Philosophical Studies c.1611-c.1619 (The Oxford Francis Bacon, VI) [1 ed.] 019812290X, 9780198122906

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Oxford Scholarly Editions Online INTRODUCTION Graham Rees (ed.), The Oxford Francis Bacon, Vol. 6: Philosophical Studies c.1611–c.1619 Published in print:

1996

Published online:

September 2012

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INTRODUCTION 1 THE TEXTS: CHRONOLOGY AND THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA (a) The Instauratio magna The pieces presented in this volume appear in their probable chronological order: (1) the Phœnomena universi, (2) De fluxu et refluxu maris, (3) Descriptio globi intellectualis, (4) Thema cœli, (5) De principiis atque originibus, and (6) De vijs mortis. Francis Bacon seems to have written all six in the period c.1611–c.1619. The first five saw the light of day when Isaac Gruter's transcription of certain Bacon manuscripts was published in 1653; neither 1

the transcription nor the original manuscripts are extant. The sixth piece was unknown to Bacon scholarship before 1980 when Dr Beal announced that he had discovered it among 2

the manuscripts lodged at Chatsworth House.

It may be useful and perhaps even right to see all these texts as superseded contributions to the six-book (later six-part) sequence of works known as the Instauratio magna. It may even be right (though here the ground is less sure) to see all save the Phœnomena universi as contributions to just one part of the sequence, the first. I therefore propose to approach questions about the dating, character, and function of the texts by outlining Bacon's plans for the Instauratio. The earliest references to the sequence occur in the Partis instaurationis secundæ delineatio & argumentum, the Scala intellectus sive filum labyrinthi, and Prodromi sive anticipationes philosophiæ secundœ. Written in the period c.1607–11, these fragments outline a six-book plan which had become by 1612 the six-part plan fully described some eight years later in

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the Distributio operis (1620). The six books or parts and what the sources tell or fail to tell us about them is as follows: ........................................................................................................................... pg xviii 4

1. The fragments say nothing of Book I save that there was to have been such a thing. The Distributio operis is more illuminating: Part I was to be a work on the partitions of the sciences, a general survey of the knowledge presently possessed by the human race. The survey was to make a point of identifying omissa i.e. the uncultivated parts of the intellectual globe and, once they had been noted, Bacon intended to help with the task of making them good either by giving directions or by doing some of the remedial work 5

himself.

2. According to the Delineatio, Book II would have concerned itself with the 'care and direction of the intellect', namely matters later assigned to Part II by the Distributio. This part was to purge the mind of obstacles to the new philosophy, and give precepts for the 'Interpretation of Nature' or method which would yield an active philosophy productive of works. In short, Part II was to have been given over to all that would have been set out in the 6

Novum organum had the latter been completed.

3. The Scala intellectus indicates that Book III would have been devoted to 'Phænomena Universi & Historiam', i.e. to collections of natural-historical data the assembling of which Bacon regarded as a sine qua non for the reconstruction of the sciences. Once again the brief remarks offered by the early fragments are altogether consistent with the later and 7

much more extended discussion of Part III given in the Distributio.

4. The account of Part IV in the Distributio is in exact agreement with plans outlined for Book IV in the earlier sources. As the Scala intellectus has it, Book IV would demonstrate the precepts of Book II in action; it would present a variety of worked examples which would 8

allow the reader to see from beginning to end how the method would operate in practice.

........................................................................................................................... pg xix 5. Book V and Part V were to be of a temporary nature; they were to be repositories of 'anticipations', i.e. provisional theories and conclusions which Bacon had arrived at by the ordinary use of reason. These were nevertheless worth preserving because they were more likely to be true than the offerings of other philosophers. According to the Delineatio (though not the Distributio), the anticipations of Book V would be eligible for promotion to Book VI were they able to pass muster when tested against whatever results the implementation of 9

the legitimate method might bring.

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6. All we learn of Book VI from the early fragments is that along with Books III and IV it was to have been devoted to the 'interpretation of nature'; i.e. it was to have been one of the three books given over exclusively to the actual substance of the legitimate philosophy. Since properly tested materials could be promoted to it from Book V, one may infer that its function was identical to that assigned to Part VI by the Distributio—it was to have been the repository of the philosophy established by the severe and legitimate mode of inquiry 10

explained in Part II and exemplified in Parts III and IV.

There is not a scrap of evidence that Bacon ever abandoned or altered the fundamentals of the six-book (or -part) scheme at any point after he devised it; in fact all the evidence points in the opposite direction. Thus, if there be no indications to the contrary, it makes much more sense to suppose that any natural-philosophical work written after about 1607 was produced for the six-book or -part Instauratio than that it was not. With this modest assumption in mind, I proceed to the texts themselves. I shall not take them in chronological order but in order of tractability, beginning with the least puzzling and going forward by stages to the most.

(b) Descriptio globi intellectualis 11

Written in 1612, the unfinished Descriptio was the beginning of a massive work designed to stand as Part I of the Instauratio magna. Its ........................................................................................................................... pg xx 12

content, objectives, and indeed its very title are echoed in the words of the Distributio. The work was concerned with the partitions of the sciences; it was meant to be a survey of the intellectual globe. Moreover, at the beginning of the discussion of natural history in the Descriptio, Bacon explained that the subject properly belonged to Part III of the Instauratio. He added that as his constant aim was to supply explications or examples of things omitted 13

(omissorum) he had decided to say something about natural history here. There can be little doubt about the meaning of this: that the principal aim of the Descriptio was exactly that later accorded to Part I in the Distributio, and that the Descriptio was written with the 14

six-part plan in mind.

These observations have greater force when taken with the fact that the Descriptio seems to have been conceived as a revision of Book Two of the Advancement of learning (1605), as an attempt to enlarge the earlier work, restructure it on Ramist lines, and put it into Latin for an international audience. Just such a revision was eventually accomplished in the De augment-is scientiarum (1623), which incorporated materials and structural revisions first essayed in the Descriptio. The De augmentis was designed to stand 'in lieu' of Part I of the

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Instauratio—i.e. it was a fulfilment that fell short of Bacon's ambitions. It is fairly clear that the Descriptio was conceived as the large-scale accomplishment of Part I that its successor, 15

the De augmentis, never quite became.

........................................................................................................................... pg xxi Had Bacon finished it, the Descriptio would have dwarfed every one of his extant works. In the first place, he may have meant to introduce it with something like the first book of the 16

De augmentis. He certainly meant to place other materials before the extant text. These would have equipped the reader with some knowledge of matters alluded to in the text but not properly explained therein. The text alludes to Part III of the Instauratio; only a reader already supplied with the six-part plan would have known what Bacon was talking about. References to methods for rebuilding the sciences imply that the reader would have come to the text armed with some understanding of Baconian induction and its relation to natural history. Bacon also wrote as if his audience were already acquainted with the purposes of the Descriptio—that it was to be a survey of the whole conspectus of existing learning, a survey which would note deficiences and indicate, by precept and example, the means 17

by which they were to be rectified. In short, Bacon meant the reader to approach the Descriptio by way of certain preliminaries, preliminaries no doubt of the kind later written as an introduction to the Instauratio as a whole, and published in 1620 with the Novum 18

organum.

Bacon gave up on the Descriptio long before reaching his goal. He set out to survey all provinces of each of the three domains of human learning—history, poetry and philosophy. With regard to history, he intended to examine its two branches, natural and civil. As for natural, he proposed to give an account of each of its departments—generations, pretergenerations and arts—and to top the lot off with a study of the 'history of virtues' 19

and, in particular, of heat and cold and their 'cradles' (cunabulâ). He divided history of generations into five subdepartments: (a) the heavens, (b) meteors, (c) earth and sea, (d) 20

the greater colleges and (e) lesser colleges. He promised to write something about all five; and with regard to the first he promised to present (i) a

........................................................................................................................... pg xxii number of articles of interrogation, (ii) remarks on how the data were to be written up, and 21

(iii) observations on the uses of history of the heavens to mankind.

How much of the work did Bacon actually complete? The fact is that he did not even manage to finish the interrogative part of the history of the heavens, i.e. the first of three parts of one of five subdepartments of one of three departments of one of two branches of one of the three domains of human knowledge. If the scale and particularity of the extant part of the

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history of the heavens is any guide to the intended proportions of all that Bacon left undone, then the Descriptio would have been a gigantic work. When he planned it he evidently meant to tackle the deficiencies of learning, the omissa, in a much larger way than he was 22

later able to do in the De augmentis.

This has important implications for some of the texts

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considered below.

(c) Thema cœli This brief text, an essay on cosmology and astronomy, and a document of great importance 24

for an understanding of Bacon's substantive natural philosophy, proposes speculative answers to some of the principal questions raised in the Descriptio. Ellis said that the Thema was 'immediately connected with the astronomical part of the Descriptio Globi 25

Intellectualis. They are clearly of the same date, and form in reality but one work.' Ellis did not substantiate his views but they are no doubt correct. The Thema does not seem to be a free-standing tract but part of a larger design. Its readers were evidently expected to come to it with some prior knowledge of Bacon's proposals for natural history and the ........................................................................................................................... pg xxiii 26

inductive philosophy —knowledge which could have been supplied by the Descriptio or the introductory matter meant to accompany it. Bacon wrote the Thema to avoid the charge that he knew how to ask questions but lacked the courage to answer them. This suggests that he meant the tract to be read in or alongside a work which had aired astronomical and cosmological questions. Indeed, he actually spoke of the Thema as a tract to be 27

interposed as an affirmative gesture in an interrogative environment. The conclusion that it was written as a supplement to or integral part of the Descriptio is therefore quite persuasive: the Descriptio alone among Bacon's works asked the questions which the Thema presupposed and summarily answered. The Thema cœli was probably meant to stand immediately after the unfinished interrogative treatment of the history of the heavens, or 28

after questions relating to history of meteors. Alternatively, it could have been designed to nestle between the end of the survey of the three primary departments of natural history 29

and the beginning of the planned study of the history of virtues. At all events, it was probably no accident that the Thema stood immediately after the Descriptio in Gruter's 30

edition.

As for date, that too seems to align the Thema with the Descriptio. References to Galileo's 31

discoveries show that the Thema cannot have been written before late March 1610, and evidence presented in the previous paragraph suggests that it was written after the

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Descriptio. In fact the balance of probabilities is that Bacon began to write the one almost as soon as he stopped work on the other. This dating would ........................................................................................................................... pg xxiv account for the curious fact that among the conclusions drawn from theories presented in the Thema, Bacon listed several arising from topics considered only in the Descriptio and not 32

at all in the Thema itself.

(d) De fluxu et refluxu maris The De fluxu et refluxu maris, a short tract on tidal motion, is concerned in particular with the causes of the sexhorary cycle, a motion which Bacon associated with one of the principal 33

subjects of the Thema—the diurnal motion of the heavens. The De fluxu is linked to the Thema in other ways. Bacon actually alluded to the one in the other, which proves that the 34

former was written before the latter. Circumstantial evidence binding the De fluxu to the Thema and Descriptio suggests that the first cannot have been written very long before the 35

other two. Only in the Thema and De fluxu did Bacon speak of his abortive verticity theory; and only in the Descriptio and De fluxu did he make such extensive use of materials drawn 36

from Patrizi's Nova de universis philosophia. These facts also concur with a suggestion that the De fluxu was written after the Phœnomena universi. In accordance with the Historia naturalis et experimentalis (1622), Bacon's late natural histories laid down mandata or designs for experiments calculated to make up for deficient data, ........................................................................................................................... pg xxv 37

designs constituting an historia designata or history waiting to be born. The Phœnomena is a natural-historical piece which, while it shares many of the formal features of the late histories, lacks mandata. Mandata appeared only once before the late histories—in the De 38

fluxu, which may indicate that the text was written towards the end of 1611.

The De fluxu may have been written in partial fulfilment of plans for Book or Part I of the Instauratio. If Bacon already knew that Part I would contain extended discussions of the five 39

subdepartments of history of generations,

then, just as the Thema was probably meant to

answer questions raised in the first subdepartment, so the De fluxu may have been meant 40

to do the same for the third—the one concerned with earth and sea. Alternatively, the De fluxu could have been destined for Book or Part V, specifications for which antedated the essay on tides. Bacon described the essay as an 'anticipation' (anticipatio), i.e. a preview of or guess at the kind of natural philosophy that might have been produced once his new method had been implemented. Both the Delineatio and Distributio use that very word to

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characterize the intended contents of Book or Part V. Indeed, in the Distributio Part V is 41

actually entitled Prodromi sive anticipationes philosophiæ secundœ.

(e) Phœnomena universi The Phœnomena universi was a preface to Bacon's natural-historical programme; it was also his first attempt to produce a specimen single-subject history. The choice of subject—dense 42

and rare—was strongly influenced by theoretical and perhaps theological considerations. Bacon seems to have believed that of all natural-historical subjects it would be proper to talk 43

about the history of the heavens first. That was precisely the assumption that he acted upon in the natural-historical part of the ........................................................................................................................... pg xxvi Descriptio. But in the Phœnomena he argued that it would be better to write about something that was more general, something intrinsic to the sub- as well as to the 44

superlunary worlds —namely, the space-filling character of matter. For Bacon the most fundamental property of matter was that a given quantum would, under specific conditions, 45

always occupy a given volume. He believed that changes in the volume of space occupied by a given quantity of matter, and differences between dense and rare substances accounted for some of the most important effects in nature; time and time again he gave 46

the dense-rare polarity first place on the list of nature's cardinal virtues.

The Phœnomena was almost certainly written as an opening to Book or Part III of the Instauratio. The text mentions the Instauratio but says nothing about the six-book or -part 47

plan. Yet, as we know, there is not a shred of evidence that Bacon abandoned the plan at any time during the years between c.1607 and his death. The text's full title, Phœnomena universi; sive historia naturalis ad condendam philosophiam, echoes words describing the 48

function of Book III in the first extant accounts of the six-book sequence, 49

the title of Part III of the six-part plan given in the Distributio,

reappears as

and crops up yet again in 50

the Historia naturalis, the text published in 1622 as the first section of Part III. It is also noteworthy that in the Scripta the Phœnomena is followed by the Scala intellectus and Prodromi. If the Phœnomena were written as an opening to Book or Part III, the sequencing of these pieces would make perfect sense—the prefaces to Books/Parts III, IV, and V 51

following one after another in their proper order.

Like the Descriptio, the Phœnomena is an unfinished work containing hints that it was to have been approached with a prepared mind. Bacon spoke of his Instauratio and 'true and

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good ways of induction' as if the reader were already familiar with them.

In other words,

the text ........................................................................................................................... pg xxvii should have been supplied with introductory matter not now extant, or have been published with earlier parts of the Instauratio which would have provided the missing information. Among the preliminaries or parts preceding the Phœnomena Bacon may have intended to supply something like the Parasceve and catalogue of histories later appended to the Novum 53

organum (1620). How else would a reader have known what the otherwise mysterious 'other [natural-historical] titles' were supposed to be, or when and where to find histories of 54

weight, motion of reception, and mixture and separation? As for the other end of the work, the Phœnomena was organized as a series of collections of data (historiæ), each of which was followed by appropriate admonitions (monita) and then (occasionally) reflections on 55

causes (observationes). The extant text breaks off in the midst of an historia which would no doubt have been followed by one or more monita and (since Bacon said as much) several 56

observationes. How many more sequences of historiæ, monita and observationes Bacon planned but did not execute is unknown. The Phœnomena was probably composed in or about 1611. It refers to a solar-powered musical instrument built by certain Dutchmen. This instrument was no doubt the automatic 'clavichord' constructed by the engineer Cornelis Drebbel (1572–1633). Drebbel probably arrived in England in 1605. He entered the service of Prince Henry and was installed at Eltham Palace where between 1608 and 1609 he built the 'clavichord' which, as he said himself, worked 'by the rays of the sun'. Bacon implied that the Batavi who made the instrument had recently left the country; Drebbel went abroad in 1610; so Bacon probably wrote the piece in or after that year. He wrote as if Drebbel were still abroad; and indeed Drebbel did not return until 1612. This means that the Phœnomena was written before that 57

date, or that Bacon was writing after 1612 and in ignorance of Drebbel's reappearance. The first of these

........................................................................................................................... pg xxviii alternatives may be nearer the truth for Bacon probably wrote the Phœnomena before the De fluxu and Descriptio. As noted above, the Phœnomena lacked the formal mandata 58

which first appeared in the De fluxu. As for the Descriptio and Phœnomena, both present a threefold distribution of the subject-matter of natural history. The formulation used in the Descriptio occurs only in works of the period after 1611; conversely the formulation in the 59

Phœnomena occurs only in works of the time before the Descriptio.

In short, it would not

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be wide of the mark to date the Phœnomena to c.1611.

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(f) De principiis atque originibus Proposals for the date of the De principiis seldom rise above mere assertion or rest on 61

anything as substantial as argument.

That is not surprising

........................................................................................................................... pg xxix for the work is one of Bacon's most inscrutable. A terminus a quo can be derived from internal evidence; the text refers to the stars of the Milky Way so, like the Thema, it must 62

have been written after March 1610. A terminus ad quem can also be established. The De principiis was almost certainly not written during the period 1621–6 as it does not appear 63

on Rawley's list of the works composed in the last five years of Bacon's life. We may temporarily conclude, therefore, that the De principiis was written at some point between c.1610 and c.1620—an interval which, since it is not much of an approximation, we must try to reduce by other means. So let us ask what the De principiis was for. The De principiis is an interpretation of myths about Cupid, myths which Bacon took to refer to doctrines of the principles of things. The work began as a revision of the interpretation 64

first presented in the De sapientia veterum but rapidly outgrew its prototype. It grew to become Bacon's most substantial mythographical exercise, most extensive examination of various proposals regarding the principles of things, and longest concerted critique of a single philosopher's work, i.e. the work of Bernardino Telesio. Bacon evaluated principle theories in terms of their coherence, plausibility and, above all, their conformity with Holy Writ and the prisca sapientia which he pretended to find in the ancient fables. Nevertheless, work on the De principiis ground to a halt before he had completed the critique of Telesio, 65

or fulfilled promises to discuss the doctrines of other sects

and examine the vacuum

66

hypothesis. The unfinished interpretation of Cupid (principles) was not meant to stand alone. Bacon intended to produce an interpretation of Cœlum ........................................................................................................................... pg xxx (origins) to accompany it. The latter was never written but would no doubt have been a 67

revised and expanded version of the Cœlum of the De sapientia. The two interpretations were meant to go together for their respective fables apparently concealed a purer, more 68

severe version of the philosophy later advanced by Democritus.

But why did Bacon embark on this project and choose these particular fables for extended treatment? Did he intend to publish them as a pair, or were they to have been accompanied by others? The very fact that these questions have to be asked shows that the De principiis lacks a context—an introduction perhaps, or a custom-built cabin in some larger literary vessel. Bacon could not have sent the De principiis naked into the world; he could not have

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intended to publish it without some explanation of his mythographical principles, choice of fables, and reasons for writing the piece. He would have been obliged to equip it with introductory matter not very different from that written earlier for the De sapientia and later 69

for the De augmentis.

The account of parabolic poetry in the De augmentis introduced three specimen interpretations (Pan, Perseus and Dionysus) taken from the De sapientia and altered to meet 70

their new functions in the work that eventually served as Part I of the Instauratio. Now Bacon could have planned the De principiis for the De augmentis but abandoned it in favour of the other specimens. But this hypothesis, while giving the piece a raison d'être, is most improbable. Bacon gave up the De principiis before he started work on the De augmentis; and specimens provided for omissa identified in the De augmentis were tailored to the overall proportions of the work. One cannot imagine items as large as the interpretations of Cupid and (potentially) Cœlum sitting comfortably within the confines of the De augmentis. However, a second and stronger possibility suggests itself: that if Bacon did not plan to put up Cupid and Cœlum in the De augmentis then perhaps he meant to billet them on the Descriptio; that of all his works would have provided them with proper lodgings. Had he pressed on with the Descriptio, he would eventually have come to poetry in general and 71

parabolic poetry in particular.

He could have meant to illustrate the account of parabolic

........................................................................................................................... pg xxxi poetry with the interpretations of Cupid and Cœlum, and so provided them with the context which they so conspicuously lack—the context of a work whose proportions were generous enough to accommodate them with relative ease. This possibility looks a little stronger when seen against the background of the 1653 Scripta, the edition in which these works were first published. There the Descriptio was followed successively and without a break by the Thema, De fluxu, and De principiis. The order of printed texts may well have reflected a deliberate order in the manuscript from which they were ultimately derived, i.e. the texts probably belonged together, and belonged together 72

because all were successive fragments of the Descriptio itself. After all, the Thema seems to have been written as part of the Descriptio, the De fluxu may have been destined for the same work, so why not the De principiis? And that brings us back to the question of dating, for if De principiis were indeed written for the Descriptio, and associated with the Thema and De fluxu in the manner suggested, then it would not be entirely rash to guess that it was written nearer to 1610 than 1620, and quite probably in or not very long after 1612.

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(g) De vijs mortis The De vijs is Bacon's earliest extant work on a topic of abiding interest for him—the 73

prolongation of life. The manuscript invites superlatives (not all of them complimentary). The longest to have been discovered since the seventeenth century, it contains far more holograph Latin than any other; a uniquely grisly palimpsest of shifting intentions, it gives us more direct and immediate insights into Bacon's methods of thinking his way through the process of composition than any other. The first half of the manuscript was produced by a scribe working either from a draft in 74

Bacon's hand or a copy of such a draft. When the scribe's contribution was done, Bacon set about tormenting it with frightfully diligent revisions and expansions. These were carried 75

on into the second half of the manuscript, all of which was drafted by the author himself. The text of the second half was also subjected to successive revisions, not all of which were co-ordinated with changes made in the first. Bacon revised the revisions and added to the additions; he deleted and reinstated passages; he repeatedly changed the sequencing of items in the text before at last abandoning it unfinished to its confusion. Levels of alteration range from individual words and phrases, to small ........................................................................................................................... pg xxxii interlinear interpolations, interlinear interpolations within interpolations, to large marginal interpolations, to extensive passages wholly superseded by ones yet more extensive, and 76

finally to large-scale structural reorganizations.

The De vijs mortis is a difficult text and dating it a difficult business. Up to a point, the order 77

in which successive holograph revisions were made can be established, but it is quite impossible to date them absolutely. It would be nice to know when Bacon wrote the scribe's exemplar or the document on which the exemplar was based; when the scribe made the copy; when Bacon wrote the second half of the manuscript; when he made each of the successive revisions to the scribal and holograph drafts; and when, at last, he gave up his task. But none of these problems can be solved with absolute assurance. Only one thing is certain: that the scribal and holograph drafts were produced after the De fluxu. Although folio 1 recto now has a separate leaf gummed over it, one can see that it carries a copy of 78

the last 170-odd words of the De fluxu drafted by the De vijs scribe. He seems to have prepared a complete copy of the essay on tides, turned the page and at once begun to copy his source for the text of the De vijs. Save for the last, all leaves of the De fluxu were subsequently detached from the manuscript—perhaps when Bacon decided to revise the De vijs. It follows then that all holograph material in the manuscript must have been composed

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after c.1611; but that of course gives us no clue whatever as to when Bacon composed the ultimate source of the scribal draft. The Urtext may have been written some considerable time before the holograph revisions. The revisions bear marks of a concerted effort to raise the discussion of ageing and its processes to levels of theoretical integration and refinement higher than anything attempted in the text drafted by the scribe. For example, the concept of spiritus vitalis, a concept with a precise position in Bacon's mature theoretical system, occurs in the holograph revisions but 79

not in the scribal draft. Again, the scribal draft does not allude to high-level abstractions such as those associated ........................................................................................................................... pg xxxiii 80

with the quaternion theory. Allusions to that occur in Bacon's additions to the scribal draft, which may suggest that a lot of hard and perhaps protracted thinking had taken place between the composition of the Urtext and the holograph revisions of the scribal draft. If the holograph revisions were assigned to their earliest possible date then they must have been written after the De fluxu (c.1611–c.1612) and at roughly the same time as the Thema (1612). The Thema alludes to the quaternion theory; the scribal draft does not. If an appreciable interval elapsed between Urtext and holograph revisions, then it is quite likely that the former may date back to the years before the De fluxu. In any event, Bacon probably stopped revising the scribal draft and abandoned the manuscript before 1620. In the first place, the De vijs does not appear on Rawley's list of 81

works produced in the period 1621–6.

In the second, it cannot have been written after the 82

Historia vitæ et mortis, a work doubtless in preparation from 1622 at latest. In the third, its form is quite unlike that of any natural-philosophical work written for the Instauratio magna in the years from 1620 onwards, and so it was probably composed before the publication of 83

the Novum organum (1620). Thus the holograph portions of De vijs can be dated to the period 1611–19, a period during which the scribal draft, regardless of the date of its Urtext, was still under Bacon's very active consideration. Once again the dating is unsatisfactorily broad, and in this instance reflection on what the text was for does not help much. 84

For reasons given earlier, it is fair to assume that the De vijs was written as a contribution to the Instauratio magna. But this assumption has no value unless one can assign the work to a particular part of the sequence. The text was almost certainly not destined for Part II 85

of the Instauratio, and cannot have been meant for Parts III, IV, or VI. That leaves Parts I and V; and, in that the De vijs presents Bacon's own doctrines or conclusions, and ones certainly not derived from anything other than the ordinary use of reason in discovering and inventing, the tract could have been meant for Part V. ........................................................................................................................... Page 12 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

pg xxxiv However the case for seeing the De vijs as a contribution to Part I may be stronger. When Bacon was writing the Advancement and came to survey the medical sciences, he said 86

nothing whatever about the prolongation of life. When he turned the Advancement into the De augmentis he noted that neglect of this subject was one of the major deficiencies of 87

medical learning and, following his usual practice,

added precepts and directions to guide 88

successors interested in making the deficiency good. The De augmentis was, as we know, a modest attempt to carry out plans for Part I of the Instauratio, plans which Bacon had previously tried but failed to carry out on a grander scale in the Descriptio. Had Bacon made headway with the Descriptio he would have come in due course to the medical sciences and may possibly have intended to insert the De vijs there as an example of a treatise on the 89

prolongation of life.

Putting it another way, Bacon's plans for the De vijs may have been analogous to his plans for the De principiis. As the interpretations of the fables of Pan, Perseus and Dionysus were to the discussion of parabolic poetry in the De augmentis, so the De principiis may have been to the intended discussion of the subject in the Descriptio. In the same way, what the recommendations concerning the prolongation of life were to the De augmentis, so the De vijs may have been to plans for dealing with that topic in the Descriptio. In this connection let it not be forgotten that a complete manuscript copy of the De fluxu once preceded and formed part of the manuscript containing the De vijs. Why did these two texts inhabit a single manuscript? Perhaps because both were bound for the same destination. There is 90

reason to believe that the De fluxu was written for Part I or Part V of the Instauratio; vijs may also have been written with one of these ends in view.

the De

But let there be no mistake about the character of these arguments. It may be useful to see the Descriptio as a model workhouse for delinquent tracts of no fixed abode or transparent 91

purpose,

but we cannot be certain

........................................................................................................................... pg xxxv that Bacon actually meant to thrust the De vijs or (for that matter) the De principiis into any of its many cells. The arguments for seeing the De principiis as an unfinished contribution to the exceedingly unfinished Descriptio are probably stronger than those advanced on behalf of the De vijs. The latter rest on, among other things, the nature of plans for the Instauratio, and retrospective analogies between the Descriptio and De augmentis. To that extent they are arguments faute de mieux, conjectures consistent with the scanty evidence but currently lacking anything resembling decisive proof. They are arguments, so to speak, for imagining homeless texts in a certain way. On the other hand, it would be fair to suggest that any scholar heartless enough to refuse these little orphans shelter in the Instauratio has a duty to find them alternative lodgings. Page 13 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

(h) Summary: Dating and the Instauratio magna Phœnomena universi: an unfinished work almost certainly written as a beginning to Book or Part III of the Instauratio. It cannot have been composed before 1609 or after 1611; its most probable date is 1611. De fluxu et refluxu maris: probably a contribution either to Part I or Part V of the Instauratio. It cannot possibly have been written after 1618 and was almost certainly written c.1611—i.e. after the Phœnomena universi but before the Descriptio and Thema cœli. Descriptio globi intellectualis: an unfinished work written in 1612 as Part I of the Instauratio. Thema cœli cannot possibly have been composed before March 1610; it was almost certainly written in 1612 and immediately after the text to which it doubtless belonged, i.e. the Descriptio. De principiis atque originibus may have been produced to illustrate a discussion of parabolic poetry planned for the Descriptio. It was written no earlier than 1610 and no later than 1620; it was very probably composed in or just after 1612. De vijs mortis: this may have been destined for Part V of the Instauratio, or written as part of an account of the deficiences of the medical sciences which Bacon may have planned for the Descriptio. The scribal and holograph portions of the manuscript were both drafted no earlier than c.1611–12. The date at which Bacon composed the Urtext of the scribal portion is unknown. The interval between the composition of Urtext and the holograph portions of the extant manuscript may have been considerable. The work was almost certainly abandoned before 1620. ........................................................................................................................... PG XXXVI

2 BACON'S SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY (a) Bacon's Eclecticism Francis Bacon's natural philosophy may be viewed as a single philosophy with two aspects or as two philosophies each with its peculiar character. Either way it is useful to acknowledge 1

that there is a doubleness to his enterprise. On the one hand, his philosophy appears as a programme for constructing a body of scientific knowledge that would yield practical benefits to release the human race from material privation. On the other, it appears as a

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strange corpus of theory, a speculative recreation, an attempt to picture the knowledge that might be produced once the programme was implemented. In its first guise Bacon's philosophy appears as a set of methodological recommendations together with an analysis of their implications for attitudes to knowledge and its institutions. These recommendations were to establish the 'legitimate' science and supersede all existing natural philosophies. Bacon's analysis of the vices of received tradition led him to insist that the instauration should be founded on a new, functional conception of natural history. History would provide the raw material for the new philosophy and be operated upon in 2

accordance with procedures outlined in the Novum organum. The new philosophy was to have been presented in Part VI of the Instauratio, although Bacon knew he would not live to 3

see its accomplishment.

In its second manifestation Bacon's philosophy comprehends a complete but provisional system of knowledge about the workings of nature. This system of theories was, to use 4

Bacon's own term, a body of 'anticipations'; it was not a product of the 'legitimate' method for discovering secure natural-philosophical knowledge but an elaborate, speculative guess at the kind of science the method was expected to cre ........................................................................................................................... pg xxxvii ate. Bacon hoped to produce properly articulated accounts of various features of this philosophy in Part V of the Instauratio. This plan was never realized, but contributions to other parts of the Instauratio present considerable accumulations of material which enable 5

us to reconstruct the speculative system in detail. Indeed, so far did his speculative thinking stamp itself on his writings that it is difficult to find one untouched by it. As the texts presented below exhibit this thinking in a particularly intense form we give some account of it here. The system was eclectic to a fault. It grew and matured as Bacon raided disparate traditions for attractive titbits which he refashioned as a curious hybrid which embodied some very peculiar alliances of ideas. It developed as a complex of responses to ancient and modern philosophies. The Phænomena universi, De fluxu and Thema are answers to questions posed in the Descriptio and De principiis. The questions themselves are emulative meditations on atomist and Aristotelian natural philosophies, Copernicanism, Galileian observational astronomy, the work of Paracelsus, of William Gilbert, Telesio, Patrizi, and others besides. The outcome of Bacon's dialogue with past and present was a philosophy combining a theory of the structure of the universe based on Paracelsian cosmogony with ideas about celestial motion derived from an Arab Aristotelian. At its heart was a theory of matter which owed much to the doctrine of the tria prima and Renaissance pneumatology. This theory grew beyond physical, astronomical and cosmological questions to embrace (with Page 15 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

the De vijs) living things, and challenge Arabo-Latin medical doctrine. Its scope became 6

universal, capable (in principle) of dealing with everything from microscopic subtleties to the macroscopic phenomena of the cosmos.

(b) Telesian Beginnings and Celestial Motion We first catch sight of the system in an entertainment written in c.1592. There Bacon endorsed two bodies of doctrine: one about the distribution of matter, the other about celestial motion. As for the first body, Bacon claimed that the universe had three distinct zones: Earth's core where solid or tangible matter was concentrated; the heavens filled with 'spirit'; and a narrow frontier zone between the two where spirit and ........................................................................................................................... pg xxxviii solid matter mixed and interacted. As for the second body of doctrine, he espoused certain astronomical ideas whose ultimate source was a treatise written sometime between 1185 7

and 1217 by the Moorish astronomer Nūr al-Dīn al-Biṭrūjī (Alpetragius).

These bodies of doctrine, the earliest of Bacon's system, may have been appropriated from Telesian or deutero-Telesian sources, sources important to the dialectic of critical emulation that shaped his thought. Taking Alpetragius first, Bacon devoted much of the De principiis to a critique of Bernardino Telesio (1509–88). Here he credited Alpetragian kinematic 8

principles to the Italian. That is rather strange, for while Alpetragius and Telesio did have 9

10

one idea in common, their opinions were otherwise incompatible. Contemporaries believed that Telesio held the Alpetragian views which some of his followers may have embraced, but none of them published anything whence Bacon could have derived his 11

ideas. Bacon could have read Alpetragius in Latin but it is probable that his ideas came from Campanella's Philosophia, sensibus demonstrata (1591). Campanella's account of Alpetragius is followed immediately by a summary of Telesio, 'd'une manière qui incite 12

fortement à les rapprocher'. Given the intimacy of Telesio and Alpetragius in Campanella's text, Bacon perhaps thought that their ideas went ........................................................................................................................... pg xxxix together. Alternatively he may have deliberately interpolated his reading of Campanella on 13

Alpetragius into his exposition of Telesio in the De principiis.

Turning now to Alpetragius himself, his ideas were shaped by an acute awareness that Ptolemy's celestial geometry violated Aristotelian physical principles. Other Spanish Aristotelians—Avempace (d. 1138), Averroes (d. 1192), and Maimonides (1135–1204)— voiced objections to Ptolemaic astronomy but Alpetragius alone attempted to construct an

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14

alternative.

He devised the superficially seductive 'screw' hypothesis to obviate the poor

'fit' between the Ptolemaic geometry used to describe planetary motion and the Aristotelian physics used to explain it. Aristotelian spheres were useless for predicting planetary positions accurately; Ptolemaic geometry yielded adequate predictions but resisted explanation in terms of Aristotelian homocentrics. Alpetragius aimed to close the gap between description and explanation by marrying homo-centric spheres to computational devices rivalling Ptolemy's. To achieve this Alpetragius jettisoned epicycles and eccentrics 15

and the received account of periodic motion.

In Ptolemy's astronomy the planets and stars turn westward about the Earth and complete one revolution every sidereal day. However, the periodic motion of each planet is seen as a much slower motion towards the east and so against the diurnal motion. Alpetragius recognized no such contrary motion. On Aristotelian principles, he believed that since the mover of the heavens must be single and simple, celestial motion must also be single, simple and in one direction. Periodic motion was thus an abatement of diurnal motion. The abatement arises from the physical behaviour of the heavens. A simplified version of the 16

Aristotelian conception, the heavens consist of nine massive homocentric spheres, the lowest of which carries the Moon. The next six carry Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn respectively. Saturn's sphere is enclosed in the sphere of the fixed stars, itself encompassed by the ninth sphere, the primum mobile which completes one revolution ........................................................................................................................... pg xl from east to west in just under one sidereal day and transmits its motion in an increasingly attenuated form to the spheres beneath. The stellar sphere therefore lags behind the primum mobile, completing its revolution in twenty-four sidereal hours. Each planetary sphere takes slightly longer than the sphere above it to complete one revolution so that the Moon's, the lowest, takes an hour longer than the stellar sphere to complete its much shorter circuit. Thus the lower the sphere the slower and the more it loses ground relative to the primum mobile, the lag or progressive loss of ground representing the periodic motion 17

of the planet carried by that sphere. This unidirectional hypothesis is accompanied by another: the lower the planet the more it deviates from perfect circular motion. Alpetragius tried to account for the deviations by substituting a 'spiral' (idāra lawlabīya) for Ptolemy's compounded circles. The spirals are traced out by the planets because of the way the axes of the celestial spheres are adjusted, the adjustments accounting for the observed deviations of the planets north and south of the ecliptic and for the precession of the 18

equinoxes.

19

Medieval philosophers soon realized that the Alpetragian programme was a mirage. But the mirage never quite evaporated. In the sixteenth century it revived for a while, helped along perhaps by the homocentric purism associated with Fracastoro and Amico. But by the Page 17 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

20

end of the century no one save Bacon took Alpetragius seriously.

Why was Bacon attracted

to Alpetragian ideas? His response to post-Copernican astronomy suggests an answer. He knew that Copernicanism was gaining ground at the expense of Aristotle and Ptolemy. He repudiated the ancients but could not accept the revolutionary alternative. Copernicus offended common sense: he had arbitrarily assigned a central position ........................................................................................................................... pg xli to the Sun, given three motions to the Earth and, like Ptolemy and Tycho, employed 21

compounded perfect circles.

Bacon grew increasingly suspicious of the mathematical astronomers, regarding them as meddlers in matters that were none of their business. He feared that mathematics, the handmaiden of physics, had come to domineer over it. He was a convinced and scornful antifictionalist: the principal systems of his day were mere competing methodizations of celestial appearances—methodizations with predictive value, but otherwise worthless because none represented the actual courses of the heavenly bodies and none could reveal the true physical structure of the universe. The correct geometrical description would emerge only from correct physical theory. He insisted on the priority of physics in solving current problems and dismissed the descriptive enterprise with its proliferating circles as 22

a lamentable instance of misapplied effort. Yet Bacon did not despise celestial geometry altogether. He came close to Ramus' radical separation of mathematics from natural 23

philosophy, but did not quite share his vision of an astronomy without hypotheses. Short of succumbing to complete scepticism, a philosopher abhorring geometrical fictions need not hold all geometrical descriptions in contempt. One description will escape censure—the one which truly represented the paths of the heavenly bodies, and for Bacon that meant Alpetragius. In the logical perspective, Bacon's system represents celestial motion as a necessary 24

consequence of the physical structure of the universe. On the principle of the priority of physics, physical theory yields (in broad terms) the correct geometrical description of celestial motion: Bacon believed that mathematics should only give definiteness to natural 25

philosophy and not give it birth. The idea seems to have been that once the philosophers produced a physics giving a general picture of celestial motion, the mathematicians could develop a precise ........................................................................................................................... pg xlii geometrical account of the motions established by the physical model. Yet in the chronological perspective, Bacon's adherence to Alpetragius preceded his construction of the physical system—although he later represented the geometry as a consequence of the physics. Too much should not be made of this inversion. Bacon was attached to geometricoPage 18 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

kinematic principles, not to any specific articulation of those principles in terms of the 26

observed motions of any particular planet.

(c) Cosmology and the Two Quaternions Turning now to the physical components of Bacon's speculative philosophy, from about 1612 he began to use the Telesian three-zone conception of the structure of the universe and Alpetragian (deutero-Telesian) kinematics as a framework on which to build a chemical matter theory. In the Thema and other works, the universe is represented as a finite, geocentric plenum. The Earth consists almost entirely of dense, passive, sluggish tangible matter. The rest of the universe contains weightless, invisible, active pneumatic matter. The Earth's interior is the abode of homogeneous, immobile tangible matter. Above and surrounding this stable core is the crust which forms part of the frontier zone between the core and the pure pneumatic celestial regions. The frontier zone reaches some miles into the crust, and some into the 'middle region of the air'. Only here must pneumatic matter mix with tangible, and from this mixing most of the phenomena of the terrestrial realm 27

originate.

Pneumatic matter mixed with tangible is called 'attached spirit' to distinguish it from the 28

'free spirits' outside tangible bodies. There are four kinds of free spirit. Two, air and terrestrial fire, are sublunary; the other two, ether and sidereal fire, are celestial. Ether, the medium in which the plants (globular aggregations of sidereal fire) move round the central Earth, is, in effect, a very tenuous and pure kind of air; and both air and ether belong to a family which also includes watery, non-inflammable bodies and mercury. This family is the mercury quaternion. As for terrestrial fire, it is a feeble, corrupt version of sidereal fire; and the two forms of fire join with oil, oily or inflammable bodies and sulphur in the sulphur 29

quaternion.

The two quaternions express antithetical qualities,

........................................................................................................................... pg xliii TABLE 1. The Two Quaternions Sulphur Quaternion

Mercury Quaternion

Tangible substances

Sulphur

Mercury

(with attached spirits)

(subterranean)

(subterranean)

Oil and oily inflammable substance

Water and 'crude' noninflammable substances

(terrestrial)

(terrestrial)

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Pneumatic substances

Terrestrial fire

Air

(sublunar)

(sublunar)

Sidereal fire

Ether

(planets)

(medium of the planets)

so air and ether are locked in battle with their opposite numbers, fire and sidereal fire. The issue of the struggle depends on distance from Earth. While all the free pneumatics become purer with distance, air and ether become progressively weaker while terrestrial and sidereal 30

fire get stronger.

The heavens therefore have three regions—of fire's extinction, concentration, and dispersion. At or near the Earth's surface terrestrial fire, surrounded by powerful, hostile air, cannot last without fuel. It aspires to the globular, concentrated, self-sustaining, mobile 31

nature of sidereal fire, but cannot succeed except briefly in highly artificial circumstances.

Adopting a Patrizian distinction, Bacon points out that here fire exists only 'by succession'; further away from the Earth it almost begins to exist 'in identity', i.e. as in the 'lower comets' it almost achieves the permanence of true sidereal fire, the first 'rudiment' and 32

last 'sediment' of which is the body of the Moon. As we pass from the Moon to the other planets, sidereal fire becomes stronger and stronger still, and therefore increasingly capable of resisting the ether and forming itself into large, independent globes. When we reach the third region, the fixed stars, ether has become so enfeebled and sidereal fire so dominant ........................................................................................................................... pg xliv 33

that the latter disperses itself through the vanquished ether as a multitude of stars.

The diurnal motion, driven by sympathy or 'consent' (consensus), carries the heavenly 34

bodies westward about the Earth. Where sidereal fire is most powerful the motion is swiftest, so the region of fixed stars completes a revolution in exactly twenty-four hours. But sidereal fire, the stuff of the planets, becomes weaker nearer to the Earth; the hostile ether enveloping the planets becomes stronger. A lower planet therefore moves more slowly and erratically than a higher because its sidereal fire is poorer and more easily affected by the ether. Thus the lower the planet the more it lags behind the fixed stars and the more erratic and 'spiral' does its path become. The nature of the celestial members of the two quaternions is such that motions complying with Alpetragian principles are infallibly 35

generated.

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(d) Cosmology: Paracelsian Antecedents This theory of the universe announces its ancestry in the terms sulphur and mercury, for Bacon framed the theory with Paracelsian models in mind. Put very summarily, Paracelsus (1493–1541) taught that the intangible principles sulphur, salt and mercury were the active forces in nature which gave bodies their specific attributes. Sulphur bestowed oiliness, inflammability, viscosity, and structure; mercury conferred wateriness, 'spirit', vapour and 36

vivifying powers; from salt bodies received their rigidity, solidity, dryness, and earthiness.

Alongside the idea of the three principles stood the doctrine of the elements. Paracelsians generally saw the elements not as simple bodies with fixed combinations of qualities but as matrices generating groups of objects each specific to its source. Unlike the Aristotelian elements, the matrices were composite bodies devoid of qualities; they were 'receptacles' where the seeds of things were hatched and endowed with their distinctive qualities by the 37

three principles.

Some Paracelsians articulated these doctrines as Mosaic cosmogo ........................................................................................................................... pg xlv 38

nies.

Gerhard Dorn (fl. 1566–84), Petrus Severinus (1542–1602), Oswald Croll (c.1560– 39

1609) and Robert Fludd (1574–1637) all attempted something along these lines, but it was Joseph Duchesne (Quercetanus) (1544–1609) who elaborated the cosmogony which most 40

closely resembles Bacon's cosmological model. Duchesne's universe was divided into two regions, the sublunar and celestial. It originated from Chaos or the abyss of waters, and the spirit of God moved upon the waters and from their depths the Divine Alchemist separated the pure, 'spiritual' matter of the celestial region. He then divided the waters themselves. As if by distillation, He separated the subtle, airy, mercurial liquor from the gross, oily, sulphurous liquor, and from the latter He separated a dry, saline residue. Thus He created the three principles which, unlike the passive element-matrices, were the active forces in nature. Only three matrices were sublunary: earth, water and air. Air was convertible with water; water represented a mean between the air's rarity and earth's density. True fire, not mentioned in Genesis, was banished to the heavens. Terrestrial fire weak, corrupt and soon extinguished was not an element at all; it aspired to the constancy and permanence of celestial fire but could never fully resemble it. Terrestrial and celestial fire were coupled with 41

the principle sulphur, water and air with mercury, and earth with salt.

The sublunary elements turned up in a refined form in the celestial realm. The latter constituted the 'quartessence'—so-called to distinguish it from Aristotle's fifth essence. The quartessence was the matrix of celestial manifestations of the three principles. Sulphur was at work in the planetary and stellar fires, the crystal spheres owed their

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........................................................................................................................... pg xlvi constitution to salt, while the celestial influxes expressed the principle mercury. This situation was paralleled in air, highest of the sublunary elements. The winds were mercurial; the comets sulphurous; thunderbolts, dew and frost, saline. These phenomena differed 42

from celestial ones for they were less constant, pure and enduring. Duchesne's system represented standard features of a resurgent philosophy which interpreted the universe through chemical theories assimilated to a naturalistic, magical, quasi-Hermetic metaphysic. The metaphysical vision, with its omnipresent concordances of macrocosm and microcosm, and faith in the efficacy of Holy Writ in natural philosophy, seems remote from the intellectual style generally associated with Bacon's name. Nevertheless the chemical theories built into that vision gave him materials for a system which, though independent of the Paracelsian metaphysic, everywhere declared its origins.

(e) Principles, Elements and Celestial Motion The quaternion theory owed a great deal to Paracelsian cosmogony in such fundamentals as the association of water and air with mercury, of fire with sulphur, and the extension of those associations in a purer form into the heavens. Yet Bacon's cosmic chemistry was an unsentimental transformation of its sources. He differed from the Paracelsians on three important issues: (1) the nature of various entities in matter theory; (2) the status of celestial kinematics; and (3) the relationship between Holy Writ and natural philosophy. I shall take these points in order. 43

Bacon's respect for the tria prima, was far from uncritical. He dismissed the Paracelsian saline principle as an absurd contrivance invented to take in earthy, dry and fixed bodies. Duchesne associated salt with the element-matrix earth and with the constitution of the crystal spheres, but Bacon, who believed neither in spheres nor matrices, attached no 44

cosmological significance to salt whatever.

Salt certainly had meaning elsewhere in the

45

speculative philosophy, but not in Bacon's cosmological thought. The banishing of salt left him with a cosmology based on the sulphur and mercury quaternions. But that is not to say that he saw sulphur and mercury as principles. He endowed members of the two quaternions with properties which Paracelsians had ........................................................................................................................... pg xlvii attributed to sulphur and mercury. Sulphur, oil, terrestrial and sidereal fire were all hot, fat, oily and inflammable; mercury, water, air and ether, cold, crude, watery and noninflammable. But his sulphur and mercury were no different from tangible brimstone and quicksilver, and in another sense no more than shorthand for their quaternions, each of 46

which embodied a particular cluster of 'simple natures'.

Nor were the quarternions like

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principles in another respect; the latter were represented as a key to all phenomena, the former were not, the quaternions having more to do with cosmological than terrestrial 47

phenomena.

As for the distinction between element-matrices and principles, Bacon did not acknowledge it. Duchesne associated the elements water and air with mercury, and terrestrial fire with sulphur. Bacon did the same but his water and air enjoyed the same ontological status as mercury, and so did terrestrial fire in relation to sulphur. Water, air, and fire were not passive matrices but active members of their quaternions. As for earth, no such homogeneous body (except for Earth's changeless interior) existed for Bacon, either as a Paracelsian matrix 48

or an Aristotelian element. Again, in Bacon's as in Duchesne's system, air and terrestrial fire had relatives in high places. Duchesne's air and fire appeared in a purer form in the celestial quartessence, and terrestrial fire aspired to the permanence of the heavenly fires. Baconian terrestrial fire, surrounded by hostile air, also longed for the constancy of its 49

celestial counterpart. Sidereal fire was itself immersed in the hostile ethereal medium, and the relations between the two were the same as those between air and fire sed sublimatas 50

et rectificatas. The chemical language is unmistakable: celestial ether and fire are, so to speak, lighter fractions of the celestial distillation of sublunar air and fire. However, the system had no room for a conceptually indistinct quartessence, celestial manifestations of principles or the manifold ambiguities of Paracelsian cosmogony in general. Bacon's theory streamlined Paracelsian concepts; it gave them symmetrical structure and ontological coherence—at the expense perhaps of their original suggestiveness. ........................................................................................................................... pg xlviii It expressed an eclecticism that acted on existing philosophies without conceding too much to their authority. Nowhere was this eclecticism more evident than in the importance of kinematic principles for the growth of the speculative philosophy. Bacon accommodated Paracelsian cosmic chemistry to Alpetragian imperatives; this strange conjunction of ideas occurred nowhere else in seventeenth-century philosophy. Paracelsians would probably have been startled to find a cosmic chemistry designed to meet the requirements of celestial kinematics. For Paracelsians mathematical reasoning rested on assumptions that were not borne out by 'experience'. Mathematics was an impious instrument of the heathenish philosophers Aristotle and Galen. This view is apparent in Severinus' attack on Galen's 'logical and geometrical' approach to medicine, and was an issue in the Kepler—Fludd debate. Paracelsians regarded planetary motion as an expression of the Divine Will and deprecated 51

attempts to reduce it to abstractions. But Bacon took the Alpetragian abstractions as a starting-point and later revised Paracelsian chemico-cosmological doctrines to support them.

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This bizarre kind of eclecticism set him apart from both the mathematical astronomers and the Paracelsian chemists.

(f) Theology and the Boundaries of Science Apart from revisions designed to accommodate his kinematic preferences, the most striking feature of Bacon's reworking of Paracelsian cosmogony was his refusal explicitly to represent the Creation as a separative process whereby the Divine Alchemist extracted the principles, seeds and elements of things from Chaos. Bacon stripped Paracelsian materials from their 52

Scriptural context, and did not try to legitimize cosmological doctrines by representing them as infallible readings of Genesis. The Paracelsians were wrong when they pretended to find all philosophical truth in the Scriptures and blackguarded other philosophies as heathenish and profane. There was, Bacon believed, no such enmity between God's word 53

and His works.

But Bacon was not T. H. Huxley in doublet and hose, and certainly did not claim that revealed theology had nothing to do with natural ........................................................................................................................... pg xlix philosophy. He believed that the mysteries of the Creation, Incarnation, Resurrection, and Redemption, revealed in the Bible, could be apprehended by faith alone. He also believed that natural philosophy belonged to the realm not of faith but rational inquiry. Scientific discourse and revealed theology were different in kind and talk proper to the one could not be used to justify claims advanced in the other. Just as human reason was incompetent in 54

matters of faith,

so theological argument had no role in defending, supporting or validating 55

scientific theories. But justifying a theory is not the same as choosing one, and Bacon may have believed that revealed theology placed limits on choice, even though it played no part once a choice had been made. Natural philosophy was not to be invaded by revealed 56

theology, but was nevertheless an activity bounded by it, violate the boundaries was ipso facto suspect.

and any theory that seemed to

The most important boundary condition was the belief that the universe was not eternal. God created Chaos in an instant and from nothing; He completed the interim of His hexameral labours; and one day He would liquidate the universe which was, in effect, just 57

a large hiccough in eternity. Now unless that is understood it is difficult to understand the attack on false principles and primordia in De principiis or the identification of the true in Thema. Take for instance the criticism of Telesio's system as a 'pastoral philosophy' which had one huge flaw: the universe it represented could have been eternal in that it presupposed neither a chaos nor the structural mutations that took place as God coaxed the

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58

universe from Chaos.

Any philosophy with a universe so stable that it may not have arisen

from Chaos must have little value; faith has taught that matter was created from nothing, 59

and did not spring from Chaos by itself but at God's word.

Philosophies were to be judged according as they implied or embodied such truths. A system inconsistent with the theological data was to ........................................................................................................................... pg l be set aside, but one manifesting the lineaments of nature's birth and death might claim serious attention. Bacon evidently framed his own cosmology with this in mind. The Thema says that nature distributed matter by separating rare bodies from gross, and assigned the Earth to the gross, and the rest of the universe to the fine or pneumatic, as to the two primary classes of things. This distinction, between dense or tangible, and rare or pneumatic, was apparently 'absolutely primordial', and the one most used in the system 60

of the universe. The separation of tangible and pneumatic was not just fundamental in nature but first in point of time. Bacon did not say that tangible and pneumatic were separated from Chaos by the Divine Distiller, nor did he invoke Genesis. But the thrust of his remarks is plain: they imply a beginning of a particular kind, one in which things tangible and pneumatic were still undifferentiated, a chaos (so to speak) whence structure was elicited. Bacons is a Paracelsian-style reading of Genesis with the religious language amputated; the phantom limb still aches. Bacon may have been attracted to Paracelsian cosmogonies precisely because (among other things) they appeared to agree with Holy Writ. He quarrelled with them not because they ignored boundaries set by faith, but because they observed them in the wrong way. To believe that all systems should conform to theological data was not to believe with the Paracelsians that their proposals alone represented the 61

truth of Holy Writ. To claim conformity with Holy Writ was quite different from claiming that one philosophy was the one and only explication of Genesis. There was a difference between agreeing with Holy Writ and trying to hijack it. Bacon's separation of knowledge acquired by faith and knowledge obtained by reason was a prescription about discourse, not an injunction that theological propositions should be discounted in choosing or constructing theories. In practice, theories failing to conform to theological principle might be attacked on theological grounds, but those agreeing with Holy Writ might not generally be defended by it even when it underpinned the process of theory choice. Holy Writ should not be co-opted (a Paracelsian error) to defend philosophical positions; nor should claims to conformity with Holy Writ be other than tacit. Bacons own practice coincided with these precepts, i.e. his theology was a dominant principle of his eclecticism. Theological respectability could not persuade him to adopt a theory. Lack of respectability was always sufficient for him to reject one. Thus what was fundamental in nature

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........................................................................................................................... pg li was first in the order of Creation; what was first in the order of Creation was recorded in the Book of Genesis; what Genesis said about the Creation acted as a constraint on natural-philosophical explanation. Bacon's system of the universe began at the junction of cosmogony and ontology. The separation of dense and rare was one of the first and fundamental acts in the making of the natural order; the separation of dense and rare, fine and gross, was primordial. It is no accident that Bacon's first attempt at a full-scale history, the Phœnomena universi, investigates the dense-rare distinction.

(g) Diurnal Motion and the Terrestrial World Bacon's system is a version of Paracelsian cosmogony tailored to suit views about the relationship between revealed knowledge and natural science, and support the idea that every heavenly body moved, with appropriate lag, westward (and only westward) about the Earth. Now Bacon did not confine this consensual diurnal motion to the heavens. Aiming at a unified physics, he extended the explanatory resources of the quaternion theory to take in the motions of wind, tide and terrestrial verticity. A general westward revolution of the air, mentioned in passing in the De fluxu, later became a subject of the Historia ventorum (1622). There we learn that this wind was more detectable in the upper regions of the air in the tropics, where it moved in larger circles than at ground level outside the tropics. But, however apparent, this breeze had to exist and had to be weak. As a member of the mercury quaternion, air could not help participating in the diurnal motion; yet its motion had to be feeble for that motion grew weaker as it approached Earth. The same progressive lag that accounted for periodic motion both predicted and 62

accounted for the existence of a permanent breeze.

As for tides, the De fluxu identifies four regularities: (1) the daily cycle with a twelve-hour interval between high tides and a six-hour interval between high and low tides; (2) the monthly cycle whereby a tide in the daily cycle occurs some fifty minutes later on each successive day and so only recurs at the same time of day at monthly intervals; (3) the halfmonthly cycle with high tides at new and full moon; (4) the half-yearly cycle with higher tides at the equinoxes than at the solstices. It was the first two of these, the daily and monthly cycles, that Bacon linked to the ........................................................................................................................... pg lii 63

diurnal motion. This he did with an argument squaring the diurnal motion with the roughly six-hour interval between ebb and flood in the daily cycle. The diurnal motion carried the seas westward but their advance was thrown back every twelve hours by the land masses of the Old and New Worlds. Thus in the Atlantic the motion causes the waters to pile up

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on the eastern seaboard of the Americas, and so produce high tides there and low on the Atlantic coasts of Europe and Africa. Thrown back by the coasts of the Americas, the seas then recede and, after six hours, low tide occurs in American waters and high tide on the western coasts of Europe and Africa. The imbalance would be temporary and the next phase of the daily cycle begins as the water accumulated on the coasts of Europe and Africa flows 64

back westwards with the diurnal motion. The time elapsed between ebb and flood is thus equivalent to a quarter of a sidereal day, or just over because the daily tidal cycle as a whole represents the diurnal motion in its most attenuated form. The difference between ebb and 65

flood and a quarter of a sidereal day is cumulative and gives rise to the monthly cycle.

(h) Gilbert, Telesio, Verticity and the Earth's Innards From the westerly breeze and the tidal cycle Bacon advanced to the odd notion that verticity, the versorial tendency in the Earth's crust, was the ultimate and most abstruse expression of the diurnal motion. This fancy was hatched in the De fluxu, it re-emerged 66

briefly in the Thema, but never reappeared thereafter. Bacon started from William Gilbert's demonstration of verticity. Gilbert was right about the existence of verticity but wrong to attribute it to the Earth's interior as well as the crust. All rigid crustal bodies did indeed possess a hidden direction or verticity towards the north and south poles. Rigid bodies therefore participated in the diurnal motion to the extent that solid bodies were able to act in consent (consentire) with fluids, not turning on poles but by directing themselves 67

towards them. Here the power of revolving was present but, as it were, frozen. This view was implicitly anti-Gilbertian. For Gilbert, verticity expressed the Earth's intrinsic magnetic nature. The Earth's exterior was a corrupt form of the pure magnetic substance within, so that while bodies possessed a magnetic orientation from the ........................................................................................................................... pg liii equator in both directions north and south to the poles, verticity in the depraved exterior differed from that in the depths. In crustal bodies geographical alignment was opposite 68

to magnetic polarity, but below polarity and alignment coincided. For Bacon, however, verticity was not magnetic at all but the most attenuated form of the diurnal motion. Here as elsewhere an important assumption operated: that any two antithetical states generally implied an intermediate state between them. In this case it is as if Bacon saw verticity as a transition between diurnal motion in its rotational form and the absolute inactivity of the 69

Earth's interior. He did not adopt Gilbert's distinction between surface and deep verticity. The core of the Earth consisted of pure, passive, tangible matter, not Gilbert's pure, active, magnetic matter. The two philosophers had very different ideas about the sources of activity in the terrestrial realm. For Bacon these sources were situated outside the Earth's entrails. 70

For Gilbert, they were located in the heavens and in the depths of the Earth.

Indeed,

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Gilbert's belief that verticity belonged to the interior was the linchpin of his belief in the 71

Earth's axial rotation. Bacon would not concede that much to the geomotivist case. Nevertheless both agreed that the Earth's crust was mutable but the interior was not. Indeed, both probably derived that idea from Telesio. In the De principiis Bacon said that for Telesio the interior, far below the deepest mines and seas, was inviolate, undisturbed, 72

and endowed with four qualities: coldness, opacity, density and immobility. Telesio in fact regarded the Earth as the source of cold, one of two active principles. The other principle, heat, resided in the heavens and the two principles fought over the realm in between. Bacon was not impressed by this. He adopted Telesio's tripartite scheme for the structure of the 73

universe but rejected the two-principle theory that accompanied it.

........................................................................................................................... pg liv

(i) The Intermediates In its maturity Bacon's speculative system had two interlocking departments. The first comprised the cosmological phenomena reviewed above; the second dealt with change in the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms of the frontier zone between the heavens and the Earth's interior. The second was logically dependent on the first, for the set of explanations applied to the terrestrial domain was systematically integrated with but subordinated to explanations deployed in the cosmological. The latter was dominated by the theory of the two quaternions, the former by explanations framed in terms of 74

intermediates. These combined the qualities of one member of one quaternion with qualities of the corresponding member of the other quaternion. Table 1, representing the two quaternions, may be adjusted to take account of the intermediates. Table 2 exhibits a characteristic Baconian intellectual reflex, his tendency to assume the existence of mean 75

states between any two antithetical ones. Just as each quaternion had four members so TABLE 2. The Theory of Matter in its Plenary Form Sulphur Quaternion

Tangible substances (with attached spirits)

Intermediates

Mercury Quaternion

Sulphur (subterranean)

Salts (subterranean Mercury and in organic (subterranean) beings)

Oil and oily inflammable substances (terrestrial)

Juices of animals and plants

Water and 'crude' non-inflammable substances (terrestrial)

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Pneumatic substances

Terrestrial fire (sublunar)

Attached animate and inanimate spirits (in tangible bodies)

Air (sublunar)

Sidereal fire (planets)

Heaven of the fixed Ether (medium of stars the planets)

........................................................................................................................... pg lv there were four types of intermediate. The highest was the heaven of the fixed stars, which 76

was a compound of sidereal fire and ether, with the fiery component dominant. The lowest intermediates were those between sulphur and mercury, namely salts (a 'Rudiment of Life') and quasi-inorganic analogues of the next group of intermediates—the group poised 77

between oil and water.

The oil-water intermediates were organic juices. These were fine blends of water and oily 78

substances; and all fed to some degree on the salty (especially nitrous) intermediates. The oil-water theory of plant and animal juices was important for achieving the goal of 79

the De vijs, the prolongation of life. But in that text the principal intermediates were the fire-air intermediates, the 'attached' animate and inanimate spirits. Inanimate spirits were incarcerated in all tangible bodies including living ones, the animate or vital spirits were found in living ones alone, and the behaviour of the two kinds accounted for many of the 80

phenomena of the terrestrial realm.

The two kinds differed inasmuch as in all varieties of inanimate spirit the airy component 81

predominated whereas in the vital spirits the fiery had the upper hand. Vital spirit was always reluctant to leave the organisms enclosing it for there was nothing outside akin to it; but inanimate spirits yearned to escape from tangible bodies as their dominant airy 82

component drew them to the ambient air with which they conspired. Bacon's matter theory thus comprised twelve major categories: the eight substances of the quaternions and the four classes of intermediate. These categories constituted the foundation of the speculative philosophy and a framework for interpreting all natural phenomena. The substance of the De vijs and the other texts presented in this volume expresses a comprehensive approach to the natural world; and, as will be seen, the De vijs appears to show the system at a time when its connective tissues were beginning to knit together. Of the two dimensions of this system, the cosmological and the terrestrial, active ........................................................................................................................... pg lvi

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development of the former was more or less complete when Bacon wrote the Descriptio and 83

Thema cœli. With the De vijs cosmological preoccupations began to make way for the task of explaining terrestrial phenomena and making the two dimensions cohere.

(j) Spirits Vital and Inanimate

84

The distinction between vital and inanimate spirits is crucial to the De vijs and Bacon's 85

philosophy of living beings. Rejecting earlier theories of ageing and death, he claimed that although living beings were distinctive in posssessing vital spirits, they had to be considered as if they were inorganic things to the extent that their tangible parts embodied 86

inanimate spirits.

Vital spirits restrained the inanimate, but eventually the latter prevailed 87

and destroyed their hosts.

Possession of vital spirit entailed consumption of the body 88

and therefore the need for nourishment.

Other writers on the prolongation of life had 89

mistakenly concentrated upon the distinctive qualities of living things. They had not viewed living bodies as if they were non-living, as arrangements of tangible matter housing aggressive inanimate spirits. Living organisms had to be considered as cradles of the vital spirit and as entities undergoing the same processes of decay as lifeless things. The theory of inanimate spirits emerged in the 1590s, but vital spirits were not much in evidence before the De vijs, and even then they only surfaced in the text's holograph 90

portions. Indeed the holograph is the only record of Bacon's thinking about vital spirits before 1620, and that thinking may only have begun in the interval between the completion of the scribal draft and the writing of the holograph. Amid the welter of revisions and expansions imposed on the scribal draft, one grand fact stands out: that Bacon was trying to weld the speculative philosophy into a coherent structure. As for vital spirits, the revisions and expansions contain the first formulations of a fundamental component of the philosophy as applied to living phenomena: every terrestrial being belongs to one of three categories: (1) inanimate objects possessing ........................................................................................................................... pg lvii inanimate spirits dispersed in discontinuous portions; (2) vegetable bodies which have these spirits and vital spirits organized in a network of branching channels; (3) animals which have discontinuous inanimate and branching vital spirits but have their branching 91

spirits connected to a cell (cella) which is their senatus or universitas.

This trichotomy was 92

given full expression in the works of Bacon's last years, notably the Historia vitæ, where it corresponded to the three sections of the terrestrial chain of being—the inorganic, vegetable 93

and animal. Was that also true of the De vijs mortis? Formulations of the trichotomy there carry germs of ideas developed in later works, but it is not clear that Bacon had yet come to

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94

see their full explanatory potential.

The De vijs lacks the profusion of references to specific

minerals, plants and animals, and does not attempt to order living and non-living beings into a detailed hierarchy. Nevertheless, Bacon had come to realize that the trichotomy could be used as a framework for dealing with terrestrial phenomena and see the distinction between spirit branching and spirit branching with a cell as the basis of all 'true differences' between 95

plants and animals.

(k) The Nature and Powers of the Vital Spirit In the De vijs consideration of the faculties and powers of the vital spirit is brief. The spirit maintains the integrity of the living body against the forces of dissolution. Animals and plants derive their organized structure and capacity for nutrition and growth from the vital spirit. But the spirit works nobler effects in animals than in plants; by virtue of the spirit animals have a greater diversity of internal organs, the power to process food selectively and, consequently, the faculty of excretion. Under the influence of spirit concentrated in the cerebral cells, spirit distributed through the branching nerves expands and contracts, and that gives rise to pulse and local motion. The 'passions' of the spirit in the nerves are 96

in their turn communicated to the spirit in the cells and that is the basis of sensation. However, the 'inflammation' of the vital spirit, the very thing that makes living beings what they are, carries penalties: plants and animals need nourishment not simply to grow but to compensate for the vital spirit's depredations on the juices of their bodies. Animals, whose spirits are more inflamed than those of plants, ........................................................................................................................... pg lviii 97

need respiration to keep their spirit's heat from becoming destructively fierce.

These points are not amplified in the De vijs but according to the works of 1620–26, the vital spirits regulate all vegetative functions of plants and animals. Organs responsible for these functions, for digestion, assimilation, etc., seem to act by perceptio, mere reaction to local 98

stimuli, but these reactions are co-ordinated by the vital spirit. The spirit's higher functions manifest themselves only in animals, i.e. where spirit is organized in a network and in cells or ventricular concentrations. Here the spirits mediate centrifugal motor functions and 99

centripetal sensory ones. These functions flow from the spirit's airy—flamy constitution. The spirit has the softness of air to receive impressions and the vigour of fire to propagate its 100

actions. The airy component is its sensory, the fiery its motor aspect.

Bacon wrote little about sensation but seems to have believed that sense organs were largely passive instruments of the vital spirit, different organs qualifying the spirit's motions 101

to produce the five different species of sensation.

Sense organs and the stimuli affecting

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them alter the spirit's motions. The spirit takes the alteration or impression through the nerves to the cerebral cell or cells. There the impression goes first to a concentration of spirit called 'sense', a version of the medieval sensus communis, which synthesizes impressions specific to each of the external senses and then passes the synthesized image to the memory which, like 'sense', is another body of spirit working in specific ventricular 102

conditions. To initiate voluntary motion, an image in the memory goes to yet another concentration of spirit called imagination. Changes in the spirit of the imagination promote 103

changes in the spirit of the nerves and sinews to cause voluntary motion. Death follows destruction of the spirit, and spirit lasts only while it has motion, coolness and nourish........................................................................................................................... pg lix ment. The vital organs meet these needs, so ruination of such organs is lethal to the 104

spirit. That, at any rate, is the story in the Historia vitæ. In the De vijs only two of the requirements are mentioned—coolness and aliment; the need for mobility is not mentioned although it is implicit in the spirit's nature for without it there could be no sensory-motor 105

functions.

As for coolness, Bacon followed the traditional line that vital spirit would 106

destroy itself in its own heat without refrigeration by respiration. The question of nourishment would have been one of the main topics of the De vijs had Bacon completed 107

it, for the question was central to the business of prolonging life. Nourishment repairs and restores the parts supporting the spirit. However, complete restoration is impossible; 108

deterioration of vital organs can be delayed not reversed. Nourishment has another function: to compensate for the consumptive effects of the vital spirit. This topic is not discussed in the De vijs, but elsewhere we find that rapid consumption of unnourished organisms is the work of the living spirit, which either repairs itself or obliges the parts to repair themselves or both. The spirit is repaired by the fresh and lively blood of the small arteries inserted into the brain. In line with Galenic views Bacon believed that food was needed to create venous blood, arterial blood, was 'supplied' by venous blood, and arterial 109

blood repaired the vital spirit.

(l) Inanimate Spirit and Tangible Matter The theory of inanimate spirits began to take shape in the early 1590s with the idea that spirit in tangible matter wrought many of the changes in the zone between the Earth's 110

interior and the celestial realm.

The theory underwent little elaboration before the writing

111

of the De vijs,

........................................................................................................................... pg lx

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the work which marked the first systematic attempt to apply the theory to 'biological' phenomena, and work up intellectual equipment which was ultimately to serve in the Historia vitæ. The De vijs complements the Thema cœli: the latter was the first organized attempt to apply the theory of matter to cosmological problems, the former the first concerted effort to extend the theory to biological ones. All disintegration arises from an actio triplex of inanimate spirit. The stages of the actio are attenuation, escape and contraction. Attenuation happens when the spirit attacks the matter imprisoning it and converts some of it into itself. This weakens the object's structure and, since the spirit is weightless and tangible matter is not, makes it lighter. After attenuation comes escape for, once the spirit has increased its volume and weakened the object, it can decamp into the air. Escape is followed by contraction. A vacuum is impossible so once the v

r

spirit departs, the body's parts close in to stop a space being left behind (DVM, fos. 5 –8 , r

v

17 –19 ). The actio varies with the quality of the inanimate spirit, the character of the body imprisoning it, and the body's ambience. The actio was considered at length in the part of v

r

the De vijs drafted by the scribe (fos. 5 –8 ). That version (hereafter V1) was completely r

v

rewritten and expanded (fos. 17 –19 ) to produce a second and more comprehensive version 112

(V2).

V1 is approximately 1,300 words long; V2 is some 1,000 words longer; together

the two versions account for roughly a quarter of the text. The two differ in content and organization. V1 deals with six topics: (1) qualitative differences between various sorts of spirits, (2) differences between tangible bodies, (3) the effects of spirit-tangible matter v

v

interactions (fos. 5 –7 ), followed by brief treatments of the appetites of (4) spirits, (5) v

r

tangible matter, and (6) ambient influences (fos. 7 –8 ). V2 has a more coherent structure: discussion of the spirits' qualitative differences is followed by a discussion of their appetites v

r

(fos. 17 –18 ); examination of the differences of tangible bodies is succeeded by an account r

r

r v

of their appetites (fos. 18 –19 ); and V2 ends with a reworked version (fo. 19 – ) of the material on ambient influences. As Bacon reorganized V1 he also suppressed or relocated passages not strictly relevant to the matters in hand. r

As for the content, V2 begins with a new introductory section (fo. 17 ) developing fundamental propositions: that all terrestrial bodies contain imprisoned spirits, that these spirits are worked into matter ‵ex subactione et concoctione solis et coelestium′, that the spirits are corpo ........................................................................................................................... pg lxi real, and differentiated according to the trichotomy mentioned above. This new section r

prepares for the aphorisms to follow and, in particular, the two fundamental ones (fos. 23 , r

v

113

26 , 27 ) designed to open the aphoristic part of the 'final' version of the De vijs.

The new

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section and aphorisms raise the theoretical level of the treatise, and lend authority and unity to the account of the actions of the inanimate spirits. Something important happened in the interval between the completion of V1 and the writing of V2: hitherto discrete components of the speculative philosophy began to cohere, the biological with the non-biological, the terrestrial with the cosmological. The philosophy was beginning to become systematic. v

r

The new section of V2 superseded a passage in V1 (fos. 5 –6 )—perhaps suppressed in order to focus on deeper differences between inanimate spirits, differences between their intrinsic qualities and their distribution within tangible matter. Distribution varies with the size of the spirit's particles and the evenness of its dispersion through tangible matter. Spirit finely divided favours durability; spirit collected in large portions accelerates dissolution. As for evenness, the greater it is the more durable the body. Flat distribution is usually found only in man-made objects produced by strong, constant heat. Natural bodies are less durable for the variability of celestial heat renders distribution very uneven, and as the Historia vitæ 114

points out, 'inequality is the mother of dissolution'. As for the spirits' intrinsic qualities, V1 merely notes that some spirits are sharp and robust, and others weaker and duller (fo. v

5 ). V2, with its more theoretical thrust, adds that the spirits are air-fire compounds which vary in their airiness and fieriness and in density and rarity. It also adds that the spirits' actions are excited by heat, motion, and union with similar spirits, and calmed by rest and reduction of bulk; they also receive 'illegitimate' (impropria) or extrinsic stimulation or v

r

calming when irritated by hostile or approached by friendly bodies (fos. 17 –18 ). These r

points are elaborated in the aphoristic section. For instance, a holograph aphorism (fo. 24 ) speaks of the inconvenience of sharp, mobile spirits which, predacious like flames, make spirited and fiery animals short-lived. But, according to another holograph aphorism, even sharp spirits tend to behave sluggishly in small quantities. Thus in animals longevity can be r

promoted by foods that keep the spirit meagre (fo. 28 ). There is no doubt that Bacon meant v

to develop these points further but abandoned the manuscript before doing so (fos. 20 , r

21 ). ........................................................................................................................... pg lxii As for the fundamental appetites, desires and impulses of the spirit, impulses prompting the actio triplex, V1 merely lists them. The spirits love to (a) exercise their nature by motion and agitation, (b) multiply themselves and (c) escape from tangible bodies and unite with v

cognate bodies (fo. 7 ). V2 amplifies this bare list: the first appetite is a reaction against confinement in gross matter, a reaction here characterized in terms found nowhere else. The spirit, like a demented prisoner, hurls itself against the walls of its tangible prison and rebounds from them, and slowly but surely breaks them down. This process is aided by the second impulse—to multiply and so convert susceptible parts of the body into more

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spirit. The third impulse is to escape and unite with cognate bodies—especially the air. This impulse is inimical to durability in inanimate bodies and longevity in living ones. Consequently factors hindering escape are very important. A compact body with narrow pores resists escape much as vessels with small perforations stop water escaping. Likewise, if the spirit is enclosed in friendly bodies it will be less vulnerable to the seductions of cognate external bodies, and the urge to escape will be muted yet more if there is plenty of r

suitable matter which the spirit can multiply itself upon (fo. 18 ). r v

v

r

r

r

V1 (fos. 6 – , 7 –8 ) on tangible matter is very different from V2 (fos. 18 –19 ). V1 opens with a discussion of the effect on the actio triplex of the spirits' kinship with matter enveloping them. This is absent from V2 because the subject had been broached in the account of the r

v

appetites of inanimate spirit (fo. 18 ). V1 continues (fo. 6 ) with an afterthought about spirit in heterogeneous liquids—also omitted from V2. Indeed V2 on the varieties of tangible matter retains only one feature of V1—the distinction between 'similar' and 'dissimilar' tangible v

v

r

bodies (fo. 6 ). As for the V2 treatment of the appetites of tangible matter (fos. 18 –19 ), it v

r

retains what little V1 (fos. 7 –8 ) had to say on the subject, that contraction depends on two appetites: the desire to avoid a vacuum and the impulse causing tangible particles to 'close ranks' to avoid annihilation by the spirits. These materials appear in the more substantial V2 account. Here V2 is important because it brings together elements of an idea-complex which 115

became prominent in Bacon's last works.

According to V2, bodies may be differentiated in

terms of four antitheses: dense, rare; solid, liquid; crude, fat; similar, dissimilar. For the first, Bacon rejected the scholastic view of matter as 'abstract or potential' and said dense bodies contained more matter in a given volume, rare ones ........................................................................................................................... pg lxiii 116

less.

r

r

As for solids and liquids, in line with principles developed elsewhere (fos. 12 , 14 ,

v

28 ), liquids contained a plentiful spirit evenly diffused through the tangible mass whereas r

solids possessed less spirit less evenly distributed (fo. 18 ). The distinction between fat r v

and crude becomes a statement of the quaternion theory (fo. 8 – ), while the last of the four polarities, similar and dissimilar, is developed as a distinction between bodies lacking v

internal structure, and highly structured or organic bodies (fo. 18 ). Moving to the appetites of tangible matter, V1 merely states that contraction arises from v

r

v

r

the tangible particles' desire to preserve their nature (fos. 7 –8 ). In V2 (fos. 18 –19 ) this appetite is considered at greater length together with several additional ones (rest, motion of like to like, and avoidance of preternatural compression or stretching). In later works aspects of these are treated as separate topics. For instance, V2 tells us that all tangible

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matter shrinks from motion except that towards the mass of kindred substances, i.e. motion v

of gravity (fo. 18 ). The Novum organum and Abecedarium consider these two aspects under separate headings: the tendency to remain at rest under motus decubitus, and motion of 117

gravity under motus congregationis majoris.

Again, according to V2, resistance to motion

is so strong that it even overcomes the tendency of like particles to join with like. Only in liquids full of spirit, or in solids whose spirit has been excited do the particles of a composite body separate out and group according to their kinds—though sometimes a strong spirit v

r

can do the opposite and hold heterogeneous particles together (fos. 18 –19 ). Aspects of this re-emerge in the discussions of motus decubitus, motus congregationis minoris, and 118

motus regius in the later works.

Likewise, V2 materials on avoidance of a vacuum and

preternatural compression or stretching reappear in an expanded form in the treatments of 119

motus nexus, motus libertatis, and motus hyles in the late works.

V2 on the states and appetites of tangible matter amounts to the birth of a grouping of ideas which became an important feature of the late works. The dichotomies (dense, rare, and so forth) turn up among the 'schematisms of matter' described in the Abecedarium and listed in 120

the De augmentis.

Aspects of the V2 material on appetites were later

........................................................................................................................... pg lxiv embodied in seven of nineteen 'simple motions' examined in the Novum organum, sixteen 121

described in the Abecedarium, and fifteen listed in the De augmentis. The De vijs contains the seeds of an idea-complex whose potential was most fully realized in the Abecedarium, 122

the introduction to Part IV of the Instauratio, where the two halves of the complex became an exhaustive survey of all the natures and motions which would, when thoroughly 123

investigated, provide a complete body of 'abstract physics', whence would come knowledge of the letters of the alphabet necessary for constructing the syllables, words 124

and sentences of the new philosophy. The emergence of this complex typifies Bacon's revisions of the scribal draft: he strengthened the connective tissues of his philosophy, refined and multiplied distinctions, and achieved higher levels of theoretical integration. r v

V2 ends with the effect of ambient influences on the actio triplex (fo. 19 – ). Bacon produced r

r

this material by bringing together and reorganizing two passages in V1 (fos. 7 , 8 ). V1 and V2 do not differ in substance but that does not mean that these influences were unimportant for prolonging life; knowledge of them could by helping or hindering the actio do more than anything to arrest disintegration. The principal ambient influences were these: (a) substances enveloping tangible bodies, (b) heat and cold, (c) agitation and rest, (d) changes in these three. The effects of (a) were especially important and were referred to repeatedly

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r

r

v

(fos. 7 , 8 , 18 ). Air had so malign an effect on inanimate spirits that durability in inorganic and longevity in organic bodies would be difficult to secure unless barriers were placed between it and them. But these barriers would only be effective if they allowed excess spirit v

r

r

v

r

v

v

to escape gradually into the air (fos. 3 –4 (12 –13 , 15 , 20 , 21 ) Various practical recommendations arose from these principles and when Bacon revised the scribal text he drew them out. Indeed extensive marginal interpolations added to the aphorisms drafted by the scribe were almost entirely devoted to bringing out practical v

r

v

r

applications (fos. 8 , 11 , 11 –12 ). As for the holograph aphorisms, those too had practical r

r

r

advice built into them (fos. 24 , 25 . 28 ). These revisions aimed to demonstrate the operative promise of Bacon's science. Taken more broadly, the revisions of the scribal draft projected the text along ........................................................................................................................... pg lxv divergent but complementary paths— to higher levels of theoretical integration and a partial revelation of the fruits of speculation.

(m) The De vijs and the Prolongation of Life The aim of prolonging life represented the aims of Bacon's programme as a whole. Confident 125

that he lived in an age ordained by Providence for great advances in knowledge, he believed that philosophy could improve material conditions and so in part restore prelapsarian felicity. He marked out the prolongation of life as the first and highest objective 126

of the new philosophy.

Realization of that ancient dream would be an outstanding 127

fulfilment of a programme proposing a material soteriology for this world.

Bacon had read the standard authorities—Aristotle, Galen, Avicenna, Roger Bacon, Arnaldus de Villanova, Ficino, Paracelsus, Fernel, Cornaro and Telesio—but set little store by any of 128

them.

The only authority named in the De vijs was Telesio, whose views Bacon promoted 129

at the expense of the dominant tradition of ideas on the subject.

The promotion was 130

temporary for he proceeded to reject Telesio because he did not go far enough. The dominant tradition stemmed back to Avicenna (980—1037), whose theory was ultimately a 131

refinement of Galenic ideas about the nutritive humours. Food underwent two digestions, one in the stomach, and another in the liver. The first converted the nutritious part of the food into chyle. The second converted chyle into venous blood. Blood sent to all parts of the body was assimilated by a third digestion. This process involved four nutrimental moistures 132

called 'secondary humours'.

The first, a humour secreted from

...........................................................................................................................

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pg lxvi the ends of the veins, turned itself into a dewy moisture or ros which acted either as a 133

'quasi-nutriment' for the tissues or as a means of moistening them if they dried out. Ros could also turn into a third, more viscous humour, cambium, which could in its turn change either into tissue solids or into the fourth secondary humour—the radical moisture or gluten 134

which maintained the continuity and integrity of the parts.

Radical moisture existed in a fixed quantity which determined lifespan for, as time passed, it was dried out and consumed by the innate heat, the instrument of the soul. With age, the heat diminished as it consumed the radical moisture: the older the individual, the colder and drier the temperament. The innate heat desiccated the tissues and consumed the radical moisture until the organs could no longer absorb ros or cambium; and although the radical moisture was capable of some replenishment, it could not be renewed indefinitely. Because of the ever-diminishing heat available for the digestive processes, the restoration 135

the humour received was increasingly imperfect. These views were accepted by most medieval and Renaissance philosophers and physicians, and were propagated, interpreted and elaborated by (among others) Cardinalis, Peter of Spain, Bernard of Gordon, Aquinas, 136

Laurent Joubert and most of the post-classical authorities known to Bacon.

Bacon's attack on Avicennan doctrine in the De vijs was an intricate four-stage affair. He described the radical moisture theory, contrasted it with Telesio's, added some obscure criticisms of the former, and noted the defects of the latter. Bacon pointed out that the Arabo-Latin theory supposed that ageing and death were effects of the ineluctable diminution of 'natural heat', and the radical or (perhaps echoing Fernel) 'primigenial' moisture. This could of course be slowed down but never ........................................................................................................................... pg lxvii entirely checked or reversed by nutrition. It is a deficiency theory of ageing and therefore 137

very different from Telesio's 'superfluity' theory.

According to Telesio, the body's condition and growth rate varied with the condition of the blood nourishing it. The blood's condition was governed by the state of the liver and heat of the body. Rejecting the traditional notion that body heat diminished with age, he conceived the cheerful thought that it gradually increased and slowly baked the liver. That did not improve liver efficiency, and the blood that it produced insensibly deteriorated. The liver began soft, sweet and reddish, and made pure, fresh blood very like the flesh it nourished. That promoted growth, but growth slowed and eventually stopped as body heat increased and damaged the liver. The weak digestion of old men should be attributed not to declining but growing heat which made the liver hard, gross, bitter and black, and inhibited conversion of chyle into blood, and made the blood of the old thick, impure and increasingly incapable

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of nourishing the body; the body became encumbered with salty and bilious excrements; death then supervened. Bacon approved of Telesio's theory as a counterweight to the radical moisture story, but thought it wrong nevertheless. The radical moisture theorists alleged that heat waned with age; Telesio claimed that it increased; Bacon combined the two views: 138

heat increased during infancy and maturity but diminished thereafter.

Bacon rounded off his attack on the radical moisture theory with some obscure quantitative 139

reasoning concerning the relationship between radical moisture and semen. Avicenna had thought that an individual was endowed with a fixed quantity of moisture which originated from parental semen in a manner unspecified. This issue was explored by Arnaldus de 140

Villanova, whose work was known to Bacon. Arnaldus claimed that if an organism contained no more radical moisture than was present in the semen which generated it, then the original allotment of moisture simply could not be spread thinly enough to sustain the body as it grew larger. Consequently the fixed quantity of radical moisture had to be supplemented as a principium essendi by a humidum nutrimentale formed from aliment in 141

each of the bodily members.

Bacon, however, saw no reason to believe that the original

quantum of radical moisture needed supplementing as the ........................................................................................................................... pg lxviii body grew. The divisibility of matter was such that the original quantum could be effectively 142

spread throughout the body however much it grew. Bacon seems to be advancing a pangenetic argument to undermine what he took to be the non-pangenetic basis of the radical moisture theory. He seems to assume that the theory depended on the idea that semen of one generation supplied the moisture necessary for creating semen in the next, and that that idea was a quantitative absurdity. He also seems to be trying to trap his opponents in the absurdity by ruling out supplementation theories of the Villanovan variety. But his argument is opaque and sources representing his opponents' case (especially in regard to the semen-moisture relationship) have yet to be found. 143

Bacon's criticisms of earlier writers do not mean that his own views were entirely original. He departed from the consensus in thinking that the processes of ageing only took hold once adulthood had begun, and that while a living being was still growing its fabric could be entirely repaired and its parts improved both in quantity and quality. Yet for him, as for Avicenna, Arnaldus and Fernel, ageing was essentially a process of progressive desiccation. Gradual loss of moisture (humor) was accompanied by loss of structural coherence which 144

eventually caused the body to crumble. To some degree Bacon's juices and moistures can be identified with the radical moisture for, while denying the utility of received theories, he often fell back on traditional language and ideas: age desiccates; bodies in the highest state of heat decline to dryness, and coldness follows after; ageing can be retarded by restoring

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145

the dewy and radical humours.

