missa Da pacem (1443: 24), Kyrie, mm. 1–2  162

4b

Flamingus (?), Missa (1443: 30), Sanctus, mm. 1–2  162

4c

Flamingus (?), Salve regina (1442: 3), mm. 62–63  162

4d

Flamingus (?), Salve regina (1442: 8), mm. 97–98  162

5a Flamingus, Christe qui lux es (1442: 76), mm. 1–2  163 5b

Flamingus (?), Christe qui lux es (1442: 23), mm. 1–2  163

5c

Flamingus (?), Missa (1443: 30), Et incarnatus, mm. 1–3  163

6 Anonymous, Responsiones in missa (1443: 17)  170

Preface and Acknowledgements

O

ver the last few years, the Leiden choirbooks have become known to quite a few music lovers in the Netherlands and abroad. Much of the upsurge was due to an ambitious concert and recording project of Peter de Groot and the Egidius Kwartet. From 2010 to 2015, each year they produced a double CD devoted to one of the manuscripts.1 As some of the pieces that were chosen for the recordings were large-scale compositions, the Egidius Kwartet was complemented with extra singers to create an ensemble – The Egidius Kwartet and College – that was capable of dealing with these extensive works and that, more or less, approached the vocal forces for which the books had been copied in the sixteenth century. The CDs were presented at annual concerts, and promotional materials were prepared, among them a DVD and a nicely illustrated little book.2 The start of the project coincided with the digitization of the six manuscripts. High-resolution pictures were made of all choirbooks, which are now accessible through the website of the Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken (which encompasses the former Gemeentearchief Leiden).3 Whilst working on the extensive liner notes for the CDs and emailing suggestions for upcoming programmes, it occurred to me that this might be a good time to revise my earlier work on the choirbooks and make it available to a wider audience. The present book is the result of my efforts. It is my pleasure to express my thanks to those without whom this research project, which was funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), would have been much more complicated. In 1992 I visited the Musicological Archives for Renaissance Manuscript Studies of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Herbert Kellman and Timothy Barnes kindly welcomed me and made all facilities available for my study of the Leiden repertoire. A short visit to the Deutsches Musikgeschichtliches Archiv at Kassel in 1993 was particularly fruitful thanks to the efforts of Dr Jürgen Kindermann. The research project would not have been possible without the help of the then director of the Museum De Lakenhal, drs. H. Bolten-Rempt, and of mr. T.N. Schelhaas, who was director of the municipal archives at the time. They allowed me to examine the books on many occasions, and the staff members of the municipal archives – in particular Piet de Baar and Benata Hengstmengel – were indefatigable in carrying the heavy manuscripts to the reading room and in pointing out numerous interesting details and shortcuts for archival research. 1

The CDs were issued under the title De Leidse Koorboeken / The Leiden Choirbooks on the label Etcetera: vol. 1: Codex A, First book (KTC 1410, 2010); vol. 2: Codex B, Second book (KTC 1411, 2011); vol. 3: Codex C, Third book (KTC 1412, 2012); vol. 4: Codex D, Fourth book (KTC 1413, 2013); vol. 5: Codex E / Fifth book (KTC 1414, 2014); vol. 6: Codex F, Sixth book (KTC 1415, 2015). 2 Jas, De Leidse koorboeken. Een ongehoorde schat. 3 https://www.erfgoedleiden.nl/schatkamer/koorboeken-pieterskerk/ bladeren-in-koorboeken



Preface and Acknowledgements xiii

Mr. Johan Eeckeloo kindly assisted in the purchase of microfilms of two sixteenth-century manuscripts from the collection of the library of the Brussels Koninklijk Conservatorium. I am very grateful, too, to Reverend F.J. Turner, who sent me a copy of the Stonyhurst partbooks, and to Barbara Linnert of the university library of Rostock for sending me microfilms of the Flamingus manuscripts in their collection. Special thanks are due to Barton Hudson for sharing, more than once, materials on Crecquillon that were still unpublished at the time. My codicological research into the choirbooks was supervised by Dr J.P. Gumbert, who was then still professor at the university of Leiden. I am most grateful to him for sharing with me his rare insight into late medieval manuscripts and scripts and for carefully examining my work on the music books. I also wish to thank Willem Elders, my supervisor. It was a pleasure to work with him and I have on many occasions taken advantage of his advice and keen eye for detail. But Willem was more than a supervisor and became a very good friend. The very fact we are still working together, even though it has been more than twenty years since he retired from Utrecht University, testifies to a relationship both collegial and cordial. Finally I should like to thank Tess Knighton for her gracious efforts to include this monograph in the wonderful series Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music, the staff at The Boydell Press (Caroline Palmer and Rohais Haughton) and my copyeditor, Marianne Fisher, who were unfailing in guiding my manuscript through all the stages of its production. The City Council of Leiden and the Stichting Pieterskerk, Leiden, generously supported the publication of this book with a financial subvention. The original version of these acknowledgements closed with a heartfelt thank you to my prop and stay, my wife, Marjan Banis. Some twenty years have passed, and in the meantime we have been blessed with three children: Joris, Michiel and Veerle. Without all four of them, working on the new version of this book would not have been half so enjoyable – indeed, it would have been impossible.

Abbreviations (See also the abbreviations listed at the end of the Bibliography, pp. 406–408, and the List of Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions on pp. 349–393)

Archives (Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken; formerly Gemeentearchief Leiden) AK

Archieven van de kerken [no. 0502]

AHG

Archief van het Heilige Geest- of Arme Wees- en Kinderhuis te Leiden [no. 0519]

AW

Archief van de Weeskamer [no. 0518]

KK

Archieven van de kloosters [no. 0503]

KNHG

Archief van de kerkvoogdij van de Nederlands-Hervormde Gemeente

RA

Oude rechterlijke archief [no. 0508]

SA I

Archief der secretarie van de stad Leiden 1253–1575 [no. 0501]

SA II

Stadsarchief 1574–1816 [no. 0501A]

SML

Archief van het Stedelijk Museum De Lakenhal, 1866–1965 (1989) [no. 0530]

Bibliographical Details in Notes and Appendixes AcM

Acta musicologica

AH

Analecta hymnica medii aevi, ed. G.M. Dreves, C. Blume, H.M. Bannister (Leipzig etc. 1886–1978)

AM

Antiphonale monasticum pro diurnis horis juxta vota rr. dd. abbatum congregationum confoederatarum ordinis sancti benedicti a solesmensibus monachis restitutum (Paris etc. 1934)

AR

Antiphonale romano-seraphicum pro horis diurnis a sacra rituum congregatione recognitum et approbatum (Paris etc. 1928)

BES

Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesiae sarum (Canterbury 1879– 1886; repr. 1970)

BH

Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis van het bisdom Haarlem = Haarlemsche Bijdragen. Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis van het bisdom Haarlem

BKNOB

Bulletin van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond



Abbreviations xv

BT

Breviarium insignis ecclesie traiectensis optimis caracteribus (ut patet) exaratum adiunctis aliquibus in fine libri proprijs hystorijs et multis festis compositis prenominate ecclesie de quibus suo in loco dictum non fuerat ad communem utilitatem sacerdotum ac clericorum qui ex ordinatione sacrorum canonum ad horas canonicas perpetuo quotidie persoluendas deo sunt obligati (Leiden: Jan Seversz. 1508)

BTph

Breviarium secundum usum et consuetudinem maioris ecclesie traiectensis. Pars hiemalis (Leiden: Jan Seversz. 1518)

CA

Cantuale iuxta usum insignis ecclesiae Amstelredamensis nunc primum numerorum formulis excusum, multisque antiphonis, responsorijs, hymnis, aliisque eiusdem generis sacris cantionibus locupletatum (Leuven: Pierre Phalèse 1561)

CAO

R.-J. Hesbert, Corpus antiphonalium officii, Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta; series maior fontes VII–XI (Rome 1963– 1975), 5 vols.

CL

Cantuale iuxta usum Leidanae ecclesiae D. Petri, ut nunquam ante hac typis excusum, ita varijs responsorijs, antiphonis, hymnis, alijsque sacris cantionibus, quas vel chori usus vel commoditas desiderare posset, refertum (Leiden: Theodoricus Gerardsz. Horst 1564)

CM

Current Musicology

CN

Cantuale novum atque insigne traiectensis dioeceseos, in quo nihil eorum quae hactenus in aliis libris desiderabantur, omissum est, pulcerrimo ordine dispositum, ita ut in ijs, quae hoc libro continentur (Delft: Harman Schinckel 1566)

CS

C. Marbach, Carmina scripturarum scilicet antiphonas et responsoria ex sacro scripturae fonte in libros liturgicos sanctae ecclesiae romanae (Strasburg 1907; repr. Hildesheim 1963)

EMH

Early Music History

GR

Graduale Triplex seu Graduale Romanum Pauli PP.VI cura re­cognitum & rhythmicis signis a solesmensibus monachis ornatum (Solesmis 1979)

HL

F.J. Mone, Hymni Latini Medii Aevi (Freiburg im Breisgau 1853– 1855), 3 vols.

JAMS

Journal of the American Musicological Society

JM

The Journal of Musicology

JRMA

Journal of the Royal Musical Association

LH

Liber hymnarius cum invitatoriis & aliquibus responsoriis, Antiphonale Romanum secundum liturgiam horarum; tomus alter (Solesmis 1983)

Abbreviations

xvi LJ

Leids Jaarboekje = Jaarboekje voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde van Leiden en Omstreken

LR

Liber responsorialis pro festis I. classis et communi sanctorum juxta ritum monasticum (Solesmis 1895)

LS

J. Kehrein, Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Drucken (Mainz 1873)

LU

Liber usualis missae et officii pro dominicis et festis cum cantu gregoriano (Paris etc. 1951)

MD

Musica Disciplina

MfM

Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte

MGG2

Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd edn. (Kassel etc. 1994–2008)

M&L

Music and Letters

M&M

Mens en Melodie

MMM I

Die mittelalterlichen Hymnenmelodien des Abendlandes, ed. B. Stäblein, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi I (Kassel/Basel 1956)

MQ

The Musical Quarterly

MT

Missale ad verum cathedralis ecclesie traiectensis ritum universis eiusdem dioceseos institutis ac novis festisque compositis (Leiden: Jan Seversz. 1514)

NAK

Nederlandsch Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis

NGD2

The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd edn. (London etc. 2001)

OHS

Officium hebdomadae sanctae et octavae paschae cum cantu iuxta ordinem breviarii, missalis et pontificalis romani (Rome etc. 1962)

OvervoordeAK J.C. Overvoorde, Gemeente-Archief Leiden. Archieven van de Kerken (Leiden 1915), 2 vols. PM

Processionale monasticum ad usum congregationis gallicae ordinis sancti benedicti (Solesmis 1893)

RBM

Revue belge de musicologie

RdM

Revue de musicologie

RH

U. Chevalier, Repertorium hymnologicum. Catalogue des chants, hymns, proses, séquences, tropes en usage dans l’église latine depuis les origines jusqu’a nos jours (Louvain/Brussels 1892–1921), 6 vols.

RISM

Répertoire international des sources musicales

SM

Studi Musicali

TVNM

Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis

Introduction

O

n Friday 19 January 1526 an incident caused a commotion in the town of Leiden. The sexton of St Peter’s had found on the doors of the church and the confessionals four highly injurious notes ridiculing the confession and the all but irreproachable life of members of the clergy.1 In all probability, these epigrams were no serious cause for concern, as the 1520s had not yet witnessed a strong reformatory movement in Leiden. The notes were, however, recognized as a sign of the growing resistance against prevalent abuses within the Catholic Church. The first powerful expression of this opposition, which would ultimately result in the Reformation, was the iconoclastic fury of 1566. This outbreak raged in Leiden on 25 and 26 August. Alarmed by reports from other towns, the Leiden burgomasters had convened a meeting on Sunday 25 August. The session was interrupted by the sexton of St Peter’s, who brought the news that some people wearing red sashes, a symbol of the opponents of Philip II, had entered the church by force and were up to no good. On arriving in St Peter’s church the burgomasters and city pensionary found two iconoclasts breaking sculptures. The wrongdoers were pulled out with their combined efforts, and the sextons of the three Leiden churches were ordered to keep the places of worship closed. The Leiden militia was found ready to watch over the churches.2 In spite of these precautionary measures iconoclasts forced their way into the church of Our Lady in the night of 25 August. During the course of the following day St Peter’s church, too, fell victim to the raiding crowd. Altars were desecrated and the statues of the twelve Apostles on the pillars of the choir were destroyed.3 The iconoclasts were unable to break open the door of the sacristy, however, and next morning the monstrance and other church goods were taken to safety. When the revolt calmed down on 27 August the balance was drawn up. On threat of “corporal punishment or other arbitral correction” citizens were summoned to hand in all goods that had been taken from the churches, convents and other places of worship at the St Jacobsgasthuis (a Leiden hospital built for pilgrims). Furthermore, any violence against clerics or their institutions was forbidden under penalty of hanging.4 The three parish churches were cleared up so that regular 1

Blok, Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad, vol. 2, pp. 168–169; Knappert, De opkomst van het Protestantisme, pp. 94–96. 2 Rammelman Elsevier, ‘De Beeldstorm te Leiden’, pp. 426–428; see also Bangs, ‘The Sixteenth-Century Organ of the Pieterskerk’, p. 226. 3 See the ear- and eye-witness report of the iconoclastic outbreak by a priest from St Pancras church (published in Rammelman Elsevier, ‘De Beeldstorm te Leiden’, pp. 438– 441). The authenticity of this document is, however, open to doubt (cf. Hermesdorf, ‘The Examination and Restoration of The Last Judgement’, p. 326 and n. 59). For an English translation of the priest’s report see Bangs, Church Art and Architecture, p. 16. 4 Rammelman Elsevier, ‘De Beeldstorm te Leiden’, pp. 430–432.

2

Piety and Polyphony

services could be resumed. The most important damage to any of the three Leiden churches was, arguably, the destruction of legal papers of the chapter house of St Pancras (the Hooglandsekerk).5 Among the valuable church goods that survived these two turbulent days in 1566, we may also count the choirbooks of the zeven-getijdencollege of St Peter’s. The very fact that these manuscripts withstood the iconoclastic fury seems to indicate that they were kept carefully locked away in a safe place in the church. These choirbooks provide unique and extremely valuable evidence of a rich musical tradition in sixteenth-century Holland.6 Flourishing as musical life may have been in such cities as Leiden, Delft, Gouda, Haarlem and Amsterdam, very little of that tradition has been preserved in Dutch archives and libraries. Of the numerous musical manuscripts that must have been used in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, a mere handful has stood the test of time. In the second half of the nineteenth century – after having been stored for some 300 years – the Leiden choirbooks surfaced again and met with renewed interest. Jan Pieter Nicolaas Land, a professor of philosophy and oriental languages at the university of Leiden and an ardent music lover, prepared a description and index of the six manuscripts and published it in the series Bouwsteenen of the then recently founded Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis (nowadays the Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis).7 This concise article introduced the manuscripts to music historians and musicians as an extremely important collection of Franco-Flemish repertoire. Remarkably enough, Land’s contribution never gave rise to a detailed study of the choirbooks, not even in the mid-twentieth century when it became obvious that his index had become outdated and inadequate. In the early 1970s a modern edition of one of the manuscripts was published,8 but most of the background of the choirbooks and the zeven-getijdencollege that had ordered and used them remained unexplained. When Alfons Annegarn completed his dissertation on the Dutch musicians Floris and Cornelis Schuyt in 1973, he was still forced to notice that the history of the getijdencollege and its music in the Leiden choirbooks deserved a detailed study of their own.9 This book hopes to fill that void. The first part of this study outlines the genesis of the zeven-getijdencolleges in Holland in the fifteenth century and offers both a general introduction, describing the purposes and organization of these institutions, and a survey of the getijdencolleges that were active in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in Holland (Chapter 1). 5

Bangs, Church Art and Architecture, p. 17, where one also finds a summary of post-1566 repairs and replacements of church furniture. 6 Throughout this book “Holland” means the sixteenth-century County of Holland, roughly corresponding to the present-day province of Holland, which is now split into North and South Holland. “The Low Countries” is used for the lands of the Habsburg Netherlands under Charles V and Philip II. 7 Land, ‘De koorboeken van de St. Pieterskerk’, pp. 40–48. On Land’s scholarly merits, see Ovink, ‘Levensbericht van Jan Pieter Nicolaas Land’. 8 MMN IX (1970–1973). 9 Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 1.



Introduction 3

Next, the zeven-getijdencollege of St Peter’s is discussed, with detailed attention being paid to its foundation, its services, its priests and singers, and its downfall in 1572 (Chapter 2). The next chapter is devoted to the manuscripts themselves and to the life and activities of the scribe who copied at least three of them in 1549 and 1559: Anthonius de Blauwe. The manuscripts are all considered individually and their dating and provenance is discussed. The chapter ends with a short paragraph on the vicissitudes of the manuscripts after the dissolution of the getijdencollege. The repertoire of the choirbooks forms the subject of the fourth chapter. This sets out with an overview of the composers who are represented in the manuscripts, followed by a discussion of those works that are transmitted in contemporary choirbooks under the names of different authors. Next follows a concise discussion of the works that were copied into the manuscripts by Johannes Flamingus during the years 1565–1567. The rest of the fourth chapter is devoted to the function of the repertoire. It tries to answer the questions of where and when these pieces were actually performed, and if this was somehow of influence on the compilation of the manuscripts. Finally, the Leiden choirbooks are considered among contemporary manuscripts from the Low Countries. The appendixes contain transcriptions of selected archival documents regarding the zeven-getijdencollege at St Peter’s and descriptions and inventories of the six manuscripts. The six choirbooks of the Leiden getijdencollege form an interesting and extensive field of study. One of the drawbacks of this is that not all aspects that seem to deserve detailed attention could be dealt with in this book. For example, one cannot be certain about the quality and importance of the Leiden transmissions until an essential part of the repertoire has been carefully examined and compared with other readings; that is a large-scale operation that, unfortunately, has fallen outside the scope of this study. Neither has it proven possible to discuss individual compositions from an analytic or stylistic point of view. Therefore, I should like to express the hope that this book will not be considered the final word on this much neglected collection of manuscripts, but that it may be a useful stepping stone leading to further in-depth studies.

Chapter 1

The Zeven-Getijdencolleges

“P

urgatory is above hell and is a corporal fire that supernaturally, by consent of God, burns, tortures and purges the soul.” With these frightening words the Dutch chaplain and theologist Dirc van Delft opens his chapter on purgatory in his Tafel vanden kersten ghelove (“Table of the Christian Faith”).1 It was certainly not a pleasant prospect: the doctrine of the Church taught that the soul of the deceased could not be admitted to the kingdom of heaven unless that soul had spent some time in purgatory, for the eternal and divine light was so heavenly that only those who were innocent and pure were allowed to behold it. According to Dirc van Delft, such purity was seldom achieved in a lifetime and therefore there had to be some form of purification other than the penance in our lives.2 One of the questions Dirc answers in the course of his argument is whether the souls that burn in purgatory can somehow be helped. Of the five forms of benefactions that he describes, the first is “prayers by priests, as in masses and memorial services, ordained for release from purgatory”.3 This option was used on a large scale in the late Middle Ages. Praying for deceased members of the community became one of the most important – and lucrative – tasks of secular clergy. Well-to-do citizens, guilds and brotherhoods placed large sums of money at the disposal of priests who, in exchange, mentioned the beneficiaries in their prayers or private masses.4 The most prosperous community members founded their own altars or offered private endowments. Usually, an altar was endowed with interests – from either property or a sum of money – which formed the income for the attending priest. The priest’s assignment consisted of celebrating annual, weekly or daily masses and praying for the souls of the benefactor and his or her family. As services such as these were generally held for the souls of the deceased, and not pro populo, they were celebrated on a so called zielaltaar (“soul altar”). Founding or endowing such altars came very much into vogue in the late Middle Ages. In 1460, St Peter’s in Leiden, which was not a collegiate but a parish church, had no fewer than thirty-four chaplains who were paid from such endowments.5 Of course, not all citizens could afford their own private masses. For those who were not that prosperous but who did want to have a priest pray for the salvation of their souls, a cheap alternative came into fashion in the fifteenth century: the memoriedienst (“memorial service”). Such a memoriedienst, sometimes also called a jaargetijde, was an annual service held 1

Daniëls, Meester Dirc van Delf, vol. III B, p. 651. For a discussion of Dirc’s works and his influence, see Van Oostrom, Court and Culture, chapter V, “Dirk of Delft”. 2 Daniëls, Meester Dirc van Delf, vol. III B, p. 652. 3 Ibid., p. 656. The other forms of benefaction mentioned by Dirc are prayers by pious people and friends, fasting or pilgrimages, works of charity, and indulgences. 4 Rosenthal, The Purchase of Paradise, pp. 11–30; Boase, Death in the Middle Ages, pp. 59ff. 5 Van Baarsel, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’, pp. 25, 54.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 5

on a specific feast day, on an anniversary of someone’s death, or on any weekday.6 In essence the service consisted of a solemn visit to the benefactor’s grave, which was adorned with large candles. The grave was visited both on the vigil of the agreed date and on the following day, and usually the attending priests prayed and recited (parts of) the psalms Miserere mei Deus and De profundis clamavi. Some foundational charters contain special stipulations. For example, sometimes the grave had to be covered with a black pall on which green herbs were to be strewed.7 At other times, memorial services also included a low or chanted private mass. Services such as these varied, depending on the capacity of the founder, from extended services including chant to simple grave visits in the evening and the following morning at which one or two psalms were recited. The foundation of memoriediensten eventually became so popular in the course of the fifteenth century that priests started to organize themselves into interest groups: the college van me­­morieheren or memoriemeesters (“board of memorial priests” or “memorial masters”). These boards, which were founded in many Dutch churches, became fierce competitors of the parish priests and the kerkmeesters (“church masters”) who formerly took care of memorial services for citizens.8 In some foundations memorial priests were ordered to chant or pray the seven canonical hours on specific days. The celebration of the divine office in non-­ collegiate churches became very popular in the mid-fifteenth century. In some places the practice did not evolve beyond celebrating the hours on a limited number of days per year. Usually, this was done by the memorieheren or by the parish chaplain, who was assisted by a number of priests.9 In other places, on the initiative of the town government, prosperous citizens or the clergy, a new organization came into being with the specific purpose of celebrating the canonical hours in parish churches which had, until then, not hosted the divine office.

The Zeven-Getijdencolleges in Holland The celebration of the officium divinum was of old the task of monks and canons. The secular canons lived, like the conventuals, a communal life, but contrary to them they were bound to a collegiate church. Their vita communis was largely confined to the collective celebration of the daily office.10 It seems that it was increasingly considered a deficiency, and a sign of lower status, that in non-collegiate 6

For a clear description of these memorial services, see Van Baarsel, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’, at pp. 26ff. 7 Ibid., p. 27. 8 Church masters were invariably laymen who hired priests to celebrate the services that were ordered from them. Memorial services could be ordered from other ecclesiastical and charitable institutions as well, such as convents, hospices, beguinages and the Heilige-Geestmeesters. 9 Post mentions such places as Abcoude, Groessen, Heukelum, Hoogkeppel and Voorne. One may agree with him that in these places the celebration of the divine office never outgrew its first phase (Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, pp. 374–375). A similar situation seems to have pertained in Bolsward, in the church of St Martin; cf. Steensma, De koorbanken in de Martinikerk te Bolsward, pp. 22–23. 10 Nolet, Kerkelijke instellingen in de Middeleeuwen, pp. 177–208; Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 366.

6

Piety and Polyphony

churches the divine office was not celebrated or, in some cases, not celebrated on a daily basis. Because of this many churches, well-to-do citizens and town governments turned to the foundation of so-called cotidianes (as they were called in Flanders) or zeven-getijdencolleges (“colleges of the seven canonical hours”, as they were called in the northern part of the Low Countries).11 The earliest establishments of such organizations seem to have taken place in Flanders. In Ghent, the cotidianes are documented as early as 1313 (church of Our Lady), 1345 (St James’s), 1359 (St John’s) and 1369 (St Michael’s). It is not always clear if the liturgical hours were celebrated on a daily basis by these organizations, but the founding letter of the cotidiane in St Michael’s explicitly mentions that they were to be sung daily, as was done in collegiate churches.12 Bruges seems to have followed suit, as the church of St Walburga had a tradition of singing Hours stretching back to the second half of the fourteenth century. A document dating from January 1425 mentions that, by that time, all liturgical hours were celebrated daily in church.13 Around 1450 the Hours were also celebrated on a daily basis in St James’s. The parish priest, the church masters and dismeesters had already made a petition some twenty-five years earlier to have the Hours celebrated daily in their church. Even though the bishop of Tournai consented, for many years the organization did not evolve beyond the celebration of the Hours on a limited number of days.14 The mid-fifteenth century is also the period in which the first zeven-­getijdencolleges were founded in the county of Holland.15 The foundation of the zeven-­getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk (“Old Church”) of Delft seems to be the direct result of a certain rivalry with chapter churches. In 1457, shortly after the foundation of the seven hours in that church, the getijdenmeesters and church masters ordered from the wood carver Cornelis Claessone thirty-six or more stoelen (chairs) “after the example of 11

Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, p. 141; Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk te Amsterdam’, p. 30; Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 61. In view of this competitive aspect some authors have characterized the zeven-getijdencolleges as “surrogate chapters” (cf. Nolet, Kerkelijke instellingen in de Middeleeuwen, pp. 342–343; Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 368). 12 Bouckaert, ‘Het muziekleven aan de collegiale kerken’, pp. 94–95. 13 Declerck, ‘Commuun en Zeven Getijden in de Brugse parochiekerken’, pp. 137–144; cf. Dewitte, ‘De zeven getijden in de Brugse Walburgakerk’, p. 420. 14 Declerck, ‘Commuun en Zeven Getijden in de Brugse parochiekerken’, pp. 126–136. In Brussels an organization for the daily Hours was founded in 1472 in St Nicholas’s church. St Gaugericus (St Géry) seems to have followed suit. In smaller churches in Brussels the singing of getijden on holy days seems to have sufficed; cf. Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels’, pp. 240–242, 247; Haggh, ‘Crispijne and Abertijne’, pp. 325–326. Cities such as Lille and Nieuwpoort also had their own organizations celebrating the canonical hours in parish churches; cf. Platelle, ‘La vie paroissiale vers 1455’, pp. 397–399; Toussaert, Le sentiment religieux, p. 339. 15 There is an interesting predecessor in a somewhat more southern region of the present-day Netherlands. The church of St Martin in Venlo, which in the fifteenth century belonged to the diocese of Liège, seems to have had a “brotherhood of the priests of the seven hours” as early as 1407. St Martin’s never had a chapter and the brotherhood was clearly meant to act as a substitute chapter. See the introduction to the inventory of the archives of the “Dekenaat Venlo en Parochie Sint Martinus Venlo 1298–2011” [no. 450] at the Gemeentearchief Venlo.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 7

Antwerp”. No doubt choir stalls were meant, so that after the delivery of forty-eight chairs the choir of the Oude Kerk must have equalled that of a collegiate church.16 The establishment of zeven-getijdencolleges in non-collegiate churches may thus be explained.17 Town governments were quick to embrace this new possibility of adding some lustre to the city’s spiritual life, possibly because the getijdencolleges were easier to handle than secular chapters, which fell under canonical law.18 It is not yet entirely clear, however, why in the northern part of the Low Countries most of these colleges were founded in the western part of the country, i.e. in the county of Holland. Possibly the economic prosperity in Holland was favourable to their development. With regard to the foundation dates of the first zeven-­getijdencolleges in the northern part of the Netherlands we have to rely on the earliest records found in church and town archives (Table 1 and Plate 1).19 The oldest getijden­­­college seems to be that of St Peter’s church in Leiden. It is first mentioned in a document dating from 23 April 1440. Judging from the document’s wording, it had then only just been established. A number of getijdencolleges seem to have been founded around 1450. Within a reasonably short period of approximately six years, zeven-­ getijdencolleges were established in Rotterdam, Delft, Gouda and Alkmaar. It is of course possible, and perhaps even probable, that more were founded in this period. For many years towns and churches continued to collect financial means for the celebration of the liturgical hours in parish churches. Sometimes, as in Schagen and Roosendaal, it took until the sixteenth century before a getijdencollege could be established.

16

Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 227. That the acquisition of stalls was more a matter of prestige than necessity is shown by the number of priests usually hired for a zeven-getijdencollege: on the average no more than seven or eight, who were assisted by some two to four choirboys. 17 Several authors also mention the Devotio moderna as a possible source of inspiration for the foundation of getijdencolleges (cf. Bank, ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, p. 287; Holtkamp, ‘De zeven getijden’, p. 7; Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, p. 200; Valkestijn, ‘Laus perennis in simpelsanc’, p. 328; Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 62). However, no evidence is ever presented other than that the celebration of the divine office may be considered to be a “revival of religious zeal”, so this suggestion is better put aside. A third explanation for the origin of getijdencolleges tries to tie up their foundation with the large number of priests without a full daily routine in the mid-fifteenth century (Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en Nieuwe Kerk te Amsterdam’, p. 28; see also Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 225). This rather trivial explanation cannot be taken seriously, however, as the getijdencolleges offered jobs for only a limited number of good singers, and could not possibly provide employment for many. 18 This argument was first made in Kuys, Repertorium van collegiale kapittels, p. 61. 19 There is some disagreement in the literature with regard to the dates of foundation. According to Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 62, all getijdencolleges were established at the end of the fifteenth century. Bank, ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, p. 287, on the other hand, mentions that most colleges were founded around 1450. Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, pp. 372–373, and Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, pp. 200–201, give a distorted view by dating the earliest colleges to around 1400.

Piety and Polyphony

8

Table 1  Chronology of the foundation of zeven-getijdencolleges in the northern part of the Netherlands Foundation

Earliest Document

Town

Church

23 Apr. 1440 1449

Leiden Rotterdam

church of St Peter church of St Lawrence

25 Feb. 1450/51

Delft

Oude Kerk

Haarlem

church of St Bavo

16 Jun. 1453

Gouda

church of St John

12 Jan. 1456

Delft

Nieuwe Kerk

18 May 1456

Alkmaar

church of St Lawrence

29 Mar. 1468

Amsterdam

Oude Kerk

Mar. 1468

The Hague

church of St James

Goes

church of Mary Magdalene

14 Dec. 1473

Amsterdam

Nieuwe Kerk

18 Nov. 1479

Leiden

church of Our Lady

May 1481

Scheveningen

Oude Kerk

1482

Schiedam

church of St John

1489 (?)

Weesp

church of St Lawrence

22 Sep. 1502

Oudewater

church of St Michael

18 Feb. 1506

Enkhuizen

church of St Pancras

1507

Enkhuizen

church of St Gummarus

1511

Hoorn

church of St Cyriacus

c. 1514

Schagen

church of St Christopher

c. 1520

Kampen

church of Our Lady

1534

Kampen

church of St Nicholas

1534

Leeuwarden

parish church

1538

Edam

Grote Kerk

1541

Roosendaal

church of St John

1555

Medemblik

church of St Boniface

7 Nov. 1567

Purmerend

church of St Nicholas

1578

Groede

parish church

13 Sep. 1452

31 May 1471



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 9

Plate 1.  Map of Holland from Le miroir du monde by Abraham Ortelius (Amsterdam 1598) with the towns with a zeven-getijdencollege boxed.

10

Piety and Polyphony

Information about the organization of the daily office in non-collegiate churches is conveniently available in the detailed foundation letters of the zeven-getijdencolleges of the church of St John in Gouda and the Nieuwe Kerk (“New Church”) in Delft (Plate 2). The extensive Delft document of 12 January 1456 contains the following stipulations:20 1. Sheriff, aldermen and council of the town of Delft declare that, with consent of the city fathers (the vroedschap) and the parish priest of the Nieuwe Kerk, they have ordained to have the divine office celebrated honourably and devoutly in the aforementioned church. This was done to increase liturgical services and to obtain mercy and salvation from Jesus Christ, our Lord. 2. Judicial authorities of the town of Delft will choose each year on 11 November three or four sancmeesters who will administer as procurators all the interests and goods given for the zeven getijden and who will pay the priests’ wages. All interests and goods that are bestowed on the getijden have to be administered by the municipal clerk in the book of the sancmeesters. 3. The schoolmasters, surpliced and with a biretta on the head (but without a chaperon [a form of ecclesiastical hood]), will sing on all holy days first and second vespers, matins, and mass with their children as decently, and they will direct the choir as devoutly, as they will be instructed to do. 4. The church masters and sancmeesters will appoint seven, eight, or more priests according to objective standards. Only those who are considered most competent for the task may be hired. 5. The sexton will join the singers at all times, unless he is unable to attend because of other church duties. 6. Each day, in the sanctuary, the singers will chant the seven hours devoutly, perfectly and decently, according to the Ordinary of Utrecht, dressed in surplice and with a biretta on the head (but without a chaperon). 7. The parish priest will, as usual, celebrate high mass. 8. Each day, after prime, the sancmeesters will have a mass read at the high altar for all those who have bestowed upon the getijdencollege, unless the high altar is reserved for another service. 9. In case someone who has financially supported the getijdencollege should die, the priests will sing a Requiem mass, directly after prime, on the first Wednesday after the burial of the donor. The mass is to be celebrated with candles and a pall spread on the ground before the choir. Immediately after mass, they will pray a Miserere with a collect for the deceased and sprinkle holy water. Furthermore, on the same day all priests shall read a vigil for the deceased. 20

For a transcription of the document, see Oosterbaan, ‘Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft’, pp. 265–268. For another account of the foundation letter and the history of the zeven-getijdencollege in the Nieuwe Kerk, based on the same sources and on the original 1997 version of this study, see Roelvink, Gheerkin de Hondt, pp. 59ff.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 11

Plate 2.  Undated copper engraving of the Nieuwe Kerk at Delft.

10. Every year, on the first Tuesday after the octave of Epiphany, all priests will, after compline, sing a vigil of nine lessons, and on the following Wednesday, after prime, a Requiem mass for all deceased benefactors who have in any form supported the seven hours. The names of the donors who have died within the past year will be called out on the previous Sunday. 11. On a specific number of feast days the priests will serve in church with two provisores, an epistle and a gospel reading without leaving the choir until the service is finished. 12. The sancmeesters shall, in consultation with the parish priest, select one or two of the singer-priests to direct the choir and to see to it that all services are celebrated devoutly and in good order. 13. The sancmeesters are allowed to hire and dismiss priests in accordance with their own views. 14. The church masters will order the sexton to ring the bells for all Hours at times specified by the singer-priests and the sancmeesters. 15. Immediately after the ringing of the bells the service has to start without delay. High mass should finish outside of Lent around ten o’clock and during Lent around eleven. 16. If, at any time, the singing of the Hours will not be continued or if anyone who has given interests or goods to the getijdencollege should want these to have another destination, then the bestower (or his heirs) shall be permitted

12

Piety and Polyphony to claim these and have free disposal of them. In case the Hours are discontinued and certain interests or goods are not claimed, these goods and interests shall fall to the church. 17. The church masters will advise and assist the sancmeesters at all times. 18. If more interests and goods shall be given to the getijdencollege than necessary for observing the stipulations in this letter, the remaining resources shall be used by the church to adorn the choir with books and otherwise.

Even though these stipulations are clear and require little comment, one particular aspect has led to considerable confusion. Some scholars have been surprised by the number of Hours the priests were supposed to sing: after all, the daily cycle of rounds of prayers, from matins to compline, consists of eight hours rather than seven.21 Yet, the day-to-day reality in late medieval parish churches was somewhat different. In the thirtieth chapter of his Tafel vanden kersten ghelove, cited above, Dirc van Delft explains why the divine service is organized in seven ghetiden (“seven hours”).22 His explanation is characterized by the symbolism of the number seven: “because God created and ordered the world in seven days”, “because of the seven ages of the world, in which plagues have occurred and in which He has shown us his mercy”, and “because of the seven ages of man, which make him suffer”.23 As to the names of the individual services, Dirc is explicit: “and they are thus called: matins, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers and compline”.24 This enumeration is later completed with the remark that the lauds are sung after matins.25 Clearly matins and lauds formed one service and thus each day counted seven liturgical hours.26 21

See, for example, Doove, ‘Zevengetijdencolleges in Holland’; Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels’, p. 240, n. 42; Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, p. 220, n. 11. 22 Daniëls, Meester Dirc van Delf, vol. III B, pp. 396–407. The chapter is entitled: “The .XXX. chapter: on the divine service of the seven hours that are celebrated and sung everywhere in church […]”. 23 Ibid., p. 399. According to Dirc the number seven also relates to other passages in the Bible. The number is also found “as in the seven trumpets that were sounded by the angels. As in the seven lamps in the tabernacle that lighted on the lampstand. As in the seven eyes on a stone. As in the seven circumambulations of the town of Jericho by the children of Israel. As in the seven stars in the hand of the Son of Man. As in the seven seals that sealed the book of life. As in the seven loafs of bread with which the Lord nourished the flock of people.” Ibid., p. 400. Remarkably enough, Dirc does not mention the number seven in connection with Psalm 118, verse 164, which reads “Septies in die laudem dixi tibi” (“Seven times a day I have given praise to thee”). 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid., p. 401. 26 There are almost no archival documents from zeven-getijdencolleges that are as specific about the daily schedule as Dirc van Delft. The foundation letter of the Hours in St James’s in Bruges, however, explicitly mentions that “the aforementioned seven hours that are now founded to be celebrated […] are matins, prime, terce, midday, none, vespers and compline” (Declerck, ‘Commuun en Zeven Getijden in de Brugse parochiekerken’, pp. 159–160).



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 13

Less problematic is the function of the three or four “sancmeesters” mentioned in the foundation letter. Their task was primarily administrative. Contrary to what their name may suggest, these “sancmeesters” had nothing to do with the actual musical performances in church. They registered the interests and goods that were given to the getijdencollege and they paid the wages of the priests, the choirboys and the schoolmasters. Furthermore, they were the official representatives of the zeven-getijdencollege when a citizen, brotherhood or guild wished to place certain goods, in the presence of sheriff and aldermen and possibly under special conditions, at the disposal of the getijdencollege. Apparently the title “sancmeester”, which was also used for the official who was in charge of the musicians and the musical performances, did not lead to confusion.27 Nevertheless, in other towns the administrative officials are frequently identified by other names, such as “procuratoirs van den sanghe”, “getijdenmeesters” or “seven getijdenmeesters”.28 The Delft letter of foundation stipulates that the getijdenmeesters were to be chosen each year by the town government. That seems to have been the practice in other cities as well, and if such a stipulation is not found in a deed of foundation it is often included in special ordinances or in local statutes.29 The number of appointed getijdenmeesters varied considerably between towns and was probably dependent on the size of the administration. For example, the getijdencollege in the church of St Nicholas in Kampen could do with one administrator;30 the 1453 letter of foundation of the Hours at Gouda mentions three getijdenmeesters; and the 1456 letter from Delft three or four. In 1498, however, the Gouda getijdencollege had no fewer than six “sangmeesters”, a number that, according to the accounts of 1546–1554, had become a new standard.31 Every now and then, the offices of church masters and getijdenmeesters were combined. As of 9 January 1556 the accounts of the getijdencollege of St Cyriacus in 27

De Riemer, however, was clearly confused by the title and was under the impression that the “sancmeesters” (or getijdenmeesters) were supposed to sing the daily Hours themselves (De Riemer, Beschryving van sGraven-Hage, vol. I, p. 312). A very odd, and unintentionally witty, job description is given by De Gelder: “a getijdenmeester is someone who, during the service, announces that the singing of the Hours of the Holy Virgin will commence” (Wetgeving op het Lager Onderwijs, p. 10, n. 4). 28 Occasionally one finds still other names, such as “getijden voochden” in Edam (Driessen, Waterland VII. Edam, pp. 148–149), and “cantoer(y)meysters” in Haarlem (De Klerk, Haarlems muziekleven, pp. 7–8). 29 The code of Hoorn of 1528 stipulates that the getijdenmeesters are yearly chosen by sheriff, burgomasters and aldermen (Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 65; Voets, ‘De hervorming in West-Friesland’, p. 152). Maximilian and Charles V decreed on 28 March 1514 that the bailiff, sheriff, burgomasters and aldermen of The Hague, with the advice of the parish priest, had to appoint church masters, getijdenmeesters and Heilige-Geestmeesters (’t Hart, Inventaris van het oud-archief der gemeente ’s-Gravenhage, inv. no. 721, regest 125). This situation came to an end on 6 July 1560 with a provisional instruction for the burgomasters. William I, Prince of Orange, decided that henceforth the bailiff, sheriff, burgomasters and aldermen of The Hague were allowed to nominate candidates for the aforementioned offices, but that the actual appointments were to be made by the stadholder, i.e. William himself (ibid., regest 302). 30 Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, p. 169. 31 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 156, 206–207.

14

Piety and Polyphony

Hoorn were kept by the church masters. In Enkhuizen and Alkmaar, too, the church masters took responsibility for administering the properties of the getijdencollege.32 Getijdenmeesters were usually chosen from well-to-do citizens, and in almost every town one finds persons from the civic elite among them. That this particular office had to be fulfilled by dependable people is of course related to the large amounts of money that had to be administered, and possibly also to the fact that the position was honorary.33 Among the duties of the getijdenmeesters was also the hiring and – if required – the dismissal of the clerics who celebrated the daily services. Almost all getijdencolleges had priests at their disposal and, of course, they were expected to be trained singers as well. The fact that the getijdencolleges had priests of their own made it possible for them to take on memorial services, which was no doubt considered a pleasant incidental circumstance. The number of priests employed was usually not very large. The Delft letter mentions that seven or eight priests were to be hired, or “as many as the church masters and sancmeesters shall see fit”. The Gouda deed of foundation, too, asks for as many priests as needed to sing the Hours devoutly and competently.34 A document from Leiden dated 15 May 1443 makes reference to seven priests and two choirboys. Some twenty years later – on 27 January 1463 – the getijdencollege in Haarlem employed eight priests and two choirboys. In case new revenues should become available, the Haarlem getijdenmeesters were allowed to enlarge the choir with no more than four priests and two choirboys. The situation gradually changed in the course of the early sixteenth century. It would seem that the zeven-getijdenmeesters increasingly tended towards hiring professional singers who were appointed on contracts. Consequently, the number of priests within the getijdencolleges decreased while the lay singers became ever more important members. It has been argued that this development was prompted by the rise of polyphony at the beginning of the sixteenth century.35 This cannot be entirely correct, however, as polyphony had been introduced to the northern part of the Low Countries many years before. The singing “in discant” is mentioned in Leiden documents from 1434 and 1453.36 The chronicle of the Nieuwe Kerk in Delft relates that in 1455, on feast days, a certain “Zibrant the schoolmaster” performed polyphony with some of his schoolboys and with “some priests and secular men” 32

Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, pp. 65–67. Medemblik was clearly an exception to the rule; here the clerics took care of controlling the finances themselves (Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 67). 34 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, p. 210. 35 Ibid., pp. 161–164; Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk te Amsterdam’, pp. 28–29. 36 Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 14; Bouwstenen 1, pp. 171–173; Coebergh, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 25; Meerkamp van Embden, Stadsrekeningen van Leiden, vol. II, p. 416. According to Annegarn polyphony was already known to Leiden in the fourteenth century. It is not clear, however, on which source(s) this particular information is based. Possibly this notion goes back to a personal communication from Jan Doove (cf. Chapter 2, n. 26). 33



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 15

who found this to be very pleasing.37 In the Oude Kerk in Amsterdam a weekly mass in polyphony was sung at St Sebastian’s altar from c. 1473 onward.38 Judging from the wording of these scattered documents, the singing of polyphonic music in fifteenth-century Holland was not extraordinary. Therefore, the rise of lay singers within the getijdencolleges is probably not related to the introduction of polyphony, but more likely to the fact that singing polyphonic music became a day-to-day practice in ever more churches in the sixteenth century. As to the duties of the priests and singers only a few general observations can be made. Their most important task was to sing the daily Hours and to read masses for deceased benefactors of the getijdencollege. Furthermore, they were often commissioned, either by private individuals or by town governments, to perform during memorial services or to sing masses or Lof services on special days. Of course the singers were also expected, like all other clerics, to participate in churchly processions. The florescence of the getijdencolleges faded shortly after the mid-sixteenth century. As the Reformation drew near, the getijdencolleges were struck by financial difficulties. With the Reformation the Catholic churches fell into the hands of the reformed, and most zeven-getijdencolleges – and many other traditional churchly institutions – were disbanded. In February 1573 the Estates General summoned all civil servants and residents of their district to administer and deliver all goods and revenues of the pastorates, churches, memoriën, getijden, sextonships and so forth. These funds were destined to provide for clergymen and their assistants in the reformed church and for schoolmasters. As this call was largely unanswered, the Estates issued another prohibition on 17 April 1577 summoning the town magistrates to deliver within one month a complete list of all church goods.39 In the meantime – on 2 March 1575 – the States of Holland had asked the governments of towns and villages annually to appoint church masters who would receive all goods and revenues of the churches, and sell and administrate them. In addition, these new church masters had to take care of the churches and to pay outstanding debts and allowances for parish priests and other former clergy members. Any remaining funds were, in accordance with a 1573 decree, to be used for maintenance of schoolmasters, clergymen and other (Protestant) church servants.40 But it was not always easy to accomplish this new distribution of church funds. In the Noorderkwartier, the church possessions were scattered among the northern part of Holland and therefore, on 30 May 1584, they were apportioned by lot. As a result of this “lotinghe ende deelinghe” (“allotment and distribution”) the possessions of 37

Oosterbaan, ‘Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft’, pp. 215–216; Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, pp. 111–112. If in this part of the chronicle the Delft year style is used – the so-called Annunciation style in which the year changed on 25 March – the performances by mr. Zibrant are to be placed in 1456 (Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, p. 117, n. 70). 38 Bank, ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, p. 291, cited after Commelin, Beschryvinge van Amsterdam, p. 425. 39 Cau, Groot placaet-boeck, vol. II, cols. 2143–2144; see also Van Beeck Calkoen, Onderzoek naar den rechtstoestand, pp. 31–32, 41–44, 53–55. 40 Cau, op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 345–346; Van Beeck Calkoen, op. cit., pp. 47–48, 50.

16

Piety and Polyphony

the zeven-getijdencolleges in Alkmaar, Hoorn and Enkhuizen fell to their town governments. Those of the getijdencollege in Medemblik found another use: thanks to the personal intervention of William I, Prince of Orange, they were donated to the town’s orphanage.41

The Getijdencolleges Considered Individually At present it is impossible to present a full history of any of the numerous fifteenthand sixteenth-century getijdencolleges. There are only few Dutch towns that boast rich pre-Reformation archives that have withstood the ravages of time. Church archives have suffered especially badly over the past centuries and are now often incomplete. However, some valuable archival documents have been preserved, and these cast an interesting light on the daily practice of some zeven-getijdencolleges. The scanty evidence that has come down to us seems to indicate that the getijdencolleges at Amsterdam (Oude Kerk), Delft, Gouda, Haarlem and Leiden were among the most important organizations, and had a rich polyphonic tradition.

Delft The foundation charter of the getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk of Delft (Plate 3) no longer exists. The extensive quotations in Van Bleyswijcks Beschryvinge der stadt Delft,42 however, give a good impression of the contents of the original document and justify the supposition that the lost letter was almost identical to the earlier-discussed document of the zeven-getijdencollege in the Nieuwe Kerk.43 The original document was kept with the ratification of the bishop of Utrecht and the confirmation of Gijsbrecht Heerman attached to it. Of these three related documents, only Heerman’s has been preserved. This confirmation of the foundation is dated 25 February 1450. However, it is not clear which year style applies. If the dating of the document follows the foundation letter of the Nieuwe Kerk, the canonical hours were established in the Oude Kerk in 1451.44 41

Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, pp. 74–75. Van Bleyswijck, Beschryvinge der stadt Delft, pp. 160–162. The same quotations were later also published in Van Heussen, Beschryving der stad Delft, pp. 185–187. 43 Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 225. 44 Oosterbaan, ‘Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft’, p. 212; Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 268, n. 73. The letter of the Nieuwe Kerk is dated “upten 12en dach in Januario int jair ons Heren MCCCCLV na der loep des Hoefs van Hollant ende van onser stede’, i.e. 12 January 1456. This has escaped the notice of several authors who all give 1455 as the year of foundation (cf. Bank, ‘Middeleeuwse kerkmuziek in Hollandse steden’, p. 30; Van Berckel, ‘De St Hippolytus-Kerk te Delft’, p. 207; Doove, ‘Zevengetijdenzang in Delft en Gouda’, p. 336 [corrected, however, in Doove, ‘Zevengetijdencolleges in Holland’, p. 221, and in Doove, “Soo de ouden songhen …”, p. 113]; Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 371; Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, p. 200). As to the foundation date of the zeven-getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk, almost all authors opt without further explanation for 1450 (cf. Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 14; Bank, ‘Middeleeuwse kerkmuziek in Hollandse steden’, p. 30; Van Berckel, ‘De St HippolytusKerk te Delft’, p. 204; Doove, ‘Zevengetijdenzang in Delft en Gouda’, p. 336; Doove, ‘Zevengetijdencolleges in Holland’, p. 221 [corrected, however, in Doove, ‘Soo de 42



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 17

Plate 3.  Undated copper engraving of the Oude Kerk at Delft.

Within a period of five or six years, two getijdencolleges were active in Delft in parish churches within a stone’s throw of one another. The first years of these getijdencolleges were far from prosperous. In 1462 the getijdenmeesters of the two churches informed the town government that they could not continue their “good work” because they lacked sufficient financial support. In response to this sound of warning the town government consented the foundation of a brother- and sisterhood of the seven hours in both parish churches named after their patron saints: St ouden songhen …’, p. 114]; Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 370; Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, p. 200; Vente, ‘Aspecten van de Delftse muziekgeschiedenis’, p. 158; Verhoofstad, Inventaris der archieven van kerken, kloosters en staties, p. 115).

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Piety and Polyphony

Hippolyte and St Ursula.45 With their efforts thus united both getijdencolleges tried to accomplish more. The two institutions retained their individual organizational structures and continued, obviously with success, the celebration of the office.46 In the 1480s the town government of Delft once more had to settle matters regarding the getijdencolleges. The foundation letters of the getijdencolleges in the Oude and the Nieuwe Kerk required the schoolmasters of the Latin school and their pupils to take part in the celebration of the office. On holy days they had to chant the first vespers, matins, mass and second vespers. After several years this obligation turned out to be too much of a burden. The schoolmasters complained that too little time remained for the education of the children. Therefore, the town government decided that from 1484 onward the schoolmasters and their pupils were no longer obliged to perform matins on holy days.47 They were, however, expected to continue their participation in matins services on the eight most important days in the church year,48 and to assist in masses on “ember Saturdays” and on the vigil of Easter and Pentecost.49 The matins services the schoolboys were no longer required to attend had to be celebrated by the singers of the getijdencollege. In 1486 the activities of the getijden singers in the Nieuwe Kerk were extended once more. The Lof service of Our Lady was of old performed in this church on Saturdays and on all Marian feasts. Shortly before 1486 two services had been added: a Thursday Lof service in honour of the Holy Sacrament and a Friday Lof service honouring the Holy Cross. By the end of 1486 financial means had been collected for another four new Marian Lof services to be sung on the days of the week that had been left without them.50 As in many other churches, with the passage of time services were not always celebrated with the utmost dedication. Therefore, an ordinance was issued meticulously 45

The letter of the town government, dated 22 May, is published in Van Berckel, ‘De St Hippolytus-Kerk te Delft’, pp. 213–214. Although Van Berckel’s transcription correctly gives the year as “MCCCC twee ende tsestich”, his text mentions the year 1562. This mistake was later repeated by Post (Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 371). 46 Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 227. Some authors erroneously state that the two getijdencolleges were united in one new organization (cf. Bank, ‘Middeleeuwse kerkmuziek in Hollandse steden’, p. 31; Van Berckel, ‘De St Hippolytus-Kerk te Delft’, p. 213; Verhoofstad, Inventaris der archieven, p. 115). 47 Oosterbaan, ‘Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft’, pp. 236–237; Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, p. 38. 48 These eight important feasts are probably Easter, Pentecost, Ascension Day, Corpus Christi, Assumption, All Saints, Christmas and Patron’s day (Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, p. 38; Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 447). 49 That the task of the schoolboys was now restricted to singing mass and vespers on Sundays, as Oosterbaan argues, is not correct (Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, p. 38; Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 228). The 1484 document mentions only that the schoolboys were no longer required to attend matins services on certain holy days and does not speak of exemption from vesper services on holy days and their vigils. According to Roelvink, Gheerkin de Hondt, p. 61, note 188, I would have forgotten to mention in my 1997 text that the boys had to sing high mass on holy days, but this is not correct. It would seem that Roelvink misread my text. 50 Oosterbaan, ‘Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft’, p. 237.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 19

explaining the tasks and obligations of the singers in the Nieuwe Kerk.51 First, it was ordained that all priests and singers who sang the canonical hours had to stand straight, without leaning or resting their heads on their hands and without sitting down when others were standing. Second, the singers were reminded that they had to celebrate the services completely and decently, without any immodesty or private conversation. Third, it was stipulated that all priests and singers were required to attend their processions until the very end, staying in place without talking. Furthermore it was pointed out that all services had to start on time, and that all attendants had to be present and in place before the end of the first psalm in matins, or before the end of the first doxology in all other liturgical hours. By the mid-sixteenth century the getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk had developed into a powerful organization. Both the revenues and the expenses had increased most dramatically. Nevertheless, during the years 1563–1571 the getijdencollege had to cope with deficits of between 131 and 309 pounds.52 Information on the singers of the Oude Kerk is scant; far more material is available on those of the Nieuwe Kerk.53 The singers’ group of the Nieuwe Kerk consisted of a zangmeester and, on average, six or seven adult singers – with a minimum of three and a maximum of nine – and four or five choirboys (no fewer than two and no more than six).54 Among the zangmeesters we find Pieter E(de)linck, a North Netherlandish composer whose four only known compositions are all transmitted in the famous Segovia choirbook (SegC s.s.).55 On 26 December 1508 the getijdenmeesters appointed Jan Hondtgen as zangmeester of the Nieuwe Kerk.56 In March 1511, Hondtgen left for

51

A description of this document, which must now be considered lost, is published in Van Bleyswijck, Beschryvinghe der stadt Delft, p. 245. 52 Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, pp. 227–228. 53 The administrative documents of the getijdenmeesters in the Oude Kerk that have survived are a “manuaal” (“handbook”) covering the years 1545–1551 and the joint accounts of the getijdencollege and the guild of Our Lady covering the years 1561–1572. The content of the “manuaal” was edited and published by Vente in Bouwstenen 3, pp. 67–69. Remarkably enough, the accounts were overlooked by him (Delft, Gemeentearchief: Archieven van de Delftse parochiekerken, 1348–1572 [no. 435], inv. no. 9 [olim Archief van de Kerkvoogdij van de Hervormde Gemeente te Delft, 1572–1950. Archief vóór 1572, inv. no. 32]). These accounts provide the names of a handful of singers and choirboys, and three zangmeesters: Willem (1546–1548), Gerrit (1548–1551) and Nijclaes/Claes (1567–1572). The “manualen” of the getijdenmeesters in the Nieuwe Kerk offer a clear insight into the persons employed during the years 1498–1516, 1520–1524 and 1524–1554. The content of these volumes was edited and published by Vente in Bouwstenen 3, pp. 86–98. Notice that these documents have been relocated and are now housed in Archief Delft in the archives of the Delft parish churches [no. 435]. For some additional details, see Roelvink, Gheerkin de Hondt. 54 Bouwstenen 3, p. 87. 55 E(de)linck was hired by the getijdenmeesters on 1 November 1504 and left Delft, together with his son Cornelis, in 1506. In musicological literature Elinck’s name is often misspelled as “Eline” (cf. “Edelinck, Pieter”, in NGD2, vol. 7, p. 880). Here the word zangmeester, of course, refers to the musician who was in charge of the vocal group. 56 Hondtgen was already known at Delft: in 1506 he was paid by the getijdenmeesters for copying fifty folios of music (Bouwstenen 3, pp. 87, 95).

20

Piety and Polyphony

The Hague to become zangmeester at the church of St James.57 It was not uncommon for singers and zangmeesters to leave their posts for more attractive positions elsewhere, and to try to play churches off against one another in their search for the most favourable working conditions. On 23 August 1511 the getijdencolleges of Delft and The Hague decided to tackle this particular problem. The sheriff, aldermen and council of the town of Delft, together with the getijdenmeesters of both churches, entered into an agreement with the sheriff, aldermen and council of the town of The Hague and the getijdenmeesters of St James’s. Both parties committed themselves not to hire any singer or choirboy who had left his service – or tendered his resignation – within a period of two years after his departure from the former parish.58 Any violation of the agreement was fined with a penalty of one hundred “gouden koirvorster rijnsgulden” (“rhenish gold guilders”). That the agreement was successful may probably be concluded from the fact that a similar document was drawn up on 7 February 1517 between the getijdenmeesters of the two Delft churches and the dean and chapter of St Mary’s in The Hague.59 Both agreements remained effective for some time, though compliance with them was not always optimal.60 The agreement of 1511 was renewed in 1548;61 the one of 1517 was recopied as late as 1561/62 by the notary Heijnrick Jansz. for the getijdenmeesters of the Oude Kerk.62 Among the zangmeesters of the Nieuwe Kerk we find Johannes van der Biest and Jacob de Leeuw, two musicians who later left their post in Delft to become zangmeester in the church of St Peter in Leiden. Gheerkin de Hondt was probably the most famous zangmeester hired by the getijdenmeesters of the Nieuwe Kerk.63 In 1572 the Reformation put an end to the Delft getijdencolleges. The professional singers were paid until 1573, but from then on they were penniless and had to find other means of support. Some of them turned, in despair, to the town government. Joost Jansz. Lanckaert and a singer named Roelant argued in a petition of 1573 that they had served the Oude and Nieuwe Kerk for a long time – Lanckaert for more 57

“Mr. Jan Hontgen” is mentioned as “zangmeester in the parish church of The Hague” in a document of 20 May 1511 (Sernee, De archieven van kloosters en andere andere stichtingen in Delfland, p. 87, regest 141). 58 The document is published in Van Berckel, ‘De St Hippolytus-Kerk te Delft’, pp. 215– 216, and in Bouwstenen 3, pp. 102–103; see also Van Bleyswijck, Beschryvinge der stadt Delft, p. 282; Van Heussen, Beschryving der stadt Delft, p. 267; De Riemer, Beschryving van sGraven-Hage, vol. I, pp. 312–313. 59 The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archief van het Kapittel van St Maria op het hof te ’s-Gravenhage [no. 3.18.30.01], inv. no. 53 (Martens van Sevenhoven, Archief van het kapittel van St Maria, regest 509). The document is published in De Riemer, Beschryving van sGraven-Hage, vol. I, pp. 263–264; cf. Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 229. 60 For example, on 10 November 1564 the Delft getijdenmeester Willem Jansz. Vermeer was paid 20 stuivers to reimburse the costs he had made to hire the zangmeester in The Hague (Delft, Gemeentearchief: Archieven van de Delftse parochiekerken, 1348–1572 [no. 435], inv. no. 9, f. 14v). 61 Van Bleyswijck, Beschryvinge der stadt Delft, p. 282; De Riemer, Beschryving van sGra­venHage vol. I, p. 312. 62 Archief Delft, Archieven van de Delftse parochiekerken, 1348–1572 [no. 435], inv. no. 9, f. XXr. 63 The biographical information on Gheerkin in NGD2, vol. 9, p. 805 is incomplete. The little that is known about his life is detailed in Roelvink’s Gheerkin de Hondt.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 21

than sixteen years. Apparently, the getijdenmeesters had promised Lanckaert that they would maintain him for the rest of his life because of his excellent voice. On 7 September 1573 both singers received, for the time being, 6 pounds from the getijdenmeesters of the Oude Kerk.64 After a renewed request, Lanckaert received an additional sum of 20 guilders from the treasurer of the former getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk.65 Mr. Nicolaes Barthoutsz. Dordracenus, the former zangmeester of the Oude Kerk, received the same allowance after filing a similar request.66 Furthermore, at his own request, Nicolaes was offered the office of “the automatic chime of the great clock” and continued to fulfil this until his death on 16 April 1624;67 Joost Jansz. Lanckaert received additional allowances in 1574, but according to the city accounts of 1574/75 he eventually became skilled in tapestry weaving.68

Haarlem It is not entirely clear when the zeven-getijdencollege of St Bavo’s in Haarlem was founded (Plate 4). The earliest document that mentions getijdenmeesters is found in the cartulary of the getijdencollege and is dated 13 September 1452.69 Apparently, at that time the getijdencollege was not yet endowed with sufficient financial means. The register contains several endowment letters dating from the first months of 1453 specifying that if the liturgical hours were to be discontinued, the endowed sum would be reclaimed.70 Just as in Delft, the getijdenmeesters of Haarlem soon ran into financial problems. They turned to the government of Haarlem explaining that they 64

Bouwstenen 3, pp. 77–78; Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 230. Bouwstenen 3, pp. 79–80 (1 December 1574). 66 Bouwstenen 3, pp. 78–79; Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 230. 67 Bouwstenen 3, p. 79; Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, pp. 230–231; Vente, ‘Aspecten van de Delftse muziekgeschiedenis’, pp. 232–233. 68 It is, of course, also possible that Lanckaert simply took up his former profession. A tapestry by Lanckaert, representing the siege and relief of Leiden, is now kept in Museum De Lakenhal in Leiden (Oosterbaan, De Oude Kerk te Delft, p. 231). 69 Haarlem, Noord-Hollands Archief: Archief van de Kerkvoogdij van de NederlandsHervormde Gemeente te Haarlem [no. 1561], inv. no. 472 (olim 186), f. XLr. According to Post, getijdenmeesters are found in Haarlem, in St Bavo’s, already in 1404 (Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 372; Post, Kerkgeschiedenis van Nederland, p. 291; see also Mous, ‘Geschiedenis van het voormalig kapittel’, p. 142; Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, pp. 200–201). However, the document Post refers to in a footnote does not date from 1404 but from 1504. De Klerk, too, is mistaken about the earliest documents. According to his notes the office of getijdenmeester is first mentioned in a document from 1436 (De Klerk, Haarlems muziekleven, p. 7). While the deed De Klerk refers to does indeed date from 1436, it mentions neither getijdencollege nor getijdenmeesters. In all probability this document is simply a donation of interests that in later times came into the possession of the getijdenmeesters. 70 Haarlem, Noord-Hollands Archief: Archief van de Kerkvoogdij van de NederlandsHervormde Gemeente te Haarlem [no. 1561], inv. no. 472 (olim 186), f. XLVIIv (31 December 1452), f. XXXVIIIr (21 January 1453), f. XLVr (16 March 1453) en f. XXXIIIr (17 March 1453). De Klerk, who was apparently unaware that in sixteenth-century Haarlem the calendar year changed on 25 March, dates the document on f. XXXVIIIr erroneously to 21 January 1452 (Haarlems muziekleven, p. 7). 65

Plate 4.  Copper engraving of the church of St Bavo at Haarlem from the Beschryvinge ende lof der stad Haerlem In Holland (Haarlem: Adriaen Rooman, 1628).

22 Piety and Polyphony



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 23

had neither the means nor the instruments to continue the singing of the Hours in the church of St Bavo. This appeal was not left unanswered. On 27 January 1463 the sheriff, burgomasters and aldermen of Haarlem issued a petition containing regulations regarding the Hours.71 It was stipulated that if any of the eight priests who sang the Hours was to die, the four getijdenmeesters were obliged to hire another good, honest and virtuous man, “the most honourable, most capable, and most irreproachable” they could find. If any of the eight aforementioned priests should prove to be dishonest or of otherwise dubious character, he should be fired and replaced instantly. As the getijdencollege was not wealthy, the town government also decided on the salaries of the singers. Each priest was to receive 4 guilders quarterly and each choirboy 2 guilders and “a tabard each year”. If the interests and goods of the getijdencollege were to exceed the amount of 144 rijnsgulden needed to cover these expenses, the getijdenmeesters should first hire two extra choirboys and after that, if possible, another four priests. In case the revenues should ever exceed the amount needed to pay the salaries of twelve priests and four choirboys, the surplus should go to the church. Finally it was decided that four times a year the priests and choristers were to celebrate a memorial service and Requiem mass for all benefactors of the getijdencollege, and that each year within the octave of Easter the getijdenmeesters would have to give account to the burgomasters and church masters. Even though the getijdenmeesters had clearly indicated that they were pressed for money, the town government initially tried to solve the problem by introducing new regulations. However, in later times the getijdencollege was supported by the city of Haarlem and received the revenues of the excises on beer and corn (1474), the revenues of the “etting van de Baan” (right on grazing; 22 July 1497) and the lease on the fish stalls (25 February 1525). Later also the fish auction, the right of peat baskets, apple tons and mussel weights fell to the getijdencollege.72 In 1507 the getijdenmeesters once more turned to the town government. This time, however, it was not a lack of financial means causing worries, but negligence on the part of the priests resulting in services being performed without the necessary devotion. Burgomasters and getijdenmeesters of Haarlem, therefore, issued another petition on 31 August laying down, among other things, the fines for priests and singers who arrived late to church or missed services altogether.73 The new rules 71

Haarlem, Noord-Hollands Archief: Archief van de Kerkvoogdij van de NederlandsHervormde Gemeente te Haarlem [no. 1561], inv. no. 472 (olim 186), ff. LXXXv– LXXXIIr. The petition is published in Huizinga, Rechtsbronnen der stad Haarlem, pp. 149–152. 72 De Jonge van Ellemeet, ‘Uit de geschiedenis der Haarlemsche St Bavo-kerk’, p. 188. The town of Haarlem supported the getijdencollege in later times by using their services on special occasions (Bouwstenen 3, pp. 162, 166–167, 173, 175–177, 181). 73 Haarlem, Noord-Hollands Archief: Archief van de Kerkvoogdij van de NederlandsHervormde Gemeente te Haarlem [no. 1561], inv. no. 472 (olim 186), ff. LXXXIIIIv– LXXXVr. The petition mentions matins, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers and compline. The earlier petition of 27 January 1463 also mentions “VII getijden” and priests celebrating “die zeven getijden”. There is no reason, therefore, to assume with De Klerk (Haarlems muziekleven, p. 11, n. 1) that in the early days only matins, vespers and compline were sung by the getijden singers.

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were severe. Anyone who fell ill or could not attend the service in person for other reasons had to find a competent replacement himself. The priests and singers were reminded that they had to attend all processions on Sundays and holy days on penalty of a fine of half a Vlaams groot. One of the articles sets the punishment for not joining services that were usually enriched with polyphony: mass, vespers and Lof services. Judging from the wording of the article, it would seem that matins, prime, terce, sext and none were usually performed in chant. The “Book of expenses of the getijden” gives a clear impression of the singers and priests who were employed by the getijdencollege in the church of St Bavo during the years 1545–1578.74 The choir consisted of a zangmeester, one or two singer-priests, an organist,75 five to eight adult singers and four to six choirboys.76 Among the zangmeesters we find in 1538 a certain mr. Jan de Coninck, who later moved to Leiden to accept a similar position in St Peter’s in 1540.77 In 1546, after four years of service, the Haarlem zangmeester Claudin Patoulet, too, left for Leiden to assume the same position in St Peter’s church. He may not have been entirely happy in Leiden, for after two years of service he returned to Haarlem. Dirck Evertsz. van der Goude was zangmeester in Haarlem from August 1546 until 1 November 1547.78 No doubt he, too, found employment elsewhere. He may have left Haarlem for The Hague, where he is found as zangmeester of the getijdencollege 1557–1566. The account book of the Haarlem getijdenmeesters contains additional interesting information, such as an inventory of all the music books anno 1546.79 One can only regret that the descriptions of the twelve choirbooks, among which there were some bulky volumes, are so concise and offer no information regarding the composers of the mass movements, hymns, Magnificats and other works. Not much more is known about the book collection of the Haarlem singers. Apparently, the getijdenmeesters owned a copy of the Breviarium insignis ecclesie Traiectensis that had been

74

The contents of this account book were edited and published by Vente in Bouwstenen 1, pp. 82–91. It is advisable to use the data published by De Klerk with the greatest caution. The document edited by Vente is currently housed in Haarlem, Noord-Hollands Archief: Archief van de Kerkvoogdij van de Nederlands-Hervormde Gemeente te Haarlem [no. 1561], inv. no. 491 (olim 204). 75 On the organists active in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century St Bavo, see Van Nieuwkoop, Haarlemse orgelkunst, pp. 351–368. 76 Bouwstenen 1, p. 83. 77 The Haarlem city accounts of 1535 mention a zangmeester named Jacob de Coninck (Haarlem, Noord-Hollands Archief: Archief Stadsbestuur van Haarlem [Stadsarchief van Haarlem], 1245–1572 [no. 1573], inv. no. 418 [olim 1157], f. 67v; cf. De Klerk, Haarlems muziekleven, p. 14). Possibly this Jacob was a relative of Jan de Coninck. On the other hand, the town treasurer may also have simply erred with regard to the zangmeester’s Christian name. Therefore it cannot be ruled out that the 1535 and 1538 documents refer to one and the same person. 78 Bouwstenen 1, p. 84. 79 See, for a facsimile and an utterly careless transcription of this “Inventarius van alle onse musycke anno 1546”, De Klerk, Haarlems muziekleven, pp. 8–9. A careful rendering of the document may be found in Bouwstenen 1, p. 88.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 25

printed by Jan Seversz. in 1508.80 Every now and then the getijdenmeesters shared the costs for repairing certain liturgical books with the church masters of St Bavo’s.81 In 1578 the “Haarlem Noon” put an end to the getijdencollege in the church of St Bavo. One might argue that this was later than could reasonably be expected. After all, on 1 May 1571 a full chapter had been constituted in this very same church.82 Yet the new canons did not push out the zeven-getijden singers immediately.83 On the contrary, when Nicolaas van Nieuwland was appointed bishop of the newly created diocese of Haarlem, he promised to respect all rights and uses of the parish church and in November 1573 the getijdencollege was offered an independent task in church services.84

Gouda The zeven-getijdencollege in the church of St John at Gouda (Plate 5) was founded on 16 June 1453 by Wouter van der Mandre, dean of the church of Our Lady in Bruges and parish priest of Gouda. The foundation letter meticulously describes the way the getijdencollege was organized.85 Each year the parish priest, or his representative,86 and the burgomasters and church masters of Gouda had to choose, by majority, three “sangmeesteren” (i.e. getijdenmeesters). Thereupon, these getijdenmeesters chose – with the consent of the parish priest, the burgomasters and the 80

The copy of this breviary that was owned by the Haarlem getijdencollege is now kept in museum Het Catharijneconvent in Utrecht (call number BMH Warm pi 1259E4). On the title page, over the woodcut, it says: “Dit boeck hoort die ghetijden binnen haerlem”, and beneath the same woodcut: “Dit bouck hoort toe den gethijdenmr. van haerlem”. In 1567 the book was presented to the local convent of St Cecilia (Wüstefeld, Middeleeuwse boeken van Het Catharijneconvent, p. 72). 81 Wüstefeld, De boeken van de Grote of Sint Bavokerk, pp. 91–92. 82 This chapter was not installed in 1559, as is mentioned in De Klerk (Haarlems mu­ziekleven, p. 11, n. 1) and Doove (‘Zevengetijdencolleges in Holland’, p. 222). In 1559 several new dioceses were created. The new organization was confirmed in a papal bull of 12 May, which was ratified by Paul IV on 31 July. The new diocese of Haarlem was first described in the bull Ex injuncto of 11 March 1561. In this document St Bavo’s is designated as cathedral of the diocese. A chapter was to be composed of canons from Heiloo (Windesheim congregation) and from the collegial church of St Mary at Geervliet. The installation of this new chapter was one of the tasks of Haarlem’s first bishop, Nicolaas van Nieuwland. Van Nieuwland was unsuccessful, however, as the canons from both Geervliet and Heiloo revolted against the papal intentions. When Van Nieuwland resigned in 1569, his successor, Govert van Mierlo, carried through and on 1 May 1571 the chapter was finally installed (cf. Decavele, ‘Reformatie en begin katholieke restauratie’, pp. 181–183; Hensen, De twee eerste bisschoppen van Haarlem, pp. 191ff.; Mous, ‘Geschiedenis van het voormalig kapittel’, pp. 75–97; Nolet, Kerkelijke instellingen in de Middeleeuwen, pp. 80–83; Rogier, Geschiedenis van het katholicisme, vol. I, pp. 215–216, 222, 283–286, 294–296). 83 This may be concluded from the fact that the account book of the getijdenmeesters was kept in use until 1578. 84 Mous, ‘Geschiedenis van het voormalig kapittel’, pp. 143–144. 85 The charter is published in Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 209–212; see for Van der Mandre also Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 46. 86 As Van der Mandre resided in Bruges and did not fulfil the office of parish priest in Gouda personally, the foundation letter always refers to “the parish priest or his representative”.

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Piety and Polyphony

Plate 5.  Undated copper engraving of the church of St John at Gouda.

church masters – as many “notable, honourable, and sufficient priests or clerks” as they needed to have the Hours celebrated on all days “competently, devoutly and respectably” after the ordinance of Utrecht. The priests among the singers were obliged to read, by turns, a daily mass after prime on the high altar for all benefactors of the getijdencollege. In case anyone who had donated goods or interests to the getijdencollege were to die, all priests and clerks had to pray, for the repose of the soul of the deceased, a vigil of nine lessons. The day after the funeral, instead of the usual low mass on the high altar, there would be a sung Requiem mass with deacon and subdeacon. In front of the choir of the church a black pall was to be spread out on which three burning candles were to be placed. Directly after mass, the priests had to pray a Miserere, a De profundis and a collect for the deceased. The parish priest and his chaplain undertook the task of enticing well-to-do citizens to support the getijdencollege. All cash revenues were to be invested in rents for sake of the Hours and were safely locked away until that time. The getijdenmeesters had to vow that they would faithfully administrate and oversee the revenues of the organization. They furthermore paid the singers’ wages, and each year within the octave of Easter they had to give account of their affairs to the parish priest, burgomasters and church masters, and to all parishioners. The parish priest was the primus inter pares among the getijden singers and received, just like the other singers, his attendance fee unless he had a previous engagement which was unrelated to the choir.87 If the getijdenmeesters were dissat 87

The attendance fee of the parish priest was a matter of differing opinions between the parish priest and the getijdenmeesters of Oudewater (see. p. 42).



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 27

isfied with any of the priests, clerks or choirboys, they would have to report to the parish priest, who would then try to correct and educate the one who was at fault. If his intervention should prove fruitless, the failing singer was to be dismissed and replaced with a new priest or clerk. Of course the foundation letter also deals with attendance rules. Both priests and clerks had to be in church “within the first Gloria patri of the first psalm” and remain there until the end of the service.88 Singers who arrived too late would be found negligent and denied their attendance fee. The final paragraphs of the foundation letter describe the attendance fees in some detail and remind the priests to wear their surplice during the services. Furthermore they mention that the schoolmasters were expected to sing with their pupils first and second vespers and matins on all holy days. The getijdencollege in St John’s soon became an established Gouda institution. Citizens supported the canonical hours and some ordered their memorial services from the getijdenmeesters. On 24 October 1457 the getijdenmeesters accepted a memorial service providing a sung Requiem mass on the Sunday prior to St Martin’s translation (4 July).89 A supplementary condition obliged the singers to perform Dum fabricator mundi every Friday after none. In other towns, too, this antiphon was sung on Friday afternoon, be it on the initiative of private instigators or during the Lof service devoted to the Holy Cross.90 In Gouda not the Holy Cross, but Our Lady, was celebrated during the Friday Lof service. The rather limited attention to the Holy Cross was compensated for in 1489 by a foundation obliging the singers to perform an antiphon and oration in honour of the same prior to the Friday’s Lof service.91 A 1466 donation enabled the getijdenmeesters to enlarge the choir for the period of a week each year during the octave of Corpus Christi, with no fewer than six adult singers and two choirboys.92 The town of Gouda also supported the work of the singers. On 27 March 1501, the town government donated the distillery excise to the getijdenmeesters, as long as they had a zangmeester on their pay list.93 The account book of the getijdenmeesters provides us with an interesting survey of singers active in mid-sixteenth-century Gouda (from 1546 to 1554). As in many other towns, numerous foreign singers visited the getijdenmeesters in search of a 88

Apparently this was a commonly accepted rule. Both the Haarlem stipulation of 1507 and the foundation letter from Delft specify that singers had to be present before the end of the first psalm. The same rule is also explicitly mentioned in the founding charter of the getijden in the church of St James in Bruges (cf. Declerck, ‘Commuun en Zeven Getijden in de Brugse parochiekerken’, p. 160; see also Platelle, ‘La vie paroissiale vers 1455’, p. 397). 89 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 153–155, 213–214. 90 The antiphon was sung on Fridays on the initiative of private founders in Leiden (church of Our Lady, 1503; St Peter’s, 1511) and in Amsterdam (Nieuwe Kerk, 1515). For more information on the Lof of the Holy Cross, see Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, pp. 381–382. 91 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 157–158, 215–216. 92 Ibid., p. 155. 93 Rollin Couquerque, Rechtsbronnen der stad Gouda, p. 498; Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, p. 158.

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new position.94 On occasion the getijdenmeesters even hosted singers of reputation. For example, the accounts for 1551–1552 mention a payment of 1½ stuiver “tot een scenckagie ten behouve van clemens non papa als hij hier was” (“for food and drink on behalf of Clemens non Papa when he was here”).95 The accounts also show that singers could count on extra revenues for special services or copying new music.96 Michiel Smeekers, who was zangmeester of the getijdencollege from 1546 to 1548, received a biretta at the value of 14 stuivers for composing and copying “zekere moutetten” (“certain motets”).97 The most fascinating aspect of the account book, however, is the part containing the singers’ contracts. In these documents one finds a number of remarkable stipulations. The zangmeester was, of course, obliged to teach the choirboys both music and good manners.98 According to a contract from 10 June 1548, polyphony was sung in the church of St John “on working days in the salut [Lof] and on Sundays and festive or holy days in mass, vespers and Lof”.99 One or two singers seem to have received a little extra money (a quarter of a stuiver) when mass or Lof was performed in polyphony.100 Naturally, attendance rules are also found in the contracts, along with the fines for neglecting them. Apparently some singers also arrived late in Lof services, for the 1548 contract with zangmeester Job Aerriaenssen mentions that if he should arrive in church when the second verse of the Salve regina or Regina celi had already been sung – either in chant or in polyphony – his salary would be cut back by two stuivers.101 In other instances, however, the getijdenmeesters were more lenient. Some singers who were absent because of a long-term illness continued to receive their salaries for a period of six weeks.102 On the other hand, they were harsh on singers who, on leaving Gouda, failed to comply with the usual period of two or three week’s notice: they would not receive any further payments.103

Amsterdam Amsterdam could pride itself, like Delft and Leiden, on having two autonomous zeven-getijdencolleges. The oldest of the two institutions is probably the one of the Oude Kerk (also known as the church of St Nicholas; Plate 6). Its foundation seems to have been intertwined with a 1450 attempt to remodel one of the two Amsterdam 94

Ibid., pp. 188–189. Gouda, Streekarchief Midden-Holland: Archieven van het verenigd Wees- en Aalmoezeniershuis te Gouda [no. 0076], inv. no. 666, f. 121v; cf. Doove, ‘Muzikale uitwisselingen’, pp. 319–320. 96 Dessing, op. cit., pp. 170–172, 184–185. 97 Ibid., pp. 171–172. 98 Ibid., pp. 348–349. 99 Ibid., pp. 365–366. 100 Ibid., p. 360. 101 Ibid., p. 217. 102 Ibid., pp. 180–181, 219. 103 Ibid., pp. 182, 359. For other short accounts of the zeven-getijdencollege in St John’s in Gouda, based on the same sources and on the 1997 version of this study, see Abels, Duizend jaar Gouda, pp. 238–240; and Biermans, ‘Music and Liturgy in Sint Janskerk in Gouda’. 95



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 29

Plate 6.  Copper engraving of the Oude Kerk at Amsterdam as it was before 1544.

churches into a collegiate church. On 14 February 1450, Jan Eggert Hartgersz. and his wife Wendelmoet – in fulfilment of the wishes of their nephew Jan Eggert Willemsz., former lord of Purmerend – bestowed their goods in Purmerend on a “head priest or rector”, who was to celebrate the liturgical hours with four or more priests and some clerks in the Oude or in the Nieuwe Kerk. The condition was that their son – mr. Jan Eggert – be ordained priest and accept the position of head priest. Additional stipulations saw to obligatory reading and studying of lessons and living a communal life “secundum formam decretalis qui de Vita et honestate Clericorum et Canonicorum” (“according to the oficial rules of the life and honor of clerics and canons”). It was also specified that all revenues were to be considered collective, and that if the priests and clerks should want to adopt a monastic order, they would choose no other than “St Augustine’s rule, in the manner of canons”.104 The very same day the goods were passed on to mr. Jan Eggert. It was emphasized once more that mr. Jan could not use the revenues as he saw fit, and that if he failed to operate as stipulated it would be considered “robbery, resistance, theft and sacrilege, at the risk of eternal malediction and damnation”.105 In spite of these firm 104

For a transcription of the 1450 letter, see Commelin, Beschryvinge van Amsterdam, p. 427, and Le Long, Historische beschryvinge van de reformatie, pp. 313–314; see also Bank, ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, pp. 287–288; Driessen, ‘Waterland’, pp. 144–146; Van Eeghen, ‘De geestelijke en wereldlijke functionarissen’, pp. 87–89. Van Eeghen erroneously dates the letter to 4 February. 105 Commelin, Beschryvinge van Amsterdam, pp. 427–428, and Le Long, Historische be­schryvinge van de reformatie der stadt Amsterdam, pp. 314–315; see also Van Eeghen, ‘De geestelijke en wereldlijke functionarissen’, p. 88.

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words, twenty-four years passed before the revenues finally reached their destination. On 28 May 1474 the church masters of the Oude Kerk promised mr. Jan Eggert, for as long as he should live, a yearly remittance of 100 cronen of 24 stuivers. This was to support his attempt to found the “the college of St Nicholas” and to have the priests and clerks of the “chapter” live a communal life in a house near the church. So in the end, mr. Jan decided to establish the college in the Oude Kerk.106 He promised to use the amount of 100 cronen, paid out by the church masters from the Purmerend revenues, for the wages of the priests and clerks to be hired by this newly founded chapter.107 On 12 July 1474, almost twenty-five years after the 1450 letter, the Purmerend goods were finally conveyed to the church masters of the Oude Kerk.108 However, it seems that the whole enterprise was never actually brought into effect. Two years later – on 9 August 1476 – mr. Jan had died and his heirs bestowed all their rights on the former Purmerend goods to the church masters or getijdenmeesters, in exchange for which they received an amount of money from the town government. It was stipulated that the revenues were to be used for the liturgical hours and that the foundation of the aforementioned chapter was no longer necessary.109 Apparently, in the meantime a getijdencollege had been founded in the Oude Kerk. It is no longer possible to ascertain the date of its foundation; the earliest document to mention this getijdencollege dates from 29 March 1468.110 Unfortunately, there is not much more to be found on the history of the getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk. Some of its zangmeesters are known by name. In 1532 the position was in the hands of Jacob Ariaens.111 From 1543/44 until after 15 October 106

According to Bas de Melker it had always been the intention to establish the foundation in the Nieuwe Kerk. When in 1474 the financial means were finally available and the college was founded in the Oude Kerk, the 1450 foundational charter was silently modified to make this change of churches possible; see his “Burgers en devotie 1340–1520”, in Carasso-Kok, Geschiedenis van Amsterdam tot 1578, pp. 251–311, at p. 303. 107 Commelin, Beschryvinge van Amsterdam, pp. 428–429. Commelin erroneously dates the “Renversael van Mr. Jan Eggart” to 28 May 1478. The lower half of the original document (Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Archief van de Burgemeesters: charters afkomstig van kerken en kloosters [archief no. 5058], inv. no. 35) is severely damaged, which has rendered the date largely illegible; in the left margin, however, a later hand has added “28 meye 1474’. This date is more convincing, especially as the document mentions two aldermen who also figure in the “Schepen kennis van Kerk-meesteren” of 28 May 1474. Also misdated by Commelin is the “Renunciatie door Hendrik” (p. 428). The document was signed not on 21 September 1467 but on 21 September 1454 (Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Archief van de Burgemeesters: charters afkomstig van kerken en kloosters [no. 5058], inv. no. 36). 108 Van Eeghen, ‘De geestelijke en wereldlijke functionarissen’, p. 89. 109 This letter, which may possibly also date from either 1486 or 1496, is unpublished (Van Eeghen, ‘De geestelijke en wereldlijke functionarissen’, pp. 88–89). 110 Stadsarchief Amsterdam: Archief van Colleges, Altaren en Gilden in de Oude of St.Nicolaaskerk [no. 1376], inv. no. 33 (cf. Bank, ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, p. 288). On 20 July 1470 Herman Ruuschenz. donated a rent to the getijdenmeesters of the Oude Kerk on the condition that the “seven hours be celebrated and continued in St Nicholas’ parish church”. Stadsarchief Amsterdam: Archief van Colleges, Altaren en Gilden in de Oude of St.-Nicolaaskerk [no. 1376], inv. no. 34. 111 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden-zangers te Amsterdam’, p. 78; Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche muziekschrijver’, pp. 17–18. Although Dessing does not even allude to the possibility,



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 31

1546 the singers were under the guidance of Jacob de Leeuw, the former zangmeester of Kampen.112 A certain mr. Lieven de Weert served in 1556, mr. Jacob Maertsz. in 1558, and mr. Jacob Matheusz. during the years 1577–1578.113 The town government of Amsterdam contributed to the services by bearing the costs of the two youngest choirboys from 1568 on.114 Amsterdam’s second getijdencollege was founded in the Nieuwe Kerk (also known as the church of Our Lady). Little is known about its early history.115 The first document to mention the foundation dates from 14 December 1473.116 In 1476, Andries Willemsz. bestowed a schepenbrief in the amount of 50 pounds groot vlaems on the getijdenmeesters and church masters of the Nieuwe Kerk.117 Ten pounds were to be used by the getijdenmeesters for purchasing “eternal interests”. The remainthis Jacob Ariaens may very well be identical with the “Mr. Job Aerriaenssen” who became zangmeester of the Gouda getijdencollege on 23 May 1548. 112 Stadsarchief Kampen, Rechterlijk Archief Kampen [no. 00014], inv. no. 58, f. 41r: 12 April 1544: “Mr. Jacop die Leuw zangmeester in Amsterdam in the Oude Kerk and Ffemme Busch his housewife”. The same register has an entry for 15 October 1546, which designates De Leeuw as still being the zangmeester of the Oude Kerk (ibid., f. 120v); cf. Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, p. 188. 113 Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsch cantuale’, p. 93; Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche mu­ ziekschrijver’, pp. 17–18. The claim that mr. Lieven was still zangmeester in 1559, as mentioned in Bouwsteenen I, p. 10, is no doubt founded on inaccurate data. A passage from the 1558 city accounts of Amsterdam mentions that a certain “mr. Ellart Jansz., seventh master in the great [Latin] school” was paid wages for half a year “because he had taken care, together with mr. jacob maertsz., of the singing [“die sangherye”] in the Oude Kerk”. According to Dessing this passage is related to caretaking of books of the singers (Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk’, pp. 38–39). However, it seems far more likely that this particular passage refers to direction of the getijden singers. 114 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk’, p. 38. 115 Verhoofstad clearly confuses the foundation history of the zeven getijden in the Nieuwe Kerk with that of the getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk (Inventaris der archieven, p. 97). This misrepresentation probably goes back to Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 372. 116 Stadsarchief Amsterdam: Bibliotheek O 936.051 (will of Jacop Gheritz. and his wife Haze Fekerdeidochter). 117 Stadsarchief Amsterdam: Archief van de gasthuizen (tot 1875) [no. 342], inv. no. 4; cf. Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk’, pp. 32–33, 41. The getijdencolleges of both the Oude and the Nieuwe Kerk were remembered in the second half of the fifteenth century in several wills. Oude Kerk: 16 May 1491, will of Catharina Foppendr. (Archief St Jorishof etc. [no. 369], inv. no. 221); 26 September 1492, Dirk Talinck and Margaretha Pietersdr. (Archief Weeskamer [no. 5073], inv. no. 1362: Boedelpapieren/ Charters, lade 129); 2 August 1493, Jan Bout Jansz. (“Doos Diversen”); 20 December 1495, Klaas Gerritsz. (Archief St Jorishof [no. 369], inv. no. 224); 3 May 1496, Jan Simonsz. and Duif Dirk Talincxdr. and her aunt Boeltje Jan Talincxdr., wife of Klaas Simonsz. (Archief Weeskamer [no. 5073], inv. no. 1362: Boedelpapieren/Charters, lade 129); 22 May 1496, Goert Thaemsz. (Archief Weeskamer [no. 5073], Boedelpapieren/Charters, lade 30). Nieuwe Kerk: 2 August 1493, Jan Bout Jansz.; 22 May 1496, Goert Thaemsz.; s.d. (probably end of 15th century), Elisabeth Grebbersdr. (Archief Weeskamer[no. 5073], Boedelpapieren, inv. no. 1340, lade 9).

32

Piety and Polyphony

ing 40 pounds were offered to the church masters for other services. If the getij­ denmeesters and church masters failed to comply with the stipulations mentioned in Andries Willemsz.’s foundation letter, the revenues were to be donated to the Huiszittenmeesters and the Gasthuismeesters.118 More specific information is found in the will of Bruninck Claesz. and Wyfven Dircksdr. of 11 April 1515. This document mentions, among other things, that part of the donated sum should be used to hire “two priests above the present number of eight getijden singers to daily help and sing the Hours and whom the getijdenmeesters should also give an oirtken of a stuiver each Friday when they sing Dum fabricator”.119 As of 1558 – ten years earlier than in the Oude Kerk – the two youngest choirboys were paid for by the town government of Amsterdam.120 The 1570 records of income and taxes of all churches and guilds in Amsterdam demonstrate that the getijdencollege in the Oude Kerk was richer, and therefore probably more important, than the college in the Nieuwe Kerk. The getijdencollege of the Oude Kerk received 422 guilders from rents, 288 guilders from interests, and a further 15 guilders and 16½ stuivers from other properties. In all, the income added up to 725 guilders, 16 stuivers and 8 penningen. The getijdenmeesters paid out a sum of 740 guilders: 36 guilders for seven masses on the high altar, 46 guilders for the clothing of choirboys, 32 guilders for the choirboys, 384 guilders for the Hours, 192 guilders for wages and 30 guilders for schoolmasters, the ringing of bells and other extras. In addition, smaller sums were paid for travelling singers and other extra expenses, “as will always be shown in our account book”. The getijdenmeesters of the Nieuwe Kerk, on the other hand, had a structural income of less than 300 guilders in the same year.121

The Hague The zeven-getijdencollege in the church of St James in The Hague is first mentioned in a document dating from March 1468.122 Apparently, the getijdencollege had been active for some time and had already acquired several belongings. Again, not much

118

According to Dessing, the contents of this letter suggest that the getijdencollege was still in its first stage of development (Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk’, pp. 33–34). Although this may not at all be unlikely, such a conclusion cannot be drawn from the stipulations in this letter. Dessing’s observation that in this period “also in Amsterdam polyphonic music was not yet used in church services, and that the getijden singers were only used for singing chant in mass and other churchly ceremonies” is unconvincing. Cf. p. 15. 119 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de Oude en de Nieuwe Kerk’, pp. 34–37, 42. 120 Ibid., p. 38. 121 Stadsarchief Amsterdam: Archief van de burgemeesters [no. 5028], inv. no. 554, ff. 2r, 33v–34r; see Van Eeghen, ‘De geestelijke en wereldlijke functionarissen’, p. 90. 122 Pabon, De hofboeken van ’s-Gravenhage, p. 144: “anno [14]68 in March, belongs to the VII hours in The Hague”. For other properties of the getijdencollege that are mentioned in the “hofboeken”, see pp. 38 (1468), 30 (1471), 192 (1479), 158 & 182 (1481), 283 (1512), 400 (1562).



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 33

is known about the early history of the foundation.123 In 1539 St James’s was struck by lightning and largely destroyed by the ensuing fire. A large amount of money was needed for the restoration of the edifice and part of this sum was raised by selling properties of the getijdencollege. No doubt this caused a significant diminution of the importance of the celebration of the Hours in St James’s. During this period the office of the getijdenmeesters was temporarily taken over by the church masters. On 25 September 1568, however, by order of the Court of Holland, the offices of getij­ denmeesters and church masters were separated again.124 Unfortunately there is little information available on the priests and singers employed by the getijdencollege in St James’s. A document dating from 20 May 1511 shows that Jan Hondtgen was at that time zangmeester of the college. Hondtgen came to The Hague from Delft, where he had been the zangmeester of the Nieuwe Kerk. Shortly after his possibly unannounced departure the getijdenmeesters of the two Delft parish churches entered into an agreement with the getijdenmeesters of The Hague (see p. 20). Five years later a similar agreement was drawn up between the getijdenmeesters of St James’s and the chapter of St Mary elsewhere in town.125 On 3 August 1560 the church masters of St James’s allowed the hoochconter Gielis Gielisz., by exception, to accept a new position in the chapel of St Mary’s chapter, stressing, however, most emphatically that this was a once-only permission and that the 1516 agreement remained valid.126 Slightly more information is available on the singers in St James’s during the years from 1557 to 1568.127 In the accounts we find the name of zangmeester Dirck Evertsz. van der Goude, who had earlier served in the same position the getijdenmeesters of Haarlem.128 In addition to the zangmeester, the getijdencollege employed about eight adult singers. In spite of the size of the vocal ensemble the performances of the singers were apparently not always satisfactory. A contract with “beyerman ende tenore” 123

The only facts worth mentioning are that the aldermen of The Hague let an empty property in the Molenstraat out on lease to the getijdenmeesters on 10 May 1469 (The Hague, Gemeentearchief: Archief van het Sint Nicolaasgasthuis [1362–1884] [no. 306], inv. no. 94, f. XLr), and that Adriaan van Reyersberge offered a bequest to the getij­ denmeesters, the Heilige-Geestmeesters and the Huiszittenarmen in 1476 (The Hague, Gemeentearchief: Archief van de Heilige Geest en het Heilige Geesthofje [no. 6], inv. no. 916). 124 ’t Hart, Inventaris van het oud-archief der gemeente ’s-Gravenhage, inv. no. 753, f. 202r; inv. no. 754, f. 271v, regest 353 (vol. II, p. 655); cf. De Riemer, Beschryving van sGraven-Hage, vol. I, pp. 313–314; Van den Brandeler, De Groote- of St Jacobskerk te ’s-Gravenhage, p. 63. 125 The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archief van het Kapittel van St Maria op het hof te ’s-Gravenhage [no. 3.18.30.01], inv. no. 52 (Martens van Sevenhoven, Archief van het Kapittel van St Maria, regest 508). The agreement dates from 1 December 1516. 126 The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archief van het Kapittel van St Maria op het hof te ’s-Gravenhage [no. 3.18.30.01], inv. no. 52 (Martens van Sevenhoven, Archief van het Kapittel van St Maria, regest 677). 127 The Hague, Gemeentearchief: Archieven van de Kerkvoogdij der Hervormde Gemeente ’s-Gravenhage (1341) 1437–1977 [no. 282], inv. nos. 18–27. The accounts from 2 February 1566 until 2 February 1567 are missing (cf. Wildeman, Aanteekeningen uit de rentmeestersrekeningen, pp. 85–92, 145–154). 128 Dirck Evertsz. is last mentioned in January 1566; his name is not found in the accounts of 1567–1568.

34

Piety and Polyphony

(“chimer and tenor”) Jacob Jansz. Kelder of 8 October 1566 explicitly mentions that services requiring polyphonic music – mass, vespers and Lof – had remained entirely silent, for which Kelder, and probably other singers as well, were fined.129

The Noorderkwartier In the Noorderkwartier, the upper part of the present-day province of North Holland, there were zeven-getijdencolleges in the cities of Alkmaar, Enkhuizen, Hoorn, Medemblik and Schagen. One gets the impression from the limited archival materials that have been preserved that these institutions were not as important as those in Amsterdam, Delft, Gouda and Leiden. The getijdencollege in the church of St Lawrence in Alkmaar (Plate 7) was founded on 18 May 1456. In order to guarantee a continued celebration of the liturgical hours, the sheriff, burgomasters and aldermen of Alkmaar provided the college with several revenues, among them the profits of the sextonship and the girls’ school and a yearly amount of 20 beiersgulden.130 Around 1519 a certain Jan Janz. offered the getijdencollege an allowance for expanding the original ensemble of six priests to eight.131 As in other places, this new number of eight singers seems to have remained fairly consistent, for as late as 1566–1572 there were still eight priests on the payroll.132 In 1525 the getijdenmeesters complained of financial distress that made it almost impossible to continue their services. Burgomasters, aldermen and council of Alkmaar declared themselves prepared to secure and extend the churchly services and temporarily – “as long as the Hours would be celebrated” – put the excise on brandy at the college’s disposal.133 The Alkmaar getijdencollege never seems to have reached a stage of prosperity. The accounts from 1566–1572 show that their yearly income amounted to approximately 275 guilders, which was used for paying four priests who sang the Sacramentslof (a Lof service for Corpus Christi), and eight priests and two choirboys who celebrated the Hours.134

129

Bouwstenen 1, p. 79; cf. Wildeman, Aanteekeningen uit de rentmeestersrekeningen, pp. 146ff. Alkmaar, Regionaal archief: Archief van de Gemeente Alkmaar, 1325–1815, inv. no. 1999 (Bruinvis, ‘De Zeven Getijden in de parochiekerk te Alkmaar’, p. 385). According to Post, the Hours were celebrated in Alkmaar as of 1426 (Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 373; cf. Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, p. 200). However, the document Post refers to mentions memoriemeesters, not getijdenmeesters. 131 Alkmaar, Regionaal archief: Archief van de parochie Alkmaar van vóór 1573, inv. no. 20. The letter is dated 30 April 1521 and mentions that the donation had been made “omtrent twe jaren voirleeden” (“around two years earlier”). 132 Bruinvis, ‘De Zeven Getijden in de parochiekerk te Alkmaar’, p. 388. 133 Alkmaar, Regionaal archief: Archief van de parochie Alkmaar van vóór 1573, inv. no. 21 (Bruinvis, ‘De Zeven Getijden in de parochiekerk te Alkmaar’, pp. 385, 389–390); cf. Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 63, where the same letter is cited with the wrong date (18 July 1507). 134 Alkmaar, Regionaal archief: Archief van de parochie Alkmaar van vóór 1573, inv. no. 24 (Bruinvis, ‘De Zeven Getijden in de parochiekerk te Alkmaar’, pp. 388–389). 130



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 35

Plate 7.  Copper engraving of the church of St Lawrence at Alkmaar, c. 1730.

The two parish churches in Enkhuizen were each endowed with their own getij­ dencollege.135 Information on the first phase of both institutions is, again, scant. The oldest document of the Hours in the church of St Pancras dates from 18 February 1506.136 The earliest document to mention the getijdencollege in the church of St Gummarus is a deed from 1507.137 It would seem that the getijdencollege of St 135

This in contrast to Doove’s explicit statement that Enkhuizen had no getijdencollege, but merely a memoriecollege (Doove, ‘Zevengetijdencolleges in Holland’, pp. 219, 221). 136 Hoorn, Westfries Archief: Oud archief stad Enkhuizen 1353–1815 (1872) [no. 0120], inv. no. 1157, rentebrief C4 of the Hours in the “parish church of S pancraes” (Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 64). 137 Hoorn, Westfries Archief: Archief Hervormde Gemeente Enkhuizen [no. 0304], inv. no. 609 (donation of yearly interest of 6 guilders to seven hours in the church of St Gummarus). For a deed of 22 January 1509, see: Hoorn, Westfries Archief: Oud archief stad Enkhuizen 1353–1815 (1872) [no. 0120], inv. no. 1157, letter D5 of the Hours in “sinte gommers kercke’. According to Voets, the first traces of a getijdencollege in St Gummarus are found in an obligation of 4 January 1466 (‘De getijdenmeesters van Enkhuizen’, p. 68). However, in this case, too, the document in question refers to memoriemeesters and not to getijdenmeesters. Post mentions, under reference to Voets (‘De zeven getij­ den in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’ and ‘De hervorming in West-Friesland’) that the Hours were celebrated in St Gummarus from 1460 onward (Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 373).

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Piety and Polyphony

Gummarus was not only the older one, but also the more prosperous of the two foundations. It profited in particular from the efforts of the parish priest Balthasar Platander, who, just like his colleague in Gouda, urged well-to-do citizens to support the Hours.138 In 1538 the getijdenmeesters of St Gummarus accepted an obligation for a weekly mass, Lof and compline service on Thursday in honour and in the presence of the Holy Sacrament. Some ten years later these new services tailed off and were no longer celebrated with the necessary devotion.139 The getijdencollege of St Pancras was, in all probability, indigent. According to a 1563 specification the parish was so poor that it could not afford its own priest.140 The liturgical hours in the church of St Cyriacus in Hoorn are first documented in 1511.141 From 26 May 1515 onward the town government of Hoorn awarded the getij­dencollege a yearly sum of 40 guilders.142 As in all other places discussed so far, the Hours were celebrated daily. Furthermore, an Office for the Dead was held on All Souls for all benefactors of the getijdencollege.143 The richest and most distinguished church in the Noorderkwartier was no doubt the parish church of Medemblik. This church, which was dedicated to St Boniface, had been granted in 1118 by Bishop Godebald of Utrecht to the canons of the Utrecht church of St Martin. In all probability, the getijden in Medemblik were founded, with the consent of the Utrecht canons, by the clergy of the parish church, though it is no longer clear when this took place.144 In 1555 the church was largely destroyed by fire, and it seems that most of its archival documents – including the foundation letter of the getijden – were lost, too. Shortly after the devastating fire, the priests drew up new regulations for the Office. From this time on, the foundation of the getijden was completely in the hands of the clergy and the Hours were sung only on Sundays and holy days.145 A little more is known about the foundation date of the getijdencollege in Schagen. Joost van Borsselen, lord of Schagen, had rented out in 1513 the ferry from Schagen to Callantsoog, Petten and Huisduinen, with all its revenues, to Willem Oickersz. One year later, Van Borsselen informed Maximilian I and Charles V that he wanted to bestow the ferry on the zeven-getijdencollege that had recently been founded in the parish church of Schagen. Maximilian and Charles consented on 14 December 1514

138

Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 64; cf. Voets, ‘De getijdenmeesters van Enkhuizen’, pp. 68–69. 139 Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 71. 140 Voets, ‘De hervorming in West-Friesland’, p. 153. 141 Hoorn, Westfries Archief: Archief Staties en parochies van Hoorn, Dekenaat WestFriesland [no. 0643], inv. no. 18 (formerly Oud archief stad Hoorn, inv. no. 1972), f. 13r. 142 Hoorn, Westfries Archief: Archief Staties en parochies van Hoorn, Dekenaat WestFriesland [no. 0643], inv. no. 18 (formerly Oud archief stad Hoorn, inv. no. 1972), ff. 1r–2r; cf. Voets ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 64; Voets ‘De hervorming in West-Friesland’, p. 152. 143 Voets, ‘De zeven getijden in Holland’s Noorderkwartier’, p. 69. 144 Ibid., pp. 62–63. 145 Ibid., pp. 63, 76–79.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 37

and the revenues of the ferry were now used “in augmentation of the honour of God and for the maintenance of the getijdencollege”.146 The getijdenmeesters of Edam received a sum from the town government in 1538 for singing the Saturday Lof service in honour of Our Lady.147 During the following years they received varying amounts of money for torches and, as of 1552/53, a sum for the Lof services on Friday and Saturday.148 Judging from a deed dated 7 November 1567 nearby Purmerend also witnessed the foundation of a getijdencollege.149

K ampen and Goes Kampen is one of those towns where the getijden were initially celebrated on a few specific days only. In 1475 “die seven ghetijden” were sung on five designated holy days in the church of Our Lady, also known as the Buitenkerk. No doubt, these services were taken care of by the memoriemeesters. Some fifty years later, however, one finds a reference to the seven priests “who shall sing the seven hours in the aforementioned church”.150 During the 1530s Jacob de Leeuw was the zangmeester of the getijdencollege. De Leeuw, who is first mentioned in 1536, later left for Amsterdam to become zangmeester of the Oude Kerk. In the church of St Nicholas, also known as the Bovenkerk, the seven hours were not sung on a daily basis for many years.151 It would seem, however, that in St Nicholas in the first stage of the singing of the getijden specialized forces were hired, for in 1481 attendance fees were paid for “all eight singing the Hours”.152 The accounts for 1534–1580 show that the getijdencollege was supported both by donations from private citizens and by a yearly allowance from the town government. The choir consisted of eight singers – the zangmeester included – who were also known as “horisten” or “gheleerde ghesellen” (“learned companions”), and two substitute singers. Among the singers were, furthermore, the chief sexton and the two substitute headmasters of the two town schools,153 whose duty it was to accompany the 146

Alkmaar, Regionaal Archief: Archief van de Gemeente Schagen, 1415–1813, inv. no. 284. That the getijdencollege was indeed formed is evidenced by the Informacie of 1514 (Fruin, Informacie up den staet, p. 144). 147 Driessen, ‘Waterland VII. Edam’, p. 148. Unfortunately, older city accounts have not been preserved in Edam. 148 Driessen, ‘Waterland VII. Edam’, p. 149. 149 Purmerend, Waterlands Archief: Archief van Klooster Sint Ursula te Purmerend, 1392–1580 [no. 0129], inv. no. 801; see also Verhoofstad, Inventaris der archieven, no. 801; Driessen, ‘Waterland II. Purmerend’, pp. 108–109. 150 Although this document must probably be interpreted as a free rendering of a 1380 charter from the memoriemeesters in the church of Our Lady, it seems very likely that with respect to the seven hours the deed describes the historical situation of around 1520 (see Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, pp. 165–168). 151 Ibid., pp. 165–167. 152 Ibid., p. 168. 153 The Latin school seems to have had a zangmeester on the pay roll whose sole task was instructing the boys in music. From 1523 to 1574 this position was held by the brothers Rombout and Johan de Vos from Mechlin (Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, p. 186).

38

Piety and Polyphony

schoolboys to the Bovenkerk when they were expected to participate in the celebration of the Hours.154 The choir was known as “die capelle van de musijck’. As of 1556 the singers enjoyed free wine at Easter, Pentecost, the Assumption of Mary and Christmas. In exchange, they had to sing polyphony for three days during each feast, at matins, lauds, mass, vespers and compline.155 The oldest records of getijden being sung in Goes go back to 1442. During that year the seven hours were sung in Mary Magdalene’s church on all Sundays and holy days. According to a letter by Philip of Burgundy to the town government of Goes, this was not always done with the necessary devotion.156 On 11 May 1443 the burgomasters of Goes informed the parish priest that they would very much appreciate it if the Hours were celebrated daily, “so that the people might be inspired to devotion and piety”. The parish priest consented and promised never to withhold his cooperation. It is not clear if the getijden were indeed firmly established from 1443 on. In 1452 services were abandoned and, with the exception of short periods, the liturgical hours were no longer celebrated in Mary Magdalene’s church.157 On 31 May 1471 it was again decided to have the Hours sung “perpetually”,158 and this time the efforts achieved a more lasting result. Judging from the contracts with zangmeesters Heer Gysbrecht Pietersz. (16 November 1496) and Jan la Lonck/la Louys (19 December 1497), the Thursday and Saturday Lof services, high mass, vespers and Lof services on all holy days were performed in polyphony.159 The only rem 154

Ibid., p. 169. The schoolboys from Kampen who participated in the services may be divided into two groups. The largest group had to be present on holy days only. A smaller group of eight boys was in church far more regularly and joined the “horisten” in their daily performance of chant. For these boys, who were expressly relieved from singing polyphony, the “Soete-Naeme-Jhesushuys” was founded in 1539 (ibid., pp. 172–173, 198ff). For more on the choirboys, see also Doove, ‘Middeleeuws muziekonderwijs’. 155 Bouwstenen 1, pp. 144–145; Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, p. 172. Kolman notices that on certain occasions more singers were needed and that additional forces were recruited from the circle of vicars. According to Kolman it is likely that among these, besides the organist, were also instrumentalists playing “the harp, violin, trumpet, bassoon and flute”, which must be considered extremely unlikely. 156 Holtkamp, ‘De zeven getijden’, p. 8. See also Dekker, Een schamele landstede, pp. 470– 473, 476–480. 157 Holtkamp, ‘De zeven getijden’, pp. 8–9, and Dekker, Een schamele landstede, p. 477. That the Hours were no longer celebrated appears from the contract, of 20 April 1469, with organist and zangmeester mr. Zybrant. This document furthermore stipulates that mr. Zybrant would have to sing, “sometimes”, in discant and that he must start instructing the children and teaching them their music eight days in advance of the service in which they would be involved (Bouwstenen 2, pp. 100–101; Holtkamp, ‘De zeven getijden’, p. 11). Possibly this mr. Zybrant is the same musician who is known to have performed polyphony in 1455 in the Nieuwe Kerk in Delft. 158 Holtkamp, ‘De zeven getijden’, p. 10. 159 Ibid., pp. 13–14; Bouwstenen 2, pp. 102–105. Contrary to Bouwstenen 2, Holtkamp spells not “Jan la Lonck” but “Jan Lalouys’; Dekker, p. 470, reads “Jan la Loucx”. Holtkamp also describes contracts with zangmeesters Johannes Ruedick (6 April 1498), Jan van der Tholen (13 May 1510) and mr. Daniel de Fine (24 July 1513). Among the later zangmeesters listed by Dekker, there is only one of some reputation: “mr. Jan de Latre”, who was hired on 27 May 1560. His successor, Jan Keyser, was appointed on 19 April 1564,



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 39

nants of this polyphonic tradition are four partbooks printed by Tielman Susato and used by the getijden singers in their mass services.160 As late as 1576 the town of Goes supported the getijdencollege with a sum of 38 pounds to pay the singers.161

Leiden: The Church of Our Lady The church of Our Lady was the third church of Leiden that, due to the fourteenth-century expansion of the city, came to be situated within the city walls. Its parish was the smallest of the three. In the year 1514 there were some 550 parishioners, which is rather modest compared to over 5,000 in St Peter’s parish. The earliest document to mention a getijdencollege in the church of Our Lady dates from 18 November 1479.162 It would seem that the organization was still young at this time. On 31 July 1482, Fije, the widow of Verbout Hugensz., endowed the means to continue the services; judging from the wording of her foundation letter it is clear that the liturgical hours were not celebrated on a daily basis.163 She provided the means to have the hours sung on all holy eves and days by six priests of irreproachable conduct, just as was done daily in the other two churches. If the singing of the hours was terminated, the endowment was to be withdrawn and granted to St Catherine’s hospital and the house of the poor (the Heilige Geest).164 The services

and this seems to fit in nicely with the known facts of De Latre’s biography (which are conveniently summarized in Groot, ‘Petit Jan de Latre in Amersfoort’). 160 These books were formerly on display in the Museum voor Zuid- en Noord-Beveland (now Historisch Museum De Bevelanden) in Goes, but have now been returned to the Gemeentearchief Goes, where they are kept together with two missals from the church of Mary Magdalene in the manuscript department. The preserved partbooks are the Contratenor books of the Liber secundus missarum (Susato 15451), Liber primus missarum (Susato 15463) and Liber tertius missarum (Susato 15464), and the Quinta Pars book of the Liber primus missarum (Susato 15463). The three Contratenor books are bound in one volume. A flyleaf at the front bears the following note: “Deze boucken behooren thoe de stat van der Goes ende zijn ghecoght int jaer duysst vijf hondert viere ende vijfftigh, ende waren zangmeesters Cornelis Adriaenssen, Pieter Henricssen Pint, Cornelis Pierssen Polderman. Ghescreven bij mij A op die tijt coraelmeester.” (“These books belong to the city of Goes and were bought in the year 1554, when Cornelis Adriaenssen, Pieter Henricssen Pint, Cornelis Pierssen Polderman were getijdenmeesters. Written by me, A, at that time zangmeester.”) The inscription on the inside of the Quinta Pars book says: “Dese boucken behooren de kercke van der Goes thoe” (“These books belong to the church of Goes”); cf. Bouwsteenen. Tweede jaarboek, p. 98. 161 Holtkamp, ‘De zeven getijden’, p. 9. 162 AK, inv. no. 338, f. 38v (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 675). The getijdencollege was thus not founded in 1481, as Doove argues (Doove, ‘Orgels, een klok, een fluit en de rest’, p. 553). 163 AK, inv. no. 333 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 684). It would seem that in later times the hours were sung on a daily basis. The Liber fundationum of the church of Our Lady mentions, in 1558, payments to the singers in addition of their daily salary (KNHG, inv. no. 2032, ff. 27v–28v). 164 See p. 84, n. 213.

40

Piety and Polyphony

were ­apparently continued, for in 1487 the getijdenmeesters were asked to supervise the recently established Stevenshof.165 Not much is known about the further history of this getijdencollege. A foundation of 1503 required the singing of the antiphon O crux or Dum fabricator in front of the crucifix every Friday.166 Apparently Adriaen, the donor, was not satisfied with the quality of the getijdenkoor and decided two years later to provide further means to improve the singing (see p. 79).167 The number of six priests mentioned in the foundation letter of 1482 remained constant for quite some time. The register of income and expenses of the getijdencollege records, from July 1498 until January 1500, payments to the parish priest Willem Oudewater, to the priests Gherijt van Busch, Heynrick Janz., Cornelis, Willem, and to mr. Willem.168 Just as in St Peter’s, the choirboys were talented children from the Latin school. In the middle of the sixteenth century it became so difficult to find good choirboys that the singers asked permission to educate six boys themselves without the need to compensate the headmaster of the Latin school. The city magistrate complied with this request but added that if the headmaster should be able to send six boys, this privilege would be withdrawn.169 There is no indication that the getijdencollege in the church of Our Lady ever sang polyphony.

