Perspectives on New Religious Movements 9781474280990, 9781474281010, 9781474281003

Table of contents :
Cover
Half-title
Title
Copyright
Contents
Preface
1 The new religious movements in contemporary Western culture: an overview
THREE DEFINITIONS OF A NEW RELIGION
Theological definitions
Psychological definitions
Sociological definitions
Cults as new religious movements
SOME MAJOR FEATURES OF THE NEW RELIGIONS
Negative features
Attractive features
THE VARIETIES OF NEW RELIGIONS
The Pentecostal family
The Communal family
The Christian Science-Metaphysical family
The Spiritualist, Psychic, and New Age family
The Ancient Wisdom family
The Magic family
The Eastern and Middle Eastern families
New Unclassifiable Religious Groups
Are the new religions anti-self?
Are the new religions anti-family ?
Are the new religions anti-society ?
CONCLUSION
NOTES
2 The history of new religious movements in the West
NEW RELIGIONS IN EARLY WESTERN HISTORY
Gnosticism
NEW RELIGIONS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
The Cathars
The Flagellants
NEW RELIGIONS IN THE POST-REFORMATION ERA
The Ranters
The Shabbatean Movement
NEW RELIGIONS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
Mormonism
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY
NOTES
3 The new religious movements in psychological perspective
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PROFILE OF A 'CULT' JOINER
The deprived individual
The alienated individual
The religiously inclined person
The individual in search of an identity
The individual in a general state of crisis
The psychopathology of cult members
The normality of cult members
Evaluation of psychological studies
HOW AND WHY DOES A PERSON ACTUALLY JOIN A NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT?
The psychology of conversion
Models of conversion to the new religions
UNDERSTANDING THE NEW RELIGIONS AS RITES OF PASSAGE
ARE THE NEW RELIGIONS THERAPEUTIC OR DESTRUCTIVE?
NOTES
4 The new religious movements in sociological perspective
THE DEFINITION OF A NEW RELIGION
WHY AND HOW SHOULD ONE STUDY THE NEW RELIGIONS?
Reasons for studying the new religions
Ways of studying the new religions
HOW CAN THE NEW RELIGIONS BE BEST CLASSIFIED?
MAJOR FEATURES OF THE NEW MOVEMENTS
THEORIES EXPLAINING THE RISE OF THE NEW RELIGIONS
The functional approach
Current theories of new religions
Social-scientific critique of popular theories
RESPONSES TO THE NEW RELIGIONS
THE RELEVANCE OF SOCIOLOGY FOR UNDERSTANDING THE NEW RELIGIONS
NOTES
5 The new religious movements in the law courts
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE
AREASOFCONFLICT
Suits brought by ex-members and their families
Criminal cases
Custody cases
Tax cases
Solicitation cases
Zoning/community relations issues
Cult-initiated law suits
SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE RELIGIOUS ISSUES IN THE COURTROOMS
When is a new cult a religious entity ?
What are the boundaries of religious freedom'?
When does religion lead to child abuse or neglect?
How does one deal with religious violence?
COURT TESTIMONY AND EXPERT WITNESSES
Family members
Ex-cult members
Current cult members
Experts in religious matters
Psychiatrists
CONCLUSION
NOTES
6 The new religious movements in theological perspective
ARE THE CULTS 'RELIGIOUS' ENTITIES?
ARE THE NEW RELIGIONS COMPATIBLE WITH CHRISTIANITY?
THEOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE NEW RELIGIONS
Neglect of the new religions
The apologetic approach
The dialogue approach
PASTORAL ISSUES IN DEALING WITH THE NEW RELIGIONS
Religious pluralism and the new religions
The spiritual status of those who join new religions
Preventive measures against involvement in a new religion
Reclaiming cult members
NEW RELIGIONS AS SIGNS OF THE TIMES
NOTES
7 Counseling and the new religious movements
MAJOR PROBLEMS IN COUNSELING AND THERAPY
Information about the new religions
The sociological question
The issue of conversion
The nature of pluralistic society
COUNSELING AND THE NEW RELIGIONS
Types of people who might need counseling
General counseling principles and guidelines
PREVENTION
Deterrents to involvement in new religions
A long-term agenda
SOME PRACTICAL RECOMMENDATIONS
Advice to parents
Advice to members of new religions
Advice to ex-cult members
Advice to would-be cult members
The mission of the new religions
Persecution and the new religions
A COUNSELING RESPONSE TO NEW RELIGIONS
NOTES
Index

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Perspectives on New Religious Movements

Religious Studies: Bloomsbury Academic Collections

This set on religions of the world contains nine facsimile editions of titles from our imprints T&T Clark, Geoffrey Chapman, The Athlone Press and Cassell and discusses a variety of religions and traditions outwith the traditional canon of Abrahamic religions, from ancient times to new religious movements. With noted authors such as Jan Gonda, Louis Renou, Robert Charles Zaehner and Raphael Werblowsky, the titles presented here offer a valuable resource for religious students and scholars alike. The collection is available both in e-book and print versions. Titles in Religious Studies are available in the following subsets: Religions of the World Comparative Religion Christianity and Society Religion, Sexuality and Gender Other titles available in Religions of the World include: Beyond Tradition and Modernity: Changing Religions in a Changing World by R. J. Werblowsky Freedom and Authority in Religions and Religious Education edited by Brian Gates Hindu and Muslim Mysticism by R. C. Zaehner Religions of Ancient India by Louis Renou The Community of Religions: Voices and Images of the Parliament of the World's Religionsedited by Wayne Teasdale and George Cairns The Encounter with the Divine in Mesopotamia and Israel by H. W. F. Saggs The World's Religious Traditions: Current Perspectives in Religious Studies edited by Frank Whaling Visnuism and Sivaism: A Comparison by Jan Gonda

Perspectives on New Religious Movements John A. Saliba Religious Studies: Religions of the World BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC COLLECTIONS

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK

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www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in 1995 by Geoffrey Chapman This edition published by Bloomsbury Academic 2016 © John A. Saliba 2016 John A. Saliba has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-8099-0 ePDF: 978-1-4742-8100-3 Set: 978-1-4742-9198-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Series: Bloomsbury Academic Collections, ISSN 2051-0012

Printed and bound in Great Britain

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Geoffrey Chapman A Cassell imprint Wellington House, 125 Strand, London WC2R OBB © John A. Saliba 1995 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. First published 1995 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 0-225-66786-X (hardback) 0-225-66787-8 (paperback) Typeset by Yorkhouse Typographic Ltd, London Printed and bound in Great Britain by Biddies Ltd, Guildford & King's Lynn

• CONTENTS

Preface 1

T h e new religious movements in contemporary Western culture: an overview

vii

1

2

T h e history of new religious movements in the West

37

3

T h e new religious movements in psychological perspective

65

4

T h e new religious movements in sociological perspective

105

5

T h e new religious movements in the law courts

135

6

T h e new religious movements in theological perspective

167

7

Counseling a n d the new religious movements

198

Index

235

PREFACE

MOST OF the popular books on the sects, cults, or new religious movements can be described as attacks against their belief systems a n d practices a n d denunciations of the motivations of their founders a n d leaders. This simplistic explanation a n d one-dimensional assessm e n t of the current religious turmoil in Western culture is both an obstacle to u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d evaluating the new religious movements as well as an ineffective tool in any attempts to cope with some of the difficulties that have accompanied their presence a n d activities. T h e rise of religious a n d spiritual movements is a complex phen o m e n o n that involves many different facets of Western cultural a n d religious life. T h e reasons why they have b e e n successful are n o t obvious. T h e teachings they p r o p o u n d are frequently n o t only obscure a n d confusing b u t also challenging. Their practices do n o t always conform to the ethical standards of theJudeo-Christian tradition a n d to the legal n o r m s of Western culture. And their lifestyles diverge radically from what the majority of people are accustomed to. Because they are non-traditional a n d marginal, new religious groups can easily appear to be a threatening force that lies beyond comprehension a n d control. Precisely because they are perceived as dangerous incursions into the established way of life, the question of how o n e interprets a n d responds to t h e m ceases to be solely a matter of academic interest. It becomes a practical problem that d e m a n d s immediate consideration, if for n o other reason than because it has repercussions on the lives of many people. This book is based on the assumption that examining the new religions from different academic perspectives is a necessary preliminary step for u n d e r s t a n d i n g their presence in o u r age a n d for

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drafting an effective response to their influence. Rather than limiting the observations to the boundaries of o n e discipline, it has taken the admittedly m o r e perilous path of considering various approaches, even t h o u g h these differ in their assumptions, methods, theories, a n d goals. Thus, historical a n d sociological approaches are m o r e likely to a d o p t a position that is religiously neutral. Psychology a n d psychiatry, however, make a definite evaluation of, or j u d g m e n t on, the mental a n d emotional health of cult m e m b e r s a n d the effects m e m b e r s h i p in new religions might have o n their lives. In like m a n n e r the legal issues b r o u g h t about by their presence require that some assessments be m a d e of their activities. Theological reflections are always m a d e from a particular faith perspective a n d aimed at evaluating religions from well-defined doctrinal a n d / o r moral standpoints. This book begins with a broad overview in which various definitions a n d generalized features of a new religion are critically examined, a n d adopts an inclusive typology that has received scholarly recognition. It t h e n moves to present the historical, psychological, sociological, legal, a n d theological reflections on a n d debates about the significance of the new religious movements in o u r times. Chapter 2 gives a brief survey of a few select religious movements that have a p p e a r e d in the history of Western culture. Specific examples, like the Cathars of the Middle Ages a n d the Mormons of the n i n e t e e n t h century, are cited to show that knowledge of the beliefs a n d practices of these religious movements a n d of the environments in which they flourished can e n h a n c e o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of new religions in the twentieth century. Chapter 3 discusses, in the context of specific studies, the issue of whether there is a 'cult personality' that can help identify those young adults that are most likely to j o i n a new religion. It summarizes a n d evaluates the main psychological a n d psychiatric theories of conversion to, a n d involvement in, a new religion. It also shows that the popular theory of brainwashing is only o n e of the several options that have b e e n proposed to explain conversions to the new religious movements. Western sociologists are playing a leading role in the study a n d interpretation of the new movements. Chapter 4 provides a critical summary of how sociologists are studying the new religions a n d of what they are saying about their origin a n d nature. Models for

Preface

IX

u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e m used by social scientists are also briefly presented. Chapter 5 looks at the legal aspects of the new religious movements. T h e legal issues that have come to the fore in court trials are surveyed, with special references to a n u m b e r of particular court cases involving such groups as the H a r e Krishna Movement, Transcendental Meditation, Scientology, a n d the Unification Church. No book o n the new religions is complete without a theological inquiry, which is attempted in Chapter 6. New religious movements challenge the theological systems of established religions a n d question those revealed doctrines that are assumed to be absolutely true. Several theological approaches a n d responses to the new movements are critically analyzed. Particular emphasis is placed on the n e e d to develop a theology of religion in the context of the current efforts to establish a relationship of dialogue between people of different faiths. Finally, Chapter 7 reflects o n the major difficulties that confront psychiatrists, psychologists, a n d counselors when they are called to advise those individuals who have b e e n affected by the activities of the cults. Some practical suggestions are m a d e to guide counselors a n d ministers of religion who are called to help cult a n d ex-cult m e m b e r s a n d their parents. It would be a mistake to assume that this book offers, once a n d for all, a final, all-encompassing picture of the p h e n o m e n o n of new religious movements a n d / o r a solution to all the problems their presence has raised. T h e discussions conducted in diverse academic settings testify to the variety of irreconcilable opinions a m o n g those who have b e e n studying the new religions. They also show that the quest for simple, unequivocal answers is unrealistic. What this book hopes to achieve is to expose its readers to the diversity of viewpoints a n d perspectives on the new religious movements a n d to encourage t h e m to make b r o a d e r a n d m o r e balanced reflections on a major religious p h e n o m e n o n occurring at the e n d of the second millennium. By discussing in a public forum certain aspects that are frequently ignored in popular literature, the following pages aspire to engage m o r e people in the debates o n the m e a n i n g of cultural a n d religious changes that are currently taking place in Western society. By bringing in various scholarly a n d academic reflections to bear on the controversy, this book aims to raise the general level of the a r g u m e n t which has, to the d e t r i m e n t of all

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concerned, so often degenerated into an u n r e l e n t i n g diatribe. Lastly, by seeing the new religions from various perspectives, the possibility increases n o t only of u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e m b u t also of developing an a p p r o a c h to respond to t h e m a n d to come to terms with their presence in our midst.

1 • THE

NEW RELIGIOUS

CONTEMPORARY AN

MOVEMENTS

WESTERN

IN

CULTURE:

OVERVIEW

T H E WORD 'cult', commonly used to refer to many new religious groups, is so laden with diverse meanings a n d replete with emotional content that it might have lost o n e of the major functions of linguistic designation, that is, to convey accurate a n d useful information. 1 T h e traditional m e a n i n g of 'cult' {cultus in Latin) as a specific form of worship or ritual within a religious tradition, such as the cult of Christian saints in the Middle Ages or the cult of the Mother Goddess in the ancient Near East, has b e e n all b u t forgotten. 2 Some professional writers, psychiatrists, a n d lawyers in particular, a n d the majority of news media reporters, have picked o n the negative significance currently attached to the word a n d have employed it consistently to refer to all those groups they have j u d g e d to be deviant, dangerous, corrupt, a n d pseudoreligious. T h e result is that the very m e n t i o n of cults tends to arouse fear a n d panic, with ensuing endeavors to mobilize social a n d religious resources to offset their success a n d to initiate legal actions to curtail or prohibit their activities. T h e truth of the matter, however, is that the cults or new religions represent diverse a n d complex organizations whose significance c a n n o t be gauged without reference to the sociocultural a n d religious situation of the second half of the twentieth century. Consequently, their nature, characteristics, significance, a n d implications c a n n o t be summarized in, m u c h less d e t e r m i n e d by, a single narrow definition. Ideally, it would be better to a b a n d o n the use of the word 'cult' altogether. However, the term has b e c o m e a household word a n d has acquired a p e r m a n e n t foothold in academic literature. In this book an effort has b e e n m a d e to employ it sparingly. W h e n used, it is applied in a broad a n d neutral sense to refer to the relatively new religions or fringe religious groups that

2

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have sprung u p in the West, especially since the 1960s. Such a usage, in spite of its shortcomings, points to two undeniable facts, namely that the new religions stand apart from society a n d require special attention. T h e professional a n d popular literature o n new religions is n o t only voluminous, b u t also varied in its u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d evaluation of, a n d response to, the p h e n o m e n o n . Interpretations of, a n d reactions to, the new religious movements go hand-in-hand with preconceived notions of what a cult is. T h r e e major, distinct (though sometimes related) definitions of a cult emerge from a survey of current writings o n the subject. These definitions can be respectively classified as theological (or religious), psychological, a n d sociological. T H R E E D E F I N I T I O N S O F A NEW R E L I G I O N Theological definitions T h e theological slant o n the m e a n i n g of the word 'cult' is most evident in Christian evangelical literature. T h e late Walter Martin, who founded, a n d till his death directed, the Christian Research Institute located in Santa Ana, California, dedicated his life's work to the refutation of sects a n d cults. In o n e of his major books, 3 Martin defines a cult as 'a group, religious in nature, which surrounds a leader or a g r o u p of teachings which either denies or misinterprets essential biblical doctrine'. Slightly broader, b u t still consistent with Martin's, is that a d o p t e d byJ a m e s Sire who, m o r e specifically, defines a cult as: any religious movement that is organizationally distinct and has doctrines and/or practices that contradict those of the Scriptures as interpreted by traditional Christianity as represented by the major Catholic and Protestant denominations, and as expressed in such statements as the Apostles' Creed.4 Martin's a n d Sire's views are representative of many Christians who are c o n c e r n e d with the presence a n d activities of the new movements. Most of the features of the new religions that Martin lists are theological or religious in nature. Thus, for example, h e points out that a cult possesses a new Scripture which is either a d d e d to or replaces the Bible as the sole revealed Word of God. Cults believe in ongoing revelation a n d stress experience rather than theological

An

overview

3

reasoning. They imbue c o m m o n theological parlance with connotations that are quite different from what most Christians accept. While Martin assigns some sociological features to a cult, his definition is essentially a theological o n e . New religious movements are l u m p e d together a n d seen as u n o r t h o d o x or heretical groups. They are unChristian, unbiblical, or pseudo-Christian organizations. T h e response to t h e m has, therefore, b e e n o n e of theological refutation or rebuttal. Cults have to be d e n o u n c e d as religious paths that falsely claim to preach the truth a n d lead h u m a n k i n d to salvation. Since they are perceived as spiritually corrupt, the response to t h e m has b e e n d o m i n a t e d by apologetic debates a n d by a crusading spirit reminiscent of the religious controversies a n d conflicts of the postReformation era. This conventional theological analysis of the word 'cult' has appealing features. It is simple, direct, a n d intelligible to the average person who is committed to a traditional Christian church. It concentrates o n the fundamental issues of religious truth a n d correct moral behavior. It also proposes a reaction to the cults consistent with the definition; that is, it encourages Christians to engage in a stronger a n d m o r e direct evangelization endeavor, to preach m o r e effectively the true biblical message, to attempt to win back those who have a b a n d o n e d their traditional faith, a n d to c o n d e m n m o r e emphatically the doctrines of the new religions. But a closer look at this attractive definition shows that it has too many flaws either to reflect the correct n a t u r e of the p h e n o m e n o n of religious movements or to elicit a p r o p e r theological response. T h e first problem with the definition of a cult as an u n o r t h o d o x religious g r o u p is that it leaves unsolved the question of Christian orthodoxy. Sire's definition seems to include all traditional Christianity (Catholic a n d Protestant) u n d e r the standard of orthodoxy, thereby bypassing the many debates that have split the Christian C h u r c h t h r o u g h o u t the ages. T h e narrower standard proposed by Martin is that of evangelical Christianity, a criterion that excludes several wellestablished Christian churches a n d sects which are j u d g e d to be u n o r t h o d o x a n d h e n c e liable to be called cults. In fact, some evangelicals a n d fundamentalists, Martin n o t included, have at times referred to the Catholic C h u r c h as a cult, together with the Church of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), the Way International, the Unification Church, a n d the H a r e Krishna Movement. 5 Second, the definition fails to acknowledge the variety of beliefs

4

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a n d practices that o n e encounters a m o n g the new religions themselves. Even if o n e approaches t h e m from a specific a n d narrow theological perspective, it would be impossible to label t h e m all ' u n o r t h o d o x ' in the same way a n d to the same degree. Third, calling cults u n o r t h o d o x Christian groups does n o t help us u n d e r s t a n d them. T h e designation of, for instance, a self-styled pagan g r o u p as an ' u n o r t h o d o x ' Christian sect, makes a self-evident proposition that reveals little about the nature of Paganism. Contemporary Paganism is certainly n o t based o n heretical Christian doctrines. Members of pagan groups readily admit that they are n o t Christians. Fourth, this theological definition of a cult doesn't address itself to, m u c h less answer in a satisfactory m a n n e r , questions regarding religious pluralism. 6 T h e contemporary flourishing of non-Christian religions in the Western world, whose tradition has b e e n overwhelmingly Judeo-Christian, leads o n e to ask several theological questions. Why are there different religions at all? Does g e n u i n e religiousness exist in all religions? Why d o novel religious groups come into being? A n d why d o some people, b r o u g h t u p in o n e particular religious tradition, a b a n d o n their faith? Although the theological definition of a cult as an u n o r t h o d o x g r o u p might be religiously satisfying, it lacks theological d e p t h a n d specification a n d fails to answer many of the fundamental issues related to the emergence of these new religious groups. These reflections should n o t lead o n e to conclude that there are n o conditions u n d e r which the differences between major traditions (such as Judaism a n d Christianity) a n d the newer religious expressions should n o t be spelled out in detail. T h e presence of new religious movements could indirectly urge believers of different traditions to foster a d e e p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of their respective faiths a n d to strive for a clearer exposition a n d defense of their beliefs a n d practices. T h e criticism of a theological definition of the cult simply points to the u r g e n t n e e d for a m o r e t h o r o u g h assessment n o t only of what the new religions teach, b u t also of the many factors that contribute to their rise a n d success. Only t h e n can a theological appraisal be safely m a d e . Psychological definitions While the theological definition of a cult has relied o n normative principles that distinguish o r t h o d o x from u n o r t h o d o x Christianity,

An

overview

5

the psychological definition has focused on the way the new religious movements recruit a n d maintain their m e m b e r s a n d how they affect those who j o i n them. 7 Two distinct a n d opposed ideas of what a cult is have e m e r g e d in psychological a n d psychiatric literature. T h e first, a n d m o r e prevalent, definition is that cults are dangerous institutions that cause severe mental a n d emotional h a r m to those who commit themselves to their creeds a n d lifestyles. A cult is considered a spurious, pseudoreligious g r o u p h e a d e d by a powerful leader who dominates the life of his or h e r followers a n d offers t h e m false solutions to all their problems. It recruits m e m b e r s by deceitful means, t h e n indoctrinates t h e m a n d controls t h e m by m e t h o d s of m i n d control. Cults are, therefore, destructive groups or organizations. 8 Philip Cushman defines a cult as a g r o u p that: is controlled by a charismatic leader who is t h o u g h t to be God or some o n e who carries an exclusive message from God that elevates him or h e r above others; fosters the idea that there is only o n e correct belief a n d only o n e correct practice of that belief; d e m a n d s unquestionable loyalty a n d complete obedience to its restrictive ideas, rules, a n d totalistic methods; uses m e t h o d s of m i n d control; uses deception a n d deceit when recruiting a n d interacting with the outside world; systematically exploits a m e m b e r ' s labor a n d finances; attacks a n d / o r abandons m e m b e r s who disagree with or leave the group. 9 Those psychologists a n d psychiatrists who p r o p o u n d this view c o n t e n d that they have arrived at this negative definition of a cult t h r o u g h their counseling of ex-cult members, whose behavioral patterns suggest that their intellectual a n d emotional lives have b e e n literally impaired by the teachings a n d lifestyles of the new religions. They further imply that m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion c a n n o t be looked u p o n as a result of a free act of c o m m i t m e n t given after careful consideration. T h e appeal of this definition has b e e n p h e n o m e n a l . It has b e e n a d o p t e d by many evangelical Christians a n d incorporated into their theological definition of a cult a n d employed as a weapon to d e n o u n c e cults in general. 1 0 It has also b e e n used in many court cases in attempts to justify legal actions directed against the new religions. 11 Part of the reason why so many people have accepted this