Bacon wanted to leave no stone unturned in the search for

means to prolong life. The upshot was a kind of practical, bet-hedging eclecticism coupled with a measure of intellectual 'slippage' forgivable in one struggling to escape from received ideas. But they do not imply surrender to earlier modes of thought. Bacon sometimes spoke of ageing in terms of the desiccation of dewy or radical moisture but he did not see ageing as consumption of moisture by innate heat. As we know, ........................................................................................................................... pg lxix he held that the body should be viewed first as an inanimate thing unsupported by aliment and secondly as a living and feeding thing for the first consideration would provide rules 146

concerning consumption, the second rules concerning repair. This double view owed little to established traditions. The principal agents of consumption, the inanimate spirits, were nothing like the Arabo-Latin innate heat; they preyed not just on the juices of living bodies but on all tangible matter, and they were neither hot nor identical to the vital spirit. Bacon's vital spirit resembles the innate heat of Avicennan tradition to the extent that it is both warm and the essence of life. Nevertheless, its intellectual genealogy reaches 147

back through Telesio and Doni to the Galenic concept of cerebro-spinal spirit, a spirit which did not figure in Galenic or post-Galenic theories of ageing. Likewise Bacon's inanimate spirit has affinities not with anything in the Avicennan tradition but rather with Neoplatonic, Paracelsian, and late sixteenth-century pneumatism. The theory has affinities with Renaissance concepts of spiritus. Lastly, Bacon's animate and inanimate spirits do not stand alone. They belong to a theory of matter which, whatever the intellectual antecedents of its parts, was unique to him; and as we have seen, that theory was in the process of consolidation as works presented in this volume were being written. No matter what the specific affinities or debts, the disposition of concepts within Bacon's speculative system was not, taken in sum, Galenic, Paracelsian, Telesian or anything else. The concepts of vital and inanimate spirit limited or delimited a theory of matter which was itself a systematization and transformation of borrowings of an initially eclectic character. ........................................................................................................................... PG LXX

3 THE TEXTS AND THEIR TRANSMISSION Of the edited texts presented in this volume five are derived from a printed copy-text and one, the De vijs mortis, from a manuscript. I shall say something about the textual history of the manuscript later; for the moment I shall be concerned solely with the printed copytext, a text published in 1653 under the title Scripta in natvrali et vniversali philosophia.

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The Scripta was printed from a transcription of certain Bacon manuscripts, a transcription prepared by the Dutch scholar Isaac Gruter. Gruter inherited these manuscripts, together 1

with the quondam Lord Chancellor's manuscript copies of Gilbert's De mundo, from the civil servant and diplomat William Boswell into whose possession they had come not long after Bacon's death.

(a) From Bacon to Boswell Bacon's will, dated 19 December 1625, contains the following instruction: 'I desire my executors, especially my brother Constable, and also Mr. Bosvile, presently after my decease, to take into their hands all my papers whatsoever, which are either in cabinets, 2

boxes or presses, and them to seal up until they may at their leisure peruse them.' These words pose more questions than they answer. They do not tell us when and how Boswell came to Bacon's notice, nor why Bacon trusted him enough to name him as a literary executor—if indeed he had so named him. My colleague Alan Stewart has pointed out that Boswell (unlike Constable) may not have been an executor in the strictest sense: he was not named in any earlier version of the will, not listed in the roll-call of executors at the end of the will, not cited in the will's official execution in July 1626 and, even within the text of the will itself, seems to have been set apart from the executors proper by the 'and also' (my 3

italics).

Boswell's exact status in the matter is unclear, and documentary evidence relating to it virtually non-existent. The will apart, there is no ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxi mention of Boswell in any of Bacon's writings. In fact, there is precious little evidence concerning Boswell's career generally. I have been able to discover almost nothing about Boswell's life before c.1619—save that he became a Fellow of Jesus College Cambridge 4

in 1606 and may have been given a pass to travel abroad in 1616. His date of birth is 5

unknown, the date of his death uncertain, and some important 'facts' regarding his career— for instance that he was secretary to Dudley Carleton at The Hague—should be treated with 6

the utmost scepticism.

In the absence of direct testimony concerning Boswell's relations with Bacon we must rely on circumstantial evidence. In particular, it may be noted that Boswell came to be closely involved with a number of able men born in the 1580s and early 1590s who had either become prominent at the highest levels of Stuart government in the decade before Bacon's death, formed close links with Bacon himself, or both. Chief among these were Thomas Meautys, William Rawley, the Herberts, and John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln. Rawley and Meautys both owed their careers to Bacon's patronage. Rawley (1588?–1667) had been Page 41 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

7

one of Boswell's younger contemporaries at Cambridge; Bacon obtained the rectory of Landbeach for him in 1616, and made him his chaplain, secretary and amanuensis in 1618. Rawley prepared the manuscript of the Sylva sylvarum (1626) for the press, witnessed Bacon's will, and with Boswell became one of the two principal recipients of Bacon's literary remains. Thomas Meautys (c.1590–1649), a descendant of Henry VII's French Secretary, was Bacon's devoted and confidential man of business from about 1616. On the strength of his association with the Lord ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxii Chancellor he obtained a reversion to a Clerkship to the Council, an office to which he 8

succeeded in 1622, not long after Boswell had attained the same dignity. It may be assumed that Meautys and Boswell had been acquaintances from at least that time, and that in due course official or unofficial contacts between the two eased the transfer of Bacon's manuscripts to Boswell; when Bacon died the executors named in his will delayed or refused to take up their office, and not until 13 July 1627 were Meautys and Sir Robert Rich granted 9

letters of administration; then, or soon after, the manuscripts came into Boswell's hands.

As for the Herberts, Boswell may have been secretary to the barrister Edward Herbert (1591?–1657), who was named as one of Bacon's literary executors in an early version of 10

his will.

Edward was cousin to Herbert of Cherbury (1582–1648) and the poet George 11

Herbert (1593–1633). George was friend and eventually literary assistant to Francis Bacon. George Herbert and William Boswell were linked as joint dedicatees (15 Dec. 1622) of Lord 12

Herbert's De veritate, and when Herbert of Cherbury became ambassador to Paris in May 1619, Boswell accompanied him as his chief secretary; that may have been his first official 13

appointment.

Boswell's time in Paris came to an abrupt end in July 1621 when Lord Herbert was recalled in 14

disgrace after an ugly row with Louis XIII's favourite. Herbert later returned to France but Boswell did not. Bacon had fallen from office not long since, and soon Boswell became secre ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxiii 15

tary and revenue receiver to the new Lord Keeper John Williams (1582–1650), another man later named as one of Bacon's literary executors. Not long after that, on 11 November 16

1622, Boswell was sworn in as a Clerk to the Council in Extraordinary.

He was elected

17

Member of Parliament for Boston in 1624 and 1625 but, apart from some months abroad (May 1628–Feb. 1629) when he accompanied James Hay, Earl of Carlisle on a diplomatic mission to Savoy, he spent the years from 1627 to 1632 doing his bureaucratic duty as Clerk 18

to the Council—mainly in matters of naval and military administration.

In July 1632 he was

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given a diplomatic job—Resident Agent at The Hague. He arrived in Holland in September, and remained at his post with the Bacon manuscripts in his keeping until his death some 19

eighteen years later.

While there are no grounds for supposing that Boswell belonged to some reified 'Bacon circle', Boswell's connections were such that the two could scarcely have avoided knowing each other by 1621 or 1622 at latest. Quite without Boswell's contacts with Williams and the Herberts, the fact that Meautys and Boswell had become Clerks to the Council would no doubt have been quite sufficient to bring Boswell to Bacon's notice. But the mere fact of acquaintance does not tell us why Bacon chose Boswell rather than (say) a protégée 20

like Meautys for the job of preserving his literary remains. We may guess that Boswell was a state functionary of some standing who had already begun to acquire a reputation for learning and an interest in academic affairs. We may guess that he was probably not 21

the unimaginative pen-pusher evoked by Mario Rossi: he was, for instance, one of the dedicatees of Herbert of Cherbury's De veritate; he soon became one of Galileo's most ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxiv 22

enthusiastic English followers; and, in the mid-1620s, he acted in concert with Dudley Carleton in vain attempts (1624–6) to lure the Dutch humanist G. J. Vossius to the lectureship 23

in history and political science that Fulke Greville had created at Cambridge.

Yet whatever Boswell's general reputation, a couple of special features of his career may have recommended him as a suitable person to look after Bacon's literary legacy. In the first place, Boswell had helped to foster Bacon's reputation on the Continent. He became an important source of information concerning Bacon and his writings, a source drawn upon by distinguished men of letters in France—notably N.-C. Fabri de Peiresc and the Dupuy brothers, individuals who were soon to have a hand in the preservation of certain 24

manuscripts stolen from Bacon in 1623. In the second place, Boswell was to have experience as a guardian of the State's interest in privately-held papers and other literary matter. In the period 1628–31 Boswell acted for the Privy Council several times as a kind of literary intelligence officer empowered to take over, preserve and examine letters and other private papers thought to be important to the State—a role which he played most notably in con ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxv 25

nection with Sir Robert Cotton's library. Records of Boswell's activities in this sphere date to the period after Bacon's death, but no doubt he was chosen for these duties because he was already known to possess the skills necessary for it. He had sufficient scholarship; he was known to have a safe pair of hands; he could be relied upon to keep documents and

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information within whatever restricted networks suited his superiors; and that, coupled with Boswell's role as a propagator of Bacon's fame, may well have been decisive in causing the ex-Chancellor to regard him as one to be trusted to preserve literary remains. His trust was not misplaced.

(b) From Boswell to Gruter After Boswell's death, the Bacon and Gilbert manuscripts passed to Isaac Gruter (1610–80). The son of an eminent scholar, Gruter was for much of his life a senior and distinguished schoolmaster. From 1633 until the early 1640s he was conrector of the Latin school in Middelburg, his native town and chief city of Zeeland. Later he became successively rector of the Maastricht and then the Nijmegen Latin schools (c.1653–61). He ended his career and days as rector of the Erasmus Latin School at Rotterdam (1661–80). He earned the 26

posthumous title of 'rector vigilantissimus'; his pupils no doubt slept at their peril. An accomplished rather than outstanding man of letters, Gruter built up a substantial private 27

library

28

and an extensive network of intellectual contacts,

both of which testify to an

encyclopaedic passion for ancient and modern learning. In his early twenties he was already in touch with distinguished figures who had known Bacon or become interested in the Lord Chancellor's philosophy. He corresponded with ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxvi 29

John Selden (1584–1654), and exchanged letters with Constantijn Huygens (1596–1687), Isaac Beeckman (1588–1637), and Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655)—three of Bacon's earliest 30

and most prominent Continental readers.

Gruter's contacts with these individuals began in

31

the early 1630s, but it is impossible to say exactly when he became interested in Bacon's writings. The earliest solid evidence of acquaintance with a Bacon text is the introductory letter which Gruter contributed to his brother Jacob's Latin translation of the Sylva sylvarum 32

(1648). This letter marked a turning-point in Gruter's scholarly career, the beginning of a sporadic and sometimes frustrating involvement with Bacon's works that lasted some thirteen years. The five years following the publication of the Latin Sylva were busy. In 1649 Gruter published his edition of a work by one of Bacon's friends, Henry Savile's work on Tacitus, Agricola and the Roman army; in 1652 he brought out his translation of certain unpublished 33

tracts by Hugo Grotius. At the same time the brothers Gruter were turning their enthusiasm for Bacon's writings into a nice little family business. Evidently dissatisfied with his translation of the Sylva, Jacob started to revise it—helped by Isaac, who invited English contacts to comment on ...........................................................................................................................

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pg lxxvii 34

the published translation of the Sylva and provide information about Bacon's manuscripts.

On 24 June 1651 Isaac wrote to Sir Thomas Browne (1602–82), announcing that Jacob was forging ahead with the revision of the Latin Sylva, and that Boswell–s Bacon manuscripts had come into his hands: For the last few weeks I have had in my possession manuscript opuscula of Bacon of Verulam—some of them moral and political, others naturalphilosophical—corrected by the author himself. A few of the former have been published in English, but I shall offer them in Latin, together with other unpublished ones which I have translated long since. Of the latter, written in Latin by Lord Verulam himself, nothing save a few grains scattered in the Novum organum and the books of the De augmentis scientiarum has been processed for public consumption. They have come to me from the library of the most noble Sir William Boswell, the late English envoy to the United Provinces, a man most friendly to me while he lived. They are about to go to press at any time now if the author's fame carry 35

matters forward speedily.

36

This affords important clues as to what exactly Gruter had at his disposal, but for the moment suffice it to say that he probably acquired the manuscripts in April or May 1651 (he wrote of paúcúlis septimanis not mensibus). He had had time enough to compare the manuscripts with the Novum organum and De augmentis, and to decide that they were worth publishing. After that he moved quickly: he published part of his inheritance, 37

Bacon's manuscript copies of Gilbert's De mundo, before the year was out, and prepared a transcription of the Bacon philosophical pieces which was, before long, dispatched to the printers. Gruter worked fast but in adversity. In January 1652 Jacob died quite suddenly, just a few 38

months before his thirty-seventh birthday, and without finishing the improved Latin Sylva. That task now fell to his brother, although almost a decade elapsed before it was completed. Isaac travelled at once to Middelburg to settle his brother's affairs. When he ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxviii returned to The Hague in February, he wrote to Selden asking him to forward certain 39

documents (probably letters about the French 'translation of the Sylva sylvarum)

to

40

Bacon's erstwhile secretary William Rawley.

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Rawley's reply may have been delayed for not until 29 May did Gruter write back begging Rawley to comment on the 1648 Latin Sylva and tell him what he thought of his proposal to publish it in an improved version together with a Latin translation of the French Sylva. He sent Rawley a catalogue (unfortunately no longer extant) of the manuscripts acquired a year earlier— works which I have from the book boxes of Boswell's study, works written either in his [Bacon's] own hand or in that of some other Englishman but with revisions in Bacon's own hand, as Boswell once told me after he had taken me into his confidence. He added that plans to publish these were in hand and urged Rawley to part with the important Bacon manuscripts in his possession so that all could be published together— a proposal which, Gruter assured him, would further plans laid by the publisher Lodewijk 41

Elzevier (1604–70) for a Bacon opera omnia.

........................................................................................................................... pg lxxix The ingenuous Gruter evidently longed for a favourable reply; he could scarcely contain his impatience for, in early June, he was already complaining to Selden of difficulties he had 42

experienced in getting letters to and from Rawley. Rawley's side of the correspondence has not survived and so we do not know what he said by way of rejecting Gruter's proposal. But he certainly did not disgorge his Bacon manuscripts, and so dashed Gruter's hopes and 43

torpedoed Elzevier's ambitious project.

The hapless Netherlanders had to make the best 44

of it and, sometime after the middle of 1652, Gruter committed his transcription of the Bacon natural-philosophical manuscripts to the press. Under Lodewijk Elzevier's imprint the Scripta saw the light of day in 1653, but Gruter's slow-motion act of fraternal piety, his work on the second edition of the Latin Sylva, dragged on for another eight years. Anxious letters 45

to Huygens, Browne and Rawley suggest that the task was far from easy. Gruter continued to express wistful hopes of seeing Rawley's manuscripts, and for a time persisted with the idea of ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxx incorporating material from the French Sylva in an appendix to the Latin, even though he now suspected that Rawley was right to deny its authenticity. Gruter's completion of the revised Latin Sylva and its publication by Lodewijk and Daniel Elzevier in 1661 seems to 46

have marked the end of his career as a Bacon scholar.

Gruter's scholarly credentials, editorial experience, and association with his brother's work on the 1648 Latin Sylva made him a worthy beneficiary of Boswell's literary largess. However, we know virtually nothing about Gruter's association with Boswell, when or Page 46 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

how they met, or exactly why the diplomat chose to leave manuscripts to the Dutch scholar. Gruter may simply have been in the right place at the right time; in the years 1644–5 he was employed as a teacher in The Hague by the Advocate-Fiscal of Holland, Dirck Graswinckel, and often lived in the city in the years between 1646 and 1653, i.e. 47

up to and beyond Boswell's death. While living in The Hague, Gruter and Boswell may have been drawn together by shared intellectual interests and mutual friends—both, for 48

49

instance, corresponded with Selden and Huygens, and, in the early 1640s, both were in touch with Nicolaas Heinsius (1620–81), the distinguished literary scholar and adviser 50

to Lodewijk Elzevier. Indeed, Gruter wrote regularly to Heinsius until 1679. But none of the letters mentioned Boswell or the Bacon manuscripts. If any letter passed between Gruter and Boswell it has yet to be found; and although Gruter was an indefatigable correspondent I have not come across any letter written before Boswell's death that mentions the Englishman; Gruter's earliest printed reference to their mutual friendship does 51

not date back beyond August 1649,

which probably

........................................................................................................................... pg lxxxi means that their acquaintance did not begin much before the end of Boswell's life. The likeliest story is that Gruter met Boswell in the very late 1640s, while the Dutchman was living in The Hague and helping his brother with enquiries connected with the Latin Sylva or its revision. Boswell could have got to know of Gruter when the 1648 Sylva was published. Alternatively, Huygens or Heinsius, knowing of Gruter's work and Boswell's quondam connection with Bacon, could well have put them in touch with each other. Again, the two could have come to each other's notice through the good offices of Selden, who, as one 52

named as a literary executor in an early draft of Bacon's will, Gruter what Boswell had inherited from the late Chancellor.

probably knew long before

In the end there is little specific evidence of transactions between the two beyond the uncorroborated testimony of Gruter's own letters and prefaces and, apart from the evidence reviewed above, all one can add is that Gruter had prepared a transcription of 53

the manuscripts which he had received ex legato, i.e. as a legacy from Boswell. But Boswell's will is not extant, and Gruter may have exaggerated the depth of their friendship and acquired the manuscripts by a more circuitous route. Long after Boswell's death, his widow wrote that the contents of his study had been disposed of by his nephew, Thomas 54

Raymond. Perhaps Raymond passed the manuscripts to the Dutchman, and Gruter merely assumed that that had been Boswell's wish. What became of the manuscripts after 1653 is a mystery. No document tells us of their fate: Gruter's letters are silent on the matter and his 55

will cannot be found. That is a pity for among the manuscripts were some which he never got round to publishing.

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Gruter's own words have occasioned some uncertainty about what Bacon materials he possessed apart from the Bacon and Gilbert natural-philosophical manuscripts acquired from Boswell. Gruter's letter to the reader in the Scripta touches on this matter: The works which I offer you, dear reader, works concerned with philosophy universal and natural, come from copies which I have transcribed from manuscript books which the author meticulously revised and variously corrected … All these unpublished works (save for slight traces of certain reflections which ....................................................................... pg lxxxii have appeared in a very few published works) you owe, dear reader, to the most noble William Boswell to whom Bacon himself willed them, along with others elaborated in the political and moral kind given into my safekeeping by the deceased and not yet ready for publication … Goodbye and look kindly upon my efforts, who am soon about to offer more Bacon works translated into Latin, for the most part 56

unpublished.

Spedding lamented the obscurity of this passage but took it to mean that Gruter had acquired two kinds of manuscript from Boswell: the Latin natural-philosophical works, and certain moral and political pieces apparently in Latin and not yet ready for publication (non diu premenda). He also had some English pieces, mostly unpublished and not necessarily 57

acquired from Boswell, which he meant to bring out in Latin soon.

Sources unknown to Spedding are more illuminating. The crucial 1651 letter to Browne makes it clear that Gruter did indeed possess Baconiania not derived from Boswell, but does not confirm that the moral and political writings were in Latin: For the last few weeks I have had in my possession manuscript opuscula of Bacon of Verulam—some of them moral and political, others natural-philosophical —corrected by the author himself. A few of the former have been published in English, but I shall offer them in Latin, together with other unpublished ones which I have translated long since. Of the latter, written in Latin by Lord Verulam himself, nothing

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save a few grains scattered in the Novum organum and the books of the De augmentis scientiarum has 58

been processed for public consumption.

What Gruter translated long since (pridem) cannot have come into his possession a few weeks (paúcúlis septimanis) before. He must have prepared translations of unspecified English pieces by Bacon before Boswell's manuscripts came his way and now apparently meant to publish these plúra inedita alongside political and moral writings he had just inherited from the diplomat. The letter to Browne and the preface to the 1651 De mundo seem to suggest that these too were English tracts and ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxxiii 59

that Gruter meant to translate them for publication. Indeed, both letter and preface seem to suggest that in 1651 Gruter was thinking of publishing the translations before the Latin natural-philosophical texts. But that did not happen. Neither the civil and moral tracts transmitted by Boswell nor whatever English pieces Gruter had translated before the 60

advent of the Boswell inheritance saw the light of day. Gruter was a conscientious man who revered Boswell and Bacon. It is most unlikely that he would willingly have allowed these materials to remain unpublished. So why did he never again refer to them in print or correspondence after 1653? I do not know the answer to this question but I think it is very likely that Gruter had simply learned (perhaps from Rawley) that all or most of them had 61

been published already.

As for the Latin natural-philosophical manuscripts, two questions remain before we turn to the matter of their transmission through the press: what were the manuscripts like, and what did Gruter do with them when he prepared them for publication? An answer to the first question begins with a passage from the letter to the reader in the Scripta: The book's title embraces the whole argument of a work divided into various discourses and is Lord Verulam's own. The pages show one by one the sections of this title, parts set out by me according to the order of matters dealt with, so a reader seeking a guide will not be confused by the absence of one. Everything in the succession after the title Indicia vera de interpretatione Naturæ right up to the end of the book, I have named Impetus Philosophici, a designation I noted when the great man discussed these manuscripts with me in private .......................................................................

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pg lxxxiv conversation. For he never called anything associated with these treatises (each distinguished by its own title) anything else. I have done this so no one will jump to the conclusion that the volume is incomplete on seeing, when the Impetus runs out, that it does not drag a long train [of other works] 62

behind it.

On Spedding's shrewd reading it seems likely that Gruter's distinction between the pieces with separate titles (the first six of the Scripta) and those bearing the collective running title 63

Impetus Philosophici (the remaining thirteen) probably rested on the difference between (a) pieces copied out in a book and (b) separate papers tied up with it. 'We happen to know from the Commentarius Solutus that in the year 1608 this was the way in which Bacon's papers were actually arranged,—that among his Libri Compositionum was one entitled Scripta in Naturali et Universali Philosophiâ', and that such books had fragments and loose 64

papers on similar topics bundled up with them.

Little need be added to Spedding's conclusions. He did not suggest that the Scripta of 1608 contained any or all of the pieces that found their way into the printed Scripta of 1653. Certainly none of the pieces appearing in the present critical edition could have 65

existed in their extant forms in the earlier Scripta for all were written after 1608. Besides the manuscript book (or books) and loose papers that carried the pieces published in the Scripta, Gruter also inherited a large manuscript volume 'De Gravi & Levi'. Perhaps 66

a sketch of the projected Historia gravis et levis, this contained no more than a series of unelaborated titles representing, no doubt, an early stage in the initial planning of the 67

work.

The volume is no longer extant and its contents were

........................................................................................................................... pg lxxxv never published. Gruter had it on the authority of Boswell that the manuscripts were drafted 68

by Bacon himself or a scribe whose efforts had been corrected by the author. 69

Gruter did not send the manuscripts to the press; he prepared a copy

and sent that

instead. The copy seems to have been reasonably accurate. In the matter of substantives there is nothing to indicate that Gruter meddled with the texts. In content, form and style the texts as presented in the Scripta bear all the marks of authenticity. That is more than a subjective judgement for two pieces (though none of the ones presented below) also exist in manuscript copies corrected by Bacon himself and never owned by Gruter; and another piece exists in another printed version based on an authoritative manuscript which belonged

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70

to Rawley.

Comparison of these with the versions in the Scripta yields many substantive

differences but none which can be attributed without question to sloppiness or infidelity on Gruter's part. The differences almost certainly stem from the fact that Bacon kept more than 71

one version of any given text and revised each one differently.

As for accidentals, no one would expect them to have been transmitted with fidelity. From Bacon's originals to the scribal copies, from these to Gruter's transcription, and from that to the press—at every stage changes could have taken place and no doubt did. However, the Scripta does exhibit practices broadly similar to those implicitly approved of by Bacon, i.e. to those present in manuscripts corrected by the author and prepared by professional scribes working for him. However, Gruter's transcription certainly differed from Bacon's own practice and probably from the practices of his scribes in at least one respect—orthography. Gruter's holograph letters exhibit certain orthographical preferences, these recur in the Scripta, and so apparently infiltrated his transcription and were transmitted unchanged by the compositors. These matters are discussed more fully in Appendix II.

(c) From Manuscript to Print It is no mystery that texts of the Scripta were published under Lodewijk Elzevier's imprint. Gruter and Elzevier had known each other at least ........................................................................................................................... pg lxxxvi 72

since 1643.

Elzevier had already published Jacob Gruter's 1648 Latin Sylva, and Isaac 73

Gruter's editions of the treatises by Savile (1649), Gilbert (1651), and Grotius (1652). Elzevier was, in effect, Gruter's publisher. He helped Gruter to a reputation; Gruter helped him to a living. Elzevier regarded Bacon as a very marketable commodity, and Elzevier knew his business. Grandson of Lodewijk I, the founder of the Elzevier dynasty, he served his apprenticeship with the firm of Bonaventure and Abraham Elzevier at Leiden and worked for a time as their representative in Denmark and Italy. He set up his own business at Amsterdam in 1638 and in the period up to 1655 (when he went into partnership with Daniel Elzevier) he published no less than 220 titles. A large part of his output was devoted to writings on history, geography, political theory and political commentary. But about 15 per cent of the books he published were philosophical works. Indeed, in no other single subject did he produce more texts than in philosophy. He published works by Basso, Campanella, Clauberg, Comenius, Conring, Gassendi, Harvey, van Helmont, Hobbes, and above all, 74

Descartes.

How did Elzevier set about his task? One may begin to answer this question by recording the collational formula of the Scripta:

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mo

12

6

v

12

: * (*1 blank) A–O

v

12

χ1 (χ1 blank) P–V

8

X

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(X8 blank) [$6 (-*1, *2, *5, *6, H5 (some copies), χ1, X6) signed] 255 leaves present, pp. [12] 1–336 [χ] 337–495 [496] (misprinting 315 as 115, 353 as 853 75

(some copies)).

r

v

It is certain that Elzevier printed the preliminaries (*1 –*6 ) and sheet χ; it is possible that he printed χ (an inserted table), but highly unlikely that he printed sheets A–V. The first scholar to argue on these lines was the nineteenth-century bibliophile Alphonse Willems. He claimed that the Scripta, like other Dutch publications of the period, had been printed by two shops. Although he did not explicitly comment on χ, Willems tried to show that Elzevier had printed 76

the preliminaries and sheet X, while another firm printed everything else.

........................................................................................................................... pg lxxxvii 1. Willems argued that the initials and ornaments of the preliminaries and sheet X were r

r

indubitably Elzevirian. The initials A and Q (*3 and *5 ) of the preliminaries could be verified on Nicolaas Heinsius' edition of his father's orations, and the V of sheet X on the 1651 77

edition of Aulus Gellius.

Willems did not add that the initial A of the preliminaries could also 78

be verified on Gruter's edition of Savile (1649).

As for the ornaments of the preliminaries 79

and sheet X, Willems rightly pointed out that they were demonstrably Elzevirian.

But he

r

had nothing to say about the 7 × 40mm fleuron (A1 ) or 13 × 13mm initials peculiar to sheets A–V. Yet that fleuron and those initials may have a crucial bearing on the identity of 80

the putative second printer.

2. Willems also argued that the Amsterdam Elzeviers always signed their books in 7s 81

whereas the type-pages of sheets A–V of the Scripta were signed in 6s.

This argument is 82

not watertight. They generally signed duodecimos in 7s but occasionally in 5s,

and the

83

very first text actually printed by Lodewijk Elzevier was signed in 6s.

3. As for typography, Willems remarks that sheets A–V all had type-pages of 29 lines, whereas those of sheet X, 'pour lesquelles on a fait usage d'interlignes un peu plus 84

épaisses', only had 28. This could be taken to mean that the type-pages of sheet X were set with interlinear leads. That was not the case: careful measurement shows that sheet X was set in type with fractionally longer ascenders and descenders than the type used to set 85

sheets A–V.

4. Willems did not note certain other differences between sheets A–V ........................................................................................................................... Page 52 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

pg lxxxviii and sheet X. The spacing of the words is generally more even in the latter than the former. The headlines of pages on sheets N–X carry a single running title (IMPETVS | PHILOSOPHICI.), but on sheet X the recto and verso components of the title are more consistently but less 86

r

generously spaced than on sheets N–V. The component of the running title on X3 is unique: there the first vowel was set not with an I but with an i— an i which did not belong to any of the founts used elsewhere in the Scripta. The caudate e (for the digraph æ) never occurs in the type-pages of sheet X; but it appears at least once (and usually more often) in 87

the first 15 type-pages of every sheet from A to V. Signatures of the type-pages of sheet X are set closer to the fore-edge than those of the type-pages of other sheets. For titles the compositor(s) of A–V almost never used an 'archaic' V for a more 'modern' U. Yet a number 88

of such 'archaic' Vs are found among the titling capitals of* and X. In short, whoever set the preliminaries and sheet X may have been observing a house style different from that followed by the compositor(s) of sheets A–V. 5. Willems said nothing about the typography, imposition and press-work of the 89

preliminaries. With one possible exception, the founts chosen for * were unique to it; they were used neither for the body of the text nor for sheet X. As for imposition, the typer

pages of * were imposed in 6s: six pages to the outer forme (with one, *1 , left blank for the v

engraved title), and six to the inner forme (with one, *1 , left blank). Now * could not have been printed by work-and-turn methods with whole sheets. Work and turn was uncommon before the eighteenth century and would have left part of a watermark on *4 or *6 whereas the preliminaries are always watermarked on *3 or *6 (upper fore-edge). Yet if whole sheets had been used for * the printer would have been left with a large number of blank half-sheet offcuts, unless he proceeded in the manner described below. 6. If Elzevier printed the preliminaries he may also have printed χ. The latter is a folded leaf measuring on average 310 × 110mm, its chain-lines run horizontally, and it carries part of one or other of the water........................................................................................................................... pg lxxxix 90

marks represented elsewhere in the edition. Indeed, χ is so large that it had to carry part of a watermark. Now χ could have been imposed, its longer sides parallel to the longer sides of the chase, beside the type-pages of one or other of the formes for the preliminaries. If that had been so the firm that printed the preliminaries must also have printed χ This economy, which would have reduced the combined costs of presswork on the preliminaries and χ by a third, was in fact adopted. If χ had been imposed in the manner suggested, all instances of χ would have borne part of a watermark on the same edge, and that turns out to be the case. All copies of χ examined carry a watermark on the right-hand edge when

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χ is opened and placed in the normal reading position. Had χ been printed on half-sheets cut beforehand and for the purpose, or on offcuts (if such there were) left over from the printing of the preliminaries, the watermark in any given instance would be just as likely to appear on the left as on the right edge. The probability that Elzevier printed χ as well as the preliminaries and sheet X is supported by other evidence. The type used for the heading of χ ('Tabula Coitionis …') belongs to the same fount as the one used in the body of r

v

the dedicatory letter in the preliminaries (*3 –*4 ). That fount appears nowhere else in the Scripta. 7. Willems did not study the paper, but sheets used in the production of the edition bear one or another of no more than five distinct watermarks; all are variants of a design resembling 91

the Strasbourg lily,

a design found quite often and in a variety of forms in other Lodewijk 92

Elzevier duodecimos. The watermarks on sheets A–V appear exactly where one would expect them to in an edition in common duodecimo format: at the upper fore-edge of leaves 7 and 8, or of leaves 11 and 12. The preliminaries and χ are watermarked as noted in the 93

previous two paragraphs. The 8-leaf sheet X either has no watermark

or one at the upper

fore-edge of leaves 7 and 8. None of the five watermarks found in ........................................................................................................................... pg xc the edition is peculiar either to the preliminaries, or χ or sheets A–V, or sheet X Of the copies inspected no two have the same sequence of watermarks, and any one of the five watermarks may occur on any sheet selected at random. This might tempt one to conclude that the whole edition was printed by Elzevier's firm. But another story is just as convincing, namely that Elzevier bought in or took from stock enough paper for the edition; retaining some for himself, he sent the rest to a colleague who printed sheets A–V. When that had been done, the colleague sent them back, and Elzevier then printed the preliminaries, sheet X, and perhaps χ on the paper which he had kept back. On this hypothesis two firms could 94

have produced the edition, both using paper of the same origin, weight, and quality.

8. Finally, the preliminaries, χ, and sheet X have one further common feature: all their formes are invariant and quite devoid of errors. Many of the formes of sheets A–V are invariant but none is free of error. It does look as if stricter production standards may have been applied to the preliminaries, χ and sheet X than to sheets A–V.

Taken by itself no single piece of evidence emphatically precludes the possibility that Elzevier's firm was wholly responsible for producing the edition. His firm printed the preliminaries, the final sheet, and χ, so why not the rest? Watermark evidence cannot decide 95

the matter; the type for all sheets could have been set by Elzevier's compositors alone; signing in 7s was Elzevier's general not his invariable practice. It is not even beyond the

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bounds of possibility that Elzevier's compositors could have used demonstrably Elzevirian initials and ornaments for the preliminaries and type-pages of sheet X but not for sheets A– V Yet the coincidence of this unusual fact with the other typographical peculiarities suggests a difference not between compositors in one firm but between compositors in different firms. It is difficult to believe that a single firm could have produced an edition in which one part displayed ........................................................................................................................... pg xci one set of initials, ornaments, founts and composing practices, while the others exhibited a second. Dutch firms of the seventeenth century were so given to doing work for each other that it is no easy task to identify the printer of sheets A–V. Three scholars have addressed this question—Willems, and his contemporaries G. Berghman and Édouard Rahir. Berghman and Rahir accepted Willems's two-printer hypothesis, but whereas Berghman followed Willems in proposing Jacques de Jonge as the other printer, Rahir tentatively promoted Philip de Croy. Although Philip de Croy was certainly in business at the right time (1645–69), there are two 96

objections to Rahir's proposal. In the first place, de Croy worked at Leiden not Amsterdam. Elzevier would not have wanted to pay for transporting perhaps as many as sixty printed reams between the two cities if he could have found a colleague with spare capacity closer 97

to home. In the second place, Rahir printed facsimiles of a number of fleurons belonging to Dutch firms but did not notice that one of them (allegedly owned by J. Ravesteyn) was r

98

in fact the 7 × 40mm fleuron (henceforth Fl) of A1 of the Scripta. This fleuron together with the facts that Ravesteyn worked in Amsterdam from 1650 to 1672, and went on to 99

develop a particular interest in Bacons works, might suggest that he printed sheets A– V However, even allowing for the other factors, a case cannot be erected on Fl without 100

supporting typographical evidence, not least because Fl had an intricate career. Rahir credited the Fl to Ravesteyn; he also alleged that Ravesteyn printed two books in which it appeared: the 1659 edition of Jeannin's Les negotiations and the 1663 edition of Hoffman's Poeticum. But Rahir presented no testable evidence that Ravesteyn ever owned Fl or printed 101

these books,

and Willems and Berghman (on grounds no

........................................................................................................................... pg xcii stronger) implicitly denied Rahir's attributions by crediting Fl, the Jeannin and the Hoffman 102

to de Jonge. Even if Rahir's claims could be substantiated, it would still not follow that Ravesteyn printed sheets A–V of the Scripta. He could have inherited Fl from some other printer at any time after 1653.

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Willems's claim that Jacques de Jonge printed sheets A–V is distinctly implausible since de Jonge did not establish his firm until 1657, i.e. four years after the publication of the 103

104

Scripta. Yet Willems was supported by Berghman, who drew attention to an edition of Albert the Greats De secretis mulierum published by Jodoc Jansson at Amsterdam in 1655. According to Berghman, initials and a fleuron used in this had also been used in the printing 105

of the Scripta. Berghman was right on both counts: Fl (the very one that Rahir attributed to Ravesteyn) crops up in both texts, and the initials (13 × 13mm) of De secretis belong to 106

the very same set as those used in the printing of sheets A–V of the Scripta. The Scripta and De secretis were published within three years of each other; they were published in the same city; both were signed in 6s; and, above all, they shared Fl and the same set of initials. Taken individually none of these facts would be very persuasive, but together they strongly 107

suggest that the printer of the 1655 De secretis also printed sheets A–V of the Scripta.

........................................................................................................................... pg xciii Who then printed the De secretis? Although it bears Jodoc Jansson's imprint, Berghman believed that the edition had actually been printed by de Jonge. Berghman pointed out that the final fleuron of De secretis reappeared in the 1660 edition of Quinault's Les coups de 108

l'amour, and that Fl surfaced again in the 1659 edition of Jeannin's Les negotiations. 109

claimed that both these works were printed by de Jonge,

He

—a claim also made by

110

Willems. Whether or not de Jonge printed Les negotiations and Les coups, Berghman's 'evidence' left him with a difficulty, namely that de Jonge's firm was founded in 1657, a 111

date agreed upon by Rahir, Willems, and eminent modern authorities, and not one to be disturbed by a couple of ornaments. Even if one takes it on trust that de Jonge printed Les negotiations and Les coups, it makes more sense to suppose not that he set up in business before 1657 but that he used ornaments once owned by predecessors in the trade. Let us therefore settle for the simplest hypotheses and conclude that the firm which printed De secretis also printed sheets A–V of the Scripta, and that De secretis was published and 112

printed by a single firm—that founded by Jansson. Jansson's firm (est. 1642) survived only until 1656. Jodoc had died in 1652 (or perhaps 1655) but his widow carried on the business until the firm was dissolved. The immediate fate of Jansson's materials and equipment is unknown but they no doubt passed into the hands of one or more of his successors among whom may have been de Jonge or whosoever printed the books credited to de Jonge's 113

presses.

Turning now to the passage of the edition through the presses, the unknown compositors of the Scripta set its pages seriatim. The evidence for this rather than composition by formes is very clear. Word-division between formes and signatures, one of the best indicators of seriatim Page 56 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

........................................................................................................................... pg xciv composition, is very frequent. There are 42 instances of words divided between inner and outer formes, 63 between outer and inner, and 5 between signatures. Except for * and sheet 114

X, which are special cases, no sheet lacks words divided between the inner and outer formes; only three (*, O and P) fail to display word-division in the opposite direction, from outer to inner. Besides that, it appears that composition by formes was simply not practised 115

in Holland in the seventeenth century.

As for proof-correction and its effect on the transmission of the text, meticulous collation of thirty-three copies has revealed a mere ten changes introduced during printing. Eight of these were very minor stop-press corrections to eight of the forty-four formes: namely 116

two turned letters righted,

117

a broken letter replaced,

118

one literal error corrected, 119

signature inserted in a direction line and another straightened, 120

one

a space between two

121

words inserted, and one word replaced by another. Only the last of these would have required reference to printer's copy by a press corrector with a good grasp of Latin. The two remaining changes encompassed two whole formes, the outer formes of sheets N and P. Both were reset from beginning to end. There is no indication that this occurred to improve the appearance of the type-pages. It may be that the inner forme of every sheet was printed first, but that in the case of sheets N and P some half-finished sheets were 122

overlooked when the rest were perfected. Such an oversight would have compelled the compositors to reset the outer formes of N and P so that the edition could be made up. Alternatively, the outer formes could have been removed from the press for correction and, between press and imposing stone (or vice versa), the type could have fallen from the chase —an expensive consequence, perhaps, of defective locking up. I cannot tell from accidental and substantive differences which of the two settings of each 123

of these formes was the earlier and which the later. earlier from later from evi

Nor have I been able to distinguish

........................................................................................................................... pg xcv dence furnished by skeletons. A minute search for evidence of regular transfer of 'standing' heads from the wrought-off outer forme of one signature to the new outer forme of the next has yielded no sign of any such regularity. It seems that after a forme had been wrought off, the typographical elements of the skeletons were stripped and reset for the next forme. Whichever of the two states of sheets N and P were the later ones, they were set from the earlier and not from printer's copy; line breaks and whitespace in one state coincide too often with those in the other for it to have been otherwise.

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The very small number of stop-press corrections identified in collation, the presence of invariant formes of a scattering of minor errors of the kind corrected in the variant formes, and the extreme rarity of substantive errors in all formes suggest two things: (a) that correction during the press-run was perhaps a fairly cursory affair, and (b) that the stop124

press corrections were preceded by one or more fairly thorough proof-readings. The proofreadings and checking during the press-run were probably undertaken by a scholar, but there is no evidence to suggest that this was Gruter himself. Nor is there any evidence to suggest that the sheets printed by Elzevier may have been seen through the press by his 125

Latinate 'famulus primarius' Nicolaas Schouten. We recall that these sheets seem to have been produced to a higher standard than those printed by Elzevier's colleague; they seem to be error-free, and no stop-press corrections to these have come to light in collation— though the possibility that these and other formes might turn out not to be invariant if more copies were collated cannot be ruled out.

(d) MS Hardwick 72A and De vijs mortis MS Hardwick 72A is a slim folio volume (310 × 210mm) bound in half vellum enclosing a light brown buckram. The binding was executed by Richard Birdsall of Northampton in 1906, and is one of a number of examples of his work to be found among the Hardwick 126

manuscripts.

The manuscript proper consists of thirty-one leaves, all save one of

........................................................................................................................... pg xcvi which measure 298 × 195mm. The lower half of folio 16 has been torn off horizontally so 127

that only the upper 157mm remain. v

v

v

r

v

r

v

v

The following are blank: folios 16 , 20 , 22 , 23 ,

r

24 , 25 , 26 , 27 and 31 . The thirty-one leaves are protected by two of coarse donkey-grey paper, one to the front and the other to the rear. The coarse leaves were once no doubt conjugate and formed the manuscript's cover but are now, like the leaves they shelter, disjunct and mounted on guards. r

Folio 1 has had an additional leaf gummed over it. This bears a seventeenth-century copy of George Herbert's most famous Latin poem, his eulogy of Bacon and the Instauratio magna; 128

r

the copy mistakenly attributes the poem to William Herbert. Folio 1 proper carries the closing words of the De fluxu et refluxu maris; most of these can be read with the aid of white and ultraviolet light. Readings taken from the manuscript are recorded in the notes r

to the edition of the De fluxu printed below. Folio 1 was written by the scribe who drafted v

r

the material on folios. 1 –16 . The scribal draft was then revised by Bacon himself, and he carried the revisions and expansions over onto folios 17–31. The scribe used a professional

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italic with bold roman for titles, proper names and canones. Bacon used his normal scrappy 129

italic.

130

Beal took the text to be two works; in reality they are but one.

The identity of the scribe is unknown; we do not know whether he worked for Bacon for a short time or over a period of years; nor do we know how (if at all) he fitted into the organization of Bacon's private office; he was a fine penman and probably a professional scribe although we cannot rule out the possibility that he may have been one of the 131

gentleman scholars who assisted Bacon from time to time. All we know for certain is that he performed another task for Bacon: he prepared copies of five Bacon tracts in BL MS Harley 1893. Of these, four were English texts, namely A confession of the faith (IELM, BcF 154), An ........................................................................................................................... pg xcvii aduertisement touching the controuersies of the churche of Englande (IELM, BcF 67), Certaine considerations touching the better pacification and edification of the church of r

England (IELM, BcF 127), and An answere to the questions proposed by S Alexander Hay touchinge the office of Constable (IELM, BcF 79). The scribe used two different hands for 132

these: a version of secretary for the body of the text and, for titles, proper names and quotations, the italic which he used in MS Hardwick 72A. This same elegant, slightly contaminated italic appeared by itself in the fifth Harley tract: 133

In Henricem principem Walliæ elogium (IELM, BcF 301).

It is this tract that enables us to 134

establish that the Harley and Hardwick scribes were the same individual. Now there are differences between the Harley and the Hardwick italics; consider for instance the various forms of the letters d and h. Three forms of d occur in Hardwick 72A, and there does not seem to be any reason, positional or otherwise, why the scribe preferred one form as against another at any particular point. The predominant form in the Hardwick manuscript has a dignified looped ascender which inclines slightly to the right. That occurs in the Harley texts but very rarely. The most distinctive and frequent Harley ds are ones whose ascenders arc angrily to the left. In the Latin elegy the arcing becomes increasingly furious so that towards the end the ds look like breakers lashed by an onshore gale. This reckless d, if it occurs at all in Hardwick 72A, appears but rarely and in a miserably timid form. Lastly, there is a d with an ascender that curls to the left and then loops back across itself. In the Harley manuscript this appears only in the English tracts; it is really a secretary d, but it does crop up now and again among the italic forms of the Hardwick manuscript. As for h, the Hardwick manuscript has two forms, one a true italic and the other a modified form of the secretary h which the scribe used in the English tracts of the Harley manuscript. The latter is much the more common in the Hardwick manuscript but nowhere to be seen in the Harley elegy on Henry, which uses only the italic h. The ........................................................................................................................... Page 59 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

pg xcviii

v

I De vijs mortis, fo. 8

........................................................................................................................... pg xcix

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r

II De vijs mortis, fo. 17

........................................................................................................................... pg c r

modified secretary h does however crop up in a Latin quotation (fo. 6 ) in one of the English Harley tracts (BcF 67). These differences apart, the forms of all other letters in the Harley version of the elegy on Henry also appear in the Hardwick manuscript. The Harley elegy reproduces the Hardwick scribe's practices in the matter of punctuation, orthography,

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contractions and word-division as well as the tell-tale and extravagant addiction to diacritical 135

marks.

Harley 1893 and Hardwick 72A also seem to be linked by date and paper. Both manuscripts 136

were made up from good-quality sheets manufactured by the same mill; it may be that the scribe was employed especially for his skill in producing fair copies of presentation standard. As for date, the latest composition in the Harley manuscript is the Latin elegy. Bacon wrote it in 1613, not long after Prince Henry's death in November 1612. We may therefore suppose that all the scribe's work in Harley 1893 was done in or after 1613—i.e. at a date consistent with that established for the scribal contribution to Hardwick 72A. We can go no further at present with the question of the scribe's identity and his work for Bacon, although it is possible the scribe's italic and secretary hands may one day be found among copies of Bacon's letters and that such a find may help us date the scribal contribution to the Hardwick manuscript more precisely. Qua physical object the manuscript seems to have had an eventful existence. The presence r

of the closing words of the De fluxu on folio 1 suggests that the whole of the essay on tides once formed part of the manuscript. That folio gives the final 170-or-so words of the text. The Gruter version of the De fluxu is 4,760 words long, so the manuscript lacks 4,590 words. The scribe responsible for the first sixteen leaves averaged 412 words per leaf and so, if the manuscript and Gruter versions of the De fluxu were roughly similar, the manuscript version r

must have taken up approximately 11 leaves in addition to the extant folio 1 . The De vijs v

mortis occupies folio 1 and the remaining 30 leaves, so the manuscript must once have 137

been at least 42 leaves long.

One cannot be

........................................................................................................................... pg ci sure when the two texts were separated. But it is likely that the divorce took place in Bacon's lifetime—perhaps when he decided to revise the scribal draft of the De vijs. If he were satisfied with the fair copy of De fluxu he would have wished to preserve it while he got on with the business of mauling the fair copy of its companion. If the copy of the De fluxu were ever to reappear, it would probably come with a new final leaf replacing the one left behind r

in the extant manuscript. As for the leaf gummed over folio 1 , it was probably attached to the manuscript in the seventeenth century, and certainly while it was still known that the manuscript had been Bacon's. The copy of George Herbert's poem was probably not affixed while the manuscript was still in Bacon's possession for why would he have wanted a fair copy of a poem stuck to a very messy manuscript? And even if he had wanted that, I doubt 138

he would have allowed the attribution of the poem to William Herbert to stand.

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All leaves of the manuscript are disjunct, but I believe that each leaf once belonged to one of perhaps five gatherings and that each gathering consisted of five sheets folded in half and quired inside each other. The watermark evidence is consistent with no other 139

hypothesis involving any arrangement of uncut, folded sheets. The argument for this case is complicated. I start by assuming that the manuscript once began with at least two gatherings of ten leaves each, gatherings which, save for the last two leaves of the second, are no longer extant. One such gathering would probably not have sufficed for the De fluxu—given that its last two leaves would have become (as I believe) the first two of manuscript Hardwick 72A. Two gatherings would have left (a) enough room for the De fluxu and (b) perhaps as many as the first seven leaves of the first gathering for another short 140

text or, if there were more gatherings than the hypothetical two, the end of a longer work. So, assuming that the first two leaves of the extant manuscript were the last of a gathering now missing, what of the rest? The chain- and wire-lines of all extant leaves match, and those with a watermark all have the same one—which shows that the leaves originated from sheets manufactured by a single

........................................................................................................................... pg cii 141

firm and that all the sheets issued from a single pair of moulds. Taking leaves 3–12 first, the relationship of watermarked leaves (w) to leaves with no watermark (nw) is as follows: fo. 3(nw), fo. 4(nw), fo. 5(w), fo. 6(w), fo. 7(nw), fo. 8(w), fo. 9(nw), fo. 10(nw), fo. 11(w), fo. 12(w). This sequence is consistent with the hypothesis that these once constituted a gathering with the conjugate leaves thus: 3.12, 4.11, 5.10, 6.9, 7.8—an arrangement represented in Fig. 1.

FIG. 1. The hypothetical fos. 3–12 gathering.

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On the initial hypothesis a similar pattern should be detectable in leaves 13–22. Here the relationship between watermarked leaves and those without is this: fo. 13(nw), fo. 14(nw), fo. 15(nw), fo. 16(w), fo. 17(w), fo. 18(nw), fo. 19(nw), fo. 20(w), fo. 21(w), fo. 22(nw). Clearly eight leaves could have been conjugate (14.21, 15.20, 16.19, 17.18), but leaves 13 and 22, the first and last of the hypothetical gathering, could never have been halves of the same sheet. Now if our hypothesis be true then one of the two must be in the wrong place. Textual continuities insist that folio 13 cannot be out of sequence, and so folio 22 must have strayed. At some stage in the manuscript's history a binder must have removed earlier stitching, found himself with 31 separate leaves or a number of gatherings which he cut into 142

separate leaves, leaves which he then rebound with some of them in the wrong order.

........................................................................................................................... pg ciii 143

It is certain that the first 16 leaves stand in their proper order. But folios 17–31, i.e. the ones exclusively in Bacon's own hand do not carry one long stretch of continuous prose 144

but a series of discrete items, mostly punctuated by blank versos. If these were ever separated and their order disturbed, it would have been very difficult to put them back in 145

their original sequence. Folios 17–19 are undoubtedly in their proper places;

folios 20

146

and 21 are probably in their correct positions; and folios 29–30, held together by textual continuities, stand in the correct relationship to each other. However, folios 29–30 do not necessarily stand in their original relationship to folios 22–8 and 31, folios which are almost certainly not in their original order. The evidence for the last claim is formidable. In the first place, some leaves bear lists which Bacon drew up as he tried to work out how he was going to proceed with the text. These 147

lists should probably be together, but one (fo. 31) is set apart from the others (fos. 20–1). In the second place, there are two full drafts of Aphorism 1 and, as the manuscript stands, r

r

the later draft (fo. 23 ) precedes the earlier (fo. 26 ). Yet given that folio 23 must have been blank when Bacon produced the first draft why would he have gone forward to write the first draft on a later folio? And if he had done that why on earth would he then have turned back to write a second draft on an earlier folio when later folios were still virgin at that stage? r

r

r–v

In the third place, other aphorisms (fos. 24 , 25 , 28 ) do not appear in numerical order. Lastly, the stitching holding the leaves together must have been disturbed at least twice in the manuscript's career—when the De fluxu and De vijs were parted, when the 1906 binding was undertaken, and perhaps on some other occasion too. On one of these occasions at least two leaves had nasty accidents. Every leaf in the manuscript displays redundant stitch holes which belong to a sewing undertaken prior to the 1906 binding. Each leaf displays six 148

such holes and the vertical distances between them are identical on all leaves. lurk on the inner margins of all

The holes

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pg civ 149

leaves except folios 23 and 25, where they grace the outer. At some time during the manuscript's history these two leaves must have been resewn back to front; their current versos should be rectos. All these facts indicate that some leaves are quite clearly not in their original locations. We can now return to the hypothetical gathering which runs from folio 13 onwards. We know that the two outer leaves can never have belonged to the same sheet, that folio 13 is in its correct position, but that folio 22 is probably not. We know too that folios 20, 21 and 31 carry lists; so why not shift folio 22 and put folio 31 in its place? That would bring together all the leaves with lists; it would also establish potential conjugacy between the outer leaves of the hypothetical gathering—for while folio 22 lacks the necessary watermark, folio 31 does not. The gathering would therefore turn out as shown in Fig. 2.

FIG. 2. The hypothetical fos. 13–21 and fo. 31 gathering.

By moving folio 22 and putting folio 31 in its place we dispose of a problem that stands in the way of constructing a hypothetical final gathering. If folio 31 stayed where it was there would be six watermarked leaves among those remaining, and that would never do—it would be incompatible with the proposition that the manuscript book was once made up of five-sheet gatherings or quinternions. That said, we are left with another problem: that there are only nine leaves remaining, not the necessary ten. This problem can be solved by the simple expedient of conjuring an extra leaf out of thin air. That is not quite as arbitrary as it ........................................................................................................................... pg cv

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sounds for if the extra leaf were the final leaf in the manuscript and blank on recto and verso, it might easily have been discarded by one or other of the binders. If this conjectural folio 32 actually existed, it would have lacked a watermark for among the remaining extant leaves there are already five with watermarks, and four without: fo. 22(nw), fo. 23(w), fo. 24(nw), fo. 25(w), fo. 26(w), fo. 27(nw), fo. 28(w), fo. 29(w), and fo. 30(nw). How then were the leaves of the hypothetical final gathering originally arranged? There are several solutions to this, but all should meet three requirements: that conjugacy be r

r

observed, that the first draft (fo. 26 of Aphorism 1 precede the second (fo. 23 ),and that (as textual continuity enforces it) folios 29 and 30 be kept together and in that order. With these requirements in mind, the best solution to the sequencing problem may be that the leaves be made conjugate thus: 26.32 (32 not extant), 23.30, 27.29, 28.22, 24.25 (see Fig. 3).

FIG. 3. The hypothetical fos. 22–30 and fo. 32 gathering.

This arrangement has distinct advantages: not only does it comply with the requirements r

r–

mentioned above, it also places all aphorisms in their proper numerical order (fos. 27 , 28 v

r

r

, 24 , 25 ). Lastly it is worth recalling that in this or any other model of the manuscript's original construction folios 23 and 25 would both have to stand with their current fore-edges to the volume's spine. In conclusion, it seems likely that the manuscript book once consisted of at least five ten-leaf gatherings or quinternions. The first two were devoted in the main to the De fluxu, and all save the last two leaves are lost. The last two leaves are the first of the extant manuscript. The remaining leaves can be arranged as three ten-leaf gatherings. There is a potential gathering ready-made among leaves whose order cannot have

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........................................................................................................................... pg cvi been disturbed (fos. 3–12). There is a potential gathering (fos. 13–21 and fo. 31) most of whose leaves (fos. 13–19) must be in their original order, and for whose completion only one leaf (fo. 22) needs to be replaced by another (fo. 31). A final gathering can be constructed by relocating folio 22, introducing a hypothetical final leaf (fo. 32) and rearranging the remaining leaves (fos. 23–30). No other hypothesis involving folded sheets fits the sequence of watermarks on leaves whose order cannot have been disturbed. The book simply cannot have been made up of single sheets folded and laid one on top of another; nor can it have been assembled from gatherings made up of two, three, four, six, or more sheets folded and quired inside each other; only five will do. If there be an alternative to the quinternion hypothesis it is that all leaves were disjunct from the start. But this alternative is so improbable that it can be virtually ruled out on the spot. In the first place, if Bacon had been using single leaves, why did he not discard leaves 150

bearing early drafts of certain items and retain only the later ones? In the second, while the odds against a series of disjunct leaves yielding the watermark sequence of folios 3– 12, a sequence compatible with the initial hypothesis, are not in fact very great (6.875 to 1) the odds against the watermark sequence of folios 3–21 happening by chance are 93.67 to 151

1, and so the odds against disjunct leaves (folios 3–31) delivering the makings of three hypothetical gatherings must be very long indeed—even after making due allowance for the 152

manœuvres needed to reconstruct the gatherings.

The provenance of manuscript Hardwick 72A is a mystery. For a start, very little is known of the history of the Hardwick manuscripts. The first and imperfect record of their existence appeared in the Appendix to the Third Report of HMC (1872), pp. 43–4. Then, according to the typescript 'Handlist of MSS at Hardwick', the manuscripts were sorted by S. A. Strong, wife of the then librarian. Strong did the preliminary sorting in the years 1895–1905 and then, assisted initially by Mr Jeayes of the British Museum, she spent the next three years rearranging and depositing them in the cupboard of the muniment room at Hardwick Hall. After the Second World War all were moved to their current resting place in Chatsworth 153

House.

........................................................................................................................... pg cvii The eighty-seven items noted in the 'Handlist' are a pretty miscellaneous bunch, but almost 154

all can be dated to the seventeenth century. Nearly half are accounts, inventories, surveys, and copies of deeds, most though by no means all of which were drawn up by or 155

for members of the Cavendish family. The rest of the manuscripts comprise assorted religious, historical, legal and constitutional tracts, literary and political works, travels, 156

grammars, and so forth. Save for the few

associated with Hobbes's tutorial efforts on

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behalf of the eventual second and third earls of Devonshire, most of these yield no clues as to the circumstances of their acquisition or, at any rate, clues sufficiently strong to allow one to generalize about the history of the collection. Certainly the manuscripts made their way to Hardwick Hall sometime before 1872, but it is difficult to say just how long before. Most may have been in the possession of the Cavendish family in the seventeenth century. That would certainly be true of most of the accounts, inventories and so forth, almost certainly true of the materials associated with Hobbes, and probably true of one or two 157

other items.

But the fact that most of the Hardwick manuscripts date to the seventeenth

century and that many must have been owned by the Cavendish family from that time does not mean that all were so owned from then. In the case of the Bacon materials that leaves something like 250 years (c.1626–1872) unaccounted for. No fewer than four manuscripts contain works by Bacon. MS 43 is a copy of An 158

advertisement touching a holy war.

MS 51 comprises copies of political and legal tracts 159

which Bacon wrote between the late 1580s and early 1620s; these copies may have been produced by scribes working for Bacon himself; some of the corrections to the scribal drafts may be in Bacon's own hand. At least one of the tracts is of great interest from a textual 160

point of view, and several may be the most authoritative copies of their respective texts currently extant. MS 55 contains ........................................................................................................................... pg cviii several tracts composed in 1592 but drafted in an early seventeenth-century hand. Among these is a hitherto unknown copy (fos. 86–127) of Observations vpon a Libell, a copy drafted in a hand very similar to that represented in MS 43 and on paper very probably from the 161

same mill. Finally of course there is MS 72A, the one which bears the fragment of the De fluxu and the text of the De vijs. The fact that this unique assortment of Baconiana fetched up in the muniment room at Hardwick Hall is really rather remarkable. The eighty-seven Hardwick manuscripts constitute an ad hoc accumulation seemingly born in the main of a succession of casual and unrelated choices. In such an accumulation one might not be surprised to find one or two manuscripts containing Bacon tracts, but the presence of four suggests something other than mere accident. If we forget the domestic items (accounts, deeds, etc.) and consider only the others, then the number of Bacon texts relative to the remainder is impressive. No other author begins to be as heavily represented—which may suggest either that the Bacon manuscripts came to the Cavendish family at the same time and from a single previous owner, or that someone connected with the family, someone who acted with deliberation and knew a Bacon text when he or she saw one, acquired them from more than one previous owner.

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These alternatives should perhaps be looked at in the light of other modalities. In the first place we know that manuscript Hardwick 72A belonged to Bacon but did he own any or all of the other three Hardwick manuscripts in which his texts appear? At present this question cannot be answered conclusively. One can say only that the several ........................................................................................................................... pg cix hands represented in these three belong to the first half of the seventeenth century; that the manuscripts must therefore have been drafted during Bacon's life or within a few years of his death; that some of the corrections to Hardwick 51 and marginalia to 55 may be holograph; and that manuscripts 43 and 55 were probably drafted by a single scribe on 162

paper that almost certainly emanated from a single mill. chance that all three were prepared on Bacon's orders.

There is more than a slight

Now if that tentative conclusion be correct, did the four Hardwick manuscripts pass from Bacon before or after his death? I cannot think that the second alternative is likely; one 163

would have to account for the fact that they did not pass to Boswell or Rawley.

As for

the first, almost every manuscript that left Bacon's hands during his lifetime did so by gift, 164

loan or theft.

Hardwick 72A would not have attracted the larcenous and can never have 165

been lent out or given away; but it could have been transmitted by mistake in a bundle of presentation copies which comprised the other Hardwick Bacon manuscripts. In that case it would be reasonable to suppose that all Hardwick Bacon manuscripts were given to a member of the Cavendish family by the author himself. Bacon knew both the first and second earls of Devonshire, and was on such good terms with the latter that he left him a 166

'casting bottle of gold' in both versions of his will.

On the other hand, let us suppose that Bacon owned only manuscript Hardwick 72A and that the other three Hardwick manuscripts were copies which never belonged to Bacon himself. In this case the probability is that, for reasons already stated, the manuscript left Bacon's 167

keeping before his death and that transmission to the Cavendish family was not direct. But if the manuscript travelled indirectly, who was the

........................................................................................................................... pg cx third party (or parties) through whose hands it passed? If this question is the right one to ask, there is no certain answer to it at the moment. One possibility is that the manuscript came into the hands of Thomas Hobbes, and passed thence to the Cavendish family. As we know, Hobbes was employed by members of the Cavendish family, and there are materials associated with Hobbes among the Hardwick manuscripts. It is also true that manuscripts of Hobbes's works are to be found elsewhere in the Chatsworth collections. However, although Bacon very probably employed Hobbes (as a secretary or occasional amanuensis), almost

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nothing is known of relations between them (save that they were probably cordial), and 168

there is no record of literary material passing from the one to the other.

Evidently progress in the matter of the manuscript's provenance may turn on a proper study of the other three Bacon manuscripts, but that must await systematic editorial work 169

on the texts represented therein. For the present we can go no further. Suffice it to say that pending further work on the other manuscripts the following guesses seem plausible: that manuscript Hardwick 72A passed from Bacon's ownership before his death rather than after; that the Hardwick Bacon manuscripts reached the Cavendish family as a single lot or were deliberately collected rather than accumulated ad hoc; and that they reached their destination during the seventeenth, not a later, century.

Notes 1

See p. lxxxi below. The closing words of DFRM exist in manuscript (see pp. c–ci below); the manuscript readings are supplied in the tns to the edited text. 2

IELM, BcF 287, BcF 294, pp. 48–9. Also see pp. xcv–cx below. The De vijs was published for the first time by Graham Rees (assisted by Christopher Upton) in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy: a new source. A transcription of manuscript Hardwick 72A with translation and commentary, British Society for the History of Science Monographs 5, 1984. This transcription lacks the typographical finesse and improved readings of the text presented below. 3

DO was published among the preliminaries to NO. Written in 1612, DGI was the first work v

to refer to parts (D8 ) rather than books. Spedding (SEH, II, pp. 683–4) confessed that he did not know when SI and PA were composed but pointed out that they were prefaces to Parts IV and V of the sequence, and published them alongside works composed in fulfilment of the 1620 plan of IM. However, SI does not speak of parts of IM but books and so must have been written before DGI, i.e. before 1612. PA may have been written at about the same time, but for present purposes its date is not important for it does not yield the vital evidence supplied r

by SI. PID, which also speaks of books (N3 (SEH, III, p. 547)), was probably written in 1606 or 1607, see SEH, III, p. 544. For Bacon's last statement concerning his plans for the IM see his 1625 letter to Fulgenzio Micanzio (LL, VII, pp. 531–2). 4

PID, N3 (SEH, III, p. 547).

r

5

DO, B2 –B3 (SEH, I, pp. 134–5).

6

PID, N3 –O2 (SEH, III, pp. 547–57); DO, B3 –B4 (SEH, I, pp. 135–6).

r

r

r

r

r

v

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7

SI, Q12 (SEH, II, pp. 688–9); DO, B6 –C2 (SEH, I, pp. 140–3); see also DGI, D8 .

r

8

SI, Q12 (SEH, II, p. 689); DO, C2 (SEH, I, p. 143).

9

r

v

v

v

v

r

r

r

r

PID, N3 (SEH, III, p. 547); PA R1 –R3 (SEH, II, pp. 690–2); DO, C3 (SEH, I, pp. 143–4). In the 1625 letter to Fulgenzio Bacon again implied that materials in Part V might lay foundations for Part VI; see LL, VII, p. 532: 'Quinto sequetur iste liber, quem “Prodromum philosophiæ secundæ” inscripsimus … Postremo, superest Philosophia ipsa Secunda, quæ est Instaurationis pars sexta … Attamen in Prodromis … non levia jacta erunt hujus rei fundamenta.' 10

r

r–v

PID, N3 (SEH, III, p. 547); DO, C3

(SEH, I, pp. 144–5).

11

Of the six texts presented in this volume, the Descriptio can be dated most accurately. Bacon observed that the new star in Cygnus had now lasted for twelve whole years. As the phrase 'duodecim annos integros' does not read like a conventional approximation (i.e. 'a dozen-or-so years'), and as the star was first observed in 1600, the Descriptio must have been written in 1612. This dating is not disturbed by a reference to maculæ in the Sun; Galileo reported his work on sunspots in 1613, but J. Fabricius and P. Scheiner had already v

published books on the subject in 1611 and 1612 respectively (see cmt on DGI, F10 ). 12

DO, B2 (SEH, I, pp. 134–5).

v

13

DGI, D8 .

v

14

It could be objected that I have read evidence derived from DO (1620) back into DGI (1612). Certainly PID is silent about Book I of IM but the early fragments are thoroughly consistent with DO and agree with it about the functions of Books/Parts II to VI. So what was Book I to have been for if not for a work on the partitions of the sciences? What could DGI have been for except for Part I of IM? 15

LL, VII, p. 373: Bacon hoped that DAS would be 'some preparative, or key, for the better opening of the Instauration; because it exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old; whereas the Instauration gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old for taste's sake. I have thought good to procure a translation of that book [i.e. AL] into the general language, not without great and ample additions, and enrichment thereof; especially in the second book, which handleth the Partition of Sciences; in such sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part.' Also see ibid., p. 436. DGI and DAS differ from AL structurally; Bacon tried imposing a Ramist framework on the two Latin texts. He rearranged and sometimes suppressed material as

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he reworked AL so that the argument would proceed smoothly from general to particular through a dichotomous hierarchy of propositions. This innovation and the reasons for its adoption will be discussed in the introduction to the planned edition of DAS. 16

This assumes that Bacon meant to do the same for DGI as he later did for DAS: Book One of AL was translated (with very few substantive changes) into Latin and became Liber I of DAS. 17

r–v

r–v

v

DGI D8 , E1 . Also see DGI D6 for evidence that the reader would have been aware that DGI was to have been succeeded by a Part IV or VI of IM. 18

NO, ¶1 –C4 (SEH, I, pp. 121–45).

r

19

D8 , D9

r

r

r–v

r

, F7 ; the discussion of heat and cold would probably have contained material r

v

of the kind presented in CF, BL Harl. MS 6855, fos. 52 ff. (SEH, III, pp. 644 ff.), or NO, V1 ff. (SEH, I, pp. 236 ff.). For the history of virtues also see n. 30 below. 20

V

D9 . If he had discharged this general promise he would also have fulfilled some particular r

r

ones: i.e. promises to write more about new stars and comets (G3 , G4 ). These topics would have cropped up in the treatment of 'meteors'—the second subdepartment of history of generations. We know that at some stage he did produce a short piece on comets and that he sent a copy to Baranzano, see LL, VII, pp. 375–7. 21

r–v

D12

. Among the uses of history of the heavens Bacon probably had astrology in mind. A r

passage in DAS (V3–V4 (SEH, I, pp. 551–4)) corresponding to the DGI treatment of history of r

r

the heavens is followed by an extended discussion of astrology (V4 –X4 (SEH, I, pp. 554–9) ). 22

The unfinished account of history of the heavens in DGI is far longer than the r

r

corresponding discussion of astronomy, cosmology and astrology in DAS (V3 –X4 (SEH, I, pp. 551–9)). It is also considerably longer than the longest tract introduced into DAS as part v

v

of the policy for dealing with omissa; see DAS (3M2 –3P2 (SEH, I, pp. 803–27)): 'Exemplum Tractatûs de Iustitiâ Vniuersali, siue de Fontibus Iuris, in vno Titulo, per Aphorismos.' This tract, like some other materials added to the text when AL was turned into DAS, was probably not written specifically for the purpose but adapted from a piece already to hand. Another quite different version of the tract (MS Hardwick 51, item II) was first transcribed by M. Neustadt, The making of the instauration: science, politics, and law in the career of Francis Bacon, unpub. Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1987, pp. 240–99. 23

Especially for DPAO and DVM, see pp. xxviii ff. below.

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24

See pp. xxxvi ff. below.

25

SEH, III, p. 716.

26

TC, G5 .

27

Ibid., H5 .

28

These questions, planned but never written (see p. xxi above), would, among other things,

v

r

r–v

have comprised material on new stars and 'lower' comets, see cmt on DGI, F2

.

29

This conjecture is based on the fact that the content of TC and the history of virtues belonged to the borderland between history and philosophy. According to DGI the history of cardinal virtues did not properly belong to natural history but constituted a 'middle term' r–v

between history and philosophy (see p. xxi above, and cmts on DGI, D9

). At the end of TC

r

(H5 Bacon said that he was standing on the threshold between history and philosophy. 30

For the significance of this see pp. xxxi and lxxxi–iv below.

31

v

r

The Thema twice records the discovery of 'wandering stars' near Jupiter (G7 , H5 ). Galileo announced the discovery in Sidereus nuncius (pub. 13 Mar. 1610). I do not know when Bacon first heard of it, but on the very day that Sidereus nuncius was published Sir Henry Wotton wrote to the Earl of Salisbury announcing Galileo's discoveries, and sent a copy of the book to James I. By June, Harriot knew of it; by July at latest copies were publicly available in England; 'Thus began', says M. Feingold, 'the Galilean [sic] craze', see 'Galileo in England: the first phase', in Novità celesti e crisi del sapere (Atti del convegno internazionale di studi galileiani), Supplemento agli Annali dell'Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, Fasc. 2, 1983, pp. 411–20, pp. 414–15; J. J. Roche, 'Harriot, Galileo, and Jupiter's satellites', Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, 32, 1982, pp. 9–51, pp. 10–11. 32

r

For evidence that DGI was fresh in Bacon's mind when he wrote TC see cmts on TC, G8 V

and H4 . 33

For the sexhorary cycle and its connection with the motion of the heavens see pp. li ff. below. 34

r

TC, H1 . Spedding remarked that the proof was not absolute, 'because Bacon in writing a piece which was designed to come after another which was not yet written, would sometimes refer to that other as if it were already done' (SEH, I, pp. 72–3 n. 4). I am not at

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v

all sure what Spedding was driving at. He may have been thinking of allusions in HNE (C2 , v

v

C6 (SEH, II, pp. 17, 18)) and SS (2F2 (SEH, II, p. 615)) which refer readers to ANN but I am certain that ANN was already in existence when HNE and SS were published, see Graham Rees, 'Bacon's philosophy: some new sources with special reference to the Abecedarium novum naturae', FBTF, pp. 223–44, pp. 225–30. A copy of ANN was stolen from Bacon in 1623, see Giuliano Ferretti, Un 'soldat philosophe': Philippe Fortin de la Hoguette (1585– 1668?), Genoa, 1988, pp. 157 ff. In the unlikely event that Spedding's caveat proved to be well-founded and thereby left the way open for a later dating, DFRM could not have been written after 1619. In that year Bacon received a manuscript copy of Galileo's work on the tides (1616) from Richard White; see LL, VII, pp. 36–7; A. Favaro, 'Amici e corrispondenti di Galileo Galilei: Riccardo White', Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 71 (1911–12), pp. 10–24, esp. pp. 16–18; Paolo Rossi, Aspetti della rivoluzione scientifica, Morano: Naples, 1971, pp. 164–6. Bacon commented on Galileo's theory in 1620 (NO, v

2N3 (SEH, I, p. 327)) but not in DFRM, which rather suggests that the latter was written before White transmitted the Galileian manuscript. Some scholars have assumed that DFRM was written in 1616. The source of this error may have been a misunderstanding of Ellis's argument (SEH, III, p. 44) that as DFRM said nothing about Galileo's theory it must have been written in or before that year. 35

TC, H4 ; DFRM, I5

v

r–v

36

See cmts on DFRM and DGI passim.

37

See HNE, C4 (SEH, II, p. 18). I take historia designata to mean not a 'designed' history but

. For verticity see pp. li ff. below.

r

r

one in the process of gestation, as a foetus in the womb; cf. ANN, fo. 37 . 38

For the dating of PhU see pp. xxvii–viii below.

39

It is reasonable to assume that he had already been thinking about the contents of Book or Part I even though the Descriptio may not yet have been committed to paper. For the subdepartments of history of generations see p. xxi above. 40

v

The language used to sketch this subdepartment in CDSH, fo. 226 (SEH, III, p. 190) is

very similar to that used in DFRM. 41

r

r

DO, B2 (SEH, I, p. 134); PID, N3 (SEH, III, p. 547). Bacon implicitly distinguished between r

good anticipations (his own) and bad ones (other people's); compare, for instance, DO, B2 r

r

and NO, F1 –F2 (SEH, I, pp. 134, 160–2). In both cases he contrasted anticipations with the

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v

'interpretation of nature' or legitimate mode of inquiry, see for example NO, D3 (SEH, I, p. 154). 42

See p. li below.

43

PhU, O10 and cmt thereon.

44

PhU, O10 .

45

'Quantum' does not denote weight; pneumatic matter is weightless, see p. xlii below.

46

For the primordial character of the distinction between dense and rare see p. l below. See

r

r

r–v

also DGI, D9

r–v

and cmt thereon; ANN, fo. 24

v

r–v

; NO, C1 (SEH, I, p. 142); DAS, X4

(SEH, I,

r

p. 560); HNE, A4 (SEH, II, p. 17). 47

PhU, O8 .

r

48

SI, Q12 (SEH, II, p. 689); also see p. xviii above.

49

DO, B2 (SEH, I, p. 134) adds & Experimentalis after naturalis.

50

HNE, A1 (SEH, II, p. 7).

r

r

r

51

Assuming, of course, that the order in which these texts were presented reflected the order of the manuscripts on which the Scripta was based. On this question see pp. xxi and lxxxi–iv below. 52

O8 , O9 .

r

r

53

PAH, a1 e3 (SEH, I, pp. 393–411).

54

PhU, O12 , P2 , P7 , Q2 , Q7 .

r–

r

v

r

v

r

v

55

PhU represents an important stage in the formal evolution of the Baconian natural history but it is structurally simpler than the histories written after 1620. It is not organized in terms v

of topics of inquiry and lacks mandata. For these features of the later histories see HNE, C3 – r

C5 (SEH, II, pp. 17–18). 56

r

Q9 .

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57

Gerit Tierie, Cornelis Drebbel (1572–1633), Amsterdam, 1930, p. 4; R. L. Colie, 'Cornelis

Drebbel and Salomon de Caus: Two Jacobean models for Salomon's House', HLQ, 18 (1955), pp. 245–60; L. E. Harris, The two Netherlanders: Humphrey Bradley and Cornelis Drebbel, E. J. Brill: Leiden, 1961, pp. 144–6; also see G. Rees, 'The dating of Bacon's Phœnomena universi', NQ, NS 17, no. 7, July, 1970, pp. 246–7. 58

See n. 55 above.

59

For the earlier formulation see CDSH, fo. 217 (SEH, III, p. 189); AL, 2B4 (SEH, III, p. 330);

r

v

r

r

v

r

PhU, O9 ; for the later see DGI, D5 ; PAH, a4 (SEH, I, p. 395); DAS, L4 (SEH, I, p. 496). PhU r–v

also lacks the fivefold distribution of the subject-matter of generations (see DGI, D5 for that reason may belong to the period before 1612.

) and

60

Two other Drebbel machines, his diving-bell and submarine, bear on the dating of PhU. I do not know when the bell was demonstrated for the first time. The submarine was put r

through its paces in 1620. Bacon mentioned bell and submarine together in NO, 2R4 (SEH, I, p. 351). Of the latter he wrote, 'audiuimus inuentam esse iam Machinam aliquam Nauiculæ aut Scaphæ, quæ homines subter Aquis vehere possit ad spatia nonnulla.' But he mentioned v

r

only the bell in PhU (P11 –P12 ). This suggests that even without the other evidence PhU must have been written before 1620. Curiously enough, the bell was mentioned in HDR, v

G1 (SEH, II, p. 299) but the submarine was not. In May 1622 Peiresc remarked, 'Cornelius Dreubelsius … est entretenu par le roy de la Grande Bretagne, et y a faict un navire qui va entre deux eaux cappable de porter neuf personnes, aprez lequel ledit roy luy en faict faire cent plus petits et cappables de porter seulment chascun son homme' (quoted in Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, Lettres à Claude Saumaise et à son entourage (1620–1637), ed. Agnès Bresson, Leo S. Olschki: Florence, 1992, p. 105 n. 119). Also see J.-A. Vollgraff, 'Cornelis Drebbel (1572–1633): premier inventeur des vaisseaux sous-marins', Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, 1948, pp. 233–6. 61

The DSV version of Cupid does not have the language that Ellis (SEH, III, p. 65) said made passages in DPAO similar to some in NO. But as a means of dating the text this kind of linguistic evidence is virtually useless. DPAO may have deployed some of the conceptual vocabulary also used in NO, but it is quite impossible thence to infer that DPAO was written before, after, or at the same time as NO. On phraseological grounds one could just as well argue that DPAO was written at the same time as DGI, see for example the identical remarks v

r

on Gilbert in the two works (DGI, F8 , cf. DPAO, M4 . Paolo Rossi gave 1623–4 as a date for DPAO, see Francesco Bacone: dalla magia alla scienza, Laterza: Bari, 1957, rev. edn., Einaudi: Turin, 1974, p. 194. Barbara Carman Garner was rightly critical of Rossi's dating, see 'Francis Bacon, Natalis Comes and the Mythological Tradition', JWCI, 33, 1970, pp. 264–

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91, p. 280 n. 75. Valeria Giachetti Assenza followed Rossi, see 'Bernardino Telesio: il migliore dei moderni. I riferimenti a Telesio negli scritti di Francesco Bacone', Rivista critica di storia della filosofia, 35, 1980, pp. 41–78, pp. 67–8. R. H. Kargon suggested 1612 but provided no evidence, see Atomism in England from Hariot to Newton, Oxford, 1966, p. 44; M. Hesse cautiously dated DPAO to before 1620, see 'Francis Bacon', DSB. Brian Vickers offered c.1610, see Francis Bacon, London, 1978, p. 41. I myself once dated it in the form 161—?, meaning to indicate that it was written at some point between 1610 and 1620, see 'Atomism and “subtlety” in Francis Bacon's philosophy', Annals of science, 37, 1980, pp. 549–71, p. 551 n. 8. I think my reasoning may have been accepted by J.-M. Pousseur but his translator has obscured his case, see 'Bacon, a critic of Telesio', FBLT, pp. 105–17, pp. 115–16 n. 10. 62

See p. xxiii above. Both DGI and DPAO speak of stars visible on noctibus serenis and then mention the Milky Way. At this point in DPAO Bacon was summarizing Telesio's philosophy, but when Telesio wrote about the Milky Way he said nothing about stars. His work antedated r–v

Galileo's discoveries; see DGI, F10

r–V

, and cmt on DPAO, L1

.

63

The list does refer to a revision of DSV prepared during Bacon's last years (see SEH, I, pp. 8–10). This revision almost certainly became the 1638 edition of the De sapientia. Spedding cited Rawley's words about this as a reason for using that edition of DSV as his copy-text (SEH, VI, pp. 615–16). 64

r–v

DSV, 2C5

(SEH, VI, pp. 654–7).

65

r–v

Bacon promised (K4 ) to say something about the doctrines of (1) one-principle philosophers; (2) atomists; (3) multi-principle philosophers; and (4) philosophers who posited infinite or very numerous principles. He began (3) with Telesio but evidently meant to r

discuss (M6 ) the doctrines of an unspecified number of other schools. 66

M8 .

67

See DSV, 2C3

68

DPAO, I9 .

69

DSV, 2A4 –2A6 (SEH, VI, pp. 625–8); DAS, P3 –P4 (SEH, I, pp. 520–1).

70

r

r–v

, SEH, VI, pp. 649–50.

r

r

r

v

r

r

v

r

v

r

r

DAS, P4 –S3 (SEH, I, p. 521–38), cf. DSV, 2B3 –2B6 , 2D3 –2D4 (SEH, VI, pp. 635–43, 664– 7).

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71

Poetry was the second of the three primary branches of human knowledge to be surveyed r–v

in DGI; the first and third were history and philosophy, see DGI, D2

.

72

See pp. lxxxi–iv below.

73

See pp. lxv ff. below.

74

DVM, fos. 1 –16 .

75

Ibid., fos. 17 –31 .

76

For the larger-scale revisions see Appendix III below.

77

See Appendix III and tns to DVM.

78

See pp. c–ci below. In so far as these words can be made out, they have been collated

v

r

r

v

v

r

with the printed c–t and the results noted in the tns to DFRM, I7 –I8 (pp. 90–2 below). 79

For this concept see pp. lvi ff. below. The scribal draft does not invoke the concept even v

r

where one might expect it: compare the super-additus Spiritus vitalis of HVM (B1 –B2 (SEH, r

II, p. 107)) with the superaddita natura vitalis of DVM (fo. 3 ). Spiritus vitalis enters DVM with v

v

Bacon's revisions of the scribal draft, see fos. 11 , 29 . See also Graham Rees, 'Francis Bacon o

and spiritus vitalis', in Spiritus: IV colloquio internazionale del Lessico Intellettuale Europeo, ed. M. Fattori and M. Bianchi, Edizioni dell'Ateneo: Rome, 1984, pp. 265–81, p. 271. 80

For this theory see p. xlii ff. below.

81

SEH, I, pp. 8–10.

82

Bacon incorporated materials from DVM in HVM (see cmts on DVM passim), but that is not to say that he had anything like HVM in mind when he wrote DVM. The former was a natural history, the latter was not. 83

From the formal point of view DVM resembles nothing in NO, the Latin natural histories or indeed any other philosophical piece. 84

See p. xix above.

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85

It is difficult to see how DVM could have been assimilated to any work whose aims were

those of NO. As for Parts III, IV, and VI, DVM was certainly not a natural history; it did not illustrate Bacon's method in action; and he did not claim that its doctrines instanced the 'legitimate' philosophy. 86

r

AL moves from the Filum Medicinale to Cosmetique without a break (2L4 (SEH, III, P. 377)). 87

See pp. xx and xxii above.

88

DAS, 2D3 –2E1 (SEH, I, pp. 598–602).

89

For an example of a treatise actually inserted in DAS see p. xxii n. 22 above.

90

See p. xxv above.

r

v

91

Now and then DAS seems to have functioned in that way. A fair argument could be made that at least some of the pieces introduced into the text when Bacon revised AL began life (a) independent of plans for DAS and (b) as scraps of other tracts which he had planned but v

r

never finished. Among these may have been pieces on the form of light (DAS, 2F3 –2F4 v

v

(SEH, I, pp. 610–13)); literate experience (DAS, 2H2 –2I3 (SEH, I, pp. 623–33)); cyphers r

v

v

r

(DAS, 2N4 –2O2 (SEH, I, pp. 659–61)); the antitheses of things (DAS, 2S1 –2V4 (SEH, I, pp. r

v

689–706)); the doctrine of scattered occasions (DAS, 3D3 –3G1 (SEH, I, pp. 751–68)); and v

v

the treatise on universal justice (DAS, 3M2 –3P2 (SEH, I, pp. 803–27)). 1

Spedding and Ellis were largely unaware of this. For factors shaping Victorian Baconianism see Richard Yeo, 'An idol of the market-place: Baconianism in nineteenth-century Britain', History of Science, 23, 1985, pp. 251–98, pp. 253–5; Graham Rees, 'Instauratio instauratoris:. towards a new edition of the works of Francis Bacon', Nouvelles de la république des lettres, 1987, pp. 37–48, pp. 39–43. 2

This will be discussed in the proposed editions of the Novum organum and natural histories. 3

r–v

4

See p. xix above.

DO, C3 (SEH, I, p. 144–5); Graham Rees, 'Francis Bacon's semi-Paracelsian cosmology and the Great Instauration', Ambix, 22, part 3, 1975, pp. 161–73, p. 171.

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5

Rees, 'Francis Bacon's semi-Paracelsian cosmology and the Great Instauration', pp. 161–73.

6

For 'subtlety' see Rees, 'Atomism and “subtlety” in Francis Bacon's philosophy', pp. 567–71.