Others Little is known about the history of the remaining getijdencolleges. In most cases the few preserved documents show no more than that such a foundation was active in other towns. The aldermen of Rotterdam recorded that in 1449 the seven hours were first celebrated in their parish church.170 Financially difficult times seem to 165

In 1506 the getijdenmeesters were relieved of this task (Ligtenberg, De armezorg te Leiden, pp. 260–266). 166 AK, inv. no. 334 of 9 December 1503, which is a foundation by Adriaen van Poelgeest for a read Marian mass on Saturday in memory of Willem van Poelgeest and his father, Jan van Poelgeest (see OvervoordeAK, regest 694). 167 There is one further interesting foundation which required the assistance of the singers of the getijdencollege: a service that had been founded with the church masters on behalf of the priest Ghysbrecht Hughenz. The singers were asked to sing “the proper history” of St Mary of the Snows. Cf. Van Mieris, Beschryving der stad Leyden, vol. I, pp. 88–90; cf. KNHG, inv. no. 2032 (Liber fundationum of the church of Our Lady 1558), ff. 27v–28v; cf. Doove, ‘Maria in den blomme en ter sneeuw’. For other activities of the singers, see Doove, ‘Orgels, een klok, een fluit en de rest’, pp. 553, 556. 168 AK, inv. no. 220. This register was erroneously placed by Overvoorde in the archives of the getijdenmeesters of St Peter’s. There can be no doubt that it belonged to the getijdenmeesters of the church of Our Lady; on f. 19r it says: “These are the debts of the seven hours in onser vrouwen kerck in Leiden”. The register of income and expenses of the church masters of 1538, too, mentions “the six singers” (KNHG, inv. no. 2033, ff. 4v, 5r, 29v). 169 SA I, inv. no. 390, f. 24v, dated 6 August 1561; cf. Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 34, n. 147. 170 Hensen, Het Roomsch-Katholieke Rotterdam, p. 21: “in the same year they first started to sing the seven hours in the church here in Rotterdam”; cf. Dresch, ‘Kerkelijk Rotterdam voor de Hervorming’, p. 261, and Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, p. 225,



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 41

have set in during the first half of the sixteenth century. In 1536/37 the church masters were given permission to sell interests, silverware and church goods in order to sustain the getijden. Apparently, the efforts were not completely satisfactory and in 1541 the wages of the singers were partly paid by the town government.171 In 1552 the getijdenmeesters of the church of St Lawrence received additional financial support from the town government,172 but apparently this was still not enough for the getij­ denmeesters to get their expenses under control.173 Dreischor, Groede, Helmond, Roosendaal, Schiedam, Scheveningen and Leeuwarden also had their own getijdencolleges.174 Next to nothing is known about these foundations, though a list with the names of all getijdenmeesters from Schiedam from 1482 to 1573 has been preserved.175 The getijdencollege of Scheveningen was founded no later than 1481 and was still active in 1541.176

where the getijdenmeesters and zangmeester are mentioned in a document dated 3 July 1551. 171 De Kler, ‘Koorkapellen in de vroeg-moderne tijd’, p. 213. 172 They were awarded the yearly rent of the Lijnbaan, which was followed, in 1555, by the profits of the meat stalls and the cellar below the town hall. Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, pp. 225–226; see also Bouwsteenen. Eerste jaarboek, p. 60. 173 In 1555 the salary of zangmeester Joest Nachtegael had to be paid by the town of Rotterdam; see De Kler, ‘Koorkapellen in de vroeg-moderne tijd’, p. 214. 174 The college in Roosendaal was apparently founded in 1541. A mere twenty years later, its revenues had another destination (see Nieuwlaat, Inventaris Parochie St Jan de Doper te Roosendaal, introduction). For a 1534 reference to a getijdencollege in Leeuwarden, see Spaans, ‘Testamenten als bron voor de geschiedenis’, pp. 215–232, at p. 228. The getijdencollege in Helmond was active in the church of St Lambert. The oldest document dates from 1509; see Regionaal Historisch Centrum Eindhoven; (Schepenbank Helmond, 1396–1810) [no. 15240], inv. no. 3801, deed no. 1303: 1500/1509 (May 1509). A discussion of the few preserved documents (1578–1581) of the getijdencollege in the parish church of Groede is found in Janssen, ‘Groede’. A reference to a getijdencollege in Dreischor is made in Zeeuws Archief: Rekenkamer van Zeeland, Rekeningen BourgondischOostenrijkse Tijdvak (1433–1584) [no. 501], inv. no. 232 (“the six priests who, in St Adrian’s church in Dreysscher, sing the VII hours”). 175 These names are recorded in: Schiedam, Gemeentearchief: Archief van de Gerechten van Schiedam 1386–1811 [no. 454], inv. no. 89 (1482–1569); Archief van het stadsbestuur tot 1795 [no. 291], inv. no. 285 (1570–1573). Older registers have not been preserved. As of 1574 getijdenmeesters were no longer appointed. The city fathers of Schiedam ordained on 23 August 1572 that, from that moment on, the church of St John was to be used for Protestant services. As of 29 August, Catholic services were again allowed in “convents, cloisters and other houses of God within this town”. Due to a lack of cooperation on behalf of the city fathers, and to outright opposition by the church masters, getijdenmeesters and members of the guild of Our Lady, it took until the fall of 1573 for reformed services to take place in St John’s ( Jansen, De Grote- of St Janskerk van Schiedam, pp. 29–31, 94ff). For records of several transactions of properties involving the getijdencollege in Schiedam, see Archief van de Gerechten van Schiedam 1386–1811 [no. 454], inv. no. 327. Giftboek: Akten van Transport van Onroerende Zaken etc. 01-08-1565 t/m 30-12-1577, ed. A. van der Tuijn. 176 Cf. Pabon, De hofboeken van ’s-Gravenhage, p. 83, and The Hague, Gemeentearchief: Archief van de Heilige Geest en het Heilige Geesthofje [no. 6], inv. no. 552; afschrift in inv. no. 2, f. 477r.

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In Weesp, to the east of Amsterdam, most benefactions originally provided financial means for singing the seven hours on a number of holy days. However, by the end of the fifteenth century, the number of donations had risen to such an extent that a more permanent character could be given to the services. As of that moment, all revenues went to a “zeven getijden fonds” from which the “cantorije der zeven getijden” was paid.177 The last getijdencollege that needs to be mentioned is that of Oudewater.178 The oldest document of the getijdenmeesters dates from 22 September 1502.179 The accounts of 1543–1546 show that the getijden were sung daily in Oudewater and that the singers were assisted by four choirboys and an unknown number of schoolboys. In 1543 the revenues amounted to some 430 rijnsgulden.180 At some time, the getijdenmeesters of Oudewater ran into financial conflict with the parish priest of the church of St Michael. Apparently, the parish priest had demanded financial compensation 177

The benefaction documents are published in Honig, ‘De parochie van den H. Laurentius te Weesp’. The first document to mention a getijden fund is deed no. 56 (1489); deeds nos. 91 (1497), 92 (1495) and 105 (1502) all mention a “cantorije” (“choir”). A 1584 “Register van de inkomende renten competerende de zeven getijden” is still kept in Regionaal Historisch Centrum Vecht en Venen, archief RoomsKatholieke Parochie H. Laurentius te Weesp, 1450–2010 [no. GAW044], inv. no. 150.2. 178 According to Post (Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 373) there were also getijdencolleges in Arnhem, Doesburg, Lochem, Tiel and Wageningen. However, verification of the references show these all to be colleges of vicars or memoriemeesters. The situation in Tiel is somewhat more complicated. The chapter of the church of St Walburgis was transferred to Arnhem on 9 October 1315. In 1328 the bishop of Utrecht relieved the chapter of serving the Tiel church and transferred its right and goods to the Teutonic Order. Representatives of this order came to the former collegiate church of Tiel on 15 April 1403 and commenced celebrating the canonical hours during night and day (Kuys, De Tielse kroniek, §§ 440, 477, 517, 692, 693; cf. Van Veen, ‘Handboekje van den Tielschen pastoor’, p. 178). The celebration of the Hours by the Teutonic Order was not uncommon and also took place in Rhenen (Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 352). Information on St Martin’s church in Tiel is found in the so-called “handboekje van Petrus van Teeffelen”. Two endownments in this booklet, of 1 February 1541 and of 12 March 1557, provided financial means for celebrating the seven hours on certain days of the year (cf. Van Veen, ‘Handboekje van den Tielschen pastoor’, pp. 113–117, 200–201). However, in this case the endowment was not made to getijdenmeesters, but to “capittelair- ende presencyheeren”.   In 1499 a zeven-getijdencollege seems to have been founded in Nieuwerkerk by Anna of Burgundy. The organization of that particular getijdencollege rather deviated from the norm of the other known colleges, and soon after its foundation the Nieuwerkerk body became known as a chapter; cf. Kuys, Repertorium van collegiale kapittels, pp. 222–224. 179 Het Utrechts Archief: Verzameling handschriften nieuwe signaturen [no. 657–2], inv. no. 73, f. 42r. 180 Bouwsteenen. Derde jaarboek, p. 110; Bouwstenen 1, pp. 194–195; Putman, ‘Bijdragen voor de kerkelijke geschiedenis van Oudewater’. On the getijdencollege of Oudewater, see also Putman, ‘Mededeelingen ontleend aan eene rekening van getijdemeesters te Oudewater’.



The Zeven-Getijdencolleges 43

for his consent to sing the Hours in his church. By describing the practices of other churches, the getijdenmeesters of Oudewater tried to demonstrate the uniqueness of the parish priest’s request.181 At the same time, the listing demonstrates that whenever parish priests were members of the getijdencollege, they received attendance fees only when they actually took part in the services.182

181

At least, this is what one may conclude from a remarkable passage in “Der seven getij­ den bouck binnen der kercke van Oudewater” (Utrecht, Rijksarchief: Verzameling handschriften nieuwe signaturen, inv. no. 73, ff. 72v–73r). The practices that are listed by the getijdenmeesters from Oudewater are those of the following churches: Alkmaar, Amsterdam (Oude Kerk and Nieuwe Kerk), Delft (Oude Kerk), Haarlem, Leiden (church of Our Lady), Montfoort, Rotterdam, Schiedam and Schoonhoven. For a complete transcription of the document, see E. Jas, ‘De koorboeken van de Pieterskerk’, pp. 152–153. 182 According to the listing in the Oudewater manuscript, the getijden were also sung in parish churches in Schoonhoven and Montfoort. That money was raised in Schoonhoven to have the Hours sung is demonstrated by the accounts of the “Geestelijk Kantoor” of Delft (Van Beuningen, Het Geestelijk Kantoor van Delft, pp. 74–75, 107). The same accounts also show properties owned by getijdencolleges in Heinenoord, ’s-Gravenzande, Waspik, Genderen and Veen (cf. pp. 56, 72, 88, 92). However, at the beginning of the sixteenth century these places were so tiny – their population consisted of no more than 125 to 320 souls (cf. Fruin, Informacie up den staet) – that these colleges must have operated on a very small scale. In Montfoort, the viscount had tried to reform the church of St John into a collegiate church at the end of the fifteenth century. Even though his attempts were approved by Pope Boniface IX and the ecclesiastical authorities in Utrecht, the chapter never came into being. Apparently, the whole enterprise was too costly and what emerged in the end may best be described as a surrogate chapter. The revenues of memorie goods were administered collectively and were used for paying the singers of the Hours their attendance fees (Dekker, ‘De hervorming in Montfoort’, pp. 23–24; Hellema, De Grote of St Janskerk te Montfoort, pp. 12–13, 23).   A most special case is the getijdencollege in St Christopher in Roermond. Apparently, this organization grew out of an old habit of singing canonical hours on Sundays and holy days. By the early sixteenth century, the getijden were sung by six priests on Wednesday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday and on all holy days. As Roermond did not fall victim to the Reformation, its getijdencollege continued to function well into the seventeenth century; cf. Van Bree, Inventaris van de Oude Archieven van de stad Roermond, pp. 85, 269ff. It was not characteristic of small places to confine the singing of the hours to a limited number of days. In Bruges, in the church of St Giles the liturgical hours were sung, as of 13 October 1453, on forty days during Lent. In 1517/18 a donation by Josine Reynaerts provided the financial means to sing the getijden on another forty days starting on the eve of Ascension Day (Declerck, ‘Commuun en Zeven Getijden in de Brugse parochiekerken’, pp. 118–125).

Chapter 2

The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden

I

n the Middle Ages the small village of Leiden developed from a hamlet near Zoeterwoude into a town that was, by late medieval standards, of significant proportions. Around 1514 Leiden was the largest city in the county of Holland – with a little over 14,000 inhabitants – but still considerably smaller than, for example, Antwerp and Ghent.1 The expansion of Leiden in the late Middle Ages was not so much the result of a natural rise in population as it was due to the settlement of many immigrants who were attracted by Leiden’s favourable location on the Rhine. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it was predominantly Flemish textile workers from established centres, such as Ypres, who came to Leiden. With these craftsmen came the broadcloth industry, which would define the image of the town for years to come. A cutthroat competition with the English, who were able to supply broadcloth at competitive prices, marked a new era at the end of the fifteenth century during which the importance of the textile industry diminished. However, the tide turned and Leiden continued to grow.2 The real Golden Age of Leiden did not set in until its citizens had withstood two sieges by the Spanish soldiers of Philip II in 1573–1574. The city was rewarded for its heroic resistance with the foundation of the first university on (present-day) Dutch soil. Art has always been one of Leiden’s great selling points. Two of its inhabitants, Cornelis Engebrechtsz. (c. 1462–1527) and his pupil Lucas van Leyden (1494–1533), were among the finest artists in the sixteenth-century northern Netherlands.3 Some of the greatest painters of the famous Dutch Golden Age were born in Leiden: Jan van Goyen (1596–1656), Rembrandt van Rijn (1606–1669), Gerard Dou (1613–1675) and Jan Steen (1625/56–1679). But with respect to music, sources are rather scarce. The life of Cornelis Schuyt (1557–1616) has been documented, but little is known about musical life in the streets, where the civic wind band was heard, or in the three parish churches of the city. From the fourteenth century Leiden had been divided into three parishes. Of the three parish churches St Peter’s was not only the largest but also the oldest. According to a note in the memorieboek of the church masters the church was dedicated to the apostles Peter and Paul on 11 September 1121 by 1

Cities such as Haarlem, Delft, Amsterdam, Gouda and Rotterdam all seem to have had fewer citizens around the same time: Haarlem and Delft had some 12,200 citizens, Amsterdam around 11,400, Gouda some 7,600 and Rotterdam merely some 5,100; cf. Blockmans, ‘Tussen crisis en welvaart’, esp. Tables 5 and 6. Antwerp had around 30,000 inhabitants by the end of the fifteenth century, which grew to over 39,000 by 1526; Ghent was the largest town north of Paris and already had more than 50,000 inhabitants in the fourteenth century. 2 De Baar, ‘Leiden, stad van vluchtelingen’, p. 237. 3 On the works of Cornelis Engebrechtsz. see Bangs, Cornelis Engebrechtsz.’s Leiden, and Filedt Kok, Cornelis Engebrechtsz. A Sixteenth-Century Leiden Artist; on Lucas van Leyden see most recently Vogelaar, Lucas van Leyden en de Renaissance.



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 45

Godebald, the twenty-fourth bishop of Utrecht.4 After the consecration, the name of the second patron was never used again and the church came to be known – and is still known – as the Pieterskerk (St Peter’s church). In 1121 the foundation of the city of Leiden was still some years away, and the church building that had been erected was probably no more than a chapel of modest dimensions. It was erected on non-feudal property of the count of Holland and initially collation was in his hands.5 Leiden was awarded city rights in 1266 and the town entered upon prosperous times and economic growth, and on 12 July 1268 Count Floris V donated the right of collation to the Teutonic Order (the Duitse Orde). Clearly, this was contrary to an earlier promise to the Leiden citizens that they would receive the right to nominate two secular priests who would jointly take care of the services in the church. Floris’s broken promise led to resistance among the Leiden population, who for many years tried to resolve the awkward situation. In 1369 they came close to success. They filed a – rather vague – complaint with Duke Albert I, who had been governing Holland from 1358, about the way the Teutonic Order had taken care of daily affairs in the parish.6 Apparently, Albert I was convinced of the validity of the complaint and withdrew the right of collation from the Order. Two secular priests were appointed to take care of affairs, so Floris’s original promise was finally fulfilled. However, the Leiden citizens’ victory was short-lived. The Teutonic Order appealed, referring to the donation of 1268, and secured the right of collation again in 1371.7 In the mean time, a commandery – including a hof – was founded at the south side of the church. This commandery fell into the jurisdiction of the Utrecht Bailiwick and was led by a commander who was in charge of two, and later three, priests.8 The main income of the commandery stemmed from gifts from the parishioners of St Peter’s. But that was as far as the influence of the Teutonic Order went. There were other organizations taking care of the church building and of memorial

4

AK, inv. no. 7, f. 1r (cf. OvervoordeAK, p. iii; see also Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 13). This memorieboek of the church masters has mistakenly been included in the archives of the deputaten en memoriemeesters of St Peter’s church (cf. Van Baarsel, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’, p. 41 and n. 73). Leiden fell within the diocese of Utrecht, as did almost all zeven-getijdencolleges listed in Table 1. The diocese of Utrecht covered the entire modern Netherlands with the exception of North Brabant and Limburg; see Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie in het middeleeuwse bisdom Utrecht, pp. 12, 29–31. 5 Van Oerle, Leiden binnen en buiten de stadsvesten, p. 79. Collation is the term used for the right to propose a candidate clergyman to the bishop or his substitute for a specific liturgical office (here the office of parish priest). If the candidate met the requirements of the office, the bishop was obliged to accept him for the position. See Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie in het middeleeuwse bisdom Utrecht, p. 51. 6 They complained about pastoral care in particular. This cura animarum had as its most prominent tasks: the administering of the sacraments, preaching, catechization, and acting as spiritual leader on behalf of the parishioners; see Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie in het middeleeuwse bisdom Utrecht, p. 66. 7 Loopstra, ‘De Leidse commanderij van de Duitse Orde’, pp. 48–49; Leverland, St. Pancras op het Hogeland, p. 28. 8 Loopstra, ‘De Leidse commanderij van de Duitse Orde’, pp. 36–38; see also Belonje, ‘De Leidsche commandeurs van de Duitsche Orde’.

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services, and these were governed by notable burghers who had been appointed by the town’s magistrate. At the end of the thirteenth century the city of Leiden expanded on the so-called Rijneiland (also called the Hogeland). In this area, which originally belonged to the shire and parish of Leiderdorp, a wooden succursal church was erected in 1314. This church, which was dedicated to St Pancras, became known as the Hooglandse kerk and is first mentioned in a document of 1356 as an independent Leiden parish church. In 1366 a chapter was constituted in this church and this existed until the services were discontinued and the church was closed down in 1572 due to the Reformation.9 The third church in late medieval Leiden was dedicated to Our Lady and developed out of a chapel that had been erected around 1330. Due to the fourteenth-century expansion of the city, the building came to be situated within the city walls in 1355, and some ten years later it was raised to the status of parish church.10 With this final expansion late medieval Leiden finally reached its maximum growth.11 The twelfth-century St Peter’s chapel was replaced in the fourteenth century with a new, larger church. The new edifice was built with a tower high enough to double as an observation tower.12 Apparently, the new church had only a short life. In an undated letter Frederick of Blankenheim, bishop of Utrecht from 1393 to 1423, gave permission to the church masters of St Peter’s to pull down the building that had, in the meantime, fallen into disrepair and to rebuild it. The replacement of the old church was executed in three distinct phases. Construction started presumably shortly after 1390.13 Sometime between 1390 and 1412 the choir was built; the nave and the aisles followed, and in 1426, when the aisles still had to be vaulted, the church was dedicated.14 After 1450 the aisles were doubled and the transept was raised to the height of the nave (Plate 8). A serious setback was the collapse of the church tower in 1512.15 Plans were made to rebuild the tower to its original height of 100 metres, but as the town was almost bankrupt in a time of war and plague, the whole idea was abandoned, and Leiden had to settle for a flat west outer wall which was erected in 1513–1518.16 9

Van Oerle, Leiden binnen en buiten de stadsvesten, pp. 125–126; Leverland, St. Pancras op het Hogeland. 10 For information on the parish boundaries in late medieval Leiden, see Van Oerle, Leiden binnen en buiten de stadsvesten, pp. 123ff., and Leverland, St. Pancras op het Hogeland, pp. 27–31. 11 Van Oerle, Leiden binnen en buiten de stadsvesten, p. 81. 12 Van den Berg, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 10. For a more recent discussion of the tower, see Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, pp. 72–90. 13 The construction phases are most recently described in Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, pp. 24–56, esp. 53–56. 14 Van den Berg, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 21; Overvoorde, ‘Rekeningen uit de bouwperiode van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 71. 15 Bangs, ‘The Leiden Pieterskerk West End’, pp. 14–15; Van den Berg, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, pp. 10–12; Van Oerle, Leiden binnen en buiten de stadsvesten, pp. 100–101. 16 Bangs, ‘The Leiden Pieterskerk West End’, pp. 2–3. For more information on the church furniture, see Bangs, Church Art and Architecture in the Low Countries before 1566.

The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 47



Plate 8.  Anonymous painting of St Peter’s church (still with tower, before 1512) at Leiden.

The debris of the church bells was melted down and founded into one new bell that was hung in a bell cage next to the church. As the tower that collapsed had been built two bays into the church, the inner side of the building also needed attention. The organ of c. 1440, that had survived the collapse of the tower, was dismantled and replaced with a new instrument by Jan van Covelens.17 The rebuilt west wall later 17

Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 3–4; Bangs, ‘The Leiden Pieterskerk West End’, p. 8. See also p. 82.

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became, in all probability, the location for Lucas van Leyden’s famous Last Judgment, painted in 1526–1527 for Claes Dircsz. van Zwieten.18 Daily life was very busy in St Peter’s church in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In 1514 the parish priest – the commander of the Teutonic Order – was responsible for the pastoral care of some 5,000 communicants.19 Many among them belonged to one of the fraternities active in the sixteenth-century church, of which there were over thirty.20 The daily, weekly and annual services were held at the high altar or at one of the forty other altars that are known from the period 1364–1522.21 In the years from 1304 to 1417 some twenty-seven members of the Leiden patriciate founded thirty-six chaplaincies and sixteen benefices in St Peter’s church.22 Members from the very same group of citizens were also active as church masters and therefore effectively responsible for and in charge of the church building and all of its altars and church treasures. They administered the funds for construction and maintenance of the church building and were closely involved in all alterations and enlargements. The church masters were appointed annually by the city magistrate and were obliged to account for all expenses regarding the church building and the memorial services and other foundations that had been ordered from them by Leiden citizens.23 Ordering memorial services became very popular in the fifteenth century. Leiden burghers made numerous endowments (mostly donations of money or land) to the church in return for which commemorative services had to be held. The church masters appointed priests for these services, and by 1430 there were so many of them that they decided to unite in a group of memorial priests: the college van memoriemeesters.24

18

Hermesdorf, ‘The Examination and Restoration of The Last Judgement’; Smith, The Paintings of Lucas van Leyden, pp. 124–131. The Last Judgment is now on permanent display in Museum De Lakenhal in Leiden. 19 Fruin, Informacie up den staet, p. 244. According to the same inventory the number of communicants in St Pancras was four to five thousand and that in the church of Our Lady no more than c. five hundred fifty. 20 A decree by the city fathers (the vroedschap) of Leiden of 2 April 1513 mentions seventeen different brother- or sisterhoods (Knappert, De opkomst van het Protestantisme, p. 31). The names of yet another thirteen are found in SA I, inv. no. 390 (3–12–1556), and in RA, inv. no. 42 (23–1-1562; 6–2-1562; 18–9-1562). 21 Overvoorde, ‘Rekeningen uit de bouwperiode van de St. Pieterskerk’, pp. 139–143. No doubt Overvoorde’s listing of altars is incomplete. The exact number cannot be ascertained as some altars were connected with several saints and the surviving memorial books are not always helpful. A more recent analysis of the references to altars, and a map showing the location of some thirty altars in the church of St Peter at the beginning of the sixteenth century, is found in Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 164 (with further explanations on pp. 165ff.). 22 Van Kan, Sleutels tot de macht, pp. 198–200. 23 OvervoordeAK, pp. xii–xiii. 24 Van Baarsel, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’.

Plate 9.  Town plan of Leiden (c. 1581) from Guicciardini’s Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi.

The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 49

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The Zeven-Getijdencollege The zeven-getijdencollege in St Peter’s seems to have been founded in the second half of the 1430s. Not much is known about the singers active in the liturgical services prior to its foundation. The church accounts of 1398–1401 list payments to “the clerics who rule the choir”, and those of 1402–1403 and 1412–1413 mention the copying of graduals and the correction and rebinding of antiphoners.25 No doubt the schoolmasters of the Latin school and their pupils were also very much involved in numerous services in church. The earliest source to mention a getijdencollege in St Peter’s is dated 23 April 1440.26 On that particular day Ghijsbrecht van Zwieten27 and his wife Catharina van Diemen endowed the getijdenmeesters an annual interest of one pound in order to “sing the seven hours on all days” in St Peter’s church.28 Obviously, the getijdencollege had been founded some time earlier, but it is unknown when precisely it came into existence. Ghijsbrecht’s letter of endowment contains the condition that if the singing of the hours were to be abandoned, the endowed interest would fall due to Ghijsbrecht or his family.29 A similar stipulation is found in four other endowments of March 1442.30 They all seem to imply that the singing of the hours had not yet 25

Blok, ‘Aanteekeningen over muziek’, pp. 196–200; Overvoorde, ‘Rekeningen uit de bouw­periode van de St. Pieterskerk’, pp. 90, 104, 106, 116, 118. 26 Annegarn’s statement that the church of St Peter already had a getijdencollege in 1316 is incorrect and was based on a private communication from Jan Doove (Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 13; cf. Bangs, ‘De koorknapen van de Pieterskerk’, p. 13; Thijsse, ‘Leiden’, p. 387). It would seem that Doove assumed that the getijdencollege was already active in the early fourteenth century because he had found references to sung Requiem masses around 1320 in St Peter’s (see the newspaper article “Leidenaar Jan Doove zocht in Rome half jaar naar musicologische schakeltjes”, in the Leidse Courant of 9 November 1968 at p. 11). Valkestijn mentions the year 1433 as the year of foundation, which is also incorrect (Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, p. 200). 27 Ghijsbrecht was a son of Boudijn van Zwieten and held different city offices. In 1449 and in 1455 he was one of the three getijdenmeesters; he died on 19 December 1456 (Van Kan, ‘Boudijn van Zwieten, tresorier van Holland’, p. 290; Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ [1984], pp. 59ff.). For further information on the members of the Van Zwieten family and the offices they held in Leiden, see Brand, Over macht en overwicht. 28 Doove’s statement that the daily singing of the seven hours commenced only with Boudijn van Zwieten’s foundation of 1443 is not correct (Doove, ‘Procuratoren van de sanghe’, p. 360). According to Overvoorde, the getijdencollege had been founded “to improve the quality of liturgical song, that in the early fifteenth century in Leiden had given rise to severe complaints” (OvervoordeAK, p. xvii). This supposition, too, is false; the getijdencollege was founded, as in all other towns, to sing the liturgical hours on a daily basis in a parish church where this had never been a regular practice. The complaints that Overvoorde mentions are all of a later date and, in fact, concern the practices of the getijdencollege itself. 29 AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 16v–17v (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 149). 30 AK, inv. no. 242 (2 March 1442); AK, inv. no. 237 (2 March 1442); AK, inv. no. 228 (5 March 1442); AK, inv. no. 252 (5 March 1442); cf. OvervoordeAK, regesten 156–159. Overvoorde mentions regest 148 of 2 March 1440 (AK, inv. no. 203, f. 214r) as one of the earliest documents to mention getijdenmeesters (OvervoordeAK, p. xviii). Apparently,



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 51

been secured and that the getijdencollege had only recently – in the late 1430s – been founded.31 Financial security was finally provided in 1443 by Boudijn van Zwieten (c. 1371–1454). His endowment provided the solid foundation on which the getijdencollege was to operate for the next 130 years.

The Foundation of Boudijn van Zwieten Boudijn was a sprig of nobility. When he supported the getijdencollege in 1443 he could look back on an impressive career in the service of several counts of Holland. During this career he rose from clerk to the court of John III, duke of Bavaria and count of Holland and Hainaut, to secretary; in 1424 he was appointed treasurer of Holland and Zeeland. In 1432 Philip the Good restructured the government of the Low Countries and appointed Godschalk Oem as high treasurer and Boudijn van Zwieten as one of his counsellors. On 12 January 1447 Boudijn ceded his office to his son Dirck.32 Though his career involved him in many political entanglements, Boudijn never lost sight of the need to secure salvation in the afterlife. Several liturgical institutions benefited from his generosity.33 Among his finest benefactions is his contribution to the 1431 foundation of the convent of Mariënpoel, a community of Augustinian nuns in the hamlet of Oegstgeest just outside Leiden.34 Mariënpoel always remained special to Boudijn. During his life he purchased a grave in the northern ambulatory of St Peter’s, but when he was buried in 1454 it was, in accordance with his final will, in the chapel of Mariënpoel. Even though Boudijn had a family château near Zoeterwoude at his disposal, he seems to have lived most of the time directly opposite the church of St Peter, which profited on many occasions from his generosity (Plate 9).35 In 1407 he paid for half of the wood supply for the construction of the new church building.36 On 10 October 1421, Boudijn established a chaplaincy in honour of St John the Baptist on the altar that he had founded earOvervoorde did not notice that this regest is identical with no. 157 of 2 March 1442 (AK, inv. no. 237). The erroneous dating of the copy of the deed in the cartulary (AK, inv. no. 203) is no doubt a slip of the scribe’s pen. 31 It should be pointed out that the stipulation of an endowed interest falling to the original donor in the event of the services being discontinued is also found in later endowments of 1444 and 1462; cf. AK, inv. no. 248 (16 September 1444); AK, inv. no. 284 (26 February 1462); AK, inv. no. 236 (1 June 1462); cf. OvervoordeAK, regesten 170, 273, 274. 32 Van Kan, ‘Boudijn van Zwieten, tresorier van Holland’, pp. 291–295; Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ (1984), pp. 49ff. There is a beautiful mid-sixteenth-century painting depicting the Virgin and Child with devotional portraits of the Van Zwieten family in Museum De Lakenhal in Leiden; cf. Vogelaar, Lucas van Leyden en de Renaissance, pp. 34–3; Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 172. 33 For a general survey of donations from Leiden citizens to religious institutions during this period, see Brand, Over macht en overwicht, pp. 335–366. 34 Van Kan, ‘Boudijn van Zwieten, tresorier van Holland’, pp. 298–299; Bijleveld, ‘Het nonnenklooster Mariënpoel’. On the early history of the convent and its financial income, see Doedeijns, ‘Verzuchtingen van een rentmeester’. See also Brand, Over macht en overwicht, p. 337. 35 Van Kan, ‘Boudijn van Zwieten, tresorier van Holland’, pp. 299–300. 36 Ibid., p. 297.

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lier in the northern ambulatory of the new church building.37 The chaplain who served at the altar was to read three masses per week and visit Boudijn’s (future) grave – which was situated next to the altar – directly after the service and read there a Miserere and a De profundis together with two collects for the deceased. Six years later Boudijn established a second chaplaincy on the same altar, this time in honour of St James, St Stephen, St Agnes and St Martin.38 This foundation, too, asked for three weekly masses followed by a visit to his grave.39 Boudijn’s masses were read for over twenty years, but things changed in 1443. On 15 May 1443 Boudijn ordained that the interests he had donated for the two chaplaincies were, from that moment onwards, to be given to the zangmeesters of the getijdencollege so that they could have the seven hours sung every day in the choir of St Peter’s.40 The reason for Boudijn to change the nature of his earlier foundations was not only to add to the lustre of the services and for his own salvation, but also because he had seen that it was necessary to do so (“dattet dair toe van noede was”). The foundation letter records that the hours had to be sung on weekdays by seven priests and two choirboys and on holy days by the schoolmasters of the Latin school and their pupils. The sexton was allowed, whenever it suited him, to join the priests in their services. As the chaplaincies of 1421 and 1427 together had provided for six masses a week, Boudijn instructed the getijdenmeesters to read a daily mass on his altar. This votive mass had to start once the introit of high mass – which was celebrated at the high altar – had been sung (which implies that in the 1440s high mass was celebrated daily in St Peter’s). Directly after mass, the priest had to visit Boudijn’s grave and read a Miserere, a De profundis and a collect for the deceased in memory of Boudijn, his wife, their parents, their children, their friends and all sovereigns under whom Boudijn had ever served. The priest who was to read the mass on Monday, Wednesday and Friday needed to do the same at the grave of Jan Willemsz.. Whoever celebrated any of these six masses was required to use the missal and chalice that had been especially made for these votive services. After compline the seven priests and the two choirboys had to convene, in liturgical dress, in the northern ambulatory to read a Miserere, a De profundis and a collect for the deceased in memory of all those who had ever supported the getij­ dencollege. The gathering was to be closed with the Salve regina with a versicle and collect in honour of Our Lady. It was furthermore stipulated that on Mondays after 37

AK, inv. no. 322, ff. 30v–32r (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 97). See Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 164, for the location of this altar in St Peter’s. 38 AK, inv. no. 322, ff. 32r–34r, founded on 2 August 1427 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 104). 39 This time Boudijn furthermore ordered a visit to the grave of Jan Willemsz., the priest who had been assigned to the earlier mentioned chaplaincy and had recently died. 40 There are two sixteenth-century copies of the foundation charter in the archives of the getijdenmeesters (AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 3v–9r; AK, inv. no. 210; cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 164). The archives of the Teutonic Order in Utrecht contain an official charter dated 7 May 1443, which shows some variants compared to the Leiden copies and may therefore be an earlier version of the deed. Cf. Archief van de Ridderlijke Duitsche Orde Balije van Utrecht 1200–1811, inv. no. 2034********** (sic); cf. Van Hinsbergen, Inventaris van het Archief van de Ridderlijke Duitsche Orde Balije van Utrecht 1200–1811. It is not clear if there were stalls in the choir of St Peter’s at this time. In 1562 the church masters of St Peter’s negotiated a loan from the city magistrate to finance new stalls, which implies that older ones must have been present (Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 162).



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 53

the six feasts of Our Lady, directly after prime, the priests and choirboys had to sing a Requiem mass at the high altar.41 The ordinance not once mentions polyphonic music. Possibly, in later times, the singers of the getijdencollege felt free to substitute polyphony for chant, but in the early days of the charter it would seem that reading and chanting of texts was the normal day-to-day routine. The Sunday after the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin was designated for Boudijn’s kermisviering, the yearly feast to celebrate the dedication of his altar. The day after, the getijdenmeesters had to place four large candles (on candlesticks) on the grave of Boudijn, to burn when the Requiem mass of that day was sung. After mass, the priest, in his alb and with an aspergillum in his hand, had to visit the grave, together with the priests and choirboys of the getijdencollege, all in liturgical dress, to read there a Miserere, a De profundis and a collect for the deceased. The ceremony was to be concluded with a Salve regina and a versicle, and a collect in honour of Our Lady. Furthermore, on this special day a certain amount (an achtendeel) of wheat was to be handed out to the poor. The authorities of Leiden were asked to appoint each year, on the eve of the Chair of St Peter, three sangmeesters (i.e. getijdenmeesters) who were to hire seven priests and two choirboys and to supervise the getijdencollege.42 The rest of the institutional text more or less explains the financial means donated by Boudijn to sustain the services and how all parties involved – the priests, the choirboys, the sexton and the parish priest – were to be rewarded for services rendered. However, the interests Boudijn had donated for the earlier chaplaincies that were now used to support the getijdencollege were not enough to secure the continuation of the services. Therefore, he donated an additional interest of £12 for the Requiem masses, and the city magistrate of Leiden decided that each year the getijdencollege was to be given £20 out of the sextonship of St Peter’s. On 1 June 1443 the foundation was confirmed by Bishop Rudolphus, thus providing a safe future for the singing of the Hours in this parish church. Boudijn did not really found the getijdencollege in St Peter’s – after all, the college had already been active for more than three years. The text of his ordinance does contain, however, a number of stipulations that also feature in the foundational documents of the getijdencolleges in Delft and Gouda. The Hours had to be celebrated daily, the schoolmasters from the Latin school and their pupils were heavily involved in services on holy days, there were a number of memorial services in honour of benefactors of the getijdencollege, and each year new getijdenmeesters were chosen by the city magistrate. These getijdenmeesters had, in fact, been appointed 41

The ordinance simply states “six days of Our Lady”, which must refer to the following well-known Marian feasts: Purification (2 February), Annunciation (25 March), Visitation (2 July), Assumption (15 August), Nativity (8 September) and Immaculate Conception (8 December). The ordinance furthermore stipulates that if the feast of the Annunciation fell after Judica Sunday (the fifth Sunday of Lent), the Requiem mass was to be advanced by a week. 42 Some further stipulations in the ordinance explain how to proceed if Gijsbrecht Mast, the owner of one of Boudijn’s discontinued chaplaincies, were not to agree with the new arrangements.

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by the magistrate since 1440, traditionally on the eve of the Chair of St Peter.43 On that evening a number of officials were chosen: not only getijdenmeesters, but also church masters, sextons, gasthuismeesters, Heilige-Geestmeesters and numerous other functionaries.44 As many of these offices involved giving account of a complex and broad financial administration, they were to be taken up only by men from the urban upper class.45 Thanks to the city’s careful administration, the names of many getijdenmeesters are still known today.46 In a Leiden book of statues of 1450 it was stipulated that the getijdenmeesters, just like the church masters and Heilige-Geestmeesters, had to give account of their administration each year, in the presence of the parish priest and some parishioners, within twelve weeks of their office coming to an end.47 The getijdenmeesters were usually assisted by a steward, whose duty it was to keep accounts of all property of the getijdencollege, to collect interests and donations, and to draw up annual accounts.48 During the years 1540–1554 mr. Gherrit Willemsz. acted as steward to the getijdencollege. Gherrit was an altar vicar in St Peter’s and was an experienced accountant. He served not only the getijdenmeesters, but for many years also the commandery of the Teutonic Order,49 the brotherhood of the Holy Sacrament in St Peter’s,50 the beguines of the Pieter Symonszs. hof,51 and – from 1535 to 1559 – the memorial masters.52 43

AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 16v–17v: “the procurators of the seven hours in St Peter’s church appointed by the city magistrate of Leiden”. The Chair of St Peter was celebrated on 22 February; the election of the getijdenmeesters – also known as sangmeesters – therefore took place on 21 February. 44 Blok, Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad, vol. II, p. 106. 45 Among these church masters, gasthuismeesters and the getijdenmeesters one often finds members from the lower echelons of the upper class who were at other times involved in town government; see Marsilje, Het financiële beleid van Leiden, pp. 157–158; Brand, Over macht en overwicht, pp. 164–168. The offices are known in the Leiden city archives as “smalle diensten” (lower offices). 46 For all names and references to archival sources, see Jas, ‘De koorboeken van de Pieterskerk’, pp. 154–158. The list contains the names of all getijdenmeesters from 1499 to 1572 (with the exception of those of 1505, 1507 and 1513). For the period from 1440 to 1499 not all names could be recovered; officials are known for twenty-seven years of this period. 47 Hamaker, De middeneeuwsche keurboeken van de stad Leiden, pp. 155. In 1508 this obligation was changed so that the getijdenmeesters were to give account to certain citizens appointed to that end by the city magistrate. In 1545 the term of twelve weeks was reduced to one month. Ibid., pp. 284–285, 355–356. 48 A concise job description of the financial steward may be found in AK, inv. no. 218. 49 According to Loopstra, Gherrit acted as steward during the years 1529/30 and 1546 (Loopstra, ‘De Leidse commanderij van de Duitse Orde’, p. 51). The following years be may added to these: 1545, 1547, 1552 and 1554 (cf. RA, inv. no. 42: 26 October 1545; 12 December 1547; 14 October 1552; 20 August 1554; 15 October 1554). 50 Cf. RA, inv. no. 42: 28 January 1549; 20 October 1550; 3 and 24 November 1550; 11 October 1555. 51 Cf. RA, inv. no. 42: 11 February 1549; 4 September 1556. 52 Van Baarsel, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’, p. 43. Furthermore, Gherrit was for some years “hooman” (dean) of the brotherhood of St Nicholas in the church of St Peter (cf. RA, inv. no. 42: 20 October 1550; 14 October 1552; 6 February 1553; 31 July 1553).



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 55

The Daily Marian Lof Services Boudijn’s initiative was followed with some enthusiasm in Leiden. Several citizens of the town started to support the singing of the Hours by endowing interests, estates and houses in return for recurring memorial services being held. The city magistrate also supported the getijdencollege with an annual contribution. In October 1453 the city magistrate entered into an agreement with mr. Jacob Tick, one of the singers of the getijdencollege, to sing the mass of the Holy Cross every Friday “in discant”, and the mass and Lof service of Our Lady every Saturday.53 The same agreement also stipulates that Lof services were to be held, with polyphonic music, on the eve of all Marian feasts, of All Saints’ Day, of Christmas, of Easter, and of Pentecost. Even though Tick did not serve out the time of his contract, the masses continued to be a responsibility of the getijdencollege.54 One has to wonder, however, how long these services continued to feature polyphonic music. The instructions of the organist Jan Jansz. Kaga show that around 1532 the two masses were no longer sung in polyphony.55 After Tick’s departure the annual sum of £20 that had been paid to him, and later to his successor mr. Gillis, was granted to the getijdencollege for the daily singing of the Marian Lof service. Apparently, the city magistrate continued to pay for this daily Lof service until 1468.56 As of 1469 until 15 August 1472, the Lof service was sung by the schoolmasters of the Latin school and their pupils.57 It is not clear why it was decided to remove the daily Lof service from the getijdencollege’s list of responsibilities. Perhaps the schedule of services was too much, or the getijdencollege was understaffed. Anyway, as of 15 August 1472 the Lof services were again sung by the getijdencollege and paid for by the city magistrate. There were no problems until 1509.58 As mentioned earlier, Leiden went through a difficult phase in the early sixteenth century. The town was almost bankrupt and needed to reduce its expenses. It was decided on 14 February 1509 that certain interests and other expenses the city magistrate had been paying to the churches were henceforth to be taken out of 53

For more on Jacob Tick and singing in discant, see p. 70. Cf. AK, inv. no. 206. 55 Bouwstenen 1, pp. 173–175. The contract specifies that if anyone were to donate interests or goods to have the mass in honour of the Holy Cross and the mass of Our Lady sung in polyphony (“in musike”), the organist and the zangmeester would receive a bonus on top of their salaries. 56 See the payments in the city accounts, SA I: inv. nos. 524 (1460), f. 109r; 525 (1461), f. 93v; 527 (1462), f. 90v; 528 (1463), f. 99r; 530 (1464), f. 95v; 532 (1465), f. 98v; 533 (1466), f. 90v; 537 (1467), f. 78r. The accounts from 1468 have not been preserved. 57 See the city accounts SA I: inv. nos. 539 (1469), f. 105r; 542 (1470), f. 72v; 543 (1471), f. 94r; 547 (1472), f. 108v. The accounts of 1473 (inv. no. 549) mention the Lof services as they had previously been taken care of by the schoolmasters and their pupils (f. 94r). 58 City accounts, SA I: inv. nos. 547 (1472), f. 108v; 549 (1473), f. 94r; 550 (1475), f. 101r; 552 (1476), f. 98r; 556 (1477); 557 (1484), f. 136r; 558 (1485), f. 137r; 559 (1486), f. 190r; 560 (1487), f. 174r; 561 (1488), f. 125v; 562 (1491), f. 107r; 563 (1493), f. 106r; 576 (1494), f. 41v; 564 (1496), f. 116r; 578 (1498), f. 134v; 577 (1499), f. 113r; 580 (1500), f. 83v; 581 (1502), f. 85r; 582 (1503), f. 50r; 583 (1504), f. 94r; 584 (1505), f. 50r; 585 (1506), f. 38r; 586 (1507), f. 44r; 587 (1508), f. 62v. 54

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the sextonship of the three parish churches. The sexton of St Peter’s had to pay the annual £20 for the Lof services plus an interest of £2 per year on the Latin school that had also previously been provided by the city magistrate.59 This was a considerable increase in the expenses of the sexton, who had already been paying the getijdencollege £20 per year since Boudijn’s foundation of 1443.60 In the middle of the sixteenth century the financial burden had become too much and it became impossible to find candidates for the post of sexton. The one person who did apply for the job said he could accept it only if half the associated expenses were taken over by the city. On 8 April 1560 the city fathers (the vroedschap) accepted these terms and from then on the city magistrate covered half the sexton’s contribution to the getijdencollege.61 This new arrangement did not last long. Very soon the first and second sextons complained that expenses were ever growing, while income shrank. The vroedschap decided on 10 November 1563 that the sexton no longer had to pay the getijdencollege and that all costs would be covered by the city magistrate.62 Unfortunately there is no information on the structure of the daily Lof services in the church of St Peter.63 We do, however, have a description of a daily Marian Lof service as it was celebrated from 1477 onward in the church of St Pancras in Leiden. The service was to be sung by six canons or vicars or, if the church was ever to hire choirboys, by four canons and two choirboys. From Easter to the octave of Pentecost the Christus resurgens was sung, but on holy days it was replaced by the verse Dicant nunc iudei. After this, a hymn or sequence was performed and the antiphon Regina celi with verses and a collect. From the octave of Pentecost onward the Lof service consisted of a respond and a hymn or sequence, followed by a hymn or sequence with verses and collect in honour of Mary. On five special days – Easter, Pentecost, St Pancras, the Assumption of Mary, and Christmas – the respond was replaced with the Te deum of Our Lady (“Te deum van onser liever vrouwen”), which began with the words “Te matrem”.64 These daily services were clearly rather short, and it would seem unlikely that any of them – at least in St Pancras – was ever performed in polyphony. St Peter’s did have a tradition of polyphony, however, and it would seem logical to assume that on some days polyphonic pieces were performed during the Lof service. 59

Hamaker, De middeneeuwsche keurboeken van de stad Leiden, pp. 285–286; cf. SA I, inv. no. 589 (1509), f. 62r. For the interest on the Latin school, see AK, inv. no. 34 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regesten 113, 255). 60 Annegarn was obviously unaware that since 1453 the city magistrate had been paying £20 per year to the getijdencollege for the masses of the Holy Cross and Our Lady and that, in later times, this sum was used for the daily singing of the Marian Lof service. He confused this financial support with the yearly endowment of £20 the singers had been receiving since 1443 from the sexton as ordained in Boudijn’s foundation (Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 14–15). 61 SA I, inv. no. 385, f. 115r; Cf. SA I, inv. no. 631 (1560), f. 47r. 62 SA I, inv. no. 385, ff. 148r–149r; cf. SA I, inv. no. 636 (1564), f. 35r. 63 On Lof services in general see: Haggh ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels’, pp. 397ff; Forney, ‘Music, Ritual and Patronage’, pp. 8–12, 52–54; Trio/Haggh, ‘The Archives of Confraternities in Ghent’, pp. 72–78. For the description of a Marian Lof and a Lof for the Holy Cross as performed in ’s-Hertogenbosch, see Roelvink, Gegeven den sangeren, pp. 288–290; see also her Gheerkin de Hondt, pp. 204–206. 64 AK, inv. no. 419, after the calendar. On the Te matrem, see p. 169.



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 57

The Endowments of 1460–1520 Once the getijdencollege was furnished with a sound financial base by Boudijn van Zwieten and the city magistrate, it was up to the Leiden citizens to follow the example and increase the magnificence of the services in St Peter’s church. And that is what they did. During the years from 1460 to 1520 a number of parishioners ordered memorial services in return for interests on estates or houses. The following paragraphs summarize the most important masses and memorial services that were ordered from the getijdencollege. The foundation letters for these services almost never include references to polyphonic music. Yet it is worth giving an overview here, as the services do give a good impression of the day-to-day tasks of the getijden singers and of the liturgical context in which the mid-sixteenth-century choirbooks came to be used. On 21 July 1460, Ave, the widow of Jan van Ruyven, ordered a commemoration mass from the memorial masters which was to be held, after her death, each year on St John’s day (24 June). The singers of the getijdencollege were expected to sing (first) vespers, matins and high mass “solemnly and festively”.65 In 1476 the getijdenmeesters and the executors of Lijsbet, the widow of Reijner Reijnersz., agreed upon a number of annual memorial services for the deceased.66 On the octaves of the six feasts of Our Lady a mass was to be sung on the altar of the Blessed Virgin, which was also known as the Soul altar.67 The singers of the getijdencollege were ordered to sing a Requiem mass at the high altar each year around the anniversary of Lijsbeth’s death.68 All seven masses were to be sung by the Commander, one of his companions, or a priest from the getijdencollege together with the singers, the choirboys and the head sexton. An interesting provision in the agreement is that two of the singers would be chosen to sing the epistle and the gospel. Under normal circumstances both texts would be recited by the officiating 65

AK, inv. no. 156 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 266). The memorial books of the masters of the Heilige Geest also show that the singers of the getijdencollege were at times asked to participate in services ordered from institutions other than the getijdencollege itself. For example, the Heilige Geestmeesters accepted a foundation for Jan van Poelgeest, for his wife Margriet, and for their parents and children on the Monday after St Pontianus (14 January). Part of the foundation was a sung Requiem mass at the high altar after matins. The eight singers of the getijdencollege were to be rewarded with 12 denarii each, and the two choirboys with 6 denarii each (The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek: 73 E 39, p. 12; 73 E 40, f. 4r; 73 E 41, ff. 2v–3r). 66 AK, inv. no. 211; copy in AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 46r–47v, dated 9 February 1476 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 333). One of the original charters is found as inv. no. 2035 in the Archief van de Ridderlijke Duitsche Orde Balije van Utrecht 1200–1811. 67 The document also stipulates that if the date for a mass would not suit the Commander of the Teutonic Order, the mass could also be celebrated on another day within the octave. In case the feast of the Annunciation fell after Judica Sunday (the fifth Sunday of Lent), the mass could be advanced by a week if the Commander so wished. For the location of the Soul altar in St Peter’s, see Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 164. 68 According to the blafferd of the getijdencollege, this service was held, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, on Mondays after the octave of Pentecost (cf. AK, inv. no. 222, account of the year 1506).

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Piety and Polyphony

priest. One wonders why the epistle and gospel are singled out here for special treatment, especially as polyphonic settings of these texts were not yet in vogue. One final stipulation concerns a mass that had to be read every Thursday on the altar of St Catherine in remembrance of Lijsbet, her parents and her friends. Huge van Zwieten – a grandson of Boudijn – and his wife Luijtgairt Claisdochter van Bosschuijsen endowed two weekly masses in 1481. Both masses were to be sung at the high altar directly after prime by the Commander, by his companion or by another priest who was not on the paylist of the getijdencollege.69 Every Thursday a mass in honour of the Holy Sacrament was to be sung by eight singers and four choirboys. It was supposed to be a solemn occasion with bell ringing and playing upon the organ, “as this has been done for about the last two years”. The second weekly service was a Requiem mass – to be sung on either Mondays or Tuesdays – for the founders and for Huge’s brother Willem. Apparently this mass, too, had already been celebrated for some time – the foundation mentions “around three years” – which means that it must have been initiated shortly after Willem’s death in 1477.70 After both masses the final resting-place of Willem van Zwieten, next to Boudijn’s altar, was to be visited by the officiating priest, the singers and the choirboys and there the usual Miserere, De profundis and collect for the deceased were read. Adriaen van Zwieten, another grandson of Boudijn, founded a service with the getijdenmeesters four years later. He instructed them to sing a Requiem mass at the high altar on the Monday after St Elizabeth (19 November).71 The mass was to be sung, immediately after prime, in remembrance of his parents, Kathrijne van Abele and Jan van Zwieten,72 of his in-laws, Willem van Egmonde and Johanna van Heemskerck, and of Adriaen’s first wife, Machtelt van Hodenpijl.73 When Adriaen and his wife Otte van Egmonde had died, the Requiem mass was also to be celebrated for their salvation.74 This service was apparently important to Adriaen. He stipulated 69

AK, inv. no. 212; copy in AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 58r–60r (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 351). The second copy of the original charter, which was made for Huge and his wife, is kept in KK, inv. no. 1494; the endowment is dated 17 July 1481. Huge was a son of Ghijsbrecht van Zwieten and a grandson to Boudijn. He died on 8 January 1482 and was buried in St Peter’s, close to Boudijn’s altar (Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ [1984], pp. 62–63). 70 Willem died on 21 December 1477 (Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ [1984], p. 61). 71 If the feast of St Catherine (25 November) fell on the Monday following St Elizabeth, the Requiem mass was to be rescheduled to Wednesday. 72 AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 82v–83r, dated 24 October 1485 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 366). Jan van Zwieten was a son of Boudijn and was sheriff of Leiden for some time. On 26 February 1462 he endowed the getijdencollege with an interest in support of their work (OvervoordeAK, regest 273). He was buried in 1485, like his father, in the convent of Mariënpoel (Van Kan, ‘Boudijn van Zwieten, tresorier van Holland’, p. 290; Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ [1984], pp. 72–73). 73 Machtelt van Hodenpijl had died on 28 April 1467 (Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ [1984], p. 73). 74 Otte died on 20 November 1485, and Adriaen on 31 August 1486 (Van Kan, ‘Het middeleeuwse riddermatige geslacht Van Zwieten’ [1984], p. 73). Three children were born



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 59

that three collects should be read – pro famula, pro parentibus en pro fidelium – and that the names of the beneficiaries of these prayers had to be announced from the pulpit on the preceding Sunday. On the day of the Requiem mass, during matins, the under-sexton had to cover the grave of Kathrijne van Abele, next to Boudijn’s altar, with a black pall on which green herbs were to be scattered. Four large candles on sticks were to be placed around the grave and had to be lit. After mass all those involved in the service had to visit the grave and read the usual Miserere and De profundis and the three collects. By way of conclusion, the Salve regina and a collect of Our Lady were read.75 Even though the singers of the getijdencollege were all present, there is no reason to assume that a polyphonic setting of the Salve regina was sung. It would indeed seem from the wording used in all foundations that the memorial psalm texts, the collects, and even the Salve regina, when used at the grave, were always read. In 1487 the getijdencollege accepted an endowment from the two schutterijen (the guilds of city guards) in Leiden. The treasurer of Leiden deducted that year a small amount from the wages of the foot and hand-bow archers to have weekly sung masses in honour of St George and St Sebastian at their respective altars in St Peter’s.76 A similar payment was done in 1491, but is not clear how long these weekly masses actually persisted.77 In 1562 the getijdencollege celebrated no longer a weekly but an annual mass for the schutterij of St George.78 Likewise the schutterij of St Sebastian paid the singers in 1565–1566 and 1570–1572 for an annual mass on 20 January.79 The first endowment since Jacob Tick’s 1453 contract to mention singing in discant (see above, p. 55) is a foundation made on 7 April 1503 on behalf of Dirck Dircxz. The singers of the getijdencollege were instructed to sing the Inviolata integra et casta es Maria on a specified number of feast days, after the procession in front of the choir of the church.80 The singers were free to decide if they wanted to sing the in Adriaen’s second marriage. His son Jan was a getijdenmeester in 1506 (see AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 27r and 43v). 75 The blafferd of the getijdencollege (AK, inv. no. 222) lists, in the accounts of 1506–1511, all annual and weekly services of the singers. For 1506–1509 Adriaen’s foundation is listed, but without the obligatory announcement of it from the pulpit and the visit to and adornment of the grave. The account for 1511 gives an accurate description of all requirements according to the original charter. Possibly the omissions in the accounts of 1506–1509 are merely due to carelessness. Alternatively, it may be that the original stipulations had not been strictly observed during these years, and that the getijdencollege was challenged on this laxity around 1510. 76 SA I, inv. no. 560 (1487), f. 176r. 77 SA I, inv. no. 562 (1491), f. 208v. 78 SA I, inv. no. 1178, f. 7r. 79 SA I, inv. no. 1179, f. 5r. 80 AK, inv. no. 213; copy in AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 24v–25r (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 440). As Dirck Dircxz. had died, the endowment was made by his executors. The feast days they specified are: Christmas, all (six) Marian feasts (cf. n. 41), New Year’s Day, Epiphany, patron’s day, All Saints’ Day, and all Sundays in the period from the second Sunday after Trinity up to and including the fifth Sunday of Lent. For some Brussels founda-

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Piety and Polyphony

Inviolata “as it was written on the wooden boards hanging on the pillars on the sides of the nave of the church, or in discant”.81 No doubt the term “discant” here refers, as in Tick’s contract, to polyphony. Surely it is no coincidence that the mid-sixteenth-century choirbooks of the getijdencollege contain no fewer than three different polyphonic settings of this well-known melody. Every now and then the getijdencollege also accepted masses for which no singers were required. In those instances the getijdencollege was indistinguishable from the college van memorieheren (see p. 5). It was easy for the getijdencollege to accept such foundations, as in this period all singers were still priests, something which started to change later in the sixteenth century. In 1506 they accepted an endowment for two read masses and a memorial service for Aelwijn IJsbrantsz..82 The two masses – a Requiem on Monday and a mass for the Holy Sacrament on Thursday – were celebrated by a priest of the getijdencollege.83 The annual memorial service, however, which was to take place on the Thursday and Friday after St Bavo (1 October), was quite a spectacle. It was held for Aelwijn and for his parents and sister and required a visit to the grave by the Commander, his two priests, the head sexton and the thirty-two chaplains and vice-chaplains. A rather unusual endowment was made in 1507 by Lijsbet, the widow of Jan Claes Hugenz..84 She ordered her services not from the getijdencollege but from the church masters. The first service was for the Ten Thousand Martyrs on 21 June. It involved the schoolmasters of the Latin school, their pupils and the organist for vespers, matins and a solemn mass. The singers of the getijdencollege were involved in the second service Lijsbet endowed for: the resurrection of Christ in the night of Easter. Judging from the payment to the one who conducted it, this service was a short liturgical play involving a re-enactment of Christ’s rising from the dead. The seven singers and the four choirboys of the getijdencollege also had to be present, tions involving the singing of Inviolata, see Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels’, pp. 426–427. 81 Doove seems not to have understood the wording of the foundation, and supposed that the boards of the pillars contained a polyphonic version of the well-known melody (Doove, ‘Maria in den blomme en ter sneeuw’, pp. 272–273). There can be no doubt, however, that the boards contained the chant melody. 82 AK, inv. no. 203, f. 27r (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 463). One of the original charters is still kept in the Archief van de Ridderlijke Duitsche Orde Balije van Utrecht 1200–1811 (inv. no. 2092*). 83 The Requiem mass was to be read in St Peter’s at the altar of St Catherine; the Holy Sacrament mass took place in the Chapel of Jerusalem on the Cellebroedersgraft. This chapel had been founded in the late 1460s, together with thirteen small houses for honourable men (and their wives), by the Leiden merchant Wouter IJsbrantszoon Comans, who had travelled, with some of his friends, to the Holy Land. It was agreed with the Commander of St Peter’s that a low mass was allowed to be held on Fridays (unless it was a feast day), and that it was only open to residents of the Jerusalem Hof. However, as of 1474 masses were read on a daily basis, except on Sundays (cf. Ligtenberg, De armezorg te Leiden, p. 254; Overvoorde, ‘Het hof en de kapel van Jerusalem’, p. 53). 84 KK, inv. no. 255, dated 21 October 1507. Doove’s observation that the agreement was made between the church masters and the sisters of the convent of St Michael is not correct (Doove, ‘Met de palmezel naar Pasen’, p. 181). The deed does stipulate, however, that if the church masters failed to have the services organized, they would fall to the convent together with all interests endowed for them.



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 61

no doubt to sing praise to the Lord. The deed does not specify whether chant or polyphony was meant to be sung. In 1510 IJsaack Aelwijnsz. and his wife Agniese Dircxdr. endowed for a weekly sung mass in honour of the Blessed Virgin and St Anne.85 The mass was to be celebrated at St Anne’s altar after the bell named ‘Peter’ had been rung. The organ had to be played “as solemnly as possible” and the whole event was closed off with the customary visit to the grave and the praying of psalms and collects. It was important to IJsaack that the complete memorial service was performed with care, and therefore he later endowed extra sums to secure it.86 By now it has become obvious that most of the endowments ask for read or sung masses and memorial visits to a grave including the reading or reciting of psalm texts and collects. It is unusual for a will to mention a specific chant or prayer to be performed. The Dirck Dircxz. foundation of 1503, involving Inviolata integra et casta es, is an exception. A second example of such a specific instruction is the endowment in 1511 by the executors of Dirck Florijs Montfoertszs.z.87 The first remarkable aspect of this benefice is that Dirck, a former priest and presumably also former organist of St Pancras, had died some ten years earlier and that a memorial service for him had been arranged in 1503 at his own church.88 However, Dirck had been buried in the church of St Peter and this would seem to be the main reason why a second service was founded with the getijdencollege. The singers were ordered to sing each Friday, in front of the crucifix which was standing or hanging in front of the choir of the church, the Dum fabricator mundi with the verse O admirabile and the versicle Proprio filio non peperrit, which was to be followed by the collect Respice deus super familiam tuam.89 Apparently the getijdenmeesters were not very strict in the observance of the stipulations. The executors refused to accept this situation and asked the memorial masters to supervise the observance of the service.90 A note in the cartulary of the getijdenmeesters shows that the Dum fabricator

85

AK, inv. no. 214, dated 2 January 1510; copy in inv. no. 203, ff. 52r–53r (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 477). 86 The extra sum of 25 rijnsgulden of 40 groot each was endowed on 30 July in case the interests endowed earlier that year did not suffice; AK, inv. no. 214, in dorso. On 4 March 1521 the getijdencollege received an additional sum of £4 from IJsaack ‘in augmentation’ of St Anne’s mass he had founded earlier; cf. KNHG, inv. no. 2076 (authentic copy 1622). 87 AK, inv. no. 215, dated 6 March 1511 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 481). 88 Doove, ‘Een nieuwe Leidse organistenlijst’, p. 201; AK inv. no. 417, f. 168v, dated 30 September 1501 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 2222; see also regest 2211). 89 The singing of the antiphon was to be followed by a visit every other week to Dirck’s grave, to another plot he purchased but did not ultimately use (it became instead the final resting place of Sijmon and Phillips van Gagelenberch), or to the grave of his father and brother. 90 The memorial masters received 1 schelling per year for their services; this schelling had to be paid by the getijdenmeesters from the financial means endowed by the executors on Dirck’s behalf. On 16 March 1512 the getijdenmeesters redeemed this yearly interest for 25 schellingen (AK, inv. no. 223; cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 483). Overvoorde’s regest erroneously mentions a sung mass on every Friday, which led Doove to conclude that Dirck

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was sung from 1512 onwards, directly after mass.91 The Friday mass had been a Holy Cross mass ever since 1423. Remarkably enough, the original foundation of that mass mentions that after the Ite missa est the priests and choirboys were to sing the Dum fabricator and O admirabile.92 At a certain stage the singing of the mass seems to have become a specific task of the getijdencollege (see p. 55).93 It would seem, then, that the benefice on behalf of Dirck Florijs Montfoertszs.z. may be seen as reviving a lost tradition. The Friday devotions in honour of the Holy Cross were later extended with a Lof service.94 One of the last foundations found in the administration of the getijdencollege is a daily mass to be sung, from 1520 onward, at eleven o’clock in the morning in honour of Marie Spruijts. The mass was to be followed by a visit to the grave of Marie’s father.95 Apparently it was well known that stipulations were not always met with due diligence. Marie’s deed, therefore, explicitly specifies the fines for starting mass late and for failing to visit the grave. The blafferd of the getijdencollege lists, in the accounts from 1506 up to and including 1511, all the required daily, weekly and annual services.96 A comparison of these lists with the benefices summarized above shows that no important foundation letters seem to have been lost and that these benefices give a good impression of the nature and number of services the getijdenzangers had to observe.97 Services such had actually endowed for a mass in St Peter’s (Doove, ‘Een nieuwe Leidse organistenlijst’, p. 201). 91 AK, inv. no. 203, f. 26v. The same annotation mentions that the foundation letter was now in the possession of the memorial masters. 92 AK, inv. no. 7, ff. 92v–93r, dated 15 February 1423; cf. Leiden, Gemeentearchief: Bibliotheek van Leiden en omgeving, inv. no. 65006, ff. 7r–8r (4 February 1423). A mass in honour of the Holy Cross had been celebrated in St Pancras since 1406 (AK, inv. no. 422; cf. Overvoorde, ‘Rekeningen uit de bouwperiode van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 80 and OvervoordeAK, regest 1523). 93 See also AK, inv. no. 206. 94 Around 1523 the getijdenmeesters paid 3 groot to the ones who came to sing this Lof service. AK, inv. no. 207 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 537) contains a request of one of the school masters, mr. Heynrick, to the city magistrate to endorse this practice. This mr. Heynrick seems to be listed as one of the schoolmasters or submonitoren of the Latin school from 1527 on (see Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 176). In 1535–1536 Christiaan de Kelnare, headmaster of the Latin school, received payments for contributing to the Lof services in honour of the Holy Cross; see Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 17–18. 95 AK, inv. no. 203, ff. 88r–89v (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 560). Marie Spruijts was the widow of Balthazar Woutersz. Among the masses that are mentioned there is a Requiem mass, a mass of the Holy Ghost, and one for the feast of the Holy Name of Jesus. Apparently no official document for this endowment was made in 1520; this was done at the request of Marie’s heirs in 1540. 96 AK, inv. no. 222. 97 The lists mention three services for which no official charters are found in the archives of the getijdenmeesters. The descriptions show these to be simple memorial services, without further stipulations, on the following days: the Sunday before St Gertrude (17

The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 63



Table 2  Daily and weekly services performed by the zeven-getijdencollege in St Peter’s church Day

Service

Founder Daily Services

–

seven hours

–

–

low mass & visit to grave

Boudijn van Zwieten (1443)

–

benefactors’ memorial service

Boudijn van Zwieten (1443)

–

Lof service of Our Lady

town magistrate (1458)

–

low mass & visit to grave

Marie Spruijts (1520)

Weekly Services Monday

Requiem mass & visit to grave read Requiem mass

Huge & Willem van Zwieten (1477/81) Aelwijn IJsbrantsz. (1506)

Tuesday

mass of Our Lady & visit to grave

IJsaack Aelwijnsz. (1510)

Thursday

low mass Holy Sacrament mass & visit to grave read Holy Sacrament mass

Lijsbeth, widow of Reijner Reij­ nersz. (1476) Huge van Zwieten (1481) Aelwijn IJsbrantsz. (1506)

Friday

mass of Holy Cross Dum fabricator & visit to grave Lof service of Holy Cross

town magistrate (1453–1458) Dirck Florijs Montfoertszs.z. (1512) –

Saturday

mass & Lof service of Our Lady

town magistrate (1453–1458)

Sunday*

Inviolata

Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

?

mass mass

St George city gards (1487–?) St Sebastian city gards (1487–?)

* As of first Sunday after the octave of Corpus Christi, up to and including the fifth Sunday of Lent

as the daily Lof, the Friday mass in honour of the Holy Cross, the Saturday mass of Our Lady, and the services of the church and memorial masters that required the presence of the singers are not in the lists. When one adds these to the benefices of the getijdencollege and takes the complete number of services into account (Tables 2 and 3), it comes as no surprise that, at times, the zeal of the singers began to wane. This slackening of interest led at least twice to serious complaints about the functioning of the getijdencollege (see pp. 76–79).

March), for Heynric Tylman and his wife Lysbet; the Sunday after the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin (8 September), for Jan van Scoeten and his wife; the first memorial day after 1 January, for Wendelmoet Buenendr. and Geertruyt Claesdr (cf. AK, inv. no. 249; OvervoordeAK, regest 168).

Piety and Polyphony

64

Table 3  Annual services performed by the zeven-getijdencollege in St Peter’s church Date/Feast

Service

Christmas eve

Lof service of Our Lady town magistrate (1453–1458)

Christmas (25 Dec.)

Inviolata

Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

New Year’s Day

Inviolata

Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

First memorial day after 1 Jan. memorial service

Founder

Wendelmoet Buenendr. Geertruyt Claesdr. (1506)*

Epiphany (6 Jan.)

Inviolata

Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

Monday after 14 Jan.

Requiem mass

Jan van Poelgeest c.s.

Candlemass (2 Feb.)

Lof service of Our Lady town magistrate (1453–1458) Inviolata Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

Monday after Candlemass

Requiem mass

Boudijn van Zwieten (1443)

Octave of Candlemass

mass of Our Lady

Lijsbet, widow of Reijner Reijnersz. (1476)

Sunday before 17 Mar.

memorial service

Heynric Tylman (1506)*

Easter eve

Lof service of Our Lady town magistrate (1453–1458)

Easter night

Resurrection play

Annunciation (25 Mar.)

Lof service of Our Lady town magistrate (1453–1458) Inviolata Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

Monday after the Annunciation

Requiem mass

Boudijn van Zwieten (1443)

octave of the Annunciation

mass of Our Lady

Lijsbet, widow of Reijner Reijnersz. (1476)

Pentecost eve

Lof service of Our Lady town magistrate (1453–1458)

Monday after octave of Pentecost

Requiem mass

Lijsbeth, widow of Reijner Reijnersz. (1476)

24 Jun.

vespers, matins & high mass

Ave, widow of Jan van Ruyven (1460)

29 Jun.

Inviolata

Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

Visitation of Mary (2 Jul.)

Lof service of Our Lady town magistrate (1453–1458) Inviolata Dirck Dircxz. (1503)

Monday after the Visitation of Mary

Requiem mass

Boudijn van Zwieten (1443)

octave of the Visitation of Mary

mass of Our Lady

Lijsbet, widow of Reijner Reijnersz. (1476)

*  year the service is first mentioned in the accounts

Lijsbet, widow of Jan Claes Hugenz. (1507)



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 65

Exceptional Masses, Processions and Meals Every now and then the singers of the getijdencollege were also asked to take part in exceptional services. On 14 February 1462, at the request of the city magistrate, the singers performed a mass “in discant” to thank God that “our gracious lord” Philip the Good had recovered from his illness.98 In 1560 they were rewarded for singing polyphony during the Requiem mass for all persons who had died “innocently” in Leiden (which most likely means people who died without making confession or receiving last rites).99 No doubt such masses were celebrated regularly. It would seem entirely plausible that the getijdencollege, for example, also celebrated services for some of the brotherhoods and sisterhoods that were active in St Peter’s, just as they did for the two schutterijen. In 1470 the singers welcomed their colleagues from The Hague, who sang high mass in discant in St Peter’s. Seven years later the “cantores and singers of the city of Delft” visited Leiden, and were offered two jugs of wine by the city.100 In 1490 or 1491, there were even singers from Milan in Leiden, who were also given wine.101 Other recurring events that involved the singers of St Peter’s were the processions on the feast of Corpus Christi. The city accounts for 1460–1477 mention that wine was poured for the eight priests who had carried the “pelle” (the canopy) above the Blessed Sacrament as it was paraded through the streets of the parish.102 It gradually became standard practice for the singers of the getijdencollege to carry the canopy.103 As of 1484 they did so during almost every procession, and on Corpus Christi they were assisted by the choirboys of the getijdencollege.104 From 1500 onwards the task

98

SA I, inv. no. 527 (1462), f. 106r. SA I, inv. no. 631 (1560), f. 39v. The document, dated 7 February, mentions that the getij­ denzangers sang solemnly “in musijcke” during the Requiem mass, but does not specify whether they performed a polyphonic Requiem or polyphonic insertions (such as motets) in alternation with the chant ordinary. 100 SA I, inv. no. 542 (1470), f. 59v (dated 3 June 1470); inv. no. 556 (1477), f. 79r (dated 19 May 1477). Doove is not correct in stating that both dates fell on the Sunday before Easter (Doove, ‘Muzikale uitwisselingen’, p. 315). 101 SA I, inv. no. 562, f. 184r. It has been argued that these must have been the singers of the Ducal chapel and that Gaspar van Weerbeke must have been among them (cf. Brinkman, Dichten uit liefde, p. 48). However, the accounts simply say “the singers from Milan” and do not specify if they came from the Sforza court. 102 SA I, inv. nos. 524 (1460), f. 96r; 525 (1461), f. 81r; 527 (1462), f. 77r; 528 (1463), f. 88r; 530 (1464), f. 85r; 532 (1465), f. 83r; 533 (1466), f. 78r; 537 (1467), f. 64v; 539 (1469), f. 92v; 542 (1470), f. 62v; 543 (1471), f. 81r; 547 (1472), f. 91r; 549 (1473), f. 82r; 550 (1475), f. 84v; 552 (1476), f. 76v; 556 (1477), f. 79r. 103 SA I, inv. nos. 527 (1462), f. 75v; 533 (1466), f. 79r; 537 (1467), f. 65v; 539 (1469), f. 93v; 542 (1470), f. 63v; 543 (1471), f. 82r; 547 (1472), f. 92r; 549 (1473), f. 83r; 550 (1475), f. 85r; 552 (1476), f. 77r; 556 (1477); 575 (1481), f. 48r. Cf. Doove, ‘Procuratoren van de sanghe’, p. 360. 104 SA I, inv. nos. 557 (1484), ff. 124r–125r; 558 (1485), ff. 125v, 126v; 559 (1486), ff. 174r–175v; 560 (1487), ff. 159r–160r; 561 (1488), ff. 111v–113r; 562 (1491), ff. 187r–188r; 563 (1493), ff. 86r–87r; 564 (1496), ff. 99r–100r; 578 (1498), f. 132r; 577 (1499), ff. 197v, 198v. 99

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was given over to the choirboys; they continued to fulfil it until the Reformation in 1572.105 The city also rewarded its servants with wine on other occasions. Every year on the feast of St Blaise (3 February) the singers were allowed to drink at the expense of the city magistrate.106 From the middle of the sixteenth century on the singers were also asked to add lustre to the election of the burgomasters and schepenen on St Martin’s eve (10 November). Once the new representatives had been chosen and sworn in, there would be a festive meal in the city hall for the old and new burgomasters and sche­ penen, together with the sheriff and some low-ranking officials.107 The singers were asked to sweeten the meal with their music. From 1554 to 1567 the zangmeester, the singers and the choirboys were all present.108 Unfortunately, the accounts make no mention of the kind of music that was sung. As of 1566 the task of providing entertainment was given to the civic ensemble of Leiden.109

The Constitution of the Vocal Ensemble Even though the getijdencollege was active for more than 130 years in Leiden, little is known about the constitution of its vocal ensemble. Lacunas in the archives make it impossible to reconstruct the actual make-up of the getijdencollege. The only information about the size and constitution of the vocal group is found in the foundations discussed above.110 105

Cf. SA I, inv. no. 580 (1500), f. 81r and subsequent years. Doove adds that the choirboys also sang in the procession (Doove, ‘Procuratoren van de sanghe’, p. 360); this is certainly feasible, but is not stated in the accounts. 106 SA I, inv. nos. 589 (1509), f. 57r; 590 (1511), f. 52r; 591 (1512), f. 48v; and following accounts. For some years the getijdenmeesters shared this free wine pouring with the schoolmasters. The final wine pouring dates from 3 February 1572. 107 Blok, Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad, vol. I, p. 137. 108 SA I, inv. no. 716; cf. Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 15. Earlier accounts for these meals no longer exist. 109 The singers are mentioned one last time in the accounts of 1569, but the entry has been deleted. 110 The blafferd of the getijdenmeesters for the years 1539–1560 contains, in the abridged accounts of 1546–1548, references to the book of expenses (the “uutgeefbouck”) for more detailed information. Unfortunately, not a single book of expenses of the getijdencollege has been preserved. The only booklet of income and expenses that is listed in the inventory of the archives, is, in fact, a register of the getijdencollege in the church of Our Lady (AK, inv. no. 220). With regard to financial administration, the archives of the getij­ dencollege in St Peter’s suffer from considerable lacunas. Overvoorde has hypothesized that this could be related to an incident that took place in 1573 in the house of Dirck Lourisz., the last steward of the memorial masters. According to a testimony of 1583, a soldier had been billeted in Dirck’s house. In a quest for money, this soldier forced open a chest that turned out to contain merely documents. The soldier, being supposedly very much disappointed by this, threw some of the documents into the fire and took others away with him. Overvoorde wonders if this chest might have contained documents of the getijdencollege, which would explain the fragmentary state of the present



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The earliest document to specify the number of singers of the getijdencollege is Boudijn van Zwieten’s foundation of 1443. The deed mentions seven priests and two choirboys and records that the sexton was allowed to join the priests in singing. It would seem that this strength changed little for many years. Lijsbet’s will of 1476 still indicates that the service was to be performed by eight singers and two choirboys. Interestingly enough, the deed no longer mentions that all singers were actually priests, though the stipulation about who was to conduct the service does imply that the getijdenzangers still numbered one or more priests. Things started to change a little in the 1480s. Huge van Zwieten’s 1481 benefice mentions eight singers and four choirboys,111 and Adriaen van Zwieten’s 1485 foundation specifies that a maximum of eight or nine adult singers and four choirboys were to be rewarded. The Inviolata benefice made by Dirck Dircxz. in 1503 records seven or eight adult singers, and around 1507 the number of seven singers and four choirboys is mentioned for the Easter play. IJsaack Aelwijnsz.’s 1510 foundation records, again, eight singers and four choirboys. This is about all the information we have on the number of adult singers in St Peter’s from the early 1440s to 1572.112 The city accounts add a little more information on the number of choirboys in the sixteenth century. Around 1500 there were five boys;113 in 1556 the accounts mention eight boys, and that number appears in all later accounts until 1572.114 It would seem, then, that the repertory of the mid-sixteenth-century music books of St Peter’s was performed by up to eight adult male singers and four to eight

archives. This would seem unlikely, however, as Dirck never acted as steward of the getij­ dencollege (cf. Van Baarsel, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’, p. 28 and n. 19). 111 Doove notices that the deed of Huge records that if the parish priest did not celebrate mass himself, one of the singers of the getijdencollege should do so. From this he deduced that in 1481 all singers of the getijdencollege were still priests (Doove, ‘Procuratoren van de sanghe’, p. 360), which is obviously not correct. The deed actually mentions that if the Commander (the parish priest) or one of his companions did not celebrate mass, the getijdenmeesters would have to choose another priest who was not one of the singers in the getijdencollege. From this it may be deduced that, in 1481, there must have been one or more priests among the singers. 112 The blafferd of the getijdencollege (AK, inv. no. 221) shows that, from 1550 to 1560, the salaries of priests, singers and choirboys amounted to a sum of between 349 and 475 guilders. During these same years, the income from interests and donations amounted to a sum of between 468 and 567 guilders. Extra expenses caused the accounts to be in the red for several years (1546–1547, 1550–1552, 1554–1555). 113 This number is mentioned in the city accounts, in the payments for the procession on Corpus Christi, when the choirboys carried the canapy above the Blessed Sacrament (see pp. 65–66). The accounts do not explicitly mention that the choirboys were those of St Peter’s, but this is very likely. The accounts for 1496 state that the canopy was carried by the nine singers of St Peter’s together with the four choirboys of St Peter’s (SA I, inv. no. 564 (1496), f. 99r). Later accounts give the following numbers: 1500: 5 choirboys; 1502: 4 choirboys; 1503: 5 choirboys; 1504–1508: 6 choirboys; 1509: 4 choirboys; 1511–1512: 5 choirboys; 1513: 4 choirboys; 1514–1515: 6 choirboys; 1516, 1518–1520: 5 choirboys; 1521: 4 choirboys; 1522–1530, 1532–1534, 1536–1543, 1546–1547: 5 choirboys; 1548, 1551: 4 choirboys; 1552: 6 choirboys. 114 SA I, inv. nos. 629 (1556), f. 35v, and the accounts of 1559–1565 and 1568–1569.

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choirboys.115 In the early days most, if not all, of the singers were priests. This seems to have changed around the turn of the century, when more and more singers were hired who had not taken holy orders. Very few of the singers of St Peter’s are known by name. That only some sixteen of them could be traced is mainly because the books covering the expenses of the getijdencollege have been lost.116 A certain ‘heer Jan’ was awarded £20 by the town magistrate for singing the Lof from 1472 to 1477 (see p. 55). In 1477 he shared his reward with a singer named Pieter. Mr. Otto Hack is one of the very few singers we know a little more about. From 1550 up to and including 1554 Hack sang as basconter in the choir of the getijdencollege, for which he was paid an annual salary of £36. During the years 1542–1544 and 1547–1559 Hack was headmaster of the Latin school; in the intervening years he acted as schoolmaster at the same institute.117 Hack eventually received a post as a singer in the court chapel of Ferdinand I of Austria, and later of his son Maximilian II.118 Apparently, Hack died in April 1567 not far from Gratz. His wife Marrie Roesten died at about the same time, and behind them they left little but debts.119

The Zangmeesters Search for the names of those who held the office of zangmeester in St Peter’s is likewise hampered by a lack of relevant sources. That we know any of them at all is because the archives of the city magistrate, and especially the judicial archives, have been preserved very well.120 The first zangmeester whose name appears in the Leiden records is Jacob Tick. On 9 October 1453 the vroedschap of Leiden instructed the burgomasters to enter into an agreement with “master Jacob Tick, singer in the seven hours, to sing all 115

As we no longer have the accounts of the getijdencollege itself with payments to all singers, it is impossible to ascertain if the group of singers always performed at its full strength. 116 For a list of names including references to archival sources, see Jas, ‘De koorboeken van de Pieterskerk’, pp. 158–159. There is little sense in repeating that list here, as most of the references include only first names and occasionally patronymics. 117 AK, inv. no. 221, accounts 1550–1554; Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 9–10, 176. In 1550–1551 Hack received an additional sum of money for providing Dirck, one of the choirboys of the getijdencollege, with board and lodging. It was quite common for schoolmasters to assist in the services of the getijdencollege. Christiaan de Kelnare, who was headmaster from 1535 up to and including 1537, received payment each week in 1535/36 for singing the mass of Our Lady, and each quarter of a year received payment for singing the Lof service in honour of the Holy Cross (Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 17–18). 118 Pass, Musik und Musiker am Hof Maximilians II, p. 326. 119 Vander Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas, vol. 3, pp. 149–150. 120 Much information is drawn from the so-called wedboeken from the Oude Rechterlijk Archief [RA] (inv. no. 42). Bangs was one of the first to notice that these books contain much interesting information on numerous craftsmen, artists and other townspeople. Some of his findings were published and passed to others by Jan Doove without any acknowledgement (see Bangs, ‘The Sixteenth-Century Organ of the Pieterskerk’, p. 227, n. 30; Bangs, ‘Rijnsburg Abbey’, p. 184, n. 34). Later on Bangs published part of his findings in Bouwstenen 3 (pp. 194–220).



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weeks, in discant, the mass of the Holy Cross, the mass of Our Lady and the Lof of Our Lady” (for more on the Lof service, see p. 55). Surely the term “discant” implies polyphony, though it is not clear whether improvised polyphony over a chant melody or composed polyphony for two, three or more voices was meant (see below). The agreement also stipulates that Tick should teach the art of discant to all notable and able boys of the Latin school who might be interested.121 Just a few days later the intended appointment was realized.122 The contract was for a period of ten years beginning on All Saints’ Day (1 November). In accordance with the wishes of the vroedschap Tick was commissioned to sing, with five or six noble children, the mass of the Holy Cross on Fridays and the mass of Our Lady on Saturday mornings. Furthermore, a Lof service for Our Lady was to be sung in discant each Saturday and on the eves of All Saints’ Day, Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and on those of all (six) Marian feasts. The burgomasters also added that if Leiden were to receive distinguished visitors and the city magistrate should wish to have a mass, vespers or Lof service celebrated, mr. Jacob would cooperate “without refusal or crossing this intention”. For all this, Tick was promised a salary of £20 per year. Interestingly enough, Jacob also had to promise that he would teach the children of parents who wanted their offspring educated in music. He would have to instruct them, as best as he could, in “their singing and discant”, for which a reward of 1½ groot for each child per week was specified. An even more remarkable provision was that Jacob also had to teach the children of parents who were too poor to pay the weekly remuneration of 1½ groot. If any of these parents wanted their children educated in chant and discant, mr. Jacob would accept them “amiably and amicably” as pupils and instruct them just as he instructed the other children. After their period of training the parents of these pupils would pay a financial contribution that would be decided upon by the town magistrate. Mr. Jacob would then be satisfied with whatever the magistrate might pay him, “be it little or much, or be it nothing at all” in cases where the parents were too poor to make a contribution.123 This is probably one of the earliest, if not the earliest, record of income-related subsidized music education by a town government. Jacob did not serve out the ten years of his contract. A document dated 10 April 1458 indicates that he had already left and that his successor was now also about to leave. On 20 December 1458 Jacob turns up at Brielle in the court of Frank van Borssele – the fourth husband of Countess Jacoba van Beieren [ Jacqueline of Holland] – as bailiff of Philip the Good, bearing with him a mass “written in discant of St Martin”.124 In 1463 he was succentor at St James’s church in Bruges;125 and on 8 121

SA I, inv. no. 381, f. 32v. See Bouwstenen 1, p. 171 (where the documents regarding Tick are erroneously dated 1454). 122 SA I, inv. no. 1188, ff. 7v–8r; cf. SA I, inv. no. 381, f. 34r; Bouwstenen 1, pp. 171–173 (erroneously dated 1454). 123 See Wegman, Born for the Muses, p. 59, n. 27; see also Wegman, ‘From Maker to Composer’, pp. 414–415 (in both publications with the erroneous date from the Bouwstenen). 124 Arkenbout, ‘Koorknapen in dienst van Frank van Borselen’, p. 191; Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, pp. 19, 203–204. 125 Dewitte, ‘Zangmeesters, organisten en schoolmeesters aan de Sint Jacobparochie’, p. 347; cf. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, pp. 54, 123, 258 (with the erroneous

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October 1464 he appears again, but this time with two boys, at the court in Brielle. On this second visit he brought, just like the first time, a mass in discant and also “two little songs he offered to my lord”.126 A few years later he visited court again. On 8 November 1467 Jacob sang, with two daughters and two sons, in the chambers of Frank van Borssele. One year later, on 29 December, he arrived with two daughters and a son, on which occasion they performed “new masses”.127 It has been argued that the term “discant” in Tick’s letter of appointment should be interpreted as a reference to some sort of improvised polyphony.128 It is difficult to see how this must have worked for the Friday and Saturday masses that Tick was supposed to sing in discant with five or six children. If these children, as in later times, all sang the same upper part, one wonders how such a part would be coordinated with all of the children improvising. There may be evidence for a cantare super librum practice, but with multiple singers per part such a practice would seem rather cumbersome. But perhaps there is another, less problematic, solution to this problem. The 1458 reference to Tick at the court of Frank van Borssele clearly mentions a mass which was “written in discant”. When Tick reappeared at the same court six years later he “set a mass in discant” for Van Borssele, which he then offered to him together with two lyedekens.129 Clearly, the word “discant” here refers to some sort of written polyphony. If the word was used in the same sense in the Leiden letter of appointment, then Tick was asked to perform composed polyphony and to instruct the children not to improvise against a chant melody, but to sing polyphony in mensural notation. In Leiden Jacob was succeeded by mr. Gillis. It would seem that his contract did not last either. On 10 April 1458 the vroedschap of Leiden announced that mr. Gillis had been hired in The Hague and was about to leave Leiden. They felt obliged to review the stipulations of the former contracts and decided to grant the sum of £20 date from the Bouwstenen). Strohm speculates that Jacob may have been a relative of Henricus Tik, the composer of a three-voice mass that is transmitted in the Lucca choirbook (ms. 238). 126 Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, p. 206. 127 Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, p. 208. Elsewhere in his book, Lingbeek has argued that Jacob Tick may very well be identified with mr. Jacob the schoolmaster who was paid in the Leiden city accounts of 1434 for “teaching the clerks their song and discant” with which they honoured feast days in church (Overheid en muziek, p. 19; see also Meerkamp van Embden, Stadsrekeningen van Leiden, vol. II, p. 416; Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 25). While it cannot be ruled out that this mr. Jacob and Jacob Tick are one and the same person, the identification does not seem very likely. Jacob the schoolmaster must have been of age when he was teaching the clerks, which means that he was at least twenty-five in 1434. This would make him at least fifty-eight in 1467, which – in the fifteenth century – does seem too old for someone to be performing with four of his (young) children. 128 See Wegman, ‘From Maker to Composer’, pp. 414ff. For more on improvised counterpoint, see also his ‘What is Counterpoint?’. 129 The two passages read, in Lingbeek-Schalekamp’s transcriptions (pp. 204, 206): “meester Jacob Tick die mijnen here een misse brocht in discant gescreven van Sente Maerten”, and “gegeven meester Jacob Tick die mit twee jongen bij mijnen heer quam ende hem een misse in discant sette mit twee lyedekens die hij mijnen here scencte”.



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per year to the getijdencollege, for which the singers needed to sing a daily Lof service (see p. 55).130 This service was performed, in 1471–1477, by the aforementioned heer Jan. In 1494 the sum of £20 was paid to mr. Jan van Zeyst, the zangmeester.131 The Leiden judicial archives mention zangmeesters Augustus in 1506 and mr. Jasper in 1528. Although the documents do not provide any further information, it would seem very likely that these two zangmeesters served the getijdencollege at St Peter’s.132 In the case of mr. Jacop, who is mentioned in 1531, it is clear that he must have served at St Peter’s.133 A little more information is available on Jan van der Biest. He is mentioned as zangmeester in Leiden in a document dated 26 February 1535.134 Earlier Van der Biest had held the same post at the Nieuwe Kerk in Delft. He had been hired there by the getijdencollege in April 1524, and left Delft on 7 August 1530.135 On 23 November 1535 he was officially hired as zangmeester in St Peter’s with a salary of 57 golden karolusguldens per year.136 Apparently the getijdenmeesters were lax in their payments to the zangmeester. In October 1538 Van der Biest complained that the getijdenmeesters were unwilling to pay overdue salary. The sum he claimed was related to his assistance in the singing of matins on all Sundays and holy days for a period of two months. It is not clear if disagreements such as this influenced Van der Biest’s departure, but in 1540 he was no longer in Leiden and had been succeeded by Jan de Coninck (Regis).137 De Coninck probably came to Leiden from Haarlem, where he had been zangmeester of the getijdencollege in St Bavo’s church. Before his Haarlem period, he may have been in the service of the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap at ’s-Hertogenbosch.138 De Coninck is first mentioned in Leiden in a document from 8 March 1540 130

Bouwstenen 1, p. 171. SA I, inv. no. 576 (1494), f. 41v. 132 RA, inv. no. 42: 7 October 1506; 7 August 1528 (cf. Bouwstenen 3, pp. 194, 200). It is unlikely that we are dealing here with zangmeesters of the church of Our Lady. The register of income and expenses for the years 1493–1500 (see n. 110) does not mention a zangmeester in the church of Our Lady. Later documents of the getijdencollege in the church of Our Lady do not yield names of any zangmeester at all, and one has to wonder if the college there ever hired one. 133 RA, inv. no. 42, dated 17 March 1531 (cf. Bouwstenen 3, p. 203). 134 RA, inv. no. 42 (cf. Bouwstenen 3, p. 208). 135 Bouwstenen 3, p. 88; see also Roelvink, Gheerkin de Hondt, p. 68, where a corrected date for Van der Biest’s appointment in Delft is given. 136 RA, inv. no. 42: 4 October 1538 (cf. Bouwstenen 3, pp. 213–214). 137 Numerous Franco-Flemish singers made use of latinized names. The case of the fifteenth-century composer Jehan Leroy to mind, who was known to most of his colleagues as Johannes Regis. That Johannes Regis’s original name must also have been “De Coninck”, as Edmond vander Straeten suggested, is rather unlikely (cf. Fallows, ‘The Life of Johannes Regis’, p. 151). 138 A “Jan die Conijnck” was hired as “hoichtenuer” by the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap and the chapter of St John’s on 17 February 1533. Judging from the accounts, this tenure of office ended in December 1535. The accounts of the Broederschap mention that no salary was paid to him because he had appeared neither at vespers nor at mass (Smijers, ‘De lllustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, 16, p. 96; 17, pp. 199–200). 131

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and is described as zangmeester in another of 7 June 1540. From other documents we learn that he was married to a woman called Colette and that she was the keeper of her own inn.139 On 29 April 1541 Colette is still being mentioned as the wife of Jan de Coninck in a dispute, but on 14 September he had, in the meantime, been succeeded by mr. Willem.140 This Willem was witness to a rather remarkable agreement. A certain “heer Cornelis Dirckz.” promised to let his son Florijs Cornelisz. serve as choirboy in the getijdencollege “as long as he is capable of singing”. Cornelis signed the agreement with the words: “by me, Cornelis Dirckz. unworthy priest”.141 Apparently, Willem was still active as zangmeester on 11 May 1543.142 The next zangmeester we know by name is Michiel Jansz. On 7 May 1546 he is named as a singer, but three days later he is described as mr. Michiel the zangmeester in St Peter’s church. He is last found in a document dated 5 July 1546.143 Several authors have identified this zangmeester as Michiel Smeekers.144 Smeekers was from the Flemish town of Nieuwpoort and was hired as “hoogconter” by the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap in ’s-Hertogenbosch on 15 July 1544.145 He seems to have left the brotherhood early in January 1546 and, possibly after a short stay in Leiden, was hired as a singer by the getijdencollege in the Nieuwe Kerk of Delft from 8 July until the end of November 1546.146 Subsequently he left for Gouda, where he was zangmeester of the getijdencollege from 22 November 1546 until 8 April 1548. It is not clear what happened there in April, but later that month Smeekers is listed no longer as zangmeester, but simply as hoogconter. On 16 January 1552 he was discharged by the getijdenmeesters.147 The identification of Michiel Jansz. with Michiel 139

RA, inv. no. 42: 8 March 1540 (“Meester Jan Conynck”); 7 June 1540 (“meester Jan Regis sangmeester”); 25 June 1540; 3 December 1540; 14 February 1541; 4 April 1541; 29 April 1541 (cf. Bouwstenen 3, pp. 215, 217, 219). 140 Possibly De Coninck left for Ghent. The 1541/1542 accounts of the guild of Onze-LieveVrouwe-op-de-Rade of St John’s church contain the following payment: “Also paid to Mr. Jan de Cueninc zangmeester of St Nicholas’ church in Ghent for his service of half a year coming to sing the Lof all evenings […].” See also Trio/Haggh, ‘The Archives of Confraternities in Ghent’, p. 90. I am most grateful to Dr. Bruno Bouckaert who was so kind to send me his transcription of this payment. 141 AK, inv. no. 221, account of 1540. The characterization “unworthy” (the undersigning in Dutch reads in full: “bij mijn Cornelis dirckz. priester onwardich”) probably means that Cornelis, after acknowledging Floris as his son, had resigned as a priest. 142 RA, inv. no. 42. 143 RA, inv. no. 42: 7 May 1546; 10 May 1546; 21 June 1546; 5 July 1546; cf. Bangs, ‘Rijnsburg Abbey’, p. 185, n. 43. 144 Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 16; Bouwstenen 3, p. 91, n. 2; Doove, ‘Zevengetijdencolleges in Holland’, pp. 221–222. 145 Vente, ‘De Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, p. 36. Smeekers had arrived somewhat earlier in ’s-Hertogenbosch (on 24 June); cf. Roelvink, Gheerkin de Hondt, p. 515. 146 Bouwstenen 3, p. 91. 147 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 171–172, 190–191, 348, 353–354. The reason why Smeekers no longer was zangmeester may have to do with the fact that as hoogconter he earned 1 pound more than the new zangmeester, Job Adriaenssen. His discharge may be related to the devastating fire that severely damaged the church in 1552 (Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp.



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Smeekers is attractive as it neatly fits his biography and the Leiden choirbooks transmit the only known piece by Smeekers. However, there is a problem in that none of the records combines the name Smeekers with the patronymic “Jansz.”, and that in the Delft account he is actually named “Michiel Smeekers alias Paschiersz.”. The next zangmeester at St Peter’s, Claudin Patoulet, was a colourful character. He is first mentioned on 10 December 1546 and was still employed on 2 September 1547.148 Prior to his coming to Leiden, Patoulet had been in the service of the getij­ dencollege in St Bavo in Haarlem. From 1 July until 1 August 1545 he is on the Haarlem pay list as tenor of the vocal ensemble, after which he acted as zangmeester there until July 1546. Sometime between July and December he moved to Leiden, but he did not stay long. On 1 February 1548 he was back in Haarlem, where he was, again, in charge of the singers at St Bavo’s. He seems to have left Haarlem after 1 September 1549.149 Apparently he moved to Delft, for during the months of March and April 1550 he is on the pay list of the getijdencollege in the Nieuwe Kerk.150 From the employment contracts drawn up for Patoulet in Haarlem, we gain some entertaining insights into his abilities and personality. The contract dated 31 May 1546 mentions that he was to instruct the choirboys in “their music” and to teach them how to compose “if they should be able” to learn. This stipulation is remarkable and may be compared to the one in Jacob Tick’s Leiden contract of 1453. Just as Tick was obviously well trained in polyphony, so too was Patoulet, judging from his compositions as preserved in the Leiden choirbooks. An even more remarkable demand in the contract was that Patoulet was not to converse with choirboys in inns or “improper places”. Judging from the additional remarks that he should abstain from “bad direction, drinking too much and coming to the lectern fuddled with drink”, one is probably allowed to assume that Patoulet liked the bottle.151 175, 186). After his time in Gouda, Smeekers travelled to Brussels, where he was active for a period of fifteen weeks in the church of St Gudule (Brussels, Rijksarchief, fonds Sint-Goedele, inv. no. 1409 [accounts of 1551/1552], f. 28v; I would like to thank Kaat van Wonterghem and Eugeen Schreurs for kindly sharing this information; see also their ‘Music in the Accounts of the Church of St Goedele’, p. 61). Ten years later, on 26 March 1561, “Michael Smeekes”, contratenor, is found in Bruges at St Salvator’s, where he filled in for the magister cantus who had just left (Dewitte, ‘De kapittelschool van de collegiale Sint-Salvator’, pp. 41 & 52). Finally, in 1572 a singer coming from Holland and named “Michiel Smeekins” offered his services as tenor singer to the chapter of St Bavo in Ghent (Ghent, Rijksarchief, fonds Sint-Baafs en Bisdom, K 3754, f. [8v]; idem K 4, d.d. 2 November 1572; I am most grateful to Dr Bruno Bouckaert, who brought this reference to my attention). The identification of this tenor singer, who was not hired by the chapter, with Smeekers is not definite. 148 RA, inv. no. 42: 10 December 1546; 7 February 1547; 2 September 1547; cf. Bangs, ‘Rijnsburg Abbey’, p. 185, n. 43. 149 Bouwstenen 1, pp. 83–84, 87; Doove has tried to argue that after the appointment of the new zangmeester, Dirck Evertsz., on 1 August 1546 Patoulet remained active in Haarlem as master of the choirboys (Doove, ‘Claudin Patoulet’, pp. 247–248). As there is no support from archival documents for this claim, it would seem wiser to assume that Patoulet indeed left Haarlem before 1 August 1546. 150 Bouwstenen 3, p. 92. 151 Bouwstenen 1, pp. 83–84. In this respect he may have been in good company; Clemens non Papa also seems to have been fond of a good drink. See Vanhulst, ‘Clemens non

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A document dated 8 June 1551 mentions a Joachim Pietersz. as the zangmeester in Leiden.152 Annegarn identified this zangmeester as Joachim de Monte, a tenor singer who was in the service of the getijdencollege in the Nieuwe Kerk in Delft from 1 February 1553 until after 1554.153 There is an attractive quality to this identification as the Leiden choirbooks contain six hymns and four motets attributed to Joachimus de Monte. The presence of these pieces would indeed fit with the composer’s having spent time in Leiden. However, the surname De Monte is not found in the Leiden document of 1551 and the Delft accounts never use the patronymic Pietersz. On the contrary: later documents from Delft contain payments to Jan, the son of “Joachim Woutersz. de Monte, zangmeester” in the Nieuwe Kerk.154 This would mean that the Leiden and Delft zangmeesters are two different persons and that the hymns and motets of De Monte came to Leiden by other ways.155 Jacob de Leeuw was already an experienced singer and zangmeester when he was hired by the getijdencollege around 1553. It is not clear where he originated. He was not a stranger to Leiden, for in November 1533 he was in town settling a disagreement with the organist Jan Jansz. Kaga.156 Later in the 1530s he was appointed zangmeester of the church of Our Lady in Kampen. He married Femme Busch, widow of Rombout de Vos, the former zangmeester and sexton of St Nicholas in Kampen.157 In 1543/44 Jacob left for Amsterdam, where he was hired as zangmeester of the getij­ dencollege in St Nicholas (Oude Kerk).158 He stayed in Amsterdam until after 15 October 1546;159 he then left for Delft, where he was hired by the getijdenmeesters of the Nieuwe Kerk on 2 October 1547 “to be zangmeester and to sing hoochconter”. During the years 1549–1552 Jacob’s son Jan was a choirboy in the Nieuwe Kerk and payments to father and son are found up to and including April 1552.160 It is not clear if Jacob came to Leiden directly from Delft. The earliest document to name Papa “grant yvroigne et mal vivant” (1553)’. For a facsimile and a very careless transcription of Patoulet’s contract, see De Klerk, Haarlems muziekleven, pp. 15–17. 152 RA, inv. no. 42; cf. Bangs, ‘Rijnsburg Abbey’, p. 185, n. 43. 153 Bouwstenen 3, p. 93; cf. Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 16. Bangs’s description, “Joachim Pietersz. de Monte alias van den Berg”, is not found in the cited document and must be considered a hypothetical naming created after Annegarn’s presumed identification (Bangs, ‘Rijnsburg Abbey’, p. 185, n. 43). 154 Gemeentearchief Delft, Archief van de weeskamer Delft [no. 72], inv. no. 573. 155 Doove suggested that De Monte’s works could have been brought from Delft to Leiden by Jacob de Leeuw (Doove, ‘Muzikale uitwisselingen’, p. 319). This is a possibility; it should be added, though, that four of the ten pieces by De Monte are found in manuscript 1438, a choirbook that had already been copied when Jacob de Leeuw was still working in Delft. 156 RA, inv. no. 42, dated 17 November 1533; cf. Bouwstenen 3, pp. 205–206. 157 Jacob is first mentioned as zangmeester in Kampen in 1536. His former colleague Rombout de Vos had died in 1527. At the time Jacob married Femme, she already had two sons (Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, pp. 186–188). 158 Stadsarchief Kampen, Rechterlijk Archief Kampen [no. 00014], inv. no. 58, f. 41r: 12 April 1544: “Mr. jacop die leuw zangmeester in Amsterdam in the Oude Kerk and ffemme busch his wife”. 159 Stadsarchief Kampen, Rechterlijk Archief Kampen [no. 00014], inv. no. 58, f. 120v. 160 Bouwstenen 3, pp. 88, 95.



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him zangmeester of St Peter’s is dated 3 March 1553.161 His son Jan was appointed a member of the four-member civic band on 30 October 1560 for a period of five years. He signed his contract as “Jan Jacobsz. de Leeu, tenor of St Peter’s church”. When the contract was renewed in 1565 Jan’s place was taken by Jan Cornelisz.162 Jacob’s wife Femme had also come along to Leiden, and the whole family, which had been increased by the birth of a daughter, lived on the Pieterskerkhof in a house that was rented from the baker Jan Louwerijsz.163 It would seem that Jacob had finally found his ideal position; he never left Leiden again.164 He died sometime between 8 and 25 August 1561.165 It does not seem that being a zangmeester in Leiden brought Jacob prosperity. When he died his legacy consisted of fifteen months of rent arrears.166 Jacob was succeeded by the priest-zangmeester Tousain, who seems to have served for a very short period. He bought premises on the Cellebroedersgracht on 29 October 1561, on which occasion he was identified as “heere Tousain priest and zangmeester in S. Pieterskercke”.167 It is not entirely clear what happened to him, but in January 1562 he was no longer zangmeester of the getijdencollege and later that year he was granted a tax exemption because he was bankrupt.168 161

RA, inv. no. 42. Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 23–26; 228–229; the new contract is dated 29 May 1565. 163 RA, inv. no. 42: 20 August 1557 (Femme); 21 August 1562 (Geertruijt Jacobsdochter); SA I, inv. no. 992 (tiende penning 1557), f. 82r; The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archieven van de Staten van Holland voor 1572 [no. 3.01.03], inv. no. 1330 (tiende penning 1561–1562), unfoliated. 164 In the years from 1553 to 1561 Jacob’s name occurs numerous times in the wedboeken: cf. RA, inv. no. 42: 31 July 1553; 18 January 1555; 8 February 1555; 10 May 1555; 6 July 1556; 27 July 1556; 7 December 1556; 19 February 1557; 15 March 1557; 21 June 1557; 26 July 1557; 13 August 1557; 20 August 1557; 8 October 1557; 5 November 1557; 22 April 1558; 29 July 1558; 14 October 1558; 28 November 1558; 18 August 1559; 17 November 1559; 1 April 1560; 26 July 1560; 10 March 1561. 165 RA, inv. no. 42: 8 August 1561 (“meester Jacob Leeu sangmr.”); 25 August 1561 (“meester Jacob Leeu wijlen zangmr.”). 166 On 25 August 1561 Jan Louwerijsz. informed the city magistrate that the late Jacob de Leeuw owed him a total of 11 karolusgulden and 5 stuivers because of rent from May 1560 to 25 July 1561. It took until the end of 1564 for the matter finally to be settled (cf. RA, inv. no. 42: 25 August 1561; 12 March 1563; RA, inv. no. 43: 25 June 1563; 11 February 1564; 7 August 1564; 11 December 1564). It seems that the back rent was related to the poor condition of the house. Jacob had informed the authorities of the defects of the house in 1559, arguing that the roof was leaking, that the kitchen had collapsed, and that there were many things that needed to be repaired, such as floors and glazing (RA, inv. no. 42: 17 November 1559). 167 RA, inv. no. 73 inbrengboek A, f. 8r. On this occasion Tousaint bought premises from Heer Pieter Jansz., priest at Voorschoten, for the sum of 240 karolusgulden. I am very grateful to Cor de Graaf of the Gemeentearchief in Leiden for bringing this transaction to my attention. 168 RA, inv. no. 42. The kohier van de tiende penning of 1561–1562 confirms that Tousain (also spelled Touchijn) owned two houses and a yard on the Cellebroedersgraft (The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archieven van de Staten van Holland voor 1572 [no. 3.01.03], inv. no. 1330 (10e penning 1561–1562), unfoliated). He was granted an exemption because he was “bancqueroet”. 162

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The final zangmeester found in Leiden documents is mr. Jan. He is mentioned as zangmeester of St Peter’s on 4 March 1566 and on 14 November 1567.169 There can be little doubt that this mr. Jan is actually Johannes Flamingus.170 Numerous works by Flamingus are found scattered among the choirbooks of the getijdencollege, all copied in his own hand. The dates he added to the copies of his music range between 1565 and 1567 and match the dates of the documents mentioning mr. Jan. He left Leiden for Schwerin, where he is found at the court of the music-loving Duke Johann Albrecht I in 1569. On 1 September 1571 he was appointed director of music, and he continued to compose and copy his own music into autograph manuscripts. A comparison of the Leiden and Schwerin copies of his music shows that this composer must indeed have been working in both places. He remained in the position of chapel master until 1573, after which he makes a final appearance, according to Ole Kongsted, as cantor in Zwickau later that year.171 Very little is known about the specific tasks of the zangmeesters as their contracts, with the exception of Jacob Tick’s, have all been lost. As in other towns, extra money was paid whenever polyphonic music was performed. The instructions for the organist Jan Jansz. Kaga of 25 April 1532 stipulate that if anyone should endow money to have the Friday Holy Cross mass, the Saturday mass of Our Lady or the Marian Lof service performed in polyphony, both the zangmeester and the organist would receive extra remuneration.172 Despite the fact that for many years the getij­ dencollege was able to hire zangmeesters, the getijdencollege’s performance led to serious complaints on two occasions.

Complaints about the Singers The complaints regarding lack of devotion on the part of getijdencollege are articulated in two undated letters. The oldest letter was written by the getijdenmeesters and directed to the sheriff, burgomasters and schepenen of the town of Leiden.173 The getijdenmeesters asked for assistance in putting an end to the “great errors, con 169

RA, inv. no. 43. Blok mentions that Flamingus was also an organist, but this is unlikely and is not confirmed by any contemporary document (Blok, Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad, vol. II, p. 218). 171 Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte, pp. 182–192. On Flamingus’s career at the Schwerin Court, see CHE A/2, p. xiii. According to Kade, Flamingus was still at court in 1573 (Kade, ‘Abraham Praetorius’, pp. 2–3). A certain “Mr. Jan Vlamincx” was hired by the church of Our Lady in Mechelen on 1 April 1592. Up to his death, which must have been in or shortly before June 1598, this Vlamincx acted as zangmeester and music scribe (Doorslaer, ‘La fondation du chant’, pp. 306–307; I would like to thank Eli Poppe for drawing my attention to this zangmeester in Mechelen). It is not clear if this zangmeester may be identified as Johannes Flamingus. 172 Bouwstenen 1, pp. 173–175. 173 For a transcription of this letter, see Appendix 1, section Ia. As pointed out earlier, the getijdenmeesters were not involved in the celebration of services themselves, but were members of the upper class with the specific task of overseeing the functioning and administration of the getijdencollege. 170



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fusion, mistakes and negligence” they witnessed on a daily basis in St Peter’s, yet found themselves unable to rectify. They argued that God was not being served in good conscience, much to their dissatisfaction. After careful consideration they presented the following recommendations. First that it would be best to cease the performance of polyphonic music174 and that an excellent choir of eight priests and eight or six choirboys should be put together. This renewed choir was to sing solemnly, without hurrying and with the necessary pauses in the middle of the verses, so that everyone could understand the texts being sung. The second recommendation was that this new choir should also sing all votive masses that were now done by the schoolmasters. The financial endowments that had been made for these services were, of course, to fall to the getijdencollege. The final point they raised regarded payment for the masses on Friday (Holy Cross) and Saturday (Our Lady), which were also to be sung by the renewed choir. The getijdencollege was not as wealthy as some suspected and could not bear the costs of these services. Therefore, the getijdenmeesters asked the city magistrate to supply the deficiency. One wonders when exactly these problems had surfaced. Unfortunately the letter remained unsigned and undated and no response from the city magistrate is known to exist. It would seem that the letter was written after 1453, when the city magistrate contracted Jacob Tick to sing the Friday and Saturday masses in polyphony. In 1458 Tick had already left and his successor was about to leave. Quite possibly Tick’s successor had not been up to his task, leaving the getijdenmeesters with a difficult situation that eventually prompted their cry for help. The magistrate may then have taken control of the situation and decided to terminate the Friday and Saturday masses (see above). If this is how things developed, the letter of complaint must have been written some time before 10 April 1458.175 The second letter is addressed to the getijdenmeesters and is, no doubt, of a later date.176 This time all offences were described in detail:177 the psalm-verses were not punctuated and, just like the responsories, were sung in a hurry; the required pauses between the halves of the verses were not observed; often it happened that 174

The phrase the getijdenmeesters used is: “dat men die muysique cesseren soude”. In Dutch and Flemish documents of the period, the word “musijck” is invariably used for polyphony. Blok, Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad, vol. II, p. 216, was under the impression that the word was used to describe instrumental music. This may have put Overvoorde on the wrong track, leading him to conclude that the getijdenmeesters suggested that organ-playing should cease, and be replaced with a choir, and that the money thus saved should be used for the singers (OvervoordeAK, p. xix). 175 This is an educated guess, of course, but one that fits the known events with regard to the Friday and Saturday masses and Rammelman Elsevier’s dating of the letter to the years 1450–1480 (which was done on basis of paper and script; see Rammelman Elsevier, ‘Verzoek der Zevengetijdenmeesters’, p. 75). Thijsse dates the letter, without further explanation, to 1475 (Thijsse, ‘Leiden’, p. 387). Doove has tried to date it to 1503/1504 but his arguments are problematic, if only because around this time the Friday and Saturday masses were no longer performed in polyphony. 176 The letter has been dated by different authors to various moments in the history of the getijdencollege: c. 1500 (Rammelman Elsevier, ‘Gebrek bij de zangers in het koor te Leiden’, p. 76); c. 1530 (OvervoordeAK, p. 26); c. 1550 (Bouwstenen 1, p. 175). 177 For a transcription of this letter, see Appendix 1, section Ib.

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no one answered with “amen” or “deo gratias” when the cantor/intoneerder sang his lessons; many singers did not rise when they were expected to do so; services often started late and sometimes the appointed priests did not even bother to attend; during the Lof services there was chatter, and occasionally during matins some of the singers pulled off their liturgical habit before the service was done. Judging from the opening phrase it would seem that the letter was written by a former getijdenmeester. Apparently the anonymous writer sent his letter accompanied by a booklet that described many good things about the seven hours. It would seem that the getijdenmeesters took the matter seriously and issued, possibly directly in response to the letter of complaint, an ordinance for the choristers.178 First the attendance rules were laid out. Anyone arriving in a service after the third “Gloria [patri]” would be recorded as absent and would not receive his attendance fee. Everyone attending services was required to come in surplice and not to read, write or talk, but to sing. The singers were reminded that they should pause in the middle of verses, should pronounce all texts with care, and should not hurry. All those who neglected these directions were to be denied their attendance fees. Singers who behaved badly or argued in church were to be dismissed summarily, and those who were dismissed were not allowed to take part in any of the getij­ dencollege’s services for a year. Judging from the letter, attendance fees were cleared with little pieces of lead, the so-called loodjes. The system was simple: all those in attendance received a loodje, and after some time these loodjes could be exchanged for real money. It would seem, though, that some singers abused the system, and so it was ordained that singers were not allowed to swap loodjes or exchange them for money among themselves. If any singer or priest should be unwilling to do as he was told, or enjoyed additional income from services he had accepted elsewhere, his earnings for that month would be reclaimed and he would be dismissed. A similar punishment applied to those who appeared drunk in church or became the subject of gossip. It was also stipulated that those singers who did not join the parish priest in procession on Sundays and holy days would not receive their attendance fee for singing the Inviolata.179 Finally it was ordained that all those who received attendance fees were obliged to take part in all services and that singers who were not present at the evening Lof service for Our Lady, in liturgical dress, before the first Gloria [patri] was sung would be fined 8 penningen, half of which was to be paid to the getijdencollege and half of which was kept for the Feast of St Blaise (cf. p. 82). Abuses such as the ones described above occurred not only in St Peter’s but also elsewhere. Ordinances and fines for not observing stipulations are known from many institutions. Other churches, too, occasionally had a zangmeester who arrived at the lectern in a fuddled state and hurried through the service.180 The complaint 178

The ordinance is edited below in Appendix 1, section Ic. That the ordinance was drawn up in response to the letter of complaint cannot be proven, but does seem likely as its stipulations dovetail with the shortcomings mentioned in the letter (cf. Rammelman Elsevier, ‘Gebrek bij de zangers in het koor te Leiden’, p. 77). 179 See the foundation of Dirck Dircxz. of 7 April 1503 (pp. 59–60). 180 See, for example, the ordinance for the singers of the getijdencollege in the Nieuwe Kerk of Delft (discussed above), the memorandum on the conduct of the zangmeester of the Oude Kerk in Delft in Bouwstenen 1, p. 77, and the attendance rules issued in Haarlem



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about the singing of the psalms was also heard elsewhere. On 9 December 1503 Adriaen van Poelgeest endowed the getijdenmeesters of the church or Our Lady in Leiden with a yearly sum of £18 to improve the singing of chant in that church. The endowment is rather specific and mentions that the priests needed to sing to a higher standard and to respect the required pauses.181 The document even describes how this should be done: with such conditions as that when the first priests have started to sing the first verse, the other priests will not start the second verse before the first priests have finished their verse completely and perfectly. And all priests who sing the hours are required to be silent in the middle of their verses and to pause, and this during all hours. Priests who did not take these stipulations seriously were to be discharged, and if the getijdenmeesters did not see to this the endowment would be withdrawn and granted to the getijdencollege of St Peter’s church.