6

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movements

a p p r o a c h is that it does offer very comforting news b o t h to parents a n d ex-cult members. Parents can look at their offspring's involvem e n t in a new religious m o v e m e n t as a rash a n d hasty action taken u n d e r duress or pressure, with little knowledge of the cult itself a n d even less awareness of what full c o m m i t m e n t entailed. They can explain the changes in the behavior of their sons a n d daughters by having recourse to the theory that m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion has r e n d e r e d t h e m so sick that they are in n e e d of traditional psychiatric help. Ex-members, o n the o t h e r h a n d , may find this explanation comforting since it assumes that, when they a d o p t e d a n d clung to their new religious lifestyles, they were n o t acting as free, responsible persons. This a p p r o a c h to marginal religious groups has e n c o u n t e r e d great opposition, n o t only from sociologists, 12 b u t also from some psychologists a n d psychiatrists who have counseled many cult m e m b e r s a n d looked m o r e carefully at their family a n d social backgrounds. A second psychiatric viewpoint has e m e r g e d that sees the new religions in quite a different light. New religious movements are j u d g e d to be helpful organizations that provide an alternative therapy to many young adults as they are faced with making m o m e n t o u s decisions at importantjunctures in their lives. Cult membership, it is claimed, has led many people to give u p their addictions to drugs a n d alcohol a n d to introduce in their lives a measure of intellectual security, emotional stability, a n d organized behavioral patterns that contrast sharply with their previously confused a n d chaotic existences. T h e definition given to a new religious movement is, therefore, b r o a d e r a n d less negative. Marc Galanter, for instance, relates cults to charismatic groups a n d describes their m e m b e r s as follows: Members of charismatic large groups typically (1) adhere to a consensual belief system, (2) sustain a high level of social cohesiveness, (3) are strongly influenced by group behavioral norms, and (4) impute charismatic (or divine) power to the group or its leadership. The concept of cult adds the issue of religious deviancy and rejection of participation in majority culture. 13 Galanter reflects o n the possibility that involvement in new religious movements can both relieve a n d exacerbate psychopathology a n d suggests various ways in which psychiatrists can intervene. 1 4 In certain cases, h e thinks, 'zealous groups modalities may come to serve as useful adjuncts to psychiatric care'. 1 5 This interpretation of novel religious movements may n o t have

An

overview

7

found m u c h acceptance outside professional circles, yet it has several advantages. It explains why many converts appear to be relatively healthy a n d content, even t h o u g h their lifestyles are certainly out of the ordinary. Further, it directs attention to those problems that young adults faced before they ever t h o u g h t of j o i n i n g a marginal religious group. Finally, it leaves o p e n the possibility that involvem e n t in a new religion might have diverse effects o n different people a n d that, consequently, negative generalizations on the individual psychological states of m e m b e r s are unwarranted. It must be added, however, that this view does n o t quite explain why people seek a solution to their problems by j o i n i n g a fringe religious g r o u p . Experiences of crises are part a n d parcel of life a n d are o p e n to various solutions. Many people, faced with a life crisis, find help within the religion of their upbringing or seek traditional psychological counseling. Although some psychiatrists have pointed out that cults could be 'dangerous detours to growing up', 1 6 they have n o t explained clearly why j o i n i n g a new religion is a risky p r o c e d u r e a n d why some individuals n e e d to m a t u r e t h r o u g h membership in an alternative religion. Psychiatric definitions of a cult are, as a rule, wanting because they take only o n e narrow viewpoint of religious involvement, namely that of individual psychology. They consequently t e n d to neglect b o t h the obvious social aspects a n d the spiritual dimensions of involvement in a new religious movement. They also fail to relate the presence of such movements to contemporary sociocultural developments a n d religious change. They differ from the theological definition in that they are n o t c o n c e r n e d with religious truth; their main thrust is to relate involvement in intense religious groups to specific forms of h u m a n psychopathology. Sociological definitions Unlike the theological a n d psychological writings o n new religious movements, sociological literature provides us with such a great variety of reflections that it is practically impossible to come u p with a short, clear-cut, universally acceptable definition. 17 Four major ideal concepts of religious institutions or groups are discussed in sociological literature, namely church, d e n o m i n a t i o n , sect, a n d cult. T h e way these disparate organizations are related b o t h to o n e a n o t h e r a n d to society at large, their evolution over the course of time, a n d the factors that influence their development have b e e n

8

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the subject of debate a m o n g sociologists well before the debate over the new religions. While the terms ' c h u r c h ' a n d ' d e n o m i n a t i o n ' are used to refer to mainline religious organizations, 'sect' a n d 'cult' are applied to those relatively small groups that are sociologically marginal a n d deviant. These are relatively small religions that are on the fringes of society a n d the mainline religious traditions. Just like ' c h u r c h ' a n d 'denomination', 'sect' a n d 'cult' are overlapping concepts. Several sociologists, like Rodney Stark a n d William Bainbridge, 1 8 maintain that sects d e n o t e those religious communities which have split from o n e of the major churches or denominations. Cults or new religions, o n the o t h e r h a n d , are composed of converts from different traditional backgrounds who gather a r o u n d a charismatic leader. Sociological definitions of a new religion have been, however, the least popular. This is probably because sociologists make n o j u d g m e n t on the truth or falsehood of the cults' beliefs (as in the theological a p p r o a c h ) , or o n the good or b a d effects of cult involvem e n t o n individual m e m b e r s (as in the psychological a p p r o a c h ) . Besides, many sociological studies of specific cults do n o t support the prevalent contentions that (1) the new religions are evil institutions that are recruiting new m e m b e r s by deceitful means a n d maintaining t h e m by forceful indoctrination programs, a n d (2) cult m e m b e r s b e c o m e psychologically weak a n d intellectually inferior people dominated by tyrannical leaders. Even if o n e disagrees with the nonjudgmental a p p r o a c h of sociologists, o n e has to admit that they have provided the most complete descriptions of many of the new lifestyles as well as penetrating insights into the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions as a whole. Cults as new religious movements Because of the ambiguous a n d derogatory m e a n i n g that the word 'cult' connotes, attempts have b e e n m a d e , largely by sociologists a n d religionists, to find a better phrase to designate those religious p h e n o m e n a popularly known as cults. Phrases like 'new religions', 'unconventional', 'fringe', 'alternative', or 'non-traditional' religions, 'intense religious groups', a n d 'new religious movements' are c o m m o n . T h e last phrase (NRMs for short) is often used in professional literature, even t h o u g h it has serious deficiencies. O n e of the m o r e frequent objections to the last-mentioned designation centers o n the word 'new'. Calling the cults 'new' can be

An overview

9

rather misleading. * Despite the a p p a r e n t novelty a n d recent proliferation of cults', writes Willa Appel, 'there is n o evidence to suggest that they represent anything radically new. In size, origin, a n d evolution, the present cults tend to conform generally to those of the past.' 19 T h e emergence of new religious groups is certainly n o t u n p r e c e d e n t e d in the history of the West or in the history of the h u m a n race as a whole. T h e variety of religions (with their many branches) testifies to the constant flourishing of 'new' religious groups in different historical eras a n d cultures. Further, o n e doubts whether the 'new' cults have actually given birth to novel a n d unusual ideas, doctrines, or practices. T h e c u r r e n t wave of interest in astrology, for instance, is hardly new in Western culture n o r does it seem to have p r o d u c e d any great insights in this field, the use of computers notwithstanding. 2 0 Even if some of the leaders of the 'new' religions have combined theological ideas in an original way, their achievement is hardly u n i q u e . T h e history of religions gives evidence to the fact that theological insights have a p p e a r e d t h r o u g h o u t the course of h u m a n history. T h e r e are, however, several reasons why the new religious movements of the second half of the twentieth century could be called 'new'. This first is that they have occurred in a period of Western history when several indicators, such as the d r o p in c h u r c h attendance, show religion to be o n the decline. Society is becoming m o r e secularized a n d the repercussions are being felt in the traditional churches. T h e t r e n d to 'demythologization', i.e. the removal or reinterpretation of mythological a n d / o r miraculous accounts in the Scriptures, has b e e n in full swing for a while. Christian beliefs in the Virgin Birth a n d in the Incarnation are being rejected or r e t h o u g h t a n d recast in less mythological language. 2 1 T h e process of secularization has b e e n interpreted by many scholars as a sign that religion is having less influence o n people's lives. Therefore the a p p a r e n t revival of religion, seen both in the growth of evangelical a n d fundamentalist churches a n d in the success of new religions, seems to go against the current trend. T h e development of different mythological themes - for instance, a m o n g those who believe in flying saucers, a n d the re-emphasis o n divine intervention in daily life - for example, a m o n g Charismatics, have b e e n moves in u n e x p e c t e d directions. T h e new religions are perceived as a novelty because their emergence has surprised many observers of the religious scene. T h e contemporary marginal religious groups are also new in the

io

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sense that they seem to accompany the changing sociocultural conditions of the West, where geographic boundaries are b e c o m i n g less rigid a n d intercultural communication m o r e prevalent. People are becoming aware of the religious diversity that surrounds t h e m a n d of the possible options now available to them. T h e fairly large n u m b e r of new religions adds to this wide spectrum of beliefs a n d practices that are being marketed in the public forum. T h e new religions might also be considered new in that, till very recently, those who j o i n e d t h e m were first-generation converts. This means that the majority of their m e m b e r s were first b r o u g h t u p a n d educated in a traditional c h u r c h a n d t h e n took the i m p o r t a n t step of a b a n d o n i n g the faith of their parents. Becoming a m e m b e r of an alternative religion is n o t merely a relatively m i n o r change from o n e Christian d e n o m i n a t i o n to another. It means that the convert is embarking o n a new venture that implies the acceptance of a radically different lifestyle a n d belief system. T h e convert is charting for himself or herself a new religious m a p . Some cult antagonists have argued that the new movements are pseudoreligious. Their a r g u m e n t is sometimes reinforced by the erratic a n d unpredictable behavior of some gurus a n d charismatic leaders whose lifestyles have n o t b e e n representative of either Easte r n or Western spirituality a n d morality. But if o n e looks at the major constituents of religion - namely, belief in a sacred a n d transcendent power a n d guidance, a n d the concern for ultimate matters in h u m a n life - t h e n the cults have to be called 'religious'. 22 T h e new religions can also be appropriately called 'movements' in the sense that they reflect important transitions in people's lives. They are small currents in society that may be pointing to greater upheavals a n d changes in religious life. They cause a shift n o t only in the converts' previous religious allegiance, b u t also in the behavior of people who are affected by the change. W h e n they b e c o m e an issue discussed in the public forum a n d in law courts, they may also trigger modifications in social norms that could have undesirable repercussions o n the relationship between C h u r c h a n d State. New religions may be indicative of social a n d psychological turmoil. T o call the cults 'new religious movements' is certainly fitting, in spite of the qualifications that must be carefully m a d e to this label. O n e must note, however, that the expression 'new religious movem e n t s ' may n o t have lasting value. Some groups are already developing their own traditions in which their children are being b r o u g h t u p a n d educated. Many of the adherents of these traditions

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11

will n o t be converts a n d their beliefs a n d practices n o t newly acquired. W h e t h e r they will a b a n d o n , like their parents, the religion of their upbringing to seek spiritual n o u r i s h m e n t elsewhere remains to be seen. SOME MAJOR F E A T U R E S OF T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S Besides the debate o n the definition of a new religion, o n e encounters an even m o r e acrimonious controversy about those characteristics which distinguish the new groups from traditional ones. Both scholarly a n d popular literature is replete with descriptions of the main qualities which enable o n e to discriminate between cults a n d the mainline religious organizations. Many of these characteristics are related to the definition of a cult. Two diverse schools of t h o u g h t can be found in contemporary literature. Both n e e d to be considered since their respective views have b e e n debated in society at large a n d in the law courts. O n e tends to take a rather negative approach a n d lists the pejorative qualities of cult ideology a n d lifestyle. T h e o t h e r adopts a somewhat neutral or cautionary optimistic perspective which concedes that there are good features in the new religious movements, features which may outweigh, in the long run, the defective elements in their beliefs a n d practices a n d offer an explanation of why people get involved in them. T h e major p r o b l e m with these attempts to depict cults is that new religions d o n o t form o n e a m o r p h o u s body with exactly the same characteristics. They do, however, share some traits a n d can thus be g r o u p e d together u n d e r one name. Negative features A widely accepted representative m o d e l that lists schematically the unfavorable qualities of the cults is provided by J a m e s a n d Marcia Rudin, 23 who represent the opinion of those who consider practically all new religious groups as dangerous institutions that threaten the individual's mental a n d physical health, the family's well-being, a n d the established cultural traditions as a whole. T h e Rudins list fourteen attributes of the new cults which can be summarized as follows: (1) the swearing of total allegiance to an all-powerful leader, believed to be the Messiah; (2) the discouragement of rational thought;

12 (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14)

Perspectives on new religious

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often-deceptive recruitment techniques; a weakening of the m e m b e r s ' psychological make-up; the manipulation of guilt; isolation from the outside world; complete power of the leader, who decides whatever the members do; dedication of all energy a n d finances to the cult, or sometimes, to the benefit of the leader; cult m e m b e r s work full-time for the g r o u p without adequate pay; cults are anti-women, anti-child, or even anti-family; belief that the e n d of the world is near at hand; an ethical system that adopts the principle that the e n d justifies the means; an aura of secrecy a n d mystery; frequently, an aura of violence or potential violence. 24

These features, taken together, furnish an overwhelming a n d frightening image of a cult. T h o u g h the authors are careful to inform their readers that their comprehensive list of features is a generalization, the overall impression o n e gets is that they are typical a n d that many of t h e m are found in most of the new religions. It would be difficult, if n o t impossible, however, to find a single new religious m o v e m e n t to which even a few of the above attributes are applicable. Some of the listed traits (such as the discouragement of rational thought) can be easily misunderstood or taken out of context. Others (such as the r e q u i r e m e n t that m e m b e r s work full-time without pay) could be also ascribed to some of the mainline religions, m o r e particularly to monastic institutions in both the Christian a n d Buddhist traditions. T h e following reflections o n three of the m o r e commonly m e n t i o n e d negative characteristics are i n t e n d e d to show that the prevalent image of a new religion, which the Rudins outline so graphically, is somewhat imprecise, misleading, a n d incorrect.

The all-powerful tyrannical leader T h e first feature listed by the Rudins, which seems to allude to a ritual act in which total allegiance is sworn to a leader, can be misunderstood if considered without reference to the ideology that d e m a n d s total obedience to religious founders. T h a t some cult leaders have final authority over their disciples in b o t h spiritual a n d material

An

overview

*3

matters is certainly the case. These leaders are at times believed to be inspired by God, from whom they receive special revelations a n d instructions. O r again, as in the case with many sectarian gurus of Indian origin, they are accepted as representatives of God a n d are obeyed accordingly. Benjamin Walker, in his encyclopedia of Hinduism, writes that the living guru is believed to be the embodiment of the founderdeity and he is thus the last in line of succession starting from the god. As he is the deity incarnate, salvation is possible through him alone . . . Frequently the living guru himself is actually worshiped.25 T h e sacred literature of several new religions includes, besides the Bible, an additional book the contents of which are believed to be revealed or inspired. T h e Divine Principle of the Unification C h u r c h is an excellent example. 2 6 O t h e r new religions rely o n the writings a n d lectures of their leaders for providing the best guidance for reaching the goals proposed by the movement. T h e writings of Ron H u b b a r d , the (deceased) founder of the C h u r c h of Scientology, are a case in point. T h e leaders of those groups, who are held to be in touch with superior beings from o t h e r planes or with the 'Ascended Masters', as is the case with Elizabeth Clare P r o p h e t of the C h u r c h Universal a n d T r i u m p h a n t (Summit Lighthouse), 2 7 exercise religious authority over their followers. Not many of the new movements maintain that their leaders or prophets are the Messiah in the Christian m e a n i n g of the term. What m e m b e r s of new religions d o is similar to what all religious believers do, that is, they locate the basis for religious authority, the acceptance of which, as in all religious traditions, d e p e n d s ultimately o n a faith c o m m i t m e n t a n d n o t o n indisputable, logical deduction or empirical evidence. T h e r e are definitely gurus who have misused their authority, cults leaders who are p o m p o u s , self-righteous individuals, a n d spiritual leaders who have over-inflated egos. 28 Being a great charismatic personality does n o t automatically imply holiness or even good ethical conduct as disclosures about television evangelists in the 1980s have demonstrated. 2 9 But it would be unrealistic to make the blanket statement that all the leaders of new religious movements are corrupt, pseudoreligious prophets who are mainly interested in financial gain a n d power, just as it would be unfair to call all politicians crooks a n d all evangelical preachers hypocrites.

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Cults as proselytizing religious groups A n o t h e r of those features that are constantly m e n t i o n e d in the context of new religious movements is their high-handed evangelism or proselytization. Cult m e m b e r s are seen as enthusiastic followers of a particular charismatic leader or as fanatical preachers of a particular belief, like the i m m i n e n t coming of the e n d of the world. T o many m e m b e r s of the mainline (non-evangelical) churches they appear too zealous in sharing their spiritual experiences, too intent o n advertising their religious beliefs, a n d a little too forceful in their efforts to recruit people to their worldviews, lifestyles, a n d plans for a better society. Images of such missionary endeavors are plentiful a n d tend to persist even when the cults change or a b a n d o n them. Members of the H a r e Krishna Movement are r e m e m b e r e d for their dancing at major street corners, for talking to people about the joys a n d benefits of chanting their mantra, a n d for accosting travelers at airports to h a n d out their colorful literature for a donation. Again, o n e can m e n t i o n the evangelizing techniques of the Unification C h u r c h o n college campuses where students are accosted a n d invited to a d i n n e r at the house shared by several members. In the early 1970s the Jesus People frequently stole the headlines by their bold street ministry that included accosting people a n d asking t h e m whether they h a d b e e n saved. Some will also vividly recall those occasions when they were the object of evangelical activities of older a n d m o r e established religious groups. T h e Mormons still have their young adults embark o n missionary programs which include visiting people in their homes, talking to t h e m about religious matters pertinent to Mormonism, a n d distributing their literature. Many churchgoers, r e t u r n i n g to their parked cars after Sunday worship, have found p r o p a g a n d a literature of the Seventh-Day Adventists attached to the windshields of their cars. Members of new religions seem very active in disseminating their spiritual knowledge a n d recounting the experiences that led t h e m to their new commitments or confirmed t h e m in their religious beliefs. W h e n o n e reflects, however, o n the n u m b e r a n d variety of new religious organizations in the West, the vision of a cult as, essentially, a forceful evangelistic g r o u p begins to fade. In the Western world there are probably several h u n d r e d religious groups which have b e e n labeled 'cults'. Of these, the n u m b e r of controversial ones those that have stirred u p public concern a n d antagonistic reactions

An

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l

5

- n u m b e r a r o u n d fifty. W h e n o n e tries to e n u m e r a t e those groups that employ forceful proselytization m e t h o d s o n e is apt to come u p with a very short list. T h e majority of new religions d o n o t advertise in public b u t keep a rather low profile; neither d o they have their m e m b e r s at street corners selling flowers or o n college a n d university campuses discussing philosophical issues; n o r d o they send missionaries from d o o r to door. Those that make active recruiting a major portion of their daily activities are the exceptions, n o t the rule. T h e r e are, for instance, many Buddhist groups that d o n o t engage in heavy propaganda. It is thus possible that many people have become m e m b e r s of new religions because they discovered on their own the g r o u p they j o i n e d , rather than because they were actually sought after a n d successfully recruited by pushy devotees. Linked to the idea that m e m b e r s of all cults are heavy proselytizers is the assertion that they consciously employ deceptive techniques to lure people to j o i n them. This is probably o n e of the m o r e serious attacks against the cults. But, once again, it would be difficult to substantiate this charge against the new religious movements in general and, thus, unrealistic to e n u m e r a t e deception as o n e of their main features. In fact the two most-quoted examples of deceptive evangelization m e t h o d s are the recruitment practices of the Unification Church 3 0 a n d of the now defunct People's Temple. 3 1 Deceptive recruiting practices, when a n d if they occur, might present societal problems a n d ways should be devised to cope with them. But the customary accusation that m e m b e r s of new religions intentionally use deception could stem from misunderstanding a n d / or overgeneralization. In many cases involving groups who recruit openly, deception is hardly possible. T h e devotees of the H a r e Krishna Movement, dancing a n d singing their m a n t r a at a street corner or in front of a large d e p a r t m e n t store, couldn't possibly be intentionally disguising their identity. Their literature could hardly be mistaken for Gospel tracts. Similarly, a visit to a Zen temple cannot lead even the casual visitor to conclude that he or she has just b e e n given a tour of a Christian monastery. Cults as rigid, all-embracing institutions A third image of a cult is that of an organization that has tight control of its m e m b e r s who live in c o m m u n e s or closely knit communities. Several cults certainly fit into this pattern. Those m e m b e r s of the Hare Krishna Movement who d o n o t marry, the 'sannyasin', live a

16

Perspectives on new religious movements

monastic lifestyle. In New Vrindaban, a relatively large splinter branch of the Hare Krishna Movement in West Virginia, all members - some married, others not - live in a commune-style environment with many daily activities, like meals, shared in common. The Unification Church and several Yoga groups have community dwellings or ashrams, even though the number of individuals living communally represents a small percentage of the membership. Not all new religions, however, have communal living as a requirement for membership. Most of the members of, for example, Scientology, Transcendental Meditation, several Christian fundamentalist groups, and occult organizations do not live in communal settings. Even among those who encourage community living, varieties of lifestyles are allowed. Not all members of the Hare Krishna Movement are expected to live a monastic life and not all members of the Church Universal and Triumphant share commune-style ranches. Once again, the popular image of the cult as a tight monastic institution does not always conform with the facts. Another reason why the cults have been accused of applying a rigid socialization process to maintain their members is that they seem so dogmatic in their teachings. Members of new religious movements claim that they have found answers to all their religious questions and mundane problems. In a changing, complex world where religious pluralism is rampant, one wonders how people can be so absolute in their views and so intolerant of diverse opinions. Individuals are drawn to particular alternative religions because their members appear happy in their living arrangements, satisfied with their involvement, and able to speak about their commitment with certainty. One must further bear in mind that committed members do not usually find this disciplined religious doctrine restrictive; to them it is rather conducive to the spiritual goals they hope to attain. Another critique of the activities of founders of new religions is that they demand their members to dedicate a lot of time to the spread of the movement's ideology. Further, they regulate and control the daily lives of the devotees and, in some cases, also dictate how members should relate to one another and to the outside world. The fixed marriages of the Unification Church are a typical example.32 Such customs appear to be directly opposed to the Western stress on individual freedom. It is possible, however, that the control which leaders of new religions have over their members should be seen as a manifestation

An

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of intense c o m m i t m e n t a n d dedication. Some new religions can be better u n d e r s t o o d in the light of the sociological concept of 'total institution'. Samuel Wallace writes: When any type of social institution - religious, educational, legal or medical - begins to exercise total control over its population, that institution begins to display certain characteristics: communication between insider and outsider is rigidly controlled or prohibited altogether; those inside the institution are frequently referred to as inmates - subjects whose every movement is controlled by the institution's staff; an entirely separate social world comes into existence within the institution, which defines the inmate's social status, his relationship to all others, his very identity as a person. 33 Erving Goffman, who has written at length about the restrictions of total institutions, lists five types of such groups, the last being: those establishments designed as retreats from the world even while often serving as training centers for the religious; examples are abbeys, monasteries, convents, and other cloisters.34 Attractive features O n e must, consequently, be wary of writers who draw u p elaborate lists of unfavorable characteristics that are indiscriminately applied to all new religions. Several of the features listed above, like proselytization a n d dogmatism, can possibly be applied also to traditional religions or churches. O n e should be even m o r e suspicious of those who seem to detect n o t h i n g else in the new religions b u t negative elements a n d nefarious intentions o n the part of leaders a n d recruiters. O n e of the main problems which the listing of negative features of cults has is that it makes it extremely difficult to explain why young adults would even consider j o i n i n g them. T h e r e must be appealing qualities that draw people to the fringe religions. It is precisely these qualities that o n e must know if o n e is to u n d e r s t a n d the reasons for their success a n d to respond appropriately. T h e selected characteristics listed below are general a n d refer to those qualities that are b o t h sought by would-be m e m b e r s a n d promised by the new religions themselves. 35 T h e fact that a large percentage of those who j o i n new religions leave after a year or two suggests that these religions d o n o t always deliver what they p r o m o t e a n d leave many of their m e m b e r s disappointed. It should also be emphatically stated that

18

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even obviously attractive features are n o t necessarily an u n m i x e d blessing.