7

r–v

At first Speckling took BL Harley MS 6797, fo. 47 (IELM, BcF 321) as his copy-text for parts of the entertainment, see 'Mr. Bacon in praise of knowledge' (LL, I, pp. 123–6); the two doctrines are summarized on pp. 124–5. Later Spedding took Alnwick MS 525, fos. 3– 25 (IELM, BcF 319) as his text for a record-type transcription published as A conference of pleasure, composed for some festive occasion about the year 1592 by Francis Bacon, London, 1870. But the best surviving witness to the text is probably IELM, BcF 320 (Kodama Memorial Library, Meisei University, Tokyo); the two bodies are outlined on p. 79. My thanks to Brian Vickers for photographs of BcF 320 and a copy of Beal's unpublished transcription of a part of the text. For Alpetragius see pp. xxxix–xlii below. 8

r–v

r

r

DPAO, L2 ; also see TC, G10 –G11 ; Graham Rees, 'Francis Bacon's semi-Paracelsian cosmology', Ambix, 22, part 2, 1975, pp. 81–101, pp. 92–3. 9

Both took the same view of periodic motion, which does not mean the one borrowed from v

v

the other. See below, p. xxxix, and cmts on DPAO, L1 –L2 . 10

Michel-Pierre Lerner, 'La physique céleste de Telesio: problèmes d'interprétation', Atti del convegno internazionale di studi su Bernardino Telesio, Cosenza, 1990, pp. 83–114, pp. 96, 111 n. 41. 11

Alessandro Tassoni (1620) recalled that 'i telesiani' accepted Alpetragius, but did not name names (Pensieri e scritti preparatory ed. Pietro Puliatti, Edizioni Panini: Modena, 1986, pp. 417–20); E. Garin, 'Telesiani minori', Rivista critica di storia della filosofia, 26, 1971, pp. 199–204; idem, La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano, Sansoni: Florence, 1979, pp. 432–50; F. Fiorentino, Bernardino Telesio ossia studi storici l'idea della natura nel Risorgimento italiano, 2 vols., Florence, 1872–4, I, pp. 321 ff., II, pp. 1 ff. 12

Lerner, 'La physique céleste', p. 97. Philosophia, sensibus demonstrata, Naples, 1591, pp. r–v

300–9; cmts on TC, G10

v

, G11 . I doubt Bacon had the technical skill to read Alpetragius

directly; the first published translation, based on Moshe Ben Tibbon's Hebrew translation (completed 1257) of the Arabic, was Alpetragii arabi planetarum theorica, Venice, 1531. 13

Bacon occasionally interpolated non-Telesian materials into his exposition (see cmts on r–v

DPAO, L1

r–v

, L5

v

v

, L8 –L9 , M1

r–v

). The passage on celestial motion may be an interpolation. v

v

For Bacon as summarizer see cmt on DPAO, L1 –L2 .

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14

See Al-Bitrūjī: on the principles of astronomy, trans, and ed. Bernard R. Goldstein, 2 vols.,

Yale University Press: New Haven and London, 1971, I, pp. 3–5. 15

Ibid., I, pp. 23, 26, 57–9; see also Al-Bitrûjî de motibus celorum. Critical edition of the Latin translation of Michael Scot, ed. Francis J. Carmody, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1952, pp. 35 f. 16

Al-Bitrūjī, ed. Goldstein, I, p. 57 passim.

17

Al-Bitrūjī., ed. Goldstein, I, pp. 5, 20–1, 63; De motibus, ed. Carmody, pp. 13, 23, 42–3.

18

Ibid., I, pp. 26, 101; De motibus, ed. Carmody, pp. 40, 49, 52–3.

19

See Pierre Duhem, Le système du monde, 10 vols., 2nd edn., Paris, 1954, III, pp. 243–4, 282–7, 328–33. 20

W. H. Donahue, 'The solid planetary spheres in post-Copernican natural philosophy', in The Copernican achievement, ed. R. S. Westman, Los Angeles, 1975, pp. 244–75, p. 246; CHRP, p. 699; N. Swerdlow, 'Aristotelian planetary theory in the Renaissance: Giovanni Battista Amico's homocentric spheres', JHA, 3, 1972, pp. 36–48. Copernicus and Thomas Digges cited Alpetragius' opinion regarding the order of the planets (E. Rosen, 'Copernicus and AlBitruji', Centaurus, 7, 1961, pp. 152–6; F. R. Johnson, Astronomical thought in Renaissance England: a study of the English scientific writings from 1500–1645, Johns Hopkins Press: Baltimore, 1937, repr. Octagon Books: New York, 1968, p. 98). John Dee owned manuscripts of Alpetragius (John Dee's library catalogue, ed. Julian Roberts and Andrew G. Watson, The Bibliographical Society: London, 1990, items M28 and CM26). 21

v

r

r–v

DGI, E3 –E4 , E5

v

v

and cmts thereon; see also NO, 2H2 (SEH, I, pp. 297–8). DAS (V3 ,

r

2A4 (SEH, I, pp. 552, 580)) noted that Copernicus' theory was quite false but now prevalent. 22

r

r

r

r

DGI, E11 ; DAS, V4 , 2A1 –2A2 (SEH, I, pp. 553–4, 576–7). The differences between v

v

r

the treatments of mathematics in AL (2H2 –2H3 (SEH, III, pp. 359–60)) and DAS, (2A1 – r

2A2 (SEH, I, pp. 576–8)) are linked with the doctrine of the priority of physics, see my 'Mathematics and Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', Revue Internationale de philosophie, 159, fasc. 4, 1986, pp. 399–426, pp. 412–17. Bacon was not indifferent to the uses of mathematics in natural philosophy: see my 'Quantitative reasoning in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', Nouvelles de la république des lettres, 1985, pp. 27–48. 23

R. Hooykaas, Humanisme, science et réforme: Pierre de la Ramée (1515–1572), E. J. Brill: Leiden, 1958, p. 65 ff. R. S. Westman, 'The astronomer's role in the sixteenth century: a preliminary study', History of Science, 18, 1980, pp. 105–47, p. 127. Page 81 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

24

TC, G10 –G12 .

r

v

25

NO, N4 (SEH, I, p. 201).

26

Rees, 'Mathematics', pp. 423–4.

r

27

v

r–v

r

r

r

r

TC, G5 ; DGI, F6 and cmts thereon; DVM, fos. 23 , 26 ; also see my 'Francis Bacon on verticity and the bowels of the earth', Ambix, 26, part 3, 1979, pp. 202–11, p. 204. 28

TC, G6 ; HDR, B4 –B5 (SEH, II, pp. 254–5).

29

TC, G6

r–v

r

r–v

and cmts thereon; DVM, fo. 18

. The term 'quaternion' is not used in this sense v

in the texts of this volume, it first appeared with this meaning in NO (2T2 (SEH, I, p. 359)). 30

v

r

TC, G6 –G7 .

31

v

r

r

v

TC, G6 and cmts thereon (p. 407); DGI, E8 –E9 ; DPAO, K11 . For the artificial circumstances see Rees, 'Francis Bacon's semi-Paracelsian cosmology', p. 96. 32

v

r

v

r

TC, G6 –G7 ; DGI, G1 . Patrizi, Nova de vniversis philosophia, Venice, 1593, fo. 98

r–

(hereafter Pancosmia (the section used by Bacon)). For 'lower' comets see cmts on DGI, F2 v

.

33

TC, G7

r–v

34

For 'consent' see cmt on TC, G10 .

35

TC, G11 –G12 .

. Also see p. lv below. v

v

r

36

Walter Pagel, Paracelsus: an introduction to philosophical medicine in the era of the Renaissance, S. Karger: Basle, 1958, pp. 87, 101–3; idem, 'Paracelsus', DSB; R. Hooykaas, 'Chemical trichotomy before Paracelsus?', Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, 9, 1949, pp. 1063–74; A. G. Debus, The chemical philosophy: Paracelsian science and medicine in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 2 vols., Science History Publications: New York, 1977, I, pp. 78–84. 37

Pagel, Paracelsus, p. 82; idem, 'Paracelsus', DSB.

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38

On Moses, Mosaic cosmogony and the prisca sapientia see F. A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and

the Hermetic tradition, London, 1964, pp. 6–19; D. P. Walker, Spiritual and demonic magic from Ficino to Campanella, Liechtenstein, 1969, pp. 23, 40, 62. 39

In 1583 Dorn produced the Tractatvs de natvræ lvce physica, ex Genesi desvmpta (published in Theatrvm chemicvm … sumptibus Lazari Zetzneri, Strasbourg, 1602, 3 vols., I, pp. 367–404). Petrus Severinus, Idea medicinæ philosophicæ, fvndamenta continens totius doctrinæ Paracelsicæ, Basle, 1571, pp. 41–6, 67–8. For Croll's work see Owen Hannaway, The chemists and the word: the didactic origins of chemistry, Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore and London, 1975, pp. 22–57. Fludd's works were published after the composition of TC. Also see Paracelsus, Three books of philosophy written to the Athenians, London, 1657, pp. 10–19. Bacon had read Severinus and Croll; he admired the former (see TPM, r–v

V6

r

(SEH, III, p. 533)) and misquoted (HV, F8 (SEH, II, p. 33) ) from a poem appended to r

Severinus' work (Idea, 2G3 ). 40

On Duchesne see Walter Pagel, 'Paracelsus and the Neoplatonic and Gnostic tradition', Ambix, 8, 1960, pp. 125–66, pp. 137–48. 41

Ad veritatem hermeticæ medicinæ ex Hippocratis veterumque decretis, Paris, 1604, pp. 162, 167–9, 174–5, 184; Liber de priscorum philosophorum veræ, medicinæ materia præparationis modo Paris, 1603, p. 20; Pagel, 'Paracelsus and the Neoplatonic and Gnostic tradition', pp. 137–8. 42

Ad veritatem hermeticæ medicinæ pp. 162, 172, 175, 186–7.

43

TPM, V5 –V7 (SEH, III, pp. 532–3).

44

TC, G6

r

r–v

r

v

r

(SEH, II, pp. 82–3); SS, N3 (SEH, II, p. 459). 45

46

See pp. liv–v below. r–v

In ANN (fo. 28 ) sulphur and mercury stood among the 'schematisms of matter' as if they were simple natures like the other schematisms. Yet as each member of each quaternion embodied several simple natures (ether is cold, rare, pneumatic, etc.) they were schematisms of an unusual kind. For simple natures see Marta Fattori, '“Nature semplice” in Francesco Bacone', Nouvelles de la république des lettres, 1983, pp. 21–34. 47

r

and cmt thereon (pp. 172–4, 407); NO, 2T2 (SEH, I, p. 359); HNE (HSMS), S5–S8

For terrestrial phenomena see pp. liv ff. below.

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48

For the crust-interior distinction see pp. lii–iii below.

49

TC, G6 , G8 and cmts thereon (pp. 172–4, 176–8, 407, 408).

50

TC, G8 –G9 .

v

v

v

r

51

Idea medicinæ, p. 2; A. G. Debus, 'Motion in the chemical texts of the Renaissance', Isis, 64, 1973, pp. 4–17; R. S. Westman and J. E. McGuire, Hermeticism and the scientific revolution, Los Angeles, 1977, p. 60; J. V. Field, 'Kepler's rejection of numerology'. Occult and scientific mentalities in the Renaissance, pp. 273–96. 52

He also dissociated them from other aspects of Paracelsian philosophy, especially the v

r

v

'superstitious' ones (AL, 2K2 –2K3 (SEH, III, p. 370); SS, 2H4 (SEH, II, p. 641)). 53

v

r

DAS, 3Q3 –3Q4 (SEH, I, p. 835).

54

Christianity encouraged natural knowledge by preventing reason intruding upon matters of faith (VT, p. 69 (SEH, III, p. 251)). 55

v

v

v

r

v

AL, B1 –B2 , 3E3 –3F2 (SEH, III, pp. 266–7, 478–80); CDSH, fo. 219 (SEH, III, p. 184); r

v

r

DAS, 3Q3 (SEH, I, p. 833); NO, M4 –N1 (SEH, I, p. 197). 56

57

VT, pp. 3, 4–5 (SEH, III, pp. 218–19); NO, M4 v

v

r–v

r

(SEH, I, pp. 196–7). r

AL, G4 –H1 (SEH, III, pp. 295–6); DPAO, M2 –M3 . A detailed investigation of Bacon and the hexameral tradition has yet to be undertaken. For aspects of Bacon on the Creation see Enrico De Mas, 'Scienza e creazione—studio sul tema trinitario e sulla terminologia biblica nel corpus baconiano', FBTF, pp. 73–90. Also see Rossi, Aspetti, pp. 53–82. 58

r

If 'nec supponat Chaos, & mutationes schematismi magni' (DPAO, M2 ) may be so interpreted. 59

Ibid., M2 –M3 .

60

TC, G5 –G6 .

61

DAS, 3Q3 –3Q4 (SEH, I, p. 835); also see NO, H3 –H4 (SEH, I, pp. 175–6).

62

r

r

v

r

v

v

r

v

v

r

v

DFRM, I1 ; HV, E3 –E6 (SEH, II, pp. 26–8); also see Rees, 'Francis Bacon's semiParacelsian cosmology', pp. 98–9. Page 84 of 110 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-miscMatter-11 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

63

v

r

DFRM, H5 –H6 .

64

There is a flaw here. The diurnal motion presumably acts constantly, but without regular remission there would be permanent high tide in American waters and perpetual low in European and African. 65

DFRM, H10 f.

v

66

DFRM, I5

67

DFRM, I4 –I5 . For 'consent' and 'sympathy' see cmt on TC, G10 (p. 410).

r–v

v

; TC, H4 .

v

r

v

68

William Gilbert, De magnete, London, 1600, pp. 10–11, 12, 173–6; idem, De mundo nostro sublunari philosophia nova, Amsterdam, 1651 (fac. repr. Menno Hertzberger: Amsterdam, v

v

1965), pp. 35–6, 46, 107–9; see cmt on DFRM, I4 –I5 ; Duane H. D. Roller, The De magnete of William Gilbert, Menno Hertzberger: Amsterdam, 1959, pp. 93–5, 132–41; Rees, 'Bacon on verticity', pp. 203–4. 69

For intermediates see pp. liv ff. below.

70

DGI, E11 –E12 ; Rees, 'Bacon on verticity', pp. 204–5.

v

v

71

De mundo, pp. 135–8; Sister Suzanne Kelly, The De mundo of William Gilbert, Menno Hertzberger: Amsterdam, 1965, pp. 60–3; Roller, pp. 162–3. 72

v

r

DPAO, L2 –L3 ; DRN, I, p. 114, 136–8.

73

v

r

DPAO, M4 –M5 . For the Telesian doctrines see DRN, I, pp. 32, 50–2, 54, II, pp. 198–202. See pp. xxvii–viii above; Rees, 'Bacon on verticity', pp. 205–6. Bacon perhaps thought that Telesio's cold principle was as powerful as the hot; for the cold principle see Luigi De Franco, 'Alcune considerazioni sulla funzione del freddo nella fisica telesiana', Atti del convegno internazionale di studi su Bernardino Telesio, Cosenza, 1990, pp. 69–82. 74

These are considered at greater length in my 'Matter theory: a unifying factor in Bacon's natural philosophy?', Ambix, 24, 1977, pp. 110–25. 75

v

v

v

Ibid., pp. 114–15. For other mean states see DGI, E2 ; DAS, 2K1 (SEH, I, p. 636); TC, G6 ; v

v

r

v

v

SS, V4 (SEH, II, p. 529); NO, 2K3 –2K4 (SEH, I, pp. 310–11); DFRM, I4 –I5 and cmt thereon (pp. 82–6, 381–2 below).

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76

TC, G7 , G8 –G9 .

v

v

r

77

HNE, (HSMS), S5 –S8 (SEH, II, pp. 82–3); SS, X4

78

HVM, 2D2 –2D3 , 2E4 –2F8 (SEH, II, pp. 214, 219–26); HDR, G4 –G5 (SEH, II, p. 303); SS,

r

r

v

r

r

v

v

r–v

r

r

v

(SEH, II, pp. 539–40).

v

r

v

r–v

r

v

P2 , Q2 , T4 –V1 , X2 –X3 , X4

, Y1 (SEH, II, pp. 476, 485, 520–1, 536, 539–40, 543).

79

See for instance DVM, fos. 10 , 11 , 17 .

v

80

NO, 2K3

r–v

v

v

r

r

v

v

(SEH, I, p. 310); HVM, 2D3 –2E1 (SEH, II, 214–17); HDR, G4 –G5 (SEH, II, p.

v

r–v

r

r

303); SS, B4 , V4

(SEH, II, pp. 351–2, 528).

81

HVM, 2D3 –2D5 (SEH, II, pp. 214–15).

82

DVM, fos. 2 –5 ; also see HVM, A6 –B2 , D8 –E6 , 2D6 –2D8 (SEH, II, pp. 106, 119–20, 216–

v

r

v

r

r

v

r

r

r

r

v

17); SS, M3 –M4 , Z2 (SEH, II, pp. 451–2, 556–7). 83

From 1620 Bacon's cosmological speculations appeared in a more settled form accompanied by responses to new developments such, for instance, as Galileo's tide theory. See Rees, Francis Bacon's natural philosophy, pp. 72–4. 84

This section is a revision of part of my Francis Bacon's natural philosophy, see p. xvii n. 2 above. 85

See pp. lxv–lxix below.

86

r

87

DVM, fo. 3 .

88

HVM, A6 –B2 , Y2 –Y6 (SEH, II, pp. 106–7, 195–6).

89

DVM, fo. 30 .

90

Ibid., fos. 17 , 22 , 28 , 29

91

Ibid., fos. 17 , 27 .

r

r

r

r–v

DVM, fos. 3 , 22 , 28 , 29 ; cf. DAS, 2D4 7).

r

v

(SEH, I, p. 600); HVM, A6 –B2 (SEH, II, pp. 106–

r

r

v

v

r

r

r

r

r

v

v

r–v

.

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92

HVM, 2D3 –2D5 (SEH, II, pp. 214–15); also see SS, V4

r

r

r–v

93

For a fuller treatment see Rees, Francis Bacon's natural philosophy, pp. 35–7.

94

DVM, fos. 17 , 27 .

95

Ibid, fo. 27 .

96

Ibid, fos. 8 , 27 .

97

DVM, fos. 22 , 30

98

HVM, 2D4 –2D7 , 2E7 –2F1 (SEH, II, pp. 215–16, 221).

99

DVM, fo. 18 .

r

(SEH, II, p. 528).

v

v

v

v

r

r–v

r

.

r

v

v

v

100

DAS, 2E4 (SEH, I, p. 606); also see HVM, 2F7 –2F8 (SEH, II, p. 225).

r

101

SS, Z2

r–v

102

v

v

v

v

(SEH, II, p. 556); HVM, 2F7 –2F8 (SEH, II, p. 225).

v

v

DAS, L2 –L3 (SEH, I, pp. 494–5). For sensus communis see R. E. Siegel, Galen on psychology, psychopathology, and function and diseases of the nervous system, S. Karger: Basle, 1973, pp. 137–8, 152; E. Ruth Harvey, The inward wits: psychological theory in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Warburg Institute Surveys, VI), London, 1975, pp. 23, 43– v

r

4, 54–5; CHRP, pp. 466, 470–1; also see SS, I3 –I4 (SEH, II, p. 423). 103

r

v

r

r

NO, T2 , 2N3 (SEH, I, pp. 231, 328); DAS, 2F2 –2F3 (SEH, I, pp. 609–10). For imagination see CHRP, pp. 455 f., and contributions to Phantasia-Imaginatio: V° colloquio internazionale del Lessico Intellettuale Europeo, ed. M. Fattori and M. Bianchi, Edizioni dell'Ateneo: Rome, 1988. 104

HVM, 2A5 , 2F7 –2F8 (SEH, II, pp. 203, 225).

v

r

r

105

DVM, fos. 27 , 30

106

DVM, fo 30 ; also see HVM, 2A6 –2B3 (SEH, II, pp. 204–6). For Aristotle on respiration see

v

r–v

v

v

a–b

Parva naturalia, 472 107

v

r

; also see HVM, 2A5 –2A7 (SEH, II, pp. 203–4).

a

r

a

, 478 , 480 .

v

DVM, fo. 30 .

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108

r

Ibid., fo. 22 .

109

v

r v

r

r

r

r

Ibid, fos. 2 , 30 – ; HVM, 2A7 –2B2 , 2F5 –2F8 (SEH, II, pp. 205–6, 224–5). Galen and Galenists held that arterial blood in the rete mirabile or choroid plexus secreted 'animal spirit' (pneuma psychikon), which activated the entire nervous system; see Siegel, Galen, pp. 38–9, 61–2; Harvey, The inward wits, pp. 6–7. Likewise Doni thought that spirit in the ventricles and nerves evolved from flos sanguinis, see Luigi De Franco, L'eretico Agostino Doni: medico e filosofo cosentino del '500. In appendice: A. Donii—De natura hominis—con traduzione a fronte, Pellegrini Editore: Cosenza, 1973, p. 326; also see Telesio, DRN, II, p. v

r

v

r

v

r

282, passim. For Bacon on the organs see HVM, G4 –G5 , S7 –S8 , 2B3 –2B5 (SEH, II, pp. v

r v

v

r

130, 180, 207); SS, C2 , C4 – , 2F1 –2F2 (SEH, II, pp. 358, 362, 613). 110

See pp. xxxvii–viii above.

111

AL, 2I1 (SEH, III, p. 362); DSV, 2E3 –2E4 (SEH, VI, pp. 681–2).

112

See Appendix III.

113

Loc. cit.

114

HVM, 2E4 (SEH, II, p. 219).

115

DAS, X4

116

Cf. PhU, O10 , HDR, A1 (SEH, II, p. 243).

117

NO, 2O4 , 2Q4 –2R1 (SEH, I, pp. 334, 346); ANN, fos. 30 , 32 .

118

NO, 2O4 –2P3 , 2Q3

119

NO, 2O1 , 2O2 –2O3 (SEH, I, pp. 330–2); ANN, fos. 29 , 29 .

120

ANN, fos. 24 –28 ; DAS, X4

121

NO, 2O1 –2R2 (SEH, I, pp. 330–49); ANN, fos. 28 –32 ; DAS, X4 –Y1 (SEH, I, pp. 560–1)

122

ANN fo. 24 .

123

For abstract physics see DAS, X4

r

v

r

v

r–v

(SEH, I, pp. 560–1) and ANN, passim. v

v

v

v

v

r

r

v

r–v

r

r

r

r

v

v

r–v

, 2Q4 –2R1 (SEH, I, pp. 334–5, 344, 346); ANN, fos. 30r, 31

v

v

r

r

r–v

.

v

(SEH, I, p. 560).

v

v

r

r

r

r

r–v

(SEH, I, pp. 560–1).

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124

v

v

ANN, fos. 28 , 36 .

125

See VT, pp. 9–10 (SEH, III, p. 221): 'to my vnderstandinge it is not violent to the lettre, and safe now after the event, so to interpret that place in the prophecy of Daniell … as if the opening of the world by navigation and commerce and the further discovery of knowledg should meete in one time or age.' 126

r

See VT, pp. 12–13 (SEH, III, p. 222); NA, g3 (SEH, III, p. 167).

127

In this his view was very like Roger Bacon's, see Edmund Brehm, 'Roger Bacon's place in the history of alchemy', Ambix, 23, 1976, pp. 53–8. 128

v

v

r–v

DAS, 2D3 (SEH, I, pp. 598–9); HVM, C6 , K8 158–9, 174, 199). 129

DVM, fos. 1 –2 .

v

130

See p. lxvii below.

r

r

r

v

, N4 –N8 , R4 , Z4 (SEH, II, pp. 114, 147,

v

131

Walter Pagel, William Harvey's biological ideas, S. Karger: Basle and New York, 1967, pp. 257–8; T. S. Hall, 'Life, death and the radical moisture: a study of thematic patterns in medieval medical theory', Clio medico, 6, 1971, pp. 3–23, pp. 4–8; Michael McVaugh, 'The “humidum radicale” in thirteenth-century medicine', Traditio, 30, 1974, pp. 259–83, pp. 259– 65; T. C. Theoharides, 'Galen on marasmus', J. Hist. Med. 26, 1971, pp. 369–90. 132

So called to distinguish them from the primary humours (blood, phlegm, black and yellow bile). 133

v

Avicenna, Liber canonis, Venice, 1507, repr. Hildesheim, 1964, fo. 4 : the first secondary humour, 'est humor in foraminibus extremitatum paruarum venarum contentus membris simplicibus propinquarum inbibentium eam'; the second is, 'humor per omnia, simplicibus transiens membra, sicut ros qui in nutrimentum conuerti est aptus: cum corpus nutrimento caret, & vt membra humectet cum aliqua causa fortis motus aut alia ea exiccauerit'. McVaugh, 'The “humidum radicale”', pp. 265–6. 134

v

Liber canonis, fo. 4 : Cambium 'est humor qui parum ante congelatus fuit: & est nutrimentum quod in substantia, membrorum ex parte complectionis conuersum est.' The fourth humour, Gluten, 'est humor qui est intus in membris simplicibus a principio natiuitatis: per quem partium eorum continuitas existit'.

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135

v

v

r

v

r

Ibid., fos. 2 , 52 –53 , 413 –414 ; also see McVaugh, 'The “humidum radicale”', pp. 266–

8; Hall, 'Life, death and the radical moisture', pp. 5, 7–8; P. H. Niebyl, 'Old age, fever, and the lamp metaphor', J Hist. Med. 26, 1971, pp. 351–68, pp. 358–9. For Aristotle on calor innatus b

b

b

b

see Parva naturalia, 468 , 474 –476 , 487 . 136

McVaugh, 'The “humidum radicale”', pp. 269–77; F. M. Gale, '“Whether it is possible to prolong man's life through the use of medicine”', J. Hist. Med. 26, 1971, pp. 391–9. 137

DVM, fos. 1 –2 and cmts thereon (pp. 270–74, 437–8 below).

v

v

138

Loc. cit.

139

Ibid., fo. 2 .

140

TPM, V5 (SEH, III, p. 532).

r

r

141

Arnaldi Villanovani philosophi et medici summi opera omnia, Conradum Waldkirch: Basle, 1585, pp. 294–319; McVaugh, 'The “humidum radicale”', pp. 277–80. 142

r

DVM, fo. 2 .

143

Hall, 'Life, death and the radical moisture', pp. 15–16; G. J. Gruman, A history of ideas about the prolongation of life: the evolution of prolongevity hypotheses to 1800, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, NS, 56, part 9, 1966, p. 82. 144

HVM, A6 –B1 , E4 –E6 (SEH, II, pp. 106–7, 120–1), cf. DVM, fos. 4 , 22 .

r

r

145

HVM, 2C3

r–v

r

r

v

v

r

r

(SEH, II, pp. 210–11), HVM, T6 –T7 (SEH, II, p. 184): the tissues must be v

endowed with 'radical dewiness'. HDR, E2 (SEH, II, p. 281): special means for nourishing 'rerum Humores maxime radicales' must be sought. Bacon also made concessions to Telesio: v

r

the liver must be kept soft and prevented from becoming salty and parched (HVM, V7 –V8 , v

2C2 (SEH, II, pp. 189–90, 210–11)). 146

HVM, 2D3

r–v

147

Siegel, Galen, pp. 38–9, 61–2.

(SEH, II, p. 214).

1

Kelly, pp. 12–16: William Gilbert of Melford edited and arranged the De mundo from the papers of William Gilbert of Colchester. He presented a manuscript copy to Prince Henry,

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who deposited it in his library. One or two copies of this manuscript were made, copies subsequently acquired by Bacon. Gruter published the De mundo in 1651, see p. lxxvii below. 2

LL, VII, p. 540.

3

'Where there's a will: William Boswell and the preservation of Francis Bacon' (unpub. typescript dated 24 June 1992). 4

DNB. A pass was issued to one William Boswell MA (see Acts of the Privy Council, May 1613–Dec. 1614, p. 657) but one cannot be sure that this Boswell was the man mentioned in Bacon's will. 5

DNB says that he died in 1649, while G. E. Aylmer prefers 1650, see The king's servants: the civil service of Charles I, 1625–1642, London, 1961, p. 389. G. M. Bell has June 1649, see A handlist of British diplomatic representatives 1509–1688, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks, no. 16, London, 1990, p. 199. Boswell was certainly still alive early in ch

1650. On 21 March he wrote to Robert Long complaining of an 'indisposition (w hath been so grieuouse vpon mee aboue these 3. monthes, as it hath made me vnable to endure the water, or aire' (BL Add. MS 37047, fo. 74). He wrote to Long again on the 1 April (ibid., fo. 76). I am indebted to Alan Stewart for drawing my attention to these letters. 6

This claim is made in DNB and M. Rossi, La vita, le opere, i tempi di Edoardo Herbert di Chirbury, 3 vols., Florence, 1947, II, p. 278. Boswell can only have been with Carleton in the period from March 1616 (when Carleton's embassy began) to May 1619 (when Boswell went to Paris with Herbert of Cherbury), but none of Carleton's dispatches or letters of these years mention Boswell. G. E. Aylmer has drawn my attention to a letter that Boswell wrote to Carleton (PRO SP 84/100, fos. 93–4) early in 1621, the tone of which does not suggest a prior relationship. 7

DNB.

8

Aylmer, The king's servants, pp. 76–8, 291–4.

9

SEH, III, p. 3.

10

The early version mentions 'Mr. Herbert, of the Inner Temple' who, along with Selden, was to help Sir John Constable decide which of Bacon's manuscripts were to be published and which suppressed (see BTT, p. 203; LL, VII, p. 540 n. 1). Herbert had become a barrister in 1618 (DNB). If A. M. Charles's assertion (n. 12 below) that Boswell had been in Edward

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Herbert's service is correct (and I have been unable to verify it), he would have been employed by two of Bacon's literary executors—(1) Herbert, named in the early version of the will, whom Boswell replaced in the final version, and (2) John Williams. 11

George Herbert helped Bacon with the preparation of the De augmentis scientiarum, and was the dedicatee of Bacon's Translation of certaine Psalmes (1625). For Bacon's association with Herbert see William A. Sessions, 'Bacon and Herbert and an image of chalk', 'Too rich to clothe the sunne': essays on George Herbert, ed. Claude J. Summers and TedLarry Pebworth, Pittsburgh, 1979, pp. 165–78. Also see Charles Whitney, 'Bacon and Herbert as Moderns', Like season'd timber: new essays on George Herbert, ed. Edmund Miller and Robert DiYanni, Peter Lang: New York, 1987, pp. 231–9. 12

A. M. Charles, A life of George Herbert, Cornell University Press: Ithaca and London, 1977, p. 89 n. 70; the dedications appear in the fair copy of De veritate (BL MS Sloane 3957). Mario Rossi drily remarked that Herbert of Cherbury 'cercò subito di interessare gli intimi alle sue idee, ma non sappiamo con quale frutto', see Edoardo Herbert, I, p. 473. 13

The life of Edward, first Lord Herbert of Cherbury written by himself, ed. J. M. Shuttleworth, London, 1976, p. 95. 14

Rossi, Edoardo Herbert, II, p. 245.

15

CSP(Dom) 1619–23, pp. 375, 423, 431, 483, 573; CSP(Dom) 1623–5, pp. 74, 122, 133, 171; CSP(Dom) Addenda 1603–25, p. 649. 16

He was sworn in again on the accession of Charles I; see Acts of the Privy Council, July 1621–May 1623, p. 353; Mar. 1625–May 1626, p. 34. I suppose that he owed the appointment to Williams's rather than Bacon's influence for the latter had fallen in Apr. 1621. 17

DNB.

18

CSP(Dom) 1627–8, pp. 69, 70, 75, 172, 174; 1629–31, pp. 40, 218, 276, 487; 1631–3, pp. 9, 14, 112, 180, 369; Acts of the Privy Council, Sept. 1627–June 1628, p. 378; CSP(Dom) Addenda, 1625–49, p. 267 19

CSP(Dom) 1631–3, pp. 394, 412. Boswell returned to England for a short time in 1634 to receive a new privy seal, and apparently returned very briefly in 1640, see Bell, A handlist, p. 199.

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20

Meautys may in fact have possessed some Bacon manuscripts but we only have Samuel

Hartlib's hearsay evidence for this (see the Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University Library, 30/4/4B; also see Stephen Clucas, 'Samuel Hartlib's Ephemerides, 1635–1659, and the pursuit of scientific and philosophical manuscripts', Seventeenth Century, 6, 1991, pp. 33– 55, p. 41). 21

Edoardo Herbert, II, p. 14.

22

M. Feingold, 'Galileo in England: the first phase', p. 418.

23

C. S. M. Rademaker, Life and Work of Gerardus Joannes Vossius (1577–1649), Van Gorcum: Assen, 1981, pp. 226–7. In appreciation of the offer and in consultation with Carleton, Vossius dedicated his De historicis Latinis (1626) to Buckingham. He also sent copies of the work to Carleton, Boswell and Fulke Greville, Lord Brooke (ibid., pp. 228–9). Isaac Gruter, who inherited Boswell's Bacon manuscripts, also corresponded with Vossius, see NNBW, III, cols. 505–6. In 1630 Boswell got involved in academic politics again; he intervened in a quarrel at Pembroke Hall Cambridge to support his brother Thomas in his complaints against the Master, Dr Jerome Beale, see CSP(Dom) 1629–31, pp. 182, 183, 189. For other and later evidence of Boswell's intellectual interests see Correspondence of John Morris with Johannes de Laet (1634–1649), ed. J. A. F. Bekkers, Van Gorcum: Assen, 1970, pp. XIV–XVI, XVIII–XXII. The Baconian aspects of Boswell's scientific temper are well illustrated in an undated memorandum listing observations to be made by masters of ships bound for the East Indies or beyond the Equator (Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University Library, 71/16/4A, 4B, 5A, 5B). 24

Lettres de Peiresc, ed. Philippe Tamizey de Larroque, 7 vols., Imprimerie Nationale: Paris, r

1888–98, I, pp. 16–17, 20–1 (Peiresc to P. Dupuy, 25 Jan. 1624): 'M Bosweld m'escript que le Chancellier de Verulan [sic] a mis soubs la presse son Traicté du progrez des sciences traduit en latin augmenté de six livres. Ce sera une bien curieuse piece.' For the reply to Boswell see ibid., VII, pp. 701–2 (Peiresc to Boswell, 25 Jan. 1624): 'J'ay esté bien ayse gr

d'entendre que M le vicomte de Verulam se soit enfin persuadé de remettre soubz la presse son oeuvre des sciences en langaige intelligible par toute l'Europpe, car c'estoit un grand dommage qu'un si grand bien fust communiqué à si peu de gens. On me dit qu'il y avoit aussy mis soubz la presse la premiere partie de son Instauratio magna. Il nous tardera bien que cez pieces eussent passé voz mers et venir jusques à nous.' (DAS was of course a nine-book work and effectively the same thing as Part I of IM). Also see Ferretti, Un 'soldat philosophe', pp. 91 n., 92, 96, 102 n. The history of the stolen manuscripts will be detailed in the forthcoming critical edition of ANN and other late works.

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25

Acts of the Privy Council, May 1629–May 1630, pp. 177–8, June 1630–June 1631, pp. 123–

4. For other instances of Boswell's work in this capacity see ibid., June 1630–June 1631, pp. 374, 381–2; July 1628–Apr. 1629, pp. 351–3. Here again I am indebted to Alan Stewart, see p. lxx, n. 36 above). 26

For somewhat confused and imperfect biographical details see NNBW, III, cols. 505–6. Note that Gruter's letters to Nicolaas Heinsius give a much more accurate picture of the chronology of Gruter's academic appointments, see BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fos. 81–112. 27

His printed books were sold in Apr. 1681; the auction catalogue lists over 4,000 volumes which, with learned works fetching on average fl. 2–5 each, would have been worth a small fortune. At the time of his death Gruter owned copies of all the Bacon works then in print, as well as a considerable number of other 17th-century philosophical and scientific texts; see Catalogus insignium, & omnigenere exquisitorum, praecipue litteratorum, s. patrum, & theologicorum librorum, instructissimae bibliothecae Isaaci Gruteri, Rotterdam, 1681. 28

Among his correspondents he numbered G. Barlaeus, I. Beeckman, G. Brandt, Sir Thomas

Browne, Meric Casaubon, P. Gassendi, C. Hartsoeker, N. Heinsius, Constantijn Huygens, J. Oudaen, G. Vossius, I. Vossius, and M. Vossius. 29

Bodl., MS Selden supra 108, fos. 24, 62, 90, 164, 176; MS Selden supra 109, fos. 308, 315.

30

Huygens had actually met Bacon; he disliked the man, but admired his philosophy. As early as 1621 he solicited Daniel Heinsius' opinion of the Instauratio magna; by the end of the decade he was being pestered by Jan Brosterhuysen (1596–1650) for a copy of the Sylva sylvarum; see De briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens (1608–1687), 6 vols., ed. J. A. Worp, The Hague, 1911–17, I, letters 108, 429, 432, 435, 440, 593. Between 1623 and 1628 Beeckman wrote copious notes on Bacon's philosophy, see Journal tenu par Isaac Beeckman de 1604 à 1634, ed. C. de Waard, 4 vols., The Hague, 1939–53, II, pp. 250–5, 276–7, 327–8, 330, III, pp. 51–3, 54–7, 60–1, 63–4, 65. For an important pioneer study of the introduction of Bacon's works into the Netherlands, see P. Dibon, 'Sur la réception de l'œuvre de F. Bacon e

en Hollande dans la première moitié du XVII siècle', FBTF, pp. 91–115. Also see A. G. H. Bachrach, Sir Constantine Huygens and Britain: 1596–1687: a pattern of cultural exchange, vol. I (published for the Sir Thomas Browne Institute), Leiden and London, 1962, pp. 110–17. 31

The earliest letter to Huygens is dated 17 Oct. 1631 (De briefwisseling, I, letter 593); the earliest to Gassendi, 8 Aug. 1634 (P. Gassendi, Opera, 6 vols., Lyons, 1658, VI, pp. 423–4). The earliest known contact with Beeckman dates from about 1634, see NNBW, III, col. 505.

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32

Sylva sylvarvm, sive historia natvralis, in decem centurias distributa … nunc latio

transscripta à Iacobo Grvtero. There is no imprint or date on the printed title-page. The engraved title has Amstelodami, apud Ludovicum Elzevirium. A°. 1648. The imprint notwithstanding, the edition was perhaps executed by Hackius at Leiden; a few copies actually carry the imprint on the engraved title Lvg. Batavor. Apud Franciscum Hackium. 1648. (see Gibson, nos. 185a, 185b (p. 157)). 33

H. Savile, In Taciti histor. Agricolæ vitam, et commentarivs de militia romana, Amsterdam, 1649. Hugo Grotius, Quaedam hactenus inedita, aliaque ex Belgicè editis Latinè versa, argumenti theologici, juridici, politici, Amsterdam, 1652. Gruter had been pursuing his v

enthusiasm for Savile since 1642 (at latest), see BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fos. 52–53 , 54–5, 56, 58–9. 34

See Gruter to Selden, July 1651, Bodl., MS Selden supra 109, fo. 315; Selden to Gruter, Kal. Sept. 1651, Bodl., MS Selden supra 109, fo. 308; Gruter to Browne, 24 June 1651, Bodl., r–v

MS Rawl. D. 391, fo. 101 35

. r–v

Bodl., MS Rawl. D. 391, fo. 101 : 'Núnc a paúcúlis septimanis in manibús mini súnt manúscripta opúscúla Baconi Verúlamii, ab ipso aúthore emendata, partim politica et moralia, partim physiologica. Ex illis paúcúla lúcem viderúnt Anglice, ego et ista et plúra inedita dabo latine, pridem a me versa. Ex hisce Romane per ipsum Verúlamiúm loqúentibús nihil, praeter sparsa in Novo Organo et libris de Aúgmento Scientiarúm semina, público úsú teritúr. Pervenerúnt aútem ad me ex bibliotheca nobilissimi Guilielmi Boswelli Eqúitis Aúrati et Reip. qúondam Angliae apud foederatos Belgas oratoris, hominis, dúm viveret, mihi amicissimi; jam jam ad praelum abitúra, si illud celebritas aúthoris brevi conciliaverit.' 36

See pp. lxxxi ff. below.

37

See p. lxx above.

38

NNBW, III, col. 508.

39

The French 'translation', Histoire natvrelle de M

re

Francois Bacon Baron de Verulan …

A Paris, Chez Antoine de Sommaville & Andre Sovbron, 1631 (Gibson, no. 184) is almost certainly spurious but has never been systematically studied. For some useful preliminary remarks on this text see M. Le Dœuff, 'Bacon chez les grands au siècle de Louis XIII', FBTF, pp. 155–78, esp. pp. 171–4. 40

Bodl., MS Selden supra 108, fo. 90; MS Selden supra 109, fo. 308. Selden seems to have acted as an intermediary between Gruter and Rawley. The first mention of Rawley in Gruter-

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Selden correspondence dates back to 6 July 1651 (MS Selden supra 109, fo. 315), i.e. not long after the important letter to Browne. Inter alia Gruter made enquiries about Rawley's role as editor of the Sylva sylvarum, and about the authenticity of the French 'translation'. Gruter's initial motive for contacting Rawley may therefore have been his interest in the French Sylva rather than Rawley's Bacon manuscripts. Gruter may not have known of these manuscripts at this point. Selden's reply seems to be MS Selden supra 109, fo. 308 (Kal. Sept. 1651). 41

BTT, pp. 222–3: 'quae ex Boswelliani Musei scriniis chartaceis penes me extant vel propria manu descripta, vel alterius apud vos, sed Baconi manum & limam experta; ut Boswellus olim mihi, admisso ad interiores familiaritatis aditus, commemoravit' (in the original the v

v

proper names are roman, the rest in italic). Cf. Gilbert, De mundo, **1 , and Scripta, *4 . In these texts Gruter says that the manuscripts were a 'gift', 'ex chartaceis Boswellianæ benevo-lentiæ scriniis ad me translata'. Also see Sylva sylvarum, sive historia naturalis, in decem centurias distributa, a Francisco Bacono … Nuper latio transscripta & nunc multis in locis emendata à Jacobo Grutero … [The printed title lacks an imprint.] [The engraved title v

r

has]: Amstelodami, ex officina Elzeviriana. A°. 1661. [Gibson, no. 186], *6 –*7 . The contents of these and other 'scrinia' (book boxes or trunks) seem to have formed an important part of Boswell's library; see Browne to Ashmole, Mar. 1674, The Works of Sir Thomas Browne, ed. Geoffrey Keynes, 4 vols., London, 2nd edn., 1964, IV, pp. 296–7. Rawley and Gruter exchanged a number of letters; only three (by Gruter) are extant (see BTT, pp. 221–41); These indicate that relations between the two men (though formally cordial) were not to Gruter's entire satisfaction. 42

Gruter to Selden, 4 June 1652 (Bodl., MS Selden supra 108, fo. 24). In the preface to the r

1661 edition of the Latin Sylva Gruter tells us (*7 ) that many letters passed between him and Rawley. 43

Rawley's attitude to Bacon's unpublished texts was (to say the least) proprietorial: 'Having been employed, as an Amanuensis, or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour … I conceived, that no Man, could pretend a better Interest, or Claim, to the ordering of them r

after his Death, then myself' (Resuscitatio, 1657 (Gibson, no. 226), 'To the Reader', A4 ). Rawley may even have resented Gruter's possession of the Boswell inheritance: Samuel Hartlib, assiduous inquirer after Bacon manuscripts, noted in 1639 that Boswell and Meautys had promised to give Rawley all their Bacon manuscripts for publication (see Ephemerides, 1639, Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University Library, 30/4/4B). If Boswell made any such promise he failed to honour it. The Gruter-Rawley correspondence may have had one substantial consequence. For twenty-five years Rawley had been sitting on the manuscripts eventually published in the Resuscitatio (1657) and Opuscula (1658) (Gibson, no. 230). Only after the letters of 1652–5 and the appearance of the Scripta did Rawley get on with

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the job. For evidence of Rawley's genuine interest in the Scripta see BL Add. MS 4468; this is not strictly speaking a manuscript but a composite volume which Rawley had made up from leaves of two copies of the Scripta, with each leaf stuck to a larger leaf of blank paper. The larger leaves were no doubt meant to carry Rawley's manuscript notes on the texts published by Gruter, notes which Rawley never got round to writing. 44

Gruter cannot have received Rawley's unfavourable reply to his letter of 29 May 1652 much before mid-June. 45

De briefwisseling, V, letter 5353, Gruter to Huygens, 20 May 1654: 'Wijlen mijn broeder heeft de Historie of Nature van Bacon uit het Engelsch in het Latijn vertaald en het boek is toen uitgekomen. Nu is er eene tweede uitgave noodig, waarvoor mijn broer nog alle verbeteringen in zijn exemplaar heeft aangebracht. Maar ik wil toch gaarne het oordeel hooren van kundige menschen, om de aanteekeningen van mijn broer er mede te vergelijken, en zoo kom ik dan bij u. Ik vrees, dat mijn broer vooral fouten heeft gemaakt, waar er sprake is van muziek en van planten.' (Also see BTT, pp. 222, 232. For other correspondence on this matter see Gruter's letters (1649–75) to Sir Thomas Browne, BL Sloane MS 4062, fos. 138, 141–4, 146, 149, 186; Bodl., MS Rawl. D. 391, fos. 100–6. 46

For the 1661 Sylva and letters to Rawley see p. lxxviii n. 41 above. A study of the two Latin editions of the Sylva might shed useful light on the scholarship and working methods of the Gruter brothers. 47

NNBW, III, cols. 505–6; BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fos. 74–9.

48

For Gruter's correspondence with Selden see p. lxxviii above; for Boswell's letters to Selden (7 Nov. 1647 and 26 Jan. 1648) see Bodl., MS Selden supra 108, fos. 35–41, 241. These letters are concerned with Salmatius' writings, a topic also of great interest to Gruter r

r

r–v

(see BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fos. 66 –67 ; BRL, MS Burman F. 11. I, fos. 161

r–v

, 172

, 357

r–

v

).

49

Huygens and Gruter had been writing to each other from 1631, see p. lxxvi n. 31 above; also see De briefwisseling, I, letters 593, 640, 791; II, letters 1481, 2140. For Huygens's letters to Boswell see KB, MS KA, XLIX–1, pp. 689, 903. 50

BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fos. 50–129. These letters yield important information about Gruter's intellectual enthusiasms. For a letter from Boswell to Heinsius (dated 8 Aug. 1640) see BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fo. 156. For biographical notes on Heinsius see NNBW, II, cols. 557–60. On Heinsius and the Elzevier officina see Wytze Gs. Hellinga, Copy and print in the Netherlands: an atlas of historical bibliography, Amsterdam, 1962, pp. 34–5.

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51

Savile, In Taciti histor., *5 .

r

52

See p. lxxii n. 10 above.

53

BTT, pp. 222–3.

54

Margaret Boswell to N. Oudart, 19 Jan. 1672, Bodl., MS Ashmole 1788, fo. 157. Raymond's gossipy memoir of his time in the Netherlands (Bodl., MS Rawl. D 1150, item 6) sheds no light on the matter. 55

Gruter died in Rotterdam; drs N. van der Blom (personal communication) tells me that one would expect the will to be in the Rotterdam Municipal Record Office, but that it is not to be found there. 56

r

r

*5 –6 : 'Qvæ tibi damus, Amice Lector, ad Vniversalem & Naturalem Philosophiam spectantia, ex Manuscriptis Codicibus, quos accurate recensuerat & varie emendarat author, me amanuense apographa sunt … Omnia autem hæc inedita (nisi quod in editis paucissimis rara extent quarundam ex his meditationum vestigia) debes, Amice Lector, Nobilissimo Guil. Bosvvello, ad quem ex ipsius Baconi legato pervenerant, cum aliis in politico & morali genere elaboratis, quae nunc ex dono τοῦ μακαρίτου‎ penes me servantur non diu premenda … Vale & conatibus nostris fave, qui mox plura daturi sumus Baconiana latinè versa, maximam partem inedita … ' In the original proper names are in roman type and the rest in italic. 57

SEH, III, p. 7.

58

Bodl., MS Rawl. D. 391, fo. 101

59

v

r–v

also see p. lxxvii above.

De mundo, **1 : 'Vale & Verulamii complura varii argumenti & stili inedita brevi à me, θεοῦ διδόντος‎, expecta latine, quæ in MSS. ex chartaceis Boswellianæ benevolentiæ scriniis ad me translata, tantum exstant Anglice.' 60

The editor's search for the manuscripts was fruitless. Spedding suspected that the moral and political works transmitted by Boswell included 'all the corrected copies of [Bacon's] legal works which he had selected for preservation', works which 'appear to have been lost altogether or to have survived only in the rough drafts'. See LL, VII, p. 552. 61

It is worth contrasting Gruter's plans for publishing the Bacon political and moral tracts r

with his plans for publishing selected letters of Hugo Grotius. In the Scripta (*6 ) Gruter announced that the letters would be published soon. Nothing came of this but he went on tinkering with the project for the next twenty years; see Gruter to N. Heinsius, VIII. Kal. April.

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1656; Pridie. Pasch. 1656; V Kal. Jun. 1667; 27 Jun. 1667; 15 Oct. 1671; 9 Mar. 1672 (BRL, r–v

r–v

MS Burman, F. 6. b, fos. 84, 86, 87, 123, 124, 132 , 136 ). His plans for the civil and moral tracts dropped out of sight much more rapidly. They were made public in 1651 (i.e. before he said anything about publishing the Latin natural-philosophical manuscripts) and again in 1653; after that, silence. Arguments from silence are problematic but it is striking that we hear not a word about the political and moral pieces in his letters to Rawley. While Gruter entertained the Grotius project for many years he seems to have dropped the Bacon quite suddenly. Perhaps a letter from Rawley precipitated the decision. 62

r–v

*5 : 'Titulus, quem frons libri præfert, & totum complectitur opusculi, in varias dissertationes secti, argumentum, ab ipso Verulamio est; quem singulæ exhibent paginæ ex rerum tractatarum serie distinctum, à me, ut minus confunderet quærentem Lectorem, indiculi defectus. Quicquid sequitur ab eo loco, cujus inscriptio est in ipso contextu Indicia vera de interpretatione Naturæ usque ad finem, donavi eo nomine Impetus Philosophici, quod ex familiaribus Viri magni colloquiis notassem, cum de istis chartis mecum ageret. Non aliter enim appellare solebat quicquid prioribus per titulos suos separatis connecteretur; ne quis imperfectum statim suspicetur, quod defervescente Impetu non videt trahere syrma prolixæ tractationis.' C-t names and titles are roman, the rest italic; c-t has ludicia not v

r

Indicia, but cf. ibid., *6 , M11 . My thanks to James Binns for expert advice on the Latin. 63

For the contents and running titles see Appendix I.

64

SEH, III, pp. 7–8; CS, fo. 10 , and fo. 13 where we read 'Note that all these bookes haue

v

ts

pertaynyng to them fragm

r

e

and loose papers of like nature with y bookes, and these e

likewise are bundled or laid vp with y bookes.' 65

The fact that there was a 1608 Scripta corroborates Gruter's claim that the title of his collection was authentically Baconian. Of the pieces with particular running titles, four are presented in this volume; of those with the collective running title, only the PhU appears below. 66

HNE, R8 –S2 (SEH, II, p. 80).

v

r

67

BTT, p. 223.

68

BTT, p. 222; Scripta, *5 .

69

BTT, p. 223; Scripta, *5 .

r

r

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70

r

v

CV, The Queen's College Oxford, MS 280, fos. 205 –233 (IELM, BcF 289); RPh, BL MS r

v

Harley, 6855, vol. I, fos. 4 –31 (IELM, BcF 306); TDL as it appears in Rawley's Opuscula, 1658 (Gibson, no. 230). 71

The profound effect that such revisions might have upon a text can be seen only too well in DVM. Precise accounts of the differences between the various versions of CV, RPh and TDL will appear in due course in the critical editions of the texts. 72

BRL, MS Burman F. 6. b, fos. 62–3.

73

See p. lxxvi n. 33 and p. lxxvii above.

74

Alphonse Willems, Les Elzevier: histoire et annals typographiques, Brussels, Paris, The Hague, 1880; facs. repr. B. de Graaf: Nieuwkoop, 1962, pp. LXI–LXX. 75

record of copies collated, together with data concerning paper, watermarks, etc. is to be found in Appendix I. 76

Willems, p. 291: 'me offre une particularité qui lui est commune avec quelques impressions hollandaises de lépoque. Louis Elzevier n'a impriné que la feuille finale, signée X, et les 6 feuillets liminaires. En effet les lettres V de la p. 485, A et Q des limin. sonts seules elzeviriennes. Les deux dernières se vérifient sur les D. Heinsii Orationes de 1657, le V sur l'Aulu-Gelle de 1651. Les lignes calligraphiques de la fin et le fleuron au delta en tête de l'épître dedicatoire ont également une origine elzevirienne incontestable. Le corps de l'ouvrage provient d'une autre officine, que nous croyons être celle de J. de Jonge. Les cahiers sont signês en 6, tandis que les Elzevier d'Amsterdam signaient en 7. On remarquera en outre que les pp. 481–5, pour lesquelles on a fait usage d'interlignes un peu plus épaisses, n'ont que 28 lignes a la page, tandis qu'on en compte 29 dans le reste du volume.' 77

Loc. cit. These observations are correct; see Danielis Heinsii orationum editio nova … r

r

Amstelodami, ex officina Elzeviriana, 1657, *2 , A1 . The small italics used for the tables v

r

v

of contents in this (*9 –*10 ) and the Scripta (*6 ) seem to be identical. Also see Avli r

Gellii noctes atticae editio nova … Amstelodami, apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, 1651, H4 , v

v

r

I8 ; Willems did not note that here the initial V of R12 was identical to that of X3 of the Scripta. Of the 17 × 17mm initials of the preliminaries and sheet X of the Scripta two, the A and V, are reproduced in G. Berghman, Études sur la bibliographie elzevirienne, basées sur l'ouvrage Les Elzevier de M. Alphonse Willems, Stockholm, 1885, facs. 196, 374; Berghman's facsimiles were not taken from the Scripta.

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78

In Taciti histor., A1 .

r

79

Willems, p. 291: the characteristic delta fleuron (*3 ) and the final fleuron (X8 ).

80

See pp. xci–xciii below.

81

Willems, p. 291.

82

For instance, Gruter's edition of Grotius (see p. lxxvi, n. 33 above).

83

Traianus Boccalinus, Lapis lydivs politicvs, Amsterdam, 1640.

84

Willems, p. 291.

85

For measurements see Appendix I.

86

For details see Appendix I.

87

This is taken as the basis for comparison for sheet X has only 15 type-pages.

88

See Appendix I (Contents). X3 carries the title TOPICA INQVISITIONIS in 2.25mm type. The

r

r

r

r

r

preliminaries exhibit a number of 'archaic' Vs: see *5 and especially *2 (the 2.25mm capitals of VNIVERSALI). Compare these examples with the 2.25mm capitals of CAPUT PRIMUM r

r

(D2 ), and the 2.1mm capitals of UNIVERSI (O6 ). Only once did the compositor(s) of sheets A– v

V use the 'archaic' V (I8 ), and that was the only instance in which titling capitals were set in the same type used throughout for running titles. For running titles the 'archaic' V is used on all sheets including X. 89

See below.

90

For watermarks see next paragraph and Appendix I.

91

See Appendix I for further details and beta radiographs.

92

See e.g. H. Savile, In Taciti history.; R. Descartes, Meditationes de prima philosophia, Amsterdam, 1642; J. A. Comenius, Ianua aurea linguarum, Amsterdam, 1642. Willems (p. xcv) noted that the Elzeviers generally used French paper but occasionally German; Hellinga adds that the French paper trade was dominated by Dutchmen, see Copy and print in the Netherlands, p. 39.

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93

After the X sheets had been struck off, a third part of each would have been blank. The

blank portion would have been cut off and the remainder folded as an eight-leaf gathering. Clearly, if the watermark were on the offcut, it could not appear in the gathering. The intervals between chain-lines on all X sheets without a watermark are identical to those found on sheets used elsewhere in the edition. 94

If there were two printers, it is improbable that both happened to buy paper originating from the very same range of moulds, and use these very kinds for work on just one of a number of jobs that may have been in hand at the time. The fact that paper with the similar watermarks occurs in other Elzevier duodecimos may suggest that Elzevier rather than the putative other printer selected the paper for the edition. 95

A compositor or compositors employed by Elzevier could have set sheets A–V. The original compositor or compositors could have been assigned to some other task (a special order or rush job) and left type for the final sheet unset. Once the emergency had passed a different compositor could have been instructed to finish the Scripta, a compositor who compressed the running title and inadvertendy used the 'wrong' fount for the body of the text. This possibility cannot be dismissed out of hand—although it is perhaps questionable that one printing firm would have gone to the expense of having two such similar founts. 96

Catalogue d'une collection unique de volumes imprimées par les Elzevier et divers e

typographes hollandais du XVII siècle, D. Morgand: Paris, 1896, fac. repr. B. de Graaf: Nieuwkoop, 1965, p. 126, no. 1179; J. A. Gruys and C. de Wolf, Thesaurus 1473–1800: nederlandse boekdrukkers en boekverkopers med plaatsen en jaren van verkzaamheid, B. de Graaf: Nieuwkoop, 1989, p. 48. 97

He may well have done something of this kind in the case of the 1648 Latin Sylva, which was apparently printed by Hackius of Leiden. Once the printing had been completed, such copies as bear Elzevier's imprint were presumably sent to Amsterdam. For bibliographical details see p. lxxvi n. 32 above. 98

Catalogue d'une collection, p. 452, no. 213. Rahir also reproduced a fleuron (said to belong to de Croy) quite like the Scripta ornament (p. 446, no. 163); perhaps that was why he identified de Croy as the second printer. 99

Willems, p. 291; Gibson, nos. 106, 135, 151, 231.

100

See p. xcii below.

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101

Les negotiations de monsievr le president Ieannin, Pierre le Petit: Paris, 1659, vol. I,

r

A1 (Fl is upside down here). Frederici Hoffmani Silesii … poeticum cum musis colludium, Aegidium Janssonium Valkenier: Amsterdam, 1663 (Rahir, p. 245, no. 2205, and p. 237, no. 2142). 102

G. Berghman, Supplement à l'ouvrage sur les Elzevier de M. Alphonse Willems, Stockholm, 1897, p. 126, says that Willems told him in a personal communication that the Hoffman came from the presses of de Jonge. 103

Willems, p. 291, and p. 430: de Jonge 'paraît avoir imprimé surtout pour les libraires. Nous ne le connaissons que parce qu'il a mis en son nom à certains livres, entre autres à la fin d'une jolie édition de Voiture, exécutée pour J. de Ravesteyn, 1657, pet. in-12 … Cette circonstance nous a permis de lui attribuer par voie d'induction plusieurs volumes imprimé s avec non moins de soin et d'élégance.' Willems's reasoning leaves much to be desired. 104

Berghman, Supplément, p. 95, no. 327. Idem, Catalogue raisonné des impressions Elzeviriennes de la Bibliothéque Royale de Stockholm, Stockholm and Paris, 1911, p. 51. 105

Albertvs Magnvs de secretis mvliervm … Amstelodami apud Iodocum Ianssonium, 1655. Berghman, Supplement 'la vignette de la p. 219 se retrouve sur … les Baconi Scripta de 1653 (p. 1); enfin, les lettres grises, S, P, C et A, se vérifient sur le même Bacon'. Idem, Catalogue raisonné, p. 75, no. 549. Rahir did not record the 1655 De secretis and so did not suggest who had printed it. 106

r

r

r

v

The initials S, P, C and A of De secretis, A2 , A6 , G8 and O2 , are the same as those r

r

v

v

r

v

of Scripta, S12 , D2 , D6 and E10 respectively. Fl in De secretis appears on K2 and K2 , r

and in the Scripta on A1 . Berghman, Études sur la bibliographie elzevirienne, presents no facsimiles of these initials—another indication that Elzevier never owned or used them. 107

In these matters extreme caution is always necessary. Ornaments and initials were often transferred between printers; Willems (p. 417) noted that many Elzevier ornaments and characters 'servirent de modèle à des contrafaçons plus ou moins heureuses, parfois tellement serviles qu'elles déroutent l'oeil le plus exercé.'. The items we have noted cannot be copies unless they are so implausibly good as to be indistinguishable from the originals even under strong magnification. 108

Les covps de l'amovr et de la fortvne … Imprimée à Roven, & se vend a Paris, chez r

Gvillavme de Lvyne … 1660; Les negotiations, vol., I, A1 .

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109

Supplément, pp. 115–16.

110

Willems, no. 1694, no. 1702 (pp. 459–60). Rahir, no. 2142 (p. 237) (Rahir says nothing of the printer of Les coups). 111

Rahir, p. 486. Willems said that de Jonge's firm was founded in that year (p. 430) but claimed that de Jonge had printed the Scripta (p. 291). For an authoritative modern view see Gruys and de Wolf, Thesaurus, p. 103. 112

There is no evidence save the ipse dixit of the 19th-century bibliophiles that Jansson did not print and publish the De secretis. 113

Gruys and de Wolf (Thesaurus, p. 97) say that Jansson died in 1655. For evidence to the same effect see M. M. Kleerkooper and W. P. Stocken Jr., De boekhandel te Amsterdam, voornamelijk in de zeventiende eeuw: biographische en geschiedkundige aanteekeningen … 2 vols. (Bidragen tot de geschiedenis van den Nederlandischen boekhandel, 10), Martinus Nijhoff: The Hague, 1914–16, I, p. 299, II, pp. 1317, 1467. 114

Respectively 6- and 8-leaf gatherings, they were of course printed by Elzevier's firm.

115

P. Gaskell, A new introduction to bibliography, Oxford, 1972, repr. 1974, p. 42.

116

D5 : Natnralibus → Naturalibus. G6 : couclusus → conclusus.

117

C9 : RT] FT VISA → ET VISA

118

G12 : fotet → foret.

119

H5 and H6 respectively.

120

M12 , ll. 1–2: sensum‸subsequitur.

121

C9 : aciem → alieni.

r

r

r

r

r

v

122

The inner forme of every sheet may have been printed first because it could have been imposed before the last page of the outer had been set. 123 v

For the differences between the two states of the outer forme of sheet P see tns to PhU, v

r

v

r

v

r

v

r

v

P2 P4 , P5 , P6 , P7 , P8 , P9 , P10 , P11 , P12 (pp. 22, 26, 30, 34,38–40, 42 below). For the state adopted in the critical edition of PhU see Appendix I (register of copies collated).

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124

Though not thorough enough to catch all substantive matter perhaps omitted by the v

r

v

v

compositor or compositors. For such omissions see tns to PhU, O6 , P5 , P7 , DFRM,H7 ; DGI, r

v

v

F10 ; TC, H4 ; DPAO, I12 (pp. 2, 26, 32, 66,154,192, 204 below). 125

Willems, p. LXIX.

126

MSS 50, 52, 55, 57, 66, 79 and 80 are bound in exactly the same style as MS 72A. On other products of the Birdsall firm see C. Coppens, 'A binding by Birdsall and Son, Northampton', Book Collector, 41, part 2, 1992, pp. 220–2. 127

In the manuscript this leaf is foliated 15a, and the leaves after it fos. 16–30. The foliation is comparatively recent (see pp. cii n. 142 below) and has no authority, so I have ignored it. In this edition fo. 15a has become fo. 16, and the remaining leaves fos. 17–31. 128

The copy, in an unidentified hand, is entitled In honorem Illustrissimi D.D. Verulamij, ti.

Vicecomitis S Albani, Magni Sigilli Custodis, post editam ab eo Instaurationem Magnam. The copy was collated by F. E. Hutchinson for his edition of The works of George Herbert, Oxford, 1941, repr. 1959, pp. 436–7. Hutchinson suggested (p. 597) that the poem must have been composed 'between 27 Jan. 1620/1, when Bacon was created Viscount St. Alban, and the following 1 May, when he was deprived of the Great Seal.' 129

See p. cxiv, and Plates I and II below.

130

IELM, BcF 287, BcF 294. Also see Appendix III below.

131

Such, for instance, as George Herbert, William Rawley, William Boswell, and perhaps Thomas Hobbes. 132

A hand very similar to that represented in IELM, BcF 317.

133

Some of the letter forms (see below) are not italic but urbane modifications of secretary forms. 134

In the late 1980s these differences led me to reserve judgement as to whether the Harley and Hardwick italics belonged to the same scribe. In the early 1980s I had taken it for granted that the scribe was the same in both cases. I returned to the question at the prompting of the anonymous adviser who read a draft of this volume for the press, and I am now convinced that only one scribe was involved.

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135

r

r

For the Hardwick accidentals see Appendix II. The Harley elegy (fos. 75 –76 ) runs to

some 516 words: diacritical marks occur at the rate of one every seven words; the ratio of acute accents to circumflexes is about the same as in the Hardwick manuscript. Punctuation is used quite generously (once every 4 words as against the once every 6.04 of Hardwick r

72A). Similar contractions occur in both manuscripts, e.g. hominum (Harley 1893, fo. 75 r

cf. Hardwick 72A, fo. 2 ); the scribe divides procul dubio in both manuscripts (Harley 1893, r

v

fo. 75 ; Hardwick 72A, fo. 15 ): Bacon's own practice was not to divide it (Hardwick 72A, fo. v

30 ). As for orthography, the scribe's practices in the two manuscripts are identical. 136

See p. cii n. 141 below.

137

Other manuscript works may of course have preceded the copy of DFRM.

138

He would have known very well who wrote the poem, see p. lxxii above.

139

The watermark evidence could allow that the manuscript book was made up of disjunct leaves from the start but that possibility is most unlikely, see p. cvi below. 140

The De fluxu would (as we know) have taken up some eleven leaves. One gathering of ten leaves, minus the two assumed to be extant, would have left three leaves too few. Two gatherings, minus the extant two leaves and the eleven needed for the De fluxu, would have left seven for some other purpose. 141

The paper was made by the Heusler firm at Basle. The watermark, a cockatrice rampant perched on a Heusler rebus, is very like the one that adorns the leaves of copies of Bacon tracts in BL MS Harley 1893. The Harley watermark is a cockatrice rampant perched on the Heusler monogram. For published copies of watermarks very similar to those of the Harley and Hardwick MSS see P. Heitz, Les filigranes avec la crosse de Bâle, Strasbourg, 1904, pp. xxviii–xxix; Briquet, no. 1383; Heawood, no. 842. 142

Since the leaves were not foliated at that time such an error could easily have been made. The foliation, in pencil on recto, includes two leaves that were rebound back to front (see p. cv below). The foliation must therefore be comparatively recent. 143

The text that they carry is continuous.

144

See p. xcvi above.

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145

They carry a piece of continuous prose which Bacon would have drafted before any of the

others meant for inclusion in the scribal draft. On this point see Appendix III below. 146

These are lists which Bacon drew up as he planned what was to follow in the rest of the manuscript; see Appendix III below. 147

See previous note.

148

There is a pair separated by a vertical distance of 2mm from each other and 43mm from the head edge; 68mm beneath these comes another pair also 2mm apart; 71mm beneath these is a single hole and, 63mm beneath that, another. All lie 2–3mm from the vertical edge, and that of course suggests that the leaves were already disjunct when the holes were made. 149

The orientation of watermarks on these leaves is also anomalous. When viewed from recto, they alone display the Heusler cockatrice (see p. cii n. 141) the right way up and facing the outer margin. In most other cases the beast is inverted, and in all other cases it faces the inner margin. 150

For these see Appendix III.

151

I am grateful to my colleague Dr David Goda for the figures.

152

In this and other cases where arguments can be adduced for rearranging materials in the manuscript, I have abandoned the copy-text order in editing the text (see p. cxiv below). 153

All this information is given in the 'Handlist of MSS. in the Cupboard of the Muniment Room at Hardwick'. This typescript volume is lodged at Chatsworth House. 154

A couple (MSS 45A and 65) seem to have been drafted in the 16th century. Three, containing accounts and deeds (MSS 16A, 17 and 87), run over from the late 17th into the early 18th century. 155

MSS 1–17, 19–20, 22–3, 25–42, 47, 66A, 67, 87.

156

MSS 62, 64, 70, 72.

157

In an elegant study of two Hardwick manuscripts, it has been argued that both may have been at Hardwick by the mid-17th century, see Nicholas Ferrar, Sir Thomas Smith's Misgovernment of the Virginia Company: a manuscript from the Devonshire papers at

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Chatsworth House, ed. D. R. Ransome, Cambridge: for presentation to members of the Roxburghe Club, 1990, pp. xx–xxi. 158

IELM, BcF 60.

159

Ibid., BcF 69, 105, 109, 118, 130, 143, 160, 211, 217, 288, 304. Another five pieces (items 9, 13–16) in this manuscript are also Bacon's but are not recorded in IELM. 160

See p. xxii n. 22 above.

161

MS 55 deserves close attention. Recorded in HMC (see p. cvi above) as an unbound folio, it was, like MS 72A, bound by Birdsall in 1906. In addition to Observatõns vpon a Libell, at least one of the other tracts (entitled A declaratõn of the true causes of the great e

t

v

troubles p supposed to be intended aga the Realme of England … ) (fos. 32–55 ) may have v

v

Baconian connections: the text mentions Bacon's mother and father (fos. 36 , 38 ), and the wording of the title is echoed in the titles of the MS 55 and MS 51 (item 7) versions of Observations vpon a Libell. The MS 55 A declaratõn of the true causes is preceded by t

a tract entitled An aduertisem written to a Secretarie of my Lord Treasuror of England … t

ties

concerninge another booke newlie written in latine … aga her Ma

late Proclamation …

r

(fos. 1 ff.). Both titles seem to be manuscript copies of printed books (STC 10005 and STC 19885) banned by the English authorities; for other such copies of these books see J. K. Moore, Primary materials relating to copy and print in English books of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Oxford Bibliographical Society Occasional Publication, 24), Oxford, 1992, pp. 3, 9. Beal recorded the MS 51 copy of Observations but the MS 55 copy eluded him (see IELM, BcF 143). All watermarked leaves of MS 43 bear the same watermark (a version of the arms of Basle), one almost identical to that found on all watermarked leaves of MS 55; for reproductions of similar watermarks see Heitz, Les filigranes, no. 99; Heawood, nos. 1217, 1218, and 1226. 162

See previous note.

163

Few if any of the manuscripts owned by Bacon at his death seem to have eluded Boswell and Rawley, neither of whom seems to have parted with his booty before sending it to the press. 164

For theft see p. lxxiv n. 24 above.

165

The horrible state of the manuscript precludes that possibility.

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166

LL, VII, pp. 228, 542. Kiernan (Ess, p. lxxxix, n. 82) thinks the second earl may have

been responsible for the second (STC 1154 (1618)) of two Italian translations of Essayes. For detailed evidence concerning this translation and the near certainty that the earl had dealings with Bacon over its revision see Noel Malcolm, De Dominis (1560–1624): Venetian, Anglican, ecumenist and relapsed heretic, Strickland & Scott Academic Publications: London, 1984, pp. 47–54. 167

Had the manuscript been in Bacon's possession at the time of his death, it would no doubt have passed into the hands of Boswell or Rawley; and both men tended to hang on to Bacon manuscripts, even if some of them were scrappy. Direct transmission would have been most unlikely. Always concerned about the quality of manuscripts prepared for circulation or presentation (see, for instance, LL, VII, p. 414), Bacon would never have given manuscript Hardwick 72A as a present. 168

John Aubrey tells us that Hobbes told him of his connection with Bacon. Aubrey knew Hobbes well and was on the whole accurate in what he wrote about him; see Brief lives, ed. A. Clark, 2 vols., Oxford, 1898, I, pp. 70, 83, 331: 'The Lord Chancellour Bacon loved to converse with [Hobbes]. He assisted his lordship in translating severall of his Essayes into Latin, one, I well remember, is that Of the Greatnes of Cities: the rest I have forgott. His lordship was a very contemplative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery, and to dictate to Mr. Thomas Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen, that attended him with inke and paper ready to sett downe presently his thoughts. His lordship would often say that he better liked Mr. Hobbes's taking his thoughts, then any of the other, because he understood what he wrote, which the others not understanding, my Lord would many times have a hard taske to make sense of what they writt.' Two payments recorded in the first earl's accounts indicate contacts between Bacon and Hobbes in 1619 and 1620, see MS Hardwick 29, p. 605: 10 May 1619: 'To Mr Hobbs for a Lettre from the Lord r

Chauncellor to Jane Countess of Shrewsbury 2s'; ibid., p. 633: 24 May 1620: 'to M Hobbs e

s

wch he gaue away at y Lo: Chanc. ij .' My thanks to Noel Malcolm (personal communication) for bringing the information in this note to my attention. 169

Critical editions of these texts will appear in due course.

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Oxford Scholarly Editions Online PREFACE Graham Rees (ed.), The Oxford Francis Bacon, Vol. 6: Philosophical Studies c.1611–c.1619 Published in print:

1996

Published online:

September 2012

........................................................................................................................... PG VII

PREFACE MORE than a decade has elapsed since Lisa Jardine and I first began to think about producing

a twelve-volume critical edition of the works of Francis Bacon to replace the monumental but now outdated labours of Spedding, Ellis and Heath. Our project was formally inaugurated in 1986 when the British Academy awarded us a start-up grant which enabled us to begin the arduous task of assembling materials for our work. Since then much of the groundwork for the edition has been laid, and good progress had been made on several of the particular volumes. This volume, the first to be published, is not the first in order for the edition will present the works chronologically. The chronological frame may in a manner recreate the corpus; if the edition is at all successful in its aims it should allow readers to gain insights into the relationships between apparently different aspects of Bacon's output at every stage of his career. The whole range and variety of his work will be encompassed in a single, unified enterprise whose object is to preserve the shape and integrity of his intellectual achievement. Neither this volume nor the edition as a whole pretends to be 'definitive'. Authors and readers are not alone in producing meaning: editorial activity unavoidably changes the ways in which texts may be read. But leaving aside the ignis fatuus of the definitive, I have aimed to use the resources of modern scholarship to produce texts as accurate as care can make them, and to render them intelligible to modern readers by constructing Bacon's works in terms of his own milieu. In the course of my work I have incurred so many debts to friends, colleagues and institutions that I scarcely know how to begin thanking them all. My obligations to libraries, librarians and funding bodies are colossal. I wish to thank the many librarians who helped me in the work for this volume and more generally in my efforts to assemble a reasonably comprehensive stock of photocopies and microfilms of Bacon manuscripts and printed books. Particular thanks are due to the staff of the university and college libraries of Aberdeen, Cambridge, London and Oxford, and to the staff of the Warburg Institute and the Francis Bacon Library of Claremont, California. Peter Day and Michael Pearman at Chatsworth House were courteous and helpful beyond the call of duty, and I am grateful to the Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlement for permission to publish the contents of

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MS Hardwick 72A and reproduce photographs of folios 8 and 17 . I am also grateful to the Governing Body of Christ Church Oxford for permission to reproduce radiographs and photographs of items in the Allestree ........................................................................................................................... pg viii I.5.19 copy of Bacon' Scripta in natvrali et vniversali philosophia. I have received generous grants from the British Academy, the Modern Humanities Research Association and the Royal Society, grants without which it would have been so much more difficult to complete this volume or look forward to completing the edition as a whole. I record my thanks to the University of Wolverhampton, which has continued to give me time and money to press ahead with my work. For learned answers to requests for information I am much indebted to G. E. Aylmer, Peter Beal, J. Binns, N. van der Blom, J. V. Field, David Goda, Elsa Gonzalez, Mark Greengrass, J. A. Gruys, Peter Jones, Michel-Pierre Lerner, Noel Malcolm, J. D. North, G. A. J. Rogers, Bill Sessions, I. A. Shapiro, and Charles Webster. Special thanks are due to Alan Stewart for making available to me his timely work on William Boswell; to Brian Vickers and Elizabeth Wrigley for their kindness in supplying copies of otherwise elusive Baconiana; and to Stanley Wells and the Department of English at Birmingham University for the Honorary Research Fellowship which gave me free access to the Shakespeare Institute. I owe great debts to my closest colleagues in the editorial enterprise: to Lisa Jardine, whose sheer enthusiasm and drive have kept spirits up in the difficult times; to Michael Edwards, whose excellent work on the translations has been complemented by his shrewd advice on some of the nastier textual cruces; and to Julian Martin, who has done much to help settle the editorial principles of the edition. Without the advice and expertise of Andrew Lockett, Frances Whistler, Kim Scott Walwyn, Heather Watson and the anonymous reader at Oxford University Press this volume would have been much the poorer. I doubt I would have had the courage to embark on this enterprise without the support of Italian colleagues. Special thanks go to my friends Massimo Bianchi, Germana Ernst and Lidia Procesi whose kindness, scholarship and sense of fun have helped to lighten my task in countless ways. I am obliged to Professor Tullio Gregory for extending to me the hospitality and facilities of the Lessico Intellettuale Europeo; I am grateful to Marta Fattori for more than a decade of friendship and wise advice on Baconian and other scholarly topics. My greatest single debt of gratitude is to my partner Maria Wakely for help, advice and companionship given freely and unfailingly even at times when the demands of her own scholarly work were at their most insistent. G.R. Wellington, Shropshire

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Christmas 1995

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Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Francis Bacon, Viscount St Alban, Phenomena of the Universe or Natural History For the Building Up of Philosophy Graham Rees (ed.), The Oxford Francis Bacon, Vol. 6: Philosophical Studies c.1611–c.1619 Published in print:

1996

Published online:

September 2012

........................................................................................................................... PG 1

PHÆNOMENA UNIVERSI ........................................................................................................................... PG 2 R

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PHÆNOMENA UNIVERSI; SIVE HISTORIA NATURALIS AD CONDENDAM PHILOSOPHIAM. PRÆFATIO.

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Cum nobis homines nec opinandi nec experiendi vias tenere prorsus videantur, omni ope huic infortunio subveniendum putavimus. Neque enim major aliunde se ostendit bene merendi ratio, quam si id agatur, ut homines, & placitorum larvis & experimentorum stuporibus liberati, ipsi cum rebus magis fida & magis arcta inita societate contrahant, quasi per experientiam quandam literatam. Hoc enim modo Intellectus & in v

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tuto, & in summo collocatur, atque præsto insu per erit, atque ingruet rerum utilium proventus. Atque hujus rei exordia omnino à Naturali Historia ducenda sunt; nam universa philosophia Græcorum, cum Sectis suis omnigenis, atque si qua alia philosophia in manibus est, nobis videtur super nimis angustam basin Naturalis Historiæ fundata

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esse, atque ex paucioribus quam par erat pronuntiasse. Arreptis enim quibusdam ab Experientia & traditionibus, neque iis interdum aut diligenter examinatis [aut certo compertis notionibus], reliqua in meditatione & ingenii agitatione posuere, assumpta in majorem rei fiduciam Dialectica. Chymistæ autem & universum Mechanicorum & Empiricorum genus si & illis contemplationes & philosophiam tentare audacia creverit, paucarum rerum accuratæ subtilitati assueti, miris modis reliquas ad eas contorquent; & placita magis deformia & monstrosa, quam Rationales illi producunt. Illi enim parum ex multis, hi rursus multum ex paucis, in philosophiæ materiam sumunt; utriusque autem ratio, si verum dicendum sit, infirma est & perdita. Sed r

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Naturalis Historia, quæ hactenus congesta est, primo intuitu co piosa videri possit, cum re vera sit egena & inutilis, neque adeo ejus generis, ........................................................................................................................... pg 4 quod quærimus. Neque enim à fabulis & deliriis purgata est, & in Antiquitatem, & Philologiam, & narrationes supervacuas excurrit, circa solida negligens & fastidiosa, curiosa & nimia in inanibus. Pessimum autem est in hac copia, quod rerum Naturalium inquisitionem amplexa est, rerum autem Mechanicarum magna ex parte aspernata. Atque hæ ipsœ ad Naturæ sinus excutiendos longè illis præstant; Natura enim sponte sua fusa & vaga disgregat Intellectum, & varietate sua confundit; verum in mechanicis operationibus contrahitur judicium, & naturæ modi & processus cernuntur, non tantum effecta. Atque rursus universa Mechanicorum subtilitas citra rem, quam quærimus, sistitur. Artifex enim operi & fini suo intentus ad alia (quæ forsan ad Naturæ inquisitionem magis faciunt) nec animum erigit, nec manum porrigit. Itaque magis exquisita cura opus est, & probationibus electis, atque sumptu etiam, ac summa insuper patientia. Illud enim in Experimentalibus omnia perdidit, quod homines etiam à principio fructifera v

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Experimenta, non Lucifera, sectati sunt, atque ad opus aliquod magnificum educendum omnino incubuere, non ad pandenda Oracula Naturæ, quod opus operum est, & omnem potestatem in se complectitur. Intervenit & illud ex hominum curiositate & fastu, quod ad secreta & rara se plerumque converterunt, & in his operam & inquisitionem posuerunt, spretis experimentis atque observationibus vulgatis, quod videntur fecisse aut admirationem & famam captantes, aut in eo lapsi & decepti, quod Philosophiæ officium in accommodandis &

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reducendis rarioribus eventibus, ad ea quæ familiariter occurrunt, non æque in ipsarum illarum vulgarium rerum causis & causarum causis altioribus eruendis, situm esse existimarunt. Universæ autem hujus de Naturali Historia querelæ causa, ea prœcipua est, quod homines non in opere tantum, sed in ipso instituto aberrarunt. Namque Historia illa Naturalis, quæ exstat, aut ob ipsorum experimentorum utilitatem, aut ob narrationum jucunditatem confecta videtur, & propter se facta, non ut philosophiæ & scientiis initia, & veluti mammam præbeat. Itaque r

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huic rei pro facultate nostra deesse nolu mus. Nobis enim quantum philosophiis abstractis sit tribuendum, jampridem constitutum est. Etiam vias Inductionis verœ & bonæ, in qua sunt omnia, tenere nos arbitramur, & Intellectus humani versus scientias facultatem ........................................................................................................................... pg 6 incompetentem & prorsus imparem, veluti per machinas, aut filum aliquod Labyrinthi posse juvare. Neque nescii sumus, nos si Instaurationem illam scientiarum, quam in animo habemus, intra inventa ulla majora cohibere voluissemus, ampliorem fortasse honoris fructum percipere potuisse. Verum cum nobis Deus animum indiderit qui se rebus submittere sciat, quique ex meriti conscientia & successus fiducia speciosa libens prætereat; eam etiam partem operis nobis desumpsimus, quam existimamus alium quemquam aut in universum fugere, aut non pro instituto nostro tractare voluisse. Circa hoc autem duo sunt, de quibus homines & alias & nunc præcipue, cum ad rem ipsam accingimur, monitos volumus. Primo, ut mittant illam cogitationem, quæ facile hominum mentes occupat & obsidet, licet sit falsissima & perniciosissima, eam videlicet, quod rerum particularium v

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inquisitio infinitum quiddam sit & sine exitu: Cum illud verius sit, opinionum & disputationum modum nullum esse; sed phantasias illas ad perpetuos errores & infinitas agitationes damnari; particularia autem & informationes Sensus (demptis individuis & rerum gradibus, quod Inquisitioni veritatis satis est) Comprehensionem pro certo, nec eam sane vastam aut desperatam, patiuntur. Secundo ut homines subinde meminerint quid agatur, atque cum inciderint in complures res vulgatissimas, exiles, ac specie tenus leves, etiam turpes, & quibus (ut ait ille) honos præfandus sit, non arbitrentur nos nugari, aut Mentem humanam inferius, quam pro dignitate sua deprimere. Neque enim ista propter se quæsita, aut descripta sunt, sed nulla prorsus alia patet

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Intellectui humano via, neque ratio operis aliter constat; Nos siquidem conamur rem omnium maxime seriam, & humana Mente dignissimam, ut lumen Naturæ purum & minime phantasticum (cujus nomen hactenus quandoque jactatur, res hominibus penitus ignota est) per facem à divino Numine præbitam & admotam, hoc nostro seculo accendatur. Neque enim dissimulamus, nos in ea opinione esse, r

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præposteram illam ar gumentorum & meditationum subtilitatem, primæ informationis, sive veræ Inductionis subtilitate, & veritate suo tempore prætermissa, aut non recte instituta, rem in integrum restituere nullo modo posse, licet omnia omnium ætatum ingenia coierint; sed Naturam, ut fortunam, à fronte capillatam, ab occipitio calvam esse. Restat itaque ut res de integro tentetur, idque majoribus praesidiis atque ........................................................................................................................... pg 8 exutis opinionum zelis, detur aditus ad regnum Philosophiæ & Scientiarum, (in quo opes humanæ sitæ sunt, Natura enim nonnisi parendo vincitur) qualis patet ad regnum illud Cælorum, in quod nisi sub persona Infantis ingredi non licet: usum autem hujus operis plebejum illum & promiscuum ex experimentis ipsis omnino non contemnimus (cum & notitiæ & Inventioni hominum, pro varietate Artium & ingeniorum, plurima utilia procul dubio suggerere possit) attamen minimum quiddam esse censemus præ eo aditu ad Scientiam & potentiam humanam, quem ex misericordia divina speramus. A qua etiam supplices iterum petimus, ut novis Eleemosynis per manus nostras familiam humanam dotare dignetur. v

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Natura rerum aut libera est, ut in speciebus, aut perturbata, ut in monstris, aut constricta, ut in experimentis Artium; facinora autem ejus cujuscunque generis digna memoratu & Historia. Sed Historia Specierum, quæ habetur, veluti plantarum, Animalium, Metallorum & fossilium, tumida est & curiosa; Historia Mirabilium, vana & è rumore; Historia Experimentorum manca, tentata per partes, tractata negligenter, atque omnino in usum practicæ, non in usum philosophiæ. Nobis itaque stat decretum, Historiam specierum contrahere, Historiam Mirabilium excutere atque expurgare; prœcipuam autem operam in Experimentis Mechanicis & Artificialibus, atque naturæ erga manum humanam obsequiis collocare. Quid enim ad nos lusus Naturæ & lascivia? hoc est pusillæ specierum ex figura differentiæ, quæ ad opera nil

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faciunt, in quibus nihilominus Naturalis Historia luxuriatur. Mirabilium autem cognitio grata certe nobis, si expurgata & electa sit; sed quamobrem tandem grata? Non ob ipsam admirationis suavitatem, sed quod sæpe Artem officii sui admonet, ut naturam sciens eo r

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perducat, quo ipsa sponte sua nonnunquam præivit; omnino pri mas partes ad excitandum lumen naturæ Artificialibus tribuimus; non tantum quia per se utilissima, sed quia naturalium fidissimi Interpretes. Num forte fulguris, aut Iridis naturam tam clare explicasset quisquam, antequam per tormenta bellica, aut artificiosa Iridum super parietem simulachra, utriusque ratio demonstrata esset? Quod si causarum fidi Interpretes, etiam effectorum & operum certi & felices indices erunt. Neque tamen consentaneum putamus ex triplici ista partitione ........................................................................................................................... pg 10 Historiam nostram distrahere, ut singula seorsim tractentur, sed genera ipsa miscebimus, naturalia artificialibus, consueta admirandis adjungentes, atque utilissimis quibusque maxime inhærentes.