Schoolmasters, Chant and Polyphony Among the important duties of the headmaster of the Latin school was teaching chant. The headmaster himself, a schoolmaster or a special singing master taught the pupils all the texts and melodies they had to perform together during a number of services in church.182 Latin schools were well known for this and wherever necessary they were supported by town magistrates to continue this important task. In Hoorn, the city magistrate proclaimed that boys of fifteen or younger should not visit any other school than the Latin school, “in honour and in preservation of the choir”.183 Even as late as 1567 it was still said that the Latin school in Groningen had been founded principally because of the choir.184 In many Dutch cities Sunday serin 1507. See also the Haarlem contract drawn up for Claudin Patoulet (see p. 73), and Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, pp. 377ff. For a number of staggering abuses and cases of misconduct in Bruges, see Dewitte, ‘De kapittelschool van de collegiale Sint-Salvator’, pp. 29ff. See also the discussion of the regulations that were issued at St Gudule in Brussels, in Schreurs/Wonterghem, ‘De 16de- en vroeg-17de-eeuwse zangers verbonden aan het Sint-Goedelekapittel in Brussel’, pp. 15–21. 181 AK, inv. no. 334 (cf. OvervoordeAK, regest 694). 182 The collaboration of the schoolmasters and their pupils, who had been taught all chant melodies in class, in church services has been signalled in many publications. See, for example: Bangs, ‘De koorknapen van de Pieterskerk’; Bank ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, pp. 15–16; Bouwstenen 1, pp. 40, 201; Bruinvis ‘De Zeven Getijden in de parochiekerk te Alkmaar’, pp. 386–387; Dessing, ‘Een merkwaardige vroedschapsresolutie’; Fortgens, Meesters, scholieren en grammatica, pp. 74–77; Kolman, ‘De Latijnse school en de koorzang’, pp. 189ff; Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, pp. 48–51; Meerkamp van Embden, Stadsrekeningen van Leiden, vol. II, p. 416; Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, pp. 38–39, 111–112; Post, Scholen en onderwijs in Nederland, pp. 31, 94–97, 139; Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, pp. 444–447; Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang. 183 Post, Scholen en onderwijs in Nederland, p. 64. 184 Fortgens, Meesters, scholieren en grammatica, p. 48.

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vices were almost entirely sung by the schoolmaster and his pupils.185 In this respect Leiden was no exception. The instruction of 16 March 1393 for schoolmasters Bette and Claas van Delft mentions that they were obliged to teach the children to read and write and to “sing their chant as it is done in other churches, for they have another way of singing lessons and versicles than elsewhere”.186 Jan van Haarlem, who was appointed schoolmaster in 1399, was also urged to take good care of education and singing, “so that the choir and the school would stay in good order”.187 This situation continued for some time. As late as 1520 the letter of appointment of Willem Verius paid close attention to the task of “keeping the choir of St Peter’s church in good order” and of monitoring the services for which he and his masters were responsible.188 The cooperation of schoolmasters and pupils in services is confirmed by many documents in Leiden. In 1411 the church masters of St Peter’s accepted an endowment involving a mass of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, which was to be sung by the schoolmasters and their pupils.189 The same year saw the foundation of a mass for St Barbara, on which day “the schoolmasters and their choirboys” had to come, on both sides of the choir, at vespers, matins and mass.190 St Catherine’s mass, which was first celebrated in 1414, required the presence of schoolmaster and pupils for all hours of the office,191 as did the mass on Trinity Sunday which was founded in 1421.192 The pupils sang not only in regular services, but also in votive services for guilds and for brotherhoods and sisterhoods. During the years 1412, 1413 and 1415 the schoolmasters and their pupils sang a Lof service in St Catherine’s hospital on Saturday evenings and on the eves of all Marian feasts; in 1417 the mass on kermisdag (the feast of the dedication of the church) and on St Catherine’s day was sung by the schoolchildren.193 From 1557 to 1571 the schoolchildren sang “the songs of St Catherine on her eve and her day” on behalf of the sisterhood of St Catherine, for which they were rewarded with cake.194

185

Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 447. SA I, inv. no. 84, f. 276v; cf. Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 2. 187 Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 3. 188 SA I, inv. no. 84, ff. 284v–285r. Often the education in singing and chant was assigned to one of the regular schoolmasters (Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 8, 25). 189 AK, inv. no. 7, f. 88v; this would, no doubt, be a mass for St Ursula and her 11,000 companions. 190 AK, inv. no. 7, f. 89r. 191 AK, inv. no. 7, ff. 90v–91r. 192 AK, inv. no. 7, ff. 91v–92r. 193 Ligtenberg, De armezorg te Leiden, pp. 62–63; Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 12–13. 194 AK, inv. no. 1378; cf. Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 13; de Baar, ‘De nadagen van twee zusterschappen’, p. 24; Dodt van Flensburg, ‘Rekeninghe etc. vande decanesse’. Likewise, the brotherhood of St Nicholas made use of the services of the schoolmasters (AK, inv. no. 330, f. 12r). See also Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids 186



The Seven Hours in St Peter’s Church at Leiden 81

Boudijn’s 1443 foundation caused a considerable increase in the number of services for the schoolmasters. The endowment requires that schoolmasters and pupils sing on all Sundays and holy days in St Peter’s (see p. 52).195 The two choirboys who sang on workdays with the singers of the getijdencollege were distinguished from the pupils of the Latin school. They functioned as professional singers and were allowed to skip classes whenever they were needed in church.196 In spite of this increase, the schoolmasters kept accepting new services. In 1450 an endowment was accepted for a feast day in honour of St Mary of the Snows (5 August), on which occasion the schoolmasters and their pupils were asked to perform during first vespers, compline, matins, mass, second vespers and compline.197 Just as in other cities the numerous services became a heavy burden for all involved, and general education suffered as a result. Therefore, the city magistrate decided on 31 July 1535 that the schoolchildren were no longer obliged to sing matins on holy days. The ordinance stipulates that the children had to appear in mass on all feast days and Ember Days and that those children who did not sing were not allowed to leave church until after the elevation. The children who did sing were to stay until none had been sung.198 This new ordinance was something of a revolution, as children were no longer required to take music lessons. From this point on children who “did not desire to learn to sing, but wanted to study the belles lettres” were also welcome in the Latin school.

The Organist On numerous occasions services in St Peter’s also required the involvement of an organist. Jan Jansz. Kaga’s contract of 25 April 1532 stipulates that he had to play in the Friday mass in honour of the Holy Cross, in the Saturday mass in honour of Our

Gymnasium, pp. 17–18, where in the cited accounts of headmaster Christiaan de Kelnare payments are found from the guilds of St Severus, St Nicasius and St Blaise. 195 It has been argued that the schoolmasters and their pupils joined the getijdencollege in the services on Sundays and holy days (Vlam, ‘Leiden’, col. 510; Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, p. 25). However, the foundation of Boudijn van Zwieten clearly indicates that these services were to be performed by schoolmasters and their pupils themselves, and that the services on other days were assigned to the getijdencollege. There is no evidence that the schoolmasters, the pupils and the singers of the getijdencollege ever performed together. 196 Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 24–25; see also Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, p. 13. 197 AK, inv. no. 7, f. 97r. 198 SA I, inv. no. 388, ff. 47v–48r (cf. Coebergh van den Braak, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 177–178; De Gelder, Wetgeving op het Lager Onderwijs, p. 17). Cited in Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 446, and Valkestijn, Geschiedenis van de jongenszang, p. 208, with the year 1518. That this exemption was granted under the influence of the coming Reformation, as Coebergh (p. 25) argues, strikes me as very unlikely. In Delft the schoolchildren had already been released from singing matins in 1484. In other places, too, schoolchildren continued singing in mass on Sundays but were withdrawn from other long and tiresome services (cf. Post, Kerkelijke verhoudingen in Nederland, p. 447).

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Lady and in all Marian Lof services (including the one on Saturday).199 The organist was also involved in numerous services of the getijdencollege, and in several masses and annual feast days of some brotherhoods and sisterhoods.200 During services, the organist usually played on the small organ.201 The large organ was played on extraordinary occasions, such as exceptional masses and processions. Outside the liturgy the instrument was used for public concerts, especially on market and fair days.202 Very little is known about the repertory of the organists.203 The few instructions that are left usually specify only the days on which the organ was to be played. Some of them mention the performance of antiphons, the Te Deum and the canticum Benedictus,204 a practice that was also known in St Peter’s. The foundation of the feast of the Trinity specifies that in first vespers the organist should play five antiphons

199

Bouwstenen 1, pp. 173–175; cf. Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 7. In St Peter’s the organist was already involved in the Saturday mass of Our Lady around 1400 (Blok, Aanteekeningen over muziek’, p. 197; Overvoorde, ‘Rekeningen uit de bouwperiode van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 98). 200 Annegarn Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 11; cf. De Baar, ‘De nadagen van twee zusterschappen’, pp. 23–24. 201 Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 5; Vente, Bouwstoffen tot de geschiedenis van het Nederlandse orgel, pp. 50–52. 202 St Peter’s already had two organs in 1400. That year the organist Daniel uut den Waerde was paid for playing both “the great” and “the small organs” (Overvoorde, ‘Rekeningen uit de bouwperiode van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 98). In the middle of the fifteenth century, the great organ was renewed. When the tower of the church collapsed in 1512, the organ was spared, though it may have been damaged. It needed to be disassembled so that the new west wall could be erected. On 27 October 1518 a new organ was built by Jan van Covelens, and it was tested by several organists from out of town (Bangs, ‘The Leiden Pieterskerk West End’, p. 3; Doove, ‘Is driemaal scheepsrecht?’, p. 332). Between 1540 and 1553 a completely new great organ was built, this time by Claes Heynricxz. Niehoff. The small organ, which had also been built by Van Covelens, was replaced around 1560 with an instrument by the Utrecht builder Peter Jansz. (Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 4). For more information on the organs and organists of St Peter’s, see ‘Aanstelling van mr. Claas Boerken’; Kist, ‘Aanstelling’; Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 5–13; Bangs, ‘The Sixteenth-Century Organ of the Pieterskerk’; Bangs, ‘Rijnsburg Abbey’, pp. 184–185; Bangs, ‘The Leiden Pieterskerk West End’, pp. 3–4, 8ff.; Van Biezen, Het Nederlandse orgel in de renaissance, pp. 140–141, 145–146, 615ff., 634ff.; Doove, ‘Jan Claeszoon Caga’; Doove, ‘Jan Jansz. Kaga, organist te Leiden’; Doove, ‘Is driemaal scheepsrecht?’; Doove, ‘Organisten in de Leidse Pieterskerk’; Doove, ‘Een nieuwe Leidse organistenlijst’; Doove, Orgels, een klok, een fluit en de rest’; Rammelman Elsevier, ‘Organisten te Leiden’; Cevaal, Een Hollands Stadsorgel; Den Hertog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, pp. 262–275. 203 Cf. Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek, pp. 51–53. 204 Bouwstenen 1, p. 53; Bouwstenen 3, pp. 76, 221; Van Veen, ‘Handboekje van den Tielschen pastoor’, pp. 99ff. In Leiden the Benedictus and Te Deum were played by the organist during the feast of Ten Thousand Martyrs (21 June) as of 1507 (see KK, inv. no. 255). The Haarlem organist Claes Aelbrechtsz. was instructed in 1539 to play a Salve regina or Regina celi on all work days when polyphony was sung, and on other occasions “counterpoint [contrepunt] or chant, especially sequences and hymns that are best known by common people”; cf. Van Nieuwkoop, Haarlemse orgelkunst, p. 357.



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and in second vespers at least one.205 The feast of St Mary of the Snows required a performance of the Alma redemptoris mater on the organ at the end of vespers.206 In Delft in 1546 the organist was required to play after the Ite missa est “a little song [a hymn?] or motet”.207 Fourteen years later, the burgomasters of Haarlem instructed the organist to play “all evenings after the Lof a motet or another composed work [geset stuck]”.208 The practice of playing motets and other non-liturgical works on the organ was also known in Leiden. In 1544 the organist Jan Jansz. Kaga was involved in a disagreement with his fellow organist Ghijsbrecht Fransz.. Apparently, Ghijsbrecht had copied “a motet and other pieces for the art of the organ” from Kaga, and had promised to take over a few of his services in return. It soon became clear that Ghijsbrecht had no intention of fulfilling his half of the bargain, and therefore Kaga addressed the schepenen of Leiden to arbitrate.209

The Reformation The financial and material hardship of many Leiden citizens left the city ripe for the iconoclastic fury that broke out in 1566 (see p. 1) and, in the end, for the Reformation of 1572. Even though the town magistrate had no sympathy with insurrectionists, on July 1572 they had to allow – possibly under pressure from the town’s citizens – some 160 geuzen to enter the city. The Protestants who had left Leiden after the iconoclasm of 1566 returned, and on 7 July 1572 all churches were closed.210 Just three months later, on 5 October, the first Protestant service took place in St Peter’s church.211 The getijdencollege was disbanded, as were many other traditional religious institutions and organizations. By order of the States of Holland the possessions of the three churches – including those of the getijdencolleges, the church masters and the memorial masters – were placed under the supervision of the city magistrate (see p. 15). The magistrate seized all interests and goods from their original recipients, and on 12 November 1578, after repeated incitements from the States, appointed Lodewijck van Treslong as steward of all church goods.212 The old estates and interests lost their original purpose and entered a new phase in their 205

AK, inv. no. 7, ff. 91v–92r; cf. Doove, ‘Orgels, een klok, een fluit en de rest’, p. 555. AK, inv. no. 7, f. 97r; cf. Doove, ‘Orgels, een klok, een fluit en de rest’, p. 555. 207 Vente, Bouwstoffen tot de geschiedenis van het Nederlandse orgel, p. 52. 208 Van Nieuwkoop, Haarlemse orgelkunst, p. 359. 209 RA, inv. no. 42, 21 November 1544; see also 20 March 1545. 210 Boogman, ‘De overgang van Gouda, Dordrecht, Leiden en Delft’, pp. 101–102. 211 Boogman, ‘De overgang van Gouda, Dordrecht, Leiden en Delft’, p. 102; OvervoordeAK, p. xxxviii. 212 AK, inv. no. 1108. See, furthermore, the “Archief van den rentmeester der kapittel-, me­morie- en getijdengoederen” as described in OvervoordeAK, pp. 158–180. One further document that belongs to the post-1572 administration of the possessions of the getijdencollege is Jan van Hout’s “Inventaris of staet van alle de brieven stucken ende papieren aencomende den zeven getijden van St. pieters kercke staende binnen dezer stadt Leyden” of 17 May 1585 (KK, inv. no. 1654, ff. 188r–227r). The same register also contains an inventory of the possessions of the getijdencollege in the church of Our Lady (ff. 123r–134v; cf. also KK, inv. no. 1655, pp. 495–529). 206

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history.213 The Reformation put an end to the services that had been celebrated for many years in honour of numerous citizens who had endowed considerable sums of money. None of these founders could possibly have foreseen that “for all eternity” – a favourite expression used in their endowments to indicate that the service was never to be terminated – would mean, in the end, only up to 1572.

213

In at least one case a successful appeal was made to the States of Holland to withdraw endowed goods from their new destination. This concerned an endowment made on 31 July 1482 by Fije, the widow of Verbout Hugensz. (cf. p. 39), to the getijdencollege in the church or Our Lady. Fije’s deed mentions that if the liturgical hours were ever to cease, the endowment should be withdrawn and granted to St Catherine’s hospital and the house for the poor (Heilige-Geesthuis). The masters of these institutions pleaded with the States that this endowment should now fall to them, and the States agreed on 22 October 1578 (AHG, inv. no. 662).

Chapter 3

The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church

I

n several cities in the province of Holland services of the zeven-getijdencolleges were enhanced by polyphonic music. The earliest record of singing “in discant” in St Peter’s goes back to 1434. When Jacob Tick was hired as zangmeester in 1453 he was involved in three weekly services including polyphonic music. In the middle of the fifteenth century, singing “in discant” was also a known practice in Delft (see pp. 30–31).1 Over the years the performance of polyphony by the more important getijdencolleges became customary practice. Account books and manuals show that, with a certain regularity, new music was copied and that some getijdencolleges boasted an impressive collection of choirbooks. The singers of the getijdencollege in Haarlem had twelve books in 1546, containing polyphonic hymns, Magnificats and Marian antiphons (see p. 24). In 1523, the Delft getijdenmeesters had some of their books repaired. Among the eight volumes that are mentioned there was a Mass book opening with a Kyrie by Obrecht.2 The chapter of St Mary in The Hague and the church of Our Lady in Dordrecht, too, had a number of manuscripts containing polyphony.3 Taken together, the important churches in the province of Holland must have had an impressive collection of musical manuscripts. Unfortunately, the major part of that collection has been lost.4 Quite miraculously the six Leiden choirbooks from the mid-sixteenth century escaped destruction. These manuscripts, which were copied on the instigation of the zeven-getijdencollege in St Peter’s, give an excellent impression of the repertory that was available to singers in mid-sixteenth century churches in Holland. The matter of provenance and dating of these manuscripts is easily answered for three of them. Manuscripts 1438, 1439 and 1440 all have a colophon indicating that they were copied in the years 1549 and 1559, and in which the scribe identifies himself as Anthonius de Blauwe.5 Before studying these manuscripts and their history 1

The earliest record of vocal polyphony in the Northern Netherlands is dated to 1395 and is documented at the court in The Hague (Wegman, ‘New Light on Secular Polyphony at the Court of Holland’, p. 191). The polyphonic practice in churches of the Southern Netherlands – in cities such as ’s-Hertogenbosch, Bruges, Brussels and Gent – goes back, in most cases, to the earlier fourteenth-century; cf. Forney, ‘Music, Ritual and Patronage’, pp. 1–2; Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, pp. 102ff.; Trio/ Haggh, ‘The Archives of Confraternities in Ghent’, p. 71. 2 Bouwstenen 3, pp. 95–96. 3 See Hof, ‘Een bijdrage voor de geschiedenis van de voormalige hofkapel te ’s-Gravenhage’; Schotel, ‘Inventaris der muzijkboeken en missalen van de Groote-Kerk te Dordrecht’. 4 By way of comparison it may be interesting to note that Willem Elders has estimated that no more than c. 6% of all copies of musical editions printed by Petrucci has been preserved (Elders, ‘Who was Josquin?’, p. 11). 5 Since the rediscovery of these books in the mid-nineteenth century they have been assigned various different call numbers (see p. 218). In the following I will use the ­present­­­­­­-day inventory numbers under which the books have been filed in the Archieven van de Kerken (inv. nos. 1438–1443) in the former Gemeentearchief Leiden (now part of Erfgoed Leiden en omstreken). Its should be noted, however, that one of the books, ms. 1440, is on permanent display in Museum De Lakenhal.

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in more detail, we need to know who this Anthonius de Blauwe was and why the getijdenmeesters ordered their lavish books from him.

Anthonius de Blauwe The earliest document to name Anthonius de Blauwe in Leiden is an account of the memorial masters of St Peter’s of 1546. The account states that a certain “meester anthonis” was living in a house on the Vollersgraft and had paid a rent of 5 stuivers and 6 penningen.6 His name returns in the accounts for 1547–1559 with the annotation that he was a “scriver” (“a writer”, i.e. a scribe).7 It is not entirely clear when this Anthonius had actually moved into the house on the Vollersgraft. According to the maanboek of the memorial masters the same premises were occupied in 1545 by “meester melis de keij”. However, the name “Anthonis” was later added over that of Melis de Keij, which seems to indicate that Anthonius succeeded De Keij as inhabitant in the course of 1545. That this Anthonius is indeed the scribe we are looking for is demonstrated by the deed of conveyance that was drawn up when the house was sold on 8 January 1570. The deed identifies the seller of the estate as “meester anthonis de blaeuwe gillisz.” and the buyer as his son “Jan anthonisz. droochscherier”.8 How long Anthonius had actually owned the house when he sold it in 1570 can no longer be established. He must have bought it before 1557, because in that year he received a tax assessment for the house he was living in and of which he was the designated owner.9 The earliest documents indicate that Anthonius was a scribe. But that was not his only profession. On 18 December 1554 another estate on the Vollersgraft was sold and on this occasion the house of “Mr. Anthonis schoolmeester” was mentioned as the adjoining property.10 Documents from 1555 and 1568 also refer to the fact that Anthonius was active as a schoolmaster.11 The profession of a “writer” was closely connected to that of a schoolmaster. But clearly Anthonius was not in the service of the Latin school. Apparently he ran one of the many little writing schools that could be found in sixteenth-century Leiden. The initiatives to open such private schools were not greatly appreciated by the town magistrate. On a number of occasions they tried to shut them 6

The Vollersgraft (or Voldersgracht) was a canal along which many volders (fullers) lived in the heyday of the Leiden broadcloth industry. The canal is now filled in and called De Langebrug. 7 AK, inv. no. 19 (accounts of 1546–1554); AK, inv. no. 20 (accounts of 1555–1557); AK, inv. no. 15 (accounts of 1558–1559). 8 RA, inv. no. 67 (Waarboek D), f. 128r. 9 SA I, inv. no. 992, f. 37r; The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archieven van de Staten van Holland voor 1572 [no. 3.01.03], inv. no. 1011 (tiende-penningheffing 1557), f. 14v: “Meester Anthonis schrijver eijgenair – VI £”. In 1561–1562 a new assessment followed, this time in the amount of £8. Oddly, his name is this time given as “Meester Anthonis Cotijns” (Archieven van de Staten van Holland voor 1572 [no. 3.01.03], inv. no. 1330, unfoliated: bon of “Twolhuijs”, fourth house on “Volresgraft”). 10 RA, inv. no. 73 (Inbrengboek 1540–1559), f. 93v. 11 On 14 June 1555 the baker Jan Kerstantsz. informed the schepenen of Leiden that “meester Anthonis schoelmr.” owed him a sum of 9 karolusgulden and 10 stuivers (RA, inv. no. 42). On 31 March 1568 De Blauw stood surety at the sale of a house on the Vollersgraft, on which occasion he was referred to as “mr. anthonis gillisz. schoelmr.” (RA, inv. no. 67 [Waarboek D], f. 36r).



The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church 87

down, but without much success.12 That Anthonius had his own little private school is shown by a dispute he had in 1557. On 23 August “meester Anthonis de Blaeu schrij­ ver” argued with the city magistrate that Gerijt Gillisz. still owed him an amount of 4 karolusgulden because of his son, who had visited De Blauwe’s school for two years.13 On 9 January 1556 Anthonius De Blauwe married Alydtgen, the daughter of a cobbler named Kerstant Jacopszoen.14 In all probability Alydtgen was not Anthonius’s first wife. As will become clear, his son Jan, who bought his house on the Vollersgraft in 1570, must have been born between 1540 and 1547. Therefore Jan cannot have been a son of Alydtgen, which suggests that De Blauwe’s first wife had died and that he married for the second time in 1556. Not long after the marriage the bride’s father died. On 5 December 1558 Anthonius sold to his brother-in-law for 6 karolusgulden a fourteenth part of an estate on the Nieuwe Rijn beyond City Hall. With this sale Anthonius settled at the same time an outstanding rent-charge of 3 karolusgulden he still owed his father-in-law, and which had passed after Kerstant Jacopszoen’s death to his heirs. It would seem that the fourteenth part of the house that was sold by Anthonius was part of Alydtgen’s inheritance.15 On 9 November 1567 a modest position fell to Anthonius for a period of at least five years. He was appointed to teach the orphans who had been lodged in the HeiligeGeesthuis. This was, of course, not such a prestigious position as, for example, the headmastership of the Latin school, but it must have been reassuring for Anthonius to be assured of a regular income in a period of economic troubles.16 His contract started on 1 November and stipulated that the orphans had to go to school every day, in his house, where he was to teach them how to read and write. On holy days the children remained at the Heilige-Geesthuis, and Anthonius would go there to teach. He did not only teach during the day, but also in the evenings. The contract specifies that during the winter months, after the ringing of the labour bell, Anthonius was allowed to teach either in the house of the Heilige Geest or at home, “wherever it was most comfortable for him”. During contract negotiations Anthonius had apparently insisted that his private pupils would not suffer from his new job. The masters of the Heilige Geest therefore allowed him to bring seven or eight of his private pupils to the Heilige-Geesthuis and instruct them there, together with the orphans. This all on the condition that he would always accompany his private pupils and would not allow them to be at the Heilige-Geesthuis by themselves without his supervision, and that they would all leave with him at the end of the day. On Sundays and holy days Anthonius was to accompany the children 12

On 17 May 1488 the city magistrate issued a prohibition forbidding anyone to send children under seventeen to a school other than the Latin school. Even though fines were decreed for both parents and schoolmasters who did not comply, the private schools were ineradicable. Eventually the city magistrate officially granted all schoolmasters permission to continue their private schools (Coebergh, Meer dan zes eeuwen Leids Gymnasium, pp. 6–7, 15ff; see also Post, Scholen en onderwijs in Nederland, pp. 65ff, 83). 13 RA, inv. no. 42. 14 RA, inv. no. 76B. 15 RA, inv. no. 73 (Inbrengboek 1540–1559), f. 149r. 16 For a transcription of the contract, see Appendix 1, section IIa. A confirmation of the contract is found in a little volume of the Heilige-Geestmeesters: “Master Anthonis die Blau our schoolmaster has been taken on for a period of five years beginning as of All Saints’s Day 1567 for 18 gulden per year and free of rent to be paid every quarter of a year” (AHG, inv. no. 394, f. 57r). The Heilige Geest had engaged its own schoolmaster for their orphans since 1545. Prior to 1545 the children were sent to different private schools (Ligtenberg, De armezorg te Leiden, pp. 183–184).

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to St Peter’s to attend mass and to have them all go to confession. A salary of 18 karolusgulden per year was agreed upon and, by way of extra compensation, Anthonius was allowed free use of the house of the former teacher as long as he taught the orphans. This house was to be maintained by the Heilige Geest masters, and this explains why Anthonius sold his house on the Vollersgraft in 1570. He may have moved into this new house in 1569. The blafferd of the getijdenmeesters show that in that year his son Jan was already living in the house on the Vollersgraft that formerly belonged to his father, and that Jan had paid the customary fees to the landowner.17 It would seem that Anthonius was a capable teacher and that his contract was renewed, for on 1 May 1573 he still received part of his annual salary. Whether he was still teaching the orphans after this date is not clear because the payments of 25 July are no longer legible. On 31 August 1573, however, salary was paid to a new schoolmaster: Jan Corneliszoon.18 Anthonius found work hard in old age. In 1570 he complained before the vroedschap that it had become ever more difficult “to teach and instruct these orphans both in good conduct and otherwise”. The problems, he claimed, were mainly due to the number of orphans and to their having changed over the last few years. He also informed the vroedschap that in spite of his old age he was still taking part in the processions of the city and therefore asked for a yearly robe out of the city’s funds. The vroedschap agreed and decided on 5 May 1570 to pay him an annual allowance for a gown as long as he would take part in the processions and teach the orphans with “utmost diligence”.19 Anthonius continued his work until at least 1 May 1573. After this date, nothing is heard of him again. He cannot have lived for much longer, though. In 1574 both Anthonius’s son Jan and his daughter Zoetgen died. Jan left behind a daughter who on 20 October of that year was placed in the custody of two gentlemen from Delft and Rotterdam.20 No doubt Anthonius had by this time died, too. If he had still been alive and well he would certainly have assumed responsibility for his granddaughter. In many documents Anthonius is referred to as “meester”. This does not mean that he held a university degree. As a matter of fact, it seems very unlikely that he was trained at university. In this case, as with all of the zangmeesters active in Leiden, the title “meester” simply reflects that this person was skilled in his profession.21 17

AK, inv. no. 16 (account 1569). AHG, inv. no. 1608. 19 SA I, inv. no. 386, f. 122v. On 19 June of the same year, the burgomasters of Leiden instructed the town treasurers to pay Anthonius the sum of 9 pounds, 4 schelling and 3 penningen for the promised robe; SA I, inv. no. 676 (annexes to account 1570). The instruction shows that the number of orphans had risen considerably “because of the frugal and expensive times”. A similar payment is also recorded in the accounts of 1572 (SA I, inv. no. 642, f. 40v). 20 On 20 October 1574 “Fijck Pijeterss. hopmeter binnen Delft ende Ritzart Dones” were appointed guardians of Sara, the underaged orphan of “Jan Antoniss. droochscyerier” and his wife “Aeltgen Fijcken dochter”, who had both died (AW, inv. no. 1, Comparitieboek 1570–1580, f. 24r. A Leiden statute of 22 November 1566 specified that orphans were to be placed under guardianship until they reached the age of twenty-five; cf. Hamaker, De middeneeuwsche keurboeken van de stad Leiden, p. 393). 21 See the entry “Meester” in Middelnederlandsch handwoordenboek, ed. J. Verdam (’s-Gravenhage repr. 1981). The same title was also used for persons who did have a university training and for members of a guild who had taken a “meesterproef” (which included producing a qualifying piece of work). 18



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The deed of conveyance of the house on the Vollersgraft shows that Jan did not follow in the footsteps of his father but rather chose to enter the broadcloth industry.22 Jan’s year of birth can be approximately deduced. On 29 May 1556 he had been a choirboy of the zeven-getijdencollege for a number of years. As a boy needed to be at least seven years old before he could be trained as a choirboy, and his voice would have broken by the time he reached sixteen or seventeen, Jan must have been born between 1540 and 1547.23 He lived in the house he had bought from his father until his death in 1574, a year in which, ironically, he and his sister came into numerous inheritances that can be traced in the archives. On 16 March 1574, Jan, his sister Zoetgen and her husband Vrederick Vredericxz. van Reijnsburch appeared before the schepenen of Leiden. On that occasion they presented the widow Adriane Adriaensdr. with a hereditary rent-charge of 3 karolusgulden, which they had inherited from miss Adriane Lenaertsdr. van Vliet, their late aunt.24 The inheritance from Adriane also included an estate in the Nieuwe steeg. On 8 May 1574 Jan sold his half of this estate to his brother-in-law for 350 gulden.25 A while later Jan and Zoetgen inherited another estate in the Nieuwe steeg; this was transferred to them on 3 July by Ermgaert and Adriaene, the daughters of a statue carver named Jan Pietersz.26 Yet by October both Jan and Zoetgen were dead, and everything they had inherited from Adriane Lenartsdr. fell to Sara, who was taken by her guardian, Dones, to Rotterdam. She profited little from this inheritance, however, as it was claimed on 25 March 1575 by Govert Pietersz. den Bors, who argued that he was more closely related to Adriane than Jan and Zoetgen had been. After studying the family tree, the Leiden city magistrate deemed Govert in the right.27 Rent was paid on Anthonius’s house on the Vollersgraft until 1579, possibly by one of Jan’s heirs. In 1580 Gerrit Janz. the knife-maker moved into the house.28 The location of this house, in which Gerrit Janz. and his wife Neeltgen Joppendr. came to live, the same house in which Anthonius de Blauwe had lived and worked from 1546 up to in 1570, is carefully indicated in Leiden’s “Straetbouc” of 1588–1597 (Plate 10).29 Plate 11 shows how close Anthonius lived to the church of St Peter’s and to the Heilige-Geesthuis. 22

According to the deed, Jan was a “droochscherier” (a shearman). This estimation tallies with the fact that Jan must have been of age when he bought his father’s house in 1570, which means that in that year he must have been at least twenty-five (or married); cf. Hamaker, De middeneeuwsche keurboeken van de stad Leiden, p. 393. 24 RA, inv. no. 67, Waarboek E, f. 158r. Adriane was the widow of Jonkheer Willem van Vliet, who had died between 1561 and 28 April 1565 (see RA, inv. no. 67, Waarboek C, f. 186r [28 April 1565]; Waarboek D, f. 93r [18 June 1569]; RA, inv. no. 73, Inbrengboek 1540–1559, ff. 35r, 70v [20 March 1546, 6 October 1551]; SA I, inv. no. 992 [tiende penning 1557]: “Nyeuwe stech, menheer van Vlyet eygenair”; The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archieven van de Staten van Holland voor 1572 [no. 3.01.03], inv. no. 1330 [tiende penning 1561–1562], unfoliated: “Nieuwe stege, De heer van Vliet”). 25 RA, inv. no. 67, Waarboek E, ff. 177v–178v. 26 RA, inv. no. 67, Waarboek E, f. 199r. This house had been bought on 8 October 1572 by Adriane Lenaertsdr. from Jan Pieterszoon. Now that the mother of Ermgaert and Adriaene had died, the house fell to Adriane van Vliet’s heirs (RA, inv. no. 67, Waarboek E, f. 81r). 27 RA, inv. no. 41, Kenningboek 1570–1580, ff. 194r–195r; cf. Osinga, Kenningboek der stad Leiden, vol. II, pp. 64–67. 28 AK, inv. no. 1141 (accounts 1578–1580). 29 SA II, inv. no. 5153, street map 6. 23

Plate 10.  Straetbouc Leiden 1588-1597 (SA II, inv. no. 5153) with the house that belonged to Anthonius de Blauwe boxed (bottom centre).

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Plate 11.  Detail of Plate 9 with the church of St Peter’s and the location of the Heilige-Geesthuis encircled and the approximate position of Anthonis de Blauwe’s house marked with an asterisk (bottom right).

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92

Anthonius de Blauwe as a Music Scribe The earliest document that mentions Anthonius de Blauwe in his capacity as a music scribe dates from 1547. On 27 June of that year he delivered a choirbook that was ordered by the getijdenmeesters of Gouda:30 Eerst bij den gemeen getijdemrs. aen besteet eenen genaempt mr. Anthonis woenende tot Leijden te scrijven een boeck van X off XII boecken pappiers met moutetten ende loven / waer van wij hem geloeft hebben voer elcke blat III groet / des zal hij alle tstoff daer toe leveren Ende heeft de selffde tot een drinck–penning ghehadt – XX St. First, ordered by the getijdenmeesters from someone called mr. Anthonis living in Leiden, to write a book consisting of 10 or 12 quires of paper with motets and pieces for the Lof, for which we have promised him 3 groot per leaf, and for which book he will deliver all materials. And the same one received as an allowance for a drink – 20 stuivers. [note in the margin:] Dit boeck is volmaect wesende met IIIc min I bladen pappiers gelevert opten XXVIIen junii anno XLVII ende beloepen die voern. bladeren aen gelde noch gegeven – XV½ K. gulden alsoe dat dit boeck gecost heeft van scrijven met die tafel oft regijster tsamen ter somme toe van XXIIII K. gulden mits noch van binden gegeve – V K. gulden somma XXIX K. gulden This book is perfect with 300 minus 1 leaves, delivered on the 27th of June anno 47, and for the aforementioned leaves given in money – 15½ karolusgulden, so that writing this book together with the table or register cost the sum of 24 karolusgulden; also given for binding the book – 5 karolusgulden. total amount 29 karolusgulden This payment gives detailed information about the commission from the getijdenmeesters. It was decided that the choirbook was to be compiled of ten or twelve quires and that De Blauwe would receive 3 groot (1½ stuiver) per leaf. The book was also to contain a table of contents and De Blauwe would receive additional payment for this. Binding the book cost 5 guilders, leading to a grand total of 29 guilders. De Blauwe had been asked to copy motets and pieces for Lof services, and he was required to supply all materials. With “alle tstoff ” the getijdenmeesters probably meant to say that De Blauwe needed to purchase all physical materials, including the paper, needed to prepare the book. But apparently he was not given a stack of 30

Gouda, Streekarchief Midden-Holland: Archieven van het verenigd Wees- en Aalmoezeniershuis te Gouda [no. 0076], inv. no. 666, f. 28r; cf. Doove, ‘Hij schreef zich Blaeuw’, p. 24. Doove was, judging from this article, fairly well informed about De Blauwe. However, his article also contains some disturbing mistakes and no references at all, which makes it of little use for further research.



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compositions that he was supposed to copy, which makes one wonder whether the getijdenmeesters also considered the repertory to be copied part of “all materials” that the scribe was to provide. In the same year, De Blauwe also copied a large motet book for the getijdencollege of the Nieuwe Kerk in Delft:31 Betaelt Jan vander haeghe boeckebinder van leyden van een groet motet boeck te binden (dwelck meester antonius de blaewe ghescreven hadde ende daer an verdient hadde 22½ karolus guldens van scryven) van binden 3½ karolus guldens anno 1547 Paid to Jan vander Haeghe, bookbinder from Leyden, for binding a large book of motets (which was copied by meester Antonius de Blaewe and who had earned 22½ karolusgulden on it for writing), for binding 3½ karolusgulden anno. 1547 Apparently, the Delft getijdenmeesters were satisfied with De Blauwe’s work, for in the next two years they ordered their music books again in Leiden: 1548 Mr. anthonius de blauwe heeft ghescreven 286 blaeden musyck tot diverse missen hem betaelt van elck blat 3 gr. facit 22 karolus guldens 9 st. Noch heeft mr. anthonis ghescreven een misse van puis ne me peult met pampier ghelevert 1 lb. 17 sc. Noch mr. anthonis bet. van een misse van requiem te scriven 2 lb. 7 sc. Noch mr. anthonis bet. van 61 blaeden musyck te scriven zoe missen ende salve regina 5 lb. 6 sc. Mr. Anthonius de Blauwe has copied 286 leaves of music with various Masses, paid to him for each leaf 3 groot which makes 22 karolusgulden and 9 stuivers Also, mr. Anthonis has copied a mass of Puis ne me peult32 delivered with paper 1 pound and 17 scudi Also paid to mr. Anthonis for copying a Requiem mass 2 pound and 7 scudi Also paid to mr. Anthonis for copying 61 leaves of music, both masses and Salve regina 5 pounds and 6 scudi

31

Cf. Bouwstenen 3, pp. 97–98. The account book was formerly kept in Delft in the Archief der Hervormde Gemeente, but is now in the Archieven van de Delftse parochiekerken, 1348–1572 [no. 435], as inv. no. 186. 32 It would seem that this was the five-voice mass of the same name by Thomas Crecquillon.

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1549 Mr. anthonis van scryven ghegheven van 110 blaeden met het pampier 11½ k. gul. Noch bet. mr. anthonis van 64 blaeden te scryven met het pampier 7 gul. 1½ st. Noch mr. anthonis bet. van 70 blaeden met pampier 7 gul. 1½ st. Mr. Anthonis given for copying 110 leaves together with the paper 11½ karolusgulden Also paid to mr. Anthonis for copying 64 leaves together with the paper 7 karolusgulden and 1½ stuiver Also paid to mr. Anthonis for copying 70 leaves together with the paper 7 karolusgulden and 1½ stuiver If De Blauwe was also paid 3 groot per leaf by the Delft getijdenmeesters for the choirbook from 1547, the manuscript must have consisted, just like the book produced for Gouda, of some 300 leaves. The payments of 1548 and 1549 demonstrate that is was possible not only to purchase complete manuscripts from De Blauwe, but also to order smaller units and even separate compositions. In the years 1550–1551 De Blauwe produced a number of choirbooks for the getij­ dencollege in St Peter’s. The payments for these books, which are found in the blafferd of the getijdenmeesters, show that De Blauwe delivered two books in each year.33 In 1550 Anthonius received a sum of 55 rijnsgulden and 17½ stuiver. If 3 groot per leaf was his standard fee, these manuscripts together must have amounted to some 750 leaves. For these manuscripts, 25 quires of “lombairts” paper were used,34 for 33

See Appendix 1, section IIb. Cf. Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, pp. 101–102. 34 It is not entirely clear what the term “lombairts paper” actually stands for. More usually spelled “lombaerts”, the term was originally used in fourteenth-century Holland for thick Italian paper that was brought to the Low Countries by Lombard tradesmen (see Voorn, ‘Lombards en Troys, Frans en Bovenlands papier’). However, the paper types found in the Leiden choirbooks are clearly largely of French origin (from around Troyes). The scribes of the Brussels convent of Jericho copied both on paper and on parchment. Their accounts of 1468–1469 mention two types of paper: “ghemeyns papier” (common paper) and “lombaerts papier”. The Lombaerts paper was almost three times as expensive as the common paper, suggesting that it must have been of better quality and possibly of a different format (cf. Stoop, Schrijven in commissie, p. 160). It would seem indeed that in the Low Countries the term “lombaerts papier” was used to describe the format of books. A 1578 inventory of the choirbooks of the getijdencollege, which will be discussed below, describes mss. 1438–1440 as being written on “Lombaerts papier” and ms. 1443 as being copied on “cleijn papier” (“small paper”). “Lombaerts” and “cleijn” must refer here to the format of the books and not to the size of the paper sheets, as all books were made from similarly sized sheets of paper (Royal format of c. 56 × 40 to 44 cm). Around 1600 the term Lombaerts paper was used by Jan van Hout in his Der stadt Leyden Dienst-bouc (Leiden 1602) in relation to paper size: “by my genomen uyt zeeckere oudt Register, gheschreven mit een oude hand, in formaet van Lombaerts papier [“in the format of Lombaerts paper”], aldaer beginnende aen de eerste



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which De Blauwe submitted an expense account of 7½ rijnsgulden. He was also paid 15 stuivers for parchment, which was probably used for the colophons of the two manuscripts. The two books of 1551 amounted to a total of 34 rijnsgulden, and it would seem that these were of a more modest scale. Starting again from a fee of 3 groot per leaf, these two books together must have consisted of some 450 leaves. This estimation may be a bit high, as no separate payment is recorded for the paper that was used. It is, of course, also possible that these books were of another format, which would result in different figures altogether. The four manuscripts of 1550–1551 would not be the last De Blauwe copied for the Leiden getijdenmeesters. In 1559 he copied two further, voluminous manuscripts for the church of St Peter. As there are no accounts for these years in the archives of the getijdencollege there is no way of telling how much he was paid for these choirbooks. The few surviving documents relating to De Blauwe’s professional career show him to have been a clever businessman. On 29 May 1556 he was accused by the getijdenmeesters of not delivering on a promise regarding his son Jan.35 “Certain years ago”, De Blauwe had asked the zangmeester to initiate his son into the art of polyphonic music and to include him in the choir of the getijdencollege. It would seem that Jan was not a bad pupil, and having been taught the fundamentals he was paid 12 stui­ vers per month. Some time later the getijdenmeesters were prepared to pay Jan 20 stuivers per month, on condition that De Blauwe would allow his son to sing in St Peter’s until his voice broke. De Blauwe agreed to meet this requirement. However, at some time the getijdenmeesters heard that he intended to take his son out of the getijdencollege and send him elsewhere. Therefore, the getijdenmeesters decided to “secure” the boy and they informed his father of their actions. They insisted that Jan would serve out his time and warned De Blauwe that if he were to take his son to another church, they would hire a new choirboy at his charge.36 The most interesting aspect of the whole case is an event that is mentioned only in passing. Apparently, an opportunity had risen for De Blauwe to sell a choirbook in England. He did not have a book at his disposal at the time, however, and so turned to the getij­denmeesters, asking them if they would be willing to give up one of their books so that the English deal could be closed. Of course De Blauwe promised to replace the choirbook by copying a completely new manuscript for them. The getijdenmeesters accepted De Blauwe’s proposal and the manuscript was “sold in England”. It would seem that by the time the incident with his son Jan took place, the choirbook zijde van het elfde bladt, ende wezende vanden innehouden hier volgende.” (p. 50). As late as 1792 the term Lombaerts paper was still in use, and defined size and weight (see Lalande, De papiermaaker, M4, nos. 19–20). I would like to thank drs. Esther van de Vrie (Utrecht University Library) and dr. Ann Kelders (Royal Library of Belgium) for their help in finding references to Lombaerts paper. 35 See Appendix 1, section IIc. 36 The concern of the getijdenmeesters was not without cause. There was a lack of good choirboys and contracts needed to be drawn up to guarantee the continuation of the vocal ensemble. The getijdenmeesters of Gouda made similar agreements and fined fathers whose sons did not serve out their contracts (Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 199–200).

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of the getijdenmeesters had already been replaced, as it was not mentioned that De Blauwe still needed to deliver on this promise as well.37 Another remarkable document is a letter by Anthonius de Blauwe to mr. Job, the zangmeester of the Gouda getijdencollege (Plate 12).38 In this letter Anthonius says that he has written two books of motets for Amsterdam, one for the church and the other for mr. Jacob, the zangmeester. Mr. Jacob had made every effort to collect beautiful motets and had given these to Anthonius for copying. Businessman as he was, De Blauwe had kept the motets to make another fair copy. Mr. Job had informed De Blauwe, through his son who apparently sang in the Gouda getijdencollege, that he needed a new book of motets. In this letter Anthonius offers the second copy of the motet book for sale, claiming that it was very fine indeed and asking Job if he would be so kind to ask the getij­den­meesters if they would be willing to buy it. Apparently he did not need the money immediately; he was convinced that they would agree upon a price and the book could be paid for whenever it suited the getijdenmeesters best. De Blauwe then goes on: “I could easily sell it in two or three other places, but I now dislike travelling.” Therefore, he chose the easy option and tried to sell the book to his son’s zangmeester. The letter is undated, but the names it includes allow a rough date to be estimated. Mr. Job can be no other than Job Aerriaenssen. Having sung as hoochconter for more than a year, Aerriaenssen was appointed zangmeester of St John’s church in Gouda, on 23 May 1548, for a period of two years. He seems to have been a satisfactory appointment, for on 23 May 1550 his contract was renewed. A further renewal took place on 28 April 1552, but this time the contract was declared invalid as two getijdenmeesters had promised Job, on their own initiative, a higher salary than was allowed according to an earlier agreement.39 Due to the lack of later accounts of the Gouda getijdenmeesters, it is not clear if this incident caused Job to take leave of the getijdencollege. It would seem that he stayed on. The last document to mention Job’s name is a report from the Weescamer, where two orphan children of “Meester Iob ariensz. sangmr.” appeared with their guardians on 19 August 1578.40 As Job’s first appointment as zangmeester in Gouda dates from May 1548, the choirbook that is mentioned in the letter cannot be the same as the one that was delivered by De Blauwe in Gouda on 27 June 1547. The zangmeester from Amsterdam who is mentioned in the letter – mr. Jacob – might very well be Jacob Maertsz., who was zangmeester of the Oude Kerk there in 1558.41 The third person mentioned in the letter 37

Bangs’s summary of the document – that De Blauwe was accused by the getijdenmeesters of selling a choirbook in England which he had yet to replace – is not correct (Bangs, ‘Reconsidering Lutheran Book Trade’, p. 239). 38 See Appendix 1, section IId. Dessing was the first to draw attention to this remarkable letter (Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche muziekschrijver; see also Dessing, ‘Anthonius de Blauwe, een correctie’). 39 Dessing, ‘De zeven getijden in de St. Jans-kerk te Gouda’, pp. 216–217, 349–350, 351, 352; Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche muziekschrijver’, pp. 16–17. 40 See Streekarchief Midden-Holland, Archief van de weeskamer van Gouda [no. 0003], Register 1557–1584, inv. no. 1, f. 318r. 41 Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche muziekschrijver’, pp. 17–19. As Dessing already noted, this identification remains hypothetical as De Blauwe does not mention which church this mr. Jacob actually served.

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Plate 12.  Letter from Anthonius de Blauwe to zangmeester Job at Gouda, with in dorso inscription placed above it.

is De Blauwe’s son, who was presumably a choirboy in Gouda at the time. The only son mentioned in archival documents in Leiden is Jan. If Jan is the son mentioned in the letter as well – who, as we saw earlier, must have been born between 1540 and 1547 – the letter must have been written between 23 May 1548 and 1563.42 If this reasoning is accepted, the date of the letter can be more accurately determined. The 42

Doove draws a rather odd picture by arguing that the son of De Blauwe who is mentioned in the disagreement of 1556 is probably not to be identified with his “son Jan, who is mentioned in Gouda in 1548” (Doove, ‘Hij schreef zich Blaeuw’, p. 24). As in other cases, both Doove’s reasoning and the facts presented by him are in contradiction with the archival documents.

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disagreement between the getijdenmeesters of St Peter’s and De Blauwe of 1556 shows that Jan’s first instruction as a choirboy took place in Leiden. Jan was apparently still in Leiden when the disagreement was presented to the city magistrate on 29 May 1556. It would seem, then, that Anthonius sent his son to Gouda after 29 May, in spite of the financial threats of the getijdenmeesters of St Peter’s. If this is how things developed, then the letter must have been written between 29 May 1556 and 1563. This dating would also explain why Jan’s name is not found in the accounts of the getijdencollege in Gouda: the last of the accounts that have been preserved date from 1555. It is no exaggeration to state that De Blauwe enjoyed fame in Holland as a music calligrapher. In Amsterdam, Delft, Dordrecht, Gouda, and Leiden singers sang from musical manuscripts that had been copied by him.43 No doubt his reputation reached even farther, as the sale of one of his books in England testifies. When one realizes that he earned in 1567 as a schoolmaster a salary of 18 gulden per year, and that he could sell a complete choirbook for more than 20 gulden, we have to conclude that copying musical manuscripts was more than simply an extra income for him.

Manuscripts 1438, 1439 and 1440 Among the most striking aspects that mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440 have in common is, first of all, the fact that they all have a colophon in the back. These colophons are carefully copied on single parchment sheets that are bound between the wooden back covers of the binding and the text block. They are not worded identically, but do have similar purport (Plate 13).44 Anthonius de Blauwe makes himself known as the scribe of the manuscripts and indicates that he has copied them for use in St Peter’s church in the year 1549 (ms. 1438) and 1559 (mss. 1439 and 1440), during the term of office of the getijdenmeesters Theodorico Wilhelmi, Johanni de Brouchoven, Adriano IJsbrandi and Hugoni Wilhelmi (1549); and Theodorico Guilielmi, Petro Jodoci, Bartholomeo Alevini and Petro Oem filius Petri (1559). As mentioned earlier, almost all the names of the getijdenmeesters who served from 1499 to 1572 are known from official city documents.45 The ones mentioned in the 1549 colophon 43

On 8 February 1580 stock was taken in Dordrecht of “certain books, found in the house where the late Mr. Marten, in his life zangmeester of the Grote Kerk, had died”. The inventory consists of a long list of musical manuscripts among which a book copied by De Blauwe is found: “A similar mass book, in the same shape and Lombard paper, bound in wooden boards, covered with chamois leather, and copied in paper, as earlier mentioned, Domini Anthonij de Blaewen, fitted on the back and front with copper, signed with letters GG”. Schotel, ‘Inventaris der muzijkboeken en missalen van de Groote-Kerk te Dordrecht’, p. 401. Schotel apparently transcribed the document from a private copy, the whereabouts of which are unknown (cf. Schotel, Kerkelijk Dordrecht, vol. I, p. 75). 44 See also pp. 225, 236, and 255. Photos of the colophons of mss. 1438 and 1439 may be found in MMN IX-II, p. xxxi, and in Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, p. 10. As the choirbooks have all been digitized and are easily accessible through the website of Erfgoed Leiden (the former Gemeentearchief Leiden), I have presented fewer plates in this section of the book than were in my original dissertation. For the digitized version of the choirbooks, see https://www.erfgoedleiden.nl/schatkamer/ koorboeken-pieterskerk/bladeren-in-koorboeken. 45 See Jas, ‘De koorboeken van de Pieterskerk’, pp. 155–156. The names of the getijdenmeesters can be found in AK, inv. nos. 221 and 222 and in SA I, inv. nos. 73–74.



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Plate 13.  The colophon of ms. 1440.

held office only in that year; those mentioned in the 1559 colophons were responsible for the getijdencollege in 1559 and 1560. Hence there is no need to distrust the dates. Also undisputed is the provenance of the three books, as the career of Anthonius de Blauwe as a music scribe unfolded entirely in Leiden from 1546 until his death in 1573/1574.46 Even though ms. 1438 was copied ten years earlier than mss. 1439 and 1440, the three books share many external characteristics.47 The format of the books should be described as plano in conjugate bifolios, meaning that each sheet is unfolded and that two sheets are pasted together to form a bifolio. The conjugate leaf structure is identical in all three manuscripts, and all paper leaves have a folding line in the middle, from which it can be deduced that the paper for the choirbooks was bought in books folded into folio format.48 The size of the paper sheets is within the limits 46

The Census-Catalogue originally argued that mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440 were copied in Leiden. Later, however, they gave Amsterdam as the place of origin (vol. II, pp. 26–27, 30–31; vol. IV, p. 419). This change was probably made because of the misleading title of Dessing’s article on Anthonius de Blauwe, which erroneously characterizes him as an “Amsterdam music scribe” (Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche muziekschrijver’). 47 See the descriptions and inventories of the manuscripts at the end of this volume; for a full codicological description of the books, see Jas, ‘De koorboeken van de Pieterskerk’, pp. 173–197. 48 This is confirmed by the aforementioned Leiden accounts, which contain a payment to De Blauwe for “25 books of Lombard paper in which the aforementioned books are copied”.

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Plate 14.  The upper parts of the tables of contents of mss. 1438, 1439, and 1440.



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of 40 × 54.5 cm, conforming to Royal paper size.49 Other similarities are apparent in the foliation of the books, in the signature marks at the bottom of the pages, in the lead stylus linings used for both staves and texts, in the number of staves per page, and in the rubrication. The alphabetical tables of contents are also very much alike in their design (Plate 14). All three are arranged alphabetically according to the first letter of the title of the composition.50 Within the category of each letter, compositions are ordered according to their folio number. The tables of contents clearly indicate that folio numbers were meant to refer to openings. The tables are not entirely free from errors with regard to the listing of number of voices, foliation and ascriptions.51 Text and music were carefully copied by De Blauwe. For the texts of the masses, motets and rubrics he used two different scripts.52 The tables of contents, the attributions, the tacet indications, the voice designations, the recurring indications Residuum and Verte, the identification and/or the text of the cantus prius factus, and the colophons are all written in a littera gothica textualis formata. For the texts of the compositions De Blauwe used a littera gothica cursiva formata.53 In mss. 1439 and 1440 he has tried to give the first pages of the book somewhat more standing by writing the text of the first composition in both books in a textualis formata (Plate 15).54 The calligraphic initials in the three books are of the kind one often finds in music manuscripts from the Low Countries. As usual, the initial of the Superius is always the first letter of the text and the one in the other voices the first letter of the voice designation. The initials in mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440 are all in black ink and 49

For a discussion of historic paper sizes, see Kinross, A4 and Before. In the table of contents of ms. 1438 all masses are listed at the end of the table in the order in which they appear in the choirbook. In ms. 1440 the masses precede the motets and are therefore listed first in the table of contents. They are followed by the collective title “Vita et Regina” (for different settings of the Salve regina and Regina celi), after which the motets are listed. 51 Ms. 1438: compositions 16, 17, 19 and 21 are erroneously listed as four-voiced works; compositions 7, 22, 25, 26, 30 and 33 were originally all without ascription in the table of contents (the attributions for nos. 7 and 22 were added in a contemporaneous hand); according to the table Mouton’s Missa Faulte d’argent begins on f. 257 [recte: 254r]. Ms. 1439: no folio numbers for Iherusalem surge and O virgo prudentissima; compositions 2, 49, 56 and 66 are not listed; nos. 57 and 58 are erroneously listed as four-voiced works; no. 60 begins, according to the table, on f. 278 [recte: 298], no. 67 on f. 317 [recte: 316] and no. 71 on f. 346 [recte: 326]; compositions 13, 18 and 24 are without ascription in the table; compositions 14, 27 and 28 have an ascription in the table of contents only. Ms. 1440: compositions 6–15 are listed as “5 [voc.] Vita et Regina [f.] 136”, but nos. 9, 10, 12, 13 and 14 are for four voices, no. 11 is for six voices, and no. 6 starts on f. 126; no. 33 begins according to the table on f. 299 [recte: 277], and no. 36 on f. 209 [recte: 193]; no. 40 is not listed in the table of contents. 52 For the nomenclature of the types of handwriting in Flemish manuscripts of the period, I have adopted the definitions used in Gumbert, ‘Iets over laatmiddeleeuwse schrifttypen’; Gumbert, ‘A Proposal for a Cartesian Nomenclature’; and Gumbert, Manuscrits datés conservés dans les Pays-Bas, pp. 27–32. 53 De Blauwe was not entirely consistent in applying this scheme; deviations are listed on p. 219, n. 3. 54 For other reproductions of De Blauwe’s types of writing, see Gumbert, Manuscrits datés conservés dans les Pays-Bas, vol. II, planches 900–901. 50

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Plate 15.  Two text scripts in ms. 1439; f. 4v (top) with a littera gothica textualis formata; f. 6v (bottom) with a littera gothica cursiva formata.

two types can be distinguished, each with its own characteristics. The initials at the beginning of the prima pars of the motets are all rich, decorative calligraphic initials built from a recurring motive (Plate 16). The initials at the beginning of the 2a or 3a pars of a motet are smaller and simpler and built from other motives (Plate 17).55 This distinction between the two types is most clear in ms. 1438, which was decorated with utmost care.56 55

The initials in mss. 1439 and 1440 are not as rich as those in ms. 1438, but the same two levels can be distinguished. Ms. 1439: level (a) for 1a pars and level (b) for other partes: ff. 1v–2r; 28v–49r; 62v–159r; 164v–177r; level (b) for all partes: ff. 6v–27r; 50v–62r; 159v– 164r; 178v–334r. Ms. 1440: level (a) for 1a pars and level (b) for other partes: ff. 125v–152r; 164v–168r; 237v–245r; level (b) for all partes: ff. 152v–164r; 169v–237r; 246v–322r. 56 The level of finishing of ms. 1438 is very high indeed. See, for example, the almost improbable consistency with which De Blauwe used ascending and descending stems and the number of fancy tacet indications (f. 125r: Claudus Cecum ducit; f. 224v: Gaudium mundi luctus occupat; f. 227r: Qui non habet in ere luet in corpore; f. 244r: Gloria mea non est de hoc mundo; f. 249v: Dies mei sicut umbra declinaverunt; f. 250r: Et ego sicut fenum Arui; f. 252r: Digito compesce labellum; f. 254v: In tenebris stravi lectulum meum).

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Basic element of decoration

Plate 16.  Inked calligraphic initial in ms. 1438 on the first opening of Johannes Cleve’s Peccata mea (f. 1v).

Basic element of decoration

Plate 17.  Inked calligraphic initial in ms. 1438 at the beginning of the secunda pars of Johannes Cleve’s Peccata mea (f. 4v).

That the decoration was done after De Blauwe had finished copying the music is demonstrated wherever decoration is carefully wrought around the initials, or broken in order not to cover clefs. Versprille has suggested that the initials of ms. 1438 were done by someone called “groote Lou”, who was paid 3 gulden and 3 stui­ vers by the getijdenmeesters in 1550 for “certain illumination done by him in one of the aforementioned books”.57 That the term “verlichterie” was meant to refer to the 57

See Appendix 1, section IIb; Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, p. 101; this suggestion is repeated in Den Hartog, De Pieterskerk in Leiden, p. 163.

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initials is perhaps possible but cannot be proven. Manuscript 1438 is, in all probability, one of the two choirbooks De Blauwe was paid for by the getijdenmeesters in 1550. The accounts of 1549 do not mention any payment for such a manuscript, and the late sixteenth-century inventory of the manuscript that will be introduced shortly mentions only one book from 1550.58 It would seem, therefore, that De Blauwe was not paid his fee for ms. 1438 until 1550. The manuscript from 1550 must now be considered lost, which makes it very difficult to be sure about the book in which groote Lou had made his decorations. The calligraphic initials are most certainly not unique decorative patterns that required the hand of an illuminator. A professional scribe such as De Blauwe was no doubt capable of this sort of craftwork, so it would seem logical to assume that he did this type of work himself, as did many other music scribes elsewhere in the Low Countries who used similar initials.59 This also solves another problem that would arise if Lou were indeed responsible for the calligraphic initials in ms. 1438. After all, Lou was explicitly paid for decorations in one book only. If he did the initials in ms. 1438, who was responsible for those in the other books? If ms. 1438 is one of the two books for which De Blauwe was paid in 1550, then we also know who was the binder of mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440. The accounts of the getijdenmeesters mention that the books from 1550 were bound and provided with fastenings by a bookbinder living on the Hogewoerd. The only bookbinder living on the Hogewoerd in 1557–1562 was Adriaen Thysz. (Mathijsz.).60 The fragments of the original covers of ms. 1438 that have been preserved since the restoration of the manuscript in 1965 clearly demonstrate that the binding of this book was almost identical to that of mss. 1439 and 1440.61 The covers of these two manuscripts may be somewhat battered, but they have so far escaped restoration. The binding consists of wooden boards covered with brown leather; the spine is covered with a band of chamois leather, and front and back cover have metal furniture. The leather on the front and back cover has been tooled with blind stamps in five strips, using two small stamps (depicting a little acorn and a petal) and four roller stamps (one depicting 58

It should be pointed out that there is a slight possibility that De Blauwe did indeed deliver one book in 1549 and two books in 1550. Should this have been the case, then the second book from 1550, which is not mentioned in the late-sixteenth-century inventory of the music books, may very well have been the book that the getijdenmeesters handed on to De Blauwe to be sold in England (see p. 95). This scenario does not explain, however, why the accounts of 1549 do not contain a payment for ms. 1438. 59 See, for example, the similar calligraphic initials in the Whalley partbooks of 1552 (Ham, ‘The Stonyhurst College Partbooks’, pp. 5, 18), and in the choirbooks ’s-HerAB 74 and 75 (both from the early 1540s). 60 SA I, inv. no. 992 (tiende penning 1557), f. 63v [Up die hoege woerdt]: “Arien thijsz. boickbynder eygenair”; The Hague, Nationaal Archief: Archieven van de Staten van Holland voor 1572 [no. 3.01.03], inv. no. 1330 (tiende penning 1561–1562), unfoliated [Weder opte Hoogewoert]: “Adriaen Thysz. bouckbinder”; see Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, p. 101 and also RA, inv. no. 67 (Waarboek A), f. 9v (11–7-1560), f. 71r (13–12–1560); (Waarboek B), ff. 75v–76r (21–5-1562), f. 100v (28–71562); (Waarboek D), ff. 29v–30r (17–2-1568). At least one other book binder was living in Leiden in the mid-sixteenth century: Jan van der Haeghe, who was the binder of a book copied by De Blauwe in 1547 (see p. 93). For more on him, see Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, p. 121. 61 This is furthermore confirmed by the 1914 description of the manuscript in its unrestored state; see Cat. 1914, pp. 67–71; Cat. 1924, pp. 74–75.

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Plate 18.  Selection of blind stamps from the original covers of ms. 1440.

the virtues Fides, Fortitu, Iusticia, and Iudit; one with portraits of antique busts; and two ornamental rollers; Plate 18).62 No doubt mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440 were all bound by the same craftsman, and this was most probably Adriaen Thysz. Even if one keeps the option of another binder in mind, the Leiden provenance of the bindings is evident, as the very same blind stamps that are found on the covers of 62

For more on the roller stamps, see the excellent article on the bindings of the Leiden choirbooks by Constant Lem (‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, pp. 112–117, passim).

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mss. 1438, 1439 and 1440 were also used for bindings of other books from the Leiden parish churches.63

Manuscripts 1441, 1442 and 1443 Manuscripts 1441, 1442 and 1443 are in several aspects different from the books of 1549 and 1559. First of all, the books have no colophons telling us when and by whom they were copied. The absence of colophons in mss. 1442 and 1443 comes as no surprise as these books were clearly not designed as complete choirbooks but consist of separate fascicle manuscripts that were bound together at a some point in the sixteenth century. When Jan Pieter Nicolaas Land published his 1880 inventory of the choirbooks, he noticed that the six manuscripts were largely written by one scribe. The differences in script he had signalled between mss. 1438–1440 on the one side, and mss. 1441–1443 on the other, was, in his view, merely the difference between “gothic or church script” and a “chancery hand”. The latter type of writing was, according to Land, easier to produce and must have resulted in cheaper manuscripts.64 According to the editors of the Census-Catalogue, however, the difference in script between the manuscripts copied by De Blauwe and mss. 1441–1443 indicates that the latter books were written by other scribes.65 As mss. 1441–1443 are comprehensive volumes, Land and the editors of the Census-Catalogue have not tried to distinguish the scribal hands systematically. If we want to know more about the provenance and dating of these books, we first have to try to establish how many scribes worked on them.

Manuscript 1441 Manuscript 1441 is, just like mss. 1438–1440, a book of large format. The contents are divided into two sections which are separated by a blank opening, each of which has its own foliation. The first section of the book contains motets for four voices, the second section five-voice motets. Both parts of the original book were evidently copied by one scribe using a stack of paper with two different types of watermark for the complete volume.66 In a later stage an unidentified scribe added an Ave Maria on an empty opening and, still later, in 1565, Johannes Flamingus added some further pieces. The text of the first composition in the book is written in a littera gothica cursiva formata; the remaining texts are all copied in a littera gothica cursiva libraria. The music notation is characterized by a certain unevenness in the size of the diamond-shaped notes. These fluctuations cause marked divergences in the overall 63

Bangs, ‘Reconsidering Lutheran Book Trade’, p. 239, n. 47. For other Leiden bindings that are decorated with the same blind stamps, see, for example: AK, inv. nos. 7, 322, 419, 490; Archief van de Nederlands-Hervormde Diakonie, inv. no. A2; and Archieven van de Gasthuizen, 1311–1873 [no. 0504], inv. nos. 1357 and 1358 (see also Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, p. 117). 64 Land, ‘De koorboeken van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 38. 65 Census-Catalogue, vol. II, pp. 28–30. 66 See Appendix 3 for details about the watermarks.



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Plate 19.  Ms. 1441, upper part of f. 37v.

notation. A detail from Crecquillon’s four-voice motet Cum deambularet dominus (1441: 11) may serve as an illustration (Plate 19). The rhombic notes at the beginning of the Superius on f. 37v are, as far as shape is concerned, almost identical to those on the next folios. In size, however, they differ from some of the notes on the third and fourth staff. The fact that fluctuations such as these occur unsystematically throughout the choirbook, and at times occur on one and the same page, seems to indicate a slight irregularity in the hand of the scribe.67 That the original manuscript was indeed copied by a single scribe is confirmed by the uniformity of clefs, custodes, mensuration signs and other notational elements, and by the text hand in which all motet texts are written. Manuscript 1441 is not a valuable and carefully wrought music manuscript such as the choirbook of 1549. First, the texts of the compositions were not copied in the formal littera cursiva formata, but in the simpler littera cursiva libraria, which was easier and quicker to write. Second, the music notation itself is less formal and, as we have noted, slightly irregular. Third, the table of contents of ms. 1441 is no more than a simple list of all the pieces in the book in the order in which they were copied (Plate 20).68 A final indication is the low level of finishing on the initials. The first motet in the book has inked calligraphic initials at the beginning of its prima and secunda pars according to the scheme of mss. 1438–1440. From f. 4v onward, however, the distinction between prima and secunda pars initials disappears, leaving only initials of the 67

The correction in the fifth staff of the Superius (f. 37v), not shown in Plate 19, was obviously done by a later scribe. 68 All five-voice motets in this table of contents are listed on the verso side under the heading Quinque vocum.

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Plate 20.  Upper part of table of contents of ms. 1441.

lower type. As of f. 33v initials disappear altogether. Instead of decorated initials the scribe has simply added voice designations at the beginning of the prima pars and the indication “2a pars” at the beginning of the second part of the motet. Obviously this is not what the scribe had in mind when he planned the whole book. Throughout the manuscript space was left for initials at the beginning of all partes of the motets. In all appropriate places the first letter of the first word of the text in the Superius part was left out, as it was to be initialized. In some places this missing letter was later added to complete the first word of the text. Clearly some of the decisions that were taken in planning this choirbook already took into account that the manuscript would be simpler – and therefore no doubt cheaper – than ms. 1438 of 1549. One wonders, though, why it was not finished according to plan. Perhaps the scribe ran out of time for this assignment, or whoever commissioned the book ran out of funds. At some stage after the manuscript was completed, two scribes added materials to the book. The first addition was a five-voice Ave Maria (1441: 54) that was copied by an unidentified scribe (Hand I) on a blank opening in the back of the manuscript.69 Another copy of this little piece is found, copied in the same hand, in ms. 1442. Judging from the voice designations and the penned final long in the tenor part it seems safe to conclude that this is not the hand of a professional scribe (Plate 21). The second scribe who added works to the book of motets is Johannes Flamingus. His first additions are copied on openings that had originally been left blank. On the front endpaper Flamingus copied a textless six-voice setting of the hymn Christe qui lux es (1441: 1), which is accompanied by the date 1565. Apparently, Flamingus also wanted to take advantage of the blank opening dividing the motet book into sections for four and for five voices. The left side of this opening, f. CLXVv, contained nine staves that had been drawn by the original scribe of the manuscript. Flamingus added four new staves, drew fourteen staves on the facing leaf and started to copy the “Primus Cantus” of a setting of Quis deus magnus (1441: 45). Once the prima 69

Here and in the appendices, I have numbered all scribal hands that are found in mss. 1441–1443 and do not belong to Anthonius de Blauwe in Roman numerals.



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Plate 21.  Ms. 1442, detail from f. 64v (Hand I).

pars and the beginning of the secunda pars of this voice were copied, Flamingus abandoned the project.70 The final blank page used by Flamingus is f. XXXIXv of the second series. By inserting a new leaf next to it, he created an extra opening on which he copied a four-voice Quis deus magnus (1441: 55) with the date 1565. For the addition of the motets Beata es virgo maria (1441: 15) and Da pacem domine (1441: 16) – both works are dated 1565 – there were no blank openings left. In order to create room for these pieces, Flamingus removed five folios from the original book (ff. LIIr–LVIr) and replaced these with seven new folios (see p. 268). Judging from the original index, the folios that were removed contained a Da pacem domine by “Petrus Iordain” and an In illo tempore ascribed to “Vinders”. The first new leaf was glued on f. LIv and the seventh leaf on f. LVIIr, which, of course, could not be removed as its verso side contains the beginning of Crecquillon’s Os loquentium iniqua (1441: 17).71 With good lighting it is still possible to see some of the musical notation on the original f. LVIIr. The text fragment that is still legible reads “quod ergo deus coniunxit”, and the accompanying notes have made it possible to identify this piece as the gospel motet In illo tempore accesserunt ad Jesum, which is attributed in earlier sources to both Jean Mouton and Pierre Moulu.72 Whereas the other contributions by Flamingus to the manuscript were all written in teardrop-shaped notes, the motets Beata es virgo maria and Da pacem domine are written in diamond-shaped notes (see Plate 30 for an illustration of Flamingus’s hand). That both types of notation are in Flamingus’s own hand is clear from the highly characteristic text script, from the added date, and from the style of writing of the attribution. The datings by Flamingus show that ms. 1441 must have been copied before 1565. A further refinement of this dating is suggested below. 70

Remarkably, the setting does not occur anywhere else among Flamingus’s works in the Leiden choirbooks or elsewhere. 71 Flamingus’s first sheet and f. LIv were glued together, but the glue has now given way so that the beginning of Iordain’s motet has become visible again. 72 A survey of the sources for this composition is given in Jas, ‘A Rediscovered Mass of Jheronimus Vinders?’, p. 241.

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Manuscript 1443 Manuscripts 1442 and 1443 not only differ from the other choirbooks in their folio format, which is only half of that of the other books, but also because they both consist of separate fascicle manuscripts that have been bound together. In ms. 1443 two older components can be distinguished. The nucleus of the book (ff. 1r–315r) consists of fourteen masses that were copied by two scribes on three different batches of paper with their own watermarks (Table 4).73 Some blank openings in this part of the book were later used by Johannes Flamingus and an unidentified scribe to enter a few short pieces. The nucleus of ms. 1443 was a collaboration of two scribes. They used the same paper types and worked along similar lines. Their close collaboration is nicely expressed in Lupus Hellinck’s Missa Peccata mea (1443: 7). Scribe II copied the Kyrie, Gloria and Credo of the mass. On f. 106v scribe A took over and completed the work with Sanctus and Agnus dei. From f. 165v onward the nucleus is almost entirely in scribe’s II hand. From that point on he not only copied all music and texts, but also most of the tacet indications. However, the calligraphic initials (only lower-level initials are used), the recurring indication “Residuum”, the voice designations and the titles of the masses in the individual voices of the Kyrie settings were done throughout the nucleus by scribe A.74 The hands of scribes II and A are easy to distinguish. The text script of scribe II is very different from that of scribe A: it shows few calligraphic qualities and has some Table 4  Scribal hands in the nucleus of ms. 1443 (ff. 1r–315r) Folios

Hand / Scribe

1v–46r

A

47v–68r

II

68v–70r

A

70v–90r

II

90v–92r

Flamingus

92v–106r

II

106v–138r

A

138v–139r

Flamingus

139v–160r

A

160v–162r

VIII

162v–164r

Flamingus

165v–315r

II

73

These are watermarks 13, 18 and 19; see Appendix 3. In two places where Scribe II forgot to do so, Scribe A added a tacet indication (ff. 198v, 298v); the indication “Duo” on f. 247v is likewise in his hand.

74

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Plate 22.  The hands of scribes A (left) and II (right) in ms. 1443.

characteristic letter forms. The most essential elements of the musical notation, too – the clefs, the mensuration signs, the noteheads, the custodes, the stems and flags of the Fusae – are very much different from those of scribe A (Plate 22).75 The place where scribe A took over the work from scribe II is interesting, as from that point onward the hand of scribe A looks a little different from his earlier work on the nucleus of the book. The noteheads on ff. 106v–138r are slightly smaller than those on ff. 1v–46r, which results in a somewhat different note picture. In spite of this difference we are dealing here, in all probability, with the same scribe. First of all, the text script of ff. 122v–123r is identical to that of scribe A; the forms of the clefs, custodes and mensuration signs are the same, too. The difference in appearance is confined to the size of the rhombic notes. When one compares all pages written by scribe A it becomes evident that this must indeed be the hand of a single scribe, albeit a hand that displays slight variation in noteheads. Plate 23 shows that fluctuations in size of diamond-shaped notes may occur on a single opening. The noteheads on f. 126r are slightly larger than those on f. 125v and are indistinguishable from 75

One further peculiarity in the work of scribe II is found in the initials. As I remarked earlier, it was customary to have the first letter of the first word of the text as an initial in the Superius, and the first letter of the voice designations as the initial in the other voices. This means that the regular text in the Superius always begins with the second letter of the first word of the text, which is usually written as a capital. The other voices all have the complete first word of the text at the beginning of their part. Apparently this system was not quite clear to scribe II. In some instances he adopted the format designed for the Superius in all voice parts (see, for example, ff. 47v–48r, 48v–49r, 86v–87r), which is odd as the initial is always the first letter of the voice designation, which means that the first letter of the first word in these parts is actually lacking. In other instances the first word is also written in full in the Superius part (see, for example, ff. 52v–53r, 57v–58r, 59v–60r). In yet other places a combination of both methods was used.

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Plate 23.  The hand of scribe A in ms. 1443 on ff. 125v–126r.

Plate 24.  The hand of scribe A in ms. 1443 on f. 122v.

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Plate 25.  Ms. 1441, f. 105v compared to ms. 1443, f. 116v in similar reductions.

scribe A′s earlier work. The possibility that ff. 106v–125v were written by another scribe, and that scribe A took up his work on f. 126r, must be excluded as the diamond-shaped noteheads on ff. 126v–138r are again somewhat smaller. In this respect Plate 24 is illustrative. It shows that the first rhombic notes in the Superius part are slightly larger than those on the following staves.76 This irregularity in script is a characteristic that scribe A shares with the scribe of ms. 1441. When one compares the smaller noteheads of scribe A in ms. 1443 with the work of the scribe of ms. 1441, one has to acknowledge that the two hands are very much alike and most likely belong to one and the same scribe (Plates 25 and 26). The possible identification of scribe A as the scribe of ms. 1441 is supported by 76

A similar fluctuation in the size of noteheads is also found in the work of other scribes; see, for example, ff. 337v and 355v of ms. 1443 (hand of Flamingus).

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Plate 26.  Ms. 1441, ff. 105v-106r compared to ms. 1443, ff. 116v-117r each reduced to approximately the same size.



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Plate 27.  Ms. 1441, graphemes of Hand A.

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a comparison of the text scripts. The text script of ms. 1441 shows some interesting clues for such a comparison (Plate 27). Distinctive are, among other things, the subtle differences between the various forms of the letters “e”, “f ” and “s” and details such as the tiny strokes at the end of the letters “m” and “n” whenever they occur as the final letter of a word. A detailed comparison of the text script of scribe A and the text script of ms. 1441 shows that they are characterized by identical letter forms and that they were, in all probability, written by the same scribe. A less formal notation of hand A is found in the nucleus of ms. 1443 on ff. 68v–70r (Plate 28). On an opening that was originally blank, this scribe later copied a setting of Christe qui lux es (1443: 4). As the space available did not allow formal notation with diamond-shaped note heads, the scribe resorted to the use of teardrop noteheads.77 It is not difficult, however, to recognize scribe A′s hand, as the text script and the form of clefs and mensuration signs have remained unchanged.78 The second component of ms. 1443 consists of three masses, by Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (1443: 22), Josquin (1443: 28) and La Rue (1443: 29), all copied on paper with watermark 1. The Crecquillon/Clemens mass is at some distance in the manuscript from the other two masses, but the three works are clearly in the same hand and written on the same type of paper. The masses by Josquin and La Rue are fragmentary, and f. 336v contains the beginning of an unidentified mass, indicating that these folios must stem from a larger unit now partly lost. That these masses were not part of the original manuscript is indicated by the variant paper and also by their different formatting, which is characterized by calligraphic initials of two-staff height. The masses seem to have been copied in hand A, though the text script used for the masses is slightly larger and more emphatic than that found in the nucleus of the manuscript (ff. 1v–315r). There is no reason, however, to assume a different hand here as the letter forms remain identical (Plate 29). The deviation in outward appearance may very well be due to the use of a different, somewhat broader, pen, to which it must be added that the three masses were probably copied at a different time from the nucleus. The nucleus (ff. 1v–315r) of the manuscript and the three masses by Clemens/ Crecquillon, Josquin and La Rue are bound together with several works by Johannes Flamingus that are dated to 1565 or 1566. Flamingus’s compositions are copied partly in rhombic notation and partly in teardrop notation, just like the additions to ms. 1441 (Plate 30). Again, the text script, the form of the clefs, the mensuration signs, the final longs, the curved stems of the flats in the key signature, and the fact that both notations are written on the same type of paper all demonstrate that both notational variants were copied by a single scribe.79 Further proof for this, proof that is not seen in Plate 30 but is found elsewhere, come from the recurring phrasing 77

Strangely, one of the five voices of this piece is missing in this specific transmission. Other scribes, too, are known to have used both rhombic notation and a more informal one; see Elders, ‘Ein handschriftlicher “Liber Psalmorum” aus der deutschen Überlieferung’, pp. 48–51; Hell, ‘Leonhard Frantz’, pp. 68–69; and Hudson, ‘A Glimpse into a Scribal Workshop’, pp. 185–186. 79 See also Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte, pp. 184–185. The initials of Flamingus are decorated with rather coarse pen work and depict heads, leaves and flowers (ff. 90v–92r, 78



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Plate 28.  Ms. 1443, f. 68v (Hand A).

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Plate 29.  Ms. 1443, f. 147r (left) and f. 377r (right) compared.

strokes in the voice parts (“/”), the way the name of the composer is written, and the added dates that are often presented on banderoles. That all these pieces were copied by the composer himself is demonstrated by an inscription on f. 24r: “Joannes flamingus scripsit 1566”.80 Most characteristics of Flamingus’s copying hand are also found in the partbook set containing works composed at the court of Schwerin in 1571 in honour of Flamingus’s then patron, Duke Johann Albrecht.81 The year 1565 can be taken as the terminus ad quem for the nucleus of manuscript 1443 and the section with the three masses; in all probability the actual date 138v–139r, 162v, 339r–v). Quite often Flamingus did not add initials but simply a capital letter. The initials and capitals are always the first letter of the text in all voice parts. 80 This inscription should not be taken as an attribution of the Salve regina, as it is rather unlikely that the word “scribere” was used at this period in the sense of “to compose”; cf. Hell, ‘Leonhard Frantz’, p. 68. 81 Universität Rostock, Universitätsbibliothek, Mus. Saec. XVI-19 (1–6). For a modern edition of this collection, see CHE A/2. The same library also holds a partbook (Mus. Saec. XVI-20) with the cantus secundus of Flamingus’s Missa nova Etsi me occiderit Dominus, which was composed in 1573; see Eitner, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon, vol. 5, p. 288, and especially Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte, p. 183, who also gives a complete inventory of the partbook set Mus. Saec. XVI-19.

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Plate 30.  Hand of Flamingus in ms. 1443: f. 355v (left, in rhombic notation) and f. 390v (right, in teardrop notation).

of copying was a little earlier (see below). The year 1566 should be regarded as the terminus post quem for bringing the three separate fascicle manuscripts together in one new binding.

Manuscript 1442 Manuscript 1442 consists, like ms. 1443, of several older units that were bound into a single volume together with a number of pieces by Flamingus and some individual works. The choirbook contains many fragmentary transmissions and seems to have been compiled to bring all sorts of separate fascicle manuscripts conveniently together so that they would not get lost. Several pieces by Flamingus bear the date 1567, which means that the book was compiled during that year or shortly after.82 The following individual units can be identified in the manuscript:

82

In two places Flamingus actually wrote “1576”, which must be taken as an error for “1567” as all Catholic church services had been suspended in Leiden in 1572. As will become apparent below, mss. 1442 and 1443 were certainly bound by 1578.

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a) ff. 70v–129r

14 motets on paper with watermark 14

b) ff. 130v–167r

5 motets on paper with watermark 1283

c) ff. 178r–279r

a comprehensive cycle of Magnificat settings, a Te Deum, and three works by Claudin Patoulet (on paper with watermarks 8, 12, 15, 17 and 18)84

d) ff. 283v–328r 2 masses on paper with watermark 9b85 e) ff. 330v–353r

1 mass on paper with watermark 1286

f) ff. 373v–377r

an individual hymn (on a unique type of paper)

g) ff. 377v–382v three works by Joachimus de Monte (on paper with watermark 16) In the units that make up ms. 1442 scribal hands are recognizable that are also found in mss. 1441 and 1443. Other parts are written in other, unidentified hands.87 The five-voice, anonymous Ave Maria (1442: 28) is found here in the same hand (I) in which it was also copied into the back of ms. 1441. All other pieces in this hand in ms. 1442 are, remarkably enough, works by the regional composer Joachimus de Monte. Scribe II, one of the scribes of the nucleus of ms. 1443, copied in ms. 1442, on the same type of paper that he used for ms. 1443 (paper with watermark 13), a Salve regina by Benedictus [Appenzeller] (1442: 27) and an Ave Maria that is attributed to Clemens non Papa (1442: 29).88 The fascicle of motets (ff. 70v–129r) is an isolated unit which is written in a scribal hand and on a type of paper that is not found elsewhere in the Leiden choirbooks. Large parts of ms. 1442 are notated in scribal hand A. The Salve regina fragment on f. 1v shows the hand as we found it at the beginning of the nucleus of ms. 1443 (Plate 31). The variant of this hand with the somewhat reduced noteheads is also found in ms. 1442 (Plate 32). A number of folios in ms. 1442 are written in this version of hand A.89 The more informal version of hand A, with teardrop noteheads, is also found here.90 The remaining pages with the textual script of hand A show a somewhat deviating musical notation: the stems are a little shorter and the diamond-shaped noteheads a little larger, which creates a somewhat thickset note picture. Furthermore, 83

One sheet in this section has watermark 16. Two blank openings in this part (ff. 182v–183r and 219v–220r) were later used for entering two short compositions. 85 One sheet in this section has watermark 12. 86 One sheet in this secton has watermark 16. 87 Scribal hands are identified below in Appendix 2. 88 For the attribution of the Ave Maria, see p. 284. 89 ff. 178r–182r, 183v–196r, 202v–219r, 220v–232r, 244v–279r. 90 ff. 219v–220r; 303v–305r. 84



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Plate 31.  Ms. 1442, f. 1v (hand A).

Plate 32.  Ms. 1442, f. 220v (left) compared to ms. 1443, f. 106v (Hand A; right).

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Table 5  Scribal hands A and A′ in ms. 1442 on ff. 178r–279r Hand A

Hand A′

ff. 178r–182r ff. 183v–196r ff. 196v–202r ff. 202v–219r ff. 220v–232r ff. 232v–244r ff. 244v–279r

the size of the diamond-shaped noteheads varies, causing the whole to become slightly uneven (Plate 33; henceforth I refer to this new variant as hand A′).91 In the cycle of Magnificat settings both versions are found next to each other (Table 5). Even though there are differences between hands A and A′, there is reason to assume that we are dealing here with the work of a single scribe. The text script of both hands is the same, as are the forms of the clefs, mensuration signs and initials.92 The real difference lies in the size of the diamond-shaped noteheads and the length of the stems. A comparison of a fragment of notation in hand A′ with one from ms. 1443 shows that the two hands are closely related and that presumably one and the same scribe was responsible for both (Plate 34). The conclusion that large parts of mss. 1441–1443 are possibly the work of a single scribe is supported by the distribution of paper types among the manuscripts. Manuscript 1441 is copied on paper with watermarks 8 and 9. One sheet of paper with watermark 8 is also found in the Magnificat cycle in ms. 1442 (f. 181). This series is written on paper with watermarks 12, 15, 17 and 18. Paper with watermark 12 is in other places in ms. 1442 used in conjunction with paper with watermarks 9b and 16. In the nucleus of ms. 1443, paper with watermarks 13, 18 and 19 has been used. The conclusion to be drawn from this is that paper with watermarks 8, 9, 9b, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19 was most likely used for copying in one and the same place, which means that mss. 1441–1443 were all copied in the same environment. That this must have been a place in Holland cannot be proven by the watermarks themselves, but a plausible case can be made for this scenario. First of all, it is interesting to notice that the works of Claudin Patoulet are all on paper with watermark 12. Patoulet’s name can be connected to the cities of Haarlem, Leiden and Delft (cf. p. 73). He was no doubt a character of regional importance, which is demonstrated by the transmission of his works: all six pieces by Patoulet that have come down to us are transmitted in ms. 1442 and occur nowhere else. 91

ff. 57r–58r, 130v–167r, 196v–202r, 232v–244r, 283v–303r, 305v–328r, 330v–353r, 354v–361v, 366, 367v, 373v–377r. 92 Calligraphic initials in ink occur only sparingly (ff. 1v, 130v–140v, 147v–152r) even if the space for such initials was left open on many places. There are no initials at the beginning of 2a and 3a partes (but incidentally one finds the indication “secunda pars”).



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Plate 33.  Ms. 1442, f. 130v (Hand A’).

The argument that mss. 1441–1443 were possibly copied in Leiden is supported by two other considerations. As I mentioned earlier, at some point after completion of ms. 1441 an unidentified scribe (hand I) copied, by way of supplement, a five-voice Ave Maria in the back of the book. As it seems unlikely that ms. 1441 was copied elsewhere and came to Leiden with the five-voice Ave Maria already supplemented, it is probable that the scribe of the Ave Maria was active in Leiden. The other works that are copied by this scribe are notated on paper with watermarks 12, 13 and 16, paper types that were also used by scribe A.

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Plate 34.  Ms. 1442, f. 289v (Hand A’; left) compared to ms. 1443, f. 323v (Hand A; right).

A second argument for Leiden as the place of origin of mss. 1441–1443 is found in the part of ms. 1443 with the three masses by Clemens/Crecquillon, Josquin and La Rue. The three works are all on paper with watermark 1. The same paper type was used by Anthonius de Blauwe for the choirbook of 1549 (ms. 1438). A third argument endorsing Leiden provenance is found in two choirbook fragments that were used as binding material for a sixteenth-century manuscript in the Oude Rechterlijke Archief in Leiden (Plate 35).93 Text and music script are easily recognizable as being by Anthonius de Blauwe. The fragments have no initials and no voice designations, and it would seem we are dealing here with materials that were discarded by the scribe. Interestingly, the fragments are from two motets by Clemens; complete copies of them are to be found in ms. 1441 (nos. 29 and 39). A comparison of what is left of the two motets in the discarded sheets with their readings in ms. 1441 shows that they are closely related (Plate 36). 93

RA, inv. no. 41, Kenningboek N (1553–1570). I would like to thank Mr. P. de Baar for drawing my attention to these fragments. The front of the manuscript contains two music pages that are glued together, only one of which is now visible (f. 2v, Conserva me domine). In the back there is one folio, the recto side of which is visible (Gaudent in celis).



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Plate 35.  Two choirbook fragments that were used as binding material for Kenningboek N (1553-1570) in the Oude Rechterlijke Archief in Leiden.

Plate 36.  The two motets from the fragments in Plate 35 as copied into ms. 1441.

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These circumstances not only justify the suspicion that large parts of mss. 1441–1443 were indeed copied in Leiden, but also raise the question of whether De Blauwe might be responsible for these as well as for mss. 1438–1440. Before dealing with this question in more detail, we first need to know what happened to the choirbooks of St Peter’s once the Reformation set in.

The Inventor y of 1578 In 1572 the Protestants gained victory over the Catholics in Leiden. On 7 July all churches were closed down and as of that moment all Catholic services were forbidden. The getijdencollege, and all other old religious institutions, were disbanded and the singers were discharged. The repertory of the choirbooks had now lost its function, but the books themselves were not destroyed. Some of the getijdenmeesters or singers apparently wished to preserve the books, and handed them over to the town magistrate. This makes perfectly good sense, as the getijdenmeesters, who had always been chosen from the wealthier class, were very much aware that the books had been copied at the expense of Leiden citizens, and had themselves been closely involved in their purchase (as is testified by the colophons of mss. 1438–1440). In 1578 the magistrate was approached by “the brotherhood and common assembly of those who are united in music here in the city of Leiden”. This “brotherhood” petitioned the town magistrate to allow them to use the former choirbooks of St Peter’s. Their request pointed out that there was no longer “any profit” to be expected from the books, which were simply lying to “perish, decay and rot” (see Appendix 1, section IIIa).94 They promised that they would always be prepared to return the books undamaged to the town magistrate. The sheriff, the burgomasters and the magistrate complied with this request on 11 December 1578, as nothing pleased them more than to see citizens of the town, instead of “fruitless idleness and indecent behaviour”, occupying themselves with the “good and honest learning”. The choirbooks were to be handed over to Andries Jacobsz., the Treasurer Extraordinaris of Leiden.95 Andries was asked to make a decent “inventory and description” of the collection and had to promise to keep the books “diligently and carefully”. The singers (of the “brotherhood”) were allowed to make use of the books. With a view to the transfer of the choirbooks, which took place on 22 December 1578, Andries drew up an inventory of the collection that had been placed in his care. For a few years, the books were used by this group of music lovers. We do not know who actually performed from them, but the group likely included some former singers of St Peter’s. 94

This request was apparently unknown to Versprille, which explains why it is missing in her article on the choirbooks. This is remarkable, though, as Overvoorde had already referred to the document in 1924 (albeit with an erroneous folio indication; Cat. 1924, p. 76). Just as strange is why Overvoorde did not draw attention to this document in his short response to Hallema’s article which also fails to refer to the inventory (NAK 18 [1925], p. 146). 95 The books were not handed over by the ‘musicijns’ (musicians) as Hallema and Versprille erroneously argued (Hallema, ‘16e Eeuwsche kerkelijke muziekwerken der stad Leiden’, p. 65; Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, p. 103; see also Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, p. 16). That Andries Jacobsz. was a former singer of the church of St Peter’s, as Annegarn states, is not supported by archival documents.



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After a few years it would seem that the enthusiasm of the petitioners diminished, for in 1597 Andries asked to be discharged of keeping the books. A large wooden chest was made and on 28 June 1597 the eight choirbooks were carefully stored in it (see Appendix 1, section IIIc). The chest was placed in the curator’s chamber of city hall and a key was given into the custody of the secretary Jan van Hout. The inventory of the choirbooks that was made by Andries Jacobsz. in 1578 is of the utmost importance for their study (see Appendix 1, section IIIb). The descriptions of the manuscripts are clear enough to identify the six choirbooks that have been preserved.96 What strikes one immediately is that the inventory clearly indicates that in 1578 there were actually eight books.97 Apparently two books disappeared from the place of safekeeping after 1597 and must now be considered lost.98 The two books that went missing were copied by Anthonius de Blauwe: a mass book of 329 folios that, according to the inventory, was copied in 1540, and a manuscript in leather or parchment covers (limp binding)99 containing “IIII masses and the Passion”. The mass book must have had a colophon, just like mss. 1438–1440, because the inventory lists the names of the getijdenmeesters who served when the book was copied and delivered. As mentioned earlier, almost all of the names of the getijdenmeesters who served from 1499 to 1572 are known (see p. 98, n. 45). The names that are given for the 1540 book acted together as getijdenmeesters only in 1550.100 This means that this lost book was not a very early manuscript by De Blauwe but actually one of the two books he was paid for by the getijdenmeesters in 1550 (see pp. 94–95). The remaining six books in the inventory can easily be identified with the six Leiden choirbooks of today. Manuscripts 1438–1440 were easy for Andries because of their colophons. He mentions both the dates and the getijdenmeesters, which leaves no doubt as to the identification of these books. Of the remaining three books, one is aptly described as a manuscript in small format containing “several pieces copied in all sorts of hands”, which can only apply to ms. 1442.101 Manuscript 96

See Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 17–18. See Annegarn, Floris en Cornelis Schuyt, pp. 17–18. 98 Unless, of course, these two books were never placed in the chest because they had already gone missing between 1578 and 1597. The 1597 statement that all books were placed in the chest does not mention how many there were, but simply refers to the earlier inventory. One would expect, however, that if two books had gone missing, this would have been noticed in 1597. 99 The text reads “coperckel”; Hallema read it as “coper chiel” and explained in a footnote that “chiel” and “kel” referred to yellow and red copper and that this was a reference to the yellow copper clamps on the original binding (Hallema, ‘16e Eeuwsche kerkelijke muziekwerken der stad Leiden’, p. 68). There can be no doubt, however, that the word “coperckel” c.q. “kaperkel” referred to a binding known as “kopert” (a limp binding): covers consisting of a solid leather or parchment and containing no wood or separate spine covering (cf. Gnirrep, Kneep en binding, 52.2). 100 See Jas, ‘De koorboeken van de Pieterskerk’, p. 155. The names of the getijdenmeesters can be found in AK, inv. nos. 221 and 222, and in SA I, inv. nos. 73–74. 101 There is one minor problem with this identification, however. According to the inventory this manuscript had a limp binding (“in kaperkel gebonden”). But when ms. 1442 surfaced again in the nineteenth century, it was bound in wooden covers similar to those 97

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1443 is also easily identified as it is listed here as a mass book of small format beginning with the Missa Surge propera (1443: 1).102 The sixth book is described as a motet book with two series of separately numbered folios, and this can only apply to ms. 1441.103 Interestingly enough, Andries mentions that the books that have been identified as mss. 1441 and 1443 were actually copied by “mr. antonis”. Even though Andries Jacobsz.’s testimony dates from almost twenty years after the actual copying of the Leiden choirbooks, there is every reason to take it seriously. First of all, De Blauwe was not an unknown individual in Leiden. At the moment Andries drew up his inventory, the former scribe and schoolmaster of the orphans had died just a few years earlier. Second, prominent citizens had, in their capacity as getijdenmeesters, ordered these manuscripts for the singers in St Peter’s and were therefore closely intertwined with their history. Andries belonged to roughly the same layer of the Leiden population and must have been aware of the doings of the getijdenmeesters. As a matter of fact, one of the former getijdenmeesters, Pieter Oom Pietersz., who is mentioned in the colophons of mss. 1439 and 1440 and must have known Anthonius de Blauwe personally, was actually present when the books were handed over to Andries Jacobsz. A third reason to trust the inventory is because the information it contains seems to tally with what we know from the accounts of the getijdenmeesters. The accounts of 1550–1551 demonstrate that De Blauwe copied four books in these two years for the singers. This means that in 1559 the getijdencollege had at least six books that were copied by De Blauwe. Of these six books, at least three have been preserved (mss. 1438–1440) and two have gone missing: the mass book of 1550 and the manuscript with four masses and a Passion. The remaining books are easily identified as mss. 1441–1443. If this all adds up, we do indeed need to consider the possibility that ms. 1441 and 1443 were copied by De Blauwe.

The Provenance of Manuscripts 1441–1443 A comparison of mss. 1441–1443 with the books copied by Anthonius de Blauwe in 1549 and 1559 is complicated by several factors. First, mss. 1438–1440 are carefully copied books with a level of finishing that rises well above that of the visually unattractive mss. 1441–1443. Second, mss. 1442–1443 are only half the format of the books of 1549 and 1559 and were not designed as complete choirbooks, but rather compiled from separate fascicle manuscripts; this has affected their appearance. However, ms. 1441 was planned as an individual choirbook and it is of the same size as mss. 1438–1440. Therefore, a comparison of this book with the work of De Blauwe would seem an appropriate place to start. of the other manuscripts. If this entry in the inventory is indeed to be identified with ms. 1442, the book must have been rebound between 1578 and 28 June 1597. 102 The description also mentions that the book ends with “Vidi aquam”. There is indeed such a piece in the back of the book (1443: 34), but is followed by five further folios containing two other pieces by Flamingus. 103 It seems that Andries made a minor mistake here as well: the number of folios for the first series is correct (CLXV), but for the second series it is slightly out (XXXV). Fol. XXXV is actually the right side of the opening for the last motet De Blauwe copied into this volume.

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On first examination, ms. 1441 differs in several respects from mss. 1438–1440: the music script is more informal, a different textual script was used for the texts of the compositions, foliation is in roman numerals and divided into two large sections, and the conjugate leaves are glued on strips of paper. But there are also similarities. The paper used for ms. 1441 has a folding line in the middle, just like mss. 1438–1440, and must have been bought, like the paper for mss. 1438–1440, in books folded into folio format. In mss. 1438–1440 De Blauwe first applied a simple ruling – with a lead metal point stylus – for the columns which were to contain the staves, for the texts of the compositions, and for the attributions. The attributions are always placed on a single line and the texts of the compositions are written between two horizontal lines at a distance of approximately 5 mm. The ruling of ms. 1441 was done in the same way, except this time the texts of the motets are all written on a single line (which in itself is not strange, as the text type – a littera gothica cursiva libraria – differs from that of mss. 1438–1440). Another similarity between the books by De Blauwe and ms. 1441 is found in the short titles at the bottom of some pages. The function of these titles is clear: obviously, De Blauwe first divided all pages to be copied over the empty pages, putting the short titles at the bottom as a reminder of the music notation that was to be copied. At the bottom of the first opening, he usually puts the title of the mass or motet it was going to contain. On the second and third openings this title is repeated, but now preceded by the indication “residuum 1” or “residuum 2um”. At the beginning of the secunda pars, he notated “2a pars” followed by the title of the motet. For the second and third openings of the secunda pars he used again the indications “residuum 1” and “residuum 2um”. Besides the short titles, there are also signature marks at the bottom of the pages; these, too, are identical to the ones in mss. 1438–1440. Obviously, both the signature marks and the short titles were expected to be cut off during the binding process, but that did not always happen. Little can be said about the original covers of ms. 1441 as they were lost in the 1964 restoration of the manuscript. A description of the book from 1914, however, states that the original covers, which were severely damaged, were identical with those of ms. 1440, yet with another pattern for the blind stamps.104 The description gives every reason to believe that the same blind stamps that were used for mss. 1438–1440 (see pp. 104–105) were also on the covers of ms. 1441. This means that ms. 1441 must have been bound in Leiden, too.105 On comparing the music script of mss. 1438–1440 to that of ms. 1441, the first thing one notices is that the diamond-shaped noteheads of ms. 1441 are smaller and less regular in form. De Blauwe’s hand is characterized by a combination of firm noteheads and emphatic stems. The noteheads in ms. 1441 are smaller, have thinner stems, and there are, on the whole, more notes per staff. Other elements of the notation, however, match very well. The forms of the G-, C- and F-clefs in the four manuscripts are very much alike (Plate 37). A remarkable aspect of the C-clefs is that whenever they are used for indented staves they have an extra, thin vertical line on the left side. This very same difference between indenting and non-indenting 104

Cat. 1914, p. 72. This is corroborated by the modern covers of ms. 1441, which may be seen as a (rough) imitation of the original covers.

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130



Ms. 1439

Ms. 1441

Plate 37.  G-, C- and F-clefs in ms. 1439 (De Blauwe) and in ms. 1441 (hand A).



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Ms. 1439

Ms. 1441 Plate 38.  Fusae flags in ms. 1439 (De Blauwe) and in ms. 1441 (hand A).

C-clefs is found in ms. 1441.106 The reference sign used by the scribe of ms. 1441 is a somewhat simpler version of the sign De Blauwe used in mss. 1438–1440. The music script of mss. 1438–1440 and ms. 1441 show two further interesting details that seem to match very well. The first one concerns the way the flags of fusae are drawn. The flags connected to upward stems are different from the ones connected to downward stems. Such a distinction is quite common, as it is related to the writing materials of a sixteenth-century scribe. But not all scribes opted for the same solution. De Blauwe’s “descending” flags consist of a short, oblique stroke with a thin hairline at the end. The flag is connected to the top of the stem of the fusae. The “ascending” flags, however, have a decorative curl and do not consist of a straight line, but of a curved one in the form of a cursive letter s. The curved line is fully connected to the end of the stem. Precisely the same flags are used in ms. 1441 (Plate 38). A second, most remarkable, feature of De Blauwe’s hand is found in the way he notated semiminim rests. The semibreve and minim rests in De Blauwe’s hand do not differ from the forms most other contemporaneous scribes used. His semiminim rests, however, are characterized by a vertical stroke that always tilts to the left.107 Manuscript 1441 uses precisely the same form of rest (Plate 39).108 Another characteristic of De Blauwe’s way of working is the use of different text scripts for the first and for the remaining works in mss. 1439–1440. The texts of the compositions in these two choirbooks are copied in a littera gothica cursiva formata. To give the first work in the choirbook more cachet, however, De Blauwe copied the text in a littera gothica textualis formata (cf. pp. 101–102 and see Plate 15). A similar distinction is made in ms. 1441, albeit on another level. The texts of the motets are copied in a littera gothica cursiva libraria, while the first composition in the book is 106

The use of these two forms of the C-clef is, however, not unique; both types are also found, for example, in the Occo Codex (BrusBR IV.922). 107 See, for example, ms. 1438, ff. 56v, 57r, 113v, 161r; ms. 1439, ff. 66r, 68r, 91r, 106v, 307r, 326v; ms. 1440, ff. 149r, 175v, 176r, 223r, 284v. 108 See, for example, ff. 1r, 83v, 148r.

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Ms. 1439

Ms. 1441 Plate 39.  Semiminim rests in ms. 1439 (De Blauwe) and in ms. 1441 (hand A).

written in a littera gothica cursiva formata (Plate 40). This distinction between the first and the remaining works in a musical source is very rare, and is seldom found in sixteenth-century musical manuscripts from the Low Countries.109 The text script itself offers a final clue in the comparison of the work of Hand A and De Blauwe. As mentioned earlier, most of the motet texts in ms. 1441 are written in a cursiva libraria. In mss. 1438–1440 De Blauwe used a cursiva formata instead, making a direct comparison with ms. 1441 impossible. However, in ms. 1439 some hymns needed to be copied with two strophes of text and, to save space for all text, De Blauwe decided to use the cursiva libraria. Even though the script is rather small, it can be compared to that of ms. 1441 (compare Plates 41, 27 and the lower half of Plate 40). A detailed comparison of the two scripts shows that the letter forms are almost identical and were most likely written by one and the same scribe.110 To summarize, it may be concluded that even though the musical scripts of mss. 1438–1440 on the one hand, and of ms. 1441 on the other, clearly deviate from one 109

I know of only one comparable example: in the partbook set VatP 1976–9 the text of Willaert’s Pater noster, the first composition in the manuscript, is written in a cursiva formata; the texts of all other works are copied in a cursiva libraria. What does occur with some frequency is that a scribe has tried to give the first opening of a manuscript or individual mass more cachet by using a larger version of the same text script (see, for example, BrusBR 228, BrusBR 215–6, BrusBR 9126, BrusBR IV. 922, JenaU 21). In these cases the larger text script is used only for the first opening. 110 The attributions in ms. 1441 are not helpful to a comparison of hands as these are written in a littera gothica formata; in mss. 1438–1440 they are all in a littera textualis formata. What is interesting, is that both in ms. 1441 and in mss. 1438–1440 Thomas Crecquillon’s surname is always spelt “Cricquillon”. It is not the spelling itself which is unique – it also occurs, for example, in editions printed by Phalèse – but rather the consistency with which it is adopted here. No other choirbook from the Low Countries can be compared to the Leiden books in this respect.

Plate 40.  Text script in ms. 1441: f. [4]v with a littera gothica cursiva formata, and f. IIIIv with a littera gothica cursiva libraria.

Plate 41.  Details of ms. 1439, ff. 290v and 291v showing De Blauwe’s littera gothica cursiva libraria.

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another, there are striking similarities as well. The four manuscripts share the same codicological characteristics and were clearly planned in advance by means of short titles which were noted down at the bottom of the pages before the actual copying started. Further similarities are seen with regard to the notation of clefs, flags of fusae, custodes and referring indications. The text script of ms. 1441 matches the cursiva libraria in ms. 1439. Two notational habits in particular seem to point to De Blauwe’s involvement in the creation of ms. 1441: the tilting semiminim rests, which are unusual enough to class as a fingerprint of De Blauwe’s hand, and the use of an alternative text script for the entire first composition in a manuscript. These indications seem to imply that the ascription of ms. 1441 to De Blauwe in the inventory of 1578 is probably correct. The question that presents itself is, of course, why ms. 1441 does not look more like the choirbooks of 1549 and 1559 if it was indeed copied by De Blauwe. A possible answer may lie in the fact that mss. 1438–1440 are three valuable, carefully planned and copied manuscripts that were finished with great attention being paid to the finishing details. The penned initials, the music notation, the text script, the table of contents and the colophons all indicate that these are valuable manuscripts. Manuscript 1441, with its far less formal music and text script, with its straightforward table of contents, and its incomplete series of initials (and these of a lower status), was no doubt a much cheaper book. It was not always possible to collect the financial means needed for fine manuscripts, and daily practice did not always demand such books. Sometimes cheaper books, that were less attractive, would do just as well. That a professional scribe such as De Blauwe was able to copy both an expensive copy, such as the choirbook of 1549, and much simpler and cheaper books, such as ms. 1441, is not surprising. We know from scribes of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that they mastered a number of script types and that these could be delivered to order. In this respect the advertisement sheets of the scribe Herman Strepel from Münster are illustrative.111 That music scribes were no exception is proven by the example sheet of the German scribe Leonhard Frantz, which contains several notation forms that could be ordered from this copyist.112 As argued earlier, the scribe of ms. 1441 was probably also responsible for large parts of mss. 1442 and 1443. In support of that identification it can now be pointed out that the characteristic semiminim rests and fusae flags are also found in the work of Hand A. Accepting De Blauwe as the scribe of ms. 1441 also means that we have to acknowledge his role in copying mss. 1442 and 1443. The comparison of a specimen of hand A from one of the folio manuscripts with a page in De Blauwe’s hand could perhaps support this hypothesis. Plate 42 shows fragments from mss. 1438 and 1443 next to each other in an identical reduction. That the two scribal hands are related seems clear. The kinship becomes even stronger in Plate 43, in which the size of both notations has, by means of different reductions, been made approximately the same. When one considers that the format of ms. 1443 is only half of that of ms. 1438, and that we are dealing here with two manuscripts of entirely different status, one can only be surprised to see how similar these two notations actually are. Even though a comparison of scripts in a situation such as this will not lead to certainty regarding 111

See Kruitwagen, ‘De Münstersche schrijfmeester Herman Strepel (1447)’. Hell, ‘Leonhard Frantz’, pp. 68–69.

112



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Plate 42.  Ms. 1438, f. 212v and ms. 1443, f. 7v in similar reductions.

Plate 43.  Ms. 1438, f. 212v (left) and ms. 1443, f. 7v (right) each reduced to approximately the same size.

scribal hands, the similarities are remarkable enough for us to accept what the 1578 inventory tells us about the scribe of mss. 1441 and 1443, and to acknowledge De Blauwe as the scribe of ms. 1441 and large parts of mss. 1442 and 1443. What makes the identification of De Blauwe as the scribe of (parts of) mss. 1441–1443 interesting and problematic at the same time, is that this identification is not based, as is usually the case, on complete conformity of two scribal hands. Instead, it is the result of cumulative archival, codicological and scribal clues. The conformity of De Blauwe’s hand and that of the scribe of ms. 1441 (and parts of mss. 1442–1443) is limited to the littera cursiva libraria and a few elements of the musical

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notation, of which only two are characteristic enough to serve as possible fingerprints of scribal practice. If these clues should prove insufficient to confirm De Blauwe’s involvement in the realization of ms. 1441 and parts of mss. 1442–1443, then we are left with the question of who was responsible for these books. The possibility that they were copied in Leiden by one or more scribes who closely worked together with De Blauwe does not seem very realistic, as De Blauwe was a simple schoolmaster running a small private school and not the head of a musical scriptorium (if such scriptoria for copying polyphonic music ever existed in the sixteenth century). If these books came from elsewhere, we cannot assume they were copied in Holland. After all, De Blauwe is known to have sold choirbooks in Amsterdam, Gouda, Delft and Dordrecht, so he seems to have been the music scribe to turn to if one needed a good choirbook in mid-sixteenth-century Holland. But possibly the books came from Flanders, where scribes from the former circle around Alamire were still active? There are several books from Mary of Hungary’s library that are known to have been copied by such scribes.113 The idea that mss. 1441–1443 came, for example, from Brussels – as was first suggested in the Census-Catalogue114 – could find support in certain similarities between the cursive script of ms. 1441 and the Alamire manuscripts VienNB 4809 and MunBS 7. Some peculiar Bassus voice designations in ms. 1441 remind one of other sources from Alamire’s circle.115 However, a Flemish origin for ms. 1441 and parts of 1442–1443 cannot be proven. The scribal hands from these books are not found in the manuscripts of Mary of Hungary, or in the choirbooks ToleF 23, BrusC 27087 and 27088. The repertory of mss. 1441–1443 gives no clue as to the origin of the books. After all, many works by composers associated with the courts of Charles V and Mary of Hungary are also found in mss. 1438–1440, and these books were certainly copied in Leiden. The voice designations in the Bassus parts of ms. 1441 may be somewhat eccentric, but they are not unique. De Blauwe himself used the voice designations “Barriton”, “Barritonans”, and “Barripharius” in mss. 1438–1440.116 The cursive script of ms. 1441 may be similar to the text hands in some of the Alamire books, but it is impossible to find a definitive match. And then there are, of course, other troubling details that would make a Flemish origin for these books improbable: the paper sheets with watermark 1, that are found both in ms. 1443 and in ms. 113

Thompson, ‘Spanish-Netherlandish Musical Relationships’, pp. 72–76. A possible Brussels provenance for the oldest parts of mss. 1441–1443 was first suggested in Census-Catalogue, vol. II, pp. 28–30. 115 Ms. 1441 contains the following unusual designations for low voices: Barriton, Barritonans, Barricanor, Barripharius, Barriboans. Similar designations are also found in mss. VienNB 15495–15497, VienNB 15950, and in BrusC 27087 and BrusC 27088, two manuscripts the provenance of which is still a matter of debate. 116 We have no clue as to where De Blauwe learned how to copy musical manuscripts. He may have been taught by another scribe, or acquired the skill simply by looking at the work of other scribes. Both scenarios could explain how extraordinary voice designations such as the ones cited here ended up in the Leiden choirbooks. The famous Occo codex, for example, which was used in the Amsterdam chapel “der heyligher stede” in the 1530s (Huys, ‘An Unknown Alamire-Choirbook’, pp. 3–5), has the following designations for low voices: Barriton, Barriboans, Barricanor, Barripharius. 114

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1438; the pieces by regional composers such as Claudin Patoulet and Joachimus de Monte in ms. 1442; the improbability that ms. 1441 came to Leiden with the later addition Ave Maria already in place; the fact that if these books came from elsewhere, they must have been purchased as fascicle manuscripts in an unbound state (even ms. 1441), as the covers are clearly of Leiden origin. If, in spite of all this, one wishes to find the origin for mss. 1441–1443 outside Leiden, the most important question that needs to be answered is why the getijdenmeesters would have wanted to order music books from elsewhere if a professional music scribe was working in their own parish – especially a music scribe who had copied books for churches in major cities in Holland, a scribe from whom they had already ordered four books in 1549–1550, and from whom they would order two more in 1559.

Dating Manuscripts 1441–1443 It is impossible to tell exactly when mss. 1441–1443 were copied, though one can delimit the time frame within which they must have been compiled. Roman Catholic services were abandoned in Leiden in 1572 and there can be no doubt whatsoever that the books must have been compiled before that year. The terminus ad quem can be brought back further for large parts of mss. 1441–1443. As we saw earlier, Johannes Flamingus copied many of his own works for the getijdencollege during the years 1565–1567. The works are almost without exception written on paper with watermark no. 10.117 No other scribe used this type of paper. It would seem highly unlikely that De Blauwe, or any other professional scribe, was still working for the getijdencollege during these years. If the getijdencollege had the financial means in the years leading to the Reformation, they would probably have had Flamingus’s works copied by a professional scribe as well. Instead, Flamingus copied his own works, sometimes on empty openings, sometimes on new pages replacing older ones, and sometimes in loose gatherings that were later combined with older materials. It seems safe to conclude that Flamingus was the last scribe active for the getijdencollege and that all other materials date from before 1565, the earliest date when Flamingus was active in Leiden. Manuscript 1441 must certainly have been compiled before 1565, because in that year Flamingus added a few works of his own on empty openings in the book. As we saw earlier, he even removed two pieces from the choirbook in order to create space for two of his own works (see p. 109).118 It would seem most improbable that a book such as ms. 1441 was still quite new when Flamingus started entering his own works. The manuscript cannot have been copied earlier than 1545, as the repertory consists mainly of motets by Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon. The works of Crecquillon did not start to spread over the Low Countries until the 1540s. The earliest source transmitting his works is the set of partbooks that was copied

117

The only exceptions are merely three leaves in mss. 1441–1443 with watermark 11. It is easy, of course, to see this as an act of disrespect or even violence, but we cannot be sure why Flamingus did this. Possibly the readings of the two motets, In illo tempore and Da pacem domine, were defective and Flamingus merely tried to replace them with materials that were of use.