Great enthusiasm Probably o n e of the m o r e obvious features in most, if n o t all, m e m b e r s of new religious movements is their enthusiasm for the new faith they have discovered a n d the lifestyle they have embraced. Enthusiasm may n o t always translate itself into great missionary fervor a n d proselytizing activities, b u t its presence is strongly felt. Gatherings of m e m b e r s at which guests are invited may include testimonies that relate the great benefits of m e m b e r s h i p . Stories of personal conversion, typical also of evangelical a n d Pentecostal Christianity, have an appealing a n d almost irresistible quality. They t e n d to leave a strong impression that m e m b e r s are passionately involved in a worthwhile cause a n d have found the peace a n d security that so many people desire. Underlying this enthusiasm is the dedication a n d c o m m i t m e n t which m e m b e r s so openly exhibit. To people who are nominal m e m b e r s of the c h u r c h of their upbringing, the intense dedication a n d unqualified c o m m i t m e n t of their relatives a n d friends to a marginal religious g r o u p can be b o t h bewildering a n d threatening. T o those dissatisfied with their c u r r e n t religious orientation the beliefs a n d practices of new religious movements might appear b o t h challenging a n d promising. And to young adults who are c o n c e r n e d about the lack of religiousness in contemporary Western culture, life in a new religion may seem to offer a haven from a society that stresses utilitarian, materialistic, a n d self-gratifying values a n d downgrades those higher aspirations normally linked with religion. Religious enthusiasm, of course, is n o t a characteristic found only in m e m b e r s of new religious movements. 3 6 Despite its appeal, enthusiasm could, if unchecked, degenerate into fanaticism a n d lead to tensions a n d conflicts between religious groups. In their enthusiastic campaigns to enlist new members, some of the new movements have b e e n rightly accused of making themselves public nuisances, failing to respect the sensitivities of others, a n d unjustly criticizing the works a n d achievements of traditional churches. W h e n c o n d e m n i n g the recruitment techniques used by new religions, it would be wise to bear in m i n d that many of their m e t h o d s are hardly original a n d

An overview

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have, at times, b e e n deployed by Christian evangelists a n d missionaries.

Stress on experience A n o t h e r notable, t h o u g h by n o means unique, characteristic of the new movements is their stress o n experience. They offer n o t just different creeds, moralities, a n d lifestyles, b u t also new spiritual experiences. Members of new religions, like evangelical Christians, talk a b o u t the ' u n i q u e ' religious feeling they have come in touch with since their conversion. W h e t h e r it be speaking in tongues, or the practice of meditation, or the recitation of a mantra, or contact with the guru, the message is the same. T h e individual claims that h e or she has b e e n transformed by the experience. This explains, in part, why it is difficult to convince m e m b e r s of new religions that they have chosen a wrong path. Central to religious life in all traditions is the experience of the holy. 37 Such an experience, however, can be deceptive or hallucinatory. Some drugs can, apparently, create spiritual a n d mystical experiences, especially the feeling of being o n e with God a n d / o r of having achieved cosmic consciousness. 38 Scholars have explored the possible similarity between the 'mystical' experiences of Christian saints a n d the altered states of consciousness or peak experiences of those who have experimented with mind-altering drugs. Many conversion experiences reported by m e m b e r s of new religious movements have b e e n likened to the effects of the d r u g LSD. In the earlier years of the Jesus Movement young adults were encouraged to a b a n d o n their counter-culture lifestyle a n d to accept a n d experience Jesus. They claimed that they were 'high' on Jesus, an obvious reference to the d r u g experiences that they h a d before their conversions. 39 It is understandable that the promise of a deep, lasting religious or spiritual experience is alluring. T h e evaluation of such experiences is, however, far from easy. T h e r e are n o universally accepted criteria for determining the validity a n d authenticity of a spiritual experience. T h e suggestion that experiences require critical reflection a n d n e e d to be balanced by reason may, in fact, be rejected by many converts b o t h to new a n d m o r e traditional religions. Even if o n e adopts a definite theological opinion on the nature of religious

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experience, conversions to the new religions cannot be simply dismissed as spurious. The new religions tend to idealize, channel, and control specific experiences, but they do not, as a rule, discourage or stifle self-reflection, as is so commonly thought. The practice of spiritual disciplines New religions do not necessarily succeed in attracting members because they present overwhelming theological systems and irresistible philosophical arguments or because they have achieved their goals of creating ideal communal-living arrangements. Converts talk about the personal benefits of membership. The cure of personal ills, the resolution of individual problems, and the improvement in their mental and psychological well-being are at times advertised as the advantages of becoming a member of a new religion. The practice of meditation or contemplation is a good example of a remedy offered by some of the new religions. Practitioners of Transcendental Meditation, for instance, have dedicated a lot of effort to convince people that the daily, structured recitation of the personal mantra, given individually to each initiated member, leads to physical, emotional, intellectual, and spiritual improvement and promotes a better social existence.40 Meditation, it is argued, has a calming, beneficial effect on the human body and mind and on the personality as a whole. In an industrialized society that is characterized by a fast-moving pace that allows little time for solitary self-reflection, that tends to increase anxiety, and that often leads to alienation and depersonalization, the recitation of mantras, or a period of quiet reflection in a yoga posture, could certainly be appealing. In many of the new religions spiritual practices become part of the daily routine of each member. They may provide a much desired escape from the hectic lifestyle of Western culture. In this respect it is easy to compare them to the prayerful and meditative lifestyles found in more traditional religious institutions, such as Christian and Buddhist monasteries. Once again, however, religious practices and lifestyles require careful scrutiny. Long hours of meditation, ascetical practices, and monastic regimes are not automatically beneficial to everybody. When members of new religious movements ignore medical care and replace it with meditation, faith-sharing sessions, and mantra recital, the concern about their mental and physical health is certainly justifiable.

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THE VARIETIES OF NEW RELIGIONS Many attempts have been made to draw up a descriptive classification or typology of cults and/or sects. Because of the divergences that exist in their doctrines, goals, ritual practices, and lifestyles, the new religions are not amenable to a simple classification that elicits universal approval. And, particularly because of the influx of Eastern religious systems, the traditional distinction between church, denomination, sect, and cult is not fully adequate to express the current pluralistic religious scene. One of the more useful comprehehsive typologies of religions, including new ones, is that proposed by J. Gordon Melton in his monumental work, The Encyclopedia of American Religions.41 Melton's approach is to divide the religions of the world into 22 different family groups, about half of which belong to the Christian tradition.42 Within each family, the member bodies share a common heritage, a theology, and lifestyle. One of the main advantages of this typology is that it is mainly descriptive and aims at situating the individual groups into one of the main religious and/or philosophical traditions. By so doing it (1) stresses the continuity that the new religions have with other alternative religious groups in the history of the West and/or with the major religions of humankind, and (2) provides an intellectual framework for understanding the beliefs and practices of the new religions. Several of the families which Melton identifies are particularly applicable to the new religious movements. These are: (1) The Pentecostal family (which includes the Charismatic Movement); (2) the Communal family; (3) the Christian Science-Metaphysical family; (4) the Spiritualist, Psychic, and New Age family; (5) the Ancient Wisdom family; (6) the Magic family; (7) the Eastern and Middle Eastern families (two distinct groups); and (8) various New Unclassifiable Religious Groups (some Christian, others not). In the brief descriptions that follow some of the major identifying marks of each of these families are summarized. The Pentecostal family Pentecostal Christians are those whose religious life revolves around the experience of seeking and receiving the gift of speaking in tongues (glossolalia) as a sign of baptism in the Holy Spirit. Other gifts, like healing, prophecy, wisdom, and the discernment of spirits,

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are said to flow from the presence of the Spirit. M o d e r n classical Pentecostalism is a revival movement that began in 1901. T h e emergence of the Charismatic (or neo-Pentecostal) groups in the late 1960s can be included within this family, even t h o u g h there are significant differences, b o t h in theology a n d ritual practice, between the two spiritual movements.

The Communal family T h e central distinguishing mark of this family is the sharing of a c o m m u n a l lifestyle, a custom which, as r e p o r t e d in the Acts of the Apostles (4:32-35), was a d o p t e d by some Christians in the early history of the Church. T h e founding of such communities, including monastic institutions, has occurred t h r o u g h o u t the history of the Christian Church. Many attempts to create Christian c o m m u n e s took place in the n i n e t e e n t h century. A strong leader, an equally strong system of social control a n d behavior, economic selfsufficiency, a n d separation from the outside world are the main elements of such experiments in community living. T h e Society of Brothers, the Shakers, a n d the A m a n a Community are all examples of communities f o u n d e d in the n i n e t e e n t h century; while the Farm (led by Stephen Gaskin), the C h u r c h of A r m a g e d d o n (founded by Paul E r d m a n n ) , a n d F i n d h o r n (founded by Peter a n d Eileen Caddy a n d Dorothy Maclean) are examples of m o r e recent c o m m u n e s . C o m m u n e s like the A n a n d a Cooperative Village of Swami Kriyan a n d a belong m o r e to Eastern religions in their beliefs a n d ritual practices.

The Christian Science-Metaphysical family This family, known also as 'New T h o u g h t ' in academic literature, stresses the n e e d to u n d e r s t a n d the functioning of the h u m a n m i n d in o r d e r to achieve the healing of all h u m a n ailments. Essentially a religious philosophy that stresses individualism, New T h o u g h t develo p e d its own creed in which a t t u n e m e n t with God is the primary goal of the individual's life. Meditations a n d affirmations are its main religious practices. Metaphysics/New T h o u g h t is a nineteenth-century movement a n d is best exemplified by such groups as the Unity School of Christianity, the United C h u r c h of Religious Science, Divine Science Federation

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International, a n d Christian Science. More recently-founded movements in this family include the Institute of Esoteric Transcendentalism (headed by Dr Robert W. C. Burke), the Church of I n n e r Wisdom (founded by Dr J o a n Gibson), the School of Pragmatic Mysticism (formed by Mildred M a n n ) , a n d some splinter groups from Christian Science like the International Metaphysical Association. The Spiritualist, Psychic, and New Age family T h e interest in the powers of the h u m a n m i n d a n d spirit, powers known as ESP (Extrasensory Perception), has b e e n part of recorded h u m a n history. Parapsychologists who investigate paranormal phen o m e n a have m a d e efforts to place their investigations o n a par with the work of physical scientists. Spearheaded by the work of D r J . B. Rhine ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 8 0 ) of Duke University a n d his colleagues, the study of ESP includes experiments on telepathy, clairvoyance, psychokinesis, spiritual healing, a n d precognition. C o n n e c t e d with these obscure psychic forces is the area known as the occult, which nowadays refers to ' h i d d e n wisdom' a n d embraces various forms of divination like astrology, the tarot, palmistry, a n d the I Ching. T h e lifestyles of those interested in ESP a n d occult matters are based on p a r a n o r m a l experiences to which a spiritual or religious significance is attributed. Occult wisdom is also seen as a link to divine knowledge a n d power, a n d occult practices take place in a ritual a t m o s p h e r e similar to the rites of traditional churches. Going a step further than parapsychology a n d the occult is Spiritualism, a religious philosophy that is based on the belief in personal survival after death. Its distinctive feature is the belief that there can be direct contact between the living a n d the dead, a contact achieved t h r o u g h mediumship. Mediums can also function as 'channels', that is, contacts with evolved spirit entities who communicate their higher wisdom to h u m a n k i n d . Many New Age groups a n d individuals (including such well-known figures as the actress Shirley MacLaine) rely on teachings that have b e e n received t h r o u g h 'channeling'. T h e New Age, which began to be a n n o u n c e d in the early 1970s, has its historical roots in those movements that, like Spiritualism, Theosophy, a n d New Thought, have stressed mystical experiences a n d relied to some degree o n the teachings of Eastern religions. It is a rather complex amalgamation of t h o u g h t a n d practice that unites

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Western a n d Eastern religious beliefs a n d practices. Organic farming, u n o r t h o d o x healing techniques, meditation a n d yoga, the development of h i g h e r consciousness, various occult practices, a n d belief in reincarnation all a p p e a r as part of the New Age Movement that has n o central organization a n d n o commonly accepted creed. T h e beliefs a n d practices of the Spiritualist, Psychic a n d New Age family are varied and, at times, confusing. They combine traditional Christian doctrines, like the acceptance of the Bible as revealed authority a n d the belief in an afterlife, with occult beliefs a n d practices, like the conviction that visitors from o t h e r planets a n d / o r galaxies will soon come to save the h u m a n race from disaster or the consultation of one's horoscope. In ritual practices they could b l e n d a reading a n d exposition of Scripture with an exercise in psychokinesis. Melton includes within this family various Swedenborgian organizations, the Association for Research a n d Enlightenment (founded by Edgar Cayce), the Society for the Teaching of the I n n e r Christ, U F O religions like the Aetherius Society, a n d various Spiritualist churches a n d New Age communities. The Ancient Wisdom family T h e Ancient Wisdom family came into being when a g r o u p of occultists split from Spiritualism in the late n i n e t e e n t h century. Basic to this religious g r o u p is the belief in a body of h i d d e n wisdom that has b e e n passed from ancient times t h r o u g h o u t the ages by special teachers who h a d mastered it. T h e Rosicrucians, the Theosophists, Occult Orders, a n d several I AM groups are a m o n g the most representative of this family. T h e distinguishing mark of this religious family is the stress o n the n e e d to make contact with those people who are currently the bearers of ancient wisdom. These teachers are t h o u g h t to live in remote areas of the world, like the m o u n t a i n o u s regions of Asia. T h e rediscovery of ancient texts, often in magical a n d mysterious fashion, is an i m p o r t a n t aspect of the quest for the h i d d e n knowledge. Special individuals, who are revered for their knowledge of, a n d close connection with, the occult realm emerge as leaders of new religious movements. A concept c o m m o n to b o t h the Ancient Wisdom family a n d some o t h e r new religious groups is that of the Great White Brotherhood. This b r o t h e r h o o d is m a d e u p of s u p e r h u m a n adepts or spiritual masters who are said to guide the h u m a n race in its development.

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Members of this g r o u p are evolved h u m a n beings who have reached a certain proficiency in occult matters a n d in the practice of good (hence 'white') magic. The Magic family A n o t h e r cluster of new movements are united by their belief in magic, which refers to the principle that h u m a n beings can, t h r o u g h ritual actions, control a n d manipulate the occult a n d mysterious forces of nature. This family has roots in the pre-Christian world. Its features include the acquisition of the secret wisdom of the ancients a n d the use of esoteric rituals. Following Melton, o n e can distinguish four strands of the magical family: 'Ritual Magic', 'Witchcraft', 'Neo-Paganism', a n d 'Satanism'. Ritual Magic originated in nineteenth-century England u n d e r the influence of Theosophy, Spiritualism, a n d secret societies like the Rosicrucians a n d Freemasons. Several societies, largely secret, came out of these groups that m a d e the practice of magical rites a central feature of their organization. Different traditions of magic have developed b o t h in E u r o p e a n d in N o r t h America. Examples of these groups would be the Builders of the Adytum a n d various branches of the O r d o Templi Orientalis. T h e r e is a debate within the occult community about the origins of m o d e r n Witchcraft. Many practitioners of Witchcraft believe that their religious beliefs a n d practices date back to the ancient, preChristian religion of E u r o p e which, in spite of continuous persecution, survived in an u n b r o k e n chain in small, h i d d e n groups (or covens) t h r o u g h o u t Europe. Scholars have found n o evidence that m o d e r n Witchcraft is a survival of a pre-Christian E u r o p e a n religion. Those who practice Witchcraft call their religion Wicca. They worship many gods, including a m o t h e r goddess who is at the center of their ritual. They also value living in h a r m o n y with nature. Although the designations 'Neo-Paganism' a n d 'Witchcraft' are habitually used interchangeably, the former is somewhat b r o a d e r a n d includes those who follow the ancient religions of Greece, Egypt, a n d Scandinavia. In popular literature, b o t h terms have negative connotations. Witchcraft has b e e n associated with Satanism for centuries. Practitioners of Witchcraft, however, use it to describe a religious system that focuses o n nature, a use which is being a d o p t e d by historians of religion a n d social scientists.

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Satanism proposes a religious philosophy a n d practice that is antithetical to Christianity. It arose as a rebellion against Christian teachings a n d its tenets are directly opposed to Christian doctrines o n e of its main rituals, the Black Mass, is a parody of the Roman Catholic eucharistic liturgy. In spite of the tendency to l u m p Witches a n d Satanists together, the adherents of Wicca insist that they are n o t Satanists, even t h o u g h they accept the principle of magic. Contemporary Satanists have b e e n accused of all sorts of illegal a n d pathological behavior, such as sadomasochism, sexual perversity, grave-robbing, a n d animal sacrifice. In current literature there is an acrimonious debate on whether these accusations are justifiable or not. 43 Anti-cult literature, buttressed by psychiatric a n d police reports, focuses attention on the incidence of Satanic-related crime. Others, sociologists in particular, see little solid evidence to confirm such claims. It is difficult to assess the n u m b e r a n d size of Satanic groups a n d to prove or disprove the charges against their members, because, a m o n g o t h e r reasons, they usually form secret societies. Claims that Satanism is actually o n the rise still have to be substantiated by some h a r d data. The Eastern and Middle Eastern families Till recent history, Western society has b e e n largely m a d e u p of Christians with a small minority of Jews a n d adherents of Eastern religions. T h e influx of immigrants both to E u r o p e a n d the United States has led to the establishment of communities of Muslims, Hindus, a n d Buddhists, all of which have b e c o m e noticeable minorities in many countries. 4 4 Many of the new religious movements either stem directly from o n e of these major religions or borrow heavily from their philosophies a n d lifestyles. In Melton's classification the Middle Eastern family includes Judaism a n d Islam, while the Eastern family comprises Hinduism, Buddhism, a n d o t h e r relatively m i n o r religions of East Asia. N o n e of these groups are new religions, t h o u g h their missionary endeavors in the West, that began in the n i n e t e e n t h century, have certainly increased dramatically since the late 1960s. In Western societies there are several H i n d u a n d Buddhist organizations whose m e m b e r s h i p consists largely of Christian a n d Jewish converts a n d these are treated in academic literature as new religious movements. T h e Havurah communities are a m o n g the m o r e recent additions to Jewish religious movements. F o u n d e d in the 1960s, these groups

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are a p r o d u c t of dissent within the Jewish synagogues a n d of attempts to recapture a n d to incorporate in one's lifestyle the m o r e traditional Jewish elements. Havurah communities have borrowed from Hasidic Judaism a n d occultism a n d stress fellowship a n d mysticism. T h e House of Love a n d Prayer, founded in San Francisco by the recentlydeceased Rabbi Carlebach, is o n e of the better known of these new Jewish groups. T h e r e are also several black Jewish congregations that were established in the early twentieth century. Also stemming from the Middle East are many Islamic groups. Besides Sunni a n d Shi'ite Muslims, the main two branches of Islam, there are several Black Muslim organizations. Baha'ism, Sufism, a n d the Gurdjieff Foundation have spread t h r o u g h o u t the world from their ideological origins in the Middle East. Not all these groups are new religious movements. Many Muslims in the West are either immigrants or converts to o n e of the branches of Islam. Baha'ism originated over a century ago. Sufism, which represents the mystical tradition in Islam, came to the West in the early twentieth century a n d experienced a major expansion in the late 1960s a n d early 1970s. T h e Sufi O r d e r in the West consists of a loose federation of small groups who follow the mystical tradition of Islam. Groups like Sufism Reoriented (founded by M e h e r Baba) a n d the G u r u Bawa Fellowship are examples of contemporary Sufi movements in the West. Eastern religions, mainly Hinduism a n d Buddhism, have b e e n the most conspicuous religious movements in the West since the late 1960s. H i n d u groups, like the H a r e Krishna Movement, Transcendental Meditation, a n d various Yoga ashrams a n d societies; Buddhist associations a n d meditation centers, especially Zen; a n d a few newer Japanese religions, like Nichiren Shoshu (Soka Gakkai), Mahikari, and, m o r e recently, A u m Shinri Kyo, have at times figured prominently in the news. O t h e r Eastern religions, like Sikhism a n d Jainism, are also represented in the West; even t h o u g h their adherents comprise a relatively small percentage of the population, they sometimes form a noticeable minority. Eastern religions have contributed to the increasing religious pluralism in a traditionally Christian Western world. It should be stressed that the Eastern a n d Middle Eastern religious groups in the West must be u n d e r s t o o d in the framework of the major religions from which they originate a n d take their vitality. In o n e important sense these religious movements are n o t 'new'; their belief systems, ritual practices, a n d lifestyles have a long tradition.

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Their expansion to the West a n d success in gaining converts is, however, a relatively recent p h e n o m e n o n . New Unclassifiable Religious Groups T h e last g r o u p in Melton's typology consists of religious bodies that c a n n o t be easily classified. Included in this g r o u p are homosexually oriented churches, mail-order denominations, a n d eccentric organizations that d o n o t fit comfortably in any of the divisions outlined above. Religious syncretism is a major feature of these groups, some of which are also interested in occult beliefs a n d experiences. This family g r o u p draws attention to the fact that the typology of the new religious movements is n o t governed by absolute, incontestable rules. Some groups could fit comfortably in m o r e t h a n o n e of the families described above. While there is general a g r e e m e n t a b o u t the majority of Melton's family clusters, scholars disagree with regard to the placing of a n u m b e r of individual new religions. T h e Unification C h u r c h is a typical example of such disagreement. G o r d o n Melton includes it with the Spiritualist, Psychic, a n d New Age family,45 Robert Ellwood a n d Harry Partin with the oriental movements, 4 6 a n d Eileen Barker with Christianity. 47 NEW R E L I G I O N S AS A P R O B L E M IN M O D E R N SOCIETY T h e negative view of new religions has found public expression in three major charges, that have repeatedly a p p e a r e d in psychological a n d p o p u l a r literature, in the media, a n d in debates in the law courts. T h e new movements are c o n d e m n e d for being anti-self, anti-family, a n d anti-society. Are the new religions anti-self? T h e first general reaction to the cults has b e e n that those who j o i n t h e m are b o u n d to experience psychological ill-effects. Converts to a new religious movement make commitments that are manifested in the intense dedication to their newly acquired religious beliefs a n d practices a n d / o r to their charismatic leaders or gurus. Entry into these movements entails a radical change b o t h in ideology a n d lifestyle. T h o u g h such an alteration in one's personality does n o t necessarily occur suddenly (as is so widely h e l d ) , when it h a p p e n s it can be visibly detected by the m a n n e r in which converts talk a n d act.