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Atque à Phænomenis ætheris ordiri sollennius foret. Nos autem nil de severitate instituti nostri remittentes, ea anteferemus, quæ naturam constituunt & referunt magis communem, cujus uterque globus est particeps. Ordiemur vero ab Historia corporum secundum eam differentiam quæ videtur simplicissima; ea est copia aut paucitas Materiæ intra idem spatium sive eandem circumscriptionem contentæ & exporrectæ, nam

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cum ex pronuntiatis de Natura nil verius sit quam propositio illa gemella, Ex nihilo nihil fieri, neque quicquam in nihilum redigi, sed quantum ipsum Naturœ, sive materiœ summam universalem perpetuo manere & constare, & neutiquam augeri aut minui. Etiam illud non minus certum, tametsi non tam perspicue notatum, aut assertum sit (quicquid homines de potentia Materiæ æquabili ad formas fabulentur) ex quanto illo Materiæ sub iisdem spatiorum dimensionibus, plus & minus contineri, pro corporum diversitate à quibus occupantur, quorum alia magis compacta, alia magis extensa sive fusa evidentissime reperiuntur. Neque enim parem Materiæ portionem recipit vas aut concavum aqua & aëre impletum; sed illud plus, istud minus. Itaque si quis asserat, ex pari aëris contento, par aquæ contentum effici posse; idem est ac si dicat aliquid fieri posse ex nihilo. Nam quod deesse supponitur ex materia, id ex nihilo suppleri necesse foret. Rursus si quis

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asserat, par contentum aquæ in par contentum aëris posse verti, idem est ac si dicat aliquid posse redigi in Nihilum. Nam quod superesse r

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supponitur ex materia, id ad nihilum evanuisse similiter necesse foret. Neque nobis dubium est, quin hæc res etiam calculos pati possit, surdos fortasse in aliquibus sed definitos & certos [in aliquibus], & Naturæ notos. Veluti si quis dicat auri corpus collatum ad corpus spiritus vini, esse coacervationem materiæ superantem ratione vicecupla simpla aut circiter, non erraverit. Itaque exhibituri jam Historiam eam quam diximus de copia & paucitate materiæ, atque de materiæ coitione atque expansione, ex quibus notiones illæ Densi & Rari (si proprie accipiantur) ortum habent, hunc ordinem servabimus, ut primo ........................................................................................................................... pg 12 corporum diversorum (ut auri, aquæ, olei, aëris, flammæ) rationes ad invicem recenseamus. Examinatis autem rationibus corporum diversorum, postea unius atque ejusdem corporis subingressus & exspatiationes cum calculis sive rationibus memorabimus. Idem enim corpus etiam absque accessione aut ablatione, aut saltem minime pro rata contractionis & extensionis, ex variis impulsibus tum externis tum internis, sustinet se congerere in majorem & minorem sphœram. Interdum enim luctatur corpus, & in veterem sphæram se restituere v

[O11 ] |

10

15

20

25

nititur; interdum plane transmigrat, nec revertere satagit. Hic cursus primo atque differentias & rationes corporis alicujus naturalis (quoad extentum) collati cum aperturis aut clausuris suis memorabimus, videlicet cum pulveribus suis, cum calcibus suis, cum vitrificationibus suis, cum dissolutionibus suis, cum distillatis suis, cum vaporibus & auris, exhalationibus, & inflammationibus suis memorabimus; deinde actus ipsos & motus, & progressus & terminos contractionis & dilatationis proponemus, & quando se restituant corpora, quando transmigrent secundum extentum; præcipue autem efficientia & media, per quæ hujusmodi corporum contractiones & dilatationes sequuntur, notabimus: atque interim virtutes & actiones quæ corpora ex hujusmodi compressionibus & dilatationibus induunt & nanciscuntur, obiter subtexemus. Cumque probe noverimus quam difficilis res sit, in præsenti animorum statu, jam ab ipso Principio cum natura consuescere, observationes nostras ad attentionem hominum & meditationem excitandam & conciliandam adjiciemus. Quod ad demonstrationem autem attinet, sive retectionem densitatis & raritatis

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r

[O12 ] |

30

35

5

corporum, nil dubitamus aut cun ctamur quin quoad Corpora crassa & palpabilia motus gravitatis (quem vocant) loco optimæ & maximæ expeditæ probationis sumi possit; quo enim corpus compactius, eò gravius. Verum postquam ad gradum aëreorum & spiritualium ventum est, tum profecto à lancibus destituimur, atque alia nobis industria opus erit. Incipiemus autem ab Auro, quod omnium, quæ habemus (neque enim tam adulta est philosophia, ut de visceribus terræ statuere debeamus) gravissimum est atque plurimum materiæ minimo spatio complectitur; atque ad hujus corporis sphæram reliquorum rationes applicabimus; illud monentes, Historiam ponderum hic nos minime tractare, nisi quatenus ad corporum spatia sive dimensa demonstranda lucem præbeat. Cum vero non conjicere & ariolari, sed invenire & ........................................................................................................................... pg 14 scire nobis propositum sit, hoc autem in examine & probatione experimentorum primorum, magnopere positum esse judicemus, prorsus decrevimus in omni Experimento subtiliore modum experimenti, quo usu sumus, aperte subjungere; ut postquam patefactum sit quomodo singula nobis constiterint, videant homines & v

[O12 ] |

10

15

quatenus fidem adhibeant, & quid ulterius faciendum sit, sive ad errores corrigendos, qui adhærere possint, sive ad excitandas atque ad operandas probationes magis fidas & exquisitas. Quin & ipsi de iis, quæ nobis minus explorata atque errori magis exposita, & quasi finitima videbuntur, sedulo & sincere monebimus. Postremo observationes nostras (ut modo diximus) adjiciemus, ut licet omnia integra Philosophiæ servemus, tamen faciem ipsam Historiæ Naturalis etiam in transitu versus Philosophiam obvertamus. Atque porro illud curabimus, ut quæcunque ea sint sive experimenta, sive observationes, quæ præter scopum Inquisitionis occurrunt atque interveniunt, & ad alios titulos proprie pertinent, notemus, ne Inquisitio confundatur. [χ] |

Tabula Coïtionis & Expansionis Materiæ per spatia in Tangibilibus, cum supputatione rationum in Corporibus diversis. Idem spatium occupant, sive æque exporriguntur: 20

Auri puri uncia sive

Den. 20.

Gran. 0.

1

Page 7 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

25

30

5

10

Argenti vivi

Den. 19.

Gran. 9.

2

Plumbi

Den. 12.

Gran. 1. dim.

3

Argenti puri

Den. 10.

Gran. 21.

4

Plumbi cinerei Anglice Tynglasse.

Den. 10.

Gran. 13.

5

Cupri

Den. 9.

Gran. 8.

6

Aurichalchi

Den. 9.

Gran. 5.

7

Chalybis

Den. 8.

Gran. 10.

8

Æris Communis

Den. 8.

Gran. 9.

9

Ferri

Den. 8.

Gran. 6.

10

Stanni

Den. 7.

Gran. 22.

11

Magnetis

Den. 5.

Gran. 12.

12

Lapidis Lydii

Den. 3.

Gran. 1.

13

Marmoris

Den. 2.

Gran. 22. D.qu.

14

Silicis

Den. 2.

Gran. 22. D.

15

Vitri

Den. 2.

Gran. 20. D.

16

Crystalli

Den. 2.

Gran. 18.

17

Alabastri

Den. 2.

Gran. 12.

18

Salis Gemmœ

Den. 2.

Gran. 10.

19

Luti Communis

Den. 2.

Gran. 8. D.

20

Luti Albi

Den. 2.

Gran. 5. D.

21

Nitri

Den. 2.

Gran. 5.

22

Ossis Bovis

Den. 2.

Gran. 5.

23

Pulveris Margaritarum

Den. 2.

Gran. 2.

24

Sulphuris

Den. 2.

Gran. 2.

25

Terrœ Communis

Den. 2.

Gran. 1. D.

26

Vitrioli Albi

Den. 1.

Gran. 22.

27

Eboris

Den. 1.

Gran. 21. D.

28

Aluminis

Den. 1.

Gran. 21.

29

Page 8 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

15

20

25

30

35

Olei Vitrioli

Den. 1.

Gran. 21.

30

Arena Albœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 20.

31

Cretœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 18. D.

32

Olei Sulphuris

Den. 1.

Gran. 18.

33

Salis Communis

Den. 1.

Gran. 10.

34

Ligni vitœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 10.

35

Carnis ovillœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 10.

36

Aquœ fortis

Den. 1.

Gran. 7.

37

Cornu bovis

Den. 1.

Gran. 6.

38

Balsami Indi

Den. 1.

Gran. 6.

39

Ligni Santal rubei

Den. 1.

Gran. 5.

40

Gagatis

Den. 1.

Gran. 5.

41

Cœpœ recentis in corpore

Den. 1.

Gran. 5.

42

Caphurœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 4.

43

Radicis Caricœ recentis

Den. 1.

Gran. 4.

44

Ligni Ebeni

Den. 1.

Gran. 3. D.

45

Sem. fœniculi dulcis Den. 1.

Gran. 3. Dim.

46

Succini lucidi

Den. 1.

Gran.. 3.

47

Aceti

Den. 1.

Gran. 3. D.

48

Agrestœ ex pomis acerbis

Den. 1.

Gran. 3.

49

Aquœ communis

Den. 1.

Gran. 3. paulo minus.

50

Vrinœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 3.

51

Olei Caryophyllorum

Den. 1.

Gran. 3. paulo minus.

52

Vini Clareti

Den. 1.

Gran. 2. D.qu.

53

Sacchari Albi

Den. 1.

Gran. 2. D.

54

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5

10

15

20

Cerœ flavœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 2.

55

Radicis Chinœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 2.

56

Carnis pyri brumalis Den. 1. crudi

Gran. 2.

57

Aceti distillati

Den. 1.

Gran. 1.

58

Aquœ rosaceœ distillatœ

Den. 1.

Gran. 1.

59

Cineris Communis

Den. 1.

Gran. D.

60

Beniovisv

Den. 1.

Gran. 0.

61

Myrrhœ

Den. 1.

Gran. o.

62

Butyri

Den. 1.

Gran. o.

63

Adipis

Den. 1.

Gran. o.

64

Olei amygdalini dulcis

Den. 0.

Gran. 23. D.

Olei Maceris viridis expressi

Den. 0.

Gran. 23. D.

Herbœ Sampsuchi

Den. o.

Gran. Gran. 23.

Petrolei

Den. 0.

Gran. 23.

Florum Rosœ

Den. o.

Gran. 22.

Spiritus vini

Den. o.

Gran. 22.

Ligni quercus

Den. o.

Gran. 19. D.

Fuliginis Communis Den. 0. & Camino press.

Gran. 17.

Ligni abietis

Gran. 15.

Den. o.

r

[P1 ] |

Modus Experimenti circa Tabulam suprascriptam.

25

Intelligantur pondera quibus usi sumus ejus generis & computationis, quibus aurifabri utuntur, ut libra capiat uncias 12. uncia viginti Denarios, Denarius grana 24. Delegimus autem corpus auri, ad cujus exporrectionis mensuram reliquorum corporum rationes applicaremus, non tantum quia gravissimum, sed quia maxime unum & sui simile.

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30

5

Reliqua enim corpora quæ quiddam continent volatilis, etiam ignem passa varietatem retinent ponderis & spatii; sed aurum depuratum eam plane exuisse videtur, atque ubique simile esse. Experimentum vero hujusmodi erat. Unciam auri puri in figuram aleæ sive cubi ........................................................................................................................... pg 20 efformavimus; dein vasculum quadratum paravimus, quod corpus illud auri caperet, atque ei exacte conveniret, nisi quod esset nonnihil altius, ita tamen ut locus intra vasculum, quo cubus ille auri adscenderat lineâ conspicuâ signaretur. Id fecimus liquorum gratia, ut cum liquor aliquis intra idem vasculum immittendus esset, ne difflueret, atque hoc modo v

[P1 ] |

10

15

20

justa men sura commodius servari posset. Simul autem aliud vasculum fieri fecimus; quod cum altero illo, pondere & contento prorsus par esset; ut in pari vasculo corporis contend tantum ratio appareret. Tum cubos ejusdem Magnitudinis sive dimensi fieri fecimus, in omnibus materiis in Tabula specificatis, quæ sectionem pad possent; liquoribus vero ex tempore usi sumus, implendo scilicet vasculum quousque liquor ad locum ilium signatum adscenderet; Pulveres eodem modo; sed intelligantur pulveres maxime & fortiter compressi. Hoc enim potissimum ad æquationem pertinet, nec casum recipit. Itaque non alia fuit probatio quam ut unum ex vasculis vacuum cum uncia in una Lance, alterum ex vasculis cum corpore in altera parte poneretur, & ratio ponderis exciperetur; quod quanto esset diminutum, tanto dimensum ejusdem corporis intelligitur auctum. Exempli gratia, cum auri cubus det unciam unam, Adipis vero denarium unum; liquet exporrectionem corporis auri collatam ad exporrectionem corporis adipis habere rationem vicecuplam. Mensuræ autem ejus quæ unciam r

[P2 ] |

25

auri capiebat, modum etiam excipere & notare visum est; Ea erat pintæ vinariæ, qualis apud nos Anglos in usu est, pars 269 paulo minus. Probatio vero talis erat. Pondus Aquæ, quod intra vasculum sub illa linea continebatur, notavimus, ac tum pondus aquæ intra pintam contentum similiter notavimus, & ex rationibus ponderum rationes mensurarum collegimus.

MONITA.

30

[1] Videndum num forte contractio corporis arctior ex vi unita nanciscatur majorem rationem ponderis, quam pro quantitate materiæ; id

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utrum fiat nec ne ex historia propria ponderis constabit. Quod si fiat, fallit certe supputatio; & quo Corpora sunt extensiora, eò plus habent materiæ quam pro calculo ponderis & mensuræ, quæ ex eo pendet. ........................................................................................................................... pg 22 2. Parvitas vasis quo usi sumus, & forma etiam (licet ad cubos illos recipiendos habilis & apta) ad rationes exquisitas verificandas minus propria fuit. Nam nec minutias infra grani dimidium & quadrantem facile excipere licebat, & quadrata illa superficies in parvo nec sensibili 5

v

[P2 ] |

adscensu sive altitudine notabi lem ponderis differentiam trahere potuit contra quam fit in vasis in acutum surgentibus.

10

15

20

3. Minime dubium est etiam complura corpora, quæ in Tabula ponuntur, intra suam speciem magis & minus recipere quoad pondera & dimensa. Nam & aquæ & vina, & similia sunt certe alia aliis graviora. Itaque quoad calculationem exquisitam casum quendam ista res recipit; neque ea individua, in quæ Experimentum nostrum incidit, naturam speciei exacte referre, neque cum aliorum experimentis fortasse omnino in minimis consentire possunt. 4. In Tabulam superiorem conjecimus ea corpora, quæ spatium sive mensuram commode implere corpore integro, & tamquam similari possent, quæque etiam pondus habeant, ex cujus rationibus de materiæ coacervatione judicium faciamus. Itaque tria genera corporum huc retrahi non poterant. Primo, ea quæ dimensioni cubicæ satisfacere non poterant, ut folia, flores, pelliculæ, membranæ. Secundo, corpora inæqualiter cava & porosa, ut spongiæ, suber, vellera. Tertio, pneumatica [quia] pondere non dotantur.

r

[P3 ] |

25

OBSERVATIONES.

Coacervatio materiæ in corporibus Tangibilibus, quæ ad nostram notitiam pervenerunt, intra rationes partium 21 vel circiter vertuntur. Coacervatio enim maxime compacta invenitur in auro, maxime expansa in spiritu vini, (ex corporibus dicimus quæ unita sunt, nec evidenter porosa). Namque spiritus vini occupat spatium vicies & semel repetitum, quod occupat aurum, juxta rationes unciæ unius ad grana 22.

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30

Ex 21 enim illis partibus, quibus corpora alia aliis sunt magis compacta, 13 partes occupant metalla; nam stannum, quod metallorum est levissimum, ponderis est denar. fere 8, quod decrevit infra pondus auri denariis 13. Omnigena autem illa varietas postquam à metallis decessimus, intra 8 illas reliquas partes clauditur; ac rursus insignis illa varietas, quæ incipiendo à lapidibus inclusive ad alia illa protenditur, ........................................................................................................................... pg 24 intra tres tantum partes aut non multo plus cohibetur. Nam lapis Lydius, qui est ex lapidibus gravissimus (excepto Magnete) parum v

[P3 ] |

denariis 3 præponderat. Spiritus autem vini, qui est terminus le vitatis in corporibus unitis, denario uno paulo levior est. 5

10

15

Videtur saltus magnus sive hiatus ab auro & argento vivo ad plumbum; scilicet a 20 denariis & paulo minus ad 12. Atque licet metallica magna varietate exuberent, vix tamen existimamus in hoc hiatu multa inveniri corpora media; nisi sint prorsus rudimenta Argenti vivi. A plumbo autem gradatim adscenditur ad ferrum & stannum. Rursus alterum magnum hiatum sive saltum invenimus inter metalla & lapides; scilicet ab 8 denariis ad tres; tantum enim aut circiter à stanno distat ad lapidem Lydium. Solummodo inter hæc se interponit, & fere ex æquo Magnes, qui est lapis Metallicus, atque existimamus inveniri & alia fossilia misturæ imperfectæ, & compositæ naturæ inter metallum & lapides. A lapidibus certe ad reliqua parvis intervallis proceditur. In vegetabilibus autem minime dubitamus, ac etiam in partibus Animalium se ostendere quam plura corpora etiam satis æqualis texturæ, quæ spiritum vini levitate superent. Namque etiam lignum quercûs, quæ videtur esse ex lignis robustis & solidis, spiritu vini est

20

r

[P4 ] |

25

levius; & lignum Abietis adhuc magis. Florum autem & foliorum plurima, & membranæ & pelliculæ, ut spolia Serpentum & alæ insectorum, & similia, procul dubio ad minores rationes ponderum (si dimensionem illam cubicam capere possent) accederent, ac multo magis artificialia, ut papyrus, linteus pannus exstinctus (quali ad fomites flammarum utimur) folia rosarum quæ supersunt à distillatione, & hujusmodi. Reperimus plerumque in partibus animalium corpora nonnulla

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30

35

magis compacta, quam in plantis. Ossa enim & carnes magis sunt compacta, quam ligna & folia; cohibenda ac etiam corrigenda est illa cogitatio, in quam animus humanus propendet; compacta nimirum quæque & maxime solida, esse durissima, & consistere maxime; fluido vero adesse naturam minus contractam. Nam coacervatio materiæ non minor est in corporibus quæ fluunt, quam in iis, quæ consistunt, sed major potius. Siquidem Aurum mollitie quadam vergit ad fluorem, atque cum liquescit neutiquam extenditur, sed priore spatio continetur. Et Argentum vivum ex se fluit, & plumbum facile fluit, ferrum ægre, v

[P4 ] |

quorum alte rum ex gravissimis metallis est, alterum ex levissimis. Sed ........................................................................................................................... pg 26 illud præcipuum quod generaliter metalla, lapides (fluida videlicet corpora fragilia) pondere longe superent.

5

10

15

Accidit Auro & Argento vivo, quæ ex metallis reliquis tanto sunt graviora, res mira, nempe ut reperiantur quandoque in granis & parvis portionibus quasi à natura perfecta, & fere pura; quod nulli fere aliorum metallorum contingit, quæ necesse habent ut per ignem purgentur, & coëant; cum tamen hæc duo, quorum coitio longe maxima est & verissima, id à natura quandoque absque ignis beneficio consequantur. In Inquisitione de re metallica ac de natura lapidum attendatur parum, quæ sint ea metalla, quœ solent esse cæteris depressiora & magis in profundo sita, si quæ hujus rei norma sit & Experimentum constans; in quo tamen ipso ratio habenda est Regionis in qua fodinæ sunt, an ipsa fuerit terra alta, an terra humilis. Similiter de Lapidibus & Gemmis, Crystallis, an natura lapidea penetret terram tam profunde, quam metallica, an potius in superficie hæreat, quod magis existimamus. r

[P5 ] |

20

Sulphur, quem patrem metallorum esse communis est opinio, licet à peritioribus fere repudiata, aut ad sulphurem quendam naturalem non communem translata, habet coacervationem materiæ, omni metallo, etiam Lapidibus, & terris robustioribus inferiorem, scilicet denariorum 2 & granorum 2; neque id tamen obstat (si cætera convenirent) quin cum Mercurio confusum, propter ejusdem eximiam gravitatem,

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pondera omnium metallorum pro ratione temperamenti reddere posset, præter pondus Auri. 25

30

Efficiens coitionis in corporibus ad coacervationem non semper spectatur. Nam vitrum quod coit per ignem acrem & fortem, præponderat Crystallo, quod nativum est & educitur sine igne aut evidenti calore (nam quod glacies sit concreta, id populare est atque ipsum crystallum longe ponderosius est [glacie], quæ manifeste à frigore cogitur, ac tamen aquæ supernatat). Mixtura liquorum ex rationibus ponderum solummodo non pendet ........................................................................................................................... pg 28 aut procedit, siquidem spiritus vini cum oleo amigdalarum expresso v

[P5 ] |

5

10

15

non miscetur; sed (quod quis fortasse non putaret) su pernatat oleo, quemadmodum oleum supernatat aquæ; & tamen grano tantum & dimidio (ut in Tabula conspicitur) levior est. At idem spiritus vini Aquæ licet graviori longe facilius miscetur; ut & Aqua ipsa rursus facilius miscetur cum oleo vitrioli, quam cum oleo amigdalarum; & tamen oleum vitrioli aquâ est granis 18 gravius; oleum amigdalarum verò tantum granis 4 levius. Neque hoc accipiendum est, quin in corporibus proportionatis ad mixturam præcipua sit ponderis ratio. Nam videmus vinum aquæ supernatare, si cohibeatur agitatio, vel primi casus sive descensus perturbatio; veluti cum in vase, ubi continetur aqua, vinum superinfunditur, sed mediante offa panis, vel linteo, quod vim ipsam casus primi frangat. Atque idem in aqua super oleum vitrioli, cum hac industriâ infusâ, usu venit. Atque quod magis est, licet vinum infundatur prius & aqua posterius, (super offam, vel per pannum ut dictum est) invenit locum suum, & permeat per vinum, & in fundo se colligit. Continuatio Historiœ Coitionis & Expansionis Materiœ in Corpore eodem. r

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Rationes pulverum majore cum utilitate inquiri, si fiat collatio eorum cum corporibus ipsorum integris, quam si ponerentur per se & simpliciter, judicavimus. Hoc enim modo & de corporum diversitate, & de arctissimis illis naturæ integralis nexibus & vinculis judicium fieri, & rationes iniri posse animum advertimus. Intelligimus autem in Page 15 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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rationibus pulverum, pulveres fortiter & maxime pressos. Hoc enim facit ad æquationem, nec recipit casum. Mercurius in corpore habet in mensura illa Experimentali, secundum quam Tabula ordinatur, denar. 19. Grana 9; sublimatus vero in pulvere habet denar. 3. gran. 22; plumbum in corpore denar. 12. gran. 1. dimid., in Cerussa vero in pulvere Denar. 4. gran. 8. dimid. Chalibs in corpore denar. 8. gran. 10. In pulvere præparato (quali ad Medicinas utimur) denar. 2. gran. 9. Crystallum in corpore denar. 2. gran. 18; in pulvere Denar. 1. gran. 20.

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Santalum rubeum in corpore denar. 1. gran. 5. dimid., in pulvere gran. 16. dimid. ........................................................................................................................... pg 30 Lignum quercus in corpore gran. 19. dimid., in cinere denar. 1. gran. 2. Ut autem melius intelligantur rationes pulveris pressi & non pressi, v

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idque pro diversitate corporum, nos pondus Rosarum, quod integraliter in Tabulam recipi non poterat, in pulvere excepimus; illud in pulvere non presso dabat gran. 7, in pulvere presso gran. 22; sed idem in ligno Santali rubei experti, Santalum rubeum in pulvere non presso gran. 10, in pulvere presso gran. 16 dimid. dare comperimus, ut sit pulvis Rosæ pulvere santali, si non premantur, multo levior, si premantur, gravior. Etiam ad supplementum Tabulæ prioris rationes pulveris excepimus in aliquo ex floribus, ex herbis, & ex seminibus, (nam radicum dimensio cubica esse poterat) ad exemplum reliquorum in sua specie; ac invenimus pulverem floris rosæ, ut superius dictum est, dare gran. 22, herbæ sampsuchi gran. 23, Seminis fœniculi dulcis denar. 1. gran. 3. dimid. Etiam aliorum corporum, quæ in Tabula recipi non poterant, pondera in pulveribus excepimus, ut Arenæ Albæ. Hæc dabat denar. 1. gran. 20; Salis communis, qui dat denar. 1. gran. 10; Sacchari, quod dat denar. 1. gran. 2. dimid. Myrrhæ, quæ dat denar. 1; Beniovis, quæ dat denar. 1. Conspicere autem est in ipsa Tabulâ sulphur in r

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corpore dare denar. 2. gran. 2, in oleo Chymico denar. 1. gran. 18; vitriolum autem in corpore denar. 1. gran. 22, in oleo denar. 1. gran. 21; Vinum in corpore dare denar. 1. gran. 2. d. qu., in distillato gran. 22; Acetum in corpore dare denar. 1. gran. 2. d., in distillato denar. 1. Page 16 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

gran. 1.

MONITA. 25

Quando dicimus pondus in corpore, pondus in pulvere, non intelligimus de eodem individuo, sed de corpore & pulvere ejusdem speciei, intra eandem illam mensuram Tabularem contento. Nam si ........................................................................................................................... pg 32 lignum quercus accipiatur, & idem lignum in individuo in cinerem redigatur, & plurimum de pondere deperdit, & cinis ille mensuram ligni ex magna parte non implet.

5

Modus versionis corporis in pulverem ad apertionem sive expansionem corporis multum facit. Alia enim est ratio pulveris, qui fit per simplicem contusionem sive limaturam: Alia ejus qui per distillationem ut sublimati: Alia ejus qui per aquas fortes & erosionem vertendo tamquam in rubiginem: Alia ejus qui per exustionem ut cinis, v

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calx. I taque ista cum ad contemplationem adhibeantur, æquiparari nullo modo debent.

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Nos in singulis diutius quam pro instituti nostri ratione morari non possumus, & tamen quæ præstare non licet, designare juvat; Ea demum foret Tabula exacta corporum cum suis aperturis, quæ corpora singula cum pulveribus suis, cum calcibus suis, cum vitrificationibus suis, cum dissolutionibus suis, cum distillatis suis conferret. Historia variationis ponderum in Individuis, id est ejusdem corporis integri & pulverizati, ut ejusdem aquæ in Nive aut glacie [fixæ] & solutæ, ejusdem ovi crudi & cocti, ejusdem pulli vivi & mortui, & similium, ad historiam propriam ponderum rejicimus.

OBSERVATIONES.

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In corporibus magis compactis longe arctior est compactio partium, quam ulla pulverum suorum positione aut pressura æquari potest. Et quo corpora sunt graviora & solidiora, eò major differentia redundat inter integra sua & aperturas suas, ut Ratio Argenti vivi crudi ad sublimatum in pulvere est quintupla, & amplius; Rationes chalibis & r

[P8 ]

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plumbi non adscendunt ad quadruplam; Rationes crystalli & Santali non adscendunt ad duplam.

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In corporibus levioribus & porosis laxior fortasse est partium positura in integris, quam in pulveribus pressis, ut in foliis siccis rosarum. Atque in hujusmodi corporibus major intercedit differentia inter pulveres suos pressos & non pressos. ........................................................................................................................... pg 34 Pulverum partes ita se sustentare possunt, ut pulvis non pressus triplicem impleat mensuram ad pulverem pressum.

5

Corpora Metallica, ut Sulphur, Vitriolum, in Olea, quæ vocant, conversa, pondus eximie retinent, nec magnum intercedit discrimen inter olea & ipsa corpora. Destillata procul dubio attenuantur & pondere decrescunt; sed hoc facit vinum duplo plus quam acetum.

10

Dignissima Observatione est insignis illa Apertura in pulvere sublimati ad corpus crudum, hoc nomine, quod licet tanta sit (quintupla enim est, ut diximus) idque in corpore non transeunte, ut in vaporibus Argenti vivi, sed consistente, tamen tam parvo negotio rursus coit ad veterem sphæram. v

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Continuatio Historiœ Coitionis & Expansionis Materiœ per spatia in corpore eodem. 15

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Animalia natando palmis vel pedibus aquam deprimunt, ea ultra naturalem consistentiam depressa & densata resurgit, resurgens corpus grave sublevat & sustinet. Homines vero natandi peritiores corpus suum super aquam ita librare possunt, ut ad tempus absque motu brachiorum vel tibiarum se sustineant; etiam pedibus aquam calcant erecti, & alias agilitates super aquam exercent. Aves certe aquatiles palmipedes sunt, & pedum membranis aquam apte deprimunt; in profundiore autem aqua facilior est natatio. Aves volando aërem alis verberant & condensant, aer vero (ut superius de aqua dictum est) ad consistentiam suam se restituens avem

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vehit. Atque aves quoque nonnunquam radunt iter suum expansis, sed immotis alis, aut subinde alas parum concutiendo, atque iterum labendo. Neque dissimilis est ratio pennatorum & aliorum volatilium. Nam Muscæ & id genus habent suas alarum tunicas, quibus aërem pulsant. Infirmitas autem alarum parva corporis mole sive pondere r

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com pensatur. Etiam in sublimi facilius feruntur alata, præsertim quæ alas habent amplitudine latiores, motu non ita pernices, ut Ardea. Atque omnes aves, quæ adiquantæ magnitudinis sunt, magis laboriose feruntur, cum primum se à terra elevant, ubi scilicet necesse est aërem esse minus profundum. ........................................................................................................................... pg 36

MONITVM.

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Motus condensationis in aqua, aut aëre, aut similibus per verberationem sive impulsionem manifestus est. Is hujusmodi est. Aëris vel aquæ partes quanto ab impulsu primo seu verbere remotiores sunt, tanto infirmius impetuntur & tardius cedunt; quanto autem propius, tanto fortius & velocius, unde necessario fit, ut anterior aër celerius fugiens posteriorem tardius se expedientem consequatur, atque hoc modo coëant. Postquam autem ex ea coitione major provenerit condensatio quam Natura patitur, corpora aquæ vel aëris ut se aperiant & laxent, resiliunt & revertuntur. v

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HISTORIA.

Facies aquæ atque omnis fluidi ab agitatione & perturbatione inæqualis est, idque inæqualitate mobili & successiva, quousque aqua debitam recuperet consistentiam, & pressura liberetur, ut in undis Maris, & fluviorum, etiam postquam venti conciderint, & in omni Aqua quovis modo turbata. Neque dubium est, quin & similis inæqualitas versetur in venntis, qui & ipsi in morem fluctuum se volvunt; neque vel cessante prima violentia se subito recipiunt in tranquillitatem; nisi quod in undulatione aëris non intervenit motus gravitatis, qui in aqua cum motu liberationis à pressura conjungitur. Page 19 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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Lapis super aquam lateraliter jactus (ut pueri ludendo solent) resilit atque iterum & sæpius cadit, & ab aqua repercutitur. Etiam natantes cum ex loco altiore in aquas se saltu dejiciunt, cavent sibi, ne in femorum juncturâ vi aquæ secentur. Denique aqua manu aut corpore fortiter percussa ferulæ aut Corporis durioris instar verberat, & dolorem r

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incutit. Atque in scaphis & carinis, quæ vi remorum aguntur, aqua remis pone remiges trusa & pressa, non aliter scapham impellit, eamque prolabi & emicare cogit, quam cum conto ad littus posito scapha à littore summovetur. Neque enim ejus rei causa præcipua est, aqua pone puppim scaphæ se colligens, & scapham in contrarium protrudens, quod ipsum tamen fit à pressura se laxante. Aër ad evitandam pressuram omnia opera corporis solidi & robusti ........................................................................................................................... pg 38 edit & imitatur, ut fit in ventis, qui naves agunt, arbores evertunt, domos prosternunt, & similia. Etiam non alia vi, quam ipsorum anhelitu cum balista cavâ & longâ, quæ aëris compressionem juvet, jaculamur ictu nonnullo.

5

Pueri ad imitationem tormentorum alnum excavant, & partes radicis Iridis, aut papyri globulati ad utrumque siphonis finem infarciunt, deinde cum embolo ligneo globulum protrudendo emittunt, globulus autem ulterior emittitur cum sono & impetu, antequam ab Embolo ullo modo tangatur, à vi aëris inclusi & compressi.

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Aër impulsu densatus frigidior, & magis ad naturam aquæ v

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appropinquans vi detur, ut cum flabris ventum facimus, aut concitato gradu aërem impellendo rursus reflantem sentimus, aut ore contracto frigidum spiramus, aut ex follibus ventum emittimus. Quin etiam sub dio vends flantibus, major fit refrigeratio, quam aëre quieto & placido. 15

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In sonorum generatione aër densatus corporis solidi naturam imitatur, nam quemadmodum inter duo corpora solida percussione sonus generatur, ita etiam inter corpus solidum & aërem densatum fit sonus, & rursus inter aërem densatum, & alium aërem ex adverso densatum. Nam in Instrumentis Musicis cum chordis manifestum est sonum non emitti ex tactu seu percussione inter digitum vel plectrum & chordam, sed inter chordam & aërem. Chorda enim cum resilit, Page 20 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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idque motu celerrimo propter intensionem, aërem primò densat, dein percutit. Instrumenta autem ex spiritu, propter infirmiorem motum spiritus quam chordæ, necesse habent, ut formâ sint cavâ & conclusâ ad juvandam compressionem aëris; quod etiam in Instrumentis cum chordis juvamenti loco adhibetur. r

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Aqua arctata & constipata magno im petu se laxat & diffundit in latera, ut latitudinem debitam consequatur, ut sub arcubus pontium. Simili modo & ventus per angustias densatus invalescit & furit. Adversi autem gurgites aquarum turbines aquarum generant vorticosos, ut quoniam debita relaxatio fieri non potest, singulæ partes pressuram ex æquo tolerent. Aqua ex angustiis subito violenter emissa corporis continui veluti fili aut virgœ, aut trunci imaginem refert, & fit primum directa, post ........................................................................................................................... pg 40 arcuata, deinde se scindit, & in guttas hinc illinc in orbem se dispertit, ut in fistulis sive syringis & impluviis.

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Est genus turbinis in paludibus non infrequens, præsertim post fœnum demessum, aut saltem ex ea occasione se conspiciendum præbens. Iste typhon quandoque cumulum fœni in aërem sublevat, & ad tempus fere unitum & non multum dispersum evehit, donec postquam ad altitudinem magnam evectum sit, fœnum conopei instar distendat & spargat. Catinum ligneum vacuum versum, & ad superficiem aquœ æqualiter appositum, & postea sub aquam demersum, secum portat usque ad v

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fundum vasis aerem uni versum, qui antea in catino continebatur: quod si cum simili æquilibrio rursus ex aquâ educatur, invenias aërem in non multo minus spatium, quam antea implebat, se recepisse, quod ex coloratione labri catini ad locum quo aqua adscenderat, & à quo introrsum aër se receperat, manifestum erit. In cubiculo ubi ventus flarit apertâ fenestrâ, si non detur exitus ex aliqua alia parte, ventus, nisi vehemens fuerit, non admodum sentitur, cum à corpore aëris, quod cubiculum impleverat, & sub primo flatu nonnihil densatum fuerat, & amplius densari recusat, non recipiatur;

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dato autem exitu tum demum manifesto sentitur. Ad commodiorem moram operariorum, qui sub aqua opus aliquod moliuntur & peragunt, excogitatum fuit, ut dolium quoddam instar alvei pararetur ex metallo sive aliqua materia, quæ fundum peteret, id tripode sustineretur pedibus ad labrum dolii affixis, qui pedes essent altitudinis minoris quam staturœ hominis. Dolium istud in profundum demittebatur, cum universo quem continebat aëre, eo modo, quo de r

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35

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catino dictum est, & in pedes suos plantabatur & stabat, juxta locum ubi opus faciendum esset. Urinatores autem, qui iidem erant operarii, cum sibi respiratione opus esset, caput in cavum dolii inserebant, & recepto aëre rursus ad opus se conferebant. Nos quoque in balneo famulum fecimus caput suum in pelvem subter aquam cum aëre depressam inserere, qui ad dimidium quartœ partis horæ sub eodem mansit, donec aërem ex anhelitu suo tepefactum, sensum quendam suffocationis induxisse sentiret. Aër exiguam aliquam contractionem non ægre admittit; id in vesica experiri res fallax est. Nam cum inflatur vesica, densatur ipso flatu aer, ........................................................................................................................... pg 42 ut aer intra vesicam densior sit, quam aer communis, ideoque non mirum est, si ad novam condensationem sit ineptior. Sed in experimento illo vulgari de catino ligneo subter aquam depresso cerni datur aquam subintrantem ex extremo vasis nonnihil occupasse, atque aërem tantidem spatii detrimentum fecisse. Sed ut de proportione magis liquido constet; globulum, vel aliud corpus solidum, & ima petentem, in fundo vasis posuimus super quod v

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Catinus imponendus esset, tum Catinum (metallicum scilicet non ligneum, quod in imo vasis stare ex sese posset) superimposuimus. Quod si corpus illud exiguæ sit magnitudinis, cum in concavum catini recipitur, aërem contrudit non extrudit. Quod si grandioris fuerit magnitudinis, quam ut aër libenter cedat, tum aër, majoris pressuræ impatiens, catinum ex aliqua parte elevat, & in bullis adscendit. Atque fieri fecimus Globum cavum ex plumbo lateribus non admodum exilibus, ut vim mallei vel torcularis sustinere melius posset. Globus autem ille malleis percussus ad utrumque polum, ad Page 22 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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planisphærium magis & magis appropinquabat. Atque sub primis contusionibus facilius cedebat, postea pro modo condensationis, ægrius; ut ad extremum mallei non multum proficerent; sed pressorio, eoque forti opus esset. Verum id præcepimus, ut à pressuris aliqui dies interponerentur, quod in præsentia nihil attinet, sed alio spectat. Aër in vasa clausa exuctione forti extenditur seu dilatatur, adeo ut parte aëris sublata, reliquus aër tamen eandem mensuram impleat, quam totus impleverat; ita tamen ut magna contentione se restituere, &

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r

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ab illa tensura liberare nitatur. Id videre est in ovis, quæ aquam odoratam continent & per lusum jaciuntur & franguntur, ut adspersione & odore suavi aërem imbuant. Modus autem est ut parvo admodum facto in extremo ovi foramine, ovi cibum universum exsugant, integra testa; tum vero fortiter aërem ipsum, qui subintravit, exsuctione forti alliciant, & statim sub exsuctione digito foramen obturent, atque ovum hoc modo clausum subter aquam illam ponant, & tum demum digitum amoveant. Aër vero tensura illa tortus, & se recipere nitens, aquam trahit & introcipit, quousque portio illa aëris antiquam recuperet consistentiam. ........................................................................................................................... pg 44 Nos idem cum ovo vitreo experti sumus, & aquam receptam circa octavam partem conteni reperimus; tantum scilicet aër per exsuctionem erat extensus. Sed hoc pro violentia majore aut minore exsuctionis casum recipit. Sub finem vero exsuctionis labrum ipsum trahebat. Sed præterea cura nobis fuit novi experimenti, nimirum ut postquam exsuctio facta fuisset foramen cera bene obturaretur, & ovum ita obturatum per diem integrum maneret. Id eo fecimus, ut v

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experiremur ut mora illa appetitum aëris minueret, ut fit in rebus consistentibus, viminibus, laminis ferreis & similibus, quorum motus ad se recipiendum à tensura, mora elanguescit; sed comperimus tantula illa morâ nihil effectum, quin ovum illud æque fortiter ac similem traheret aquæ quantitatem, ac si continuo ab exsuctione immissum esset; adeo ut etiam foramine illius aperto extra aquam novum aërem cum sonitu & sibilo manifesto traheret, sed effectum ulterioris moræ experiri negleximus. In follibus si nullum detur spiraculum, & subito folles eleventur &

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aperiantur, franguntur; scilicet cum attrahi non possit per rostri follium angustias tanta aëris quantitas, quæ ventrem à plano in altum subito surgentem implere possit, nec aër, qui adest, in tantum extendi; unde sequitur follium effractio.

HISTORIA. Si aqua accipiatur in vitro ad mensuram justam, & locus usque quem aqua adscenderit signetur, & immittatur in aquam cinis communis per cribrum mundatus, & permittatur donec resederit; videbis spatium in 25

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fundo cine re occupatum adscendere quadruplo altius, quam corpus aquæ in superficie adscenderit à loco prius signato, ita ut manifestum sit, aquam cum cinere commistam, aut sphæram mutare & se contrahere, aut cinerem intra cava aquæ recipere, cum nullo modo se expandat pro ratione cineris recepti. Verum si hoc in arena vel tenuissima (sed neutiquam calcinata aut combusta) experieris, videbis aquam surgere in superficie, pari spatio ac arena surrexerit in fundo. Existimamus etiam Infusiones plerasque aquas onerare, neque tamen extendere pro mole corporis recepti; verum hujus rei experimentum omisimus. ........................................................................................................................... pg 46

MONITVM.

5

Motum successionis, quem motum ne detur vacuum appellant, nullo modo cum motu receptionis à tensura confundimus. Sunt enim duo isti motus tempore & opere conjuncti, ratione diversi, ut in propria Historia ejus motus patebit.

[HISTORIA.] Aër per respirationem receptus exigua mora ita naturam vaporis v

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induit, ut & speculum caligine quadam, & tanquam roscida materia obducat, & frigore brumali circa barbam congeletur. Illa autem irroratio supra laminam ensis lucidam, aut adamantem, instar nubeculæ dissipatur, ut corpus politum se veluti expurget.

Page 24 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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Modus processus aquæ circa expansionem & contractionem, quæ fiunt in ejus corpore, mediante igne, hujusmodi est. Aqua modico calore lacessita vaporem paucum & rarum emittit, antequam intra corpus ejus alia conspiciatur mutatio; deinde continuato & aucto calore, corpore tamen integro, non insurgit, nec etiam bullis minutioribus in modum spumæ effervescit, sed per bullas majores adscendens in vaporem copiosum se solvit, cito autem evolat aqua & absumitur. Atque vapor ille, si non impediatur, aëri se miscet, primum conspicuus, etiam postquam conspectum effugerit sensibilis, vel odorem fundendo, vel etiam aërem ad tactum & anhelitum humectando & leniendo. Tandem vero intra pelagus illud aëris se condit & disperdit. Quod si prius occurrat corpus solidum (& eò magis si æquale fuerit & politum) vapor ille se ipse subingreditur, & in aquam r

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restituitur excludendo sive ex cernendo aërem, qui prius vapori immistus fuerat. Atque universus ille processus & in decoctione aquæ, ut in destillatione fit manifestus. Sed porro videmus vapores, qui à terra emittuntur, si penitus à calore solis dissipati atque edomiti non fuerint, neque ab aëris frigore fortasse corpori ipsi aëris æqualiter commisti, licet corpori solido non occurrant, tamen à frigore & ipsa caloris destitutione, in aquam restitui, ut in rore vespertino præsentius, in pluviis tardius fit. Ex æstimatione eaque diligenti statuimus, expansionem aeris, si ad aquam conferatur, ad rationem centuplam, vicecuplam aut circiter accedere. ........................................................................................................................... pg 48

Historia Exporrectionis Materiœ in pneumaticis.

5

Phialam vitream accepimus, quæ unciam fortasse unam capere posset; parvitatem autem vasis duas ob causas experimento convenire existimavimus; unam, quod minore cum calore ad bullitionem properaret, ne forte calore intensiore vesica, quæ superimponenda esset, adureretur atque exsiccaretur; alteram, ut minorem portionem aëris in ea parte, quæ aqua implenda non esset, caperet; cum ipsum aërem v

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extensionem per ignem suscipere probe cognossemus. Itaque ut illa extensio rationes aquæ minus disturbaret, non multum aëris adhiberi consultum putavimus. Phiala autem erat ejus figuræ, non quæ collum rectum haberet sine limbo sive labro (nam in hujusmodi phiala aquœ

Page 25 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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vapor citius destillaret, & in partem vesicæ collo phialæ conjunctam ros incumberet & delaberetur) sed quæ collum haberet paululum primo adductum, & deinde tamquam reversum cum labro. Hanc phialam ad dimidiam non amplius (existimantes hoc etiam ad celeritatem bullitionis conferre) aquâ implevimus, atque pondus aquæ cum phiala ipsa exacte notavimus per arenam in bilance immissam; deinde vesicam accepimus, quæ circiter pintam dimidiam contineret. Eam accepimus non veterem neque siccam & per siccitatem magis renitentem, sed recentem & molliorem; vesicam autem primo in sufflando probavimus an integra esset, ne forte foramina haberet, postea ex eadem aërem omnem, quoad fieri potuit, expressimus. Etiam prius vesicam oleo extra oblivimus, & oleum quoque fricatione nonnulla recipi fecimus. Hoc eo r

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pertinebat ut vesica clausior esset, ejus si qua erat porositate oleo obturata. Hanc vesicam circa os phialæ, ore phialæ intra os vesicæ recepto, fortiter ligavimus, filo parum cerato, ut melius adhæresceret & arctius ligaret. Sed hoc ipsum melius fit luto ex farina & albumine ovi facto & cum papyro nigra ligato & bene siccato, ut experti sumus. Tum demum phialam supra carbones ardentes in foculo collocavimus. Aqua non ita multo post bullire incepit, ac paulatim vesicam ex omni parte sufflare, & fere ad rupturam usque extendere. Continuo vitrum ab igne removimus, & super tapetem posuimus, ne frigore vitrum disrumperetur; & statim in summitate vesicæ foramen acu fecimus, ne vapor cessante calore in aquam restitutus recideret ac rationes confunderet. Postea vero vesicam ipsam cum filo sustulimus, lutum autem si adhibitum fuerat expurgavimus, tum rursus aquam, quæ remanserat, cum phiala sua ponderavimus; comperimus autem circiter ........................................................................................................................... pg 50 pondus duorum denariorum per vaporem absumptum fuisse. Quicquid autem corporis vesicam cum sufflata esset impleverat, ex illo, quod de aqua perditum fuerat, factum & productum fuisse cognovimus. Itaque v

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materia cum in corpore aquæ contracta fuisset, tantum implebat spatii, quantum pondus 2 denariorum corporis aquæ implebat; at eadem materia in corpore vaporis expansa dimidiam pintam implebat. Itaque secundum dimensionem in tabula expressam rationes subduximus; vapor aquæ ad corpus aquœ; habere potest rationem octogecuplam. Vesica eo, quo diximus, modo sufflata, si nullum detur spiraculum, sed integra ab igne removeatur, statim ab inflatione illa decrescit, &

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subsidet, & contrahitur. Vapor dum vesica turget ex foramine emissus, aliam fere speciem à vapore communi aquæ habebat, magis raram & perspicuam, & erectam, nec cum aere tam cito se miscentem.

MONITA. 15

Ne quis putet, si major fuisset aquæ absumptio, tanto majorem vesicam impleri potuisse; nobis enim hoc expertis res non successit, sed inflatio quæ fit, fere confertim fit, nec gradatim. Id partim adustioni vesicæ tribuimus quæ facta est obstinatior nec cedebat facile, & erat forte porosior (hoc vero calore humido, ut balneo Mariæ, corrigi poterat), sed

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r

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illud magis in causa esse putamus, quod vapor copiosior factus per successionem continuam, vergit ad restitutionem, & seipse condensat. Itaque nec est æquiparandus vapor iste, qui in vesicam recipitur, vaporibus qui intra clibanos recipiuntur, quia illi se mutuo subsequentes & trudentes densant, isti vero à vesicæ mollitie & cessione, præsertim sub initiis (ut diximus) antequam copia restitutionem incitet, se expandunt ut volunt. Expansio vaporis aquæ omnino non est judicanda ex adspectu vaporis, qui in aërem evolat; ille enim vapor statim cum aëre mistus longe maximam corporis misti dimensionem ab aëre mutuatur, nec sua stat mole. Itaque amplificatur ad molem quampiam aeris in quem recipitur, ad exemplum parvæ portionis vini rubei, aut alterius rei infectæ & coloratæ quæ magnam quantitatem aquæ tingit. Rationes exactæ in tanta subtilitate, nec sine inutili & curiosa indagine, haberi possunt, nec ad id quod agitur magnopere juvant. Satis est, ut pateat ex ........................................................................................................................... pg 52 hoc experimento, rationem vaporis ad aquam non esse duplam, non decuplam, non quadragecuplam, non rursus ducentuplam, non v

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millecuplam, &c. Termini enim Na turarum, non gradus in præsentia investigantur. Itaque si quis suo experimento in rationem istam octogecuplam, (vel propter figuræ Vitri differentiam, vel propter vesicæ duritiem, aut mollitiem, vel propter caloris modum) non incidat, id rem nullius esse momenti sciat. Nemo erit (existimamus) tam imperitus, qui putet pneumatica & volatilia quæ ex corporibus ponderosis evolant, latere in poris eorundem corporum, nec esse illam ipsam materiam quæ

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ponderosa erat, sed à ponderosa parte separari, cum aqua quasi tota consumatur, & ad nihilum evaporet. Pruna ardens si in bilance ponatur, & usque ad exstinctionem permittatur ut sit carbo, longe levior invenietur. Metalla ipsa per evolationes fumorum pondere insigniter mutantur. Itaque prorsus eadem materia numero tangibilis est & pondere dotatur, & fit pneumatica & pondus exuit.

HISTORIA. Modus processus olei talis est; si accipiatur oleum in phiala vitrea vulgari, & ponatur super ignem, tardius multò bullire incipit, & r

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majorem calo rem ad hoc ut bulliat desiderat, quam aqua. Ac primò guttulæ quædam aut granula per corpus olei sparsa apparent, adscendentia cum crepitatione quadam; Interim nec bullae in superficie ludunt, ut in aquâ fit, nec corpus integrum mole insurgit, nec quicquam fere halitus evolat, sed paulo post corpus integrum inflatur, & dilatatur proportione notabili tamquam ad duplum insurgens. Tum demum copiosissimus & spissus evolat halitus: ad illum halitum si flamma admoveatur, etiam bono spatio supra os phialæ, flammam halitus continuo concipit, atque statim ad os phialæ descendit, atque ibi se figit, & perpetuo ardet. Quod si etiam majorem in modum calefactum fuerit oleum, ad extremum halitus ille extra vitrum flammans absque flamma aut corpore aliquo ignito admoto, prorsus se ipse inflammat & expansionem flammæ induit. ........................................................................................................................... pg 54

MONITVM. Videndum est ut phiala sit oris angustioris, ut fumos constringat, ne aëri se statim ac largiter miscentes naturam inflammabilem deponant. v

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HISTORIA. 5

Modus processus spiritus vini talis est. Ille minore multo calore excitatur & celerius ad expansionem se comparat, eamque præstat, quam aqua.

Page 28 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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Ebullit autem magnis utique bullis absque spuma, aut etiam totius corporis elevatione, vapor autem ejus dum confertus est, in bona ab ore vitri distantiâ, flammâ admotâ flammam concipit, non tam lucidam certe & bene compactam, quam oleum, sed tenuem & jejunam, cœruleam quoque & fere perspicuam. Inflammatus autem fertur ad os vitri, ubi pabuli magis copiosi datur subministratio, quemadmodum & oleum. Verum tamen si inflammetur vapor in parte ab ore vitri nonnihil deflectente in obliquum, fit inflammatio in aëre pensilis, undulata, aut arcuata, imaginem vaporis secuta, & procul dubio longius ipsum comitatura, si vapor ille constipatus maneret, nec cum aëre se confunderet. Atque corpus ipsum spiritus vini nullo præcedente vapore notabili, flammâ admotâ & parum immorante, in flammam ejusque r

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expansionem mutatur, eò citius & faci lius, quo spiritus latius diffusus sit, & minorem occupet altitudinem. Quod si spiritus vini in cavo palmæ manus ponatur, & candela accensa inter digitos juxta palmam collocetur (ut pueri cum pulvere resinæ ludere solent) & spiritus ille leviter projiciatur, & prorsum non sursum directo, ardet corpus ipsum in aëre, & accensum interdum descendit recta, interdum nubeculam in aëre volitantem explicat, quæ tamen ipsa ad descensum vergit, interdum ad tecti fastigium, vel latera, vel pavimentum, utique inflammatum, adhærescit & ardet, & sensim exstinguitur. Habent autem Acetum, Agresta, Vinum, lac, atque alii liquores simplices (ex vegetabilibus & Animantibus, dico, nam de mineralibus seorsim memorabimus) suos expansionum modos, atque in iis notabiles nonnullas differentias, quas hoc loco referre supervacuum visum est. Versantur autem istæ differentiæ in illis naturis, quas in processibus aquæ & olei & spiritus vini notavimus; gradu nempe caloris; & modo ........................................................................................................................... pg 56 expansionis, quæ triplex est, vel toto corpore, vel spuma, vel bullis v

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majoribus. Nam pinguia fere toto corpore; succi immaturi ut agresta bullis majoribus; succi effœti ut acetum minoribus ascendunt. Etiam congregatio spiritus situ differt. Nam in vini bullitione bullæ circa medium, in aceto circa latera se congregare in ebullitione primo incipiunt; quod etiam in vino maturo, & forti, & vapido rursus aut fugiente, cum infunduntur, fieri solet.

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Page 29 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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Omnes autem liquores, etiam oleum ipsum, antequam bullire incipiunt, paucas & raras semibullas circa latera vasis jaciunt. Atque illud etiam omnibus liquoribus commune est, ut parva quantitate citius bulliant, & absumantur, quam magna.

MONITVM.

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Liquores manifeste compositos, ad Historiam expansionis & coitionis Materiæ mediante igne, haud idoneos aut proprios, existimavimus, quia separationibus & misturis suis rationes simplicis expansionis & coitionis disturbant & confundunt. Itaque illos ad propriam Historiam separationis & misturӕ ablegavimus. r

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HISTORIA.

Spiritus vini in experimento positus, cum pileo illo tensibili, (quem cum de aqua loqueremur descripsimus) hujusmodi sortitus est expansionem. Comperimus pondus 6 denariorum consumptum, & in vaporem solutum, vesicam grandem quӕ 8 pintas capere posset, explevisse & fortiter inflasse; quæ vesica decuplo-sextuplo erat major, quam vesica illa, qua ad aquam usi sumus, quæ dimidiam pintam tantum recipiebat. Sed in experimento aquæ ponderis solummodo 2 denariorum facta erat consumptio; quæ tertia tantum pars est denariorum sex. Ita supputatis rationibus, expansio vaporis spiritus vini ad expansionem vaporis aquæ, quintuplam rationem habet, & amplius. Neque tamen obstabat immensa ista expansio, quin vase ab igne remoto, corpus ad se restituendum properaret, vesica continuo flaccescente, & se insigniter contrahente. Atque ex hoc experimento corporis flammæ expansionem æstimare cœpimus, conjectura non admodum firma, & tamen v

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probabili. Cum enim vapor spiritus vini res sit tam inflammabilis,

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........................................................................................................................... pg 58 atque ad naturam flammæ tam prope accedat, judicavimus rationes vaporis spiritus vini ad flammam, cum rationibus vaporis aquæ ad aërem convenire. Quales enim se ostendunt rationes rudimentorum, sive corporum imperfectorum & migrantium (vaporum scilicet) tales etiam evadere corporum perfectorum & statariorum (flammæ scilicet &

Page 30 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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aëris) consentaneum est. Ex quo sequetur, flammam aërem raritate sive expansione materiæ quintuplo & amplius superare. Tanto enim se invicem superant vapores sui ut dictum est; flamma vero ipsa ad proprium vaporem, non impurum sed summe prӕparatum, sesquialteram rationem habere potest, ut aërem item ad vaporem aquӕ summe prӕparatum habere posuimus. Neque hæc multum discrepant ab iis, quæ visu obiter percipiuntur, & familiariter occurrunt. Nam si candelam ceream accensam flatu exstinguas, & fili illius fumei qui adscendit (in ima parte antequam dispergatur) dimensionem animadvertas; & candelam prope flammam admoveas, & rursus portionem flammæ, quæ primo allabitur, r

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contempleris, eam fumi magnitudinem non multo plus quam duplo excedere judicabis; & tamen ille fumus impurior est & pressior. Quod si pulveris tormentarii corporis dimensionem diligenter notes, aut ad meliorem conjecturam in situla metiaris, atque rursus postquam flammam corripuerit, dimensionem flammæ suæ advertas: flammam corpus (quomodo hujusmodi res subito intuitu comprehendi possit) mille vicibus superare non admodum negabis. Atque hujusmodi quædam proportio flammæ ad nitrum, ex iis, quæ prius posuimus, debetur. Verum de his cum ad observationes nostras super hanc Historiam ventum erit, clarius explicabimus. Aërem ipsum expandi & contrahi ex calore & frigore in ventosis, quibus utuntur Medici ad attractionem, luculenter videmus. Illæ enim super flamma calefactæ, & continuo ad carnem applicatæ, carnem trahunt, contrahente se & restituente paulatim aëre. Atque hoc operatur ex sese, licet stuppa immissa atque inflammata non fuerit, qua ad vehementiorem attractionem uti solent. Quin etiam si spongia frigida infusa ventosis superimponatur exterius, tantò magis se contrahit aër virtute frigoris, & fortior fit attractio. v

[Q9 ] | 35

Salinum Argenteum, quale forma campanili vulgatissima ad mensæ usum adhibemus, in lavacro aut patera aqua plena collocavimus, aerem depressum secum una ad vasis fundum vehens. Tum prunas ardentes ........................................................................................................................... pg 60 duas aut tres in concavo illo parvo, quod salem excipere solet, posuimus,

Page 31 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

atque ignem flatu excitavimus. Evenit autem non multo post, ut aer per calorem rarefactus, & antiquæ sphæræ impatiens, salini fundum ex aliquo latere elevaret, & in bullis adscenderet. 5

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Hero describit altaris fabricam, eo artificio, ut superimposito holocausto & incenso, subito aqua decideret, quæ ignem exstingueret. Id non aliam poscebat industriam, quam ut sub altare loco cavo & clauso aer reciperetur, qui nullum alium (cum ab igne extenderetur) inveniret exitum, nisi qua aquam in canali ad hoc paratam impelleret & extruderet. Erant etiam Batavi quidam nuper apud nos, qui organum quoddam Musicum confecerant, quod radiis solis percussum symphoniam quandam edebat. Id ab aeris tepefacti extensione, quæ principium motus dare potuit, factum fuisse verisimile est, cum certum r

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sit aerem vel exigui admodum caloris contactu lacessi tum expansionem statim moliri. Verum ad magis accuratam expansionis aeris notitiam ad vesicam illam tensibilem versi, vitrum accepimus vacuum (scilicet aere solo impletum), ei pileum illum ex vesica (de quo jam antea locuti sumus) imposuimus. Vitro autem super ignem imposito, celerius & minore calore se extendebat aer, quam aqua aut spiritus vini; sed expansione non admodum ampla. Hanc enim proportionem ferebat: si vesica ex semisse minoris contenti erat, quam vitrum ipsum, aer illam fortiter sane & plene inflabat. Ad majorem expansionem non facile adscendebat; foramine autem in summitate vesicæ dum inflaretur facto, nullum exibat corpus visibile. ........................................................................................................................... pg 16 ........................................................................................................................... pg 17 ........................................................................................................................... pg 18 ........................................................................................................................... pg 19

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........................................................................................................................... PG 3

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PHENOMENA OF THE UNIVERSE OR NATURAL HISTORY FOR THE BUILDING UP OF PHILOSOPHY PREFACE Since it seems to me that people do not keep strictly to the straight and narrow when forming their opinions or putting things to the test, I have decided to use all the means at my disposal to remedy this misfortune. For in nothing else does the aspiration to deserve well show itself than if things are so arranged that people, freed both from the hobgoblins of belief and blindness of experiments, may enter into a more reliable and sound partnership with things by, as it were, a certain literate experience. For in this way the intellect is both |

set up in safety and in its best state, and it will besides be at the ready and then come upon harvests of useful things. Now the beginnings of this enterprise must in general be drawn from natural history; for the whole body of Greek philosophy with its sects of all kinds, and all the other philosophy we possess seem to me to be founded on too narrow a natural-historical basis, and thus to have delivered its conclusions on the authority of fewer data than was appropriate. For having snatched certain things from experience and tradition, things sometimes not carefully examined or ideas not securely established, they leave the rest to meditation and intellectual agitation, employing Dialectic to inspire greater confidence in the matter. But the chemists and the whole pack of mechanics and empirics, should they have the temerity to attempt contemplation and philosophy, being accustomed to meticulous subtlety in a few things, they twist by extraordinary means all the rest into conformity with them and promote opinions more odious and unnatural than those advanced by the very rationalists. For the latter take for the matter of philosophy very little out of many things, the former a great deal out of a few, but in truth both courses are weak and past cure. But the Natural History which has been accumulated hitherto may seem abundant on casual inspection, ........................................................................................................................... pg 5 |

while in reality it is sketchy and useless, and not even of the kind I am seeking. For it has not been stripped of fables and ravings, and it rushes into antiquity, philology and superfluous narratives, neglectful and high-handed in matters of weight, over-scrupulous and immoderate in matters of no importance. But the worst thing about this abundance

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is that it has embraced the inquiry into things natural but largely spurned that into things mechanical. Now the latter are far better than the former for examining nature's recesses; for nature of its own accord, free and shifting, disperses the intellect and confuses it with its variety, but in mechanical operations the judgement is concentrated, and we see nature's modes and processes, not just its effects. Yet, on the other hand, all the subtlety of mechanics stops short of what I am seeking. For the craftsman, intent on his work and its end, does not direct his mind or put his hand to other things, things which perhaps do more for the inquiry into nature. Therefore we need more meticulous care and handpicked trials, not to mention funding and the utmost patience besides. For it has ruined everything in the experimental field that right from the beginning men have continually |

aimed at Experiments of Fruit not ones of Light, and have devoted their energies entirely to producing some splendid work, not to revealing nature's oracles, which is the work of works and encompasses in itself all power. It also comes about from men's misguided conceit that they have mostly applied themselves to things hidden and rare, and put their efforts and inquiry into those while spurning common experiments and observations, and this seems to have come about either because they sought admiration and fame, or because they fell for the belief that the function of philosophy lies in accommodating and reducing rarer events to those which occur familiarly, not equally to unearthing the causes of these common things themselves and deeper causes of those causes. But the main point of the whole accusation against natural history is that men have gone astray not only in the work, but in its very plan. For the natural history which is in existence seems to have been composed either for the usefulness of the experiments themselves, or for the agreeableness of their narratives, and to have been made for their own sake, not so as to furnish the makings of philosophy and the sciences and as it were breast-feed them. Thus, as far as it is within my power, I |

do not wish to fail to do my duty in this matter. For I have long since decided how much I should grant to abstract philosophies. Indeed, I believe that I hold fast to the ways of true and good induction, in which all things lie, and which can help the frail and crippled faculty of human intellect towards the ........................................................................................................................... pg 7 sciences, as by mechanical aids or by some thread to guide it through a labyrinth. Nor am I unaware that if I had been willing to restrict that instauration of the sciences which I have in mind to any of the greater inventions, I could perhaps have harvested a greater crop of honour. But since God has given me a mind which knows how to submit itself to things and which readily rejects the specious out of a sense of what is right and from confidence that things will turn out well, I have also taken upon myself that part of the work which I think others have wanted either to avoid entirely, or to treat in a way different from my idea of it. But there are two things which I wish to warn people about in this connection both for the future and, since I am girding myself for the very thing itself, for now especially. The first is to get rid of that idea which, though it be utterly false and harmful, easily invades

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and takes hold of men's minds, namely that the inquiry into particulars is something infinite |

and without end, when it would be truer to say that the way of opinions and disputations is the trifling one; but in fact these vain imaginings are condemned to perpetual errors and infinite disturbances, whereas particulars and the informations of the sense (which, when individuals and the gradations of things have been left out, is sufficient for the inquiry into truth) allow understanding for certain, and that, to be sure, neither forlorn nor hopeless. The second is that I would have men never forget what is involved and, when they have come across troops of thoroughly vulgar things, things slight and to all appearances frivolous, even vile, and which (as the man says) must be brought in with an apology, they do not think I am trifling, or reducing the human mind to things beneath its dignity. For these things are neither examined nor described for their own sake, but in fact there is simply no other alternative open to the human intellect, and the grounds of the work are left insecure without them. I am then certainly undertaking the most serious business of all and most worthy of the human mind, that nature's light, pure and quite unclouded by vain imagination (that light whose name has sometimes been mentioned thus far, while people have known nothing about the thing itself), may be lit in this age of ours by a torch furnished and brought near by the Divine Will. For I do not hide the fact that I believe that that preposterous |

subtlety of argument and thought can by no means put things right again, though all the intellects of all ages be gathered together, when, at the proper time, the subtlety and truth of the basic information or true induction have been overlooked or incorrectly established, but that nature, like fortune, is long-haired at the front and bald at the back. It remains, ........................................................................................................................... pg 9 therefore, for the matter to be attempted anew, and that with better help and with the zeal of opinions laid aside, so that we may enter into the kingdom of philosophy and the sciences (in which human power is situated, for nature is conquered only by obeying it) in the way that we gain access to the Kingdom of Heaven, which none may enter save in the likeness of a little child. Yet I do not wholly despise the base and indiscriminate custom of working by experiments themselves (for it may doubtless suggest very many useful things to men's knowledge and invention, according to the variety of their arts and capacities), nevertheless I think it is something very trivial in comparison with that entrance into human knowledge and power which I hope for from the Divine Mercy, which indeed I again humbly beseech to allow me to endow the human family with new alms through my efforts. |

The nature of things is either free, as in species, or disturbed, as in monsters, or confined, as in experiments of the Arts; yet its deeds of whatever kind are worthy of report and history. But the History of Species currently available, as for example of plants, animals, metals and fossils, is puffed up and full of curiosities; the History of Marvels empty and based on rumour; the History of Experiments defective, attempted piecemeal, dealt with carelessly, and entirely for practical not philosophical use. Therefore it is my resolve to

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curb the History of Species, to shake out and purify the History of Marvels, but to put special effort into Mechanical and Artificial Experiments where nature gives in to human intervention. For what are the sports and frivolities of nature to us? That is, the tiny differences of species as to shape, which contribute nothing to works but in which Natural History none the less abounds. Now knowledge of Marvels certainly pleases me, if it be purified and sifted; but why in the final analysis is it pleasing? Not for the fun of being astonished, but because it often reminds Art of its duty to lead nature knowingly where it |

has itself sometimes gone before of its own accord. In general I assign the leading roles in shedding light on nature to artificial things, not only because they are most useful in themselves, but because they are the most trustworthy interpreters of natural things. Can it be said that anyone had just happened to explain the nature of lightning or a rainbow as clearly before the principles of each had been demonstrated by artillery or the artificial simulacra of rainbows on a wall? But if they are trustworthy interpreters of causes, they will also be sure and fertile indicators of effects and of works. However, I do not think it appropriate to divide my history in accordance with this threefold partition, so as to deal with singular instances separately, but I shall ........................................................................................................................... pg 11 mix the three kinds, joining things natural with artificial, ordinary with extraordinary, and paying very close attention to all the most useful ones. Now it would be more usual to begin with the phenomena of the ether. But I, sacrificing nothing of the seriousness of my undertaking, shall give priority to things which make up and answer to a nature more general, in which both globes share. I shall begin in fact with a history of bodies according to the difference which seems the simplest, that is, the abundance or paucity of the matter contained and spread out within the same space or |

boundaries, seeing indeed that none of the pronouncements about nature is truer than that double proposition, Nothing comes from nothing, nor is anything reduced to nothing, but the very quantum of nature, or the whole sum of matter always remains and stays the same, and is in no way increased or diminished. Moreover, it is no less certain, even though not so clearly noted or asserted (whatever stories people make up about the impartial potential of matter towards forms) that more or less of this quantity of matter is contained in the same volumes of space according to the diversity of the bodies which occupy them, bodies some of which we find to be very obviously more compact, others more extended or diffuse. For a vessel or cauldron filled with water and air does not hold an equal portion of matter, but more of the one and less of the other. Therefore if someone claimed that a given amount of water could be made from the same amount of air, it would be the same as saying that something can come from nothing. For what you deem to be lacking from the quantity of matter would have to have been made up from nothing. On the other hand, if someone claimed that a given amount of water could be turned into the same amount of air, it would

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be the same as saying that something can be reduced to nothing. For what you deem to |

be extra in the quantity of matter would likewise have to have vanished into nothingness. There is no doubt in my mind that this business is capable of being reduced to calculation, to indefinite proportions perhaps in some things, but to ones precise and certain in others, and known to nature. As, for example, if someone said that the concentration of matter in a body of gold exceeded that of a body of spirit of wine by a factor of twenty to one or thereabouts, he would not be wrong. So as I now mean to present the history I mentioned concerning the abundance and paucity of matter, and its coming together and expansion, things from which the notions of Dense and Rare (if properly understood) take their origin, I shall so order matters that I shall draw up the relative figures for different ........................................................................................................................... pg 13 bodies (as of gold, water, oil, air and flame) first. Then after examining these, I shall record with calculations or ratios the retreats and expatiations of each particular body. For a given body, even without anything being added to it or taken away, or at least not in proportion to its contraction and extension, allows itself to be gathered by various impulses both external and internal into a larger or smaller sphere. Sometimes the body struggles and strives to |

restore itself into its old sphere, sometimes it clearly goes beyond that and does not try to revert. Here I shall first record the courses, differences and proportions of any natural body (as to its extent) compared with its openings and closings up, that is, with its powders, its calces, its vitrifications, its dissolutions, its distillations, vapours and breaths, its exhalations and inflammations; then I shall set out the actions and motions themselves, the progressions and the limits of contraction and dilatation, and when bodies restore themselves and when they go beyond that in respect of their extent; but I shall especially note the efficient causes and media by means of which such contractions and dilatations of bodies come about; and meanwhile I shall in passing append the virtues and actions which bodies get and take on from such compressions and dilatations. And since I know well how difficult a thing it is, in the present climate of opinion, to familiarize oneself with nature right from the very beginning, I shall add my own observations to gain men's attention and arouse them to contemplation. Now as far as the demonstration or revealing of the density and rarity of |

bodies is concerned, I have no doubt or hesitation that as to dense and palpable bodies the motion of gravity (as they call it) may be taken as the best and most ready test, for the more compact the body, the heavier it is. But when it comes to the level of airy and spiritual things, then scales will for sure be of no use to me, and I shall need another kind of industry. I shall begin, however, with Gold, which of all the things we have (for philosophy has not grown up enough for us to say anything for certain about the bowels of the Earth) is the heaviest and contains the most matter in the smallest space, and I shall relate the ratios of the rest to the sphere of this body, with the reminder that I am not dealing here with the history of weights except in so far as it sheds light for demonstrating the space

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or dimensions of bodies. But since I have set out not to conjecture and prophesy, but to discover and know, and since I judge ........................................................................................................................... pg 15 that this is heavily dependent on the examination and trial of basic experiments, I am quite decided in the case of every more subtle experiment to say clearly how I went about it, so that when my decisions in single cases have been disclosed, men may see both how far |

to believe in them, and what more has to be done either to correct any mistakes in them or provoke and carry out more trustworthy and precise trials. Furthermore, I shall myself warn sincerely and faithfully of things which shall appear to me to be less certain and more open to error, and as it were on the borderline. Finally, I shall add my own observations (as I just said) so that, although I leave all matters of philosophy inviolate, I can nevertheless turn the very face of natural history towards philosophy even in passing. Moreover, lest the inquiry become confused, I shall undertake to note anything in the way of experiments or observations which crop up but lie beyond the scope of my inquiry and properly belong to other titles. |

A Table of the Coition and Expansion of Matter in respect of space in Tangible Bodies, with a computation of the proportions in different Bodies. The following occupy the same space, or are of equal bulk:

Pure Gold

one ounce or 20 Dwt.

0 Gr.

1

Quicksilver

19 Dwt.

9 Gr.

2

Lead

12 Dwt.

11/2 Gr.

3

Pure Silver

10 Dwt.

21 Gr.

4

Tin Glass

10 Dwt.

13 Gr.

5

Copper

9 Dwt.

8 Gr.

6

Yellow Brass

9 Dwt.

5 Gr.

7

Steel

8 Dwt.

10 Gr.

8

Common Brass

8 Dwt.

9 Gr.

9

Iron

8 Dwt.

6 Gr.

10

Tin

7 Dwt.

22 Gr.

11

Loadstone

5 Dwt.

12 Gr.

12

Touchstone

3 Dwt.

1 Gr.

13

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Marble

2 Dwt.

223/4 Gr.

14

Flint

2 Dwt.

221/2 Gr.

15

Glass

2 Dwt.

201/2 Gr.

16

Crystal

2 Dwt.

18 Gr.

17

Alabaster

2 Dwt.

12 Gr.

18

Rock-Salt

2 Dwt.

10 Gr.

19

Common Clay

2 Dwt.

81/2 Gr.

20

White Clay

2 Dwt.

51/2 Gr.

21

Nitre

2 Dwt.

5 Gr.

22

Ox Bone

2 Dwt.

5 Gr.

23

Pearl Powder

2 Dwt.

2 Gr.

24

Sulphur

2 Dwt.

2 Gr.

25

Common Earth

2 Dwt.

11/2 Gr.

26

White Vitriol

1 Dwt.

22 Gr.

27

Ivory

1 Dwt.

211/2 Gr.

28

Alum

1 Dwt.

21 Gr.

29

Oil of Vitriol

1 Dwt.

21 Gr.

30

White Sand

1 Dwt.

20 Gr.

31

Chalk

1 Dwt.

181/2 Gr.

32

Oil of Sulphur

1 Dwt.

18 Gr.

33

Common Salt

1 Dwt.

10 Gr.

34

Lignum Vitæ

1 Dwt.

10 Gr.

35

Mutton

1 Dwt.

10 Gr.

36

Aqua Fortis

1 Dwt.

7 Gr.

37

Ox Horn

1 Dwt.

6 Gr.

38

Indian Balsam

1 Dwt.

6 Gr.

39

Red Sandalwood

1 Dwt.

5 Gr.

40

Jet

1 Dwt.

5 Gr.

41

Whole Fresh Onion

1 Dwt.

5 Gr. 4

2

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Camphor

1 Dwt.

4 Gr. 43

Root of Fresh Fig

1 Dwt.

4 Gr.

44

Ebony Wood

1 Dwt.

31/2 Gr.

45

Sweet Fennel Seed

1 Dwt.

31/2 Gr.

46

Clear Souse

1 Dwt.

3 Gr.

47

Vinegar

1 Dwt.

31/2 Gr.

48

Verjuice of Unripe Apples

1 Dwt.

3 Gr.

49

Common Water

1 Dwt.

and just under 3 Gr. 50

Urine

1 Dwt.

3 Gr. 51

Oil of Cloves

1 Dwt.

and just under 3 Gr. 52

Claret

1 Dwt.

23/4 Gr.

53

White Sugar

1 Dwt.

21/2 Gr.

54

Yellow Wax

1 Dwt.

2 Gr.

55

China Root

1 Dwt.

2 Gr.

56

Raw Winter Pear

1 Dwt.

2 Gr.

57

Distilled Vinegar

1 Dwt.

1 Gr.

58

Distilled RoseWater

1 Dwt.

1 Gr.

59

Common Ashes

1 Dwt.

01/2 Gr.

60

Benzoin

1 Dwt.

0 Gr.

61

Myrrh

1 Dwt.

o Gr.

62

Butter

1 Dwt.

o Gr.

63

Lard

1 Dwt.

o Gr.

64

Oil of Sweet Almond

0 Dwt.

231/2 Gr.

Pressed Oil of Green Mace

0 Dwt.

231/2 Gr.

The Herb Marjoram 0 Dwt.

23 Gr.

Petroleum

23 Gr.

0 Dwt.

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Rose-Flowers

0 Dwt.

22 Gr.

Spirit of Wine

0 Dwt.

22 Gr.

Oak Wood

0 Dwt.

191/2 Gr.

Common Soot Compacted in the Chimney

0 Dwt.

17 Gr.

Fir Wood

0 Dwt.

15 Gr.

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The Way in which the Experiment used for the above Table was conducted

Let it be understood that the weights I have used belong to the system employed by the goldsmiths, so that a pound has 12 ounces, an ounce 20 pennyweights, and a pennyweight 24 grains. Now I chose a body of gold as the standard of bulk to which I would relate the weights of the other bodies because it was not only the heaviest but also the most uniform and homogeneous substance. For other bodies have a volatile component and when heated continue to be variable in weight and volume, but refined gold seems evidently to have lost this variability and to be homogeneous in all circumstances. Now the experiment was as follows. I fashioned an ounce of pure gold into the shape of a die or cube; then ........................................................................................................................... pg 21 I prepared a small cubical container which would hold the gold body and fit round it snugly, save only that the container would be a bit taller and such that the height inside the container to which the cube of gold reached could be marked by a distinct line. I did this for the sake of liquids, so that when any liquid was poured into the container, it would not |

overflow and an accurate measurement might be taken more easily in this way. Now at the same time I had a second container made which was of just the same weight and capacity as the first one, so that only the value for the body held in the second would be furnished. Then I had cubes made of the same size or dimension for all the materials specified in the Table as were capable of being cut into shape; but I used liquids without further ado, i.e. by filling the container to the point where the liquid came up to the line marked; and I did the same with powders, i.e. with powders compressed as much as it is possible for them to be. For this goes a long way to equalizing their distribution and reduces the chance of error. So I carried out the trial in exactly this manner: one of the containers was placed empty with the ounce of gold in one scale, the other container with the body in it in the other scale, and the difference of weight was taken down; and by how much the body's weight was less than that of gold, by so much was the dimension of that same body judged to be greater. For example, since the gold cube weighs one ounce and the cube of lard one pennyweight, it is evident that the bulk of the body of fat compared with the bulk of the body of gold is as twenty to one. It also seemed proper to take down and note the way of determining the volume of an Page 41 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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ounce of gold, a volume which came to just under a 269th of an English wine pint. Now I did the trial like this: I noted the weight of water in the space below the line in the container, and then I likewise noted the weight of water contained in the pint, and I derived the values for the volumes from those for the weights.

SUGGESTIONS [1.] See whether the closer contraction of a body resulting from concentrated force perhaps acquires a greater amount of weight than its quantity of matter would warrant; and whether this be the case or not will be established by the particular history of weight. But if it be the case, the computation certainly breaks down; and the more extended bodies are, the more matter they have than would appear from a reckoning of their weight and volume. ........................................................................................................................... pg 23 2. The smallness of the vessel that I used as well as its shape (even though handy and convenient for receiving the cubes) was less suitable for determining precise values. For one could not easily measure minute differences below three-quarters of a grain, and that square |

surface could, with a small or imperceptible increase in height, bring about a big difference in weight, which is not what happens in conical vessels. 3. There is also no doubt that many bodies set down in the Table vary within their own species as regards their weights and dimensions. For some waters and wines and the like are certainly heavier than others. Therefore as regards precise calculation, a certain degree of chance enters into the matter; and, what is more, the individual samples with which my experiment deals may neither represent exactly the nature of their species nor happen to agree with the experiments of others in their smallest details. 4. I included in the above Table bodies which could conveniently fill the space or measure with the body whole and as it were uniform, and which also have weight, from whose proportions I could make an estimate of their concentration of matter. Thus three kinds of bodies could not be considered here. First, those which could not be made into the shape of a cube, such as leaves, flowers, pellicles and membranes; secondly, bodies unevenly hollow and porous, such as sponges, cork and wool; and thirdly, pneumatic substances, because they are weightless.

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OBSERVATIONS

The concentration of matter in the tangible bodies which have come to my notice lies within a range of values of 21 parts to 1 or thereabouts. For the most compact concentration is

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found in gold, the most spread out in spirit of wine (of the bodies, I mean, which are united and obviously not porous). For spirit of wine occupies a space twenty-one times more than that occupied by gold, according to the ratio obtaining between one ounce and 22 grains. Then of these 21 parts, by which some bodies are more compacted than others, metals occupy 13 parts; for tin, the lightest metal, weighs about 8 dwt. which falls short of the weight of gold by 13 dwt. But after we leave metals, variety of all sorts is confined within the 8 remaining parts; and again, the remarkable variety which, beginning with stones, extends to take in these others, is ........................................................................................................................... pg 25 contained within only three parts or not much more. For touchstone, which (loadstone excepted) is the heaviest stone, weighs little more than 3 dwt. But spirit of wine, which |

stands at the extreme of lightness in compact bodies, is rather lighter than 1 dwt. There seems to be a yawning gap or void between gold and quicksilver and lead, namely from 20 dwt. and a little less to 12. Now although metallic substances abound in great variety, nevertheless I hardly think that many intermediate bodies are to be found in this gap, unless they be the absolute rudiments of quicksilver. From lead, however, there is a gradual ascent to iron and tin. Again, I find another large gap or gulf between metals and stones, that is from 8 dwt. to three; for such or thereabouts is the interval between tin and touchstone. The only thing lying between these, and almost equidistant, is loadstone which is a metallic stone, and I think we also find other fossils of imperfect mixture and composite nature between metal and stones. Certainly, from stones to the rest, things proceed without big gaps. Now I have little doubt that in vegetables, as well as in the parts of animals, we find very many bodies which are of tolerably even texture which are lighter than spirit of wine. For even oak, which seems to be one of the strongest and most solid of woods, is lighter than |

spirit of wine; and fir wood lighter still. But most flowers and leaves, and membranes and pellicles, such as snake skins and insect wings and the like, would without doubt yield smaller values by weight (if they could take on that cubical shape), and that would be much more the case with artificial things, such as paper, charred linen rags (such as we use for starting fires), rose petals left over from distillation, and things of that kind. I very often find in the parts of animals a number of bodies more compact than in plants. For bones and flesh are more compact than wood and leaves. But a thought to which the human mind is inclined must be checked and corrected: that the things which are compact and very solid are evidently the hardest and most consistent, but that a fluid has a nature less contracted. For the concentration of matter is no less in bodies which flow than in those which are consistent, but rather greater. For gold, with a certain softness, tends towards fluidity, and yet when it liquefies it in no way spreads, but stays within its original volume.

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Quicksilver flows of itself, and lead flows easily, iron with difficulty, and of these two the one |

is among the heaviest metals, the other

........................................................................................................................... pg 27 among the lightest. But what is most important is that generally metals are far heavier than stones (i.e. fluid bodies are far heavier than fragile ones). An extraordinary thing happens to gold and quicksilver, which are so much heavier than the rest of the metals, namely that they are sometimes found in grains and small portions as if perfected by nature and practically pure; this happens to virtually none of the other metals, which need to be purified by fire and then to come together, while these two whose coming together is by far the greatest and truest, nevertheless achieve it by nature and sometimes without benefit of fire. In the inquiry into matters metallic and the nature of stones too little attention is paid as to which are the metals that are usually deeper down than the rest and buried at greater depths, and if there be some rule in this matter and a reliable experiment; nevertheless, in this very thing account has to be taken of the region in which the mines are, whether the ground itself was high or low. Similarly with stones, gems and crystals, whether the stony nature penetrates the earth as deeply as the metallic one, or whether it rather clings to the surface, as I am inclined to believe. |

Sulphur which common opinion takes to be the father of metals, an opinion which the more knowledgeable have largely rejected or referred to some uncommon natural sulphur, has a concentration of matter inferior to that of every metal and also that of stones and harder earths, that is, 2 dwt. 2 gr. But, all other things being equal, that does not prevent it when mixed with mercury (because of mercury's exceptional heaviness) from being able to reproduce (in accordance with the amounts blended) the weights of all metals save that of gold. The efficient cause of coming together in bodies does not always relate to its concentration. For glass, which comes together by means of a fierce and strong fire, outweighs crystal, which is natural and summoned up without fire or perceptible heat (for that it is ice concreted is a vulgar error, and indeed crystal is itself far heavier than ice, which is plainly thickened by cold and yet floats on water). ........................................................................................................................... pg 29 Mixture of liquids does not only depend on or proceed from their relative weights, seeing that spirit of wine does not mix with pressed almond oil, but (and one would not guess it) |

floats on it, just as oil does on water; and yet it is only a grain and a half lighter (as can be seen in the Table). Likewise, spirit of wine far more readily mixes with water, though it Page 44 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

is heavier; as also again water itself mixes more readily with oil of vitriol than with almond oil, and yet oil of vitriol is 18 grains heavier than water, while almond oil is only 4 grains lighter. Nor should we accept that relative weight is the critical factor in bodies proportioned for mixture. For I observe that wine floats on water if one limits the disturbance or turmoil caused by its initial descent or fall, as when one pours wine into a vessel holding water, but with a loaf of bread or piece of linen in between to break the force of the initial fall. The same thing happens in water on oil of vitriol when such care is taken in the pouring. What is more, even if the wine is poured in before and the water after (on a loaf or through a piece of cloth, as I said) the water finds its place, and percolates through the wine and collects at the bottom. Continuation of the History of the Coming Together and Expansion of Matter in the same Body |

I decided that the inquiry into the proportions of powders would be more useful if a comparison were made between the substances in their powdered and unpowdered states than if they were set down simply by themselves. For I noticed that in this way a judgement could be formed both about the diversity of bodies and about the extremely tight bonds and chains that their nature has when it is whole, and that their proportions could be determined. Now with reference to the proportions of powders, I have in mind powders compressed as strongly as they can be. For this helps to equalize their distribution and reduces the chance of error. In the amount specified for the experiment according to which the Table is drawn up, mercury as an integral body weighs 19 dwt. 9 gr., but powdered mercury sublimate weighs 3 dwt. 22 gr.; lead as a body 12 dwt. 1½ gr., but in white lead powder 4 dwt. 8½ gr. Steel as a body 8 dwt. 10 gr. In prepared powder (such as we use for medicines) 2 dwt. 9 gr. Crystal as a body 2 dwt. 18 gr., in powder 1 dwt. 20 gr. ........................................................................................................................... pg 31 Red sandalwood as a body 1 dwt. 5½ gr., in powder 16½ gr. Oak wood as a body 19½ gr., in ashes 1 dwt. 2 gr. Now so that the values for powder compressed and uncompressed may be better |

understood, and understood according to the diversity of the bodies, I took the weight of roses, which could not be admitted into the Table as an integral body: as an uncompressed powder they weighed 7 gr., in the form of compressed powder 22 gr.; likewise in the red sandalwood measured I found that red sandalwood weighs in the form of an uncompressed powder 10 gr., as compressed powder 16½ gr., so that rose powder is much lighter than

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sandalwood powder if they are not compressed, but heavier if they are. Also, to supplement the above Table I took the proportions of powder in some one flower, herb and seed (for roots could take on the shape of the cube) as a sample of the others of its kind; and I found that the rose powder, as noted above, weighs 22 gr., powder of marjoram leaves 23 gr., powder of sweet fennel seed 1 dwt. 3½ gr. I also recorded the weights of the powdered forms of other bodies which could not be admitted into the Table, such as white sand, which weighed 1 dwt. 20 gr.; common salt, which weighs 1 dwt. 10 gr.; sugar, which weighs 1 dwt. 2½ gr.; myrrh, which weighs 1 dwt.; and benzoin, which weighs 1 dwt. Now it is to be noticed |

in the Table itself that sulphur as a body weighs 2 dwt. 2 gr., in chemical oil 1 dwt. 18 gr.; but vitriol as a body 1 dwt. 22 gr., in oil 1 dwt. 21 gr.; wine as a body weighs 1 dwt. 2¾ gr., distilled 22 gr.; vinegar as a body weighs 1 dwt. 2½ gr., distilled 1 dwt. 1 gr.