118

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by Zeghere van Male in Bruges in 1542.119 If the manuscript was indeed copied by Anthonius de Blauwe, the dating can be narrowed even further. The earliest documented payment to De Blauwe for copying choirbooks dates from 1547 (see p. 92); he seems to have copied his first book for St Peter’s in 1549. A dating of c. 1549–1560 would thus seem safe for ms. 1441, to which it may be added that a dating in the first half of the 1550s would be most plausible.120 This dating also seems to work for the parts of mss. 1442–1443 that may have been copied by De Blauwe. The unit with the three masses by Clemens/Crecquillon, La Rue and Josquin in ms. 1443 is notated on paper with watermark 1, a type of paper that is only found in ms. 1438. Perhaps these works, too, were copied around that time. In this respect it is interesting to note that the two books from 1559 are for the most part copied on paper with identical watermarks and that these watermarks are not found in other books. Another clue that may be of help in dating parts of mss. 1442–1443 is found in the compositions of which there are two copies in the Leiden manuscripts. There are nineteen such pieces, and eighteen of them are found in ms. 1442.121 A comparison of these “internal” concordances yields interesting results. In some cases the two copies differ in so many respects that direct relationship should be ruled out.122 In other cases, however, the two witnesses are clearly related. The copies are not only characterized by an almost identical reading of text and music, but also by identical page divisions.123 When the witnesses are so closely related, it is almost impossible to determine if one of the two was copied from the other, or if both were copied from a common exemplar. However, in some other pieces it is possible to demonstrate that one of the two witnesses served as an exemplar for the other. Richafort’s Quem dicunt homines is transmitted in both ms. 1438 (no. 10) and in ms. 1442 (no. 35). In ms. 1442 the motet is part of the gathering of motets discussed above (ff. 70v– 129r). The two witnesses are obviously related: there are only few variants and most of these are limited to the ornamentation or simplification of cadences, exactly the type of variant that one could expect from a scribe copying from a single exemplar. 119

Hudson, ‘A Neglected Source of Renaissance Polyphony’, p. 169; on the history of these partbooks see most recently, Gabriëls, ‘Bourgeois Music Collecting in Mid SixteenthCentury Bruges’. 120 As we will see later, the Ave Maria in the back of ms. 1441 must have been copied by a scribe who was active in Leiden before 1559. 121 1438: 10; 1439: 20, 32, 36–37, 54, 56–62, 68; 1440: 29–30, 37, 40; 1441: 54. In no fewer than thirteen cases the concordances are between mss. 1439 and 1442. 122 This applies, for instance, to the Magnificat settings by Jacotin, Mouton and Clemens non Papa (1439: 32, 36–37). A borderline case is Canis’s Domine pater et deus. This motet is known only from the two Leiden choirbooks. Their readings are alike, but the copy in ms. 1440 has some serious flaws (in the secunda pars some notes in the Superius voice are missing and the Bassus has a note too many). Furthermore, there are quite a few individual variants in pitch. This was apparently noticed by the singers, as on the first opening of the motet the following remark is found in a sixteenth-century hand: “hoc motetu est mele [recte: male] scriptum”. In spite of the mistakes the possibility cannot be excluded that both transmissions were copied from a common exemplar. 123 See for instance Iam bone pastor (1439: 56), Quod chorus vatum (1439: 61), Te matrem dei laudamus (1440: 40) and Josquin’s Preter rerum seriem (1440: 29). The Te matrem dei laudamus is found in ms. 1442 in its original form with the text of the Te deum.



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That both witnesses are closely related appears not only from the almost identical musical notation, but also from the fact that in both sources words from the motet text are lacking in exactly the same places.124 The reading of ms. 1442 is unique in one respect, however: it has signa congruentiae in several places. These signa happen to coincide in all cases with page divisions in ms. 1438, which leads to the conclusion that the witness in the motet gathering in ms. 1442 was the exemplar De Blauwe used for his fair copy in ms. 1438. This finding is corroborated by another composition in the same gathering that also has signa congruentiae: Josquin’s Stabat mater (no. 32). The reading of the motet is virtually identical with that in ms. 1440 (no. 30), and in this case, too, all signa correspond to page divisions in De Blauwe’s fair copy.125 The conclusion is that in these two cases one of the two manuscript witnesses is demonstrably the exemplar and the other the fair copy. This is supported by the fact that the motets of Richafort and Josquin are the only pieces in the motet gathering of ms. 1442 that actually have signa congruentiae,126 and that these are the only two pieces in that gathering which are also found in other books from Leiden. There can be little doubt, therefore, that the motet gathering of ms. 1442 (ff. 70v–129r) must have been available to De Blauwe when he was working on ms. 1438 in 1549. It would seem that the motets in this gathering were at some time brought together in order to have them copied into a choirbook and that De Blauwe, or someone in the service of the getijdencollege, had kept it safe for future use. There is of course evidence that De Blauwe did precisely that on another occasion, as demonstrated by his autograph letter to the zangmeester of Gouda (see p. 96). Manuscript 1442 contains three other compositions with similar signa congruentiae. Fair copies of these works are found in ms. 1439.127 Here, too, a comparison of the witnesses indicates that the copies in ms. 1442 served as the exemplar for the fair copy in De Blauwe’s hand. Two out of the three works are by Joachimus de Monte and were originally copied in hand I. All other works by De Monte are in this hand, too, and almost identical readings of them are found in ms. 1439.128 This means that the scribe of hand I must have been active in Leiden before 1559. This year may also be taken as the terminus ad quem for ms. 1441, which has a manuscript addition in the back in hand I. All pieces copied in hand I use paper with watermarks 12, 13 or 16. No fewer than seventy-seven sheets of paper in ms. 1442 have watermark 12, and these sheets were 124

For example: in Superius m. 25 the word “illi” is lacking, and in mm. 41–42 the words “ego enim”; in Contratenor m. 49 “est” is lacking. 125 That scribes sometimes place signa congruentiae above notes where a page turn would have to be made in a fair copy can also be seen in ms. VienNB 11883, which seems to consist of fascicle exemplars (cf. Hudson, ‘A Glimpse into a Scribal Workshop’, pp. 197–198). 126 The only other signa are found at the beginning of Willaert’s Pater noster (1442: 39). Here they occur only on the first page and they are not placed in the middle of the voice parts, but rather at the end, which leaves doubt as to their specific function. 127 J. de Monte, Aurea luce (1442: 31; 1439: 59); J. de Monte, O Elisabeth insignis (1442: 75; 1439: 62); anonymous, Quod chorus vatum (1442: 52; 1439: 60). 128 A solis ortus cardine (1442: 99; 1439: 57), Ave maris stella (1442: 102; 1439: 68), Christe qui lux es (1442: 100; 1439: 58). In these instances the witnesses in ms. 1442 do not have signa. For two of these works they was not needed anyway, as the page division of the model could also be used for the fair copy.

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all used by hand A/A′. As I mentioned earlier, it is interesting that the watermarks found in the two books from 1559 do not occur anywhere else in the Leiden choirbooks. Neither does the paper of ms. 1438 occur elsewhere, with the exception of the three-mass unit in ms. 1442. It would therefore seem that De Blauwe’s paper stack was renewed with some frequency, and that manuscripts carrying the same watermark may have been copied within a relatively short period of one another. This would mean that the work of scribes A/A′ now found in ms. 1442 was also copied before 1559. There are six sheets of paper with watermark 13 and six sheets with watermark 16 in ms. 1442. These twelve sheets were used by hands I, II and III (the last of which may be identical with VI). It would seem logical to assume that these scribes, too, were active before 1559. In sum, ms. 1441 cannot have been copied earlier than c. 1545 and must have been copied before 1559. Most probably it was copied, by Anthonius de Blauwe, in the first half of the 1550s. Manuscripts 1442–1443 are repository manuscripts and cannot have been compiled and bound before 1567, the year Flamingus copied his final works for the getijdenzangers in Leiden. It would seem that all materials in these books were copied before Flamingus started to expand the repertory of the getijdenzangers with his own works in 1565. The works copied in hand I were already available when De Blauwe started working on mss. 1439–1440 in 1559. Other hands that copied on the same types of paper as hand I are hands A/A′, II and III/VI, and it would seem that their period of activity, too, lies between 1550 and 1559. The motet gathering of ms. 1442 must have been available to De Blauwe in 1549 and is, therefore, probably one of the oldest units in the Leiden choirbooks.

The Later History of the Choirbooks After the choirbooks had been stored and locked into the chest in the curator’s chamber in city hall, nothing was heard about the books until well into the nineteenth century. In spite of the attempts of the town magistrate to store the books carefully, two of the eight manuscripts described in the 1578 inventory seem to have been lost. It has been suggested that certain music books were used to strike paper coins during the siege of Leiden in 1573–1574.129 One has to wonder, however, if this hypothesis can stand, for none of the paper coins that have been preserved seems to have been made from music paper.130 The two missing books certainly could not have been used for paper coins, as they were clearly extant in 1578, while the paper coins were made between 19 December 1573 and 10 February 1574.131 When the choirbooks surfaced again in the mid-nineteenth century, they were kept in the city archives.132 In 1876 they were brought to the recently opened museum in the Lakenhal, to be exhibited as silent witnesses of Leiden’s rich musical 129

Land, ‘De koorboeken van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 37; Thijsse, Zeven eeuwen Nederlandse muziek, p. 92; Zwierzina, ‘De penningen betrekking hebbende op Leiden’, p. 64. 130 Van Beek, ‘De munten van Leiden’, p. 56. 131 Van Beek, ‘De munten van Leiden’, p. 57. 132 Boers, ‘Clemens non Papa’, p. 11.



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past.133 In 1879 the manuscripts were first described in the catalogue of the museum, and one year later Jan Pieter Nicolaas Land published his detailed inventory of the choirbooks in the third yearbook of the Vereeniging voor Noord–Nederlands Muziekgeschiedenis.134 In December of 1931, on the initiative of the director of the museum, Anthony Coert, five of the six choirbooks were brought back to the city archives. The best preserved choirbook, ms. 1440, remained in the museum on permanent exhibition.135 In the 1960s it was decided that the most damaged of the six choirbooks should be restored. The covers of these volumes had largely perished and part of the metal furniture was lacking or defective. Manuscripts 1438 and 1441–1443 were taken to the convent St Catharinadal in Oosterhout, where the restoration and rebinding (in modern covers) took place in 1964–1965. Some of the materials of the old bindings are kept in the Leiden archives.136

133

See the ‘Verslag van de Commissie voor de bewaring van voorwerpen van waarde of belangrijk voor de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis der kunst, 1876’ (Erfgoed Leiden en omstreken, Bibliotheek Leiden en omgeving, no. 73034 d). 134 Cat. 1879, pp. 34–44; see also: Cat. 1886, pp. 80–91; Cat. 1914, pp. 67–76; Cat. 1924, pp. 74–76 (for the changing call numbers, see p. 218); Land, ‘De koorboeken van de St. Pieterskerk’. 135 SML, inv. no. 6 (minutes d.d. 30–10–1931), inv. no. 27 (original of letter to burgomaster and aldermen of town magistrate of Leiden, dated 11 November 1931); see also Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, p. 103. 136 These remains are mentioned and discussed in Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’.

Chapter 4

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks

T

he six choirbooks of the getijdencollege contain a rich and mixed repertoire of polyphonic sacred compositions. Taken together, the books contain 328 different compositions, some of which are found in two of the manuscripts.1 Among these works one finds both fragmentary compositions and short hymn settings, and large-scale motets and masses. If the number of contemporaneous manuscript witnesses may be taken as an indication of a work’s popularity, then some of the most beloved compositions of the mid-sixteenth century are found in the Leiden repertoire. A rare, impressive, case is Clemens non Papa’s motet Maria Magdalena, which is found in two of the Leiden books (1439: 20; 1442: 50) and in no fewer than forty-one other sources. Among the compositions with fewer, but still more than thirty, witnesses are Josquin’s Preter rerum seriem (1440: 29; 1442: 48), Benedicta es celorum regina (1439: 25) and Stabat mater (1440: 30; 1442: 32), and Richafort’s Iherusalem luge (1442: 51). These motets are closely followed by compositions that are spread over Europe in more than twenty sources. These numbers already indicate that the Leiden singers had at their disposal pieces with a truly international tradition. At the other end of the spectrum are those pieces that are found only in the Leiden manuscripts and are unknown from any other source. Among these unique copies one finds not only anonymous works and pieces by relatively unknown regional composers, such as Eustacius Barbion, Joachimus de Monte, Claudius Potoletus, Michiel Smeekers and Franciscus Ysenbaert, but also masses, motets and Magnificat settings by Benedictus Appenzeller, Cornelius Canis, Jacobus Clemens non Papa, Thomas Crecquillon, Nicolas Gombert and Jean Mouton. Of particular note among these works are a complete cycle of Magnificats by Clemens non Papa, eight motets by Crecquillon, and the Missa Faulte dargent and two Magnificats by Mouton.2 Among the anonymous unique works there are also remarkable items, such as the only complete cycle of Nunc dimittis settings that is found in Renaissance music.

The Composers Table 6 lists all the composers who are represented in the Leiden choirbooks.3 Leaving the sixty-two works that Flamingus added to the books in 1565–1567 out of consideration, it is clear that the core repertoire of the singers of the getijdencollege was formed of masses, motets and Magnificats by Clemens non papa and Crecquillon. 1

Counting the pieces that are copied twice as individual works, one reaches a grand total of 349 compositions. 2 See 1439: 29–31, 33, 35, 37–39 (Clemens); 1438: 7, 12, 17, 19 & 1441: 3, 26, 36, 48 (Crecquillon); 1438: 40 & 1442: 62–63 (Mouton). 3 The dates of the composers are, with very few exceptions, taken from NGD2. The dates for Crecquillon are taken from CMM 63-V, p. xi. Cornelius Canis did not die in 1561, as has long been assumed, but in 1562; I am grateful to Bruno Bouckaert for providing this information.



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 143 Table 6  Composers represented in the Leiden choirbooks Dates Composer No. of compositions c. 1425–1496 Johannes Regis 1 c. 1440–1521 Josquin des Prez 9 c. 1450–1517 Heinrich Isaac 1 [1]* c. 1459–1522 Jean Mouton 5 [1] c. 1460–1518 Pierre de La Rue 1 c. 1470–1511/12 Antoine de Févin 1 1470/80–before 1552 Philippe Verdelot 3 fl. 1500–1525 Eustachius Gallus [1] c. 1480–d. after 1532 Jean Lhéritier 1 c. 1480–c. 1547 Jean Richafort 10 [1] c. 1480/88–after 1558 Benedictus Appenzeller 6 [1] c. 1480/90–c. 1550 Pierre Moulu 2 1483–1559 Jacquet van Mantua 1 c. 1485–c. 1545 Maistre Jhan 1 c. 1490–1562 Adriaen Willaert 1 [1] c. 1490–1562 Claudin de Sermisy 2 c. 1495–c. 1560 Nicolas Gombert 4 c. 1496–1541 Lupus Hellinck 3 fl. 1510–1550 Jheronimus Vinders 2 fl. 1515–1555 Jacotin 2 fl. 1518–? Mathieu Gascongne 1 fl. 1520–1565 Goessen Jonckers 1 c. 1500–1553 Cristobal de Morales 1 fl. 1527–1556 Eustacius Barbion 3 fl. 1529–1539 Franciscus Ysenbaert 1 1505?–1568 Jacques Arcadelt 1 c. 1506–1539 Johannes Lupi 11 c. 1510–1564 Pierre de Manchicourt 5 [1] c. 1510/15–1555/56 Jacobus Clemens non Papa 41 [3] c. 1510/15–1568/69 Christian Hollander 4 c. 1510/20–1557 Thomas Crecquillon 36 [1] c. 1510/20–1562 Cornelius Canis 4 c. 1512–after 24 Apr. 1559 Nicolas Payen 1 1515/16–1565 Cipriano de Rore 1 fl. 1530–1545 Jean Courtois 2 fl. 1542–1563 Josquin Baston 1 fl. 1544–1552 Michiel Smeekers 1 fl. 1545–1550 Claudius Potoletus 6 fl. 1545–1557 Petrus Jordain 2 1528/29–1582 Johannes de Cleve 1 d. 1538 Nicolle des Celliers de Hesdin 1 fl. 1550–1555 Joachimus de Monte 10 before 1529–before 22 Nov. 1563 Adrian Tubal [1] fl. 1560–1576 Franciscus Mergot de Novo Portu 1 fl. 1565–1573 Johannes Flamingus 62 d. after 1574 Mathias Hermann Werrecore [1] * Numbers in square brackets indicate compositions of uncertain authorship (see further discussion under the subheading “Conflicting Ascriptions”).

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This emphasis on the works of two of the most important composers in the Low Countries in the mid-sixteenth century left the older repertoire all but neglected. Josquin des Prez, for example, is represented only by some of his large motets. The presence of these pieces is not surprising, as they were spread across Europe in many sources until late in the sixteenth century. More interesting is that the choirbooks contain five works by Mouton (d. 1522) and no fewer than eleven by Lupi (d. 1539), two composers whose careers unfolded entirely in northern France. Just as remarkable is the presence of Morales’s Missa de beata virgine in one of the books; the works of Spanish composers are seldom found in manuscript and printed sources from the Low Countries. The transmission of O admirabile commercium by Regis in one of the two manuscripts from 1559 (ms. 1439) may even be considered unique. The fact that the singers of the getijdencollege attributed this late fifteenth-century work to Josquin des Prez makes it no less surprising that they still performed it in 1560, when it must have sounded antiquated to most of them. The majority of the composers who are represented with three or more works in the Leiden choirbooks were active for a large part of their careers in northern France and the southern Netherlands. Most of them held a position of zangmeester in such cities as Arras (Manchicourt), Bruges (Barbion, Clemens non Papa, Hellinck, Richafort), Cambrai (Lupi), Courtrai (Barbion), Oudenaarde (Christian Hollander), and Tournai (Manchicourt), or were in the service of the courts of Louis XII (Mouton), Charles V (Canis, Crecquillon, Gombert), Mary of Hungary (Appenzeller), or Philip II (Manchicourt). Some of them found a position elsewhere and moved away; Christian Hollander was one such, who, just like Johannes de Cleve and Franciscus Mergot de Novo Portu, left for Vienna to join the musicians in the chapel of the Habsburg court.4 Information on the lives and careers of most of the composers listed in Table 6 is available in standard reference works that are easily accessible.5 In some cases, however, the wanderings of certain minor composers are not, or not fully, documented. For instance, nothing is known about the career of Petrus Jordain.6 The only evidence of his existence comes from five motets 4

Not much is known about Franciscus Mergot. He was employed by the Habsburg court in Vienna from 1560 until 1576, when he received a special remuneration because of his long and faithful service. After this nothing is heard of him again. See Pass, Musik und Musiker am Hof Maximilians II., pp. 57–58, passim. It has been suggested, with view to the suffix “de Novu Portu”, that Mergot may have been born in Spain (NGD2 16, p. 456). However, the family name and the particular appeal the Vienna court held for Flemish musicians would seem to point towards the Flemish city of Nieuwpoort as Mergot’s place of origin (see also Land, ‘De koorboeken van de St. Pieterskerk’, p. 39). There is a theoretical possibility that Mergot came from Nieuwpoort near Rotterdam, but that seems less likely as this Nieuwpoort was a tiny town with no documented musical life. Besides the Regina celi in ms. 1443 (no. 11), the following motets by Mergot are known: Beatus vir qui suffert, 4 voc. (Gardano 15685; WrocS 7); Deduc me domine, 3 voc. (Gerlach 15672); Intuens in caelum, 5 voc. (Gardano 15684); Plangent eum quasi unigenitum, 5 voc. (Gardano 15682); Tu es petrus, 5 voc. (Gardano 15684); Tu in nobis es domine, 3 voc. (Gerlach 15672; MunBS 1501). 5 See especially the biographical sketches in NGD2 and MGG2. 6 Unless the composer may be identified with the “Petrus Jordanus de Lovanio” who was registered among the new students at the university of Louvain in 1530, and/ or with Petrus Jorjaen from Antwerp, who was zangmeester of St James’s church in



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and a Dutch polyphonic song that are transmitted under his name.7 In the case of Jheronimus Vinders we are not much better informed, although we do now know that he was active as zangmeester of the guild of “O.L.V.-op-de-rade” in St John’s – nowadays St Bavo – in Ghent from 16 June 1525 until approximately 1 January 1526.8 The careers of the zangmeesters and composers Claudin Patoulet, Michiel Smeekers and Joachimus de Monte has been discussed earlier (see pp. 72–74). The only known works by Patoulet and Smeekers are transmitted in ms. 1442. Out of the ten compositions by De Monte that are found in the Leiden manuscripts, only the motet Christus resurgens ex mortuis (1438: 26) is also found in other sources.9 In two manuscripts and an edition by Waelrant & Laet this composition is transmitted under the name of “Montanus”, which has led to a rather curious confusion of Joachimus de Monte and the Bohemian composer and humanist J(o)an(nes) Simonides Montanus.10 Another piece by De Monte is a twelve-voice arrangement of Josquin’s Benedicta es celorum regina. This peculiar setting is one of two arrangements of Josquin’s famous motet that add six new parts to the original six of Benedicta es.11 Bruges in 1540–1541 (see MMN XIX, p. ix; and Dewitte, ‘Zangmeesters, organisten en schoolmeesters aan de Sint Jacobparochie, p. 347). 7 These are, in addition to the two motets in the Leiden books: Ecce panis angelorum, 4 voc. (RegB 844–8; Susato 155310); Haec est dies, 5 voc. (Susato 15573); In dedicatione templi, 5 voc. (HradKM 26; HradKM 29; Kriesstein 15453); and the four-voice Dutch song O troost, confoort (Baethen 155431). 8 Jas, ‘A Rediscovered Mass of Jheronimus Vinders?’, pp. 235, 243; see also pp. 239–241 for a list of all works ascribed to Vinders. A modern edition of his works is found in VindersCW. 9 Joachimus de Monte’s œuvre consists of six hymn settings and four motets. Among the hymn settings is the remarkable three-voice canon Domus pudici (the fourth strophe of the hymn A solis ortus cardine). Kloppenburg, who published a short article on De Monte’s works in 1957, argues that this canon harked back “to the mensural works of art of the times of Ockeghem and Obrecht” (Kloppenburg, ‘Een tijdgenoot van Jacob Clemens non Papa’, p. 43). It would seem that Kloppenburg was led somewhat astray by the canon indication “Omne trium perfectum”. The setting is no mensural canon at all, but a rather straightforward canon in the lower fifth and upper fourth (with the Bassus imitating at the minim and the Superius at a distance of 2 breves, a semibreve and a minim). 10 Census-Catalogue, vol. IV, p. 419. Jan Simonides Montanus was born in Kutná Hora (Kuttenberg) sometime between 1530 and 1540 and worked there all his life until he died in 1587. His works are transmitted in the manuscripts CeskySA 9, HradKM 22, HradKM 29, HradKM 30 and RokyA 22 (MGG 7, kol. 1922; Horyna: Hudební skadatelé v renesanční Kutné Hoře). 11 Unfortunately, only four parts of De Monte’s setting are preserved in the unique and incomplete source (WhalleyS 23). The table of contents of these two partbooks ascribes the work to “Josquin des pres”, but the four parts are ascribed to Ioachim Montanus. Both the table of contents and the individual parts carry explicit indications that the work is for twelve voices. Apparently De Monte added six parts to Josquin’s original, just as Jean Guyot de Châtelet (Castileti) did in his arrangement. For quite some time it was thought that the De Monte arrangement and the one by Castileti were identical (see, for example, the Census-Catalogue entries for WhalleyS 23 and MunBS 1536). Some time ago, however, Martin Ham pointed out that we are dealing here with two different

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Very little is known about the life and works of Franciscus Ysenbaert. From January 1529 until October 1531 he served as magister cantus of the church of Our Lady in Bruges. In 1534 he held a similar position in the Flemish town of Nieuwpoort. After some time Ysenbaert returned to Bruges, where he became zangmeester of St Giles in March 1539.12 Ysenbaert’s only known work is the motet Dixerunt discipuli (1441: 30). We are slightly better informed about the career of Eustacius Barbion. A native of Antoing in Hainaut, Barbion spent his apprenticeship as a choirboy, from 1527 until 1530, at the church of Our Lady in Bruges. After this he seems to have moved to Tournai, for this is where his wife Agnès du Piercourt died in August 1540. On 14 September 1541 he was appointed zangmeester of St James in Bruges. Two years later he left Bruges for Courtrai to succeed Pieter Maessens as zangmeester on 12 April. Apparently Barbion died early in July 1556, leaving two underage children behind.13 Barbion’s sacred œuvre consists of thirteen motets.14 Tracing the career of Goessen Jonckers is slightly problematic. Archival documents relating to him are scanty and at times it is difficult to be sure about the identity of the musician mentioned in the sources and accounts. Some sources ascribe specific works to both Maistre Gosse and Gosse Jonckers, which probably indicates that we are dealing with one and the same person. Fétis seems to have found references to Maistre Gosse at the French court during the years 1547–1549, which would conveniently explain the presence of some of Gosse’s compositions in French printed editions of the period.15 Other biographical details may relate to Gosse’s early career. In 1519/1520 a certain “Goessen Anth. Jonckersz.” travelled to ’s-Hertogenbosch hoping to find a position there with the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap. Although he was in the choir for some six months, his efforts were not ultimately rewarded with a permanent position.16 In 1528/1529 “Goossin Jonckers” was magister cantus of St James’s in Bruges. According to the accounts of the church, the new zangmeester originated from Aardenburg.17 In 1529 he seems to have moved to Ghent; he was hired in the middle of August as zangmeester of the arrangements (see his ‘The Stonyhurst College Partbooks’, pp. 46 and 53). For a modern edition of Castileti’s arrangement, see RRMR 146, no. 11. 12 Dewitte, ‘De geestelijkheid van de Brugse Lieve-Vrouwekerk, p. 122; Dewitte, ‘Zangmeesters, «schoolmeesters» en organisten aan de Sint-Gilleskerk’, p. 98. 13 Cf. the revised article for Barbion in the online edition of NGD2 and the literature cited there. 14 These are, besides the three motets in ms. 1441: Amavit eum dominus, 5 voc. (Waelrant & Laet 15566; Berg & Neuber 15591); Candida virginitas paradisi, 5 voc. (Phalèse 15554); Gallis hostibus, 4 voc. (Phalèse 15623); Girum caeli, 5 voc. (RegB B223–33, no. 10 [37]; Susato 15573); Hostia salveto panis ter maxime, ? voc. (HradKM 29); In honore matris dei, 5 voc. (Susato 155313); Justus germinabit sicut lilium, 6 voc. (HradKM 29; Berg & Neuber 15584); Maria virgo semper laetare, 5 voc. (Susato 15573); Sospitati dedit egros, 5 voc. (VienNB Mus. 19189); Vigilate et orate, 6 voc. (StuttL 2; Phalèse 155311; Berg & Neuber 15584). 15 NGD2 10, pp. 185–186. 16 See Smijers, ‘De lllustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, vol. 14, p. 92, where a quotation from the accounts explains that Goesen aspired to a permanent position in ’s-Hertogenbosch but that the Brotherhood did not want to hire him in the end. 17 Dewitte, ‘Zangmeesters, organisten en schoolmeesters aan de Sint Jacobparochie’, p. 347.



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guild of “O.L.V.-op-de-rade” in St John’s (now St Bavo). According to the accounts he stayed in service until late June 1532.18 Another intriguing problem of identification is that of the composers with the name Hollander. The name of Jean ( Johannes) de Hollande has been found in the archives of two churches in Bruges. As of 1538 this Johannes was succentor in St Saviour, and as of 21 February 1541 he held the same office in St Donatian’s. In 1544 he was discharged because of bad behaviour.19 Christian Hollander is first mentioned in a document from 1549, when he became zangmeester of St Walpurga in Oudenaarde. The registers record him as “Christian Janszone gheseyd de Hollandere”, which suggests that Christian was a son of Johannes and that father and son came from the county of Holland.20 Christian stayed on in Oudenaarde until 1557, then left for Florence. Still later he was hired by Ferdinand I. Whether or not there was ever a singer named Sebastian Hollander is still a matter of debate. His name is found only in connection with the motet Dum transisset sabbatum (1439: 17). This composition, which is attributed to Christian Hollander in three sources, was ascribed to Sebastian Hollander by Phalèse (15541) and Berg & Neuber (155410). Remarkably enough, the manuscript sources naming Sebastian all date from after 1554.21 That Sebastian’s name is found only in conjunction with this motet, and that his name has not turned up in the archival documents of any church or court,22 has led to the, probably correct, assumption that some strange confusion must have arisen, and that Sebastian Hollander never 18

Ghent, Rijksarchief, accounts of the “Gilde van OLV-op-de-rade” in St John, K 5235, K 5238: accounts 1528–1529, ff. 5v, 6r; accounts 1529–1530, ff. 7r, 8v; accounts 1530–1531, ff. 7r, 8r; accounts 1531–1532, f. 8r; all references to “Goesin Jonckers” and “meester Goessin”. For an overview of Jonckers’s works, see NGD2 10, p. 186. 19 According to Dewitte, Johannes was a former choirboy of St Donatian’s and stayed in service until 1545, which raises questions that, unfortunately, remain unanswered (Dewitte, ‘Gegevens betreffende het muziekleven in de voormalige Sint-Donaaskerk’, p. 158). 20 Cf. Senn, Musik und Theater am Hof zu Innsbruck, p. 113. Some compositions are attributed in the sources both to Johannes and Christian Hollander. This led Osthoff to suggest that after the failure of 1544 Johannes changed his name, and from then on went by the name of Christian Hollander. He found confirmation of this hypothesis in the fact that Christian’s name occurs nowhere before 1549 (Osthoff, Die Niederländer und das deutsche Lied, pp. 210–11). Unfortunately, this rather incredible suggestion has been adopted by several authors (NGD 11, p. 624; Noske, ‘Christiaan Janszoon Hollander en zijn tricinia’, p. 170). Hans Albrecht seems to have tried to support this idea by mentioning that Christian Janszone may have been called in Bruges simply “Jean de Hollande” or “Johannes Hollandt”, which is, of course, contrary to the meaning of the patronymic Janszone, “son of Jan” (MGG 6, col. 641). Albrecht further argued that the addition “gheseyd de Hollandere” would lose its meaning if Christian really was a son of Johannes. The only thing this actually proves is that Albrecht was apparently not altogether au fait with the sixteenth-century use of patronymics and indications of regional provenance. 21 BerlPS 40192, ChelmE 2, LonBL 31390, RegB 940–1, RosU 42/1, UppsU 76g, WrocS 5, ZwiR 74/1. 22 It should be pointed out, however, that Sebastian’s name also occurs in Phalèse 15541, in the Quinta vox partbook above the secunda pars of Crecquillon’s motet Nigra sum. There can be little doubt that this attribution is an error (see p. 150). The only manuscript that ascribes a piece to Sebastian other than Dum transisset sabbatum is UlmS 236 from the second half of the sixteenth century. The work attributed to him is the German song Ist keiner hie der spricht zu mir.

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existed.23 In view of this there is no need to doubt Christian Hollander’s authorship of Dum transisset sabbatum. This brings us to a topic that has become increasingly extensive as the manuscript sources and printed editions have been better inventoried and described: the matter of conflicting ascriptions.

Conflicting Ascriptions As mentioned earlier, the choirbooks of the getijdencollege contain a total of 349 compositions. Of these works 197 are attributed in the manuscript and/or in the tables of contents of mss. 1438–1441. The composers of the remaining masses, motets and liturgical works were, apparently, unknown to the Leiden scribes and singers. In these cases the space at the top of the page that could hold the composer’s name remained empty, and every now and then in the table of contents it was indicated that the composer was unknown by entering “incertus autor”.24 Many of the anonymous works can be attributed to composers based on ascriptions that are found in concordant sources. At present, some sixty-six anonymous compositions remain that cannot be ascribed on the basis of bibliographic or stylistic considerations. Locating the Leiden repertoire in other manuscript sources and in printed editions allows one to uncover composers’ names of a number of pieces that were left without attribution. On the other hand, it also draws attention to the tally of pieces the authorship of which was disputed at the time. Out of the 197 compositions with an attribution in the Leiden books, thirty-two are ascribed to other composers in contemporary sources.25 In one additional, isolated case a motet is ascribed to two different composers in the Leiden books themselves. Twelve out of the total of thirty-three conflicting attributions concern compositions for which both Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon are mentioned as possible composers. That such confusion about the works of these two composers should exist in the sixteenth century is not strange. Clemens and Crecquillon were the most prolific composers in the Low Countries in the mid-sixteenth century and both of them wrote an 23

Osthoff, Die Niederländer und das deutsche Lied, p. 211; MGG2 Personenteil 9, kol. 218, NGD2 11, pp. 624. 24 It may be interesting to list here the details with regard to attributions that do or do not appear in the tables of contents of mss. 1438–1442 (mss. 1442–1443 do not have such tables). Manuscripts 1438–1441 originally contained (later additions and the In illo tempore in ms. 1441 excluded) 203 pieces. Of these works 131 are attributed either over the music or in the tables of contents. Manuscript 1438 has 6 attributions that appear only over the music and not in the table of contents; ms. 1439 has 10. None of these has proven to be untrustworthy. In mss. 1439–1441 there are 19 instances where an attribution is found in the table of contents but not in the body of the manuscript: in ms. 1439 this occurs 3 times (one of the ascriptions is wrong [1439: 27], and one of them is doubtful [1439: 28]); in ms. 1440 this occurs 12 times (two of these ascriptions are probably false [1440: 24 & 33]); in ms. 1441 this occurs 4 times (again, two of these ascriptions are probably false [1441: 6 & 47]). With 6 problematic ascriptions from a total of 19, the attributions that are found in the tables of contents only are more problematic than the ascriptions in the body of the manuscripts. There is only one internal conflicting ascription in the books (1441: 49), and in this case the attribution in the body of the manuscript is correct (see below). 25 For convenience sake, the following overview also includes works that are anonymous in the Leiden choirbooks but have conflicting attributions in concordant sources.



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impressive number of motets. The style of these two composers is at times so similar that it is impossible to tell their works apart. Drawing definitive conclusions regarding authorship in cases of conflicting attribution is not always easy. Sometimes the evidence of the sources is ambiguous. Stylistic considerations then come into play, but these are not always helpful either. However, in quite a few cases it is possible to reach a decision.26 Every now and then a mid-sixteenth-century composition is attributed to two different composers in the same source. In most cases one of the two ascriptions is simply an error which can easily be rectified by checking concordant sources. In the Leiden choirbooks one such internal conflict arises: the motet Domine non est exaltatum (1441: 49) is attributed to Crecquillon in the original table of contents of the manuscript. In the body of the manuscript, however, Clemens non Papa is named as the composer of the piece. There is no need to doubt Clemens’s authorship as all witnesses, among them two editions by Tielman Susato, give his name.27 The authorship of the motets Iherusalem surge (1439: 13), Ite in orbem (1438: 32), Gaude tu baptista Christi (1440: 22) and Servus tuus ego sum (1438: 6) can likewise be settled without difficulty.28 A second group of authenticity matters that can be easily resolved is the category which involves a conflicting ascription in one or two peripheral sources versus a trustworthy ascription in all or most of the remaining sources. A striking example is the motet Pater noster that is attributed to Willaert in no fewer than nineteen sources but appears under the name of Obrecht in one manuscript from the German-speaking part of Europe. An overview of these cases is given in Table 7a.29 Of course there is not always an overwhelming number of sources with a uniform attribution that can be taken as a leading factor in establishing authorship. More often one has to work with fewer sources, but even then the matter need not be difficult. Some sources – such as a single-composer edition published during the composer’s lifetime, and sources compiled in a composer’s place of work during his period of activity – clearly have more authority than others (Table 7b).30 However, the presence of a composition in a source that seems to be trustworthy does not always decide the case. For example, the motet Surge illuminare Iherusalem (1441: 38) is attributed to three different composers. One of these, Cornelius Canis, can be eliminated right away as his name occurs only in conjunction with that of Crecquillon in an edition printed by Ulhard in 1548, and there can be little doubt that the presence of his name is an error.31 Susato’s Liber secundus ecclesiasticarum 26

I would like to thank Barton Hudson for sending me the introductions to his volumes of four- and five-voice motets by Crecquillon prior to their publication in CMM. His conclusions as to the authorship in cases of conflicting attribution involving Clemens and Crecquillon are in complete accord with the findings presented here. 27 Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, p. 73. 28 For Ite in orbem, see ibid., p. 89. 29 This table should, of course, be consulted in conjunction with the complete overview of all sources for the pieces listed here, which is found in Appendix 2, below. 30 This table, too, should be consulted in conjunction with the sources listed in Appendix 2, below. 31 Cf. Hur, ‘Conflicting Attributions in the Continental Motet Repertory’, pp. 116–117.

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Table 7a  Conflicting ascriptions: cases where the conflicting ascription appears in peripheral sources only Composition

Leiden ms.

Leiden Attribution Other Attributions

Nigra sum sed formosa

1438: 14

Thomas Cricquillon

Clemens non Papa Crecquillona Crecquillon Seb. Hollander

Composer

Mane nobiscum domine

1438: 24

Clemens non papa

Clemens non Papa Clemens non Crecquillon Papa

Iam non dicam

1438: 27

Anonymous

Lupus Richafort

Richafortb

Dum transisset sabbatum

1439: 17

Cristianus hollander

Chr. Hollander Seb. Hollander Lassus

Chr. Hollanderc

Sancta Maria virgo

1439: 26

Anonymous

Josquin Verdelot

Verdelotd

Dum 1440: 18 complerentur dies

Anonymous

Arcadelt Verdelot

Arcadelte

Infirmitatem nostram

1441: 51

Willart

Verdelot Willaert

Verdelotf

Pater noster

1442: 39

Adrianus Willaert

Obrecht Willaert

Willaertg

a

The sources that cause confusion in this case are a German manuscript from the second half of the sixteenth century and Phalèse’s edition of 1554, which carries the names of Crecquillon, Clemens and Hollander all at once. The motet is ascribed to Crecquillon in the table of contents, and in the partbooks of Contratenor, Tenor and Bassus. Clemens’s name appears in the Superius and Quinta vox partbooks, and “Sebast. Holland” is printed over the secunda pars of the motet in the Quinta vox partbook; cf. Vanhulst, Catalogue des éditions de musique, no. 18. For the authorship, see Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, p. 72; Bernet Kempers, ‘Bibliography of the Sacred Works of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, p. 105. b

Cf. Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, pp. 382, 405.

c

On the matter of Christian and Sebastian Hollander, see pp. 147–148.

d

Cf. Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, p. 55; see also NJE 25, Critical Commentary (Utrecht 2009), pp. 73–76.

e

Cf. Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, pp. 56, 282–284.

f

Cf. ibid., pp. 29–30.

g

Cf. Gombosi, Jacob Obrecht, p. 126; Picker, Johannes Ockeghem and Jacob Obrecht, p. 80.

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Table 7b  Conflicting ascriptions: cases where ascription can be taken from an authoritative source Composition

Leiden ms.

Leiden Attribution Other Attributions

Accesserunt ad Iesum

1439: 10

Clemens non papa

Clemens non Papa Clemens non Maessens Papaa

Cum esset Anna

1440: 24

Clemens non Papa

Clemens non Papa Tubalb Tubal

Domine pater et deus

1440: 36

Clemens Non papa

Clemens non Papa Crecquillonc Crecquillon

Domine deus exercituum

1441: 4

Clemens non papa

Clemens non Papa Clemens non Crecquillon Papa

Inclita stirps yesse 1441: 6

Cricquillon

Clemens non Papa Clemens non Crecquillon Papa

Non conturbetur cor

1441: 42

Manchicourt

Gosse Jonckers Manchicourt

Pastores loquebantur

1441: 47

Cricquillon

Clemens non Papa Clemens non Crecquillon Papa

a

Composer

Gosse Jonckers

Cf. DTÖ 149, pp. 133–135.

b

The motet is ascribed by De Blauwe to Clemens non Papa in the table of contents of ms. 1440. Four years earlier, however, the same work had been published by Waelrant & Laet under the name of Tubal. During the years 1554–1559 Waelrant & Laet published eight of Tubal’s works. As Tubal was at the time living in Antwerp, there can be little doubt that the composer and publishers were acquainted (see Spiessens, ‘Een Antwerps spoor’). As there is no evidence whatsoever that Clemens ever visited Leiden or knew De Blauwe personally, it would seem that the Antwerp attribution should be considered most reliable.

c

Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, pp. 80–81.

from 1553 again names Crecquillon as the composer of the motet. But six years later the same piece was included in Phalèse’s edition of four-voice motets by Clemens. It would seem, however, that Phalèse made a mistake, one that he corrected in 1562 when he reissued the volume but this time without Surge illuminare.32 In some cases the earliest source(s) seem to be decisive with regard to the authorship issue. Instead of describing the transmission of these compositions piece by piece, I have listed them in Table 7c with references and further remarks added in notes. 32

Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, pp. 75–76; Bernet Kempers, ‘Bibliography of the Sacred Works of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, p. 146, no. 176. Be this as it may, Phalèse did publish a faithful re-edition of the 1559 book in 1568, including the motet Surge illuminare Iherusalem; cf. Vanhulst, Catalogue des éditions de musique, no. 121. See also CMM 63-XIII, p. xxvi where it is argued that the reading of Phalèse 1559 (with the attribution to Clemens) derives from Susato 15539 (with the attribution to Crecquillon).

Leiden ms.

1438: 4

1439: 12

1440: 33

1441: 17

1441: 40

1442: 33

1442: 38

1442: 40

1443: 3

Composition

Iustum deduxit dominus

Quis est iste qui progreditur

Ecce nos reliquimus

Os loquentium iniqua

Gabriel angelus apparuit

Benedictus dominus deus

Domini est terra

Nisi dominus

Missa Nisi dominus Crecquillon

Anonymous

Anonymous

Anonymous

Thomas Criquillon

Thomas Cricquillon

Cricquillon

Ioannes Lupi

Thomas Cricquillon

Leiden Attribution

Crecquillon (1550s) Manchicourt (1540s?)

Manchicourtj

Lhéritieri

Vinders

Benedictus (?)f Josquin (?)g Vinders (1542)h Le Heurteur (1535) Lhéritier (1532) Sermisy (1542)

A. Févin

Crecquillond

Crecquillonc

Maistre Jhanb

Sermisya

Crecquillon

Composer

A. de Févin (1514) Pope Leo X (1530s)e

Clemens non Papa (1559) Crecquillon (1553)

Clemens non Papa (1559) Crecquillon (1546)

Crecquillon (1559) Maistre Jhan (1534)

Lupi (1559) Sermisy (1542)

Crecquillon (1548) Petit Jan Delatre (1553)

Other Attributions

Table 7c  Conflicting ascriptions: cases where ascription can be taken from the earliest surviving source

152 Piety and Polyphony

The composition must be by Maistre Jhan, as no authentic composition by Crecquillon is found in any source dating from before 1542 (cf. pp. 137–138).

b

See the discussion of the authorship in VindersCW.

This mass is preserved in MontsM 768, a choirbook containing twelve masses by Manchicourt. The manuscript was in the possession of the chapel of Mary of Hungary and was probably copied in the 1540s. Cf. Thompson, ‘Spanish-Netherlandish Musical Relationships’, pp. 106–107. For this reason, the work is not included in Crecquillon’s Opera omnia; cf. NGD2 6, p. 656.

j

CMM 48-I, p. xxii. In CambraiBM 125–8 the motet is ascribed to “Glaudin” (sic). It would seem that this attribution refers to Claudin de Sermisy, as the same name is found over four chansons elsewhere in the manuscript, one of which – Amour passion incréable – was published in Attaingnant 1534 as a work of Sermisy (CMM 52-III, p. 10). That “Glaudin” was indeed a Bruges alternative spelling for Claudin may also be deduced from the fact that both spellings are used in the partbooks (cf. ff. 2v, 44v, 128r, 129r–v). The attribution of Nisi dominus to Sermisy was apparently unknown to the editors of Lhéritiers Opera omnia, which will probably not have affected the final verdict on the authorship as the Bruges partbooks cannot be considered to be a central source for French polyphony of the period.

i

h

g Josquin cannot be regarded as a viable candidate for the authorship; see Antonowycz, ‘Zur Autorsschaftsfrage der Motetten Absolve, quaesumus, Domine und Inter Natos Mulierum’, p. 168; Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. II, pp. 20, 290.

The attribution of this motet to Benedictus is unconvincing even if Joannes Soldeke, the German minister who copied these partbooks sometime between 1539 and 1588, meant to ascribe this work to Benedictus Appenzeller, and not to Benedictus Ducis. Appenzeller is represented with a number of works in CambraiBM 125–8, a set of partbooks that was compiled in the period during which he was in the service of Mary of Hungary in Brussels. In this very manuscript the motet is ascribed to Vinders. Ducis’s autorship can be excluded on stylistic grounds; cf. Bartha, Benedictus Ducis und Appenzeller, p. 59.

f

The attribution of this work to a pope may seem strange at first. However, Leo X was a musically well-educated man and may be the composer of a five-voice setting of Cela sans plus. Cf. MGG2, Personenteil 10, col. 1581; Birkendorf, Der Codex Pernner, vol. I, p. 206, vol. III, pp. 68–69; Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater, pp. 195–196. Nevertheless, it should be pointed out that the Févin ascription, which is unproblematic from a stylistic point of view, is some thirty years older and that the motet is attributed to Févin in a manuscript that was prepared for the Sistine Chapel during Leo’s pontificate. For the history of VatS 26 see CensusCatalogue, vol. IV, p. 38; RISM B/IV-5, pp. 377–378.

e

d A comparison of the readings of the motet shows that Phalèse, who ascribes the piece to Clemens, copied the work from Susato, who ascribes it to Crecquillon, for which reason Crecquillon’s authorship seems more likely. Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, pp. 78–79; see also CMM 63-XI, no. 94.

As stylistic details do not exclude the authorship of either composer, it may be safest for now to give preference to the earliest attribution; Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, pp. 77–78. According to Hudson, the Phalèse 1559 source with the attribution to Clemens clearly derives from Susato’s 1553 edition (CMM 63-XII, p. xxviii), which ascribes the piece to Crecquillon.

c

Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, pp. 313, 405.

a

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154

Piety and Polyphony

In other cases the earliest source (and attribution) may not be correct. For example, Benedic anima mea domino (1442: 44) is ascribed to Eustachius de Monte Regali in Petrucci 15191 and to Isaac in Petreius 15399. The source situation would seem to favour Eustachius de Monte Regali. Stylistic evidence, however, clearly points towards Isaac as the composer of the work.33 Expurgate vetus fermentum (1441: 46) was published by Scotto in 1541 under Gombert’s name. When he put a revised edition of this volume on the market he changed Gombert’s name to that of Jacquet van Berchem. In this case, a stylistic investigation has shown that a still later source – Susato 15558, which ascribes the piece to Lupi – was probably the only source to get the ascription right.34 Another early Scotto attribution to Gombert is probably also erroneous, that of the motet Virgo prudentissima (1441: 24). Scotto ascribed it to Gombert in 1539 and 1541, but when Gardane issued a shortened reprint of the 1541 edition, Gombert’s name was replaced by that of Payen. As Payen is also mentioned as the composer in Ulhard’s 1548 edition and in ms. 1441, he is now commonly accepted as the author of the work.35 Gaudent in celis (1441: 39) is attributed in its earliest source (Berg & Neuber 15468) to Maessens. Four later editions from 1549 to 1562 by Ulhard, Scotto and Phalèse, however, ascribe the piece to Clemens, as does the partbook LeuvK 4. The scribe of the manuscript partbook seems to have been well informed about Clemens, as he added the remark “Ultimum opus Clementis non papae anno 1555 21 Aprilis” to his copy of the motet Hic est vere martir. This has led to the conclusion that the motet was, in all probability, composed by Clemens.36 In some cases uncertainty about authorship seems to have arisen when works with identical or similar titles were confused. An example may be the Missa Missus est (1443: 15). The mass is most likely by Pierre Moulu, who is named as its composer in VatS 55. The same work is ascribed to Josquin in a manuscript emanating from the German-speaking part of Europe (RosU 40). The mass seems to have been attributed to him not so much on the basis of style, but rather because the mass parodies Josquin’s motet Missus est Gabriel angelus.37 Reasoning along similar lines, it is easily understood why Sermisy’s Missa Philomena (1443: 13) is attributed to Richafort in one source. The six-voice Requiem mass that is ascribed to Josquin in ms. 1440 (1440: 4) is without doubt a work by Richafort, who is named as the composer in three inde 33

See Teramoto, ‘Die Psalmmotetten von Heinrich Isaac’, and CMM 65-X, no. 9, p. xl, where it is argued that the motet has many features in common with other works of Isaac, whereas the style of the psalm settings by Eustachius Gallus is completely different. 34 CMM 84-II, pp. xvi-xvii; cf. Nugent, ‘The Jacquet Motets’, p. 206, who considered the attribution to Berchem to be a mistake and ascribed the piece to Gombert. 35 Cf. Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 349, 371; NGD2 10, p. 123. 36 Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, pp. 91–93; DTÖ 149, pp. 135–137. For the partbook LeuvK 4, see Bossuyt, ‘Muzikale schatten uit de Leuvense Universiteitsbibliotheek’, p. 38. 37 For a discussion of the authorship, see NJE, vol. 10, Critical Commentary, pp. 52–61.



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 155

pendent sources, among which is an early printed edition of 1532.38 The erroneous attribution in the Leiden book may be connected to the fact that the Requiem mass was probably composed in memory of Josquin.39 There is no need to question Baston’s authorship of the five-voice Dum transisset sabbatum (1439: 16). The work is attributed to Cleve in a manuscript from Zwickau but there was probably a mix-up with Cleve’s six-voice setting of the same text. The oldest piece in the Leiden choirbooks is undoubtedly the motet O admirabile commertium (1439: 27), which Anthonius de Blauwe ascribed to Josquin. However, in the famous Chigi codex of some sixty years earlier, the work carries the name of Regis. As the Chigi codex is not only much earlier but also a central source for Regis’s works, and the motet fits his style better than Josquin’s, there is really no authorship issue here. The ascription to Josquin may have been caused by confusion with Josquin’s four-voice O admirabile commercium.40 There are some cases in which the sources can be of little help. Decisions regarding the authorship have been reached in these instances on the basis of stylistic considerations (Table 7d). Some issues of authorship remain highly problematic because of a lack of information on the style of one (or more) of the candidate composers. For example, additional evidence is needed to settle the authorship of Pater peccavi in celum (1441: 2), which is attributed to Maessens, Manchicourt and Clemens non Papa. The sources seem to favour Clemens but the pairing of voices, homophony and caesuras are not typical of his style.41 An almost identical case is that of O magnum misterium (1438: 9), which has attributions to Werrecore and Appenzeller. The Leiden attribution should be reliable for Appenzeller, just as the Italian ascription should be for

38

Cf. Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. I, p. 199. Elders, Symbolic Scores, pp. 124–126. 40 Lindenburg, ‘O admirabile commercium’, p. 245; NGD1 (1980) 9, p. 735; Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. II, p. 241. Sean Gallagher has suggested that De Blauwe may have erred simply in writing Josquin’s name – which occurs only in the table of contents of ms. 1439 – one line too low (the piece above it is Josquin’s O virgo prudentissima, which is ascribed to Josquin over the music, but not in the table of contents). A similar point was made earlier by Lindenburg, and in WinklerT, vol. 1, p. 48). However, Gallagher is not entirely right when he says that works with attributions in the index of the manuscript also have the composer named in the heading of the music (Johannes Regis, pp. 154–155); cf. n. 24 above. We cannot be sure, therefore, that De Blauwe really erred; he may very well have thought the motet to be by Josquin. A very curious explanation for the conflicting attributions for this motet is offered by Hur. In De Blauwe’s copy of O admirabile the tertia pars of the motet is lacking and in the final sonority of the secunda pars the third has been eliminated. This has led Hur to hypothesize that either Regis added a tertia pars to a motet in two partes by Josquin, or that Josquin reduced an original motet in three partes by Regis to a motet in two partes (cf. ‘Conflicting Attributions in the Continental Motet Repertory’, pp. 132–133). See also NJE, vol. 26, Critical Commentary, pp. 32–37. 41 Cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, pp. 86–89; Bernet Kempers, Jacobus Clemens non Papa und seine Motetten, p. 55. Maessens’ claim to the authorship is so weak that it can be discarded (cf. DTÖ 149, p. 138). 39

Piety and Polyphony

156

Table 7d  Conflicting ascriptions: cases where ascription relies on stylistic evidence Composition

Leiden ms.

Leiden Attribution

Other Attributions

Missa Or pour combien est

1443: 22

Cricquillon

Clemens non Papa Clemens non Papa?a Crecquillon

Iherusalem luge

1442: 51

Anonymous

Caen Lupus Richafort

Richafortb

Miseremini mei

1441: 20

Anonymous

Josquin Mouton Richafort

Richafortc

Ego sum qui sum

1439: 14

Richafort

Hesdin Mouton Richafort

Richafort?d

a

Cf. CMM 63-I, p. x.

b

Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, pp. 304–308, 405; RichafortW, p. 25.

Composer

c

Dammann, ‘Studien zu den Motetten von Jean Mouton’, p. 182; RichafortW, p. 25; NGD2 13, p. 255. The ascriptions of the motet to Mouton in MunBS 16 and SGallS 463 are of minor importance as they seem to be inspired on testimony of Glareanus; cf. MRM VIII, pp. 39–40 and CMM 81-II, p. lxxiv, where an explanation is offered for Glareanus’s ascription of the work to Mouton.

d

In ToleF 23 and in the table of contents of ms. 1439 Richafort is named as the composer. Mouton’s authorship can be excluded on the basis of the work’s pervading five-voiced imitative style; cf. NGD2 17, p. 249. Although the work is, from a stylistic point of view, most certainly compatible with Richafort’s output, a detailed stylistic analysis of Hesdin’s works is needed before a definitive conclusion can be reached.

Werrecore, who was active in Milan.42 As yet no more than two four-voice motets by Werrecore are available in a modern edition, so this case awaits further study.43 A final problematic piece is the Magnificat Quarti toni (1442: 61), which is attributed to Willaert in ms. 1442 and to Mouton in a manuscript that was copied at the court of Mary of Hungary. What makes the case rather awkward is that the two

42

Crawford/Messing, Gaspar de Alberti’s Sixteenth-Century Choirbooks, p. 94. For an edition of these motets, O crux viride lignum (Attaingnant 15344) and Surge propera amica mea (Attaingnant 15346), see Treize Livres II, p. 125; Treize Livres IV, p. 164. However, for five-voice motets by Werrecore, see the edition of his Cantuum quinque vocum quos motetta vocant […] liber primus of 1559 in Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance, vol. 151 (2008). As in the period from c. 1540 to 1565 not a single work by Werrecore was published in the Low Countries, and the motet O magnum misterium was printed by Susato in 1547, one may perhaps express a preference for the attribution of this composition to Appenzeller.

43



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 157

sources have different music for verses 4, 8 and 10 of the canticum, which may suggest that both composers were involved in this piece.44 Now that all conflicting attributions have been mentioned, it is time to take stock. Out of the 197 compositions with an attribution in the Leiden books, thirty-two are ascribed to other composers in contemporary sources. In twelve out of these thirty-two ascriptions the Leiden ones seem to be in error. Eighteen of them seem to be correct and in two cases it is too early to give a verdict. With twelve to fourteen mistakes on a total of 197 attributions – an error margin of just six to seven percent – the ascriptions in the Leiden choirbooks may be considered rather reliable.45

The Works of Johannes Flamingus As indicated earlier, Johannes Flamingus extended the repertoire of the Leiden singers during the years 1565–1567 with an impressive number of new works.46 His additions to the choirbooks are easily recognizable by the characteristic, rather careless, copying hand. The sixty-two pieces that Flamingus copied raise a different ascription question altogether. Of these works, twenty-two have Flamingus’s name at the top of the page, and these works may be considered as his own compositions. The other forty works are all copied without attribution.47 Although they should all be considered anonymous, it is tempting to regard them, too, as compositions by Flamingus.48 A first, and strong, reason for this is that none of the anonymous pieces copied by Flamingus has been located in other sources. The conjecture that Flamingus is also the composer of these works can only be confirmed by a thorough stylistic investigation of his œuvre, which falls outside the scope of this study. A first evaluation, however, seems to confirm the truth of this supposition. 44

See the commentary for the composition in CMM 43-V (no. 10, K. 1154). It is, of course, possible that there are attribution mistakes among the unique pieces in the Leiden manuscripts. One such example is the motet Quem vidistis pastores (1439: 28), which is attributed to Lupi but does not sit comfortably alongside his authentic works (cf. CMM 84-II, p. xxxii). Another example is Que est ista que processit (1441: 18), which is ascribed to De Rore; this ascription can be accepted ony with reluctance (cf. CMM 14-VI, p. xiii). 46 Some of these works were dated by Flamingus. For the precise locations of these dates in the books, see Appendix 2. 47 Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte, pp. 185–187, has slightly different numbers. Apparently he counted the two partes of the responsory motet Beata es virgo maria (1441: 15) as two independent compositions, leading to a total of sixty-three works copied by Flamingus. According to Ruhnke all pieces with either Flamingus’s name or a date in Flamingus’s hand may be considered works of his own making. It is not clear to me why pieces with a date should be by Flamingus and the other works that were copied without date or attrribution not. The usefulness of Ruhnke’s overview is compromised by numerous errors with regard to folio numbers in ms. 1442. Kirsch’s suggestion that the Magnificat primi thoni (1442: 56) may also be attributed to Flamingus can be discarded straight away, as this Magnificat is clearly not in Flamingus’s hand (Kirsch, Die Quellen der mehrstimmigen Magnificat- und Te Deum-Vertonungen, p. 216, n. 172). 48 This approach has also been suggested by Land, by Ruhnke, and by the editors of the Census-Catalogue (Land, ‘De koorboeken van de St. Pieterskerk’, pp. 43–44; Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte, pp. 185; Census-Catalogue, vol. II, pp. 28–30). 45

Piety and Polyphony

158

Ex. 1a  Flamingus, Christe qui lux es (1441: 1), mm. 1–11

&b C

„

„

„

„

&b C

„

„

„

„

w

w. Vb C

-

Chris

.. ..

te

Vb C w

w.

?b C

„

Chris - te

?b C

˙ ˙ ˙ b ˙ ˙ ˙ . œ œ œb ˙ ˙b ˙ . ˙ ˙ ˙ b˙ w ˙ qui lux es et di - es, w w. „

„

„ w.

.. ..

œ nœ œ ›. Vb œ

.. ..

&b w

Chris

-

et

? ˙ b

et

˙ ˙ ˙

es

˙

et

-

˙

˙

˙

lux

˙ œœœœ w ˙ ˙

di - es,

.. ..

-

es,

˙ ˙ ˙

es

et

.. ..

Ó ˙

˙

qui

di - es,

Ó ˙

et

œœ œœ˙ w

lux

Ó

›

œ œ nœ œ ›.

di

w

es

-

„

Chris -

˙ ˙ w

lux

es et di

Chris

-

.. ..

˙ ˙. œ -

te

˙ ˙ ˙

qui lux es

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

es

et

di - es, qui

Ó ˙

w

Ó ˙

Chris - te,

˙ ˙ ˙ qui lux

es

˙ ˙ ˙

Chris - te

.. ..

qui

˙ ˙ ›

et

di - es,

w

w

Chris -

.. ..

lux

es

∑

Ó ˙

Chris -

es,

˙. œ œ œ ˙ w

et

Ó ˙

.. ..

es,

qui lux

Chris - te

qui

di

10

di - es,

∑

„

.

te

›

„

˙ ˙ œ œœ˙ ˙ ˙ œ et di - es, qui lux es w. . ˙ ˙ ˙ w ..

„ w.

„

œœ˙ ›

b˙

qui lux es

Chris

qui lux

es,

? ˙ b

˙

Chris-te qui

w

˙ ˙ ˙

te

Ó

Vb w

Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ .. ..

te,

-

-

„

„

.. ..

di

et

Chris - te

„

&b

et di - es,

qui lux es

.. ..

5

di

w

-

›

.. ..

es,

Examples 1a and 1b show the opening measures of a composition by Flamingus and an unattributed work copied by him. A comparison of the two excerpts shows that they are closely related. Melodic resemblances show, first of all, that the textless, six-voice work from ms. 1441 is in fact a setting of the hymn Christe qui lux es. Both settings start with a virtually identical voice pair. The lower voice paraphrases the opening of the hymn melody and is the starting point for a number of imitative entries. The accompanying phrase in the Contratenor is characterized by a dotted semibreve d’ and the subsequent voice leading in parallel sixths. In spite of a difference in number of voices, the continuation is in both settings similar: new entries fall at comparable distances and on the same relative pitches (cf. mm. 1, 3, 5, 7). The most remarkable likeness is found in a certain dualistic approach to the melodic

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 159



Ex. 1b  Flamingus (?), Christe qui lux es (1442: 21), mm. 1–12

&b C

„

„ w

w. Vb C

-

Chris

.. ..

te

.. ..

Chris - te

&b ˙

et

˙ ˙ œœ œœ˙ ˙ w

di - es, qui

-

lux es

.. ..

es, qui

Vb ˙

et

?b w

Chris

˙ w di - es, w. -

te

di - es,

Chris-te qui

#

w.

qui lux es

et

et di - es,

w

qui lux es

et

di

-

›

es,

∑

Ó ˙ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ noc - tis

di -

qui lux es

„

di - es,

te - ne - bras de - te

.. ..

˙ œœ˙ ˙ w

bw

et

.. ..

˙ ˙ ˙

Chris - te

10

.. ..

˙ ˙ ˙

lux es

.. ..

Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w

di - es,

lux es

w

di - es, noc - tis

˙

.. ..

di - es, Chris - te qui lux es

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙.

w

.. ..

et

Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ .. ..

„

di - es,

et

˙ ˙ w

lux es

et

et

Chris - te qui

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w

qui lux es

õœ ˙ /w V b œœ˙

et

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

/

Ó ˙ ˙ ˙. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙.

.. ..

„

/

( )

qui lux es

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ › „

w.

?b C w

5

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

.. ..

Chris - te

qui lux es

„

Vb C

w.

w

te-ne - bras

„

.. .. -

w

noc

œœ˙ ›

.. ..

gis,

˙. œ

-

tis

˙

˙ w

∑

w

te -

de - te - gis,

noc -

material. The opening phrase of the six-voice setting is characterized by a leap of a minor third which is followed by a stepwise descending line. A prominent place in the descending line is given to the lowered e in m. 3. This alteration is introduced as a characteristic element of the phrase, and is confirmed in the entry of the Bassus in m. 3 (e-flat in m. 5). The following entries all restore the e-flat to e (e’s in mm. 7, 9, 11). The alternation of e-flat and e is clearly intentional and has been notated with care. The opposite procedure is used in the four-voice setting. The first three imitative entries all have e’s (mm. 3, 5, 7); the fourth time the phrase is sung, the composer introduces an e-flat. The way these settings for six and for four voices are conceived is so similar that I have no difficulty in accepting Flamingus as the author of both works. Although this is the only instance of such unambiguous relationship between compositions by Flamingus and works copied by him without ascription, it can be established that the whole of the repertoire copied by him displays a strong stylistic unity. The excerpts in Example 1 already show that Flamingus’s style is based on the examples of Crecquillon and Clemens non Papa. His works also demonstrate that he was clearly a composer of a later generation. For example, when after a series of imitative entries the full number of voices is deployed, it is usually held on to the end of the work or part. New imitative entries for new phrases occur, but they are hidden in a three- or four-voice context. This

Piety and Polyphony

160

Ex. 2  Flamingus, Quis deus magnus (1441: 55), mm. 20–49 20

&[C] w

∑

˙/˙ ˙ ˙

ter, sic - ut

de

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙. V[C] ut

de - us

˙ ˙/˙

us

œœ˙ ˙ ˙

sic

nos

õ˙ w &

-

ut

de

25

( )

V

-

V

.. ..

˙

˙ ˙

?[C] w

w

-

nos

w

-

-

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

-

ut

nos - ter, sic - ut

-

˙ w

de - us

Ó

nos

us

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

˙ ˙ w

w

˙ ˙ w

ut

sic - ut

&˙

w

us,

cis,

es

Ó

˙ ˙ w

˙ ˙ w. ? es

es

nos - ter,

˙ ˙ ˙

tu

sic - ut

de - us

Ó ˙

˙

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

tu

es

de - us,

de - us

˙ w.

qui

.. ..

qui

fa

fa

nos - ter,

nos

-

nos

es

fa - cis

qui

.. ..

cis

-

.. .. -

mi

-

˙ ˙ ˙ mi - ra

sic - ut

˙

de - us

˙ w

ut

ter,

w

˙

˙

us

us

nos

-

˙

de

w ˙

es

˙

˙ de -

˙

es

tu

qui

ter,

tu

de - us,

fa

Ó

.. ..

ter,

sic -

˙ ˙ ˙

de - us

›

-

˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ

es

˙

˙b

/

nos - ter,

tu

.. ..

˙

Ó ˙ ˙

˙ ˙ ˙ tu

-

˙ ˙ ˙.

∑

Ó ˙

œ ˙ ˙

˙/˙

qui

fa - cis

mi

-

˙

tu

œ

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ -

ra -

ra - bi - li

-

a,

qui

fa - cis

mi - ra -

bi - li

˙ ˙

-

a,

qui

fa - cis

mi

bi - li

-

˙ ˙ ˙

-

mi - ra

-

cis

w

˙ ˙

-

de - us

-

de

Ó ˙

.. ..

œœ w

˙ ˙ ˙.

tu

Ó ˙ w.

de - us

de - us

de - us

/

sic - ut

-

Ó

œœœœw

de

sic

-

/

˙ ˙ ˙.

Ó ˙ ˙ ˙

nos - ter,

de - us

de - us

sic - ut

w

w

ter,

.. ..

w

˙ ˙ w

˙

de - us

˙ ˙ ˙ w

nos - ter,

„ ˙ w

.. ..

nos - ter,

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

ter, sic - ut

sic - ut

w

de - us

˙ ˙ ˙ w

nos - ter,

nos - ter,

us

ter,

de - us

˙ ˙ w

30

V

sic

/ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

˙

?˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

V

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

˙

ter,

V[C]

w

∑

˙ œ œ ˙/˙ w

˙ ˙ ˙.

œ

-

ra -

„

a,

approach leaves little freedom of movement for the voices, while much is determined by harmonic considerations. Another characteristic of Flamingus’s musical phrases is that they are dominated by progression in minims which all tend to have their own syllables, thus creating a syllabic whole. Some of these characteristics are illustrated in Example 2. These features govern not only Flamingus’s own works, but also those copied by him but left unattributed. These elements are not found in the surrounding repertoire of the choirbooks. His authorship is further suggested by the fact that a number of the anonymous works display one of his characteristic turns. Three pieces by Flamingus begin with a remarkable

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 161

2

Ex. 2  (continued)

˙ ˙ ›

35

& V

.. ..

˙. œ ˙ ˙

bi - li - a,

fa - cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

qui

bi - li - a,

?∑

˙. œ ˙ ˙

∑ œ ˙ ˙ cis mi - ra -

œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ ˙

fa - cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

˙

˙

˙ ˙

de

-

-

fa

/

˙

us,

tu

es

˙ ˙ w

de - us,

tu

es

-

qui

fa - cis

˙

/

qui

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

tu

es

Ó ˙ w.

˙

qui

fa

˙ // ˙ ˙. . œ œ ˙˙ ˙ ˙ ˙/ ˙ ˙ ˙ . › œ ˙ ... ˙ V ˙˙ ˙ . mifa- -racis - mi bi - ra li - - a, bi qui-

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

de - us,

tu

˙.

Ó ∑˙

˙ ˙ ˙. de - us

qui

-

œ ˙ ˙

-

cis mi - ra

-

fa

-

mi - ra

˙ ˙ w

˙ ˙ ˙.

es

de - us

fa - cis

qui

.. ..

cis

-

.. .. -

œ ˙ ˙

œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙

-

mi - ra

˙

li - a,

˙ ˙ ˙

a,

tu

bi

˙

-

bi

-

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

qui

-

a,

qui

bi - li

˙ ˙

-

a,

qui

bi - li

-

˙ œ œ ˙ ˙

fa

˙.

-

fa

-

˙

w a,

œ˙

˙.

œ˙

˙

fa - cis

- cis mi - ra - bi - li - a, qui

qui

fa

-

˙

cis mi - ra -

qui

fa

li - a,

ra - bi - li

li fa- a, - cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

.. ..

˙ /˙

˙.

qui

tu

œ ˙ ˙

-

qui

li - a,

˙ ›

de -

Ó ˙

mi - ra

˙ ˙ ˙/˙

es

∑

-

w

˙ ˙ ˙

/

˙

˙ ˙ ˙

cis

∑

mi

˙ ˙ ˙

li fa- a, - cistumi - ra - bi - li - a,

mifa - - racis- mi bi - ra li - - a, bi qui-

es

ra - bi - li

tu

de - us

-

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙.

˙

˙

de - us

˙ ˙ ˙

mi

/

œœ˙ w

.. ..

mi - ra - bi

.. ..

Ó ˙

de - us,

Ó

cis,

w ? Ó ˙ „ ˙ ˙ ∑w

˙ ˙ ˙ Ó

es

w

/

˙ ˙ ˙ w. .. ˙ w. ? Ó ˙ ˙(öw ) ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ . .... œ œ ˙ .. w tu es de - us qui fa qui fa - cis mi - ra - bi li - a, 45 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w ˙ ˙ ˙˙ / ˙ ˙.. . œ ˙ ˙ › / .. ∑ .. .. & cis mi- - rara -- bi ni - li - - a, a, bi - li - a,fa - mi tu es de ˙ / ˙˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙˙ ˙ ˙ ˙/ ˙ ˙ ˙ . ˙ œ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ V˙ es

cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,fa - qui cis

es

˙

qui

˙ ˙ ˙

cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,fa - qui cis

tu

˙ ˙

Ó ˙

˙ œ œ œ w V ˙ œ qui

˙ ˙

fa - cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

&Ó ˙ ˙ us

˙ ˙

˙ ˙ ˙

w

fa - cis

˙ ˙

˙. œ ˙ ˙

qui

40

tu

qui

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙.

˙

˙

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

bi - li - a,

˙ ˙/ ˙ V˙

V

Ó ˙

∑

˙

cis mi - ra -

˙

w

.. ..

mi - ra -

œ˙

˙

cis mi - ra -

˙ /˙

de - us qui fa - cis mi - ra - bi - li - a, qui three-voice structure: an upper voice with a longer note and two lower voices . ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙with .. ˙ Ó creating ˙ w . movement a dotted rhythm. Characteristic for the lower voices is . not only the dotted rhythm de - us qui fa cis mi - ra - bibut qui interval succession of an open fifth fol- li also - a, the ˙ w. . ˙ ˙ w lowed by three parallel thirds (Example .. ˙ ˙ ˙ .. ˙ w 3). The motif reappears in some of the .. .. works he copied (Example 4), but has no parallels in the earlier repertoire in the de - us qui fa cis mi - ra - bi - li - a, books. Another remarkable and returning opening motif is that of a longer note in an upper voice .. ˙ › œ ˙ ˙ by the harmonic turn g–e-flat–c–g; it is . ∑ ∑ wwhich is˙accompanied .. found both in a work by Flamingus and in two works that were copied by him li - a, qui fa - cis mi - ra without attribution (Example 5).œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ / ˙ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ / ˙ ˙. tu

˙ w

li - a,

qui

˙ ˙/˙ li - a,

es

fa

˙. ˙.

- cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ ˙

qui

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

fa

˙

-

˙.

˙

qui

Ó ˙

fa

- cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

qui

fa - cis

qui

fa

- cis mi - ra - bi - li - a,

qui

fa

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙

-

cis mi - ra -

˙

w

mi - ra -

œ˙

˙

cis mi - ra -

.. ..

Ex. 4a  Flamingus (?), Missa Da pacem (1443: 24), Kyrie, mm. 1–2

& b C ›. Ex. 3a  Flamingus, Christe qui lux es (1442: 46), mm. 1–2

&b C ›

w

b

w. b

˙. Vb C

œ˙ ˙

w

V b C ˙.

œ˙ ˙

˙ ˙ w

? C b

„

.. ..

w

œ˙ ˙

˙.

œ˙ ˙

w.

˙

V C ˙.

œ˙ ˙

˙.

œ˙ ˙

„

„

w

.. ..

˙.

œ˙ w

.. ..

œœ˙ ˙

V C ˙.

œ˙ w

.. ..

œœ˙ ˙

VC

?C

„

„

.. ..

˙ ˙ w

.. ..

V b C ˙.

œ˙ w

.. ..

˙ ˙ w

.. ..

? C b

V b C ˙. ? C ˙. b

„

„

„

„ .. ..

˙ w

œ˙ ˙ œ˙ ˙

˙

˙ œœœœ˙

Ex. 4c  Flamingus (?), Salve regina (1442: 3), mm. 62–63

›. &b C & b C ˙.

Ex. 3c  Flamingus, Asperges me (1443: 6), mm. 1–2

& C ›.

œ ˙ bw

Vb C

˙.

?C

˙. Vb C

&b C

„

˙

VC

.. ..

Ex. 4b  Flamingus (?), Missa (1443: 30), Sanctus, mm. 1–2

Ex. 3b  Flamingus, In mariam vite (1442: 93), mm. 1–2

& C w.

›

.. ..

˙. Vb C ? C b

w

.. ..

œ˙ w œ˙ w

˙ w

.. ..

˙ w

.. ..

„

„

Ex. 4d  Flamingus (?), Salve regina (1442: 8), mm. 97–98

&b C › & b C ˙. ˙. Vb C ? C b

› œ˙ ˙ œ˙ ˙ „

˙ œœœœ˙ ˙ ˙. œ œ œ „

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 163



Ex. 5a  Flamingus, Christe qui lux es (1442: 76), mm. 1–2

& b C ›.

w

.. ..

˙b ˙ ˙

w Vb C

bw.

Vb C w

w

w

w.

bw

w

˙.

? Cw b

w

.. ..

w

w

˙ ˙

œœ˙

.. ..

œ b˙ ˙

w

˙

Ex. 5b  Flamingus (?), Christe qui lux es (1442: 23), mm. 1–2

& b C ›.

.. ..

w

.. ..

˙ œœ œ œ œ œ ˙

w Vb C

b›

Vb C w

w

w

˙ ˙.

bw

w

›

? Cw b

w

w

œ˙

.. ..

˙

˙.

.. ..

w

.. ..

w

.. ..

Ex. 5c  Missa (1443: 30), Et incarnatus, mm. 1–3

&b C w

w.

Vb C w

bw

Vb C w

w. bw.

? Cw b

.. ..

w

˙ w

˙

˙

w

w

›

.. ..

˙ ˙.

œ w

Ó

˙

.. ..

˙

˙

˙

wb

w.

.. ..

˙

.. ..

Of course these specific examples do not actually prove Flamingus’s authorship of the anonymous works that he copied. However, they do add to the plausibility that all works copied by Flamingus were actually compositions of his own making. But if these works were all by Flamingus, why did he not he sign them all? Probably because it was not necessary. Just as it seems obvious to modern scholars studying these choirbooks, so it must have been clear to Flamingus’s contemporaries that the works he copied were all his.

164

Piety and Polyphony

The Leiden Transmissions Little is known about the practices of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century music scribes. It is not difficult to imagine that a scribe could permit himself some liberties in copying music,49 but we remain unclear as to where he obtained his exemplars, in which forms these could be found, and who decided on the repertoire for a specific music book. That elementary questions such as these are not answered in archival documents probably means that these aspects of the trade were part of everyday practices that did not need to be laid down in agreements. The letter by Anthonius de Blauwe to zangmeester Job (discussed in Chapter 3) lifts a corner of the veil that is draped over the scribal practices of the sixteenth century (see Appendix 1, section IId, and Plate 12). In this letter Anthonius de Blauwe mentions that he has written a choirbook for meester Jacob from Amsterdam. According to the scribe, the zangmeester had made a great effort to “collect beautiful motets”. These works were given to De Blauwe so that he could copy them into the book that had been ordered. This would seem to reflect normal practice: the zangmeester collected the repertoire and handed it over to the scribe, who was to make a fair copy and collect the pieces into a new volume. The same letter also says that De Blauwe kept the exemplars he had been given and used them to make a second copy of the book. This, too, may have been regular practice for a clever music scribe such as De Blauwe. It would seem obvious for scribes to collect a stack of polyphonic works they could use for copying new books, and on which they could draw if a zangmeester had certain wishes but could not deliver the repertoire himself. Interesting as this may be, it does not tell us where the models actually came from. Were these models fascicle manuscripts that circulated among scribes and singers, or is it possible that they were copied from contemporary printed editions? There is evidence of the existence of such fascicle manuscripts and it would seem that De Blauwe worked with such materials too (see pp. 138–139).50 Whether or not De Blauwe copied from printed editions is a question that can easily be answered by checking those editions that contain the repertoire of the getijdencollege and that were available to singers and scribes in the Low Countries. The editions of Susato and Phalèse fit this picture, and both show a marked preference for the works of Clemens non Papa and Crecquillon. A comparison of the more than thirty masses and motets that are found in the Leiden choirbooks as well as in editions by Susato demonstrate that it is highly unlikely that the manuscript copies were made from printed examples.51 The extent to which the readings of the Leiden manuscripts 49

Cf. Brown, ‘In Alamire’s Workshop’. An interesting example is the manuscript VienNB 11883, which seems to consist entirely of such fascicle manuscripts (cf. Hudson, ‘A Glimpse into a Scribal Workshop’, pp. 179ff.). 51 These masses and motets are taken from the following Susato editions: 15451, 15464, 15466–7, 15475–6, 15539, 155313–15. Exactly which compositions were studied can be deduced from the list of concordant sources at the back of this volume. From Susato 15539 only the readings of Angelus domini ad pastores (1441: 37) and Heu mihi domine (1439: 2) of Clemens non Papa were studied. The Phalèse editions of 1559 with works of Clemens non Papa and Crecquillon are not suited for comparison as most of the pieces they have in common with the Leiden books are found in mss. 1438 and 1441, which were both copied before 1559. 50



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 165

differ from the printed editions by Susato varies, of course. Sometimes their readings are similar. But in almost all cases it is clear that variants in pitch and rhythm, the substitution of note-values, text placement and ligatures show that the witnesses were transmitted through different channels.52 Another way of learning about scribal habits is by comparing those pieces that were copied twice by the same scribe. There are a few of these internal concordances, and those cases where one of the two copies may have been used as the exemplar for the other are particularly interesting (see pp. 138–139). The few odd variants that occur are of the most common type: the adding or removing of anticipations at cadences; the substitution of a semibreve with two minims, or the joining of two minims into a semibreve; the dropping of ligatures and superfluous accidentals; and, incidentally, the filling up of a melodic interval of a third, fourth or fifth. One aspect of De Blauwe’s copies deserves special attention. On comparing his copies of Richafort’s Quem dicunt homines and Josquin’s Stabat mater with the presumed models, it is striking to see that De Blauwe has adjusted the mensuration sign of the prima pars of both motets. In ms. 1442 – the model – the prima pars of both motets is notated in tempus imperfectum diminutum. In the fair copy, De Blauwe has dropped the diminution stroke. Clearly, this was no mistake. All motets in mss. 1438–1440 in duple time are copied by De Blauwe with the prima pars in tempus imperfectum and the secunda pars in tempus imperfectum diminutum.53 This system, which De Blauwe apparently judged appropriate for a beautiful choirbook, was also used, to some extent, for the Magnificat and Nunc dimittis settings. In these settings the first verse is usually in tempus imperfectum and the remaining verses in tempus imperfectum diminutum. Obviously, De Blauwe’s decision to use mensuration signs in this fashion should have no effect on performing practice. All pieces should be performed as if all parts were written in tempus imperfectum diminutum.54 There is little to say about the quality of the Leiden transmissions in general. As happens so often, some of the readings are fairly sound, while others are in need of correction. For example, the readings of Mouton’s Missa Faulte dargent and Clemens’s cycle of Magnificats seem to be free from errors. In other cases the Leiden copies show clear signs of deterioration in the transmission when they are compared to earlier sources.55 The quality of the readings is not always determined by the age of the repertoire. The copy of Johannes Regis’s (d. 1496) motet O admirabile com 52

It is impossible to list all variants for these works here; to gain an insight into the individuality of the Leiden readings, readers might check the critical commentaries for the Crecquillon motets in CMM 63. 53 Incidentally, De Blauwe made a mistake. In these cases either one of the mensuration signs of the prima pars has a diminution stroke, or one of the mensuration signs of the secunda pars has none. 54 In 1968, during a symposium on edition technique of Franco-Flemish polyphony from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries attention was paid to this notational convention. The choral conductors who attended the conference argued that the diminution of the mensuration sign should lead to a faster tempo, albeit not necessarily a fixed one (cf. Maas, ‘Verslag van het symposium over editie-techniek’, pp. 140–141). 55 See for example, CMM 63-V, p. xxxvii; CMM 84-I, p. xxviii; CMM 84-II, pp. xv, xvii–xix, xxiv.

166

Piety and Polyphony

mercium, for example, is rather good. It is the only piece in the six books that uses tempus perfectum cum prolatione maiori. The fact that some of the notes have a punctum superpositum in the right places gives the transmission an air of authenticity.56 What is even more surprising is that the readings of contemporary repertoire are at times relatively poor. I have already pointed out that the copy of Canis’s Domine pater et deus in ms. 1440 contains so many serious flaws that one sixteenth-century user annotated it as “mele [recte: male] scriptum” (cf. p. 138). Manuscript 1438 is illustrative in another respect. It is no doubt the most beautiful book De Blauwe copied. However, on studying the text placement in the manuscript, one cannot but conclude that in this respect part of the work is careless. At some places words are missing, at others words are placed under the wrong notes. Some phrases even have wrong text entirely.57 The meticulousness with which De Blauwe copied Quem dicunt homines and Stabat mater from the motet fascicle of ms. 1442 into mss. 1438 and 1440 would seem to indicate that the defects in the text placement in ms. 1438 were already present in the models that were handed to him.

The Genres The repertoire of the getijdencollege is not only compiled from the works of a great many different composers, but also covers many different genres. Of course there are polyphonic masses, but also settings of the Magnificat, the Nunc dimittis and the Te deum. As the texts of these compositions served clear liturgical purposes, it would seem that the polyphonic settings were also used on the appropriate occasions. However, with regard to the largest group of compositions, the motets and hymns, it is much less clear when they were actually performed. Some of the hymns may have been used as replacements for monophonic versions that would have been sung during the Hours. The structure of others, however, seems to indicate that they were used on other occasions. Least of all is known about the use of the many motets found in the books. Some of them set texts found in chant books, but others have new, or compiled, paraliturgical texts that are difficult to place in a liturgical context.58 When were these works performed by the singers of the getijdencollege?

Masses The six choirbooks of the getijdencollege contain thirty-five polyphonic settings of the Ordinary of the mass.59 Most of these works, twenty-two to be precise, are found in ms. 1443, which is aptly described in the 1578 inventory as the “book of masses”. 56

Cf. Lindenburg, ‘O admirabile commercium’, pp. 244–245, where it is also argued that the motet is lacking its tertia pars in ms. 1439, but has a more complete text for the secunda pars than the Chigi codex. 57 See MMN IX-1, pp. ix–x and the transcriptions; MMN IX-2, p. vii and the critical commentary. 58 The term “paraliturgical” is used here for texts that do not belong to the standard liturgy of mass or office (cf. Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’, pp. 23–24). 59 Two of these masses are fragmentary and now consist of nothing more than a Kyrie (1443: 20, 23).



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 167

The “book of motets” (ms. 1438)60 and mss. 1440 and 1442 also contain some cycles. Clearly, the getijdencollege had more masses at its disposal in the mid-sixteenth century. The 1578 inventory mentions two books that are now missing: a “book of masses” of 329 folios from 1550, and a choirbook containing “four masses and the Passion”. The function of these mass cycles is obvious. They served as polyphonic embellishment of the mass on important days of the year. Unfortunately we have no information as to which days merited the singing of a polyphonic mass. Important feasts – such as Christmas, Easter, Pentecost and several Marian feasts – are obvious candidates. But is also clear that a number of memorial services asked for sung masses (cf. pp. 63–64). As of 1476 a Marian mass was sung on all octaves of the six Marian feasts of the year, and as of 1481 every Thursday a mass in honour of the Holy Sacrament was sung. Requiem masses were celebrated on a regular basis: as of 1443 on the Monday following each of the six Marian feasts each year, and as of 1471 every Monday in memory of Willem and Huge van Zwieten. The documents clearly indicate that masses were to be celebrated on these days, and that the singers of the getijdencollege and the choirboys were paid to do so. The documents do not specify, however, if the singers were free to choose between chant and polyphony. One can only imagine that every now and then a polyphonic mass was sung. On the other hand, we also know that the number of services became an onerous burden for clergymen and singers alike, and that they were not always very diligent in celebrating them. The singers may often have chosen the easiest and quickest option available: to sing the chant melodies of the Ordinary. Whereas the function of the Ordinary of the mass may be well defined in daily liturgical life, it can be notoriously difficult to assign masses that are based on monophonic or polyphonic models to certain feasts or days of the year.61 For some masses it is not too difficult to suggest a meaningful day. For example, the masses De beata virgine (1440: 1), Mater patris (1443: 8), O genitrix and Sancta Maria (1438: 41; 1443: 10) would all be suitable for a number of Marian feasts. Piere de La Rue’s Missa Puer natus est nobis (1443: 29) would, of course, do splendidly at Christmas, as it is based on the introit for that day. Canis’s Missa Pastores loquebantur (1440: 5) would do equally well at Christmas, as it is based on Canis’s own motet of the same name, which has a text from the gospel of Luke telling about the shepherds who hurried to Bethlehem to see the new-born king.62 Such considerations would apply only if the singers actually 60

In the sixteenth century ms. 1438 was apparently seen as a book of motets. On the inside covers of ms. 1438 four folios of a manuscript of a sacred work with glosses were glued (Cat. 1914, pp. 67–68). These materials were removed during the restoration but are still kept in the archives. One of them contains the following verse (in a sixteenth-century hand): “Dit boeck is Gode becuaem / het moutet boeck is sijnen naam” (“This book is worthy of God / the motet book is its name”). 61 Most of the models of the masses can be identified, and they are listed in Appendix 2. Three masses were copied without title and may have been freely composed (1438: 39; 1442: 82; 1443: 30). That polyphonic masses could be associated with specific feasts by their use of a liturgical cantus firmus, a motet or a secular work (sic) was argued by Charles Hamm (see his ‘Interrelationships between Manuscript and Printed Sources’, p. 10). 62 Luke 2:15–20. This motet went unnoticed for some time in the Canis literature; cf. Rudolf, ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’, vol. I, pp. 283, 286). The motet is for

168

Piety and Polyphony

knew the model that had been used for the mass, and could deduce liturgical use from it. Such knowledge cannot always be guaranteed. After all, a number of masses are based on motets with texts of rather general purport. For example, the masses Beati omnes (1438: 38), Domine quis habitabit (1443: 2), Erravi sicut ovis (1443: 27) and Nisi dominus (1443: 3) are all based on psalm motets that cannot be tied to certain liturgical days or feasts. In case of the Missa Philomena praevia (1443: 13) one has to wonder if the singers had any idea about the text of its model. And what about masses based on secular models? These, too, are not tied to the liturgical calendar. The motley character of the masses probably explains why sixteenth-century choirbooks with masses from the Low Countries do not have a liturgical ordering of their repertoire.

Magnificat, Nunc dimittis and Te deum Settings Little needs to be said about the liturgical use of the Magnificats and the Nunc di­­ mittis and Te deum settings in the Leiden choirbooks. It is hardly imaginable that the Magnificats were used on other occasions than vespers.63 The preferred way to sing the Magnificat was in an alternatim performance. In twenty-four out of a total of twenty-five Magnificats in the Leiden choirbooks only the even verses of the canticum were set in polyphony. The only composer who set all verses of the canticum is Jheronimus Vinders (1440: 34). In this composition, which is divided into three partes, the Magnificat does not end with the usual lesser doxology, but with an extra line of text taken from the gospel of Luke.64 This turns the piece into a motet, and that is why it was copied by De Blauwe not among the Magnificats, but among the motets in ms. 1440. All other Magnificats are copied in two large clusters in ms. 1439 (nos. 29–39) and ms. 1442 (nos. 53–70), and they are ordered according to their tones. There can be little doubt that these Magnificats were sung during vespers and served as replacements for the chant versions. Corroborating evidence may be found in the archival references that vesper services often featured polyphony (see Chapter 1). Judging from the thirteen Nunc dimittis settings in the books (1439: 40–47), compline was also enriched with polyphony on occasion.65 But unlike the vesper services, it would seem that compline was best served with relatively simple settings of the canticum. All Nunc dimittis settings are straightforward, short settings of some 50 measures. The synthesis of short imitative phrases and a homophonic declamation of the text makes these settings liturgical polyphony par excellence. It is, of course, not strange to find settings of the Nunc dimittis in choirbooks that were used by a getijdencollege. What is remarkable is that the series in ms. 1439 (1439: 40–47) is the only complete cycle of Nunc dimittis settings known from Renaissance sources.66 six voices but is incomplete in its only surviving source, RegB B223–33 (Cantus and Quinta vox are lacking); cf. Haberkamp, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek Regensburg, p. 214. 63 Cf. Kirsch, ‘Zum Verhältnis von Motettenstil und liturgisch-musikalischer Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert’, p. 198; Maas, Geschiedenis van het meerstemmig Magnificat, p. 10. 64 “Mansit autem Maria cum illa quasi mensibus tribus et reversa est in domum suam” (Luke 1:56). 65 See Hoyer, Die mehrstimmigen Nunc dimittis-Vertonungen, p. 34, for the unambiguous liturgical use of polyphonic settings of the Nunc dimittis in compline. 66 Cf. Hoyer, Die mehrstimmigen Nunc dimittis-Vertonungen, p. 107, where it is noted that Nunc dimittis cycles – analogous to Magnificat cycles in all eight Magnificat tones – are



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 169

Although settings of the prose hymn Te deum could have been very useful to the singers of St Peter’s, their manuscripts contain merely two polyphonic settings (1442: 71–72). Traditionally the Te deum is sung at the end of matins. However, the text was also suited to serve as a general song of praise on specific feast days and in churchly and secular processions.67 A remarkable aspect of the Leiden Te deum settings is that one of the two compositions in ms. 1442 (no. 71) has an alternative, Marian text in ms. 1440: “Te matrem dei laudamus, te mariam virginem confitemur”.68 This is a popular variant reading of the Te deum in which the structure of the original text is closely followed.69 There can be no doubt that the music of the setting in ms. 1440 was originally conceived for the Te deum text.70 Archival documents from St Peter’s shed no light on the use of the Te matrem, but the foundation of a Marian Lof service in the Leiden church of St Pancras does. This Lof service was celebrated as of 1477, and the foundation explicitly states that on five special days – Easter, Pentecost, St Pancras, the Assumption of Mary and Christmas – the usual responsory was to be replaced with the “Te deum van onser liever vrouwen” (cf. p. 56). A more appropriate use for a paraliturgical piece such as the Te matrem cannot be thought of.71

Responsiones in Missa Another remarkable item in the choirbooks of the getijdencollege is a series of polyphonic responses that was used in mass to answer short formulas of the officiating priest (1443: 17; Example 6). Originally these responses – with the texts “Et cum spiritu tuo”, “Gloria tibi domine”, “Habemus ad dominum” and “Dignum et iustum est” – were recited before the preface, and before and after the gospel reading and the Pater noster. As such, this genre was relatively unknown in the Low Countries. Some examples have been traced, however, in sixteenth-century Italy and in the German-speaking part of Europe.72 Just like the Nunc dimittis settings, the responses may be seen as straightforward liturgical polyphony, which explains why the genre has not attracted much attention. The text is set in simple found neither in manuscripts nor in printed editions. It is rather odd that Hoyer missed out the Nunc dimittis cycle in ms. 1439, as he did notice the settings by Flamingus in ms. 1442 (see Die mehrstimmigen Nunc dimittis-Vertonungen, pp. 46, 130). 67 Kirsch, ‘Zum Verhältnis von Motettenstil und liturgisch-musikalischer Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert’, p. 198. That the Te deum could also be performed instrumentally during such festivities is demonstrated by the contract that was drawn up for the organist Jan Jansz. Kaga on 25 April 1532 (Bouwstenen 1, pp. 172–175). 68 A fragment of the first opening of this setting (ms. 1440, ff. 316v–317r) is illustrated in the first edition of Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 13, Tafel 9. 69 Cf. Blackburn, ‘Te matrem dei laudamus’; Kirsch, ‘Varianten und Fragmente des liturgischen Te Deum-Textes’. 70 Kirsch, ‘Varianten und Fragmente des liturgischen Te Deum-Textes’, p. 122; see also Cw 102. 71 See also Blackburn, ‘Te matrem dei laudamus’, pp. 59–60, where an additional example is given for the use of the Te matrem, instead of the Te deum, in matins of a Marian office. 72 Schmid, ‘Mehrstimmige Responsiones vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis ins 19. Jahrhundert’, pp. 83–86. The Leiden cycle was not noticed by Schmid, and nor was the northern French example in the mass manuscript CambraiBM 4.

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Piety and Polyphony

172

Example 5. Anonymous, Responsiones in missa (1443: 17). Ex. 6  (continued)

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The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 173



Example 5. Anonymous, Responsiones in missa (1443: 17). Ex. 6  (continued)

& b wC w › w

.. ..

& b wC w › w

.. ..

ra Et

noscum

b

b

ra Et

spi

noscum

w ›w V b wC

.. ..

V b wC w › w

.. ..

ra Et

w . w ˙ ›w

noscum

-a

w

UU

ri -matu

tu -

w . w ˙ ww -a spi ri -matu w . w ˙ ›w

w w tu w

-

w . w ˙ ww

tu -

w w

-

b

-a

spi

b

ri -matu

-

5

›››

U

60

› ›

men.

o. lo.

A

›› o. lo. UU › ›

› ›

A

› ›

A

A

A

-

UU

o. lo.

UU

› ›

A -

›

w

-

Ad evangelium

ww..

spi spi

--

ww.. ww..

--

spi spi

--

spi spi

ww..

spi spi

ww..

spi spi

˙˙ w& w b C›www riri -- tutu

--

C› w

riri -- tutu

--

men. men.

U

.. ..

››

› w wU

›

ww

ww..

--

um m

spi spi

--

ww..

um m

spi spi

- men.

--

--

-

spi o.tu

ri- bi- tu ri Glo - tutu Glo

›› ˙ w U ww.

--

tu men. Glo

›› ˙ w

-

o.A ri - tu

-

U b

.. ..

U ››

.. ..

U

b

b

o.A ri - tu

--

˙ w

--

o.A ri - tu

›wU ›.

›„ w ˙˙

doo. A

- -- o. tu riri ---

Glo tu

U

ww.

Glo tu

-

--

U

˙› w .

mi Glo - ne. men.

a tutuEt riri --Et

cumtitu - bispi cum tu - -spi o.o.-

- tu ri-do- tu ri Glo - tu Glo

- -- o.mi tu riri ---

A- o.

-- -o.ne. -mi tu riri ---

Ao.

UU

V˙˙b Cwwww wwwww w . w›w›. a tutuEt riri --Et

- bispi cumtitu cum tu - -spi o.o.-

U ?˙˙b Cwwww wwwww w . wU ›w›. a tutuEt riri --Et

- bispi cumtitu cum tu - -spi o.o.-

ww

ww.. & b w

˙˙ www..

a

a--

w Vb .... ....

ti

timi mi

˙˙ www

ww..

.. ..

do -do

- -- o.mi tu riri ---

.

UU

-- tutu ri-do- tu ri Glo Glo

››

U ˙ w . w ˙ ww.....w. w ˙ ›ww ˙˙ -- tutu ri-do- tu ri Glo Glo

w ˙˙

-- bi

UU

UU

15

mi mi -- ne. ne.

.. ..

-bi

-

.. ..

UU ››

-- -o.ne. -mi tu riri ---

mi

˙ w

-

w.

do

.. ..

-

-

w

-

U

Glo

› w.

men. Glo

Ao.

„ ˙ w.

ne. -

U

˙ w . w ˙ ww.w. w ˙ ››w ˙˙ .. ..

w œœ œœ ›w›. ne. do ne. U www ›w›U.

.... .... -

- tu ri-do- tu ri Glo - tu Glo

.. ..

U -

› ˙

- o.

UU

ri -

›› ˙

U ›U › ˙

- o. -men.

ri -

- o. -men.

ri -

U

- o. -men.

U U

˙ w . w ˙ ww...w. w ˙ U ›ww ˙˙ .

˙˙ wwww wwwww w . wU w›. ›U Vb C

.. ..

w

› ˙ o.A ri - -tu ri - - o. tu men. Glo UU U b b › w. ˙ ›› ˙ w

.. ..

U

› ww. Glo tu › ww.

U

›› ˙ w

--

U

o.A ri - -tu

.. ..

cumtitu - bispi cum tu - -spi o.o.-

.... ....

ww..

UU

UU U b ›ww.

U

- men.

a tutuEt riri --Et

bibi

do do

-spi - - spi o.o.-

›ww.

-cum tu men. - spi men. tu o.tu

15 10

70

U

w

5 U

.. ..

--

-

›› œ œ › › w . ne. A- o. Glo ›wU › ›U › w .

--

ww

- - -tu - ri spi spiAA- Et ri

cumtitu cum tu

„›„

bibi

spi o.tu

UU Ub

men.

˙ w . w ˙ ww.w. w ˙ ›ww. ˙˙

15 15

--

w››w

cum men. tutuEt -- cum o.o.

ww & b w

.... ....

w . w››. › ˙ w››˙ ww

&˙˙b Cwwww wwwww w . w›w›.

spi spi

ww

UU

--

um m

-

›ww.

A -

A

U

tu men. -cum - spi tu men. o.tu

˙ w w ˙ ww.w. w

ww..

spi spi

- - -tu- ri spi spiAA- Et ri

10 10 U . U &˙˙b Cwwww w›www w.... ›w›.

ww

um m

UU w››w› w . w››. › ˙ w˙ ww

UU U

cum ri -cum tu - - men. - tutuEt -- cum men. spi spiAA- Et --ri o.o. tu men. tu

a tutuEt riri --Et

o. lo.

w . w››. › ˙ w››˙ ww ›› ›ww. tu men. -cum - spi tu men. o.tu w . w››. › ˙ w››˙ ww U ›U › U ›ww.

Ad evangelium

spi spi

ww..

U w›U ›w

Uww

-

- - -tu- ri spi spiAA- Et ri

cum men. tutuEt -- cum o.o.

--

um m

ww

w››w

www ˙˙ ww b U V C› wb ˙˙ w?

tu -

6510 55 w››w›› w . w››. › ˙ wUU˙ ww

cum tutuEt -- cum o.o.

riri -- tutu

riri -- tutu

ri -matu

UU U UU

w b CUwww ˙˙ w& riri -- tutu

-a

spi

- - men. cum ri -cum tu - tutuEt -- cum men. spi spiAA- Et --ri men. o.o. tu tu

˙˙ wV w b C›www

ww..

ww

noscum

U

›

b UU › ? b wCb w › w ... w . w ˙ wbw w › › › w . -a Responsiones - in cum spi (1443: ri -ma tu tu o. missa (1443: A A lo. ra Et nos onymous, onymous, Responsiones Responsiones Example 5. Anonymous, in in missa missa (1443: 17). 17). 17). ra Et

w

U

œœ›

›U

ne.

› w. Glo

˙

U

mi - ne.

-

U

-

ri -

˙

ri -

men.

˙

men.

ri -

› U

U

ri -

˙ ˙

-

ri -

›

˙

men.

ri -

Piety and Polyphony

174

Ex. 6  (continued) 75

Et

cum

spi

-

&b w Et

w Vb

cum

w w

spi

w. w.

-

˙

Et

Vb w

cum

w

spi

-

Et

cum

spi

Et

w

?b w

w

w.

&b w

cum

w. w.

spi

˙

w

w

U o.

ri - tu

tu

-

ri - tu

w w

tu

w w

-

U ›

ri - tu

tu

-

U

-

ri - tu

tu

-

-

˙

U

˙ ˙

w w

ri - tu

w w

tu

-

U

› o.

o.

o.

› o.

homophony and variation was apparently not a big issue, as some recurring words share their musical material (see, for example, the words “Et cum spiritu sancto” and “Amen” in Example 6). The reciting tone is found, as seems to be characteristic for the genre, in the Tenor.73 Interestingly, the Leiden set of polyphonic responses is also transmitted in the so-called Smijers codex of the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap in ’s-Hertogenbosch. Philippus de Spina added some polyphonic works to this chant manuscript in 1531, including the polyphonic responses.74 A comparison of the two transmissions shows that De Spina’s copy must be somewhat closer to the archetype.75 For that reason it may not be unreasonable to suppose that a travelling singer or composer was responsible for bringing the responses to Leiden.76

73

Schmid, ‘Mehrstimmige Responsiones vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis ins 19. Jahrhundert’, p. 86; cf. Graduale sacrosanctae romanae ecclesiae de tempore et de sanctis (Paris etc. 1952), pp. 113*–132*. 74 Smijers, ‘Meerstemmige muziek van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, pp. 26–29. Smijers wondered if De Spina might also have composed the responsiones, as he was paid in 1539, by the Brotherhood, 2 stuivers and 1 oirt “for copying into the great mass book some responses one answers to the dean” (Smijers, ‘Meerstemmige muziek van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, p. 21, n. 54; p. 28, n. 73). It is possible that De Spina was also the composer of the responses, but the passage from the accounts only states that he copied them into the book. 75 Several details support this hypothesis. First, De Spina’s reading is far more consistent in the use of ligatures and longs (the Leiden reading uses longs and breves with fermatas quite randomly). In m. 16 of the Leiden witness the first note of the Bassus is missing, thus creating a false ligature (Sb-d Lo-A). A further clue is found in the placement of the word “Amen” in mm. 22–25 and 50–53. De Spina’s reading has another division of note values (Lo-f’ Br-e’ (in lig.), Lo-e’), which enables the singer of this part to align the syllable “-men” with that in the other voices. 76 See p. 20 for more on travelling singers.



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 175

Hymns and Motets The last, and by far the largest, group of compositions to be discussed is that of the hymns and motets. Some of these works have a text that is clearly related to a specific moment in the liturgical calendar. Others have texts of a more general nature and may have been used throughout the year. A second aspect of usage regards in which services these works were actually performed. Unfortunately, it is impossible to ascertain the place of the motet and hymn texts in the Leiden liturgical calendar. Service books from St Peter’s are lacking altogether, and the calendar of the diocese of Utrecht, which was followed in Leiden, is not specific enough to answer all questions. There is one little book, however, that is of some help as it does reflect the usage of St Peter’s. This book, the Cantuale iuxta usum Leidanae ecclesiae D. Petri, was published by the Leiden printer Theodoricus Gerardsz. Horst, who put some 250 copies on the market in 1564.77 As the introduction to the book testifies, the publication of the Cantuale was inspired by a similar book that the city magistrate of Amsterdam had ordered, four years earlier, from the publisher Pierre Phalèse.78 The Amsterdam Cantuale was printed in a significantly larger run of 800 copies. This difference in the print runs was probably due to the fact that the Leiden book was meant to be used in St Peter’s and in the Latin school only, while the Amsterdam book was created for wider use.79 The Leiden Cantuale is especially valuable when it comes to defining the liturgical use of the polyphonic settings of the hymns. Not as relevant, but nevertheless of interest, are the missal

77

Bank, ‘Overheidssubsidie voor onderricht in het gregoriaans’, p. 287; Vlam, ‘Leiden’, col. 511; see also Doove, ‘Met de palmezel naar Pasen’; Doove, ‘Maria in den blomme en ter sneeuw’. 78 Cantuale iuxta usum insignis ecclesiae Amstelredamensis. Dessing and Bank mention that the 800 copies were delivered for a sum of 100 guilders, but this is not correct (Bank, ‘Overheidssubsidie voor onderricht in het gregoriaans’, p. 286; Bank, ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam’, p. 16; Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsch cantuale’). The town clerk paid Phalèse in 1561 the remaining sum of 360 guilders and ten stuivers and noted in the accounts that the entire run, including corrections, had cost 484 guilders and 10 stuivers (van Biema, ‘Nalezing van de stadsrekeningen van Amsterdam’, p. 162). For a description of the Amsterdam Cantuale, see Vanhulst, Catalogue des éditions de musique, no. 82. 79 Cf. Doove, ‘Soo de ouden songhen’, p. 118; Dessing, ‘Een merkwaardige getuigenis over het stadsbestuur in 1561’. The town of Delft also ordered a similar book. In imitation of Amsterdam, the town magistrate of Delft ordered a cantuale from the Leuven book printer Anthoenis Maria Bargangne in 1563. It would take until 1566 for the book to be published (and then not by Bargangne, but by the Delft printer Harman Schinckel). The Delft Cantuale novum differs from the Leiden and Amsterdam books in that it was printed with empty staves on which, at a later stage, the appropriate melodies were entered by hand (cf. Doove, ‘Soo de ouden songhen’, pp. 116–118; Doove, ‘Met de palmezel naar Pasen’, pp. 178–180; Oosterbaan, ‘School en Kerk in het Middeleeuwsche Delft’, pp. 155–156, 192; Wijbenga, ‘Harman Schinckel’, pp. 181–189). Full descriptions and titles of the Amsterdam, Delft and Leiden cantuales are found in the List of Abbreviations, above.

176

Piety and Polyphony

and the breviary for use in the diocese of Utrecht that were published in 1508 and 1514 by the Leiden printer Jan Seversz.80 Much as the lack of Leiden liturgical sources must be regretted, it does not altogether prevent the study of the motet texts and their uses. Most of the composers whose masses and motets are found in the Leiden books were active not in the diocese of Utrecht but in more southern regions. The textual and musical variants found in their compositions may reflect liturgical peculiarities of other churches and dioceses. There is a danger, therefore, in trying to uncover the textual or musical sources of the motets by using editions from other times and places. Textual identifications may be imperfect and compositions may become associated with feasts other than the one for which they were composed. An interesting illustration is Clemens non Papa’s Dum complerentur dies pentecostes (1439: 11). The texts of the prima and secunda pars have been identified as two responsories for Easter.81 In two sixteenth-century sources, however, the complete text is found as a responsory with its accompanying verse for the same feast. This means that texts that have not been identified thus far could very well have been part of regular services in a sixteenth-century local or regional practice.82 When in spite of this an attempt is made to identify texts, a number of pieces can be placed with reasonable certainty in the liturgical calendar (the texts of the motets are identified in Appendix 2). The polyphonic hymns differ from the motets not only because of their strophic texts, but also because of their small scale, which make them suitable for use in the liturgical hours.83 That they were indeed used like this seems obvious, as the hymns are all found in the last nine quires of ms. 1439, a manuscript that with its Magnificat and Nunc dimittis settings must have been used in the divine office.84 With regard to the strophes that have been set, the hymns show considerable variety. Table 8 shows which combinations of strophes appear in the hymn settings.85

80

As mentioned earlier (pp. 24–25), the Haarlem getijdenmeesters owned a copy of Jan Severszoon’s Breviary of 1508. 81 Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, p. 500. 82 Cf. Mattfeld, ‘Some Relationships between Texts and Cantus Firmi in the Liturgical Motets of Josquin des Pres’, p. 177. 83 The average length of a polyphonic strophe is about 49 measures, and that of a hymn consisting of two partes about 85 measures. This is considerably less than the length of an average motet in two partes in ms. 1438 (c. 145 measures). That especially concise and simple settings were meant to be used in liturgy has been argued by Strunk, ‘Some Motet-Types of the 16th Century’ (p. 158), and Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’ (pp. 14–15). 84 The fact that hymns and Magnificats also occur together in ms. 1442 is less important, as this book was compiled from different fascicle manuscripts. 85 The following motet texts, which are based on hymn texts, have been left out of consideration: Ave mundi spes Maria (1438: 37), Ave stella matutina (1438: 13), Ave virgo gloriosa (1438: 15), O virgo prudentissima (1439: 24) and Sancta maria virgo virginum (1439: 26).



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 177

In eight settings the composer used merely one strophe of the entire hymn text. Remarkably, in only three of these cases was the first strophe chosen. More often two strophes were set, and the most frequent combinations were strophes 1 & 3 or strophes 2 & 4. These settings were in all probability meant for alternatim performance and may therefore have been particularly suited for the antiphonal practice of vespers and compline. Such a performance would seem less logical for the individual strophes and the various other strophe combinations that are illustrated in Table 8.86 On the other hand it is clear that they must have been of use to the singers in the context of the liturgical hours. If they did not serve as replacements for complete hymns, possibly they served as short paraliturgical “motets”.87 Given that all the hymns are copied in the same part of the manuscript, one would expect them to have been used in similar circumstances. This may be an indication that one should not be too strict about liturgical necessities; possibly the singers and clergymen were used to more freedom when it came to liturgy than we have grown accustomed to. The choirbooks contain a number of settings of the hymn Christe qui lux es, which was traditionally sung at the end of the day during compline. In 1559 the singers could choose from five different settings of this popular chant melody. Flamingus added eight new settings during the years 1565–1567, which seems to indicate that this hymn was often performed in polyphony at that period.88 The modest proportions of the hymns may indicate composition by regional or even local composers. This would perhaps explain why almost the entire corpus has been left unattributed. The few odd pieces that carry an ascription are by Joachimus de Monte and Johannes Flamingus, and one hymn is found under the name of Cornelius Canis in a concordant source.89 One of the hymns may perhaps be taken as a confirmation of this: the text of the hymn Iam bone pastor / Urbs beata Iherusalem II. Porte nitent margaritis (1439: 56) was taken from two different hymns. Iam bone pastor is the first strophe of the hymn of the same name, which was traditionally sung during the feast of the dedication of a church devoted to the apostles Peter and Paul. This text is here combined with strophes 1 and 3 of the dedication hymn Urbs beata Iherusalem. This combination creates a hymn that was tailored to the needs of the singers of St Peter’s.

86

See Ward, ‘Mehrstimmige Hymnen’, col. 490; Ward, The Polyphonic Office Hymn 1400– 1520, pp. 14–15; and also Lerner, ‘Some Motet Interpolations in the Catholic Mass’, p. 28, where it is argued that polyphonic hymns without a strophic structure were not suited to use in the office. 87 Cf. Lerner, ‘Some Motet Interpolations in the Catholic Mass’, p. 28; Ward, The Polyphonic Office Hymn 1400–1520, p. 18. 88 A 1423 ordinance for the choirboys at St Veerle’s in Ghent stipulates that they had to pray the Christe qui lux es each evening (Bouckaert, ‘Bijdragen tot de studie van het muziekleven in de Sint-Veerlekerk te Gent’, pp. 62, 66). In Antwerp the hymn was apparently also popular in the first half of the sixteenth century. In 1529–1530 some three, and possibly five, polyphonic settings of Christe qui lux es were copied for the singers of the church of Our Lady (Forney, ‘Music, Ritual and Patronage’, p. 48). 89 I would like to thank Martin Ham for drawing my attention to the Canis concordance.

several uses

Gloria tibi domine (1442: 95)

De Domina nostra In Pass. Petri & Pauli Apost. ad Vesp. De omnibus sanctis ad Vesp. In Nativ. B.M. In Purif. B.M. ad Vesp.

Ave maris stella / Solve vincla reis (1439: 68)

Iam bone pastor / Sit trinitati (1442: 92)

Ihesu salvator seculi / Baptista christi (1439: 63)

Maria mater domini / Celum terramque (1442: 78)

Quod chorus vatum / Quem senex iustus (1439: 61)

In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.; De Epiph. ad Vesp. – De Domina nostra

Quam regali stirpe natam / Lege carnis (1439: 67)

Sumens illud ave / Monstra te esse (1439: 54)

In Visit. B.M. ad Vesp.

Ibant magi / Novum genus potentie (1439: 65)

In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.

Beatus autor seculi / Domus pudici (1439: 73)

Gressum cepit / Impregnata gravidata (1439: 53)

Strophes 2 & 4

In Pass. Petri & Pauli Apost. ad Vesp.

Aurea luce / Iam bone pastor (1439: 59)

Strophes 1 & 3

In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.

Sabb. diebus ad Compl.

Defensor noster aspice* (1442: 57, 81)

In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.; De Epiph. ad Vesp.

In Purif. B.M. ad Vesp.

Quod chorus vatum (1439: 60)

Ibant magi‡ (1442: 94)

In Nativ. B.M.

Maria mater domini (1439: 55)

Domus pudici† (1442: 101)

De omnibus sanctis ad Vesp.

Use

Ihesu salvator seculi (1439: 64)

Single strophe

Strophe

Table 8  The polyphonic hymn strophes in the Leiden manuscripts and their uses according to the Cantuale iuxta usum Leidanae

178 Piety and Polyphony

In Ascens. Domini ad Vesp. De S. Spiritu ad Vesp.

Festum nunc celebre / Oramus domine (1439: 70)

Veni creator spiritus / Accende lumen (1439: 69)

‡ strophe 2 of A solis ortus cardine

† strophe 4 of A solis ortus cardine

* strophe 5 of Christe qui lux es

Tantum ergo / Genitori genitoque (1442: 103; 1443: 31)

Strophes 5 & 6

Nobis natus nobis datus / Tantum ergo (1442: 96)

Strophes 2 & 5

A solis ortus cardine / Ibant magi (1439: 57)

Strophes 1 & 9

In mariam vite / Precursorem et doctorem (1442: 93)

Strophes 1 & 6

O quam glorifica / Tu cum virgineo (1443: 9)

In Festo Sacramenti

In Festo Sacramenti

De Epiph. ad Vesp.

In Visit. B.M. ad Vesp.

In Assumpt. B.M.

In Festo Sacramenti

Pange lingua / Tantum ergo sacramentum (1439: 66)

Strophes 1 & 2

Sabb. diebus ad Compl.

Christe qui lux es / Defensor noster aspice (1439: 50–52, 58, 72; 1442: 20–23, 26, 46, 76, 83)

Strophes 1 & 5

In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.