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T h a t parents a n d health professionals should express concern over such drastic changes is understandable. But whether this transformation is self-destructive behavior is a question n o t easily answered. T h e nature of religious c o m m i t m e n t is such that a r d e n t a n d zealous conduct of the converted person is a normal consequence. Extreme ascetical practices that sometimes follow c o m m i t m e n t might have harmful physical a n d psychological effects. But the precise conditions u n d e r which asceticism can be detrimental to one's health are debatable. Structured activities that d e m a n d self-sacrifice have b e e n part a n d parcel of all religions t h r o u g h o u t the history of the h u m a n race. J u d g i n g by the n u m b e r of cult m e m b e r s who have defected, o n e could conclude that many have found life in the new religions too strenuous. T h e majority of those who remain, however, do n o t seem to have b e e n badly affected by the strict monastic living conditions or by the harsh spiritual disciplines a n d exercises. A few, n o doubt, might have b e e n h u r t by the experience. T h a t a c o m m u n a l , disciplined lifestyle could create psychological a n d intellectual problems for some people is possible. But the statement that m e m b e r s h i p in any of the new religions is detrimental to every m e m b e r ' s health cannot be sustained by the data at o u r disposal. Are the new religions anti-family ? A second accusation against the cults is that they have divided families. T h e r e is amply proof to show that family conflicts can be either aggravated or stirred u p when young adults leave the religion or church of their upbringing to j o i n a fringe religious group. T h e individual who joins a new religion leaves his or h e r natural family with its traditional way of life to become part of a n o t h e r family that espouses a different lifestyle a n d a conflicting belief system. T h e leader of the new religious movement a n d his followers are chosen as substitutes to one's parents a n d siblings. O n e recalls, in this context, the d e m a n d s Jesus m a d e o n those who were faced with the option of responding to his call. In both the gospels of Matthew a n d Luke, the sayings ofJesus can easily be interpreted as divisive of the family. ' H e who loves father a n d m o t h e r m o r e than m e is n o t worthy of m e ; a n d h e who loves his son or daughter m o r e than m e is n o t worthy of m e ' (Matthew 10:37). Tf anyone comes to m e a n d does n o t hate his own father a n d mother, a n d wife a n d children, a n d brothers a n d sisters, a n d even his own life, h e cannot be my disciple' (Luke 14:26).

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T h e accusation that the new religious movements p u t strains u p o n family life a n d relationships is well-founded. But the statement that they are destroying the family in Western society is unrealistic, because it does n o t take into account all the factors that are affecting the well-being of the family in the second half of the twentieth century. T h e rising divorce rate a n d changing moral n o r m s have probably influenced the family m o r e than any o t h e r factor. T h e r e are n u m e r o u s problematic family situations that have n o t h i n g to d o with the new religions at all. Divorce, child abuse, the misuse of drugs a n d alcohol, teenage runaways, a n d familial quarrels (including violence between married couples) make the family problems created by involvement in new religions seem rather small. In some instances, unwholesome family conditions might have driven young adults to seek better 'family' relationships elsewhere. Truly e n o u g h , the new religious movements have a d d e d to family difficulties that have to be addressed, but these difficulties have to be placed in perspective. Are the new religions anti-society ? T h e final accusation against the cults is that they are against current social n o r m s a n d h e n c e destructive of society. This suggests either that they are gnawing at the traditional cultural values a n d / o r that they have grandiose plans to take over the government. This first opinion is highly dubious, the second rather implausible. T h e r e is n o d o u b t that many new religious movements d o exist in tension with a society that is seen as u n c o n c e r n e d with ultimate religious goals. While it is true, however, that some marginal religions stress non-traditional values, others simply d o not. T h e followers of the late Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh follow a style of interpersonal relationship that has aroused the furor of several nations. Similarly, the Children of God (now called simply T h e Family') at o n e point a d o p t e d sexual practices that conflicted with both the civil a n d religious mores of Western a n d Eastern cultures. O n the o t h e r hand, those who j o i n e d a b r a n c h of the Jesus Movem e n t gave u p the practice of using illegal drugs a n d accepted m o r e traditional sexual behavior. Some contemporary groups espouse at the same time non-traditional a n d traditional beliefs a n d practices. T h e Unification Church, for instance, endorses a rather unusual marriage custom where the romantic choice of partners is deemphasized, yet on the o t h e r h a n d places great importance on

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traditional sexual mores a n d o n conjugal fidelity. It is m o r e than likely that the new religions are expressing, rather than causing, the changes that society has b e e n going t h r o u g h in the second half of the twentieth century. Most of the new religions have n o t taken an active role in political matters. 4 8 In this respect the Unification C h u r c h is an exception. Several observers of the new religious movements are c o n c e r n e d about its religious a n d political goals that are n o t quite distinguished. T h e anti-communist stand of the Unificationists, popularly known as the 'Moonies', a n d the public impression that they are overtly involved in political matters may appear to question the tendency in Western countries n o t to mix politics with religion. 49 T h e Church's founder, the Reverend Moon, is portrayed in the public media as a forceful leader who has the goal of instituting a religious theocracy that would change the very structure of Western society. O n e is left with the impression that the Unification C h u r c h proclaims o n e faith, o n e leader, o n e nation, a n d that its main goal is to fight the godless archenemy, namely communism. T h e r e is, however, a n o t h e r side to the political teachings a n d activities of this Church. First of all, the Unification C h u r c h has never talked of, m u c h less hinted at, overthrowing any Western government. Secondly, its political activities have always taken place within the traditional boundaries of Western democracy. Further, t h o u g h the official teachings of the C h u r c h are very anti-communistic, they d o n o t present a new t r e n d in Western society. Anti-communistic rhetoric has b e e n part of the political scene since the Bolshevik revolution. Unificationists look o n democracy as part of their religious ideology, a n d h e n c e it is unlikely that they will plan any actions that r u n counter to the democratic principles prevalent in the West. Finally, in the Western world, m e m b e r s h i p in the C h u r c h is relatively small a n d there are n o signs of a dramatic increase in the future, a growth which is essential if the Unification C h u r c h is to make an impact o n the political scene. O n e would probably have m o r e reason to fear the rise of Christian evangelicals a n d their involvement in politics. CONCLUSION T h e new religious movements have certainly raised many heated debates in o u r society. They have probably u n e a r t h e d m o r e problems than they have caused. An appraisal of their ideology a n d

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practices and a look at their emergence across cultures do not justify a fearful or belligerent reaction to their persistent presence. Neither, however, should their existence and their activities be ignored or taken lightly. New religions certainly address themselves to the eternal question of religious truth; they invoke our emotional and intellectual response; they stimulate us to self-reflection and selfcritique; they often foment conflict between individuals and their families and society at large; and they leave many people confused and hurt in their wake. They are, however, more of a challenge than a threat. They present an opportunity rather than a menace. We would have a better chance of understanding them and coping with the difficulties they have created or brought into focus if we looked on them as both partners and rivals in the religious quest, than if we panicked and engaged ourselves in verbal or physical attacks, lengthy legal suits, religious crusades, or social reprisals to eradicate them or curtail their activities. The following chapters will delve into the various dimensions of the new religious options, hoping to increase our understanding of their presence in, and impact on, Western culture. Then we will be equipped to reach some conclusions as to what direction our response should take. NOTES i. Robert S. Ellwood, 'The several meanings of cult, Thought 61 (1986); pp. 212-24. 2. See, for instance, the definition of 'cult' given by Lewis R. Rambo, 'Cult' in The Westminster Dictionary of Christian Theology, ed. Alan Richardson and John Bowden (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983), p. 137. For a purely theological definition, without any reference to the new religious movements, cf. Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler, Theological Dictionary (New York: Herder and Herder, 1965), p. 112. 3. The New Cults (Santa Ana, CA: Vision House, 1980), p. 16. 4. Scripture Twisting. 20 Ways Cults Misread the Bible (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1980), p. 20. 5. An example of this is Russell P. Spittler, Cults and Isms: Twenty Alternatives to Evangelical Christianity (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1977). The Apologetic Research Coalition (ARC), a Christian evangelical organization dedicated to the rebuttal of new religious movements, routinely includes the

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Catholic Church with 'cults'. See Keith Edward Tolbert, The ARC Cult Resource Guide, lggo-gi (Trenton, MI: Apologetic Research Coalition, 1990). 6. See, for example, Harold Coward, Religious Pluralism: Challenge to World Religions (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1985). 7. See Louis J. West and Margaret Thaler Singer, 'Cults, quacks, and nonprofessional psychotherapies' in Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry, ed. H. Kaplan, A. Freedman, and B. Sadock (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1980), PP- 3245"588. The designation 'destructive cultism' dates from the 1970s. See the article by Eli Shapiro, 'Destructive cultism', American Family Physician 15.2 (1977), pp. 80-3.

9. 'The politics of vulnerability: youth in religious cults', Psychohistory Review 12 (1984), p. 6. 10. See, for instance, James J. LeBar, Cults, Sects, and the New Age (Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor, Inc., 1989), especially pp. 14-8. 11. Consult Herbert Richardson (ed.), New Religions and Mental Health: Understanding the Issues (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1980). This collection of essays contains proposed legislation on new religions in the United States and Canada. 12. A typical example of this is David G. Bromley and Anson D. Shupe, Strange Gods: The Great American Cult Scare (Boston: Beacon Press, 1981). 13. 'Charismatic religious sects and psychiatry: an overview', American Journal of Psychiatry 139 (1982), p. 1539. 14. 'Cults and zealous self-help movements: a psychiatric perspective', American Journal of Psychiatry 147 (1990), pp. 543-51. 15. Ibid., p. 550. 16. See, for example, Saul Levine, Radical Departures: Dangerous Detours to Growing Up (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984). 17. For a comprehensive overview of the sociology of cults see Thomas Robbins, Cults, Converts and Charisma (Newbury Park, CA/London: Sage, 1988). 18. See, for instance, their essay 'Concepts for a theory of religious movements' in Alternatives to American Mainline Churches, ed. Joseph H. Fichter (New York: Rose of Sharon Press, 1983), pp. 3-27. For a thorough elaboration of their theory of religion and cults see their book A Theory of Religion (New York: Peter Lang, 1987).

34

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movements

19. Willa Appel, Cults in America: Programmed for Paradise (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1983), p. 10. 20. Cf. James R. Lewis, The Astrology Encyclopedia (Detroit: Gale Research, 1994); and S.Jim Tester, A History of Western Astrology (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1987). For a popular account consult Grant Lewis, Astrology for the Millions (St Paul, MN: Llewellyn Publications, 6th rev. edn, 1990). 21. See, for example, Andrew M. Greeley, The Mary Myth: On the Femininity of God (New York: Seabury Press, 1977); The Myth of God Incarnate, ed. John Hick (Philadelphia: Westminster Press/London: SCM Press, 1977); The Truth of God Incarnate, ed. Michael Green (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1977); and Incarnation and Myth: The Debate Continues, ed. Michael Goulder (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans/London: SCM Press, 1979). 22. For a discussion on the meaning of religion see James C. Livingston, Anatomy of the Sacred: An Introduction to Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1993), pp. 3-22. 23. Prison or Paradise: The New Religious Cults (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1980). Many of these characteristics are repeated in books that denounce the cults. See, for example, Rachel Andres and James R. Lane (eds), Cults and Consequences: The Definitive Handbook (Los Angeles: Commission on Cults and Missionaries, Jewish Federation Council of Greater Los Angeles, 1989), Part I, pp. 3ff.; and Lawrence J. Gesy, Destructive Cults and Movements (Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor, Inc., 1993), p. 14. 24. Prison or Paradise, pp. 26ff. 25. The Hindu World (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 419. See also Dima S. Oueine, 'The guru and his disciple', Unesco Courier45 (September 1992), p. 16. 26. The Divine Principle, which has undergone several revisions, is published by The Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of Christianity (New York, 1973). 27. For a brief outline of this group see J. Gordon Melton, Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America (New York: Garland, 2nd edn, 1992), pp. 201-9. 28. One naturally calls to mind in this context Jim Jones of the People's Temple in Guyana and David Koresh of the Branch Davidian in Waco, Texas. 29. People like Jimmy Swaggart and Jim Bakker are typical examples. Cf. the following two reports: 'More trouble on the broadcast front', Christianity Today 32 (March 18, 1988), pp. 47-8; and 'The Bakker tragedy', Christianity Today 31 (May 15, 1987), pp. 14-5. 30. For a discussion on the Unification Church's recruitment practices see Eileen Barker, The Making of a Moonie: Brainwashing or Choice? (Oxford: Basil Blackwell,

An

overview

35

1984), pp. 173ff. For an explanation by one member of the Unification Church of why 'deceptive' practices have been used, even though they have never been officially sanctioned, see John T. Biermans, The Odyssey of New Religions Today: A Case Study of the Unification Church (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988), pp. 245-50. 31. See Edgar W. Mills, 'Cult extremism: the reduction of normative dissonance' in Violence and Religious Commitment: Implications of Jim Jones's People's Temple Movement, ed. Ken Levi (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982), pp. 75-87. 32. For an analysis of this topic see George D. Chryssides, The Advent of Sun Myung Moon (New York: St Martin's Press/London: Macmillan, 1991), pp. 13 iff. 33. 'On the totality of institutions' in Total Institutions, ed. Samuel Wallace (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1971), pp. 1-2. This collection also includes essays on the Hutterite Brethren and on the condemnation and persecution of hippies. 34. Asylums (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1961), p. 5. 35. For a lengthier discussion on the positive characteristics of new religions, see John A. Saliba, Religious Cults Today: A Challenge to Christian Families (Liguori, MO: Liguori Publications, 1983), pp. 17-24. 36. For a classic study of this topic see Ronald Knox, Enthusiasm: A Chapter in the History of Religion (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959). 37. See, for example, Ninian Smart, The World's Religions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall/Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 10, where religious experience is described as one of the dimensions of religion. 38. For a discussion on the religious uses of drugs, consult Magic, Witchcraft, and Religion: An Anthropological Study of the Supernatural, ed. Arthur C. Lehmann and James E. Myers (Mountain Views, CA: Mayfield Publishing Co., 3rd edn, 1993), pp. 11 iff. 39. The pioneering work of Robert S. Ellwood, One Way: The Jesus Movement and Its Meaning (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1973), gives a vivid account of the centrality of the experience of Jesus in the movement. 40. Cf. The Psychology of Meditation, ed. Michael West (New York: Oxford University Press/Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987). 41. The Encyclopedia of American Religions (Detroit: Gale Research, 4th edn, 1993). For a different typology, cf. Robert S. Ellwood and Harry B. Partin, Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2nd edn, 1988).

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42. In his introductory historical essays Melton divides the religious families into 22 groups. In the directory listings, however, he adds two unclassified groups. 43. For a debate on this issue, see the Journal of Psychology and Theology 20 (Fall 1992), which is dedicated to 'Satanic ritual abuse'. 44. See, for example, Islam and Islamic Groups: A Worldwide Reference Guide, ed. Farzana Sheikh (Harlow, UK: Longman Group, 1992); and Buddhist America: Centers, Retreats, Practices, ed. Don Morreale (Santa Fe, NM: John Muir Publications, 1988). 45. The Encyclopedia of American Religions, pp. 753-5. 46. Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America, pp. 258ff. 47. 'New religious movements in modern Western society' in The Encyclopedia of World Faiths, ed. Peter Bishop and Michael Darton (London: Macdonald Orbis, 1987), pp. 294-306. 48. See Theodore E. Long, 'New religions and the political order' in Religion and the Social Order, ed. David G. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden (New York: JAI Press, 1993), vol. 3A, pp. 263-92. 49. For a study of the politics of the Unification Church, consult Science, Sin, and Scholarship: The Politics of Reverend Moon and the Unification Church, ed. Irving Louis Horowitz (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1978).

2 THE

HISTORY

•

OF NEW

MOVEMENTS

RELIGIOUS

IN T H E

WEST

IN CHAPTER i it was observed that the very 'newness' of contemporary religions or cults can easily be challenged a n d h e n c e needs to be carefully qualified. In what sense, if any, can the worldviews a n d lifestyles of these new groups represent something novel? Many of the ideas that are part of the so-called 'new religious consciousness' are not original. Even a cursory look at the history of religions would u n e a r t h similar, if n o t identical, beliefs a n d rituals in different cultures a n d in diverse historical eras. A good example to show that the novelty of present-day movements is, in some aspects at least, questionable, is the belief in reincarnation, which is c o m m o n especially a m o n g those groups that have b e e n influenced by Eastern religious traditions. 1 T h e belief that the h u m a n soul will r e t u r n to a n o t h e r h u m a n body in the future has a long history that stretches over a wide geographical area. Those familiar with the history of religions are aware of the fact that the belief in reincarnation is pivotal in many of the world's religions, like Hinduism. It can also b e e n found, for instance, in the religion of ancient Egypt, in tribal religions of Africa, a n d in the religions of North American Indians. 2 Further, traces of the belief a p p e a r in places where o n e does n o t normally expect it, namely, in Judaism, Christianity, a n d Islam. Belief in reincarnation was n o t unknown a m o n g some early Christian communities. Although the mainline Christian churches have ignored or rejected the belief, it has resurfaced several times in the history of Christianity. Many Christians have reacted negatively to the resurgence of interest in reincarnation. 3 T h e r e are, however, those who argue that it can be incorporated into Christian theology. 4 T h e most recent Gallup poll that surveyed belief in reincarnation in the United States found that 21 percent are disposed to accept it. 5 While

38

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the 1990 E u r o p e a n Values Survey concluded that one-fifth believe in it. 6 In o r d e r to u n d e r s t a n d the causes of the rise of new religions, the attractive nature of their beliefs a n d practices, a n d the influence they might have on traditional religions, it is necessary to look at the history of new religious movements in different historical periods. In this chapter several major sects or fringe religious groups that flourished in the Western world will be briefly examined. It will b e c o m e evident that the e m e r g e n c e of new religions is n o t an exclusively contemporary p h e n o m e n o n . A consideration of religious movements t h r o u g h o u t history might generate insights for a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of why new religious movements come into being a n d how d o m i n a n t religions react to their beliefs a n d practices. It might also provide guidelines for formulating m o r e appropriate social a n d religious reactions to their persistent presence.

NEW R E L I G I O N S IN EARLY W E S T E R N H I S T O R Y T h e missionary activities of the early Christian C h u r c h e n c o u n t e r e d many negative reactions a n d aroused a lot of controversy. Besides internal conflicts, which culminated in the great councils of the fourth a n d fifth centuries, Christians h a d to face the competition of many o t h e r religious groups that, borrowing ideas from Christianity itself, created lots of turmoil. Gnosticism T h e first wave of religious movements that presented a formidable opposition to the Christian faith dates from the early second century. Known collectively as 'Gnosticism', these religious groups were so successful that they elicited a strong apologetic response from Christian writers, who were motivated by the desire to defend their Church against what they j u d g e d to be pagan or heretical beliefs a n d practices. Understanding Gnosticism is important because many of the theological ideas a n d religious practices of the Gnostics have r e a p p e a r e d in some form or o t h e r in sects a n d cults t h r o u g h o u t the centuries. For instance, the Manicheans of the fourth century, with whom St Augustine was associated before his conversion, borrowed heavily from Gnostic teachings. 7 Medieval sects, like the Cathars, espoused

The history of new religious movements in the West

39

beliefs that resembled the main tenets of the early Gnostics. Those post-Reformation religious groups that stressed that the knowledge of God can be achieved t h r o u g h direct experience (such as the Rosicrucians in the seventeenth century 8 ) have b e e n described as revivals of ancient Gnostic traditions. And, according to some modern scholars, many of the new religious movements, including such groups as the Unification Church a n d the New Age Movement, are revivals of the Gnostic worldview which is 'again a major competitor for the spiritual allegiance of Christians'. 9 Robert Ellwood a n d Harry Partin maintain that there has b e e n a continuous alternative view of reality (with Gnostic elements) in the West, a view which they trace from Hellenism u p to contemporary religious movements. 1 0 It has also b e e n suggested that, at present, the Western world is experiencing a rediscovery of Gnosticism. 11 Gnosticism can best be described as a religious movement that stresses the n e e d for salvation from the oppressive bonds of material existence, a salvation that is achieved, n o t by the grace of God, b u t rather by the individual's self-understanding or knowledge (gnosis) a n d effort. 12 T h e r e is considerable debate a m o n g scholars regarding the origins of Gnosticism a n d its influence o n some New Testament writings. But most seem to agree that Gnosticism borrowed ideas from Platonic philosophy, oriental religions, Judaism, a n d Christianity. Gnosticism is, thus, a syncretistic religion, embracing in its fold a n d unifying several theological systems. 13 In spite of the great diversity within the movement, there is, however, a general pattern of belief that can be ascribed to most, if n o t all, Gnostics. Central to Gnosticism is the belief in a dualism between God (spirit) a n d the material world, the former being considered good, the latter evil a n d in opposition to the spirit world. Between God, who is unknown, h i d d e n , a n d n o t responsible for the creation of the universe, a n d the material universe, there exist many spiritual beings, some of which are fallen powers who now rule the world. T h e same distinction is applicable to h u m a n beings who have a spiritual soul a n d a material body, the latter being inherently evil. Gnosticism held that some h u m a n beings, namely the Gnostics themselves, had, further, an innately divine spark, that is, a kind of i n n e r self that is different from the soul. This spark was imprisoned in the body a n d could only be freed a n d reunited with God by means of a special revelation (gnosis), a secret, mystical (not intellectual) knowledge or enlightenment. This saving knowledge was t h o u g h t to be mediated usually by a divine being at times identified with Jesus,

4-0

Perspectives on new religious

movements

who was n o t the incarnate Son of God, b u t rather a holy person who h a d the spirit of Christ, the spiritual principle i n h e r e n t in all people. Redemption, in the Gnostic system, was n o t a deliverance from sin a n d guilt, b u t rather a form of existential self-realization. In o t h e r words, the Gnostic was able to free his or h e r divine spark from the confines of the material body by achieving an awareness of the divine mysteries, an awareness obtained by direct experience of the divine or by initiation into a secret, esoteric tradition of revelation. Since the ancient Gnostics believed that n o t all people could reach the state of salvation, they considered themselves the privileged intellectual elite who were able to u n d e r s t a n d the most profound mysteries. Their rituals were, n o t surprisingly, elaborate a n d conducted in secret. O u r knowledge of Gnostic rituals is n o t always very reliable, since m u c h of it comes from Christian sources that attacked Gnosticism as a heresy. T h e accurate information we have about these religious rites suggests that they included highly symbolical initiation ceremonies that were d e e m e d necessary for an individual to b e c o m e a m e m b e r of a Gnostic sect. Gnostics also performed rituals that p r e p a r e d the living or the dying for their ascent into the realms above. Gnostic sects (like many contemporary new religions) were often depicted unfavorably. They were said to reject traditional moral rules since these were d e e m e d to be an obstacle to liberating the divine spark from its material prison, the body. T h e behavior of their m e m b e r s was described as antinomian, in the sense that socially accepted morality was disregarded. T h e early Christian Fathers, Epiphanius a n d Irenaeus in particular, wrote vehemently against the sexual symbolisms a n d immoral practices of the Gnostics. T h o u g h most scholars today dismiss these allegations as exaggerations at best, there is evidence that a few Gnostics h a d a sacramental view of sex. 14 T h e majority of Gnostics t e n d e d rather to be austere a n d practiced vegetarianism, extreme asceticism, a n d / o r celibacy. They s p u r n e d the traditional hierarchy of the Christian C h u r c h a n d accepted only a distinction between the chosen ones, that is, those who h a d b e e n initiated into the sacred mysteries, a n d outsiders. Many of the accusations against the new religions are n o t very different from those m a d e against the early Gnostics. Both have b e e n criticized for their elitist attitudes, their non-traditional social a n d moral behavior, a n d their belief that h u m a n beings can achieve salvation a n d / o r e n l i g h t e n m e n t t h r o u g h their own efforts. And both have b e e n accused of practicing weird rituals. Kurt Rudolph remarks