SUGGESTIONS When I say weight as a body and weight in powder, I do not mean it with respect to the same individual substance, but to body and powder of the same species, contained in that same measure used for the Table. ........................................................................................................................... pg 33 For if we take oak wood, and that very same wood be reduced to ashes, it loses most of its weight, and these ashes fail by a long way to take up the space filled by the wood. The way of converting a body into powder has a great deal to do with the opening up or expansion of the body. For the value for powder which comes from simple crushing or filing is one thing; another that comes from distillation, as in sublimates; another which comes from strong waters and corrosion, turning them, as it were, into rust; and another which |

comes from burning, as ashes and calx. Therefore when these things are being considered, they ought not to be regarded as at all the same. I can spend no more time on singulars than my plan of proceeding allows, and yet it is of use to indicate what one may not provide; this, in a word, would be a precise table of bodies with their openings up, a table which compared individual bodies with their powders, with their calces, with their vitrifications, with their dissolutions and their distillations. The history of the variation of weights in individual substances, that is, of the same body whole and powdered, as of the same water in snow or ice set and dissolved, of the same egg raw and cooked, of the same chicken alive and dead, and the like, I refer to the particular history of weights.

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OBSERVATIONS In more compact bodies there is a far closer compaction of parts than can be matched by any arrangement or compression of their powders. The more heavy or solid the bodies are, the greater the difference that obtains between their whole and open states, as raw quicksilver is five times heavier and more than powdered mercury sublimate; for steel |

and lead the proportions do not quite reach four to one; for crystal and sandalwood the proportions do not quite reach two to one. In lighter and porous bodies there is perhaps a looser arrangement of parts in their whole states than in their compressed powders, as for example in dry rose petals. In such bodies there is a greater difference between the compressed and uncompressed powders. ........................................................................................................................... pg 35 The parts of powders can support themselves in such a way that an uncompressed powder may take up three times more room than a compressed. Metallic bodies such as sulphur and vitriol, when turned into what they call oils, maintain their weight exceptionally well, and there is no great difference between the oils and the bodies themselves. Distilled substances without doubt get thinner and lose weight; but wine does this twice as much as vinegar. Most worthy of observation is the remarkable opening up of powdered sublimate compared with raw mercury, for although the difference is quite great (five times as I have said) and the sublimate exists (unlike transient quicksilver vapours) in a stable form, it nevertheless comes back together in its old sphere with very little ado. |

Continuation of the History of the Coming Together and Expansion of Matter in space in the same body Animals when swimming press the water down with their paws or feet; the water, pressed down and condensed beyond its natural consistency, pushes back and in so doing holds up and supports the heavy body. But men, being more expert swimmers, can so balance their bodies on the water that they can support themselves for a time without moving their arms or legs; they can even tread water with their feet when standing upright and perform other nimble movements on the water's surface. Certainly waterfowl are web-footed and press the water down with the membranes of their feet to good effect; swimming is also easier in deeper water.

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Birds in flight beat the air with their wings and condense it, but the air (as I said above of water) restores itself to its consistency and bears them up. Birds sometimes also journey by soaring with outstretched but motionless wings or presently by not flapping their wings enough and gliding down again. Nor is the way that other flying things get along very different from that of feathered creatures. For flies and that kind of thing have membranous |

wings which they use to beat the air. The frailty of their wings is, however, offset by their small bodily mass or weight. Winged creatures also move more easily at altitude, especially the ones which have broader wings relative to their bulk and which, like the heron, are not so agile. Indeed, all relatively large birds move more laboriously on taking off from the ground, where of course the air necessarily has less depth. ........................................................................................................................... pg 37

SUGGESTION Motion of condensation in water or air or the like is clearly shown by beating or impulsion. It happens like this. The further the parts of air or water are from the initial impulse or beating, the more feebly are they assailed, and the more slowly do they yield; but the nearer they are, the more strongly and more quickly, from which it necessarily follows that the air in front, fleeing more quickly, catches up with the air behind which has set off more slowly, and in this way they come together. But when a greater condensation has been produced by this coming together than nature puts up with, the bodies of water or air, in order to open themselves up and spread out, recoil and turn back.

|

HISTORY

The surface of water and every liquid is made rough by agitation and disturbance, and that with a mobile and successive roughness, until the water can recover its due consistency and the pressure be released, as is the case with the waves of the sea and of rivers even after the winds have died down, and with all water churned up in any way. There is no doubt that a similar roughness also exists in the winds, which themselves roll about in the manner of waves, and when the initial violence ceases they do not relapse into tranquillity immediately; the difference is that motion of gravity, which in water joins forces with motion of liberation from pressure, does not affect undulations of the air. A stone thrown flat over water (as children at play are accustomed to do) bounces and skips from it repeatedly. Also, when swimmers dive into water from a higher place they take care not to sustain groin injuries from the impact of the water. Finally, water hit hard by hand or body strikes like a rod or harder object and causes pain. Again, in skiffs and rowing boats,

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|

the water driven and compressed by the oars behind the rowers pushes the skiff forward,

and forces it to glide along and leap onwards, exactly as if the skiff were being shoved off with a pole placed against the shore. For the main cause of this effect is not water collecting behind the skiff's stern and pushing it in the opposite direction; yet this is a result of the pressure of the oars slackening off. In an effort to avoid pressure, air produces and mimics all the effects ........................................................................................................................... pg 39 of a solid and robust body, as is the case in winds which propel ships, bring down trees, make houses collapse, and the like. Also, with no other force than the blowing of wind do we discharge with no little shock artillery pieces which are hollow and long to aid the compression of the air. Children hollow out alder wood in imitation of guns, and stuff pieces of iris root or paper pellets into each end of the tube, and then thrust out the pellet by pushing it with a wooden ramrod, but the pellet at the other end is discharged with a violent bang by the force of the enclosed and compressed air before the ramrod touches it at all. |

Air condensed by impulse seems colder and closer to the nature of water, as when we make wind by fans, or push back the air by walking fast and feel it blowing back again, or breathe cold air through compressed lips, or blow wind from bellows. Moreover, when winds blow in the open a greater cooling takes place than with still and calm air. In the generation of sounds condensed air imitates the nature of a solid body, for just as sound is generated by the collision of two solid bodies, so too sound is made by a solid body and condensed air, and again by one body of condensed air and another coming from the opposite direction. For in stringed instruments it is evident that sound does not come from the contact or striking of finger or plectrum and the string, but of the string and the air. For when the string recoils, and does so very smartly on account of its tautness, it firstly condenses the air, then strikes it. But wind instruments, on account of the weaker motion of the wind than the string, must necessarily be hollow and closed up to aid compression of the air; which is also used as an aid in stringed instruments. |

Water narrowed and crowded in spreads out and disperses laterally with great force in order to achieve its due breadth, as under the arches of bridges. In similar fashion wind squeezed into narrow spaces also gains strength and rages. But opposing currents of water generate whirlpools full of eddies, with the result that since proper relaxation cannot take place, the particular parts put up alike with the pressure.

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Water suddenly and violently let out of confined spaces looks like a continuous threadlike body, or rod or trunk, and becomes first straight, ........................................................................................................................... pg 41 then arched, and then it breaks up and disperses itself in drops here and there in a circle, as with water-pipes or syringes and impluvia. There is often a kind of whirlwind in marshes, especially after the cutting of hay, or at any rate one which makes itself visible at that time. This whirlwind sometimes lifts a haystack into the air and for a time carries it up almost entire and not much dispersed, until after it has been carried to a great height, it spreads and scatters the hay like a canopy. An empty wooden bowl, turned upside down and placed level on the surface of the water |

and then plunged beneath it, carries with it all the air which it held before right to the bottom of the vessel; and if it be kept similarly level when it is brought up again, you may find the air has withdrawn to fill up not much less space than it filled before, as will be clear from the staining of the rim of the bowl up to the point where the water had risen, and from which the air inside had withdrawn. In a room where the wind has blown through an open window, if there be no way out in any other part, and so long as the wind was not strong, you do not feel it very much, since it is not taken in by the body of air there to begin with, a body which, already somewhat condensed by the initial blast, refuses to be condensed further; but when there is a way out, then at last it is felt distinctly. To help workmen carrying on some work under water stay more easily with their task, someone contrived that a kind of large barrel like a trough be prepared of metal or some material which would sink to the bottom, and that it be raised on a tripod with its feet fixed to the rim of the trough, these feet being shorter than the height of a man. This trough was dropped to the bottom with all the air it contained in the manner I have spoken of |

in connection with the bowl, and it was set down and stood on its feet next to the place where the work was to be performed. Now when the divers, who were these same workmen, needed to take a breath they put their heads into the barrel's mouth and, once they had taken on air, got on with the job again. I too caused a servant in a bath to put his head into a bowl sunk with air under the water, and he remained for three-quarters of an hour with the same air until he felt it had been warmed by his breath and he began to experience a suffocating feeling. Air has little trouble allowing for some slight contraction but in the case of a bladder we find that this is not to be trusted. For when the bladder is inflated the air is condensed by the very act of blowing, so that

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........................................................................................................................... pg 43 the air inside is denser than ordinary air, and it is not therefore surprising if it is less amenable to further condensation. But in that common experiment with the wooden bowl pushed beneath the water, it could be seen that the water coming in from the rim of the vessel took up some room, and that the air diminished by the same amount. But to make the proportions involved stand out more clearly, I put on the bottom of a vessel a little globe, or other solid object which would sink, over which a bowl was to be placed, and |

I then put the bowl over it (i.e. one of metal, and not wood, which could stop on the bottom of the vessel by itself). Now if this object be small it drives the air in rather than forces it out when it is received into the hollow of the bowl. But if it be larger than the air is willing to make way for, then impatient of the greater pressure, the air lifts the bowl on one side and rises up in bubbles. I also had made from lead a hollow globe with sides not too thin, the better to withstand the force of hammer or press. When this globe was hammered at opposite poles, it became more and more like a planisphere. Now under the initial blows it gave way more easily, but later with greater difficulty in line with the condensation, so that at the end the hammers made little impression and we needed a pressing machine and a strong one too. Still I gave orders that a few days should pass between pressings, a fact of no importance now but relevant elsewhere. Air is stretched or dilated in closed vessels by strong suction, so that when some of the air is removed, the remaining air still fills the same volume as the whole amount had before, |

yet such that it strives with great effort to restore itself and get free from that tension. This may be seen in eggs which contain fragrant water, and are thrown in play and broken to imbue the air with a sweet fragrance by sprinkling. Now the method is that when a very small hole has been made in the end of an egg they suck out all its substance, leaving the shell intact; then by powerful suction they strongly draw out the very air that has got in and, immediately after the suction, they stop the hole with a finger and put the egg stopped thus under water, and then finally take the finger away. Now the air, tormented by this tension and striving to recover itself, draws and takes water in to the point where the portion of air regains its former consistency. ........................................................................................................................... pg 45 I tried the same thing with a glass egg and found the water taken in amounted to about an eighth of the volume, so much, that is, had the air been stretched by the suction. That remains the case whether the violence of suction is greater or smaller. Indeed, towards the end of the suction it was drawing in the lip itself. But in addition I was concerned to try a new experiment, namely, that after the suction had been completed, the hole should be

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well blocked with wax, and the egg so blocked left for a whole day. I did this to discover |

whether lapse of time diminished the airs appetite, as is the case with consistent things, osiers, iron plates and the like, whose tendency to spring back from tension weakens when it is delayed; but I found that nothing happened in such a short time but the egg drew in a similar quantity of water and just as strongly as when it had been immersed immediately after the suction, so that when its hole was opened out of the water, it still drew in fresh air with a clear hissing noise; but I neglected to test the effect after longer delay. If there is no valve in a pair of bellows, and the bellows are suddenly raised and opened, they break; and of course they do so because when its belly suddenly goes from flat to expanded a quantity of air large enough to fill it cannot be drawn in through the narrows of the bellows' bill, and the air inside them cannot be stretched sufficiently; from this follows the breaking of the bellows.

HISTORY If an appropriate quantity of water be put in a glass and the point to which the water reaches be marked, and common ashes refined by a sieve are put into the water and left until |

they have settled, you will see the space taken up by the ashes at the bottom rise to a height four times greater than that by which the body of water at the surface has risen from the point marked beforehand, so that it is clear that water when mixed with ashes either changes its volume and contracts, or takes the ashes into its vacant spaces, since it in no way expands in proportion to the amount of ashes received. But if you try this with even the finest sand (but in no way calcined or burnt), you will see the water at the surface rises by a height equal to that by which the sand had risen at the bottom. I also think that infusions load most waters and the infusions do not expand the waters in proportion to the mass of the body taken in; but I have not done an experiment on this question. ........................................................................................................................... pg 47

SUGGESTION I do not at all confuse motion of succession, which they call motion to avoid a vacuum, with motion of recovery from tension. For they are two motions associated in time and action, but different in cause, as will be shown in the particular history of this motion.

[HISTORY] After a short while inhaled air so takes on the nature of a vapour that it not only covers a |

mirror with a kind of mist and as it were a dewy matter but in wintry cold freezes around

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the beard. But on a bright sword-blade or tempered steel this condensation evaporates like a little cloud, so that the polished surface as it were cleans itself. The way that the process of expansion and contraction taking place in a body of water by means of fire unfolds is as follows. Water, once it has been excited by a moderate heat, gives off a slight and rarefied vapour before any other change is observed within its body; then, when the heat has carried on and grown but the body is still intact, it does not rise as a whole, nor even boil up in smaller bubbles in the manner of froth but, rising in larger bubbles, resolves itself into an abundant vapour, then the water quickly escapes and is carried off. Now if this vapour is not hindered, it mingles with the air, and is at first visible but then, even when lost to sight, it can still be detected either by the smell it gives off or again by the moistening and softening of air which can be felt when one touches it or breathes it in. Finally, it loses and wastes itself in this sea of air. But if it first encounters a solid body (and all the more if the body is even and polished), this vapour goes back into |

itself and turns into water again by excluding or discharging the air previously mixed up with it. Now this whole process is made manifest in the boiling of water as, for instance, in distillation. But we further see that vapours given off by earth, so long as they have not been utterly dispersed and subdued by the Suns heat nor perhaps mixed evenly by the airs cold with the body of air itself, nevertheless turn into water again without encountering a solid body, and do so by virtue of cold and the very deprivation of heat, as happens with the evening dew more readily, with rains more slowly. By careful estimate I established that the expansion of air, relative to that of water, was in the region of one hundred and twenty to one or thereabouts. ........................................................................................................................... pg 49

History of the Bulk of Matter in pneumatics I took a glass phial capable of holding about an ounce, thinking the smallness of the vessel would suit the experiment for two reasons: the one that it could be brought to the boil with less heat, so that the bladder to be placed over it would not happen to get burned or dried out by a stronger heat; the other, that it might contain a smaller portion of air in that part |

which the water was not destined to fill, since I knew very well that air itself expands on heating. Thus, so that this expansion would upset the values for the water less, I thought it prudent that no great amount of air be introduced. Now the phial was not of that sort with a straight neck and with no border or lip (for in this kind of phial the water vapour would be distilled too quickly and the moisture settle and run down into that part of the bladder joined to the neck of the phial), but of the sort with a small neck drawn out at first, and then as it were turned back on itself with a lip. I filled this phial no more than half full of water (thinking this would also promote rapid boiling), and I recorded precisely the weight of the water with the phial itself by putting sand in the balance; then I took a bladder which would Page 53 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

hold about half a pint. The one I used was not old or dry, and by the dryness less flexible, but new and rather soft; and I first tested the bladder by blowing it up to see whether it was intact and did not happen to have any holes, then I squeezed all the air out of it as far as was possible. I also smeared the outside of the bladder with oil beforehand, and caused the oil to be absorbed by a little rubbing too. This would help make the bladder better insulated |

if some of its pores were blocked by the oil. Then I put the mouth of the phial inside the mouth of the bladder and tied the bladder firmly around the mouth of the phial with a thread slightly waxed so that it would stick better and bind faster. But this is better done with a lute made from flour and egg white, bound with black paper and well dried, as I discovered by trying it out. Then finally I placed the phial over hot coals in a brazier. Not long after, the water began to boil, and by degrees to inflate the bladder all round and stretch it almost to bursting point. I immediately removed the glass from the fire and put it on carpet so that the glass would not be cracked by the cold, and at once I made a hole with a pin in the top of the bladder so that the vapour, turned back into water again once the heat had stopped, would not drain back and ruin the calculations. Next I took away the bladder itself with the thread and cleaned off the lute where it had been applied; then I weighed the water left over with its phial; and ........................................................................................................................... pg 51 I ascertained that a quantity amounting to about two pennyweights had been carried off as vapour. I knew, moreover, that whatever body had filled the bladder when it was inflated had been made and drawn out of what had been lost by the water. Therefore the matter, |

when it was contracted in the body of water, only filled as much space as was filled by two pennyweights of that body; but the same matter expanded into a body of vapour filled half a pint. Therefore I calculated the proportions in accordance with the figure given in the Table; water vapour as compared with the body of water is as the ratio of eighty to one. A bladder inflated in the way described but without an air-hole and removed intact from the fire at once shrinks, subsides and contracts from its inflated state. The vapour let out of the hole while the bladder was inflated was of a species quite different from common water vapour— more rare, transparent and noble, and not mixing with air so quickly.

SUGGESTIONS In case anyone thinks that if the taking up of water had been greater the bladder could have been filled that much more, this was not the result when I tried it, but the inflation which takes place happens as a whole and not gradually. I put this down partly to the scorching of the bladder which was made more inflexible and did not yield easily, and was perhaps more |

porous (but this could have been put right by a moist heat, as in a bain-marie); but I think it is more the case that the vapour, made more copious by continuous succession, tends to revert and condenses of its own accord. Therefore the vapour received in the bladder is not

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to be likened to the vapours received in earthenware vessels because these latter vapours, mutually following and pushing one another on, condense, but the former expand at will due to the soft and yielding nature of the bladder, especially at the outset before (as I said) their abundance encourages reversion. The expansion of water vapour is not to be gauged entirely by the appearance of the vapour which escapes into the air, for that vapour, instantly mixed with the air, borrows by far the greater part of the mixed body from it and does not remain constant in its mass. Thus it grows according to the particular mass of air that takes it in, on the lines of the small amount of red wine or some other dyed and coloured substance which tints a large quantity of water. In such a subtle business exact proportions are not to be had without useless and excessively ingenious investigation, nor do they help very much with the matter in hand. It is ........................................................................................................................... pg 53 enough that it be shown by the experiment that the ratio of vapour to water is not as two, ten, forty, or again not two hundred or a thousand to one, etc. For at the moment the |

bounds and not the degrees of natures are being investigated. Thus if anyone does not come across this ratio of eighty to one when he performs the experiment (either because of a difference in the shape of the glass, or of the hardness or softness of the bladder, or of the method of heating) he should understand that this is a matter of no importance. Seeing that water is consumed as if in its entirety and evaporates to nothing, I suppose that nobody will be so ignorant as to think that the pneumatic and volatile substances which escape from heavy bodies lie hidden in the pores of those same bodies and that they are not the very matter which was heavy but something separate from the heavy part. If a hot coal be placed in a balance and left to burn itself out so that it ends up as charcoal, we find that it gets far lighter. Metals themselves change markedly in weight by fumes escaping. Thus exactly the same matter is tangible and endowed with weight as becomes pneumatic and loses it.

HISTORY The way that the process unfolds in oil is as follows: if oil is taken into an ordinary glass phial and placed over the fire, it begins to boil much more slowly than water and needs a |

greater heat to make it boil. Then at first certain small drops or grains diffused through the body of the oil appear, rising with a kind of crackling noise. Meanwhile no bubbles play on the surface (as they do in water), nor does the whole body swell up en masse, and almost no exhalation escapes, but after a little while the whole body inflates and swells up to a remarkable degree, rising to about twice its size. Then finally does an extremely abundant and thick exhalation escape; if a flame is applied to this exhalation, even at a fair distance above the mouth of the phial, the exhalation immediately catches fire and at once descends to the phials mouth, fixes itself there and burns indefinitely. But if the oil has been heated to

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an even greater degree, towards the end this exhalation, burning on the outside of the glass without the application of flame or any lighted body, sets itself entirely alight and assumes the expansion of flame. ........................................................................................................................... pg 55

SUGGESTION Care should be taken that the phial has a rather narrow mouth to hold the fumes in check, so that by mixing with the air at once and plentifully they do not give up their inflammable nature.

|

HISTORY

The way that the process unfolds in spirit of wine is as follows: it is stirred by far less heat and gets itself ready for and performs the expansion more quickly than water. Now it boils with especially large bubbles without froth or even the rising of its whole body; but its vapour, while it is dense, conceives flame when a flame is brought near, at a fair distance from the mouth of the glass, and its flame is not indeed as bright and well compacted as that with oil but thin and meagre, blue too, and almost pellucid. Now when set alight it rises to the mouth of the glass, where there is the provision of more abundant fuel, as also with oil. But yet if the vapour be set alight in the part turning a little at an oblique angle from the mouth of the glass, the burning becomes suspended in the air, undulating or bending, following the ghost of the vapour and without doubt ready to accompany it further if it stayed hanging together and did not get mixed up with the air. Furthermore, when a flame is put to it and left there for a little while, the very body of the spirit of wine, without any perceptible vapour preceding it, changes into flame and takes on its dimensions, and it does |

that the more quickly and easily the more widely it is spread out and the shallower it is. But if spirit of wine be placed in a cupped hand, and a lighted candle be put between the fingers next to the palm (as children commonly do when they play with powdered resin), and this spirit is gently thrown straight forwards but not aloft, the very body of it burns in the air, and sometimes comes straight down alight, sometimes spreads out a small cloud hovering in the air (but one which itself tends to come down), and sometimes, inflamed for certain, burns and slowly goes out clinging to the highest point of the ceiling, to the walls or to the flooring. Now vinegar, verjuice, wine, milk and other simple liquors (derived, I mean, from vegetables and animals, for I shall talk about minerals separately) have their own ways of expansion, and a number of notable differences between them which I have thought it superfluous to record here. However, these differences have to do with the natures which I noted in relation to the processes unfolding in water, oil and spirit of

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........................................................................................................................... pg 57 wine, namely with the degree of heat, and the mode of expansion which is threefold: either in the whole body, or in froth or in larger bubbles. For fats rise in almost their whole body, |

unripe juices like verjuice in larger bubbles, exhausted juices like vinegar in smaller ones. Also, the gathering together of spirit varies with location. For in the boiling of wine the bubbles first begin to gather together around the middle, in boiling vinegar around the sides, which is usually the case both with mature and strong wine too, and again with wine which is vapid or spoiling, when they are mingled. However, all liquors, oil itself included, throw up a few rare half-bubbles around the sides of the vessel before they start boiling. It is also common to all liquids that they boil and get consumed more quickly in a small quantity than a large one.

SUGGESTION I decided that liquids which are obviously composite are not proper or suitable subjects for a history of the expansion and coming together of matter by fire because in their separations and mixtures they muddle and confuse the relations of simple expansion and coming together. I have therefore consigned them to the particular history of separation and mixture.

|

HISTORY

Spirit of wine set up in the experiment with the pliant membrane (which I described when I was talking about water) increased in volume as follows. I found that 6 pennyweights, consumed and turned into vapour, filled up and vigorously inflated a large bladder capable of holding 8 pints, a bladder which was sixteen times larger than the one which I used for the water, which only held half a pint. But in the experiment with water the consumption of only 2 pennyweights was achieved, which is only one third of the six pennyweights. On working out the ratios, the expansion of the vapour of spirit of wine as compared with the expansion of water vapour was as five to one and more. Nevertheless this vast expansion did not prevent the body hurrying to restore itself when the vessel was removed from the fire, the bladder wilting without delay and contracting markedly. Now from this experiment I set about estimating the expansion of the body of flame, with a tentative guess but one |

which is nevertheless probable. For since the vapour of spirit of ........................................................................................................................... pg 59 wine is so inflammable, and approximates so closely to the nature of flame, I judged the relationship between the vapour of spirit of wine and flame was as the relationship between water vapour and air. For it is proper that such as the relationships appear to be between Page 57 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

rudiments or imperfect and fugitive bodies (i.e. vapours), so it also turns out to be between perfect and permanent bodies (i.e. flame and air). From this it will follow that flame is five times and more greater than air in rarity or expansion of matter. For by so much is the vapour of one greater than that of the other, as has been said; but flame itself may be one and a half times rarer than its own vapour, a vapour not impure but one elaborated in the highest degree, and such is the relationship which I have also set down as obtaining between air and water vapour elaborated in the highest degree. Now these conclusions do not differ much from ones which strike you in passing and which occur familiarly. For if you blow out a lighted wax candle and look at the size of the rising wisp of smoke at the bottom before it spreads out, and if you then move the candle near to a flame and again examine the part of the flame which rises first, you will estimate the size |

of the flame is a little more than twice that of the smoke, and yet the smoke is more impure and compressed. If you note carefully the size of a body of gunpowder, or measure it in a bowl for a better result, and again after it has caught fire, notice the size of its flame: you will not at all deny (as far as such a thing may be grasped in the twinkling of an eye) that the flame is a thousand times greater than the body. Further there should, on the basis of points that I have made already, be some such relationship between flame and nitre. But I shall explain those things more clearly when I come to my observations on that history. We see very well that air itself is expanded and contracted by heat and cold in the cuppingglasses which physicians use for attraction. For these, heated over a flame and immediately applied to the flesh, draw the flesh up, the air gradually contracting and restoring itself. This works by itself though no oakum, which they usually employ for stronger attraction, has been put in and set alight. Furthermore, if a sponge dipped in cold water is placed on the outside of the glass, the air contracts all the more by virtue of the cold, and the attraction becomes stronger. |

I placed a bell-shaped silver salt-cellar, such as we have very commonly for use at table, in a basin or dish full of water, the salt-cellar carrying with it the air weighed down by it to the bottom of the vessel. ........................................................................................................................... pg 61 Then I placed two or three hot coals in the small hollow which usually takes the salt, and fanned the fire by blowing it. Now it happened soon after that the air, rarefied by the heat and impatient of its old sphere, lifted up the bottom of the cellar on one side and rose in bubbles. Hero describes the construction of an altar, so contrived that when the offering was laid on it and set alight, water suddenly fell down and put the fire out. This required no other contrivance than that air would be received into a hollow and enclosed place beneath

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the altar, air which, when expanded by the fire, could find no way out except by pushing and driving out the water made ready for the purpose in a channel. There were also some Netherlanders over here in England recently who had made a kind of musical organ which, when struck by the Suns rays, gave out a kind of harmony. This was very likely achieved by the stretching of the warmed air, which could provide the principle of motion, since it is |

certain that air excited even by the slightest touch of heat starts expanding at once. Relying, however, on the pliant bladder for a more accurate knowledge of the expansion of air, I took an empty glass (that is, filled only with air) and capped it with the bladder (of which I have already spoken). Then the glass was placed over a fire, and the air stretched more quickly and with less heat than water or spirit of wine, but did not expand immoderately. For it yielded this proportion: if the bladder's capacity was half as much as that of the glass itself, the air inflated it very powerfully and fully. It did not easily achieve greater expansion, and yet when a hole was made in the top of the bladder while it was inflated, no visible body escaped. ........................................................................................................................... pg 62

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NOTES 7 ut homines,] ⁓‸ Page 2, ll. 7–12: Cum nobis homines—this is written as if it were meant to follow on from a (lost) introduction or perhaps even from the kind of matter that was later to occupy Part II of IM. l. 12: experientiam quandam literatam—this expression is used here in an unusually general v

sense—perhaps to mean the legitimate method (cf. NO, O2 (SEH, I, p. 204)). More often it refers to a useful but low-grade means of achieving improvements in the mechanical r

v

v

arts. For this meaning see NO, O3 , P2 (SEH, I, pp. 204, 209); AL, 2N3 (SEH, III, p. 389); v

v

and (above all) DAS, 2H2 –2l3 (SEH, I, pp. 623–33). Also see Lisa Jardine, Francis Bacon: discovery and the art of discourse, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1974, pp. 143–9; idem, 'Experientia literata or Novum Organum? The dilemma of Bacon's scientific method', FBLT, pp. 47–67. ll. 15 ff: universa philosophia Graecorum—the contrast between the Greek rationalists and their descendants on the one hand, and the chemists and other empirics on the other, is v

developed to the full in the NO treatment of idols of the theatre (H1 ff. (SEH, I, pp. 173 ff.)), r

which actually echoes (H2 (SEH, I, p. 173)) the words of PhU. 20 [aut certo compertis notionibus]] / suspecting a lacuna, and drawing on similar remarks r

in NO (h2 (SEH, I, p. 173) ), Spedding (SEH, III, p. 685 n. 1) suggested that these words be supplied r–v

Page 2, l. 28–P. 4, l. 3: Sed Naturalis Historia—cf. DGI, D7

r

; PAH, b1 (SEH, I, pp. 395–6).

r

CDSH (fo. 226 (SEH, III, p. 191)) gives examples of historians responsible for these sins: 'Namque [c–t: Nam quá] multus Plinius in fabulis, antiquitate & Censurâ morum: Gesnerus aut haereditatem historiæ suæ ex multis partibus Philologiæ, ex paucis Philosophiæ …'Also r–v

see DAS, M3 (SEH, I, p. 501). For these and other aspects of pre-Baconian natural history, see William B. Ashworth, Jr., 'Natural history and the emblematic world view', Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. D. C. Lindberg and R. S. Westman, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1990, pp. 303–32. v

Page 4, ll. 10–12: Artifex enim—the same point is made with very similar wording in NO, O1 (SEH, I, p. 203).

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ll. 15–18: fructifera Experimenta—for the distinction between experiments of light and r

fruit see NO, A4 (SEH, I, pp. 128–9): 'Neque illud imprimis omittendum est, quòd omnis in experiendo industria, statim ab initio opera quædam destinata, præpropero & intempestiuo studio captauit; Fructifera (inquam) Experimenta, non Lucifera, quæsiuit; nec ordinem diuinum imitata est, qui primo die lucem tantùm creauit, eique vnum diem integrum attribuit; neque illo die quicquam materiati operis produxit, verùm sequentibus diebus ad ea v

r

r

descendit.' Also see NO, I3 , O2 , Q3 (SEH, I, pp. 180, 203, 215). v

Page 4, ll. 19–26: Intervenit & illud—cf. NO, M3 (SEH, I, p. 195). 20 plerumque] / nld as plerunque in SEH (III, p. 686) 21 vulgatis,] ⁓. 26 existimarunt.] ⁓‸ r

v

ll. 28–31: Namque Historia illa—cf. NO, C1 (SEH, I, p. 141); PAH, b1 (SEH, I, pp. 396–7). 29 exstat] / this possibly Gruterian preference nld as extat in SEH (III, p. 686) r–v

Page 6, l. 1: filum aliquod Labyrinthi—cf. NO, A4

r

r

, L4 (SEH, I, pp. 129, 191); SI, Q10 (SEH,

r

II, p. 687); IL, T2 cf. SEH, III, p. 634. r

ll. 11–19: Primo, ut mittant—cf. NO, L3 (SEH, I, p. 190). r

Page 6, ll. 19–30: Secundo ut homines—cf. CDSH, fos. 217v–218 (SEH, III, pp. 194–5); also cf. v

NO, Q2 (SEH, I, pp. 214–15): 'Qyòd verd ad rerum Vilitatem attinet, vel etiam Turpitudinem, quibus (vt ait Plinius) honos præfandus est; eæ res, non minùs quàm lautissimæ & pretiosissimæ, in Historiam Naturalem recipiendæ sunt. Neque proptereà polluitur Naturalis Historia … Nam quicquid Essentiâ dignum est, id etiam Scientiâ dignum; quae est essentiæ imago. At vilia æquè subsistunt ac lauta. Quinetiàm, vt è quibusdam putridis materijs, veluti Musco & Zibetho, aliquandò optimi odores generantur; ità & ab instantijs vilibus & sordidis, quandoquè eximia lux & informatio emanat. Verùm de hoc nimìs multa; cùm hoc genus fastidij sit planè puerile & effœminatum.' Cf. Pliny, Historia naturalis, I, Præfatio: 'Sterili materia rerum natura, hoc est, vita narratur, & hæc sordidissima sui parte, ut plurimarum rerum, aut rusticis vocabulis aut externis, imo barbaris, etiam cum honoris præfatione v

ponendis.' Also see PAH, b4 (SEH, I, p. 400); Aristotle, Works, V, Departibus animalium, I. 5. b

a

644 –645 : 'We therefore must not recoil with childish aversion from the examination of the humbler animals … we should venture on the study of every kind of animal without distaste

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… If any person thinks the examination of the rest of the animal kingdom an unworthy task, he must hold in disesteem the study of man.' 22 præfandus sit,] ⁓; v

Page 6, ll. 34–5: sed Naturam, ut fortunam—NO, Q3 (SEH, I, p. 216). 3 Cælorum] / nld as cœlorum in SEH (III, p. 687) Page 8, ll. 3–4: ad regnum illud—a favourite image of Bacon's often related to the alphabet r

image, cf. ANN, fo. 24 ; NO, I2

r–v

(SEH, I, p. 179).

5 plebejum] / nld as plebeium in SEH (loc. cit.) r

r

ll. 9–11: A qua etiam supplices—cf DO, C4 (SEH, I, p. 145); CV, A5 (SEH, III, p. 595). r

r

Page 8, ll. 12–13: Natura rerum—for this important distinction see DGI, D4 –D5 and cmt r

v

r

thereon (p. 384 below); CDSH, fo. 217 (SEH, III, p. 189); PAH, a4 (SEH, I, p. 395); NO, C1 r

r–v

(SEH, I, p. 141); AL, 2B4 (SEH, III, p. 330); DAS, L4

(SEH, I, p. 496).

l. 16: fossilium—used here in its Aristotelian sense to denote minerals or refractory stones v

v

generated from earthy, dry exhalations; cf. PhU, P3 ; DPAO, K7 . v

Page 8, 22–6: Quid enim ad nos—cf. DGI, D7 . r

r

ll. 28–30: omnino pri|mas partes—;see DGI, D4 –D5 and cmt thereon (p. 384 below). Also r

see NO, K2 (SEH, I, pp. 183–4). v

Page 8, ll. 31–3: Num forte fulguris—cf. DGI, D5 . 4 sollennius] / nld as solennius in SEH (III, p. 688) Page 10, ll. 4–9: Atque à Phaenomenis ætheris—Bacon is implicitly or explicitly making several points here. In saying that natural history might normally begin with the history of the ether, i.e. with the history of the heavens, he may have been thinking of the fivefold r

r

distribution of history of generations later found, for instance, in DGI (D8 –D9 ). In that distribution history of the heavens stood first and Bacon began his survey of the distribution with it, but in PhU he set that history aside in favour of something more universal, something shared by both globes, the sublunary as well as the superlunary. He thereby implicitly denied the divorce between the two globes, the conficta divortia which he so often railed against

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r

elsewhere (see, for instance, DGI, D11 ), and chose instead to start with dense and rare, a distinction which he regarded as one of the most universal and 'primordial' in nature (see r

cmt on TC, G6 (p. 406 below)). So important was this distinction that he later devoted a whole history to it (HDR), and raised it to the rank of primary 'schematism of matter' (see r

ANN, fo. 24 ). The definition of dense and rare is his usual one, cf. ANN, loc. cit. and HDR, r–v

A1

r

r

(SEH, II, pp. 243–4); also see cmt on PhU, P1 (p. 367 below), and DVM, fo. 18 (p. 324).

9 exporrectæ,] ⁓; nam] Nam Page 10, ll. 10–26: propositio illa gemella—the same propositions and arguments are r–v

advanced with similar wording in NO, 2K4 r

r

v

(SEH, I, pp. 311–12); also cf. CDNR, R11 –S1

r

v

(SEH, III, pp. 22–5); HDR, A2 –A4 (SEH, II, pp. 243–4); HDR(M), fo. 22 . Telesio (DRN, I, pp. 60–4) also insisted that the quantity of matter neither increased nor diminished; cf. DPAO, r

M6 . 14 assertum sit] ⁓; 25 est] ⁓, 25 ac si dicat] ⁓, 28 [in aliquibus] ] / c–t makes no sense without some such emendation: surds cannot be de r

finite or certain as a similar passage in CDNR (R11 (SEH, III, p. 23)) makes abundantly clear 34 habent,] ⁓; 5 ablatione] oblatione / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 689) r–v

Page 12, l. 8: majorem & minorem sphæram—cf. NO, 2B1 323, 332).

v

r

, 2M4 , 203 (SEH, I, pp. 262–3,

22 statu,] ⁓‸ v

24 adjiciemus] abjiciemus / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 690); cf. PhU, O12 28 compactius,] ⁓‸ 29 aëreorum] aër eorum

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r

Page 12, ll. 32–4: de visceribus terræ—see cmt on PhU, P3 (p. 368 below); also see DGI, r

D11 , and Introduction, 2 (h). r

Page 12, l. 37–P. 14, l. 4: Cum vero non conjicere—cf. PAH, c2 (SEH, I, pp. 401–2); see also r–v

HNE, C4

(SEH II, pp. 17–18).

2 positum esse] ⁓, 3 modum motum / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 690) 7–8 ad operandas] adoperandas r

Page 14, ll. 10–13: Postremo observationes—cf. DO, C2 (SEH, I, p. 143): 'adiungimus sæpiùs obseruationes nostras, tanquam primas quasdam conuersiones & inclinationes, ac veluti aspectus Historiæ ad Philosophiam: vt & pignoris loco hominibus sint, eos in Historiæ fluctibus perpetuo non detentos iri; vtque, cùm ad opus Intellectûs deueniatur, omnia sint magis in procinctu.' 17 [χ]] for supplementary notes on this see cmts on χ; in c–t each item is numbered, but the numbering ceases at 64 v

v

Page 14, l. 17–P. 18, l. 23: Tabula—this also appears in HDR (A4 –A5 (SEH, II, pp. 245–6)), and stands at the very beginning of HDR(M) (fo. 7r). In these two texts the items listed are not numbered; in PhU the first 64 items are numbered, the rest not. The wording of the titles of three versions of the table differ in the following respects: HDR(M) reverses coïtionis and expansionis; after Tangibilibus HDR and HDR(M) add the parenthetical remark quæ, scilicet, dotantur pondere; and where PhU and HDR have rationum, HDR(M) has rerum. In the phrase Idem spatium … PhU and HDR have sive where HDR(M) has seu. The versions of the table differ as follows (i) Plumbi cinerei: HDR and HDR(M) give den. 10. gr. 12. not Den. 10. Gran. 13.; (ii) Marmoris: HDR(M) has den. 2. gr. 22. d. but PhU and HDR give Den. 2. Gran. 22. D.qu.; (iii) Cineris communis: PhU and HDR have the same result whereas HDR(M) gives it an r

extra half-grain; (iv) after Balsami Indi HDR (A5 ) and HDR(M) have two extra items—Cerebri vitulini crudi and Sanguinis ovilli; (v) after Cæpæ recentis HDR and HDR(M) have an extra item—Lactis vaccini; (vi) Radicis Caricæ is unique to PhU but instead the other versions have three extra items not found in PhU, namely Succi menthæ expressi, Succi boraginis expressi, and Cervisiæ lupulatæ fortisr; (vii) from the point of view of weight Succini lucidi is out of order; it appears two items later in HDR and HDR(M); viii) also out of order by weight are Aquæ communis and Vrinæ, they appear in the correct order in HDR and HDR(M); (ix) the Beniovis and Myrrhæ of PhU appear in reverse order in the other versions. 19 exporriguntur:] ⁓.

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ll. 24–5: Plumbi cinerei—bismuth. 26 Gran. 8.] ⁓‸ l. 27: Aurichalchi—aurichalcite, a mineral containing copper and zinc which, when reduced, yields brass. l. 33: Lapidis Lydii—basanite, a black variety of quartz, used as a touchstone for precious metals. Page 16, l. 4: Salis Gemmæ—probably natural rock-salt, see OED, Sal-gem. l. 12: Vitrioli Albi—natural zinc sulphate; alternatively, green vitriol (iron sulphate) dehydrated and powdered. l. 15: Olei Vitrioli—concentrated sulphuric acid. r

l. 18: Olei Sulphuris—sulphuric acid, cf. HDR, B1 (SEH, II, p. 250); OED, Sulphur, sb. 1. d. l. 22: Aquœ fortis—nitric acid (HNO2). 31 Dim.] Dem. l. 32: Succini lucidi—Dr Michael Edwards has pointed out that this could mean clear amber (succinus) or clear souse (succinum). SEH (V, p. 341) prefers the first translation; we prefer the second. It would be quite difficult to cut amber to the shape required by the experiment; souse (a liquid used for pickling) stands before vinegar in the table; Bacon would probably r

have used the word electrum had he meant amber, see for instance HVM, D5 (SEH, II, p. 117). r

34 Agrestœ] Agressœ / not so emended in SEH (III, p. 691), but see HDR, A5 (SEH, II, p. 245) r

and HDR(M), fo. 7

r

r

10 Beniovis] / HDR(M) (fo. 7 ) and HDR (A5 (SEH II, p. 245)) have Benjovin. Page 18. l. 10: Beniovis—benzoin or benjamin, a resinous substance obtained, apparently, from the Indonesian tree styrax benzoin (OED, Benzoin, 1). v

r

14 Den. o.] Den. 1. / cf. HDR, A5 (SEH, II, p. 246); HDR(M), fo. 7

v

16 Gran. 23.] Gran. 22. / not so emended in SEH (III p. 692), but see PhU, p6 , which, v

r

agreeing with HDR (A5 (SEH II, p. 246) ) and HDR(M) (fo. 7 ), gives gran. 23

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24 Sheet P: outer forme—see Introduction, 3 (c), and 'This Edition', p. cxii above. Page 18, 25–7: Intelligantur pondera—this sentence appears almost verbatim in HDR(A5

v

v

(SEH, II, p. 246)) and HDR(M), (fo. 7 ). PhU says more than these texts about the reasons for choosing gold as a standard. The weights are Troy weights (24 grains = 1 pennyweight = 1.56 grams. 20 dwt = 1 oz. 12 oz. = 1 lb. = 5760 grains). These were traditionally used by gold and silversmiths; see R. D. Connor, The weights and measures of England, HMSO: London, 1987, pp. 120, 123; R. E. Zupko, British weights and measures: a history from antiquity to the seventeenth century, Madison, 1977, pp. 77–8. For brief remarks on the historical context of this experiment see Rees, 'Quantitative reasoning', pp. 42–3. r

l. 28: exporrectionis—for this important technical term see ANN (fo. 24 ) where Bacon speaks of the five Exporrectrices magnæ or major conditions governing the space-filling aspect of matter. The five are dense and rare; heavy and light; hot and cold; tangible and pneumatic; r–v

and volatile and fixed. The justification for creating this group is given (fo. 24 ) thus: 'Cum omnis omnium corporum diuersitas referatur vere, vel ad copiam et paucitatem materiaæ in ijsdem contentæ (id quod in rationes illas densi et rari, si recte accipiantur, incidit) vel ad partium aut disparitatem inter se, aut posituram et collocationem; cumque omnis motus corporum et partium ipsorum sit vel sphærius, id est vndequaque corpus aut contrahens aut expandens, vel orbicularis siue rotans, vel in linea recta, vel etiam ex his tribus compositus et complicatus, manifestissimum est inquisitionem de exporrectione materiæ per spatia, quæ fit ex eiusdem copia et inopia, et de motu coitionis et dilatationis, qui est sphærius, esse omnium in natura simplicem et vniuersalem.' Page 18, l. 32–P. 20, l. 21: Experimentum vero—the experiment is described in much the v

r

v

same way in HDR (A5 –A6 (SEH, II, pp. 246–7)) and HDR(M) (fo. 7 ) save that these two texts tell us that the cubes were made of silver. In the example, HDR and HDR(M) have myrrh not fat. v

ll. 20–3: Enimvero si terra—cf. corresponding passage in CDNR, S10 (SEH, III, P. 34). 8 appareret.] ⁓; 11 ex tempore] extempore Page 20, ll. 21–7: Mensuræ autem—this statement down to the end of the paragraph does not appear in HDR or HDR(M). The unit of measure is the vintner's or wine pint (approx. 0.473 litres), see R. E. Zupko, A dictionary of English weights and measures from AngloSaxon times to the nineteenth century, Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1968, p. 127. This v

unit is also used in NO, 2N1 (SEH, I, p. 324).

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23 pars 269] ⁓. 26 contentum] contentam / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 693) Page 20, l. 28–p. 22, l. 21: MONITA—these four monita appear with slightly different wording r

r

r

in HDR (A6 –Ay . (SEH, II, p. 247) but the first of PhU stands last in HDR. HDR(M) (fo. 8 ) has an abbreviated version of the first and last monita only. 29 [1.]] / om in c–t 30 quantitate materiæ;] ⁓, 11 recipit;] ⁓, 19 Secundo] aof Secundò r

21 pneumatica [quia] pondere] / not emended thus in SEH (III, p. 694), but HDR(M) (fo. 8 ) v

and HDR (a6 (SEH, II, 247)) suggest that it should have been Page 22, l. 23–p. 24, l. 4: Coacervatio materiæ—this paragraph is quite different from the r

r

r–v

corresponding materials in HDR (A7 –A8 (SEH, II, p. 248)) and HDR(M) (fo. 8 ) where the standard of comparison is 32 parts (obtained by dividing the weight of gold by that of fir wood). In PhU the standard is obtained by dividing the result for gold by that for spirit of v

r

wine; the answer is the same as that given in NO (2K4 –2L1 (SEH, I, p. 312)) namely 21 (although 22 would be a better approximation). In the phrase ad nostram notitiam Bacon is implicitly excluding the pure, super-dense tangible matter in the depths of the Earth, cf. r

r

r–v

HDR, A8 (SEH, II, p. 249); DVM, fos. 17 , 18r; also see cmt on DGI, E12

(p. 395 below).

24 partium 21] ⁓. 27 porosa).] ⁓.) 29 Ex 21] ⁓. 30 13] ⁓. 33 intra 8] ⁓. 3 3] ⁓. 4 paulo levior] paulo levius / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 694)

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v

v

Page 24, ll. 5–14: Videtur saltus—cf. HDR, A7 –A8 (SEH, II, pp. 248–9). 6 20] ⁓. 11 8] ⁓. v

l. 14: fossilia—see cmt on PhU, O9 (p. 365 above). Page 24, ll. 16–26: In vegetabilibus—material in this paragraph recurs with different wording v

in HDR (A8 (SEH, II, p. 249)). 24 exstinctus] ⁓ / nld as extinctus in SEH (III, p. 695) Page 24, l. 27–p. 26, l. 2: Reperimus plerumque—this paragraph was rewritten in a much v

abbreviated form (with material on plants and animals omitted) in HDR (A8 (SEH, II, p. 250)). 29 & folia;] ⁓, 2 corpora] ⁓ ) fragilia)] ⁓‸ 6 contingit, quæ] aof contingit, quœ habent] aof habent] ⁓ , 8 consequantur] aof consequantut r–v

Page 26, ll. 9–16: In Inquisitione—cf. HDR, A8 (SEH, II, pp. 249–50). This paragraph was perhaps suggested by materials in G. Agricola, De re metallica libri XII, Basle, 1561, lib. 3, v

r

pp. 29–54. For the places where metals, crystals and gems are generated see NO, 2T2 –2T3 (SEH, I, p. 360). 10 parum, quœ] aof parum, quæ metalla, quœ] aof metalla, quæ 11 Experimentum] aof experimentum 12 Regionis] aof regionis

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Page 26, ll. 17–24: Sulphur, quem patrem—this is further evidence of Bacon's willingness to v

r

use quantitative argument to attack a theory; for other evidence see cmt on PhU, Q2 –Q3 (p. 372 below). The theory in question, the sulphur-mercury theory of metals, is not alluded to in HDR or HDR(M). For the origins of the theory see A. G. Debus, The chemical philosophy, I, pp. 8–9. For the phrase naturalem non communem see tn to this passage. 18–19 naturalem non communem] / thus in c–t, but naturalem may be wrong. The alchemists did not distinguish between common and natural sulphur but between common and philosophical or sophic sulphur, the latter being a principle that entered into the composition of metals, a principle of which common or natural sulphur was merely a material approximation 19–20 denariorum 2] ⁓. granorum 2;] ⁓. v

r

r–v

ll. 25–30: Efficiens coitionis—cf. HDR, A8 –B1 (SEH, II, p. 250); HDR(M), fo. 8

.

28 populare est] ⁓) 29 [glacie] ] / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 696) 29 frigore] ftigore (aof frigore) 30 supernatat).] ⁓‸ Page 26, l. 31–p. 28, l. 17: Mixtura liquorum—this paragraph appears in a shorter form in r

v

HDR, B1 (SEH, II, p. 250) and HDR(M), fo. 8 . 1 amigdalarum] / nld as amygdalarum in SEH (III, p. 696); c–t uses both forms 7 18] ⁓. 8 4] ⁓. 14 industriâ] ⁓, Page 28, ll. 20–26: Rationes pulverum—this brief introduction to the results is not present in HDR or HDR(M). v

Page 28, l. 26–p. 30, l. 1: Mercurius in corpore—in HDR(B2 (SEH, II, p. 252)) and HDR(M) v

(fo. 8 ) all the results are given in tabular form. PhU and HDR give the 'correct' weight for lead (i.e. the one given in the earlier table); HDR(M) gives 4 dwt. too little. HDR and HDR(M) Page 69 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

agree that the weight of powdered crystal is 2 dwt. 20 grains not 1 dwt. 20 grains. On cerussa or white lead, see Pliny, Historia naturalis, XXXV. 18. 28 Grana 9;] ⁓. 22;] ⁓. 29 1. dimid.,] ⁓‸ 31 Chalibs] / nld as Chalybs in SEH (III, p. 697) 33 18;] ⁓. 34 5. dimid.,] ⁓‸ 1 19 dimid.,] ⁓.‸ Page 30, ll. 2–18: Ut autem—the material on powders compressed and uncompressed does not appear in HDR and HDR(M). 3 diversitate] ⁓ didersitate (aof diversitate) 5 7,] ⁓. 22;] ⁓. r

v

v

7 16] aof 19 / 16 is correct, see PhU, P6 , HDR(M), fo. 8 , HDR, B2 (SEH, II, p. 252) 7 gran. 10,] ⁓. 16] ⁓. 13 dare gran. 22,] ⁓. 23,] ⁓. 16 1. gran. 20;] ⁓. 1. gran. 10;] ⁓. 17 Beniovis, quæ dat] Biniorum, quæ dant / verb silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 697), but the meaningless Biniorum is retained. Biniorum and Beniovis both have eight letters,

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and the letters b, n, i, o occur in both in the same positions. Above all, the evidence of

χ

shows that Beniovis (the only powderable substance, myrrh excepted, weighing 1 dwt.) belongs here. Gruter was too good a scholar to let Biniorum pass, so perhaps the error was the compositor's 17 Myrrhæ, quæ dat denar. 1;] ⁓. 18 ipsa Tabulâ] aof ipsa Tabula v

Page 30, ll. 18–23: Conspicere autem—these data are given in tabular form in HDR(B2 v

r

(SEH, II, p. 252)) and HDR(M) (fo. 8 –9 ). HDR(M)and PHU agree on the weight of undistilled vinegar; HDR makes it 1 gr. heavier—a result which agrees with that given in all three v

v

v

versions of the Tabula Coitionis (cf. HDR, A4 –A5 (SEH, II, pp. 245–6); HDR(M), fo.7 )). Vinegar distillate is given an extra gr. in HDR(M) but not in HDR, this gr. does not feature in any version of the Tabula Coïtionis. 19 gran. 2,] ⁓. 18;] ⁓. 20 22,] ⁓. 21;] ⁓. 21 qu.,] ⁓.‸ in distillato gran. 22;] ⁓. 22 d.,] ⁓.‸ Page 30, l. 24–p. 32, l. 19: MONITA—from here onwards the contents of PhU and HDR r

begin to diverge sharply. Of the four monita, HDR (B3 (SEH, II, pp. 252–3)) has matter corresponding only to the second. HDR(M) has no monita here. r

v

Page 30, l. 26: de eodem individuo—for the individual/species distinction see DGI, D4 , D7 ; v

r

v

HDR, A6 (SEH, II, p. 247); NO, 2E3 (SEH, I, p. 282); PAH, b1 (SEH, I, p. 396). 6 limaturam:] aof limaturam; 16 Individuis,] ⁓‸

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17 glacie … ] Spedding shrewdly proposed that c–t (glacie, & solutæ ejusdem) be emended thus (SEH, III, p. 698); certainly c–t punctuation seems to be misleading and a word (fixæ, or something of the sort) missing; HDR and HDR(M) offer no help for neither has an equivalent passage 18 solutæ, ejusdem] solutæ ejusdem, r

Page 32, l. 19: historiam propriam—cf. PhU, P2 (p. 20 above). Page 32, l. 20–p. 34, l. 12: OBSERVATIONES—much of the substance of the first three appears as a single paragraph in HDR; the fifth observatio appears as a second paragraph v

in HDR while the fourth and sixth do not appear at all (cf. HDR, B3 (SEH, II, pp. 253–4)); HDR(M) does not have these observationes. 25 amplius;] ⁓, chalibis] / nld as chalybis in SEH (III, p. 698) 28 porosis] perosis / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 699) 2 pulverem pressum] pulverem non pressum / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 699) 15 ultra] aof ultro r

Page 34, ll. 15–27: Animalia natando—see NO, 2O2 (SEH, I, pp. 330–1); for the flight of birds v

see HVM, F3 (SEH, II, p. 124⊢5). 23 aer] aof aër 30 headline of c–t: numbered page 353] aof 853 v

Page 36, ll. 14–16: & pressura liberetur—cf. HDR, G5 (SEH, II, p. 304). v

v

r

l. 20: motus gravitatis—see NO, 2N3 , 2O4 (SEH, I, pp. 328, 334); ANN, fo. 30 . r

r

r

l. 20: motu liberationis—cf. PhU, Q2 ; also see NO, 2O2 (SEH, I, pp. 330–1), and ANN, fo. 29 , where this motion is called motus libertatis. v

v

r

27 scaphis] schaphis / see tns to DGI, D11 (p. 114 below); DFRM, I2 , I3 (pp. 80–2 below) 28 scapham …

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29 scapha … 31 scaphæ … scapham ] / see previous tn 1 arbores … ] / the suggestion (SEH, III, p. 701 n. 1) that c–t (arbores, domos evertunt, prosternunt,) transposes two words and has misleading punctuation is surely correct 22 intensionem] / SEH (III, p. 701) has intentionem 3 juvet,] ⁓‸ r

Page 38, ll. 5–9: Pueri ad imitationem—cf. NO, 2O2 (SEH, I, pp. 330–1). r

r–v

Page 38, ll. 10–14: Aër impulsu—cf. NO, X3 (SEH, p. I, 245); HSA, H2 Page 38, ll. 15–26: In sonorum—cf. HSA, H2 II, pp. 397–8).

r–v

(SEH, III, pp. 661⊢2). v

r

(SEH, III, pp. 661–2). Also cf. SS, G1 –G2 (SEH,

20 ex tactu] ⁓ ex-tactu / hyphen preceding line break (aof ex tactu) 22 primò] aof primo 24 spiritus] ⁓, formâ] aof forma r–v

Page 38, ll. 29: ventus per angustias—HV, I2

(SEH, II, p. 44). v

v

Page 38, l. 33–p. 40, l. 2: Aqua ex angustiis—cf. NO, 2C4 2O3 (SEH, I, pp. 273, 333). 34 virgœ] aof virgæ v

r

Page 40, ll. 3–8: Est genus turbinis—HV, I4 –I5 (SEH, II, p. 45): 'Fit in pratis, vt cumuli fœni, quandoquè in altum ferantur, & turn instar Conopæi spargantur; etiam in agris, vt caules pisarum … attollantur à Turbinibus, vsque ad altitudinem Arborum, aut supra fastigia Ædium; haecque fiunt, abṣque aliquo maiore Venti impetu, aut vehementiâ.' 9 æqualiter] aof œqualiter Page 40, ll. 9–20: Catinum ligneum—for the same experiment but written up differently see r–v

HDR, G1

v

(SEH, II, p. 299). In HDR(M) (fo. 21 ) this experiment is mentioned but in note v

r

form; see cmt on PhU, P11 –P12 below. The paragraph beginning 'In cubiculo …' does not appear in HDR or HDR(M).

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11 vasis aerem] aof vasis aërem 14 locum] ⁓, Page 40, ll. 21–34: Ad commodiorem—For Drebbel's diving bell see Introduction, 1 (e). Also v

see cmt on PhU, Q9 (pp. 374–5 below). The substance of most of this paragraph appeared with different wording in HDR immediately after the experiment of the inverted wooden bowl v

v

(G1 (SEH, II, p. 299)). It also appeared in the same place in HDR(M) (fo. 21 ) but as nothing more than a three-word note. HDR and HDR(M) do not refer to the experience of Bacon's servant. 26 universo] ⁓, continebat] ⁓, 31 pelvem] pelvim / SEH (III, p. 702) retains the c–t reading 33 tepefactum,] ⁓‸ 35 admittit;] ⁓, 2 novam] no-novam / the c–t hyphen is at the end of a line Page 42, l. 6–p. 44, l. 15: Sed ut de proportione—material from this and the next three v

v

r–v

paragraphs (P12 –Q1 ), also appears in NO in the accounts of instantias virgæ (2N1

(SEH,

v

I, pp. 323–5)), and Polychrest Instances (2S1 (SEH, I, p. 352)). Of these four paragraphs the v

r

material of the first two appears in the same order in HDR (G1 –G2 (SEH, II, pp. 299–300)). v

These first two, on the compression of air and water, are represented in HDR(M) (fo. 21 ) in the form of a very brief note accompanied by a reference to 'lib. ii. in organo nouo'. 7 ima] imo / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 703) 9 superimposuimus] super imposuimus (aof superimposuimus) Page 42, ll. 14–21: Atque fieri fecimus—see previous cmt. l. 21: sed alio spectat—Bacon may have been wondering whether air left compressed for a v

time would remain compressed when released from the lead vessel, cf. NO, 2S1 (SEH, I, p. 352). 22 exuctione] / nld as exsuctione in SEH (III, p. 703)

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23 reliquus] reliquis (aof reliquus) 23 sublata,] ⁓‸ r

v

Page 42, ll. 27–34: Modus autem est —cf. NO, 2N1 (SEH, I, p. 323); HDR, E4 (SEH, II, pp. r

283–4); HDR(M), fo. 17 . 29 exsugant,] ⁓‸ 30 alliciant] alligant / alligant is wrong in meaning and grammar, and probably a misreading v

r

of alliciant (cf. DVM, fo. 19 ); another possibility might be attrahant (cf. NO, 2N1 (SEH, I, p. 323)) 33 nitens,] ⁓‸ r

v

v

Page 44, ll. 1–15: Nos idem cum ovo—cf. NO, 2N1 , 2S1 (SEH, I, pp. 323, 352–3); HDR, E4 (SEH, II, pp. 283–4). Instead of an eighth part, HDR says a tenth.

7 diem] ⁓, / the c–t comma is semi-substantive; integrum could agree with diem or ovum; diem is the obvious candidate 7 fecimus,] ⁓‸ 8 experiremur] ⁓, 10 elanguescit;] ⁓, v

r

Page 44, ll. 16–20: In follibus—cf. DPAO, M7 –M8 , where this observation is intimately associated with discussions of the vacuum and the possibility of producing one artificially. Also see Rees, 'Atomism', pp. 556–61. 17 franguntur;] ⁓, 22 locus] ⁓, Page 44, ll. 22–34: Si aqua accipiatur—this is dealt with very briefly in HDR, G3r (SEH, II, p. 301). 23 adscenderit] ⁓, 26 in] / om in SEH (III, p. 704) 31 surgere in superficie,] ⁓‸

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2 appellant] apellant Page 46, ll. 2–5: Motum successionis—the two motions mentioned in this monitum are called v

v

r

motus nexus and motus libertatis in NO (2O1 –2O2 (SEH, I, pp. 330–2)) and ANN (fo. 29 ); r–v

v

also see HDR, E5 (SEH, II, p. 284), and NO, 2O2 (SEH, I, p. 331) which says: 'Quidam enim valdè negligentèr confundunt hunc Motum, cum gemino illo Motu Antitypiæ & Nexûs; Liberationem scilicèt à Pressurâ, cum Motu Antitypiœ; à Tensurâ, cum Motu Nexus: ac si ideò cederent aut se dilatarent corpora compressa, ne sequeretur Penetratio dimensionum; ideò resilirent & contraherent se Corpora tensa, nè sequeretur Vacuum.' 6 [HISTORIA.] / the paragraphs following this conjectural title clearly do not form part of the r–v

preceding MONITVM, cf. HDR, C7

(SEH, II, p. 268) r

v

Page 46, ll. 7–11: Aër per respirationem—cf. HDR, F4 (SEH, II, pp. 292–3); HDR(M), fo. 19 . v

r

r–v

Page 46, ll. 12–34: Modus processus—cf. PhU, Q5 –Q6 ; cf. HDR, C7 r–v

HDR(M), fo. 12

r

(SEH, II, p. 268);

v

; DVM, fo. 10 ; NO, 2N4 (SEH, I, p. 329).

20 etiam postquam] etam postquam effugerit] ⁓, v

r

v

v

v

ll. 32–4: Ex æstimatione—cf. HDR, A2 –A3 , G4 (SEH, II, pp. 244, 303); HDR(M), fos. 10 , 22 . The idea that a given quantity of earth could be turned into ten times as much water, water into ten times as much air, and air into ten times as much fire is being implicitly undermined r

v

r–v

here as it is elsewhere in PhU (Q3 –Q4 , Q5 and cmts thereon (below)). The idea originated in a misunderstanding by his commentators of remarks by Aristotle, see De generatione et a

corruptione, II. 6. 333 . Also see Michel-Pierre Lerner, 'Le “parménidisme” de Telesio: origine et limites d'une hypothèse', in Bernardino Telesio e la cultura napoletana, ed. Raffaele Sirri and Maurizio Torrini, Guida Editore: Naples, 1992, pp. 79–105, p. 100, n. 54. Bacon also r–v

r

attacked the theory in NO (F4 (SEH, I, p. 165)), and HDR (B8 (SEH, II, p. 259)). Telesio criticised it (DRN, I, pp. 482–8, 512), as did Gilbert (De mundo, pp. 43–5). Bacon would have known these criticisms but did not draw on them. Isaac Beeckman remarks a propos of Bacon's criticisms of the proportionality, 'Quo modo meliùs Antiqui proportionem inter locum terræ, aquæ, aeris, ignis determinassent quàm conjecturâ, nescio, quâ dixissent esse 1:10:100:1000'; see Journal, II, p. 252. r–v

Page 48, l. 2–p. 50, l. 13: Phialam vitream—this experiment is repeated later (PhU, Q8 ) but with spirits of wine not water. Comparing the results derived from the two experiments, Bacon argued that flame might be five times rarer than air—a conclusion at variance with

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v

r

Peripatetic element theory (q.v. cmt on PhU, Q2 –Q3 (above)). The experiment with spirits r–v

v

r

of wine recurs in NO (2L1 (SEH, I, pp. 312–13)) and HDR (B6 –B7 (SEH, II, p. 257)), but not in HDR(M). These later versions of the experiment, though based on the account in PhU, lack the circumstantial detail of the earlier text. In all cases the experiment exemplifies Bacon's readiness to use quantitative data derived from highly artificial theory-testing experiments to encompass the ruin of rival doctrines in the realm of matter theory. For the function and history of this experiment see Rees, 'Quantitative reasoning', pp. 43–6. 4 existimavimus;] ⁓, 5 2] ⁓. 11 emissus,] ⁓‸ 19 porosior] ⁓; poterat),] ⁓) ‸ Page 50, l. 19: balneo Mariæ—a vessel containing water which was kept simmering to warm the alchemical or culinary vessels placed in it. For the humid heat of a bain-marie see NO, v

r

2S4 –2T1 (SEH, I, p. 357). 21 continuam] continuum / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 707) 23 clibanos] clibona / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 707) Page 50, ll. 30–3: Itaque amplificatur—for other allusions to the power of small volumes of r

material to colour or scent large volumes of water see HDR, E6 (SEH, II, p. 285), and CDNR, r

r

R3 –R6 (SEH, III, pp. 15–17). Page 50, l. 32–p. 52, l. 13: Rationes exactæ—Bacon is concerned only with approximations r

v

here, approximations sufficient to falsify the decuple proportion theory (q.v. cmt on Q3 –Q4 (p. 372 above)). Termini enim Naturarum constituted a topic of abiding interest for Bacon; one of the underlying issues here is the question of the extreme limits of density and rarity. v

v

These bounds are also a matter for concern in HDR (G4 (SEH, II, p. 302)) and ANN (fo. 24 ). r

For other instances of Bacon's interest in this see ANN, fo. 33 (the boundaries of generation r–v

r

and corruption), ANN, fo. 36 and NO, 2F4 (SEH, I, pp. 288–9): 'Inter Prœrogatiuas Instantiarum, ponemus loco Duodecimo ipsas illas Instantias Subiunctiuas … quas etiam Instantias Vltimitatis siue Termini, appellare consueuimus. Neque enim huiusmodi Instantiæ vtiles sunt tantùm, quatenùs subiunguntur Propositionibus Fixis; verùm etiam per se, & in proprietate suâ. Indicant enim non obscurè veras Sectiones Naturæ, & Mensuras rerum, & Page 77 of 80 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007155 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

illud Quousque Natura quid faciat & ferat, & deinde Transitus Naturæ ad aliud. Talia sunt; Aurum, in Pondere; Ferrum, in Duritie; Cete, in Quantitate Animalium … & alia id genus. Nec minùs exhibenda sunt ea, quæ sunt Vltima gradu infimo, quàm quæ supremo: vt Spiritus vini, in Pondere; Sericum, in Mollitie; Vermiculi cutis, in Quantitate Animalium; & cætera.' 2–3 ducentuplam, non millecuplam] millecuplam, non ducentuplam / the two numerals seem to have been transposed at some stage in the transmission of the text 3 millecuplam,] ⁓‸ 4 rationem] ratione / silently emended thus in SEH (III p. 707) 12 exstinctionem] / nld as extinctionem in SEH (III, p. 708) Page 52, ll. 13–15: Metalla ipsa—for extended series of quantitative experiments on effects v

v

v

v

of acids on metals see HDR, D7 –E1 (SEH, II, pp. 278–80); HDR(M), fos. 15 –16 v

Page 52, ll. 17–31: Modus processus olei—cf. HDR, C7 (SEH, II, p. 268). HDR(M) lacks the r

more detailed observations on the lighting of the vapour. In HDR(M) (fo. 12 ), the way various liquids boil and 'open' is merely noted as a subject for investigation. Otherwise HDR(M) has none of the detailed observations relating to water, oil, spirits of wine, etc. 29 oleum,] ⁓‸ 2 angustioris] augustioris / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 708) 5 excitatur] excitatus / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 708) v

Page 54, ll. 5–27: Modus processus spiritus—cf. HDR, C7 (SEH, II, p. 268) for a much shorter treatment which lacks the material in PhU on the burning of spirits and vapour. 23 directo,] ⁓; 27 exstinguitur] / nld as extinguitur in SEH (III, p. 709) Page 54, l. 28–p. 56, l. 7: Habent autem Acetum—the material in this paragraph is written up v

r

in two short paragraphs in HDR (C7 –C8 (SEH, II, pp. 268–9)). 29 mineralibus] muneralibus / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 709) r

r

Page 56, ll. 8–11: Omnes autem—cf. HDR, C8 (SEH, II, p. 269); HDR(M), fo. 12 .

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r

v

Page 56, l. 19–p. 58, l. 11: Spiritus vini—see cmt on PhU, Q3 –Q4 (p. 372 above). Once again the Peripatetic theory of the decuple proportionality of the elements is implicitly under r–v

quantitative attack. It is worth comparing these findings with those in HDR, B6 (SEH, II, p. 256). HDR does not offer the 1 to 1.5 ratio but makes the following observation: 'rationes Pneumaticorum minime differe à rationibus Fomitum suorum; ideoque, quemadmodum Oleum est rarius Aqua, similiter Flammam rariorem esse Aere & Spiritu. Etiam videtur Flamma Corpus tenuius, & mollius, & magis cedens, quam Aer. Nam levissima quæpiam Aura, commota juxta flammam lychni, eam reddit tremulam.' The distinction between r

r

perfect and other kinds of spirits is developed further in HDR, B4 –B5 (SEH, II, pp. 254–5). 21 6] ⁓. 22 8] ⁓. 25 2] ⁓. r

30 flaccescente] flavescente / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 710); cf. HDR, B7 (SEH, II, p. 258) 5 statariorum] ⁓, 9 prӕparatum,] ⁓‸ Page 58, ll. 12–23: Neque hæc—on the expansion of fumes in relation to the flame from v

which they come, the same measure is given in HDR, B7 (SEH, II, p. 258) and HDR(M), fo. v

r

10 . On the nature of fumes in general and in relation to other tenuous bodies see HDR, B4 – v

r–v

B4 (SEH, II, pp. 254–5). ll. 13–18: Nam si candelam—cf. NO, 2B1

(SEH, I, pp. 262–3).

14 exstinguas] / nld as extinguas in SEH (III, p. 711) v

v

Page 58, ll. 18–23: Quod si pulveris—cf. HDR, B7 (SEH, II, p. 258); HDR(M), fo. 10 . In HDR and HDR(M), this and the previous example prepare the way for the attack on the theory of v

r

decuple proportionality (q.v. cmt on PhU, Q2 –Q3 (p. 372 above)). 21 flammam] ⁓, v

r

ll. 27–33: Aërem ipsum expandi—cf. HDR, C6 (SEH, II, p. 267). In HDR(M) (fo. 12 ) this r

v

r

material appears as a mere note. Also cf. DVM, fo. 25 ; NO, 2R4 –2S1 (SEH, I, pp. 351–2); r

v

CDNR, R11 –S1 (SEH, III, pp. 22–5). 33 superimponatur] super imponatur

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v

Page 58, l. 34–p. 60, l. 4: Salinum Argenteum—cf. HDR, C6 (SEH, II, p. 267) and (in note r

form) HDR(M), fo. 12 . The experiment is different in HDR, where Bacon estimates the extent to which air expands on warming. r

r

Page 60, ll. 5–10: Hero describit—cf. HDR, C7 (SEH, II, pp. 267–8) and HDR(M), fo. 12 , both of which have slightly fuller accounts of this device, a device described in Heronis Alexandrini spiritalivm liber. A Federico Commandino Vrbinate, ex Graeco, nvper in Latinvm r

r

v

r

conversvs, Urbino, 1575, fos. 20 –22 . Also see cmt on DGI, E6 –E7 (p. 392 below). 6 exstingueret] / nld as extingueret in SEH (III, p. 711) ll. 10–15: Erant etiam Batavi—this is a reference to Drebbel's solar organ, q.v. Introduction r

v

1 (e). In HDR, G6 (SEH, II, p. 304), and HDR(M), fo. 23 , the device is mentioned in passing v

and without elaboration. For another of Drebbel's devices—the diving bell—see PhU, P11 – r

P12 , and ants thereon (pp. 370–1 above). 14 sit] ⁓, r

Page 60, ll. 16–25: Verum ad magis—see PhU, Q8 (p. 56 above). r

17 tensibilem] sensibilem / c–t is surely wrong; cf. PhU, Q8 : pileo illo tensibili 18 impletum),] ⁓)‸ 24 vesicæ] ⁓, inflaretur] ⁓,

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Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Francis Bacon, Viscount St Alban, On the Ebb and Flow of the Sea Graham Rees (ed.), The Oxford Francis Bacon, Vol. 6: Philosophical Studies c.1611–c.1619 Published in print:

1996

Published online:

September 2012

........................................................................................................................... PG 63

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. ........................................................................................................................... PG 64 V

[H5 ] |

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 5

10

15

Contemplatio de causis fluxus & refluxus maris ab Antiquis tentata, & deinde omissa, Junioribus repetita, & tamen varietate opinionum magis labefactata quam discussa, vulgo levi conjectura refertur ad Lunam, ob consensum nonnullum motus ejusdem cum motu Lunæ. Attamen diligentius perscrutanti vestigia quædam veritatis se ostendunt, quœ ad certiora deducere possint. Itaque ne confusius agatur, primo distinguendi sunt motus maris, qui licet satis inconsiderate multiplicentur à nonnullis, inveniuntur revera tantum quinque; quorum unus tamquam anomalus est, reliqui constantes. Primus ponatur motus ille vagus & varius (quos appellant) Currentium; Secundus motus magnus Oceani Sexhorarius, per quem aquæ ad littora accedunt & recedunt alternatim bis in die, non exacte, sed cum r

[H6 ] |

differen tia tali, quæ periodum constituat menstruam. Tertius motus ipse menstruus, qui nil aliud est quam restitutio motus (ejus quem diximus) diurni ad eadem tempora; Quartus motus Semimenstruus, per Page 1 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

20

25

30

quem fluxus habent incrementa in noviluniis & pleniluniis, magis quam in dimidiis; Quintus motus Semestris, per quem fluxus habent incrementa auctiora & insignia in Æquinoctiis. Atque de secundo illo motu magno Oceani sexhorario sive diurno, nobis in prœsentia sermo est præcipue & ex intentione, de reliquis solummodo in transitu & quatenus faciant ad hujusce motus explicationem. Primo igitur quod ad motum Currentium attinet, dubium non est quin pro eo ac Aquæ vel ab angustiis premuntur, vel à liberis spatiis laxantur, vel in magis declivia festinant ac veluti effunduntur, vel in eminentiora incurrunt ac inscendunt, vel fundo labuntur æquabili, vel fundi sulcis & inæqualitatibus perturbantur, vel in alios Currentes incidunt, atque cum illis se miscent & compatiuntur, vel etiam à ventis agitantur præsertim Anniversariis sive statariis, qui sub Anni certas tempestates redeunt, Aquas ex his & similibus causis impetus & gurgites suos v

[H6 ] |

varia re tam consecutione ipsius motus atque latione, quam velocitate sive mensura motus, atque inde constituere eos quos vocant Currentes.

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........................................................................................................................... pg 66 Itaque in maribus tum profunditas fossæ sive canalis, atque interpositæ voragines & rupes submarinæ, tum curvitates littorum, & terrarum prominentiæ, sinus, fauces, Insulæ multis modis locatæ, & similia, plurima possunt, atque agunt prorsus Aquas, earumque meatus & gurgites in omnes partes, & versus Orientem & versus Occidentem, Austrum versus similiter & Septentriones, atque quaqua versum prout obices illi aut spatia libera & declivia sita sint, & invicem configurentur. Segregetur igitur motus iste Aquarum particularis, & quasi fortuitus, ne forte ille in inquisitione, quam prosequimur, obturbet. Neminem enim par est constituere & fundare abnegationem eorum, quæ mox dicentur de motibus Oceani naturalibus & catholicis, opponendo motum istum Currentium, veluti cum thesibus illis minime convenientem. Sunt enim Currentes meræ compressiones Aquarum, aut liberationes à compressione. Suntque, ut diximus, particulares & respectivi, prout

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locantur Aquæ & Terræ, aut etiam incumbunt venti. Atque hoc quod diximus eò magis memoria tenendum est, atque diligenter advertendum, quia motus ille universalis Oceani, de quo nunc agitur, adeo mitis est & mollis ut à compulsionibus Currentium omnino dometur, & in ordinem redigatur, cedatque & ad eorum violentiam agatur & regatur. Id autem ita se habere ex eo perspicuum est vel

Page 2 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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maxime, quod motus simplex fluxus & refluxus maris in pelagi medio, præsertim per maria lata & exporrecta non sentiatur, sed ad littora tantum. Itaque nihil mirum si sub Currentibus (utpote viribus inferior) lateat & quasi destruatur, nisi quod ille ipse motus, ubi Currentes secundi fuerint, eorum impetum nonnihil juvet atque incitet, contra ubi adversi, modicum frænet. Misso igitur motu Currentium pergendum est ad motus illos quatuor constantes, Sexhorarium, menstruum, semimenstruum & semestrem, quorum solus sexhorarius videtur fluxus maris agere & ciere, menstruus vero videtur tantummodo motum illum determinare & restituere, Semimenstruus autem & Semestris eundem augere & intendere. Etenim fluxus & refluxus v

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Aquarum, qui littora maris ad certa spatia inundat & destituit, & ho ris [variis] variat, & vi ac copia Aquarum, unde reliqui illi tres motus se dant conspiciendos. Itaque de illo ipso motu Fluxus & Refluxus sigillatim ac proprie (ut instituimus) videndum. Atque primo illud dari ........................................................................................................................... pg 68 prorsus necesse est, motum hunc, de quo inquirimus, unum ex duobus istis esse, vel motum Sublationis & Demissionis Aquarum, vel motum Progressus. Motum autem Sublationis & Demissionis talem esse intelligimus, qualis invenitur in Aqua bullienti, quæ in Caldario attollitur & rursum residet. At motum progressus talem, qualis invenitur in Aqua vecta in pelvi, quæ unum latus deserit, cum ad latus oppositum advolvitur. Quod vero motus iste neutiquam sit primi generis, occurrit illud inprimis, quod in diversis mundi partibus variant æstus secundum tempora; ut fiant in aliquibus locis fluxus & augmenta aquarum, cum alibi sint ad eas horas refluxus & decrementa. Debuerant autem Aquæ si illæ non progrederentur de loco in locum, sed ex profundo ebullirent, ubique simul se attollere, atque rursus simul se recipere. Videmus enim duos illos alios motus Semestrem & Semimenstruum per universum orbem Terrarum simul perfungi atque

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operari. Fluxus enim sub æquinoctiis ubique augentur; non in aliis partibus sub œquinoctiis, in aliis sub Tropicis; atque similis est ratio motus Semimenstrui. Ubique enim Terrarum invalescunt Aquæ in Noviluniis & Pleniluniis, nullibi in Dimidiis. Itaque videntur revera Aquæ in duobus illis motibus plane attolli & demitti, & veluti pati apogæum & perigæum, quemadmodum cœlestia. Atque in fluxu & refluxu Maris, de quo sermo est, contra fit: quod motus in progressu

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certissimum signum est. Præterea si fluxus Aquarum ponatur esse sublatio, attendendum paulo diligentius quomodo ista sublatio fieri possit. Aut enim fiet tumor ab aucto quanto Aquarum, aut ab Extensione sive rarefactione Aquarum in eodem quanto, aut per sublationem simplicem in eodem quanto atque eodem corpore. Atque tertium illud prorsus abjiciendum. Si enim Aqua, qualis est, attollatur, ex hoc relinquatur necessario inane inter terram atque ima Aquæ, cum non sit corpus quod succedat. Quod si sit nova moles Aquæ, necesse est eam emanare atque scaturire è terra. Sin vero sit Extensio tantum, id fiet vel v

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per solutionem in magis rarum, vel appetitum appropinquandi ad aliud corpus, quod Aquas veluti evocet & attrahat, & in sublimius tollat. Atque certe ista Aquarum sive ebullitio sive rarefactio, sive conspiratio cum alio quopiam corpore ex superioribus, non incredibilis videri possit in mediocri quantitate, atque adhibito etiam bono temporis spatio, in quo hujusmodi tumores sive augmenta se colligere & cumulare possint. Itaque excessus ille Aquarum, qui inter æstum ordinarium, atque æstum illum largiorem Semimenstruum, aut etiam ........................................................................................................................... pg 70 illum alterum profusissimum Semestrem notari possit, cum nec mole excessus inter fluxum & refluxum æquiparetur, atque habeat etiam bene magnum intervallum temporis ad incrementa illa sensim facienda, nihil habeat alienum à ratione. Ut vero tanta erumpat moles Aquarum, quæ excessum illum, qui invenitur inter ipsum fluxum & refluxum, salvet; atque hoc fiat tanta celeritate, videlicet bis in die, ac si terra secundum vanitatem illam Apollonii respiraret, atque Aquas per singulas sex horas efflaret, ac deinde absorberet; incommodum maximum. Neque moveatur quispiam levi experimento, quod putei nonnulli in aliquibus

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locis memorentur consensum habere cum fluxu & refluxu Maris, unde suspicari quis possit, Aquas in cavis terræ conclusas similiter ebullire, in quo casu tumor ille ad motum progressivum Aquarum referri commode non possit. Facilis enim est responsio, posse fluxum Maris accessione sua multa loca cava ac laxa terræ obturare atque opplere, atque aquas subterraneas vertere, etiam aërem conclusum reverberare, qui serie continuata hujusmodi puteorum aquas trudendo attollere possit. Itaque hoc in omnibus puteis minime fit, nec in multis adeo, quod fieri debuit si universa massa aquarum naturam haberet ebullientem per vices, & cum æstu maris Consensionem. Sed contra raro admodum fit, ut instar

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miraculi fere habeatur; quia scilicet hujusmodi laxamenta & spiracula, quæ à puteis ad mare pertingunt, absque obturatione aut impedimento raro admodum inveniantur. Neque abs re est memorare quod referunt nonnulli, in fodinis profundis, non procul à Mari sitis, aërem incrassari & suffocationem minari ad tempora fluxus Maris; ex quo manifestum videri possit non aquas ebullire (nullæ cum cernuntur) sed aërem v

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retroverti. At certe aliud urget experimentum non contemnen dum, sed magni ponderis, cui responsio omnino debetur; hoc est, quod diligenter observatum sit, idque non fortuito notatum, sed de industria inquisitum atque repertum, Aquas ad littora adversa Europœ & Floridœ iisdem horis ab utroque littore refluere, neque deserere littus Europœ cum advolvantur ad littora Floridœ, more Aquœ (ut supra diximus) agitatæ in pelvi, sed plane simul ad utrumque littus attolli & demitti. Verum hujus objectionis solutio perspicue apparebit in iis quæ mox dicentur de cursu & progressu Oceani. Summa autem rei talis est, quod Aquæ à mari Indico profectæ, & ab objectu terrarum Veteris & Novi orbis impeditæ, truduntur per mare Atlanticum ab Austro in Boream; ut non mirum sit eas ad utrumque littus simul ex æquo appellere, ut Aquæ ........................................................................................................................... pg 72 solent, quæ contruduntur à mari in ostia & canales fluminum, in quibus evidentissimum est motum maris esse progressivum quatenus ad flumina, & tamen littora adversa simul inundare. Verum id pro more nostro ingenue fatemur, idque homines attendere & meminisse volumus, si per experientiam inveniatur, fluxus maris iisdem r

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temporibus ad littora Peruviœ. atque Chi nœ affluere, quibus fluunt ad littora præfata Europœ & Floridœ, opinionem hanc nostram, quod Fluxus & Refluxus maris sit motus progressivus, abjudicandam esse. Si enim per littora adversa tam maris Australis quam maris Atlantici fiat fluxus ad eadem tempora, non relinquuntur in Universo alia littora, per quæ refluxus ad eadem illa tempora satisfaciat. Verum de hoc judicio faciendo per experientiam (cui causam submisimus) loquimur tamquam securi. Existimamus enim plane, si summa hujus rei per universum terrarum orbem nobis cognita foret, satis æquis conditionibus istud fœdus transigi, nempe ut ad horam aliquam certam fiat refluxus in aliquibus partibus orbis, quantum fiat fluxus in aliis. Quamobrem ex iis, quæ diximus, statuatur tandem, motus iste fluxus & refluxus esse progressivus.

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Sequitur jam Inquisitio ex qua causa, & per quem consensum rerum oriatur atque exhibeatur iste motus Fluxus & Refluxus. Omnes enim majores motus (si sunt iidem regulares & constantes) solitarii, aut (ut Astronomorum vocabulo utamur) ferini non sunt, sed habent in rerum v

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natura cum quibus consentiant. Ita que motus illi, tam Semimenstruus incrementi, quam menstruus Restitutionis, convenire videntur cum motu Lunæ; Semestris vero ille sive æquinoctialis cum motu Solis; etiam sublationes & demissiones Aquarum cum apogæis & perigæis cœlestium. Neque tamen continuo sequetur (idque homines advertere volumus) quœ periodis & curriculo temporis, aut etiam modo lationis conveniunt, ea natura esse subordinata, atque alterum alteri pro causa esse. Nam non eo usque progredimur, ut affirmemus motus Lunæ aut Solis pro causis poni motuum inferiorum, qui ad illos sunt analogi; aut Solem & Lunam (ut vulgo loquuntur) dominium habere super illos motus maris (licet hujusmodi cogitationes facile mentibus hominum illabantur ob venerationem cœlestium) sed & in illo ipso motu Semimenstruo (si recte advertatur) mirum & novum prorsus fuerit obsequii genus, ut æstus sub Noviluniis & Pleniluniis eadem patiantur, ........................................................................................................................... pg 74 cum Luna patiatur contraria; & multa alia adduci possint, quæ hujusmodi dominationum phantasias destruant, & eo potius rem deducant, ut ex materiæ passionibus Catholicis, & primis rerum r

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coagmentationibus consen sus illi oriantur, non quasi alterum ab altero regatur, sed quod utrumque ab iisdem Originibus & Concausis emanet. Veruntamen (utcunque) manet illud quod diximus, Naturam consensu gaudere, nec fere aliquid Monodicum aut solitarium admittere. Itaque videndum de motu fluxus & refluxus Maris Sexhorario, cum quibus aliis motibus ille convenire aut consentire reperiatur. Atque inquirendum primo de Luna, quomodo iste motus cum Luna rationes aut Naturam misceat. Id vero fieri omnino non videmus, præterquam in Restitutione menstrua: nullo modo enim congruit curriculum Sexhorarium (id quod nunc inquiritur) cum curriculo menstruo; neque rursus fluxus Maris passiones Lunæ quascunque sequi deprehenduntur. Sive enim Luna sit aucta lumine, sive diminuta, sive illa sit sub terra, sive super terram, sive illa elevetur super horizontem altius aut depressius, sive illa ponatur in Meridiano, aut alibi, in nulla prorsus harum consentiunt fluxus atque refluxus.