Use

A solis ortus cardine / Domus pudici (1439: 71)

Strophes 1 & 4

Strophe

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 179

180

Piety and Polyphony

On studying the list with identifications of all motet texts that appear in the Leiden books, one quickly notices that most of the texts were taken from antiphons, psalms and responsories. The remaining texts are mostly passages taken from books of the Bible. Texts that are not taken from the liturgical hours but from the office of the mass are in the minority, and among them only a few sequences take positions of significance.90 When choosing texts composers seem to have allowed themselves several liberties. In the least complicated cases the text of a specific chant was set in its entirety and presented in one, two or three different partes. In other cases different texts were brought together in a single work. For example, the texts of Concussum est mare (1440: 39), Mane nobiscum domine (1438: 24) and Angelus autem domini descendit (1439: 7) consist of, respectively, two, three and no fewer than five different antiphons. The responsory motets form an interesting category of compositions with a variety of musical forms. In the most common cases the responsory proper is set as the prima pars, and the verse and the repetendum as the secunda pars. As the repetendum is usually set to the same music, these motets display with their aBcB-form the structure of the responsory itself.91 In some motets, however, the repetendum is suppressed in the prima pars and occurs only in the secunda pars.92 In yet other pieces, the repetendum does not occur in the secunda pars, or the text of the verse is missing altogether.93 Every now and then a motet text seems to have been compiled of two different responsories.94 Although psalm texts formed a major source of inspiration for composers in the first half of the sixteenth century, there are very few complete psalm settings in the choirbooks. Among the over 300 compositions there are merely eleven settings of ten complete psalm texts.95 Interestingly enough, almost half of these settings are found in the motet unit of ms. 1442 that was earlier identified as one of the oldest parts of the choirbooks. One of the interesting questions with regard to the motets is how they were actually used within the liturgy. That these compositions were actually performed during masses, Lof services, vespers and other services may be taken for granted. But infor 90

See also Cummings, ‘Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet’, pp. 49, 52, for the observation that motet texts are usually taken from office chants. 91 Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, p. 314. Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, pp. 76–77, has convincingly argued that this structure should not simply be called a responsory form, as other – paraliturgical – pieces exist with a similar structure created by using a refrain (for example of the word “Alleluia” or “Noe”). 92 See, for example, the motet Non conturbetur cor vestrum (1441: 42). This structure is also found in Verdelot’s setting of the same text. That the absence of the repetendum (“et gaudebit cor vestrum”) in the prima pars of Verdelot’s motet can be explained by the transmission of this work in an edition from a Protestant milieu, as Böker-Heil suggested (‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, p. 81), strikes me as unlikely. 93 Cf. Peccata mea domine (1438: 1) and Congratulamini michi omnes (1441: 35). 94 Cum inducerent puerum (1438: 29); cf. Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, p. 229. 95 Ps. 19 (1442: 36); Ps. 23 (1442: 38); Ps. 102 (1442: 44); Ps. 119 (1441: 33); Ps. 124 (1442: 45); Ps. 126 (1441: 12; 1442: 40); Ps. 129 (1442: 74); Ps. 130 (1441: 49); Ps. 133 (1441: 28); Ps. 136 (1439: 6).



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 181

mation on their specific use is scant at best. The idea that the function of a motet was determined by its text, just as with Magnificats and Nunc dimittis settings, seems sensible and has led to the hypothesis that motets could replace chant items in mass or office as long as their texts were identical.96 However, a large number of the motets would be unsuitable for such a substitution because their texts do not at all correspond to those of liturgical items. A clear example is the motet Angelus autem domini descendit (1439: 7). The text of this motet consists of a succession of five different Easter antiphons. While there can be no doubt that this motet was sung at Easter, it is also clear than it cannot have replaced any of the antiphons it sets. It would also seem rather unlikely that a composition such as this would have been sung in the office instead of during mass. Just like many other motets that have texts compiled from portions of lessons, prayers, the Bible and chants, Angelus autem domini descendit must be considered as a free addition to the standard liturgical structure of a service.97 If motets with such texts could be used as free additions to the liturgy, so of course could the motets with texts that are actually found in liturgical sources.98 The great advantage of this approach is that the compositions could be used on more than one occasion, rather than being bound to a single day on the liturgical calendar. As a matter of fact, Desiderius Erasmus testifies that all sorts of small changes were indeed made to standard liturgy. In some churches, so Erasmus argues, it was customary practice to replace the introit of mass with a responsory, to sing a prosa before the gospel, or to sing during the elevation of the Host asking Mary or St Roche for assistance.99 One can easily imagine that any of these items could have been sung in polyphony. There are different types of testimony for the use of motets in the context of mass services.100 A first indication is the transmission of the repertoire. The simple fact that numerous motets are found in books that also contain polyphonic masses may be taken as an indication that these works were used in the same services.101 Both in the Low Countries and elsewhere in Europe, the Elevation seems to have been an appropriate moment in mass to insert a motet. The accounts of the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap at ’s-Hertogenbosch contain, as of 1525, payments to the singers who sang the O salutaris hostia during the elevation of the Host.102 A similar 96

In 1939 Oliver Strunk already distinguished, using Palestrina’s motets as reference material, between sequences that were meant for use in mass and antiphons and responsories that, in his opinion, were meant to be used in office services (Strunk, ‘Some Motet-Types of the 16th Century’, pp. 156–158); see also Kirsch, ‘Zum Verhältnis von Motettenstil und liturgisch-musikalischer Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert’, p. 198. 97 Brown, ‘The Mirror of Man’s Salvation’, pp. 750, 753; see also Blackburn, Music for Treviso Cathedral, pp. 15, 29; Shepherd, ‘A Liturgico-Musical Reappraisal’, p. 76. 98 Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, pp. 62–63. Of course, motets could also be sung on secular occasions, such as at meals (cf. Cummings, ‘Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet’, p. 45; Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’, p. 10; Smijers, ‘De lllustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, 14, p. 70). Such additional functions are left out of consideration here. 99 Miller, ‘Erasmus on Music’, p. 337; see also Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, p. 314. 100 See also Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, p. 63. 101 Cf. Blackburn, Music for Treviso Cathedral, p. 30. 102 Smijers, ‘De lllustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, 16, pp. 64, 67, 71, 73, etc.

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practice was also known at the court of The Hague, where singers were paid because they had sung “in polyphony with motets for the Blessed Venerable Sacrament” each Friday for fourteen weeks.103 Motets with suitable topics that could be inserted at such appropriate places seem to have gained something of a liturgical function in mass.104 Erasmus’s remark that the introit was sometimes replaced with a responsory is interesting, too. Responsory texts were a great source of inspiration for such composers as Mouton and Richafort, and ever since their engagement with this genre interest in setting these texts grew. One has to wonder, however, if this was related to an ongoing interest in the use of polyphony in matins, the service in which most of these responsories are originally found. It would hardly seem likely that the great responsory motets for five and six voices by Johannes Lupi, for example, were meant to be sung during the night office. But if it was indeed customary in some churches to replace the introit with a responsory, it is also possible that a polyphonic responsory was sung at the start of mass.105 The end of mass also seems to have been an appropriate moment for the performance of a motet. This is demonstrated by a book of dialogues from the middle of the sixteenth century, a collection containing various dialogues, phrases and words in both Flemish and French. Here we find a description of four friends who are travelling to the church of Notre Dame du Sablon in Brussels. Once there, they listen to the singers from the courts of Charles V and Mary of Hungary:106 Samson Hercules Laureys Hercules Samson Zacharias Laureys

The mass is nearly over, and it hasn’t lasted an hour. You’re right, I think the singers have hurried things along. I think so too […] They’re singing the motet, it’s time to go. What motet is it? I think it’s In te Domine speravi with two upper voices. It’s a good motet, who do you think composed it? Lupus, the zangmeester of St Donatian’s in Bruges.

Later the dialogue mentions that Lupus Hellinck had died recently, which indicates that the whole exchange should be situated in Bruges around 1545. The fragment 103

Bouwsteenen, p. 72. Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’, p. 12, gives Josquin’s Tu solus qui facis mirabilia as an illustrative example. This work was sung in the 1560s in the Sistine Chapel “in elevatione Corporis Christi”. See also Blackburn, Music for Treviso Cathedral, p. 22; Cummings, ‘Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet’, p. 52. 105 Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, pp. 314–315. 106 Ghemeyne T’samen-koutinghen van Jan Berthout, Besluytende dry schoone ende profijtige Dialoguen van Maeltijden, ende verscheyde Coopmanschappen […] / Collocutions Familieres de Jean Berthout, Contenant trois belles & profitables Dialogues des Propos de table, & diverses Marchandises […] (Antwerp 1623), f. A4r. Lenaerts was the first to cite this passage (Lenaerts, Het Nederlands polifonies lied, pp. 155–159). The copy he cited, published by Jan Weins in Dunkirk in 1623, came from the library of Guido Gezelle and seems to have gone missing during the Second World War (Lenaerts, ‘Les messes de Lupus Hellinck’, p. 468). A copy of the 1623 Antwerp edition can be found in the University Library of Ghent. 104



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 183

clearly demonstrates that in Brussels in the mid-sixteenth century it was customary to sing a motet at the end of mass. A similar practice is also documented in Cambrai and in Rome.107 Another moment in mass which was used to perform a motet, in Rome, was directly after the offertory, when the officiating priest prepared for the canon of mass.108 In other places it seems to have been a custom to sing Marian antiphons as individual pieces directly after the communion or the gospel.109 It seems that there was no lack of opportunities to sing motets in mass services.110 In all, it seems safe to state that the presence of motets in a manuscript with polyphonic masses indicates the performance of motets in a mass context. Proceeding from this point it may perhaps also be argued that the presence of motets in a manuscript that contains compositions for use in the liturgical hours – pieces such as Magnificat settings and hymns – means that motets were also performed during vespers or compline.111 Unfortunately, there are hardly any documents to confirm this practice. In some cases certain antiphons were used as individual pieces at the end of lauds, vespers or compline.112 There can be no doubt, however, that chant was and continued to be of prime importance. The singers of St Peter’s were complimented in 1559 by Bishop Wilhelmus Lindanus for their devoted attention to liturgical chant.113 Possibly the office processions provided a further opportunity to perform motets. In the final quarter of the fifteenth century it was stipulated in Bruges memorial services that at a certain moment in the vespers procession a motet was to be sung.114 Processions were appropriate for paraliturgical compositions because they were held frequently and were not bound by liturgical guidelines.115 Marian antiphons that would normally be sung at a fixed point in the liturgy could be used as votive

107

Cummings, ‘Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet’, pp. 47, 51–52; see also Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’, p. 12. 108 Cummings, ‘Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet’, p. 47; Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’, pp. 10–11; Shine, ‘The Motets of Jean Mouton’, p. 127. 109 Mattfeld, ‘Some Relationships between Texts and Cantus Firmi in the Liturgical Motets of Josquin des Pres’, p. 170. 110 In the German-speaking part of Europe compositions with a religious, non-liturgical text were sometimes also used in mass. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Lied Christ is erstanden was sung in several towns during mass around Easter; the Regina celi, too, seems to have had its place in mass in this same phase of the liturgical year (cf. Lerner, ‘Some Motet Interpolations in the Catholic mass’, pp. 25–27; Noblitt, ‘The Earliest Plenary Mass for Easter’, pp. 42–45). 111 Blackburn, Music for Treviso Cathedral, p. 30. 112 Mattfeld, ‘Some Relationships between Texts and Cantus Firmi in the Liturgical Motets of Josquin des Pres’, p. 170. 113 PatouletW, p. xxxix, n. 55. 114 Salokar, ‘Ad Augmentationem Divini Cultus’, pp. 313ff; on vesper processions see also Bailey, The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church, pp. 107ff. 115 Brown, ‘The Mirror of Man’s Salvation’, pp. 750–751; Noble, ‘The Function of Josquin’s Motets’, p. 14; Shine, ‘The Motets of Jean Mouton’, pp. 125–126. See also Bailey, The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church.

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pieces in processions.116 Of course there were also many processions outside the office. In this respect it is interesting to note that the sole Leiden foundation that mentions polyphony concerns performance of a sequentia at the end of a procession. In 1503 the getijdenmeesters accepted a foundation for Dirck Dircxz. and committed to sing, on a fixed number of days, after the procession, in front of the high choir of the church, the Inviolata integra et casta es Maria. The endowment stipulates that seven or eight singers were free to decide if they wanted to sing the chant version or a polyphonic setting. It is surely no coincidence, therefore, that the choirbooks contain three different settings of this specific sequentia. The recurring service during which any paraliturgical composition could be performed was of course the daily Lof. The structure of these free services was bound more by convention than by rules. There is probably no Marian motet that could not be performed during one of the many Lof services that were devoted to the Mother of Christ. For the Friday Lof many works relating to the Holy Cross and Christ’s dying upon it were of course well suited. That many daily Lof services featured polyphony is known from such places as Antwerpen, Bergen op Zoom and ’s-Hertogenbosch.117 The choirs of the getijdencolleges in Holland followed suit. A 1507 ordinance for the singers in Haarlem stipulates that polyphonic music was usually sung “in masses, vespers, and Lof services” (cf. p. 24). A singer’s contract from Gouda dated 1548 states that in St John’s church polyphony was sung “on workdays in the Lof service and on Sundays and Feast or Holy Days in mass, vespers and in the Lof service” (cf. p. 28). The getijdencollege in The Hague, too, sang polyphony in masses, vespers and Lof services (cf. p. 34). In Leiden there were already Lof services involving polyphony in 1453 (cf. p. 55). There is little reason to suspect that the daily course of events in mid-sixteenth-century Leiden deviated very much from the practice of such cities as Gouda, The Hague and Haarlem.

The Ordering of the Repertoire Now that we know a little more about the compilation and nature of the repertoire, we may consider whether the scribes of the manuscripts received specific instructions for compiling choirbooks that were destined for liturgical use. It is feasible that the getijdenmeesters, or at least their singers, needed specific texts in a specific order so that singing from the books on a daily basis would not involve endless searching for the right pieces and carrying more than one heavy book to the music stand. However, there are no obvious trends in the placement of texts or chants in the manuscripts. For a limited number of texts there are two different settings in the books.118 To have more than three settings of the same text is exceptional, yet around 1560 the singers had at their disposal nine settings of the Regina celi, five of 116

Mattfeld, ‘Some Relationships between Texts and Cantus Firmi in the Liturgical Motets of Josquin des Pres’, p. 170. 117 Forney, ‘Music, Ritual and Patronage’, pp. 8–12, 52–54; Smijers, ‘De lllustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, 16, pp. 67, 71, 73, 76 etc.; Wegman, ‘Music and Musicians at the Guild of Our Lady in Bergen op Zoom’, pp. 183–186. 118 See, for example, Ave Maria gratia plena, Ave maris stella, Crucifixum in carne, Dum transisset sabbatum, Nisi dominus, Pater peccavi in celum.



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the Salve regina and the hymn Christe qui lux es, and three of Inviolata integra et casta es Maria.119 On the whole there is a variety of texts and, in addition to the examples just mentioned, multiple settings are confined to obvious genres such as the mass, Magnificat and Nunc dimittis. Ordering the repertoire according to liturgical guidelines or to a liturgical calendar would seem natural for the music books of an organization that conducted daily liturgy in church. Some scribes went to a lot of trouble to mould the repertoire they copied and their books into a liturgical unity. The scribe/compiler of the manuscript TrevBC 29 furnished compositions by Gombert, Lassus and Palestrina with new texts so that they would be suitable for the Aquileian rite of the cathedral of Treviso.120 An ordering of repertoire according to liturgical principles is also found in manuscripts from the German-speaking part of Europe.121 Examining the Leiden books needs to be done with some care as the texts of the motets may – due to the lack of local liturgical sources – not all have been properly identified. It goes without saying that mss. 1442–1443 should be excluded from such an examination as they were clearly not designed as complete manuscripts, but compiled from fascicle manuscripts. Table 9 illustrates possible uses for the motets in ms. 1438. The primary order within the book is based on the number of voices. The polyphonic masses, which are not listed in the table, are all copied in the final gatherings of the manuscript. The thirty-seven motets are divided into three groups: one for four voices, one for five voices and one for six. Apparently, this order was important. De Blauwe separated the three sections from one another by inserting a blank opening between them. The first motet for five voices has a rubric pointing out that the number of voices has now changed (“Sunt muteta quinque vocum”), and so does the first of the six-voice motets (“Muteta Sex vocum”). Although this does make a secondary order, according to other principles, less likely, one cannot exclude such a two-layered order without investigation.122 In spite of the fact that not all motet texts seem to have a clearly delineated liturgical function, it is possible to draw some conclusions. That the order is not according to the liturgical calendar is demonstrated right away in the group of four-voice motets. The manuscript opens with Johannes de Cleve’s Peccata mea. According to the Cantuale of St Peter’s this responsory was sung in Leiden in the period between Candlemas (2 February) and Sunday Septuagesima. If liturgical considerations had prevailed in compiling the repertoire, this motet should have been preceded, and not followed, by the Christmas motets Omnis terra adoret te (no. 8) and O magnum misterium (no. 9). In the group 119

In the years 1565–1567 Flamingus added eight settings of the Regina celi, eleven of the Salve regina, and thirteen of the hymn Christe qui lux es to the repertoire. 120 Blackburn, Music for Treviso Cathedral, pp. 10ff. 121 See, for example, the following manuscripts in the Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek at Regensburg: RegB 849–52, 853–4, 855–6, 857–60, 875–77, 878–82; cf. Haberkamp, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek Regensburg, pp. 64ff.; Census-Catalogue III, pp. 77ff; Hamm, ‘Interrelationships between Manuscript and Printed Sources, p. 8. 122 See, for example, the manuscript MunBS 1536, in which the repertoire is ordered both with regard to the number of voices and to liturgical considerations (Hamm, ‘Interrelationships between Manuscript and Printed Sources, p. 9).

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186

Table 9  Motets and their uses in LeidGA 1438 Work No. Text

Use Four-Voice Motets Dom. infra Purif. & Septuag. ? (Psalm verses) Commune Sanctorum de uno Apostolo Commune unius Mart./Confess. ? (Psalm verses) ? (Psalm verses) ? (Lamentationes) In Nativ. Domini / In Epiph. Domini In Nativ. Domini In Festo Petri & Pauli Apost. [29 Jun.]

 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9 10

Peccata mea domine Erravi sicut ovis Ecce ego mitto vos Iustum deduxit dominus Delectare in domino Servus tuus ego sum Recordare domine Omnis terra adoret te O magnum misterium Quem dicunt homines

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Memento salutis auctor Veni in ortum meum Ave stella matutina Nigra sum sed formosa Ave virgo gloriosa Domine deus omnipotens Domine Ihesu christe Venite et videte Domini sunt cardines Ave bissus castitatis Deus virtutum convertere Vidi speciosam Ego sum panis vite Mane nobiscum domine

25 26 27

Angelus domini descendit Christus resurgens Iam non dicam

28 29 30

Salvatorem expectamus Cum inducerent puerum Benedictus dominus deus

31 32 33 34

Consolamini filie Ite in orbem Surge Petre Vere dominus

Five-Voice Motets De B.V.M.; In Nativ. Domini (?) De B.M.V. De B.M.V. De B.M.V. (?) De B.M.V. Dom. IV Septembris (?) S. Caeciliae [22 Nov.] ? (Psalm verses) ? (Samuhel) De B.M.V. ? (Psalm verses) In Assumpt. B.M.V. [15 Aug.] In Festo Sacramenti; In Oct. venerabilis Sacramenti Fer. II/IV Paschae, De Resurr.; Infra Hebd. post Oct. Paschae De Resurr., Oct. Paschae Sabb. in Albis Fer. VI Paschae, Sabb. Paschae, Dom. Pentec., Fer. II/V Pentec. (?) Dom. I Advent., Dom. III Advent. In Purif. B.M.V. [2 Feb.] De Trinitate (Dom. I post Pentec.); SS. Cordis Jesu (Fer. V post Oct. Pentec.) In Nativ. Domini (?) Ascens. Domini, Dom. Pentec., Fer. IV Pentec. Cathedra S. Petri [22 Feb.] In Dedic. Eccl. (?)

35 36 37

Ave salutis ianua Reges terre congregati sunt Ave mundi spes Maria

Six-Voice Motets De B.M.V. In Epiphania Domini; De tribus regibus De B.M.V.

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 187



of five-voice motets, the succession of motets for feasts on 22 November (no. 17), 15 August (no. 22), the second Thursday after Pentecost (no. 23),123 and Easter (no. 25) demonstrates that the liturgical calendar did not prevail in ordering this repertoire either. The scribe may not have completely renounced the idea of having compositions for similar feasts close to each other. Motets 11–15 can be used for various Marian feasts, and motets 24–27 are all suited for Easter and Pentecost. Possibly it was enough for a scribe such as De Blauwe to create some clusters of related pieces. A similar picture is found in ms. 1439. In this book, too, the primary ordering of the compositions was decided by the number of voices they employ: nos. 1–5 nos. 6–22 nos. 23–26 nos. 27–28 nos. 29–39 nos. 40–47 nos. 48–73

motets a4 motets a5 motets a6 2 motets Magnificat settings Nunc dimittis settings hymns

The group of five-voice motets seems to contain a number of pieces connected with Easter and Pentecost (see the inventory of ms. 1439 in Appendix 2, nos. 7, 11, 14, 16, 17, 20). Other motets, however, cannot be associated with specific liturgical occasions (nos. 8, 9, 18, 21, 22). Imposing a strict order was clearly not a primary concern, as motets for Advent and for Pentecost (nos. 13 and 11) are found here in the midst of compositions for Easter. If liturgical considerations had played a deciding role, the pattern should be noticeable within the twenty-four polyphonic hymns and the two settings of Crucifixum in carne (nos. 48–73). But here, too, compositions with identical or closely related texts are found scattered throughout the group, as, for example, with the settings of Christe qui lux es (nos. 50–52, 58, 72) and A solis ortus cardine (nos. 57, 71, 73). This arbitrary arrangement of pieces associated with different moments in the liturgical calendar illustrates that texts were not the determining factor in ordering the material in this manuscript.124 As the structure of mss. 1438–1439 is also characteristic of that of mss. 1440–1441, we may safely conclude that none of the choirbooks was organized along liturgical lines. The main ordering principles were the number of voices and the genres. Occasionally one finds clusters of compositions that may have been used in roughly the same period of the year, but this kind of organization remains rather sketchy. It may seem surprising that in the context of the getijdencollege, a liturgical organization let us not forget, motets were not arranged in music books according to their texts. However, in this respect the Leiden books are no different from other manuscripts from the Low Countries. A cursory examination of ms. BrusC 27088 may be illustrative. This Brussels manuscript is in all probability the only Franco 123

The date for Pentecost varies from 21 May until 24 June. No. 59: In SS. Petri et Pauli (29 June); nos. 60–61: In Purif. B.M.V. (2 February); nos. 63–64: Omnium Sanctorum (1 November); no. 65: Epiphany (6 January).

124

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Piety and Polyphony Table 10  Compositions and rubrics in the ms. BrusC 27088

Folio 1 5 8 14 20 27 32 38 43 50 54 57 62 65 69 76 80 85 91 97 103 109 111 116 121 126 131 138 142 148 155 159 162 166 169 173 176 179 184 188 192 195 200 204 208 213

Rubric de domina de sancto Iohanne evangelista de tempore […] de dedicatione de transfiguratione domini de assumptione beate Marie de sacramento de sancto petro de nativitate domini […] de tempore de domina (t.o.c.); De beata Maria de tempore de aliqua sancta de sancta cecilia imploratio ad deum de Tempore oratio dominicalis de tribus regibus de sancta cruce de sancto Iohanne baptista de sancto Iohanne baptista de sancto Iohanne baptista de sancto Michaele archangelo pro peste de tempore de omnibus sanctis de sancto philippo de sancta Maria Magdalena (t.o.c.); De Resurrexione Christi de sancta Maria Magdalena (t.o.c.); De Resurrexione Christi de sancto Martino de tempore de nativitate Christi de presentatione beate; Marie (t.o.c.); De domina de domina de sancto Petro de sancto Lazaro de domina de sancto Iohanne baptista de sancta cruce de sancto Michaele archangelo de sancto Hieronimo pro pace de penthecoste de sancta cruce

Composition Lupi, Stirps Iesse 5vv Jacquet [of Mantua], Iste est discipulus 5vv Crecquillon, Domine da nobis 6vv Clemens, Mane nobiscum domine 5vv Clemens, Platee tue iherusalem 6vv Clemens, Assumpsit Ihesus 5vv Clemens, Virgo prudentissima 6vv Clemens, Quid retribuam domino 5vv Jacquet [of Mantua], Surge Petre 6vv Jacquet [of Mantua], Lux fulgebit hodie 5vv Gombert, Peccata mea domine 6vv Hellinck, In te domine speravi 5vv Jacquet [of Mantua], Ave regina celorum 6vv Crecquillon, Deus virtutum 5vv Clemens, Mulierem fortem 6vv Anon., Dum aurora finem daret 8vv Crecquillon, Domine deus 5vv Crecquillon, Congregati sunt 6vv Jacquet [of Mantua], Pater noster 5vv Manchicourt, Reges terre 6vv Lupi, Nos autem gloriari 5vv Jacquet [of Mantua], Ingresso Zacharie 5vv Lupi, Gaude tu baptista 5vv Lupi, Angelus domini 5vv Clemens, Concussum est mare 5vv Clemens, Stella celi extirpavit 5vv Clemens, Iubilate deo 6vv Clemens, Mirabilis deus 5vv Clemens, Domine ostende nobis 6vv Clemens, Maria Magdalena 5vv Clemens, Dum transisset sabatum 5vv Clemens, Dixerunt discipuli 5vv Clemens, Deus in adiutorium meum 6vv Clemens, Salvator noster 5vv Clemens, Stella maris 5vv Clemens, Sancta Maria 5vv Clemens, Si diligis me 5vv Clemens, Fremuit spiritus Ihesu 6vv Clemens, Ave mundi spes Maria 6vv Clemens, Super ripam iordanis 5vv Clemens, Salve crux sancta 6vv Clemens, Factum est silentium 5vv Clemens, Ave gemma clericorum 5vv Clemens, Da pacem domine 5vv Clemens, Dum complerentur 5vv Clemens, O crux gloriosa 5vv

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 189



Flemish manuscript from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in which all compositions have a liturgical rubric.125 These rubrics are found not only in the headings on all first openings of the compositions, but also in the original table of contents, which seems to indicate that they were important to the users or compiler of the manuscript. Looking at the table of contents in Table 10, it is striking that the five- and sixvoice pieces do not seem to have been arranged according to any criterion.126 In two cases motets that were sung on the same occasion were placed directly next to each other: Clemens’s motet Maria Magdalena precedes his five-voice Dum transisset sabbatum, and three motets for St John the Baptist are found in a little group of three on ff. 109–120. A fourth motet in honour of St John the Baptist, however, was copied into the manuscript at a different location (f. 188), which is, with respect to the manuscript as a whole, more of a rule than an exception.127 As the order of the feasts that are mentioned in the rubrics is random, we cannot escape the conclusion that liturgical applicability of the motets was important but did not lead to a liturgical order within the book itself. This same conclusion applies to almost all of the Franco-Flemish manuscripts with polyphony from the period. As far as is currently known, there are merely two books from this period – both from around 1540–1545 – in which a true liturgical order is found. Manuscript 73 of the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (’s HerAB 73) contains a wealth of repertoire for use predominantly in the vesper services of the brotherhood. The first fifty compositions in the book are polyphonic settings of antiphons and hymns, all ordered by feast and according to the liturgical calendar.128 The other book is ToleF 23, which contains motets, masses and Magnificats for all important feasts and votive services of the year.129

Contemporary Choirbooks from the Low Countries In the preceding paragraphs the Leiden choirbooks have been compared to contemporary manuscripts. By way of conclusion, it may be illuminating to consider them among the choirbooks that were prepared in the Low Countries in the period from c. 1540 to 1560. The majority of these manuscripts was copied for the Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap at ’s-Hertogenbosch and for the court of Mary of Hungary at 125

Bernet Kempers has suggested that this choirbook was copied, together with ms. BrusC 27088 (I and II), under the supervision of Clemens non Papa at the court of Philippe II de Croÿ at Beaumont. An examination of the manuscript led Jaap van Benthem to believe that the books should be dated to 1555–1560 and that any relationship with Clemens should be regarded as highly speculative (Van Benthem, ‘Lazarus versus Absalon’, pp. 81–82, n. 59). For more on the manuscript, see Beebe, ‘The Repertoire of Brussels, Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal, MS 27088’. 126 In the original table of contents of the manuscript all pieces by Jacquet of Mantua are erroneously attributed to Jacquet de Berchem; cf. Nugent, ‘The Jacquet Motets’, pp. 203–204. 127 See, for example: “de sancto petro” (ff. 43, 176); “de nativitate” (ff. 50, 166); “de sancta cruce” (ff. 103, 192, 213); “de sancto michaele archangelo” (ff. 121, 195). 128 Cf. MMN VIII-1, pp. vii–viii. 129 Snow, ‘Toledo Cathedral MS Reservado 23’, pp. 265ff.

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Table 11a  Choirbooks from the Low Countries, c. 1540–1560: dating and provenance Choirbook

Date

Provenance

Format (mm)

Material

BrusC 27087 (I) BrusC 27087 (II) BrusC 27088 CoimU 2 ’s-HerAB 73 ’s-HerAB 74 ’s-HerAB 75 LeidGA 1438 LeidGA 1439 LeidSM 1440 LeidGA 1441 LeidGA 1442 LeidGA 1443 MadN 2433 MontsM 765 MontsM 769 MontsM 771 MontsM 776 ToleF 23

c. 1555–1560 c. 1555–1560 c. 1555–1560 c. 1540–1550 1545 early 1540s early 1540s 1549 1559 1559 c. 1549–1559 c. 1550–1560 c. 1550–1560 1552 c. 1540–1550 c. 1540–1550 c. 1540–1550 c. 1540–1550 c. 1540?

? ? ? ’s-Hertogenbosch ’s-Hertogenbosch ’s-Hertogenbosch ’s-Hertogenbosch Leiden Leiden Leiden Leiden Leiden Leiden Liège Brussels Brussels Brussels Brussels Low Countries

543 × 384 540 × 394 562 × 402 565 × 380 560 × 385 568 × 397 560 × 392 562 × 390 547/554 × 394 545/557 × 400 560 × 385/390 412/416 × 280 411/414 × 280 530 × 386 505 × 360 592 × 415 546 × 386 550 × 390 595 × 400

paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper paper parchment paper paper paper parchment

Brussels. Looking at Table 11a, the first thing that strikes one is that the Leiden choirbooks alone form one third of the total number of choirbooks from 1540–1560.130 Just as remarkable is that mss. 1442 and 1443 are the only books in folio format.131 130

The information in this table is drawn largely from the Census-Catalogue. For mss. BrusC 27087 and BrusC 27088 see also Van Benthem, ‘Lazarus versus Absalon’, pp. 81–82, n. 59; and Beebe, ‘The Repertoire of Brussels, Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal, MS 27088’ (the measurements of these manuscripts were kindly sent to me by mr. J. Eeckeloo). For CoimU 2, see Jas, ‘Some Newly-Discovered Fragments of Sixteenth-Century Polyphony’, p. 70; and Rees, Polyphony in Portugal, c. 1530–c. 1620, pp. 137–147, 368 and 383. For the manuscripts from Montserrat, see Thompson, ‘Spanish-Netherlandish Musical Relationships’. In the Census-Catalogue mss. MontsM 765, 769, 771 and 776 are all dated, without further explanation, to c. 1540. It seems logical to assume that they were copied during Benedictus Appenzeller’s time in the service of Mary of Hungary (1536–1556). When Mary retired in 1556 at the abdication of Charles V she took her manuscripts to Spain. One manuscript that was long supposed to have been copied in the Low Countries is suppressed in the table: MontsM 768. The Brussels provenance of this book is now doubted on external and paleographical grounds. Possibly, this book with twelve masses by Manchicourt was copied in northern France (Thompson, ‘Spanish–Netherlandish Musical Relationships’, pp. 76–85). Also suppressed are the fragments of a choirbook from the Low Countries dated c. 1535–1550 (cf. Jas, ‘Some Newly-Discovered Fragments of Sixteenth-Century Polyphony’). Fragments of sixteenth-century manuscripts from the Low Countries are described and illustrated in Schreurs, Anthologie van muziekfragmenten uit de Lage Landen, and Schreurs, Bedreigde klanken? Muziekfragmenten uit de Lage Landen. 131 See however Jas, ‘Some Newly-Discovered Fragments of Sixteenth-Century Polyphony’, p. 69.



The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 191

When the repertoire of all the books is itemized by genre, several types of manuscript can be distinguished (Table 11b).132 Most numerous are manuscripts that contain only polyphonic masses (BrusC 27087 [II], CoimU 2, ’s-HerAB 74, ’s-HerAB 75, MontsM 771, and MontsM 776). Two manuscripts contain only Magnificats (MadN 2433, MontsM 769), and two further books only motets (BrusC 27088, LeidGA 1441). A combination of masses and motets is found in four manuscripts, three of which come from Leiden (LeidGA 1438, LeidSM 1440, LeidGA 1443, MontsM 765).133 BrusC 27087 (I) and ToleF 23 are the only sources to have masses, motets and Magnificats.134 The only books to contain Magnificats, hymns and other repertoire for the liturgical hours are ’s-HerAB 73 and LeidGA 1439. A unique aspect of ms. 1439 is, as pointed out earlier, the cycle with polyphonic settings of the Nunc dimittis. The thirteen books that were copied in the Low Countries around the same time as the Leiden manuscripts contain a total of 285 compositions. Table 11c lists all the composers who are represented in these books.135 Taking all numbers together and listing only the composers with five or more works in these books, the following overview presents itself: 46 Clemens non Papa 28 Appenzeller 14 Hellinck 10 Gombert, Mouton 8 Josquin 7 Crecquillon 6 Jacquet van Mantua, Lupi 5 Richafort 132

In Table 11b, the Responsiones in missa (1443: 17) are listed under the motets. The group “hymns etc.” contains both hymns and other short compositions that were meant to be sung in the Office services, such as the vesper antiphons of ’s-HerAB 73. In the description of the Leiden books, the compositions by Flamingus have been left out of consideration. 133 In Table 11b, the Magnificat of Vinders (1440: 34) and the Te matrem dei laudamus (1440: 40) are both listed as motets (cf. pp. 168–169). 134 That the same combination of genres is also found in ms. 1442 is less important as this choirbook was not planned as a complete manuscript, but compiled of individual fascicle manuscripts. 135 With regard to the attributions in this table I should add that conflicting ascriptions are only recorded in case of doubt. For the ascriptions to Appenzeller and Vinders in ’s-HerAB 75, see Jas, ‘A Rediscovered Mass of Jheronimus Vinders?’; and Jas, ‘Another Mass of Benedictus Appenzeller’. For the ascriptions in MontsM 765, see Jas, ‘Another Mass of Benedictus Appenzeller’, pp. 99–100. For the mass ascribed to “Winters” in MontsM 771, see Jas, ‘A Rediscovered Mass of Jheronimus Vinders?’, p. 229, and VindersCW.

10

41

’s-HerAB 75

LeidGA 1438

8

13

25

8

8

32

MadN 2433

MontsM 769

MontsM 771

MontsM 776

ToleF 23

23

LeidGA 1443

MontsM 765

50

60

LeidGA 1441

LeidGA 1442

40

10

’s-HerAB 74

73

89

’s-HerAB 73

LeidGA 1439

12

CoimU 2

LeidSM 1440

46

BrusC 27088

7

8

8

5

18

3

5

4

10

10

11

6

4

18

6

BrusC 27087 (I)

Mass

No. of Compositions

BrusC 27087 (II)

Choirbook

1

1

Kyrie

1

1

Credo

17

8

3

32

50

35

28

37

3

46

5

Motet

8

25

8

13

11

33

8

Magnificat

8

Nunc dimittis

Table 11b  Choirbooks from the Low Countries, c. 1540–1560: repertoire

2

2

Te deum

1

10

26

50

Hymn etc.

192 Piety and Polyphony

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 193



Table 11c  Choirbooks from the Low Countries, c. 1540–1560: composers BrusC 27087 (I)

BrusC 27087 (II)

BrusC 27088

Clemens non Papa (9) Anon. (4) Buys, Gombert, Larchier, Rore, Sermisy (1)

Crecquillon (2) Clemens non Papa, Hotz, Manchicourt, Persoens (1)

Clemens non Papa (28) Jacquet of Mantua (6) Crecquillon, Lupi (4) Gombert, Hellinck, Manchicourt, anon. (1)

CoimU 2

’s-HerAB 73

’s-HerAB 74

La Rue, Mouton (3) Bauldeweyn (2) Hesdin/Willaert, Moulu, Willaert, anon. (1)

Anon. (82) Appenzeller, Barra, Brumel, Lupi, S. Porta, Richafort, Verdelot (1)

Hellinck, Vinders (3) Gheerken d’Hondt (2) Crecquillon, Manchicourt (1)

’s-HerAB 75

MadN 2433

MontsM 765

Gascongne, Hellinck, anon. (2) Appenzeller, Hesdin/Willaert, Vinders (?), Willaert (1)

Gombert (8)

Appenzeller (13)

MontsM 769

MontsM 771

MontsM 776

Appenzeller (11) Clemens non Papa (8) Divitis, Jacotin, La Rue, Mouton/ Willaert, Pathie, anon. (1)

Appenzeller (2) Gascongne, Hesdin, Lupi, Moulu, Verelst, Winters (Vinders?) (1)

Hellinck (8)

ToleF 23 Josquin (8) Mouton (7) Richafort, Févin (4) Thibault (2) Alaventure/Longueval, Bauldeweyn/Josquin, Courtois Gascongne, Lheritier, Thérache, anon. (1)

For the Leiden choirbooks, these numbers are as follows: 62 Flamingus 44 Clemens non Papa 37 Crecquillon 11 Lupi, Richafort 10 Joachimus de Monte 9 Josquin 7 Appenzeller 6 Manchicourt, Mouton, Potoletus 5 Canis

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These numbers demonstrate that the music of Clemens non Papa was very popular in the choirbooks of the mid-sixteenth century in the Low Countries. There can be little doubt, however, that the limited number of books from this period distorts the final picture. For instance, it is remarkable to see that the manuscripts from ’s-Hertogenbosch do not contain a single work by Clemens non Papa. The fact that Appenzeller and Hellinck are well represented has less to do with their popularity as with the simple fact that there are two choirbooks devoted to their works alone (MontsM 765, MontsM 776). Including the Flemish printed editions from the period helps to clarify the picture (Table 12). In the editions of Susato, Phalèse and Waelrant, the works of Clemens and Crecquillon predominate. As a matter of fact, Phalèse published so many works by Clemens, Crecquillon and Manchicourt that little space was left for the works of others. Susato, meanwhile, distinguished himself from the other two publishers by continuing to publish the works of slightly earlier composers – Appenzeller, Hellinck, Lupi and Mouton – as well. Thus the works of Clemens and Crecquillon had an exceptional dissemination in the mid-sixteenth-century Low Countries. The Leiden manuscripts share something of Susato’s approach in that they also include the works of Franco-Flemish composers born between 1480 and 1500: composers such as Richafort, Appenzeller, Moulu, Gombert, Hellinck, Vinders and Barbion. With their fair number of works by Josquin and Mouton, the Leiden books even have a somewhat wider range,136 which offers a welcome correction of the picture drawn by the repertoire of the contemporary choirbooks from the Low Countries.

136



With regard to the repertoire of the singers of the Leiden getijdencollege, attention should also be drawn to the auction catalogue of the library of Cornelis Schuyt. His widow put his collection of books up for auction in 1617, one year after his death. Among the many interesting music books are not only published and unpublished works by Schuyt himself, but also a large repertoire of Italian madrigals, villanelle and canzonette. Schuyt also owned a number of editions of Catholic church music from both before and after the Reformation, among which are masses by Josquin (1514–1515; 1526), motets and hymns by Willaert (1542), masses by Morales (1542), masses by George de la Hêle (1578), motets (1585) and masses (1590) by Palestrina, and Lamentations by Lassus (1592). According to Rasch and Wind it is unlikely that the oldest publications were purchased by Cornelis or his father; they hypothesize that these printed editions may have come from Leiden pre-Reformatory church possessions, and have reached Cornelis via Floris (Rasch/Wind, ‘The Music Library of Cornelis Schuyt’, p. 339). One has to wonder if this explanation is really plausible. First, it was not customary for church choirs to sing from printed partbooks (although the getijden singers in Goes actually did). Second, it is unlikely that Floris Schuyt as an organist had access to the possessions of the getijdencollege, with which he had no formal relationship. The same auction catalogue also lists a choirbook: “Cantiones sacre, per Officijs sacris Ecclesiae, manuscriptae antiquae” (Fo6). Rasch and Wind wondered whether this could be one of the two Leiden manuscripts that must now be considered lost. They decided against this in the end, because neither book’s description in the inventory of 1578 matches that in the auction catalogue. It seems very unlikely indeed that this old manuscript could have been one of the books now missing, as there were still eight books in 1597 (see p. 127).

The Repertoire of the Choirbooks 195



Table 12  Composers with masses or more than five motets in editions printed by Susato, Phalèse and Waelrant (1546–1560) Susato

Phalèse a

Waelrant b

349 motets

237 motets

129 motetsc

Clemens non Papa (59) Crecquillon (34) Lassus, Manchicourt (16) Loys (15) Appenzeller, Castileti (13) Lupi, Vaet (7) Gallus, Hellinck (6)

Clemens non Papa (138) Crecquillon (38) Manchicourt (20)

Clemens non Papa (28) Waelrant (22) Lassus (17) Crecquillon (11) Tubal (8)

Susato 15 massesd

Phalèse 10 massese

Crecquillon (6) Hellinck (3) Manchicourt (2) Barbe, Mouton, Richafort, Susato (1)

Clemens (10)

a This count is based on the inventories of Susato 15466–7, 15475–6, 15538–10, 155312–15, 15548–9, 15558–9, 15573, 15583, L763 (1560) (see Meissner, Der Antwerpener Notendrucker Tyman Susato, vol. II, pp. 55–136); see also Weaver, Waelrant and Laet, p. 303. Weaver’s figures are slightly different because he included both Susato 155316 and 15574 in his count, which are both identical with Susato 15583; cf. Bernet Kempers, ‘Die Sigel RISM 155311 und 155316’. b This count is based on the inventories of Phalèse 15541–5, M272 (1554), 15551–5, C2686 (1559), C2690 (1559), C2694 (1559), C2698 (1559), C2702 (1559), C2705 (1559), C4406 (1559), 15607; cf. Vanhulst, Catalogue des éditions de musique. c Weaver, Waelrant and Laet, p. 303; count based on Waelrant 15546, 15556, 15557, 15566, [15564], [15565], [15567], [1558] (= Weaver no. 17), L758 (1556). d This count is based on the inventories of Susato 15451, 15463, 15464. e This count is based on the inventories of Phalèse C2666 (1556), C2669 (1557), C2671 (1557), C2673 (1557), C2675 (1557), C2677 (1557), C2679 (1558), C2681 (1559), C2682 (1559), C2683 (1560).

Nothing substantial can be said about the repertoire of the getijdencolleges of Delft, Gouda and Haarlem. Their choirbooks are lost and seem not to have survived the Reformation in the Netherlands. There can be little doubt, however, that as far as repertoire and external features are concerned, their books will have had much in common with those of the Leiden singers. From these points of view the manuscripts of the getijdencollege in St Peter’s are invaluable.

Epilogue

T

he choirbooks from Leiden are a unique set of manuscripts. Ever since their reappearance in the second half of the nineteenth century they have been known as a rich source for the music of such composers as Thomas Crecquillon, Clemens non Papa and many of their earlier and contemporaneous colleagues. Thanks to great strides forward in the field of manuscript and repertory studies since the mid-twentieth century, it has been possible to develop an increasingly detailed picture of all the compositions that were copied for, and sung in, St Peter’s. It has also been possible to ascertain that the six manuscripts were copied in Leiden between c. 1545 and 1565, and that materials were added to them up to the beginning of the Reformation in 1572. But what is even more fascinating is that the study of these bulky manuscripts has opened a window onto piety, liturgy and musical life in the fifteenth- and ­sixteenth-century northern Netherlands. The manuscripts may date from the mid-sixteenth century, but the organization that ordered them had a much older tradition. This organization, the zeven-getijdencollege, had it roots in fifteenth-­century piety, which was deeply concerned with contemplation of the afterlife. This fascination with life after death, combined with an element of pride and envy among cities and churches, resulted in numerous foundations illustrating the involvement of Leiden citizens in liturgical ritual and musical splendour. The initiatives of the citizens were recognized by the town’s magistrate, which further supported liturgical and musical life, leading to one of the first instances of subsidized music education in the Low Countries. Music, both chant and polyphony, played its part in memorial services and in the daily hours, which was quite novel for a fifteenth-century parish church. A group of singers was formed, and the boys of the local Latin school were also involved in the performance of chant and polyphony. This tradition continued until the Reformation – and not only in Leiden, but also in numerous other towns in the province of Holland. Similar foundations are found in such major cities as Alkmaar, Amsterdam, Haarlem, The Hague, Gouda, Delft, Rotterdam and Goes. The documents regarding these getijdencolleges clearly show that Leiden was not exceptional. Sadly, almost all of the music manuscripts that were used by these organizations are now lost. Numerous similar books must have existed elsewhere. As a matter of fact, it can be demonstrated that similar collections did exist in Delft, Dordrecht and Haarlem, and there is every reason to assume that such cities as Alkmaar, Amsterdam, Gouda, The Hague, Kampen and Rotterdam also had their share of music books. Yet the Leiden books are the only ones to remain, and without them it would have been impossible to sketch such a convincing picture of piety, liturgy and polyphony in the cities of Holland. The in-depth study of the cultural environment in which these books were produced has also shown that the city council of Leiden was very much aware of the



Epilogue 197

books’ existence, and even rescued them for future generations when they were threatened with dispersal or destruction in 1572, as Catholic services ceased and the churches and religious institutions were dismantled. The repertory that was collected in the six choirbooks was, of course, tailored to the needs of the getijdencollege. Masses, Magnificats, settings of the Nunc dimittis and hymns abound, and in many cases it can be demonstrated that specific texts of motets or other compositions (such as the Te matrem dei laudamus) were known and used in St Peter’s church. Surprisingly, though, there are only a few pieces – such as the three settings of the Inviolata – that were evidently collected because they could be used for a specific memorial service that had been requested. The study of the Leiden manuscripts has also proven fruitful with regard to the music scribe of the books. It is not often that one can actually identify the scribe of a set of such books and discover more about his personal life. In this case it has become clear that a musical scribe did not have to be a musician. For Anthonius de Blauwe, copying music manuscripts was clearly connected to his profession as a schoolmaster. He had come to Leiden around 1546 and earned his living by teaching orphans and the children of Leiden craftsmen. His career as a teacher may not have been impressive, but his music manuscripts, which formed a considerable source of extra income, certainly were. Manuscript 1438, one of the books that he copied in 1549, is one of the finest specimens of polyphonic music manuscripts from the mid-sixteenth century anywhere in Europe. It is not at all clear where De Blauwe learned to copy and prepare such books, but the codicological analyses of his books demonstrate that he was well informed and knew his trade. These analyses have also shown that in mid-sixteenth-century Leiden it was possible to order not only large, expensive and beautifully copied music books, but also cheaper and simpler manuscripts, and even separate fascicles of music, containing but one or two masses, or a few motets or Magnificats. In all, the Leiden choirbooks have proven to be worthy objects of study. Trying to understand them in their own historical context has been the central aim of this book. Thanks to the wonderful archives of the city of Leiden, it has been possible to present them here as unique and inseparable parts of a rich liturgical and sociocultural milieu.

Appendix 1

Archival Documents I  Complaints about the Singers ia Letter from the getijdenmeesters of St Peter ’s to the sheriff, burgomasters and schepenen of Leiden (1450s?) Aen mijn heeren vanden gherechte Schout bourghemeesteren ende scepenen der stede van Leyden Die procuratoren vanden seven ghetijden in Sinte pieters kerck begheeren ende bidden mijn heeren om assistenci ende bijstant Aenghemerct die grote Arroren confuys dwalingh ende negligencie die daghelicx inder kercken voorn. gheschien god betert die wij niet en moghen noch en konnen resis­ teren corrigieren wederstaen noch verhoeden Want god niet ghedient noch gheeert en wort als betaemt ende behoirlick is als uu mijn heere wel kondich is dat ons zeer mishaget ende niet beteren en moghen sonder raet ende hulpe van uu mijn heeren / Soe bidden wij als boven dat mijn heren dese saken ter harten nemen willen ende dair in voirsien mit alle diligencie ende nairsticheyt / want dair grote macht an leyt ende die salicheyt ende welvaren van uu ende ons allen Ende om mijn heeren een weynich advertancie te gheven alsoe wij die sake langhe ghehandelt Soe wair wel onse meenyng ende guetduncken dat men die muysique cesseren soude ende maken een heerlick choor van achte eerlijcke priesteren ende achte ofte ses koralen ende die souden singen state­ telick sonder haesten datment verstaen mochte ende pauseren inden midden vanden versen als betaemt ende behoirlick is ende als in anderen kercken ghedaen wort dair guet regiment is Ten anderen mael so souden dese voorn. sanghers singhen alle die votijff missen die inder kercken voirn. ghesonghen worden vanden scoolmeesteren ende souden die profijten hebben Ten derden mael souden dese viij priesteren mitten koralen voirs. singhen die misse vanden heilighen cruyce des vrijdaechs / ende des saterdaechs die misse van onser liever vrouwen / Mer wij soe stijff niet en sijn dat wij dat loonen ofte betalen moghen Soe begheeren wij dat ghy mijn heeren dair of ordineren wilt want die incoomste vanden ghetyden so groot niet en sijn alsmen wel vermoet dat blijken sal alst mijn heeren belieft



Appendix 1 199

Den vijften mael Alzo dese sake groot is ende angaet die eere goids ende dat men weten mach dat die zake ons ter harten gaet / Soe bidden wij uu oit­ moedeliken mijn heeren doir die passie ons liefs heeren ihesu christi / ende doir die reynicheyt ende suetmoedicheyt van marie ende doir die verdiente van allen goedsheilighen dat ghij mijn heeren alsoe hier in versien wilt dat god mach ghedient ende gheeert worden in zijnen tempel als dat betaemt ende behoorlick is Ende soe doende sult verdienen die gracie goids ende zij[n] ewich leven (AK, inv. no. 206, cf. Bouwsteenen I, pp. 75–76) To the gentlemen of the judicial authorities: sheriff, burgomasters and alder­ men of the city of Leyden The procurators of the seven hours in St Peter’s church request and pray the gentlemen for assistance and support with regard to the great errors, confu­ sion, mistakes and negligence that take place every day in the aforementioned church and that we, God forbid, may not and cannot resist, correct, withstand or prevent. Because God is neither served nor honoured as is becoming and fitting and, as you gentlemen are well aware, this displeases us very much and cannot be bettered without the advice and assistance of you, gentlemen. Therefore, we pray, as indicated, that the gentlemen take this matter to heart, and take measures with diligence and assiduity, as this is a matter of great importance and of the spiritual welfare and well-being of you and all of us. And to give you gentlemen a little advice, for we have discussed the matter for a long time: it is our opinion and view that one should cease [the practice of] polyphony and form an excellent choir of eight respectable priests and eight or six choirboys; and they should sing solemnly without hurrying, so that one is able to understand, and [they should] pause in the middle of the verses as is becoming and fitting and as is done in other churches where good authority is exercised. In the second place, the aforementioned singers should sing all votive masses that are [now] sung in the aforementioned church by the schoolmasters and should receive the profits. In the third place, these eight priests, together with the aforementioned choir­ boys, should sing the mass of the Holy Cross on Fridays, and on Saturdays the mass of Our Lady. But we do not have the financial means to remunerate or pay for this. Therefore we request that the gentlemen will ordain for this, as the income from the hours is not as substantial as one might suspect, which we will demonstrate at your will. In the fifth [sic] place, as this matter is important and concerns giving praise to God, and that one may know that we take this matter to heart, we pray

200

Appendix 1

thee, gracious gentlemen by the passion of our dear Lord Jesus Christ, and by the virginity and loving kindness of Mary, and by the merits of all godly saints that thee, gentlemen, will provide for this so that God may be served and honoured in his temple as is becoming and fitting, and in doing so you will deserve God’s grace and his everlasting life.

ib Anonymous letter to the getijdenmeesters of St Peter ’s (16th centur y) Mijn heren ende ghetide meesteren als wij laest wisselen souden soe waert ghij van mij begherende dat ic u summige punten woude scriven daer die sanghers ghebrekelick in sijn ende gods ere in vermindert wort / twelke u staet te beruspen alle dat gheen dat thegen gods ere is ende alle quade ma­­ niren die inden chore ghescien / ic sel u mit corten worden scriven / ende u wisheyt ende verstant sel daer meer sijns uut nemen / dan ic u scriven kan / Item inden eersten soe worden die versen vanden psalmen qualick ghepunt­ tuweert daer een [!] wort gheen medium ghehouden / elck haest hem uut den chore te wesen / spreckt daer in dat u belieft Item die responsorien daer jagen sij mede / ja moechten si mit enen vaem uut singen sij een [!] souden dat niet laten daer moget ghij up segen dat u believen sal Item die voer sanger die prononceert die lessen soe isset dicwil dat daer nie­ ment een [!] antwort / amen of deo gratias alsoe dat dat choer ledich staet twelke dat scande is want sij willen hoer lessen lesen ende sij mogen mit toehoren betalen vanden voer sanger / Item als sij een collect prononceren sullen veel vanden sangeren die niet op een [!] staen / niet al / twelke dat scande is voer die van buten in den chore comen / seget daer op dat u belivet Item singet men benedictus te deum etc. sij doen dierghelike / vele niet al / Item soe hebben sij een quade manire an ghenomen wanneer die voersanger uten chore blivet soe een [!] wil daer niement singen over sessentwintich jaer soe plach daer te singen die daer an ghestalleert is / wanttet gheboert dicwil dat men tuft een quertier vers dat niement singen een [!] wil / ende daer uut comet dat men die psalmen slabbende singet ende niet een [!] puntueert Item als meen [!] feri hout ende twie misse te singen sijn / soe willen sij te sessen singen het valt te late / te half sessen is die ure Item als men negen lessen singet ende twie missen te singen sijn te half sessen

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Item drie lessen te sessen Item in die vasten te viven ten waer of wij sanctorum hadden Item boudewijn van zwietens misse sel of gaen mitter sexte Nu ter tijt die dese misse hevet / die een [!] comt niet te chore medallen / ende hevet sijn pre­ sentie / twelke dat nien gheweest een [!] is / ende ongodlike is / ghij moget hier in doen dat u believen sel [in another hand:] dus dat dickwil die uuterste wil niet volbrocht en wert Item soe ist een quade manier wanneer dat die metten bidden ende is soe staen summige van ons midden inden chore ende hebben haer religie uut ghe­ togen ende staen ende antwoerden al soe / twelke dat tegen die ere vanden chore is / sij een [!] horen uut haer stallagie niet te gaen / eer dattet uut is ghij moget hem seggen dat u belivet ghedaen te hebben Item noch mit corten worden ende mit veel sijns als men dat lof singet tot gods eeren ende sijn ghebenedide moeder ende dat versikel gesongen wort soe vallen sij over den stoel ende houden die clappagie ende een of twie die antworden / seget hier toe dat u believet wanttet een quade manire is Item ic sende u een cleyn boecxken dat begheer ic dat ghij lesen wilt want ghijt wel verstaet ghij sult daer veel guets in vinden die seven ghetiden angaen­­de ende ghij veel guets in die heylige kerck dagelicx in dien dattet u behaget soe moget ghij dat heerliken laten scriven in een schoen bort up dat alle pries­ teren daer doer mogen gheleert wesen dit doet als ghij ledich siet want daer weynnich sijn die dit weten (AK, inv. no. 208; cf. Bouwsteenen I, pp. 76–77; Bouwstenen 1, pp. 175–176) Dear gentlemen, getijdenmeesters: when we last exchanged office [of getijdenmeester] you requested that I would put in writing some of the points in which the singers are inadequate and [in which] the praise of God is diminished, which you are to chide: all that which is against the praise of God and all bad behaviour that is found in the choir. I shall write concisely and your wisdom and reason will derive more meaning from it than I can put in writing for you. Item, in the first place the verses of the psalms are badly punctuated, and no pause is observed in the middle [of the verses]; each [singer] hurries to leave the choir; tell them how you want it done. Item, the responsories are rushed by them; if they can sing them in a single breath, they certainly do not fail to do so; feel free to tell them how you want it done. Item, when the precentor recites his lessons, it often happens that no one answers with an “amen” or “deo gratias”, which leaves the choir silent and

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which is a disgrace as they [the singers] want to read their lessons and are paid for listening to the precentor. Item, when they recite a collect, many of the singers – but not all – do not bother to stand up, which is a disgrace for those who come to the choir from elsewhere; tell them how you want it done. Item, when “Benedictus”, “Te deum” etc. are sung they do the same; many, not all. Item, they have developed a bad habit when the precentor is not present in the choir: there is no one who wants to sing. During the last twenty-six years the one who was appointed to do so used to sing. It often happens that they do not proceed beyond a quarter of a verse, because no one wants to sing it; as a consequence the psalms are sung sloppily and are not punctuated. Item, on ferial days when two masses should be sung, they want to sing at six, which is too late; half past five is the time Item, when nine lessons are sung and two masses [they] should be sung at half past five. Item, three lessons at six. Item, during Lent at five unless a feast day has to be observed. Item, the mass of Boudewijn van Zwieten should be observed during sext. Nowadays, whoever celebrates this mass does not come to church at all, but does pocket his attendance fee, which was never the practice and is ungodly; feel free to act in this according to your judgment. [in another hand:] so that often the last will [of Boudewijn van Zwieten] is not observed. Item, it is a bad habit when matins are prayed that some of us are standing in the midst of the choir and have already taken off our liturgical garments, and stand and answer like that, which is against the honour of the choir. They should not leave their choir stalls before the service is over; you can tell them that you want this to be done properly. Item, succinctly and illustrative, when the Lof service is done in honour of God and his blessed Mother, and the versicle is sung, they stumble in their stalls and chatter and only one or two answer; tell them how you want it done, because this is bad behaviour. Item, I send you a little booklet that I request you read, because you will see and understand that there is much good in it regarding the seven hours and the Holy Church, and if you please, you can have this copied on a nice board so that all priests may be instructed by it; you can do this in accordance with your own judgment, for there are few who know this.



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ic Ordinance issued by the getijdenmeesters to the choristers at St Peter ’s (16th centur y) Ordenancie vanden kore Item de seven getijdemeesteren willen ende begeren datmen dese nage­ screven puntten ende ertekelen onderhout inde kore met gueder maniere eerlijcken ende devotelijcken als betaemt Item metten eersten soe willen wy dat wye dat hy sy die na den derden gloria coemt inden kore tsy inden metten op tot ander getijden die sal als absent wesen ende en sal geen presentie ontfanghen Item ten andermaeel soe willen de voirn. getijmeesteren dat alle die de getij­ den singen sullen wesen in religie ende sullen singen nyet lesen scriven of praten ofte clappen mar sullen volcomenlijcken singen ende wel pronunceren ende pauseren int midden vanden versen sonder haesten of gagen Item is tsake dat yemant bevonden waert contrarie doende of die nyet ende songe die sal voir die tijt sijn presencie verboeren voir de eerste reyse Item waert sake dat yemant eynyge quade manieren hatte of eynuch gekijef maecte inde kerken die sal men terstont oorlof geven Item noch isser geordinert wy dat de getijdemeesters oerlof geven die en sal in een jaer daer na nyet inde sange mogen comen mar sal absent blyven de spacie van XII maenden Item noch is geordinert dat nyemant en sal den anderen loet wisselen noch geldt daer voir geven ende waer dat yemant co[n]trarie dede d[i]e en salmen dat loet nyet wissel mar salt over geven den getijdemeesteren eer ende voiral dat men hem zinen eygen loet sal wyssel ofte betalen Item noch is geordinert waert sake dat yemant bevonden worde dat hy nyet en dede dat hem bevolen is ende dat hy aen genomen heeft om loen te weten van missen ofte ander dyenste die soude verboeren dat hy verdyent heeft in die mae[n]t ende soude daer boven oorlof hebben ende bynnen diet jaer nyet weder dyenen Item is sake dat yemant droncken of ongelatuch inden koor quame of eynich confuys maechte die sal men oerlof geven van stonden aen en sal geprivert wesen als boven verclaert is Item noch is geordinert dat alle die inde sange zijn sullen sonnendaegen ende alle ander hoegtijden in de pro[cessie] gaen voer den commendeur of si en sullen geen presen[cie] hebben van Inviolata te singen

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Item vort soe willen wy / dat tot allen tijde dat men presencie ontfanght dat die sullen tot allen getijden mede singen op de verboringe van heur presencie Item alle die tsavents in onser lyever vrouwen lof nyet ende zijn in relige voir den gloria die sullen absens wesen ende sullen verboeren VIII penningen payments de een hellef tot profijt vanden getijden ende die ander hellef tot behoef van sunt blasius martyr (AK, inv. no. 209; cf. Bouwsteenen I, p. 77 [fragment]) Ordinance of the choir Item, the seven getijdenmeesters require and request that these following points and articles are observed in the choir, in a decent manner, honestly and devoutly as is becoming. Item in the first place we stipulate that he who shall enter the choir after the third “Gloria [patri]” during matins or any of the other Hours, shall be taken down as absent and shall not receive his attendance fee. Item, in the second place the aforementioned getijdenmeesters stipulate that all those who sing the Hours shall be in their liturgical garments and shall sing, not read, write, or talk or chatter, but shall sing perfectly and pronounce well, and pause in the middle of verses without hurrying or rushing. Item, if someone is found acting in conflict [with these stipulations] or not singing, he shall, in case of a first offence, forfeit his attendance fee for the service involved. Item, if someone shows bad behaviour or quarrels in church, he shall be dis­ missed summarily. Item, it is also stipulated that he who has been dismissed by the getijdenmeesters shall not be allowed to return to the choir for a year, but shall remain absent for a period of twelve months. Item, it is also stipulated that no one shall exchange “loot” [lead coins] for someone else or give money for it, and whoever does the opposite shall not receive payment for the exchanged “loot” but has to give it to the getijdenmeesters before they can exchange or remunerate his own “loot”. Item, it is also stipulated that if someone is found not to do as he was told and to have accepted masses or other services for wages, he shall forfeit a month’s earnings and shall furthermore be summarily dismissed and not serve again within a year.



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Item, if someone comes into the choir drunk or quarrels, he shall be summar­ ily dismissed and shall be punished as explained earlier. Item, it is also stipulated that all those who are in the choir shall, on Sundays and all other feast days, precede the commander in the procession, otherwise they will receive no attendance fee for singing the Inviolata. Item, we furthermore want all those who receive attendance fees to sing in all Hours, under penalty of forfeit of their fee. Item, all [singers] who in the evening Lof service in honour of Our Lady are not present in their liturgical garments before the “Gloria” [patri] shall be taken down as absent, and shall forfeit a fee of eight penningen, one half of it for the benefit of the Hours, and the other half for the benefit of St Blaise, martyr.

II  Documents Concerning Anthonius de Blauwe iia Employment contract between Anthonius and the meesters of the Heilige-Geesthuis (1567) In maniere conditien ende voorwaerden naebescreven / Soe hebben de meesteren vanden heyligen gheesthuyse binnen der der [sic] stede van Leyden hier onder gescreven aengenomen ende aennemen mits desen mr. Anthonis gillis z. de Blaeu / Omme voor den tydt van vijff jaren geduerende ende aen een volgende (zoe verre hij zoe lange leeft ende zijn leden gesondt ende machtich blijft ende bequaem dair toe es) te wesen schoolmeester ofte leermeester vanden weeskinderen die binnen den voors. tydt van vijff jaren beghinnende alre heyligen daghe anno XVc zeven ende tsestich / inden heyligen gheesthuyse voors. zullen wonen ende onderhouden werden / zoe wel knechtkens als meijskens / Te weten dat hij de kinderen die des wercke daechs ter schole comen zullen binnen zijnen huyse zal leeren lesen ende scryven een yegelick zoe hem oirbaerlicxst wesen zal ende hij zal bevinden de zelfde best toe gequalificeert te wesen / Voorts zal hij gehouden zijn alle de weeskinderen des heyligen daechs te comen leeren lesen ende scryven binnen theylighe gheesthuys voorscreven / Ende zal oock des winterdaechs tsavondts nae dat de werck clocke geluydt sal zijn / gehouden wesen de voors. kinderen te leeren binnen den heylighen gheesthuyse voors. ofte tot zijnen huyse daert hem best geleghen ofte gerijffelicxste sal wesen / Des zal de voors. mr. des heijligen daechs indient hem belieft zeven off acht kinderen die hij buten leert met hem mogen brengen int heijlige gheesthuys omme die metten weeskinderen aldaer te mogen leeren / mits dat hij de zelve buten kinderen als hij van daer gaet weder met hem uuyt den zelven huyse nemen zal ende en zal die oick aldaer nyet voor heenen mogen zeynden eer ende al voiren hij selffs comt ende present is / Noch sal voorn. meester gehouden zijn des

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zonnendaechs ende up alle heylige dagen met de voors. kinderen ter kercken te gaen in sinte pieters kercke / omme aldaer predijken ofte tsermoen ende die hooch misse te hoiren ende voorts up hoochtijden met de zelve kinderen te gaen omme haer biecht te spreecken / ende anders al te doen als men van oudts gewoonlick es te doen ende een goet meester sculdich es ende behoort te doen / Voor welcken dienste dvoors. meesters van weghen den heijlighen gheest voorst. den voorn. meester Anthonis voor zijn loon ende salaris belooft hebben ende beloven mits desen jaerlicx uuyt te keren up vier termynen de somme van achtien karolus guldens van veertich grooten vlaems tstuck / als telcken vierendeel jaers vijftalve gulden geduyerende den voors. tydt van vijff jaren / ten waire de voorn. mr. Anthonis binnen middelre tydt zijnen dienste merckelicken misbruycte / in welcken gevalle de meesters dan inder tydt wesende hem van zijnen dienste zullen mogen verlaten ende oorloff gheven mer anders nyet / Ende zal noch dvoors. meester Anthonis den tydt van zijnen dienste geduyerende / moghen wonen in thuijs daer de voorgaende schoolmr. Jan cornelis z. inne gewoont heeft naest den hey­ lighen gheesthuyse voorscreven zonder yet daer van te geven / Ende sullen de meesters vanden heijlighen gheest inder tydt buten zijne costen tselve huys oick onderhouden in tamelicke reparatie / Alle ding zonder arch ende liste / Toorconden van desen zijn hier van gemaect twee gelycke Cedullen van woorde te woorde accorderende dair de meesters voors. off hebben den eenen ende mr. Anthonis voorn. den anderen die zijluyden elcx in heur Regard met heur gewoonlicke hantgescriften ondergeteyckent hebben / Actum den IXen dach Novembris anno XVc zeven ende tsestich / Jonge garbrants mees z. Jan diericx z. Arent cornelis z. (SA I, inv. no. 61, ff. 62r–63r) In the way and on conditions and provisions described below, the meesters of the Heilige-Geesthuis within the city of Leiden mentioned below have hired and hereby hire meester Anthonis Gillisz. de Blaeu, for a period of five succes­ sive years (insofar he will live that long and remain sound in body and mind and capable), to be schoolmaster or teacher of the orphans who, within the aforementioned period of five years, as of All Saints’ Day 1567, will live and be looked after in the aforementioned Heilige-Geesthuis, both small boys and girls. That is, he will teach the children, who, on working days, will come to school in his own house to read and write; and he shall select the children who are most qualified to be taught. Furthermore, he will be obliged to come and teach all orphans to read and write on Holy Days in the aforementioned Heilige-Geesthuis. And also on winter days in the evening, after the working clock has been rung, he shall be obliged to teach the aforementioned children in the Heilige-Geesthuis or in his own house, whichever is most convenient or comfortable for him. The aforementioned meester shall be allowed, on Holy Days and at his own discretion, to bring seven or eight children he teaches elsewhere into the Heilige-Geesthuis, to teach them there together with the



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orphans, provided that he will take these children from outside along when he leaves the house, and that he shall never send these children to the HeiligeGeesthuis before he himself is on site. The aforementioned meester shall also be obliged to go with the aforementioned children to church in St Peter’s church on Sundays and on Holy Days to hear preaching or sermon and High Mass, and also to go with the same children on Holy Days and have them hear their confession and do the things that one is accustomed to do from times immemorial and that a good meester is supposed to do. For these services the aforementioned meesters of the aforementioned Heilige Geest have promised the aforementioned meester Anthonis as wages and salary, and promise here­ with to pay annually in four terms, the sum of 18 Karolusgulden of 40 grooten vlaems each, paying each quarter of a year 5.5 gulden for the aforementioned period of five years; unless the aforementioned meester Anthonis in the mean­ time would make obvious, improper use of his engagement in office, in which case the meesters [of the Heilige-Geest] who will then be in charge will have the right to dismiss him and discharge him but nothing else. Furthermore, the aforementioned meester Anthonis will be allowed, during the period of his engagement, to live in the house in which the former schoolmaster Jan Cornelisz. used to live, next to the aforementioned Heilige-Geesthuis, without having to pay for this. And the meesters of the Heilige Geest who will then be in charge will, without costs [for Anthonis], maintain the same house in good order and reparation. All this without malice and double-crossing. As official testimony of this two equal deeds have been drawn up, identical word for word, one for the aforementioned meesters and the other for the aforemen­ tioned meester Anthonis, which all have signed, in their own capacity in their usual handwriting. Done on the 9th day of November in the year 1567. Jonge Garbrants Meesz. Jan Diericxz. Arent Cornelisz.

iib Extracts from the blafferd of the getijdenmeesters of St Peter ’s (1550–1551) 1550 Item de voirn. getydemeesteren hebben doen maicken twee musyck boucken dair van zy mr. Anthoenis de blaeuwe scryver vandien betaelt hebben up ­rekeninghe aen gelde de somme van – LV Rg. XVII½ St. De selve van XXV boucken lombairts pappier dair inne de voirs. boucken gescreven zyn elck bouck tot VI stuvers facit – VII½ Rg. Deselve mr. Anthoenis van seker parkement gelevert totte voirn. twee boucken – XV St. Deselve van eenige knopkens gedaen ande voors. boucken – V St.

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Item betaelt groote Lou van seker verlichterie by hem gemaict in een vande voors. boucken – III Rg. III St. Item betaelt de bouckebinder wonende upte hoge woert vande selve twee boucken te binden in houdt ende noch van seker slootwerck dair toe gelevert de somme van – X Rg. Actum den XXen february anno XVd een ende vyftich nair gemeen scryven Memorie voorde nyeuwe getyde meesteren Mr. Anthoenis compt by slote van rek. vande twee musyck boucken die hy gescreven ende gelevert heeft noch – XXIIII Rg. II½ St. [in the margin] “hierup beth. XII Rg. den Ien martii 1551 stilo communi in handen van mr. anthoenis” and “s[olvi]t de reste”.1 1551 Item de voorn. getydemeesteren hebben doen maicken twee musyck boucken dair van zy mr. Anthoenis de blaeuwe scryver vandien betaelt hebben up reken. – XXXIIII Rg. Item betaelt de bouckebinder wonende upte hogewoert vande selve twee boucken te binden in houdt ende noch van sekere slootwerck dair toe gelevert de somme van – VII Rg. Actum den XVIIIen february anno XVd twee ende vyftich nair gemeen stile (AK, inv. no. 221, accounts 1550, ff. 8r–9r; accounts 1551, ff. 8v–9r) 1550 Item, the aforementioned getijdenmeesters have ordered two music books for which they have paid meester Anthoenis de Blaeuwe, writer, from their account the amount of 55 Rijnsgulden, 17.5 stuivers. The same for twenty-five books of Lombaerts paper in which the aforemen­ tioned books are written, each book 6 stuivers, which makes 7.5 Rijnsgulden. The same meester Anthoenis for certain parchment delivered for the afore­ mentioned two books, 15 stuivers. The same for several little boutons on the aforementioned books, 5 stuivers.

1

This amount is also mentioned later on in the same accounts: “Noch heeft ons rentmr. gegeven mr. anthonis van onsen wegen – XII Ryns guldens” (Our steward has also paid meester Anthonis on our part 12 Rijnsgulden).



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Item, groote Lou paid for certain illumination done by him in one of the aforementioned books, 3 Rijnsgulden, 3 stuivers. Item, the bookbinder living on the Hogewoerd paid for binding the same two books in wood, and for certain fastening materials delivered for those, 10 Rijnsgulden. Done on 20 February in the year 1551 stilo communi [date of balancing of the annual account that runs from 21 February 1550 to 20 February 1551] Reminder for the new getijdenmeesters Meester Anthoenis is, at the close of the [annual] account, still owed, for the two music books he has written and delivered, 24 Rijnsgulden, 2.5 stuivers. [in the margin] “paid 12 Rijnsgulden on 1 March 1551, stilo communi, in hands of meester Anthoenis”, and “s[olvi]t the rest”. 1551 Item, the aforementioned getijdenmeesters have ordered two music books for which they have paid meester Anthoenis de Blaeuwe, writer, from their account the amount of 34 Rijnsgulden. Item, the bookbinder living on the Hogewoerd paid for binding the same two books in wood, and for certain fastening materials delivered for those, 7 Rijnsgulden. Done on 18 February 1552 stilo communi [date of balancing of the annual account that runs from 21 February 1551 to 20 February 1552]

iic The getijdenmeesters of St Peter ’s accuse Anthonius of breach of promise (1556) Jacop fransz. als gemachticht vande zeven getydemeesteren van sinte pie­ ters kercke binnen Leyden eysschers beclaecht meester anthonis de blau verweerder Seggende hoe dat hij jan zyn zoon bestelt heeft zeeckere jaeren geleden byden sangmeester van sinte pieters kercke voors. omme musyck te leeren ende te singen als corael inde musyck der voorn. kercke / ende naer hij wat geleert hadde zijn hem toegevonden byden eysschers ter maent XII stu­ vers / ende zeeckere tydt daer nae ter instantie vanden voors. verweerder zijn den voors. jan zyn zoon beloeft ter maent XX stuvers mits dat de verweerder beloeffde zyn zoen soe lange te laeten singen alhier inder voors. kerck tot dat hij muteerde daer en boven onlancx geleden heeft de verweerder gebeden den ghetydemeesteren in der tyt dat zij hem doen zouden willen een musyck

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bouck om in engelant te vercoepen hij zoude hemluyden een ander scryven ende voerts mede weder om beloeffde hij zijn zoon voorn. te laeten singen in de voors. kercke mits ontfangende ter maent een gulden tot dat hij muteerde / ende worde dair up bijden getydemeesteren voorn. hem een musyck bouck gedaen. twelck hij in engelandt vercoft heeft / ende al ist dat de verweerder schuldich wair geweest zijn belofte te volbrengen tschynt nochtans dat hij den zelffden zynen zoon wil wech nemen ende elders senden hebben dai­ romme deijsschers den voorn. jonge bij consent vanden heer doen arresteren ende zoe hij onmondich is den verweerder zijn vader dair van de weete doen doen / Seggen dair omme deysschers dat het voors. arrest plaetse houden zal. ende dat de verweerder gecondempneert zal zyn jan zyn zoen voorn. te laeten blyven singen inde voors. kerck mits ontfangende alle maents een gulden tot dat hij muteren zal. ofte ofte [sic] dat deysschers up zyne coste een jonghe zullen moegen huyeren die de voors. kerck dienen zal soe lange des verweerders zoon gedaen zoude hebben / ende wes zij den zelffden meer zullen moeten geven ter maent dat de verweerder gecondempneert zal zyn tselffde te betaelen maeckende eijssch van costen // gecontinueert bij scepe­ nen bij consent van partyen huyden vryedagen op hoepe van accoordt actum als voeren (RA, inv. no. 42, Wedboek 1555–1556, 29 May 1556) Jacop Fransz., as authorized representative of the zeven-getijdenmeesters of St Peter’s church in Leiden [as] plaintiffs, brings a charge against meester Anthonis de Blau, defendant; testifying that a certain number of years ago he had contracted Jan, his [Anthonius’s] son, for the zangmeester of the afore­ mentioned St Peter’s church to learn music and to sing as a choirboy in the choir of the aforementioned church. And after he had learned some things, the plaintiffs offered him 12 stuivers each month; and after a certain time, at the request of the aforementioned defendant, they promised the aforementioned Jan, his son, 20 stuivers each month, provided that the defendant would let his son sing here, in the aforementioned church, until his voice should break. In addition to this, the defendant has recently asked the getijdenmeesters who were in office if they would give him a [polyphonic] music book to sell in England; he would write another book for them and also promised to let his aforementioned son sing in the aforementioned church, provided he would receive a gulden each month until his voice should break. After that the afore­ mentioned getijdenmeesters offered him a book which he sold in England. And even though the defendant was due to fulfil his promise, it now seems that he wants to take away his son and send him elsewhere. Therefore the plaintiffs had, with consent of the Lord, the aforementioned boy secured and, as he is a minor, informed the defendant, his father, of this. And so the plaintiffs demand that the securement will be maintained and that the defendant shall be charged to let Jan, his aforementioned son, keep singing in the aforemen­ tioned church, provided that he receives a gulden each month until his voice breaks; or that the plaintiffs will be allowed to hire at his [Anthonius’s] costs another boy, who will serve the aforementioned church as long as the defend­ ant’s son would have done; and if they should give him [the new boy] more

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per month, that the defendant will then be bound to pay the same amount, being a demand of costs. Adjourned by the alderman, with consent of both sides, today on Friday, in hope of agreement, done on the aforementioned date.

iid Letter from Anthonius to mr. Job, sangmeester of the getijdencollege in Gouda (c. 1556–1563) [in dorso] Aen den eersamen mynen goeden vrint meester Job sangmeester ter goude Vrindelijcke groete ghescreven aen u myn goede beminde vrint Mr. Job uwer liefde sal believen te weeten als dat ick twee moutetboecken gescreven heb voor amsterdam den eenen voor de kerck den anderen voor meester Jacob de sangmeester waerom hij groote diligentie gedaen heeft om schoone moutetten te vergaderen om te laeten scrijven / welcke moutetten ick by my ghehouden heb ende hebber een boeck af ghemaeckt soe schoon dat u verwonderen soude dat ghyt saecht Alsoe myn goede vrint mr. Job / soe heeft my myn zoon gheseyt als dat uwer liefde hem gheseyt heeft dat ghij een moutet boeck behoeft / waerom ick aen uwer liefde versoeck doe oft u soude believen uwen meesters aen te gheven oft sijt souden begheeren te coopen / Ick soude meynen dat wy metten coop wel souden accorderen / ende oeck met het ghelt / want sij mochtent tghelt gheven alst hemluijden te pas quaeme ende tot haeren schoonsten / ende mettet ghelt waer ghoet doen Ick weet wel vercocht tot ii oft drie plaetsen maer het reysen voordaen verdriet my Alsoe myn goede vrint wilt dit die goede heeren aengheven ende my laeten weeten met mynen soon wat die goede heeren sins syn / het soude een schoon testament weesen voor die ghetijdemeesters / Dit doende sult wel doen ende wat ick weederom voor u doen mach ghy sult my altyt tot uwen dienst bereyt vinden vale Anthonius de blauwe u dienaer altyt (Gouda, Streekarchief Midden-Holland: Archieven van het verenigd Wees- en Aalmoezeniershuis te Gouda [no. 0076], 671; cf. Dessing, ‘Een Amsterdamsche muziekschrijver uit de 16e eeuw’, p. 22; Doove, ‘Hij schreef zich Blaeuw’, p. 24) [on reverse] To the respectable,2 my good friend meester Job, zangmeester at Gouda. 2

Here, and elsewhere in this letter, Anthonius uses an old and untranslatable form of address (“Uwerliefde”), expressing a certain esteem without referring to a formal status.

Appendix 1

212

Friendly greetings written to you, my good beloved friend meester Job. You will be pleased to know that I have written two motet books for Amsterdam, one for the church and the other for meester Jacob, the zangmeester, who put in a great effort to collect beautiful motets to have them copied. Which motets I have kept with me, and have made a book of them so beautiful that you would be astonished if you saw it. Now, my dear friend meester Job, my son has told me that you told him that you need a motet book, and this is why I would like to put the request to you to ask your [getijden]meesters if they should like to buy it. I should think that we could agree about this transaction, and about the money too, because they can give the money when it suits them best and benefit from this and do something really good with the money. I could easily sell it in two or three other places, but I now dislike travelling. Therefore, my good friend, be so kind as to pass this on to the gentlemen and let me know, through my son, what their intentions are; it would be a good legacy for the getijdenmeesters. By doing this, you shall do well, and whatever I may do for you again, you will always find me at your disposal. Farewell. Anthonius de Blauwe, your servant for ever

III  Documents Concerning the Later History of the Choirbooks iiia Petition from certain citizens of Leiden to the town magistrate, requesting (and being granted) use of the choirbooks (1578) Aen mijn heeren mijn heren de Burgemeesteren ende gemeenen raedt der stadt Leijden Geven ootmoedelick te kennen de broederschap ende gemene vergaderinge der gheenen die inder musijcken hier binnen der stede van leijden versamet zijn hoe dat zij verstaen datter noch eenige musicale boucken in handen van mijn Edele heeren zijn vande welcken alzoe gheen profijt verwachtecht en wort ende die zelffde meerdoor ledich staen verderven vermuuteren ende verrotten dan zij doen zouden waert zaecke dat zij manierlick ende met geschicktheijt gebruijct werden versocht wert vande voorn. ootmoedighen mijn Edele heren dat het genot ende gebruijck daervan haer gegundt werde Bereijt zijnde dezelffde in handen van mijnen Edele heren tot haeren wille ende gelieven weder tot allen tijden onvermindert ende onbescha­ dicht te leveren dit doende etc. opte marge stont gescreven Naerdemael Schoudt Burgermeesteren ende Gerechte der stadt leijden niet lievers noch angenamers en es dan dat hem haere goede burgeren ende innewoonderen in plaetze van vruchtloze ledicheyt ende onbehoorlicke ouffeninge begeven

Appendix 1 213



tot het gebruijck van alreleije goede ende eerlicke consten zoe en hebben zij niet raetzaem connen bevinden het zoe redelick ende billck verzouck vande toonders aff te slaen mer goet gedacht hem daer inne te gelieven ende daer­ omme besloten dat die boucken musicael zulcke ende die noch onder hem in wezen zijn gelevert zullen werden in handen ende onder de bewaernisse van Andris Jacobsz. waerdeijn heurluijder medebroeder in raede mit behoor­­­­licke Inventaris ende Staet daer van te maecken ende belofte bij hem te doen vande zelve boucken ten behouve deser stede naerstelicken vlij­ telicken ende zorchvuldichlicken te bewaeren gaede te slaen ende te doen doen ende daer van tallen tijden naer behoorlicke vermaninge ten behouve deser stede ter verantwoorden ten eijnde de toonders het gebruijck vande zelve boucken zal mogen volgen Aldus gedaen opt raethuijs in heurluijder vergaderinge opten XIen Decembris XVc LXXVIII mij jegenwoordich ende was onderteijckent J. van Hout

(SA II, inv. no. 42, f. 146r–v)

To the honorable gentlemen burgomasters and council of the city of Leiden The brotherhood and communal assembly of those who are united in music here in the city of Leiden humbly notify [you] that to their knowledge some musical books are still in the hands of the honorouble gentlemen, from which no benefit can be expected and which, because they are not used, now more perish, decay and rot than they would if they were used in good order and with care. Therefore, it is requested by the aforementioned humble peti­ tioners that the honorable gentlemen will allow them the use and employ of them; being ready to return them at all times, undiminished and undamaged, in the hands of the honorable gentlemen, whenever they please and want this done. Doing this etcetera. [In the margin is written] As sheriff, burgomasters and the judicial authori­ ties of the city of Leiden cannot be more pleased and know of nothing more agreeable than that their good citizens and residents, instead of fruitless idle­ ness and indecent behaviour, take to the use of all sorts of good and honest learning, they have judged it inadvisable to reject the reasonable and fair appeal of the requestors, and have therefore decided to give their assent. It has been decided that the musical books that are still extant shall be handed over to be kept by Andris Jacobsz., inspector, their fellow brother on the council, who will make a decent inventory and description of the books and will be asked to promise that, on behalf of the city, he will assiduously, diligently and carefully keep the books and see to them, and to account for this at all times, at reasonable request, on behalf of the city, so that the requestors may follow the use of the same books. So done in the city hall in the meeting of 11 December 1578, in presence of the undersigned. J. van Hout

214

Appendix 1

iiib Inventor y of the choirbooks, made by Andries Jacobsz. (1578) Muziecboucken vande stadt Op huijden den XXIIen Decembris 1578 zijn Andries Jacobsz. volgende de apostille gestelt opte requeste vande musicijns overgelevert de naervolgende musiccale boucken ten bij zijn van schepenen ondergeschreven Eerst een motetbouc in Lombaerts papier in houten borden gebonden mit sloten daer inne IIII missen staen groot IIIc gequoteerde bladeren twelc bij mr. Antonis de blaeuwe geschreven es anno 49 als Dirc willems z. ende Jan van brouchoven Adriaen ijsbrants z. ende Huijch willemszoon getijdemees­ teren waren [LeidGA 1438] Noch een Motetbouc in Lombaerts papier gebonden als vooren daer inne V missen staen groot IIIc XXI gequoteerde bladen twelc bij mr. antonis voors. geschreven anno XVc LIX als Dirc willems z. Pieter Joosten z. mees aelwijns z. ende Pieter oom pieters z. getijdemeesteren waren [LeidSM 1440] Noch een motetbouc in Lombaerts papier ende gebonden als vooren groot IIIc XXXIIII gequoteerde blaederen twelc bijden voornomden mr. antonis geschreven es anno voors. bij tijde vande voors. getijdemeesteren [LeidGA 1439] Een misbouc in papier ende gebonden als boven groot IIIc XXIX gequoteerde bladeren geschreven bijden voors. mr. Antonis anno 1540 [recte: 1550] bij tijde van Dirc willems z. Jan van brouchoven Willem Jacobs z. ende Cornelis claes z. getijde meesteren daer mer een slot aen es Noch een motetbouc in papier ende gebonden als vooren groot CLXV ende naderhandt noch XXXV bladen meest bijde handt van mr. anthonis geschreven daer mede mer een slot aen en es [LeidGA 1441] Noch een misbouc in cleijn papier zonder taefel ende ongequoteert meest al geschreven bijde handt van mr. antonis beginnende mit missam surge pro­ pera ende eijndende mit vidi aquam [LeidGA 1443] Noch een bouc Lombaerts papier in coperckel geschreven bijde handt van mr. antonis zonder taefel ende ongequoteert daer inne staen IIII missen ende de passie Noch een bouc van cleijn formaet in kaperkel gebonden mit sloten daer ver­ scheijden stucken in staen mit alreleije handen geschreven ende hier en daer bladeren zijn uijtgeschuert zonder taefel off quotisatie [LeidGA 1442]



Appendix 1 215

Aldus gedaen ten daege ende jaere voors. Toorconden desen geteekent ende was geteekent pieter oom pieters z. / Claes Ghijsbrechts z. van Dorp Andries Jacobs z. mij jegenwoordich ende was geteekent J. van hout / Laeger stont Opt versouc aen die vande Gerechte deser stadt Leijden in haer vergaderinge opt Raedhuijs der zelver stede gedaen bij Andries Jacobs z. Threzorier extraordinarijs ende gecommitteerde tot de opzichte van stadts­ getimmerten om te hebben verclaringe waer ende aen wiens handen hij de voorgespecificeerde musicale boucken hem in bewaringe gelevert opten XXIIen Decembris XVc LXXVIII zoude overleveren om tot stadts behouf vorder te werden bewaert ten eijnde hij zulcx vande vorder bewaringe mocht werden gevrijt ende ontlast Es bijde voorn. Gerechte verstaen ende geresolveert dat de voornomde Threzorier tot coste ende laste deser stede zal laeten maecken zeeckere kiste van behoorlicke groote om de zelve daer inne opt Raedhuijs tot zodanige plaetse als Burgermeesteren goetvinden ende belasten zullen opgesloten ende bewaert te werden twelc doende de voornomde andries Jacobs z. voor nu alsdan ende dan alsnu vande vorder bewaringe wert gehouden voor ontlast Van twelc geordonneert es gemaect aende voors. Andries Jacobs z. overgelevert ende om de gedachtenisse van­ dien te bewaren geregistreert ende te bouc gestelt te werden de jegenwoor­ dige acte (SA II, inv. no. 48, ff. 134r–135r, meeting of 27–3-1597; cf. Hallema, ‘16e Eeuwsche kerkelijke muziekwerken der stad Leiden’, pp. 67–68; Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, pp. 103–104) Music books of the city Today, 22 December 1578, following the recommendation regarding the request of the musicians and in the presence of the undersigned aldermen, the following musical books have been handed over to Andries Jacobsz. First a motet book in Lombaerts paper, bound in wooden boards with clasps containing four masses, large, 300 numbered leaves, which was copied by meester Antonis de Blaeuwe in the year [15]49 when Dirc Willemsz. and Jan van Brouchoven, Adriaen IJsbrantsz. and Huijch Willemsz. were getijdenmeesters [LeidGA 1438] Another motet book in Lombaerts paper, bound as aforementioned, con­ taining five masses, large, 321 numbered leaves, which was copied by the aforementioned meester Antonis in the year 1559 when Dirc Willemsz. Pieter Joostenz., Mees Aelwijnsz. and Pieter Oom Pietersz. were getijdenmeesters [LeidSM 1440]

216

Appendix 1

Another motet book in Lombaerts paper and bound as aforementioned, large, 334 numbered leaves, which was copied by the aforementioned meester Antonis in the aforementioned year at the time of the aforementioned getij­ denmeesters [LeidGA 1439] A mass book of paper and bound as aforementioned, large, 329 numbered leaves, copied by the aforementioned meester Antonis in the year 1540 [recte: 1550], at the time when Dirc Willemsz., Jan van Brouchoven, Willem Jacobsz. and Cornelis Claesz. were getijdenmeesters, and it has only one clasp. Another motet book of paper and bound as aforementioned, large, 165 and after that 35 more leaves, most copied in the hand of meester Anthonis, and it, too, has only one clasp [LeidGA 1441] Another mass book in small paper without table of contents and unnum­ bered, mostly copied in the hand of meester Antonis, beginning with Missa Surge propera and ending with Vidi aquam [LeidGA 1443] Another book in Lombaerts paper in “coperckel” [limp binding] and copied in the hand of meester Antonis, without table of contents and unnumbered, which contains four masses and the passion Another book of small format bound in “kaperkel” [limp binding], with clasps, which contains several pieces copied in different hands, and here and there pages have been torn out, without table of contents or indication of number of leaves [LeidGA 1442] So done on the day and in the year aforementioned. As official testimony of this signed, and was signed by Pieter Oom Pietersz., Claes Ghijsbrechtsz. van Dorp, Andries Jacobsz., in the presence of me and was signed J. van Hout. [Lower is written] At the request submitted to the judicial authorities of the city of Leiden in their meeting in city hall of the same town, by Andries Jacobsz., treasurer extraordinariis and examiner of construction works in town, to have instructions where and to whom the aforespecified musical books that were entrusted to him on 22 December 1578 should be handed over to be kept on behalf of the city, so that he may be dimissed of further safe­ keeping, the aforementioned judicial authorities, who appreciate this request, have decided that the aforementioned treasurer, at the cost of the city, shall have made a certain chest of appropriate size to keep them in at city hall, at a location approved and appointed by the burgomasters, and [the books] shall be locked and kept; and in doing so Andries Jacobsz. will, as of then, be dis­ missed of the obligation to keep the books any further; which was ordained and put to Andries Jacobsz. and to keep testimony of this, registrated and copied in the present deed.



Appendix 1 217

iiic The choirbooks are handed back to the city of Leiden (1597) Musijcboucken Opten XXVIIIen junij XCVII heeft andries Jacops z. thresorier ordinaris ende gecommitteerde totter opsicht van tstatsgetimmerten de musijcboucken staende in de verclaringe voor fo. CXXXIIII overgelevert ende zijn de zelve gesloten in een grote houten kiste staende opte curateurs camer daer van de slotel van maecsel als opter marge van desen gelevert es aen handen van mij Jan van hout secretaris om beneffens gelijcke slotelen opgesloten ende bewaert te werden actum ten overstaen van Ofwegen Cortevelt merwen ende schepenen (SA II, inv. no. 48, f. 183r, meeting of 26–6-1597; cf. Hallema, ‘16e Eeuwsche kerkelijke muziekwerken der stad Leiden’, pp. 68–69; Versprille, ‘De geschiedenis van de Leidse motetboeken’, pp. 104–105) Music books On 28 June [15]97 Andries Jacopsz., treasurer ordinaris and examiner of con­ struction works in town, has handed over the music books mentioned in the statement on fol. 134 and these books are locked away in a large, wooden chest which is placed in the curator’s room, and the key of which is of a design as shown in the margin and given to me, Jan van Hout, secretary, to keep safely together with similar keys; done in the presence of Ofwegen, Cortevelt, Merwen, and aldermen.

Appendix 2

Descriptions and Inventories of the Choirbooks

T

Codicological Introduction

he six choirbooks from St Peter’s are known to have had a series of call num­ bers. Today the manuscripts are commonly referred to by the inventory num­ bers that were assigned to them when the books were incorporated in the Archieven van de kerken (Archives of the churches) in the former Gemeentearchief Leiden (nowadays Erfgoed Leiden en omstreken). Cat. 1879 Land 422 A 423 B 424 C 425 D 426 E 427 F

Cat. 1886 Cat. 1914 Cat. 1924 1003 760 861 1004 761 862 1005 762 863 1006 763 864 1007 764 865 1008 765 866

AK 1438 1439 1440 1441 1442 1443

All the books are copied on paper, though the colophons of mss. 1438–1440 are written on parchment sheets. The bibliographic format of mss. 1438–1441 is plano in conjugate bifolios (each sheet in the book is used unfolded). In mss. 1438–1440 two sheets are pasted together to form a bifolio according to one of the schemes here illustrated. The bifolios of ms. 1441 are pasted on strips of paper. Manuscripts 1442– 1443 are in folio format. Most of the bifolios consist of sheets folded once; some bifolios consist of half sheets that were pasted on strips of paper (as in ms. 1441).



a: glued on f. 1v (or 1r) b: glued on f. 2v (or 2r)

a: glued on f. 2v (or 2r) b: glued on f. 1v (or 1r)



Appendix 2 219

The scribe seems to have started his work by applying prickings for the lead stylus rulings (which now range from pale to almost invisible). Some of these prick­ ings are still evident. The rulings were applied for the tables of contents, for the colophons, and for the left- and right-hand sides of the staves. Attributions are, with few exceptions, copied on a single rule. In mss. 1438–1440 the texts of masses and motets are copied between two horizontal lines at a distance of approximately 5 mm. In ms. 1441 only the first composition has double rulings for the text; the text of all the other compositions is written on a single ruling. Next, the scribe seems to have divided the music that was to be copied over the available openings. Page or quire signatures were added and, when necessary, short titles were added at the bottom of the pages to indicate which works (or portions of works) were to be copied thereon.1 First the musical notation was copied, and after that the texts of the composi­ tions were added. Three different text scripts are found in the books. In mss. 1438– 1440 a littera gothica textualis formata was used for the table of contents, ascriptions, tacet indications, voice designations, indications “Residuum” and “Verte”, identifi­ cation and/or text of the cantus prius factus, and for the colophon (see Plates 13, 14 and 15). In mss. 1439–1440 this script is also used for the first composition in the manuscript. The texts of the compositions in these three books are copied in a littera gothica cursiva formata (see Plate 15).2 In ms. 1439 one also finds a littera gothica cursiva libraria for the hymn settings with two or three strophes under the same music (see Plate 41).3 Manuscripts 1441–1443 only use the littera gothica cursiva formata and the littera gothica cursiva libraria. The cursiva formata is used for voice designations, ascriptions, indications “Secunda pars” and “Residuum”, for some rubrics, and, in ms. 1441, for the first composition in the manuscript (see, for example, the ascription and voice designation in Plate 25). The cursiva libraria is used for the texts of ­compositions, 1

Manuscripts 1438–1441 all have page signatures numbered a–z, aa–zz, etc. Originally each folio had its own signature, but many have been cut off in the binding process. Manuscript 1443 has quire signatures numbered a–z, ã–z̃, etc. There are no signatures visible in ms. 1442. For a description of the system of short titles, see p. 129 in the present book. 2 Whenever a littera gothica cursiva is used, it is always a so-called C-cursive with a “­­single-layered” letter a; cf. Gumbert, ‘A Proposal for a Cartesian Nomenclature’. 3 Incidentally, the scribe deviated from this scheme. In the tables of contents, voice desig­ nations, ascriptions and the “Residuum” indications, one sometimes find a mixture of textualis and cursive forms, particularly for the letters a, l and s. The identification of the cantus prius factus in ms. 1439 on ff. 167v–171r is presented in a cursiva formata; in ms. 1440 only the cantus prius factus of Richafort’s Requiem is written in a textualis formata. In ms. 1439 a combination of cursiva formata and libraria is found on some folios (ff. 298r, 311v–313r [= addition in another hand], 315v–317r). In ms. 1440 the scribe clearly erred when he copied the text on f. 8r–v in cursiva formata and on f. 108v in a textualis. On some folios in this manuscript one finds a mixture of the cursiva and textualis (cf. ff. 46v–47r, 97v–102v, 118v–119v).

220

Appendix 2

for some rubrics and for the table of contents of ms. 1441 (see, for example, Plates 20, 23 and 32). In the next stage the rubrication was done (only in the sections copied by De Blauwe). Among the items that were copied in red (though not always consist­ ently) one normally finds the alphabet letters and the headings “Voces”, “Autores” and “Folia” in the tables of contents,4 and in the music section all ascriptions, the indications “Residuum”, “verte” and “duo”, the tacet indications and verbal canons, the reference signs, the identification and/or text of the cantus prius factus, tonus indications (for Magnificats and Nunc dimittis settings) and chant incipits. In ms. 1438 the voice designations on the first opening are also in red, as are in ms. 1441 from f. 33v onward the voice designations and the indication “2a pars” (and the first letters of some motet texts). In the final stages, initials were added and some corrections were made.5 Finally the manuscript was bound. Manuscripts 1439 and 1440 are the only books that are still in their original bindings. The other books were rebound in 1964–1965 in the convent Sint-Catharinadal at Oosterhout (Noord-Brabant): the leather of the covers was renewed; front and back covers were decorated with blind stamps after the orig­ inal covers (though the imitation is rather coarse) and reinforced with restored and partly renewed metal furniture; and several damaged pages were restored with new hand-made paper. There are no restoration reports, but parts of the original leather covering materials of mss. 1438, 1441 and 1443 have been preserved.6

Inventories of the Manuscripts In the following inventories of mss. 1438–1443 all compositions have been assigned an editorial number which is placed in square brackets. All titles and ascriptions are recorded as they appear in the manuscripts. All separate partes of motets and hymns are listed and they have been assigned editorial roman numbers (II. for secunda pars, III. for tertia pars, etc.). An exception was made for settings of the Salve regina, Magnificat and Nunc dimittis. For these works I have simply given the main title, which is followed by a listing of the verses that were set in polyphony and that are preserved in the manuscript. In those cases where a composition is preceded in the manuscript by a chant incipit, the initium has been italicized in the inventories. The first following word in roman type shows at which point polyphony sets in (as in, for example: Regina celi letare). If a setting of a liturgical text does not start with its first verse, and is not

4

In ms. 1440 the general heading (“Index mutetorum hoc volumine contentorum”) and the first letter of all titles and ascriptions are rubricated too. 5 On many folios in the manuscripts the scribe has used white paint. This was done either to protect against ink corrosion from the other side of the folio or to make corrections in the notation of music or foliation. In ms. 1439 the scribe twice used strips of paper that were pasted over defective passages in the musical notation (ff. 81r, 85r). Other corrections were made by carefully scratching out wrongly placed words or syllables. 6 For more on the bindings of the books and their restoration, see Lem, De banden van de Leidse koorboeken.



Appendix 2 221

found in chant in the manuscript, the missing verse has been added in square brack­ ets (as in, for example: [Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti). Whenever two or more texts are underlaid to the same music – which happens, for example, in the group of hymns – they are separated in the inventories by a slash (as in, for example: Iam bone pastor / Ibant magi).

Concordances In listing concordant sources for the works in the Leiden choirbooks I have tried to be as exhaustive as possible. However, only vocal concordances are listed; occur­ rences of works in theoretical treatises and tablatures have not been considered. The spelling of composers’ names in concordant sources has been made uniform. The abbreviations used for manuscript sources are those of the Census-Catalogue. Printed editions are referred to by the name of the publisher followed by the cor­ responding number from either RISM A/I or B/I. In the listings of concordances, reprints and almost identical reissues of printed editions have been suppressed. For convenience’s sake the reprints are listed at the end of this introduction. All abbreviations are expanded in the list of Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions.

Models and cantus firmi Wherever possible, monophonic and polyphonic models for masses are identified and references to modern editions or sources of those models are included. In those cases where a composition is based on a cantus firmus, this is indicated in the entry. Cantus firmus references that are placed in square brackets are taken from other sources and are not indicated in the Leiden manuscripts.

Modern editions Whenever a composition is available in a modern (printed) edition, a reference to that edition is included. Usually just one edition is listed and preference has been given to modern scores that appear in opera omnia and in scholarly editions. An exception has been made for ms. 1438, where I have also included references to the (almost integral) modern edition of the manuscript in MMN IX. Exceptions were also made for pieces with conflicting ascriptions that appear in more than one opera omnia series. The abbreviations used for the modern editions are explained at the end of the Bibliography.

Text identifications Wherever possible, the texts of motets, hymns and other works have been identified and their liturgical uses listed. The texts of the Magnificat (LU: pp. 207–218), Nunc dimittis (LU: p. 271), Pater noster (GR: pp. 812–814), Salve regina (LU: p. 276) and Te deum (LU: pp. 1832–1837) have been left out of consideration as they are well known

222

Appendix 2

and their liturgical uses are mostly clear. As in the inventories of the choirbooks, the orthography of the manuscripts has been retained. All references to possible liturgical feasts for texts that have been located in ref­ erence books are listed, even if they occur in just one manuscript among many, as is sometimes the case with information found in the Corpus antiphonalium officii. Textual variant readings are not listed. The allocation of texts to specific moments of the day has been left out, because in this regard the different reference materials dis­ play considerable variety. An exception has been made for the Leiden Cantuale and the two breviaries that were printed by Jan Seversz. for use in the diocese of Utrecht. Passages from books of the Bible have been identified only when it was clear that a text was not drawn from chant and when the text of the motet corresponds almost exactly with that of the Vulgate. This explains why, for example, in the case of the motet Angelus autem domini there is no reference to Matthew 28:2–5, but rather to five antiphons for Easter: the five alleluias clearly demonstrate that the motet text was taken from the antiphons and not from the gospel. In those cases where it turned out to be impossible to find a motet text either in the Bible or in liturgical sources, I have attempted to give references of liturgical uses for parts of the text (see, for example, Omnis terra adoret te).

Incipits For all compositions that are unique to the Leiden choirbooks and that are not available in a modern edition, a musical incipit is included in the inventories of the manuscripts.

Index of compositions / composers The inventories are fully indexed; the lists at the end of this volume contain not only the titles of all masses, motets, hymns etc., but also those of the secunda (and tertia) partes of motets, or those of models and cantus firmi. In the List of Composers all works that are not actually ascribed to Flamingus, but that are thought to be by him, are listed under his name and have been marked with an asterisk.

Appendix 2 223



Reprints and Reissues that are not listed among the concordances in the inventories Original Edition

Reprint or Reissue

Petrucci 1502 ( J666)

1516 ( J668); Gionta, Pasoti & Dorico 1526 ( J669)

1

Petrucci 1514

Pasoti & Dorico 15261

Petrucci 15191

Pasoti 15262

2

Petrucci 1519

Pasoti 15263; Pasoti & Dorico 1527

Petrucci 15193

Pasoti & Dorico 15264

Moderne 15382

15394; 15424

Gardano 15384

Scotto 15494; Gardano 15495

Gardano 1539

12

15454; Rampazetto 15646

Gardano 153913

154910; Scotto 154910a; Scotto 15622

Scotto 1539 (G2977)

1541 (G2978); 1541 (G2979); 1551 (G2980)

3

Scotto 1540

[1542]1

Scotto 1541 (G2984)

1550 (G2985); 1552 (G2986)

1

Scotto 1543

15651

Scotto 15434

Ulhard 1560 (B880)

Dorico 1544 (M3582)

1551, 1552 (M3583)

Kriesstein 15453

15465

2

Moderne 1547

15481

Phalèse 15541

15552; 1564 (Vanhulst no. 100)

Phalèse 15542

15553; 1564 (Vanhulst no. 101)

Phalèse 15543

1566 (Vanhulst no. 111)

Phalèse 15544

15575; 15593

5

Phalèse 1554

15585; 1564 (Vanhulst no. 102)

Phalèse 15554

15561; 15586; 1564 (Vanhulst no. 103)

Phalèse 15555

15562; 15587; 15611a; 1567 (Vanhulst no. 118)

Phalèse 1559 (C2686)

1563 (C2687); 1567 (C2688); 1569 (C2689)

Phalèse 1559 (C2690)

1561 (C2691); 1567 (C2692); 1571 (C2693)

Phalèse 1559 (C2694)

1560 (C2695); 1564 (C2696); 1570 (C2697)

Phalèse 1559 (C2698)

1562 (C2699); 1567 (C2700); 1569 (C2701)

Phalèse 1559 (C2702)

1568 (C2704)

Phalèse 1559 (C4406)

1562 (C4407); 1567 (C4408); 1572 (C4409)

19

Phalèse 1590

160918

Manuscript 1438 Quire structure 1–128, 138–1 sheet after f. 101, 14–218, 228 + 1 sheet after 6 (f. 174), 23–378, 38–396 = 308 ff.

Size of paper 562 × 390

Watermarks    No. 1: table of contents, ff. 1–2, 25, 40–54, 73, 88, 122, 134, 146–188, 196, [206a]– 207, [230a]–231, 253–281, 283, 286, 288, 290–292, 294–295, 297–301, 303    No. 2: 3–24, 26–39, 55–72, 74–87, 89–121, 123–133, 135–145, [188a]–195, 197–206, 208–230, 232–252, 282, 284–285, 287, 289, 293, 296, 302

Foliation Original foliation in ink. Arabic numerals between two dots, centred at the top of the recto sides of the folios. The (originally defective) numbering of ff. 88–147 was corrected by the scribe himself (De Blauwe). Blank openings (following ff. 188, 206, 230, 253 and 277) are not included in foliation. Folios 301 and 302 do not have an original folio number; a modern foliation (green pencil) has been added in the top right corner. Modern foliation in pencil in lower right corner of recto sides. Foliation starts with “3” on last sheet before the first quire (which contains the end of the table of contents).

Height of staves 22, 22.5, 23 and 23.5 mm

Sectional structure of the choirbook All seven sections (motets for four voices, motets for five voices, motets for six voices, and four masses) are separated by blank openings. The first motet for five voices has the heading “Sunt muteta quinque vocum”; the first motet for six voices has “Muteta Sex vocum”. Between the front cover and the text block there is an orig­ inal parchment sheet with a letter A on the recto (probably applied by J.P.N. Land), and the beginning of the table of contents on the verso.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438 225



Colophon / scribe 1 Scribebat hoc Insigne opus musicum. Anthonius de blauwe. Ad honorem et usum sacre aedis divi petri. Theodorico Wilhelmi. Johanni de Brouchoven. Adriano ijsbrandi. Hugoni Wilhelmi. Prefectis horarum eiusdem templi. Anno .1549.

Binding and Restoration On the board paper which is pasted on the inside of the back cover there is a small note saying that the manuscript was newly bound, after the original, with covers of oak and partly renewed fastening materials and selfmade (blind) stamps, by the arts studio of [the convent of] St Catharinadal in 1965. The original binding was identical to that of ms. 1439, with a spine that was reinforced with chamois leather.

* * * * * 1r

blank

[1]

Peccata mea domine, 4 voc.

1v–6r



II. Quoniam iniquitatem

[2]

Erravi sicut ovis, 4 voc.

Iohannes Cleeff

Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 1 Text: responsory (BT: Dom. I post Oct. Epiph. ad Matut.; CAO IV: no. 7370, De Psalmis; CL: f. 6r–v, Dom. infra Purif. & Septuag. ad Pr.).

6v–11r



Thomas Cricquillon

II. Delicta iuventutis mee

AnsbachS 16, f. 139v, Crecquillon; RegB 940–1, no. 195, Crecquillon; TarazC 8, f. 65v, anon.; ToleBC 13, f. 16v, anon.; ZwiR 103/3, T. f. 42v, anon.; Susato 15476, f. 9, Crecquillon; Du Chemin 15511, p. 19, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 15, Crecquillon; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155412, p. 23, Crecquillon; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 4, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 2; CMM 63-XI, no. 91 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 118:176. 2a pars: Ps. 24:7. The complete text has been set by several composers from which it may possibly be concluded that it was taken from an as yet unidentified prayer or chant (Beebe, ‘Mode, Structure’, p. 237). The text of the prima pars is found as the verse of the responsory Septies in die (CAO IV: no. 7639, Dom. I/III/IV Quadrag., Fer. II Hebd. IV. Quadrag.). The text of the secunda pars is identical with that of an antiphon Pro Defunctis (CAO

1

On an original parchment sheet between the back cover and the text block.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438

226

III: no. 2146; LU: p. 1788). At the end of the secunda pars, the words “quia tibi soli peccavi” were added (Ps. 50:6). In concordant sources of this motet, the text of the prima pars also has the words “vias tuas Domine demonstra mihi, et semitas tuas edoce me” (Ps. 24:4).

[3]

11v–18r

Ecce ego mitto vos, 4 voc.



II. Dum lucem habeatis

[4] 18v–24r

Iustum deduxit dominus, 4 voc.



II. Iste est qui ante deum

[5]

Delectare in domino, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

LeuvK 4, f. 15v, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 3; CMM 63-XI, no. 90 Text: responsory (BT: Comm. Sanctorum de uno Apost.; CAO IV: no. 6588, S. Joannis Ev., S. Pauli, Comm. Apost.; LR: pp. 136–137, Comm. Apost.).

Thomas Cricquillon

HerdF 9822–3, f. 40v, anon.; Ulhard 15482, no. 10, Crecquillon; Susato 15539, f. 14v, Petit Jan [Delatre]; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 11, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 15, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 4; CMM 63-XII, no. 99 Text: 2 antiphons (CAO III: no. 3542 & 3426, Comm. unius Mart., Comm. unius Conf.; for the antiphon Iste est, see also CL: f. 22v, De S. Antonio Confessore). The texts of the two partes are also found as responsories without verses (CAO IV: no. 7059 & 7003; LR: pp. 200 & 199–200).

24v–28r



II. Et eduxit quasi lumen

[6]

Servus tuus ego sum, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

AachS 2, f. 279v, Crecquillon; AnsbachS 16, f. 111v, Crecquillon; CoimU 242, f. 77v, Crecquillon; LeuvU 163, f. 79v, Crecquillon; Susato 15476, f. 20, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 16, Crecquillon; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155413, p. 40, Crecquillon; Scotto 155414, p. 23, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 5; CMM 63-XI, no. 86 Text: Ps. 36:4–7. The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with verse (CAO IV: no. 6404, De Psalmis).

28v–33r



II. Declaratio sermonum tuorum

[7]

Recordare domine, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

HerdF 9822–3, f. 38, anon.; Ulhard 15482, no. 6, Crecquillon/Canis; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 3v, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 6v, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 6; CMM 63-XIII, no. 112 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 118:125–127. 2a pars: Ps. 118:130–131.

33v–39r



II. Propterea mestum

Thomas Cricquillon

Originally no attribution in table of contents; ‘Crequilon’ added in sixteenth-century hand Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 7; CMM 63-XII, no. 108 Text: 1a pars: Lamentations 5:1, 15–16. 2a pars: Lamentations 5:17, 20–21.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438 227



[8]

39v–44r

Omnis terra adoret te, 4 voc.



II. Rex pacificus

[9]

O magnum misterium, 4 voc.

Anonymous

Modern edition MMN IX-1, no. 8 Text: The text seems to have been compiled from different chants that are related to Epiphany and Christmas. 1a pars: “Omnis terra adoret te et psallat tibi psalmum dicat nomini tuo domine”: antiphon (CAO III: no. 4155, Epiph., Infra Oct. Epiph.; LR: p. 70, In Epiph. Domini); “dies sanctificatus illuxit nobis venite gentes et adorate dominum quia hodie apparuit lux magna in terra”: responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 6444, Nativ. Domini, Epiph., Infra Oct. Epiph., Oct. Epiph.; LR: p. 73, In Epiph. Domini); “psallite deo nostro sapienter”: see the antiphon CAO III: no. 4406, Nativ. Domini, Epiph., Oct. Ephiph. 2a pars: “Rex pacificus magnificatus est cuius vultum desiderat universa terra”: antiphon (CAO III: no. 4657, Vigil. Nativ. Domini., Nativ. Domini); “videntes stellam magi gavisi sunt gaudio magno et intrantes domum invenerunt puerum cum maria matre eius et procedentes adoraverunt eum”: part of a responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 7864, Epiph., Infra Oct. Epiph.; LR: p. 79, In Epiph. Domini); “stella ista sicut flamma choruscat et regem regum deum demonstrant magi eum viderunt et regi domino munera obtulerunt”: antiphon (CAO III: no. 5022, Oct. Nativ. Domini, Epiph., Infra Oct. Epiph.; LU: p. 464).

44v–48r



II. Ave maria

[10] 48v–54r

Quem dicunt homines, 4 voc.



II. Petre diligis me

Benedictus

BergBC 1209, f. 43v, Werrecore; HerdF 9822–3, f. 26v, anon.; Susato 15475, f. 17, anon. Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 9 Text: responsory (LR: pp. 61–63, In Nativ. Domini; LU: p. 382).

Iohannes Richafort

BarcOC 5, f. 66v, anon.; CambraiBM 125–8, f. 28, anon.; CasAC D(F), f. 80v, anon.; CoimU 48, f. 46v, Richafort; HradKM 17, A. f. 29v, anon.; LeidGA 1442, f. 81v [no. 35], anon.; LeipU 51, T. f. 79v, anon.; MadM 6832, p. 46, Richafort; PadBC A17, f. 101v, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 292, Richafort; RegB C99, f. 205v, Richafort; RegT 2–3, no. 82, anon.; SGallS 463, no. 139, Richafort; SionA 87–4, f. 29v, anon.; ToleBC 10, f. 34v, Richafort; ToleF 23, f. 294v, Richafort; TrevBC 7, f. 52v, anon.; UppsU 76c, f. 87v, anon.; VatS 46, f. 89v, anon.; VatVM 571, f. 30v, anon.; VerBC 760, f. 29v, anon.; WittenL 1048, p. 129, anon.; Moderne 153210, p. 33, Richafort; Petreius 15387, no. 3, Richafort; Rhaw 15388, no. 32, Richafort; Gardano 153912, p. 41, Richafort; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 12v, Richafort; Le Roy & Ballard 1556 (R1300), f. 10, Richafort Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 10; CMM 81-II, no. 22 Text: 1a pars: Matthew 16:13, 16–18. 2a pars: John 13:37; 21:15–17; Luke 22:32. The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with verse; in the motet the repetendum is found only after the verse (CAO IV: no. 7467; CL: f. 60r–v, In Festo Petri & Pauli Apost. ad Pr.; LR: pp. 366–367, SS. Petri et Pauli Apost.). Parts of the text of the secunda pars are found in chants in SS. Apost. Petri & Pauli (CS: p. 487; LR: pp. 360, 361, 365). The text “rogavi pro te ut non deficiat fides tua et tu aliquando conversus confirma fratres tuos” is found as a

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438

228

responsory (CS: p. 456, In utroque Festo Cathedrae S. Petri, in Festo SS. Apost. Petri et Pauli, in Festo S. Petri ad Vincula) and as Alleluia verse Infra Octavam SS. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli (LU: p. 1543).