The history of new religious movements in the West

41

that many of these accusations belong 'to the realm of perverted fantasy'. 15 NEW R E L I G I O N S IN T H E MIDDLE AGES T h e period of C h u r c h history preceding the Protestant Reformation was n o t devoid of religious fervor a n d uprisings. Besides the rise of schismatic movements, this age saw the emergence of religious orders that portrayed several features usually ascribed to sects or cults. Many of these medieval sects prospered in spite of the civil a n d religious opposition a n d persecution they were subjected to. T h e two examples given below are the Cathars, who flourished for over two centuries, a n d the Flagellants who have survived, in slightly different forms, till recent times. The Cathars T h e Cathars ('the p u r e ' ) first a p p e a r e d in Cologne a r o u n d the year 1143 a n d soon spread to southern France a n d n o r t h e r n Italy. Within 30 years, the n u m b e r of those who j o i n e d this movement h a d reached such proportions that a great council of Cathars was convened in 1176 a n d several bishoprics established. Those who belonged to the Cathar bishopric of Albi, a town about 45 miles east of Toulouse, were know as Albigenses. They h a d become so influential both in the countryside a n d in the towns that they were considered to be a major threat to the d o m i n a n t C h u r c h a n d many missions were organized in an attempt to reconvert t h e m to mainline Christianity. W h e n , in 1208, o n e of Pope I n n o c e n t Ill's legates was assassinated, the Albigensian crusade was organized against them. 1 6 Although the power a n d influence of the Albigenses were greatly r e d u c e d by the pressures of b o t h civil a n d ecclesiastical counteractivities, it took a while before their organization was effectively destroyed. In Italy, the Cathars, who lived mainly in the cities, were riven by internal conflicts b u t m a n a g e d to survive because of the local opposition to b o t h imperial a n d papal authority. W h e n the wars between the popes a n d the e m p e r o r came to an end, legal action was taken against t h e m a n d by the beginning of the fourteenth century most of t h e m h a d b e e n literally wiped out. T h e theology of the Cathars was partly based on Gnostic ideas a n d practices. 17 They a d h e r e d to either of two forms of dualism, o n e

42

Perspectives on new religious

movements

radical, the o t h e r m o d e r a t e . T h e former held that there are two principles of existence (or gods), o n e spiritual a n d good, the o t h e r material a n d evil. T h e latter maintained that God h a d originally created Satan who in turn was responsible for making this material world which, unlike the spiritual world, is intrinsically evil. Both views led to the denial of fundamental Christian beliefs, like the Incarnation a n d the resurrection of the body. T h e Cathars further d e n i e d the doctrine of the Trinity. And, like Marcion in the second century of the Christian era, they rejected the Old Testament on the grounds that it reflected Satan's domain of the world. Their view that the h u m a n spiritual soul is imprisoned in a corrupt a n d sinful material body led t h e m to a b h o r as m u c h contact with anything material as was humanly possible. T h e lifestyle of the Cathars was consequently very austere a n d ascetic. They rejected marriage, practiced vegetarianism (though they ate fish, which they believed to be b o r n in water without sexual u n i o n ) , s p u r n e d all material elements in worship, rejected love of material goods, a n d c o n d e m n e d all kinds of violence. All Cathars were expected to keep three Lents in the year, to fast on Mondays, Wednesdays, a n d Fridays of each week, a n d to remain chaste. In fact, the daily life of the Cathars h a d m u c h in c o m m o n with the Christian monastic tradition. Consequently the missionary endeavors of the Dominicans a n d Franciscans may have b e e n a contributing factor in the Cathars' demise, since these monks provided an alternative p a t h to Christian perfection that incorporated some Cathar practices a n d was recognized as o r t h o d o x by the official Church. T h e ideal lifestyle of the Cathars was so rigid that, n o t surprisingly, only a few could follow it. These became the elite group, the 'perfect', the ordained ministers who h a d full authority over C h u r c h matters a n d who expected complete obedience from all the believers. They h a d m o r e ascetical practices enjoined u p o n t h e m a n d were expected to leave their parents a n d dedicate their whole lives to the task of perfection. Two somewhat elaborate rituals d o m i n a t e d the liturgical life of the Cathars. 18 T h e first was the Transmission of the Lord's Prayer, which was held when a person wanted to b e c o m e a believer a n d j o i n the Cathar Church. T h e second was a special initiation rite that marked the superior status of the 'perfect' Cathars who, as God's a d o p t e d sons a n d daughters, were the only ones allowed to recite the Lord's Prayer. This ritual, called the consolamentum, was believed to remove original sin, u n d o the effects of the Fall of Adam a n d Eve, a n d restore

The history of new religious movements in the West

43

immortality. During an elaborate ceremony, the candidates were given a spiritual baptism t h r o u g h the holding of the gospels over the postulant's h e a d a n d the imposition of hands by the perfect members present at the rite. T h e Cathars came u n d e r attack for their doctrinal beliefs a n d moral practices. While many of their beliefs could n o t be reconciled with the major Christian doctrines as defined by the great councils, their moral behavior followed, generally, the standard practices of the times. T h e accusation that their extreme asceticism was n o t h i n g else b u t a screen for their immoral activities has little evidence to support it.19 The Flagellants T h e practice of self-flagellation is an old a n d widespread custom that is n o t restricted to Christianity where it gradually became part of the ascetical life.20 Various interpretations have b e e n attached to the discipline of the whip: flagellation leads to self-conquest; it is a training p r o g r a m that contributes to a spiritual goal; it helps a person avoid sin by controlling one's passion; a n d it is a means of uniting oneself with Christ in his passion. 21 By the eleventh century the practice h a d already b e c o m e c o m m o n in the lives of individual monks. Peter Damian (d. 1072) p r o m o t e d its use. 22 Both the Dominicans a n d the Franciscans contributed to the growing acceptance of flagellation as a form of Christian p e n a n c e a n d mortification. T h e introduction, by a r o u n d the middle of the twelfth century, of c o m m u n a l flagellation in the monasteries provided a further justification for the custom. T h e first expressions of public flagellations occurred in Italy at the beginning of the thirteenth century. T h e year 1260 was a time of great crisis in n o r t h e r n Italy, b r o u g h t about, in part, by the apocalyptic belief that a new age of the 'Eternal Gospel' was soon to begin a n d by the political turmoil of the period. In the same year a public outbreak of p e n a n c e that included flagellation took place in Perugia. So extensive was this manifestation that the flagellations affected all walks of life a n d social classes. Men, women, a n d children walked naked in solemn processions praying for God's forgiveness, weeping, a n d lashing themselves a n d the people nearest t h e m with scourges until the blood ran down their bodies. N u m e r o u s people j o i n e d the t h r o n g of Flagellants as they m a d e their way across the Alps into o t h e r parts of Europe. A spiritual renewal seemed to have

44

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movements

accompanied the Flagellation movement. All kinds of sins were confessed, enemies m a d e peace with o n e another, a n d people promised to reform their wayward lives. A contemporary writer describes the ferment as follows: The Flagellants came through the whole world. All men, small and great, noble knights and men of the people, scourged themselves naked, in procession through the cities, with the Bishops and men of religion at their head; and peace was made in many places, and men restored what they had unlawfully taken away; and they confessed their sins so earnestly that the priests had scarce leisure to eat.23 T h e practice of public flagellation, forbidden by the Holy See, waned for a while. But by the middle of the fourteenth century the movement swept t h r o u g h o u t Germany, where the B r o t h e r h o o d of the Flagellants (or of the Cross) was formed in 1349. 24 Fueled by reports that the Black Death was on its way, the m o v e m e n t grew a n d prospered. T h e B r o t h e r h o o d was well organized u n d e r the control of able leaders. Regulations guided the lives of those who j o i n e d these penitential confraternities founded t h r o u g h o u t Europe. Twice daily, in public, the Flagellants stripped to the waist and, lying on the g r o u n d in various postures, performed the ritual of lashing themselves with knotted scourges that, at times, h a d nails e m b e d d e d in them. Sometimes they allowed themselves to be whipped by the priest in charge or by a n o t h e r m e m b e r of the Brotherhood. T h e singing of psalms a n d the recitation of long prayers, particularly for deliverance from the Plague, accompanied the ritual. These penitents believed that the blood they shed would mingle with that of Jesus a n d that their penances would free t h e m from all their sins. This led t h e m to feel that the sufferings they voluntarily inflicted o n themselves would, if carried out for thirtythree a n d a half days, have the effect of a second baptism that would automatically lead t h e m to salvation a n d that, therefore, the mediation of the C h u r c h was n o t required. Some Flagellants felt that their penitential practices i m b u e d t h e m with great spiritual powers that would enable t h e m to cure the sick, cast out demons, a n d even raise the dead. T h e Flagellants were frequently greeted with public ridicule. In spite of the occasional support a n d e n c o u r a g e m e n t they received from some of the clergy, they also faced a good deal of opposition from influential figures like Pope Clement VI, who c o n d e m n e d the

The history of new religious movements in the West

45

m o v e m e n t because of its theological views, a n d the E m p e r o r Charles IV, who saw it as a threat to public order. T h e main objections to flagellation were that it led to morbid a n d disorderly behavior a n d that it was motivated by heretical tendencies. Civil authorities a n d the Inquisition thus c o m b i n e d their resources to effectively suppress n o t only the public displays of flagellations but the confraternities who were t h o u g h t to be, n o t without justification, anti-authoritarian a n d anti-ecclesiastical. 25 An i n n e r core of Flagellants persisted a n d gradually formed a sect that was c o n d e m n e d by the Council of Constance in 1417 for, a m o n g other things, its c o n t e m p t for the sacrament of Penance. T h e Flagellants were thus driven into secrecy until the middle of the sixteenth century when the movement, with the support of the French monarchy, acquired respectability. T h e B r o t h e r h o o d of the Annunciation Day was formed a n d several e m i n e n t people, including the Cardinals of Lorraine a n d Guise, j o i n e d . T h e fanaticism for fleshly mortification in public reached a new height with n o b l e m e n a n d women who, either naked or only partly clad, p a r a d e d the streets a n d scourged themselves. T h e movement, however, e n c o u n t e r e d the heavy criticism of religious leaders who declared the custom cruel a n d evil a n d claimed that it was as unlawful as castration. By the early seventeenth century public flagellation was prohibited a n d declared to be a heretical practice. From t h e n onwards flagellation was largely practiced in private, though, o n several occasions, there were sporadic attempts to revive its public manifestation. Till a r o u n d the middle of the n i n e t e e n t h century, secret groups of Flagellants (or Penitentes) existed in some Latin American countries a n d in New Mexico a n d southern Colorado. 2 6 Several theories of origin have b e e n advanced to account for their presence. O n e of these theories explains t h e m as the lineal descendants of the medieval Flagellants. 27 Their rituals of flagellation by whips m a d e of cholla cactus were observed especially during the season of Lent a n d when a new b r o t h e r was initiated. 28 In spite of sharing some penitential customs with the Flagellants, the Penitentes were never j u d g e d to be heretical, even though, in the n i n e t e e n t h century, the Church hierarchy looked u p o n t h e m with concern a n d e n d e d u p d e n o u n c i n g them. Marta Weigle writes that they were clearly n o t 'aberrant'. O n the contrary they 'exist well within the history of Spanish Catholicism a n d its mystical, penitential, a n d Franciscan traditions'. 2 9 T h e r e is evidence that these b r o t h e r h o o d s have survived in small n u m b e r s

46

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well into the second half of the twentieth century, t h o u g h they now have both legal a n d ecclesiastical recognition. 3 0 Like the m e m b e r s of so many o t h e r new religious movements, the Flagellants of the Middle Ages were in search of an ecstatic state. Flagellation, therefore, is notjust a p e n a n c e for one's sins or a means of purification. It is n o t only a test of courage a n d e n d u r a n c e , b u t also a technique for achieving a higher state of consciousness a n d for imbuing the initiate with a higher power that is believed necessary for m e m b e r s h i p in the elite community or secret society. Because the medieval Flagellants believed that they could achieve the new state of being a n d knowledge by their own endeavors, they easily acquired the attitude that they were holier t h a n the average Christian a n d did not, therefore, have to be subject to the same C h u r c h legislation as everybody else. Both these two religious groups, the Cathars a n d the Flagellants, aroused strong reactions from the prevalent culture a n d Church. Because b o t h actively sought converts, they b r o u g h t to the fore two main questions that the established C h u r c h h a d to answer: what steps could be taken to refute their teachings? a n d what measures could be adopted to stem their successful evangelization efforts? T h e Cathars a n d the Flagellants were n o t only c o n d e m n e d , b u t pressured by the use of civil a n d religious edicts a n d physical force to a b a n d o n their faith. T h e resort to such measures to eradicate unconventional religious beliefs a n d practices was taken for granted at the time. If similar efforts were m a d e today against any religious group, they would be d e n o u n c e d as barbaric a n d tyrannical a n d rejected as a violation of religious freedom. It is interesting to note that the violence against the Cathars a n d the Flagellants did n o t achieve immediate success. T h e Cathars were finally wiped out, b u t many of their ideas survived. Some ascetical practices of the Flagellants remain extant, probably in a less extreme form. They r e m i n d us of the severe ascetical penances a n d unusual behavior that are habitually associated with new religious movements. NEW R E L I G I O N S IN T H E P O S T - R E F O R M A T I O N ERA T h e post-Reformation era saw n o t only the further breakup of Western Christianity into a variety of Protestant churches, b u t also the emergence of many religious groups which were d e n o u n c e d by the majority of Christian churches t h r o u g h o u t Europe. T h o u g h many of these new movements were short-lived, they attracted a lot of

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attention because the theological views a n d lifestyles they a d o p t e d challenged traditional beliefs a n d morals. T h e blossoming of new religious movements was particularly fertile in seventeenth-century Puritan England. During this period, when the monarchy was in abeyance a n d Oliver Cromwell led the nation as Lord Protector (1653-58), radical ideas in religious, social, a n d political matters were rampant. 3 1 Groups like the Muggletonians, 3 2 the Family of Love, 33 the Levellers, 34 a n d the Quakers 3 5 are good examples of the religious ferment a n d enthusiasm of the time. O n e of the most radical a n d peculiar of these countercultural movements became known as T h e Ranters'. 3 6 The Ranters T h e Ranters, a n a m e chosen by their critics, drew adherents largely from the lowest strata of British society, mainly from a r o u n d L o n d o n b u t also from many parts of England. T h e first Ranters a p p e a r e d in the 1640s a n d called themselves the 'faithful a n d true children of God'. Although they never formed an organized religious g r o u p a n d differed a m o n g themselves regarding matters of doctrine, preaching, a n d moral behavior, they shared a c o m m o n opposition to the Puritan n o r m s of the time. Their writings portray a wide variety of beliefs a n d practices, so m u c h so thatJ e r o m e Friedman distinguishes between five different types of Ranters: philosophers, sexual libertines, revolutionaries, divine Ranters, a n d gentleman Ranters. 37 T h e Ranters u p h e l d a type of primitive, apostolic Christianity free from hierarchical distinctions. Their leaders have b e e n described as pantheists or 'mystical anarchists'. A. L. Morton states they b r o u g h t together 'pantheistic mysticism' a n d ' r u d e skepticism a n d anticlericalism'. 38 They are said to have regarded themselves as being o n e with God a n d as having an inward divinity. They claimed to be free from all social restraints a n d moral laws. Their goal was to return to the state of the sinlessness of Adam a n d Eve before the Fall. They rejected the commonly accepted Christian beliefs in heaven a n d hell a n d in the resurrection of the body o n the last day. O n e of their main doctrines was that an individual could only become perfect if he or she h a d committed every sin. 39 T h e Ranters held their religious gatherings in taverns a n d encouraged those who j o i n e d the movem e n t to smoke, to drink, to practice adultery a n d fornication freely a n d in public, a n d to curse a n d swear. They rejected both civil a n d ecclesiastical authorities.

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Maybe partly as a reaction to the strict moral rules of the Puritans, the Ranters emphasized nakedness. Many of t h e m were strong advocates of sexual liberty a n d p r e a c h e d a hedonistic philosophy that shocked their contemporaries. T h e pamphlets they published in the 1650s were decorated with crude pictures of n a k e d people engaged in erotic dancing. O n e of the main Ranter writers, Abiezer Coppe, who was known as the 'Great Blasphemer', p r e a c h e d naked a n d cursed constantly while delivering his rambunctious sermons. 4 0 His raving enthusiasm a n d orgiastic experiences, t h o u g h hardly typical of all the influential Ranters, became synonymous with Ranterism. T h e public outcry against the Ranters was expressed in several Acts of Parliament that were enacted against t h e m in a couple of years. 41 In 1648 Parliament forbade blasphemy a n d issued a proclamation of a Day of Humiliation, Fasting, a n d Prayer to offset the behavior of the Ranters a n d to make public reparation for their misbehavior. Two o t h e r Acts were passed in 1650, o n e suppressing incest, adultery, a n d fornication, the o t h e r c o n d e m n i n g atheistic a n d sacrilegious behavior that was said to be n o t only derogatory of God's h o n o r , but also destructive of h u m a n society. Many Ranters may have b e e n absorbed into the Quaker movement which included t h e m in its evangelistic activity. In any case the Ranter movement seems to have died out as quickly as it came into being. As a religious p h e n o m e n o n the Ranters are particularly interesting in the context of the current rise a n d success of marginal religious groups in contemporary Western culture. First, historians have attempted to u n d e r s t a n d the emergence of the Ranters by investigating the historical, political, a n d religious conditions of the period in which they flourished. Historians d o n o t ascribe the origins of new religious movements to carefully plotted a n d mysteriously organized conspiracies aimed at overturning the o r t h o d o x religion of the time. Rather, they interpret their rise as stemming from very concrete sociocultural conditions that are n o t very dissimilar from those that have existed in different historical periods. G. F. S. Ellens writes: To summarize the main causes of this widespread melancholy, at least in England, and the lack of confidence from which it sprung, we may list the following points, though not necessarily in order of importance: the war, and the execution of the king in 1649, and the subsequent internecine fighting of power-groups; the broken and confused condition of ecclesiastical authority; the ensuing doubt about the existence of a transcendent truth; widespread

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philosophico-religious speculation; disputes about the authority and truth of the Bible called into question by the new philosophy; fear and guilt engendered by Calvinistic preaching of predestination, not only to heaven, but to condemnation and hell; a widespread belief in the decay of the world; and, as in our times, the new astronomy which calls man's place in the universe into question.42 Similar attempts to u n d e r s t a n d the rise of contemporary movements in the context of social change or upheavals in m o d e r n Western societies are standard, especially a m o n g sociologists. Secondly, the Ranters have b e e n c o m p a r e d to m o d e r n hippies. Both were social drop-outs who flourished in a period of great social conflict a n d cultural change. Both favored free sex a n d the pursuit of pleasure. Both insisted that morality is subjective a n d c a n n o t be regulated by objective laws. 'Escapism, subjectivism, introversion these are the marks of the Hippies as of the Ranters. Both groups seek an escape from harsher concepts of reality.' 43 T h o u g h o n e can hardly call the hippies of the 1960s m o d e r n Ranters, knowledge of the latter reveals that in many respects the hippies were n o t very original in the beliefs a n d aspirations they held a n d in the practices they advocated. Like the Ranters they were a cultural p h e n o m e n o n that must be u n d e r s t o o d in the context of a socially turbulent a n d changing environment. Thirdly, negative reactions to, a n d accusations against, the Ranters are n o t unlike those directed towards contemporary movements. 4 4 Psychological assessments of the Ranters are rather similar to those given to the new cults a n d their members. Rufus Jones, writing in the first quarter of this century, states quite categorically: All movements, such as this one [i.e. the Ranters], which express a deep popular striving to escape from the rigidity of old systems and to secure a large area of individual freedom, tend to develop an extreme wing. Persons of unstable equilibrium are swept on by the contagion of the movement. Those who are abnormally responsive to suggestion are certain to be carried along with the movement. These psychopathic persons, lacking in perspective and balance, bring into strong light the dangers that are involved in complete religious freedom. The Ranters were largely composed of this type of person, and some of them were obviously insane.45 Similar assessments have b e e n m a d e of leaders of new religions, such as J i m J o n e s of the People's Temple, the Reverend Moon of the Unification Church, a n d Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh of the Rajneesh

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Foundation. They are seen as irrational a n d narcissistic fanatics who suffer from paranoia a n d megalomania a n d who indulge in psychopathological behavior. 46 Finally, historians have b e e n debating whether, a n d to what degree, the writings of the seventeenth century portray an accurate picture of the Ranters. In 1986, J. C. Davis published a b o o k in which he argued that the Ranters did n o t exist as a sect or movement. 4 7 Ranterism was a myth, a projection of deviance, 'an assertion of normative, social a n d ideological boundaries, in the specific context of multiplying anxieties b r o u g h t to the peak by the collapse of the old o r d e r a n d the spectre of sectarian disintegration'. 4 8 Historians 4 9 quickly rose to defend the view that, in the words of G. E. Aylmer, 'the b u r d e n of proof suggests, however, that the Ranters existed . . . , 5 0 J. F. McGregor seems to take a middle g r o u n d when h e writes that there 'is little objective evidence that either Seekers or Ranters formed c o h e r e n t movements or that they existed in considerable numbers'. 5 1 This debate resembles the c u r r e n t exchanges between scholars o n the existence a n d proliferation of Satanism a n d Satanic ritual abuse in contemporary Western society. 52

The Shabbatean Movement T h e rise of new religious movements within the Christian community has its counterparts in o t h e r religious traditions besides Christianity. O n e of the most powerful, extensive, a n d important Jewish messianic revivals is known as the Shabbatean Movement, which a p p e a r e d in the seventeenth century a n d quickly spread a m o n g Jews in different parts of the world. T h e leader of this m o v e m e n t was Shabbetai Zevi (1626-76) ,53 a Jew from Turkey, who devoted himself to ascetic exercises, to the traditional Jewish learning of the Scriptures a n d the Law, a n d to the study of o n e particular school of Jewish mysticism, known as the Kabbala, 54 a n d its most influential work, the Zohar ('Book of Splend o r ' ) . By 1648 Zevi h a d assumed a messianic role. Expelled by the local rabbinate from Smyrna ( m o d e r n Izmir, in Turkey), where h e was considered a lunatic a n d a fool, h e w a n d e r e d t h r o u g h Greece a n d Turkey for seven years till h e found a m o r e favorable reception in Jerusalem a n d Cairo. A major turning-point in his career came when h e went to seek the advice of a brilliant young rabbi, Nathan of

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Gaza. Nathan, rather than helping Zevi with his spiritual a n d psychological problems, assumed the role of the p r o p h e t Elijah a n d hailed Zevi as the promised Messiah. T h e fortunes of Zevi a n d his m o v e m e n t now dramatically changed. Many leading rabbis accepted him as the Messiah a n d his fame a n d influence swept t h r o u g h o u t the Jewish world b o t h in the Middle East a n d in E u r o p e . Zevi began acting as if h e were the promised Messiah by distributing the kingdoms of the earth a m o n g the faithful a n d appointing counterparts of the ancient Israelite kings. Alarmed by these activities, the Turkish authorities h a d him arrested a n d impriso n e d . Zevi was faced with the choice between death or converting to Islam. In 1666 h e o p t e d to b e c o m e a Muslim, even t h o u g h he still continued to perform most of the Jewish rituals. His outward betrayal dismayed many of his followers who a b a n d o n e d his movement a n d r e t u r n e d to o r t h o d o x Judaism. 5 5 A core of followers, however, r e m a i n e d faithful. Nathan, in particular, defended Zevi's apostasy, which h e explained as a mission to r e d e e m the Turks. In o t h e r words, Zevi, by feigning acceptance of the Islamic faith, h a d succeeded in entering the enemy's camp to do battle with evil. This theological justification laid the foundation for the movement's ideology for the next h u n d r e d years. Zevi himself maintained his leadership role in the movement h e founded, revealing to his elite followers the mysteries of the godhead. After Zevi's death in 1676 the activities of the Shabbatean groups were mainly centered in Turkey, Italy, a n d Poland. Rejected a n d opposed by rabbinical authorities, the movement went u n d e r g r o u n d a n d split into several sects. Theological speculations about Zevi a n d the nature of his messiahship continued. During the eighteenth century there were many of his followers who claimed to be the Messiah b e n Joseph, a divinely appointed leader who was believed to fill in the period between the first manifestation of Shabbetai Zevi a n d his second coming. Internal controversies a n d factions were c o m m o n in the Shabbatean Movement during the eighteenth century. By the first decade of the n i n e t e e n t h century Shabbateanism h a d disintegrated into a few small groups, some of which survived till the early twentieth century. Jewish commentators o n the Shabbatean Movement agree that Zevi probably suffered from a pathological illness (probably manic depressive psychosis with paranoid traits) ,56 His behavior was erratic a n d antinomian; at o n e point h e declared the abolition of the T e n

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C o m m a n d m e n t s . During his periods of illumination he committed acts that ran counter to religious law (like celebrating several Jewish festivals in the space of o n e week) a n d practiced bizarre rituals. Historians have pointed to a n u m b e r of major factors to account, in part at least, for the rise of his movement a n d its initial success: the wars of religion in E u r o p e , the popularity of the Kabbalistic (occult) doctrines, the massacres of Jews in Eastern E u r o p e (Poland a n d Russia) in the middle of the seventeenth century, a n d the condition of the Jews in exile coupled with their hopes for political a n d spiritual redemption. 5 7 Christian responses to many of the leaders of the contemporary religious movements are similar, in several respects, to the Jewish reaction to Shabbetai Zevi's theology a n d behavior. New prophetic claims a n d mission are repeatedly a n d vehemently d e n i e d a n d attacked. A n d the moral character a n d behavior of new prophets are subjected to criticism a n d sometimes ridiculed. T h e majority of Christians have interpreted the alluring charismatic qualities of selfproclaimed messiahs a n d prophets of an i m p e n d i n g d o o m n o t as signs of God's presence, b u t rather as insane activities of mentally ill individuals or as indications of Satanic activity in the m o d e r n world.