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Itaque missa Luna, de aliis consensibus inquiramus. Atque ex omnibus motibus cœlestibus constat, motum diurnum maxime curtum v

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esse, & minimo temporis inter vallo (spatio videlicet 24. horarum) confici. Itaque consentaneum est, motum istum, de quo inquirimus (qui adhuc tribus partibus diurno brevior est) proxime ad eum motum referri, qui est ex cœlestibus brevissimus; sed hoc rem minus premit. Illud vero longe magis nos movet, quod ita sit iste motus dispertitus, ut ad diurni motus rationes respondeat, ut licet motus Aquarum sit motu diurno quasi innumeris partibus tardior, tamen sit commensurabilis. Etenim spatium Sexhorarium est diurni motus quadrans, quod spatium (ut diximus) in motu isto maris invenitur cum ea differentia, quæ coincidat in mensuram motus Lunæ. Itaque hoc nobis penitus insedit, ac fere instar oraculi est, motum istum ex eodem genere esse cum motu diurno. Hoc igitur usi fundamento pergemus inquirere reliqua; atque rem omnem triplici inquisitione absolvi posse, statuimus. Quarum prima est, An motus ille diurnus terminis cœli contineatur, aut delabatur, & se insinuet ad inferiora? Secunda est, an Maria regulariter ferantur ab Oriente in occidentem, quemadmodum & cœlum? Tertia, unde & ........................................................................................................................... pg 76 quomodo fiat reciprocatio illa Sexhoraria œstuum, quœ incidit in r

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quadrantem | motus diurni, cum differentia incidente in rationes motus Lunœ?. Itaque quod ad primam inquisitionem attinet, arbitramur motum rotationis sive conversionis ab Oriente in occidentem esse motum non proprie cœlestem, sed plane cosmicum, atque motum in fluoribus magnis primarium, qui usque à summo cœlo ad imas aquas inveniatur, inclinatione eadem, incitatione autem (id est velocitate & tarditate) longe diversa; ita tamen ut ordine minime perturbato minuatur celeritate, quo propius corpora accedunt ad globum terræ. Videtur autem primo probabile argumentum sumi posse, quod motus iste non terminetur cum cœlo, quia per tantam cœli profunditatem, quanta interjicitur inter cœlum stellatum & Lunam (quod spatium multo amplius est, quam à Luna ad terram) valeat atque vigeat iste motus, cum debitis decrementis suis; ut verisimile non sit Naturam istiusmodi consensum, per tanta spatia continuatum, & gradatim se remittentem, subito deponere. Quod autem res ita se habeat in cœlestibus evincitur ex duobus, quæ aliter sequentur, incommodis. Cum enim manifestum sit ad sensum, Planetas diurnum motum

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perage re, nisi ponatur motus iste tamquam naturalis, ac proprius in Planetis omnibus, confugiendum necessario est vel ad raptum primi mobilis, quod naturæ prorsus adversatur, aut ad rotationem terræ, quod etiam satis licenter excogitatum est, quoad rationes physicas. Itaque in cœlo ita se res habet. Postquam autem à cœlo discessum est, cernitur porro iste motus evidentissime in Cometis humilioribus, qui, cum inferiores orbe Lunæ sint, tamen ab Oriente in Occidentem evidenter rotant. Licet enim habeant motus suos solitarios & irregulares, tamen in illis ipsis conficiendis interim communicant cum motu ætheris & ad eandem conversionem feruntur. Tropicis vero non continentur fere, nec habent regulares spiras, sed excurrunt quandoque versus polos, sed nihilominus in consecutione ab Oriente in Occidentem rotant. Atque hujusmodi motus iste licet magna acceperit decrementa (cum quò propius descendatur versus terram, eò & minoribus circulis conversio fiat, & nihilominus tardius) validus tamen utique manet, ut magna spatia brevi tempore vincere queat. Circumvolvuntur enim hujusmodi

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Cometæ circa universum ambitum & terræ & aëris inferioris spatio 24. horarum, cum horæ unius aut alterius excessu. At postquam

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........................................................................................................................... pg 78 ad eas regiones descensu continuato perventum sit in quas terra agit non solum communicatione Naturæ & Virtutis suæ (quæ motum circularem reprimit & sedat) sed etiam immissione materiali particularum substantiæ suæ per vapores & halitus crassos, iste motus immensum hebescit, & fere corruit, sed non propterea prorsus exinanitur aut cessat, sed manet languidus & tamquam latens. Etenim jam in confesso esse cœpit, navigantibus intra Tropicos, ubi libero œquore motus aëris percipitur optime, & aër ipse (veluti & cœlum) majoribus circulis, ideoque velocius rotat, spirare auram perpetuam & jugem ab Oriente in Occidentem; adeo ut qui Zephyro uti volunt, eum extra Tropicos sæpius quærant & procurent. Itaque non exstinguitur iste motus etiam in aëre infimo, sed piger jam devenit & obscurus, ut extra Tropicos vix sentiatur. Et tamen etiam extra Tropicos in nostra Europa in mari, cœlo sereno & tranquillo, observatur aura quædam solisequa, quæ ex eodem genere est; etiam suspicari licet, quod hic in v

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Europa expe rimur, ubi flatus Euri acris est, & desiccans, cum contra

Page 8 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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Zephyri sit genialis & humectans, non solum ex hoc pendere, quod ille à Continente, iste ab Oceano apud nos spiret; sed etiam ex eo, quod Euri flatus cum sit in eadem consequentia cum motu aëris proprio, eum motum incitet & irritet, ac propterea aërem dissipet & rarefaciat; Zephyri vero flatus, qui in contrariâ consequentiâ sit cum motu aëris, aërem in se vertat, & propterea inspisset. Neque illud contemnendum, quod vulgari observatione recipitur, nubes, quæ feruntur in sublimi plerumque movere ab Oriente in Occidentem, cum venti circa terram ad eadem tempora flant in contrarium. Quod si hoc non semper faciunt, id in causa esse, quod sint quandoque venti contrarii, alii in alto, alii in imo; illi autem in alto spirantes (si adversi fuerint) motum istum verum aëris disturbent. Quod ergo cœli terminis non contineatur iste motus, satis patet. Sequitur ordine secunda inquisitio; An aquœ ferantur regulariter & naturaliter ab Oriente in Occidentem? Cum vero Aquas dicimus, r

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intelligimus Aquas coacervatas, sive massas Aquarum, quæ | scilicet tantæ sunt portiones Naturæ, ut consensum habere possint cum fabrica & structura Universi. Atque arbitramur plane, eundem motum massæ Aquarum competere atque inesse, sed tardiorem esse quam in aëre, licet ob crassitudinem corporis sit magis visibilis & apparens. Itaque ex multis, quæ ad hoc adduci possent, tribus in præsens contenti erimus ........................................................................................................................... pg 80 experimentis, sed iisdem amplis & insignibus, quæ rem ita esse demonstrant. Primum est, quod manifestus reperiatur motus & fluxus Aquarum ab Oceano Indico usque in Oceanum Atlanticum, isque incitatior & robustior versus fretum Magellanicum, ubi exitus datur versus Occidentem; magnum itidem ex adversa parte Orbis terrarum à mari Scythico in mare Britannicum. Atque hæ consequentiæ Aquarum manifesto volvuntur ab Oriente in Occidentem. In quo advertendum inprimis, in istis tantum duobus locis maria esse pervia, & integrum circulum conficere posse; cum contra per medios mundi tractus, objectu duplici Veteris & Novi Orbis abscindantur & compellantur (tamquam in ostia fluminum) in duos illos alveos Oceanorum v

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geminorum Atlantici & Australis, qui Oceani exporriguntur inter Austrum & Septentriones; quod adiaphorum est ad motum consecutionis ab Oriente in Occidentem. Ut verissime omnino capiatur

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motus verus Aquarum ab istis, quas diximus, extremitatibus Orbis, ubi non impediuntur, sed permeant. Atque primum experimentum hujusmodi est. Secundum autem tale. Supponatur fluxum maris ad ostium freti Herculei fieri ad horam aliquam certam, constat accedere fluxum ad caput Sancti Vincentii tardius quam ad ostium illud; ad caput finis terrœ tardius quam ad caput Sancti Vincentii; ad Insulam Regis tardius quam ad caput finis terrœ; ad insulam Hechas tardius quam ad Insulam Regis; ad ingressum Canalis Anglici tardius quam ad Hechas; ad littus Normannicum tardius quam ad ingressum Canalis. Hucusque ordinatim; ad Gravelingam vero verso prorsus ordine (idque magno saltu) quasi ad eandem horam cum ostio freti Herculei. Hoc experimentum secundum ad experimentum primum trahimus. Existimamus enim, (quemadmodum jam dictum est) in mari Indico & in mari Scythico veros esse cursus Aquarum, ab Oriente scilicet r

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in | Occidentem, pervios & integros; at in alveis maris Atlantici atque Australis compulsos, & transversos, & refractos ab objectu terrarum, quæ utrimque in longum ab Austro ad Boream exporriguntur, & nusquam, nisi versus extremitates, liberum dant exitum aquis. Verum compulsio illa Aquarum, quæ causatur à mari Indico versus Boream, & in opposito à mari Scythico versus Austrum, spatiis immensum differunt ob differentem vim & copias Aquarum. Universus igitur Oceanus Atlanticus usque ad mare Britannicum cedit impulsioni maris Indici; at superior tantum Atlantici maris pars, nimirum ea quæ jacet versus ........................................................................................................................... pg 82 Daniam & Norvegiam, cedit impulsioni maris Scythici. Hoc vero ita fieri necesse est. Etenim duæ magnæ Insulæ Veteris Orbis & Novi orbis eam sunt sortitæ figuram, atque ita exporriguntur, ut ad Septentriones latæ, ad Austrum acutœ sint. Maria igitur contra ad Austrum magna occupant spatia, ad Septentriones vero (ad dorsum Europœ & Asiœ atque Americœ) parva. Itaque ingens illa moles Aquarum, quæ venit ab Oceano Indico, & reflectit in mare Atlanticum, potis est compellere & trudere cursum v

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Aquarum continua successione quasi ad mare Britannicum, quæ successio est versus Boream. At illa longe minor portio Aquarum, quæ venit à mari Scythico, quæque etiam liberum fere habet exitum in cursu suo proprio versus Occidentem ad dorsum Americœ, non potis est cursum Aquarum compellere versus Austrum, nisi ad eam, quam

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diximus metam, nempe circa fretum Britannicum. Necesse est autem ut in motibus istis oppositis sit tandem aliqua meta, ubi occurrant & conflictentur, atque ubi in proximo mutetur subito ordo accessionis; quemadmodum circa Gravelingam fieri diximus, limite videlicet accessionis Indicœ & Scythicœ. Atque inveniri Euripum quendam ex contrariis fluxibus circa Hollandiam, non solum ex ea (quam diximus) inversione ordinis horarum in fluxu, sed etiam peculiari & visibili experimento à plurimis observatum est. Quod si hæc ita fiant, reditur ad id, ut necesse sit fieri, ut quo partes Atlantici & littora magis extenduntur ad Austrum, & appropinquant mari Indico, eo magis fluxus antevertat in præcedentia, utpote qui oriatur à motu illo vero in mari r

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Indico; quo vero magis ad Boream (usque ad limitem communem, ubi repelluntur à gurgite antistropho maris Scythici) eo tardius atque in subsequentia. Id vero ita fieri, experimentum istud progressus à freto Herculeo ad fretum Britannicum, plane demonstrat. Itaque arbitramur etiam fluxum circa littora Africœ antevertere fluxum circa fretum Herculeum, & verso ordine fluxum circa Norvegiam antevertere fluxum circa Suediam; sed id nobis experimento aut historia compertum non est. Tertium experimentum est tale; Maria clausa ex altera parte, quæ Sinus vocamus, si exporrigantur inclinatione aliqua ab Oriente in Occidentem, quæ in consequentia est cum motu vero Aquarum, habent fluxus vigentes & fortes; si vero inclinatione adversa, languidos & obscuros. Nam & mare Erythrœum habet fluxum bene magnum, & ........................................................................................................................... pg 84 Sinus Persicus, magis recta petens Occidentem, adhuc majorem. At mare Mediterraneum quod est Sinuum maximus, & hujus partes Tyrrhenum, Pontus & Propontis, & similiter mare Balticum, quæ omnia reflectunt ad Orientem, destituuntur fere, & fluxus habent imbecillos. At ista

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v

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differentia maxime elucescit in partibus Medi terranei, quæ quamdiu vergunt ad orientem, aut flectunt ad septentriones (ut in Tyrrheno & in iis, quæ diximus, Maribus) quiete agunt absque æstu multo. At postquam se converterint ad occidentem, quod fit in mari Adriatico, insignem recuperant fluxum. Cui accedit & illud, quod in Mediterraneo refluxus ille tenuis (qualis invenitur) incipit ab Oceano, fluxus â contrariâ parte, ut aqua magis sequatur cursum ab Oriente, quam

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refusionem Oceani. Atque his tantum tribus experimentis in præsentiâ utemur ad inquisitionem illam secundam.

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Possit tamen adjici probatio quædam consentanea cum his quæ dicta sunt, sed abstrusioris cujusdam naturæ; Ea est, ut petatur argumentum hujusce motus ab Oriente in Occidentem, quem Aquis astruximus, non solum à consensu cœli (de quo jam dictum est) ubi iste motus in flore est ac fortitudine præcipua, sed etiam à terra, ubi protinus videtur cessare, ita ut ista inclinatio sive motus vere sit Cosmicus, atque omnia à fastigiis cœli usque ad interiora Terræ transverberet. Intelligimus enim conversionem istam ab Oriente in Occidentem fieri scilicet r

[I5 ]

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(quemadmodum revera invenitur) super | polos Australem & Borealem. Verissime autem diligentia Gilberti nobis hoc reperit; omnem terram & naturam (quam appellamus terrestrem) non delinitam sed rigidam, &, ut ipse loquitur, robustam, habere directionem sive verticitatem latentem, sed tamen per plurima exquisita experimenta se prodentem, versus Austrum & Boream. Atque hanc tamen observationem plane minuimus, atque ita corrigimus, ut hoc asseratur tantum de exterioribus concretionibus circa superficiem terræ, & minime producatur ad viscera ipsius terræ (nam quod Terra sit magnes interim levi omnino phantasia arreptum est; fieri enim prorsus nequit, ut interiora Terræ similia sint alicui substantiæ, quam oculus humanus videt, siquidem omnia apud nos à Sole & cœlestibus laxata, subacta, aut infracta sint, ut cum iis quæ talem nacta sunt locum, quo vis cœlestium non penetret, neutiquam consentire possint) sed quod nunc agitur, superiores incrustationes sive concretiones terræ videntur consentire cum conversionibus cœli, aëris, ........................................................................................................................... pg 86 atque aquarum, quatenus consistentia & determinata cum liquidis & v

[I5 ] |

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fluidis consentire queant, hoc est non ut volvantur super Polos, sed dirigantur & vertantur versus Polos. Cum enim in omni orbe volubili, qui vertitur super Polos certos, neque habet motum centri, sit participatio quædam naturæ mobilis & fixæ; postquam per naturam consistentem sive se determinantem, ligatur virtus volvendi; tamen manet & intenditur, & unitur virtus illa & appetitus dirigendi se; ut directio & verticitas ad polos in rigidis, sit eadem res cum volubilitate super polos in fluidis. Superest inquisitio tertia: Unde & quomodo fiat reciprocatio illa Page 12 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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sexhoraria œstuum, quœ. incidit in quadrantem motus diurni cum differentia quam diximus? Id ut intelligatur, supponatur orbem terrarum universum Aqua cooperiri, ut in diluvio generali. Existimamus Aquas, quippe ut in Orbe integro, neque impedito, semper in progressu se commoturas ab Oriente in Occidentem singulis diebus ad certum aliquod spatium (idque profecto non magnum ob exsolutionem & enervationem virium hujus motus in confiniis terræ) cum ex nulla parte objectu terræ impediantur Aquæ, aut cohibeantur. Supponatur rursus, r

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Terram unicam Insulam esse, eamque in longitudine exporrigi inter Austrum & Septentriones, quæ forma ac situs motum ab Oriente in Occidentem maxime frenat & obstruit. Existimamus Aquas cursum suum directum & naturalem ad tempus perrecturas, sed rursus ab Insula illa repercussas paribus intervallis relapsuras; itaque unicum tantum fluxum maris in die futurum fuisse, & unicum similiter refluxum, atque horum singulis circiter 12. horas attributum iri. Atque ponatur jam (quod verum est & factum ipsum) terram in duas insulas divisam esse, Veteris scilicet & Novi Orbis (nam terra Australis situ suo rem istam non magnopere disturbat, quemadmodum nec Groenlandia aut Nova-zembla) easque ambas insulas per tres fere mundi zonas exporrigi, inter quas duo Oceani Atlanticus & Australis interfluunt, & ipsi nunquam nisi versus polos pervii; existimamus necessario sequi, ut duo isti obices naturam duplicis reciprocationis universæ moli Aquarum insinuent & communicent, & fiat quadrans ille motus diurni; ut Aquis scilicet utrimque frænatis, fluxus & refluxus maris bis in die per

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spatia scilicet sex horarum se explicet, cum duplex fiat processio, & duplex itidem repercussio. Illæ vero duæ insulæ si instar cylindrorum aut columnarum, per aquas exporrigerentur æquis dimensionibus &

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........................................................................................................................... pg 88 rectis littoribus, facile demonstraretur, & cuivis occurreret iste motus, qui jam tanta varietate posituræ Terræ & Maris confundi videtur & obscurari. Neque etiam est difficile conjecturam capere nonnullam, qualem isti motui Aquarum incitationem tribuere consentaneum sit, & quanta spatia in uno die conficere possit. Si enim sumantur (in æstimationem hujus rei) littora aliqua ex iis quæ minus montosa aut depressa sunt, & Oceano libero adjacent, & capiatur mensura spatii terræ, inter metam fluxus & metam refluxus, interjacentis, atque illud spatium quadruplicetur propter æstus singulis diebus quaternos, atque

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is numerus rursus duplicetur propter æstus ad adversa littora ejusdem Oceani, atque huic numero nonnihil in cumulum adjiciatur, propter omnium littorum altitudinem, quæ ab ipsa fossa Mari semper aliquantum insurgunt; ista computatio illud spatium productura est, quod Globus Aquæ uno die, si liber ab impedimento esset, ac in Orbe

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circa Terram semper in progressu move ret, conficere possit; quod certe nil magnum est. De differentiâ autem illâ quæ coincidit in rationes motus Lunæ, & efficit periodum menstruam; id fieri existimamus, quod spatium Sexhorarium non sit mensura exacta reciprocationis; quemadmodum nec motus diurnus alicujus planetarum restituitur exacte in horis 24, minime autem omnium Luna. Itaque mensura fluxus & refluxus non est quadrans motus stellarum fixarum, qui est 24. horarum, sed quadrans diurni motus Lunæ.

MANDATA.

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Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus circum littora Africœ antevertat horam fluxus circa fretum Herculeum?. Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus circa Norvegiam antevertat horam fluxus circa Suediam, & illa similiter horam fluxus circa Gravelingam? Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus ad littora Brasiliœ antevertat horam fluxus ad littora Hispaniœ Novœ & Floridœ?

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Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus ad littora Chinœ non inveniatur ad vel v

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prope horam fluxus ad littora Peruviœ, & ad vel prope horam refluxus ad littora Africœ & Floridœ?

35

Inquiratur quomodo hora fluxus ad littora Peruviana discrepet ab hora fluxus circa littora Hispaniœ Novœ, & particulariter quomodo se habeant differentiæ horarum fluxuum ad utraque littora Isthmi in ........................................................................................................................... pg 90 America; & rursus quomodo hora fluxus ad littora Peruviana respondeat horæ fluxus circa littora Chinœ?.

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Inquiratur de magnitudinibus fluxuum ad diversa littora non solum de temporibus sive horis. Licet enim causentur fere magnitudines fluxuum per depressiones littorum, tamen nihilominus communicant Page 14 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

etiam cum ratione Motus veri Maris, prout secundus est aut adversus.

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Inquiratur de mari Caspio (quæ sunt bene magnæ portiones Aquarum conclusæ absque ullo exitu in Oceanum) si patiantur fluxum & refluxum, vel qualem; siquidem nostra fert conjectura Aquas in Caspio posse habere fluxum unicum in die, non geminatum, atque talem ut littora Orientalia ejusdem maris deserantur, cum occidentalia alluantur. r

[I8 ] |

15

Inquiratur utrum fluxus augmenta in Noviluniis & Pleniluniis, atque etiam in æquinoxiis, fiant simul in diversis mundi partibus? Cum autem dicimus simul intelligimus non eadem hora, (variantur enim horœ secundum progressus Aquarum ad littora, ut diximus) sed eodem die.

MORÆ. Non producitur inquisitio ad explicationem plenam consensus motus ........................................................................................................................... pg 92 menstrui in mari cum motu Lunæ; sive illud fiat per subordinationem sive per concausam.

ZYZYGIÆ.

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Inquisitio præsens conjungitur cum inquisitione Utrum terra moveatur motu diurno? Si enim æstus maris sit tamquam extrema diminutio motus diurni; sequetur globum terræ esse immobilem, aut saltem moveri motu longe tardiore quam ipsas aquas. ........................................................................................................................... pg 94

Page 15 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

........................................................................................................................... PG 65

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ON THE EBB AND FLOW OF THE SEA Tried by the ancients and afterwards abandoned, taken up again by the moderns and yet by difference of opinion more undermined than elucidated, thinking about the causes of the sea's ebb and flow commonly proceeds by second-rate guesswork to relate the tides to the Moon, on account of some consent between their motion and the Moon's. But some traces of the truth still reveal themselves to the more diligent investigator, traces which may lead to greater certainty. To avoid confusion we must then first distinguish between the sea's motions which, although some have multiplied them quite recklessly, are in reality found to be just five in number, one of which is as it were anomalous, the rest constant. Let the first be set down as the wayward and changeable motion of what are called currents; the second as the great six-hourly motion of the ocean, through which the waters alternately advance and retreat from the shores twice a day, not exactly, but with such a difference |

as to constitute the monthly cycle. Let the third be the monthly motion itself, which is nothing other than the aforementioned diurnal motion brought back to the same times. Let the fourth be the half-monthly motion, by which the tides are higher at the new and full moons than at the quarters; and the fifth the half-yearly motion, by which the tides become exceptionally high at the equinoxes. Now at present it is with the second, the ocean's great six-hourly or diurnal motion, that we are mainly concerned, and only with the others in passing and in so far as they help explain that motion. First then, as far as the motion of currents goes, there is no doubt that just as the waters are either squeezed by narrows or allowed to spread out by open spaces, or accelerate and as it were gush down into the abysses or run into and surge up banks, or glide smoothly over the bottom or get stirred up by its furrows and inequalities, or fall in with other currents, mingle with them and get carried along, or get driven by the winds, especially the anniversary or steady ones which return at certain seasons of the year, so from these and similar causes the waters vary their force and flow both

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........................................................................................................................... pg 67 in order and course, and in velocity or measure of motion, and thence the things called currents come about. Therefore in the seas both the depth of trench or channel, the intervention of chasms and submarine rocks, and the windings of shores, banks of land, gulfs, straits, scattered islands, and the like, can do many things, and drive the waters and their courses and streams in all parts straight to the north, south, east and west, and all around according as these obstacles or open spaces and abysses are situated and mutually Page 16 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

configured. Therefore let this particular and as it were random motion of the waters be put to one side just in case it muddles us in the inquiry we are pursuing. For it is not fair for anyone to deny what I shall presently say about the natural and catholic motions of the ocean by setting this motion of currents against them, as being at odds with my theses. For currents are merely waters compressed or freed from compression. They are, as I have said, particular and relative to how water and land are located, or even to how the winds blow on |

them. Moreover, what I have said should be remembered and diligently observed all the more because this universal motion of the ocean, with which I am now dealing, is so mild and gentle that it is quite subdued and reduced to order by the urgings of the currents, and gives into and is ruled and driven by their violence. Now that this is so is particularly obvious from the fact that the simple motion of the ebb and flow of the sea is only felt towards the shores and not in the midst of open seas, especially the vast and extensive ones. So as it is weaker it is no wonder if it is concealed and almost destroyed by the currents, save that this same motion when it is moving with the currents helps and augments their force somewhat, but when on the other hand it goes against them it curbs them slightly. So leaving aside the motion of the currents, I must proceed to the four constant motions: the six-hourly, the monthly, the half-monthly, and the half-yearly. Of these only the six-hourly seems to work on and cause the flow of the sea, while the monthly only seems to set limits on and bring back that motion, and the half-monthly and half-yearly to increase and intensify it. For the ebb and flow of the waters which floods the seashores a certain distance and then goes back |

again, varies both in its timing and in the power and quantity of the waters involved; and it is through these things that the other three motions become visible. So this same motion of ebb and flow must (as I intend) be considered properly and by itself. It must first be granted without ........................................................................................................................... pg 69 qualification that this motion which I am inquiring about is one of these two things: either a motion of rising and falling of the waters, or a motion of progression. Now by motion of rising and falling I mean such as one finds in boiling water which rises up in a kettle and then goes down again. But by progressive motion I mean such as one finds in water carried in a basin, which splashes from one side to the other. But it is quite clear that this motion is not of the first kind at all from the fact that in different parts of the world tides are at different times, so that in some places there are flows and rising waters, when elsewhere there are ebbs and falling ones. Now if the waters did not advance from place to place but boiled up from the depths, they ought to rise and then fall everywhere at once. For we see that those other two motions, the half-yearly and the half-monthly, act and operate the world over at |

the same time. For the flow is increased everywhere at the equinox, not in some places at the equinox and in others at the tropics, and the case of the half-monthly motion is the same. For the seas are everywhere higher at the new and full moons, and nowhere at the half moons. So in these two motions the waters do in fact seem plainly to rise and fall, and

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to have, as it were, their apogee and perigee, like the heavenly bodies. Now in relation to my theme, the ebb and flow of the sea, matters are quite different, and that is the surest sign of motion in progression. Besides, if the flow of the waters is considered as a rising motion, we must pay rather more careful attention as to how it may be caused. For the swelling will be caused either by an increase in the amount of water, or by an extension or rarefaction of a fixed amount, or by a simple rising in a fixed amount and the same body. Now this third cause must be utterly rejected. For if the water be lifted up as it is, an emptiness would necessarily be left between the ground and the bottom of the water, since there is no body available to fill the gap. Alternatively, if there be an extra quantity of water, it must rise and gush out of the Earth. But indeed if extension alone is involved, that will be caused either by |

a slackening into something rarer, or by an appetite of approaching some other body which, so to speak, draws out and attracts the waters, and raises them up higher. And this, whether it be boiling or rarefaction, or a conspiracy of the waters with some one of the higher bodies, certainly does not appear incredible if it be in moderate quantity, and if likewise a good length of time be allowed for such swellings or accumulations of water to collect and come together. Therefore that excess of water observable between the ordinary tide and the fuller half-monthly or ........................................................................................................................... pg 71 even the very full half-yearly tide, is not contrary to reason, since it does not match the excess observable between ebb and flow, and also has plenty of time for those increases to be made gradually. But that a mass of waters so great should burst out as to provide for the difference observable between the ebb and flow, and that this should happen with such speed, namely, twice a day (as if, on that silly theory of Apollonius, the Earth were breathing, and exhaling the waters every six hours and then taking them in again), is a very considerable difficulty. And no one should be swayed by the frivolous experiment |

that some wells in some places are said to act in consent with the ebb and flow of the sea, which might lead one to suspect that the waters enclosed in the cavities of the Earth boiled up in the same way, in which case the swelling could not easily be referred to the progressive motion of the waters. For the reply to this is simple, that when the tide comes in, the sea may block and fill up the many hollows and open places of the Earth, and turn the underground waters back, and also beat back the enclosed air which in unbroken succession can raise the waters of such wells by impulsion. And so this does not happen in all wells, nor indeed in many, which should be the case if the nature of the whole mass of waters were to boil up every so often and act in consent with the tides. But on the contrary, it happens so rarely as almost to be regarded as a miracle, because doubtless such openings and vents, stretching from the wells to the sea, are very rarely found without some blockage or obstacle. Nor is it off the subject to recall what some say, that in deep mines sited near the sea the air thickens and threatens suffocation when the sea is in flood, and it seems obvious from this, not that the waters boil up (for there are none to be seen), but that the

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air is turned back. But certainly there is another experiment bearing on the matter which |

is not to be despised, but is of great weight and entirely deserves an answer: it has been observed carefully (not noticed by accident but by deliberate inquiry and discovery) that the waters on the opposite shores of Europe and Florida ebb away from each shore at the same time, and that they do not leave the shore of Europe when they roll towards those of Florida, like water (as I said above) in a basin, but plainly rise and fall on both shores at the same time. But the answer to this objection will be clearly apparent in what will presently be said about the course and progression of the ocean. Now the nub of the matter is this, that the waters which advance from the Indian Ocean, being impeded by the obstacle of the Old and New Worlds, are squeezed through the Atlantic Ocean south to north; so it is not surprising that they approach each shore alike at the same time, as waters ........................................................................................................................... pg 73 usually do when the sea pushes them into the mouths and channels of rivers, situations in which it is quite clear that the motion of the sea is progressive relative to the rivers, but inundates the opposite shores at the same time. But as is my wont I freely admit (and I would like people to pay attention to this and remember it) that if by experience it is |

found that there is a high tide on the shores of Peru and China at the same time as on the aforementioned shores of Europe and Florida, my opinion that the ebb and flow of the sea is a progressive motion must be abandoned. For if there were high water at the same time on the opposite shores both of the Southern and of the Atlantic Ocean, there would be no other shores left in the world where there could be an ebb to match. But by appealing in this matter to experience (to which I have submitted the case), I speak with relative confidence. For I certainly think that, if we knew everything about the matter in every part of the world, the issue would be settled fair and square, i.e. that at any given hour an ebb happens in some parts of the globe equal to the flow in others. And so from what I have said, let it finally be concluded that this motion of ebb and flow is progressive. Now follows the inquiry from what cause this motion of the ebb and flow arises and by what consent of things it maintains itself. For all the greater motions (if they are likewise regular and constant) are not solitary or, to use the astronomical term, ferine, but have ones in the |

universe with which they act by consent. Therefore these motions, both the half-monthly one of increase and the monthly one of restitution, seem to correspond with the motion of the Moon, but the half-yearly or equinoctial with the motion of the Sun, and likewise the risings and fallings of the waters with the apogees and perigees of the heavenly bodies. However, please note that it will not immediately follow that things which correspond in period and time cycle, or even in the manner of carriage, are by nature subordinate and the cause one of the other. For I am not going so far as to maintain that the motions of the Moon or Sun are established as causes of the motions beneath and analogous to them, or that the Sun and Moon (as is commonly said) have dominion over those motions of the sea

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(though such thoughts easily steal into people's minds because they venerate the heavenly bodies), but in the case of that very half-monthly motion (if it be rightly observed) it would be a thoroughly strange and novel kind of correlation for the tides at new and full ........................................................................................................................... pg 75 moons to be affected in the same ways, while the Moon is affected in the opposite ones. And many other things might be adduced which would kill off these fancies about dominations, |

and lead rather to the conclusion that these consents spring from the catholic passions of matter and the primary combinations of things, not as if one were ruled by the other, but that both come from the same origins and causal nexus. Nevertheless (however it may be) it remains true what I have said, that nature delights in consent and scarcely permits anything monodic or solitary. Therefore we must see, with respect to the six-hourly motion of ebb and flow, what other motions we find corresponding or consenting with it. First we must inquire about the Moon, and how this motion's nature and regularities are bound up with the Moon's. But the fact of the matter is that we see no connection whatever, except in the case of the monthly restitution: for the six-hourly cycle (about which I am now inquiring) in no way corresponds with the monthly, nor again is the flow of the sea seen to follow any of the passions of the Moon. For whether the Moon be waxing or waning, whether it be beneath the Earth or above it, whether its altitude be higher or lower, or whether it be situated in the meridian or elsewhere, the tides act consensually with absolutely none of these variables. Therefore leaving the Moon aside, let us look into other instances of consent. Now of all the heavenly motions it is apparent that the diurnal motion is much the shortest and is |

completed in the briefest period, namely twenty-four hours. It is appropriate therefore to refer this motion we are investigating (which is shorter still than the diurnal by threequarters) most closely to that motion which is the shortest among the heavenly bodies. But this does not really get to grips with the matter. What impresses me far more is that this motion is divided up in such a way as to be proportional to the diurnal motion, so that although the motion of the waters is slower than the diurnal motion by almost innumerable degrees, still it is commensurable with it. For an interval of six hours is a quarter of the diurnal motion, and we find this interval (as I have said) in this motion of the sea, with that difference which coincides with the measure of the Moon's motion. I am very attached to this idea, and it is almost like an oracle to me that this motion is of the same kind as the diurnal. So using this as a foundation, I shall go on to look into the rest; and I think that three inquiries may sort out the whole matter. The first of these is whether the diurnal motion stays within the confines of the heaven, or descends and insinuates itself into the lower regions. The second is whether the seas move regularly from east to west, as the heaven ........................................................................................................................... pg 77

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does. The third is from where and in what manner does that six-hourly reciprocation of the |

tides arise, which coincides with a quarter of the diurnal motion, but with a difference proportional to the motion of the Moon. Now as for first inquiry, I believe that the motion of rotation or revolution from east to west is not properly a heavenly but plainly a cosmical motion, and the principal motion in great fluids, and one found from the heights of the heavens to the depths of the waters with the same inclination, but with very different speed (that is, velocity and slowness); such, however, that the rapidity of the bodies decreases in regular order the nearer they get to the Earth. Now it seems in the first place that we can take it as a probable argument that this motion does not end with the heaven because the motion is strong enough to flourish (with due abatement) all through the spaces between the stellar heaven and the Moon (spaces much greater than that between the Moon and the Earth); so it is not plausible that nature would put a stop to this kind of consent suddenly, which it had carried on for such great distances and abated gradually. The fact that this is the case in the heavenly bodies is shown by the two difficulties which would otherwise |

follow. For since it is plain to the senses that the planets carry out the diurnal motion, then unless this motion is laid down as natural and proper to all planets, we must necessarily take refuge either in compulsion by the primum mobile, which goes clean against nature, or in the Earth's rotation, another idea which, judged on physical grounds, has been dreamed up impudently enough. This, therefore, is how matters stand in the heavens. But when we leave them behind, this motion is quite obviously discernible in the lower comets which, even if located beneath the Moon's orb, nevertheless evidently revolve from east to west. For although they have their own solitary and irregular motions, nevertheless in executing the same they still share in the motion of the ether, and move in the same revolution. But they are not usually confined within the tropics, nor do they have regular spirals but sometimes shift towards the poles, yet their turning is still directed from east to west. Moreover, this motion of theirs, although it puts up with large abatements (since the nearer they come to the Earth, the smaller their circles of revolution and likewise the slower their motion), still remains in any case vigorous, so that it can conquer great distances in a short time. For such |

comets move round the whole circumference both of the Earth and the lower air within the space of twenty-four hours, with one or two hours to ........................................................................................................................... pg 79 spare. But when, continuing the descent, we come to those regions on which the Earth acts not only by a communication of its nature and virtue (which restrains and quiets the circular motion) but also by material infiltration of the particles of its substance in vapours and thick exhalations, this motion is enormously weakened and almost overthrown yet not thereby entirely exhausted or made to cease, but it remains in a sluggish and as it were latent condition. For it is now beginning to be acknowledged that a perpetual and constant breeze blows from east to west on those sailing within the tropics, where on the open sea the motion of the air is best felt, and where the air itself (like the heaven) revolves in greater

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circles and therefore more swiftly, so that they who want a west wind more often seek for and find it outside the tropics. Therefore this motion is not extinguished even in the lowest air, but now it becomes lazy and indistinct, so that outside the tropics it is scarcely felt. Yet even outside the tropics here in Europe, when the sky is calm and clear, a certain breeze is noticed at sea which follows the Sun and is of the same kind; and I also suspect that what |

we experience here in Europe, where the east wind is keen and drying, and the west mild and moistening, depends not just on the fact that with us the former blows from the land and the latter from the ocean, but also on the fact that the east wind, as it blows in the same direction as the proper motion of the air, stimulates and excites that motion, and consequently dissipates and rarefies the air; whereas the west wind, blowing in a direction opposite to the motion of the air, turns the air back on itself, and consequently thickens it. And we should not despise what is admitted by common observation, that high clouds mostly move from east to west, when at the same time contrary winds are blowing near the Earth. If they do not always do this it is because there are sometimes contrary winds, some above, some below, and those blowing above (if they are adverse) disturb that true motion of the air. It is therefore plain enough that this motion is not kept within the bounds of the heavens. Next in order comes the second inquiry whether the waters move regularly and naturally from east to west. When I say waters, I mean waters gathered together or masses of water |

which are undoubtedly portions of nature large enough to act in consent with the fabric and structure of the universe. I am entirely of the opinion that this same motion belongs to the mass of waters and exists in it, but that it is slower than in the air although on account of the thickness of the body it is more visible and apparent. For the present I shall therefore content myself with three (but those most ample and notable) of the many experiments which might ........................................................................................................................... pg 81 be adduced in this connection, which demonstrate that this is the case. The first is that we find an obvious motion and flow of waters from the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic, a motion which is swifter and stronger towards the Straits of Magellan, where there is a way out to the west; and likewise we find a great motion in the opposite part of the world from the Scythian to the British Sea. These movements of the waters palpably turn from east to west; and it is especially to be noted in this matter that only in these two places are seas open and can they make a complete circle, while on the contrary, in the middle regions of the world they are cut off by the two barriers of the Old and New World, and forced (as if into the mouths of |

rivers) into the two channels of that pair of oceans, the Atlantic and Southern, which extend from south to north; a thing which has no effect on the motion directed from east to west. Thus we apprehend the true motion of the waters most faithfully when we look exclusively at

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the aforementioned outer regions of the world where the waters are not hindered but pass through. So much for the first experiment. The second is as follows. Supposing that the tide at the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar rises at a certain hour, it is apparent that the tide comes in later at Cape St Vincent than at the Straits; later at Cape Finisterre than at Cape St Vincent, later at Île de Ré than at Cape Finisterre; later at Noirmoutier than at Île de Ré, later at the mouth of the English Channel than at Noirmoutier, later on the shore of Normandy than at the mouth of the Channel. So far so regular, but at Gravelines the order is completely changed (and at one mighty bound too), and the tide rises at more or less the same time as at the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar. This second experiment I refer to the first experiment. For I think (as I have said already) that in the |

Indian and Scythian Seas the true courses of the waters run from east to west, open and complete, but in the channels of the Atlantic and Southern Oceans they are forced, diverted and driven back by the lands which get in the way, stretch lengthways on both sides from north to south, and give no free outlet to the waters, except towards the extremities. But this driving of the waters, which goes from the Indian Sea towards the north, is utterly different from the one on the opposite side, from the Scythian Sea towards the south, because of the different forces and quantities of water involved. So all the Atlantic Ocean as far as the British Sea yields to the drift of the Indian Ocean, but only the upper part of the Atlantic Ocean, namely that which lies ........................................................................................................................... pg 83 towards Denmark and Norway, yields to the drift of the Scythian Sea. This must indeed be so. For the two great islands of the Old and New World are distributed in a shape and stretched out in such a way that they are broad at the north and pointed at the south. Therefore the opposite is the case with the seas: towards the south they occupy a large space, towards the north (round the back of Europe, Asia and America) a small one. So this huge mass of waters, which comes from the Indian Ocean and turns back into the Atlantic |

Ocean, is able to force and drive the course of the waters by continuous succession more or less to the British Sea, a succession which is towards the north. But that much smaller portion of waters which comes from the Scythian Sea, and which also has an almost free outlet in its proper course towards the west and the back of America, cannot drive the course of the waters towards the south, save at the point I have mentioned, i.e. in the region of the British Strait. Now it has to be the case that between these opposite motions there is eventually some point where they come up against each other and do battle, and where the order of the rising tides is suddenly altered, as I have said it happens at Gravelines or thereabouts, namely at the meeting point of the tides of the Indian and Scythian Seas. Further, many have observed that a certain violent current is to be found caused by contrary tides about Holland, a current observed not just from that inversion I mentioned in the timings of high water tides, but also from particular and visible experiment. But if these

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things are so, we come back to the view that it must be the case that the further the parts and shores of the Atlantic stretch towards the south and approach the Indian Ocean, the more the high tide gets ahead of itself, inasmuch as it arises from that real motion in the |

Indian Ocean; but the further they stretch towards the north (up to the common boundary where they are driven back by the corresponding surge of the Scythian Sea), the later they get and behindhand. That this is indeed so, that experiment of the progression from the Straits of Gibraltar to the British Straits plainly shows. Therefore I am also of the opinion that high tide about the shores of Africa comes before high tide about the Straits of Gibraltar and, reversing the order, that high tide about Norway comes before high tide about Sweden; but I have not ascertained this by experiment or history. The third experiment is as follows. If seas closed in on one side (which we call gulfs) tend to stretch from east to west, which is in the same direction as the true motion of the waters, they have vigorous and strong tides; but if they tend in the other direction, they have sluggish and indistinct ones. For the Red Sea has a very strong tide, and the ........................................................................................................................... pg 85 Persian Gulf, running more directly to the west, a still stronger. But the largest gulf, the Mediterranean Sea, its parts (the Tyrrhenian and Black Seas and the Sea of Marmora), and the Baltic Sea, all of which turn to the east, are almost devoid of tides or have weak |

ones. But this contrast is most apparent in the parts of the Mediterranean which, as long as they tend to the east or bend to the north (as in the Tyrrhenian and those seas which I mentioned), go about their business quietly without much tide. But when they turn to the west, as happens in the Adriatic, they get back an appreciable tide. To this we may add that in the Mediterranean such slight ebb as there is begins from the ocean, the flow from the opposite side, so that the water rather follows its course from the east than the backflow of the ocean. And these are the only three experiments I shall use for the moment with reference to the second inquiry. Nevertheless let me add a kind of proof consistent with what has been said, but of an abstruser nature: that an argument for this motion from east to west, which I have connected with the waters, may be drawn not only from the consent of the heaven (about which I have already spoken) where this same motion is particularly flourishing and strong, but also from the Earth, where it seems immediately to cease, so that this inclination or motion is truly cosmical, and echoes through everything from the heights of the heaven to the depths of the Earth. For I understand this revolution from east to west to take place of |

course (as it really does) about the south and north poles. Now Gilbert's diligence has very truly discovered for us that the whole Earth and the unsoftened, rigid and (as he puts it) robust nature (which we call terrestrial) has direction or verticity towards north and south which is hidden but yet reveals itself in a great number of meticulous experiments. But I

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nevertheless restrict this observation and so set it straight by declaring that this property belongs only to the outer concretions around the surface of the Earth, and not to its bowels (for the idea that the Earth is a magnet was snatched up in the meantime on a passing fancy, as it is impossible that the insides of the Earth are like any substance visible to the human eye, inasmuch as all things here with us are relaxed, worked up or tempered by the Sun and heavenly bodies, so that they cannot in any way act in consent with things located where the power of the heavenly bodies does not reach); but the point we are now dealing with is that the outer incrustations or concretions of the Earth seem to act in consent with the revolutions of the heaven, of the air and of the waters, in so far as ........................................................................................................................... pg 87 consistent and determinate bodies can act in consent with liquids and fluids; that is, not that |

they revolve on poles, but that they steer and turn themselves towards poles. For since in every spinning orb which turns on fixed poles and has no motion of the centre there is a certain sharing in both a mobile and a fixed nature, when the power of revolving is bound up by the consistent or self-determining nature of the body, this virtue and appetite of selfdirection nevertheless remains and is intensified and concentrated; with the result that direction and verticity towards poles in rigid bodies is the same thing as spinning on poles in fluid ones. There remains the third inquiry: From where and in what manner does that six-hourly reciprocation of the tides arise, which coincides with a quarter of the diurnal motion, with the difference I have mentioned?. To understand this, assume that the whole world is covered with water, as in the Flood. I think that the waters, being now in a complete orb and unhindered, would always move a certain distance in daily progression from east to west (actually not a great distance, on account of the slackening and enervation of the powers of this motion in the Earth's vicinity), since the waters would nowhere be hindered or restrained |

by land getting in the way. Assume further that the dry land is a single island, stretching lengthways north to south, which is the shape and situation that most curbs and obstructs the motion from east to west. I think that the waters would hold on their straight and natural course for a time, but that driven back again by that island, they would fall back over the same intervals; therefore there would only be one flood tide a day, and likewise but one ebb, and each would take about twelve hours. Now assume (and this happens to be the very case) that the dry land is divided into two islands, that is, the Old and New World (for the position of the Southern Land or of Greenland or Nova Zembla makes little difference to this); assume further that these two islands stretch almost right through the three zones of the world, and between them flow the two oceans, the Atlantic and Southern, oceans which are never open except towards the poles; now from this I think it necessarily follows that these two obstacles communicate and insinuate the nature of a double reciprocation to the whole mass of waters, and from this arises that quarter of the diurnal motion; as, that

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is, with the waters checked on both sides, the ebb and flow of the sea unfolds itself twice a |

day over a six-hour period, since there is a double advance and likewise a double retreat. Indeed, if these two islands lay stretched out through the waters like cylinders or columns of equal size and straight shores, this ........................................................................................................................... pg 89 motion, which now seems confused and obscured by the complex orientation of land and sea, would easily be demonstrated and suggest itself to anyone. It is not difficult, moreover, to guess at the kind of speed it is appropriate to assign to this motion, and at the distance it can cover in a day. For if (by way of estimate) we take some of those shores which are less mountainous or low lying, and are adjacent to open ocean, and if we measure the distance between high and low water mark, and if we multiply this distance by four on account of the four tides on each day, and then double that result on account of the tides at the opposite sides of the same ocean, and add a bit more on account of the height of all the shores which always rise up to some extent from the actual trench of the sea; if we do all that, this calculation would give the distance (and it is certainly not a great one) which a globe of |

water could cover in a day, were it unobstructed and always moved in a circle around the Earth with a progressive motion. As for that difference which is proportional to the Moon's motion and brings about the monthly cycle, I believe that this happens because the interval between ebb and flow is not exactly six hours long, just as the diurnal motion of any of the planets, least of all the Moon, is not completed in exactly twenty-four hours. Therefore the interval between ebb and flow is not a quarter of the twenty-four hour motion of the fixed stars, but a quarter of the diurnal motion of the Moon.

ASSIGNMENTS Inquire whether the time of high tide about the shores of Africa precedes that about the Straits of Gibraltar. Inquire whether the time of high tide about Norway precedes that about Sweden, and similarly whether that comes before the one about Gravelines. Inquire whether the time of high tide on the shores of Brazil precedes the time of high tide on the shores of New Spain and Florida. Inquire whether the time of high tide on the shores of China comes at the same or much the |

same time as the one on the shores of Peru, and at the same or much the same as the time of low tide on the shores of Africa and Florida. Inquire how the time of high tide on the shores of Peru differs from that of high tide about the shores of New Spain, and particularly how times of high tides on the two shores of the Isthmus in America differ ........................................................................................................................... Page 26 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

pg 91 from each other; and again how the time of high tide on the shores of Peru corresponds to the time of high tide about the shores of China. Inquire about the heights of the tides on different shores, as well as of their times. For although the heights of tides are mainly produced by littoral depressions, yet none the less they can also be related to the state of the actual motion of the sea, according as it helps or hinders. Inquire about the Caspian Sea (which is a very large land-locked aggregation of waters with no outlet to the ocean) if it suffer tidal motion, and of what kind it is; for my own guess is that the waters of the Caspian may have one tide a day, not two, and such that the eastern shores of this sea are devoid of water when the western are inundated. |

Inquire whether the flood tides at the new and full moons, and also at the equinoxes, occur at the same time in different parts of the world. When I say at the same time, I do not mean at the very same hour (for, as I have said, the hours vary according to the progression of the waters along the shores) but on the same day.

RESTRICTIONS The inquiry does not reach to a full explanation of the consent of the ........................................................................................................................... pg 93 monthly motion of the sea with the motion of the Moon, or as to whether it works by means of subordination or a common cause.

LINKS The present inquiry is connected with the inquiry whether the Earth has diurnal motion. For if the sea's tide is, as it were, the extreme diminution of the diurnal motion, it will follow that the globe of the Earth is immobile, or at least that it moves far more slowly than the waters themselves.

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NOTES Page 64, ll. 4–11: Contemplatio de causis—for a summary of ancient and modern opinions, and of theories associating the tides with the Moon's influence see Patrizi, Pancosmia, v

v

r

r

r

fos. 138 , 139 –140 , 141 –142 . Among others he mentions the views of Aristotle, Posidonius, Pliny, Telesio, Federicus Chrysogonus, J. C. Scaliger, J. M. Benedictus, and Annibal Raimundus. v

r

ll. 11–21: inveniuntur revera tantum quinque—cf. Patrizi, Pancosmia, fos. 136 –137 : having r

r

dealt with currents first (see cmt on DFRM, H6 –H7 immediately below), Patrizi notes that 'sunt quatuor aut etiam quinque alij, naturales itidem maris motus. Quorum prior diurnus est, alter hebdomadarius, tertius est menstruus. Quartus semestris. Quintus annuus.' Patrizi's first four seem to correspond to Bacon's second, fourth, third, and fifth respectively. Bacon does not mention an annual motion. For Patrizi as for Bacon the diurnal (sexhorary) v

v

motion is the main object of inquiry (ibid., fos. 137 –144 ). 17 menstruus,] ⁓; v

Page 64, ll. 24 ff: Primo igitur quod ad motum Currentium—Patrizi (Pancosmia, fos. 134 – v

135 ) also deals with currents first; these are violent as distinct from natural motions of the sea, i.e. they are generated by causes extrinsic to it such as winds and irregularities v

of the sea-bed and coasts; also see ibid., fo. 145 . Bacon was probably thinking of the natural-violent polarity when he distinguished currents from 'motibus Oceani naturalibus v

& catholicis' (DFRM, H6 ). The language here already indicates his drift; the sea's 'natural' motions are also 'catholic', i.e. the sea in implicated in universal passions of matter which v

r–v

also drive the diurnal motion of the heavens; see cmts on DGI, F5 and TC, G6 and 407 below).

(pp. 399

27 festinant] ⁓, v

ll. 30–1: ventis … Anniversariis —in HV (E7 (SEH, II, p. 28)) these are classified as periodic winds and identified with the Etesian. Patrizi remarked, 'Alij vero stati, vel certis anni temporibus, vel certis annorum interuallis. Priores dicti sunt Etesiœ, quoniam quotannis, r

certo anni tempore, flant uenti quidam, qui mare commouent' (Pancosmia, fo. 135 ). Also see Pliny, Historia naturalis, II. 47. 1 maribus tum] maribus tam 5 Orientem] ⁓,

Page 28 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

7 declivia] ⁓, r

r

Page 66, ll. 13–14: compressiones Aquarum—cf. DVM, fo. 19 ; NO, 2O2 (SEH, I, pp. 330–1) v

r

(Motus Libertatis), and 2M4 –2N2 (SEH, I, pp. 323–5). 18 mollis] ⁓, v

26 frænet] / nld as frenet in SEH (III, p. 48), but cf. tns to TC, G9 (p. 176 below) 30 restituere,] ⁓. 33 [variis]] / silently and imaginatively emended thus in SEH (III p. 48); this word may have been lost through eyeskip on the part of Gruter or the compositor Page 66, l. 35–p. 68, l. 3:Atque primo illud—for the distinction between progression and r

uplifting as possible causes of tides see NO, 2G4 (SEH, I, p. 294). Also see E. G. R. Taylor, Late Tudor and early Stuart geography 1583–1650, London, 1934, p. 90. 12 ubique] ibique / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 49) Page 68, ll. 15–17: Fluxus enim sub æquinoctiis—this is the half-yearly motion; cf. Patrizi, r

Pancosmia, fo. 137 : 'Duo autem esse æquinotia [sic] nemo non nouit, sexque menses alterum ab altero distare. Quam rem a Nautis Oceani obseruatam, confirmauit Ludouicus Guicciardinus. Alius ergo hic a præcedentibus omnibus est maris Semestris motus.' ll. 16–17: similis est ratio motus Semimenstrui—one of the many kinds of 'weekly' motion v

distinguished by Patrizi, see Pancosmia, fo. 136 . For Gilbert on tides at new and full Moon see De mundo, pp. 312–13. 18 & Pleniluniis] / om in SEH (III, p. 49) r

v

ll. 19–20: pati apogæum—cf. DGI, G2 ; NO, Y3 (SEH, I, pp. 250–1). r–v

ll. 22–30: Præterea si fluxus Aquarum—in NO (2H1

(SEH, I, pp. 296–7)) the same three

possibilities are given in the same order; the first two, discussed in DFRM, are not considered at all in NO. The third possibility, dismissed in DFRM, is given extended treatment in NO. According to DFRM the third, 'per sublationem simplicem', cannot work because it would leave a vacuum between the waters and the sea-bed. NO, unlike DFRM, specifies a magnetic power as the lifting agent. This power might act (a) on the whole body of the ocean (but cannot do so for the reason given in DFRM) or (b) mainly on the middle of the ocean to cause low tides at the edges. Note the assumption in both works that no vacuum can be

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v

v

v

r

created. For the vacuum hypothesis see cmts on DGI, E5 –E6 , E6 –E7 (pp. 391–2 below); v

DPAO, M7 . Also see Rees, 'Atomism', pp. 556–61. For tidal motion in Gilbert's magnetic philosophy see De mundo, pp. 306–11 where the tides are attributed to the magnetic action of the Moon and the diurnal rotation of the Earth. Page 68, l. 30–p. 70, –. 4: Sin vero sit Extensio—Telesio subscribed to a rarefaction theory— v

see Patrizi Pancosmia, fo. 140 : 'Fluxus vero & refluxus propriam dicit esse, quia sol in mari ingeneret vapores, qui egressum molientes, a mari superposito prohibiti, ipsum attollunt, & agitant.' For Telesio's theory of the sexhorary motion see Bernardino Telesio, Varii de naturalibus rebus libelli, ed. Luigi De Franco, La Nuova Italia Editrice: Florence, 1981, pp. 139–48 and esp. pp. 140–1. v

Page 70, ll. 7–8: Apollonii—on tides as form of respiration see Patrizi, Pancosmia, fos. 135 – r

136 (quoting Strabo); also see Philostrati Lemnii senioris historic de vita Apollonij Tyanei libri octo … Lvtetiæ. Apud Egidium Gourbinum, 1555, V, i, pp. 279–80: 'Oceanus à spiritibus sub aqua existentibus impulsus ex multis hiatibus qui partim sub ipso, partim in terra circa ipsum sunt, ad exteriora diffunditur, ac rursus retrocedit: postquam velut anhelans, quem diximus, r

spiritus resedit …' Cf. SS, 2H4 (SEH, II, p. 640). Page 70, ll. 9–11: quispiam levi experimento—see Pliny, Historia naturalis, II. 103: 'Contra Timavum amnem insula parva in mari est cum fontibus calidis, qui pariter cum æstu maris r

crescunt, minuunturque.' Also see SS, A4 (SEH, II, p. 339). According to Gilbert (De mundo, p. 313), 'in Parochia de Kilken, fons est, qui distans à mari sex milliaria, singulis diebus bis, quemadmodum mare, impletur & inanitur: impletur cum mare recessit; inanitur cum accessit; quemadmodum in interioribus fluminum fieri solet, propter distantiam à mari.' 17 debuit] ⁓, 23 profundis,] ⁓‸ r–v

Page 70, ll. 29–32: Europœ & Floridœ—cf. NO, 2G4 (SEH, I, pp. 294–5): 'Atqui obseruauit Acosta, cum alijs nonnullis (diligenti factâ Inquisitione) quòd ad litora Floridæ, & ad litora aduersa Hispaniæ & Africæ, fiant Fluxus Maris ad eadem tempora, & Refluxus itidem ad eadem tempora; non contrà, quòd cùm fluxus fit ad littora Floridæ, fiat Refluxus ad littora Hispaniæ & Africæ.' Ellis (SEH, I, p. 295, note 1) said that he had not found this in Acosta. Neither have I. 31 littora Floridœ,] ⁓‸ v

Page 70, l. 34–p. 72, l. 3: Summa autem rei—cf. NO, 2G4 (SEH, I, p. 295).

Page 30 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

36 impeditæ,] ⁓‸ v

r

Page 72, ll. 5–11: si per experientiam—cf. NO, 2G4 –2H1 (SEH, I, pp. 295–6), where Bacon used this argument against progressive motion to illustrate the doctrine of crucial instances; he added that the inhabitants of Panama and Lima should be asked whether the tides on opposite sides of the isthmus took place at the same times. If the tides did so then the progressive motion hypothesis would fall—but only so long as the Earth was stationary. If the Earth moved there might be some progressive heaping up of waters until they could bear it no longer and fell back again. Bacon did not explicitly mention Galileo's tide theory until v

later in NO (2N3 (SEH, I, p. 327)). The geography of Latin America may not have been one of Bacon's strong suits. r

Page 72, ll. 21–2: ut Astronomorum—cf. NO, 2C1 (SEH, I, p. 268). 22 Astronomorum] Astronomarum r

Page 72, ll. 23–5: tam Semimenstruus—see cmt on DFRM, H8 (p. 377 above). r

25 Semestris] Semimenstruus / cf. DFRM, H6 above; this c–t slip is noted in the SEH trans. of DFRM (V, p. 448 n. 1) 25 motu Lunæ;] ⁓. motu Solis;] ⁓. 25–6 etiam sublationes] Etiam sublationes v

r–v

r

ll. 32 ff: dominium habere—see Patrizi Pancosmia, fos. 139 , 141 , 142 : 'Si ita est, & luna in omnes aquas imperium habet, cur non omnes æque commouet?' Bacon wants to establish that correlations between celestial motion and tides indicate not that the former cause the latter but that all share in the operation of the same causal agency, namely 'consent' (see v

cmt on TC, G10 (p. 410 below)). Compulsion and subordination are not at issue here v

r

but agreement and harmony; cf. NO, 2Q2 –2Q3 (SEH, I, p. 343). Compare this with what Bacon says about the 'fiction' of the primum mobile, an idea which seemed to him to imply r–v

subordination of the planets to a superior force that was not their own (TC, G10

).

36 æstus] æstu 7 Monodicum] / SEH (I, p. 165n. 3) notes that Bacon always used this form instead of the normal monadicum

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r

Page 74, l. 7: aliquid Monodicum—see cmt on DGI, D4 (p. 384 below). r

ll. 15–18: Sive enim Luna—cf. Patrizi, Pancosmia, fo. 141 : philosophers have ascribed the tides to many different causes, some of which are these—'cœli partes lunæ oppositæ, lunæ cursus, lunæ radii, luminis resilitio, vapores, lunœ aquarum ductio, lunæ tractio, lunae auectio. Lunæ ortus, lunæ per ventos decursus, lunæ ad meridiem ascensus, lunæ descensus ad occasum.' 19 missa Luna,] ⁓‸ r

ll. 29–30: cum ea differentia—i.e. the monthly tidal cycle, see DFRM, H6 . Page 76, l. 3–p. 78, l. 29: Itaque quod ad primam inquisitionem attinet—a classic statement of Bacon's belief that the diurnal motion, whose velocity decreases with proximity to the r

r–v

Earth, is 'cosmic' (cf. TC, G10 ; NO, 2H2 (SEH, I, p. 297)), i.e. that it is not confined to the heavens but penetrates the sublunar realm (see Introduction, ch. 2 (g), (h)). 'Physical reasons' rule out the possibility that the diurnal motion is the Earth's; Bacon is perhaps implying that those who ascribe axial motion to the Earth do so not because they believe r–

it but because the supposition aids computation. For the axial motion see cmt on DGI, E5 v

v

r–v

(p. 391 below). No primum mobile drives the diurnal motion (see DGI, D10 , E5 r

and

v

cmt thereon (p. 391 below); DPAO, L2 ; NO, G4 (SEH, I, p. 171)). That motion is 'natural', r

r

and the substances involved in it move by 'consent' or 'agreement' (cf. DFRM, H6 –Hy ; TC, r–v

v

r–v

G10 , H4 ). In the region below the Moon, the 'lower comets' (see cmt on DGI, F2 (pp. 396–8 below)) participate in the now-attenuated diurnal motion. Lower still, this motion is further attenuated by 'immissione materiali particularum' and other influences emanating from the Earth, influences strongly reminiscent of Gilbert's notion of effluvia (see cmt on v

v

DGI, E5 –E6 (pp. 391–2 below)), but it still manifests itself in a breeze blowing from east to west in the tropics, a breeze even perceptible in the higher latitudes in the right conditions. v

This putative breeze is also a subject of inquiry in HV (HNE, E3 f. (SEH, II, pp. 26 f.)) and mentioned by Acosta: see The natvrall and morall historie of the East and West Indies … Written in Spanish by Ioseph Acosta, and translated into English by E. G., London, 1604, p. 128: 'in the sea beyond the Tropicke, and within the burning Zone, the Easterly winds raine continually, not suffering their contraries … The other wonder is, that these Easterly windes never cease to blow, and most commonly in places neerest to the line … This is the reason, why the voyage they make from Spaine to the West Indies is shorter, more easie, and more r

assured, than the return to Spaine.' For Zephyrus and Eurus and their qualities see NO, X2 (SEH, I, p. 244); Pliny, Historia naturalis, II. 47. 7 eadem,] ⁓‸

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8 ita tamen] Ita tamen 17 cœlestibus] ⁓, 24 qui,] ⁓‸ 27 communicant] communicandis / emended thus (after Bouillet, III,p. 73n. 1) in SEH (III, p. 53n. 1) 28 feruntur.] ‸⁓; 1 perventum sit] ⁓, 4 crassos,] ⁓; V

17 genialis] generalis / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 54); cf. DPAO, K6 (p. 214 below) 26 contrarii,] ⁓‸ 27 imo;] ⁓, v

Page 78, ll. 31–36: Cum vero Aquas dicimus … portiones Naturæ —cf. NO, 2N4 (SEH, I, p. 329): 'ponemus loco Vicesimo tertio Instantias Quanti … Eæ sunt quæ Mensurant Virtutes per Quanta Corporum, & indicant quid Quantum Corporis faciat ad Modum Virtutis. Ac primò sunt quædam Virtutes quæ non subsistunt nisi in Quanto Cosmico, hoc est, tali Quanto quod habeat consensum cum Configuration & Fabricâ Vniuersi. Terra enim stat; partes eius cadunt. Aquæ in Maribus fluunt & refluunt; in Fluuijs minimè, nisi per ingressum Maris. Deinde etiam omnes ferè Virtutes particulates secundùm Multum aut Parum Corporis operantur. Aquæ largæ non facilè corrumpuntur; exiguæ citò.' Page 80, ll. 2–17: Primum est—much of the evidence presented here and especially that concerned with the current at the Straits of Magellan is denied by Patrizi in his running r

v

r

v

critique of J. C. Scaliger's theory of the tides, see Pancosmia, fo. 138 , 139 , 140 , 145 – r

r

r

146 , 147 . See also NO, 2G4 (SEH, I, pp. 294–5). For Scaliger's theory see J. C. Scaliger, Exotericarum exercitationem liber quintus decimus, de subtilitate, ad Hieronymum r

r

Cardanum, Paris, 1557, fos. 81 –85 . Like Bacon, Scaliger thought that the seas followed the heavenly bodies from east to west and that in some places sexhorary tides were caused by the land throwing back waters accumulated by the the seas' east-west motion—see ibid, fos. v

r

r

82 –83 and esp. fo. 83 : 'Sex horas igitur secum ducit aquas Luna: totidem maris ponderi datæ sunt, quo, repulsum à terra, seipsum premendo rursus incumberet in priores sedes.' Bacon no doubt knew Scaliger's views and took them into account when he wrote DFRM.

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16 impediuntur,] ⁓‸ Page 80, ll. 18–26: Supponatur fluxum maris—cf. Patrizi (reporting the findings of Nicolas r

Sagrus), Pancosmia, fo. 139 : 'In die coniunctionis Lunæ cum Sole, post medinoctium hora vna cum dimidia in freto Herculeo fluxus erit & a Tariffa quæ finis freti est ad dexteram in sinum voluendo vsque ad Ruttam, eadem hora ueniet. A Rutta ad caput S. Mariæ accedet hora secunda cum quarto. A capite hoc, ad caput S. Vincentij, & ad dexteram flectendo toto Lusitano littore ad caput finis terræ, & inde ad Orientem per totam Cantabricam oram, & etiam Gallicam, vsque ad regis insulam, tribus post medinoctium horis mare erit plenum. Ab hac vsque ad insulam Hechas in mari medio ad decimum fere milliarium, quod nautæ uocant derotam, mare erit plenum hora tertia, cum tribus quartis. Sed in littoribus, hora quarta cum dimidia. Ad Hebas [Ab Hechis presumably] usque ad ingressum Canalis Anglici, a qua plena, hora quinta, & quarto vno in derotta. In littoribus hora sexta cum tribus quartis. Toto vero littore Normandico, vsque ad Caletum, & Neuportum aqua plena hora nona. In derota horæ vnius tribus quartis, in Canali vero medio hora duodecima in eadem lunæ coniunctione. Horarum hæc varietas stuporem nobis incutit, qua ratione, in eodem mari, eodemque canali, eodemque coniunctionis tempore, aliter ad littora, aliter a littoribus miliari decimo, aliter medio in Canali accidat affluxus, Quo fit ut fluxus, qui sex horarum est tantum, vbi nona hora accedit in decern millium distantia, duabus horis cum quarto vno iam defluxerit. A Calete vero ad Grauelingen extra Canalem Anglicum, in derotta plenum sit post mediam noctem, vna hora cum dimidia, qua plenum erat vti vidimus ad Ruttam, hæc in gradu longitudinis est nono, Grauelinge uero in gradu XXIIII. vt distent gradibus XV. Ab hac vero vsque ad Selandiam quæ in XXVI. longitudinis gradu est, mare plenum ad littora hora tertia est. qua eadem vidimus mare plenum fuisse toto Lusitano littore, quod in gradu est VI.' 28 Indico] ⁓, v

v

r

Scythico] Schytico cf. tns to DGI, D11 (p. 114 below) and PhU, P9 , P10 (p. 36 above) 34 Scythico] Schytico v

1 10, 17, 25 Scythici [etc.]] / c–t has Schythicus form; see tns to DFRM, I2 (p. 80 above) 13 diximus] ⁓, 26 fieri,] ⁓‸ v

Page 82, l. 32–p. 84, l. 9: Tertium experimentum—cf. Patrizi, Pancosmia, fo. 137 : 'Secundum marium genus est, quod uel introitum, uel egressum angustum habet unum, ut Mæotis palus, mare Eritheum [sic], uel habet utrumque ut Pontus Euxinus, Propontis, quæ ingressum, & egressum habent angustissimos. Horum nullum, affluxum, & refluxum

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pati, authores tradunt præter Erythrei partes duas. Tertium genus, duo habet maria, Mediterranean nostrum, & Persicum, ab Oceano per ampliores fauces intra terras incurrentia. Horum Persicum affluit, & refluit, quod & nostrum maiore parte facit: non facit in Tyrrheno, in Ligustico, in Gallico, & parte Hispanici.' For Patrizi's first category see cmt on v

DFRM, I7 (p. 382 below). For Patrizi's discussion of Mediterranean and Adriatic tides see r

v

r

Pancosmia, fos. 140 , 141 . See also Scaliger, Exotericarum exercitationem liber, fos. 83 – r

84 ; Pliny, Historia naturalis, II. 97. 35 fortes;] ⁓; 1 Persicus,] ⁓‸ 9 recuperant] recuperat / this emendation (after Bouillet, II p. 78n. 1) noted in SEH (III, p. 57n. 1) v

Page 84, ll. 9–13: quod in Mediterraneo refluxus—cf. Patrizi, Pancosmia, fo. 139 : 'Sed quod addit [Sagrus], admirationem magnam pariat, in freto Herculeo, fluxum a mediterraneo incipere, decrementum uero incipere ab Oceano.' 16 astruximus] / nld as adstruximus in SEH (III, p. 58) Page 84, l. 20–p. 86, l. 9: Intelligimus enim conversionem—Bacon's attempt to assimilate r

v

r–v

verticity to the cosmic diurnal motion; cf. TC, H1 , H4 ; cmt on DGI, E12 (p. 395 below). Rees, 'Francis Bacon on verticity', pp. 202–11; also see Introduction, 2 (h). Gilbert, De mundo, pp. 35–6: 'Globus hic noster, qui ex terra & aqua simul cum effluviis aliis constat, præcipue ex solida & firmiori parte primaria, magneticis imbutus est viribus … At telluris constantioris ampla & profundior moles, quam terram vocitamus, etiamsi dura, renitens, firma, & quasi sicca videatur … Sed quemadmodum superiores ejus partes, ortu rerum & interitu confusæ, humorem tamen ingenitum sensibus nostris præ se ferunt … ita telluris tota interna moles succum habet innatum, insitum ab origine prima, & suum.' Ibid, p. 37: 'Telluris igitur effluvia hæc omnia sunt, mare, fontes, flumina, quemadmodum & aër circumfusus omnis, sicut facies sequentis figuræ ostendit.' [Then follows a diagram of the Earth with its outer incrustation.] Ibid., p. 46: 'Tellus communis mater est, hæc sola materiam suppeditat, in ea latent seminaria rerum; quæ ut concepta fuerint loco idoneo, ab actu humoris, intra formæ cancellos principium habent motus, augmentum, & statum.' Also see ibid., pp. 111, 135–43 for Gilbert's linking of verticity with the motion of the Earth. 26 prodentem,] ⁓‸ 35 agitur,] ⁓‸

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10 tertia:] ⁓., Page 86, l. 10–p. 88, l. 22: Superest inquisitio tertia—here Bacon presents his argument squaring the sexhorary and monthly motions with the diurnal motion of the heavens; see Introduction 2 (g); Rees, 'Semi-Paracelsian cosmology', pp. 98–100; Rossi, Aspetti, pp. 153– r

222. Also see Patrizi, Pancosmia, fo. 138 . 21 obstruit.] ⁓; 34 frænatis] / nld as frenatis in SEH (III, p. 59) 37 aquas] quas / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 59) 19 planetarum restituitur] planetarum non restituitur / Bacon did not use double negatives to make a negative; the c–t aberration is noted in SEH (III, p. 60 n. 1) Page 88, ll. 24–7: Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus circum littora Africœ—the proposals in this paragraph were doubtless aimed at acquiring data relating to areas north and south of the v

r

region about which Bacon had supplied data earlier (DFRM, I2 –I3 .) 26 illa similiter] ille similiter / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 60) Page 88, l. 33–p. 90, l. 2: Inquiratur quomodo hora fluxus—this takes up the point developed v

r

earlier (DFRM, H9 –H10 ). 3 The MS Hardwick 72A version (see Introduction, 3 (d)) of the closing words of the text are: solúm de temporibus siué horis licet́ eniḿ sequantur feré magnitudines fluxuum [per] depressiones litorum tameń communicant etiaḿ cum ratione Motus veri Maris. Inquiratur de Mari Caspio (quæ sunt bené magnæ portiones Aquarum conclusæ absque ullo exitu in Oceanum) si patiantur [fluxum] et refluxum vel qualem siquidem [nostra] fert coniectura aquas [in] Caspio posse habere fluxum [unicum in die non] geminatum atque [talem ut littora] orientalia eiusdem Maris deserantur cum occidentalia alluantur. Inquiratur vtrum fluxus augmenta in Nouilunijs et Plenilunijs atque etiam in Equinoxijs fiant simul in diuersis Mundi partibus cum autem dicimus simul intelligimus non eadem hora (habent enim [horæ secundum progressus Aquarum ad littora] ut diximus) sed eodem die.

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œ

Morœ Anticipationis j

Non producitur inquisitio ad explicationem plenam consensus motus menstrui in Mari cum motu Lunæ siué illud fiat per subordinationem siué per concausam. œ

Syzygiœ Anticipationis j

Inquisitio præsens coniungitur cum inquisitione vtrum terra moueatur motu diurno? Si enim æstus Maris sit tanquam extrema diminutio motus diurni, sequetur globum terræ esse immobilem aut salteḿ moueri motu longe tardiore quam ipsas Aquas. Note, this transcription no doubt lacks some of the original diacritical marks—ones too fine to be read through the leaf obscuring them. Page 90, ll. 3–6: Inquiratur de magnitudinibus—for Patrizi's history of these see Pancosmia, r

fos. 138 f. v

ll. 7–12: Inquiratur de mari Caspio—see Patrizi, Pancosmia, fo. 137 : 'maris primum genus illud est, quod undequaque terra clauditur, neque ullum habet exitum. Quale est mare Caspium, Palus Mantiana, Lacus Asphaltites, & si quod aliud est tale. An hæc maria tria affluxum sentiant, necne authores, nec ueteres, nec recentes tradidere.' 9 qualem;] ⁓, Page 90, ll. 13–17: Inquiratur utrum fluxus augmenta—i.e. the half-monthly and half-yearly tides. 14 æquinoxiis] / nld as æquinoctiis in SEH(III, p. 61) 15 dicimus simul] dicimus (simul) r

Page 90, l. 19–p. 92, l. 2: Non producitur—see DFRM, I7 where Bacon clearly implies that the monthly motion is not a consequence of the seas' subordination to the Moon. In NO (2G4 (SEH, I, pp. 294–5)) the monthly motion is mentioned but no explanation attempted.

r

3 ZYZYGIÆ] / nld as Syzigiœ in SEH(III, p. 61) Page 92, ll. 4–7: Inquisitio præsens—for Bacon's views on the hypothesis of the Earth's r–v

diurnal (axial) motion see DGI, E5 r

r

r

and cmt thereon (p. 391 below); DFRM, H12 ; TC, G9 ,

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G10 , H4 . Page 37 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

Page 38 of 38 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007156 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Francis Bacon, Viscount St Alban, A Description of the Intellectual Globe Graham Rees (ed.), The Oxford Francis Bacon, Vol. 6: Philosophical Studies c.1611–c.1619 Published in print:

1996

Published online:

September 2012

........................................................................................................................... PG 95

DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUALIS ........................................................................................................................... PG 96 R

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DESCRIPTIO GLOBI INTELLECTUALIS CAPUT PRIMUM.

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Partitio universalis humanæ doctrinæ in Historiam, Poësin, Philo  sophiam, secundum triplicem facultatem mentis; memoriam,   Phantasiam, Rationem; quodque eadem partitio competat etiam   in Theologicis: Cum idem sit vas (nempe intellectus humanus)   licet materia & Insinuatio sint diversa.

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Partitionem doctrinæ humanæ eam deligimus, quæ triplici facultati Intellectus respondeat. Tres itaque ejus partes à nobis constituuntur: Historia, Poesis, Philosophia. Historia ad memoriam refertur: Poesis ad phantasiam: Philosophia ad rationem. Per Poesin autem nihil aliud intelligimus hoc loco, quam historiam fictam. Historia proprie v

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Individuorum est; quorum im pressiones sunt mentis humanæ primi & antiquissimi hospites; suntque instar primæ materiæ Scientiarum. In his Individuis atque in hac materia, Mens humana assiduo se exercet, interdum ludit. Nam Scientia omnis Mentis & exercitatio & opificium; Poesis ejusdem lusus censeri possit. In Philosophia Mens mancipatur rebus; in Poesi solvitur à nexu rerum, & exspatiatur & fingit quæ vult. Hæc vero se ita habere facile quis cernat, qui simpliciter tantummodo, Page 1 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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& pingui quadam contemplatione Intellectualium Origines petat. Etenim Individuorum imagines excipiuntur à Sensu, & in memoria figuntur. Abeunt autem in memoriam tanquam integræ, eodem quo occurrunt modo. Has rursus retrahit & recolit Mens; atque (quod officium ejus proprium est) portiones earum componit, & dividit. Habent enim Individua singula aliquid inter se commune, atque aliquid rursus diversum & multiplex. Ea vero compositio atque divisio vel pro arbitrio Mentis fit, vel proac invenitur in rebus. Quod si fiat pro arbitrio Mentis, atque transferuntur portiones illæ ad placitum, in r

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similitudinem quandam Individui, Phantasiæ o pus est, quæ nulla Naturæ aut Materiæ lege & necessitate astricta, ea quæ in rerum natura ........................................................................................................................... pg 98 minime conveniunt, conjungere; quæ vero nunquam separantur, discerpere potest, ita tamen ut intra primas illas ipsas Individuorum portiones coërceatur. Nam eorum, quæ nulla ex parte se Sensui obtulerunt, non est phantasia, ne somnium profecto. Quod si eædem Individuorum portiones componantur & dividantur, pro ipsa rerum evidentia, & prout vere in Natura se produnt, aut saltem pro captu cujusque se prodere notantur, eæ partes Rationis sunt: atque universa hujusmodi dispensatio rationi attribuitur. Ex quo liquido constat, ex tribus hisce fontibus, esse tres illas emanationes Historiæ Poesis, & Philosophiæ neque alias, aut plures esse posse. Nam sub Philosophiæ nomine complectimur omnes artes & Scientias, & quicquid denique à singularum rerum occursu per Mentem in generales notiones collectum & digestum est. Neque alia censemus ad Doctrinam [Theologiæ] partitione, quam illa superiore, opus esse. Informationes enim oraculi, & Sensus, & re procul dubio, & modo insinuandi differunt; sed tamen v

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Spiritus humanus unus atque idem est: perinde ac si diversi liquores, atque per diversa infundibula, tamen in unum atque idem vas recipiantur. Quare & Theologiam ipsam, aut ex historia sacra constare asserimus, aut ex præceptis & dogmatibus divinis, tamquam perenni quadam Philosophia. Ea vero pars quæ extra hanc divisionem cadere videtur (quæ est Prophetia) & ipsa Historiæ species est cum prærogativa divinitatis in qua tempora conjunguntur, ut narratio factum præcedere possit; modus autem enuntiandi & vaticiniorum per visiones, & dogmatum cœlestium per parabolas, participat ex poësi.

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CAPVT II. Partitio Historiæ in Naturalem & Civilem, Ecclesiastica &   Literaria sub Civili Comprehensa. Partitio Historiæ Naturalis in   Historiam Generationum, Prætergenerationum & Artium ex   triplici statu Naturæ, liberæ videlicet, aberrantis &constrictæ. 30

Historia aut Naturalis est, aut Civilis. In Naturali Naturæ res gestæ & facinora memorantur; in Civili, hominum. Elucent procul dubio r

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divina in utrisque, sed magis in humanis, ut etiam propriam in

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........................................................................................................................... pg 100 Historia speciem constituant, quam Sacram aut Ecclesiasticam appellare consuevimus. Itaque eam Civili attribuimus; at primo de Naturali dicemus. Naturalis Historia rerum singularium non est; non quod perperam à nobis positum sit Historiam versari in Individuis, quæ loco & tempore circumscribuntur. Nam proprie ita se res habet. Sed cum promiscua sit rerum Naturalium similitudo, adeo ut [si] unum noris, omnia noris, superfluum quiddam esset, & infinitum de singulis dicere. Itaque sicubi absit illa promiscua similitudo, recipit etiam Historia Naturalis individua; ea scilicet quorum non est numerus, aut natio quædam. Nam & Solis, & Lunæ, & Terræ, & similium, quæ unicæ sunt in specie sua, rectissime conscribitur Historia: nec minus eorum quæ insigniter à specie sua deflectunt, & monstrosa sunt; quandoquidem in illis, descriptio & cognitio ipsius speciei, nec sufficit, nec competit. Itaque hæc duo Individuorum genera Historia Naturalis non rejicit: ut plurimum autem (quemadmodum dictum est) in speciebus versatur. At partitionem Historiæ Naturalis moliemur ex vi & v

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conditione ipsius Naturæ, quæ in triplici statu posita invenitur, & tamquam regimen subit trinum. Aut enim libera est Natura ac sponte fusa, atque cursu consueto se explicans, cum scilicet ipsa Natura per se nititur, nullatenus impedita aut subacta; ut in Cœlis, Animalibus, plantis & universo Naturæ apparatu; aut rursus illa à pravitatibus & insolentiis materiæ contumacis & rebellis, atque ab impedimentorum violentia, de statu suo plane convellitur, & detruditur, ut in monstris & heteroclitis Naturæ; aut denique ab Arte & ministerio humano constringitur, & fingitur & plane transfertur & tanquam novatur, ut in artificialibus. Etenim in artificialibus Natura tamquam facta videtur, &

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conspicitur prorsus nova corporum facies & veluti rerum Universitas altera. Itaque tractat Historia Naturalis aut libertatem Naturæ, aut Errores aut Vincula. Quod si cuiquam molestum sit Artes dici Naturæ Vincula, cum potius liberatores & vindices censeri debeant, quod Naturam in nonnullis suæ Intentionis compotem faciant, impedimentis in ordinem redactis: Nos vero hujusmodi delicias & r

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pulchra dictu nil moramur; id tantum volumus & in telligimus, Naturam per Artem tamquam Proteum, in necessitate poni id agendi, quod absque Arte actum non fuisset: sive illud vis vocetur & vincula, sive Auxilium & perfectio. Partiemur itaque Historiam Naturalem in ........................................................................................................................... pg 102 Historiam Generationum; Historiam Prætergenerationum; & Historiam Artium, quam etiam Mechanicam & Experimentalem appellare consuevimus. Libenter autem Historiam Artium ut Historiæ Naturalis speciem constituimus; quia inveteravit prorsus mos disserendi & opinio, ac si aliud quippiam esset Ars à Natura, ut Artificialia à Naturalibus segregari debeant, tanquam toto genere discrepantia: unde & illud mali, quod plerique Historiæ Naturalis Scriptores perfunctos se putant, si Historiam Animalium aut Plantarum, aut Mineralium confecerint, omissis Artium Mechanicarum experimentis (quæ longe maximi ad Philosophiam momenti sunt;) tum etiam illabitur animis hominum subtilius aliud malum; nempe ut Ars censeatur solummodo ut additamentum quoddam Naturæ; cujus scilicet ea sit vis, ut Naturam vel inchoatam perficere, vel inclinatam emendare possit, minime vero v

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radicitus transmutare, at que in imis concutere; quod plurimum rebus humanis desperationis intulit. At contra illud penitus animis hominum sedere debuerat, Artificialia à Naturalibus non forma aut essentiâ, sed efficiente tantum differre; homini vere in Naturam plane nullius rei potestatem esse, præterquam Motus: ut Corpora scilicet Naturalia aut admoveat, aut amoveat; reliqua Naturam intus per se transigere. Itaque ubi datur debita admotio corporum Naturalium aut remotio, omnia potest homo, atque Ars: ubi non datur, nihil. Rursus autem modo corporum fiat debita illa admotio, aut remotio, in ordine ad aliquem effectum, sive hoc per hominem & Artem fiat, sive Naturaliter absque homine, parum refert. Neque hoc illo fortius est, veluti si quis ex aspersione aquæ simulachrum Iridis super parietem excitet, non minus obsequente utitur Natura, quam cum idem fit in aëre ex nube roscidâ.

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Contra vero cum Aurum invenitur in arenulis purum; æque sibi ipsi ministrat Natura, ac si aurum purum per fornacem & ministerium hominis excoqueretur. Aliquando autem ministerium ex lege universi 30

r

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aliis Animalibus deputatur: neque enim minus artificiale quid dam est mel, quod fit mediante industriâ Apis, quam sacharum, quod hominis, atque in manna (quod similis est generis) Natura seipsa contenta est. Itaque cum una atque eadem sit Natura, ejus autem vis per omnia valeat, neque unquam illa à seipsa desciscat; omnino tamquam ex æquo subordinata tantum ad Naturam poni debent hæc tria: Cursus Naturæ,

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........................................................................................................................... pg 104 Exspatiatio Naturæ, & Ars sive additus rebus Homo; ideoque in Historia Naturali ea omnia, unâ & continuâ narrationum serie, involvi par est: quod etiam Cajus Plinius magna ex parte fecit; qui Historiam Naturalem pro dignitate complexus est, sed complexam indignissime tractavit. Atque hæc sit Naturalis Historiæ partitio prima. v

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CAPVT III.

Partitio Historiæ Naturalis, ex usu & fine sua. quodque finis longe   nobilissimus Historiæ Naturalis, sit ministratio prima ad   condendam Philosophiam, & quod hujusmodi Historia (quæ sci  licet sit in ordine ad eum finem) desideretur. Cæterum Historia Naturalis ut subjecto triplex (quemadmodum diximus) ita usu duplex est. Adhibetur enim aut propter cognitionem rerum ipsarum, quæ Historiæ mandantur, aut tanquam materia prima Philosophiæ. Nobilissimus autem finis Historiæ Naturalis is est; ut sit Inductionis veræ & legitimæ supellex atque sylva; atque satis trahat ex sensu ad instruendum Intellectum. Illa enim altera, quæ aut narrationum jucunditate delectat, aut experimentorum usu juvat, atque hujusmodi voluptatis, aut fructus gratiâ, quæ sita est, inferioris profecto r

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notæ est, & genere ipso vilior præ ea, cujus ea est vis & qualitas, ut propria sit parasceve ad condendam philosophiam. Hæc enim demum ea est Historia Naturalis, quæ veræ & activæ philosophiæ solida & æterna basis constituitur; quæque lumini Naturæ puro & minime

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phantastico primam accensionem præbet; cujus quoque neglectus & Genius non placatus, acies illas Larvarum, ac veluti regna umbrarum, quæ in Philosophiis volitare cernuntur, cum maxima & calamitosa operum sterilitate nobis pessimo fato immisit. Affirmamus autem, & plane testamur, Historiam Naturalem, qualis in ordine esse debeat ad istum finem, non haberi, sed desiderari, atque inter omissa poni oportere. Neque vero aciem mentis alicujus perstringant aut magna Antiquorum nomina, aut magna Novorum volumina, aut querelam istam nostram minus justam cogitet. Satis enim scimus haberi Historiam Naturalem, mole amplam, varietate gratam, diligentiâ sæpius curiosam. Attamen si quis ex eâ fabulas, & Antiquitatem, atque ........................................................................................................................... pg 106 Authorum citationes, & suffragationes, lites item inanes & controversias, philologiam denique & ornamenta eximat, (quæ ad v

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convivales sermones, hominumque doctorum noctes potius quam ad instituendam philosophiam sunt accommodata) profecto ad nihil magni res recidet. Itaque thesaurus quidam potius ad Eloquentiam à nonnullis, quam solida & fida rerum narratio quæri & parari videtur. Præterea, non multum ad rem faciat, memorare aut nosse florum, Iridis, aut Tulupæ, aut etiam Concharum aut Canum, aut Accipitrum eximias varietates. Hæc enim & hujusmodi nil aliud sunt, quam Naturæ lusus quidam & lascivia; & prope ad Individuorum naturam accedunt. Itaque habent cognitionem in rebus ipsis exquisitam, informationem vero ad scientias tenuem & fere supervacuam. Atque hæc sunt tamen illa, in quibus Naturalis Historia vulgaris se jactat. Cum autem degeneraverit historia Naturalis ad aliena, & rursus luxuriata sit in superfluis; tamen è contra, magnæ utique & solidæ ejusdem partes, aut prorsus prætermissœ sunt, aut negligenter & leviter tractatæ. Universa vero inquisitione sua & congerie nullo modo ad eum, quem diximus, finem (condendæ scilicet philosophiæ) aptata & qualificata reperitur. Id r

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in membris ipsius optime apparebit, atque ex comparatione ejus historiæ, cujus descriptiones hominibus sub oculos jam proponemus, ad eam quæ habetur.