54v–55r blank [11] 55v–61r

Memento salutis auctor, 5 voc.



II. Maria mater gratie

[12] 61v–67r

Veni in ortum meum, 5 voc.



II. In lectulo meo

[13] 67v–72r

Ave stella matutina, 5 voc.



II. O mater dei electa

[14] 72v–78r

Nigra sum sed formosa, 5 voc.



II. Posuerunt me

Anonymous

RegB B223–33, no. 5 (32), Crecquillon; Susato 155313, f. 11, Crecquillon; Scotto 155416, p. 20, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 25, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 11; CMM 63-VIII, no. 52 Text: strophes 1 and 2 of the epynomous hymn (Heures de notre Dame a lusage de Romme […] (Paris, Pierre Corbault 1587), ff. 42r, 45r, 48r, 56v). 1a pars: strophe 3 of the hymn Christe redemptor omnium (AH 51: p. 49, In Nativ. Domini; AM: p. 238, In Nativ. Domini). This text is also found as the second strophe of the hymn Rex Christe clementissimae (MMM I: p. 656). 2a pars: strophe 4 of the hymn Fit porta Christi pervia (CL: f. B, In Annunt. B.M.). This text is also found as the fourth strophe of the hymn O gloriosa domina (AH 52: p. 59; cf. ook MMM I: p. 644). For both partes see also: BES II: k. 559.

Thomas Cricquillon

c.f. Salve regina c.f.: chant (antiphon) Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 12; CMM 63-X, no. 78 Text: 1a pars: Song of Songs 5:1–2. 2a pars: Song of Songs 3:1–2. c.f.: antiphon (LU: p. 276). The setting of this text by Hesdin is published in Attaingnant 15346 with the rubric “De beata Maria”.

Thomas Cricquillon

c.f. Sancta maria ora pro nobis c.f.: chant (litany; cf. CMM 63-VI, p. xxxiii) Scotto 155416, p. 8, Crecquillon [as: O virgo generosa]; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 37v, Crecquillon [as: O virgo generosa] Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 13; CMM 63-VI, no. 19 Text: part of a hymn (Heures de notre Dame a lusage de Romme […] (Paris, Pierre Corbault 1587), f. 37v; see also AH 32: p. 47. De B.M.V.; HL II: p. 321; RH: no. 2134. Beata Maria).

Thomas Cricquillon

ChelmE 1, no. 46, Crecquillon; GranMF 975, f. 178, Crecquillon; RegB 893, no. 4, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 10/2, no. 2, Crecquillon; Du Chemin 15511, p. 6, Crecquillon; Phalèse 15541, f. 11v, Crecquillon/Clemens non Papa/Sebast. Holland; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155412, p. 12, Crecquillon; Susato 15558, f. 6v,

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438 229



Crecquillon; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 3, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 41v, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 14; CMM 63-VIII, no. 54 Text: Song of Songs 1:4–6. The text of the prima pars was also set by Jean Conseil and published in Attaingnant 15346 with the rubric “De beata Maria”.

[15] 78v–84r

Ave virgo gloriosa, 5 voc.



II. Omnis sanctus te honorat

[16] 84v–90r

Domine deus omnipotens, 5 voc.



II. Allide virtutem illorum

[17] 90v–96r

Domine Ihesu christe, 5 voc.



II. Dum aurora finem daret

[18] 96v–101r

Venite et videte, 5 voc.



II. Videntes sic admirati sunt

Thomas Cricquillon

ParisBNC 1591, item no. XII, Crecquillon; Susato 155315, f. 8, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 15; CMM 63-VI, no. 22 Text: hymn, consisting of fragments from a text of J.J. Lanspergius (D. Joannis Justi Lanspergii Cartusiani Opera Omnia, 5 vols. [Monsterolii 1888–1890], vol. 5, pp. 428–429; RH: no. 35801). Crecquillon’s setting in Susato 155315 carries the rubric “De Domina”. The setting of an almost identical text by Vermont Primus has the rubric “De beata Maria” in Attaingnant 15345.

Thomas Cricquillon

BrusC 27088, f. 79v, Crecquillon; Susato 155315, f. 9v, Crecquillon; Phalèse 15555, f. 6, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 32v, Crecquillon [all concordances have text: Domine deus qui conteris] Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 16; CMM 63-VII, no. 35 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6492, De Iudith). In BrusC 27088 and in Susato 155315 the motet has the rubric “Imploratio ad deum”; Dom. IV Septembris (MMN IX-1, p. xvii).

Thomas Cricquillon

Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 17; CMM 63-VII, no. 36 Text: The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with verse (CAO IV: no. 6498, S. Caeciliae; the line “Caecilia famula tua quasi ovis tibi argumentosa deservit” does not occur in the motet). The text of the secunda pars up to the invocation “Sancta Cecilia ora pro nobis” matches that of a responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 6531, S. Caeciliae) and that of an antiphon (AR: pp. 1077–1078, S. Caecilia Virginis, Martyris).

Thomas Cricquillon

ChelmE 2, B. f. 33v, Crecquillon; KasL 91, no. 33, Crecquillon; RegB B223–33, no. 12 (39), Crecquillon; Phalèse 15542, f. 11, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 28, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 91, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 39v, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-1, no. 18; CMM 63-X, no. 79 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 45:9–10, 47:5. 2a pars: Ps. 47:6–7, 46:7.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438

230

[19] 101v–104r

Domini sunt cardines, 5 voc.



II. Non in fortitudine

[20] 104v–110r

Ave bissus castitatis, 5 voc.



II. Queso rosa sanitatis

[21] 110v–115r

Deus virtutum convertere, 5 voc.



II. Et perfice eam

[22] 115v–121r

Vidi speciosam, 5 voc.



II. Que est ista

[23] 121v–127r

Ego sum panis vite, 5 voc.



II. Ego sum panis vivus



III. Gloria patri

Thomas Cricquillon

Incomplete: 1 folio of prima pars is lacking Modern edition: CMM 63-VII, no. 38 Text: Samuel 2:8–10.

Thomas Cricquillon

Susato 15467, f. 11v, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 20; CMM 63-VI, no. 17 Text: The origin of this alphabetically ordered text (Ave bissus castitatis etc.) could not be traced; see, however, Rust, Imaginary Worlds in Medieval Books, p. 66.

Thomas Cricquillon

BrusC 27088, f. 64v, Crecquillon; CopKB 1873, f. 1v, anon.; KasL 91, no. 36, Crecquillon; LonBL 31390, f. 49, anon.; MunBS 59, f. 27v, Crecquillon; MunBS 274a, no. 15, anon.; RosU 52, no. 26, Crecquillon; SchmalT s.s., no. 3, Crecquillon; VienNB Mus. 16195, f. 70v, Crecquillon; Phalèse 15544, f. 4v, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 23, Crecquillon; Susato 15559, f. 5, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 21; CMM 63-VII, no. 32 Text: Ps. 79:15–16. The text of the prima pars is found as an Alleluia verse in the Missa Contra paganos. In BrusC 27088 the motet is copied with the rubric: “De tempore”.

Iohannes Lupi

Originally no attribution in table of contents; ‘Lupi’ added in sixteenth-century hand HradKM 29, no. 24, Lupi; LeuvU 163, f. 3, Lupi; TrevBC 29, no. 20, Lupi; UlmS 237, f. 61v, anon.; Moderne 15382, p. 2, Lupi; Gardano 15396, p. 3, Lupi; Schöffer 15398, no. 26, Lupi; Attaingnant 1542 (L3089), f. 9v, Lupi Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 22; CMM 84-I, no. 7 Text: The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with the verse “Quae est ista quae ascendit” (CAO IV: no. 7878, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae, Comm. Virginum; LR: p. 376, In Assumpt. B.M.V.). The text of the secunda pars (Song of Songs 6:9) is found as an antiphon (CAO III: no. 4425, Assumpt. S. Mariae; LU: p. 16004, In Festo Assumpt. B.M.V.).

C. hollander

Waelrant & Laet 15566, p. 8, Hollander; Susato 15573, f. 2, Chr. Hollander Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 23 Text: responsory (BT: In Festo Sacramenti; CL: f. 41r–v. In Oct. venerabilis Sacramenti ad Process.; LR: pp. 128–129; In Festo Corporis Christi).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438 231



[24] 127v–134r

Mane nobiscum domine, 5 voc.



II. Et intravit cum illis

[25] 134v–140r

Angelus domini descendit de celo, 5 voc.



II. Angelus domini locutus est

[26] 140v–146r

Christus resurgens ex mortuis, 5 voc.



II. Mortuus est enim semel

[27] 146v–150r

Iam non dicam, 5 voc.



II. Cum venerit ille spiritus

Clemens non papa

BrusC 27088, f. 13v, Clemens non Papa; ColnU 57, f. 36v, anon.; DresSL Grimma 56, no. 46, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 16, anon.; KasL 91, no. 17, Clemens non Papa; StockKM 36, no. 8, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 5, no. 40, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 33/34, no. 8, anon.; ZwiR 74/1, no. 64, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15541, f. 10v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155410, no. 25, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155413, p. 47, Clemens non Papa; Scotto 155416, p. 9, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 4-XIV, p. 14 Text: 3 antiphons (prima pars: CAO III: no. 3690, Fer. II/IV Paschae, De Resurr.; AM: p. 491, Infra Hebd. post Oct. Paschae; secunda pars: CAO III: no. 2708 & 1848, Fer. II-IV Paschae, De Resurr.; AM: p. 492 & pp. 492–493, Infra Hebd. post Oct. Paschae).

Ioachimus de monte

Table of contents: no attribution Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 25 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6093, Dom. Paschae, Oct. Paschae, De Resurr.).

Ioachimus de monte

Table of contents: no attribution ChelmE 2, B. f. 9, Montanus; ColnU 57, f. 19v, anon.; StockKM 15, no. 10, Montanus; WrocS 8, no. 22, anon.; Waelrant & Laet 15546, p. 11, Montanus Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 26 Text: responsory (OHS: p. 822, Sabb. in albis).

Anonymous

FlorD 11, f. 75v, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 283v, anon.; ModD 3, f. 146v, Richafort; MunBS 1503b, no. 4, Richafort; MunU 401, f. 37v, Richafort; PadBC A17, f. 15v, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 224, Richafort; RegB B223–33, no. 19 (46), Richafort; RegB C99, f. 198v, Richafort; TrevBC 30, no. 14, Lupus; UppsU 76c, f. 85v, anon.; VienNB 9814, no. 6, Richafort; Moderne 15329, p. 24, Richafort; Petreius 15406, no. 21, Richafort; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 3, Richafort; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 34, Richafort; Le Roy & Ballard 1556 (R1300), f. 13, Richafort Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 27; CMM 81-II, no. 12 Text: 1a pars: John 15:15; 20:22–23. 2a pars: free after John 16:13. The first part of the text of the prima pars is found as the beginning of the epynomous responsory (CAO IV: no. 7030, Dom. Pentec., Fer. II/V Pentec.; LR: pp. 110–111, In Festo Pentec.); the continuation matches the text of the antiphon Accipite spiritum sanctum (CAO III: no. 1234, Fer. VI Paschae, Sabb. Paschae, Dom. Pentec.; LU: p. 877, In Festo Pentec.). A liturgical usage for the text of the secunda pars could not be traced.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438

232

[28] 150v–154r

Salvatorem expectamus, 5 voc.

[29] 154v–159r

Cum inducerent puerum, 5 voc.



II. Senex puerum portabat

[30] 159v–163r

Benedictus dominus deus Israhel, 5 voc.



II. Replebitur maiestati

[31] 163v–169r

Consolamini filie sijon, 5 voc.



II. Consolamini ergo omnes

[32] 169v–176r

Ite in orbem, 5 voc.



II. Signa eos

Thomas Cricquillon

DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 6, anon.; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 49v, Crecquillon Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 28; CMM 63-IX, no. 65 Text: Philippians 3:20–21. The text is also found as the beginning of a responsory (CAO IV: no. 7562. Dom. I in Advent., Sabb. Hebd. I Advent.) and as Capitulum in Dom. III Advent., in II. Vesp. (BT).

Anonymous

c.f. Lumen ad revelationem c.f.: chant (antiphon) Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 29 Text: 1a pars: responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 6367, Purif. S. Mariae). 2a pars: responsory with verse (CAO IV: no. 7635, Purif. S. Mariae). c.f.: Nunc dimittis antiphon In Purif. B.M.V. (LU: p. 1357).

Iochimus de monte

Table of contents: no attribution Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 30 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6249, De Trinitate; LR: p. 337, SS. Cordis Jesu; AM: p. 1188, In Festo SS. Trinitatis).

Anonymous

Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 31 Text: unidentified.

Anonymous

CoimU 48, f. 6, Clemens non Papa; CopKB 1873, f. 20v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 30 (33), Clemens non Papa; DresSL Pirna VIII, f. 162v, anon.; HradKM 22, T. p. 23, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 135, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 93, anon.; NurLA 28, f. 196v, Clemens non Papa; RosU 42/1, f. 167v, anon.; WrocS 5, no. 116, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 12, no. 42, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 33/34, no. 3, anon.; ZwiR 74/1, no. 78, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15466, f. 5v, Clemens non Papa/Manchicourt; Susato 155312, f. 3, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 13, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 7 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7028, Ascens. Domini, Dom. Pentec., Fer. IV Pentec., Sabb. Pentec.). In Susato 15466 the motet has the rubric “In Christi ascensione”.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438 233



[33] 176v–182r

Surge Petre, 5 voc.



II. Angelus domini astitit

[34] 182v–188r

Vere dominus, 5 voc.



II. Hec est domus domini

Io. De Monte

Table of contents: no attribution Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 33 Text: responsory (BT: Cathedra S. Petri; CAO IV: no. 7731, Cathedra S. Petri, S. Petri; LR: p. 363, SS. Petri et Pauli Apost.). The text of the secunda pars is also found as an antiphon (CL: f. 63r–v, Petri apostoli ad Vincula).

Manchicourt

HradKM 30, f. 28, anon.; RegB 887–90, no. 12 (16), Manchicourt; Phalèse 15543, f. 11v, Manchicourt; Berg & Neuber 155511, no. 16, Manchicourt; s.n. 15804, f. 8v, Manchicourt Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 34; CMM 55-VII, no. 5 Text: 1a pars: Genesis 28:16–17. 2a pars: Matthew 7:8 & Luke 11:10. The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 7842, Dom. II. Quadrag.). Parts of the texts are found in chants In Dedic. Eccl. (cf. CAO IV: no. 6801; LU: pp. 1246–1247; LR: p. 239).



188v–[188a]r blank

[35] [188a]v–195r Ave salutis ianua, 6 voc.

II. Misterium mirabile

[36] 195v–201r

Reges terre congregati sunt, 6 voc.



II. Et venientes invenerunt puerum

[37] 201v–206r

Ave mundi spes maria, 6 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

LonBL 29388–92, f. 27v, anon. Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 35; CMM 63-V, no. 3 Text: RH: no. 2096, Beata Maria.

Petrus Manchicourt

BrusC 27088, f. 96v, Manchicourt Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 36; CMM 55-VI, no. 26 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 47:5 & Matthew 2:2. 2a pars: Matthew 2:11. Parts of the text of this motet are found in the office chants for Epiphania Domini. In BrusC 27088 the motet has the rubric “De tribus regibus”; almost the same text was set by Mouton, and this was published in Attaingnant 15343 with the rubric “In die Epiphaniae”.

Clemens Non papa

BrusC 27088, f. 183v, Clemens non Papa; ChelmE 2, Ct. f. 65, Clemens non Papa; RegB 887–90, no. 15 (19), Clemens non Papa; RegB B223–33, no. 12, Clemens non Papa; WhalleyS 23, Qv. f. 59v, Clemens non Papa; Waelrant & Laet 15546, p. 27, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XV, p. 24 Text: part of a hymn (HL II: pp. 324–325, Oratio de S. Maria). Clemens’s setting carries the rubric “De domina” in BrusC 27088.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1438

234



206v–[206a]r blank

[38] [206a]v–230r Missa beati omnes, 4–5 voc.

Title in table of contents; “Kyrie Beati omnes …” in voice parts Model: motet by Gombert (CMM 6-VII, p. 176) Modern edition: CMM 6-I, p. 56



230v–[230a]r blank

[39] [230a]v–253r [Missa], 4 voc.

Table of contents: “Missa secunda” Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 39



Nicola. Gombert

Anonymous

253v–[253a]r blank

[40] [253a]v–277r Missa faulte dargent, 4 voc.

Iohannes Mouton

Title in table of contents; “Kyrie Faulte dargent …” in voice parts Model: fifteenth-century tune (see NJE 29.7, Critical commentary, pp. 94–95) Modern edition: CMM 43-II, p. 89



277v–[277a]r blank

[41] [277a]v–302r Missa Sex vocum

“Kyrie Sancta maria …” in five of the voices Model: unidentified Modern edition: MMN IX-2, no. 41



302v–[303]v blank

Anonymous

Manuscript 1439 Quire structure 1–218, 226 + one sheet after 3 (f. 176), 23–408, 4110, 42 (sewn endpapers) = 331 ff.

Size of paper 547/554 × 394 mm

Watermarks    No. 3: table of contents, ff. 1, 3–27, 29, 50–61, 72, 110, 131, 145–146, 160, 167, 169, 177–233, 238, 241, 245, 247, 265, 268–279, 283–284, 296, 302, 319–332, flyleaf    No. 4: ff. 2, 280–282, 285–295, 297–301, 303–318    No. 5: ff. 28, 30–35, 36(?), 37–49, 62–71, 73–109, 111–130, 132–144, 147–159, 161– 166, [167a]–168, 170–176, 234–237, 239–240, 242–244, 246, 248–264    No. 6: ff. 266–267, 333–334

Foliation Original foliation in ink. Arabic numerals between two dots, slightly off centre at the top of the recto sides of the folios. All blank openings are included in the folia­ tion. Foliation skips from 74 to 78 and from 85 to 89. Two folios are numbered 191; foliation missing for folio 295; folios 184–185 are erroneously numbered 174–175 (corrections in ink and pencil in two modern hands); folio 268 was originally num­ bered 258 (correction by scribe); folio 269 is erroneously numbered 259 (the 5 is partly erased). In two places there are unnumbered, apparently discarded, versions of other folios from the manuscript: there is a copy of f. 11r between ff. 15 and 16; there is a copy of f. 164r between ff. 167 and 168. These two openings were originally sealed.

Height of staves 22, 23, 24.5 and 25 mm

Sectional structure of the choirbook With one exception, all seven sections in the book (motets for four voices, motets for five voices, motets for six voices, two motets, Magnificat settings, Nunc dimittis settings, and hymns) are separated by blank openings. The opening between the third and fourth sections was originally sealed. In some places in the manuscript

236

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

there are blank openings that are unrelated to the sectional structure of the book (ff. 37v–38r, 49v–50r, 327v–328).

Colophon / scribe Scribebat hoc Insingne [sic] opus musicum Anthonius de blauwe ad honorem et usum sacre aedis divi petri leidae: Prefectis horarum eiusdem aedis. Theodorico guilielmi: Petro Jodoci: Bartholomeo alevini: Petro oem filius petri. Anno .1559.

Binding Original binding. Brown calf leather over wooden covers with edges that are rounded between the metal furniture. The spine is reinforced with chamois leather. The leather on the back cover is heavily damaged; due to wear there are some holes in it through which the oak covers are visible. The leather is decorated in five strokes with two small stamps (an acorn and a leaf) and four roller stamps: one roller stamp portraying four virtues (Fides, Fortitu[do], Iusticia, Iudit), one with four antique busts, and two ornamental rollers (see Plate 18). The binding was probably done in the workshop of the Leiden bookbinder Adriaen Thysz. On the front cover there is a small slip of paper in the lower right corner with the number 1004 (catalogue number from Museum De Lakenhal of 1886). Front cover: two head corner pieces, and two corner pieces at the bottom with little metal feet. There is a lozenge-shaped centrepiece in the middle of the cover with a boss; the four corners all have round pieces with bosses. The metal furniture on the back cover is similar but with a round centrepiece. Fastening from back to front; two double catchplates on the front cover; the clasps are now lacking. All parts have a simple engraved decoration.1 Between the front cover and the text block: * an original pastedown that is pasted over the turn-in (mitred corner). There are 11 blank staves on the pastedown and the side that is glued on the cover has some notation. In the upper left corner the number “862” has been applied in ink (catalogue number from Museum De Lakenhal of 1924). * an original, sewn flyleaf on which the table of contents starts, with on its recto side letter B (probably applied by J.P.N. Land). Between the back cover and the text block:

1

For more details on the binding of this manuscript and more reproductions of the roller stamps, see Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, pp. 97–99.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 237



* sewn endpapers. On the recto side of the parchment sheet is the colophon; on the verso side, in a seventeenth- or possibly late sixteenth-century hand, are the words “Urbis Lugduno Batavae” and “Leyden”.2 * an original flyleaf, a large part of which was torn off. On the verso side, in a seventeenth- or possibly late sixteenth-century hand, are the words “Cujus inclytae Reipublicae” and “L”. * an original pastedown that is pasted over the turn-in (mitred corner). There are 11 blank staves on the pastedown and the side that is glued on the cover is partly written upon.

* * * * * [1]

[2]

[i]r–1r

Table of contents

1v–6r

In nomine Ihesu, 4 voc.

6v–11r

Heu mihi domine, 4 voc.

Cristianus hollander

LeuvK 4, f. 8v, Chr. Hollander; Waelrant & Laet [1556]4, p. 8, Hollander Text: The text of this motet matches that of the epynomous introit (LU: p. 446, Festum Sanctissimi Nominis Jesu; LU: p. 1574, S. Ignatii Confessoris). Since the verse and minor doxology are lacking, the motet should not be considered as a setting of the introit. The text of the motet is also found as Capitulum (BT: De nomine Ihesu).



II. Anima mea turbata est

[3]

Erravi sicut ovis, 4 voc.

Clemens no papa

AnsbachS 16, f. 167v, Clemens non Papa; LeuvK 4, f. 51v, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15538, f. 10v, Clemens non Papa; Scotto 155414, p. 25, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber [1556]9, no. 5, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2690), f. 14, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XII, p. 30 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6811, Pro Defunctis; LU: pp. 1791–1792, Officium Defunctorum). The repetendum does not occur in the prima pars. In Susato 15538 the motet has the rubric “Pro peccatis”.

11v–15r



Clemens non papa

II. Delicta iuventutis mee

LonBLH 7578, f. 104, anon.; RegB B223–33, no. 3 (58), Clemens non Papa; Susato 15538, f. 7, Clemens non Papa; Scotto 155414, p. 15, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber [1556]9, no. 6, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2690), f. 4, Clemens non Papa; Arbillius [s.a.] (C2684), no. 7 Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XII, p. 8 Text: see 1438: 2

2

The term Lugdunum Batavorum was first used in 1560 by Laurinus in a letter to Ortelius, and was later used by especially Janus Dousa; cf. Overvoorde, ‘De ontwikkeling van de grenzen van Leiden’, p. 4.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

238

15v

blank



copy of f. 11r

[15a]r

[4] [15a]v–21r

Cognoscimus domine, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon



II. Vita nostra in dolore

[5]

Fuerunt mihi lachrime mee, 4 voc.

DresSL Löbau 12, no. 34 (37), Crecquillon; RegB B223–33, no. 6 (61), Crecquillon; Susato 15538, f. 2, Crecquillon; Scotto 155415, p. 11, anon.; Berg & Neuber [1556]9, no. 14, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 6v, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 2v, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-XI, no. 84 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6301, Pro Defunctis). In Susato 155315 the motet has the rubric “Confessio et oratio ad Deum”.

21v–27r



Clemens non papa

II. Quare tristis es anima mea

Scotto 155415, p. 18, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2694), f. 4v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XV, p. 59 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 41:4. 2a pars: Ps. 41:6–7.

27v–28r blank [6]

28v–37r

Super flumina babilonis, 5 voc.



II. Adhereat lingua mea

37v

blank



38r

empty staves

[7]

38v–45r

Angelus autem domini descendit, 5 voc.

Anonymous

Table of contents: Incertus autor Susato 15466, f. 7, Benedictus [Appenzeller]; Berg & Neuber 15536, no. 26, Benedictus [Appenzeller] Text: Ps. 136 (BT: Fer. V ad Vesp.).



II. Erat autem aspectus/faties eius



III. Pre timore autem eius exterriti sunt

Anonymous

Table of contents: Angelus domini, Incertus autor Text: 5 antiphons (BT: In die S. Pasche, ad Laud.; CAO III: nos. 1408, 2699, 2647, 4350, 4630. Dom. Paschae; LU: pp. 782–783, Dom. Resurr.).

™C

›. º º

º º ™

C

º. ª º º

ª ª ™C

›. º º

º º 2C

º. ª º º ª ª

2C

º º. º ª ª

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 239



[8]

45v–49r

Venite ad me omnes, 5 voc.

StuttL 36, f. 41v, anon. Text: Matthew 11:28–30.

Anonymous

49v–50r blank [9]

50v–57r

Sana me domine, 5 voc.

Clemens non papa



II. Omnia iuditia tua

[10] 57v–62r

Accesserunt ad Ihesum, 5 voc.



II. Non legistis quia qui fecit



III. Propter hoc dimittet homo

[11] 62v–69r

Dum complerentur dies pentecostes, 5 voc. Clemens Non papa



II. Repleti sunt omnes

DresSL Löbau 12, no. 7 (10), Clemens non Papa; HradKM 30, f. 49, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 170v, Clemens non Papa; RokyA 22, f. 42v, Clemens non Papa; StuttL 9, f. 117v, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 40/70, no. 2, anon.; Scotto 155416, p. 6, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15554, f. 2v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15568, no. 17, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XV, p. 66 Text: responsory? The text of the prima pars up to the repetendum ( Jeremiah 17:14) is found as the verse of the responsory Peccata mea (see 1438: 1); the text of the secunda pars up to the repetendum (Tobit 3:2–3) is found as verse of the responsory Peto domine (CAO IV: no. 7381, De Tobia; LR: pp. 423–424, Dom. III. Septembris et in Fer. Quatuor Temporum Septembris).

Clemens non papa

AachS 2, f. 267v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL 1/D/3, no. 30, anon.; KasL 91, no. 45, Clemens non Papa; RegB 893, no. 1, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 73, no. 18 (62), Maessens; Phalèse 15555, f. 2, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 60, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XVI, p. 71 Text: Matthew 19:3–6. Gospel reading Missa Pro Sponso et Sponsa (LU: p. 1291).

BrusC 27088, f. 207v, Clemens non Papa; ColnU 57, f. 27, anon.; DresSL Grimma 56, no. 49, anon.; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 31 (34), Clemens non Papa; HradKM 29, p. 190, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 143, Clemens non Papa; LübBH 203, no. 26, Clemens non Papa; RegB 878–82, no. 12 (21), Clemens non Papa; WrocS 5, no. 129, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 74/1, no. 80, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15545, f. 2v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 35, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155514, p. 36, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]4, no. 4, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XVI, p. 5 Text: responsory (CA: ff. 86v–87r, In Festo Pentec.; CAO IV: no. 6536, Dom. Pentec.; CN: pp. 194–195). In BrusC 27088 the motet has the rubric “De penthecoste”.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

240

[12] 69v–74, 78r Quis est iste qui progreditur, 5 voc.

II. Egredimini et videte

[13] 78v–85r

Iherusalem surge, 5 voc.



II. Leva in circuitu

Ioannes Lupi

HradKM 26, p. 28, anon.; Attaingnant & Jullet 1542 (S2818), f. 2v, Sermisy; Kriesstein 15453, no. 10, Sermisy Modern edition: CMM 52-VII, no. 3 Text: responsory? The text is partly based on Song of Songs 6:9 & 3:11; for the repetendum “Quoniam non venit mittere gladium in terram sed pacem”, see Matthew 10:34.

Clemens non papa

Table of contents: no attribution BerlPS 40272, no. 4, Clemens non Papa; ChelmE 2, B. f. 36, Clemens non Papa; ColnU 57, f. 14, anon.; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 10 (13), Clemens non Papa; DresSL Pirna VI, f. 125v, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 247, Clemens non Papa; LübBH 203, no. 51, anon.; MunBS 13, f. 129v, Clemens non Papa; NYorkP 4180–5, Q. f. 69, Clemens non Papa; RegB 940–1, no. 296, Clemens non Papa; RokyA 22, f. 7, Clemens non Papa; WarU 7.41.5.14, Qv. f. 42v, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 8, no. 13, anon.; WrocS 11, no. 13, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 40/70, no. 3, anon.; ZwiR 79/2, no. 22, Clemens non Papa; Susato 155315, f. 2, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15541, f. 14v, Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 69, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIII, p. 62 Text: responsory (BT: Dom. II Advent.; CAO IV: no. 7034, Dom. II Advent.).

[14] 85v, 89r–94r Ego sum qui sum, 5 voc.

II. Tulerunt dominum meum

[15] 94v–100r

Si ignoras te, 5 voc.



II. Surge propera amica mea

Richafort

Attribution in table of contents only BolC Q27(1), f. 73v, Mouton; HradKM 29, p. 527, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 69v, anon.; ToleF 23, f. 135v, Richafort; OudenW 50a (fragment); Buglhat, Campis, Hucher 15397, f. 7v, Hesdin Modern edition: CMM 81-II, no. 5; SCM 14, p. 143 Text: The text of the prima pars consists of the antiphons Ego sum qui sum (CAO III: no. 2599, Dom. Paschae, Oct. Paschae; OHS: p. 753, Fer. II infra Oct. Paschae; LR: p. 83, Dom. Resurr.) and Ego dormivi (CAO III: no. 2572, Dom. Paschae; OHS: p. 755). The text of the secunda pars is, up to the repeat of the words “Ego sum qui sum”, identical with that of the epynomous responsory (without verse) (CAO IV: no. 7797, Dom. Paschae, Fer. II/III/VI Paschae, Oct. Paschae, Fer. III/VI T.P.; OHS: p. 802. Fer. V infra Oct. Paschae).

Cristianus hollander

Susato 155313, f. 12, Chr. Hollander/Ioh. Hollander; Phalèse 15543, f. 4v, Chr. Hollander Modern edition: SCM 15, p. 269 Text: 1a pars: Song of Songs 1:7, 4:7. 2a pars: Song of Songs 2:10, 2:14.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 241



[16] 100v–107r

Dum transisset sabbatum, 5 voc.



II. Et valde mane

[17] 107v–114r

Dum transisset sabbatum, 5 voc.



II. Et valde mane

[18] 114v–119r

Tu deus noster, 5 voc.



II. Nosce enim te

[19] 119v–126r

Apparens christus, 5 voc.



II. Et convescens precepit

Iosquin Baston

BerlPS 40272, no. 14, anon.; ColnU 57, f. 7v, anon.; CopKB 1873, f. 19v, anon.; DresSL Pirna VIII, f. 121v, Baston; FlorD 4, f. 1v, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 283, Baston; RosU 71/3, no. 6, anon.; ZwiR 33/34, no. 1, Cleve; Susato 155312, f. 14v, Baston Modern edition: SCM 15, p. 153 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6565, Dom. Paschae, Fer. V Paschae, Oct. Paschae; LR: pp. 84–85, Dom. Resurr.). Clemens non Papa’s setting in BrusC 27088 has the rubric “De Resurrexione christi” (however, the table of contents of the same ms. has “de sancta maria magda.”).

Cristianus hollander

AugsS 4, f. 120v, Hollander; BerlPS 40192, f. 6v, Seb. Hollander; ChelmE 2, B. f. 5, Seb. Hollander; ColnU 57, f. 5v, anon.; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 78, anon.; DresSL Grimma 56, no. 47, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 137v, anon.; LonBL 30480–4, f. 80v, anon.; LonBL 31390, f. 91, Seb. Hollander; OxfC 979–83, no. 28, Lassus; RegB 940–1, no. 304, Seb. Hollander; RosU 42/1, f. 122v, Seb. Hollander; UppsU 76g, no. 6, Seb. Hollander; WhalleyS 23, Qv. f. 99v, Chr. Hollander; WrocS 5, no. 45, Seb. Hollander; WrocU 39, no. 5, anon.; WrocU 40, f. 98, anon.; ZwiR 74/1, no. 56, Seb. Hollander; ZwiR 94/1, no. 38, anon.; Phalèse 15541, f. 8v, Seb. Hollander; Berg & Neuber 155410, no. 26, Seb. Hollander; Susato 15558, f. 8, Chr. Hollander Modern edition: SCM 17, p. 239 Text: see 1439: 16

Ioannes Lupi

Table of contents: no attribution HradKM 26, p. 53, anon.; LeuvU 163, f. 34v, Lupi; Attaingnant 1542 (L3089), f. 12v, Lupi; Kriesstein 15453, no. 25, Lupi; Susato 15467, f. 14v, Lupi; Berg & Neuber 15568, no. 26, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-I, no. 9 Text: Wisdom 15:1–3. In a sixteenth-century book of prayers this text is found with the rubric “Confessio peccatorum” (cf. CMM 84-I, p. XXIX).

Anonymous

Table of contents: Incertus autor LucBS 775, f. 19v, anon.; RegB 875–7, no. 17 (29), Lupi; RegB B211–5, f. 127, anon.; Schöffer 15398, no. 12, Lupi; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 3, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-II, no. 5 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no.7403, Ascens. Domini; LR: pp. 96–97. In Ascens. Domini).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

242

[20] 126v–136r

Maria magdalena, 5 voc.



II. Cito euntes

[21] 136v–140r

Rogate que ad pacem, 5 voc.



II. Propter fratres meos

[22] 140v–146r

Venit vox de celo, 5 voc.



II. Respondit miles

Clemens non papa

AachS 2, f. 36v, Clemens non Papa; AugsS 4, f. 95v, Clemens non Papa; AugsS 273–8, f. 43v, anon.; BerlPS 40272, no. 5, Clemens non Papa; BerlS 40212, f. 86v, Clemens non Papa; BrusC 27088, f. 147v, Clemens non Papa; CoimU 48, f. 1v, Clemens non Papa; ColnU 57, f. 9, anon.; CopKB 1873, f. 21v, anon.; DresSL 2/D/22, no. 32, anon.; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 77, anon.; DresSL Grimma 54, p. 1, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Grimma 56, no. 44, anon.; DresSL Grimma 59, no. 64, anon.; DresSL Pirna VIII, f. 35v, Clemens non Papa; HradKM 29, p. 130, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 13v, anon.; LeidGA 1442, f. 153v [no. 50], anon.; LüneR 150, no. 78, anon.; MunU 327, f. 28, Clemens non Papa; NurGN 8820B, f. 53v, anon.; NurGN 83795, T. f. 95v, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 193, Clemens non Papa; RegB 1018, no. 29, Clemens non Papa; RegB B223–33, no. 7 (34), Clemens non Papa; RegB B223–33, no. 27 (54), anon.; RegB B237– 40, no. 43, Clemens non Papa; RokyA 22, f. 13, Clemens non Papa; StuttL 9, f. 16v, Clemens non Papa; UppsU 76g, no. 5, anon.; VallaC 17, f. 121v, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 5, no. 30, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 8, no. 20, anon.; WrocU 39, no. 1, anon.; WrocU 40, f. 94v, anon.; WrocU 51, no. 11, anon.; ZwiR 3/3, f. 5v, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 34/35, B. f. 6, anon.; ZwiR 74/1, no. 57, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 94/1, no. 39, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15466, f. 15v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155410, no. 23, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 16 Text: responsory (BT: Fer. II post Pascha; CAO IV: no. 7128, Dom. Paschae, Fer. II/V/VI Paschae, Oct. Paschae, Fer. II/V T.P., De Sanctis T.P.). In BrusC 27088 the motet has the rubric “De Resurrexione christi” (the table of contents of the manuscript, however, has “de sancta maria magdale.”). In Susato 15467 the motet has the rubric “In Christi resurrectionem”.

Ioannes Courtois

Moderne 15382, p. 4, Courtois; Gardano 15396, p. 19, Courtois Modern edition: SCM 11, p. 73 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 121:6–7. 2a pars: Ps. 121:8–9.

Clemens non papa

AachS 2, f. 136v, Clemens non Papa; BudOS 31, f. 5v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 56, anon.; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 28 (31), Clemens non Papa; DresSL Pirna VII, f. 112v, Clemens non Papa; HradKM 29, p. 82, Clemens non Papa; KasL 91, no. 16, Clemens non Papa; LübBH 203, no. 75, Clemens non Papa; LüneR 150, no. 25, Clemens non Papa; MunBS 13, f. 169v, Clemens non Papa; RegB 1018, no. 34, Clemens non Papa; RokyA 22, f. 10v, Clemens non Papa; UppsU 76g, no. 2, Clemens non Papa; UtreR 3.L.16, f. 133v, Clemens non Papa; WhalleyS 23, Qv. f. 107v, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 8, no. 3, anon.; WrocS 11, no. 107, Clemens non Papa; WrocU 54, no. 17, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 74/1, no. 28, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 97/2, no. 59, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 100/5, no. 59, anon.; Phalèse 15541, f. 9v, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155413, p. 51, Clemens non Papa; Scotto 155416, p. 12, Clemens non

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 243



Papa; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 49, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 2, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIV, p. 8 Text: The texts of the two partes are based on Acts 9:4–5 & 26:14–15, and are also found, in slightly different versions, as two antiphons (BT: In Conversione Pauli; CN: pp. 285–286: 1a pars: “Venit vox de coelo cum luce superna super eum dicens illi saule saule quid me persequeris durum est tibi contra stimulum calcitrare”, secunda pars: “Respondit miles quis es tu domine et vox de super ait Ego sum Ihesus quem tu persequeris domine quid me iubes facere”).

146v–147r blank [23] 147v–154r

Victime pascali laudes, 6 voc.



II. Sepulcrum christi

Anonymous

Text: sequence (AH 54: pp. 12–14, De Resurr. Domini; Kehrein: pp. 81–82, Seq. Paschalis; LU: p. 780, Dom. Resurr.). The same text was set by Verdelot and is published in Attaingnant 15344 with the rubric “De Resurrectione Domini”

™

bO › › ›

™ º. ª º º º b O › › › „ › 2b O › › › › ™b ™bO › º › O º. ª º º º

› ™b

O

[24] 154v–159r

O virgo prudentissima, 6 voc.



II. Audi virgo puerpera

[25] 159v–164r

Benedicta es celorum regina, 6 voc.



II. Per illud ave



III. Nunc mater exora

º

Iosquin

c.f. Beata mater Table of contents: no attribution. c.f.: chant (antiphon) MunBS 1536, III no. 114, Josquin; MunU 401, f. 9, Josquin; VatS 24, f. 18v, Josquin; Grimm & Wirsung 15204, f. 37v, Josquin; Formschneider 15383, no. 2, Josquin; Berg & Neuber 15584, no. 7, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 24.9 Text: by Angelo Poliziano (1454–1494), In divinam Virginem Hymnus (Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. II, p. 93). c.f. antiphon (AR: p. [126], Officium B.M.V. in Sabbato; CAO III: no. 1570, Nativ. Domini, Purif. S. Mariae, Annunt. S. Mariae, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae; CL: f. 26. De sancto Balduino, sed cantus de Domina).

Iosquin

BolC R142, f. 55, Josquin; CopKB 1872, f. 64, anon.; EdinU 64, f. 119, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 695, anon.; LeuvU 163, f. 95, Josquin; MunBS 260, f. 10v, anon.; MunBS 1536, III no. 23, Josquin; MunU 401, f. 11, Josquin; PadBC A17, f. 124v, anon.; ParisBNC 851, p. 398, anon.; RegB 775–7, no. 55, anon.; RegB B220–2, f. 75v, Josquin; RokyA 22, f. 55v, anon.; RomeSL IV/9, p. 179, Josquin;

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

244

RomeSM 26, f. 110v, Josquin; SevBC 1, f. 42v, Josquin; TarazC 8, f. 2v, anon.; ToleBC 18, f. 56v, Josquin; ToleF 23, f. 18v, Josquin; TrevBC 30, 2nd series, no. 19, Josquin; UppsU 76c, f. 62v, anon.; UtreR 3.L.16, f. 165v, anon.; VallaC 17, f. 182v, Josquin; VatS 16, f. 155v, Josquin; ZwiR 31/32, f. 12v, anon.; Grimm & Wirsung 15204, f. 59v, Josquin; Formschneider 15371, no. 10, Josquin; Rhau 15456, no. 29, Josquin (2a pars only); Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 1v, Josquin; Le Roy & Ballard 1555 (J678), f. 24v, Josquin; Berg & Neuber 15584, no. 4, Josquin; Phalèse & Bellère 159019, f. 3v, Josquin; Gerlach 159127, no. 39, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 23.13 Text: sequence (AH 54: p. 396, De B.M.V.; LS: p. 160: In nocte Nativ. Domini). In a fifteenth-century French source of sequences this text is related to the feast of the Annunciation (Mattfeld, ‘Some Relationships between Texts and Cantus Firmi’, p. 168). Bouteillier’s setting of the text has the rubric “De beata Maria” in Attaingnant 15344.

[26] 164v–167r

Sancta maria virgo virginum, 6 voc.

167v

blank



copy of f. 164r

Anonymous

BerlS 357, Josquin; ChiN M91, 2nd series no. 13, anon.; CivitaBC (1), f. 93v, anon.; FlorBN Magl. 125bis, f. 5v, anon.; LonBLR A49–54, f. 6v, anon.; ModD 9, f. 3v, Verdelot; MunBS 59, f. 22v, Verdelot (as Ave Iesu Christe rex regum); MunU 401, f. 22, Verdelot; PiacD (5), f. 8v, anon.; RegB 775–7, no. 48, anon.; RegB 893, no. 11, Verdelot (as Ave Iesu Christe rex regum); RegB 1018, no. 22, Verdelot; RomeM 23–4, f. 50v, Verdelot; RomeV 35–40, 2nd series, no. 2, Verdelot; SchmalT s.s., no. 2, Verdelot (as Ave Iesu Christe rex regum); SuttonO 4, see: ChiN M91; ToleBC 10, f. 1v, Verdelot; VallaC 15, f. 2, Verdelot; VatS 38, f. 141v, anon.; VienNB Mus. 16195, f. 64v, Verdelot (as Ave Iesu Christe rex regum); WarU 7.41.5.14, B. f. 13v, Verdelot; WrocS 5, no. 17, Josquin (as Christus resurgens); YorkM 91, f. 61v, anon.; ZwiR 96/1, p. 58, anon. (as Ave Iesu Christe rex regum); Attaingnant [1528]2, f. 14v, anon. (as Ave Maria virgo virginum); Moderne 15382, p. 52, Verdelot Modern edition: CMM 28-II, p. 42; see also NJE 25.7 Text: Adaptation of the hymn O Maria virgo virginum (AH 24: p. 167; cf. Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten’, p. 67).

[167a]r

[27] [167a]v–171r O admirabile commertium, 5 voc.

II. Iocundare die theotice

Iosquin

c.f. Verbum caro factum est Attribution in table of contents only; tertia pars (“Puer natus est”) lacking c.f.: unidentified (possibly an as yet untraced hymn; see NJE 26.8, Critical Commentary, p. 36) VatC 234, f. 269v, Regis Modern edition: CMM 9-II, p. 49; WinklerT, vol. II, p. 136 Text: 1a pars: antiphon (LU: pp. 442–443, In Circumc. Domini). 2a pars: unidentified; see Holford-Strevens, ‘The Latin Texts of Regis’s Motets’, pp. 167–170.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 245



[28] 171v–177r

Quem vidistis pastores, 4 voc.



II. Natum vidimus

Ioannes Lupi

Attribution in table of contents only Modern edition: CMM 84-II, p. 208 Text: The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with the verse “Dicite quidnam vidistis” (CAO IV: no. 7470, Nativ. Domini, Infra Oct. Nativ. Domini, Vigilia Epiph.; LU: pp. 377–378, In Nativ. Domini) and as an antiphon (CAO III: no. 4455, Nativ. Domini, Hebd. Nativ. Domini, Infra Oct. Nativ. Domini; LU: pp. 395–396, In Nativ. Domini). The text of the secunda pars, which is partly identical to that of the prima pars, is unidentified.

177v–178r blank [29] 178v–185r

[Magnificat] Primi thoni, 4–5 voc.

Clemens

[30] 185v–191r

[Magnificat] Secundi thoni, 4 voc.

Clemens

[31] 191v–196r

[Magnificat] Tercii thoni, 4 voc.

Clemens

[32] 196v–203r

[Magnificat] Tercii thoni, 4–5 voc.

[33] 203v–209r

[Magnificat] Quarti thoni, 4 voc.

Clemens

[34] 209v–216r

[Magnificat] Quarti thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[35] 216v–222r

[Magnificat] Quinti thoni, 4 voc.

Clemens

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 10

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 27

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 44

Anonymous

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 The “Sicut locutus est” (verse 10) for 5 voices is, in fact, from a Magnificat by Hilaire Penet; verse 12 (“Sicut erat”) is a contrafactum of verse 4 (“Quia fecit”); see Nicolas, ‘Errors and quid pro quos’, pp. 71–72. KrakAP D28–31, T. f. 37v, Jacotin; LeidGA 1442, f. 196v [no. 60], Jacotin; MontsM 769, f. 60v, Jacotin; StuttL 26, f. 71v, Jacotin; Attaingnant 15347, f. 14, Jacotin Modern edition: Treize Livres V, p. 144 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 59 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 74

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

246

[36] 222v–228r

[Magnificat] Quinti thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[37] 228v–234r

[Magnificat] Sexti thoni, 4–5 voc.

Clemens

[38] 234v–240r

[Magnificat] Septimi thoni, 4 voc.

Clemens

[39] 240v–247r

[Magnificat] Octavi thoni, 4–5 voc.

Clemens

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 LeidGA 1442, f. 214v [no. 63], Mouton; ToleF 23, f. 222v, anon. Modern edition: CMM 43-V, no. 11 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 LeidGA 1442, f. 220v [no. 65], Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 88 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 104

[c.f. C’est une dure despartie, Pour ung plaisir, C’est a grant tort, Tous mes amis, Ton Partement] verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 verse 12 (“Sicut erat”) is a contrafactum of verse 2 (“Et exaltavit”) c.f.: three chansons by Sermisy (CMM 52-III, pp. 33, 38; CMM 52-IV, p. 104), a chanson by Crecquillon (Pour ung plaisir; Susato 154316) and an unidentified chanson. BrusC 27087, f. 46v, Clemens non Papa; MontsM 769, f. 163v, anon. Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 110

247v–248r blank [40] 248v–250r

[Nunc dimittis] Primi thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[41] 250v–252r

[Nunc dimittis] Secundi thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[42] 252v–254r

[Nunc dimittis] Tertii thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

verses 2–4–6

verses 2–4–6

verses 2–4–6

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 247



[43] 254v–256r

[Nunc dimittis] Quarti thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[44] 256v–258r

[Nunc dimittis] Quinti thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[45] 258v–260r

[Nunc dimittis] Sexti thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[46] 260v–262r

[Nunc dimittis] Septimi thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[47] 262v–264r

[Nunc dimittis] Octavi thoni, 4 voc.

Anonymous

verses 2–4–6

verses 2–4–6

verses 2–4–6

verses 2–4–6

verses 2–4–6

264v–265r blank [48] 265v–268r

Crucifixum in carne, 3 voc.



II. Recordamini quomodo, 4 voc.

Anonymous

Text: verses of the procession antiphon Sedit angelus (CA: ff. 75r–76r, In Festo Paschae in process. stando in medio templi; CL: ff. 33v–34r, In nocte Pasche & in Dom. diebus usque ad Festum Pentec. ad process.; CAO III: no. 4858, Dom. Paschae ad process.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

248

[49] 268v–270r

Crucifixum in carne, 3 voc.



II. Recordamini quomodo [≈ I. pars]

[50] 270v–274r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice, 3 voc.

[51] 274v–276r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice, 3 voc.

[52] 276v–279r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice, 3 voc.

[53] 279v–280r

Gressum cepit / Impregnata gravidata, 4 voc.

Anonymous

Text: see 1439: 48

Anonymous

Text: strophes 1 & 5 of the epynomous hymn (AH 27: p. 111, Comm. de Tempore; AH 51: p. 21; BT: Dom. I Advent. ad Compl., ad Compl. per totum Advent. et a Purif. usque ad Dom. prima in XL; CL: f. C IIIr, Sabb. diebus ad Compl.).

Anonymous

Text: see 1439: 50

Anonymous

Text: see 1439: 50

Anonymous

Text: strophes 2 & 4 of the hymn In Mariam vitae (AH 52: p. 47, In Visit. B.M.V.; BT: In Visit. Marie; CL: f. D IIr, In Visit. B.M. ad Vesp.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 249



[54] 280v–284r

[Ave maris stella] Sumens illud ave, 4 voc.



II. Monstra te esse [= I. pars]

[55] 284v–286r

Maria mater domini, 4 voc.

Anonymous

LeidGA 1442, f. 367v [no. 91], Benedictus [Appenzeller] Text: strophes 2 & 4 of the hymn Ave maris stella (AH 2: pp. 39–40, De S. Mariae; AH 51: p. 140, In Annunt. B.M.V.; CAO IV: no. 8272, Purif. S. Mariae, Annunt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae; CL: f. Br–v, De Domina nostra; LH: pp. 258–262, Comm. B.M.V.; LU: pp. 1259–1263, Comm. Festorum B.M.V.).

Anonymous

Text: strophe 1 of the epynomous hymn (AH 4: pp. 47–48, In Nativ. B.M.V.; CL: f. D IIIIv, In Nativ. B.M.; AH 14: p. 110, In Assumpt. B.M.V.; AH 23: p. 77, De B.M.V.).

[56] 286v–290r Iam bone pastor / Urbs beata Iherusalem / Porte nitent margaritis, 4 voc

II. Porte nitent margaritis, 3 voc.

[57] 290v–292r

A solis ortus cardine / Ibant magi, 5 voc.

Anonymous

LeidGA 1442, f. 373v [no. 98], anon. Text: Iam bone pastor: strophe 1 of the epynomous hymn (LH: pp. 468–469, In Dedic. Basilicarum SS. Petri & Pauli, Apost.). The text is also found as strophe 3 of the hymn Aurea luce (see 1439: 59). Urbs beata Iherusalem: strophe 1 of the epynomous hymn, of which Porte nitent margaritis is the third strophe (AH 2: pp. 73–74, In Dedic. Eccl.; AH 51: pp. 110–111, In Dedic. Eccl.; BTph: f. 113v, In Dedic. Eccl.; CAO IV: no. 8405, In Dedic. Eccl.; CL: f. F IIIv–IV, In Dedic. Eccl. ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 247–248, Comm. Dedic. Eccl.).

Anonymous

LeidGA 1442, f. 377v [no. 99], J. de Monte Text: strophes 1 & 9 of the epynomous hymn (AH 50: pp. 58–59). Ibant magi is also found as second strophe of the hymn Hostis Herodes (CL: f. A IIIr, De Epiph. ad Vesp.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

250

[58] 292v–294v

Christe qui lux es, 5 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice (incomplete)

Anonymous

LeidGA 1442, f. 379v [no. 100], J. de Monte; LeidGA 1443, f. 68v [no. 4], anon. (4 voc.) Text: see 1439: 50

[295]r blank [59] 295v–297r

Aurea luce / Iam bone pastor, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[60] 297v–299r

Quod chorus vatum, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[61] 299v–301r

Quod chorus vatum / Quem senex iustus, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[62] 301v–306r

O elisabeth insignis, 4 voc.

Anonymous



II. Cum puellis certavisti

LeidGA 1442, f. 69v [no. 31], J. de Monte Text: strophes 1 & 3 of the epynomous hymn (AH 2: p. 54; AH 51: pp. 216–217, In SS. Petri et Pauli; BT: Petri et Pauli ad Vesp.; CAO IV: no. 8268, SS. Petri et Pauli, Vincula S. Petri; CL: f. Dr–v, In Pass. Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ad Vesp.).

LeidGA 1442, f. 167v [no. 52], anon. (fragment) Text: strophe 1 of the epynomous hymn (AH 2: p. 39, In Purif. S. Mariae; AH 50: p. 206, In Purif. B.M.V.; BT: In Purif. Marie ad Vesp.; CAO IV: no. 8378, Purif. S. Mariae, Annunt. S. Mariae; CL: f. A IIIIv–Br, In Purif. B.M. ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 348–349, In Praesent. Domini).

LeidGA 1442, f. 219v [no. 64], anon. Text: strophes 1 & 3 of the epynomous hymn; see 1439: 60.

LeidGA 1442, f. 279v [no. 75], J. de Monte Text: unidentified

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 251



[63] 306v–309r

Ihesu salvator seculi, 4 voc.

Anonymous



II. Baptista christi previus, 3 voc.

[64] 309v–311r

Ihesu salvator seculi, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[65] 311v–313r

Ibant magi / Novum genus potentie, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[66] 313v–315r

Pange lingua / Tantum ergo sacramentum, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[67] 315v–317r

Quam regali stirpe nata[m] / Lege carnis, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[68] 317v–319r

Ave maris stella / Solve vincla reis, 4 voc.

Anonymous

Text: strophes 1 & 3 of the epynomous hymn (AH 51: p. 152, In Omnium Sanctorum; CAO IV: no. 8333, Omnium Sanctorum; CL: f. E IIv, De omnibus sanctis ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 463–464, Omnium Sanctorum).

Text: strophe 1 of the epynomous hymn; see 1439: 63.

RegB 838–43, f. 150, (Beatus autor seculi), Canis; RegB 930–9, unfoliated (Beatus autor seculi), Canis Modern edition: forthcoming in CMM 111 Text: strophes 2 & 4 of the hymn Hostis Herodes (BT: In Epiph. Domini ad Vesp.; BTph: In Vig. Epiph.; CL: f. A IIIr, De Epiph. ad Vesp.). The texts are also found as strophes 9 & 13 of the hymn A solis ortus cardine (see 1439: 57).

Text: strophes 1 & 5 of the epynomous hymn (AH 50: pp. 586–587, In Festivitate Corporis Christi; BT: In Festo Sacramenti; CL: f. C IIr, In Festo Sacramenti; LH: pp. 110–113, SS. Corporis & Sanguinis Christi).

[= same music as for no. 66] Text: strophes 2 & 4 of the hymn Hymnum Deo vox iucunda (AH 52: p. 167, De sancta Elisabeth).

LeidGA 1442, f. 382v [no. 102], J. de Monte Text: strophes 1 & 3 of the epynomous hymn (AH 2: pp. 39–40, De S. Mariae; AH 51: p. 140, In Annunt. B.M.V.; CAO IV: no. 8272, Purif. S. Mariae, Annunt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae; CL: f. Br–v, De Domina nostra; LH: pp. 258–262, Comm. B.M.V.; LU: pp. 1259–1263, Comm. Festorum B.M.V.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439

252

[69] 319v–322r

Veni creator spiritus, 4 voc.



II. Accende lumen sensibus, 3 voc.

[70] 322v–325r

Festum nunc celebre, 4 voc.



II. Oramus domine, 3 voc.

[71] 325v–327r

A solis ortus cardine, 4 voc.



II. Domus pudici pectoris, 3 voc.

327v

blank



empty staves

Anonymous

Text: strophes 1 & 4 of the epynomous hymn (AH 2: pp. 93–94, De Spiritu Sancto; AH 50: p. 193, in Pentec.; BT: In Festo Pentec. ad Vesp.; CL: f. Cv, De S. Spiritu ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 90–91, In Officio Dom. et Fer., ab Ascens. Domini).

Anonymous

Text: strophes 1 & 4 of the epynomous hymn (AH 50: pp. 192–193, In Ascens. Domini; CAO IV: no. 8303, Ascens. Domini.; CL: f. B IIIIv, In Ascens. Domini ad Vesp.).

Anonymous

Text: strophes 1 & 4 of the epynomous hymn (AH 50: pp. 58–59; BT: In Vigil. Nativ. Domini, In Nativ. Domini, In Festo Circumc.; CAO IV: no. 8248, Nativ. Domini, Oct. Nativ. Domini, Purif. S. Mariae; CL: f. A IIr, In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 22–24, Usque ad Sollemn. Epiph.).

328r

[72] 328v–332r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice, 3 voc.

Text: see 1439: 50

Anonymous

Appendix 2 – ms. 1439 253



[73] 332v–334r

Beatus autor seculi, 4 voc.



II. Domus pudici pectoris, 3 voc.

334v

blank

Anonymous

Text: strophes 2 & 4 of the hymn A solis ortus cardine (AH 50: pp. 58–59; BT: In Vigil. Nativ. Domini, In Nativ. Domini, In Festo Circumc.; CAO IV: no. 8248, Nativ. Domini, Oct. Nativ. Domini, Purif. S. Mariae; CL: f. A IIr, In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 22–24, Usque ad Sollemn. Epiph.).

Manuscript 1440 Quire structure 1–388, 39–416 = 322 ff.

Size of paper 545/557 × 400

Watermarks    No. 1b: ff. 316–322    No. 3: ff. 25–37, 38?, 39–42, 43?, 44–47, 52–54, 67, 69–70, 72?, 73–76, 78, 81, 88, 95–96, 103, 105, 117, 119–121, 139?, 153–163, 176, 180, 184–190, 196–200, 202–205, 207–208, 260, 263, 269–276, 278–281, 293–303, 310–315    No. 4: table of contents, ff. 9, 97–102, 104, 106–116, 118, 123, 169–175, 209–259, 261–262, 264–268, 282–292, 304–308, 309?, flyleaf after 322    No. 5: ff. 48–51, 55–66, 68, 71, 125–135, 136–138?, 140–152, 164–168    No. 6: ff. 1–7, 8?, 10–24, 77, 79–80, 82–87, 89–94, 122, 124, 177–179, 181–183, 191–195, 201, 206    No. 7: f. 277

Foliation Original foliation in ink. Arabic numerals between two dots, slightly off centre at the top of the recto sides of the folios. All blank openings are included in the foliation. Folios 300–303 originally had wrong numbers; corrections were made by the scribe.

Height of staves 22, 22.5, 23, 24 and 25 mm

Sectional structure All eight sections (five masses, Salve regina and Regina celi settings, motets for four to six voices, Te matrem dei laudamus) are separated by blank openings. In some places in the manuscript there are blank openings that are unrelated to the sectional struc­

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440 255



ture of the book (ff. 134v–135r, 139v–140r, 176v–177r, 208v–209r) and some openings with empty staves (ff. 245v–246, 270v–271r, 322v).

Colophon / scribe (see Plate 13) Scribebat hoc insigne opus musicum Anthonius de blauwe in usum et honorem conducibilem sacrae aedis divi Petri Leidae: Prefectis horarum eiusdem aedis Theodorico guilielmi: Petro Jodoci: Bartholomeo Alevini: Petro oem filius petri: Anno 1559:

Inscriptions On f. 1, in a seventeenth- or possibly late sixteenth-century hand, are the words “Musica divina cantata in aede Divi Petri”. On f. 228v a sixteenth-century hand has added: “Secunda Pars”. On f. 288v the words “Non est ita” were added in a six­ teenth-century hand to the attribution (Clemens Non papa); the same hand added the word “Non” to the ascription for this motet in the table of contents. On f. 297v a sixteenth-century hand added below the ascription: “hoc motetum est mele [sic] scriptum’.1

Binding Original binding. Brown calf leather over wooden covers with edges that are rounded between the metal furniture. The spine is reinforced with chamois leather. The leather on the covers is damaged. The leather on the front is no longer firmly glued to the cover, and it is damaged between the corner pieces with the little metal feet (the oak cover is visible). The leather on the back cover is also damaged, most clearly where the clasp used to be attached. The leather is decorated in five strokes with three small stamps (an acorn, a leaf and a lion) and three roller stamps: one roller stamp portraying four virtues (Fides, Fortitu[do], Iusticia, Iudit), one with four antique busts, and an ornamental roller (see Plate 18). The binding was proba­ bly done in the workshop of the Leiden bookbinder Adriaen Thysz. Front cover: two head corner pieces, and two corner pieces at the bottom with little metal feet. There is a lozenge-shaped centrepiece in the middle of the cover with a boss; the four corners all have round pieces with bosses. The metal furniture on the back cover is identical. Fastening from back to front; two double catchplates

1

This note no doubt refers to the serious copying mistakes that are found in this p­ articular transmission of the motet; see also p. 138.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440

256

on the front cover; the clasps are now lacking. All parts have a simple engraved decoration.2 Between the front cover and the text block: * an original pastedown that is pasted over the turn-in (mitred corner). There are 10 blank staves on the pastedown. In the upper left corner the number “863” has been applied in pencil (catalogue number from Museum De Lakenhal of 1924). A seventeenth- or possibly late sixteenth-century hand has written “L ” and “Lugdun”. * an original, sewn flyleaf on which the table of contents starts, with on its recto side letter C (probably applied by J.P.N. Land), a green stamp of the community of Leiden (which is also found on ff. 1r and 322v and on the verso side of the colophon) and below it, again, in pencil “No. 863”. Between the back cover and the text block: * an original, sewn flyleaf. * a thick parchment sheet with the colophon on the recto side; on the verso side, in a seventeenth- or possibly late sixteenth-century hand, are the words “Bene qui latuit, bene vixit. / Urbis Lugdunensis – Batavae”. * an original pastedown that is pasted over the turn-in (mitred corner). There are 10 blank staves on the pastedown, the first three of which have musical notation.

* * * * * 1r

blank

[1]

Missa de domina, 5 voc.

1v–24r

Morales

[= Missa De beata virgine] Title in table of contents only; final movement has only Agnus dei I Model: chant melodies (Missa De B.M.V. I, antiphon Ave Maria) CivMA 53, f. 1, Morales; MadM 6832, p. 342, Morales; ReggioSP s.s., T. f. 117, anon.; RosU 40, no. 17, Morales; StuttL 28, f. 1v, Morales; ToleBC 29, f. 30v, Morales; TrevBC 1, f. 85, Morales; VatB 4183, f. 80v, Morales; VatS 19, f. 66v, Morales; Scotto 15403, f. 7, Morales; Scotto 15431, f. 10v, Morales; Dorico & Lodovico 1544 (M3582), f. 69v, Morales; Gardano 15474, f. 5, Morales Modern edition: MME XV, p. 66

24v–25r blank 2

For more details on the binding of this manuscript and reproductions of the roller stamps, see Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, pp. 99–100.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440 257



[2]

25v–47r

Missa Iay veu le cerf, 5–6 voc.

Clemens non papa

Title and attribution in table of contents only Model: chanson by Manchicourt (CMM 4-VI, p. 140) RegB 894–907, no. 2 and no. 4 (24), anon.; RegT 52, f. 49, Clemens non Papa; VienNB Mus. 15950, f. 32v, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse & Bellère 15701, f. 153v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-VI, p. 103

47v–48r blank [3]

™

48v–73r

Missa pro fidelibus defunctis, 4 voc.

Anonymous

Table of contents: Missa requiem Model: chant melodies

b C › › › º º ™ b C › º º º º ™ b ÃÃ . Ã Ã Requiem

C

. º. º º º º 2b C º º º º º eternam

73v–74r blank [4] 74v–96r

Missa requiem, 6 voc.

Iosquin des pres

Title in table of contents only Model: chant melodies of Requiem mass and invitatory Circumdederunt me ModD 10, f. 35v, Richafort; MunBS 46, f. 255v, Richafort; Attaingnant 15326, f. 191v, Richafort Modern edition: CMM 81-I, p. 59

96v–97r blank [5]

97v–124r

Missa pastores loquebantur, 6–8 voc.

Title and attribution in table of contents only Model: motet by Canis (RegB B223–33, no. 1) Modern edition: forthcoming in CMM 111

Cornelius Canis

124v–125r blank [6]

bC

[7]

125v–129r

verses 2–4-6–8

[Salve regina], 5 voc.

º º º ™ bb C º . ª ª º º º º

129v–134r

verses 2–4-6–8

bC º. ª ª º º

Anonymous

™ b C º º º º º 2 bb C º . ª ª º º ™ b C º. ª ª º º

[Salve regina], 5 voc.

™ ™

b

C

b

C

º. ª ª º º º ª ª º º

Anonymous

™b C º. ª ª º º

™b C

º ªª º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440

258

134v–135r blank [8] 135v–139r Regina celi letare, 5 voc.

Anonymous

II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

Text: antiphon (BTph: f. 71r, A Festo Pasche usque ad Oct. Penthec.; CAO III: no. 4597, Dom. Pentec.; CL: f. 79r–v; LU: p. 275, 278).

b à Ãà à C › º º º º ™ b C ™ à à Regina celi Letare bC › º º º ª ª ™

› º º. º º

™b C › º º º ª ª 2b C › º º º

139v–140r blank [9]

140v–144r



Regina celi, 4 voc.

Anonymous

II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

Text: see 1440: 8

™

› º º º º ™b C › º › › º ™b C º º º º º

bC

[10] 144v–148r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

2b C › º º º º

Anonymous

Text: see 1440: 8

™

bC º º º º º

º º ™b C º º º

™b C

º º º º º

[11] 148v–152r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 6 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

2b C

º º º º º

Anonymous

Text: see 1440: 8

™ ™

bC

º

º º º

™b C º

º º º. ª

b C º º º º. ª

™b C

º. º º º ª 2b C

™b C

º . º º º º ª

[12] 152v–156r

Regina celi, 4 voc.



II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

º

º º º. ª

Anonymous

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b C › º › › º. ª ™b C º º. º º º

™b C º º. º º º

2b C

. º º º º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440 259



[13] 156v–160r

Regina celi, 4 voc.



II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

Anonymous

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b

C

› º › º º ™b

C

º º ª ª ª ª

[14] 160v–164r

Regina celi, 4 voc.



II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

™b C º º. º º º 2 b

C

º ºª ª ª ª Anonymous

Text: see 1440: 8

™

bC

› º º º º ™b C

› › › › º ™b C

[15] 164v–168r

Regina celi, 5 voc.



II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

b º 2b C › º º º

º º º º º

Anonymous

c.f. Surrexit christus c.f. ostinato based on chant (first notes of line “Quia quem meruisti” from Regina celi) Text: see 1440: 8

™

bC

º º º º º

™b C º. º º º º ª ª ™b C ™b

C

. º º ºº º › › º º

2b

C

º. ª º º º

º

168v–169r blank [16] 169v–176r

Advenit ignis divinus, 5 voc.



II. Misit eos in mundum

Clemens non papa

Attribution in table of contents only AachS 2, f. 68v, Clemens non Papa; BerlPS 40272, no. 6, Clemens non Papa; ChelmE 2, B. f. 18, Clemens non Papa; DresSL 1/D/6, f. 47v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Pirna VII, f. 196v, Clemens non Papa; HradKM 29, p. 331, Clemens non Papa; HradKM 30, f. 144v, Clemens non Papa; KasL 91, no. 19, Clemens non Papa; RegB 878–82, no. 13 (22), Clemens non Papa; RosU 71/2, no. 10, anon.; WrocS 5, no. 142, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 47/129, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15541, f. 4, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155413, p. 55, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 38, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 1, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIV, p. 1 Text: The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 6053, Dom. Pentec., Fer. III/VI Pentec.; LR: p. 116, In Festo Pentec.). The origin of the text in the secunda pars could not be located, with the exception of the phrase “qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit salvus erit alleluia” which is part of the responsory Ite in orbem and the antiphon Hodie completi sunt (see 1438: 32 and 1440: 19).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440

260

176v–177r blank [17] 177v–183r

Domine probasti me, 5 voc.

Clemens non papa



II. Proba me domine

[18] 183v–186r

Dum complerentur dies penthecostes, 5 voc.

Anonymous

[19] 186v–191r

Hodie completi sunt, 5 voc.

Anonymous

AachS 2, f. 261v, Clemens non Papa; ChelmE 2, B. f. 49, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 9 (12), Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15536, no. 27, Clemens non Papa; Waelrant & Laet 15556, p. 6, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]4, no. 9, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIII, p. 122 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 138:1; 5:2; 138:7, 4, 5. 2a pars: Ps. 138:23, 24, 4. BerlS 40329, T. II, f. 2, anon.; CoimU 32, f. 113v, anon.; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 109, anon.; DresSL Grimma 56, no. 55, anon.; FlorD 11, f. 72v, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 145, anon.; HradKM 30, f. 22, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 128v, anon.; LeuvU 163, f. 17v, Arcadelt; LübBH 203, no. 27, Arcadelt; LucBS 775, f. 16v, anon.; LüneR 150, no. 41, Arcadelt; MunU 327, f. 45v, Arcadelt; RegB 875–7, no. 6 (38), Arcadelt; RegB 940–1, no. 221, Arcadelt; RokyA 22, f. 44, anon.; RomeV 35–40, 1st series, no. 24, Arcadelt; StockKM 33, no. 7, Arcadelt; VatS 19, f. 141v, Arcadelt; WrocS 5, no. 130, Arcadelt; WrocS 10, no. 16, Verdelot; WrocS 12, no. 61, Verdelot; ZwiR 74/1, no. 81, Arcadelt; Moderne 15382, p. 19, Arcadelt; Gardano 15396, p. 6, Arcadelt; Schöffer 15398, no. 28, Arcadelt; Petreius 15406, no. 17, Arcadelt; Berg & Neuber 15502, no. 10, Arcadelt; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 31, Arcadelt Modern edition: CMM 31-X, p. 5 Text: Acts 2:1–2. The text is found without the “alleluia” as Capitulum In Festo Pentec. (AR: p. 402). Several chants based on this text are associated with Pentecost (CAO IV: no. 6536; CS: pp. 489–490). Table of contents: Incertus autor Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 3096, Dom. Pentec., Oct. Pentec.; CN: pp. 200–201, In Oct. Pentec.; LU: pp. 886–887, In Festo Pentec.).

™

b C º. º º º º

™b C

º. º º º º

™b C ™b

[20] 191v–195r

C

In te domine speravi, 5 voc.

º. º º º º 2b C

º. º º º º

º. º º º º

Clemens non papa

HradKM 29, p. 176, Clemens non Papa; MunBS 13, f. 182v, Clemens non Papa; RegB 940–1, no. 168, Clemens non Papa; RegB B283b, no. 2, anon.; Berg & Neuber 15534, no. 21, Clemens non Papa; Susato 155313, f. 3, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15543, f. 2, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155513, p. 27, Clemens non Papa; Arbillius [1558]8, no. 1, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIII, p. 39 Text: Ps. 30:2–3, 6. The text of verses 2–3 is found as an Alleluia verse (LU: p. 1008, in Dom. VI post Pentec.); the text of verse 6 as a responsory breve (LU: p. 269, Dom. ad Compl.). Lupus Hellinck’s setting of verses 2–6 of this psalm has the rubric “De tempore” in BrusC 27088.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440 261



[21] 195v–202r

O maria vernans rosa, 5 voc.



II. Tu lux pulcra

[22] 202v–208r

Gaude tu baptista christi, 5 voc.



II. Gaude quod (tu) reprehendisti

Clemens non papa

Attribution in table of contents only CopKB 1873, f. 13v, Clemens non Papa; HradKM 29, p. 339, Clemens non Papa (as Iesu Christe fili dei); LüneR 150, no. 16, Clemens non Papa (as Iesu Christe fili dei); Du Chemin 15511, p. 8, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 15541, f. 12v, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15559, f. 12v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 74, Clemens non Papa (as Iesu Christe fili dei) Modern edition: CMM 4-XIII, p. 90 Text: unidentified

Anonymous

Table of contents: Incertus autor BrusC 27088, f. 110v, Lupi; LucBS 775, f. 2v, anon.; Attaingnant 15355, f. 7, Lupi/ Lupus; Susato 155313, f. 16, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-II, p. 67 Text: sequence (AH 39: p. 173, De S. Iohanne Baptista). In Attaingnant 15355 the motet has the rubric “De sancto Johannis Baptista”; in BrusC 27088, “De sancto Johanne baptista”.

208v–209r blank [23] 209v–216r

O bone Ihesu, 5 voc.



II. Eija dulcissime Ihesu

[24] 216v–224r

Cum esset anna, 5 voc.



II. Cognovit autem helchana



III. Deferens puerum heli

Clemens non papa

Attribution in table of contents only DresSL 1/D/6, f. 50v, Clemens non Papa; HradKM 30, f. 56v, anon.; Phalèse 15543, f. 3v, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155514, p. 17, Clemens non papa; Berg & Neuber 15568, no. 38, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIV, p. 47 Text: The text of the prima pars is closely related to one in Collecta In Dedic. Altaris (MT: f. 123r): “O Bone iesu duo in me cognosco naturam quam tu fecisti et peccatum quod ego adieci scio domine quod per culpam deturpavi naturam memento quod sum spiritus vadens et non rediens per me ivi in peccatum per me redire non possum”.

Clemens non papa

Attribution in table of contents only Waelrant & Laet 15556, p. 19, A. Tubal Modern edition: CMM 4-XXI, p. 109 Text: 1a pars: 1st Book of Kings (1 Samuel): 1:10–11. 2a pars: 1st Book of Kings (1 Samuel): 1:19–20. 3a pars: 1st Book of Kings (1 Samuel): 1:25–28.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440

262

[25] 224v–231r

Sancta dei genitrix, 5 voc.



II. Hec est regina virginum

[26] 231v–237r

Stirps Iesse, 5 voc.



II. Virgo dei genitrix

[27] 237v–245r

Stella maris luminosa, 5 voc.



II. O maria singularis

245v

blank



empty staves

Ioannes Lupi

VienNB Mus. 19189, f. 200v, Lupi; Gardano 15384, p. 22, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-II, p. 110 Text: responsory? The text of the prima pars is related to the antiphon O gloriosa dei genitrix; the text of the secunda pars is related to the antiphon Hec est regina (PM: p. 271–272, In Assumpt. B.M.V.).

Ioannes Lupi

BrusC 27088, f. 1, Lupi; Gardano 15384, p. 12, Lupi; Attaingnant 1542 (L3089), f. 8v, Lupi; Berg & Neuber 15644, no. 63, anon. Modern edition: CMM 84-I, p. 62 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7709, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae; PM: p. 186, In Nativ. B.M.V., In Festo Conceptionis B. Mariae). In BrusC 27088 the motet has the rubric “De domina”.

Ioannes Lupi

Attaingnant 1542 (L3089), f. 10v, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-I, p. 79 Text: sequence (AH 10: pp. 94–95, De B.M.V.). The setting of this text by Clemens non Papa is copied in BrusC 27088 with the rubric “De domina” (the table of contents of the ms. reads “de presentatione beate marie”).

246r

[28] 246v–252r

Huc me sidereo, 5 voc.



II. Felle sitim magni regis

Iosquin

c.f. Plangent eum Attribution in table of contents only c.f.: chant (antiphon) BolC R142, f. 52v, Josquin; BrusBR 9126, f. 172v, Josquin; BudOS P6, f. 3v, anon.; CopKB 1872, f. 75v, anon.; FlorBN II.I.232, f. 8v, Josquin; LonRC 1070, f. 121v, Josquin; RegB 893, no. 43, Josquin; SGallS 463, no. 212, Josquin; SGallS 464, f. 1v, Josquin; VatS 45, f. 181v, Josquin; Petrucci 15192, no. 1, Josquin; Formschneider 15383, no. 1, Josquin; Le Roy & Ballard 1555 (J678), f. 20v, Josquin; Berg & Neuber 15584, no. 6, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 21.5 Text: by Mapheus Vegius (1407–1458); see NJE 21.5, Critical Commentary, pp. 54–55. The text of this motet was printed in the early sixteenth century with the heading “Christus in cruce pendens loquitur” (Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, vol. II, p. 331, note 44a). c.f.: antiphon (CAO III: no. 4295, Sabb. Sancto; LU: p. 735, Sabb. Sancto).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440 263



[29] 252v–258r

Preter rerum seriem, 6 voc.



II. Virtus sancti spiritus

[30] 258v–264r

Stabat mater dolorosa, 5 voc.



II. Eija mater

Iosquin

Attribution in table of contents only BolC R142, f. 45v, Josquin; BudOS 2, f. 1, Josquin; CopKB 1872, f. 93v, Josquin; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 154, Josquin; DresSL Grimma 57, f. 74, anon.; DresSL Pirna IV, f. 10v, Josquin; FlorD 11, f. 39v, Josquin; GothaF A98, f. 10v, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 424, anon.; LeidGA 1442, f. 141v [no. 48], Josquin; LeuvU 163, f. 114, Josquin; LonRC 1070, f. 63v, anon.; MunU 401, f. 8, Josquin; RegB 775–7, no. 56, anon.; RegB C120, p. 148, anon.; RokyA 22, f. 54v, Josquin; RomeM 23–4, f. 59v, Josquin; RomeSM 26, f. 101v, Josquin; RomeV 35–40, 2nd series, no. 5, Josquin; SevBC 1, f. 33v, Josquin; SGallS 463, no. 209, Josquin; SGallS 464, f. 1, Josquin; TarazC 8, f. 50v, anon.; ToleF 23, f. 85v, Josquin; UppsU 76b, f. 117v, Josquin; VatG XII.4, f. 115v, Josquin; VatS 16, f. 160v, Josquin; VatV 11953, f. 25v, anon.; WrocS 11, no. 67, anon.; WrocU 40, f. 111v, anon.; WrocU 54, no. 15, Josquin; ZwiR 94/1, no. 25, anon.; Petrucci 15192, no. 2, Josquin; Grimm & Wirsung 15204, f. 13v, Josquin; Formschneider 15371, no. 4, Josquin; Le Roy & Ballard 1555 (J678), f. 18v, Josquin; Berg & Neuber 15584, no. 3, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 24.11 Text: sequence (AH 34: pp. 12–13, in prima missa Noctis Nativ. Domini; see also AH 20: pp. 72–73 (cantiones natalitiae); AH 49: pp. 332–333 (De B.M.V.)). In a fifteenth-century French source of sequences this text is related to the feast of the Annunciation (Mattfeld, ‘Some Relationships between Texts and Cantus Firmi’, p. 168).

Iosquin

[c.f. Comme femme desconfortée] Attribution in table of contents only c.f.: Tenor of chanson by Binchois (?) (MuDm II, p. 53) BrusBR 215–6, f. 39v, anon.; BrusBR 9126, f. 160v, Josquin; CopKB 1872, f. 8v, anon.; CopKB 1873, f. 14v, anon.; FlorBN II.I.232, f. 22v, Josquin; HradKM 26, p. 11, anon.; HradKM 41, p. 4, Josquin; LeidGA 1442, f. 70v [no. 32], anon.; LonBLH 4848, f. 88, anon.; LeuvU 163, f. 4, Josquin; LonRC 1070, f. 23v, anon.; MunBS 12, f. 111v, Josquin; MunU 327, f. 8v, Josquin; MunU 401, f. 28, Josquin; RegB 891–2, no. 32, Josquin; RokyA 22, f. A-B, Josquin; RomeM 23–4, f. 60v, Josquin; ToleBC 10, f. 11v, Josquin; UppsU 76c, f. 60v, anon.; VallaC 16, f. 8v, anon.; VallaC 17, f. 116v, Josquin; VatC 234, f. 241v, Josquin; VatG XII.4, f. 100v, Josquin; VatV 11953, f. 47v, anon.; WrocS 11, no. 138, Josquin; ZwiR 33/34, no. 9, Josquin; Petrucci 15192, no. 6, Josquin; Grimm & Wirsung 15204, f. 156v, Josquin; Formschneider 15383, no. 10, Josquin; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 4v, Josquin; Le Roy & Ballard 1555 (J678), f. 12v, Josquin; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 1, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 25.9 Text: sequence (AH 54: pp. 312–318, De Compassione B.M.V.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440

264

[31] 264v–270r

Vulnerasti cor meum, 5 voc.



II. Et vox tua dulcis



empty staves

Molu

c.f. Dulcis amica dei Attribution in table of contents only c.f.: Tenor of motet by Prioris (cf. Ham, ‘“Le gentil” Févin and motets of remembrance’, pp. 92–93) FlorL 666, f. 118v, Moulu; MunU 327, f. 13v, anon.; PadBC A17, f. 150v, anon.; UlmS 237, f. 57v, anon.; VatS 38, f. 87v, Moulu; VatVM 571, f. 14v, anon.; Moderne 15329, p. 36, Moulu Modern edition: MRM IV, p. 318 Text: 1a pars: based on Song of Songs 4:9–11. 2a pars: based on Song of Songs 2:14–16; 3:7; 4:7; 5:9, 16. c.f. Chevalier III: no. 25737, Beata Maria versus; Moulu seems to cite Prioris’s setting of the text (cf. Ham, ‘“Le gentil” Févin and Motets of Remembrance’, pp. 88ff.).

270v–271r

[32] 271v–276r

Responde mihi, 4 voc.



II. Posuisti (me) in nervo

[33] 276v–282r

Ecce nos reliquimus, 4 voc.



II. Et omnis qui reliquerit

[34] 282v–288r

Magnificat, 4 voc.



II. Fecit potentiam



III. Deposuit potentes

Anonymous

Table of contents: Incertus autor Ulhard 15452, no. 24, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 14.12 Text: Job 13:22–28 (BTph: f. 77v: Lectio IIII Vigilie Mortuorum; LU: p. 1791: Lectio IV Officium Defunctorum).

Cricquillon

Attribution in table of contents only CasAC N(H), f. 40v, anon.; LonRC 2037, f. 45v, Maistre Jhan; MunU 401, f. 72, anon.; Attaingnant 153410, f. 15v, Maistre Jhan; Scotto 15434, f. 6v, Maistre Jhan Modern edition: MS XXI, no. 40 Text: Matthew 19:27–29. In Attaingnant 153410 the motet has the rubric “De Apostolis”.

verses 1–10 & Luke 1:56 Modern edition: VindersCW, part 1, no. 5 Text: full Magnificat text followed by Luke 1:56

Jheronimus Vinders

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440 265



[35] 288v–292r

Domus mea domus orationis, 4 voc.



II. Petite et accipietis

[36] 292v–297r

Domine pater et deus, 4 voc.



II. Non veniat mihi

[37] 297v–303r

Domine pater et deus, 4 voc.



II. Aufer a me veneris

[38] 303v–309r

Stetit angelus iuxta ara[m], 5 voc.



II. Michael gabriel cherubin

[39] 309v–315r

Concussum est mare, 5 voc.



II. Factum est silentium

Clemens Non papa

The words “Non est ita” are added to the attribution in a sixteenth-century hand Phalèse 1559 (C2690), f. 13, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XVIII, p. 84 Text: responsory (BT: In Dedic. Eccl.; CAO IV: no. 6527, In Dedic. Eccl.; LR: pp. 241–242).

Clemens Non papa

HerdF 9822–3, f. 37, anon.; Ulhard 15482, no. 9, Crecquillon; Waelrant & Laet [1556]4, p. 20, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 13, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 16, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 4-XXI, p. 128; CMM 63-XI, no. 88 Text: 1a pars: Sirach 23:4 and an unidentified fragment. 2a pars: Ps. 35:12; Sirach 23:5. The text Sirach 23:4–5 is found as the beginning of a responsory for 1 August (CAO IV: no. 6503; CS: p. 291).

Cornelius Canis

LeidGA 1441, f. 112v [no. 32], anon. Modern edition: forthcoming in CMM 111 Text: 1a pars: Sirach 23:4–5. 2a pars: Sirach 23:6. The text Sirach 23:4–5 is found as the beginning of a responsory for 1 August (CAO IV: no. 6503; CS: p. 291).

Anonymous

Table of contents: Incertus autor BolC Q27(1), f. 2, anon.; RegB 861–2, no. 4 (20), Jacquet of Mantua; Gardano 1540 (J7), p. 29, Jacquet of Mantua Text: The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with verse (CAO IV: no. 7707, Invent. S. Michaelis, S. Michaelis). The text of the secunda pars seems to have been compiled from two antiphons (CAO III: no. 3755, Invent. S. Michaelis, S. Michaelis; PM: pp. 154–155, In Apparit. S. Michaelis; CAO III: no. 1398, Invent. S. Michaelis, S. Michaelis, Omnium Sanctorum; LU: p. 1660, In Dedic. S. Michaelis Archangeli).

Clemens non papa

Attribution in table of contents only AnsbachS 18, f. 122v, Clemens non Papa; BerlS 40039, no. 11 (14), anon.; BrusC 27088, f. 120v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL 1/D/6, f. 52, Clemens non Papa;

Appendix 2 – ms. 1440

266

DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 158, anon.; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 32 (35), Clemens non Papa; Greif U 640–1, f. 76v, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 182, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 169, Clemens non Papa; LübBH 203, no. 49, anon.; LüneR 150, no. 62, Clemens non Papa; RegB 861–2, no. 1 (17), Clemens non Papa; RegB 887–90, no. 4, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 5, no. 212, Clemens non Papa; WrocU 54, no. 25, anon.; ZwiR 74/1, no. 114, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 79/2, no. 20, anon.; Phalèse 15544, f. 2v, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155513, p. 43, Clemens non Papa; Arbillius [1558]8, no. 2, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 52, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIV, p. 65 Text: 2 antiphons (CAO III: no. 1864 & 2843, Invent. S. Michaelis, S. Michaelis; see for the antiphon Factum est silentium also AM: p. 1062, In Dedic. S. Michaelis Archangeli). In BrusC 27088 the motet has the rubric “De sancto michaele archangelo”.

315v–316r blank [40] 316v–322r

Te matrem dei laudamus, 4 voc.



empty staves

Anonymous

LeidGA 1442, f. 254v [no. 71], anon. [Te deum] Modern edition: Cw 102, p. 1 [Te deum] Text: adaptation of the Te deum (cf. Blackburn, ‘Te matrem dei laudamus’; Kirsch, Die Quellen der mehrstimmigen Magnificat- und Te Deum-Vertonungen).

322v

Manuscript 1441 Quire structure 1–68, 78 + 1 sheet after 4 (f. [1]), 8–258, 266 + 1 sheet before 1 (f. XXXIIII) = 208 ff.

Size of paper 560 × 385/390 mm

Watermarks    No. 8: [i]–17, 19–37, 39–51, 57–73, 76–112, 114–117, 119–120, 126–133, 135–165    No. 9: 2nd flyleaf, table of contents, ff. 18, 38, 74–75, 113, 118, 121–125, 134, [166], 2nd series: ff. 1–39 (= all five-voice motets).    No. 10: ff. [1]–[7]    No. 11: 1st flyleaf, 2nd series f. [40]

Foliation Original foliation in ink. Roman numerals between two dots, slightly off centre at the top of the recto sides of the folios. All blank openings are included in the foliation. Foliation falls into two series which are separated by a blank opening: ff. I–CLXV and ff. I–XXXVIII. Quires 7 and 8, with works by Flamingus that were inserted later, are unnumbered. The number for f. XXXIX in the second series was added by the scribe of the Ave maria. Folio XIIII of the 2nd series was erroneously numbered X; a modern hand has added “IV” (instead of “IIII”).

Height of staves 21 mm

Sectional structure The two sections (motets for four voices, motets for five voices) are separated by a blank opening. The first five-voice motet has the heading “Quinque vocum”.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

268

Scribal hands ff. [1]v–[2]r

Johannes Flamingusa

table of contents

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. [i]v–LIv

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. [1]v–[7]r

Johannes Flamingusb

ff. LVIIv–CLXVr

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

f. CLXVv

Johannes Flamingusc

ff. [CLXVI]v–XXXVIIIr

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. XXXVIIIv–XXXIXr

Hand Id

ff. XXXIXv–[XL]r

Johannes Flaminguse

a Insertion on original endleaves: Flamingus, textless composition for six voices dated 31 January 1565. Primus Bassus: “ultimo die januari fuit paccatus”; Secundus Bassus: “Joannes flamingues fecit mirabilia”. b Seven new folios were here inserted for the motets Beata es virgo maria and Da pacem (1566); cf. p. 109. c Flamingus, Quis deus magnus (1a pars and beginning of 2a pars; Primus Cantus only). Folio CLXVv contains nine original staves to which Flamingus added four new ones. On f. [CLXVIr] Flamingus drew fourteen new staves. d The same piece (Ave Maria) is found, in the same hand, in ms. 1442 on ff. 64v–65r. This seems to be the first addition to the book. e Flamingus, Quis deus magnus (1565). At bottom of f. [XL]: “Joannes flamingues fecit mirabilia”.

Binding and restoration On the pastedown in the back of the book there is a note in the lower right corner saying that the manuscript was newly bound with covers of oak, with selfmade roller (blind) stamps, after the original, and with restored metal furniture by the arts studio of [the convent of] St Catharinadal in 1965. Actually, most of the metal furniture was replaced with modern copies.1 The original binding was described by Overvoorde in 1924 as follows: “In a binding as the previous item [ms. 1440], but with another pattern of blind stamps, very much damaged and without clasps and with only three bosses”.2 Between the front cover and the text block there are still some original flyleaves:

1

For more details on the binding of this manuscript see Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, pp. 101–102. 2 Cf. Cat. 1924, p. 75.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 269



* two original flyleaves glued together. Since the restoration the recto side con­ tained the following information: “Boek D” and the numbers “864 (1006)” (catalogue numbers from Museum De Lakenhal of 1924 and 1886). Now there is a long slip of paper saying: “Koorboek D / arch. v.d. kerken / inv. nr. 1441”. On the verso side there are three voices of a textless work by Flamingus. * an original flyleaf with on the recto side the remaining three voices of the textless work by Flamingus. * an original flyleaf with on the recto side the beginning of the table of con­ tents and the letter “D” (probably applied by J.P.N. Land). The verso side contains the remainder of the table of contents.

* * * * * [1]r

blank

[1]

[Christe qui lux es], 6 voc.

[1]v–[2]r

See Example 1a. Text: see 1439: 50

[2]v

blank



Table of contents

[3]r–v

[4]r

blank

[2]

Pater peccavi in celum, 4 voc.

[4]v–IIIIr



II. Quanti mercenarii

Joannes flamingus

Clemens Non papa

AnsbachS 16, f. 121v, Clemens non Papa; BerlPS 40043, T. f. 50v, Manchicourt; ColnU 57, f. 16v, anon.; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 127, Manchicourt; DresSL Löbau 14, no. 13, anon.; HerdF 9822–3, f. 25, anon.; LübBH 203, no. 44, anon.; LüneR 144, no. 10, anon.; LüneR 150, no. 19, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 60, anon.; RegB 1018, no. 16, Clemens non Papa; RegB B223–33, no. 10 (65), Clemens non Papa; RosU 52, Maessens; RosU 60, no. 2, Clemens non Papa; SionA 87–4, f. 21v, anon.; StockKM 33, no. 13, anon.; ToleBC 13, f. 34v, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 79/2, no. 2, Manchicourt; ZwiR 97/1, no. 1, anon.; Berg & Neuber 15468, no. 7, Manchicourt; Moderne 15472, f. 31v, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15475, f. 10v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber [1556]9, no. 1, Manchicourt; Phalèse 1559 (C2698), f. 12, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 1; CMM 55-VI, no. 21 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7362, Dom. I/II Quadrag., Sabb. Hebd. II Quadrag.; LR: p. 407, Sabb. infra Hebd. II Quadrag.). The setting of this text by Consilium is published in Attaingnant 15344 with the rubric “Pro peccatis”; the settings by Arnoldus and Manchicourt are found in Vissenaecken 15427 and in Susato 15467 with the rubric “De Filio prodigo”.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

270

[3]

IIIIv–VIIIr

Pater peccavi in celum, 4 voc.



II. Quanti mercinarii

[4] VIIIv–XIIr

Domine deus exercituum, 4 voc.



II. Igitur domine dissipa gentes

[5]

Cor mundum crea in me, 4 voc.

Cricquillon

Attribution in table of contents only Modern edition: CMM 63-XII, no. 103 Text: see 1441: 2

Clemens non papa

LüneR 150, no. 28, anon.; RegB 855–6, no. 23, Crecquillon; RegT 2–3, no. 78, anon.; ZwiR 103/3, T. f. 47v, Clemens non Papa; Ulhard 154911, no. 3, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2686), f. 4v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 92 Text: The text, for which no liturgical usage could be located, seems to have been compiled of fragments from the Bible (see, for example, Jeremiah 15:16, Ps. 23:8, Ps. 67:31) and some unidentified phrases.

XIIv–XVIIIr



II. Averte fatiem tuam

[6]

Inclita stirps yesse, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

AnsbachS 16, f. 196v, Crecquillon; CoimU 242, f. 59v Crecquillon; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 61, Crecquillon; LeuvU 163, f. 76v, Crecquillon; LüneR 144, no. 11, Crecquillon; TarazC 8, f. 93v, anon.; Susato 15476, f. 4, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 31, Crecquillon; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155413, p. 36, Crecquillon; Scotto 155414, p. 8, Crecquillon; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 9, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-XI, no. 85 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 50:12–13. 2a pars: Ps. 50:11, 5–6.

XVIIIv–XXIIr



II. Est hec virga

[7]

Vide domine afflictionem, 4 voc.

Cricquillon

Attribution in table of contents only DresSL 1/D/6, f. 37, Clemens non Papa; RegB 1018, no. 53, anon.; Ulhard 154911, no. 10, Clemens non Papa; Baethen 15563, no. 3, anon.; Phalèse 1559 (C2694), f. 5v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 138 Text: responsory (AH 25: p. 52, De S. Anna).

XXIIv–XXVIr



II. Sed veni domine

Clemens non papa

AnsbachS 16, f. 37v, Clemens non Papa; ColnU 57, f. 15v, anon.; VienNB Mus. 16195, f. 82v, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 8, no. 10, anon.; ZwiR 41/73, no. 5, anon.; ZwiR 96/1, p. 77, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15476, f. 15v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15592, no. 34, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1562 (C2703), f. 8v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 54 Text: A liturgical usage for this text could not be located. Almost the same text was also set by De la Fage (MRM VIII, no. 22).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 271



[8]

XXVIv–XXXr

Ingemuit susanna, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon



II. Sed melius est michi

[9]

Impetum inimicorum, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

[10] XXXIIIv–XXXVIIr

Sancti mei qui in carne, 4 voc.

Clemens non papa



II. Venite benedicti patris

[11] XXXVIIv–XLIr

Cum deambularet dominus, 4 voc. Thomas Cricquillon



II. Vocem tuam audivi

[12] XLIv–XLVIIr

Nisi dominus, 4 voc.



II. Cum dederit dilectis

AnsbachS 16, f. 68v, Crecquillon; RegB 891–2, no. 16, Crecquillon; RegT 2–3, no. 101, anon.; StuttL 36, f. 223v, anon.; Susato 15475, f. 14, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 15592, no. 54, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 14, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 5v, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-XI, no. 96 Text: Daniel 13:22–23.

XXXv–XXXIIIr

BerlPS 40043, T. f. 37v, anon.; GothaF A98, f. 148v, anon.; NurGN 83795, T. f. 200v, anon.; Susato 15476, f. 6, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 15592, no. 57, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-XI, no. 95 Text: responsory without verse (BT: Hystoria Machabeorum ad Magn. Sabb. et infra Hebd.; CAO IV: no. 6886, De Machabaeis).

Phalèse 1559 (C2698), f. 4, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XIX, p. 25 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7590, Nat. Innocentium, Vigil. S. Dionysii, Omnium Sanctorum, Comm. plur. Mart., Comm. plur. Conf.; LR: p. 187, Comm. plur. Mart.).

AnsbachS 16, f. 84v, Crecquillon; CoimU 242, f. 41, Crecquillon; StuttL 8, f. 1, anon.; TarazC 8, f. 103v, anon.; ZwiR 41/73, no. 1, anon.; Susato 15475, f. 8, Crecquillon; Du Chemin 15511, p. 24, Crecquillon; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155412, p. 30, Crecquillon; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 6, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 8v, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 15645, no. 11, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 9v, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-XI, no. 89 Text: responsory (BT: Dom. in Septuag.; CAO IV: no. 6537, Dom. Septuag., Dom. Sexag.). The repetendum does not occur in the prima pars.

Anonymous

Berg & Neuber 15536, no. 18, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-II, p. 138 Text: Ps. 126 (BT: Fer. IV ad Vesp., Hore gloriosiss. B.M. ad Sextam, ad Vesp.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

272

[13] XLVIIv–LIr

Ave sanctissima maria, 4 voc.

[14] LIv

Da pacem Domine (fragment)

Nicolaus Gombert

CambraiBM 125–8, f. [IV]v, Gombert; CoimU 32, f. 46v, anon.; HerdF 9821, f. 1, Gombert; HradKM 17, A. f. 43, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 286, anon.; MadM 6829, f. 111, Gombert; Moderne 153211, p. 17, Gombert; Formschneider 15383, no. 31, Gombert (as Ave sanctissime Iesu Christe); Gardano 153912, p. 26, Gombert; Scotto 1539 (G2977), no. 18, Gombert; Scotto 15414, no. 16, Gombert; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155513, p. 31, Gombert (as Christe fili dei); Arbillius [1558]8, no. 9, Gombert (as Christe fili dei) Modern edition: CMM 6-V, p. 77 Text: prayer from Hortulus anime, possibly by Pope Sixtus IV (cf. Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot’, p. 68; see also Blackburn, ‘The Virgin in the Sun’); an antiphon with an almost identical text and another final line is found in the Amsterdam Cantuale (CA: f. 253r–v: “Ave sanctissima Maria mater Dei regina coeli porta paradiso domina mundi tu es virgo singularis pura Tu concepta sine peccato concepisti Iesum sine macula tu peperisti creatorem & redemptorem mundi in quo ego non dubito ora pro me Iesum filium tuum & libera me ab omni malo Amen”).

Petrus Iordain

Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 2090, De Machabaeis; LU: pp. 1867–1868, Pro pace).

™

C

›. º ›. ™ ººº º

C

º º. º º º º

[1]r

blank

[15] [1]v–[5]r

[B]eata es virgo maria, 4 voc.



II. Ave maria

Joannes flamingus

Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6163, Oct. Nativ. Domini, Purif. S. Mariae, Annunt. S. Mariae, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae; LR: p. 249, In Festis B.M.V.). The words “benedicta tu in mulieribus” are not found in the verse in the cited sources and may possibly have been added from the antiphon Ave Maria (see there).

bD

º º º º º ™b D º º º º º

[16] [5]v–[7]r

Text: see 1441: 14

™

b D › º º º. ª ª ™b D JJ

™b D

º º º º º ™b D

Da pacem domine, 4 voc.

ºº º º º

Joannes flamingus

› º º º . ªJ ªJ ™ b D › º º º . ª ª 2 b D JJ

› º º º . ªJ ªJ

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 273



[17] LVIIv–LXr

Os loquentium iniqua, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon

[18] LXv–LXIIr

Que est ista que processit, 4 voc.

Ciprianus de rore

[19] LXIIv–LXVIr

Salve crux digna, 4 voc.

Eustacius barbion



II. In cruce pendentem

Berg & Neuber 15468, no. 12, Crecquillon (as Practicantes mali); Susato 15539, f. 8, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C2702), f. 6r, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1562 (C2703), f. 6r, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XX, p. 8; CMM 63-XII, no. 104 Text: This text, for which no liturgical usage could be located, seems to have been compiled from Psalm fragments (cf. Ps. 62:12, 124:1, 36:39) and some unidentified phrases. Modern edition: CMM 14-VI, p. 116 Text: responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 7455, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae, Comm. Virginum; LR: p. 253, In Festis B.M.V.).

Text: RH: no. 17869, S. Crux.

b [sic] › º º º º ™ D

bC

› º º º º ™ b C › º º º º 2 bb D › º º º º [sic]

[20] LXVIv–LXIXr

Miseremini mei, 4 voc.



II. Cutis mea aruit

[21] LXIXv–LXXIIIr

Ave regina celorum, 4 voc.

Anonymous

MunBS 16, f. 61v, Mouton; SGallS 463, no. 136, Mouton; VatP 1976–9, f. 62v, anon.; VatP 1980–1, T. f. 64v, anon.; VienNB Mus. 15941, T. f. 36, Richafort; Petrucci 15191, no. 4, Richafort; Antico 15202, f. 2, Josquin; Attaingnant 15343, f. 15, anon. MRM VIII, p. 217; CMM 81-II, no. 35 Text: 1a pars: Job 19:21–22. 2a pars: Job 7:5, 19:21.

Benedictus

Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 1542, De Beata; LU: pp. 274–275, 278: Dom. ad Completorium).

C

º. º º º º. ª ™ C

º. º º º º. ª ™ C

º º º º º. ª ™ C

º. º º º º. ª

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

274

[22] LXXIIIv–LXXVIIIr

Peccantem me quotidie, 4 voc.



II. Deus in nomine tuo

[23] LXXVIIIv–LXXXIr

Media vita in morte, 4 voc.



II. Sancte deus sancte fortis

[24] LXXXIv–LXXXIIIIr

Virgo prudentissima, 4 voc.

Clemens non papa

AnsbachS 16, f. 19v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL 1/D/6, f. 35, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Pirna VII, f. 35v, Clemens non Papa; HerdF 9822–3, f. 1v, anon.; LeuvU 163, f. 74v, Clemens non Papa; MunBS 59, f. 37v, Clemens non Papa; RosU 52, no. 24, Clemens non Papa; SchmalT s.s., no. 4, Clemens non Papa; VastS 71, no. 79 (83), anon.; VienNB Mus. 16195, f. 76v, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 103/3, T. f. 43v, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15476, f. 7v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15592, no. 36, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1562 (C2703), f. 5, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 39 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7368, Fer. II Hebd. I Quadrag., Pro Defunctis; LU: p. 1797, Officium Defunctorum.). Mouton’s setting of the text of the prima pars is published in Attaingant 15345 with the rubric “Pro defunctis”.

Manchicourt

Modern edition: CMM 55-VI, no. 16 Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 3732, Sabb. Sancto ad Compl.; CL: f. 9r–v, In die Cenerum).

Nicolaus paijen

HerdF 9822–3, f. 41v, anon.; Scotto 1539 (G2977), no. 8, Gombert; Scotto 15414, no. 8, Gombert; Vissenaecken 15427, f. 15v, anon.; Ulhard 15482, no. 11, Payen; Gardano 15512 (G2980), p. 6, Payen Modern edition: CMM 6-V, p. 33; PayenMC, no. 1 Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 5454, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Comm. Virginum; CL: f. 64r–v, In Assumpt. B.M. ad Process.; LU: p. 16002: In Festo Assumpt. B.M.V.). In Vissenaecken 15427 the motet has the rubric “De beata virgine”; Hilaire Penet’s setting is published in Attaingnant 15345 with the rubric “De Assumptione beatae Mariae”.

[25] LXXXIIIIv–LXXXVIIr Speciosa facta es, 4 voc.

Modern edition: CMM 6-X, p. 57 Text: antiphon (PM: p. 276, de B.M.V. per Annum).

[26] LXXXVIIv–XCIr

Salve salutis unica, 4 voc.



II. Salve celi dignissima

Modern edition: CMM 63-XIII, no. 111 Text: The liturgical usage of this text could not be located.

Nicolaus Gombert

Thomas Cricquillon

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 275



[27] XCIv–XCVr

Zachee festinans descende, 4 voc. Thomas Cricquillon



II. Domine deus omnipotens

[28] XCVv–XCIXr

Ecce nunc benedicite, 4 voc.



II. In noctibus extollite

RegB 887–90, no. 11 (15), Crecquillon; Susato 15538, f. 12v, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155511, no. 11, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C4406), f. 15, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 17, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-XIII, no. 124 Text: A slightly more extensive version of the text of the prima pars is found as an antiphon (CAO III: no. 5515, In Dedic. Eccl.; CL: f. 65v, In Dedic. Eccl. ad Process.; cf. ook LU: p. 1244). The text of the secunda pars is found as an offertory In Dedic. Eccl. (LU: pp. 1252–1253).

Eustatius barbion

Text: Ps. 133 (BT: Sabb. ad Compl., Hore gloriosiss. B.M. ad Compl.).

C

› º º º º

™C

› º º º º ™ C

› º º º º ™C

[29] XCIXv–CVr

Conserva me domine, 4 voc.



II. Ne permittas me

[30] CVv–CVIIIr

Dixerunt discipuli, 4 voc.



II. Scimus quidem desiderare

› º ºº º

Clemens non papa

Ulhard 154911, no. 2, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2694), f. 13v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 82 Text: This text, for which no liturgical usage could be found, seems to have been compiled from fragments of different Psalms (see Ps. 15:1, 85:4, 141:8, 69:6, 50:13, 12:5, 108:26), a line from Job (14:16) and some unidentified phrases.

Franciscus ijsenbaert

Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6463, S. Martini; the text of the prima pars is also found as an antiphon, cf. LU: pp. 1748–1749, S. Martini Episcopi et Confessoris).

º º º º º . ª ™ D º º º º º . ª ™ D º º º º º . ª 2D

D

[31] CVIIIv–CXIIr

Emendemus in melius, 4 voc.



II. Peccavimus cum patribus

º º º º º. ª

Iohannes Richafort

BergBC 1209, f. 64v, Richafort; BerlPS 40013, f. 244v, anon.; BerlPS 40031, f. 9v, anon.; BolC Q19, f. 12v, Richafort; BolSP 29, f. 41v, anon.; CambraiBM 125–8, f. 64v, anon.; FlorL 666, f. 44v, Richafort; LonBL 19583, f. 13v, Richafort; ModD 3, f. 166v, Richafort; ModE F.2.29, no. 6, Richafort; NurGN 83795, T. f. 120v, anon.; SGallS 463, no. 135, Richafort; TrevBC 7, f. 74v, anon.; UppsU 76c, f. 91v, anon.; VatS 46, f. 67v, Richafort; Antico 15213, f. 8v, Richafort;

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

276

s.n. [c.1521]7, f. 14, anon.; Attaingnant [1528]2, f. 11, anon.; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 11v, Richafort; Le Roy & Ballard 1556 (R1300), f. 5, Richafort Modern edition: CMM 81-II, no. 6; MRM IV, p. 107 Text: responsory (BT: Dom. prima Quadrag.; CA: f. 144r–v, In Diebus rogationum ad Process.; CAO IV: no. 6653, Sabb. Quinquag., Dom. I. Quadrag.; CL: ff. 8v–9r, In die Cinerum).

[32] CXIIv–CXVIr

Domine pater et deus, 4 voc.

Anonymous



II. Aufer a me veneris

[33] CXVIv–CXXr

Ad dominum cum tribularer, 4 voc.



II. Heu michi domine

[34] CXXv–CXXVr

Veni electa mea, 4 voc.



II. Audi filia et vide

[35] CXXVv–CXXVIIr

Congratulamini michi omnes, 4 voc. Clemens non papa

LeidSM 1440, f. 297v [no. 37], Canis Modern edition: forthcoming in CMM 111 Text: see 1440: 37

Verdelot

ChiN M91, 1st series, no. 10, anon.; SuttonO 4: see ChiN M91; ZwiR 81/2, no. 1, Verdelot; Gardano 154912, p. 13, Verdelot; Scotto 154915, p. 8, Verdelot Modern edition: CMM 28-III, p. 39 Text: Ps. 119 (BT: Hore gloriosiss. Virginis Marie ad Pr., In die S. Johannis in II Vesp., Fer. II ad Vesp.; BTph: Dom. diebus ad Vesp., Vigil. Mortuorum).

Iohannes Lupi

Modern edition: CMM 84-II, p. 176 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7826, S. Luciae, S. Agnetis, S. Agathae, S. Afrae, Assumpt. S. Mariae, S. Caeciliae, Comm. Virginum, S. Mariae Magdalenae).

DresSL Löbau 12, no. 33 (36), Clemens non Papa; DresSL Pirna VIII, f. 186v, Clemens non Papa; RegB 849–52, no. 19, Clemens non Papa; RegB 871–4, no. 10 (48), Clemens non Papa; ReinS 101, f. 67v, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 5, no. 76, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15475, f. 12v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155410, no. 29, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155513, p. 40, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc 155610, p. 58, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2694), f. 11v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 35 Text: responsory without verse (CAO IV: no. 6323, Dom. Paschae, Fer. II/V/VI Paschae, Oct. Paschae, Fer. II/V T.P., De Resurr.; LR: pp. 91–92, Dom. Resurr.). Willaert’s setting of this text – with as secunda pars the verse Recedentibus discipulis – is published in Attaingnant 15344 with the rubric “De Resurrectione Domini”; Le Heurteur’s setting – with as secunda pars the verse Tulerunt Dominum – has the rubric “In festo Paschae” in Attaingnant 15345.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 277



[36] CXXVIIv–CXXXIr

O beata infantia, 4 voc.

Thomas Cricquillon



II. O felices panni

[37] CXXXIv–CXXXVr

Angelus domini ad pastores, 4 voc. Clemens non papa



II. Parvulus filius hodie natus est

[38] CXXXVv–CXXXIXr

Surge illuminare Iherusalem, 4 voc. Thomas Cricquillon



II. Leva in circuitu

[39] CXXXIXv–CXLIIIIr

Gaudent in celis, 4 voc.



II. Ideo cum cristo

Modern edition: CMM 63-XII, no. 101 Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 3994, Ad Process. de Nativ.; PM: pp. 37–38, Dom. infra Oct. Nativ.). The setting of this text by Pieton in Attaingnant 15345 has the rubric “In Nativitate Domini”.

AachS 2, f. 12v, Clemens non Papa; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 55, anon.; DresSL Pirna IV, f. 25v, Clemens non Papa; HerdF 9822–3, f. 42v, anon.; LübBH 203, no. 59, Clemens non Papa; RegB 838–43, no. 5 (16), Clemens non Papa; RegB C96, f. 49v, anon.; ReinS 101, f. 24v, Clemens non Papa; TarazC 8, f. 71v, anon.; Ulhard 154911, no. 4, Clemens non Papa; Du Chemin 15511, p. 26, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15538, f. 3v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 155410, no. 6, Clemens non Papa; Du Bosc & Guéroult 155412, p. 35, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 12, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2686), f. 6v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 99 Text: The text of the prima pars is found, with a final “alleluia” instead of the words “noe, noe”, as an antiphon (CAO III: no. 1404, Nativ. Domini, Memoria Nativ. Domini; LU: p. 397, In Nativ. Domini). The text of the secunda pars, which shows similarities with that of another antiphon In Nativ. Domini (CAO III: no. 4221; LU: p. 399), has remained unidentified.

AnsbachS 12, f. 70v, anon.; StuttL 36, f. 198v, Crecquillon; Ulhard 15482, no. 7, Crecquillon/Canis; Susato 15539, f. 6, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C2702), f. 5, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XX, p. 1; CMM 63-XIII, no. 114 Text: Isaiah 60:1–4, 6 (lectio In Epiphania Domini, LU: p. 459). Parts of the texts are found in chants for Epiphany (cf. CS: pp. 326–327).

Clemens non papa

HerdF 9822–3, f. 43v, anon.; LeuvK 4, f. 22v, Clemens non Papa; ZwiR 79/2, no. 17, anon.; Berg & Neuber 15468, no. 15, Maessens; Ulhard 154911, no. 7, Clemens non Papa; Scotto 155415, p. 16, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1559 (C2702), f. 2, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1562 (C2703), f. 2, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 116 Text: antiphon (CAO III: no. 2927, S. Hippolyti, Omnium Sanctorum, Comm. plur. Mart.; see also LU: pp. 2623, 1160–1161, Commem. Communes Sanctorum, De plur. Mart.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

278

[40] CXLIIIIv–CXLVIIIr

Gabriel angelus apparuit, 4 voc.

Thomas Criquillon



II. Hic precursor et dilectus

[41] CXLVIIIv–CLIIIr

Isti sunt triumphatores, 4 voc.



II. Isti sunt qui venerunt

[42] CLIIIv–CLVIIr

Non conturbetur cor vestrum, 4 voc.



II. Ego rogabo patrem

[43] CLVIIv–CLXIr

Preparate corda vestra, 4 voc.



II. Convertimini ad eum

RegB 861–2, no. 12, Crecquillon; Susato 15538, f. 6, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 15592, no. 53, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1559 (C2702), f. 6v, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse 1562 (C2703), f. 6v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XX, p. 12; CMM 63-XI, no. 94 Text: The text of the prima pars is found as a responsory with the verse Erit enim (CAO IV: no. 6757, S. Joannis Baptistae; LR: pp. 356–357, In Nativ. S. Joannis Baptistae). The text of the secunda pars is identical to the beginning of the epynomous responsory (CAO IV: no. 6837, S. Joannis Baptistae, Decoll. S. Joannis Baptistae). In Susato 15538 the motet has the rubric “De sancto Ioanne baptista”.

Cornelius Canis

Modern edition: forthcoming in CMM 111 Text: responsory (BT: Comm. Sanctorum, de uno Apost.; CAO IV: no. 7025, SS. Joannis et Pauli, Comm. Apost., Comm. plur. Mart.; LR: p. 143, Comm. Apost.).

Manchicourt

BudOS 23, f. 100v, Jonckers; FlorD 4, f. 18v, anon.; RegB 875–7, no. 5 (17), Jonckers; Gardano 153913, p. 26, Jonckers; Berg & Neuber 155510, no. 8, Jonckers Modern edition: CMM 55-VI, no. 18; SCM 13, p. 86 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7225, Ascens. Domini, Fer. VI per Ascens.; LR: p. 102, In Ascens. Domini). The repetendum is not found in the prima pars.

Eustatius barbion

Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7425, De lib. Regum; LR: pp. 420–421, Dom. a tertia post Pentec.).

C

º. º º º º ™ C

º. º º º º

™ C º. º º º º. º ™ C º. º º º º º.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 279



[44] CLXIv–CLXVr

Gloria tibi trinitas, 4 voc.



II. Laus et perhennis gloria

[45] CLXVv

Quis deus magnus (fragment)



II. Magnus dominus et magna virtus

Cornelius Canis

RegB 883–6, no. 4 (16), Canis; Berg & Neuber 155511, no. 4, Canis Modern edition: forthcoming in CMM 111 Text: 2 antiphons (CAO III: no. 2948 & 3601, De Trinitate; LU: p. 914, In Festo SS. Trinitatis).

Joannes flamingus

Text: responsory? The texts of both prima and secunda pars are found as responsories with their own verses (CAO IV: no. 7498 & 7117, De Trinitate; LR: p. 342, SS. Cordis Jesu).

bD º º º º º º º º º

[CLXVI]r

empty staves

[46] [CLXVI]v–VIr

Expurgate vetus fermentum, 5 voc.



II. Mortuus est enim propter

[47] VIv–XIIr

Pastores loquebantur, 5 voc.



II. Et venerunt festinanter

Iohannes Lupi

VallaC 16, f. 13, Lupi; Scotto 1541 (G2984), no. 1, Gombert; Scotto 1552 (G2986), p. 4, Berchem; Susato 15558, f. 10, Lupi Modern edition: CMM 84-II, p. 48 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 6699, Dom. Paschae, Fer. III/V/VI Paschae, Oct. Paschae, Fer. III/VI T.P.; LR: pp. 93–94, Dom. Resurr.).