NEW R E L I G I O N S IN T H E N I N E T E E N T H CENTURY T h e nineteenth-century Western world, particularly N o r t h America, experienced a dramatic rise in religious pluralism o n several fronts. T h e first was an increase in Christian revival movements. So many new sects were spreading their evangelical message in upstate New York that historians call this geographical area the 'burned-over district.' 58 T h e second was the introduction of Eastern religions in what was largely a Christian enclave. T h e influence of Eastern philosophical a n d religious t h o u g h t can be seen in the Metaphysical movements (including systems like Theosophy) ,59 T h e third was the emergence of religions or churches indigenous to the New World. O n e of the better examples that illustrates the presence of new religious movements in the West in this century is Mormonism (the C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints), whose c o n t i n u e d expansion t h r o u g h o u t the world has b e c o m e a major concern of many Christians. 60

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Mormonism O n e of the m o r e successful movements of nineteenth-century America was Mormonism, which was founded in 1830 by J o s e p h Smith who claimed to have discovered a lost Scripture, The Book of Mormon?1 For the Mormons, revealed Scripture consists of the Bible, the Book of Mormon, a n d two other relatively short works by Smith, namely the Doctrine and Covenant a n d the Pearl of Great Price. Most of Smith's contemporaries reacted negatively to his claim to revelation a n d p r o p h e t h o o d . During the first half-century of its existence, the M o r m o n C h u r c h experienced ridicule a n d persecution. T h e M o r m o n s ' flight West, till they settled in Utah, is an interesting chapter of the history of nineteenth-century America. Utah was finally admitted into the U n i o n as a state only after the C h u r c h ceased sanctioning polygamy a n d gave u p its policy of economic separatism a n d a Church-sponsored political party. T h e development of Mormonism since t h e n has b e e n of steady internal growth as well as tolerance a n d acceptance by the rest of society. Mormonism has b e e n transformed from a despised cult to an established c h u r c h with its own religious a n d cultural traditions. Like the major Christian churches, it has b e e n beset with many dissident groups over its 150-year history, the Reorganized C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints being the largest a n d most influential. 62 Many writers on Mormonism have found its theology, especially its doctrine of God, difficult to understand. 6 3 M o r m o n writings speak openly in terms of many gods, even t h o u g h sometimes o n e is left with the impression that these gods are b u t aspects of o n e divine being. 64 God is said to be a spirit in the same sense that a resurrected person is a spirit. God the Father is a glorified a n d perfected m a n , a person of tangible flesh a n d bones in which an eternal spirit is housed. Christ was literally the Son of God, in the sense that h e was conceived of the Virgin Mary a n d b o r n like any other h u m a n being. T h e Holy Ghost is a spirit person who has the functions of comforter, revealer, a n d sanctifier. Mormons also believe in a duality of God, namely that of fatherhood a n d m o t h e r h o o d . In Mormonism, God is n o t the ultimate being, b u t rather a spirit who, like h u m a n beings, is subject to a superior principle of growth a n d development. God created an infinite n u m b e r of universes, in the sense that h e organized t h e m out of existing chaotic matter. Many earths exist, every o n e of which is inhabited by God's spirit children a n d has b e e n given its own particular divine law. T h e h u m a n soul enjoyed a pre-

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existent life before it took h u m a n flesh. Adam was the first h u m a n being to fall, b o t h spiritually a n d temporally, from the immortal state, bringing suffering a n d death into this world. Christ, the firstb o r n of the Father, was chosen to execute the whole plan of r e d e m p t i o n . His sacrifice a t o n e d for the h u m a n condition, restoring the spiritual a n d temporal conditions h u m a n beings h a d before the Fall. Salvation enables h u m a n beings to b e c o m e gods, like their heavenly Father, a n d to rule over a planet just as Jesus rules over the earth. 6 5 T h e Mormons believe that their C h u r c h is the true C h u r c h of Jesus Christ. 66 They maintain that Jesus founded a church while o n earth, b u t it became very corrupt soon after he died. T h e revelation of J o s e p h Smith restored the C h u r c h with a new dispensation that includes the reintroduction of prophetic leadership, the reinstitution of the priesthoods of Aaron a n d Melchizedek, a n d the gathering of the saints (true believers). T h e M o r m o n C h u r c h is hierarchically organized with a p r o p h e t , the successor of J o s e p h Smith, a n d two counselors at the top of the organization. A council of Twelve Apostles helps a n d advises these main leaders, while a First Q u o r u m of Seventy is mainly c o n c e r n e d with missionary activity. T h e priesthoods of Aaron a n d Melchizedek are o p e n to M o r m o n m e n , the former being c o n c e r n e d with preparing m e m b e r s to be worthy a n d faithful ministers, the latter for those elders who are invested with power a n d authority in the Church. O n a local level, the C h u r c h is divided into wards (parishes) a n d stakes (dioceses) ,67 T h e ward church is the center of M o r m o n life a n d culture. Regular Sunday services include the c o m m e m o r a t i o n of the Lord's Supper at which bread a n d water (not wine) are blessed a n d received. Baptism is by immersion a n d marriages are performed by the Bishop. T h e h e a r t of M o r m o n worship is, however, the Temple, which is o p e n only to Mormons who are in good standing. 6 8 In the T e m p l e the most significant rituals take place, namely endowments (spiritual blessings), sealings (of marriages), a n d baptism of the dead (by proxy). T h e secret initiation ritual, at which a person is ritually washed, anointed with oil, a n d dressed in white T e m p l e garments, is said to be similar to Masonic rites. Mormons further a d h e r e to a rigid moral code. Sex is strictly limited to marriage partners. Modesty of dress a n d abstinence from alcohol, tobacco, tea, a n d coffee are the norms. Given the uniqueness of M o r m o n beliefs a n d practices, many

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scholars have debated whether Mormonism can be called a Christian church. Some have labeled it a marginal Protestant church, while others see it as an entirely new religious tradition, or a mixture of Judaic, Christian, a n d pagan ideas a n d practices. Mormonism definitely introduced a n u m b e r of beliefs a n d practices that were either u n h e a r d of in, or rejected by, traditional Christianity. Yet it has certainly inherited a lot from the Judeo-Christian tradition. Ideas taken from elsewhere, together with different interpretations of several basic Christian tenets, have m a d e Mormonism a u n i q u e blend. Its appeal does n o t seem to have subsided. Rodney Stark, a leading sociologist of religion, thinks that it is the fastest growing new religion in the world a n d is well on the way to becoming a universal faith. 69 T h e reaction to Mormonism has always b e e n negative. Like many contemporary religious movements, it has b e e n attacked as a system that promotes heresy a n d immorality, 70 a n d it has b e e n criticized for building a financial empire. 7 1 Yet the story of Mormonism can be cited as an excellent illustration of how new religions can m a n a g e to survive over a period of time by actually changing a n d adapting, u n d e r social pressure, to m o r e conventional standards. T h e r e is some evidence that several of the new religious movements might be u n d e r g o i n g a similar process. In the m o d e r n world, where individual freedom a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e are cherished virtues, new religious movements c a n n o t convert populations by physical force; in an o p e n society, psychological a n d intellectual pressures to accept a new faith can hardly p r o d u c e many conversions. Consequently, the new religions are faced with the options of adapting, in part at least, to the d o m i n a n t culture, remaining an insignificant minority, or simply ceasing to exist. T H E L E S S O N S OF H I S T O R Y This brief survey of select major religious movements t h r o u g h o u t Western history leads to the conclusion that these groups have shared similar ideologies a n d behavioral patterns. Even t h o u g h there are significant differences between contemporary religious movements a n d those that p r e c e d e d t h e m in the past, 72 alternative (unorthodox) a n d marginal religious systems of all ages have exhibited similar trends. Strictness or laxity of lifestyle have a p p e a r e d again a n d again in new movements. Secrecy, enthusiasm, a sense of elitism, a n d a quest for an experiential knowledge of the divine have

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b e e n features recurring with almost u n c a n n y regularity. T h e reaction of the established traditions to their beliefs a n d activities has always b e e n o n e of fear, suspicion, antagonism, a n d persecution. Christianity itself was subjected to a similar treatment in the R o m a n Empire before t h e conversion of E m p e r o r Constantine in 312. In fact, it has b e e n argued that Christianity in its first two centuries was a 'high intensity cult movement'. 7 3 Not many new religious movements, however, have survived the course of history. Many of those that did went t h r o u g h a process of change that eventually led t h e m to a d o p t rather traditional religious forms of behavior a n d activity. T h e main lesson of history is that the presence of new religions should n o t b e a cause for fear a n d panic. New religious groups m o r e often present a challenge rather t h a n a threat to mainline society a n d religion. Their presence might a p p e a r m e n a c i n g because they succeed in capturing the imagination a n d attention of many young adults, a n d their activities a n d beliefs are, at times, s h r o u d e d in mystery. Moreover, since there are n o antidotes to the rise of new religious movements, n o established a n d proven ways to respond to t h e m effectively, a n d n o known techniques for suppressing t h e m or curtailing their activities without e n d a n g e r i n g religious liberty, many people might feel intimidated or alarmed by their modest successes. History shows, however, that the n u m b e r of new religious movements that have developed into world religions have b e e n few. Those that survived have offered spiritual alternatives that have attracted relatively few people, if only for a brief period of time. A n o t h e r lesson of history suggests that new religions are part a n d parcel of h u m a n cultural evolution. They are the natural outgrowths of social a n d religious developments, rather t h a n sinister plots of evil cult leaders or Satanic concoctions aimed at the spiritual destruction of the h u m a n race. Their beliefs a n d practices may still be j u d g e d to be unacceptable by the mainline churches, b u t their presence might indirectly serve the function of keeping the major faiths alive. In o t h e r words, cults a n d sects could urge people to re-examine their own belief systems a n d moral standards. T h e religious faiths of the majority r u n the risk of being taken for granted, of becoming a matter of cultural routine, with the result that their adherents easily settle down to stagnant a n d uninspiring ideologies a n d lifestyles. T h e enthusiasm a n d devotion of m e m b e r s of new religious movements can be interpreted as a warning that traditional faiths could b e c o m e too complacent.

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Finally, history points to the evolving nature of religion and leads us to take a fresh look at religious change. In some Christian traditions (particularly Roman Catholicism) this is sometimes referred to as the 'development of doctrine'. 74 The new religions may point to future trends that could be eventually incorporated into the mainline churches. Just as Western Christianity adopted and transformed pagan philosophical ideas, beliefs, and customs of the ancient world, it may also do the same with some of the values and practices that the new religious movements are propagating. An example of this would be the current concern with the environment. Many New Age groups base their interest in preserving the earth from pollution on a rather pantheistic view of the universe, a view that is not reconcilable with orthodox Christianity. It is quite possible, however, that such a concern with the environment can be based on quite traditional theological reflections. Rather than condemning those involved in the New Age Movement for their unorthodox beliefs, one can attempt to harmonize environmental concern with a more traditional Judeo-Christian concept of a personal God who cares for creation and who has created human beings as stewards, rather than destroyers, of the earth. The history of alternative religions in the West hints that, rather than adopt a belligerent attitude towards them, one can respond more constructively to their presence and influence. NOTES 1. For a description of different kinds of beliefs regarding reincarnation, see E. G. Parrinder, 'Varieties of belief in reincarnation', Hibbert Journal 5 (1957), pp. 260-6. 2. A brief survey is provided by J. Bruce Long, 'Reincarnation' in Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade (Chicago: Macmillan, 1987), vol. 12, pp. 265-9. 3. A typical example of this is Mark Albrecht, Reincarnation: A Christian Appraisal (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1982). William J. Whalen, 'Reincarnation: why some people expect to make a comeback', US Catholic 53 (August 1988), pp. 33-9, states that the Catholic Church and its theologians have shown little interest in pursuing the matter. For various discussions on whether reincarnation could be harmonized with the Christian belief in the resurrection, see Reincarnation or Resurrection?, ed. Herman Haring and Johann-Baptist Metz (London: SCM Press, 1993). 4. Quincy Howe, Reincarnation for the Christian (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,

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1974); and Geddes McGregor, Reincarnation as a Christian Hope (Totowa, NJ: Barnes and Noble/London: Macmillan, 1982). 5. George Gallup and Frank Newport, 'Belief in paranormal phenomena among adult Americans', Skeptical Inquirer 15 (1991), p. 138. 6. Eileen Barker, 'Whatever next?: the future of new religious movements' in 'Religions Sans FrontieresV: Present and Future Trends of Migration, Culture and Communication, ed. Roberto Cipriani (Rome: Istituto Poligraphico e Zecca dello Stato, 1994), p. 371. 7. Geo Windergren, Mani and Manichaeism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965)8. Christopher Mcintosh, The Rosicrucians: The History, Mythology, and Rituals of an Occult Order (Wellinborough, UK: Crucible, 1987). 9. Mary Carman Rose, 'Christianity and the Gnostic challenge', The Christian Century 102 (November 13, 1985), p. 1030. Cf. Ralph Moellering, 'Ancient and modern Gnosticism', Currents in Theology and Mission 10 (August 1983), pp. 222-32; and Ellen Hinlicky and Paul Hinlicky, 'Gnosticism: old and new', Dialog 28.1 (1989), pp. 12-7. James M. Powell, 'Gnosticism in the thickets of academe', America 165 (September 5, 1991), pp. 194-5, maintains that Gnosticism is experiencing a revival in colleges and universities. 10. Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall, 2nd edn, 1988), p. 31. 11. Stephen A. Hoeller, 'What is a Gnostic?', Gnosis: A Journal of Western Inner Traditions, No. 23 (Spring 1992), p. 24. This quarterly journal, published since 1990, sometimes contains articles on Gnosticism and its Spring 1992 issue was dedicated to the subject. See also Christopher Lasch, 'Gnosticism, ancient and modern: the religion of the future?', Salmagundi 96 (Fall 1992), pp. 27-42. 12. For descriptions of Gnostic beliefs and practices see Kurt Rudolph, Gnosis: The Nature and History of Gnosticism (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1983); Giovanni Filoramo, A History of Gnosticism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); and Gilles Quispel, 'Gnosticism from its origins to the Middle Ages' in Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade, vol. 5, pp. 566-74. For the major Gnostic writings consult The Gnostic Scriptures, ed. Bentley Lay ton (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday and Co. /London: SCM Press, 1987); and The Other Bible, ed. by Willis Barnstone (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1984). 13. There is much debate as to how much syncretism is actually found in Gnosticism. See, for example, Simon Petrement, A Separate God: The Christian Origins of Gnosticism, translated by Carol Harrison (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, i99o)-

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14. Chas S. Clifton, 'The seed of light: Gnosticism and sacramental sex', Gnosis, No. 23 (Spring 1992), pp. 30-1. 15. Gnosis: The Nature and History of Gnosticism, p. 249. 16. For an account of this crusade, see Zoe Oldenbourg, Massacre at Montsegur: A History of the Albigensian Crusade (New York: Pantheon Books/London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961); Joseph R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades (New York: Dial Press, 1971); and Jonathan Sumption, The Albigensian Crusade (London: Faber, 1978). 17. For a description of Cathar belief see Zoe Oldenbourg, Massacre at Montsegur, pp. 28ff; and Joseph R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, pp. 26ff. See also Jacques Madaule, The Albigensian Crusade: An Historical Essay (New York: Fordham University Press/London: Burns and Oates, 1967), pp. 3off. 18. See Joseph R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, pp. 33-4; and Zoe Oldenbourg, Massacre at Montsegur, pp. 44-8. Both books reproduce the rituals in appendices (Strayer, pp. 175-82; and Oldenbourg, pp. 369-70). Cf. also Jacques Madaule, The Albigensian Crusade, pp. 45-50. 19. Joseph R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, pp. 34-5. 20. Joseph McCabe, The History of Flagellation: The Whip as an Instrument of Punishment, Torture, Selfbeatings, Religion and Erotic Stimulation (Girard, KS: Haldemanjulius Publications, 1946). 21. F.J. Courtney, 'Flagellants' in New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1967), vol. 5, pp. 594-5; and Kenneth C. Russell, 'Asceticism' in The New Dictionary of Catholic Spirituality, ed. Michael Downey (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1993), pp. 63-5. 22. Kenneth C. Russell, 'Asceticism', p. 64. 23. Quoted by Rufus M.Jones, 'Flagellants' in The Encyclopaedia of Religions and Ethics, ed. James Hastings (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1955), vol. 6, p. 50. 24. Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (London: Seeker and Warburg, i957)» es P eciall yPP- l3l~325. One should note that between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries there were confraternities in Italy, known as the 'Disciplinati', who stressed ascetical practices, including flagellation. They never indulged in extreme and public forms of penance, as the Flagellants did, and were never regarded as heretical. Cf. F.J. Courtney, 'Flagellants', p. 595. 26. See The Penitentes of New Mexico, ed. Carlos E. Cortes (New York: Arno Press, 1974). This book reprints three major studies on the Penitentes of New Mexico:

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(i) Alex M. Darley, The Passionists of the Southwest, or The Holy Brotherhood (1893); (2) Alice Corbin Henderson, Brothers of Light: The Penitentes of the Southwest (1937); and (3) Dorothy Woodward, The Penitentes of New Mexico (1935). 2 7. See Dorothy Woodward, The Penitentes ofNew Mexico, pp. 100-3. Woodward gives six theories which have been proposed to explain the presence of these brotherhoods in the southwestern parts of the United States and finds them all wanting. Her view is that their origin should be traced to religious confraternities. See also Marta Weigle, The Penitentes of the Southwest (Santa Fe, NM: Ancient City Press, 1970), pp. 3-13. 28. For the ritual observances of these Penitentes see Marta Weigle, The Penitentes of the Southwest, pp. 26ff. 29. Ibid., p. 13. 30. See Charles Aranda, The Penitente Papers (published privately in Albuquerque, NM, c. i960). This booklet contains the constitutions of, and ecclesiastical documents relating to, one particular Penitente organization, the Brothers of Our Lord Jesus the Nazarene. In spite of their reputation to the contrary, this brotherhood has been declared to be in good standing in the Catholic Church. 31. Cf. Michael Mullet, Radical Religious Movements in Early Modern Europe (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1980); Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas During the English Revolution (New York: Viking Press London: Temple Smith, 1972); and F. D. Dow, Radicalism in the English Revolution, 1640-1660 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), especially ch. 4, 'The religious situation', pp. 57-73. 3 2. Christopher Hill, Barry Reay and William Lamont, The World of the Muggletonians (London: Temple Smith, 1983). 33. Alastair Hamilton, The Family of Love (Cambridge, UK: J. Clarke, 1981); and Christopher W. Marsh, The Family of Love in English Society, 1550-1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 34. See Henry Noel Brailsford, The Levellers in the English Revolution (London: Cresset Press, 1961/Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1964); and D. B. Robinson, The Religious Foundations of Leveller Democracy (New York: King's Crown Press, 1951). 35. Elbert Russell, The History of Quakerism (New York: Macmillan, 1942). 36. For some basic works on the Ranters, cf. Norman Cohn, 'The Ranters: the "underground" in the England of 1656', Encounter34 (April 1970), pp. 15-25, and The Pursuit of the Millennium, pp. 315-72; G. F. S. Ellens, 'The Ranters

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ranting: reflections on a ranting counter-culture', Church History 40 (1971), pp. 91-107; A. L. Morton, The World of the Ranters: Religious Radicalism in the English Revolution (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1970); Jerome Friedman, Blasphemy, Immorality, and Anarchy: The Ranters and the English Revolution (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1987); and A Collection ofRanter Writingsfrom the 1 yth Century, ed. Nigel Smith (London: Junction Books, 1983). 37. See Jerome Friedman, Blasphemy, Immorality, and Anarchy, where several chapters are devoted to each type of Ranters distinguished by the author. 38. The World of the Ranters, p. 75. 39. Norman Cohn, 'The Ranters', pp. 19-20. 40. G. F. S. Ellens, 'The Ranters ranting', p. 98. 41. Cf. A. L. Morton, The World of the Ranters, pp. 102-3; an( ^ ^ Collection of Ranter Writings from the Seventeenth Century, ed. Nigel Smith, pp. I4ff. 42. 'The Ranters ranting', p. 97. 43. Ibid., p. 107. Norman Cohn, 'The Ranters', p. 25, compares the Ranters not only with the hippies but also with the Manson cult. 44. A. L. Morton, The World of the Ranters, pp. loiff. The doctrines of the Ranters, for example, were attacked in many pamphlets. Some of the accusations against them, which included the far-fetched views that they were Royalist agents or Jesuits in disguise, could hardly be backed by concrete evidence. 45. 'Ranters' in The Encyclopaedia of Religions and Ethics, vol. 10, p. 597. 46. Cf., for example, Andre Haynal, Niklos Molnar, and Gerard de Puymege, Fanaticism: A Historical and Psychoanalytic Study (New York: Schocken Books, 1983); and Ronald O. Clarke, 'The narcissistic guru: a profile of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh', Free Inquiry 8 (Spring 1988), pp. 33-5. 47. Fear, Myth and History: The Ranters and the Historians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 48. J. C. Davis, 'Fear, myth and history: reappraising the "Ranters" ', Past and Present, no. 129 (1990), pp. 79-103. 49. See J. F. McGregor, Barnard Capp, Nigel Smith, and B.J. Gibbons, 'Debate: fear, myth and furore: reappraising the "Ranters" ', Past and Present, no. 140 (1993), pp. 155-94; and J. C. Davis, 'Reply', Past and Present, no. 140 (1993), pp. 194-210. 50. 'Did the Ranters exist?', Past and Present, no. 117 (1987), pp. 208-19.