CAPVT IV. Incipit tractatus qualis esse debeat Historia desiderata; nempe

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  Historia Naturalis ad condendam Philosophiam. Id ut clarius   explicetur, primo subjungitur partitio Historiæ Generationum.   Ejus constituuntur partes quinque. prima Cœlestium. Secunda   Meteororum. Tertia, Terræ & Maris. Quarta Collegiorum   majorum, sive Elementorum aut massarum. Quinta collegio  rum minorum sive Specierum. Historia vero virtutum pri  marum rejicitur donec explicatio primœ illius partitionis   Generationum, Prætergenerationum, & Artium, sit absoluta. Quamqvam vero è fide nostra esse censemus, hujus ipsius Historiæ quam desideramus, confectionem non aliis relinquere, sed nobis ipsis ........................................................................................................................... pg 108 v

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desumere, propterea quod quò magis hæc res omnium industriæ patere videatur, eo major subest metus, ne ab instituto nostro aberrent; ideoque eam ut tertiam Instaurationis nostræ partem designavimus: tamen ut institutum nostrum de explicationibus sive repræsentationibus omissorum, perpetuo servemus; atque etiam si quid nobis humanitus accident, ut aliquid in tuto positum sit, sententiam nostram & Consilia de hac re jam hoc loco subjungere visum est. Historiæ Generationum sive Naturœ solutœ quinque partes constituimus; eæ sunt Historia Ætheris, Historia Meteororum & Regionum quas vocant aëris. Etenim tractum sublunarem ad superficiem usque Terræ & corpora in eo locata, Historiæ meteororum attribuimus. Etiam Cometis cujuscunque generis (utcunque se habeat rei Veritas) tamen ordinis causa locum inter meteora assignamus. Tertio subit Historia terrœ & maris, quæ conjuncta globum constituunt unicum. Atque hucusque rerum Natura distribuitur ex locis & locatis: reliquæ duæ partes substantias rerum distinguunt, vel massas potius. Congregantur enim corpora connaturalia ad majores & minores massas: quæ Collegia rerum majora r

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& minora appellare consue vimus; habentque in politiâ mundanâ rationes inter se tamquam tribus & familiæ. Itaque quarto ordine ponitur historia Elementorum sive Collegiorum majorum; Quinto & ultimo historia Specierum sive Collegiorum minorum. Elementa enim eo sensu accipi volumus, ut intelligantur non exordia rerum, sed tantum corporum connaturalium massæ majores. Majoritas autem illa accidit propter texturam materiæ facilem, simplicem, obviam & paratam; cum Species à Naturâ parce suppeditentur, propter texturam dissimilarem,

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atque in plurimis organicam. Virtutum vero illarum quæ in Natura censeri possint tamquam Cardinales & Catholicæ, Densi, Rari, Levis, Gravis, Calidi, Frigidi, Consistentis, Fluidi, Similaris, Dissimilaris, Specificati, Organici, & similium, una cum motibus ad illa facientibus, uti Antitypiæ, nexus, coitionis, expansionis, & reliquorum (quorum historiam omnino congeri & confici volumus, etiam priusquam ad opus Intellectus deveniatur) virtutum & motuum historiam, ej usque conficiendæ modum tum tractabimus, postquam explicationem triplicis v

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illius partitionis, Generationum, Prœ tergenerationum & Artium absolverimus. Neque enim eam scilicet intra triplicem illam nostram ........................................................................................................................... pg 110 partitionem inclusimus, cum non propriè sit historia, sed inter historiam & Philosophiam, veluti terminus medius. Iam vero de Historia Cœlestium & deinceps de reliquis dicemus atque præcipiemus.

CAPVT V. 5

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Resumitur tractanda historia Cælestium; qualis & esse debeat in   genere, & quod legitima hujusce Historiœ ordinatio versetur in   triplici genere prœceptorum; videlicet de fine, de materia ac de   modo conficiendœ hujusmodi Historiœ. Historiam Cœlestium simplicem esse volumus, nec dogmatibus imbutam; sed veluti suspensa vi & doctrina Theoriarum; quæque solummodo phænomena ipsa sincera complectatur & separata, quæ jam dogmatibus fere concreverunt; denique quæ narrationes proponat, r

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eo prorsus modo ac si nihil ex artibus Astronomiæ & Astrologiæ decretum esset, sed experimenta tantum & observationes exacte collecta & perspicue descripta forent. In quo genere Historiæ nihil adhuc invenitur, quod nostro respondeat voto. Hujusmodi quiddam tantummodo cursim & licenter attigit Cajus Plinius:. sed optima foret ea Historia Cœlestium, quæ ex Ptolemeo & Copernico & doctioribus Astronomiæ scriptoribus exprimi & erui possit, si artem experimento plane spolies, adjunctis etjam Recentiorum observationibus. Quod si cui mirum videatur, nos tanto labore parta, aucta, emendata rursus ad primam imperitiam, & nudarum observationum simplicitatem retrahere velle: nos vero nullâ cum priorum Inventorum jactura tamen

Page 8 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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longe majus opus movemus; neque enim calculos aut prædictiones tantum meditamur, sed Philosophiam; eam scilicet quæ de superiorum corporum non motu solummodo, ejusque periodis, sed substantia quoque & omnimoda qualitate, potestate, atque influxu, intellectum humanum informare secundum rationes naturales atque indubitatas absque traditionum superstitione & levitate possit; atque rursus in

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motu ipso invenire, atque explicare, non quid phænome nis sit consentaneum, sed quid in Natura penitus repertum atque actu & reipsa verum sit. Facile autem quis cernat, & eos quibus terram rotari placet, & eos contra qui primum mobile, & veterem constructionem tenuerunt, œqua fere & ancipiti phænomenorum advocatione niti.

5

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........................................................................................................................... pg 112 Quin & ille novæ constructionis nostra œtate author, qui Solem secundi mobilis, quemadmodum Terram primi Mobilis centrum constituit, ut Planetæ in propriis suis conversionibus circa Solem choreas ducere videantur (quod ex Antiquioribus nonnulli de Venere & Mercurio suspicati sunt) si Cogitata ad exitum perduxisset, belle profecto rem conficere potuisse videtur. Neque vero nobis dubium est, quin & aliæ hujusmodi constructiones ingenio & acri cogitatione adinveniri possint. Neque illis qui ista proponunt admodum placet, hæc quæ adducunt, prorsus vera esse, sed tantummodo ad Computationes & tabulas conficiendas commode supposita. At nostra ratio alio spectat; non enim concinnationes, quæ variæ esse possunt, sed veritatem rei quærimus, quæ simplex est. Ad hoc vero Historia phænomenorum r

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sincera viam aperiet, infecta dogmate obstruet. Neque illud tacemus, nos in hac ipsa historia Cælestium, ad normam nostram facta & congesta, spem per se ponere veritatis circa cælestia inveniendæ; sed multo magis in observatione communium passionum & desideriorum materiæ in utroque globo. Etenim ista æthereorum & sublunarium quæ putantur divortia, commenta nobis videntur & superstitio cum temeritate; cum certissimum sit complures effectus veluti expansionis, contractionis, impressionis, cessionis, congregationis ad massas, attractionis, abactionis, assimilationis, unionis & similium, non solum hic apud nos, sed & in fastigiis cœli, & in visceribus terræ, locum habere. Atque non alii interpretes magis fidi adhiberi aut consuli possunt, ut Intellectus humanus & ad profunda terræ, quæ omninò non cernuntur, & ad alta cœli quæ plerunque fallaciter cernuntur, penetret.

Page 9 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

Itaque optime Antiqui qui Proteum illum multiformem, etiam vatem termaximum fuisse retulerunt; qui futura, præterita, & occulta præsentium novisset. Nam qui materiæ passiones catholicas novit, atque v

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per hæc novit quid esse possit, non poterit non nosse etiam quid fue rit, quid sit, & quid futurum sit, secundum summas rerum. Itaque plurimum spei & Præsidii ad contemplationem cælestium in Physicis rationibus collocamus; per Physicas rationes intelligendo non eas quœ vulgo esse putantur, sed tantum doctrinam circa illos appetitus materiæ, quos nulla regionum aut locorum diversitas distrahere aut disterminare queat. Neque propterea (ut ad propositum revertamur) ulli diligentiæ parci volumus, quæ circa phænomenorum ipsorum cælestium narrationes & observationes possit impendi. Nam quanto uberior ........................................................................................................................... pg 114 suppetat apparentiarum hujusmodi copia, tan to omnia erunt & magis in promptu & firmiora. De quo antequam plura dicamus, est plane quod gratulemur & Mechanicorum industriæ, & doctorum quorundam hominum curæ & alacritati, quod jam nuper per instrumentorum Opticorum veluti scaphas & naviculas nova tentari cœperint cum cælestibus Phænomenis commercia. Atque hoc inceptum & fine & aggressu nobile quoddam & humano genere dignum esse existimamus. Eò magis quod hujusmodi homines & ausu laudandi sint r

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& fide; quod ingenue & perspicue propo suerunt quomodo singula illis constiterint. Superest tantum constantia cum magna judicii severitate, ut & instrumenta mutent; & testium numerum augeant; & singula, & saepe experiantur, & varie; denique ut & sibi ipsi objiciant, & aliis patefaciant quicquid in contrarium objici possit, & tenuissimum quemque scrupulum non spernant; ne forte illis eveniat quod Democrito & Aniculæ suæ evenit circa ficus mellitas, ut vetula esset Philosopho prudentior, & magnæ & admirabilis speculationis causæ subesset error quispiam tenuis & ridiculus. At ista tamquam præfati in genere, accedamus ad descriptionem Historiæ cœlestium magis explicatam; ut ostendamus quæ & qualia circa cœlestia quæri oporteat. Primo igitur quæstiones Naturales, aut saltem ex iis nonnullas, easque præcipuas proponemus: iis usus humanos, quales verisimile est ex cœlestium contemplatione educi posse, adjiciemus, hæc utraque tanquam Historiæ scopum; ut quibus historiam cœlestium componere curæ erit, norint quid agatur, easque quæstiones una cum operibus illis & effectis

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habeant in animo & intueantur, unde talem instituant & parent historiam, qualis ad judicia hujusmodi quæstionum, & præbitionem hujusmodi fructus & utilitatum erga genus humanum, sit accommodata. Quaestiones autem intelligimus ejus generis, quæ de facto Naturæ quærant, non de causis. Hoc enim pertinet proprie ad Historiam. Deinde distincte monstrabimus in quibus historia cœlestium consistat; quæque ejus sint partes; quæ res sint apprehendendæ aut exquirendæ, quæ experimenta sint comparanda & procuranda, quæ observationes adhibendæ & pensitandæ, proponentes tamquam Topica quædam inductiva, sive Articulos ad interrogandum de cœlestibus. Postremo præcipiemus nonnulla non solum de eo quod quæri oporteat, sed & de

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........................................................................................................................... pg 116 hoc quomodo quæsita debeant pensitari, etiam exhiberi, atque in literas referri, ne primæ inquisitionis diligentia pereat in successione, aut quod pejus est, infirmis & fallacibus initiis nitantur progressus qui sequentur. In summa, dicemus & ad quid quæri debeat circa cœlestia, & quid, & quomodo.

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CAPVT VI.

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Quod quœstiones philosophicœ, circa cœlestia, etiam quœ prœter opin   ionem sunt, & quodammodo durœ, recipi debeant. Proponuntur    vero quinque quastiones circa Systema ipsum, videlicet, an sit    Systema? &, si sit, quod sit centrum ejus, & qualis profunditas    & qualis connexio, & qualis partium collocatio. Existimabimur autem plerisque procul dubio reliquias quæstionum veterum jampridem quasi tumulo conditas & sepultas rursus eruere, & fere manes earum evocare, iisque novas insuper quæstiones adspargere. Sed cum ea, quæ adhuc habetur circa cælestia, Philosophia nihil habeat firmitudinis; cumque illud nobis perpetuo ratum & fixum sit, omnia novo legitimæ Inductionis judicio sistere; cumque si forte quæstiones Page 11 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

aliquæ à tergo relinquantur, tanto minus operæ & diligentiæ consumetur v

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in historia, propterea quod supervacuum fortasse videbitur ea inquirere, de quibus quæstio non fuerit mota; necesse habemus quæstiones, quas ubique porrigit rerum natura, in manus accipere. Quin quo minus certi sumus de quæstionibus per viam nostram determinandis, eo nos minus difficiles præbemus in iisdem recipiendis. Exitum enim rei videmus. Prima igitur ea quæstio est, An sit Systema? hoc est, an mundus sive Universitas rerum sit globosa secundum Totum, cujus sit centrum aliquod? An potius globi particulates Terræ & Astrorum spargantur; & singuli suis hæreant radicibus, absque Systemate & medio sive centro communi? Atque certe jactavit Schola Democriti & Epicuri, Authores suos mœnia mundi diruisse. Neque tamen id prorsus secutum est ex iis quæ ab illis dicta sunt. Nam Democritus cum materiam sive semina Copia infinita, attributis & potestate finita, eademque agitata, nec ab æterno quovis modo locata posuisset, vi ipsa illius opinionis adductus est, ut Mundos multiformes, ortui & interitui obnoxios, alios melius ordinatos, alios male hærentes, ........................................................................................................................... pg 118 etiam tentamenta Mundorum & intermundia statueret. Sed tamen ut r

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hoc receptum fuisset, nihil officiebat quin illa pars Materiæ, quæ deputata est huic ipsi mundo, qui nostro generi est conspicuus, obtinuerit figuram globosam. Necesse enim fuit ut singuli ex illis mundis figuram aliquam accepissent. Etsi enim in infinito medium aliquod esse nequeat, tamen in partibus infiniti rotunda figura subsistere potest, non minus in mundo aliquo quam in pila. Verum Democritus sector mundi bonus fuit, in integralibus autem mundi, etiam infra mediocres Philosophos. At opinio illa, de qua nunc loquimur, quæ destruebat & confundebat Systema, fuit Heraclidis Pontici, & Ecphanti & Nicetœ Syracusani, & præcipue Philolai, atque etiam nostra ætate Gilberti & omnium (præter Copernicum) eorum, qui Terram planetam & mobilem, & tanquam unam ex Astris crediderunt. Atque illa opinio hanc vim habet, ut planetæ & stellæ singulæ, atque etiam aliæ innumeræ, quæ conspectum nostrum ob distantiam fugiunt, necnon aliæ quæ nobis sunt invisibiles, propter naturam non lucentem sed opacam, suos quæque sortitæ globos, & formas primarias, per v

[E2 ]

Page 12 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

expansionem istam quam suspicimus immensam, sive vacui, sive 20

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corporis cujusdam tenuis & fere adiaphori, tamquam insulæ in pelago immenso spargantur & pendeant, atque super centrum non commune aliquod, sed quæque globi sui proprii volent; aliæ simpliciter, aliæ cum motu nonnullo centri progressivo. Atque illud maxime durum est in hac opinione, quod tollunt quietem sive immobile è natura. Videtur autem, quemadmodum sunt in universo corpora quæ rotant, id est motu feruntur infinito & perpetuo, ita & ex opposito debere esse corpus aliquod, quod quiescat: quibus interponitur media natura eorum quæ feruntur recta, cum motus rectus partibus globorum conveniat, & rebus exulantibus extra patrias suas, quæ ad globos connaturalitatis suæ movent, ut cum iis unitæ ipsæ quoque aut rotent aut quiescant. Verum huic quæstioni (nempe An sit systema) finem dabunt ea quæ circa motum Terrœ, An scilicet terra stet aut rotet? atque circa substantiam astrorum, an sit solida aut flammea, & circa Æthera sive spatia cœ;li interstellaria, an sint corporea aut vacua, decerni poterunt. Nam si terra stet & cæli motu diurno circumvolvantur, procul dubio est systema;

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quod si terra rotet, tamen non prorsus evincitur non esse systema, propterea quod aliud possit poni centrum systematis, videlicet Sol aut

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........................................................................................................................... pg 120 aliud quippiam. Rursus si unicus globus terræ sit densus & solidus, videtur materia universi coire & densari ad centrum illud; quod si inveniantur luna aut alii ex Planetis constare etiam ex materiâ densâ & solidâ, videntur ex eo coire densa non ad centrum aliquod, sed sparsim & quasi fortuito. Postremo si ponatur vacuum coacervatum in spatiis interstellaribus, videntur globi singuli habere circa se effluvia tenuiora & deinde vacuum. Quod si & illa spatia corpore replentur, videtur esse unio densorum in medio, & rejectio tenuiorum ad circumferentiam. Plurimum autem confert ad scientias, nosse conjugationes quæstionum, propterea quod in aliquibus invenitur historia sive materia inductiva ad eas dirimendas, in aliquibus non item. Dato verò systemate, proxime accedit quæstio ea secunda, Quod sit centrum systematis? Enimvero si aliquis ex globis locum centri occupare debeat, occurrunt globi inprimis duo, qui naturam medii sive centri præferre videntur, Terra & Sol. Pro Terrâ suffragantur aspectus noster & inveterata opinio, atque illud v

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omnium maxi mè, quod cum densa coëant in angustum, rara in latum diffundantur, (area autem omnis circuli contrahatur ad centrum) Page 13 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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videtur sequi quasi necessario, ut angustiæ circa medium mundi statuantur, ut proprius locus & tanquam unicus ad corpora densa. Pro sole autem facit ratio illa, quod cujus partes sunt in systemate maximæ & potissimæ, ei is locus assignari debeat, ex quo ipse in universum systema maxime agere & se communicare possit. Quando vero is sit Sol, qui mundum vivificare plurimum videatur, impertiendo calorem & lucem; ritè omnino atque ordine videri possit collocatus in medio mundi. Accedit & illud, quod sol manifeste habeat assectatores Venerem & Mercurium, etiam ex sententiâ Tychonis planetas reliquos; adeo ut plane videatur Sol centri naturam sustinere posse, & vices gerere in aliquibus; eo propius abest, ut universi centrum constitui possit; quæ Copernici assertio fuit. Verumtamen in systemate Copernici multa & magna inveniuntur incommoda. Nam & quod triplici motu terram oneravit, incommodum magnum, & quod Solem à cœtu Planetarum r

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divulsit, cum quibus tot habet pas siones communes, similiter durum; & quod tantum immobilis introduxit in Naturam, ponendo solem & Stellas immobiles præsertim corpora maximè omnium lucida & radiantia; & quod Lunam Terræ tamquam in Epicyclo adhærere voluit; ........................................................................................................................... pg 122 & alia nonnulla quæ ille sumit, ejus sunt viri, qui quidvis in Natura fingere, modo calculi bene cedant, nihili putet. Quod si detur motus Terræ, magis consentaneum videatur, ut tollatur omnino systema, & spargantur globi, secundum eos quos jam nominavimus, quam ut constituatur tale Systema, cujus sit centrum Sol. Idque consensus seculorum & Antiquitatis potius arripuit & approbavit. Nam opinio de motu Terræ nova non est, sed ab Antiquis repetita, quemadmodum diximus; at illa de Sole ut sit centrum mundi, & immobile, prorsus nova est (excepto uno versiculo male traducto) & primo à Copernico introducta. Sequitur tertia quæstio de profunditate Systematis; non ut aliqua ejus mensura capiatur perfecta, sed ut in certo ponatur; An cœlum stellatum sit instar unius Regionis, sive, ut vulgo loquuntur, Orbis; An vero v

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stellœ fixœ quas vocant, sint aliœ aliis sublimiores immensa qua dam profunditate? Neque enim ullo modo fieri potest, ut illæ sint paris altitudinis, si hoc intelligatur exacte; stellæ enim procul dubio non sunt sitæ tamquam in piano, quæ habeant dimensionem quandam tantum in superficie instar macularum aut bullarum, sed sunt illæ globi integri, magni atque profundi. Itaque cum tam disparis reperiantur esse

Page 14 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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magnitudinis, omnino necesse est, ut alia ex iis magis quam aliæ promineant, vel sursum versus, vel deorsum, nec fieri potest ut aut per superiora aut inferiora unâ conjungantur superficie. Hoc vero si fiat in partibus stellarum, temerarium plane esset asserere etiam in corpore integro, stellas non esse alias aliis altiores; sed ut hoc verum sit, tamen asseri potest crassities quædam definita (licet insignis) ejus regionis, quæ vocatur sphæra sive cælum stellarum, quæ hujusmodi prominentias & altitudinis gradus quodammodo terminet; videmus enim ex apogæis & perigæis planetarum, singulis eorum cælis competere crassitiem notabilem, per quæ ascendant & descendant. At quæstio ista tantum eo spectat, utrum stellæ aliæ sint super alias, tamquam planeta super

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planetam, & quasi in diversis orbibus. Atque hæc quæstio illi alteri quæstioni de motu aut statu Terræ, similiter affinis est. Nam si stellæ moveantur motu diurno circa terram, quandoquidem eæ universæ pari incitatione, & uno veluti spiritu agantur, (cumque in planetis plane constet prout variatur in sublimitate & humilitate situs, ita etiam variari in celeritate & tarditate motûs) probabile est, Stellas velocitate cursus pares, etiam in una regione Ætheris locari, cujus licet crassities ........................................................................................................................... pg 124 sive profunditas ponatur esse magna, tamen non sit tanta ut faciat ad discrimen incitationis sive celeritatis in motu; sed ut per eam regionem universam omnia putentur tamquam vinculo connaturalitatis devincta pariter rotare, vel saltem cum discrepantia tali, quæ ad adspectum nostrum propter distantiam deferri non possit. Quod si terra moveatur, stellæ vel stare poterunt, quod Copernico placuit, aut quod longe magis verisimile est, & à Gilberto introductum, illæ poterunt singulæ rotare super centrum suum in loco suo, absque aliquo motu centri sui, quemadmodum & ipsa terra; si modo illum motum diurnum terræ ab

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adscititiis illis duobus motibus, quos Copernicus superad[d]idit, sejungas. Utrum vis autem horum si fiat, nihil prohibet, quin stellæ aliæ supra alias sint donec aspectum nostrum effugiant. Quarta proponitur quœstio de nexu sive connexione systematis. Atque de natura & essentia corporis, vel rei quæ æther purus censetur & astris interjacet, postea inquiremus. Nunc tantum de cohærentia systematis dicemus. Ejus rei ratio est triplex. Aut enim datur vacuum, aut contiguum, aut continuum. Itaque primo quæritur, An sit vacuum coacervatum in spatiis interstellaribus? id quod Gilbertus diserte posuit, atque etiam

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Antiquorum nonnulli ex iis, qui globos spargi sine systemate opinati sunt, innuere videntur; præsertim ii, qui Astrorum corpora compacta asseruere. Opinio talis est, Globos universos tam Astra, quam terram, ex materia solidâ & densâ constare; illos autem in proximo circumdari genere quodam corporum, quæ sint ipsi globo aliquatenus connaturalia, sed tamen magis imperfecta, languida, & attenuata, quæque nil aliud sint quam globorum ipsorum effluvia & emanationes; qualia sunt r

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vapores & halitus, atque adeo aër ipse, si conferantur terræ; hæc effluvia ad distantiam circa unumquemque globum non magnam pertingere, reliquum intervallum (quod longe amplissimum est) inane esse. Cui opinioni illud fidem astruere possit, quod ex tam immensà distantiâ corpora astrorum conspiciuntur. Si enim universum illud spatium plenum esset, præsertim corporum quæ procul dubio raritate & densitate valde inæqualia sunt, tanta foret radiorum refractio, ut ad visum nostrum pertingere non possint, quam si longe maxima ejus spatii pars vacua sit, facilius sane perferri consentaneum est. Atque revera hœc quæstio magna ex parte pendebit ex quæstione quam statim adducemus de substantia stellarum, An sit densa vel tenuis & explicata? Nam si substantia earum sit solida, videbitur utique Natura circa globos ........................................................................................................................... pg 126 eorumque confinia tantummodo fere occupata esse & sollicita: spatia vero interjacentia deserere, & tamquam prætermittere. Itaque non absimile vero fuerit, Globos circa centrum spissiores, circa superficiem laxiores, in ambientibus & effluviis quasi deficientes, in vacuo tandem terminari. Contra, si natura astrorum sit tenuis & flammea, apparebit v

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naturam tenuis non esse solummodo Densi decrementum, sed per se potentem & primariam, non minus quam naturam solidi, eamque & in stellis ipsis & in æthere, & in aëre vigere, ut vacuo illo coacervato non sit opus. Pendebit quoque ista quæstio de vacuo in spatiis interstellaribus ex quæstione illa, quæ pertinet ad principia Naturæ An detur vacuum? Neque tamen hoc ipsum nisi adhibita distinctione. Aliud enim est negare vacuum simpliciter, aliud negare vacuum coacervatum. Longe enim firmiores sunt eæ rationes, quæ adduci possunt ad astruendum vacuum intermistum ad laxamentum corporum, quam quæ asserunt vacuum coacervatum, sive in spatiis majoribus. Neque hoc solum vidit Hero vir ingeniosus & Mechanicus, sed etiam Leucippus & Democritus inventores opinionis de vacuo, quam Aristoteles argutiis

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quibusdam obsidere & expugnare conatur; qui duo Philosophi acutissimi certe & celeberrimi, ita vacuum intermistum dant, ut vacuum coacervatum tollant. Ex sententia enim Democriti vacuum terminatur & circumscribitur, ut ultra certos fines non detur distractio r

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sive divulsio corporum, non magis quam compulsio aut compactio. Licet enim in iis quæ ex Democrito habemus, hoc nunquam diserte positum sit, tamen hoc dicere videtur cum corpora æque ac spatia infinita constituit; ea usus ratione, aliter (si spatium scilicet infinitum, corpora finita essent) corpora nunquam hæsura. Itaque propter coinfinitatem materiæ cum spatio, necessario compingitur vacuum ad terminos certos, quæ videtur ejus fuisse opinio vera & recte intellecta, ut scilicet constituatur finis quidam explicationis sive expansionis corporum per vacuum copulatum; neque vacuum detur solitarium, aut corpore non obsessum. Quod si non detur vacuum instar solutionis continuitatis in Systemate, tamen cum tanta inveniatur in partibus & regionibus systematis corporum diversitas, ut sint tanquam alterius gentis & patriæ, oritur quæstio secunda quæ ad connexionem systematis pertineat; Ea est, an œther purus sit unus perpetuus sive continuus fluor, An ........................................................................................................................... pg 128 vero constet ex pluribus contiguis? Neque vero nostrum est de verbis argutari, sed intelligimus per contiguum, corpus quod superjacet nec miscetur: neque rursus intelligimus contignationem duram, qualem v

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vulgus A stronomorum comminiscitur, sed qualem possint recipere fluores, ac si argento vivo supernataret aqua, aquæ oleum, oleo aër. Nemini enim dubium esse potest, quin in immenso illo tractu ætheris puri sint eximiæ differentiæ quoad raritatem & densitatem & alia non pauca; sed utro libet dato (id est continuo sive contiguo) hoc fieri potest. Nam satis constat, nec in mari ipso aquam in summo & aquam in imo ejusdem esse consistentiæ & saporis; in aëre vero inter aërem terræ conterminum, & aërem superiorem plurimum interest, & tamen unus & integer est & perpetuus fluor. Itaque deducitur quæstio ad hoc, Utrum differentiœ in tractu atheris puri se insinuent gradatim & fluxu quodam continuo; An constituantur & distribuantur ad certos & notabiles limites, ubi corpora conjunguntur, quœ non sint commiscibilia, quemadmodum apud nos aër incumbit aquœ? Enimvero simplicius contemplanti videtur totum istud purum & limpidum corpus, in quo globi terræ & astrorum tamquam in vastissimo pelago pendent &

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natant, quodque interjunctum illis globis quanto ipso & spatio quod 20

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occupat, globorum mensuras qua si innumeris partibus superat, esse indivisa quædam res & summe unita. Verum naturam diligentius intuenti, illud plane constabit, consuesse Naturam ad spatia nonnulla per gradus, deinde subito per saltus procedere, atque hunc processum alternare. Aliter si quis vere introspiciat, nulla possit constitui fabrica rerum, nulla figura organica, si per gradus insensibiles perpetuo procederetur. Itaque processus ille per gradus intermundiis competere possit, non mundo, ad cujus constructionem necesse est longe dissimilia discludi alia ab aliis, & tamen approximari. Itaque terram & aquas excipit & contingit aër corpus longe diversum, & tamen in proximo locatum, non primo limus, deinde vapor, aut nebula, dein aër purus, sed confestim aër absque medio. In aëre vero & œthere (illa enim duo conjungimus) dispertitio maxime omnium insignis & radicalis sumi posse videtur, ex natura magis aut minus susceptiva naturæ stellaris. Itaque tres secundum genera videntur esse regiones maxime notabiles à globo terræ ad fastigia cœli; nimirum tractus aëris, tractus cœli v

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planetarum, & tractus cœli stellati. Atque in infimo tractu natura

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........................................................................................................................... pg 130 stellaris non consistit; in medio consistit, sed coit ad globos singulos; in supremo spargit se per globos plurimos, adeo ut per summitates ejus videatur transire, quasi in empyreum integrum. Neque interim obliviscendum ejus quod paulo ante diximus, consuesse Naturam processum graduatum & persultorium alternare, adeo ut regionis primæ confinia communicent cum secundâ, & secundæ cum tertiâ. Nam & in aëre sublimiore postquam aër cœerit esse ab effluviis terræ defœcatior, & à cœlestium magis attenuatus, tentat & experitur consistere flamma; ut in Cometis humilioribus fit, qui sunt mediæ cujusdam naturæ inter naturam stellarem consistentem & evanidam; et rursus videtur cœlum circa Solem fortasse stellescere & transire incipere in naturam cœli stellati. Nam possint illæ maculæ, quæ in Sole observatione certe fidâ & diligenti deprehensæ sunt, esse rudimenta quædam materiæ stellaris: at in cœlo Jovis etiam stellæ absolutæ & perfectæ conspiciuntur, licet propter parvitatem absque commoditate perspecillorum invisiles; & rursus in summitatibus cœli stellati ex r

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innumeris micationibus æthe ris inter Stellas numeratas (cujus aliæ

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causæ satis frigidæ reddi solent) videtur natura stellaris magis fundi & continuari. Verum de his in quæstionibus, quas mox proponemus de substantiâ & astrorum & cœli interstellaris, plura dicemus. Hæc enim quæ diximus, pertinent tantum ad quæstiones de nexu Systematis. Superest quinta quæstio de collocatione partium Systematis, sive de ordine cœlorum. Atque dato quod non sit systema sed sparguntur globi, aut dato quod sit systema, cujus sit centrum Sol, aut etiamsi videant Astronomi de aliquo novo systemate, tamen manet utique inquisitio, quis Planeta ad alium Planetam sit magis propinquus aut remotus; & similiter qui Planeta magis aut minus elongetur à terra aut etiam à Sole. Quod si recipiatur Systema Veterum, non videtur causa cur magnopere insistatur inquisitioni novæ de quatuor cœlis superioribus Stellarum fixarum scilicet Saturni, Jovis, & Martis. Nam de eorum positurâ atque ordine & seculorum consensus suffragatur, nec Phœnomenon ullum adversatur; atque rationes motuum (unde sumitur de altitudinibus v

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cœlorum præcipua probatio) accommodatæ sunt, & nusquam turbant. Verum de Sole, Venere & Mercurio & Luna etiam secundum systema Veterum dubitatum est ab Antiquis; atque apud Recentiores ........................................................................................................................... pg 132 quoque de Venere & Mercurio ambigitur, Uter Planeta sit altero superior. Nam pro Venere ut sit superior, stat illa ratio, quod tardius nonnihil movet, & pro Mercurio quod alligatur ad distantiam propiorem à Sole, unde quis asserat debere eum proxime ad Solem collocari. De Luna vero nemo unquam dubitavit, quin locata sit proxime ad terram, licet variatum sit de appropinquatione ejus ad Solem. Neque serio contemplantem fugere debet aliud genus quæstionis, pertinens ad constitutionem systematis; hæc est, Utrum Planeta alter alterum per vices supergrediatur quandoque, & quandoque rursus subeat, id quod de Venere per demonstrationes quasdam non indiligentes evinci videtur, ut illa aliquando inveniatur super Solem locata, aliquando subter. Atque omnino recte quæritur, Utrum Apogœum humilioris planetœ perigœum superioris non secet, ejusque fines subintret. Restat ultima quæstio de collocatione partium Systematis, hoc est, Utrum sint plura & diversa centra in

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Systemate, & plures tamquam choreœ, cum præsertim non solum terra primi mobilis, Sol (ex sententia Tychonis) secundi mobilis, verum etiam Jupiter minorum & nuperorum illorum erronum ex Galilœo Page 19 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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centrum constituatur. Atque hæ sunt quæstiones illæ quinque, quæ de Systemate ipso proponendæ videntur, An sit videlicet Systema, & quod sit centrum ejus, & quanta profunditas, & qualis nexus ejus, & quis ordo in collocatione partium. De extimis vero Cœli, & Cœlo aliquo empyreo Theses aut quæstiones non conficimus. Neque enim istarum rerum est historia, aut extat phænomenon ullum. Itaque quæ de iis sciri possunt, ea per consecutionem tantum, ac nullatenus per Inductionem sciri possunt. Erit igitur talis inquisitionis & tempus congruum, & ratio & modus quidam. De cœlo vero & spatiis immateriatis, Religioni omnino standum & permittendum. Quæ enim à Platonicis & nuper à Patritio (ut diviniores scilicet habeantur in Philosophia) dicuntur non sine superstitione manifesta, & jactantiâ, & quasi mente turbatâ, denique ausu nimio, fructu nullo, similia Valentini iconibus & somniis; ea nos v

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pro rebus commentitiis, & levibus habemus. Nullo modo enim ferenda est Moriæ Apotheosis, tamquam Divi Claudii. Quin pessimum est & plane pestis & tabes intellectus, si vanis accedat veneratio. ........................................................................................................................... pg 134

CAPVT VII.

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Sequuntur quœstiones de substantiâ Cœlestium, qualis, videlicet, sit    substantia cælestium in genere comparata ad corpora sublu   naria, & qualis substantia ætheris interstellaris comparata ad    corpus stellæ; & qualis sit substantia astrorum ipsorum com   parata ad invicem, & comparata ad ignem nostrum, & in    natura propria; & qualis sit substantia Galaxiæ, & macularum    nigrarum in hæmisphærio Antarctico. Tum proponitur quœstio    prima, An sit heterogenia inter cœlestia & sublunaria, & qualis    ea esse possit? Absolvtis quæstionibus de Systemate, pergendum ad quæstiones de r

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substantiâ cœlestium. Nam de substantiâ cœlestium inquirit præcipue |

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philosophia, & de causis motus eorum; de motu ipso vero & ejus accidentibus Astronomia; de influxu & potestate utraque. Debuerat autem esse cautum inter Astronomiam & philosophiam, ut Astronomia praeferat hypotheses, quæ maxime expeditæ ad compendia calculorum; philosophia vero quœ proxime accedunt ad veritatem Naturœ. Atque

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insuper, ut Astronomiæ hypotheses ad commoditatem suam, rei veritati nullo modo præjudicent, vicissim ut philosophiæ decreta talia sint, quæ sint super phænomena Astronomiæ omnino explicabilia. At nunc contra fit, videlicet ut Astronomiæ figmenta in philosophiam invecta sint, eamque corruperint; & philosophorum speculationes circa cœlestia sibi tantum placeant, & Astronomiam fere deserant, cœlestia generaliter intuentes, verum ad phœnomena particularia atque eorum causas nullo modo se applicantes. Itaque cum utraque scientia (qualis nunc habetur) sit res levis & perfunctoria, fortius omnino figendus est pes; ac si ista duo quæ propter angustas hominum contemplationes, & usum professorium, per tot sæcula disjungi consueverunt, una atque v

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eadem res sint, atque in unum scientiæ corpus conflata. Itaque 30

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proponitur prima ea quæstio, An substantia cœlestium sit heterogenea ad Substantiam inferiorum? Nam Aristotelis temeritas & cavillatio nobis cœlum peperit Phantasticum, ex quinta essentia, experte mutationis, experte etiam caloris. Atque misso in prœsenti sermone de quatuor ........................................................................................................................... pg 136 elementis, quæ quinta essentia illa supponit, erat certe magnæ cujusdam fiduciæ, Cognationem inter Elementaria, quæ vocant, & cælestia prorsus dirimere, cum duo ex Elementis, aër videlicet & ignis, cum stellis & æthere tam bene conveniant, nisi quod moris erat illi viro ingenio abuti & sibi ipsi negotium facessere, & obscuriora malle. Neque tamen dubium est quin regiones sub luna positæ & supra, unà cum corporibus quæ sub iisdem spatiis continentur, multis & magnis rebus differant. Neque rursus hoc certius est, quam illud, corporibus utriusque regionis inesse complures communes inclinationes, passiones, & motus, ut, salvâ Naturæ unitate, ista distinguere potius debeamus quam discerpere. Quod vero attinet ad illam heterogeniæ partem, ut cœlestia ponantur æterna, inferiora corruptibilia; videtur sententia illa r

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sub utraque parte fallere, quod nec cœlo ea com petat æternitas, quam fingunt, neque terræ ea mutabilitas. Siquidem de terra vere rem reputanti, judicium minime faciendum ex illis quæ nobis sunt conspicua, cum nihil ex corporibus, quæ oculus humanus videt, erutum sit aut ejectum ex magis profundo, quam spatio fortasse trium milliarium ad plurimum; quod res nihili est, collatum ad ambitum globi terrestris universi. Itaque nihil obstat quin intima terræ pari prædita sint æternitate ac ipsum cœlum. Enimvero si terra pateretur mutationes in

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Profundo, fieri non potest quin consequentiæ earum mutationum etiam in nostra regione, quam calcamus, majores casus parituræ fuissent quam fieri videmus. Etenim earum, quæ nobis se dant conspiciendas, mutationum hic versus superficiem terræ, fere se ostendit quasi semper simul causa aliqua manifesta desuper imposita, ex tempestatibus cœli, per imbres, fervores, & similia, ut terra ipsa ex se & vi propria nulli admodum mutationi causam præbere videatur. Quod si concedatur (quod certe verisimile est) etiam terram ipsam non solum cœlestia in regiones aëris agere, aut frigora exspirando, aut ventos emittendo, aut

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hujusmodi a lia, tamen & ista omnis varietas referri potest ad regiones terræ ex propinquo, in quibus plurimas evenire mutationes & vices nemo sanus negaverit. Verum fatendum omnino est, ex Phænomenis terræ longe maxime penetrare in Profundum terræ motus, &, quæ ejus sunt generis, eruptiones aquarum, eructationes ignium, hiatus & abruptiones terrarum, & similia; quæ tamen ipsa videntur non insurgere ex longinquo, cum plurima ipsorum parvum aliquod spatium in superficie terræ occupare soleant. Quantò enim latius spatium in ........................................................................................................................... pg 138 facie terræ occupat terræ motus sive aliud quippiam hujusmodi, tantò magis radices & origines ejus ad viscera terræ penetrare putandum est, & quantò angustius, minus. Quod si quis asserat, fieri quandoque terræ motus, qui amplos & spatiosos regionum tractus quatiant, prorsus ita est. At illi certe rarò eveniunt, suntque ex casibus majoribus. Itaque æquiparari possunt Cometis sublimioribus, qui & ipsi infrequentes sunt. Neque enim id agitur, ut terræ simpliciter asseratur æternitas, sed ut illud appareat (quod initio diximus) inter cœlum & terram, quatenus r

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ad constantiam & mutationem, non multum interesse. Neque operæ pretium est argutari de æternitate ex rationibus motus, quemadmodum enim motus circularis terminis non indiget, ita nec quies, atque æque susceptivum est æternitatis ut densa in loco & congregatione magna Connaturalitatis suæ consistant, quam ut tenuia rotent: cum partes avulsæ amborum ferantur recta. Etiam illud in argumentum sumi potest, quod terræ interiora corruptioni magis obnoxia non sint, quam ipsum cœlum, quod ibi aliquid deperire solet, ubi aliquid refici potest. Cum vero imbres, & quæ de alto decidunt, quæ faciem superiorem terræ renovant, nullo modo penetrare possint ad interiora terræ, quæ tamen ipsa stant mole sua, & quanto suo, necessario fieri, ut nihil deperdatur,

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quando nihil adsit quod succedat. Postremo, mutabilitas quæ in extimis terræ deprehenditur, videtur & ipsa per accidens esse. Nam incrustatio illa parva quæ ad millaria pauca deorsum extendi videtur (intra quos terminos præclaræ illæ officinæ & fabricæ, plantarum nempe & mineralium, concluduntur) nullam fere reciperent varietatem, multo

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minus tam pulchra & ela borata artificia, nisi ea pars terræ à cœlestibus pateretur & perpetuo vellicaretur. Quod si quis existimet calorem & vim activam solis & cœlestium universæ terræ crassitudinem transverberare posse, is superstitiosus & fanaticus censeri possit; cum liquido pateat quam parvo objectu ea retundi & cohiberi possint. Atque de constantia terræ hactenus: videndum jam de mutabilitate cœlestium. Primo igitur non ea utendum est ratione, mutationes in cœlo non fieri, quia sub aspectum nostrum non veniunt. Aspectum enim frustrat & loci distantia, & lucis sive excessus sive defectus, & corporis subtilitas aut parvitas. Neque enim scilicet si oculus in circulo Lunæ positus ........................................................................................................................... pg 140 esset, hic quæ apud nos in superficie terræ fiunt mutationes, veluti inundationes, terræ motus, ædificia, structuras aut moles, cernere posset; quæ parvæ festucæ rationem non exæquant ad tantam distantiam. Neque ex eo quod cœlum interstellare diaphanum sit, & stellæ noctibus serenis eædem numero, & facie cernuntur, quis facile pronunciet universum corpus ætheris limpidum, purum & immutabile r

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esse. Nam & aër innumeras varietates suscipit, æstus, frigoris, odorum, & omnigenæ misturæ cum vaporibus subtilioribus, neque propterea exuit diaphanum; similiter nec imagini aut faciei illi cœli credendum. Nam si magnæ illæ nubium moles, quæ cœlum interdum involvunt, & solis & astrorum conspectum tollunt à nobis, propter propinquitatem ipsarum ad visum nostrum in superioribus cœli partibus penderent, neutiquam illæ faciem cœli sereni mutarent: nam nec ipsæ cerni possent propter distantiam, nec ullam Eclipsin facere in astris, propter corporum parvitatem respectu magnitudinis astrorum. Quin & corpus ipsum Lunæ, nisi quâ parte lumen excipit, faciem cœli non mutat, ut si lumen illud abesset, tantum corpus nos latere plane posset. At contra liquido patet ex massis corporum, quæ mole & magnitudine spatiorum distantiam vincere, & propter materiam luminosam aut splendidam visum nostrum lacessere possint, admirandas in cœlo accidere mutationes atque insolentias. Id enim perspicitur in Cometis

Page 23 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

sublimioribus, iis nimirum qui & figuram Stellæ induerunt absque Coma, neque solum ex doctrina parallaxium supra Lunam collocati esse v

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probantur, sed configurationem etiam certam & constantem cum stellis fixis habuerunt, & stationes suas servarunt, neque errones fuerunt; quales ætas nostra non semel vidit: primo in Cassiopea, iterum non ita pridem in Ophiucho. Quod vero hujusmodi constantia, quæ conspicitur in Cometis, fiat ob sequacitatem ad aliquod astrum (quæ Aristotelis opinio fuit,) qui similem rationem esse posuit, Cometæ ad astrum unicum, & galaxiæ ad astra congregata (utrumque falso), id jam olim explosum est non sine nota ingenii Aristotelis, qui levi contemplatione hujusmodi res confingere ausus est. Neque vero ista mutatio in cœlestibus circa Stellas novas, locum tenet solummodo in iis stellis, quæ videntur esse naturae evanidæ, sed etiam in iis quæ morantur. Nam & in stella illa nova Hipparchi, apparitionis mentio facta est apud Veteres, disparitionis nequaquam. Etiam conspici nuper cœpit ........................................................................................................................... pg 142 stella nova in pectore Cygni, quæ jam per duodecim annos integros duravit, ætatem cometæ (qualis habetur) longo intervallo supergressa, nec adhuc diminuta aut adornans fugam. Neque illud rursus proprium r

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& perpetuum est, ut veteres stellæ mutationem prorsus non patiantur, sed tantum stellæ recentions Epiphaniæ, in quibus nil mirum si mutatio eveniat, cum ipsa generatio & origo ipsarum immemorialis non sit. Missa enim Arcadum fabula de prima Epiphania Lunæ, qua se jactant illi fuisse antiquiores, non desunt exempla in rerum memoria satis fida, cum Sol per tres vices absque incidentia Eclipsis, aut interpositione nubium, aëre liquido & sereno, prodiit vultu mutato per multos dies, neque tamen similiter affectus, semel luce exili, bis subfusca. Talia enim evenerunt anno 790. per septemdecim dies, & temporibus Iustiniani per annum dimidium, & post mortem Julii Cœaris per complures dies. Atque Julianæ illius obtenebrationis manet testimonium illud insigne Virgilii: Ille etiam exstincto miseratus Cæsare Romam, Cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit, Impiaque æternam timuerunt secula noctem. Varronis vero hominis in Antiquitate peritissimi, narratio quæ invenitur

Page 24 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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apud Augustinum de stella Veneris: illam scilicet tempore Ogygis regis v

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mutavisse colorem, magnitudinem & figuram, dubiæ fidei esse potuit, ni simile eventum celebri spectaculo ætate nostra 1578 recurrisset. Nam tum quoque per annum integrum novatio facta est memorabilis in stella Veneris, quæ conspiciebatur magnitudine & splendore insolitis, rubedine Martem ipsum superabat, & figuram sæpius mutabat, facta quandoque triangularis, quandoque quadrangularis, etiam rotunda, ut in ipsa massa & substantia prorsus pati videretur. Quin etiam stella illa ex Veteribus, quæ in coxâ caniculæ sita est, quam ipse se vidisse dicit Aristoteles, comæ nonnihil habentem, eamque comam (præsertim obiter intuenti) vibrantem, mutata jam videtur & comam deposuisse, cum nihil ejusmodi jam nostra ætate deprehendatur. Adde etiam quod complures mutationes cœlestium (præsertim in stellis minoribus) ex neglectu observationum facile præterlabuntur, & nobis pereunt. At promptum erit sciolo alicui ista ad vapores & dispositionem medii referre; sed mutationes, quæ corpus astri alicujus constanter, & ........................................................................................................................... pg 144 æquabiliter, & diu obsidere deprehenduntur, & unà cum astro r

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circumvolvi, omnino in astro ipso, aut sal tem in æthere propinquo statui debent, non in regionibus aëris inferioribus; cujus rei etiam argumentum sumitur plane validum, quod hujusmodi mutationes raro fiunt, & longis intervallis annorum, quæ autem in aëre fiunt per interpositionem vaporum, frequentius. Quod si quis judicium faciat ex ordine cœli, atque motus ipsius æquabilitate, cœlum immutabile esse, atque certitudinem illam periodorum & restitutionum sumat in æternitatis tesseram non dubiam, cum substantiæ corruptibili vix competere videatur motus constantia, is paulo attentius dispicere debuerat, istam reditionem rerum per vices, & tamquam in Orbem per tempora certa, etiam hic infra apud nos reperiri in nonnullis; maxime in æstu Oceani; differentiæ autem minores, quæ in cœlestibus esse possunt, & periodis & restitutionibus suis aspectum nostrum & computationes nostras fugiunt. Neque magis motus ille circularis cœli in argumentum æternitatis sumi potest; quod scilicet lationis circularis non sit terminus; motus autem immortalis substantiæ immortali convenit. Nam etiam Cometæ inferiores, subter Lunam locati, rotant, v

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idque ex vi pro pria; nisi quis forte credere malit commentum illud de 20

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alligatione ad astrum. Enimvero si placeat argumentari de æternitate cœlestium ex motu circulari, id ad universitatem cœli trahi debuit, non ad partes cœli; etenim aër, mare, terra, massis æterna, partibus caduca. Quin potius contra, non ita bene ominari licet de æternitate cœli ex motu illo rotationis; quia ille ipse motus non est perfectus in cœlo, nec restituit se exacte in circulo integro & puro, sed cum declinationibus, sinuationibus, & spiris. Porro si quis illud, quod diximus de terra, retorqueat (videlicet quod mutationes, quæ in ea fiunt, per accidens fieri disseruimus, eo quod terra patiatur â Cœlo;) atque asserat contrariam esse rationem cœli, cum cœlum nullo modo pati possit vicissim à terra, quandoquidem omnis emissio à terra citra cœlum desinat, ut probabile sit cœlum ultrà omnem vim inimicam sepositum, susceptivum esse æternitatis, cum à natura opposita minime concutiatur, aut labefactetur, is non contemnenda quædam objicit. Neque enim ii sumus, qui Thaletis simplicitatem revereamur, qui ignes cœlestes depascere vapores è terra &

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oceano sublimatos, at que inde ali & refici opinatus est; (illi vero vapores recidunt fere simili quanto ac adscenderunt, neque reficiendis & terræ

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........................................................................................................................... pg 146 & globis cælestibus ullo modo sufficiunt, neque prorsus in tam altum pervenire possint) sed tamen utcunque terræ effluvia materiata longe infra cœlum se sistant, nihilominus si terra sit primum frigidum ex sententia Parmenidis & Telesii, non facile quis affirmet, aut certo ad quam altitudinem vis illa adversatrix & rivalis cœli se insinuet seriatim & per successionem, præsertim cum tenuia naturam & impressionem frigidi & calidi imbibant, & longe perferant. Sed tamen dato quod cœlum non patiatur à terra, nil obstat quin cœlestia à se invicem pati possint & immutari, Sol nimirum à stellis, stellæ à Sole, Planetæ ab utrisque, universæ ab æthere circumfuso, præsertim in desinentiis globorum. Præterea videtur opinio de æternitate cœli magnas vires sumpsisse ex ipsa machina & constructione cœli, quam Astronomi plurima cum satagentia introduxerunt. Cautum enim magnopere videtur ex ea ut cœlestia nil patiantur, præter simplicem rotationem, in

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cæteris consistant nec perturbentur. Itaque corpora astrorum in orbibus suis tamquam clavis fixa posuerunt. Singulis autem declinationibus, sublationibus, depressionibus, sinuationibus ipsorum tot circulos perfectos convenientis crassitudinis attribuerunt, Page 26 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

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circulorum eorum & concava & convexa egregie tornantes & polientes, ut in eis nil eminens, nil asperum inveniatur, sed alter inter alterum receptus & ob lævorem exacte contiguus, & tamen labi facilis moveat placide & feliciter, quæ immortalis scilicet ingeniatio summovet omnem violentiam & perturbationem, individuas profecto corruptionis prænuntias. Nam certe si corpora tanta, qualia sunt globi astrorum, æthera secant, neque tamen perpetuo meant per easdem ætheris partes, sed per partes & tractus longe diversos, cum aliquando superna invadant, aliquando versus terram descendant, aliquando vertant se ad austrum, aliquando ad boream, periculum est procul dubio ne fiant plurimæ in cœlo impressiones, & concussiones, & reciprocationes, & fluctus, atque inde sequantur condensationes & rarefactiones corporum, quæ generationibus & alterationibus viam præsternant, & r

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præstruant. Quandoquidem vero ex rationibus phy sicis, atque insuper ex phænomenis ipsis, plane constabit hoc posterius verum esse, atque commenta illa priora Astronomorum, de quibus diximus (si quis sanam mentem sumat) naturæ prorsus illudere videantur, & rerum reperiantur ........................................................................................................................... pg 148 inania: consentaneum est, ut etiam opinio de æternitate cœlestium, quæ cum illis conjuncta est, idem subeat judicium. Quod si quis hic religionem opponat, illi responsum volumus, Ethnicam jactantiam tantummodo istam æternitatem cœlo soli attribuere, Scripturas sacras æternitatem terræ & cœlo ex æquo. Neque enim legitur solum, Solem & Lunam œternos & fideles testes in cœlo esse, sed & illud, Generationes advenire & migrare, terram autem in æternum manere. De natura autem labili & caduca utriusque, uno simul oraculo conclusum est: Cœlum & terram pertransire, verbum autem domini non pertransire. Deinde, si quis adhuc instet, negari tamen non posse, quin in ipsa superficie orbis terrarum & partibus proximis, infinitæ fiant mutationes, in cælo non item, huic ita occurrimus: nec nos hæc per omnia æquare, & tamen si v

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regiones (quas vocant) superiorem & mediam aëris, pro superficie aut interiore tunica cœli accipiamus, quemadmodum spatium istud apud nos, quo animalia, plantæ, & mineralia continentur, pro superficie vel exteriore tunica terræ accipimus, & ibi quoque varias & multiformes generationes inveniri. Itaque tumultus fere omnis & conflictus & perturbatio in confiniis tantum cœli & terræ locum habere videtur; ut in rebus civilibus fit, in quibus illud frequenter usu venit, ut duorum

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Regnorum fines continuis incursionibus & violentiis infestentur, dum interiores utriusque Regni provinciæ diutina pace fruuntur, & bellis tantum gravioribus & rarioribus commoventur. Quod vero ad illam alteram partem heterogeniæ cœlestium attinet (prout asseritur ab Aristotele) quod calida non sint, ne forte sequatur conflagratio Heracliti, sed quod calefaciant per accidens, conterendo & diverberando aërem, nescimus quid sibi velit hujusmodi desertor experientiæ, idque contra consensum veterum. Sed in illo minime novum est, ut unum aliquid ab experientia abripiat, & statim Naturæ insultet, pusillanimus simul & audax. Verum de hoc mox dicemus in quæstione Utrum astra sint veri

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ignes? fusius vero & accuratius in consiliis nostris circa Historiam virtutum, ubi origines & cunabulâ calidi & frigidi tractabimus, mortalibus adhuc incognita & intacta. Atque quæstio de heterogenia cœlestium ad hunc modum proposita sit. Damnare enim sententiam Aristotelis absque comperendinatione, res fortasse postulat, sed nostrum non patitur institutum. ........................................................................................................................... pg 150 Altera proponitur quæstio, Quale sit contentum spatiorum interstellarium? Illa enim aut vacua sunt, quod Gilbertus sensit, aut repleta corpore, quod sit ad astra instar aëris ad flammam, quod familiariter accedit ad sensum; vel repleta corpore homogeneo cum ipsis astris, lucido & quodammodo empyreo, sed secundum minus, lucis scilicet non tam præfulgidæ & vibrantis: id quod sibi velle videtur recepta opinio, quod stella sit pars densior sphæræ suæ. Nihil autem officit quo minus lucidum sit Diaphanum ad transmittendam lucem magis fortem. Nam acute notavit Telesius etiam aërem communem continere aliquid in se lucis, eo usus argumento, quod sint quædam animalia, quæ noctu vident, quorum scilicet visus ad tenuem v

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hujusmodi lucem recipiendam & fovendam sit proportionatus. Nam actum lucis absque ulla luce, vel ex ipsa spiritus visivi luce interna fieri, minus credibile esse. Sed & flamma ipsa diaphana conspicitur, etiam ad transmittendam speciem corporis opaci, ut in filis lucernarum patet; multo magis ad transmittendam speciem lucis intensioris. Etiam ex flammis aliæ aliis sunt pellucidiores. Idque accidit vel ex natura corporis inflammati vel ex copia. Nam flamma sevi, aut ceræ magis luminosa est, & (si ita loqui licet) magis ignea; at flamma spiritus vini magis opaca, & tamquam aërea, præsertim si in parva sit quantitate, ut flamma seipsam

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non inspisset. At nos hujus rei etiam experimentum fecimus; videlicet accipientes candelam ceream, eamque in situla erigentes (situlâ idcirco usi metallicâ, ut corpus candelæ à flamma, quæ circumfundenda erat, posset muniri), situlam vero in patera ubi erat parum spiritus vini collocantes, tumque primo candelam, deinde spiritum vini accendentes; ubi facile erat cernere flammam candelæ coruscantem & candidam per medium flammæ spiritus vini infirmæ & vergentis ad r

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diaphanum. Atque pari ratione cernuntur sæpius per cœlum trabes lucidæ lucem manifestam ex se præbentes, & tenebras noctis insigniter illustrantes; per quarum corpora tamen datur conspicere astra. Attamen ista inæqualitas stellæ & ætheris interstellaris non bene definitur per tenue & densum, ut stella scilicet sit densior, æther tenuior. Nam generaliter hic apud nos flamma aëre est corpus subtilius, magis, inquam, expansum, & minus habens materiæ pro spatio quod occupat; quod etiam in cœlestibus obtinere probabile est. Durior vero est error, si stellam sphæræ partem esse intelligant veluti clavo fixam, & æthera stellæ deferens. Hoc enim fictitium quiddam est, quemadmodum & orbium contiguatio illa, quæ describitur. Nam corpus stellæ in cursu suo ........................................................................................................................... pg 152 aut æthera secat, aut & æther ipse rotat simul æqualiter. Si enim inæqualiter rotet, etiam stellam secare æthera necesse est. Fabrica autem illa orbium contiguorum, ut concavum exterioris orbis recipiat convexum interioris, & tamen propter lævorem utriusque alter alterum in conversionibus suis, licet inæqualibus, non impediat, realis non est; cum perpetuum & continuum sit corpus ætheris, quemadmodum & v

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aëris; & tamen quia magna reperiatur in utroque corpore diversitas, quatenus ad raritatem & alia, regiones ipsorum docendi gratia rectissime distinguantur. Itaque recipiatur ista quæstio secundum hanc nostram explicationem. Sequitur quæstio altera nec ea simplex; de substantia ipsorum astrorum. Primo enim quæritur, An sint alii globi sive massæ ex materiâ solidâ & compactâ, præter ipsam terram?. Sanâ enim mente proponitur ea contemplatio in libro de facie in orbe lunæ, non esse verisimile, in dispersione materiæ naturam quicquid compacti corporis erat in unicum terræ globum conclusisse, cum tantus sit exercitus globorum ex materia rara & explicata. Huic vero cogitationi tam immoderate indulsit Gilbertus (in quo tamen habuit præcursores vel duces potius nonnullos ex Antiquis) ut non solum terram & lunam,

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sed complures alios globos, solidos & opacos, per expansionem cœli inter globos lucentes, sparsos asserat. Neque opinio ejus hic stetit, sed & globos illos lucentes ad aspectum, nimirum solem & clarissima quæque astra, ex materia quapiam solida, licet magis splendida & æquali, constitui existimavit, lucem primitivam cum lumine, quod r

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ejus censetur imago, confundens (nam & nostrum mare ex sese lucem ad distans proportionatum ejaculari censuit); nullam autem conglobationem agnovit Gilbertus, nisi in materia solida, cujus corpora illa circumfusa rara & tenuia, effluvia quædam tantum essent, & tamquam defectiones; & deinde vacuum. Verum diligentissimi cujusque & maxime sobrii investigatoris Naturæ animum perstringere posset cogitatio illa de luna, quod sit ex materia solida. Nam & lucem reverberat, nec lucem transmittit, & propriæ lucis tamquam expers est, & plena est inæqualitatis; quæ omnia solidorum sunt. Videmus enim æthera ipsum & aërem, quæ tenuia sunt corpora, solis lucem excipere, sed minime reflectere, quod Luna facit. Solis vero radiorum is est vigor, ........................................................................................................................... pg 154 ut densas admodum nubes, quæ materiæ sunt aqueæ, trajicere & penetrare possit; Lunam tamen neutiquam. At lux Lunæ ipsius in Eclipsibus aliquibus cernitur nonnulla licet obscura; in noviluniis autem & ætatibus Lunæ, nulla, præter partem irradiatam à Sole. Porro, flammæ impuræ & fæculentæ (ex quo genere substantiæ Empedocles constare Lunam opinatus est) sunt certe inæquales, sed tamen eæ v

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inæqualitates non locantur, sed mobiles plerumque sunt; cum maculæ in Luna constantes putentur. Accedit quoque quod maculæ illæ etiam suas subinæqualitates habere deprehendantur per specilla optica, ut jam plane multipliciter figurata reperiatur Luna, & Selenographia illa sive typus Lunæ, quem animo agitabat Gilbertus, jam ex Galilæi & aliorum industria præsto esse videatur. Quod si Luna ex materia quapiam solida constitui possit ut terræ affinis, aut fæx cœli (hujusmodi quædam jactantur) videndum rursus an illa sit in hoc genere sola. Nam & Mercurius quandoque repertus est in conjunctione Solis, tamquam macula quædam, sive pusilla Eclipsis. At maculæ illæ nigricantes, quæ in hemisphærio antarctico inveniuntur, suntque fixæ, non secus ac Galaxia, majorem injiciunt dubitationem de globis opacis, etiam in partibus cœli sublimioribus. Nam quod illud in causa sit, quia Cœlum in illis locis sit tenue & tamquam perforatum, id minus verisimile est;

Page 30 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

propterea quod hujusmodi decrementum & tamquam privatio rei visibilis ex tanta distantia visum nostrum nullo modo percutere r

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possit, cum etiam reliquum corpus ætheris invisibile sit, nec nisi per comparationem ad corpora stellarum cernatur. Illud fortasse magis probabile foret, nigrores illos [defectui] luminis imputare, quia rariores inveniuntur stellæ circa eam partem cœli, quemadmodum circa Galaxiam crebriores; ut alter locus continenter luminosus videatur, alter umbrosus. Magis enim committi videntur ignes cœlestes in Antarctico hæmisphærio, quam in nostro; majores siquidem stellas habeat, sed pauciores & spatia interstellaria majora. Verum ipsa traditio de maculis illis non admodum fida est, saltem non tam magna circa eam observationem adhibita est diligentia, ut consequentiæ inde deduci adhuc debeant. Illud magis premit inquisitionem præsentem, quod possint esse plures globi opaci per æthera sparsi, qui omnino non cernuntur. Nam & Luna ipsa in primis ortibus, quatenus illustratur à Sole, visum sane ferit, cornu & labro illo tenui circuli extimi, in ........................................................................................................................... pg 156 profundo autem minime, sed cernitur eadem specie tamquam reliquus æther; & stellulæ illæ erraticæ circa Jovem à Galilœo (si fides constet) repertæ, merguntur ad visum nostrum in pelago illo ætheris, tamquam v

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insulæ minores & non conspicuæ; similiter & illæ stellu læ, quarum glomeratio effecit Galaxiam, si singulæ sparsim, non congregatæ confertim, collocatæ essent, prorsus conspectum nostrum effugerent; quemadmodum & complures aliæ, quæ noctibus serenis, præsertim per hiemem, micant; etiam nebulosæ illæ stellæ sive foramina ad præsepe jam distinctæ per specilla numerantur; quin per eadem specilla in fonte lucis omnium purissimo (solem dicimus) macularum, & opaci, & inæqualitatis scrupulus nonnullus objectus esse videtur. Quod si nihil aliud, certe gradatio ipsa inter astra cœlestia quoad lucem, à clarissimis descendens & pertingens ad obscura & caliginosa, eo rem deducit, ut fidem faciat posse esse & globos omnino opacos. Minor enim gradus esse videtur à stella nebulosa ad opacam, quam à stella clarissima ad nebulosam. Aspectus autem noster plane fallitur & circumscribitur. Quicquid enim spargitur in cœlo, neque habet magnitudinem insignem, atque etiam lucem vividam & fortem, latet, nec faciem cœli mutat. Neque vero imperiti cujusquam animum percellat, si in dubium veniat utrum globi ex materia compacta pensiles sisti possint. Nam &

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terra ipsa in medio aëris, rei mollissimæ, circumfusi, pensilis natat; & magnæ nubium aquosarum moles & grandinis congeries hærent in regionibus aëris, & inde magis dejiciuntur quam descendunt, antequam terræ vicinitatem persentiscant. Itaque optime notavit Gilbertus, corpora gravia post longam à terra distantiam motum versus inferiora paulatim exuere, utpote qui à nullo alio corporum appetitu, quam illo coëundi & se congregandi ad terram (quæ est corporum cum iisdem connaturalium massa) ortum habet, atque intra orbem virtutis suæ terminatur. Nam quod de motu ad terræ centrum asseritur, esset profecto virtuosum genus nihili, quod tanta ad se raperet; Neque corpus nisi à corpore patitur. Itaque quæstio ista de globis opacis & solidis, licet nova & ad opiniones vulgares durior, recipiatur; atque unà conjungatur quæstio illa vetus, nec tamen decisa, quæ ex astris lucem promant primitivam, atque ex sese, & quæ rursus ex illustratione solis, quarum altera consubstantialia videntur soli, altera lunæ. Denique omnem ........................................................................................................................... pg 158 inquisitionem de diversitate substantiæ astrorum ad invicem, quæ v

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multifaria videtur, cum alia ruti la, alia plumbea, alia Candida, alia splen dida, alia nebulosa manifesto & constanter cernantur, ad septimam quæstionem intelligimus referri. Altera quæstio ea est, An astra sint veri ignes? quæ tamen quæstio desiderat prudentiam quandam intelligendi. Aliud est enim dicere, Astra esse veros ignes; aliud, Astra (sint licet veri ignes) cunctas exercere vires atque easdem edere actiones quas ignis communis. Neque propterea ad ignem aliquem notionalem aut phantasticum deveniendum est, qui nomen ignis retineat, proprietates abneget. Nam & noster ignis si in tali quanto, quale est quantum astri, in æthere collocaretur, differentes daturus fuerit operationes ab iis, quæ reperiuntur hic apud nos; cum entia longe diversas nanciscantur virtutes, & ex quanto suo & ex consitu sive collocatione sua. Etenim massæ majores, hoc est corpora connaturalia, quæ congregantur in tali quanto, quod habeat analogiam ad summam universi, induunt virtutes cosmicas, quæ in portionibus suis nullatenus reperiuntur. Nam oceanus, qui est aquarum congregatio maxima, fluit & refluit; at stagna & lacus, r

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minime. Similiter universa terra pendet, portio terræ cadit. Collocatio autem entis plurimi ad omnia momenti est & in portionibus majoribus

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& minoribus, propter contigua & adjacentia vel amica vel inimica. At multo majorem etiam evenire necesse est actionum diversitatem inter ignem astrorum & nostrum, quia non tantum in quanto & collocatione sed etiam in substantia aliquatenus varietur. Ignis enim astrorum purus, integer & nativus; at ignis noster degener, qui tamquam Vulcanus in terram dejectus ex casu claudicat. Si quis enim advertat, habemus ignem apud nos extra locum suum, trepidum, contrariis circumfusum, indigum, & stipem alimenti, ut conservetur, emendicantem, & fugientem. At in cœlo existit ignis vere locatus, ab impetu alicujus contrarii disjunctus, constans ex se & similibus conservatus, & proprias operationes libere & absque molestia peragens. Itaque nihil opus fuit Patritio, ut formam flammæ pyramidalem, qualis apud nos invenitur, salvaret, comminisci superiorem partem astri, quæ versus æthera vertitur, posse esse pyramidalem, licet inferior pars, quæ à nobis conspicitur, sit globosa. Nam Pyramis illa flammæ per accidens est ex

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coactione & constrictione aëris, siquidem flamma circa fomitem suum plenior, ab inimicitia aëris sensim constringitur & effingitur in formam pyramidis. Itaque in flamma, basis flammæ lata est, vertex acutus; in fumo, contra, inferius acutum vertex latus, & tamquam pyramis

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........................................................................................................................... pg 160 inversa; quia aër fumum recipit, flammam comprimit. Quare consentaneum est flammam apud nos esse pyramidalem, in cœlo globosam. Similiter & flamma apud nos corpus momentaneum est, in æthere permanens & durabilis. Attamen & apud nos flamma & ipsa manere possit in forma sua & subsistere, nisi à circumfusis perderetur, quod manifestissimum est in flammis majoribus. Omnis enim portio flammæ in medio flammæ sita, & flammâ undique circumdata, non perit, sed eadem numero manet inexstincta, & Cœlum rapide petens. At in lateribus laboratur atque abinde orditur exstinctio. Cujus rei modus (flammæ interioris scilicet permanentia in figura globosa, & flammæ exterioris vanescentia & pyramis) in flammis bicoloribus experimento demonstrari possit. Quin etiam de ipso ardore flammæ inter cœlestem r

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& nostram, plurimum variari potest. Nam flamma cœlestis libenter & placide explicatur, tamquam in suo, at nostra tamquam in alieno compingitur & ardet & furit. Omnis enim ignis constipatus & incarceratus fit ardentior. Enimvero & radii flammæ cœlestis postquam ad corpora densiora & magis obstinata pervenerint, & ipsi lenitatem

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suam deponunt, & fiunt magis adurentes. Itaque non debuit Aristoteles conflagrationem Heracliti orbi suo metuere, licet astra veros ignes statuisset. Poterit igitur ista quæstio recipi secundum hanc explicationem. Sequitur altera quæstio, An astra alantur atque etiam an augeantury minuantur, generentur, exstinguantur? atque certe ex veteribus aliquis observatione quadam plebeia ali astra putavit, instar ignis, atque aquas & Oceanum & humiditatem terræ depascere, atque ex vaporibus & halitibus reparari. Quæ certe opinio non videtur digna esse, ut quæstioni materiam subministret. Nam & vapores hujusmodi longe citra astrorum altitudines deficiunt. Neque illorum tanta est copia, ut & aquis & terræ per pluvias & rores reparandis, atque insuper tot & tantis globis cœlestibus reficiendis sufficere ullo modo queant;

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præsertim cum manifestum sit terram & oceanum humore evidenter per multa jam secula non decrescere, ut tantundem reponi videatur, quantum exsorbetur. Neque etiam ratio alimenti astris tamquam igni nostro competit. Ubi enim aliquid deperit & decedit, ibi etiam reponitur quippiam & assimilatur. Quod genus assimilationis ex Tartarismis est, & ex contrariorum aut dissimilium circumfusione ortum ducit. At in astrorum mole similari & interiore nil tale evenit, non magis quam in visceribus terræ, quæ nec ipsa aluntur, sed ........................................................................................................................... pg 162 substantiam suam servant secundum identitatem, non secundum assimilationem. Attamen de extimis oris corporum sidereorum recte datur quæstio, Utrum ea uno eodemque tenore maneant, aut æthera circumfusum deprædentur, atque etiam inficiant? Quare eo sensu de alimoniis astrorum etiam quæri poterit. De augmentis vero & diminutionibus astrorum in toto suo, recte adjungitur quæstio; licet rara admodum fuerint Phænomena, quæ illi dubitationi occasionem præbere possint. Primo enim exemplum nullum, neque simile aliquid r

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inter ea, quæ apud nos reperiuntur, huic quæstioni patrocinatur; cum globus noster terræ & aquarum non videatur suscipere secundum totum suum augmentationem aut diminutionem evidentem aut insignem, sed molem suam & quantum suum servare. At stellæ apparent ad aspectum nostrum interdum majore, interdum minore corpore. Verum est, sed illa majoritas & minoritas stellæ vel ad longinquitatem & ad vicinitatem refertur, ut in apogæis & perigæis planetarum, vel ad constitutionem medii. Quæ vero fit ex constitutione

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medii facile dignoscitur, quod non alicui certæ stellæ, sed omnibus ex æquo apparentiam mutet, ut fit noctibus hiemalibus, gelu intensiore, quando stellæ auctæ videntur magnitudine, quia vapores & parcius surgunt & fortius exprimuntur, & universum corpus aëris nonnihil condensatur, & vergit ad aqueum sive cristallinum, quod species exhibet majores. Quod si forte fuerit aliqua particularis interpositio vaporum inter aspectum nostrum & astrum certum, quæ speciem astri ampliet (quod in Sole & Luna frequenter & manifesto fit, & in reliquis accidere potest) ea apparentia nec ipsa fallere potest, quia mutatio illa v

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magnitudinis non durat, neque sequitur astrum nec cum cor pore ejus movetur, verum astrum ab ea citò liberatur, & solitam recuperat speciem. Verumtamen quamvis ista ita se habeant, tamen cum & olim temporibus priscis, atque etiam ætate nostra, celebri & magno spectaculo, magna novatio facta fuerit in stella Veneris & magnitudine & colore, atque etiam figurâ; cumque mutatio quæ astrum aliquod certum perpetuo & constanter sequitur, & cum corpore ejus circumvolvi cernitur, necessario statui debeat in astro ipso, & non in medio; cumque ex observationum neglectu multa quæ in cœlo fiunt conspicua prætereantur & nobis pereant; istam partem quæstionis nonæ recte admitti censemus. Ejusdem generis est altera pars quæstionis, Utrum astra per longos seculorum circuitus nascantur & ........................................................................................................................... pg 164 dissipentur? nisi quod major suppetat Phænomenorum ubertas, quæ hanc quæstionem provocat, quam illam de augmentis; sed tamen in uno genere tantum. Nam quoad veteres stellas, omni seculorum memoriâ nec alicujus earum ortus primus notatus est (exceptis iis quæ Arcades de Lunâ olim fabulati sunt) nec aliqua ex iis desideratur. Earum vero, quæ r

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Cometæ habitæ sunt, sed forma & motu stellari, & prorsus veluti stellæ novæ, & apparitiones vidimus, atque etiam ab Antiquis accepimus, & disparitiones, dum aliis hominibus tamquam consumptæ visæ sunt, aliis tamquam assumptæ (utpote quæ ad nos devectæ tamquam in perigæis, postea ad sublimiora remearunt) aliis vero tamquam rarescentes existimatæ sunt, atque in æthera solutæ. Verum universam istam quæstionem de stellis novis ad eum locum rejicimus, ubi de Cometis dicemus. Superest quæstio altera, de Galaxia videlicet, An Galaxia sit glomeratio astrorum minimorum, aut corpus continuatum, & pars ætheris, mediæ naturæ inter ætheream & sideream?. Nam opinio illa

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de exhalationibus jamdiu exhalavit, non sine nota ingenii Aristotelis, qui tale aliquid confingere ausus est, rei tam constanti & fixæ imponendo naturam transitoriam & variam. Quin & finis etiam hujus quæstionis, prout à nobis proponitur, adesse jam videtur, si iis credimus quæ Galilæus tradidit, qui confusam illam lucis speciem in astra numerata & locata digessit. Nam quod Galaxia non tollit aspectum astrorum, quæ v

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intra ipsam inveniuntur, illud certe litem non dirimit, nec rem inclinat in alterutram partem; id tantummodo fortasse abnegat, non collocari Galaxiam inferius æthere stellato. Hoc enim si foret, atque insuper corpus illud continuatum Galaxiæ aliquam haberet profunditatem, aspectum nostrum interceptum iri consentaneum esset. Si vero pari collocetur altitudine cum stellis quæ per eam conspiciuntur, nil obstat quin stellæ spargi possint in ipsa Galaxia, non minus quam in reliquo æthere. Itaque & istam quæstionem recipimus. Atque hæ sex quæstiones pertinent ad substantiam cœlestium; qualis scilicet sit substantia cœli in genere, & qualis ætheris interstellaris, & qualis Galaxiæ, & qualis astrorum ipsorum, sive conferantur ad invicem, sive ad ignem nostrum, sive ad corpus proprium. At de numero, magnitudine, figurâ & distantiâ astrorum præter phænomena ipsa & quæstiones historicas, de quibus postea dicetur, problemata philosophica fere simplicia sunt. De numero scilicet sequitur quæstio altera, An is sit numerus astrorum qui videtur, quique Hipparchi ........................................................................................................................... pg 166 diligentia notatus & descriptus est, & in globi cœlestis modulum conclusus? r

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Nam & satis frigida est ratio ea quæ red ditur innumeræ illius multitudinis stellarum occultarum & tamquam invisibilium, quæ noctibus serenis præsertim per hiemem conspici solet; ut illæ apparentiæ scilicet sint non stellæ minores, sed radiationes tantum & micationes & tamquam spicula stellarum cognitarum; & nova jam censa sunt plebeculæ cælestis capita à Galilæo, non solum in illâ turmâ, quæ Galaxiæ nomine insignitur, verum etiam inter stationes ipsas & ordines planetarum. Stellæ autem invisibiles fiunt aut propter corporis parvitatem, aut propter opacitatem (nam tenuitatis nomen non admodum approbamus, cum flamma pura sit corpus eximiæ tenuitatis) aut propter elongationem & distantiam. De auctario autem numeri astrorum per generationem stellarum novarum, quæstionem, ut prius, ad locum de Cometis rejicimus. Quod vero ad magnitudinem astrorum

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attinet, ea quæ est secundum apparentiam magnitudo pertinet ad phænomena, vera autem ad inquisitionem philosophicam, solo illo contenta problemate duodecimo: Quæ sit vera magnitudo cujusque astri, vel mensurata, vel saltem collata? facilius enim est inventu & v

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demonstratu, globum Lunæ esse globo terræ minorem, quam globum lunæ in ambitu tot millia passuum continere. Itaque tentandum & contendendum, ut exactæ magnitudines inveniantur; illæ si minus haberi possint, utendum comparatis. Capiuntur autem atque concluduntur magnitudines veræ vel ab Eclipsibus & umbris, vel ab extensionibus tam luminis quam aliarum virtutum, quas corpora quæque pro ratione magnitudinis longius aut propius ejaculantur & diffundunt; vel postremo per symmetriam Universi, quæ portiones corporum connaturalium ex necessitate quadam temperat & terminat. Minime vero standum iis quæ ab Astronomis de veris magnitudinibus astrorum tradita sunt (licet videatur esse res magnæ & accuratæ subtilitatis) satis licenter & incaute; sed exquirendæ (si quæ se ostendunt) probationes magis fidæ & sinceræ. Magnitudo vero & distantia astrorum se invicem indicant ex rationibus opticis; quæ tamen & ipsæ excuti debent. Ista autem de vera magnitudine astrorum quæstio numero duodecima est. Sequitur quæstio altera de figura, An astra sint globi?. hoc est, coacervationes materiæ in figura solida rotunda. r

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Videntur autem ad apparentiam tres se ostendere figuræ astrorum, globosa & crinita, ut Sol; globosa & angulata, ut stellæ (crines vero & anguli ad aspectum tantum referuntur, forma globosa tantum ad

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........................................................................................................................... pg 168 substantiam); globosa simpliciter, ut Luna. Neque enim conspicitur stella oblonga, aut triangularis, aut quadrata, aut alterius figuræ. Atque secundum Naturam videtur ut massæ rerum majores, ad conservationem sui & veriorem unionem, se congregent in globos. Decima quarta quæstio pertinet ad distantiam; Quæa sit vera distantia alicujus stellæ in profundo cœli?. Nam distantiæ planetarum tam ad invicem quam cum stellis fixis laterales sive per ambitum cœli reguntur à motibus earum. Quemadmodum autem superius de magnitudine astrorum diximus, si exacta magnitudo & plane mensurata haberi non possit, utendum esse magnitudine comparatà; idem de distantiis præcipimus; ut si exacte capi distantia non possit (exempli gratia à terrâ ad Saturnum, vel ad Iovem) tamen ponatur in certo Saturnum esse Iove

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sublimiorem. Neque enim systema cœli quoad interius, scilicet ordo v

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Planetarum quoad altitudines, omnino sine contro versia est, neque quæ nunc obtinuerunt, olim credita sunt. Atque etiam adhuc lis pendet de Mercurio & Venere, utra sit sublimior. Inveniuntur autem distantiæ aut ex parallaxibus, aut ex Eclipsibus, aut ex rationibus motuum, aut ex apparentiis diversis magnitudinum. Etiam alia auxilia huic rei comparanda sunt, quæ humana queat industria comminisci. Præterea crassitudines sive profunditates sphærarum pertinent etiam ad distantias.

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........................................................................................................................... PG 97

A DESCRIPTION OF THE INTELLECTUAL GLOBE CHAPTER I The partition of all human doctrine into History, Poetry and Philo  sophy, according to the three faculties of the mind: Memory,   Imagination and Reason; and that the same partition is also   appropriate to theological matters, since the vessel (namely, the   human intellect) is the same, although the matter and the way it   insinuates itself are different. I choose that partition of human doctrine which corresponds to the three faculties of the intellect. Thus do I establish its three parts: History, Poetry and Philosophy. History answers to memory, Poetry to imagination, and Philosophy to reason. Now by Poetry I mean here nothing other than make-believe history. History properly is to do with individuals, whose |

impressions are the first and most ancient guests of the human mind, and equivalent to the basic material of the sciences. On these individuals and on this material the human mind constantly exercises itself, and sometimes recreates itself. For all science may be considered the mind's exercise and work, and Poetry its recreation. In Philosophy the mind is bound to things, in poetry it is released from such ties, and strays and makes up what it likes. But even someone looking only in an unsophisticated and unintelligent way for the origins of intellectual things can easily tell that this is true. For the images of individuals are taken up by the sense and fixed in the memory. They pass into the memory as it were whole, in the same form in which they crop up. The mind recalls and reflects on them, and, exercising its true function, puts together and divides their portions. For single individuals have something in common with each other and, on the other hand, something distinct and manifold. Now this composition and division takes place either according to the mind's own way of acting or according as we find it in things. If it take place according to the mind's own way and |

those portions are transformed at will into some similitude of an individual, it is the work of the imagination which, constrained by no law and necessity of nature or matter, can join together objects which do not at ........................................................................................................................... pg 99 all come together in nature, and tear apart things which are never found apart, but it nevertheless works in such a way that it stays within the bounds set by those same primary portions of individuals. For of those things which have not offered themselves to the sense at all there can be no imagination, not even a dream. But if these same portions of individuals

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are put together and divided according to the very evidence of things, and according as they truly reveal themselves in nature, or at least as they are seen to reveal themselves to each man according to his capacity, these are the functions of reason and to reason do we assign the whole business of managing such things. From this it is quite obvious that from these three fountains spring these three emanations—History, Poetry and Philosophy—and there cannot be others or any more than these. For beneath the heading of Philosophy I bring together all the arts and sciences, and in short whatever the mind has collected and digested into general notions from its encounters with singulars. Nor do I believe that there is need of any other partition for the doctrine of theology than that given above. For the informations of prophecy and the sense undoubtedly differ both in substance and in the way |

they are insinuated, but the human spirit is nevertheless one and the same: and it is just as if different liquids were poured through different funnels into one and the same vessel. Therefore I claim that theology itself consists likewise either of sacred history or of divine precepts and dogmas, like some kind of perennial philosophy. But that part which seems to fall outside this division, i.e. prophecy, is itself a species of history too, with the prerogative of the Divinity which brings the times together so that the account of the fact can come before the fact itself; but the manner of its declaration, both of prophesying through visions and of heavenly dogmas through parables, partakes of poetry.

CHAPTER II The partition of History into Natural and Civil, Ecclesiastical and   Literary being included under Civil. The partition of Natural   History into the History of Generations, Pretergenerations and   Arts according to the threefold condition of Nature, namely free,   deviating and manacled. History is either Natural or Civil. In Natural History the achievements and deeds of nature are |

recounted, in Civil those of men. Divine things undoubtedly manifest themselves in both, but more in human affairs, ........................................................................................................................... pg 101 so that they even constitute a distinct species in history, which I am accustomed to call Sacred or Ecclesiastical. This therefore I assign to civil history; but I shall speak about natural first. Natural history is not about single objects; which is not to say that I was wrong to lay down that history is concerned with individuals located in space and time. For properly that is how things are. But since there is a casual likeness among natural things such that if you know one you know them all, it would be a waste of time and effort to speak of singulars. Therefore wherever that casual likeness is lacking, natural history does indeed admit individuals, those, that is, which do not belong to a troop or kind of nation. For history

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is quite rightly written about the Sun, Moon, Earth and the like, which are unique in their species; and it is written just as properly about those things which deviate markedly from their species and are as monsters, seeing that in those cases a description and knowledge of the species itself is neither sufficient nor suitable. Therefore natural history does not reject these two kinds of individuals, but mostly (as has been said) it deals with species. But I shall |

set up the partitions of natural history on the basis of the condition of nature itself, which we find existing in a triple condition and subject, as it were, to three kinds of government. For nature is either free and left to go its own way and unfold itself in its usual course, that is, nature advances by itself without being interfered with or worked on in any way, as in the heavens, animals, plants and the whole order of nature; or again it is quite forced and ripped from its state by the crookedness and arrogance of defiant and rebellious matter, and by the violence of impediments, as in the monsters and heteroclites of nature; or finally it is restrained, moulded, completely transformed and as it were made new by art and human agency, as in artificial things. For in artificial things nature seems as it were made up, and we see bodies in an entirely new guise and a kind of alternative universe of things. Therefore natural history deals with either the liberty of nature, or its errors or bonds. But if anyone gets annoyed because I call the arts the bonds of nature when they ought rather to be considered its liberators and champions in that in some cases they allow nature to achieve its ends by reducing obstacles to order, then I reply that I do not much care for such fancy |

ideas and pretty words; I intend and mean only that nature, like Proteus, is forced by art to do what would not have been done without it: and it does not matter whether you call this forcing and enchaining, or assisting and perfecting. Thus I shall divide natural history into the history of ........................................................................................................................... pg 103 Generations, history of Pretergenerations and history of Arts, the last of which I usually call Mechanical and Experimental. Now it is with a will that I have made the history of Arts a species of natural history, because people have become all too used to talking and thinking as if art were something different from nature, so that artificial things should kept apart from natural as being utterly different in kind: and from this the evil has also arisen that most writers of natural history think they have done their job if they have compiled a history of animals or plants or minerals, but left out the experiments of mechanical arts (which are of by far the greatest importance for philosophy); and more than that another, more subtle evil creeps into men's minds, namely that art is considered solely as a kind of supplement to nature; that is, its power is this, that it can either finish what nature has begun or put it |

right when it has gone astray, but can in no way alter it radically and shake it to its depths; and this has brought profound despair into human affairs. But people should instead have become inured to the idea that artificial things differ from natural things not in form or essence, but only in the efficient; that people in fact have power over nature in absolutely nothing save motion, that is, we can move natural bodies towards or away from each

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other, but nature does the rest by and within itself. Thus when it is possible to move natural bodies towards or away from one another men and art can do everything, but when it is not possible they can do nothing. But then again as long as that motion of bodies towards or away, in the sequence necessary to produce a given effect, does duly take place, it makes no difference whether man and art bring it about or whether it happens naturally without human intervention. Nor is the one more efficacious than the other—as when, for example, someone causes the simulacrum of a rainbow to appear over a wall by spraying water, nature helps him no less than when the same thing is produced in the air by a dripping cloud. But on the other hand, when gold is found pure in sands, nature manages the thing itself just as if the gold were refined by a furnace and human management. Then again universal law sometimes gets other animals to manage something: for honey made by the |

bee's industry is no less artificial than sugar made by man, while in manna (a similar sort of thing) nature does it all itself. Thus since nature is one and the same, its power effectual in everything, and its trueness to itself unfailing, these three things ought wholly to be set down as alike subordinate only to nature: the Course of Nature, the Wandering of Nature, and Art or the application of man to natural ........................................................................................................................... pg 105 things; and therefore in natural history it is proper that all these be included in a single unbroken run of narratives, as indeed Gaius Pliny did for the most part, who had an ideal of natural history worthy of the name but one which he quite failed to live up to in practice. Then let this be the first partition of natural history.