Cricquillon

Attribution in table of contents only DresSL Grimma 53, T. f. 41v, anon.; DresSL Pirna II, f. 321v, Clemens non Papa; RegB 853–4, no. 16, Clemens non Papa; WrocS 14, no. 88, Clemens non Papa; Susato 15559, f. 13v, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 67, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XVII, p. 33 Text: Luke 2:15–16, 20. The text of the prima pars is also found, with minor deviations, as an antiphon (CAO III: no. 4225, Nativ. Domini, S. Joannis, Hebd. Nativ. Domini, Dom. post Nativ. Domini). The beginning of the secunda pars is also found as an antiphon (AR: pp. 675–676; AM: p. 887, In Solemn. S. Joseph).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441

280

[48] XIIv–XIXr

Ornatam monilibus, 5 voc.



II. Hec est syon

[49] XIXv–XXVr

Domine non est exaltatum, 5 voc.



II. Sicut ablactatus est

[50] XXVv–XXIXr

Ne proicias me, 5 voc.



II. Annos eternos

[51] XXIXv–XXXIr

Infirmitatem nostram, 5 voc.

Cricquillon

Attribution in table of contents only Modern edition: CMM 63-IX, no. 59 Text: 1a pars: responsory without verse (with considerable variants: CAO IV: no. 7340, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Nativ. S. Mariae, Comm. Virginum; LR: pp. 253–254, In Festis B.M.V.). 2a pars: the beginning of the text could not be located; the phrase “quam elegit dominus in hereditatem sibi” is taken from Ps. 32 (verse 12).

Clemens non papa

Table of contents: Cricquillon DresSL Löbau 12, no. 11 (14), Clemens non Papa; Susato 15467, f. 8, Clemens non Papa; Berg & Neuber 15536, no. 22, Clemens non Papa; Susato 155314, f. 3, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]4, no. 8, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IX, p. 27 Text: Ps. 130 (BT: Fer. IV ad Vesp., Hore gloriosiss. B.M. ad Nonam).

Thomas Cricquillon

DresSL Löbau 12, no. 5 (8), Crecquillon; HradKM 29, p. 625, anon.; Susato 155314, f. 11v, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 20, Crecquillon; Scotto 155416, p. 16, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 36v, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-VIII, no. 53 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 70:9. 2a pars: Ps. 76:6; 91:11; 4:9; 141:6. The same text was set by Lupus Hellinck and published in Susato 15466 with the rubric “Pro foelici senecta”.

Willart

c.f. Fors seullement c.f.: Tenor of chanson by Pipelare (CMM 34-I, p. 11) BolC Q27(1), f. 50v, Verdelot; ’s-HerAB 72C, f. 152v, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 490, anon.; LeuvU 163, f. 31v, Verdelot; ModD 4, f. 13v, Verdelot; PadBC D27, f. 102v, anon.; PiacD (5), f. 25v, anon.; RomeM 23–4, f. 32v, Verdelot; RomeV 35–40, 1st series, no. 3, Verdelot; Attaingnant 15346, f. 9v, Verdelot; Formschneider 15383, no. 22, Verdelot; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 12, Verdelot Modern edition: CMM 28-II, p. 6 Text: mass prayer from the “Sacramentarium Gelasianum” (cf. Böker-Heil, ‘Die Motetten’, p. 87). The text almost exactly matches that of an oratio in BES II (k. 93, Memoria de omnibus Sanctis).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1441 281



[52] XXXIv–XXXIIIr

Adiuva nos deus, 5 voc.

[53] XXXIIIv–XXXVIIIr

Nolite iudicare, 5 voc.



II. Hypocrita eyce

Thomas Cricquillon

CoimU 48, f. 15, Crecquillon; CopKB 1873, f. 1v, anon.; DresSL Löbau 12, no. 16 (19), Crecquillon; HradKM 30, f. 125v, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 64, Crecquillon; WrocU 54, no. 32, Crecquillon; ZwiR 79/2, no. 12, anon.; Susato 15466, f. 11v, Crecquillon; Berg & Neuber 155411, no. 14, Crecquillon; Sylvius [1559]4, no. 10, Crecquillon; Phalèse 1576 (C4410), f. 36, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-VI, no. 16 Text: Ps. 78:9. This verse is found in BTph both among the Preces minores and the Preces maiores (ff. 73v, 75v), and also seems to have functioned as an antiphon (BES III: k. 627).

Clemens non papa

Waelrant & Laet 15546, p. 21, Clemens non Papa; Sylvius [1559]5, no. 5, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-XV, p. 12 Text: 1a pars: Luke 6:37; Matthew 7:3. 2a pars: Matthew 7:5. The text according to the gospel of Luke is read In Festo Ss. Trinitatis (LU: pp. 912–913).

[54] XXXVIIIv–XXXIXr Ave maria gracia plena, 5 voc.

Anonymous

LeidGA 1442, f. 64v [no. 28], anon. Modern edition: TVNM 1 (1885), muziekbijlage Text: antiphon (LU: pp. 1416–1417, In Annunt. B.M.V.; LU: p. 1679; CAO III: no. 1539, Dom. I Advent., Fer. IV Hebd. III Advent., Dom. IV Advent., Sabb. Hebd. IV Advent., Fer. IV ante Nativ. Domini, Sabb. ante Nativ. Domini, Nativ. Domini, Annunt. S. Mariae, Assumpt. S. Mariae, Omnium Sanctorum).

[55] XXXIXv–[XL]r

Quis deus magnus, 4 voc.



II. Magnus dominus et laudabilis

Text: see 1441: 45

D

º º. º º º º ™ D º º. º º º º ™ D See also Example 2.

[XL]v

blank

Joannes flamingus

º º º º º 2D

º º. º º º

Manuscript 1442 Quire structure During the restoration of the manuscript the book was rebound. The new binding is too tight to give a full and trustworthy analysis of the quire structure. There are 391 folios.

Size of paper 412/416 × 280 mm (ff. 2–56: 425 × 275/280 mm)

Watermarks    No. 8: f. 181    No. 9b: ff. 285–286, 289–290, 295–297, 299–300, 303, 306, 308, 310, 312, 314–315, 320, 325–326    No. 10: ff. 3, 6–7, 10–11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 24–25, 28, 30, 33, 35–36, 39, 41–42, 45, 47, 49, 51, 53–54, 168, 171–172, 175–176, 362, 364, 369, 371–372, 384, 386, 389, 391    No. 12: ff. 58, 130–132, 134–137, 142, 145–147, 149, 151–153, 155–156, 161, 165–167, 183, 186, 190–193, 196, 203, 205, 207, 211, 213–214, 217, 220–221, 223, 225, 227, 229–231, 233–234, 236, 238, 240, 243–246, 249, 252, 256, 258–259, 275–277, 279, 307, 330, 332, 334, 336, 338–339, 342, 349–350, 353, 355, 357, 359, 361    No. 13: ff. 59, 63, 65, 67–69    No. 14: ff. 72, 74–75, 78, 80–81, 83–86, 88, 93, 95, 98–99, 102–103, 105-106, 109, 112–113, 115–116, 118, 120–121, 123, 125, 128    No. 15: ff. 180, 219    No. 16: ff. 157, 328, 344, 378, 380–381    No. 17: f. 197    No. 18: ff. 260–263, 267, 271–272

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 283



Foliation and numbering Modern pencil foliation on recto sides in the upper right corner. Remains of a previ­ ous modern pencil foliation on recto sides in the lower right corner are still visible. Folios 71–127 have an original foliation in Arabic numerals centred at the top of the recto sides of the folios (ff. 1–57); the final two folios of these quires (modern folia­ tion ff. 128–129) do not have an original numbering.1 The compositions by Flamingus on ff. 2–56 have an original numbering in ink, on recto sides in the upper right corner: compositions 2–10 and 12 (all Salve regina settings) are numbered 1–10; compositions 13–19 and 24 (all Regina celi settings) are numbered 1–8; compositions 20–23 (Christe qui lux es settings) are numbered 1–4. The following openings were originally closed (glued): ff. 167v–168, 365v–366, 367v–368.

Height of staves 17, 18, 18.5, 19, 19.5, 20.5, 21, 21.5 and 22 mm

Scribal hands f. 1v

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 279v–282r

Hand I

ff. 2r–56r

Flamingus

ff. 282v–283r

Flamingus

ff. 57r–58r

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

ff. 283v–328r

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

ff. 58v–59r

Flamingus

ff. 328v–329r

Hand VI

ff. 59v–64r

Hand II

ff. 329v–330r

Flamingus

ff. 64v–65r

Hand I

ff. 330v–353r

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

ff. 65v–66r

Hand II

ff. 353v–354r

Flamingus

ff. 66v–69r

Hand III

ff. 354v–361v

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

ff. 69v–70r

Hand I

ff. 362v–365r

Flamingus

ff. 70v–129r

Hand IV

f. 366r

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

ff. 129v–130r

Flamingus

ff. 366v–367r

Flamingus

ff. 130v–167r

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

f. 367v

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

f. 167v

Hand V

ff. 368v–373r

Flamingus

ff. 168v–177r

Flamingus

ff. 373v–377r

Hand A’ (De Blauwe?)

ff. 178r–182r

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 377v–382v

Hand I

ff. 182v–183r

Flamingus

ff. 383v–391v

Flamingus

ff. 183v–279r

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

1

This foliation has the following, remarkable notation for the numbers 30, 40 and 50: “03”, “04”, “05”.

284

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

Sectional structure The choirbook is a compilation of several individual fascicle manuscripts that must have been collected into one binding in or shortly after 1567 (the date that was added by Flamingus to some of his music).2 For a discussion of some related quires, see pp. 119ff.

Inscriptions Folio 1r contains letter “E” (probably applied by J.P.N. Land); below it (in faded ink) are the words “Roma Patrem Patriae Ciceronem / Libera dei […]”. On ff. 65v–66 several ascriptions were added. The original attribution read “Clemens non papa”. A later hand inserted in a brownish ink above this ascription “non est”, crossed out the original ascription and added: “Gheerkin”. Subsequently, someone else crossed out Gheerkin’s name with black ink and added to the left of the original (first) ascription “Tho. Cricquillon”. Finally, the name of Crecquillon was erased as far as possible and on f. 66r was added: “ita est clemens non papa”.3 On f. 220v the original ascription to “Benedictus” is crossed out in brownish ink and replaced with “Clemens”.

Binding and restoration On the pastedown in the back of the book there is a note in the lower right corner saying that the manuscript was newly bound with covers of oak, with selfmade roller (blind) stamps, after the original, and with restored metal furniture by the arts studio of [the convent of] St Catharinadal in 1965. Actually, most of the metal furniture was replaced with modern copies.4 According to the 1578 inventory of the choirbooks, the manuscript was originally bound “in kaperkel” (i.e. a limp binding with covers consisting of a solid leather or parchment and containing no wood or separate spine covering), and that several pages had been torn out.5 The original 2

The following dates are found in the copies of Flamingus’s music: 1565 (ff. 59r, 130r, 282v, 329v, 354r); 1566 (ff. 21r, 24r, 26r, 28r, 36r, 38r, 40r, 42r, 46r, 47r, 47v, 169r, 365r, 367r, 369r, 370r, 373r, 384r, 385r, 387r); 1567 (ff. 33r, 56r, 172r, 175r, 363r, 372r); 1576 (ff. 364r, 371r). It should be pointed out that the date of 1576 must be a mistake for 1567, as services in Catholic churches were discontinued in Leiden in 1572 and Flamingus was hired as zangmeester at the court of Schwerin in 1571. 3 The following reconstruction is suggested in CMM 4/XXI, p. XII: “[…] on fol. 65v the name of ‘Gheerkin’ was crossed out and replaced by ‘Clemens non papa’. This name was crossed out by a second hand and replaced by ‘Tho. Criquillon’. A third hand noted on this folio ‘non est’ and on fol. 66r ‘Ita est Clemens non papa’.” The placement of the ascriptions and the colouring of the ink makes this order of events rather improbable. For yet another reconstruction, see Bernet Kempers, Jacobus Clemens non Papa und seine Motetten, p. 53. 4 For more details on the binding of this manuscript see Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, pp. 102–103. 5 Quite a few folios are missing from the manuscript, often at the beginning or the end of a composition, but sometimes also in the middle: see LeidGA 1442, nos. 1, 2, 25, 49, 52, 56, 67, 69, 70, 77, 85, 89, 91, 95, 96, 97, 105. Traces of folios that were torn out are missing since the restoration of the book.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 285



binding was described by Overvoorde in 1924 as follows: “290 fol. [sic] sheets of paper in a binding as the previous item and also very much damaged”.6

* * * * * 1r

blank

[1]

[Salve regina], 5 voc. (fragment; see also no. 25)

1v

™

[2]

b

D

º º º. ª ª

2r–5r

™b D

› º º › › › ™b D º º º. ª ª

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8 verse 2: Ct and B only

™

[3]

5v–9r

b

º. ª ª º º º b º. ª ª º º º º º 2 D

D

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

bD º º º º

º ™b D º º

[4] 9v–13r

º º º ™b D

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

bD º º º º º

bD

6

13v–17r

™

b

D

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

verses 2–4–6–8

b º º º º º ™ D

Cat. 1924, p. 75.

º º º º º

º º º º º 2b D

º º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

[5]

Anonymous

c.f. “Fors suellement” c.f.: Tenor chanson Pipelare (CMM 34-I, p. 11)

™b D

º º º º º 2b D

º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

º º º º º ™b b º º º D º º º º º 2 D º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

286

[6]

17v–20r

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

b D º º º º ª ª ™b D º º º º ™b ªª D

[7]

20v–24r

bD º º º º

[8]

bD

[9]

[Salve regina], 5 voc.

verses 2–4–6–8

bD º º º º

º

º

24v–26r

b

™

D

º º º º º ™b D

º º º º º 2b D

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

26v–28r

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

[10] 28v–31r

™

b

D

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

[11] 31v–32r

™

b

D

º. ª ª º º

[Salve regina]

verse 4 only; 3 voc.

bD

b º. ª ª ª ª ª ™ D

º º º ª ª

º º º ª ª ™b D

º º º ªª

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

º. ª ª º º

™b D

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

bD º º º ª ª

º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

b D º º º ª ª ™b D º º º ª ª

º º º ª ª

º º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

bD º º º ª ª

bD

º º º º ª bD ª 2

™b D

º. ª ª º º 2b D

º. ª ª º º

[J. Flamingus?]

º. ª ª ª ª ª ™b D º. ª ª ª ª ª

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 287



[12] 32v–35r

[Salve regina], 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8

bD º º º º

º ™b D º º º º º ™b D º º º º

[13] 35v–37r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 5 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

º 2b D º º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™ ™

b D º º. º º º b

™b D º º. º º º

™b D

. º º2 º º º bD

º › º º.

º º º º. º

D

[14] 37v–39r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b D º º. º º º

™b D º º. º º º

™b D

. º º º º º 2b D

[15] 39v–41r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

. ºº º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

bD º º º º º

™b D º º º º º

™b D

º º º º º 2b D

[16] 41v–43r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

º º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

bD

º. º ™ º º º bD

. º º º º º ™b D º º º º. º 2b D º º º º. º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

288

[17] 43v–45r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b D º › º º. º ™b D º › º º. º ™b D

º. º 2b D º › º

[18] 45v–46r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

º › º º. º

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b D º º. º º º ™b D . º º

º º º ™b D

. º º º º º2b D

[19] 46v–47r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

º º. º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b D º. ª ª ª º. ª ª b D º. ª ª ª º. ª ™

™b D º º. º º º

[20] 47v–49r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

2b D º º. º º º. ª

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D º º º º º ™b D º º

º º º

™b D

[21] 49v–51r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

[22] 51v–53r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

º º º º º º º º º 2b D ›

[J. Flamingus?]

see Example 1b Text: see 1439: 50

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D º º º º º ™b D ›. º º º º

™b D › º º º º 2b D

›. º º º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 289



[23] 53v–55r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D › . º º º º ™b D º b›

º

ª ª

™b D º º º º º . ª 2 D º bº º › º b

[24] 55v–56r

[Regina celi] Quia quem meruisti, 4 voc.



II. Ora pro nobis

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1440: 8

™

b D º º. º º º

™b D º º. º º º ™b D

. º º º 2b D º º

56v

blank

[25] 57r–58r

[Salve regina] (fragment; continuation of f. 1v?)

a) [no]bis post hoc … ostende (Ct and B) b) O pia, 5 voc.

™

b D º. ª ª ª º

™b D º. ª ª ª º

O pia

º º. º º º

Anonymous

™b D

º. ª ª ª ª ª 2b D º. ª ª ª º

™b

› › › › ›

[26] 58v–59r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

D

Joannes flamingus

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D º º º. º º

™

bD

º º º. º º

™b D

[27] 59v–64r

[Salve regina], 5 voc.

[28] 64v–65r

Ave maria gracia plena, 5 voc.

º. º º º º

™b D º º º º º

Benedictus

[c.f. Myns liefkens bruyn ooghen] verses 2–4–6–8 c.f.: monophonic song; cf. Jas, ‘A Rediscovered Mass of Jheronimus Vinders?’ Modern edition: VindersCW, part 2, pp. 399–415 LeidGA 1441, 2nd series f. 38v [no. 54], anon. Modern edition: TVNM 1 (1885), muziekbijlage Text: see 1441: 54

Anonymous

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

290

[29] 65v–66r

Ave maria gratia plena, 5 voc.

[30] 66v–69r

Inviolata integra et casta es, 4 voc.



II. Nostra ut pura



III. O benigna

Clemens non papa

For the attribution, see p. 284. Modern edition: CMM 4-XXI, p. 93 Text: see 1441: 54

Michal smeekirs

Text: sequence (BT: In Purif. B.M.V.; CL: f. 50r–v. De Domina Nostra ad Proc.; Kehrein: no. 283. De B.M.V.; LU: pp. 1861–1862. In honorem B.M.V.). Potoletus’s motet has a diverging text division (1442: 73): Inviolata integra et casta es; II. Que nunc flagitant; III. Nobis concedas veniam.

™

bC º º º º º

™b C

º º º º º

™b C

º º º º º 2b C

[31] 69v–70r

Aurea luce / Iam bone pastor, 4 voc.

[32] 70v–74r

Stabat mater dolorosa, 5 voc.



II. Eya mater

LeidGA 1439, f. 295v [no. 59], anon. Text: see 1439: 59

([0]v–4r)

º º º º º

Jochime de monte

Anonymous

For concordances, modern edition and text identification, see LeidSM 1440, f. 258v [no. 30], Josquin

[33] 74v–78r

Benedictus dominus deus meus, 4 voc.



II. Omnes gentes plaudite manibus

(4v–8r)

Anonymous

BolC Q27(2), f. 8, anon.; BudOS 23, f. 10v, Leo X; Greif U 640–1, f. 22, Leo X; UppsU 76c, f. 70v, anon.; VatS 26, f. 152v, Févin; Petrucci 15141, no. 10, Févin Modern edition: CMM 43-I, p. 121; FévinCW 3, p. 63 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 143:1; Exodus 15:6–7. 2a pars: Ps. 46:2–4.

[34] 78v–81r

Inviolata integra et casta es, 5 voc.



II. Nostra ut pura

(8v–11r)



III. O benigna

Anonymous

BarcBC 681, f. 39v, Josquin; FlorL 666, f. 89v, Josquin; HradKM 26, p. 13, anon.; HradKM 29, p. 484, anon.; LonBL 19583, f. 36v, Josquin; ModD 9, f. 18v, Josquin; MunU 326, f. 5v, anon.; RegB 891–2, no. 33, Josquin; RegB C120, p. 154, Josquin; RosU 71/2, no. 4, anon.; SevBC 1, f. 53v, Josquin; SGallS 463, no. 205, Josquin; ToleBC 10, f. 53v, Josquin; VatS 24, f. 23v, Josquin; Petrucci 15193, no. 6, Josquin; Grimm & Wirsung 15204, f. 121v, Josquin; Antico 15213, f. 14v, Josquin; s.n. [c.1521]7, f. 2v, anon.; Formschneider 15383, no. 11, Josquin; Le Roy & Ballard 1555 (J678), f. 13v, Josquin; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 4, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 24.4 Text: see 1442: 30

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 291



[35] 81v–85r

Quem dicunt homines, 4 voc.



II. Petre diligis me

(11v–15r)

Anonymous

For concordances, modern edition and text identification, see LeidGA 1438, f. 48v [no. 10], Richafort

[36] 85v–90r

Exaudiat te dominus, 4 voc.



II. Impleat dominus

(15v–20r)

Anonymous

KasL 24, no. 27, Richafort; LonBL 19583, f. 10v, Richafort; VatP 1976–9, f. 53v, anon.; Antico 15202, f. 3, Richafort; Petreius 15386, no. 13, Richafort; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 10, Richafort; Berg & Neuber 15534, no. 15, Richafort; Le Roy & Ballard 1556 (R1300), f. 5v, Richafort Modern edition: CMM 81-II, no. 7; MRM VIII, p. 224 Text: Ps. 19 (BT: In Dom. die ad Matut.).

[37] 90v–94r

Illumina oculos meos, 4 voc.



II. Fac mecum signum

(20v–24r)

Anonymous

BolC Q20, f. 32v, Isaac (as Quis dabit pacem); CivMA 59, fol. 50v, anon.; CorBC 95–6/ParisBNN 1817, f. 44v, anon. (as Quis dabit pacem); FlorBN II.I.232, f. 128v, Isaac (as Quis dabit pacem); KasL 24, no. 46, Isaac; MladaO 21693; Formschneider 15383, no. 30 anon. Modern edition: CMM 65-XI, no. 34 Text: 1a pars: Ps. 12:4–5; 30:6; 38:5. 2a pars: Ps. 85:17; 115:16–17; 141:5–6.

[38] 94v–98r

Domini est terra, 4 voc.



II. Hec est generacio

(24v–28r)

Anonymous

AmstM 1, f. 1, anon.; CambraiBM 125–8, f. 38v, Vinders; GothaF A 98, f. 135v, anon.; Greif U 640–1, f. 5v, Benedictus; KasL 24, no. 83, Josquin; UlmS 237, f. 30v, anon.; Formschneider 15371, no. 48, anon.; Vissenaecken 15427, f. 16v, Vinders Modern edition: VindersCW, part 1, no. 2 Text: Ps. 23 (BT: Dom. Diebus ad Pr., Hore gloriosiss. Virginis Marie ad Matut., in Festo Circumc. ad Vesp.).

[39] 98v–101r

Pater noster, 4 voc.

(28v–31r) Without secunda pars (“Ave maria”)

Adrianus Willaert

CasAC N(H), f. 31v, anon.; ChiN M91, 1st series, no. 4, anon.; FlorD 27, f. 122v, anon.; HerdF 9821, f. 9, Willaert; HradKM 29, p. 122, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 196, Obrecht; LeipU 51, T. f. 86, anon.; LonRC 2037, f. 5v, Willaert; MunU 326, f. 26v, Willaert; ParisBNC 851, p. 13, Willaert; RegB 875–7, no. 21 (53), Willaert; RegB 940–1, no. 287, Willaert; RegB C99, f. 226v, Willaert; RomeSC 792–5, no. 1, Willaert; SilosA 21, f. 89v, anon.; SuttonO 4: see ChiN M91; ToleBC 21, f. 53v, Willaert; TrevBC 34, no. 13, anon.; VallaP s.s., f. 22v, Willaert; VatP 1976–9, f. 2v, anon.; VatVM 571, f. 26v, anon.; VerBC 760, f. 41v, Willaert; VienNB Mus. 15500, f. 199v, Willaert; Moderne 153210, p. 29, Willaert; Attaingnant 15344, f. 1, Willaert; Petreius 15387, no. 1, Willaert; Gardano 153912, p. 46, Willaert; Gardano 1545 (W1109), p. 1, Willaert; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 15v, Willaert Modern edition: CMM 3-II, p. 11

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

292

[40] 101v–107r

Nisi dominus, 4 voc.



II. Cum dederit dilectis suis

(31v–37r)

Anonymous

BrusBR Fétis 1782A, no. 7, anon.; CambraiBM 125–8, f. 2v, Sermisy; CoimU 48, f. 50v, Lheritier; KasL 24, no. 105, anon.; Moderne 153210, p. 43, Lheritier; Attaingnant 15351, f. 15v, Le Heurteur; Petreius 15399, no. 27, Lheritier; Gardano 153912, p. 12, Lheritier; Scotto 155515, p. 12, Le Heurteur Modern edition: CMM 48-I, p. 198 Text: see 1441: 12

[41] 107v–110r

Quam pulchra es, 4 voc.



II. Labia distillantia

(37v–40r)

Anonymous

CambraiBM 125–8, f. 33v, anon.; RegB 940–1, no. 41, anon. Text: Song of Songs 4:1, 2:10, 1:9, 4:10, 1:9, 1:14/4:1, 5:13, 5:16, 5:14, 2:14, 5:2, 2:5.

[42] 110v–114r

Cenantibus illis accepit, 4 voc.



II. Quocienscumque manducabitis

(40v–44r)

Anonymous

Text: 1a pars: Matthew 26:26; 1 Corinthians 11:25. 2a pars: 1 Corinthians 11:26–27. The text of Maththew 26:26 is found as the beginning of the responsory Cenantibus illis (LR: p. 127; LU: pp. 931–932, In Festo Corporis Christi); the text of 1 Corinthians 11:25 is found as the beginning of the responsory Accepit Jesus calicem (LR: p. 128; LU: pp. 932–933, In Festo Corporis Christi). The text of the secunda pars is identical to that of the Communio In Festo Corporis Christi (LU: p. 950).

bb D › º . º º º

™

b

D

› º. º º º

™b D

b › º. º º º 2 D

[43] 114v–118r

O bone et dulcissime hiesu, 4 voc.



II. Si ego commisi

(44v–48r)

› º. º º º.

Anonymous

BolSP 29, f. 71v, anon.; MunBS 41, f. 193, anon. (6 voc.); SGallS 463, no. 92, Josquin; VatS 45, f. 199v, Josquin; s.n. [c.1521]7, f. 3v, anon. Modern edition: NJE 21.9 Text: The text of this prayer is found in several fifteenth-century books of Hours (cf. Steib, ‘Hearing the Motet: A Conference on the Motet’, p. 140).

[44] 118v–126r

Benedic anima mea domino, 4 voc.



II. Non secundum peccata nostra

(48v–56r)



III. Quoniam spiritus pertransibit

Anonymous

Petrucci 15191, no. 11, Gallus (de Monte Regali); Petreius 15399, no. 7, Isaac Modern edition: CMM 65-X, no. 9; SCM 5, p. 48 Text: Ps. 102 (BT/BTph: Sabb. ad Matut.).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 293



[45] 126v–129r

Qui confidunt in domino, 4 voc.

Anonymous

(56v–…)

Text: Ps. 124 (BT: Feria III, ad Vesp.; Hore gloriosiss. virginis Marie, ad Terciam).

D

º . º º › º ™D º . º º ›

º ™D º . º º ›

[46] 129v–130r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

º

2D

º. º º ›

º

Joannes flamingus

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D › º º. º º

™b D º. ª º º º

™b D º. ª º

[47] 130v–141r

Vir quidam erat, 6 voc.



II. Obstupuerunt autem

[48] 141v–147r

Preter rerum seriem, 6 voc.



II. Virtus sancti spiritus

[49] 147v–152r

Ego sum panis vite, 5 voc.



II. Panis enim verus est

º

º 2b D º º º. º º

C. potoletus

f.  130v : “De sancto cornelio” Modern edition: PatouletW, p. 1 Text: The text is based on Acts 10:1, 2, 44, 45.

Iosquin des pres

For concordances, modern edition and text identification, see LeidSM 1440, f. 252v [no. 29], Josquin

Pe. Iordain

f.  147v : “De venerabili sacramento” Prima pars incomplete: 1 folio lacking Text: 1a pars: John 6:35. 2a pars: John 6:59. See also Ego sum panis vite II: Ego sum panis vivus.

b D º º º º º º ™b D º º º º º º

152v

153r

empty staves blank

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

294

[50] 153v–162r

Maria magdalena, 5 voc.

Anonymous



II. Cito euntes

[51] 162v–167r

Iherusalem luge, 5 voc.



II. Deduc quasi torrentem

[52] 167v

Quod chorus vatum (fragment)

168r

blank

[53] 168v–171r

Magnificat primi [thoni], 4–5 voc.

For concordances, modern edition and text identification, see LeidGA 1439, f. 126v [no. 20], Clemens non Papa

Anonymous

CopKB 1872, f. 10, anon.; DresSL Löbau 8/70, no. 1, Richafort; DresSL Pirna VII, f. 159v, Richafort; ErlU 473/1, f. 159v, Richafort; HradKM 29, p. 22, anon.; LeipU 49, f. 265, anon.; LüneR 150, no. 4, Caen; LüneR 376, no. 3, anon.; MunU 326, f. 7v, anon.; MunU 327, f. 22, anon.; MunU 401, f. 38v, Richafort; NurGN 83795, T. f. 206v, anon.; PiacD (5), f. 87v, anon.; RegB 891–2, no. 22, Caen; RegB 940–1, no. 217, Richafort; RegT 2–3, no. 73, Richafort; RokyA 22, f. 8, Caen; RomeV 35–40, 1st series, no. 1, Lupus; RosU 71/1, no. 41, anon.; SionA 87–4, f. 17v, anon.; UlmS 237, f. 46, anon.; VatG XII.4, f. 71v, Lupus; WrocS 12, no. 7, Caen; WrocU 54, no. 24, Caen; ZwiR 46/120, no. 1, anon.; ZwiR 74/1, no. 103, Richafort; Moderne 15329, p. 49, Richafort; Attaingnant 153410, f. 11v, Lupus; Gardano 15396, p. 13, Richafort; Petreius 15406, no. 1, Richafort; Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532, f. 9, Richafort; Berg & Neuber 15591, no. 27, Caen Modern edition: CMM 81-II, no. 34 Text: responsory (CAO IV: no. 7032, Sabb. Sancto; LU: pp. 718–719 [Jerusalem surge], Sabb. Sancto). In Attaingnant 153410 the motet has the rubric “In die Parasceves”.

Anonymous

LeidGA 1439, f. 297v [no. 60], anon. Text: see 1439: 60

[J. Flamingus?]

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12

b D º º º º º º ™b D

[54] 171v–174r

º º º º º º ™b D º º º º º º 2b D

Mag[nificat] primi [thoni], 4 voc.

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12

bDº º º º º

[55] 174v–177r

™

b

D

º º º º º

™b D

º º º º º

Joannes Flamingus

™b D

[Magnificat] secundi [thoni], 4 voc.

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12

º º º . ª ª ™ D º º º º . ª ª ™D ™D º

º º º º º

. º º º º ª ª 2D

º º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

. º º º º ªª

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 295



177v

blank

[56] 178r–182r

[Magnificat primi thoni], 4 voc.

Anonymous

verses [2]–4–6–8–10–12 verse 2 lacking; S and T of verse 4 lacking

™D

º. ªª ª º º º ª ª ª ª º ª 2D º ª Quia fecit

[57] 182v–183r

™

Quia fecit

[Christe qui lux es] Defensor noster aspice, 4 voc. [J. Flamingus?]

Text: see 1439: 50

b D º º. º º º

[58] 183v–190r

. ™b D º º º º º

™b D º º. º º º 2b D º º. º º º

Magnificat primi thoni, 4–5 voc.

hesdin

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12

™D

› º º ª ª ™D ›

[59] 190v–196r

º º ª ª

™D

› º

º ª ª 2D › º º ª ª

[Magnificat] Secundi thoni, 4 voc.

Benedictus

verses 2–4–6–8–10

™

bD º º º º º

™b D º º º º º

™bD

b º º º º º 2 D

º º º º º

[60] 196v–202r

[Magnificat] Tertii thoni, 4–5 voc.

Jacotim

[61] 202v–208r

[Magnificat] Quarti thoni, 4 voc.

Willart

[62] 208v–214r

[Magnificat] Quarti thoni, 4 voc.

Mouton

[63] 214v–219r

[Magnificat] Quinti thoni, 4 voc.

Mouton

verses 2–4–6–8–10 For concordances and modern edition, see LeidGA 1439, f. 196v [no. 32], anon. verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 MontsM 769, f. 81v, Mouton (only verses 2, 6, and 12 are concordant between LeidGA 1442 and MontsM 769; cf. modern edition) Modern edition: CMM 43-V, no. 10 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Modern edition: CMM 43-V, no. 8

verses 2–4–6–8–10 For concordances and modern edition, see LeidGA 1439, f. 222v [no. 36]

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

296

[64] 219v–220r

Quod chorus vatum / Quem senex iustus, 4 voc.

[65] 220v–226r

[Magnificat] Sexti thoni, 4–5 voc.

Clemens

[66] 226v–232r

[Magnificat] Sexti thoni, 4–5 voc.

Richafort

[67] 232v–237r

Magnificat Septimi thoni, 4–5 voc.

Gascongne

[68] 237v–244r

Magnificat Septimi thoni, 4–5 voc.

Jacotin

LeidGA 1439, f. 299v [no. 61], anon. Text: see 1439: 60

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Original attribution “Benedictus” crossed out LeidGA 1439, f. 228v [no. 37], Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-IV, p. 88

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 ’s-HerAB 73, f. 141v, anon. Modern edition: CMM 81-III, no. 1; MMN VIII-3, p. 11

Anonymous

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Due to a mistake made during the rebinding of the manuscript, one folio of Gascongne’s music now appears in Jacotin’s Magnificat [no. 68] as fol. 240; see Nicolas, ‘Errors and quid pro quos’, pp. 78–85; canon instruction for “Sicut erat” is lacking. Attaingnant 15348, f. 10v, Gascongne Modern edition: Treize Livres VI, p. 104 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 Due to a mistake made during the rebinding of the manuscript, part of Gascongne’s Magnificat [no. 67] now appears in Jacotin’s setting (fol. 240); see Nicolas, ‘Errors and quid pro quos’, pp. 78–85.

™

b D º º º º º ™b D º º

º º

º ™b D

º º º º º 2b D

º º º º º

[69] 244v–249r

[Magnificat Octavi thoni], 4–6 voc.

Anonymous

[70] 249v–254r

[Magnificat Octavi thoni], 4–5 voc.

Claudius potoletus

[71] 254v–260r

[Te deum], 4 voc.

verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 2 folios are lacking, leaving verses 2 and 6 incomplete. FlorD 46, f. 123v, Richafort; StuttL 41, f. 231v, Richafort; ToleF 23, f. 45v, Richafort; VienNB Mus. 15500, f. 14v, Richafort; Attaingnant 15348, f. 11v, Richafort Modern edition: CMM 81-III, no. 2 verses 2–4–6–8–10–12 2 folios lacking, leaving verses 2, 4, 6, 8 and 10 incomplete. Modern edition: PatouletW, p. 27

LeidSM 1440, f. 316v [no. 40], anon. (as Te matrem dei laudamus) Modern edition: Cw 102, p. 1

Anonymous

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 297



[72] 260v–268r

[Te deum], 4 voc.

Claudius potoletus

[73] 268v–273r

Inviolata integra et casta es, 4 voc.

Claudius potoletus



II. Que nunc flagitant



III. Nobis concedas veniam

[74] 273v–279r

De profundis clamavi, 4 voc.



II. Sustinuit anima mea

[75] 279v–282r

O Elisabet insignis, 4 voc.



II. Cum puellis certavisti

[76] 282v–283r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

Modern edition: PatouletW, p. 41

Modern edition: PatouletW, p. 63 Text: 1442: 30

Claudius potoletus

Modern edition: PatouletW, p. 72 Text: Ps. 129 (BT: Fer. IV ad Vesp., Hore gloriosiss. B.M. ad Nonam, In die Nativ. Domini in II. Vesp.; BTph: Fer. IV ad Vesp., Vigil. Mortuorum).

Jochimus de monte

LeidGA 1439, f. 301v [no. 62], anon. Text: unidentified

Joannes flamingus

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D › . º º º º . ™b D º bº . º º º º ™b D º º º º . ª ª 2b D º bº º º . ª

[77] 283v–303r

Missa Damour me plains, 4–5 voc.

[78] 303v–305r

Maria mater domini, 4 voc.



II. Celum terramque qui regit

Cricquil.

1 folio lacking, leaving the “Et in Spiritum” incomplete. Model: chanson by Pathie (CMM 63-I, p. 101) BrusC 27087, f. 235v, Crecquillon; BudOS P7, no. 2 (9), Crecquillon; DresSL Glashütte 5, no. 120, Crecquillon; RegB 894–907, no. 5 (25), Crecquillon; RegB C96, f. 23v, Crecquillon; RosU 40, no. 14, Crecquillon; RosU 49, four-voice masses no. 3, Crecquillon; VienNB Mus. 15950, f. 212, anon.; ZwiR 10/1c-d, Crecquillon; Susato 15451, f. 8v, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-I, p. 1

Anonymous

Text: strophes 1 & 3 of the epynomous hymn (AH 4: pp. 47–48, In Nativ. B.M.V.; CL: f. D IIIIv, In Nativ. B.M.; AH 14: p. 110, [only strophe 1]. In Assumpt. B.M.V.; AH 23: p. 77, [strophe 1 only]. De B.M.V.).

[sic]

™D

º º º º. º ™ C º º º º. º

™C º º º º º º º 2C º º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

298

[79] 305v–328r

Missa Ie prens en grets, 4 voc.

[80] 328v–329r

[Salve regina]

Cricquillon

Agnus dei lacking Model: chanson by Clemens non Papa [?] (CMM 4-X, p. 14) BerlPS 40175, f. 52v, Crecquillon; BudOS 20, f. 27v, Crecquillon; BudOS P7, no. 5 (12), Crecquillon; RosU 40, no. 16, anon.; Susato 15464, f. 13, Crecquillon Modern edition: CMM 63-I, p. 73

Anon.

verse 4 only; 3 voc.

™ O › º º. ª ª ª

™O

º º. º º º ª . › º . ª ª º ª 2O ›

[81] 329v–330r [Christe qui lux es] Defensor noster aspice, 3 voc. Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D º º. º º º ™b D º

[82] 330v–353r

Joannes flamingus

º. º º º 2 º º. º º ª ª bD

[Missa], 4–5 voc.

Anonymous

Agnus dei lacking

D

º º º º º º

º º. ™D º º º º ª ™ D º º º º º º

[83] 353v–354r

Christe qui lux es, 4 voc.



II. Defensor noster aspice

™D

º º ºº º º . ª

Joannes flamingus

Text: see 1439: 50

™

b D º º. º º º

™b D

º º. º º º ™b D º º. º º º 2b D º º. º º º

[84] 354v–359r Vidi aquam egredientem, 4 voc.

Claudius potoletus

verse: Confitemini … quoniam in seculum doxology: Gloria patri … Sicut erat

Modern edition: PatouletW, p. 84 Text: antiphon (LU: p. 12, Tempore Paschali, ad Aspersionem Aquae benedictae).

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 299



[85] 359v–361v Asperges me Domine isopo, 4 voc.

Anonymous

verse: [Miserere mei deus] secundum magnam doxology: [Gloria patri …] Sicut erat

Incomplete: S and T of verse and lesser doxology only Text: antiphon (LU: pp. 11, 13, In Dom. ad Aspersionem Aquae benedictae). D

º . ª º º º ™ D º . ª º º º ™ Ã ÃÃÃ ÃÃÃ Ã Ã

D

Asperges me

º º º º º ™D º º º º º Domine isopo

362r

blank

[86] 362v–363r

[Nunc dimittis] Sexti [thoni], 4 voc.

verses 2–4–6

™

bD º º º º º

[87] 363v–364r

verses 2–4–6

™b D º º º º º

verses 2–4–6

™D ›

º º º º

º º º º

º 2 º º bD º º º

[Nunc dimittis] Octavi to[ni], 4 voc.

º º º . ªJ ª ™ D º ™D º J

[88] 364v–365r

™b D

[J. Flamingus?]

º º º . ªJ ª ™ J

D

[J. Flamingus?]

j º º º º . ªJ ª 2 D º º º º . ª ªj J

[Nunc dimittis] Quarti [thoni], 4 voc.

™D º º º º º

™D

º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

º 2D º º º º º

365v

blank

[89] 366r

[Resurrexi et adhuc tecum sum] (fragment)

Ct and B of verse and lesser doxology only Text: introit (LU: p. 778, Dom. Resurr.).

Anonymous

™ D › › º º º º . º 2D º º º º º º º º . º Tu congnovisti

[90] 366v–367r

verses 2–4–6

™

bD º º º º º

Tu congnovisti

[Nunc dimittis] Quinti [thoni], 4 voc.

™b D º º º º. ª ™b D

Joannes flamingus

b º º º º º º º º º 2 D º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

300

[91] 367v

[Ave maris stella] Sumens illud ave (fragment)

Benedictus

LeidGA 1439, f. 280v [no. 54], anon. Text: see 1439: 54

368r blank [92] 368v–369r Iam bone pastor / Sit trinitati, 4 voc.

Joannes flamingus

“Hymnus de sancto petro et pari” Text: strophes 1 & 3 of the epynomous hymn (LH: pp. 468–469, In Dedic. Basilicarum SS. Petri & Pauli, Apost.). The texts are also found as strophes 3 & 6 of the hymn Aurea luce (see there).

™D

º º º º º. ª ™D

º º º ª ª

™D º º º ª ª

2D º º

º ª ª

[93] 369v–370r In mariam vite / Precursorem et doctorem, 4 voc. Joannes flamingus Text: strophes 1 & 6 of the epynomous hymn (AH 52: p. 47, In Visit. B.M.V.; BT: In Visit. Marie; CL: f. D IIr, In Visit. B.M. ad Vesp.). See also Gressum cepit.

. º º . ª º º ™D º . ª º º º . º ™D º

™ D º . ª º º º . ª 2D º . º º . ª º º

[94] 370v–371r Ibant magi, 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

Text: strophe 2 of the hymn Hostis Herodes (BT: In Epiph. Domini ad Vesp.; BTph: In Vig. Epiph.; CL: f. A IIIr, De Epiph. ad Vesp.). The text is also found as strophe 9 of the hymn A solis ortus cardine.

bDº º

[95] 371v

º º º ™b D º º º º º ™b D º º º º º 2b D

Gloria tibi domine

º º º º º

[J. Flamingus?]

Incomplete: S and T only Text: final strophes of the hymns A solis ortus cardine (see there), Agnoscat omne seculum (CL: f. A IIv, ad Oct. Epiph.), Fit porta Christi pervia (CL: f. B, In Annunt. B.M.).

b D º º º º º ™b D

º º º º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442 301



[96] 372r Nobis natus nobis datus / Tantum ergo sacramentum

Joannes flamingus

Incomplete: Ct and B only Text: strophes 2 & 5 of the hymn Pange lingua (AH 50: pp. 586–587, In Festivitate Corporis Christi; BT: In Festo Sacramenti; CL: f. C IIr, In Festo Sacramenti; LH: pp. 110–113, SS. Corporis & Sanguinis Christi).

™ D º º º º º º º 2D

372v

blank

[97] 373r

[Nunc dimittis]

º º º º º

Joannes flamingus

verses 2–4–6 Incomplete: Ct and B only

™ D º . º º º . ªJ ª º 2D º º º . ª ª ª º J

[98] 373v–377r

Iam bone pastor / Urbs beata Iherusalem / Porte nitent margaritis, 4 voc.

Anonymous



II. Porte nitent margaritis

[99] 377v–379r

A solis ortus cardine / Ibant magi, 5 voc.

Jochimus de monte

[100] 379v–382r

Criste qui lux es, 5 voc.

Jochimus de monte



II. Defensor noster aspice

[101] 382r

[A solis ortus cardine] Domus pudici, 3 voc. Jochimus de monte

LeidGA 1439, f. 286v [no. 56], anon. Text: see 1439: 56 LeidGA 1439, f. 290v [no. 57], anon. Text: see 1439: 57

LeidGA 1439, f. 292v [no. 58], anon.; LeidGA 1443, f. 68v [no. 4], anon. (4 voc.) Text: see 1439: 50 Text: strophe 4 of the hymn A solis ortus cardine (AH 50: pp. 58–59; BT: In Vigil. Nativ. Domini, In Nativ. Domini, In Festo Circumc.; CAO IV: no. 8248, Nativ. Domini, Oct. Nativ. Domini, Purif. S. Mariae; CL: f. A IIr, In Nativ. Domini ad Vesp.; LH: pp. 22–24, Usque ad Sollemn. Epiph.).

{ { ™D º º º º º º

Canon Omne trium perfectum

º

º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1442

302

[102] 382v

Ave maris stella (fragment)

383r

blank

Jochimus de monte

LeidGA 1439, f. 317v [no. 68], anon. Text: see 1439: 68

[103] 383v–384r  Tantum ergo sacramentum veneremur / Genitori genitoque laus et iubilatio, 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

“De sacramento” Text: strophes 5 & 6 of the hymn Pange lingua (AH 50: pp. 586–587, In Festivitate Corporis Christi; BT: In Festo Sacramenti; CL: f. C IIr, In Festo Sacramenti; LH: pp. 110–113, SS. Corporis & Sanguinis Christi).

™ Ã Ã Ã ÃÃ Ã

à ÃÃÃ

Tantum ergo sacramentum

D

º. ªª º º ™

D

º. º º º º

™ D º º . º º º . 2D º º º º º

veneremur

[104] 384v–386r

Cibavit eos, 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]



verse: Exultate deo … iubilate deo doxology: Gloria patri … Sicut erat

Text: introit (LU: pp. 887–888. Fer. II post Pentec.; MT: Fer. II post Pentec., In Festo Corporis Christi).

™

bD

™ º º º º º ™b D º º º º º b D º º º º º 2b D

[105] 386v–391v

Missa veni Domine, 4 voc.

Incomplete: breaks off at “Et in spiritum” Model: chant? (antiphon)

º b º º º º º ™b D bD º º º º º ™ D º

º º º º º

Johannes flamingus

b º º º º º. 2 D

º º º ºº º

Manuscript 1443 Quire structure During the restoration of the manuscript the book was rebound. The new binding is too tight to give a full and trustworthy analysis of the quire structure. There are 415 folios.

Size of paper 411/414 × 280 mm

Watermarks    No. 1: ff. 316, 318, 320, 322, 324, 328, 332, 334–335, 374, 379–381, 383, 385–386    No. 9b: original flyleaf    No. 10: ff. 338–339, 342, 344–345, 348–349, 352–353, 355, 358–359, 362-363, 366– 367, 369, 372, 391–392, 395–396, 399–400, 403, 405–406, 408, 411, 413, 415    No. 13: ff. 167, 170, 172–173, 175–177, 179, 181–182, 185, 187, 190, 192–193, 195, 198, 200, 202, 205, 207, 209–210, 212–216, 219–220, 226, 228, 230, 232, 234, 236, 238, 241, 243, 245–246, 248–251, 255–257, 261–262, 266–268, 271–277, 284– 285, 287, 289, 291, 299–304, 306–307, 310, 312–313    No. 18: ff. 3, 5, 7, 9–14, 19, 21–22, 24, 30–31, 33, 47, 49, 53–55, 57, 59, 61–62, 65–66, 69, 71, 73, 75–76, 79, 83, 86–87, 89, 92–93, 95, 99, 101, 103, 105–109, 112, 114, 116–121, 125, 127–129, 132–135, 137, 139, 144, 147, 150–151, 153–154, 158–159, 162–164    No. 19 ff. 26, 36–38, 40–41

Foliation Modern pencil foliation on recto sides in the lower right corner. The original flyleaf was left unnumbered.

Height of staves 18, 18.5, 19, 20 and 22 mm

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443

304

Scribal hands ff. 1v–46r

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 160v–162r

Hand VIII

ff. 47v–68r

Hand II

ff. 162v–164r

Flamingus

ff. 68v–70r

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 165v–315r

Hand II

ff. 70v–90r

Hand II (ff. 79v–80, “Et resurrexit”: Hand VII)

ff. 316v–336v

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 90v–92r

Flamingus

ff. 337v–344r

Flamingus

ff. 92v–106r

Hand II

ff. 344v–350r

Hand IX

ff. 106v–138r

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 350v–372r

Flamingus

ff. 138v–139r

Flamingus

ff. 373r–389v

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 139v–160r

Hand A (De Blauwe?)

ff. 390v–415r

Flamingus

Sectional structure The choirbook is a compilation of several individual fascicle manuscripts that must have been collected into one binding in or shortly after 1566 (the date that was added by Flamingus to some of his music).1 For a discussion of these components, see pp. 110ff.

Binding and restoration On the pastedown in the back of the book there is a note in the lower right corner saying that the manuscript was newly bound with covers of oak, with partly renewed fastening and selfmade roller (blind) stamps, after the original, by the arts studio of [the convent of] St Catharinadal in 1965. The original binding of the manuscript was described by Overvoorde in 1924 as follows: “music book of St Peter’s church, 415 leaves of large folio, in binding as no. 861 [ms. 1438], of which one clasp is lost”.2 Between the front cover and the text block there is an original flyleaf. On its recto side, in a seventeenth or possibly late sixteenth-century hand, are the words “Urbis / Lugdunensis Batavae”, and on its verso side the word “Leyden”. The recto side of this leaf also contains a very light letter F in pencil; the same letter is repeated on f. 1r (there probably applied by J.P.N. Land).

* * * * * 1

The following dates are found in the copies of Flamingus’s music: 1565 (ff. 91r, 139r) and 1566 (ff. 338r, 356r, 407r, 408r, 413r). 2 Cf. Cat. 1924, p. 75. Manuscript 861 [1438] was described in the same catalogue as fol­ lows: “In wooden covers, covered with leather, with 4 strokes of blind stamps with antique busts, and decorated with engraved cornerpieces, clasps and bosses. The spine is reinforced with chamois leather”. For more details on the binding of this manuscript see Lem, ‘De banden van de Leidse koorboeken’, pp. 103.

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443 305



[1]

[2]



1r

empty staves

1v–24r

Missa Surge propera, 4 voc.

24v–25r

empty staves

25v–46r

Missa Domine quis habita[bit], 4 voc.

46v

empty staves

Lupus

Model: motet by Lupi (CMM 84-II, p. 147) MontsM 776, f. 124v, Hellinck

Courtois

Model: motet by Courtois (SCM 9, no. 27) CambraiBM 125–8, f. 110, Courtois; MunBS 51, f. 126, Courtois

47r

blank

[3]

Missa Nisi dominus, 4 voc.

Cricquillon

[4] 68v–70r

Criste qui lux es, 4 voc.

Anonymous



II. Defensor noster aspice

[5]

Missa Se dire ie losoije, 4–5 voc.

47v–68r

Model: motet by Lhéritier/Le Heurteur/Sermisy (CMM 48-I, p. 198) MontsM 768, f. 106v, Manchicourt Modern edition: CMM 63-II, p. 41; CMM 55-III, p. 1

LeidGA 1439, f. 292v [no. 58], anon. (5 voc.); LeidGA 1442, f. 379v [no. 100], J. de Monte (5 voc.) Text: see 1439: 50

70v–90r

Anonymous

Model: chanson by Appenzeller (MMN XIV, p. 52) MontsM 768, f. 55v, Manchicourt Modern edition: CMM 55-II, p. 97

[6] 90v–92r Asperges me Domine ysopo, 4 voc.

Joannes flamingus

verse: Miserere mei deus secundum magnam doxology: Gloria patri … Sicut erat

Text: see 1442: 85

. º º º. ª ™ Dº. ª º º ª ª ™ › ™D › º ›› ›› ››› Asperges me

[7]

92v–114r

Missa peccata mea, 4–5 voc.

Dº .

ª º º ª ª 2D º . º º º º .

Domine ysopo

Lupus

Model: motet by Richafort (CMM 81-II, no. 20) CambraiBM 5, f. 58, Hellinck; MontsM 776, f. 165v, Hellinck; ZwiR 10/1c-d, no. 2, Hellinck; Gardano 15441, p. 1, Hellinck; Scotto 15442, f. A2, Hellinck; Susato 15464, f. 1v, Hellinck Modern edition: EMZ IX, no. 1

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443

306

[8]

[9]

114v–138r

Missa Mater patris, 4–5 voc.

Lupus hellinck

138v–139r Hymnus O quam glorifica / Tu cum virgineo, 4 voc.

Joannes flamingus

Model: motet by Brumel (CMM 5-V, p. 63) ’s-HerAB 75, f. 1v, anon.; MontsM 776, f. 143v, Hellinck; VallaC 16, f. 12 (Agnus dei), Hellinck; VatSM 24, f. 109v, anon. Modern edition: EMN X

Text: strophes 1 & 2 of the eponymous hymn (AH 2: p. 40; AH 51: p. 146, In Assumpt. B.M.V.; CL: f. D IIIIv, In Assumpt. B.M.; LH: pp. 420–421. B.M.V. Reginae).

™

b D º º º º ª ª ™b D › º º º ª ª ™b D › º º º ª ª 2b D

[10] 139v–160r

Missa Sancta maria, 4–5 voc.

[11] 160v–162r

Regina celi, 4 voc.



II. Resurrexit sicut dixit

Model: motet by Verdelot (CMM 28-III, p. 21) HerdF 9821, f. 280 (Pleni), Gombert; Scotto 15404, f. 15, Gombert Modern edition: CMM 6-I, p. 30

º º º º ªª

Gombert

franciscus De Novo Portu

Text: see 1440: 8

™

bC º º º º º

™b C º º º. ª ª ª ™b C º º º º. ª º 2b C º º º º

[12] 162v–164r

[C]rucifixum in carne, 3 voc.



II. Recordamini quomodo [= I. pars]

Joannes flamingus

Text: see 1439: 48 D



164v

º º º º ºº

D

º º º º º . º ™ Dº º º › º º

empty staves

165r

blank

[13] 165v–187r

[Missa] Philomena, 4–5 voc.

Anonymous

Model: motet by Richafort (CMM 52-V, p. 130; CMM 81-II, no. 21) BerlGS 7, f. 33, Richafort; CasAC C, f. 70v, anon.; CivMA 53, f. 30v, Sermisy; RegB C99, f. 150v, anon.; VatS 17, f. 24v, Sermisy; Attaingnant 15321, f. 14v, Sermisy; Le Roy & Ballard 1558 (S2824), f. 13, Sermisy; Du Chemin 1568 (S2826), Sermisy Modern edition: CMM 52-V, p. 1

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443 307



[14] 187v–212r

Missa Ecce quam bonum, 4–5 voc.

Anonymous

[15] 212v–231r

[Missa] Missus est, 4 voc.

Anonymous

[16] 231v–255r

[Missa] Tua est potentia, 4–5 voc.



255v

incomplete and incorrect version of f. 256v



256r

empty staves

Model: unidentified CambraiBM 4, f. 143v, anon.; CivMA 53, f. 62v, Mouton; ’s-HerAB 72C, f. 112v, Mouton; RegC 120, p. 46, anon.; ReggioSP s.s., T. f. 33, anon. Modern edition: CMM 43-II, p. 51

Model: motet by Josquin (NJE 20.7) AntP M18.13/2, f. 1, anon.; BarcBC 681, f. 5v, anon.; CambraiBM 4, f. 38v, anon.; MunBS F, f. 3, anon.; RosU 40, no. 2, Josquin; VatS 55, f. 37v, Moulu; VatSM 26, f. 172v, anon. Modern edition: MouluW, vol. II, p. 58; MouluCM (forthcoming)

Mouton

Model: motet by Mouton (MRM IV, p. 250) CambraiBM 125–8, f. 94v, Mouton; ’s-HerAB 72C, f. 2, anon.; JenaU 8, f. 105v, Mouton; ModE N.1.2, f. 57v, Mouton; MunBS 510, f. 64v, anon.; RegB C99, f. 75v, anon.; ReggioSP s.s., T. f. 55, anon.; ToleF 23, f. 114v, Mouton; UppsU 76b, f. 67v, Mouton; UppsU 76c, f. 32v, anon.; VatO 3391, no. 1, Mouton; VatS 13, f. 36v, Mouton; VatSM 24, f. 34v, anon.; Antico 15211, f. 1v, Mouton; Attaingnant 15322, f. 39v, Mouton Modern edition: CMM 43-IV, p. 42

[17] 256v–259r [Responsiones in missa], ‘ad evangelium’, ‘post evangelium’, ‘ad prefationem’, 5 voc.

Anonymous

’s-HerAB Codex Smijers, f. 53v, anon. Modern edition: see Example 5 in this book. Text: answers to the priest during mass; “ad evangelium”, “post evangelium”, “ad prefationem” (LU: pp. 2, 3, 6).



259v–260r

[18] 260v–277r

empty staves [Missa] Vous larez, 4 voc.

benedictus

Model: chanson by Josquin (NJE 30.13)

b bD

º. º º º. ª ™b D º. º º ›

[19] 277v–292r

º

™b D º. º º

º. ª ™b D º. º º º. ª

[Missa] Dieu garde celle de deshonneur, 4 voc.

Agnus dei lacking Model: cf. Bayeux, no. XXXII

º bb D º º . ª ª ª

™

b

D

º. º › º º

™b D

º. º › º º b 2 D

Anonymous

º. º º. ª º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443

308

[20] 292v

Missa Amica mea (fragment)

Anonymous

S and T of Kyrie I only (cf. Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’, pp. 135–137) D



293r

º º º º º ª ª ™D º º º º º º º › .

empty staves

[21] 293v–315r

[Missa] O genitrix, 4 voc.



empty staves

Richafort

Agnus dei II lacking Model: motet by Compère (CMM 15-IV, p. 29) CambraiBM 3, f. 14v, Richafort; CivMA 53, f. 91v, Richafort; CoimU 9, f. 34v, Richafort; ’s-HerAB 72B, f. 111v, Richafort; MunBS F, f. 37v, anon.; TrevBC 9, f. 124v, anon.; UppsU 76c, f. 53v, anon.; VatS 17, f. 3v, Richafort; VatSM 24, f. 18v, anon.; Attaingnant 15324, f. 117v, Richafort; Susato 15464, f. 5v, Richafort Modern edition: CMM 81-I, p. 1

315v

316r

blank

[22] 316v–336r

[Missa] Or pour combien est, 4 voc.

Cricquillon

[23] 336v

Kyrie (fragment)

Anonymous

One Agnus dei only, 4 voc. Model: chanson by Sermisy/Sandrin (CMM 4-VII, p. 156) DresSL Pirna II, f. 291v, Clemens non Papa; Phalèse & Bellère 15701, f. 33v, Clemens non Papa Modern edition: CMM 4-VII, p. 131 S and T of Kyrie I only

™

b C º º º º. º º. ª º ™b C º º º º. º º. ª º

337r

blank

[24] 337v–344r

Missa Da pacem, 4 voc.

Kyrie, Gloria, and beginning of Credo only (see also no. 26) Model: chant? (antiphon)

™

[J. Flamingus?]

b D › . › º º º ™b D º . ª º bº º º ™b D º . ª º º º º 2b D

[25] 344v–350r

Audi tellus audi magni, 4 voc.



II. Ubi plato ubi prophirius/porfirius

› º º º º Anonymous

Text: sequence (MT: f. 68, In Comm. Animarum; Land, ‘Middeneeuwsche kerkmuziek in Nederlandsche archieven’, pp. 236–238. Omnium Sanctorum).

bD

º º º º º ™b D º º º º º

™b D

º º º º º 2b D

º º º º º

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443 309



[26] 350v–355r

[Missa Da pacem], 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

[27] 355v–372r

Missa Erravi sicut ovis, 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]

Continuation of no. 24: Sanctus, Agnus dei Model: motet by Clemens non Papa (CMM 4-XII, p. 8)

™

bD

º º º. º º º

™b D º º . º º º bº ™b D

. º º º º º º 2b D

372v

blank

[28] 373r–384r

[Missa L’homme armé sexti toni], 4 voc.



empty staves

. bº ºº º ºº

Anonymous

Fragments of Gloria, Credo and Sanctus Model: monophonic song AntP M18.13/1, f. 15, anon.; CasAC M(D), f. 91v, Josquin; JenaU 31, f. 199, Anon.; LeipU 51, T. f. 12v, Josquin; MilD 3, f. 135v, Josquin; ParisBNC 851, p. 384, Josquin; PozU 7022, no. 5, anon.; SegC s.s., f. 11v, Josquin; StuttL 47, f. 75v, anon.; VatC 234, f. 191v, Josquin; VatS 41, f. 27v, Josquin; VienNB 11778, f. 23v, Josquin; Petrucci 1502 (J666), no. 5, Josquin; s.n. 1560 (J677), no. 1, Josquin Modern edition: NJE 6.2

384v

385r

blank

[29] 385v–389v

[Missa puer natus est nobis], 4 voc.

390r

blank

[30] 390v–402r

[Missa], 4–5 voc.

De la Rue

“Kyrie Puer natus …” in Tenor; Fragments of Kyrie, Gloria and Credo Model: chant (introit) AntP M18.13/1, f. 15, anon.; CambraiBM 4, f. 180v, anon.; FrankSU 2, f. 45, anon.; JenaU 22, f. 42v, La Rue; MunU 239, f. 1v, La Rue; SubA 248, f. 37v, La Rue; VatS 23, f. 208v, anon.; VienNB 1783, f. 241v, La Rue; VienNB Mus. 16746, f. 3v, anon.; Petrucci 1503 (L718), no. 2, La Rue Modern edition: CMM 97-V, p. 126

™

[J. Flamingus?]

b D º º º º º º ™b D º º º º º º ™b D º º º º º º 2 D º º º º º b

De Sacramento Tantum ergo sacramentum [J. Flamingus?] veneremur / Genitori genitoque laus et iubilatio, 4 voc.

[31] 402v–403r

“De Sacramento” Text: see 1442: 103

™ Ã Ã Ã ÃÃ Ã Ã

ÃÃ Ã

Tantum ergo sacramentum

D

º º º º º ™ º º º ª ª ª ª ™ º. º ª ª ª ª º º º 2D º D D veneremur

Appendix 2 – ms. 1443

310

[32] 403v–404r

Introitus Cibavit eos, 4 voc.

[J. Flamingus?]



verse: Exultate deo … iubilate deo doxology: Gloria patri … Sicut erat

Text: see 1442: 104

™

bD

. › º º º º º ™b D º º º º º

™b D

º º º º º º 2b D º º º º º º

[33] 404v–407r Kyrie, 4 voc.

™

D

Joannes flamingus

º º º. º º º ™ D º º º. º º

º º º. º º

™D

[34] 407v–410r Vidi aquam egredientem, 4 voc.

º º º. º º

2D

[J. Flamingus?]

verse: Confitemini … quoniam in seculum doxology: Gloria patri … Sicut erat



Text: see 1442: 84

º º º ™ D º º º º º ™ ÃÃ ÃÃÃÃ ÃÃÃ ™ Dº º

º º º º 2D

D

Vidi aquam

[35] 410v–413r Kyrie, 5 voc. º º º º º ™ D º º º º. ª ª ª ™ D ™D º º º º º ™D º

Egredientem

Joannes flamingus º º º º º º 2D º º º º º

[36] 413v–415r

Crucifixum in carne, 3 voc.



[J. Flamingus?]

II. Recordamini quomodo [= I. pars]

Text: see 1439: 48 D

º º º º ºº

415v

blank

D

º º º º

› º º º ºº

D

› º º º º º

Appendix 3

Watermarks

A

ll watermarks that are visible in the six choirbooks have been traced and are depicted below. Wherever possible references are made to similar marks that can be found in watermark reference works. It should be pointed out that for watermarks 11, 14, 15 and 19 only similar examples have been located on large (Royal) paper size; all other references are to watermarks on smaller sizes of paper (Chancery paper).1 Many of the Leiden watermarks contain a small cloverleaf – the so-called trèfle – which is the symbol of the town of Troyes and, as of 1428, a common characteristic of paper that was produced there.2 Unfortunately, the watermarks could not be reproduced in their original sizes. Therefore, each watermark is printed here with two numbers expressing (in milli­ metres) the height of the watermark figure (H), and the distance between the chainlines of the watermark at the centre position of its figure (W). No. 1 (mss. 1438, 1443)

Cloverleaf on top of shield with letter P, with name “C PINETE” below Cf. C.-M. Briquet, Les filigranes. Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, ed. A.H. Stevenson (Amsterdam 1968), 4 vols., nos. 9871 (Utrecht 1545) and 9872 (Braunschweig 1546). Variants: Amsterdam (1545), Utrecht (1546), Leiden (1546–47), Brussels (1547–48), Hamburg (1547– 57), Namur (1548), Braunschweig (1548–50), Rotterdam (1548–51), Brabant (1549), Lüneburg (1549), Düsseldorf (1549), Bruges (1549–51), Antwerp (1549– 54), Béthune (1553), Lübeck (1553), Leeuwenhorst (1554).

H 44 W 25

H 49 W 26

Ms. 1438, f. 177 1

Ms. 1438, f. [303]

For more on historic paper sizes, see Kinross, A4 and Before. See Voorn, ‘Lombards en Troys, Frans en Bovenlands papier’, p. 315.

2

Appendix 3

312

No. 1b (ms. 1440)

Cloverleaf on top of shield with letter P, with name “N PINETTE” below Somewhat similar to Briquet no. 9872 (see No. 1).

H 44 W 25

Ms. 1440, f. 316

No. 2 (ms. 1438)

Anchor in circle Not in Briquet; not in Gerhard Piccard, Wasserzeichen Anker [Findbuch VI] (Stuttgart 1978); or Vladimir Mošin, Anchor Watermarks, Monumenta Chartae Papyraceae 13 (Amsterdam 1973).

H 54 W 35

H 53 W 34

Ms. 1438, f. [188a]

Ms. 1438, f. 206

No. 3 (mss. 1439, 1440)

Dolphin with cloverleaf Cf. Briquet nos. 5841 (Utrecht 1552, Clervaux 1554, Brussels 1554–56, Vugt 1556) and 5842 (Wolbeck 1555, Braunschweig 1558). Variants of Briquet nos. 5841–5847 are found from 1553 to 1574 in the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxemburg, France and Germany.

H 33 W 25

H 34 W 26

Ms. 1439, f. 177

H 34 W 25

Ms. 1439, flyleaf

H 33 W 25

Ms. 1440, f. 25

Ms. 1440, f. 208

Appendix 3 313



No. 4 (mss. 1439, 1440)

Cloverleaf on top of shield with letter P, with name “P PRICARD” below Cf. Briquet nos. 9613 (Namur 1547, Antwerp 1547–49, Bruges 1547–53, Osnabrück 1550, Braunschweig 1550, Utrecht 1550–54, Maastricht 1552–53, Brussels 1552–54, Namur 1552–57, Cologne 1552–59, Leiden 1553, Hamburg 1553–54, Lübeck 1554, Woerden 1554, Kleve 1555, Amsterdam 1555, Middelburg 1555) and 9614 (Bremen 1555, Lübeck 1555).

H 59 W 21

H 50 W 24

Ms. 1440, f. 224

Ms. 1440, flyleaf after f. 322

No. 5 (mss. 1439, 1440)

Cloverleaf on top of shield with unreadable text below Not in Briquet.

H 47 W 30

H 47 W 29

Ms. 1440, f. 68

Ms. 1440, f. 146

No. 6 (mss. 1439, 1440)

Cloverleaf above crown Cf. Briquet no. 5314 (Brussels 1543). Variants of Briquet nos. 5314 and 5315 are found from 1552 to 1568 in the Netherlands, Belgium, northern France, and Germany.

H 49 W 22

Ms. 1440, f. 21

Appendix 3

314

No. 7 (ms. 1440)

Shield with letter with letter P (?), with letter M below Not in Briquet.

H 31 W 25

Ms. 1440, f. 277

No. 8 (mss. 1441, 1442)

Cross in circle Not in Briquet; not in Gerhard Piccard, Wasserzeichen Kreuz [Findbuch XI] (Stuttgart 1981).

H 54 W 31

Ms. 1441, f. 143

No. 9 (ms. 1441)

French lily with cloverleaf on top and with name “J NIVELLE” below Cf. Briquet no. 7080 (Paris 1542, Antwerp 1546, Amsterdam 1546–52, Utrecht 1547, Arras 1547, Troyes 1547–51, Sens 1553, Avallon 1554); and Gerhard Piccard, Wasserzeichen Lilie [Findbuch XIII] (Stuttgart 1983), nos. 794–812 (closest to 799, 800, 802).

H 45 W 29

H 46 W 26

Ms. 1441, 2nd flyleaf

Ms. 1441, 2nd series f. 29

Appendix 3 315



No. 9b (mss. 1442, 1443)

French lily with name “J NIVELLE” below Not in Briquet.

H 40 W 25

H 44 W 25

Ms. 1442, f. 297

Ms. 1442, f. 300

No. 10 (mss. 1441, 1442, 1443)

banderole with name “C PINETTE” Cf. Briquet no. 12061 (Leiden 1559, Amsterdam 1559, Bewegen-Rheine 1559, Bruges 1560, Brussels 1560–62, Stromberg 1561, Braunschweig 1564, Osnabrück 1564, Middelburg 1563). H 43 W 25 Ms. 1441, f. [5]

No. 11 (mss. 1441, 1442)

Double-headed eagle Cf. Briquet 304 (Würzburg 1552–85, Leipzig 1559, Prague 1559–64) [superficial resemblance].

H 156 W 40

Ms. 1441, 2nd series f. [40]

Appendix 3

316

No. 12 (ms. 1442)

Cloverleaf above shield with letter P Cf. Briquet no. 9891 (Brussels 1534, Bruges 1535, Antwerp 1541–48, Maastricht 1542).

H 32 W 24

H 32 W 22

Ms. 1442, f. 223

H 32 W 23

Ms. 1442, f. 230

H 30 W 22

Ms. 1442, f. 353

No. 13 (mss. 1442, 1443)

Ms. 1442, f. 361

Cloverleaf over shield with coat of arms of city of Troyes Cf. Briquet no. 1048 (Bruges 1524–36, Châlons-sur-Marne 1528, Bremen 1529–46, Lille 1532, Leiden 1532, Kleve 1534, Namur 1535–36, Juliers 1536, Utrecht 1536–38, Koblenz 1537, Braunschweig 1537–48, Gnesen 1538, Düsseldorf 1539, Antwerp 1542–46, Tournai 1543, Marienwerdt 1543, Bar-le-Duc 1545, Maastricht 1547, Mechelen 1549).

H 75 W 27

H 73 W 26

Ms. 1443, f. 181

Ms. 1443, f. 198

No. 14 (ms. 1442)

Letter P with split descender Cf. Briquet nos. 8528–8541 (close to no. 8653, but without flower).

H 64 W 29

H 64 W 30

Ms. 1442, f. 74

Ms. 1442, f. 93

Appendix 3 317



No. 15 (ms. 1442)

Letter P (?) in square Cf. Briquet nos. 8214 en 9729.

H 23 W 34

Ms. 1442, f. 180

No. 16 (ms. 1442)

Flagon with cloverleaf No resemblance with “pots” in Briquet.

H 46 W 24

H 46 W 24

Ms. 1442, f. 157

Ms. 1442, f. 378

No. 17 (ms. 1442)

Large flagon? (too vague to trace)

No. 18 (mss. 1442, 1443) Cloverleaf Not in Briquet.

H 16 W 23

H 16 W 23

Ms. 1443, f. 3

H 17 W 23

Ms. 1443, f. 24

Ms. 1443, f. 62

Appendix 3

318

No. 19 (ms. 1443)

Letter P with cloverleaf Cf. Briquet no. 9835 (Lüneburg 1542, Antwerp 1549, Lüneburg 1555–69).

H 42 W 23

Ms. 1443, f. 41

Alphabetical List of Compositions A solis ortus cardine anon. (LeidGA 1439: 71) A solis ortus cardine (Domus pudici) J. de Monte (LeidGA 1442: 101) A solis ortus cardine / Ibant magi J. de Monte (LeidGA 1439: 57; LeidGA 1442: 99) Accende lumen sensibus secunda pars of Veni creator spiritus Accesserunt ad Iesum Clemens non Papa/Maessens (LeidGA 1439: 10) Ad dominum cum tribularer Verdelot (LeidGA 1441: 33) Adhereat lingua mea secunda pars of Super flumina babilonis Adiuva nos deus Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 52) Advenit ignis divinus Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 16) Allide virtutem illorum secunda pars of Domine deus omnipotens Amica mea see: Missa Amica mea Angelus autem domini descendit anon. (LeidGA 1439: 7) Angelus domini ad pastores Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 37) Angelus domini astitit secunda pars of Surge Petre Angelus domini descendit J. de Monte (LeidGA 1438: 25) Angelus domini locutus est secunda pars of Angelus domini descendit Anima mea turbata est secunda pars of Heu mihi domine Annos eternos secunda pars of Ne proicias me Apparens Christus Lupi (LeidGA 1439: 19) Asperges me domine anon. (LeidGA 1442: 85) Flamingus (LeidGA 1443: 6) Audi filia et vide secunda pars of Veni electa mea

320

List of Compositions

Audi tellus audi magni anon. (LeidGA 1443: 25) Audi virgo puerpera secunda pars of O virgo prudentissima Aufer a me veneris secunda pars of Domine pater et deus Aurea luce / Iam bone pastor J. de Monte (LeidGA 1439: 59; LeidGA 1442: 31) Ave bissus castitatis Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 20) Ave Iesu Christe rex regum see: Sancta Maria virgo virginum Ave Maria gratia plena anon. (LeidGA 1441: 54; LeidGA 1442: 28) Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1442: 29) secunda pars of Beata es virgo Maria secunda pars of O magnum misterium see: Missa De domina Ave Maria virgo virginum see: Sancta Maria virgo virginum Ave maris stella Benedictus (LeidGA 1439: 54; LeidGA 1442: 91) J. de Monte (LeidGA 1439: 68; LeidGA 1442: 102) Ave mundi spes Maria Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1438: 37) Ave regina celorum Benedictus (LeidGA 1441: 21) Ave salutis ianua Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 35) Ave sanctissima Maria Gombert (LeidGA 1441: 13) Ave sanctissime Iesu Christe see: Ave sanctissima Maria Ave stella matutina Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 13) Ave virgo gloriosa Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 15) Averte fatiem tuam secunda pars of Cor mundum crea in me Baptista Christi previus secunda pars of Iesu salvator seculi Beata es virgo Maria Flamingus (LeidGA 1441: 15) Beata mater c.f. O virgo prudentissima (LeidGA 1439: 24) Beati omnes see: Missa Beati omnes



List of Compositions 321

Beatus auctor seculi anon. (LeidGA 1439: 73) see: Ibant magi / Novum genus potentie Benedic anima mea domino Eustachius de Monte Regali/Isaac (LeidGA 1442: 44) Benedicta es celorum regina Josquin des Prez (LeidGA 1439: 25) Benedictus dominus deus Israel J. de Monte (LeidGA 1438: 30) Benedictus dominus deus meus Févin/Leo X (LeidGA 1442: 33) Celum terramque qui regit secunda pars of Maria mater domini Cenantibus illis accepit anon. (LeidGA 1442: 42) C’est a grant tort c.f. Magnificat Octavi thoni (LeidGA 1439: 39) C’est une dure despartie c.f. Magnificat Octavi thoni (LeidGA 1439: 39) Christe fili dei see: Ave sanctissima Maria Christe qui lux es anon. (LeidGA 1439: 50, 51, 52, 72) Flamingus (LeidGA 1441: 1; 1442: 26, 46, 76, 81, 83) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 20-23, 57) J. de Monte (LeidGA 1439: 58; LeidGA 1442: 100; LeidGA 1443: 4) Christus resurgens ex mortuis J. de Monte (LeidGA 1438: 26) see also: Sancta Maria virgo virginum Cibavit eos Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 104; LeidGA 1443: 32) Circumdederunt me see: Missa Requiem Cito euntes secunda pars of Maria Magdalena Cognoscimus domine Crecquillon (LeidGA 1439: 4) Cognovit autem Helchana secunda pars of Cum esset Anna Comme femme desconfortée c.f. Stabat mater dolorosa (LeidSM 1440: 30) Concussum est mare Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 39) Confitemini domino verse of Vidi aquam Congratulamini michi omnes Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 35)

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List of Compositions

Conserva me domine Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 29) Consolamini ergo omnes secunda pars of Consolamini filie sijon Consolamini filie sijon anon. (LeidGA 1438: 31) Convertimini ad eum secunda pars of Preparate corda vestra Cor mundum crea in me Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 5) Crucifixum in carne anon. (LeidGA 1439: 48, 49) Flamingus (LeidGA 1443: 12) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1443: 36) Cum deambularet dominus Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 11) Cum dederit dilectis secunda pars of Nisi dominus Cum esset Anna Clemens non Papa/Tubal (LeidSM 1440: 24) Cum inducerent puerum anon. (LeidGA 1438: 29) Cum puellis certavisti secunda pars of O Elisabeth insignis Cum venerit ille spiritus secunda pars of Iam non dicam Cutis mea aruit secunda pars of Miseremini mei Da pacem domine Flamingus (LeidGA 1441: 16) Jordain (LeidGA 1441: 14) see: Missa Da pacem Damour me plains see: Missa Damour me plains De profundis clamavi Potoletus (LeidGA 1442: 74) Declaratio sermonum tuorum secunda pars of Servus tuus ego sum Deduc quasi torrentem secunda pars of Ierusalem luge Defensor noster aspice secunda pars of Christe qui lux es Deferens puerum heli tertia pars of Cum esset Anna Delectare in domino Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 5)



List of Compositions 323

Delicta iuventutis mee secunda pars of Erravi sicut ovis Deposuit potentes tertia pars of Magnificat Deus in nomine tuo secunda pars of Peccantem me quotidie Deus virtutum convertere Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 21) Dieu garde celle de deshonneur see: Missa Dieu garde celle de deshonneur Dixerunt discipuli Ysenbaert (LeidGA 1441: 30) Domine deus exercituum Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 4) Domine deus omnipotens Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 16) secunda pars of Zachee festinans descende Domine deus qui conteris see: Domine deus omnipotens Domine Iesu Christe Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 17) Domine non est exaltatum Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 49) Domine pater et deus Canis (LeidSM 1440: 37; LeidGA 1441: 32) Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidSM 1440: 36) Domine probasti me Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 17) Domine quis habitabit see: Missa Domine quis habitabit Domini est terra Benedictus/Josquin/Vinders (LeidGA 1442: 38) Domini sunt cardines Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 19) Domus mea domus orationis Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 35) Domus pudici see A solis ortus cardine secunda pars of A solis ortus cardine Dulcis amica dei c.f. Vulnerasti cor meum (LeidSM 1440: 31) Dum aurora finem daret secunda pars of Domine Iesu Christe Dum complerentur dies pentecostes Arcadelt/Verdelot (LeidSM 1440: 18) Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 11)

324

List of Compositions

Dum lucem habeatis secunda pars of Ecce ego mitto vos Dum transisset sabbatum Baston/Cleve (LeidGA 1439: 16) Hollander/Lassus (LeidGA 1439: 17) Ecce ego mitto vos Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 3) Ecce nos reliquimus Crecquillon/Maistre Jhan (LeidSM 1440: 33) Ecce nunc benedicite Barbion (LeidGA 1441: 28) Ecce quam bonum see: Missa Ecce quam bonum Ego rogabo patrem secunda pars of Non conturbetur cor vestrum Ego sum panis vite Hollander (LeidGA 1438: 23) Iordain (LeidGA 1442: 49) Ego sum panis vivus secunda pars of Ego sum panis vite Ego sum qui sum Hesdin/Mouton/Richafort (LeidGA 1439: 14) Egredimini et videte secunda pars of Quis est iste qui progreditur Eia dulcissime Iesu secunda pars of O bone Iesu Eia mater secunda pars of Stabat mater dolorosa Emendemus in melius Richafort (LeidGA 1441: 31) Erat autem aspectus/faties eius secunda pars of Angelus autem domini descendit Erravi sicut ovis Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 3) Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 2) see: Missa Erravi sicut ovis Est hec virga secunda pars of Inclita stirps Iesse Et convescens precepit secunda pars of Apparens Christus Et eduxit quasi lumen secunda pars of Delectare in domino Et exultavit spiritus meus see: Magnificat Et intravit cum illis secunda pars of Mane nobiscum domine Et omnis qui reliquerit secunda pars of Ecce nos reliquimus



List of Compositions 325

Et perfice eam secunda pars of Deus virtutum convertere Et valde mane secunda pars of Dum transisset sabbatum Et venerunt festinanter secunda pars of Pastores loquebantur Et venientes invenerunt puerum secunda pars of Reges terre congregati sunt Et vox tua dulcis secunda pars of Vulnerasti cor meum Exaudiat te dominus Richafort (LeidGA 1442: 36) Expurgate vetus fermentum Berchem/Gombert/Lupi (LeidGA 1441: 46) Exultate deo verse of Cibavit eos Fac mecum signum secunda pars of Illumina oculos meos Factum est silentium secunda pars of Concussum est mare Faulte dargent see: Missa Faulte dargent Fecit potentiam secunda pars of Magnificat Felle sitim magni regis secunda pars of Huc me sidereo Festum nunc celebre anon. (LeidGA 1439: 70) Fors seullement c.f. Infirmitatem nostram (LeidGA 1441: 51) c.f. Salve regina (LeidGA 1442: 1) Fuerunt mihi lachrime mee Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 5) Gabriel angelus apparuit Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 40) Gaude quod (tu) reprehendisti secunda pars of Gaude tu baptista Christi Gaude tu baptista Christi Lupi/Lupus (LeidSM 1440: 22) Gaudent in celis Clemens non Papa/Maessens (LeidGA 1441: 39) Gloria patri tertia pars of Ego sum panis vite doxology of Asperges me doxology of Cibavit eos doxology of Vidi aquam

326

List of Compositions

Gloria tibi domine Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 95) Gloria tibi trinitas Canis (LeidGA 1441: 44) Gressum cepit / Impregnata gravidata anon. (LeidGA 1439: 53) Hec est domus domini secunda pars of Vere dominus Hec est generatio secunda pars of Domini est terra Hec est regina virginum secunda pars of Sancta dei genitrix Hec est Sion secunda pars of Ornatam monilibus Heu mihi domine Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 2) secunda pars of Ad dominum cum tribularer Hic precursor et dilectus secunda pars of Gabriel angelus apparuit Hodie completi sunt anon. (LeidSM 1440: 19) Huc me sydereo Josquin (LeidSM 1440: 28) Hypocrita eyce secunda pars of Nolite iudicare Iam bone pastor / Sit trinitati Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 92) Iam bone pastor / Urbs beata Ierusalem anon. (LeidGA 1439: 56; LeidGA 1442: 98) Iam non dicam Lupus/Richafort (LeidGA 1438: 27) Ibant magi Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 94) Ibant magi / Novum genus potentie Canis (LeidGA 1439: 65) Ideo cum Christo secunda pars of Gaudent in celis Ierusalem luge Caen/Lupus/Richafort (LeidGA 1442: 51) Ierusalem surge Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1439: 13) Iesu Christe fili dei see: O Maria vernans rosa Iesu salvator seculi anon. (LeidGA 1439: 63, 64) Igitur domine dissipa gentes secunda pars of Domine deus exercituum



List of Compositions 327

Illumina oculos meos Isaac (LeidGA 1442: 37) Impleat dominus secunda pars of Exaudiat te dominus Impetum inimicorum Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 9) In cruce pendentem secunda pars of Salve crux digna In lectulo meo secunda pars of Veni in ortum meum In mariam vite / Precursorem et doctorem Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 93) In noctibus extollite secunda pars of Ecce nunc benedicite In nomine Iesu Hollander (LeidGA 1439: 1) In te domine speravi Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 20) Inclita stirps Iesse Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 6) Infirmitatem nostram Verdelot/Willaert (LeidGA 1441: 51) Ingemuit Susanna Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 8) Inviolata integra et casta es Josquin (LeidGA 1442: 34) Potoletus (LeidGA 1442: 73) Smeekirs (LeidGA 1442: 30) Iocundare die theotice secunda pars of O admirabile commercium Iste est qui ante deum secunda pars of Iustum deduxit dominus Isti sunt qui venerunt secunda pars of Isti sunt triumphatores Isti sunt triumphatores Canis (LeidGA 1441: 41) Ite in orbem Clemens non Papa/Manchicourt (LeidGA 1438: 32) Iustum deduxit dominus Crecquillon/Delatre (LeidGA 1438: 4) Jay veu le cerf see: Missa Jay veu le cerf Je prens en grets see: Missa Je prens en grets Kyrie anon. (LeidGA 1443: 23) Flamingus (LeidGA 1443: 33, 35)

328

List of Compositions

Labia distillantia secunda pars of Quam pulchra es Laus et perhennis gloria secunda pars of Gloria tibi trinitas Leva in circuitu secunda pars of Ierusalem surge secunda pars of Surge illuminare Ierusalem L’homme armé see: Missa L’homme armé sexti toni Lumen ad revelationem c.f. Cum inducerent puerum (LeidGA 1438: 29) Magnificat Vinders (LeidSM 1440: 34) Magnificat primi toni anon. (LeidGA 1442: 56) Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 29) Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 54) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 53) Hesdin (LeidGA 1442: 58) Magnificat secundi toni Benedictus (LeidGA 1442: 59) Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 30) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 55) Magnificat tertii toni Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 31) Jacotin (LeidGA 1439: 32; LeidGA 1442: 60) Magnificat quarti toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 34) Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 33) Mouton (LeidGA 1442: 62) Mouton/Willaert (LeidGA 1442: 61) Magnificat quinti toni Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 35) Mouton (LeidGA 1439: 36; LeidGA 1442: 63) Magnificat sexti toni Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 37; LeidGA 1442: 65) Richafort (LeidGA 1442: 66) Magnificat septimi toni Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 38) Gascongne (LeidGA 1442: 67) Jacotin (LeidGA 1442: 68) Magnificat octavi toni Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 39) Potoletus (LeidGA 1442: 70) Richafort (LeidGA 1442: 69) Magnus dominus et laudabilis secunda pars of Quis deus magnus



List of Compositions 329

Magnus dominus et magna virtus secunda pars of Quis deus magnus Mane nobiscum domine Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 24) Maria Magdalena Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 20; LeidGA 1442: 50) Maria mater domini anon. (LeidGA 1439: 55; LeidGA 1442: 78) Maria mater gratie secunda pars of Memento salutis auctor Mater patris see: Missa Mater patris Media vita in morte Manchicourt (LeidGA 1441: 23) Memento salutis auctor Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 11) Michael Gabriel cherubin secunda pars of Stetit angelus iuxta aram Miseremini mei Josquin/Mouton/Richafort (LeidGA 1441: 20) Miserere mei deus secundum magnam verse of Asperges me Misit eos in mundum secunda pars of Advenit ignis divinus Missa anon. (LeidGA 1438: 39; LeidGA 1442: 82) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1443: 30) Missa Amica mea anon. (LeidGA 1443: 20) Missa Beati omnes Gombert (LeidGA 1438: 38) Missa Da pacem Flamingus? (LeidGA 1443: 24, 26) Missa Damour me plains Crecquillon (LeidGA 1442: 77) Missa De beata virgine see: Missa De domina Missa De domina Morales (LeidSM 1440: 1) Missa Dieu garde celle de deshonneur anon. (LeidGA 1443: 19) Missa Domine quis habitabit Courtois (LeidGA 1443: 2) Missa Ecce quam bonum Mouton (LeidGA 1443: 14) Missa Erravi sicut ovis Flamingus? (LeidGA 1443: 27)

330

List of Compositions

Missa Faulte dargent Mouton (LeidGA 1438: 40) Missa Jay veu le cerf Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 2) Missa Je prens en grets Crecquillon (LeidGA 1442: 79) Missa L’homme armé sexti toni Josquin (LeidGA 1443: 28) Missa Mater patris Hellinck (LeidGA 1443: 8) Missa Missus est Josquin/Moulu (LeidGA 1443: 15) Missa Nisi dominus Crecquillon/Manchicourt (LeidGA 1443: 3) Missa O genitrix Richafort (LeidGA 1443: 21) Missa Or pour combien est Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1443: 22) Missa Pastores loquebantur Canis (LeidSM 1440: 5) Missa Peccata mea Hellinck (LeidGA 1443: 7) Missa Philomena Richafort/Sermisy (LeidGA 1443: 13) Missa Pro fidelibus defunctis anon. (LeidSM 1440: 3) Missa Puer natus est nobis La Rue (LeidGA 1443: 29) Missa Requiem Josquin/Richafort (LeidSM 1440: 4) Missa Sancta Maria anon. (LeidGA 1438: 41) Gombert (LeidGA 1443: 10) Missa Se dire je losoie Manchicourt (LeidGA 1443: 5) Missa Surge propera Hellinck (LeidGA 1443: 1) Missa Tua est potentia Mouton (LeidGA 1443: 16) Missa Veni domine Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 105) Missa Vous larez Benedictus (LeidGA 1443: 18) Missus est see: Missa Missus est Misterium mirabile secunda pars of Ave salutis ianua



List of Compositions 331

Monstra te esse secunda pars of Ave maris stella / Sumens illud ave Mortuus est enim propter secunda pars of Expurgate vetus fermentum Mortuus est enim semel secunda pars of Christus resurgens ex mortuis Myns liefkens bruyn ooghen c.f. Salve regina (LeidGA 1442: 27) Natum vidimus secunda pars of Quem vidistis pastores Ne permittas me secunda pars of Conserva me domine Ne proicias me Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 50) Nigra sum sed formosa Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon/Hollander (LeidGA 1438: 14) Nisi dominus Lupi (LeidGA 1441: 12) Le Heurteur/Lheritier/Sermisy (LeidGA 1442: 40) see: Missa Nisi dominus Nobis concedas veniam tertia pars of Inviolata integra et casta es Nobis natus / Tantum ergo Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 96) Nolite iudicare Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 53) Non conturbetur cor vestrum Jonckers/Manchicourt (LeidGA 1441: 42) Non in fortitudine secunda pars of Domini sunt cardines Non legistis quia qui fecit secunda pars of Accesserunt ad Iesum Non secundum peccata nostra secunda pars of Benedic anima mea domino Non veniat mihi secunda pars of Domine pater et deus Nosce enim te secunda pars of Tu deus noster Nostra ut pura secunda pars of Inviolata integra et casta es Nunc dimittis Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 97) Nunc dimittis primi toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 40) Nunc dimittis secundi toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 41)

332

List of Compositions

Nunc dimittis tertii toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 42) Nunc dimittis quarti toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 43) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 88) Nunc dimittis quinti toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 44) Flamingus (LeidGA 1442: 90) Nunc dimittis sexti toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 45) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 86) Nunc dimittis septimi toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 46) Nunc dimittis octavi toni anon. (LeidGA 1439: 47) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 87) Nunc mater exora tertia pars of Benedicta es celorum regina O admirabile commercium Josquin/Regis (LeidGA 1439: 27) O beata infantia Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 36) O benigna tertia pars of Inviolata integra et casta es O bone et dulcissime Iesu Josquin (LeidGA 1442: 43) O bone Iesu Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 23) O Elisabeth insignis J. de Monte (LeidGA 1439: 62; LeidGA 1442: 75) O felices panni secunda pars of O beata infantia O genitrix see: Missa O genitrix O magnum misterium Benedictus/Werrecore (LeidGA 1438: 9) O Maria singularis secunda pars of Stella maris luminosa O Maria vernans rosa Clemens non Papa (LeidSM 1440: 21) O mater dei electa secunda pars of Ave stella matutina O quam glorifica / Tu cum virgineo Flamingus (LeidGA 1443: 9) O virgo generosa see: Ave stella matutina



List of Compositions 333

O virgo prudentissima Josquin (LeidGA 1439: 24) Obstupuerunt autem secunda pars of Vir quidam erat Omnes gentes plaudite manibus secunda pars of Benedictus dominus deus meus Omnia iuditia tua secunda pars of Sana me domine Omnis sanctus te honorat secunda pars of Ave virgo gloriosa Omnis terra adoret te anon. (LeidGA 1438: 8) Or pour combien est see: Missa Or pour combien est Ora pro nobis secunda pars of Regina celi / Quia quem meruisti Oramus domine secunda pars of Festum nunc celebre Ornatam monilibus Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 48) Os loquentium iniqua Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 17) Pange lingua / Tantum ergo sacramentum anon. (LeidGA 1439: 66) Panis enim verus est secunda pars of Ego sum panis vite Parvulus filius hodie natus est secunda pars of Angelus domini ad pastores Pastores loquebantur Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 47) see: Missa Pastores loquebantur Pater noster Obrecht/Willaert (LeidGA 1442: 39) Pater peccavi in celum Clemens non Papa/Maessens/Manchicourt (LeidGA 1441: 2) Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 3) Peccantem me quotidie Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 22) Peccata mea domine Cleve (LeidGA 1438: 1) see: Missa Peccata mea Peccavimus cum patribus secunda pars of Emendemus in melius Per illud ave secunda pars of Benedicta es celorum regina Petite et accipietis secunda pars of Domus mea domus orationis

334

List of Compositions

Petre diligis me secunda pars of Quem dicunt homines Philomena see: Missa Philomena Plangent eum c.f. Huc me sidereo (LeidSM 1440: 28) Porte nitent margaritis secunda pars of Iam bone pastor / Urbs beata Iherusalem Posuerunt me secunda pars of Nigra sum sed formosa Posuisti (me) in nervo secunda pars of Responde mihi Pour ung plaisir c.f. Magnificat Octavi thoni (LeidGA 1439: 39) Pre timore autem eius exterriti sunt tertia pars of Angelus autem domini descendit Preparate corda vestra Barbion (LeidGA 1441: 43) Preter rerum seriem Josquin (LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1442: 48) Proba me domine secunda pars of Domine probasti me Propter fratres meos secunda pars of Rogate que ad pacem Propter hoc dimittet homo tertia pars of Accesserunt ad Iesum Propterea mestum secunda pars of Recordare domine Puer natus est nobis see: Missa Puer natus est nobis Quam pulchra es anon. (LeidGA 1442: 41) Quam regali stirpe natam / Lege carnis anon. (LeidGA 1439: 67) Quanti mercenarii secunda pars of Pater peccavi in celum Quare tristis es anima mea secunda pars of Fuerunt mihi lachrimae mee Que est ista que processit Rore (LeidGA 1441: 18) secunda pars of Vidi speciosam Que nunc flagitant secunda pars of Inviolata integra et casta es Quem dicunt homines Richafort (LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1442: 35) Quem vidistis pastores Lupi (LeidGA 1439: 28)



List of Compositions 335

Queso rosa sanitatis secunda pars of Ave bissus castitatis Qui confidunt in domino anon. (LeidGA 1442: 45) Quia quem meruisti see: Regina celi Quia viderunt oculi mei see: Nunc dimittis Quis dabit pacem see: Illumina oculos meos Quis deus magnus Flamingus (LeidGA 1441: 45, 55) Quis est iste qui progreditur Lupi/Sermisy (LeidGA 1439: 12) Quocienscumque manducabitis secunda pars of Cenantibus illus accepit Quod chorus vatum anon. (LeidGA 1439: 60; LeidGA 1442: 52) Quod chorus vatum / Quem senex iustus anon. (LeidGA 1439: 61; LeidGA 1442: 64) Quoniam iniquitatem secunda pars of Peccata mea domine Quoniam spiritus pertransibit tertia pars of Benedic anima mea domino Recordamini quomodo secunda pars of Crucifixum in carne Recordare domine Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 7) Reges terre congregati sunt Manchicourt (LeidGA 1438: 36) Regina celi anon. (LeidSM 1440: 8-15) De Novu Portu (LeidGA 1443: 11) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 13-19, 24) Replebitur maiestati secunda pars of Benedictus dominus deus Israel Repleti sunt omnes secunda pars of Dum complerentur dies pentecostes Requiem see: Missa Pro fidelibus defunctis; Missa Requiem Responde mihi Josquin (LeidSM 1440: 32) Respondit miles secunda pars of Venit vox de celo Responsiones in missa anon. (LeidGA 1443: 17)

336

List of Compositions

Resurrexi et adhuc tecum sum anon. (LeidGA 1442: 89) Resurrexit sicut dixit secunda pars of Regina celi Rex pacificus secunda pars of Omnis terra adoret te Rogate que ad pacem Courtois (LeidGA 1439: 21) Salvatorem expectamus Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 28) Salve celi dignissima secunda pars of Salve salutis unica Salve crux digna Barbion (LeidGA 1441: 19) Salve regina anon. (LeidSM 1440: 6-7; LeidGA 1442: 1, 25, 80) Benedictus (LeidGA 1442: 27) Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 2-12) c.f. Veni in ortum meum (LeidGA 1438: 12) Salve salutis unica Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 26) Sana me domine Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 9) Sancta dei genitrix Lupi (LeidSM 1440: 25) Sancta Maria see: Missa Sancta Maria Sancta Maria ora pro nobis c.f. Ave stella matutina (LeidGA 1438: 13) Sancta Maria virgo virginum Josquin/Verdelot (LeidGA 1439: 26) Sancte deus sancte fortis secunda pars of Media vita in morte Sancti mei qui in carne Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 10) Scimus quidem desiderare secunda pars of Dixerunt discipuli Se dire je losoie see: Missa Se dire je losoie Sed melius est michi secunda pars of Ingemuit Susanna Sed veni domine secunda pars of Vide domine afflictionem Senex puerum portabat secunda pars of Cum inducerent puerum Sepulcrum Christi secunda pars of Victime pascali laudes



List of Compositions 337

Servus tuus ego sum Canis/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 6) Si ego commisi secunda pars of O bone et dulcissime Iesu Si ignoras te Hollander (LeidGA 1439: 15) Sicut ablactatus est secunda pars of Domine non est exaltatum Signa eos secunda pars of Ite in orbem Speciosa facta es Gombert (LeidGA 1441: 25) Stabat mater dolorosa Josquin (LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1442: 32) Stella maris luminosa Lupi (LeidSM 1440: 27) Stetit angelus iuxta aram J. of Mantua (LeidSM 1440: 38) Stirps Iesse Lupi (LeidSM 1440: 26) Sumens illud ave see: Ave maris stella Super flumina Babylonis Benedictus (LeidGA 1439: 6) Surge illuminare Ierusalem Canis/Clemens non Papa/Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 38) Surge Petre J. de Monte (LeidGA 1438: 33) Surge propera secunda pars of Si ignoras te see: Missa Surge propera Surrexit Christus c.f. Regina celi (LeidSM 1440: 15) Sustinuit anima mea secunda pars of De profundis clamavi Tantum ergo sacramentum / Genitori genitoque Flamingus? (LeidGA 1442: 103; LeidGA 1443: 31) Te deum anon. (LeidSM 1440: 40; LeidGA 1442: 71) Potoletus (LeidGA 1442: 72) Te matrem dei laudamus anon. (LeidSM 1440: 40) Ton Partement c.f. Magnificat Octavi thoni (LeidGA 1439: 39) Tous mes amis c.f. Magnificat Octavi thoni (LeidGA 1439: 39)

338

List of Compositions

Tu deus noster Lupi (LeidGA 1439: 18) Tu lux pulcra secunda pars of O Maria vernans rosa Tua est potentia see: Missa Tua est potentia Tulerunt dominum meum secunda pars of Ego sum qui sum Ubi plato ubi Porphirius secunda pars of Audi tellus audi magni Veni creator spiritus anon. (LeidGA 1439: 69) Veni domine see: Missa Veni domine Veni electa mea Lupi (LeidGA 1441: 34) Veni in ortum meum Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 12) Venit vox de celo Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1439: 22) Venite ad me omnes anon. (LeidGA 1439: 8) Venite benedicti patris secunda pars of Sancti mei qui in carne Venite et videte Crecquillon (LeidGA 1438: 18) Verbum caro factum est c.f. O admirabile commertium (LeidGA 1439: 27) Vere dominus Manchicourt (LeidGA 1438: 34) Victime pascali laudes anon. (LeidGA 1439: 23) Vide domine afflictionem Clemens non Papa (LeidGA 1441: 7) Videntes sic admirati sunt secunda pars of Venite et videte Vidi aquam egredientem Flamingus? (LeidGA 1443: 34) Potoletus (LeidGA 1442: 84) Vidi speciosam Lupi (LeidGA 1438: 22) Vir quidam erat Potoletus (LeidGA 1442: 47) Virgo dei genitrix secunda pars of Stirps Iesse Virgo prudentissima Gombert/Payen (LeidGA 1441: 24)



List of Compositions 339

Virtus sancti spiritus secunda pars of Preter rerum seriem Vita dulcedo see: Salve regina Vita nostra in dolore secunda pars of Cognoscimus domine Vocem tuam audivi secunda pars of Cum deambularet dominus Vous larez see: Missa Vous larez Vulnerasti cor meum Moulu (LeidSM 1440: 31) Zachee festinans descende Crecquillon (LeidGA 1441: 27)

Alphabetical List of Composers Anonymous A solis ortus cardine (LeidGA 1439: 71) Angelus autem domini descendit (LeidGA 1439: 7) Asperges me domine (LeidGA 1442: 85) Audi tellus audi magni (LeidGA 1443: 25) Ave Maria gratia plena (LeidGA 1441: 54; LeidGA 1442: 28) Beatus auctor seculi (LeidGA 1439: 73) Cenantibus illis accepit (LeidGA 1442: 42) Christe qui lux es (LeidGA 1439: 50, 51, 52, 72) Consolamini filie sijon (LeidGA 1438: 31) Crucifixum in carne (LeidGA 1439: 48, 49) Cum inducerent puerum (LeidGA 1438: 29) Festum nunc celebre (LeidGA 1439: 70) Gressum cepit / Impregnata gravidata (LeidGA 1439: 53) Hodie completi sunt (LeidSM 1440: 19) Iam bone pastor / Urbs beata Ierusalem (LeidGA 1439: 56; LeidGA 1442: 98) Iesu salvator seculi (LeidGA 1439: 63, 64) Kyrie (LeidGA 1443: 23) Magnificat primi thoni (LeidGA 1442: 56) Magnificat quarti toni (LeidGA 1439: 34) Maria mater domini (LeidGA 1439: 55; LeidGA 1442: 78) Missa (LeidGA 1438: 39; LeidGA 1442: 82) Missa Amica mea (LeidGA 1443: 20) Missa Dieu garde celle de deshonneur (LeidGA 1443: 19) Missa Pro fidelibus defunctis (LeidSM 1440: 3) Missa Sancta Maria (LeidGA 1438: 41) Nunc dimittis primi toni (LeidGA 1439: 40) Nunc dimittis secundi toni (LeidGA 1439: 41) Nunc dimittis tertii toni (LeidGA 1439: 42) Nunc dimittis quarti toni (LeidGA 1439: 43) Nunc dimittis quinti toni (LeidGA 1439: 44) Nunc dimittis sexti toni (LeidGA 1439: 45) Nunc dimittis septimi toni (LeidGA 1439: 46) Nunc dimittis octavi toni (LeidGA 1439: 47) Omnis terra adoret te (LeidGA 1438: 8) Pange lingua / Tantum ergo sacramentum (LeidGA 1439: 66) Quam pulchra es (LeidGA 1442: 41) Quam regali stirpe natam / Lege carnis (LeidGA 1439: 67) Qui confidunt in domino (LeidGA 1442: 45) Quod chorus vatum (LeidGA 1439: 60; LeidGA 1442: 52) Quod chorus vatum / Quem senex iustus (LeidGA 1439: 61; LeidGA 1442: 64) Regina celi (LeidSM 1440: 8-15) Responsiones in missa (LeidGA 1443: 17) Resurrexi et adhuc tecum sum (LeidGA 1442: 89)



List of Composers 341

Salve regina (LeidSM 1440: 6-7; LeidGA 1442: 1, 25, 80) Te deum (LeidSM 1440: 40; LeidGA 1442: 71) Te matrem dei laudamus (LeidSM 1440: 40) Veni creator spiritus (LeidGA 1439: 69) Venite ad me omnes (LeidGA 1439: 8) Victime pascali laudes (LeidGA 1439: 23) Appenzeller, Benedictus Ave maris stella (LeidGA 1439: 54; LeidGA 1442: 91) Ave regina celorum (LeidGA 1441: 21) Domini est terra [ Josquin/Vinders] (LeidGA 1442: 38) Magnificat secundi toni (LeidGA 1442: 59) Missa Vous larez (LeidGA 1443: 18) O magnum misterium [Werrecore] (LeidGA 1438: 9) Salve regina (LeidGA 1442: 27) Super flumina Babylonis (LeidGA 1439: 6) Arcadelt, Jacques Dum complerentur dies pentecostes [Verdelot] (LeidSM 1440: 18) Barbion, Eustacius Ecce nunc benedicite (LeidGA 1441: 28) Preparate corda vestra (LeidGA 1441: 43) Salve crux digna (LeidGA 1441: 19) Baston, Josquin Dum transisset sabbatum [Cleve] (LeidGA 1439: 16) Benedictus, see: Appenzeller Berchem, Jacquet de Expurgate vetus fermentum [Gombert/Lupi] (LeidGA 1441: 46) Caen, Arnold Ierusalem luge [Lupus/Richafort] (LeidGA 1442: 51) Canis, Cornelius Domine pater et deus (LeidSM 1440: 37; LeidGA 1441: 32) Gloria tibi trinitas (LeidGA 1441: 44) Ibant magi / Novum genus potentie (LeidGA 1439: 65) Isti sunt triumphatores (LeidGA 1441: 41) Missa Pastores loquebantur (LeidSM 1440: 5) Servus tuus ego sum [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1438: 6) Surge illuminare Ierusalem [Clemens/Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 38) Cleeff, see: Cleve Clemens non Papa, Jacobus Accesserunt ad Iesum [Maessens] (LeidGA 1439: 10) Advenit ignis divinus (LeidSM 1440: 16) Angelus domini ad pastores (LeidGA 1441: 37) Ave Maria gratia plena (LeidGA 1442: 29) Ave mundi spes Maria (LeidGA 1438: 37) Concussum est mare (LeidSM 1440: 39) Congratulamini michi omnes (LeidGA 1441: 35) Conserva me domine (LeidGA 1441: 29)

342

List of Composers

Cum esset Anna [Tubal] (LeidSM 1440: 24) Domine deus exercituum [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 4) Domine non est exaltatum [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 49) Domine pater et deus [Crecquillon] (LeidSM 1440: 36) Domine probasti me (LeidSM 1440: 17) Domus mea domus orationis (LeidSM 1440: 35) Dum complerentur dies pentecostes (LeidGA 1439: 11) Erravi sicut ovis (LeidGA 1439: 3) Fuerunt mihi lachrime mee (LeidGA 1439: 5) Gabriel angelus apparuit [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 40) Gaudent in celis [Maessens] (LeidGA 1441: 39) Heu mihi domine (LeidGA 1439: 2) Ierusalem surge [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1439: 13) In te domine speravi (LeidSM 1440: 20) Inclita stirps Iesse [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 6) Ite in orbem [Manchicourt] (LeidGA 1438: 32) Magnificat primi toni (LeidGA 1439: 29) Magnificat secundi toni (LeidGA 1439: 30) Magnificat tertii toni (LeidGA 1439: 31) Magnificat quarti toni (LeidGA 1439: 33) Magnificat quinti toni (LeidGA 1439: 35) Magnificat sexti toni (LeidGA 1439: 37; LeidGA 1442: 65) Magnificat septimi toni (LeidGA 1439: 38) Magnificat octavi toni (LeidGA 1439: 39) Mane nobiscum domine [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1438: 24) Maria Magdalena (LeidGA 1439: 20; LeidGA 1442: 50) Missa Jay veu le cerf (LeidSM 1440: 2) Missa Or pour combien est [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1443: 22) Nigra sum sed formosa [Crecquillon/Hollander] (LeidGA 1438: 14) Nolite iudicare (LeidGA 1441: 53) O bone Iesu (LeidSM 1440: 23) O Maria vernans rosa (LeidSM 1440: 21) Os loquentium iniqua [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 17) Pastores loquebantur [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 47) Pater peccavi in celum [Maessens/Manchicourt] (LeidGA 1441: 2) Peccantem me quotidie (LeidGA 1441: 22) Sana me domine (LeidGA 1439: 9) Sancti mei qui in carne (LeidGA 1441: 10) Surge illuminare Ierusalem [Canis/Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1441: 38) Venit vox de celo (LeidGA 1439: 22) Vide domine afflictionem (LeidGA 1441: 7) Cleve, Johannes de Dum transisset sabbatum [Baston] (LeidGA 1439: 16) Peccata mea domine (LeidGA 1438: 1) Courtois, Jean Missa Domine quis habitabit (LeidGA 1443: 2) Rogate que ad pacem (LeidGA 1439: 21)



List of Composers 343

Crecquillon, Thomas Adiuva nos deus (LeidGA 1441: 52) Ave bissus castitatis (LeidGA 1438: 20) Ave salutis ianua (LeidGA 1438: 35) Ave stella matutina (LeidGA 1438: 13) Ave virgo gloriosa (LeidGA 1438: 15) Cognoscimus domine (LeidGA 1439: 4) Cor mundum crea in me (LeidGA 1441: 5) Cum deambularet dominus (LeidGA 1441: 11) Delectare in domino (LeidGA 1438: 5) Deus virtutum convertere (LeidGA 1438: 21) Domine deus exercituum [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 4) Domine deus omnipotens (LeidGA 1438: 16) Domine Iesu Christe (LeidGA 1438: 17) Domine non est exaltatum [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 49) Domine pater et deus [Clemens] (LeidSM 1440: 36) Domini sunt cardines (LeidGA 1438: 19) Ecce ego mitto vos (LeidGA 1438: 3) Ecce nos reliquimus [Maistre Jhan] (LeidSM 1440: 33) Erravi sicut ovis (LeidGA 1438: 2) Gabriel angelus apparuit [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 40) Ierusalem surge [Clemens] (LeidGA 1439: 13) Impetum inimicorum (LeidGA 1441: 9) Inclita stirps Iesse [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 6) Ingemuit Susanna (LeidGA 1441: 8) Iustum deduxit dominus [Delatre] (LeidGA 1438: 4) Mane nobiscum domine [Clemens] (LeidGA 1438: 24) Memento salutis auctor (LeidGA 1438: 11) Missa Damour me plains (LeidGA 1442: 77) Missa Je prens en grets (LeidGA 1442: 79) Missa Nisi dominus [Manchicourt] (LeidGA 1443: 3) Missa Or pour combien est [Clemens] (LeidGA 1443: 22) Ne proicias me (LeidGA 1441: 50) Nigra sum sed formosa [Clemens/Hollander] (LeidGA 1438: 14) O beata infantia (LeidGA 1441: 36) Ornatam monilibus (LeidGA 1441: 48) Os loquentium iniqua [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 17) Pastores loquebantur [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 47) Pater peccavi in celum (LeidGA 1441: 3) Recordare domine (LeidGA 1438: 7) Salvatorem expectamus (LeidGA 1438: 28) Salve salutis unica (LeidGA 1441: 26) Servus tuus ego sum [Canis] (LeidGA 1438: 6) Surge illuminare Ierusalem [Canis/Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 38) Veni in ortum meum (LeidGA 1438: 12) Venite et videte (LeidGA 1438: 18) Zachee festinans descende (LeidGA 1441: 27)

344

List of Composers

Delatre, Petit Jean Iustum deduxit dominus [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1438: 4) Eustachius Gallus (de Monte Regali) Benedic anima mea domino [Isaac] (LeidGA 1442: 44) Févin, Antoine de Benedictus dominus deus meus [Leo X] (LeidGA 1442: 33) Flamingus, Johannes Asperges me domine (LeidGA 1443: 6) Beata es virgo Maria (LeidGA 1441: 15) Christe qui lux es (LeidGA 1441: 1; 1442: 26, 46, 76, 81, 83) Christe qui lux es* (LeidGA 1442: 20-23, 57) Cibavit eos* (LeidGA 1442: 104; LeidGA 1443: 32) Crucifixum in carne (LeidGA 1443: 12) Crucifixum in carne* (LeidGA 1443: 36) Da pacem domine (LeidGA 1441: 16) Gloria tibi domine* (LeidGA 1442: 95) Iam bone pastor / Sit trinitati (LeidGA 1442: 92) Ibant magi* (LeidGA 1442: 94) In mariam vite / Precursorem et doctorem (LeidGA 1442: 93) Kyrie (LeidGA 1443: 33, 35) Magnificat primi toni (LeidGA 1442: 54) Magnificat primi toni* (LeidGA 1442: 53) Magnificat secundi toni* (LeidGA 1442: 55) Missa* (LeidGA 1443: 30) Missa Da pacem* (LeidGA 1443: 24, 26) Missa Erravi sicut ovis* (LeidGA 1443: 27) Missa Veni domine (LeidGA 1442: 105) Nobis natus / Tantum ergo (LeidGA 1442: 96) Nunc dimittis (LeidGA 1442: 97) Nunc dimittis quarti toni* (LeidGA 1442: 88) Nunc dimittis quinti toni (LeidGA 1442: 90) Nunc dimittis sexti toni* (LeidGA 1442: 86) Nunc dimittis octavi toni* (LeidGA 1442: 87) O quam glorifica / Tu cum virgineo (LeidGA 1443: 9) Quis deus magnus (LeidGA 1441: 45, 55) Regina celi* (LeidGA 1442: 13-19, 24) Salve regina* (LeidGA 1442: 2-12) Tantum ergo / Genitori genitoque* (LeidGA 1442: 103; LeidGA 1443: 31) Vidi aquam egredientem* (LeidGA 1443: 34) Gascongne, Mathieu Magnificat septimi toni (LeidGA 1442: 67) Gombert, Nicolas Ave sanctissima Maria (LeidGA 1441: 13) Expurgate vetus fermentum [Berchem/Lupi] (LeidGA 1441: 46) Missa Beati omnes (LeidGA 1438: 38) Missa Sancta Maria (LeidGA 1443: 10) Speciosa facta es (LeidGA 1441: 25) Virgo prudentissima [Payen] (LeidGA 1441: 24)



List of Composers 345

Hellinck, Lupus Missa Mater patris (LeidGA 1443: 8) Missa Peccata mea (LeidGA 1443: 7) Missa Surge propera (LeidGA 1443: 1) Hesdin, Nicolle des Celliers de Ego sum qui sum [Mouton/Richafort] (LeidGA 1439: 14) Magnificat primi toni (LeidGA 1442: 58) Heurteur, Guillaume le Nisi dominus [Lheritier/Sermisy] (LeidGA 1442: 40) Hollander, Christian Dum transisset sabbatum [Lassus] (LeidGA 1439: 17) Ego sum panis vite (LeidGA 1438: 23) In nomine Iesu (LeidGA 1439: 1) Nigra sum sed formosa [Clemens/Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1438: 14) Si ignoras te (LeidGA 1439: 15) Isaac, Heinrich Benedic anima mea domino [Eustachius de Monte Regali] (LeidGA 1442: 44) Illumina oculos meos (LeidGA 1442: 37) Jacotin Magnificat tertii toni (LeidGA 1439: 32; LeidGA 1442: 60) Magnificat septimi toni (LeidGA 1442: 68) Jonckers, Goessen Non conturbetur cor vestrum [Manchicourt] (LeidGA 1441: 42) Jordain, Petrus Da pacem domine (LeidGA 1441: 14) Ego sum panis vite (LeidGA 1442: 49) Josquin des Prez Benedicta es celorum regina (LeidGA 1439: 25) Domini est terra [Benedictus/Vinders] (LeidGA 1442: 38) Huc me sydereo (LeidSM 1440: 28) Inviolata integra et casta es (LeidGA 1442: 34) Miseremini mei [Mouton/Richafort] (LeidGA 1441: 20) Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (LeidGA 1443: 28) Missa Missus est [Moulu] (LeidGA 1443: 15) Missa Requiem [Richafort] (LeidSM 1440: 4) O admirabile commercium [Regis] (LeidGA 1439: 27) O bone et dulcissime Iesu (LeidGA 1442: 43) O virgo prudentissima (LeidGA 1439: 24) Preter rerum seriem (LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1442: 48) Responde mihi (LeidSM 1440: 32) Sancta Maria virgo virginum [Verdelot] (LeidGA 1439: 26) Stabat mater dolorosa (LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1442: 32) La Rue, Pierre de Missa Puer natus est nobis (LeidGA 1443: 29) Lassus, Orlandus Dum transisset sabbatum [Hollander] (LeidGA 1439: 17) Leo X Benedictus dominus deus meus [Févin] (LeidGA 1442: 33)

346

List of Composers

Lheritier, Jean Nisi dominus [Heurteur/Sermisy] (LeidGA 1442: 40) Lupi, Johannes Apparens Christus (LeidGA 1439: 19) Expurgate vetus fermentum [Berchem/Gombert] (LeidGA 1441: 46) Gaude tu baptista Christi [Lupus] (LeidSM 1440: 22) Nisi dominus (LeidGA 1441: 12) Quem vidistis pastores (LeidGA 1439: 28) Quis est iste qui progreditur [Sermisy] (LeidGA 1439: 12) Sancta dei genitrix (LeidSM 1440: 25) Stella maris luminosa (LeidSM 1440: 27) Stirps Iesse (LeidSM 1440: 26) Tu deus noster (LeidGA 1439: 18) Veni electa mea (LeidGA 1441: 34) Vidi speciosam (LeidGA 1438: 22) Lupus Gaude tu baptista Christi [Lupi] (LeidSM 1440: 22) Iam non dicam [Richafort] (LeidGA 1438: 27) Ierusalem luge [Caen/Richafort] (LeidGA 1442: 51) Maessens, Pieter Accesserunt ad Iesum [Clemens] (LeidGA 1439: 10) Gaudent in celis [Clemens] (LeidGA 1441: 39) Pater peccavi in celum [Clemens/Manchicourt] (LeidGA 1441: 2) Maistre Jhan Ecce nos reliquimus [Crecquillon] (LeidSM 1440: 33) Manchicourt, Pierre de Ite in orbem [Clemens] (LeidGA 1438: 32) Media vita in morte (LeidGA 1441: 23) Missa Nisi dominus [Crecquillon] (LeidGA 1443: 3) Missa Se dire je losoie (LeidGA 1443: 5) Non conturbetur cor vestrum [ Jonckers] (LeidGA 1441: 42) Pater peccavi in celum [Clemens/Maessens] (LeidGA 1441: 2) Reges terre congregati sunt (LeidGA 1438: 36) Vere dominus (LeidGA 1438: 34) Mantua, Jacquet van Stetit angelus iuxta aram (LeidSM 1440: 38) Mergot, see: Novo Portu Monte, Joachimus de A solis ortus cardine [Domus pudici] (LeidGA 1442: 101) A solis ortus cardine / Ibant magi (LeidGA 1439: 57; LeidGA 1442: 99) Angelus domini descendit (LeidGA 1438: 25) Aurea luce / Iam bone pastor (LeidGA 1439: 59; LeidGA 1442: 31) Ave maris stella (LeidGA 1439: 68; LeidGA 1442: 102) Benedictus dominus deus Israel (LeidGA 1438: 30) Christe qui lux es (LeidGA 1439: 58; LeidGA 1442: 100; LeidGA 1443: 4) Christus resurgens ex mortuis (LeidGA 1438: 26)



List of Composers 347

O Elisabeth insignis (LeidGA 1439: 62; LeidGA 1442: 75) Surge Petre (LeidGA 1438: 33) Morales, Cristobal de Missa De domina (LeidSM 1440: 1) Moulu, Pierre Missa Missus est [ Josquin] (LeidGA 1443: 15) Vulnerasti cor meum (LeidSM 1440: 31) Mouton, Jean Ego sum qui sum [Hesdin/Richafort] (LeidGA 1439: 14) Magnificat quarti toni (LeidGA 1442: 62) Magnificat quarti toni [Willaert] (LeidGA 1442: 61) Magnificat quinti toni (LeidGA 1439: 36; LeidGA 1442: 63) Miseremini mei [ Josquin/Richafort] (LeidGA 1441: 20) Missa Ecce quam bonum (LeidGA 1443: 14) Missa Faulte dargent (LeidGA 1438: 40) Missa Tua est potentia (LeidGA 1443: 16) Novo Portu, Franciscus Mergot de Regina celi (LeidGA 1443: 11) Obrecht, Jacob Pater noster [Willaert] (LeidGA 1442: 39) Patoulet, see: Potoletus Payen, Nicolas Virgo prudentissima [Gombert] (LeidGA 1441: 24) Potoletus, Claudius De profundis clamavi (LeidGA 1442: 74) Inviolata integra et casta es (LeidGA 1442: 73) Magnificat octavi toni (LeidGA 1442: 70) Te deum (LeidGA 1442: 72) Vidi aquam egredientem (LeidGA 1442: 84) Vir quidam erat (LeidGA 1442: 47) Regis, Johannes O admirabile commercium [ Josquin] (LeidGA 1439: 27) Richafort, Jean Ego sum qui sum [Hesdin/Mouton] (LeidGA 1439: 14) Emendemus in melius (LeidGA 1441: 31) Exaudiat te dominus (LeidGA 1442: 36) Iam non dicam [Lupus] (LeidGA 1438: 27) Ierusalem luge [Caen/Lupus] (LeidGA 1442: 51) Magnificat sexti toni (LeidGA 1442: 66) Magnificat octavi toni (LeidGA 1442: 69) Miseremini mei [ Josquin/Mouton] (LeidGA 1441: 20) Missa O genitrix (LeidGA 1443: 21) Missa Philomena [Sermisy] (LeidGA 1443: 13) Missa Requiem [ Josquin] (LeidSM 1440: 4) Quem dicunt homines (LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1442: 35) Rore, Cipriano de Que est ista que processit (LeidGA 1441: 18)

348

List of Composers

Sermisy, Claudin de Missa Philomena [Richafort] (LeidGA 1443: 13) Nisi dominus [Heurteur/Lheritier] (LeidGA 1442: 40) Quis est iste qui progreditur [Lupi] (LeidGA 1439: 12) Smeekirs, Michiel Inviolata integra et casta es (LeidGA 1442: 30) Tubal, Adrian Cum esset Anna [Clemens] (LeidSM 1440: 24) Verdelot, Philippe Ad dominum cum tribularer (LeidGA 1441: 33) Dum complerentur dies pentecostes [Arcadelt] (LeidSM 1440: 18) Infirmitatem nostram [Willaert] (LeidGA 1441: 51) Sancta Maria virgo virginum [ Josquin] (LeidGA 1439: 26) Vinders, Jheronimus Domini est terra [Benedictus/Josquin] (LeidGA 1442: 38) Magnificat (LeidSM 1440: 34) Werrecore, Matthias Hermann O magnum misterium [Benedictus] (LeidGA 1438: 9) Willaert, Adriaen Infirmitatem nostram [Verdelot] (LeidGA 1441: 51) Magnificat quarti toni [Mouton] (LeidGA 1442: 61) Pater noster [Obrecht] (LeidGA 1442: 39) Ysenbaert, Franciscus Dixerunt discipuli (LeidGA 1441: 30)

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions AachS 2

Aachen. Stiftsarchiv. Ms. II



LeidGA 1438: 5; LeidGA 1439: 10, 20, 22; LeidSM 1440: 16, 17; LeidGA 1441: 37

AmstM 1

Amsterdam. Universiteitsbibliotheek, Bijzondere Collecties, Toonkunstcollectie. Ms. 213-F-6 (olim Ms. V A 1)



LeidGA 1442: 38

AnsbachS 12

Ansbach. Staatliche Bibliothek. Ms. VI.g.12



LeidGA 1441: 38

AnsbachS 16

Ansbach. Staatliche Bibliothek. Ms. VI.g.16



LeidGA 1438: 2, 5; LeidGA 1439: 2; LeidGA 1441: 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 22

AnsbachS 18

Ansbach. Staatliche Bibliothek. Ms. VI.g.18



LeidSM 1440: 39

AntP M18.13/1

Antwerp. Museum Plantin-Moretus, Bibliotheek. Ms. M18.13 (fragment 1)



LeidGA 1443: 29

AntP M18.13/2

Antwerp. Museum Plantin-Moretus, Bibliotheek. Ms. M18.13 (fragment 2)



LeidGA 1443: 15

AugsS 4

Augsburg. Staats- und Stadtbibliothek. Ms. Tonkunst Schletterer 4



LeidGA 1439: 17, 20

AugsS 273-8

Augsburg. Staats- und Stadtbibliothek. Mss. Tonkunst Schletterer 273-278



LeidGA 1439: 20

BarcBC 681

Barcelona. Biblioteca Central [nowadays: Biblioteca de Catalunya]. Ms. 681



LeidGA 1442: 34; LeidGA 1443: 15

BarcOC 5

Barcelona. Biblioteca de L’Orfeó Català. Ms. 5 (12-VI-12)



LeidGA 1438: 10

BergBC 1209

Bergamo. Biblioteca Civica. Ms 1209 D



LeidGA 1438: 9; LeidGA 1441: 31

350

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

BerlGS 7

Berlin. Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Ms. XX. HA. StUB Königsberg Nr. 7



LeidGA 1443: 13

BerlPS 40013

Berlin. Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek. Ms. mus. 40013 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellonska)



LeidGA 1441: 31

BerlPS 40031

Berlin. Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek. Ms. mus. 40031 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellonska)



LeidGA 1441: 31

BerlPS 40043

Berlin. Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek. Ms. mus. 40043 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellonska)



LeidGA 1441: 2, 9

BerlPS 40175

Berlin. Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek. Ms. mus. 40175 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellonska)



LeidGA 1442: 79

BerlPS 40192

Berlin. Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek. Ms. mus. 40192 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellonska)



LeidGA 1439: 17

BerlPS 40272

Berlin. Former Preußische Staatsbibliothek. Ms. mus. 40272 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellonska)



LeidGA 1439: 13, 16, 20; LeidSM 1440: 16

BerlS 40039

Berlin. Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Ms. mus. 40039



LeidSM 1440: 39

BerlS 40212

Berlin. Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Ms. mus. 40212



LeidGA 1439: 20

BerlS 40329

Berlin. Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Ms. mus. 40329



LeidSM 1440: 18

BolC Q19

Bologna. Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica. Ms. Q19



LeidGA 1441: 31

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 351



BolC Q20

Bologna. Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica. Ms. Q20



LeidGA 1442: 37

BolC Q27(1)

Bologna. Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica. Ms. Q27 (Iº)



LeidGA 1439: 14; LeidSM 1440: 38; LeidGA 1441: 51

BolC Q27(2)

Bologna. Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica. Ms. Q27 (IIº)



LeidGA 1442: 33

BolC R142

Bologna. Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica. Ms. R142



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 28, 29

BolSP 29

Bologna. Archivio Musicale della Fabbriceria di San Petronio. Ms. A.XXIX



LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 43

BrusBR 215-6

Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1er. Mss. 215-216



LeidSM 1440: 30

BrusBR 9126

Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1er. Ms. 9126



LeidSM 1440: 28, 30 A

BrusBR Fétis 1782

Brussels. Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1er, Fonds Fétis. Suppl. Ms. 1782A A 1 L.P.