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51. 'Seekers and Ranters' in Radical Religion in the English Reformation, ed. J. F. McGregor and B. Reay (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 122. 52. For examples of writers who believe that there are many Satanic cults today who practice the most heinous rituals, see Carl A. Raschke, Painted Black: From Drug Killings to Heavy Metal: The Alarming Story of How Satanism Is Threatening Our Communities (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1990). Almost all of the contributors to the Spring 1994 issue of the Journal of Psychohistory insist that disclosures of Satanic rituals are describing actual occurrences. On the other side, many have argued that belief in these rituals are mythological or folkloristic in nature. Cf. James T. Richardson, Joel Best, and David G. Bromley (eds), The Satanism Scare (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1991); Jeffrey S. Victor, Satanic Panic: The Creation of a Contemporary Legend (Chicago: Open Court, 1993); and Philip Jenkins, Intimate Enemies: Moral Panics in Contemporary Britain (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1992). 53. The most thorough treatment of this Jewish religious movement and its founder is Gershom Scholem's massive work Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, 1627-1676 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973). See also his shorter essay 'Shabbetai Zevi' in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Cecil Roth (Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972), vol. 14, pp. 1219-54; and Joseph Kastein, The Messiah oflsmir: Sabbatai Zevi (New York: Viking Press, 1931). 54. Zevi delved more precisely into Lurianic Kabbala, which represented the original and novel teachings of Issac Luria Ashkenazai (1534-72). See Sabbatai Sevi, pp. 23ff. For an overview of the Kabbala, cf. Gershom Scholem, 'Kabbalah' in Encylopaedia Judaica, vol. 10, pp. 649-54. 55. For various reactions to this apostasy, see Sabbatai Sevi, pp. 69iff. 56. Ibid., p. 126. 57. For a discussion of the causes leading to the rise of Zevi's movement, see Sabbatai Sevi, pp. 1-8. 58. Whitney B. Cross, The Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History in Western New York, 1800-1850 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1950); and Michael Barkum, The Crucible of the Millennium: The Burned-Over District of New York in the 1840s (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1986). 59. J. Stillson Judah, The History and Philosophy of the Metaphysical Movements in America (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1967). 60. See, for instance, Joe Maxwell, 'New kingdom of the cults', Christianity Today 36 (January 13, 1992), pp. 37-40. The author examines the missionary work of many Christian sects and new religions in Eastern Europe and accuses the Mormons of deceiving would-be Christians.

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61. For a history of Mormonism, the following works may be consulted: James B. Allen and Glen B. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Desert Book Co., 1976); Leonard J. Arrington and David Bitton, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints (New York: Alfred Knopf/London: Allen and Unwin, 1979); and Jan Shipps, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1985). The Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel Ludlow (New York: Macmillan, 1992), vol. 2, pp. 598-647, provides several relatively short surveys of the history of Mormonism. 62. Steven Shields, Divergent Paths of the Restoration (Bountiful, UT: Restoration Research, 1985), gives a comprehensive account of the well over a hundred Mormon sects that have come into being over the years. 63. For a summary of Mormon beliefs, Thomas F. O'Dea, The Mormons (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957) is still one of the better books on the subject. See also Stephen E. Robinson, 'God the father' in Encyclopedia ofMormonism, vol. 2, pp. 548-51. 64. See Bruce McConkie, Mormon Doctrine (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966), p. 3*765. Ibid., p. 129. Several short articles covering different aspects of Mormon Christology can be found in the Encyclopedia of Mormonism, vol. 2, pp. 723-53. 66. See Bruce Douglas Porter, 'Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints' in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, vol. 1, pp. 276-80. 67. Thomas O'Dea, The Mormons, pp. i55ff. See also the following two articles: William G. Hartle, 'Organizational and administrative history'; and Lee Tom Perry, Paul M. Bons, and Alan L. Wilkins, 'Contemporary organization'; both in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, vol. 3, pp. 1035-44 and 1044-9 respectively. 68. For a short description see, for example, Paul V. Hyde, 'Temple sealings' in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, vol. 3, pp. 1289-90. 69. 'The rise of a new world faith', Review of Religious Research 26 (1985-86), pp. 18-27. Cf. William M. Kephart, Extraordinary Groups: An Examination of Unconventional Lifestyles (New York: St Martin's Press, edn, 1987), pp. 262-3. 70. Mormonism I: Evangelical Christian Anti-Mormonism in the Twentieth Century, ed. Gary L. Ward (New York: Garland, 1990). See also John A. Saliba, 'Mormonism in the twenty-first century', Studia Missionalia 41 (1992), pp. 59-62. 71. John Heinerman and Anson D. Shupe, in the Preface to their book The Mormon Corporate Empire (Boston: Beacon Press, 1985), p. x, write: 'The Mormon financial/political enterprise is not simply an American success story but rather an ongoing crusade to reshape our society and its democratic traditions.'

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72. See Bryan Wilson, 'Historical lessons in the study of sects and cults' in Religion and the Social Order, ed. David G. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden (New York: JAI Press, 1993), vol. 3A, pp. 53-74. 73. D.James Atwood and Ronald B. Flowers, 'Early Christianity as a cult movement', Encounter 44 (Summer 1983), pp. 245-61. 74. Thomas P. Rausch, 'Development of doctrine' in The New Dictionary of Theology, ed. Joseph A. Komonchak, Mary Collins, and Dermot A. Lane (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier/Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1987), pp. 280-3; and Candido Pozo, 'Development of dogma' in Sacramentum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Theology, ed. Karl Rahner et al (New York: Herder and Herder, 1968), vol. 2, pp. 98-102. For a Protestant perspective consult Nicholas Lash, 'Development, doctrine' in The Westminster Dictionary of Christian Theology, ed. Alan Richardson and John Bowden (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983), pp. 155-6.

3 THE

NEW

RELIGIOUS

PSYCHOLOGICAL

MOVEMENTS

IN

PERSPECTIVE

ONE OF the most frequently asked questions about the new religions is what kind of person is attracted to their ideals, beliefs, a n d practices. Many people find it h a r d to u n d e r s t a n d the factors a n d motives that lead young adults to a b a n d o n a traditional a n d respected religious faith community in o r d e r to accept an u n o r t h o dox ideology a n d to commit themselves to an unconventional religious lifestyle. Professional psychologists a n d psychiatrists who have studied involvement in fringe religions have also directed their queries to the type of person who is attracted to them. Is there a 'cult' personality? Is there a specific temperamental a n d attitudinal make-up that renders an individual liable to seek m e m b e r s h i p in groups like the Hare Krishna Movement, the Unification Church, the Children of God (The Family), Scientology, or a fundamentalist Christian church? A second area of investigation deals with the way in which a young adult actually joins a new movement. Does the decision to b e c o m e a m e m b e r constitute a free choice? O r is the individual in such a psychological condition that his or h e r powers of making an auton o m o u s , knowledgeable choice are severely impaired? Are there outside pressures that bear so heavily u p o n an individual's j u d g m e n t that one's entrance into a new religion is accomplished by means of subtle manipulation a n d / o r coercion? These questions bear on the ongoing debate about the mental health of those who o p t for life in a new religion a n d who have b e e n m e m b e r s for a while. 1 Do the new religions attract the weak a n d vulnerable who are unable to cope with the problems of life? In other words, is entry into a marginal religious g r o u p symptomatic of unresolved psychological problems? Moreover, o n e often hears of

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the drastic changes that people u n d e r g o after they have j o i n e d an alternative religion. What effects can a rigid, sometimes strict, comm u n a l regime have on the well-being of its members? Is the radical change in ideology a n d lifestyle beneficial or detrimental to one's mental a n d emotional development? Psychological a n d psychiatric studies present conflicting answers to these nagging questions. O n the o n e h a n d , there are many reports, confirmed by scholarly research, that m e m b e r s of new religions have given u p the use of drugs, alcohol consumption, a n d o t h e r b a d habits to which they were previously addicted. Devoted m e m b e r s give testimony to these kinds of achievements. Some new movements, in fact, attempt to attract candidates by the promise of a happier a n d healthier life free of all personal a n d social problems. 2 O n the other h a n d , many ex-cult m e m b e r s have insisted that their m e m b e r s h i p in a new religious m o v e m e n t p r o d u c e d deleterious effects o n their personalities a n d intellectual performances. 3 Further, the psychological a n d social changes that accompany entry to a new religious m o v e m e n t are viewed with concern by some psychologists a n d psychiatrists who have routinely diagnosed ex-members of new religions as sick individuals who, d u r i n g their involvement, h a d lost interest in b o t h intellectual a n d m u n d a n e matters a n d b e c o m e slavish followers of their religious leaders or superiors. T h e popular image of cult members, an image heavily influenced by Flo Conway a n d J i m Siegleman's book o n conversion to the new religions, 4 is that of 'hypnotized' individuals or mindless robots who are in an i n d u c e d trance state. 5 Members of new religious movements are depicted as individuals who have b e e n r e n d e r e d unable to think for themselves a n d to make the simplest decisions about their own lives. Although this caricature of 'glassy-eyed zombies' has b e e n questioned by sociologists, 6 it has survived b o t h in the media a n d psychiatric literature. This negative view of the effects of life in the new religions may be, at best, an exaggeration a n d oversimplification. It raises issues, however, that c a n n o t be ignored. It brings to m i n d the ongoing debate o n religion a n d mental health. 7 It also draws attention to several fundamentalist Christian churches, m e m b e r s h i p of which has b e e n j u d g e d to be detrimental to o n e ' s psychological a n d spiritual well-being. 8

Psychological perspective

67

T H E P S Y C H O L O G I C A L P R O F I L E OF A ' C U L T ' J O I N E R Concern with personality types has b e e n a continuing psychological interest. 9 Psychologists studying the new religions have endeavored to draw u p a profile of those individuals who, apparently with little protracted consideration a n d less advice from peers or experts, have e m b a r k e d o n a lifestyle that might drastically change their behavioral patterns, modes of thought, a n d interpersonal relationships. Is it possible to delineate the personality features that lead a person to go in search of a 'deviant' lifestyle a n d / o r to respond positively to the recruitment efforts of the new religions? Reactions to the new movements vary enormously. Many people seem to ignore their presence. Their knowledge about t h e m might be limited to what they read in an occasional magazine article or newspaper report. It would appear that the proselytizing efforts of the new movements elicit m o r e feelings of revulsion, ridicule, or sheer curiosity, than fanatic admiration, irresistible attraction, sincere concern, or genuine interest. Of those who are inquisitive e n o u g h to follow u p their first contacts with m e m b e r s of the new religious movements with a closer look at their activities a n d living conditions, the majority never actually join. Reports from scholars who have investigated defections from the new religions indicate that the turnover rate in the majority of t h e m is rather high. 10 What psychological factors influence defections from new religious movements? A n d why is it that others persevere in their new vocational callings? Several efforts have b e e n m a d e to draw u p a psychological profile of a young adult who is m o r e likely to be drawn to the new movements. Representative of such profiles is the o n e suggested by the American Psychiatric Association: The white middle-class, idealistic young people who form the majority in most contemporary cults are often lonely, depressed, and fearful of an uncertain future. They tend to be dependent. They have strong needs for affection. Unable to provide for their own emotional sustenance, they need external sources for a feeling of self-worth, a sense of belonging, and a reason for living. They feel resentful and are often openly hostile towards society at large; it has disappointed them and does not value them. The freedoms as well as the demands of young adulthood, eagerly awaited by many, may be overwhelming to them.11 It is generally assumed that a combination of the following, a n d

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possibly other, overlapping factors could lead a person to search for an alternative lifestyle a n d / o r r e n d e r h i m or h e r m o r e o p e n to the recruitment techniques a n d evangelization efforts of the new religions. The deprived individual O n e of the c o m m o n theories of cult formation, accepted by many psychologists a n d sociologists, is that m e m b e r s of new religions are deprived young adults who are seeking satisfaction for their various needs. 1 2 This approach starts with a functional definition of religion a n d argues that religious revivals a n d movements come into being to satisfy practical h u m a n needs that are n o t being met, to help people cope with new problems, a n d to act as a catalyst for religious change. 1 3 A typical psychological application of the functional theory is exemplified by Frank MacHovec, who maintains that participation in a marginal religious g r o u p satisfies the n e e d for safety a n d security a n d the h u m a n longing for emotional support a n d approval. H e writes: Uncertain of the future, with career and life goals neither clearly seen nor firmly established, cults provided a packaged personality, and the illusion of security in a comfortable, orderly structure and safe, non-threatening, non-competitive, predictable, repeated routine. Acceptance, approval, and affection from self-assured, enthusiastic, persuasive 'new friends' with answers and commitment seem to fill the void and give life new meaning. 14 If o n e tries to locate the social deprivations that may influence the individual to j o i n a new religion, o n e runs into some serious difficulties. Most m e m b e r s of these religions come from an economically advantaged family background. Unlike the many sects a n d cults of the n i n e t e e n t h century that, generally speaking, attracted the u n e d u cated a n d socioeconomically underprivileged m e m b e r s of society, contemporary groups have recruited their adherents largely from the middle a n d u p p e r social strata. Members of new religions typically come from families that have all the material benefits of m o d e r n culture. Their parents are well-educated a n d they themselves have either b e g u n or completed their college education. They have b e e n b r o u g h t u p thinking in terms of following a career, getting

Psychological

perspective

69

married a n d raising a family, a n d finding a respectable a n d comfortable niche in society. They are n o t economically, socially, or educationally deprived. It is precisely this advantageous b a c k g r o u n d of the m e m b e r s of new religious movements that makes it even h a r d e r to explain why people b e c o m e involved in them. From the point of view of contemporary culture new religions appear to have little to offer. It is n o t surprising that parents wonder why, for instance, their intelligent, sociable twenty-year-old son or daughter, who was considering the career of a medical doctor, drops out of college a n d rejects both family a n d friends to j o i n an Eastern religious g r o u p that practices meditation or a fundamentalist Christian sect that stresses faith healing a n d encourages m e m b e r s to break all their ties with the past. Such behavior appears irrational a n d thus clamors for an explanation that exonerates the individual from his or h e r choice a n d the parents from any blame. It is also arguable that contemporary young adults may have all the material benefits society can offer a n d still be disadvantaged or deprived in many o t h e r respects. An individual who is highly educated can be searching for truth a n d m e a n i n g in his or h e r life. O n e who has grown u p in a family where finances were never a problem, might find oneself lacking in g e n u i n e caring for the needy a n d for those who are the victims of social injustice. It is possible that the young adult who pledges c o m m i t m e n t in a new religious movement is both ethically a n d spiritually deprived. T h e theory that individuals j o i n new religions because they suffer from various deprivations is far from self-evident. O n e of the main difficulties with this theory is that it fails to take into account the fact that many people still find support a n d security in m o r e traditional religious a n d social institutions which have, after all, b e e n satisfying h u m a n needs for centuries. T h e theory has, however, attractive features a n d has b e e n used repeatedly by scholars with diverse academic backgrounds to explain why people j o i n new movements in different cultural situations a n d historical periods. T h e 1986 Vatican 'Report on Sects a n d New Religious Movements' 1 5 a d o p t e d a theory of religious deprivation to explain, in part at least, the success of the marginal movements in contemporary culture.

70

Perspectives on new religious The alienated

movements

individual

Alienation in m o d e r n Western society has b e e n the subject of intensive studies by b o t h psychologists 16 a n d sociologists. 17 Its causes include sociological factors, psychological disturbances, a n d religious factors. 18 O n e study concluded that adolescents from traditional families with strong religious backgrounds were m o r e alienated than their peers and, therefore, might be m o r e o p e n to consider religious options different from those in which they have b e e n reared. 1 9 Adolescents appear to be m o r e p r o n e to alienation, which might explain why the majority of those attracted to new religious movements are young adults. 20 Alienation refers primarily to the experience of strangeness or separateness. It comes with a feeling that o n e doesn't belong to, n o r has warm relationships with, one's family or society. It has b e e n directly linked with such marginal groups as Satanic groups, violent street gangs, a n d neo-Nazi skinhead movements. 2 1 People who j o i n new religions can be characterized as having gone t h r o u g h a socialization process m a r r e d by discord. T h e young adult who is attracted to a marginal religion is o n e whose socialization in the values a n d mores of society has b e e n far from smooth. This painful introduction to the culture of o n e ' s birth could have b e e n the result of a variety of factors, including insecurity, tension a n d conflict within the family, inappropriate educational training, a n d unpleasant experiences in the context of the family's religious practices. T h e presence of these unfavorable conditions may have caused the young adult to grow u p into an alienated, disgruntled individual who does n o t feel at h o m e in his or h e r family, religion, or society. It is important to stress that alienation is perceived as preceding a n d n o t following involvement, even if this involvement may r e n d e r the sense of alienation m o r e acute a n d sharply defined. T h e acceptance of a substitute family that new religions offer, the d e m a n d of total allegiance, a n d a different sociocultural milieu that stresses separation from the rest of society, follows the partial or complete rejection of, or dissatisfaction with, the culture of one's upbringing. T h e new religions simply provide an alternative to an individual who has already lost, or is seriously questioning, his or h e r roots. T h e concept of alienation is particularly useful when examining the family problems which come to the fore whenever a family m e m b e r joins a new religion. T h e r e is n o d o u b t that m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion either creates or aggravates family problems a n d

Psychological

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tensions. A crisis in family relationships can c o m e to a h e a d when a family m e m b e r converts to a n o t h e r church or religion. O n e still hears of the occasional case when parents break off all contact with their offspring who marry outside the church or religion in which they were raised. T h e new religions have a d d e d a new dimension to the family situation, n o t only because they are perceived as atypical a n d a b e r r a n t forms of h u m a n behavior, b u t also because they have b e e n causally connected with mental illness or psychological weakness. It would, however, be naive to conceive of the new religions mainly as disrupters of family life. Joining a new m o v e m e n t might be an indicator that all is n o t well at h o m e . While there is m u c h debate about the ideal form of family life, there is little a r g u m e n t about the fact that the institution of the family has u n d e r g o n e , for better or for worse, substantial changes over the last few decades. Empirical research has established the fact that the form, role, a n d functions of the family are in the process of change. Thus, there seems to be little dispute about the facts that (1) many of the traditional functions of the family, like education a n d social control, have b e e n transferred to, or are shared with, o t h e r institutions in society; (2) the roles of m e n a n d women have altered considerably, particularly because of the increasing n u m b e r of women entering the work force a n d pursuing educational a n d professional careers; a n d (3) m o d e r n medicine has increased control over h u m a n sexual functions a n d indirectly buttressed the conviction that sex should n o t be limited to married couples or necessarily linked with procreation. T h e consequences of these a n d other changes that are influencing family life have b e e n e n o r m o u s . T h e traditional institution of the family was showing signs of a breakdown long before the new religions e m e r g e d as a p r o b l e m in the early 1970s. T h e contemporary family faces many difficulties that are unrelated to the rise of new religions. 22 Given this situation, j o i n i n g an alternative religious g r o u p could be b u t o n e expression of current family issues. It might c o n n o t e a rejection of parental authority a n d value systems as well as a n e e d for a strong, male authority that the family might n o t have provided. While it would be an overstatement to assert that adverse family relations are always the direct or immediate cause of involvement in an alternative religion, those seeking an explanation of why people j o i n cults should carefully investigate the family conditions that definitely affect children. T h a t many people find in their new faith communities substitute families a n d parents (who are considered

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better than the natural ones) c a n n o t be denied. Although o n e might disagree with the offspring's evaluation of their family life, o n e c a n n o t dismiss the fact that the changing institution of the family contributes to the alienation of children who might seek refuge in different religious groups. T h e theory of alienation may also throw light o n the seemingly abrupt m a n n e r in which many young adults reportedly j o i n a new religious movement. It explains why parents, relatives, a n d friends are repeatedly caught unawares when they find out that the people they t h o u g h t they knew so well have decided to become m e m b e r s of a new religion or have j o i n e d a religious c o m m u n e . People alienated from their families d o n o t normally discuss their personal difficulties at h o m e . Nor d o they m e n t i o n to their parents their interests in exploring the non-traditional lifestyle of a particular new religious movement or c o m m u n e . The religiously inclined person A n o t h e r psychological trait of those who seek entrance in new cults or sects is their interest in religious a n d philosophical matters. Although ideology may n o t be the main feature that first attracts a person to a new religion, there are some indications that would-be cult m e m b e r s are m o r e religiously inclined than their peers. Adolescents have a n e e d to believe in a n d to belong to a community of faith that enables t h e m to cope better with the difficulties they e n c o u n t e r during the course of their lives.23 Some scholars have suggested that the individual who joins a new religion has the desire to be a 'world saver'. 24 In o t h e r words, h e or she feels that the world is in n e e d of salvation a n d that something must be d o n e to avoid a disaster. Utopianism a n d millenarianism are two ways in which such a concern has frequently expressed itself. T h e coming of the millennium or the golden age a n d the i m m i n e n t advent of a catastrophe have b e e n proclaimed i n n u m e r a b l e times over the last 25 years by prophets, religious leaders, psychics, a n d astrologers. W h e t h e r such religiously motivated a n d inspired concerns a n d emotionally charged preoccupations are healthy, a n d whether the enthusiastic, a n d at times frantic, response to such prophecies of d o o m denotes a serious mental a n d / o r psychological weakness, are debatable. In o r d e r to u n d e r s t a n d how an individual develops such a religious attitude, o n e has to look briefly at the cultural condition of the

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twentieth century. Several distinctive qualities of the contemporary scene are obvious. Most people today c a n n o t live in religious isolation. Mass communications, increased mobility, a n d a shared educational system have m a d e it inevitable that most people learn about, a n d sometimes confront, alien religious traditions. T h e mann e r in which religion is taught in many contemporary schools exposes many children a n d young adults to different religious options before they are securely g r o u n d e d in o n e faith. 25 Besides, many people, who have little knowledge about their own faiths a n d less expertise about defending them, have to face enthusiastic evangelizers seeking to convert t h e m to alternative lifestyles a n d spiritualities. Moreover, o u r culture places a great stress o n individual choice. Young adults are encouraged to be i n d e p e n d e n t a n d to make their own decisions, even if they are expected to consult a n d inform their parents. Religious freedom could easily be expressed in rebellion against the religion of one's upbringing. For many people, especially young adults, religion has b e c o m e a commodity that o n e investigates, explores, a n d chooses a n d n o t just accepts from one's parents or school teachers. O n e ' s own personal experience is accorded priority over conformity. W h e n studying Western society o n e must also consider the process of secularization, which removes or dissociates religious expressions, beliefs, a n d symbols from public life. T h e religiously inclined individual finds it h a r d to express one's religious ideas, feelings a n d experiences. H e or she might feel forced to live a dual existence, a private o n e that is religious a n d c o n c e r n e d with the sacred, a n d a civil o n e that is n o t only uninterested in such matters, b u t also seemingly based on the assumption that there is n o place for religion in m o d e r n life. Given these cultural conditions, it is n o t surprising that many people, young a n d old, find themselves religiously insecure a n d confused. Religion offers definite a n d absolute answers to those persistent h u m a n questions about the m e a n i n g of life a n d the morality of o n e ' s behavior. It is possible that once a religion is n o longer perceived as providing the answers to the major h u m a n concerns a n d as being relevant to one's daily activities, it loses a lot of its attractiveness. A person educated in Western culture can grow u p with a very negative view of religion, even if one's parents are regular churchgoers. It is quite possible that many young adults at the start of their careers are n o t yet committed to the religion of their parents

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a n d are ready either to give u p the beliefs a n d practices they have b e e n taught or to embark o n a religious quest on their own initiative. T h e rise of fundamentalism over the last couple of decades can be seen, in part at least, as a consequence of the contemporary religious situation. 26 Christian fundamentalist churches a n d many of the new religious movements tend, as a rule, to propose their belief systems in a rather dogmatic a n d absolute fashion. Similarly, many p r o p o n e n t s of Eastern meditation techniques insist that what they have to offer is the best way to achieve peace of mind, happiness, a n d security. Some new religions propose specific programs b o t h to save the world a n d to develop one's natural spiritual a n d intellectual talents, programs that the religion of one's birth seems to lack or to have discontinued. T h e individual who heeds the appeal of the new evangelizers might be reacting to a society that denies, ignores, or is u n c o n c e r n e d with traditional religious concerns, values, a n d interests.