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CHAPTER III

  The partition of Natural History according to its use and end; and that by far the noblest end of Natural History is to serve primarily for the founding of Philosophy, and that such a History (i.e. one directed to that end) is lacking. Now just as the subject of Natural History is threefold (as I said), so its use is twofold. For it is used either for the sake of knowledge of the very things assigned to history, or as the primary matter of philosophy. Yet the noblest end of natural history is this: to be the basic stuff and raw material of the true and legitimate induction, and to draw enough from the sense to furnish the intellect. For that other kind, which either delights by the charm of its narratives or helps by the use of its experiments, and which is admitted for the sake of such pleasure or profit, is undoubtedly of an inferior kind and in its very nature less valuable when |

set beside the kind which has the power and quality to be a proper preparative for the founding of philosophy. For, finally, the latter is the history which constitutes the solid and lasting basis of a true and active philosophy, and which provides the first spark for the pure

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and actual light of nature; and it is also that whose genius, not looked after or propitiated, has by the most miserable ill-fortune sent us those regiments of demons and veritable empires of spectres which we see haunting the philosophies with a total and calamitous sterility in respect of works. Now I affirm and declare openly that a natural history such as ought to be directed to that end is not to be had, but is needed and should be placed among things left to be done. Indeed, neither the weighty names of the ancients nor the weighty tomes of the moderns should be allowed to influence anyone's train of thought, and no one should think my complaint at all unjust. For I know well enough that natural history exists which is ample in bulk, pleasing in its variety and more often than not painstaking in its diligence. Yet if one strips from it the fables and antiquities, the citations and opinions of authorities, ........................................................................................................................... pg 107 the empty squabbles and controversies, and finally the philology and embellishments (which |

are more appropriate to the table-talk and night-work of learned men than the building up of philosophy), it will undoubtedly be cut down to nothing very much. Thus it looks as if some people are seeking to contrive a kind of treasure-house of words rather than a solid and reliable narrative of things. Besides, there is not much point in calling to mind or knowing the distinct varieties of flowers, of the iris or tulip, or again of shells or dogs or hawks. For these and the like are nothing other than certain freaks and sports of nature, and come close to the nature of individuals. For these provide detailed knowledge of the things themselves, but slight and almost superfluous information for the sciences. But yet these are the things on which conventional natural history prides itself. Yet while natural history has sunk into irrelevance or grown fat on superfluities, its assuredly solid and important parts have on the other hand been entirely neglected or treated with carelessness and frivolity. Indeed, in its whole mode of inquiry and mass I find that it is just not adapted and qualified for that end of which I have spoken, i.e. the founding of philosophy. This will best be shown |

in its particular branches, and by comparing the history which I am now going to describe with that which is currently available.

CHAPTER IV Here begins the treatise showing what the history we need, i.e. the   Natural History for the Founding of Philosophy, should be   like. To explain that more clearly, I first subjoin the partitioning   of History of Generations. It is made up of five parts: the first of   the Heavens; the second of Meteors; the third of the Earth and   Sea; the fourth of the Greater Colleges, or Elements or Masses;   the fifth of the Lesser Colleges, or Species. I leave the History of   Primary Virtues until I have finished explaining that primary

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  partition of Generations, Pretergenerations and Arts. I judge that I am in fact duty bound not to leave the composition of the required history to others but to take it upon myself—because the more ........................................................................................................................... pg 109 |

this work seems like a thing open to everyone's industry, the greater my underlying fear that people will stray from my plan (and for that reason have I designated it as Part Three of my Instauration). Nevertheless, to keep constantly to my plan of spelling out or giving examples of things which are deficient, and also to put something out of danger just in case I go the way of all flesh, I think it right to subjoin my opinion and advice on this matter here and now. I establish five parts of the History of Generations or Nature unconstrained: these are the History of the Ether, the History of Meteors and what are known as the Regions of the Air. For I allot the sublunar tract as far as the surface of the Earth and the bodies belonging to it to the History of Meteors. Nevertheless I also assign Comets of all kinds (whatever the truth of the matter may be) for the sake of order to a place among meteors. In the third place comes the History of the Earth and Sea, which together form a single globe. Now up to this point I have distributed the nature of things according to places and objects set in their places; but the last two parts distinguish the substances of things, or rather their masses. For connatural bodies are grouped together into greater and lesser |

masses, which I usually call Greater and Lesser Colleges of Things and, in the polity of the world, they are related to each other as tribes and families. Thus I place the History of Elements or of the greater Colleges fourth in order, and fifth and last the History of Species or of the lesser Colleges. For I mean the elements to be understood not as the beginnings of things, but only as the greater masses of connatural bodies. Now that greatness comes from the texture of their matter being easy, simple, obvious and prepared; whereas species are supplied sparingly by nature because their texture is dissimilar and very often organic. As for those Virtues which may be reckoned as Cardinal and Catholic in nature,—such as Dense, Rare, Light, Heavy, Hot, Cold, Consistent, Fluid, Similar, Dissimilar, Specific, Organic and the like, together with the motions going to make them, as resistance, connection, coming together, expansion and the rest (the history of which I want absolutely to be compiled and put together, even before I come to the work of the Intellect)—I shall deal with the history of these virtues and motions, and the way of putting it together, after I have finished |

explaining that threefold partition of Generations, Pretergenerations and Arts. For I have not, of course, included it within that threefold partition of mine, because it is not properly history but a ........................................................................................................................... pg 111 middle term, so to speak, between history and philosophy. But now I shall speak and give instructions about the History of the Heavens, and afterwards about the rest.

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CHAPTER V Discussion of the history of the Heavens is taken up again, showing   both what it should be like in general and that the legitimate order  ing of this History depends on three kinds of rules: namely about the   end, the matter and the manner of putting together such a History. I want the history of the Heavenly Bodies to be simple and not imbued with dogmas but with, as it were, the force and doctrine of theories suspended; a history which encompasses only the phenomena themselves, plain and separated from the dogmas with which they have now almost merged; and finally a history which puts forward narratives, just as if |

the arts of astronomy and astrology had settled nothing, and people had only collected experiments and observations with precision and described them with lucidity. But as yet I find no history of the kind that I require. Gains Pliny has touched upon something of the kind yet only hastily and indiscriminately; but the best history of the Heavenly Bodies would be that which could be extracted and elicited from Ptolemy, Copernicus and the more learned writers on astronomy, if you completely stripped the art from the experiment and also added the observations of more recent authorities. Now if anyone thinks that it is odd that I want to drag things that have been brought out, developed and refined with so much labour back to their primitive ignorance and to the simplicity of bare observations, I reply that, without throwing out former inventions, I am nevertheless starting a far greater project; for I do not merely have calculations or predictions in mind, but philosophy; that is, that which can inform the human intellect not only about celestial motion and its periods but also about the substance of the heavenly bodies and every sort of quality, power and influx, according to natural and incontrovertible reasons and without the superstition and frivolity of traditions; and again that can discover and unfold in the very motion not just what saves the |

phenomena, but what is found in the bowels of nature and is actually and really true. Now it is easy to see that both those who say that the Earth revolves, and those on the contrary who have maintained the primum mobile and the old construction are supported almost alike by the phenomena which in this matter face both ........................................................................................................................... pg 113 ways. Furthermore, the author in our time of the new construction, who made the Sun the centre of the secundum mobile as the Earth of the primum mobile, so that the planets in their proper revolutions seem to perform dances round the Sun (which was what some ancients suspected of Venus and Mercury), if he had carried his ideas through to the end, could surely have concluded the matter satisfactorily. But I have no doubt that ingenuity and sharp wits could invent other such constructions; and they who put forward these theories are not wholly of the opinion that the things they adduce are absolutely true, but only that they can be conveniently applied for calculations and the drawing up of tables. But my plan

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aims at something else, for I do not seek elegant contrivances which can be diverse, but the truth of the matter which is simple. Now a straight history of the phenomena will open |

the road to the truth, but one infected by dogma will obstruct it. And I will not hide the fact that I hope to discover the truth about the heavens in this same history of the celestial bodies which is made and compiled to my specification, but much more do I hope to find it through observation of the common passions and desires of matter in both globes. For those supposed divorces between things ethereal and sublunary look like fabrications and rash superstition to me, since it is quite certain that many effects, like expansion, contraction, impression, giving way, congregation in masses, attraction, repulsion, assimilation, union and the like, hold good not only here where we live, but also in the heights of the heaven and in the depths of the Earth. Further, we cannot employ or consult interpreters any more reliable to help the human intellect penetrate both the depths of the Earth which we never see at all, and the heights of the heavens which we seldom see aright. Thus the ancients did very well to allege that the shape-changing Proteus was also a prophet thrice-great, since he knew the future, the past and the secrets of the present. For whoever knows the catholic passions of matter and through these knows what may be, cannot but know also what has |

been, what is and what will be, according to the sums of things. Thus the best hope and assurance for reflection upon the heavenly bodies lies in physical reasons, meaning by physical reasons not those which are commonly thought of, but only the doctrine concerning those appetites of matter which no difference of regions or places can divide or put asunder. But (to return to the matter in hand) I do not mean because of this that there should be any slackening of the effort which could be expended on narratives and observations of the heavenly phenomena themselves. For the more plentiful is the available supply of such ........................................................................................................................... pg 115 appearances, the readier and more secure will everything be. But before I say any more about this, it is clear that I must congratulate both the industry of the mechanics and the eagerness and enthusiasm of certain learned men, that by means as it were of the skiffs and boats of optical instruments have begun just recently to do new trade with the celestial phenomena. Now I believe that this enterprise, both in its end and prosecution, is something noble and worthy of the human race, and all the more because such men are to be praised |

both for their daring and for their honesty, since they have set down with frankness and clarity how they have established their facts. Now we need only the determination, along with great severity of judgement, to vary the instruments, increase the number of witnesses, test the facts many times and in many ways, and, finally, have these people suggest to themselves and disclose to others anything that could be raised as an objection and not disdain even the slightest scruple, in case it ends up for them as it did for Democritus and the old woman in the matter of the sweet figs, that the old woman was wiser than the philosopher, and a huge and dazzling speculative edifice was founded on some slight and silly mistake. But having said these things by way of a general preface, let us turn to a more

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detailed description of the history of the heavenly bodies, to show what and what kind of things should be asked about them. First, therefore, I shall set down questions relating to nature, or at least some of the main ones; and to these I shall add the benefits that will likely come to humankind from the study of the heavenly bodies. Both of these things are, so to speak, the target of history, set up so that the people responsible for compiling a history of the heavenly bodies may know what is involved, and keep in mind and think about these |

same questions and those very works and effects, and thereby set about producing a history of the proper kind for deciding such questions and providing such things beneficial to the human race. Now I have in mind questions of the kind which inquire about the facts of nature and not the causes. For this properly belongs to history. I shall then show clearly what the history of the heavenly bodies consists of and what its parts are, what things are to be taken up or examined, what experiments are to be brought together and attended to, what observations to be employed and thought over, putting forward, as it were, certain inductive topics, or articles for interrogation about the heavenly bodies. Finally, I shall lay down some things not only about what should be inquired into but also about this: how the ........................................................................................................................... pg 117 subjects of the inquiry ought to be thought about as well as presented and put down in writing, in case the effort put into the original inquiry gets lost in transmission or, what is worse, subsequent work be built on unsound and treacherous foundations. I shall, in short, explain what the purpose and nature of the inquiry concerning the heavenly bodies should be, and how we should go about it.

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CHAPTER VI

That philosophical questions concerning the heavenly bodies, even   ones which are contrary to opinion and in a way hard to believe,   ought to be received. Five questions concerning the System itself are   put forward, namely, is there a System? and, if there is, what is   its centre, and what kind of depth, what kind of connection   and what kind of collocation of parts does it have? Now many will undoubtedly think that I am digging up the bones of old questions long since interred and buried as in the grave, and that I am almost summoning up their spirits and giving them a libation of new questions. But since the philosophy of the heavenly bodies extant hitherto has no soundness, and since I am determined always to refer everything to the new test of legitimate induction, and since, if some questions happen to be neglected, so much less work and effort will be expended on the history because it will perhaps seem a waste of time to inquire into things about which no question has been raised, I think that any questions raised by the nature of things must be addressed. Further, the less certain I

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am about the questions to be determined by my way of proceeding, the less difficulty I put in the way of adopting them. For I see how this matter will end. The first question, therefore, is this: Whether there is a system, that is, whether the world or universe of things is one single globe, of which there is some centre. Or rather are the individual globes of Earth and stars scattered, and do all cling to their own foundations with no system, common middle or centre? Certainly the school of Democritus and Epicurus boasted that their founders had demolished the walls of the world. That did not, however, entirely follow from what they said. For when Democritus had laid down that matter or seeds were infinite in number but finite in attributes and power, and that they moved about and were not located in any one position from eternity, he was led by the very force of that opinion to construct multiform worlds, liable to birth and death, some rather well ........................................................................................................................... pg 119 ordered, others hanging together badly, and even tentative beginnings of worlds and spaces |

between worlds. But even though this were granted, there would be nothing to prevent that part of matter allotted to the very world we see from taking on the shape of a globe. For each of those worlds must necessarily have received some shape. For even if there can be no middle to infinity, a round shape may nevertheless exist in the parts of infinity, no less in a world than in a ball. In fact Democritus was a good dissector of the world, but in matters concerning its structure he was even worse than ordinary philosophers. But the opinion I am now speaking of, the opinion which destroyed and confounded system, was that of Heraclides of Pontus, Ecphantus, and Nicetas of Syracuse, and especially Philolaus, and likewise in our time Gilbert and all those (except Copernicus) who believed the Earth was a planet and movable, and as it were one of the stars. Now the force of this opinion is that the individual planets and stars, and likewise others innumerable which have been made invisible by distance or by virtue of the fact that they are not shining but dark, each having obtained their globes and primary forms, are scattered and suspended through that |

immense expanse which we see above, an expanse either of vacuum or of some thin and almost undifferentiated body, scattered like islands in an immense sea, and they do not revolve around some common centre but each around that of its own globe, some simply, others with some progressive motion of the centre. Now what makes this opinion especially hard to swallow is that its proponents remove quiet or immobility from nature. It does seem, however, that just as there are in the universe bodies which revolve, that is which move with an infinite and perpetual motion, so set against that there ought also to be some body which is at rest; and between these there lies the middle nature of bodies which move in a straight line, since such motion suits the parts of globes and things exiled from their native lands, things which move towards the globes of their connaturals, so that united with them they may themselves also either revolve or be at rest. But this question (namely, whether there is a system) will be put an end to by what can be decided about the motion of the Earth, that is, whether the Earth stands still or revolves, about the substance of the stars, whether it is

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solid or flamy, and about the celestial ether or interstellar spaces, whether they are body or void. For if the Earth stands still and the heavens roll round in diurnal motion, there is undoubtedly a system, but if the Earth revolves, it does not necessarily follow that there is |

not a system, because another centre of the system may be posited, namely the Sun or something else. ........................................................................................................................... pg 121 Again, if the globe of the Earth is the only dense and solid one, it seems that the matter of the universe is concentrated and condensed to that centre, but if the Moon or others of the planets are also found to consist of dense and solid matter, it seems from that that dense bodies are concentrated not in some centre but dispersedly and as it were at random. Finally, if it is supposed that there is a collective vacuum in the interstellar spaces, the individual globes would seem to have around them thinner effluvia and then a vacuum. But if those spaces are filled with body too, there would seem to be a concentration of dense things in the middle and a pushing away of thinner things towards the circumference. Now it helps the sciences no end to know the conjugations of questions, because in some cases history or inductive matter is found for solving them, in others not. Given, then, that there is a system, next comes the second question, what is the centre of the system? For if any one of the globes ought to occupy the position of centre, there are two in particular which seem to display the nature of a middle or centre, the Earth and the Sun. In support of the |

Earth are our sight and inveterate opinion, and above all this, that since dense bodies are concentrated into a small volume and rare are spread through a large (and the area of every circle is contracted to the centre), it seems to follow almost of necessity that the small volume about the middle of the world be set down as the proper and as it were sole place for dense bodies. In favour of the Sun, however, there is the consideration that the central place ought to be assigned to the body whose roles are the most important and powerful in the system, from which place the body itself may best work on and communicate itself to the whole system. Indeed, since it is the Sun which seems to vivify the world the most by imparting heat and light, it may seem absolutely right and proper that it be placed in the middle of the world. Besides it is also a fact that the Sun obviously has Venus and Mercury as attendants as well as, in Tycho's opinion, the rest of the planets, so that the Sun clearly seems able to keep up the nature of a centre and carry out its duties to other bodies; and in that it has a better claim to be made the centre of the universe, which was the assertion of Copernicus. Nevertheless, in the system of Copernicus we find many great difficulties. For it is a great difficulty that he burdened the Earth with a triple motion, and similarly a hard thing that he separated the Sun from the company of the planets, with which it has so |

many common passions; and that he introduced so much immobility into nature, by laying down that the Sun and the stars are immobile, especially as they are the brightest and most radiant bodies of all; and that he wanted ........................................................................................................................... Page 49 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

pg 123 the Moon to cling to the Earth as it were on an epicycle; and these and some other things which he assumed are the marks of a man who thinks nothing of making up anything he likes in nature, provided his calculations turn out well. But if motion of the Earth be granted, it would seem more appropriate according to the views of those whom I have already named to dispense with system altogether and to scatter the globes than to set up a system such as had the Sun as its centre. That is what the consensus of time and antiquity has rather seized on and approved. For the opinion of the Earth's motion is not new but reclaimed from the ancients, as I have said; but the idea that the Sun is the centre of the world and immobile is entirely new (except for one verse wrongly translated) and was first brought in by Copernicus. Now follows the third question concerning the depth of the system, not so that some precise measurement of it may be obtained, but to establish for certain Whether the starry heaven is like a single region or (to use the common term) orb; or whether some |

of what they call the fixed stars are higher than others, with a certain immense depth in between. For it cannot in any way be the case that they are strictly speaking of the same height, since the stars are without doubt situated not as it were on a level, so that they only have some kind of surface dimension like spots or bubbles, but they are complete globes, full and deep. Therefore since they are found to be of such unequal magnitude, it is absolutely necessary that some of them stick out more than others, either upwards or downwards, and it cannot be the case that they are joined together within a single surface either above or below. But if this is the case in the parts of stars, it would clearly be rash to claim that some stars are not also higher than others as far as their whole body goes; but though this may be true, one may still claim that there is some definite (though marked) thickness to that region called the sphere or heaven of the stars, which in a way limits such projections and degrees of height, for we see from the apogees and perigees of the planets that their individual heavens, through which they ascend and descend, have a tolerable thickness. But this question only tests this issue—whether some stars are above others, like |

planet above planet, and as if in distinct orbs. This question is similarly connected with that other question concerning the motion or stasis of the Earth. For if the stars move in diurnal motion around the Earth, since they all travel with equal speed and with so to speak one spirit (and since it is clearly apparent in planets that just as they vary in loftiness and lowliness of position, so do they also vary in the swiftness and slowness of motion), it is probable that the stars, the velocity of whose race is the same, are also located ........................................................................................................................... pg 125 in a single region of the ether, whose thickness or depth, although it be set down as great, is nevertheless not so great as to cause a difference in speed or swiftness of motion, but is such that through that whole region everything (being united as it were by bonds of connaturality) may be thought to revolve together, or at least with so little difference that the distance involved makes it impossible for us to see it. But if the Earth moves, the

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stars may either be stationary, as Copernicus maintained or, as is far more likely and was proposed by Gilbert, each may revolve around its own centre in its own place without the centre itself moving, as is the case with the Earth itself, if only you separate its diurnal |

motion from those two extrinsic motions which Copernicus superadded. Either way, however, there is nothing to stop some stars being above others until they vanish from view. The fourth question proposed concerns the nexus or connection of the system. I shall inquire afterwards about the nature and essence of the body or thing taken for pure ether which lies between the stars. For the time being I shall speak only about the coherence of the system. There are three possibilities here. For there is either a vacuum or contiguity or continuity. So first we inquire whether there is a collective vacuum in the interstellar spaces, which is what Gilbert expressly laid down, and what some of the ancients from among those who thought that the globes were scattered without a system seem to hint, especially those who asserted that the bodies of the stars were compact. The opinion is this, that all the globes, both the stars and the Earth, consist of solid and dense matter; that they are, however, immediately surrounded by some kind of bodies which are to some degree connatural with the globe itself, but nevertheless more imperfect, sluggish and attenuated, and which are nothing other than the effluvia and emanations of the globes themselves, such as are vapours and exhalations and even the air itself, if they be compared with the |

Earth; that these effluvia do not reach to any great distance around each globe, and that the rest of the intervening space (which is far vaster) is void. It may add credibility to this opinion that the bodies of the stars can be seen at such an immense distance. For if all that space were full, especially of bodies which are without doubt extremely unequal in their rarity and density, the refraction of rays would be so great that they could not come to our view, whereas if by far the greatest part of that space is vacuum, it would be fair to think that they are carried across it rather more easily. This question will in fact depend to a large extent on the question which I shall next adduce concerning the substance of the stars, whether it is dense, or thin and unfolded. For if their substance is ........................................................................................................................... pg 127 solid, nature will certainly seem to be almost solely occupied with and troubled about the globes and their neighbourhoods, but to desert and as it were neglect the spaces lying in between. Therefore it would not indeed be improbable that the globes were thicker around the centre, looser around the surface, almost vanishing in their surroundings and effluvia, and finally finished off in a vacuum. On the other hand, if the nature of the stars is thin and |

flamy, it will appear that the nature of tenuity is not merely the diminution of density, but is of itself powerful and primary, no less than the nature of solidity, and that it flourishes both in the stars themselves, in the ether and in the air, so that there is no need for that collective vacuum. This question concerning a vacuum in the interstellar spaces will also depend on the question which relates to the principles of nature, whether there is a vacuum. Not, however, on this alone, unless a distinction be applied. For it is one thing to deny a

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vacuum altogether, but another to deny a collective vacuum. For the reasons which can be adduced for setting up an interspersed vacuum as a cause of the relaxation of bodies are far surer than those which assert a collective vacuum, or one stretching over greater spaces. And Hero, a clever man well versed in mechanics, was not alone in seeing this; Leucippus and Democritus, the originators of the vacuum idea, which Aristotle tried to assail and destroy with certain subtleties, saw it too; and just as these two assuredly brilliant and famous philosophers admit an interspersed vacuum, so do they exclude a collective one. For in the view of Democritus the vacuum is bounded and enclosed, so that beyond certain limits dividing or sundering of bodies is no more possible than forcing together and |

compaction. For although this is never explicitly laid down in those doctrines which we have of Democritus, he nevertheless seems to say this when he makes bodies as infinite as space, using the reason that otherwise (that is, if space were infinite and bodies finite) bodies would never stick together. Thus because of the coinfinity of matter with space, a vacuum is necessarily confined within certain limits, which seems to have been his true opinion rightly understood, i.e. that a certain limit may be set on the unfolding or expansion of bodies due to the vacuum coupled with them, and that there is no solitary vacuum or one not surrounded by body. But if there is no vacuum adding up to dissolution of continuity in the system, nevertheless since we find a diversity of bodies in the parts and regions of the system so great that they are as different races and nations, a second question arises which relates to the connection of the system, that is, whether the pure ether is a single uninterrupted or continuous fluid, or whether it consists of several ........................................................................................................................... pg 129 contiguous ones. Now it is not my business to play with words, but I mean by contiguous a body which lies on top of another and does not mix with it. I do not, on the other hand, mean |

a system of rigid floors of the kind the common crowd of astronomers fabricates, but one such as fluids can have, as is the case when water floats on quicksilver, oil on water and air on oil. For no one can doubt that in that immense tract of pure ether there are distinct differences as to rarity and density and many other things; but this may be the case on either supposition (that is, on that of continuity or of contiguity). For it is apparent enough that even in the sea itself the water on the top and the water on the bottom are not of the same consistency and taste, while in the air there is a very great difference between the air close to the Earth and the higher air, and yet it is a single entire and uninterrupted fluid. Therefore the question comes to this, whether the differences in the tract of the ether insinuate themselves gradually and with a certain continuous flow, or whether they are arranged and distributed on certain notable boundaries, where bodies which do not mix border each other, as with us air lies on water. Certainly to the more innocent observer the whole of that pure and clear body in which the globes of the Earth and stars hang and float as if in an immense sea, that body interposed between these globes which exceeds to an almost infinite degree the sizes of the globes in respect of the quantity and space which

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it occupies, seems to be something undivided and in the highest degree united. But to the more diligent observer of nature it will be plainly apparent that nature is accustomed to advance for some distance by degrees, then suddenly by bounds, and to go back and forth between these two processes. Otherwise, if one looks into it properly, no structure of things or organic shape could be established if the process always went on by imperceptible degrees. Thus this gradual process may be suitable for the spaces between worlds but not for the world, for the construction of which it is necessary that very dissimilar things be separated from and yet be brought near to one another. Thus air comes after and borders on earth and water, a distinct body and yet located very close to them; not mud first, then vapour or mist and then pure air, but air straight away with nothing in the middle. But in air and ether (for I join these two together) it seems the most marked and radical distinction of all can be derived from the extent to which their nature is more or less susceptible of the stellar nature. Thus there seem generally to be three especially notable regions between the globe of the Earth and the heights of the heaven, namely the tract of the air, the tract of the |

planetary heaven and the tract of the starry heaven. In the lowest tract the ........................................................................................................................... pg 131 stellar nature does not endure, in the middle one it lasts but gathers together into individual globes, in the highest it scatters itself among a large number of globes such that at its summits it seems to pass over almost into the pure empyrean. Meanwhile, I must not forget what I said a little while ago, that nature is accustomed to go back and forth between the gradual and the rapid process, so that the borders of the first region communicate with the second, and the second with the third. For in the higher air, when the air has begun to become more purged of terrestrial effluvia and more attenuated by those of the heavenly bodies, flame tries and attempts to become lasting, as happens in the lower comets which are of a middle nature between lasting and transient stellar nature; and again it seems that the heaven around the Sun perhaps becomes starry and starts to be changed into the nature of the starry heaven. For those spots which have been detected in the Sun by doubtless reliable and diligent observation may be certain rudiments of stellar matter; but in the heaven of Jupiter absolute and perfect stars are also seen, although on account of their smallness they are invisible without the help of telescopes; and again in the heights of the starry heaven the starry nature is more spread out and continuous or so it seems from |

the innumerable sparklings of the ether between the numbered stars, sparklings for which other causes frigid enough are usually given. But I shall say more about these things in the questions which I shall presently propose about the substance both of the stars and of the interstellar heaven. For the things I have said only relate to questions about the nexus of the system. There remains the fifth question about the collocation of the parts of the system, or the order of the heavens. Given that there is no system but the globes are dispersed, or given that there is a system whose centre is the Sun, or even if astronomers look for some new system, we are in any case still left with the inquiry which planet is nearer to or further

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away from another, and similarly which planet has a greater or smaller elongation from the Earth or, indeed, the Sun. Now if the system of the ancients be accepted, there seems to be no cause for insisting particularly on a new inquiry about the four superior heavens, i.e. those of the fixed stars, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars. For the consensus of the ages is firm about their position and order, and no phenomenon goes against it; and calculations of their motions (whence is derived the paramount proof about the heights of the heavens) are |

appropriate and nowhere anomalous. But there was doubt among the ancients about the Sun, Venus, Mercury and the Moon, even according to the old system; and among men of more recent times there is also a dispute about Venus and ........................................................................................................................... pg 133 Mercury, as to which is superior. For in favour of Venus being superior there is the reason that it moves rather more slowly, and in favour of Mercury that it is held to a distance nearer to the Sun, whence one might declare that it ought to be set next to the Sun. But as for the Moon, no one has ever doubted that it is located next to the Earth, although there are various opinions about its approach to the Sun. And no one who is seriously thinking about this ought to avoid another kind of question, relating to the constitution of the system; this is, whether one planet sometimes alternately passes over another and sometimes again comes under it, which seems to be proved in the case of Venus by certain reasonably diligent demonstrations, that one sometimes finds it placed above the Sun and sometimes below. It is also absolutely right to ask whether the apogee of the lower planet does not cut the perigee of the higher and trespass over its borders. There remains the last question concerning the collocation of the parts of the system, that is, whether |

there are many different centres in the system and as it were many dances, especially since not only is the Earth set up as the centre of the primum mobile and the Sun of the secundum mobile (in Tycho's view), but likewise Jupiter is designated by Galileo the centre of those smaller wanderers discovered lately. These, then, are the five questions which it seems should be laid down about the system itself, namely, whether there is a system, what is its centre, what is its depth, what is its nexus, and what is the arrangement in which its parts are collocated. I do not, however, make up theses or questions about the extremities of the heaven and any empyrean heaven. For there is no history of those things nor is any phenomenon extant. Thus what can be known about them can only be known by consequence and not by induction at all. For such an inquiry there will therefore be both a suitable time and certain ways and means. But concerning the heaven and the immateriate spaces we must depend entirely on religion and leave the matter alone. For what is said by the Platonists and recently by Patrizi (so that they may of course be reputed more divine in their philosophy), I regard such things as frivolous contrivances egregious in their superstition, arrogance, mental instability, and (like the images and dreams of |

Valentine) their complete effrontery and utter fruitlessness. For we should not put up

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with an apotheosis of Folly, like that of the Divine Claudius; and it is the worst thing and altogether a plague and corruption of the intellect if veneration be added to vanity. ........................................................................................................................... pg 135

CHAPTER VII Now come questions concerning the substance of the heavenly bodies,   namely what is the substance of heavenly bodies in general as   compared with sublunary bodies; and what is the substance of   the interstellar ether as compared with the body of a star; and   what is the substance of the stars themselves compared with   each other and compared with our fire, and in their own nature;   and what is the substance of the Milky Way, and of the black   spots in the Antarctic hemisphere. So now we put forward the   first question, whether the heavenly bodies differ in nature from   sublunary ones, and what sort of thing may that difference be? Having dealt with questions concerning the system, we must move on to questions concerning the substance of the heavenly bodies. For inquiry concerning the substance of the heavenly bodies belongs particularly to philosophy, as does the inquiry concerning |

the causes of their motion; inquiry concerning the motion itself and its accidents belongs to astronomy; and inquiry concerning their influxes and power belongs to both. Now astronomy and philosophy ought to have arranged things so that astronomy would prefer hypotheses which are most useful for cutting short calculation, philosophy those which come closest to the truth of nature; and, further, that the hypotheses which astronomy uses for its own convenience should not be prejudicial to the truth of the matter, and in turn that the determinations of philosophy should be such as to be wholly reconcilable with the phenomena of astronomy. But at present the opposite happens, namely that the fictions of astronomy have been introduced into philosophy and have debauched it, while the speculations of the philosophers concerning the heavenly bodies please only themselves and almost desert astronomy, looking at the heavenly bodies generally but in no way applying themselves to particular phenomena and their causes. Therefore since both sciences (as they stand now) are frivolous and perfunctory, our footing must be fixed altogether more firmly, and we must treat the two of them as one and the same and combined into a single body of science, which because of mens narrow meditations and the practice of professors have been used to separation for so many ages. Therefore the question to be put first is |

this, whether the substance of the heavenly bodies is different in kind from that of those below. For Aristotle's sophistical rashness has spawned for us a fantastic heaven, from a fifth essence, free from change and free even

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........................................................................................................................... pg 137 from heat. Leaving aside talk of the four elements for the moment, talk which this fifth essence presupposes, it was certainly an act of some great boldness entirely to destroy the relationship between the so-called elementary bodies and the heavenly ones, when two of the elements, namely air and fire, correspond so well with the stars and ether, except that it was that man's habit to waste his wit, make trouble for himself, and go in for things more obscure. Yet there is no doubt that the regions above and below the Moon, together with the bodies which are contained in them differ in many important respects. Then again it is no less certain that the bodies of each region share many common inclinations, passions and motions, so that with proper regard for the oneness of nature, we ought rather to distinguish than separate them. But on the matter of heterogeneity, the view that the heavenly bodies should be set down as eternal and the inferior as corruptible seems to fail both ways, |

because that eternity which they invent does not belong to the heaven, nor does that mutability belong to the Earth. Certainly as regards the Earth, if we consider the matter truly, judgement should not be made on the basis of things which we see, since none of the bodies visible to the human eye has been dug or cast up from a depth greater than perhaps three miles at most, which is as nothing compared with the extent of the whole terrestrial globe. Therefore there is nothing to stop us thinking that the interior of the Earth is not furnished with the same eternity as the heaven itself. For if the Earth suffered changes in its depths, an unavoidable consequence of those changes would be much greater upheavals at the surface of the Earth we walk on than we actually see happen. For of those changes which are visible to us here towards the surface of the Earth, there almost always appears at the same time some obvious cause inflicted on us from above, arising from commotions of the heaven, rains, heat waves and the like, so that the Earth itself, of its own proper force, does not seem to be the cause of any considerable change. But if it be granted (and it is certainly quite likely) that not only the heavenly bodies but the Earth too acts on the regions |

of the air, either by exhaling cold, or by giving out winds or other things of the kind, all these variations may nevertheless be referred to regions of the Earth close at hand, regions in which no sane man would deny that very many changes and alterations occur. Indeed it must be freely admitted that of the phenomena of the Earth, those that go deepest by a long way are earthquakes and things of that kind—like eruptions of water, belchings of fire, gaping and fissuring of the ground and the like; nevertheless even these seem not to rise from very deep down, since ........................................................................................................................... pg 139 most of them usually grip only a small area of the Earth's surface. For the greater the area an earthquake or anything of that kind occupies on the face of the Earth, the further must we reckon its roots and origins to go into the Earth's bowels, and the smaller the area the less deep. Yet if somebody were to claim that sometimes earthquakes occur which shake vast areas, I would agree entirely. But these events are surely rare, and belong among the

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greater upheavals. They may therefore be likened to higher comets, which are infrequent too. For it is not my purpose to maintain the eternity of the Earth simply, but to show (as I said at the beginning) that there is not much difference between heaven and Earth as |

regards constancy and change. Nor is the empty talk worth while that bases arguments about eternity on the principles of motion, for just as circular motion does not require limits neither does rest; and dense bodies at rest in the place and great congregation of their connaturality are just as susceptible of eternity as rare bodies are when they rotate, since the parts of both torn loose travel in a straight line. It may also be taken as proof that the interior of the Earth is no more subject to corruption than the heaven itself that where something usually wastes away there something else exists to replace it. Now since rains and things falling from above which renew the upper surface of the Earth could in no way penetrate into its depths, and since those depths nevertheless remain constant in mass and quantity, it must be that nothing is lost because there is nothing to take its place. Finally, the mutability evident in the Earth's exterior also seems to be accidental itself. For that thin incrustation which seems to extend a few miles downwards (within which bounds those noble workshops and factories of plants and indeed minerals are enclosed) would scarcely |

acquire any diversity, much less such beautiful and elaborate craftsmanship, unless that part of the Earth were open to and constantly aroused by the heavenly bodies. But if anyone thinks that the heat and active power of the Sun and the heavenly bodies can strike through the thickness of the whole Earth, he may be esteemed superstitious and fanatical, since it is quite evident by how small an obstacle they may be blunted and held back. So much then for the Earth's constancy; we must now inquire into the mutability of the heavenly bodies. First then we should not reason that, because we do not see them, changes do not take place in the heaven. For sight is frustrated both by distance of place and by too much or too little light, as well as by the subtlety or smallness of the body. For if, that is to say, an eye were placed in the Moon's circle, it could not spot changes which ........................................................................................................................... pg 141 take place on the surface of the Earth, such as inundations, earthquakes, buildings, constructions or massive works, which at that great a distance would not appear as big as a little straw. And nobody could easily proclaim that the whole body of ether is clear, pure and immutable from the fact that the interstellar heaven is transparent, and that on clear nights we see the same number of stars looking as they always do. For the air admits innumerable |

varieties of heat, cold, smells, and all kinds of mixture with subtler vapours, and does not lose its transparency as a result. In the same way we should place no faith in the superficial appearance of the heaven; for if those great masses of clouds which sometimes cover the heaven and by their proximity stop us seeing the Sun and the stars, were to hang in the higher parts of the heaven they would in no way alter the appearance of a clear sky, for they could neither be seen themselves on account of their distance, nor cause any eclipse of the stars on account of the smallness of their bodies in relation to the magnitude of the stars.

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Moreover, even the body of the Moon itself, except in the part which receives light, does not change the way the heavens look, so that if that light were absent, as great a body as that could be quite hidden from our sight. On the other hand, it is quite evident from the masses of bodies able to overcome the distances of space by their bulk and magnitude, and strike our sight because of their luminous or brilliant matter, that wonderful alterations and novelties do happen in the heaven. We see that in the higher comets, i.e. the ones which have taken on the shape of a star without a tail and which are not only proved by the |

doctrine of parallax to be superlunary but have also maintained a certain and constant configuration with the fixed stars, and have kept their stations and not been wanderers, objects the like of which our time has seen more than once, first in Cassiopeia and again not long since in Ophiuchus. But as for the idea that such constancy as is seen in comets comes from their following some star (which was Aristotle's opinion, who laid down that the relation between a comet and a single star was much the same as that between the Milky Way and the clustered stars, and was wrong on both counts), that idea has long since been exploded at considerable cost to Aristotle's intellectual reputation, who had the nerve with his shallow thinking to come up with things of that sort. Indeed, that change in the heavenly bodies to do with new stars does not only hold good with regard to those stars which seem to be of an evanescent nature, but also with regard to those which stay put. For in the case of that new star of Hipparchus, the ancients mentioned its appearance, but said not a word about its disappearance. A new star ........................................................................................................................... pg 143 too in the breast of Cygnus has recently begun to be observed, which has now lasted for twelve whole years, having stayed considerably longer than a comet is supposed to without as yet getting smaller or ready for flight. Again, it is not particularly and invariably the |

case that old stars suffer no change whatever but that only those stars manifested more recently do, stars in which it is not surprising if change takes place, seeing that their very generation and origin is not immemorial. For leaving aside the fable of the Arcadians about the Moon's first manifestation, an event in comparison to which they boast they are more ancient, there are examples not lacking within reliable memory when the Sun, without an eclipse happening or clouds getting in the way, the air being clear and serene, came out on three separate occasions with its looks changed for many days, yet affected differently on each occasion, once with low light, twice with dull. For such things happened in the year 790 for seventeen days, and in the times of Justinian for half a year, and after the death of Julius Caesar for several days. Of this Julian darkness there remains that remarkable testimony of Virgil: Indeed he felt pity for Rome after Cæsar died, When he veiled his shining face in dusky gloom, And an impious age feared eternal night.

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Moreover, Augustine's report of the narrative of Varro, a most expert antiquarian, about |

the star Venus—namely, that in the time of King Ogyges it changed colour, size and shape —could have been of doubtful reliability had not a similar famous and spectacular event happened in our own day in 1578. For then too a memorable novelty lasting a whole year took place in the star Venus, which was distinguished by unusual magnitude and brilliance, was redder than Mars itself, and changed shape several times—becoming sometimes triangular, sometimes square, and then round again, so that it seemed to be labouring in its very mass and substance. Again, that star of old located in the hip of Canicula, which Aristotle says he himself saw with something of a tail, and that tail vibrating (especially to a casual observer), seems now to have changed and lost its tail, since nothing of that kind can be detected nowadays. Add also the fact that many alterations of the heavenly bodies (especially in the smaller stars) easily slip by and are lost to us for want of observation. Any dilettante will be quick to make out that these things are due to vapours and the state of the medium, but changes seen to beset the body of any star constantly, evenly and for a long time, and to revolve along ........................................................................................................................... pg 145 |

with the star, should be taken to be entirely within the star itself, or at least in the ether near it, and not in the lower regions of the air; and this also receives strong corroboration from the fact that such changes occur seldom and at considerable intervals, whereas those that occur in the air through interposition of vapours happen more often. But if anyone thinks that the heavens are immutable because of their order and the regularity of their very motion, and supposes that the predictability of their periods and restitutions is a sure sign of eternity (since constancy of motion hardly seems appropriate to a corruptible substance), he wants to look about him a little more attentively and see that this return of things in succession and as it were in an orb at set times is even found on Earth in some things, most of all in the oceanic tide; but the smaller variations which may exist in both the periods and restitutions of the heavenly bodies escape our sight and our calculations. No more can that circular motion of the heaven be submitted as an argument for eternity, i.e. that circular motion has no end, and imperishable motion is proper to an imperishable substance. For |

the lower comets located below the Moon also revolve, and do that by their own force, unless you happen to believe the story of their being attached to a star. For certainly if we are pleased to argue about the eternity of the heavenly bodies from their circular motion, that argument ought to be applied to the whole heaven, not just to its parts; for the air, sea and earth, though eternal in their masses, are perishable in their parts. But on the contrary it is really the case that arguing about the eternity of the heaven from the motion of rotation does not work very well because that motion itself is not perfect in the heaven and its restitution does not come about with the exactness of a complete and pure circle, but with deviations, windings and spirals. Further, I have declared that the changes which occur in the Earth occur by accident, and that they do so because the Earth submits to the action

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of the heaven. Now if someone were to throw this back at me and claim that matters are quite different in the heavens I will not pour scorn on his objection, for he might urge that the heavens cannot in their turn be acted upon in any way by the Earth, because everything given off by the Earth stops short of the heavens, so that it is likely that, situated beyond the power of harmful influences, the heavens have it in them to last forever, as they are not in the least shaken or undermined by an opposite nature. For I am not one to respect the simplicity of Thales, who thought that the heavenly fires fed on the sublimated vapours |

of the Earth and ocean, and were nourished and refreshed in that way (whereas those vapours fall back down again in ........................................................................................................................... pg 147 almost the same quantity as they went up, and are in no way sufficient to refresh both the Earth and the heavenly globes, and cannot at all get up to such a height). But howsoever the materiate effluvia of the Earth stop far below the heaven, yet if the Earth be the seat of primal cold, as is the opinion of Parmenides and Telesio, one cannot easily say for certain how high this rival power in opposition to the heaven may insinuate itself step by step and by succession, especially as tenuous bodies drink in the nature and impression of heat and cold, and carry them a long way away. But given that the heaven is not acted on by the Earth, there is, nevertheless, nothing wrong with the idea that the heavenly bodies may act on and change each other: the Sun by the stars, the stars by the Sun, the planets by both, and everything by the surrounding ether, especially at the extremities of globes. Further, the opinion about the eternity of the heaven seems to have gained great strength from the very machinery and construction of the heaven, which the astronomers have brought in with so much ado. For out of that endeavour great care seems to have been taken that the heavenly bodies should put up with nothing save simple rotation, and that in other respects they should stay still and not be disturbed. Thus they have supposed the bodies of |

the stars to be fixed in their orbs, as if by nails. However, to their individual declinations, elevations, depressions and windings they have assigned so many perfect circles of the right thicknesses, carefully turning and polishing both their concave and their convex surfaces, so that nothing prominent or rough may be found in them, but that one may move quietly and happily, fitting as it does inside another and being exactly contiguous but still free to slide because of the smoothness— which deathless arrangement of course takes away all violence and disturbance, which are assuredly the inseparable harbingers of corruption. For certainly if such great bodies as the globes of stars cut through the ether, yet always travel not through the same parts of it but through very different parts and territories, seeing that they sometimes invade the higher regions, sometimes come down towards the Earth, sometimes turn to the south, and sometimes to the north, then there is doubtless a risk that very many impressions as well as concussions, reciprocations and fluctuations may occur in the heaven, and that from this may follow condensations and rarefactions of bodies, which may pave and prepare the way for generations and alterations. Indeed since physical

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reasons and the phenomena themselves will make it perfectly clear that this last is true, and that those previous fabrications of the astronomers about which I have spoken seem (to anyone in his right mind) to be a ........................................................................................................................... pg 149 complete mockery of nature and quite devoid of substance, it is proper that the opinion of the eternity of the heavenly bodies, which is associated with them, should come in for the same criticism. Now if someone were to object here on religious grounds, I want to reply to him that only heathen arrogance attributes this eternity to the heaven alone, while the Holy Scriptures attribute eternity to the Earth and heaven alike. For we read not only that the Sun and Moon are eternal and faithful witnesses in the heaven, but also that generations come and go, but the Earth remaineth forever. As for the transient and perishable nature of both, it is concluded in one oracle, Heaven and Earth shall pass away, but the Word of the Lord shall not pass away. Next, if anyone still insists that innumerable changes undeniably occur on the Earth's very surface and the parts next to it, but do not do so in the heaven, I reply to him thus: that I do not think that these two things are alike in all respects, and yet that if we take the so-called higher and middle regions of the air for |

the surface or inner covering of the heaven, just as we take that space down here which contains animals, plants and minerals for the surface or outer covering of the Earth, there too do we find various and multiform generations. Therefore it seems that almost all tumult, conflict and disruption take place only at the boundaries of the heaven and Earth, just as happens in political affairs, in which we often find that the borders of two kingdoms are afflicted by continual incursions and violence, while the interior provinces of each kingdom enjoy prolonged peace, and are disturbed only by greater and rarer wars. As for that other aspect of the heterogeneity of the heavenly bodies, that (as Aristotle claims) they are not hot, for otherwise the conflagration of Heraclitus might follow, but that they only cause heat by accident, by the rubbing and cleaving of the air, I do not know what such a fugitive from experience can be up to, and that against the consensus of the ancients. But it is nothing new in him to grab some one thing from experience, and then straight away become insolent towards nature, being pusillanimous and presumptuous at the same time. However, I shall speak about this in a moment on the question whether the stars are real fires, and |

more fully and accurately in my plans concerning the history of virtues, where I shall deal with the origins and cradles of heat and cold, a subject until now unknown and untried by mortal men. Let the question, then, about the heterogeneity of the heavenly bodies be stated in this manner. For the matter perhaps demands that we pass judgement against Aristotle's view without adjournment, but my purpose does not allow this. ........................................................................................................................... pg 151 There is another question to be set down: what is the content of the interstellar spaces? For they are either void, as Gilbert thought, or filled with a body which is to the stars what air

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is to flame (which comes to the sense in a friendly way), or filled with a body homogeneous with the stars themselves, lucid and so to speak empyrean but to a lower degree, i.e. with a light not so radiant and vibrant—which seems to be the meaning of the received opinion that a star is the denser part of its sphere. There is, however, no reason why something lucid should not be a transparent medium for the transmission of a stronger light. For Telesio has acutely noted that even ordinary air contains something of light within itself, using the argument that there are some animals which see at night, their sight being doubtless |

adapted to receive and foster this poor light. For it is not in the least bit likely that the action of light can take place in the absence of any light, even by the inner light itself of the visual spirit. But we see that flame itself is a transparent medium, even for transmitting the species of an opaque body, as is shown in the wicks of candles; much more so for transmitting the species of an intenser light. Even among flames some are more translucent than others. This is caused either by the nature of the body inflamed or its quantity. For the flame of tallow or wax is more luminous and (if one may put it that way) more fiery, but the flame of spirit of wine is more opaque and as it were airy, especially if it is in a small quantity, so that the flame does not thicken itself. I have indeed done an experiment on this myself, namely by taking a wax candle and setting it upright in a holder (using a metal holder to protect the candle's body from the flame which was to surround it), and placing the holder in a dish where there was a little spirit of wine, and then lighting first the candle and then the spirit of wine, I could easily see the flame of the candle coruscating and white, through the medium of the flame, feeble and tending towards transparency of the spirit of |

wine. By the same token bright beams are quite often seen through the heaven, giving out manifest light and markedly illuminating the darkness of the night, through whose bodies it is nevertheless possible to see the stars. However, this inequality of star and interstellar ether is not well defined by tenuity and density, as if the star were doubtless denser, the ether more tenuous. For in general here with us flame is a body more subtle than air, more expanded, I say, and having less matter relative to the space it occupies, and it is probable that this also holds true in the heavens. But the error is the more tiresome if they mean that a star is part of its sphere fixed as with a nail, and ........................................................................................................................... pg 153 the ether that which carries the star. For this is a fiction, like that contiguity of orbs which they talk of. For either the body of a star in its course cuts through the ether, or else the ether itself revolves at the same time with an equal motion. For if it revolve with an unequal motion, the star must indeed cut through the ether. But that structure of contiguous orbs, whereby the concavity of the outer orb accepts the convexity of the inner, and yet on account of the smoothness of each the one does not impede the other in their different rates of revolution, is not genuine since the body of ether is unbroken and continuous like |

that of the air—although, because we find great differences in each of the two as regards rarity and other things, we very properly distinguish between their regions for the purposes

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of exposition. Therefore let this question be accepted in the way I have explained it. There follows another question which is not a simple one, concerning the substance of the stars themselves. For we ask in the first place whether there are other globes or masses made of solid and compact matter besides the Earth itself For this speculation is put forward quite seriously in the book about the face in the Moon's orb, that it is unlikely that in the dispersion of matter nature crammed all compact body into the Earth's globe alone when there is such a great army of globes made of rare and unconcentrated matter. But Gilbert was so extravagantly addicted to this thought (in which, however, he had some of the ancients as forerunners, or rather guides) that he claimed that not only the Earth and Moon but many other globes, solid and opaque, were scattered through the expanse of the heaven among the shining globes. Nor did his opinion stop there, but he also thought that those globes which are shining in appearance, namely, the Sun and the brightest stars, consisted of a sort of solid matter, though more splendid and even, whereby he confused primitive lux |

with the lumen which is regarded as its image (for he thought that even our sea throws out light from itself for a proportionate distance); but Gilbert acknowledged no gathering into a globe except in solid matter; and held that those rare and tenuous bodies that surrounded such matter were only a kind of effluvia, and as it were defections, and that beyond them was a vacuum. Now this idea about the Moon, that it is made of solid matter, might enter the mind of the most diligent and sober investigator of nature. For it reflects light and does not transmit it, it is as it were without any light of its own, and is full of unevenness—all of which things are characteristic of solid bodies. For we see that the ether itself and the air, which are tenuous bodies, take up the light of the Sun, but do not reflect it, which the Moon does. Indeed, ........................................................................................................................... pg 155 the vigour of the Sun's rays is such that it can pierce and penetrate extremely dense clouds which are of a watery matter, but the Moon not at all. But we see some moonlight (though obscure) in certain eclipses, but in new moons and the quarters none can be detected except in the portion illuminated by the Sun. Moreover, impure and feculent flames (a substance of the kind Empedocles thought the Moon was made of) are certainly unequal, but |

those inequalities nevertheless do not stop where they are, but are mostly movable, while the spots on the Moon are thought to be constant. Besides, researches with telescopes have shown that those spots have their own lesser inequalities, so we now find that the Moon is evidently variously figured, and that that selenography or image of the Moon which Gilbert pursued seems now by the industry of Galileo and others to have come to fruition. But if the Moon be made of some solid matter, as something which has an affinity with the Earth, or as the dregs of the heaven (and things of this kind are bandied about), we must next inquire whether it is the only one of its kind. For we sometimes find Mercury in conjunction with the Sun too, like a spot or tiny eclipse. But those blackish spots found in the Antarctic hemisphere and which are fixed like the Milky Way, instil greater uncertainty about opaque

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globes even in the higher parts of the heaven. For it is unlikely that their cause is that in those places the heaven is tenuous and as it were full of holes, because such a diminution and as it were privation of something visible could never be seen at so great a distance, since even the rest of the body of ether is invisible, and cannot be made out at all save by |

comparison with the bodies of stars. It would perhaps be more probable to ascribe those blacknesses to absence of light, because the stars are found to be fewer around that part of the heaven, as on the other hand around the Milky Way they are more numerous, so that the one place seems to be continuously luminous, the other shadowy. For the heavenly fires seem to be bunched together more in the Antarctic hemisphere than in ours, seeing that it has larger stars but fewer of them and more extensive interstellar spaces. But the very report of those spots should not be trusted altogether, or at any rate sufficient effort has not been put into that observation to make the drawing of conclusions from it worth while yet. What bears more on the present inquiry is that there could be more opaque bodies scattered through the ether, bodies which we cannot see at all. For the very Moon when it is new, in so far as it is illuminated by the Sun, is certainly striking at the horn and the thin outer rim of its disc, but is not in the least spectacular in the middle, ........................................................................................................................... pg 157 which is a part which looks just like the rest of the ether; and those little wandering stars discovered round Jupiter by Galileo (if the report can be trusted) sink from sight in that sea |

of ether, like rather small and inconspicuous islands; and likewise too those little stars whose agglomeration makes the Milky Way would, if each one were scattered apart and not concentrated together, be altogether invisible, as also would many others that sparkle on clear nights, especially in winter; besides, those nebulous stars or openings in Praesepe are now numbered as distinct stars by telescopes; indeed, through the same telescopes it seems that in the purest fountain of light of all (i.e. the Sun) there is some suspicion that spots, opacity and inequalities exist. But if there were nothing else, the very gradation of light among the stars of the heavens, going down from the most brilliant and reaching to those which are obscure and dim, certainly brings things to the point where one may believe in the existence of completely opaque globes. For it seems to be less of a step from a nebulous star to an opaque one than from a very bright star to a nebulous one. But our sight is plainly deceived and circumscribed; for whatever is scattered in the heaven, and has no great size, as well as a vivid and strong light, lies hidden and does not alter the face of the heaven. Indeed no inexperienced person should be worried if a doubt arises as to whether globes of compact matter can go on hanging in space. For not only does the very Earth itself float |

pendulous in the middle of the surrounding air, which is an extremely soft thing, but great masses of watery clouds and accumulations of hail hang in the regions of the air, and from there they are rather forced down than fall before they feel clearly the proximity of the Earth. Thus Gilbert did very well to note that heavy bodies when placed a long way from the Earth gradually lose their tendency to fall, inasmuch as falling originates in no other appetite

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than the one which bodies have of uniting and grouping themselves together down towards the Earth (which is a mass of bodies connatural with them), and is confined within the orb of its own virtue. As for what they claim about motion towards the Earth's centre, it would assuredly be a powerful kind of nothing that would drag such big things towards it; nor is a body acted on except by a body. Therefore let this question concerning opaque and solid globes, though new and harder on common opinions, be admitted; and let us link it with the old but still undecided question, which of the stars give out primitive light originating from themselves, and which again light from the Sun—of which the former seem to be consubstantial with the Sun, the latter with the Moon. In fine, all inquiry about the difference of the substance of ........................................................................................................................... pg 159 the stars compared with one another—a substance seemingly multifarious since some stars |

look fiery, others leaden, others white, others brilliant, others plainly and invariably dusky —I mean to be referred to the seventh question. Another question is this, whether the stars are real fires, a question which nevertheless takes a modicum of judgement to understand. For it is one thing to say the stars are real fires, and another to say the stars (although they be real fires) exercise all the powers and perform the same actions as ordinary fire. And that is no reason why we should be brought to some notional or imaginary fire which keeps the name of fire but not its properties. For if our fire too were placed in the ether in such a quantity as the stars have, it would perform different operations from those which we find down here, since entities take on very different virtues both from their quantity and from their relative position or collocation. For the greater masses, that is, connatural bodies which are gathered in a quantity which is such that it has some analogy to the sum of the universe, assume cosmical virtues which are not found at all in their portions. For the ocean, which is the greatest gathering of waters, ebbs and flows, whereas ponds and lakes |

do not. Similarly, the whole Earth hangs, a portion of it falls. The collocation of an entity is extremely important in every sense, both in its greater and its smaller portions, on account of the contiguity and closeness of things friendly or hostile. But there must indeed be a far greater disparity between the actions of stellar fire and our own, for the former differs not only in quantity and collocation, but also to some extent in substance. For stellar fire is pure, intact and native, but our fire is degenerate, and like Vulcan thrown to Earth and crippled by the fall. For if one takes note of it, fire down here is out of place, cowering, surrounded by contrary bodies, in need, begging alms for food to support itself, and fugitive. But in the heaven fire exists in its proper place, far from the pressure of any contrary body, steady, supported by itself and things like it, and performing its proper operations freely and without interference. Therefore Patrizi had no need, in order to preserve the pyramidal form of flame found down here, to come up with the idea that the upper part of a star, the part turned towards the ether, can be pyramidal, though the lower part which is visible to us is globular. |

For that pyramid of flame arises by accident, because it is abridged and squeezed by the

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air, since the flame, plumper around its source, is gradually squeezed and moulded into a pyramid shape by the air's hostility. Therefore in a flame, the base is broad, the apex sharp; in smoke, on the other hand, the bottom is pointed and the apex broad, and like an inverted pyramid, because the ........................................................................................................................... pg 161 air opens itself to smoke, but compresses flame. And that is why it is quite reasonable that with us flame is pyramidal, but globular in the heaven. Likewise our flame is also a body that does not last long, in the ether flame is permanent and durable. Nevertheless, even here flame might subsist and stay in its own form if it were not destroyed by the things surrounding it, which is most obvious in larger flames. For all that portion of a flame which is situated in the middle of flame and surrounded by flame on all sides, does not perish, but stays unextinguished and in the same quantity, rising upwards rapidly. But at the sides it dies away, and thence extinction begins. How this works (i.e. the permanence of the inner flame in its globular figure, and the transience and pyramidal shape of the outer flame) may be shown by experiment, using flames of two colours. Again, there may be very considerable |

difference between heavenly flame and ours in the matter of its ferocity. For the former unfolds itself freely and quietly, as being at home, but ours, as being in a strange land, is shut in and blazes and rages. For all fire when crowded together and imprisoned becomes fiercer. Moreover, after the rays of heavenly flame have reached the denser and more obstinate bodies, they both put off their gentleness and become more scorching. Therefore Aristotle should not have worried about the conflagration of Heraclitus for his world, even if he had believed that the stars were real fires. Thus this question can be adopted in the way I have explained it. Next comes another question, whether the stars are nourished, and indeed whether they grow, diminish, and are generated and extinguished. There was certainly one of the ancients whose vulgar observation led him to believe that the stars were fed as fire is, and that they dined on the waters and ocean and moisture of the Earth, and were restored by vapours and exhalations. This opinion certainly does not seem worthy to furnish matter for a question. For such vapours give out long before they reach the heights of the stars. Nor is there enough of them to restore in any way the waters and Earth with |

rains and dews, and to refresh heavenly globes so many and great as well; especially since it is obvious that Earth and ocean have for many ages now evidently suffered no decrease in moisture, so it seems that as much is replaced as is drained away. Nor again does the principle of nourishment apply to the stars as it does to our fire. For the principle is that wherever anything is lost and disappears, there something is likewise replaced and assimilated. This kind of assimilation belongs to the abode of confusion and originates in an ambience of contrary or dissimilar bodies. But in the inner and uniform mass of the stars no such thing happens, no more than in the bowels of ........................................................................................................................... pg 163

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the Earth which are themselves not nourished but maintain their substance in identity and not by assimilation. Yet of the outer layer of the sidereal bodies, we rightly pose the question, whether these stay in one and the same state, or whether they prey on the surrounding ether and likewise mix with it. In this sense, therefore, a question may also be asked concerning the sustenance of the stars. Then to this a question is rightly subjoined concerning the growth and diminution of stars as a whole, although the phenomena which might give occasion to this doubt have been extremely rare. For to begin with we come across no instance of this or anything like it among terrestrial things to support this question, |

since our globe of Earth and water does not seem as a whole to put up with any apparent or noteworthy growth or diminution but to maintain its mass and quantity. But as far as we can see the stars seem to have sometimes a bigger and sometimes a smaller body. That is true; but this stellar variability may be ascribed either to distance and proximity (as in planetary apogees and perigees), or to the constitution of the medium. Now that which results from the constitution of the medium can be identified with ease because it changes the appearance not of some single star but of all equally, as happens on winter nights, in hard frost when the stars seem larger because vapours both rise more scantily and get more forcibly compressed, and the whole body of the air is somewhat condensed and tends to the aqueous or crystalline, which magnifies the species. Now if there should happen to be any particular interposition of vapours between our sight and any given star, an interposition which magnifies the star's species (a thing which happens plainly and often with the Sun and Moon, and which may happen with the rest), this appearance cannot take us in because |

the change of size does not last, and does not follow the star or move with its body, but the star soon gets clear of it and regains its normal species. Nevertheless, although these things be so, I think that this part of the ninth question is rightly admitted. My reasons are these: that both in ancient days and in our own time too (when it was a celebrated and momentous sight) the star of Venus changed greatly in magnitude, colour, and even shape; that a change which follows any given star constantly and without interruption, and is seen to revolve with the star's body, should necessarily be regarded as belonging to the star itself and not the medium; and that from want of observation many things that become visible in the heaven are overlooked and lost to us. The other part of the question is of the same sort, whether over long revolutions of ages stars are created and ........................................................................................................................... pg 165 destroyed, except that many more phenomena (though only of one kind) line up to prompt this question than the one about their growth. For as to old stars, no one in recorded history has ever witnessed the first rising of any of them (leaving aside the stories which the Arcadians made up about the Moon once upon a time), nor has any of them ever gone missing. However, of those objects which have been taken for comets, but with stellar shape |

and motion, and just like new stars, we have seen (and likewise heard of from the ancients) both appearances and disappearances of stars which, while they seemed to some people

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as if consumed, they seemed to others as if taken up (inasmuch as, having come down to us as in their perigees, they afterwards went back again to regions more remote), but to others again they seemed as if they had become rarefied and dissolved into ether. But I postpone the whole question of new stars to the place where I shall speak about comets. There remains another question, namely of the Milky Way, whether the Milky Way is an agglomeration of very small stars, or a continuous body and part of the ether, of a middle nature between the ethereal and the sidereal. For the exhalation theory has long ago itself exhaled, to the detriment of Aristotle's reputation for cleverness, who dared to make up something of the kind by ascribing a transitory and variable nature to an object so constant and fixed. Indeed, even this question, as I state it, seems to be on the point of resolution if we are to believe what Galileo has reported, who has separated that confused species of light into numbered stars each in its own place. For the fact that the Milky Way does not hide |

the stars found in it certainly does not settle the question or tip the balance either way; it only perhaps denies that the Milky Way is situated below the starry ether. For if it were, and if too the continuous body of the Milky Way had any depth, it would be likely that our view would be cut off. But if it were situated at the same altitude as the stars seen through it, there is no reason why stars could not be scattered in the Milky Way itself, no less than in the rest of the ether. Thus I admit this question as well. So these six questions deal with the substance of the heavenly bodies: namely, what in general is the substance of the heaven, what is that of the interstellar ether, what is that of the Milky Way and what that of the stars themselves, compared either with one another, or with our fire, or with their own body. But philosophical problems concerning the number, magnitude, figure and distance of the stars, (taking these problems apart from the very phenomena and historical questions which I shall speak of afterwards) are fairly simple. As for the number, there doubtless follows this other question, whether the number of the stars is ........................................................................................................................... pg 167 what it seems and is as the diligent Hipparchus observed, recorded and included in his |

model of the celestial globe. For not only is the reason fairly trivial which they give for that vast multitude of hidden and virtually invisible stars usually seen on clear nights especially in winter, namely that these appearances are not smaller stars, but only radiations and sparklings and (so to speak) beams from the known stars; but new heads in the heavenly population have now been counted by Galileo, not only in that cluster called the Milky Way, but also among the very stations and ranks of the planets. Stars, however, become invisible either on account of smallness of body or of their opacity (for I do not altogether approve of the term tenuity, since pure flame is a body of extreme tenuity), or of their elongation and distance. As for increase in the number of stars by the generation of new ones, I postpone the question, as I did before, to the place where I deal with comets. Now with regard to stellar magnitude, apparent magnitude has to do with the phenomena, but real magnitude belongs to philosophical inquiry—within the limits only of that twelfth problem, what is the

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true magnitude of each star, either in absolute or (failing that) comparative terms? For |

it is easier by invention or demonstration to show that the Moon's globe is smaller than the Earth's, than that the Moon's is so many miles round. Therefore we must try and work to discover exact magnitudes and, if they cannot be had, make use of comparative ones. Now true magnitudes are derived and inferred either from eclipses and shadows, or from extensions of light as well as of other virtues which bodies each give out and spread nearer or farther in proportion to their magnitude; or lastly through the symmetry of the universe, which by a kind of necessity moderates and sets limits on the portions of connatural bodies. We must not, however, depend on what the astronomers have handed down about the true magnitudes of stars for, though it may seem to be a matter of great and accurate subtlety, they have done a fairly lax and careless job, and we must seek (if there are any) more reliable and genuine proofs. But the stars' magnitude and distance reveal one another by means of optical calculations, which nevertheless ought themselves to be examined too. This question, then, concerning the true magnitude of the stars is the twelfth in number. Next comes another question about their shape, whether the stars are globes, that is, |

concentrations of matter in a shape solid and round. Now to all appearances it seems that heavenly bodies come in three shapes: globular and bristling like the Sun; globular and angular like the stars (the bristles and angles refer only to what we see, the globular form only to substance); and globular simply ........................................................................................................................... pg 169 like the Moon. For no star appears oblong or triangular or square, or of any other shape; and it seems natural that the greater masses of things should, for their preservation and more perfect union, gather themselves together into globes. The fourteenth question relates to distance: what is the true distance of any star in the depth of the heaven? For the distances of the planets both from each other and from the fixed stars, laterally or round the circumference of the heaven, are governed by their motions. But as I said above of the magnitude of the stars—that if precise magnitude distinctly measured cannot be had, we must use comparative magnitude—so I say the same of their distances; namely, that if the distance cannot be exactly taken (for example, from the Earth to Saturn or Jupiter), nevertheless let it be established for certain that Saturn is higher than Jupiter. For the system of the heaven as far as its interior goes (i.e. the order of the planets as to their |

altitudes) is not entirely uncontroversial, nor were the theories prevalent now believed in times gone by. Even now the debate as to whether Mercury or Venus is the higher remains unresolved. Now we find out the distances either by parallaxes or eclipses, or calculation of motions, or different appearances of magnitude. In addition, other aids should be devised for this matter, which human industry may contrive. Moreover, the thicknesses or depths of the spheres also pertain to distances. ........................................................................................................................... pg 170

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NOTES r

Page 96, l. 8–p. 98, l. 18: Partitionem doctrinæ humanæ—cf. AL, 2B3 (SEH, III, p. 329); v

DAS, L3 (SEH, I, pp. 494–5). The latter adopts formulations of this crucial distinction from DGI. Bacon's association of the three primary branches of human knowledge with the three faculties of the rational soul is novel, as is the placing of history before the other two branches. On this subject see Grazia Tonelli Olivieri, 'Galen and Francis Bacon: faculties of the soul and the classification of knowledge', The shapes of knowledge from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, ed. D. R. Kelley and R. H. Popkin (Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Idées, 124), Kluwer Academic Publishers: Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1991, pp. 61– 81. A fuller account of the distinction and of the relationship between the faculties will be given in due course in the proposed critical edition of DAS. 10 Historia ad] Historia, ad v

20 Origines] Origenes / cf. DGI, E12 for same idiosyncrasy 25 atque aliquid] / SEH (III, p. 727) has atque aliud r

9 emanationes Historiæ, Poesis] / DAS (L3 (SEH, I, p. 495)) has the alternative form Poeseos 13 Doctrinam [Theologiæ] partitione] Doctrinam partitione / SEH(III, p. 728 n. 1) does not emend c–t, but notes that Doctrinam should be replaced by Theologica; the wording would v

then agree with that given in DAS (L3 (SEH, I, p. 495)). However, it is difficult to believe that a compositor could have read Doctrinam for the putative Theologica of his copy r

Page 98, ll 18–24: Quare & Theologiam—cf. AL, 2B3 (SEH, III, p. 329); DAS, (SEH, I, p. 495). ll. 19–21: perenni quadam Philosophia—see Charles B. Schmitt, 'Perennial philosophy: from Agostino Steuco to Leibniz', JHI, 27, 1966, pp. 505–32. 23 modus] modum / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 728) r

v

l. 24: per parabolas—on parabolic poetry see AL, 2E2 –2E3 (SEH, III, pp. 344–5) and esp. r

v

r

r

DSV, 2A4 –2A6 (SEH, VI, pp. 625–8); DAS, P3 –P4 (SEH, I, pp. 520–1). v

r

v

ll. 26–8: Partitio Historiæ—cf. DAS, L3 –L4 (SEH, I, pp. 495–6), and AL, 2B3 (SEH, III, p. 329). When Bacon revised AL to produce DGI and DAS he imposed a Ramist framework on the text, i.e. the argument is made to run from the general to the particular through (in the main) a hierarchy of dichotomies. Bacon may have chosen this structure so that Part I of

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the IM would stand in sharp formal contrast to the aphoristic Part II. One of the most striking features of Bacon's mapping of learning is the prominent position accorded to natural history. I can think of no pre-Baconian classification that places natural history in first place and, in so far as any classification of learning embodies systems of values, Bacon's marks a profound cultural shift towards the critical-empirical, experimental and technological. All these matters will be considered more fully in the proposed critical edition of DAS. v

l. 27: Literaria—nothing more is said about this in DGI, in DAS, L3 (SEH, I, p. 495) Bacon explained why historia literarum deserved to be treated separately and went on to outline r

v

his programme for it a few pages later (M4 –N1 (SEH, I, pp. 502–4.)). DGI breaks off well before the point where this topic would have been considered had Bacon proceeded further with his plans for the text. Page 100, ll. 3–10: Naturalis Historia rerum—natural history is concerned with species not v

v

r

v

individuals—cf. DGI, D7 ; HDR, A6 (SEH, II, p. 247); NO, 2E3 (SEH, I, p. 282); PAH, b1 (SEH, I, p. 396). r

6 adeo ut [si] unum] adeo ut unum / following, no doubt, the wording in DAS (L3 (SEH, I, p. 494)), SEH (III, p. 729) silently inserts si 7 omnia noris,] ⁓; 8 Itaque sicubi] Jtaque sicubi ll. 10–11: Nam & Solis—for individuals unique in their species, and individ uals which deviate v

v

greatly from their species see NO, 2E2 –2E3 (SEH, I, pp. 281–3) (Instantiæ Monodicæ, and Instantiæ Deviantes). Page 100, ll. 16–29: At partitionem Historiæ Naturalis—this threefold distribution was used r

v

in AL (2B4 (SEH, III, p. 330)), and later appeared in PhU (O9 ); it was also used in the early r

CDSH (fo. 217 (SEH, III, p. 189)). The CDSH treatment is rather different from Bacon's others. DGI marks Bacon's first use of the terms Generationes, Prætergenerationes, and v

r–v

Artes—terms subsequently deployed in PAH (a4 (SEH, I, p. 395)), and DAS (L4

(SEH, I, p

496)), whose discussions of natural history were evidently based on the text of DGI. 24 heteroclitis Naturæ;] ⁓: 29 molestum sit] ⁓;

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r

r

Page 100, l. 34: tamquam Proteum—cf. CDNR, R9 (SEH, III, p. 20); AL, 2C2 (SEH, III, p. 333); v

r

v

DSV, 2C3 –2C4 (SEH, VI, pp. 651–2); PAH, b3 (SEH, I, pp. 398–9). Page 102, ll. 4–24: quia inveteravit prorsus mos—the obliteration of the art/nature distinction is a fundamental feature of Bacon's philosophy; for a subtle and penetrating investigation of aspects of the relationship between art and nature in the late Renaissance and of the cultural context of Bacon's ideas on this matter see Charles B. Schmitt, 'John Case on art and nature', Annals of science, 33, 1976, pp. 543–59. As for the difference between art and r–v

nature being not by 'formâ aut essentiâ, sed efficiente', see DAS, L4

(SEH, I, pp. 496–7).

13 emendare possit,] ⁓; 16 sedere] / silently emended in SEH (III, p. 730) to insidere; here as elsewhere SEH prefers a r

reading from an equivalent passage in DAS (L4 (SEH, I, p. 496)) to a respectable c–t form r

Page 102, l. 25: simulachrum Iridis—cf. PhU, O10 . 27 arenulis] renulis / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 730) in line, no doubt, with the wording of v

DAS(L4 (SEH, I, p. 496)) 32 manna] ⁓, 35 tria:] ⁓, Cursus Naturæ,] ⁓; 1 Exspatiatio Naturæ,] ⁓; v

r

v

Page 104, l. 3: Cajus Plinius—see cmts on PhU, O6 ⊢O7 and O8 (pp. 363 and 364 above). r

v

r

v

Also see DGI, D10 ; NO, Q2 (SEH, I, pp. 214–15); PAH, b1 (SEH I, p. 396); CDSH, fos. 214 , r

226 (SEH, III, pp. 191, 195). Page 104, ll. 11 ff: Cæterum Historia—the substance of this chapter was later reworked, v

v

expanded and included in PAH, a4 –b2 (SEH, I, pp. 395–7)), and later still abbreviated and r–v

incorporated in DAS, M3

(SEH, I, pp. 501–2)). This material is not to be found in AL. r

17 narrationum] narrationem / silently emended thus in SEH (III, p. 731) but cf. DAS, M3 (SEH, I, p. 501) 18 sita est,] ⁓;

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19 vilior] ⁓, v

r

Page 104, l. 33–p. 106, l. 5: ex ea fabulas—see cmt on PhU, O6 –O7 (p. 363 above). 1 suffragationes,] ⁓; 3 noctes potius] ⁓; v

5 recidet] recidat / see SEH (III p. 732n. 1) and DAS, M3 (SEH, I, p. 501) v

v

v

Page 106, ll. 9–10: quam Naturæ lusus—cf. PhU, O9 ; NO, 2E1 (SEH, I, p. 280); PAH, b1 r

(SEH, I, p. 396); DAS, M4 (SEH, I, p. 502). 11 exquisitam,] ⁓: 17 congerie] ⁓, r

18 aptata] / SEH (III, p. 732) has apta, an error evidently, cf. DAS, M4 (SEH, I, p. 502) r–v

Page 106, l. 29: Historia vero virtutum—see cmt on DGI, D9 (p. 386 below) and Introduction, 1 (h). This is an important promise and one presented as if the reader knew what this history might be about. 31 Prætergenerationum,] ⁓‸ Page 108, l. 3: tertiam Instaurationis—this remark implies that a DO-like tract was meant to r

precede DGI. For the third part of IM see Introduction, 1 (a)–(b); also see cmt on DGI, E1 (p. 388 below). 6 positum sit,] ⁓; Page 108, ll. 8–23: quinque partes—for what this implies for the projected content and scale of DGI, see Introduction, 1 (b). This is the first appearance of the fivefold distribution; an v

earlier fourfold distribution, lacking collegia majora, had appeared in CDSH, fo. 226 (SEH, III, v

r

pp. 189–90). Other formulations of the fivefolder appeared in PAH, b2 –b3 (SEH, I, pp. 397– r

r

8) and DAS, M3 –M4 (SEH, I, pp. 501–2). ll. 23–26: Majoritas autem illa—the distinction between the fourth and fifth members of the fivefold distribution is justified at greater length than the other distinctions because (no v

r

doubt) it was a new one (see previous cmt); cf. PAH, b2 –b3 (SEH, I, pp. 397–8): 'Quarta, Elementorum (quæ vocant) Flammæ, siue Ignis, Aëris, Aquæ, & Terræ. Elementa autem

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eo sensu accipi volumus, vt intelligantur non pro Primordijs Rerum, sed pro Corporum Naturalium Massis Maioribus. Ita enim Natura Rerum distribuitur, vt sit quorundam Corporum Quantitas siue Massa in Vniuerso per quàm Magna; quia scilicèt ad Schematismum eorum requiritur Textura Materiæ facilis & obuia; qualia sunt Ea quatuor (quæ diximus) Corpora: At quorundam aliorum Corporum sit Quantitas in Vniuerso parua, & parcè suppeditata, propter Texturam Materiæ valde dissimilarem, & subtilem, & in plurimis determinatam, & Organicam; qualia sunt Species Rerum Naturalium, Metalla, Plantæ, Animalia. Quare Prius Genus Corporum, Collegia Maiora; Posterius, Collegia Minora appellare consueuimus … At in Quartâ continetur Historia Substantiæ & Naturæ ipsorum, quæ in singulis eorum partibus similaribus viget, nec ad totum refertur. Quinta denique pars Historiae Collegia Minora, siue Species continet; circa quas Historia Naturalis hactenùs praecipuè occupata est.' For v

v

r

v

textures simple and composite see NO, 2C2 (SEH, I, p. 271). Also see ANN, fos. 25 , 27 ; 32 has: 'mixtionem autem quatuor elementorum scholæ permittimus, cum sit phantasticum quiddam et verbula; loquimur autem de mixturis magis secundum sensum.' (The semicolon in this quotation is a stop in the original.) v

25 dissimilarem] dissimularem / cf. DGI, G1 (assimulatur, assimulationem); DPAO, v

L7 (dissimularem) Page 108, ll. 26–35: Virtutum vero illarum—for the implications of this for the plan of DGI see Introduction, 1 (b). These cardinal and catholic virtues, the Naturae primordia (see DO, v

r

C1 (SEH, I, p. 142); TC, G6 ), were elsewhere called schematisms of matter and, together r

r

with the motions listed here, constituted an important part of what DAS (X4 –Y1 (SEH, I, pp. 560–1)) later called abstract physics—hence Bacon's remark here that history of virtues r

stood between history and philosophy. Nineteen of these motions were treated in NO (2O1 – r

2R1 (SEH, I, pp. 330–49)); twenty-four schematisms and sixteen motions were summarily v

r

discussed in ANN, fos. 24 –32 (see Rees, 'Bacon's philosophy … with special reference to the Abecedarium novum naturae', pp. 235–6). The DAS treatment of schematisms comes after the discussions of astronomy and astrology. Astronomy, astrology and schematisms would have been discussed in the same order in DGI, save that in DGI the discussions of the first two would have been separated from the last by matter on other subjects. r–v

See also PAH, C3 (SEH, I, p. 403): 'Quòd verò in Distributione Operis nostri mentionem fecimus Cardinalium Virtutum in Naturâ; & quòd etiam harum Historia, antequàm ad Opus Interpretations ventum fuerit, perscribenda esset; Huius rei minimè obliti sumus, sed earn Nobis ipsis reseruauimus: cùm de aliorum Industriâ in hac re, priusquàm homines cum Naturâ paulò arctiùs consuescere incœperint, prolixè spondere non audeamus.' Also see Marta Fattori, '“Nature semplice” in Francesco Bacone', Nouvelles de la rtpublique des lettres, 1983, pp. 21–34. The phrase 'priusquam ad opus Intellectus deveniatur' probably alludes to Part IV or VI of the Instauratio, and suggests that Bacon meant the reader to

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r

approach DGI with some knowledge of the plan of IM, cf. DO, C2 (SEH, I, p. 143): 'cùm ad opus Intellectûs deueniatur'. 29 similium,] ⁓; 30 expansionis] expensionis 30 reliquorum] ⁓; 32 virtutum] ⁓, motuum] ⁓, |

|

34 Prœ tergenerationum] Prœ generationum 3 dicemus] diciemus r

Page 110, ll. 9–15: Historiam Cœlestium simplicem—cf. CDSH, fo. 217 (SEH, III, p. 189). Also see Introduction, 2 (b). r

Page 110, l. 17: Cajus Plinius—see cmt on DGI, D6 (p. 384 above). 18 doctioribus] doctoribus / emended thus in SEH (III, p. 734 l. 27: potestate, atque influxu—this hints that DGI would have contained something on astrology after the material on astronomy, in which case DGI would have followed the plan r

r

subsequently adopted in the third book of DAS (V4 –X4 (SEH, I, pp. 554–60)). For a further r

indication that DGI would have dealt with astrology see DGI, E11 . Page 110, l. 30 ff: non quid phænomenis—for Bacon's views on mathematical fictions and r

the role of geometrical astronomy see DGI, E11 and cmt thereon (p. 394 below). Page 110, l. 33: primum mobile—in the Aristotelian system this sphere drives those beneath it, namely the sphere of the fixed stars and the planetary spheres. For Gilbert's criticism of the notion see cmt on DGI, E5

r–v

(p. 391 below).

Page 112, ll. 1–6: author, qui Solem—Tycho Brahe (1546–1601), Danish astronomer and Imperial Mathematician, who had the orbs/orbits of the Sun, Moon and fixed stars centre v

upon the Earth, and orbs/orbits of the planets centre upon the Sun. Also see DGI, E3 , and v

r

cmts on DGI, E9 –E10 (pp. 393–4 below). Bacon was probably, following Patrizi when he v

called Tycho 'author', see cmt on DGI, E9 (p. 393–4 below).

Page 75 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

v

l. 4: ex Antiquioribus nonnulli—see cmt on DGI, E9 (p. 393 below). 8 hæc] ⁓, ll. 9–10: sed tantummodo ad Computationes—neither Copernicus nor Tycho offered their planetary models merely as means (actual or potential) of predicting (or retrodicting) apparent celestial coordinates. Both men were making physical claims, claims which therefore involved the invasion by one discipline (mathematical astronomy) of the assumed domain of another (natural philosophy). On this question see Westman, 'The astronomer's role', pp. 105–147; idem, 'Proof, poetics, and patronage: Copernicus's preface to De revolutionibus', Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, pp. 167–205. For Bacon's view of the distinction between astronomy and natural philosophy see Introduction, 2 (b). In DGI Bacon sometimes treats Copernicus' system as a set of fictions, at others as a parcel of physical hypotheses. 13 aperiet] aperiret / this emendation suggested in SEH (III, p. 735 v

Page 112, ll. 16–17: communium passionum—see DGI, F5 and cmt thereon (p. 399 below). v

r

r

Also cf. TC, H1 –H2 ; PhU, O10 . v

Page 112, l. 30: secundum summas rerum—cf. ANN, fo. 36 . l. 35: ut ad propositum revertamur—Cicero, De finibus bonorum et malorum, 2. 32; cf. DVM, r

fo. 17 . 37 quanto] quando 12 varie;] ⁓, Page 114, ll. 14–17: quod Democrito—Democritus ate some figs which tasted of honey. Wanting to explain the unusual sweetness, he was on the point of setting out to look for the place where they had been picked, when his servant told him that they were sweet because she had stored them in a jar which had previously held honey. Then (as Montaigne tells the story) Democritus 'flew into a rage with her because she had deprived him of the chance of finding things out for himself and had robbed his curiosity of something to work on: “Go away”, he said, “you have offended me. I shall continue to look for the cause as though it were to be found in Nature.”' (An apology for Raymond Sebond, in The complete essays, trans. M. A. Screech, Penguin Books: London, 1991, pp. 569–70). For Bacon's caution v

r

regarding telescopic observations see NO, 2K1 –2K2 (SEH, I, p. 308). 22 adjiciemus,] ⁓;

Page 76 of 99 DOI of this work: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00007157 http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198122906.book.1/actrade-9780198122906-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/page/privacypolicy/ privacy-policy). Subscriber: University of Edinburgh; date: 10 November 2015

24 effectis] / SEH (III, p. 736) has affectis v

r

5 scaphas] schaphas / the form schaph- also occurs PhU (P9 –P10 ). In works published with v

Bacon's authority, the 'normal' form (scapha) is used, see e.g. NO, 2K1 (SEH, I, p. 308), v

r

where the same image is used of Galileo's discoveries. Also see tns to DFRM, I2 and I3 (pp. 80, 82 above) r–v

Page 114, ll. 33–4: Topica quædam inductiva—see HNE, C3 v

r

r

(SEH, II, p. 17); DAS, 2K3

r

(SEH, I, p. 639); PAH, c3 (SEH, I, p. 403); TDL, X3 –X8 (SEH, II, pp. 317–22). Page 116, ll. 1–2: atque in literas referri—Bacon did not get round to this, but see Introduction, 1 (b). 8 Proponuntur] proponuntur 14 adspargere] / SEH (III, p. 737) has adspergere 15 Philosophia] ⁓, Page 116, l. 17: legitimæ Inductionis judicio—this is yet another indication that Bacon had planned to supply the DGI with prefatory matter which would have given the reader an overview of the author's plans for the instauration of the sciences. For other indications see r

r

cmts on DGI, D8 –D9 (p. 385 above). Also see Introduction, 1 (b). 22 Quin quo minus] / 'So in the original', says SEH (III, p. 737 n. 1). SEH no doubt expected Quin quo magis 28 communi?] ⁓. Page 116, ll. 28–9: Schola Democriti—for the boast that the atomists overthrew the walls of the world see Lucretius, De rerum natura, I. 72–9: ergo vivida vis animi pervicit, et extra processit longe flammantia moenia mundi atque omne immensum peragravit mente animoque, unde refert nobis victor quid possit oriri, quid nequeat, finita potestas denique cuique quanam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens. Compare this with ibid., II, 1144–5. For other aspects of atomist cosmology mentioned by Bacon at this point see ibid, II. 522–31, 1048–76, V. 416 f