LeidGA 1442: 40

BrusC 27087

Brussels. Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal de Musique. Ms. 27087 (I & II)



LeidGA 1439: 39; LeidGA 1442: 77

BrusC 27088

Brussels. Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal de Musique. Ms. 27088



LeidGA 1438: 16, 21, 24, 36, 37; LeidGA 1439: 11, 20; LeidSM 1440: 22, 26, 39

BudOS 2

Budapest. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Ms. Bártfa 2 (a-f)



LeidSM 1440: 29

BudOS 20

Budapest. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Ms. Bártfa 20 (a-b)



LeidGA 1442: 79

352

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

BudOS 23

Budapest. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Ms. Bártfa 23



LeidGA 1441: 42; LeidGA 1442: 33

BudOS 31

Budapest. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Ms. Bártfa 31



LeidGA 1439: 22

BudOS P6

Budapest. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Ms. Bártfa Mus. Pr. 6 (a-d)



LeidSM 1440: 28

BudOS P7

Budapest. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Ms. Bártfa Mus. Pr. 7 (a-b)



LeidGA 1442: 77, 79

CambraiBM 3

Cambrai. Médiathèque Municipale. Ms. 3



LeidGA 1443: 21

CambraiBM 4

Cambrai. Médiathèque Municipale. Ms. 4



LeidGA 1443: 14, 15, 29

CambraiBM 5

Cambrai. Médiathèque Municipale. Ms. 5



LeidGA 1443: 7

CambraiBM 125-8

Cambrai. Médiathèque Municipale. Mss. 125128



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 13, 31; LeidGA 1442: 38, 40, 41; LeidGA 1443: 2, 16

CasAC C

Casale Monferrato. Archivio e Biblioteca Capitolare, Duomo. Ms. C



LeidGA 1443: 13

CasAC D(F)

Casale Monferrato. Archivio e Biblioteca Capitolare, Duomo. Ms. D(F)



LeidGA 1438: 10

CasAC M(D)

Casale Monferrato. Archivio e Biblioteca Capitolare, Duomo. Ms. M(D)



LeidGA 1443: 28

CasAC N(H)

Casale Monferrato. Archivio e Biblioteca Capitolare, Duomo. Ms. N(H)



LeidSM 1440: 33; LeidGA 1442: 39

ChelmE 1

Chelmsford. Essex Record Office. Ms. D/DP Z6/1



LeidGA 1438: 14



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 353

ChelmE 2

Chelmsford. Essex Record Office. Ms. D/DP Z6/2



LeidGA 1438: 18, 26, 37; LeidGA 1439: 13, 17; LeidSM 1440: 16, 17

ChiN M91

Chicago. Newberry Library. Case Ms.-VM 1578. M91



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 33; LeidGA 1442: 39

CivMA 53

Cividale del Friuli. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. Ms. LIII



LeidSM 1440: 1; LeidGA 1443: 14, 21, 13

CivMA 59

Cividale del Friuli. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. Ms. LIX



LeidSM 1442: 37

CivitaBC (1)

Civitanova Marche. Biblioteca Comunale. Mss. s.s. (1)



LeidGA 1439: 26

CoimU 9

Coimbra. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. Ms. M.9



LeidGA 1443: 21

CoimU 32

Coimbra. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. Ms. M.32



LeidSM 1440: 18; LeidGA 1441: 13

CoimU 48

Coimbra. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. Ms. M.48



LeidGA 1438: 10, 32; LeidGA 1439: 20; LeidGA 1441: 52; LeidGA 1442: 40

CoimU 242

Coimbra. Biblioteca Geral da Universidade. Ms. M.242



LeidGA 1438: 5; LeidGA 1441: 5, 11

ColnU 57

Cologne. Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek. Ms. GB III 57



LeidGA 1438: 24, 26; LeidGA 1439: 11, 13, 16, 17, 20; LeidGA 1441: 2, 7

CopKB 1872

Copenhagen. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Ms. Gamle kongelige Samling 1872, 4º



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 28, 29, 30; LeidGA 1442: 51

354

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

CopKB 1873

Copenhagen. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Ms. Gamle kongelige Samling 1873, 4º



LeidGA 1438: 21, 32; LeidGA 1439: 16, 20; LeidSM 1440: 21, 30; LeidGA 1441: 52

CorBC 95-6

Cortona. Biblioteca Comunale. Mss. 95-96



LeidGA 1442: 37

DresSL 1/D/3

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Mus. 1/D/3



LeidGA 1439: 10

DresSL 1/D/6

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Mus. 1/D/6



LeidSM 1440: 16, 23, 39; LeidGA 1441: 6, 22

DresSL 2/D/22

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Mus. 2/D/22



LeidGA 1439: 20

DresSL Glashütte 5

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Glashütte 5 (1-2)



LeidGA 1438: 28; LeidGA 1439: 17, 20, 22; LeidSM 1440: 18, 29, 39; LeidGA 1441: 2, 5, 37; LeidGA 1442: 77

DresSL Grimma 53

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Grimma 53 (1-5)



LeidGA 1441: 47

DresSL Grimma 54

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Grimma 54 (1-5)



LeidGA 1439: 20

DresSL Grimma 56

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Grimma 56 (1-5)



LeidGA 1438: 24; LeidGA 1439: 11, 17, 20; LeidSM 1440: 18

DresSL Grimma 57

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Grimma 57 (1-4)



LeidSM 1440: 29

DresSL Grimma 59

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Grimma 59 (1-2)



LeidGA 1439: 20

DresSL Löbau 8/70

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Löbau 8 & Löbau 70



LeidGA 1442: 51



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 355

DresSL Löbau 12

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Löbau 12 (1-6)



LeidGA 1438: 32; LeidGA 1439: 4, 9, 11, 13, 22; LeidSM 1440: 17, 39; LeidGA 1441: 35, 49, 50, 52

DresSL Löbau 14

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Löbau 14 (1-5)



LeidGA 1441: 2

DresSL Pirna II

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Pirna II



LeidGA 1441: 47; LeidGA 1443: 22

DresSL Pirna IV

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Pirna IV



LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1441: 37

DresSL Pirna VI

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Pirna VI



LeidGA 1439: 13

DresSL Pirna VII

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Pirna VII



LeidGA 1439: 22; LeidSM 1440: 16; LeidGA 1441: 22; LeidGA 1442: 51

DresSL Pirna VIII

Dresden. Sächsische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Pirna VIII



LeidGA 1438: 32; LeidGA 1439: 16, 20; LeidGA 1441: 35

EdinU 64

Edinburgh. University Library. Ms. 64



LeidGA 1439: 25

ErlU 473/1

Erlangen. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. 473/1



LeidGA 1442: 51

FlorBN II.I.232

Florence. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale. Ms. II.I.232



LeidSM 1440: 28, 30; LeidGA 1442: 37

FlorBN Magl. 125bis

Florence. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale. Ms. Magliabechi XIX. 125bis



LeidGA 1439: 26

FlorD 4

Florence. Duomo, Archivio Musicale dell’Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore. Ms. 4



LeidGA 1439: 16; LeidGA 1441: 42

FlorD 11

Florence. Duomo, Archivio Musicale dell’Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore. Ms. 11



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidSM 1440: 18, 29

356

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

FlorD 27

Florence. Duomo, Archivio Musicale dell’Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore. Ms. 27



LeidGA 1442: 39

FlorD 46

Florence. Duomo, Archivio Musicale dell’Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore. Ms. 46



LeidGA 1442: 69

FlorL 666

Florence. Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana. Ms. Acquisti e doni 666



LeidSM 1440: 31; LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 34

FrankSU 2

Frankfurt am Main. Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. fol.-2



LeidGA 1443: 29

GothaF A98

Gotha. Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Schloß Friedenstein. Ms. Chart. A. 98



LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1441: 9; LeidGA 1442: 38

GranMF 975

Granada. Manuel de Falla Library, Ms. 975.



LeidGA 1438: 14

GreifU 640-1

Greifswald. Universitätsbibliothek. Mss. BW 640-641



LeidSM 1440: 39; LeidGA 1442: 33, 38

’s HerAB 72B

’s-Hertogenbosch. Archief van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (now kept at the Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum). Ms. 72B (now inv. no. 154)



LeidGA 1443: 21

’s HerAB 72C

’s-Hertogenbosch. Archief van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (now kept at the Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum). Ms. 72C (now inv. no. 155)



LeidGA 1441: 51; LeidGA 1443: 14, 16

’s HerAB 73

’s-Hertogenbosch. Archief van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (now kept at the Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum). Ms. 73 (now inv. no. 158)



LeidGA 1442: 66



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 357

’s HerAB 75

’s-Hertogenbosch. Archief van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (now kept at the Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum). Ms. 75 (now inv. no. 157)



LeidGA 1443: 8

’s HerAB Codex Smijers

’s-Hertogenbosch. Archief van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (now kept at the Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum). Codex Smijers (now inv. no. 152)



LeidGA 1443: 17

HerdF 9821

Herdringen. Schloß Herdringen. Bibliotheca Fürstenbergiana. Ms. 9821



LeidGA 1441: 13; LeidGA 1442: 39; LeidGA 1443: 10

HerdF 9822-3

Herdringen. Schloß Herdringen. Bibliotheca Fürstenbergiana. Mss. 9822-9823



LeidGA 1438: 4, 6; LeidGA 1438: 9; LeidSM 1440: 36, 39; LeidGA 1441: 2, 22, 24, 37

HradKM 17

Hradec Králové. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv. Ms. II A 17 (a-c)



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 13

HradKM 22

Hradec Králové. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv. Ms. II A 22 (a-b)



LeidGA 1438: 32

HradKM 26

Hradec Králové. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv. Ms. II A 26 (a-b)



LeidGA 1439: 12, 18; LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1442: 34

HradKM 29

Hradec Králové. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv. Ms. II A 29



LeidGA 1438: 22, 32; LeidGA 1439: 11, 13, 14, 20, 22, 25; LeidSM 1440: 16, 18, 20, 21, 29, 39; LeidGA 1441: 50, 51; LeidGA 1442: 34, 39, 51

HradKM 30

Hradec Králové. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv. Ms. II A 30



LeidGA 1438: 24, 32, 34; LeidGA 1439: 9, 11, 14, 17, 20; LeidSM 1440: 16, 18, 23; LeidGA 1441: 52

HradKM 41

Hradec Králové. Krajske Muzeum, Literární Archiv. Ms. II A 41



LeidSM 1440: 30

358

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

JenaU 8

Jena. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. 8



LeidGA 1443: 16

JenaU 22

Jena. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. 22



LeidGA 1443: 29

JenaU 31

Jena. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. 31



LeidGA 1443: 28

KasL 24

Kassel. Murhard’sche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel und Landesbibliothek. Mss. 4º Mus. 24/1-4



LeidGA 1442: 36, 37, 38, 40

KasL 91

Kassel. Murhard’sche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel und Landesbibliothek. Mss. 4º Mus. 91/1-5



LeidGA 1438: 18, 21, 24; LeidGA 1439: 10, 22; LeidSM 1440: 16

KrakAP D28-31

Kraków. Archiwum Panstwowym Miasta Krakowa i Województwa Krakowskiego. Mss. D28-31 [now housed in Kraków, Cathedral Archive in Castle Wawel under call number 1-4]



LeidGA 1439: 32

LeipU 49

Leipzig. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Thomaskirche 49 (1-4) & Ms. Thomaskirche 50



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidGA 1439: 9; LeidSM 1440: 18, 39; LeidGA 1441: 13; LeidGA 1442: 39, 51

LeipU 51

Leipzig. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Thomaskirche 51 (1-2)



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1442: 39; LeidGA 1443: 28

LeuvK 4

Leuven. Bibliotheek der Katholieke Universiteit. Ms. M4



LeidGA 1438: 3; LeidGA 1439: 1, 2; LeidGA 1441: 39

LeuvU 163

Leuven. Former Bibliothèque de l’Université. Ms. 163



LeidGA 1438: 5, 22; LeidGA 1439: 18, 25; LeidSM 1440: 18, 29, 30; LeidGA 1441: 5, 22, 51



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 359

LonBL 19583

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Ms. Additional 19583



LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 34, 36

LonBL 29388-92

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Mss. Additional 29388-29392



LeidGA 1438: 35

LonBL 30480-4

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Mss. Additional 30480-30484



LeidGA 1439: 17

LonBL 31390

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Ms. Additional 31390



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidGA 1439: 17

LonBLH 4848

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Ms. Harley 4848



LeidSM 1440: 30

LonBLH 7578

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Ms. Harley 7578



LeidGA 1439: 3

LonBLR A49-54

London. British Library, Reference Division. Department of Manuscripts. Mss. Royal Appendix 49-54



LeidGA 1439: 26

LonRC 1070

London. Royal College of Music. Ms. 1070



LeidSM 1440: 28, 29, 30

LonRC 2037

London. Royal College of Music. Ms. 2037



LeidSM 1440: 33; LeidGA 1442: 39

LübBH 203

Lübeck. Bibliothek der Hansestadt Lübeck. Ms. Mus. A 203 (a-d)



LeidGA 1439: 11, 13, 22; LeidSM 1440: 18, 39; LeidGA 1441: 2, 37

LucBS 775

Lucca. Biblioteca Statale. Ms. 775



LeidGA 1439: 19; LeidSM 1440: 18, 22

LüneR 144

Lüneburg. Ratsbücherei. Ms. Mus. ant. pract. K.N. 144 (1-4)



LeidGA 1441: 2, 5

360

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

LüneR 150

Lüneburg. Ratsbücherei. Ms. Mus. ant. pract. K.N. 150



LeidGA 1439: 20, 22; LeidSM 1440: 18, 21, 39; LeidGA 1441: 2, 4; LeidGA 1442: 51

LüneR 376

Lüneburg. Ratsbücherei. Ms. Mus. ant. pract. 376



LeidGA 1442: 51

MadM 6829

Madrid. Private Library of Don Bartolomé March Servera. Ms. R. 6829 (861)



LeidGA 1441: 13

MadM 6832

Madrid. Private Library of Don Bartolomé March Servera. Ms. R. 6832 (862)



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidSM 1440: 1

MilD 3

Milan. Archivio della Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo, Sezione Musicale. Librone 3



LeidGA 1443: 28

MladaO 21693

Mladá Boleslav. Okresní Muzeum. Inv. 21693



LeidGA 1442: 37

ModD 3

Modena. Duomo, Biblioteca e Archivio Capitolare. Ms. Mus. III



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidGA 1441: 31

ModD 4

Modena. Duomo, Biblioteca e Archivio Capitolare. Ms. Mus. IV



LeidGA 1441: 51

ModD 9

Modena. Duomo, Biblioteca e Archivio Capitolare. Ms. Mus. IX



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1442: 34

ModD 10

Modena. Duomo, Biblioteca e Archivio Capitolare. Ms. Mus. X



LeidSM 1440: 4

ModE F.2.29

Modena. Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria. Ms. “.F.2.29



LeidGA 1441: 31

ModE N.1.2

Modena. Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria. Ms. “.N.1.2



LeidGA 1443: 16

MontsM 768

Montserrat. Biblioteca del Monestir. Ms. 768



LeidGA 1443: 3, 5



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 361

MontsM 769

Montserrat. Biblioteca del Monestir. Ms. 769



LeidGA 1439: 32, 39; LeidGA 1442: 61

MontsM 776

Montserrat. Biblioteca del Monestir. Ms. 776



LeidGA 1443: 1, 7, 8

MunBS F

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Handschriften– Inkunabel–abteilung. Musica Ms. F



LeidGA 1443: 15, 21

MunBS 12

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 12



LeidSM 1440: 30

MunBS 13

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 13



LeidGA 1439: 13, 22; LeidSM 1440: 20

MunBS 16

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 16



LeidGA 1441: 20

MunBS 41

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 41



LeidGA 1442: 43

MunBS 46

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 46



LeidSM 1440: 4

MunBS 51

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 51



LeidGA 1443: 2

MunBS 59

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 59



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 22

MunBS 260

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 260



LeidGA 1439: 25

MunBS 274a

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 274a



LeidGA 1438: 21

MunBS 510

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 510



LeidGA 1443: 16

362

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

MunBS 1503b

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 1503b



LeidGA 1438: 27

MunBS 1536

Munich. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Musica Ms. 1536



LeidGA 1439: 24, 25

MunU 239

Munich. Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians– Universität. Ms. 2º Art. 239



LeidGA 1443: 29

MunU 326

Munich. Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians– Universität. Ms. 8º 326



LeidGA 1442: 34, 39, 51

MunU 327

Munich. Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians– Universität. Ms. 8º 327



LeidGA 1439: 20; LeidSM 1440: 18, 30, 31; LeidGA 1442: 51

MunU 401

Munich. Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians-Universität. Ms. 4º Art. 401 (1-4)



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidGA 1439: 24, 25, 26; LeidSM 1440: 29, 30, 33; LeidGA 1442: 51

NurGN 8820B

Nuremberg. Bibliothek des Germanischen National-Museums. Ms. 8820 B



LeidGA 1439: 20

NurGN 83795

Nuremberg. Bibliothek des Germanischen National-Museums. Ms. 83795



LeidGA 1439: 20, LeidGA 1441: 9, 31, LeidGA 1442: 51

NurLA 28

Nuremberg. Landeskirchliches Archiv. Ms. St. Egidien 28



LeidGA 1438: 32

NYorkP 4180-5

New York. Public Library, Music Division. Mss. Mus. Res. Drexel 4180-4185



LeidGA 1439: 13

OudenW 50a

Oudenaarde. Sint-Walburga, 50a



LeidGA 1439: 14

OxfC 979-83

Oxford. Christ Church Library. Mss. 979-983



LeidGA 1439: 17

PadBC A17

Padua. Biblioteca Capitolare. Ms. A 17



LeidGA 1438: 10, 27; LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 31



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 363

PadBC D27

Padua. Biblioteca Capitolare. Ms. D 27



LeidGA 1441: 51

ParisBNC 851

Paris. Bibliothèque Nationale, Département de la Musique. Fonds du Conservatoire. Ms. Rés. Vma. 851



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidGA 1442: 39; LeidGA 1443: 28

ParisBNC 1591

Paris. Bibliothèque Nationale, Département de la Musique. Fonds du Conservatoire. Ms. Rés. 1591



LeidGA 1438: 15

ParisBNN 1817

Paris. Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des Manuscrits. Nouvelles Acquisitions Françaises. Ms. 1817



see: CorBC 95-6

PiacD (5)

Piacenza. Archivio del Duomo, Fondo Musicale. Ms. s.s. (5)



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 51; LeidGA 1442: 51

PozU 7022

Poznan. Biblioteka Uniwersytecka im. Adama Michiewicza. Ms. 7022



LeidGA 1443: 28

RegB 775-7

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 775-777



LeidGA 1439: 25, 26; LeidSM 1440: 29

RegB 786-837

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 786-837



LeidGA 1439: 17

RegB 838-43

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 838-843



LeidGA 1439: 65; LeidGA 1441: 37

RegB 849-52

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 849-852



LeidGA 1441: 35

RegB 853-4

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 853-854



LeidGA 1441: 47

RegB 855-6

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 855-856



LeidGA 1441: 4

364

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

RegB 861-2

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 861-862



LeidSM 1440: 38, 39; LeidGA 1441: 40

RegB 871-4

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 871-874



LeidGA 1441: 35

RegB 875-7

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 875-877



LeidGA 1439: 19; LeidSM 1440: 18; LeidGA 1441: 42; LeidGA 1442: 39

RegB 878-82

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 878-882



LeidGA 1439: 11; LeidSM 1440: 16

RegB 883-6

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 883-886



LeidGA 1441: 44

RegB 887-90

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 887-890



LeidGA 1438: 34, 37; LeidSM 1440: 39; LeidGA 1441: 27

RegB 891-2

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 891-892



LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1441: 8; LeidGA 1442: 34, 51

RegB 893

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 893



LeidGA 1438: 14; LeidGA 1439: 10, 26; LeidSM 1440: 28

RegB 894-907

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 894-907



LeidSM 1440: 2; LeidGA 1442: 77

RegB 930-9

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 930-939



LeidGA 1439: 65

RegB 940-1

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 940-941



LeidGA 1438: 2, 10, 27; LeidGA 1439: 13, 16, 17, 20; LeidSM 1440: 18, 20; LeidGA 1441: 2, 52; LeidGA 1442: 39, 41, 51



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 365

RegB 1018

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. A.R. 1018



LeidGA 1439: 20, 22, 26; LeidGA 1441: 2, 6

RegB B211-5

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. B. 211-215



LeidGA 1439: 19

RegB B220-2

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. B. 220-222



LeidGA 1439: 25

RegB B223-33

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. B. 223-233



LeidGA 1438: 11, 18, 27, 37; LeidGA 1439: 3, 4, 20, 20; LeidGA 1441: 2

RegB B237-40

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. B. 237-240



LeidGA 1439: 20

RegB B283b

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. B. 283b



LeidSM 1440: 20

RegB C96

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. C 96



LeidGA 1441: 37; LeidGA 1442: 77

RegB C99

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. C 99



LeidGA 1438: 10, 27; LeidGA 1442: 39; LeidGA 1443: 13, 16

RegB C120

Regensburg. Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek. Ms. C 120



LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1442: 34; LeidGA 1443: 14

RegT 2-3

Regensburg. Fürst Thurn und Taxis Hofbibliothek. Ms. Freie Künste Musik 2-3



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 4, 8; LeidGA 1442: 51

RegT 52

Regensburg. Fürst Thurn und Taxis Hofbibliothek. Ms. Freie Künste Musik 52



LeidSM 1440: 2

ReggioSP s.s.

Reggio Emilia. Archivio della Chiesa di San Prospero. Ms. s.s.



LeidSM 1440: 1; LeidGA 1443: 14, 16

366

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

ReinS 101

Rein. Stiftsarchiv. Ms. 101



LeidGA 1441: 35, 37

RokyA 22

Rokycany. Archiv Děkanství v Rokycanech. Ms. A V 22 (a-b)



LeidGA 1439: 9, 13, 20, 22, 25; LeidSM 1440: 18, 29, 30; LeidGA 1442: 51

RomeM 23-4

Rome. Palazzo Massimo. Mss. VI.C.6.23-24



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidSM 1440: 29, 30; LeidGA 1441: 51

RomeSC 792-5

Rome. Biblioteca Musicale Governativa del Conservatorio di Musica Santa Cecilia. Mss. G. 792-795



LeidGA 1442: 39

RomeSL IV/9

Rome. San Lorenzo in Damaso. Registri Amministrativi e Corali della Capella Musicale. Armadio IV, Vol. 9



LeidGA 1439: 25

RomeSM 26

Rome. Santa Maria Maggiore, Archivio del Capitolo, Stanza di musica. Ms. 26



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 29

RomeV 35-40

Rome. Biblioteca Vallicelliana. Ms. SI 35-40



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidSM 1440: 18, 29; LeidGA 1441: 51; LeidGA 1442: 51

RosU 40

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-40 (1-5)



LeidSM 1440: 1; LeidGA 1442: 77, 79; LeidGA 1443: 15

RosU 42/1

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-42 (1-2)



LeidGA 1438: 32; LeidGA 1439: 17

RosU 49

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-49 (1-6)



LeidGA 1442: 77

RosU 52

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-52 (1-3)



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidGA 1441: 2, 22

RosU 60

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-60 (1-4)



LeidGA 1441: 2



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 367

RosU 71/1

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-71/1 (1-4)



LeidGA 1442: 51

RosU 71/2

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-71/2 (1-4)



LeidSM 1440: 16; LeidGA 1442: 34

RosU 71/3

Rostock. Universitätsbibliothek. Ms. Mus. Saec. XVI-71/3 (1-2)



LeidGA 1439: 16

SchmalT s.s.

Schmalkalden. Turmbibliothek der St. Georg Kirche. Ms. s.s.



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 22

SegC s.s.

Segovia. Archivo Capitular de la Catedral. Ms. s.s.



LeidGA 1443: 28

SevBC 1

Seville. Catedral Metropolitana, Biblioteca del Coro. Ms. 1



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1442: 34

SGallS 463

Saint Gall. Stiftsbibliothek. Ms. 463



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidSM 1440: 28, 29; LeidGA 1441: 20, 31; LeidGA 1442: 34, 43

SGallS 464

Saint Gall. Stiftsbibliothek. Ms. 464



LeidSM 1440: 28, 29

SilosA 21

Santa Domingo de Silos. Abadía Benedictino, Archivo. Ms. C 21



LeidGA 1442: 39

SionA 87-4

Sion (Sitten). Archives du Chapitre. Ms. 87-4



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 2; LeidGA 1442: 51

StockKM 15

Stockholm. Kungliga Musikaliska Akademiens Biblioteket. Ms. Tyska Kyrkans Samling 15



LeidGA 1438: 26

StockKM 33

Stockholm. Kungliga Musikaliska Akademiens Biblioteket. Ms. Tyska Kyrkans Samling 33



LeidSM 1440: 18; LeidGA 1441: 2

368

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

StockKM 36

Stockholm. Kungliga Musikaliska Akademiens Biblioteket. Ms. Tyska Kyrkans Samling 36



LeidGA 1438: 24

StuttL 8

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 8



LeidGA 1441: 11

StuttL 9

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 9



LeidGA 1439: 9, 20

StuttL 26

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 26



LeidGA 1439: 32

StuttL 28

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 28



LeidSM 1440: 1

StuttL 36

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 36



LeidGA 1439: 8; LeidGA 1441: 8, 38

StuttL 41

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 41



LeidGA 1442: 69

StuttL 47

Stuttgart. Württembergische Landesbibliothek. Ms. Musica folio I 47



LeidGA 1443: 28

SubA 248

Subiaco. Monumenta Nazionale dell’Abbazia di Santa Scolastica, Biblioteca Statale. Ms. 248



LeidGA 1443: 29

SuttonO 4

Sutton Coldfield. Oscott College, Old Library. Ms. Case B No. 4



see: ChiN M91

TarazC 8

Tarazona. Archivo Capitular de la Catedral. Ms. 8



LeidGA 1438: 2; LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1441: 5, 11, 37

ToleBC 10

Toledo. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. Ms. B. 10



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1442: 34



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 369

ToleBC 13

Toledo. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. Ms. B. 13



LeidGA 1438: 2; LeidGA 1441: 2

ToleBC 18

Toledo. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. Ms. B. 18



LeidGA 1439: 25

ToleBC 21

Toledo. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. Ms. B. 21



LeidGA 1442: 39

ToleBC 29

Toledo. Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana. Ms. B. 29



LeidSM 1440: 1

ToleF 23

Toledo. Catedral, Obra y Fabrica. Ms. Reservado 23



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1439: 14, 25; LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1442: 69; LeidGA 1443: 16

TrevBC 1

Treviso. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. Ms. 1



LeidSM 1440: 1

TrevBC 7

Treviso. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. Ms. 7



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 31

TrevBC 9

Treviso. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. Ms. 9



LeidGA 1443: 21

TrevBC 29

Treviso. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. Ms. 29



LeidGA 1438: 22

TrevBC 30

Treviso. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. Ms. 30



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidGA 1439: 25

TrevBC 34

Treviso. Biblioteca Capitolare del Duomo. Ms. 34



LeidGA 1442: 39

UlmS 237

Ulm. Münster Bibliothek, Von Schermar’sche Familienstiftung. Ms. 237 (a-d)



LeidGA 1438: 22; LeidSM 1440: 31; LeidGA 1442: 38, 51

370

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

UppsU 76b

Uppsula. Universitetsbiblioteket. Ms. Vokalmusik i Handskrift 76b



LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1443: 16

UppsU 76c

Uppsula. Universitetsbiblioteket. Ms. Vokalmusik i Handskrift 76c



LeidGA 1438: 10, 27; LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 33; LeidGA 1443: 16, 21

UppsU 76g

Uppsula. Universitetsbiblioteket. Ms. Vokalmusik i Handskrift 76g



LeidGA 1439: 17, 20, 22

UtreR 3.L.16

Utrecht. Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit. Ms. 3.L.16



LeidGA 1439: 22, 25

VallaC 15

Valladolid. Catedral Metropolitana, Archivo de Música. Ms. 15



LeidGA 1439: 26

VallaC 16

Valladolid. Catedral Metropolitana, Archivo de Música. Ms. 16



LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1441: 46; LeidGA 1443: 8

VallaC 17

Valladolid. Catedral Metropolitana, Archivo de Música. Ms. 17



LeidGA 1439: 20, 25; LeidSM 1440: 30

VallaP s.s.

Valladolid. Parroquia de Santiago. Ms. s.s.



LeidGA 1442: 39

VastS 71

Västerås. Stadsbiblioteket. Ms. 71



LeidGA 1441: 22

VatB 4183

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Barberiniani Latini 4183



LeidSM 1440: 1

VatC 234

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Chigi C VIII 234



LeidGA 1439: 27; LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1443: 28

VatG XII.4

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Giulia XII 4



LeidSM 1440: 29, 30; LeidGA 1442: 51



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 371

VatO 3391

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Ottoboniani Latini 3391



LeidGA 1443: 16

VatP 1976-9

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Mss. Palatini Latini 1976-1979



LeidGA 1441: 20; LeidGA 1442: 36, 39

VatP 1980-1

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Mss. Palatini Latini 1980-1981



LeidGA 1441: 20

VatS 13

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 13



LeidGA 1443: 16

VatS 16

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 16



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 29

VatS 17

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 17



LeidGA 1443: 13, 21

VatS 19

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 19



LeidSM 1440: 1, 18

VatS 23

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 23



LeidGA 1443: 29

VatS 24

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 24



LeidGA 1439: 24; LeidGA 1442: 34

VatS 26

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 26



LeidGA 1442: 33

VatS 38

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 38



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidSM 1440: 31

VatS 41

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 41



LeidGA 1443: 28

VatS 45

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 45



LeidSM 1440: 28; LeidGA 1442: 43

372

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

VatS 46

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 46



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 31

VatS 55

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Cappella Sistina 55



LeidGA 1443: 15

VatSM 24

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Santa Maria Maggiore 24



LeidGA 1443: 8, 16, 21

VatSM 26

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Santa Maria Maggiore 26



LeidGA 1443: 15

VatV 11953

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Vaticani Latini 11953



LeidSM 1440: 29, 30

VatVM 571

Vatican City. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Ms. Vaticani Musicali 571



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidSM 1440: 31; LeidGA 1442: 39

VerBC 760

Verona. Biblioteca Capitolare. Ms. DCCLX



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1442: 39

VienNB 1783

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften- und Inkunabelsammlung. Ms. 1783



LeidGA 1443: 29

VienNB 9814

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften- und Inkunabelsammlung. Ms. 9814



LeidGA 1438: 27

VienNB 11778

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften- und Inkunabelsammlung. Ms. 11778



LeidGA 1443: 28

VienNB Mus. 15500

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Ms. Mus. 15500



LeidGA 1442: 39, 69

VienNB Mus. 15941

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Ms. Mus. 15941



LeidGA 1441: 20



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 373

VienNB Mus. 15950

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Ms. Mus. 15950



LeidSM 1440: 2; LeidGA 1442: 77

VienNB Mus. 16195

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Ms. Mus. 16195



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 7, 22

VienNB Mus. 16746

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Ms. Mus. 16746



LeidGA 1443: 29

VienNB Mus. 19189

Vienna. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung. Ms. Mus. 19189



LeidSM 1440: 25

WarU 7.41.5.14

Warsaw. Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Oddział Zbiorów Muzycznych. 7.41.5.14 (VII-VIII)



LeidGA 1439: 13, 26

WhalleyS 23

Whalley (Lancashire). Stonyhurst College Library. Ms. B.VI.23



LeidGA 1438: 37; LeidGA 1439: 17, 22

WittenL 1048

Wittenberg. Staatliche Lutherhalle. S 403/1048



LeidGA 1438: 10

WrocS 5

Wroclaw (Breslau). Former Stadtbibliothek (now in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Ms. Mus. 5



LeidGA 1438: 24, 32; LeidGA 1439: 11, 17, 20, 26; LeidSM 1440: 16, 18, 39; LeidGA 1441: 35

WrocS 8

Wroclaw (Breslau). Former Stadtbibliothek (now in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Ms. Mus. 8



LeidGA 1438: 26; LeidGA 1439: 13, 20, 22; LeidGA 1441: 7

WrocS 10

Wroclaw (Breslau). Former Stadtbibliothek (now in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Ms. Mus. 10



LeidSM 1440: 18

WrocS 11

Wroclaw (Breslau). Former Stadtbibliothek (now in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Ms. Mus. 11



LeidGA 1439: 13, 22; LeidSM 1440: 29, 30

374

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

WrocS 12

Wroclaw (Breslau). Former Stadtbibliothek (now in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Ms. Mus. 12



LeidGA 1438: 32; LeidSM 1440: 18; LeidGA 1442: 51

WrocS 14

Wroclaw (Breslau). Former Stadtbibliothek (now in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Ms. Mus. 14



LeidGA 1441: 47

WrocU 39

Wroclaw (Breslau). Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Oddział Zbiorów Muzycznych. Ms. Brieger Musikaliensammlung K. 39



LeidGA 1439: 17, 20

WrocU 40

Wroclaw (Breslau). Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Oddział Zbiorów Muzycznych. Ms. Brieger Musikaliensammlung K. 40



LeidGA 1439: 17, 20; LeidSM 1440: 29

WrocU 51

Wroclaw (Breslau). Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Oddział Zbiorów Muzycznych. Ms. Brieger Musikaliensammlung K. 51



LeidGA 1439: 20

WrocU 54

Wroclaw (Breslau). Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Oddział Zbiorów Muzycznych. Ms. Brieger Musikaliensammlung K. 54



LeidGA 1439: 22; LeidSM 1440: 29, 39; LeidGA 1441: 52; LeidGA 1442: 51

YorkM 91

York. Minster Library. Ms. M 91 S



LeidGA 1439: 26

ZwiR 3/3

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. III, 3



LeidGA 1439: 20

ZwiR 10/1c-d

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. X, 1c-d



LeidGA 1442: 77; LeidGA 1443: 7

ZwiR 10/2

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. X, 2



LeidGA 1438: 14

ZwiR 31/32

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XXXI, 32



LeidGA 1439: 25

ZwiR 33/34

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XXXIII, 34



LeidGA 1438: 24, 32; LeidGA 1439: 16; LeidSM 1440: 30



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 375

ZwiR 34/35

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XXXIV, 35



LeidGA 1439: 20

ZwiR 40/70

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XL, 70



LeidGA 1439: 9, 13

ZwiR 41/73

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XLI, 73



LeidGA 1441: 7, 11

ZwiR 46/120

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XLVI, 120



LeidGA 1442: 51

ZwiR 47/12

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XLVII, 129



LeidSM 1440: 16

ZwiR 73

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. LXXIII



LeidGA 1439: 10

ZwiR 74/1

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. LXXIV, 1



LeidGA 1438: 24, 32; LeidGA 1439: 11, 17, 20, 22; LeidSM 1440: 18, 39; LeidGA 1442: 51

ZwiR 79/2

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. LXXIX, 2



LeidGA 1439: 13; LeidSM 1440: 39; LeidGA 1441: 2, 39, 52

ZwiR 81/2

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. LXXXI, 2



LeidGA 1441: 33

ZwiR 94/1

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XCIV, 1



LeidGA 1439: 17, 20; LeidSM 1440: 29

ZwiR 96/1

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XCVI, 1



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 7

ZwiR 97/1

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XCVII, 1



LeidGA 1441: 2

ZwiR 97/2

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. XCVII, 2



LeidGA 1439: 22

ZwiR 100/5

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. C, 5



LeidGA 1439: 22

ZwiR 103/3

Zwickau. Ratsschulbibliothek. Ms. CIII, 3



LeidGA 1438: 2; LeidGA 1441: 4, 22

* * * * *

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

376

Petrucci 1502 (J666)

Liber primus missarum Josquin (Venezia, O. Petrucci 1502)



LeidGA 1443: 28

Petrucci 1503 (L718)

Misse Petri de La Rue (Venezia, O. Petrucci 1503)



LeidGA 1443: 29 1

Petrucci 1514

Motetti de la corona. Libro primo (Venezia, O. Petrucci 1514)



LeidGA 1442: 33 1

Petrucci 1519

Motetti de la corona libro secondo (Venezia, O. Petrucci 1519)



LeidGA 1441: 20; LeidGA 1442: 44 2

Petrucci 1519

Motetti de la corona. Libro tertio (Venezia, O. Petrucci 1519)



LeidSM 1440: 28, 29, 30 3

Petrucci 1519

Motetti de la corona. Libro quarto (Venezia, O. Petrucci 1519)



LeidGA 1442: 34 2

Motetti novi libro tertio (Venezia, A. Antico 1520)

Antico 1520

LeidGA 1441: 20; LeidGA 1442: 36 4

Grimm & Wyrsung 1520

Liber selectarum cantionum quas vulgo mutetas appellant sex quinque et quatuor vocum (Augsburg, Grimm & Wyrsung 1520)



LeidGA 1439: 24, 25; LeidSM 1440: 29, 30; LeidGA 1442: 34

Antico 15211

Missarum liber primus (Venezia, A. Antico 1521)



LeidGA 1443: 16 3

Antico 1521

Motetti libro primo (Venezia, A. Antico 1521)



LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 34 7

s.n. [c.1521] [Motetti et carmina gallica] (Roma, s.n. s.a.)

LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 34, 43 2

Attaingnant [1528]

Motetz nouvellement composez (Paris, P. Attaingnant [1529])



LeidGA 1439: 26; LeidGA 1441: 31 1

Attaingnant 1532

Primus liber viginti missarum musicalium tres missas continens […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1532)



LeidGA 1443: 13

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 377



Attaingnant 15322

Secundus liber tres missas continet […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1532)



LeidGA 1443: 16 4

Attaingnant 1532

Quartus liber tres missas continet […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1532)



LeidGA 1443: 21 6

Attaingnant 1532

Sextus liber duas missas habet […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1532)



LeidSM 1440: 4 9

Moderne 1532

Secundus liber cum quinque vocibus (Lyon, J. Moderne 1532)



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidSM 1440: 31; LeidGA 1442: 51

Moderne 153210

Primus liber cum quatuor vocibus. Motteti del fiore (Lyon, J. Moderne 1532)



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1442: 39, 40 11

Secundus liber cum quatuor vocibus. Motteti del fiore (Lyon, J. Moderne 1532)

Moderne 1532

LeidGA 1441: 13 3

Attaingnant 1534

Liber primus quinque et viginti musicales quatuor vocum motetos complecitur […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534)



LeidGA 1441: 20 4

Attaingnant 1534

Liber secundus quatuor et viginti musicales quatuor vocum motetos habet […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534)



LeidGA 1442: 39 6

Attaingnant 1534

Liber quartus xxix. musicales quatuor vel quinque parium vocum modulos habet […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534)



LeidGA 1441: 51 7

Attaingnant 1534

Liber quintus xii. trium priorum tonorum magnificat continet (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534)



LeidGA 1439: 32 8

Attaingnant 1534

Liber sextus xiii. quinque ultimorum tonorum magnificat continet (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534)



LeidGA 1442: 67, 69 10

Attaingnant 1534

Liber octavus xx. musicales motetos quatuor, quinque vel sex vocum modulos habet (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534)



LeidSM 1440: 33; LeidGA 1442: 51

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

378

Attaingnant 15351

Liber nonus xviii. daviticos musicales psalmos habet (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1534 [n.s. 1535])



LeidGA 1442: 40 5

Liber decimustertius xviii. musicales habet modulos quatuor, quinque vel sex vocibus editos. Opus sane totius armonie flos nuncupandum […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1535)

Attaingnant 1535



LeidSM 1440: 22 1

Formschneider 1537

Novum et insigne opus musicum, sex, quinque, et quatuor vocum, cuius in Germania hactenus nihil simile usquam est editum (Nürnberg, H. Grapheus [Formschneider] 1537)



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 29; LeidGA 1442: 38

Moderne 15382

Tertius liber mottetorum ad quinque et sex voces […] (Lyon, J. Moderne 1538)



LeidGA 1438: 22; LeidGA 1439: 21, 26; LeidSM 1440: 18

Formschneider 15383

Secundus tomus novi operis musici, sex, quinque et quatuor vocum, nunc recens in lucem editus […] (Nürnberg, H. Grapheus [Formschneider] 1538)



LeidGA 1439: 24; LeidSM 1440: 28, 30; LeidGA 1441: 13, 51; LeidGA 1442: 34, 37

Gardano 15384

Primus liber cum quinque vocibus. Mottetti del frutto (Venezia, A. Gardano 1538)



LeidSM 1440: 25, 26 6

Petreius 1538

Tomus primus psalmorum selectorum à praestantissimis musicis in harmonias quatuor aut quinque vocum redactorum (Nürnberg, J. Petreius 1538)



LeidGA 1442: 36 7

Petreius 1538

Modulationes aliquot quatuor vocum selectissimae, quas vulgo modetas vocant, à praestantiss. musicis compositae, iam primum typis excusae (Nürnberg, J. Petreius 1538)



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1442: 39

Rhaw 1538



8

Symphoniae iucundae atque adeo breves quatuor vocum, ab optimis quibusque musicis compositae, ac iuxta ordinem tonorum dispositae, quas vulgo mutetas appellare solemus, numero quinquaginta duo (Wittenberg, G. Rhaw 1538) LeidGA 1438: 10

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 379



Gardano 15396

Secundus liber cum quinque vocibus. Fior de mottetti tratti dalli mottetti del fiore (Venezia, A. Gardano 1539)



LeidGA 1438: 22; LeidGA 1439: 21; LeidSM 1440: 18; LeidGA 1442: 51

Buglhat, Campis, Hucher 15397

Moteti de la Simia. Liber primus vocum quinque (Ferrara, J. de Buglhat, H. de Campis, A. Hucher 1539)



LeidGA 1439: 14 8

Schöffer 1539

Cantiones quinque vocum selectissimae, a primarijs (Germaniae inferioris, Galliae, & Italiae) musices magistris editae […] Mutetarum liber primus (Strasbourg, P. Schöffer 1539)



LeidGA 1438: 22; LeidGA 1439: 19; LeidSM 1440: 18

Petreius 15399

Tomus secundus psalmorum selectorum quatuor et quinque vocum (Nürnberg, J. Petreius 1539)



LeidGA 1442: 40, 44 12

Gardano 1539

Primus liber cum quatuor vocibus. Fior de mottetti tratti dalli mottetti del fiore (Venezia, A. Gardano 1539)



LeidGA 1438: 10; LeidGA 1441: 13; LeidGA 1442: 39, 40

Gardano 153913

Primus liber cum quatuor vocibus. Mottetti del frutto a quatro (Venezia, A. Gardano 1539)



LeidGA 1441: 42

Scotto 1539 (G2977)

Gomberti excellentissimi […] Musica quatuor vocum, (vulgo motecta nuncupatur), lyris maioribus, ac tibijs imparibus accomodata […] Liber primus ([Venezia], G. Scotto [1539])



LeidGA 1441: 13, 24 3

Scotto 1540

Quinque missae Moralis hispani, ac Jacheti musici eccellentissimi liber primus, cum quinque vocibus, nunc primum omni diligentia in lucem aeditus (Venezia, G. Scotto 1540)



LeidSM 1440: 1 4

Scotto 1540

Excellentissimi musici Moralis hispani, Gomberti, ac Jacheti cum quatuor vocibus missae, novissime omni diligentia in lucem aeditae […] Liber primus (Venezia, G. Scotto 1540)



LeidGA 1443: 10

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

380

Petreius 15406

Selectissimarum mutetarum partim quinque partim quatuor vocum tomus primus. D. Georgio Forstero selectore (Nürnberg, J. Petreius 1540)



LeidGA 1438: 27; LeidSM 1440: 18; LeidGA 1442: 51

Gardano 1540 ( J7)

Primo libro di mottetti di Iachet a cinque voci con la gionta di piu mottetti composti de novo per il detto autore […] (Venezia, A. Gardano 1540)



LeidSM 1440: 38 4

Scotto 1541

Gomberti excellentissimi, et inventione in hac arte facile principis […] musica quatuor vocum (vulgo motecta nuncupatur). Additis etiam nonnullis excellentissimi Morales motectis summo ipsius studio concinnatis […] Liber primus (Venezia, G. Scotto 1541)



LeidGA 1441: 13, 24

Scotto 1541 (G2984)

Nicolai Gomberti, Musici solertissimi, motectorum quinque vocum […] Liber secundus (Venezia, G. Scotto 1541)



LeidGA 1441: 46 7

Vissenaecken 1542

Quatuor vocum musicae modulationes numero xxvi ex optimis autoribus diligenter selectae, prorsus novae, atque typis hactenus non excusae (Antwerpen, W. van Vissenaecken 1542)



LeidGA 1441: 24; LeidGA 1442: 38

Attaingnant 1542 (L3089)

Io. Lupi, chori sacre virginis Marie cameracenis magistri, musice cantiones (que vulgo motetta nuncupantur) […] Liber tertius (Paris, P. Attaingnant 1542)



LeidGA 1438: 22; LeidGA 1439: 18; LeidSM 1440: 26, 27

Attaingnant & Jullet 1542 (S2818)

Claudii de Sermisy, regii sacelli submagistri, nova & prima motettorum editio […] Liber primus […] (Paris, P. Attaingnant & H. Jullet 1542)



LeidGA 1439: 12 1

Scotto 1543

Quinque missarum harmonia diapente, id est quinque voces referens […] Moralis hispani […] Ioannis Luppi […] Recens in lucem aedita, ac denuo omni diligentia adamussim recognita (Venezia, G. Scotto 1543)



LeidSM 1440: 1

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 381



Scotto 15434

Symphonia quatuor modulata vocibus excellentissimi musici Joannis Galli alias chori Ferrariae magistri quae vulgo (motecta Metre Jehan) nominantur, nuper in lucem edita (Venezia, G. Scotto 1543)



LeidSM 1440: 33 1

Gardano 1544

Sex misse. Liber primus missarum sex, cum quatuor vocibus ex diversis authoribus excellentissimis noviter in unum congestus (Venezia, A. Gardano 1544)



LeidGA 1443: 7 2

Scotto 1544

Liber primus missarum quinque, cum quatuor vocibus, ex diversis authoribus excellentissimis noviter in unum congestus […] (Venezia, G. Scotto 1544)



LeidGA 1443: 7

Dorico & Lodovico 1544 (M3582) Christophori Moralis Hyspalensis missarum liber secundus (Roma, V. Dorico & Lodovico 1544)

LeidSM 1440: 1 1

Susato 1545

Liber secundus missarum quatuor vocum a prestantissimis musicis. Nempe Ioan. Lupo Hellingo & Thoma Cricquillione (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1545)



LeidGA 1442: 77 2

Concentus octo, sex, quinque & quatuor vocum, omnium iucundissimi, nuspiam antea sic aediti […] (Augsburg, P. Ulhard 1545)

Ulhard 1545



LeidSM 1440: 32 3

Kriesstein 1545

Cantiones septem, sex, et quinque vocum. Longe gravissimae, iuxta ac amoenissimae, in Germania maxime hactenus typis non excusae […] (Augsburg, M. Kriesstein 1545)



LeidGA 1439: 12, 18

Gardano 1545 (W1109)

Adriani Willaert musici celeberrimi […] Musica quatuor vocum (motecta vulgo appellant) […] Liber secundus (Venezia, A. Gardano 1545)



LeidGA 1442: 39 6

Rhaw 1545

Bicinia gallica, latina, germanica, ex praestantissimis musicorum monumentis collecta […] (Wittenberg, G. Rhaw 1545)



LeidGA 1439: 25

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

382

Susato 15464

Liber tertius missarum quatuor vocum, a diversis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1546)



LeidGA 1442: 79; LeidGA 1443: 7, 21 6

Susato 1546

Liber primus sacrarum cantionum, quinque vocum, vulgo moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1546)



LeidGA 1438: 32; LeidGA 1439: 6, 20; LeidGA 1441: 52

Susato 15467

Liber secundus sacrarum cantionum, quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1546)



LeidGA 1438: 20; LeidGA 1439: 18; LeidGA 1441: 49

Berg & Neuber 15468

Selectissimae symphoniae compositae ab excellentibus musicis, antehac non aeditae (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1546)



LeidGA 1441: 2, 17, 39 2

Moderne 1547

Harmonidos Ariston. Tricolon ogdoameron. In quo habentur liturgiae, vel missae tres, celeribus, ac volubilibus numeris. Moduli duo tetraphoni sive quatuor vocum. Pentaphonos unus aut quinque vocum. Hexaphonos alter. Id est sex vocum. Parthenicum unum psalma. Quod est magnificat (Lyon, J. Moderne 1547)



LeidGA 1441: 2 4

Gardano 1547

Quinque missarum harmonia diapente idest quinque voces referens […] (Venezia, A. Gardano 1547)



LeidSM 1440: 1 5

Susato 1547

Liber tertius sacrarum cantionum, quatuor vocum, vulgo moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1547)



LeidGA 1438: 9; LeidGA 1441: 2, 8, 11, 35 6

Susato 1547

Liber quartus sacrarum cantionum, quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, ex optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis selectarum (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1547)



LeidGA 1438: 2, 5; LeidGA 1441: 5, 7, 9, 22

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 383



Ulhard 15482

Cantiones selectissimae. Quatuor vocum. Ab eximiis et praestantibus Caesareae Maiestatis Capellae musicis. M. Cornelio Cane. Thoma Crequilone. Nicolao Payen & Johanne Lestainnier organista, compositae et in comitiis augustanis studio et impensis Sigismundi Salmingeri in lucem aeditae. Liber primus […] (Augsburg, P. Ulhard 1548)



LeidGA 1438: 4, 6; LeidSM 1440: 36; LeidGA 1441: 24, 38

Ulhard 154911

Cantiones selectissimae. Quatuor vocum. Liber secundus […] (Augsburg, P. Ulhard 1549)



LeidGA 1441: 4, 6, 29, 37, 39 12

Gardano 1549

Electiones diversorum motetorum distincte quatuor vocibus, nunc primum in lucem misse auctore excellenti musico Verdeloto et quorumdam musicantium aliorum meditationes musices dulcissime […] (Venezia, A. Gardano 1549)



LeidGA 1441: 33 15

Elletione de motetti non piu stampati a quatro voci di Verdelotto et di altri diversi eccelentissimi autori novamente fatta et con somma diligentia corretissimi posti in luce libro primo (Venezia, G. Scotto 1549)

Scotto 1549



LeidGA 1441: 33 2

Berg & Neuber 1550

Carmina vere divina, a praestantissimis artificibus ad singula anni festa quinque vocibus sic composita, ut plane appareat impetum illum musicum sedibus aethereis venire excellentibus ingenijs […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1550)



LeidSM 1440: 18 1

Du Chemin 1551

Primus liber septem decim continet quatuor, & quinque vocum modulos (quae moteta vulgo dicuntur) à celeberrimis authoribus nunc primum in lucem editos […] (Paris, N. du Chemin 1551)



LeidGA 1438: 2, LeidGA 1438: 14; LeidSM 1440: 21; LeidGA 1441: 11, 37

Gardano 15512 (G2980)

Nicolai Gomberti musici imperatorii motectorum, nuperrime maxima diligentia in lucem aeditorum. Liber primus quatuor vocum (Venezia, A. Gardano 1551)



LeidGA 1441: 24

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

384

Du Chemin & Goudimel 15532

Liber primus collectorum modulorum (qui moteta vulgo dicuntur) quae iam olim à praestantissimis et musicae peritissimis emissa, ac variis voluminibus dispersa, nunc primum iudicio exacto, hoc libro (qui vere motetorum thesaurus dici potest) in unum redacta […] (Paris, N. du Chemin 1553)



LeidGA 1438: 10, 27; LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 30; LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 36, 39, 51

Berg & Neuber 15534

Psalmorum selectorum a praestantissimis huius nostri temporis in arte musica artificibus in harmonias quatuor, quinque, et sex vocum redactorum Tomus primus […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1553)



LeidSM 1440: 20; LeidGA 1442: 36 6

Berg & Neuber 1553

Tomus tertius psalmorum selectorum, quatuor et plurium vocum (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1553)



LeidGA 1439: 6; LeidSM 1440: 17; LeidGA 1441: 12, 49

Susato 15538

Liber primus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1553)



LeidGA 1439: 2, 3, 4; LeidGA 1441: 27, 37, 40 9

Susato 1553

Liber secundus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quatuor vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1553)



LeidGA 1438: 4; LeidGA 1441: 17, 38 12

Susato 1553

Liber quintus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes primi toni […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1553)



LeidGA 1438: 32; LeidGA 1439: 16

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 385



Susato 155313

Liber sextus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes primi toni […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1553)



LeidGA 1438: 11; LeidGA 1439: 15; LeidSM 1440: 20, 22

Susato 155314

Liber septimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1553)



LeidGA 1441: 49, 50 15

Susato 1553

Liber octavus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum. Omnes de unto tono […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1553)



LeidGA 1438: 15, 16; LeidGA 1439: 13 1

Phalèse 1554

Liber primus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 14, 24; LeidGA 1439: 13, 17, 22; LeidSM 1440: 16, 21

Phalèse 15542

Liber secundus cantionum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 18 3

Phalèse 1554

Liber tertius cantioum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 34; LeidGA 1439: 15; LeidSM 1440: 20, 23

Phalèse 15544

Liber quartus cantioum sacrarum, (vulgo moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidSM 1440: 39

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

386

Phalèse 15545

Liber sextus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque et sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1554)



LeidGA 1439: 11 6

Waelrant & Laet 1554

Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber primus (Antwerpen, H. Waelrant & J. Laet 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 26, 37; LeidGA 1441: 53 10

Berg & Neuber 1554

Evangelia dominicorum et festorum dierum musicis numeris pulcherrime comprehensa & ornata. Tomi primi continentis historias & doctrinam, quae solent in Ecclesia proponi […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 24; LeidGA 1439: 17, 20; LeidGA 1441: 35, 37

Berg & Neuber 155411

Tomus quartus psalmorum selectorum, quatuor et plurium vocum (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 2, 5, 18, 21; LeidGA 1441: 5, 50, 52 12

Du Bosc & Guéroult 1554

Primus liber motetorum, quatuor et quinque vocum, a quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, et nunc primum in lucem editus ([Genève], S. du Bosc & G. Guéroult 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 2, 14; LeidGA 1441: 11, 37 13

Du Bosc & Guéroult 1554

Secundus liber modulorum, quatuor, quinque et sex vocum, (quos vulgus motteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, et nunc primum in lucem aeditus ([Genève], S. du Bosc & G. Guéroult 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 5, 24; LeidGA 1439: 22; LeidSM 1440: 16; LeidGA 1441: 5

Scotto 155414

Motetti del Laberinto, a quatro voci libro secondo. Sacrarum cantionum sive motettorum, Thome Cricquillonis: Clementis non Papae, aliorumque praestantissimorum auctorum […] (Venezia, G. Scotto 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 5; LeidGA 1439: 2, 3; LeidGA 1441: 5

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 387



Scotto 155415

Motetti del Laberinto. A quatro voci libro terzo. Sacrarum cantionum sive motettorum, Thomae Cricquillonis, Clementis non Papae, aliorumque praestantissimorum auctorum […] (Venezia, G. Scotto 1554)



LeidGA 1439: 4, 5; LeidGA 1441: 39 16

Scotto 1554

Motetti del Laberinto, a cinque voci libro quarto. Sacrarum cantionum sive motettorum, Thomae Cricquillonis, Clementis non Papae, aliorumque praestantissimorum auctorum […] (Venezia, G. Scotto 1554)



LeidGA 1438: 11, 13, 24; LeidGA 1439: 9, 22; LeidGA 1441: 50

Phalèse 15554

Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque & sex vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1555)



LeidGA 1439: 9 5

Liber octavus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quinque sex septem & octo vocum ex optimis quibusque musicis selectarum (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1555)

Phalèse 1555



LeidGA 1438: 16; LeidGA 1439: 10 6

Waelrant & Laet 1555

Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber secundus (Antwerpen, H. Waelrant & J. Laet 1555)



LeidSM 1440: 17, 24 8

Susato 1555

Liber decimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1555)



LeidGA 1438: 14; LeidGA 1439: 17; LeidGA 1441: 46

Susato 15559

Liber undecimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1555)



LeidGA 1438: 21; LeidSM 1440: 21; LeidGA 1441: 47

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

388

Berg & Neuber 155510

Secundus tomus Evangeliorum, quatuor, quinque, sex et plurium vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1555)



LeidGA 1438: 27, 32; LeidGA 1439: 11, 19; LeidSM 1440: 16, 18; LeidGA 1441: 42

Berg & Neuber 155511

Tertius tomus Evangeliorum, quatuor, quinque, sex et plurium vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1555)



LeidGA 1438: 34; LeidGA 1441: 44, 27 13

Du Bosc & Guéroult 1555

Tertius liber modulorum, quatuor, quinque et sex vocum, (quos vulgus moteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, & nunc primum in lucem aeditus ([Genève], S. du Bosc & G. Guéroult 1555)



LeidSM 1440: 20, 39; LeidGA 1441: 13, 35 14

Du Bosc & Guéroult 1555

Quartus liber modulorum, quatuor, quinque et sex vocum, (quos vulgus moteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, & nunc primum in lucem aeditus ([Genève], S. du Bosc & G. Guéroult 1555)



LeidGA 1439: 11; LeidSM 1440: 23 15

Scotto 1555

Moteti de la fama Libro primo a quatro voci, composti da Ioanne Lheritier, musico eccelentiss. Raccolti da molti libri, già stampati et alcuni anchora non piu stampati […] (Venezia, G. Scotto 1555)



LeidGA 1442: 40

Le Roy & Ballard 1555 ( J678)

Josquini Pratensis, musici praestantissimi, moduli, ex sacris literis dilecti, & in 4, 5, & 6 voces distincti, liber primus (Paris, A. Le Roy & R. Ballard 1555)



LeidGA 1439: 25; LeidSM 1440: 28, 29, 30; LeidGA 1442: 34

Baethen 15563

Liber tertius sacrarum cantionum diversorum autorum, quatuor, quinque, et sex vocum (Düsseldorf, J. Baethen 1556)



LeidGA 1441: 6

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 389



Waelrant & Laet [1556]4

Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quatuor vocum, ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis, in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber primus (Antwerpen, H. Waelrant & J. Laet [1556])



LeidGA 1439: 1; LeidSM 1440: 36 6

Waelrant & Laet 1556

Sacrarum cantionum (vulgo hodie moteta vocant) quinque et sex vocum, ad veram harmoniam concentumque ab optimis quibusque musicis, in philomusorum gratiam compositarum. Liber quartus (Antwerpen, H. Waelrant & J. Laet 1556)



LeidGA 1438: 23 8

Quintus tomus Evangeliorum, et piarum sententiarum: quinque vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1556)

Berg & Neuber 1556



LeidGA 1439: 9, 18; LeidSM 1440: 23 9

Berg & Neuber [1556]

Sextus tomus Evangeliorum, et piarum sententiarum. Quatuor, sex, et octo vocum. Continens historias & doctrinam, quae in Ecclesia proponi solet […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber [1556])



LeidGA 1439: 2, 3, 4; LeidGA 1441: 2 10

Du Bosc 1556

Sextus liber modulorum, quatuor, quinque et sex vocum, (quos vulgus moteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus, & nunc primum in lucem aeditus ([Genève], S. du Bosc 1556)



LeidGA 1441: 35

Le Roy & Ballard 1556 (R1300)

Ioannis Richafort Modulorum quatuor quinque & sex vocum. Liber primus (Paris, A. le Roy & R. Ballard 1556)



LeidGA 1438: 10, 27; LeidGA 1441: 31; LeidGA 1442: 36

Susato 15573

Liber duodecimus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum vulgo moteta vocant, tam ex Veteri quam ex Novo Testamento, ab optimis quibusque huius aetatis musicis compositarum […] (Antwerpen, T. Susato 1557)



LeidGA 1438: 23

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

390

Berg & Neuber 15584

Novum et insigne opus musicum, sex, quinque, et quatuor vocum, cuius in Germania hactenus nihil simile usquam est editum. Nunc quidem locupletatum plus centum non minus elegantibus carminibus, tum Josquini, tum aliorum clarissimorum symphonistarum tam veterum quam recentiorum, quorum quaedam antehac sunt edita, multa nunc primum in lucem exeunt […] Cantionum sex vocum (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1558)



LeidGA 1439: 24, 25; LeidSM 1440: 28, 29 8

Arbillius [1558]

Primus liber modulorum, quatuor et quinque vocum, (quos vulgus motteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus ([Genève], J. Arbillius [1558])



LeidSM 1440: 20, 39; LeidGA 1441: 13

Le Roy & Ballard 1558 (S2824)

Missae tres Claudio de Sermisi […] (Paris, A. le Roy & R. Ballard 1558)



LeidGA 1443: 13 1

Berg & Neuber 1559

Secunda pars magni operis musici, continens clarissimorum symphonistarum tam veterum quam recentiorum, praecipue vero Clementis non Papae, carmina elegantissima. Quinque vocum […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1559)



LeidGA 1438: 18; LeidGA 1439: 10, 13, 22; LeidSM 1440: 21, 30, 39; LeidGA 1441: 47, 51; LeidGA 1442: 34, 51

Berg & Neuber 15592

Tertia pars magni operis musici, continens clarissimorum symphonistarum tam veterum quam recentiorum, praecipue vero Clementis non Papae, Carmina elegantissima. Quatuor vocum […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1559)



LeidGA 1441: 7, 8, 9, 22, 40 4

Sylvius [1559]

Tertius liber modulorum, quatuor et quinque vocum, (quos vulgus motteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus ([Genève], M. Sylvius [1559])



LeidGA 1439: 11; LeidSM 1440: 17; LeidGA 1441: 49, 52



Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 391

Sylvius [1559]5

Quartus liber modulorum, quatuor et quinque vocum, (quos vulgus motteta vocat) à quibusvis celeberrimis authoribus excerptus ([Genève], M. Sylvius [1559])



LeidGA 1438: 2, 14; LeidGA 1439: 22; LeidSM 1440: 16; LeidGA 1441: 5, 11, 37, 53

Phalèse 1559 (C2686)

Liber primus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum nunc primum in lucem editus autore d. Clemente non Papa (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1559)



LeidGA 1441: 4, 37

Phalèse 1559 (C2690)

Liber secundus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum, nunc primum in lucem editus autore d. Clemente non Papa (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1559)



LeidGA 1439: 2, 3; LeidSM 1440: 35

Phalèse 1559 (C2694)

Liber tertius cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum, nunc primum in lucem editus autore d. Clemente non Papa (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1559)



LeidGA 1439: 5; LeidGA 1441: 6, 29, 35

Phalèse 1559 (C2698)

Liber quartus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum, nunc primum in lucem editus autore d. Clemente non Papa (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1559)



LeidGA 1441: 2, 10

Phalèse 1559 (C2702)

Liber quintus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum, nunc primum in lucem editus autore d. Clemente non Papa (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1559)



LeidGA 1441: 17, 38, 39, 40

Phalèse 1559 (C4406)

Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant, quatuor vocum, nunc primum in lucem editus autore Tho. Cricquillon (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1559)



LeidGA 1438: 4, 6; LeidGA 1439: 4; LeidSM 1440: 36; LeidGA 1441: 8, 11, 27

s.n. 1560 ( J677)

Missa Josquini, super Lhomme arme. Sexti Toni (s.l., s.n. 1560)



LeidGA 1443: 28

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions

392

Phalèse 1562 (C2703)

Liber quintus cantionum sacrarum vulgo moteta vocant quatuor vocum nunc denuo a multis quibus scatebat mendis […] autore d. Clemente non Papa (Leuven, P. Phalèse 1562)



LeidGA 1441: 7, 17, 22, 39, 40 4

Berg & Neuber 1564

Theasuri musici tomus quartus continens selectissimas quinque vocum harmonias, quas vulgo motetas vocant […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1564)



LeidSM 1440: 26 5

Berg & Neuber 1564

Theasuri musici tomus quintus, et ultimus, continens sacras harmonias quatuor vocibus compositas […] (Nürnberg, J. von Berg & U. Neuber 1564)



LeidGA 1441: 11

Du Chemin 1568 (S2826)

Missa cum quatuor vocibus, ad imitationem moduli Philomena praevia condita. Autore D. Claudio de Sermisy […] (Paris, N. du Chemin 1568)



LeidGA 1443: 13 1

Phalèse & Bellère 1570

Praestantissimorum divinae musices auctorum missae decem, quatuor, quinque & sex vocum, antehac nunquam excussae […] (Leuven, P. Phalèse & J. Bellère 1570)



LeidSM 1440: 2; LeidGA 1443: 22

Phalèse 1576 (C4410)

Opus sacrarum cantionum, (quas vulgo moteta vocant) Thomae Criquillon, Augustissimi Caroli quinti imperatoris chori magistri celeberrimi, quatuor, quinque, sex & octo vocum […] (Antwerpen, P. Phalèse & J. Bellère, 1576)



LeidGA 1438: 4, 6, 11, 13, 14, 16, 18, 28; LeidGA 1439: 4; LeidSM 1440: 36; LeidGA 1441: 8, 11, 27, 50, 52

s.n. 15804

Theatri musici selectissimas Orlandi de Lassus aliorumque praestantissimorum musicorum Cantiones sacras, quatuor, quinque et plurium vocum, repraesentantis. Liber secundus ([Genève], s.n. 1580)



LeidGA 1438: 34

Concordant Manuscripts and Printed Editions 393



Phalèse & Bellère 159019

Bicinia, sive cantiones suavissimae duarum vocum, tam divinae musices tyronibus, quam eiusdem artis peritioribus magno usui futurae, nec non & quibusvis instrumentis accommodae […] (Antwerpen, P. Phalèse & J. Bellère 1590)



LeidGA 1439: 25 27

Gerlach 1591

Bicinia sacra, ex variis autoribus in usum iuventutis scholasticae collecta […] Zweystimmige Gesänglein, sampt einem kurtzen Unterricht, wie man soll lernen singen, für die jungen Schuler neulich im Druck aussgangen (Nünrberg, C. Gerlach 1591)



LeidGA 1439: 25

Arbillius [s.a.] (C2684)

Secundus liber modulorum quatuor et quinque vocum (quos vulgus motteta vocat) (s.l., J. Arbilius s.a.)



LeidGA 1439: 3

Bibliography Books and Articles ‘Aanstelling van mr. Claas Boerken als organist te Leiden in den jare 1402’. Kronijk van het Historisch Genootschap gevestigd te Utrecht 6 (1850), pp. 80–82 Abels, P.H.A.M., et al. (eds.), Duizend jaar Gouda. Een stadsgeschiedenis (Hilversum 2002) Annegarn, A., Floris en Cornelis Schuyt. Muziek in Leiden van de vijftiende tot het begin van de zeventiende eeuw (Utrecht 1973) Antonowycz, M., ‘Zur Autorsschaftsfrage der Motetten Absolve, quaesumus, Domine und Inter Natos Mulierum’. TVNM 20 (1964–1967), pp. 154–169 Arkenbout, A.A., ‘Koorknapen in dienst van Frank van Borselen’. Holland. Regionaal-historisch tijdschrift 6 (1974), pp. 191–193 Baar, P.J.M. de, ‘De nadagen van twee zusterschappen “die men hout in Sinte Pieterskercke binnen Leyden”’. Uit Leidse bron geleverd, ed. J.W. Marsilje et al. (Leiden 1989), pp. 17–28 —— ‘Leiden, stad van vluchtelingen’. Holland. Regionaal-historisch tijdschrift 27 (1995), pp. 236–253 Baarsel, M. van, ‘De memoriemeesters van de Pieterskerk’. LJ 74 (1982), pp. 25–55 Bailey, T., The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church (Toronto 1971) Bangs, J.D., ‘The Sixteenth-Century Organ of the Pieterskerk Leiden’. Oud Holland 88 (1974), pp. 220–231 —— ‘Rijnsburg Abbey. Additional Documentation on Furniture, Artists, Musicians, and Buildings, 1500–1570’. BKNOB 74 (1975), pp. 182–190 —— Cornelis Engebrechtsz.’s Leiden. Studies in Cultural History (Assen 1979) —— ‘Reconsidering Lutheran Book Trade. The So-called “Winkel-kasboek” of Pieter Claesz. van Balen’. Quaerendo 9 (1979), pp. 227–260 —— ‘De koorknapen van de Pieterskerk en de Latijnse school’. Hart van de stad krant. Speciale uitgave rond Pieterskerk (May 1982), pp. 13–14 —— ‘The Leiden Pieterskerk West End, 1512–1637. Aspects of Rebuilding and Change’. BKNOB 84 (1985), pp. 1–15 —— Church Art and Architecture in the Low Countries before 1566. Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies 37 (1997) Bank, J.A., ‘Overheidssubsidie voor onderricht in het gregoriaans’. Sint Gregorius-blad 64 (1939), pp. 285–288 —— ‘Middeleeuwse kerkmuziek in Hollandse steden’. Sint Gregorius-blad 65 (1940), pp. 6–10, 30–32, 50–56, 89–95 —— ‘Kerkmuziek in Amsterdam van 1400 tot 1600’. Gregoriusblad 82 (1961), pp. 286–291; 83 (1962), pp. 15–19 Bartha, D., Benedictus Ducis und Appenzeller. Ein Beitrag zur Stilgeschichte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Wolfenbüttel/Berlin 1930) Beebe, E.S., ‘Mode, Structure, and Text Expression in the Motets of Jacobus Clemens non Papa. A Study of Style in Sacred Music’ (PhD diss., Yale University 1977), 2 vols. —— ‘The Repertoire of Brussels, Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal, MS 27088’. Beyond Contemporary Fame. Reassessing the Art of Clemens non Papa and Thomas Crecquillon, ed. E. Jas (Turnhout 2005), pp. 57–88



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Beeck Calkoen, J.F. van, Onderzoek naar den rechtstoestand der geestelijke en kerkelijke goederen in Holland na de reformatie (Amsterdam 1910) Beek, E.J.A. van, ‘De munten van Leiden, geslagen tijdens de belegeringen van 1573 en 1574’. LJ 66 (1974), pp. 51–61 Belonje, J., ‘De Leidsche commandeurs van de Duitsche Orde’. LJ 51 (1959), pp. 47–54 Benthem, J. van, ‘Lazarus versus Absalon. About Fiction and Fact in the Netherlands Motet’. TVNM 39 (1989), pp. 54–82 Berckel, K.C. van, ‘De St. Hippolytus-Kerk te Delft’. BH 26 (1901), pp. 200–221 Berg, B. van den, De Pieterskerk in Leiden (Utrecht 1992) Bernet Kempers, K.Ph., Jacobus Clemens non Papa und seine Motetten (Augsburg 1928) —— ‘Bibliography of the Sacred Works of Jacobus Clemens non Papa. A Classified List, with a Notice on his Life’. MD 18 (1964), pp. 85–150 —— ‘Die Sigel RISM 155311 und 155316’. Fontes Artis Musicae 15 (1968), pp. 108–110 Beuningen, W. van, Het Geestelijk Kantoor van Delft. Eene bijdrage tot de geschiedenis der geestelijke goederen en van den vroegeren kerkelijken toestand van onderscheidene gemeenten in een gedeelte van Holland (Arnhem 1870) Biema, E. van, ‘Nalezing van de stadsrekeningen van Amsterdam van af het jaar 1531’. Oud-Holland. Nieuwe bijdragen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Kunst, Letterkunde, Nijverheid, enz. 23 (1905), pp. 150–162 Biermans, M., ‘Music and Liturgy in Sint Janskerk in Gouda’. The Seventh Window. The King’s Window donated by Philip II and Mary Tudor to Sint Janskerk in Gouda (1557), ed. W. de Groot (Hilversum 2005), pp. 107–112 Biezen, J. van, Het Nederlandse orgel in de renaissance en de barok, in het bijzonder de school van Jan van Covelens (Utrecht 1995), 2 vols. Bijleveld, W.J.J.C., ‘Het nonnenklooster Mariënpoel en de stichter Boudeweyn van Swieten’. LJ 2 (1905), pp. 138–178 Birkendorf, R., Der Codex Pernner. Quellenkundliche Studien zu einer Musikhandschrift des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Sammlung Proske, Ms. C 120) (Augsburg 1994), 3 vols. Blackburn, B.J., ‘Te matrem dei laudamus. A Study in the Musical Veneration of Mary’. MQ 53 (1967), pp. 53–76 —— ‘The Lupus Problem’ (PhD diss., University of Chicago 1970) —— Music for Treviso Cathedral in the Late Sixteenth Century. A Reconstruction of the Lost Manuscripts 29 and 30 (London 1987) —— “The Virgin in the Sun. Music and Image for a Prayer Attributed to Sixtus IV”. JRMA 124 (1999), 157–195 Bleyswijck, D. van, Beschryvinge der stadt Delft, betreffende des selfs situatie, oorsprong en ouderdom, opkomst en voortgangh, vermeerderinge van vryheydt en jurisdictie, domeynen en heerlijckheden, midtsgaders de stichtingen van alle hare publijcke gebouwen, ende wel insonderheyt de so menigvuldige kercken, kapellen, kloosteren, en andere kerckelijcke gestichten van outs aldaer geweest (Delft 1667) Blockmans, W., et al., ‘Tussen crisis en welvaart, sociale veranderingen 1300–1500’. Algemene geschiedenis der Nederlanden, vol. 4 (1980), pp. 42–60 Blok, P.J., ‘Aanteekeningen over muziek uit de rekeningen der Pieterskerk te Leiden’. TVNM 1 (1882–1885), pp. 196–202 —— Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad (’s-Gravenhage 21910–1916) Boase, T.S.R., Death in the Middle Ages. Mortality, Judgment and Remembrance (London 1972)

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MRM VIII – The Motet Books of Andrea Antico, ed. M. Picker. Monuments of Renaissance Music VIII (Chicago/London 1987) MS XXI – The Four-Voice Motets of Thomas Crecquillon, ed. H. Lowen Marshall. Musicological Studies XXI (Brooklyn 1970–1971), 4 vols. MuDm II – Die Chansons von Gilles Binchois (1400–1460), ed. W. Rehm. Musikalische Denkmäler II (Mainz 1957) NJE – New Josquin Edition. The Collected Works of Josquin des Prez, ed. W. Elders et al. (Utrecht 1987–2016), 30 vols. PatouletW – Claudin Patoulet. Zangmeester van de St. Bavo te Haarlem. Zijn werken in de Leidse Koorboeken, ed. J.W.N. Valkestijn (Santpoort 1995) PayenMC – Nicolas Payen, Motets and Chansons, ed. L.P. McDowell. Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 144 (Middleton, WI 2006) RichafortW – M.E. Kabis, ‘The Works of Jean Richafort, Renaissance Composer’ (PhD diss., New York University 1957) RRMR 146 – Si placet Parts for Motets by Josquin and his Contemporaries, ed. S.P. Schlagel. Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 146 (Middleton, WI 2006) SCM 5 – Selections from Motetti de la corona […] (Fossombrone, 1519), ed. R. Sherr. SixteenthCentury Motet 5 (New York/London 1992) SCM 9 – Four-Voice Motets from the Motteti del fiore Series: Primus liber cum quatuor vocibus (Lyon: Moderne, 1532) […], ed. R. Sherr. Sixteenth-Century Motet 9 (New York/London 1998) SCM 11 – Five- and More-Voice Motets from the Motteti del fiore Series, R. Sherr. Sixteenth-Century Motet 11 (New York/London 1999) SCM 13 – The Gardane Motet Anthologies […], ed. M.S. Lewis. Sixteenth-Century Motet 13 (New York/London 1993) SCM 14 – The Buglhat Motet Anthologies […] The Gardane Motet Anthologies […], ed. M.S. Lewis. Sixteenth-Century Motet 14 (New York/London 1995) SCM 15 – The Susato Motet Anthologies […], ed. R. Sherr. Sixteenth-Century Motet 15 (New York/ London 1995) SCM 17 – Liber nonus ecclesiasticarum cantionum quinque vocum (Antwerp, Susato, 1554) […], ed. R. Sherr. Sixteenth-Century Motet 17 (New York/London 1996) Treize Livres – Treize Livres de Motets parus chez Pierre Attaingnant en 1534 et 1535, ed. A. Smijers and A. Tillman Merritt (Paris/Monaco 1934–1963), 14 vols. VindersCW – Jheronimus Vinders, Collected Works, ed. E. Jas. Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 166–167 (Middleton, WI 2018) WinklerT – Die Tenormotetten von Johannes Regis in der Überlieferung des Chigi-Kodex, ed. H.-J. Winkler (Turnhout 1999), 2 vols.

Index Abele, Kathrijne van, 58-59 Adriaen IJsbrantsz., 98 Adriaen Thysz., 104, 105 Adriaene Jansdr., 89 Adriane Adriaensdr., 89 Aeltgen Fijckendr., 88 Aelwijn IJsbrantsz., 60, 63 Aerriaenssen, Job, 28, 30, 31, 72, 96, 164 Agniese Dircxdr., 61 Alamire, Petrus, 136 Alaventure, Johannes, 193 Albert I of Bavaria, Duke, 45 Albrecht, Hans, 147 Alydtgen Kerstantsdr., 87 Andries Jacobsz., 126, 127, 128 Andries Willemsz., 31, 32 Anna of Burgundy, Governess, 42 Annegarn, Alfons, 2, 14, 50, 56, 74, 126 Appenzeller, Benedictus, 120, 142, 143, 144, 152, 155, 190, 191, 193, 194, 195 Arcadelt, Jacques, 143, 150 Ariaens, Jacob, see Job Aerriaenssen Augustus, mr., 71 Ave, widow of Jan van Ruyven, 57, 64 Baar, Pieter de, 124 Balthazar Woutersz., 62 Bangs, Jeremy, 68, 74, 96 Bank, Jan, 175 Barbe, Antoine, 195 Barbion, Eustacius, 142, 143, 144, 146, 194 Bargangne, Anthoenis Maria, 175 Barra, Hottinet, 193 Baston, Josquin, 143, 155 Bauldeweyn, Noel, 193 Benthem, Jaap van, 189 Bernet Kempers, Karel Philippus, 189 Bette, mr., 80 Biest, Jan van der, 20, 71 Blankenheim, Frederick van, Bishop, 46 Blauwe, Anthonius de, 3, 85-104, 106, 108, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 151, 155, 164, 165, 166, 168, 185, 187, 197 Bleyswijck, Dirck van, 16 Blok, Petrus Johannes, 76 Boeltje Jan Talincxdr., 31 Boniface IX, Pope, 43 Bors, Govert Pietersz. den, 89 Borselen, Frank van, 69, 70 Borsselen, Joost van, 36

Bosschuijsen, Luijtgairt Claisdochter van, 58 Bouckaert, Bruno, 72, 73 Broechoven, Jan Dircxz., 98 Brumel, Antoine, 193 Bruninck Claesz., 32 Busch, Femme, 31, 74, 75 Busch, heer Gherijt van, 40 Buys, 193 Caen, Arnold, 156 Canis, Cornelius, 138, 142, 143, 144, 149, 166, 167, 177, 193 Castileti, see Guyot de Châtelet Catharina Foppendr., 31 Catharina van Diemen, 50 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 2, 13, 36, 136, 144, 182, 190 Christe qui lux es, 108, 116, 139, 158, 177, 179, 185, 187 Claas van Delft, mr., 80 Claes Aelbrechtsz., 82 Clemens non Papa, Jacobus, 28, 73, 116, 120, 124, 137, 138, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 159, 164, 165, 176, 188, 189, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196 Cleve, Johannes de, 143, 144, 155, 185 Coert, Anthony, 141 Colette, wife of Jan de Coninck, 72 Coninck, Jacob de, see Jan de Coninck Coninck, Jan de, 24, 71, 72 Cornelis Adriaenssen, 39 Cornelis Claessone, 6 Cornelis Dirckz., 72 Cornelis Engebrechtsz., 44 Cornelis, priest, 40 Cotijns, Anthonis, see Anthonius de Blauwe Courtois, Jean, 143, 193 Covelens, Jan van, 47, 82 Crecquillon, Thomas, 93, 107, 109, 116, 124, 132, 137, 138, 142, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 156, 159, 164, 165, 188, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196 Daniel uut den Waerde, 82 Dekker, Cornelis, 38 De profundis clamavi, 5, 26, 52, 53, 58 Dessing, Chr.S., 30, 31, 32, 96, 175 Dewitte, Alfons, 147 Dirc van Delft, 4, 12 Dirck Dircxz., 59, 61, 63, 64, 67, 78, 184 Dirck Evertsz. van der Goude, 24, 33, 73 Dirck Florijs Montfoertszs.z., 61, 62, 63

410 Dirck Lourisz., 66 Dirck Willemsz., 98 Discant, 14, 38, 55, 60, 65, 69, 70, 85, see also Musycke Divitis, Antonius, 193 Dones, Ritzart, 88, 89 Doove, Jan, 14, 35, 39, 50, 60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 68, 73, 74, 77, 92, 97 Dou, Gerard, 44 Ducis, Benedictus, 153 Duif Dirk Talincxdr., 31 Dum fabricator mundi, 27, 32, 40, 61, 62, 63 Edelinck, see Elinck Egmonde, Otte van, 58 Egmonde, Willem van, 58 Elders, Willem, 85 Elinck, Cornelis, 19 Elinck, Pieter, 19 Elisabeth Grebbersdr., 31 Ellart Jansz., 31 Erasmus, Desiderius, 181, 182 Ermgaert Jansdr., 89 Eustachius de Monte Regali, see Eustachius Gallus Ferdinand I of Austria, 68, 147 Fétis, François-Joseph, 146 Févin, Antoine de, 143, 152, 193 Fijck Pijeterss., 88 Fije, widow of Verbout Hugensz., 39, 84 Fine, Daniel de, 38 Flamingus, Johannes, 3, 76, 106, 108, 109, 110, 116, 118, 119, 128, 137, 140, 142, 143, 157163, 169, 177, 185, 193 Florijs Cornelisz., 72 Floris V, Count of Holland, 45 Frantz, Leonhard, 134 Gagelenberch, Phillips van, 61 Gagelenberch, Sijmon van, 61 Gallagher, Sean, 155 Gallus, Eustachius, 143, 154 Gallus, Joannes, 195 Gascongne, Mathieu, 143, 193 Geertruijt Jacobsdochter, 75 Geertruyt Claesdr., 63, 64 Gelder, Jan Jacob de, 13 Gerijt Gillisz., 87 Gerrit Janz., 89 Gerrit, mr., 19 Gezelle, Guido, 182 Gherrit Willemsz., 54 Ghijsbrecht Fransz., 83 Ghysbrecht Hugenz., 40 Gielis Gielisz., 33

Index Gillis, mr., 55, 70 Glareanus, Heinrich, 156 Godebald, Bishop of Utrecht, 36, 45 Goert Thaemsz., 31 Goessen, see Jonckers, Goessen Gombert, Nicolas, 142, 143, 144, 154, 185, 188, 191, 193, 194 Goyen, Jan van, 44 Graaf, Cor de, 75 Guyot de Châtelet, Jean, 145, 146, 195 Gysbrecht Pietersz., 38 Haarlem, Jan van, 80 Hack, Otto, 68 Hallema, Anne, 126, 127 Ham, Martin, 145, 177 Hamm, Charles, 167 Haze Fekerdeidr., 31 Heemskerck, Johanna van, 58 Heerman, Gijsbrecht, 16 Heijnrick Jansz., 20 Heilige Geesthuis and Heilige Geestmeesters (Leiden), 5, 13, 33, 39, 54, 84, 87, 88, 89 Hêle, George de la, 194 Hellinck, Lupus, 110, 143, 144, 150, 156, 182, 188, 191, 193, 194, 195 Herman Ruuschenz., 30 Hesdin, Nicolle des Celliers de, 143, 156, 193 Heurteur, Guillaume le, 152 Heynrick Janz., priest, 40 Heynrick, mr., 62 Hodenpijl, Machtelt van, 58 Hollande, Jean de, 147 Hollander, Christian, 143, 144, 147, 148, 150 Hollander, Sebastian, 147, 150 Hondt, Gheerkin de, 20, 193 Hondtgen, Jan, 19, 20, 33 Horst, Theodoricus Gerardsz., 175 Hotz, 193 Hout, Jan van, 83, 94 Hoyer, Johannes, 169 Hudson, Barton, 149 Huijch Willemsz., 98 Hur, Young-Han, 155 Iconoclastic fury, 1 IJsaack Aelwijnsz., 61, 63, 67 Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (’s-Hertogenbosch), 71, 72, 146, 174, 181, 189 Inviolata integra et casta es, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 67, 78, 184, 185, 197 Isaac, Henricus, 143, 154 Jacob Maertsz., 31, 96 Jacob Matheusz., 31

Jacob, zangmeester, 96, 164 Jacop Gheritz., 31 Jacop, schoolmaster, 70 Jacop, zangmeester, 71 Jacotin, 138, 143, 193 Jacqueline of Holland, 69 Jacquet van Berchem, 154, 189 Jacquet van Mantua, 143, 188, 189, 191, 193 Jan Anthonisz., 86, 87, 88, 89, 95, 97 Jan Bout Jansz., 31 Jan Cornelisz., 75 Jan Cornelisz., schoolmaster, 88 Jan Eggert Hartgersz., 29, 30 Jan Eggert Willemsz., 29 Jan Janz., 34 Jan Kerstantsz., 86 Jan Louwerijsz., 75 Jan Pietersz., 89 Jan Seversz., 25, 176 Jan Simonsz., 31 Jan van der Haeghe, 93, 104 Jan Vlamincx, 76 Jan Willemsz., 52 Jan, priest, 68 Jasper, mr., 71 Joachim Pietersz., 74 Johann Albrecht I, Duke, 76 Jonckers, Goessen, 143, 146, 147, 151 Jordain, Petrus, 109, 143, 144 Jorjaen, Petrus, 144 Josquin des Prez, 116, 124, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 145, 150, 152, 154, 155, 156, 165, 191, 193, 194 Kaat van Wonterghem, 73 Kaga, Jan Jansz., 55, 74, 76, 81, 83, 169 Keij, mr. Melis de, 86 Kelder, Jacob Jansz., 34 Kelders, Ann, 95 Kelnare, Christiaan de, 62, 68, 81 Kerstant Jacopsz., 87 Keyser, Jan, 38 Klaas Gerritsz., 31 Klaas Simonsz., 31 Klerk, Jos de, 21, 23, 24 Kloppenburg, Wim, 145 Kolman, Rudolf, 38 Kongsted, Ole, 76 La Rue, Pierre de, 116, 124, 138, 143, 167, 193 Lalouys, see Jan la Lonck Lanckaert, Joost Jansz., 20, 21 Land, Jan Pieter Nicolaas, 2, 106, 141, 157 Larchier, Jean, 193 Lassus, Orlandus, 150, 185, 195

Index 411 Latin school and schoolmasters, 10, 13, 14, 15, 18, 27, 31, 32, 37, 40, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 60, 62, 66, 68, 69, 70, 77, 79-81, 87, 175, 196 Latre, Petit Jan de, 38, 39, 152 Leeuw, Geertruijt Jacobsdr. de, 75 Leeuw, Jacob de, 20, 31, 37, 74, 75 Leeuw, Jan Jacobsz. de, 74, 75 Lenaerts, René Bernard, 182 Leo X, Pope, 152 Lhéritier, Jean, 143, 152, 193 Lijsbet, widow of Jan Claes Hugenz., 60, 64 Lijsbet, widow of Reijner Reijnersz., 57, 63, 64, 67 Lindanus, Wilhelmus, Bishop, 183 Lof, 184 Alkmaar, church of St Lawrence, 34 Delft, Nieuwe Kerk, 18 Edam, Grote Kerk, 37 Enkhuizen, church of St Gummarus, 36 Ghent, church of St Nicholas, 72 Goes, church of Mary Magdalene, 38 Gouda, church of St John, 27, 28, 92 Haarlem, church of St Bavo, 24, 83 Leiden, St Catherine’s hospital, 80 Leiden, church of St Peter, 55-56, 62, 63, 64, 68, 69, 71, 76, 78, 82 Leiden, church of St Pancras, 169 The Hague, church of St James, 34 Lombaerts paper, 94, 95 Lonck, Jan la, 38 Longueval, Antoine de, 193 Lou, groote, 103, 104 Loucx, Jan la, see Jan la Lonck Louis XII, King of France, 144 Louys, Jan La, see Jan la Lonck Loys, 195 Lucas van Leyden, 44, 48 Lupi, Johannes, 143, 144, 152, 154, 157, 182, 188, 191, 193, 194, 195 Lupus, see Lupus Hellinck Lysbet, wife of Heynric Tylman, 63 Maessens, Pieter, 146, 151, 154, 155 Maistre Gosse, see Goessen Jonckers Maistre Jhan, 143, 152 Male, Zeghere van, 138 Manchicourt, Pierre de, 143, 144, 151, 152, 155, 188, 190 193, 194, 195 Mandre, Wouter van der, 25 Margaretha Pietersdr., 31 Margriet, wife of Jan van Poelgeest, 57 Marten, mr., 98 Mary of Hungary, 136, 144, 153, 156, 182, 189, 190 Mast, Gijsbrecht, 53 Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, 13, 36

412

Index

Maximilian II, Crown Prince of Austria and Holy Roman Emperor, 68 Mees Aelewijnss., 98 Melker, Bas de, 30 Memorial service, 4, 5, 14, 15, 23, 27, 45, 48, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 167, 183, 196, 197 Mergot de Novo Portu, Franciscus, 143, 144 Michiel Jansz., 72 Mierlo, Govert van, Bishop, 25 Miserere mei deus, 5, 10, 26, 52, 53, 58, 59 Montanus, Joannes Simonides, 145 Monte, Joachimus de, 74, 120, 137, 139, 142, 143, 145, 177, 193 Morales, Cristobal de, 143, 144, 194 Moulu, Pierre, 109, 143, 154, 193, 194 Mouton, Jean, 101, 109, 138, 142, 143, 144, 156, 165, 182, 191, 193, 194, 195 Museum De Lakenhal (Leiden), 21, 48, 51, 85, 140 Musycke, 55, 65, 77, see also Discant Nachtegael, Joest, 41 Neeltgen Joppendr., 89 Nicolaes Barthoutsz. Dordracenus, 21 Niehoff, Claes Heynricxz., 82 Nieuwland, Nicolaas van, Bishop, 25 Nijclaes, mr., 19 Noble, Jeremy, 176 Novo Portu, see Franciscus Mergot Obrecht, Jacob, 85, 149, 150 Oegstgeest, convent of Mariënpoel, 51, 58 Oosterbaan, Dinant Petrus, 18 Osthoff, Helmuth, 147 Oudewater, heer Willem, 40 Overvoorde, Jacob Cornelis, 40, 48, 51, 61, 66, 126 Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da, 181, 185, 194 Pathie, Roger, 193 Patoulet, Claudin, 24, 73, 74, 79, 120, 122, 137, 142, 143, 145, 193 Paul IV, Pope, 25 Payen, Nicolas, 143, 154 Persoens, 193 Peter Jansz., 82 Petit Jan Delatre, see Latre, Petit Jan de Philip II, King of Spain, 1, 2, 44, 144 Philip the Good of Burgundy, 38, 51, 65, 69 Philippe II de Croÿ, 189 Piercourt, Agnès du, 146 Pieter Jansz., 75 Pieter Joostensz., 98 Pieter Oem Pietersz., 98, 128 Pieter, 68 Pint, Pieter Henricssen, 39

Platander, Balthasar, 36 Poelgeest, Adriaen van, 40, 79 Poelgeest, Jan van, 57, 64 Poelgeest, Willem van, 40 Polderman, Cornelis Pierssen, 39 Poppe, Eli, 76 Porta, Sebastian, 193 Post, Reinier, 5, 21, 35, 42 Potoletus, see Claudin Patoulet Processions, 15, 19, 24, 59, 65, 66, 67, 78, 82, 88, 169, 183, 184 Rasch, Rudolf, 194 Reformation, 1, 15, 20, 25, 43, 46, 66, 81, 83-84, 126, 137, 194, 195, 196 Regina celi, 28, 56, 82, 183, 184, 185 Regis, Johannes, 71, 143, 144, 155, 165 Regis, see Jan de Coninck Reijner Reijnersz., 57 Reijnsburch, Vrederick Vredericxz. van, 89 Requiem Mass, 10, 11, 23, 26, 27, 50, 53, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 93, 154, 155, 167 Reyersberge, Adriaan van, 33 Reynaerts, Josine, 43 Richafort, Jean, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 150, 154, 156, 165, 182, 191, 193, 194, 195 Riemer, Jacob de, 13 Rijn, Rembrandt van, 44 Roelant, 20 Roesten, Marie, 68 Rore, Cipriano de, 143, 157, 193 Rudolphus, Bishop, 53 Ruedick, Johannes, 38 Ruhnke, Martin, 157 Ruyven, Jan van, 57, 64 Salve regina, 28, 52, 53, 59, 82, 93, 120, 185 Sara Jansdr., 88, 89 Schinckel, Harman, 175 Schotel, Gilles Dionysius Jacobus, 98 Schreurs, Eugeen, 73 Schutterij (guild of city gards) of St George, 59 Schutterij (guild of city gards) of St Sebastian, 59 Schuyt, Cornelis, 44, 194 Schuyt, Floris, 2, 194 Schwerin, Court of Duke Johann Albrecht I, 76, 118 Scoeten, Jan van, 63 Sermisy, Claudin de, 143, 152, 154, 193 Sexton(ship), 15 Alkmaar, church of St Lawrence, 34 Delft, Nieuwe Kerk, 10, 11 Kampen, church of St Nicholas, 37, 74 Leiden, church of St Peter, 1, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 59, 60, 67 Smeekers, Michiel, 28, 72, 73, 142, 143, 145



Index 413

Smeekins, Michiel, see Michiel Smeekers Smijers, Albert, 174 Soldeke, Joannes, 153 Spina, Philippus de, 174 Spruijts, Marie, 62, 63 Steen, Jan, 44 Straeten, Edmond vander, 71 Strepel, Herman, 134 Strohm, Reinhard, 70 Strunk, Oliver, 176, 181 Susato, Tielman, 39, 149, 164, 194, 195 Talinck, Dirk, 31 Te matrem dei laudamus, 56, 138, 169, 191, 197 Teutonic Order, 42, 45, 48, 52, 54, 57 Commander of the, 45, 48, 57, 58, 60, 67 Thérache, Pierrequin de, 193 Thibault dit Pickart, 193 Thijsse, Wilhelmus Hermanus, 77 Tholen, Jan van der, 38 Tick, Jacob, 55, 59, 60, 68, 69, 70, 73, 76, 77, 85 Touchijn, heer, 75 Tousain, see Touchijn, heer Treslong, Lodewijck van, 83 Tubal, Adrian, 143, 151, 195 Tylman, Heynric, 63, 64 Vaet, Jacobus, 195 Valkestijn, Jan, 7, 50 Verdelot, Philippe, 143, 150, 180, 193 Verelst, 193 Verhoofstad, Paulus Martinus, 31 Verius, Willem, 80 Vermeer, Willem Jansz., 20 Versprille, Annie, 103, 126 Vinders, Jheronimus, 109, 143, 145, 152, 168, 191, 193, 194 Vliet, Adriane Lenaertsdr. van, 89 Vliet, jonkheer Willem van, 89 Vos, Johan de, 37 Vos, Rombout de, 37, 74 Vrie, Esther van de, 95 Waelrant, Hubert, 195 Weerbeke, Gaspar van, 65 Weert, Lieven de, 31 Weins, Jan, 182 Wendelmoet Buenendr., 63, 64 Werrecore, Matthias Hermann, 143, 155, 156 Willaert, Adriaen, 132, 139, 143, 149, 150, 156, 193, 194 Willem Oickersz., 36 Willem, mr. (Delft), 19 Willem, mr. (Leiden St Peter’s church), 72 Willem, mr. (Leiden, Church of Our Lady), 40

Willem, priest, 40 William I, Prince of Orange, 13, 16 Wind, Thiemo, 194 Winters, Hieronimus, 191, 193 Wouter Ysbrantsz. Comans, 60 Wyfven Dircksdr., 32 Ysenbaert, Franciscus, 142, 143, 146 Zangmeesters from Holland, see Aerriaenssen, Job (Gouda, Amsterdam?) Augustus, mr. (Leiden) Biest, Jan van der (Delft, Leiden) Coninck, Jan de (Haarlem, Leiden) Dirck Evertsz. van der Goude (Haarlem, The Hague) Elinck, Pieter (Delft) Fine, Daniel de (Goes) Flamingus, Johannes (Leiden) Gerrit, mr. (Delft) Gillis, mr. (Leiden) Gysbrecht Pietersz. (Goes) Hondt, Gheerkin de (Delft) Hondtgen, Jan (Delft, The Hague) Jacob, mr. (Amsterdam) Jacob Maertsz. (Amsterdam) Jacob Matheusz. (Amsterdam) Jacop, mr. (Leiden) Jasper, mr. (Leiden) Joachim Pietersz. (Leiden) Keyser, Jan (Goes) Latre, Petit Jan de (Goes) Leeuw, Jacob de (Amsterdam, Delft, Kampen, Leiden) Lonck, Jan la (Goes) Marten, mr. (Dordrecht) Michiel Jansz. (Leiden) Monte, Joachimus de (Delft) Nachtegael, Joest (Rotterdam) Nicolaes Barthoutsz. Dordracenus (Delft) Nijclaes, mr. (Delft) Patoulet, Claudin (Delft, Haarlem, Leiden) Ruedick, Johannes (Goes) Smeekers, Michiel (Gouda, Leiden?) Tholen, Jan van der (Goes) Touchijn, heer (Leiden) Tick, Jacob (Leiden) Vos, Rombout and Johan (Kampen) Weert, Lieven de (Amsterdam) Willem, mr. (Delft) Willem, mr. (Leiden) Zeyst, Jan van (Leiden) Zybrant, Mr. (Delft, Goes) Zeven-Getijden Alkmaar, church of St Lawrence, 7, 8, 14, 16, 34, 43

414

Index

Amsterdam, Oude Kerk, 8, 15, 16, 28-32, 34, 43, 74, 96 Amsterdam, Nieuwe Kerk, 8, 31, 28-32, 34, 43 Bruges, church of St Walburga, 6 Bruges, church of St Giles, 43 Bruges, church of St James, 6, 12, 27 Brussels, church of St Nicholas, 6 Brussels, church of St Géry, 6 Delft, Nieuwe Kerk, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16-21, 27, 33, 34, 71, 72, 74, 78, 85, 93, 94 Delft, Oude Kerk, 6, 7, 8, 16-21, 34, 43, 79 Dreischor, 41 Edam, Grote Kerk, 8, 13, 37 Enkhuizen, church of St Pancras, 8, 14, 16, 34, 35-36 Enkhuizen, church of St Gummarus, 8, 14, 16, 34, 35-36 Genderen, 43 Ghent, church of Our Lady, 6 Ghent, church of St James, 6 Ghent, church of St John, 6 Ghent, church of St Michael, 6 Goes, church of Mary Magdalene, 8, 38-39 Gouda, St John, 7, 8, 10, 13, 16, 25-28, 34, 72, 73, 92, 96-98, ’s-Gravenzande, 43 Groede, parish church, 8, 41 Haarlem, church of St Bavo, 8, 13, 14, 16, 21-25, 27, 43, 71, 73, 79, 85 Heinenoord, 43 Helmond, church of St Lambert, 41 Hoorn, church of St Cyriacus, 8, 13, 16, 34, 36 Kampen, church of St Nicholas, 8, 13, 37-38 Kampen, church of Our Lady, 8, 37, 74 Leeuwarden, parish church, 8, 41 Leiden, church of Our Lady, 8, 39-40, 43, 66, 71

Leiden, church of St Peter, 7, 8, 16, 20, 24, 34, 44ff, passim Lille, parish church, 6 Medemblik, church of St Boniface, 8, 14, 16, 34, 36 Montfoort, church of St John, 43 Nieuwerkerk, 42 Nieuwpoort, parish church, 6 Oudewater, church of St Michael, 8, 42-43 Purmerend, church of St Nicholas, 8 Roermond, St Christopher, 43 Roosendaal, church of St John, 7, 8, 41 Rotterdam, church of St Lawrence, 7, 8, 40-41, 43 Schagen, church of St Christopher, 7, 8, 34, 36 Scheveningen, Oude Kerk, 8, 41 Schiedam, church of St John, 8, 41, 43 Schoonhoven, 43 The Hague, church of St James, 8, 13, 20, 32-34 Tiel, church of St Walburgis, 42 Veen, 43 Venlo, church of St Martin, 6 Waspik, 43 Weesp, church of St Lawrence, 8, 42 Zeyst, Jan van, 71 Zibrant mr., 14, 15, 38 Zoetgen Anthonisdr., 88, 89 Zwieten, Adriaen van, 58, 59, 67 Zwieten, Boudijn van, 50-58, 63, 64, 67, 81 Zwieten, Claes Dircsz., 48 Zwieten, Dirck van, 51 Zwieten, Ghijsbrecht van, 50, 58 Zwieten, Huge van, 58, 63, 67, 167 Zwieten, Jan (Adriaensz.) van, 59 Zwieten, Jan van, 58 Zwieten, Willem van, 58, 63, 167

Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music Volumes already published Machaut’s Music: New Interpretations edited by Elizabeth Eva Leach The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain Kenneth Kreitner The Royal Chapel in the time of the Habsburgs: Music and Court Ceremony in Early Modern Europe edited by Juan José Carreras and Bernardo García García Citation and Authority in Medieval and Renaissance Musical Culture: Learning from the Learned. Essays in Honour of Margaret Bent edited by Suzannah Clark and Elizabeth Eva Leach European Music, 1520–1640 edited by James Haar Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception edited by Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson Young Choristers, 650–1700 edited by Susan Boynton and Eric Rice Hermann Pötzlinger’s Music Book: The St Emmeram Codex and its Contexts Ian Rumbold with Peter Wright Medieval Liturgical Chant and Patristic Exegesis: Words and Music in the Second-Mode Tracts Emma Hornby Juan Esquivel: A Master of Sacred Music during the Spanish Golden Age Clive Walkley Essays on Renaissance Music in Honour of David Fallows: Bon jour, bon mois et bonne estrenne edited by Fabrice Fitch and Jacobijn Kiel

Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V: The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion Mary Tiffany Ferer Music and Meaning in Old Hispanic Lenten Chants: Psalmi, Threni and the Easter Vigil Canticles Emma Hornby and Rebecca Maloy Music in Elizabethan Court Politics Katherine Butler Verse and Voice in Byrd’s Song Collections of 1588 and 1589 Jeremy L. Smith The Montpellier Codex: The Final Fascicle. Contents, Contexts, Chronologies edited by Catherine A. Bradley and Karen Desmond A Critical Companion to Medieval Motets edited by Jared C. Hartt

Piety and Polyphony

This book describes the manuscripts, their provenance, history and repertory, and the zeven-getijdencollege, the ecclesiastical organisation which ordered the music books, in detail. Zeven-getijdencolleges have their roots in fifteenth-century piety, founded on the initiative of individuals and town administrators throughout Holland, principally to ensure that prayers and Masses were said for those in the afterlife. Music, both chant and polyphony, played an important part in these commemorative practices; the volume also looks at the choristers and choirmasters, and how such services were organised.

in Sixteenth-Century Holland

The musical culture of the Low Countries in the early modern period was a flourishing one, apparent beyond the big cathedrals and monasteries, and reaching down to smaller parish churches. Unfortunately, very few manuscripts containing the music of these parish churches have survived from the period, and what we know rests to a huge extent on six music books preserved from St Peter’s Church, Leiden.  

ERIC JAS is a lecturer in music at the university of Utrecht.

general editors: Tess Knighton (ICREA-IMF/CSIC, Barcelona) Helen Deeming (Royal Holloway, University of London)

Cover image: Inked calligraphic initial in ms. 1438 on the first opening of Johannes Cleve’s Peccata mea (f. 1v). Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. Cover design: riverdesignbooks.com

Eric Jas

Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music

Piety and Polyphony in Sixteenth-Century Holland The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church, Leiden

Eric Jas