The individual in search of an identity O n e finds in psychological literature plenty of debate about today's identity crisis. 27 Adolescents in particular may experience an 'identity deficit' that, in the words of Roy Baumeister, 'refers to an inadequacy of the self to make the decisions that confront it'. 28 This type of crisis is linked with the rejection of parental authority: In adolescence, the crisis appears to rise when the young person rejects parental teachings, values, and plans, in order to decide for him- or herself what course to take toward adulthood. This rejection of parental input creates an inner vacuum that must be filled before decisions can be made about adult life. The rejection of parental teachings is typically followed by a stage of exploring new ideas, lifestyles, and/or modes of relating to other people. 29 Many young adults, b r o u g h t u p in a religiously a n d ethically insecure world, experience a loss of their sense of identity, a lack of the n o r m a l feeling that o n e has a historical continuity. They may have modified or altered their attitude towards life several times a n d tried o u t so many different experiences that they have b e c o m e aware that their identity has c h a n g e d dramatically over a relatively short period of time. O n e could probably describe this feeling as that of being lost, of having n o moorings, a n d being u n c o n n e c t e d with b o t h one's past a n d present surroundings.

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T h e experience of a lost a n d vague identity is related to the fact that contemporary Western culture tends to treat people rather impersonally, as if they are n u m b e r s in a c o m p u t e r bank a n d n o t u n i q u e individuals of worth. O n e can easily e n d u p feeling like a m e r e cog in a blundering, d e h u m a n i z e d social machine. Although this feeling of depersonalization does n o t necessarily d e n o t e a psychological disorder, it may b e c o m e such if it is accompanied by a loss of contact with one's own personal reality a n d by feelings of strangeness a n d unreality of experience. Many large churches might also be, unwittingly, p r o m o t i n g this depersonalization process. They could b e failing n o t only in ministering to the individual needs of their m e m b e r s b u t also in providing t h e m with a faith-sharing environment. Traditional churches tend to stress the observance of rules a n d uniform behavior m o r e than the satisfaction of the individual needs of their m e m b e r s . Preoccupation with conformity a n d the pressures of religious institutions could have a negative impact o n one's sense of identity. Such depersonalized treatment is related to alienation in the sense that it leads a person to feel separate from his o r h e r 'real' or ' d e e p e r ' self. Conversely, many of the new religions seem to cater to the needs of the self. They have b e e n labeled cults of personality or even narcissistic cults. 30 Peace of mind, spiritual well-being, gratifying experiences, a n d material success are a m o n g the m o r e enticing promises of the new movements. Such stress on the individual a n d concern with one's personal worth a n d self-development are p a r a m o u n t especially in h u m a n growth movements. H e r e the focus is o n the individual's n e e d to e n h a n c e one's own sense of identity, i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d personal talents. Many of the new religions seem to provide some relief for those who are plagued by an identity crisis. Sherman Feinstein, for example, states that young adults attracted to new religious movements are characterized by a dissatisfaction with their status q u o a n d with a slow resolution of their identity crisis. 31 While conversion does bring some relief, h e maintains that the very resolution of their existential anxiety is pathological a n d c a n n o t b e sustained for any length of time. The individual in a general state of crisis Popular literature typically draws an elaborate picture of how members of new religions go o u t on an aggressive search for new recruits. Recruitment m e t h o d s employed by some of the new movements

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have come u n d e r heavy attack, sometimes for good reasons. But o n e can wrongfully conclude that everybody is easy prey for the happy smiles a n d enticing promises of enthusiastic recruiters. Nothing could be further from the truth. Recruitment to a religious cause is, in fact, a very complex process. Those people who j o i n a new religion have b e e n described as 'seekers'. 32 They tend to view religion as a 'spiritual quest' a n d n o t an unquestioned acceptance of the beliefs a n d practices of organized churches. 3 3 Most of t h e m have already e m b a r k e d on a search for an alternate lifestyle a n d different religious beliefs a n d commitments before they were ever a p p r o a c h e d by evangelizers. Recruitment m e t h o d s have little effect on those who are settled in life a n d who feel secure a n d content in their respective religious traditions a n d professional careers. Experiences of misfortune or failure are c o m m o n explanations of why o n e becomes a 'seeker'. Many embark o n a search, religious or otherwise, when family life is faltering, when future political, social, or economic prospects are perceived as disheartening, or when the death of a close relative or friend has created a deeply felt void in one's life. It is n o t surprising that new religious movements have also b e e n called 'crisis cults', even t h o u g h this phrase was originally coined to describe the rise of new religious movements in nonliterate societies. 34 In times of crises a person is m o r e o p e n to listen to the message of renewal a n d to the promise of salvation from a problematic situation that is beyond one's control. If o n e does n o t take any steps to come to grips with one's problems in a traditionally accepted m a n n e r (such as seeking religious support or psychological counseling), o n e might risk trying m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion. Marc Galanter, for example, found that m e m b e r s of new religions frequently suffered from psychological distress or some major pathology before they embraced marginal beliefs a n d lifestyles.35 Thus, the above reflections o n the characteristics of cult m e m b e r s leave us with a picture of a person who is religiously a n d emotionally deprived, who feels alienated from self a n d society, who is in a state of personal crisis, a n d who has already e m b a r k e d o n a religious quest. But these are features that can be ascribed to many m o r e young adults who are repulsed rather than attracted by the activities of the new religions, a n d who successfully cope with their personal problems a n d adapt to m o d e r n conditions in ways o t h e r than a b a n d o n i n g their religious a n d / o r cultural heritage. Given the changing sociocultural conditions of o u r times, these features are n o r m a l n o t only

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in the sense that they are average or typical, b u t also in that they are n o t necessarily indicative of mental disease or disorder, emotional imbalance, or psychological dysfunction. Unless the abovem e n t i o n e d features prevail in an extreme form, they do n o t appear to r e n d e r an individual incapable of making free choices. T h e r e are moral pressures that individuals experience whenever they are faced with making important decisions, b u t the pressures, by themselves, d o not r e n d e r a person mentally ill. Nor do they destroy h u m a n freedom, even t h o u g h they might, regrettably, lead o n e to make the wrong choice. T h e cult-personality type turns out to be fairly c o m m o n among, a n d easily applicable to, many young adults who live in a highly mobile society a n d fast-changing cultural scene. T h e characteristics discussed above are too general a n d cannot, by themselves, lead to a reliable a n d distinctive profile of a prospective cult m e m b e r . O n e must, therefore, explore o t h e r psychological factors that might explain why young adults j o i n new religious movements. The psychopathology of cult members Some attempts have b e e n m a d e to link pathological personality types with specific religious movements. O n e of the pioneering a n d comprehensive efforts in this field has b e e n a study of the m e m b e r s of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) by T o m m y a n d Frank Poling. 36 They concluded that, besides having many of the features discussed above, those who j o i n this H i n d u g r o u p are characterized by a 'sensate personality'. T h e ISKCON preconvert is o n e who seeks sensual pleasure b u t is afraid of becoming a victim of sense gratification for its own sake. T h e movement itself promotes a sensate orientation in, for instance, the centrality of food in its ritual, its belief that the deities are contained in clay images, a n d in its tendency to interpret myths, like those regarding Krishna, in literal concrete terms. T h e prospective H a r e Krishna devotee is described as an emotionally frustrated a n d d e p e n d e n t person who has a growing sense of alienation a n d identity confusion. H e or she is typically o n e who has h a d a traumatic childhood experience a n d later began to develop a religious orientation. Experiments with drugs a n d then with yoga a n d o t h e r Asian religious practices are sensate ways in which the individual seeks an outlet for sensual desires. Unsatisfied with this secular lifestyle, the pre-convert enters a period of confusion a n d

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anomie, d u r i n g which time contact with H a r e Krishna devotees is m a d e . T h e attraction to the H a r e Krishna Movement validates the sense orientation in religious terms a n d at the same time provides the mechanisms for controlling one's sensual inclinations. A second personality type that is associated with several of the new movements is the depressive o n e . T h e person who can be categorized as 'depressive' is o n e who has a sense of inadequacy a n d feelings of despondency, pessimism, a n d sadness. T h e feeling of d e p e n d e n c y is also a central ingredient in this type of person who tries to relieve one's feelings of inadequacy by turning with an unquestioning obedience to external authority, to a strict belief system, a n d to strong g r o u p identity. T h e inadequacies of this personality lead the individual to find refuge in a reduction of one's personal satisfactions, in passive conformity to a structured system of authority, a n d in hostility towards outsiders. Peter Magaro a n d his associates, for example, c o m p a r e d two religious movements, namely ISKCON a n d the InterVarsity Christian Fellowship (an evangelical g r o u p that concentrates its activities o n college campuses), a n d concluded that their m e m b e r s t e n d to be predominantly depressive personalities. 37 ISKCON is a 'total' institution in the sense that its m e m b e r s are expected to r e n o u n c e all outside ties a n d loyalties, to observe a rigorous c o m m u n a l lifestyle, a n d to a d o p t an unquestioning attitude to the dogmas of their new faith. Similar rigidity was observed a m o n g those committed to the InterVarsity Christian Fellowship, where worldly pleasures are d e n o u n c e d as sinful a n d the Bible is interpreted literally a n d accepted as the only path to salvation. T h e same scholars linked a third (also negative) personality characteristic, namely, catatonia, with those who practice Transcendental Meditation a n d with the m e m b e r s of the Divine Light Mission (a meditation group of H i n d u origin that has c h a n g e d radically over the last decade a n d a d o p t e d the n a m e of 'Elan Vital') .38 Catatonia is a disorder that reflects a dissociation or cleavage between the functions of feelings a n d those of thinking or cognition. In this particular form the patient tends to remain in a stupor-like state during which h e or she might sit or lie in the same posture for long periods. Strong needs to establish passivity are p r o m i n e n t in this kind of personality which seeks a symbiotic u n i o n with a powerful protector a n d master of the self, primarily t h r o u g h m o t o r control. Both the Divine Light Mission a n d Transcendental Meditation prom o t e their own special kind of meditative experience that is initially

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imparted individually to the neophyte in a secret ceremony. They stress meditation or yogic techniques during which the practitioner might sit alone a n d immobile for specified periods of time. However meditation, according to some researchers, can also p r o d u c e m i n o r epileptic-like fits.39 These defects could offset the m u c h touted benefits of relaxation, peace, a n d happiness that attract new members. A n o t h e r personality trait often i m p u t e d to m e m b e r s of new religions is narcissism. H u m a n potential movements, such as Silva Mind Control, in the opinion of Francis Westley, use techniques that focus o n narcissistic elements a n d are just as liable to compensate for structural defects as they are to exacerbate them. 4 0 A n n Braden J o h n s o n has examined several groups, including Zen Buddhism, ISKCON, the Divine Light Mission, a n d the Meher Baba Movement, a n d concluded that they are characterized by a rejection or avoidance of the adult world t h r o u g h a regressive, narcissistic retreat from reality. 41 Daniel Kriegman a n d L e o n a r d Solomon think that the appeal of the structure a n d process of the Divine Light Mission matches the needs of the narcissistic personality. 42 T h e relationship between the g u r u a n d his devotees is similar to the transference that occurs between narcissistic patients a n d their g r o u p therapist. Moreover, there seems to be a general tendency a m o n g psychiatrists to see cult leaders as having pathological narcissistic personalities. 43 T h e rise of interest in the occult has generated many studies about p a r a n o r m a l belief a n d behavior, such as out-of-body experiences. 4 4 A recent study of nine occult groups in England found a connection between magical a n d paranormal p h e n o m e n a a n d schizotypal thinking which is b o t h eccentric a n d erratic. 45 Since psychologists a n d psychiatrists have linked the belief in magic with mental a n d develo p m e n t a l abnormalities, 4 6 it is n o t surprising that those involved in occult groups are often diagnosed as having personality disorders that require professional treatment. The normality of cult members Not all studies, however, confirm this grim picture that those who j o i n new religions suffer from defective personalities. 47 O n the contrary, many psychiatrists, who have tested m e m b e r s of various new religious groups, have reached the conclusion that some of t h e m have benefited psychologically from m e m b e r s h i p . In a protracted study of m e m b e r s of the Unification Church a n d of

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the Divine Light Mission, Marc Galanter did n o t record any drastic psychological malfunctions that seemed typical of their committed members. 4 8 H e did, however, observe that there are certain pre-cult conditions commonly shared by all the individuals h e studied. T h e pre-cult state was generally found to have b e e n o n e in which members experienced a troubled family life where personal autonomy was missing. They frequently suffered from psychological distress. Limited social ties contributed to their loneliness a n d alienation. Preoccupation with one's purpose a n d destiny was prevalent. T h e state of unhappiness could have b e e n a major factor leading to their conversion experiences. But there was n o evidence of insanity or mental illness caused or aggravated by their new lifestyles. Membership in a cult or sect, rather t h a n create psychological problems for members, seems to ameliorate one's previous condition a n d is reflected in a decline in perceived psychotic symptoms a n d in d r u g use. Membership has the beneficial effects of easing tensions a n d relieving anxiety a n d stress. T h r e e main areas - namely, the general well-being of m e m b e r s of marginal religious groups, their improved sense of purpose, a n d their sense of belonging - w e r e especially explored in m e m b e r s of the Unification C h u r c h a n d the Divine Light Mission a n d the results definitely pointed to an improvement that h a d to be attributed to their new lifestyles. Members in either g r o u p felt better a n d healthier; their preoccupations a n d worries diminished in intensity; their goals in life became sharper; a n d they experienced strength because they were part of an organization that valued their commitments a n d p r o m o t e d shared tasks a n d recreational activities. Cult m e m b e r s h i p seems to offer a solution to many individual, familial, a n d social conflicts a n d might be usurping the functions of traditional counseling a n d therapy. Several i n d e p e n d e n t studies of m e m b e r s of the H a r e Krishna Movement seem to buttress the results reached by Galanter. 49 Michael Ross c o n d u c t e d psychological research o n H a r e Krishna devotees in Australia a n d discovered that they were, in general, within the n o r m a l psychological range. T h e r e was n o evidence of psychopathological symptoms, n o sign of t h o u g h t disorder, a n d n o indication of emotional instability even after years of involvement. In a follow-up study Ross discovered several changes in the m e m b e r s ' personality profile, b u t all were in a positive direction, except in the anxiety level which registered an increase. 50 In the United States, Arnold Weiss a n d Andrew Comrey subjected H a r e Krishna m e m b e r s to several standard tests a n d their results

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again were largely positive. 51 T h e scores of H a r e Krishna devotees on mental inventory tests showed little difference between t h e m a n d the general population. T h e male m e m b e r s of ISKCON exhibited a higher sense of well-being; their level of psychological distress a n d rate of mental disorder were average. W o m e n ' s scores did indicate that they felt m o r e stressful a n d less happy than their male confreres. Their scores, however, were typical of all women in the general population. T h e personality structure of all H a r e Krishna m e m b e r s was within the average range with two major differences: they were m o r e compulsive a n d less trusting in the society at large, with m e n having m o r e idiosyncratic traits. This compulsiveness is interpreted as necessary for a lifestyle that combines the practice of a highly structured religion with the secular endeavors of p r o m o t i n g business a n d achieving financial success. It also explains why devotees have a narrowly focused worldview a n d restricted personal opinions, e x p o u n d their beliefs dogmatically, a n d engage in strong evangelizing efforts. T h e majority of studies on the effects of the practice of meditation, which so many of the new religions encourage in o n e form or another, do n o t support the view that those who meditate are r e n d e r e d psychologically inferior or mentally weaker than those who d o not. 52 O n the contrary, they u p h o l d the position that regular meditation contributes to the b e t t e r m e n t of one's physical, mental, a n d psychological conditions. Practitioners of three forms of meditation - TM, Yoga, a n d Buddhist meditation - have b e e n subjected to n u m e r o u s experiments which, by a n d large, endorse the claim that meditation reduces stress a n d leads to mental a n d emotional catharsis. T h e following outcomes of meditation have b e e n repeatedly recorded: r e d u c e d anxiety; heightened awareness; increased selfknowledge, self-control, a n d self-acceptance; reduction in the level of hostility a n d aggression; a n d the cure of d r u g a n d alcohol addiction. While there is some evidence that n o t everybody has benefited from the practice of meditation, that in some cases meditation created rather than relieved anxiety, a n d that many advantages of sitting down in quiet meditation were short-lived or could have b e e n achieved by m o r e ordinary relaxation methods, the research results seem to establish the much-acclaimed spiritual usefulness a n d psychological efficacy of meditation. People who embark o n a meditation p r o g r a m within a religious g r o u p e n d u p feeling calmer a n d happier, exhibiting greater strengths, a n d enjoying life to a

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fuller degree. T o what extent these effects of meditation are contingent on m e m b e r s h i p in a religious or quasi-religious m o v e m e n t that offers a philosophy of life requires further study. Evaluation of psychological studies T h e above studies indicate, if n o t h i n g else, that assessing the personality traits of m e m b e r s of new religions a n d measuring the influence of m e m b e r s h i p o n one's character a n d behavior are far from easy. Many of the psychological studies o n cult m e m b e r s suffer from unacceptable methodological weaknesses - they rely on p o o r a n d insufficient sampling, they fail to realize that the research assumptions can influence the results, a n d they at times betray b o t h uneasiness with, a n d misunderstanding of, religious beliefs a n d practices. Moreover, those scholars who consider the various lifestyles of new religions deviant a n d conducive to psychopathology are predisposed to start with negative assumptions about religion itself. If o n e maintains that asceticism, vegetarianism, a n d celibacy are outward manifestations or direct causes of personality disorders a n d dysfunctions, t h e n many religious organizations, traditional or new, can be said to worsen rather than ameliorate the psychological a n d mental states of their members. And if o n e holds that any serious religious c o m m i t m e n t betrays a psychological weakness, t h e n the total dedication of m e m b e r s of any religion can be readily j u d g e d to b o r d e r o n the pathological a n d to justify therapeutic intervention. O n e of the difficulties that permeates the studies that link membership in a new religion with some kind of pathology is their failure to specify in a convincing m a n n e r the nature of the connection between the observed psychological flaws a n d m e m b e r s h i p in the new religions. T h e r e are conflicting views a b o u t whether pathology existed before or after m e m b e r s h i p . T h e negative traits discussed above, namely catatonia, depression, a n d narcissism, are n o t limited to m e m b e r s of new religions. Some scholars, for example, have suggested that even traditional monasticism could b e c o m e a narcissistic escape from reality. 53 Others have argued that Western culture is itself narcissistic. 54 T h e m o r e positive studies that conclude that participation in the new religions relieves stress a n d anxiety can be criticized for depending too m u c h o n self-reports. They, further, make little attempt to explore whether these reports owe their origin, in part at least, to the

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socialization process itself. Moreover, they have n o t sufficiently evaluated the long-term effects o n those who have voluntarily defected from a new religious m o v e m e n t after years of m e m b e r s h i p . In spite of the fact that psychological studies o n the new religions are, at best, conflicting, there is a general, popular assessment that those who j o i n new religions have a deviant personality in the sense that their patterns of behavior are n o t just markedly different from the accepted social, ethical, a n d religious standards of society. Members of new religions are held to be deviant in the sense that there is something so basically wrong with their ideology, values, a n d mores that they b e c o m e warped. Seen from this perspective, new religious movements d o n o t propose an alternative lifestyle, a n o t h e r possible philosophical outlook on life, or a feasible r e a r r a n g e m e n t of social relations. T h e behavior they espouse is deviant in the same way that certain forms of crime are. H e n c e it c a n n o t be c o n d o n e d or tolerated, even t h o u g h it might n o t be easily eradicated. T h e overall negative psychiatric assessment of new religions could easily lead o n e to conclude that their m e m b e r s are mentally a n d emotionally sick a n d in n e e d of psychiatric intervention a n d care. New religions b e c o m e a refuge for those who could n o t survive in regular society a n d who are looking for justification a n d respectability for their irreligious a n d illegal behavior. O r o n e can take the position that n o r m a l young adults are so negatively influenced by the lifestyles of the new religions that their mental a n d psychological states deteriorate. Some m e m b e r s may even degenerate into psychopaths or criminals. Such a view, however, does n o t withstand m u c h scrutiny. T h e r e is little evidence, if any, that the new religions as a wholecondone crime, m u c h less encourage criminal behavior. O n the contrary, they have t e n d e d to stress the n e e d to a b a n d o n drugs a n d have largely (with some notable exceptions) accepted the prevalent moral values of Western society. T h e deplorable mistakes of individual m e m b e r s a n d leaders of new (or traditional) religions are by n o means necessarily indicative of the official policy of their institutions or of the general practices of their members. H O W AND WHY D O E S A P E R S O N ACTUALLY J O I N A NEW R E L I G I O U S M O V E M E N T ? T h e above discussion has concentrated o n the character traits that can be linked with m e m b e r s h i p in new religions or that are believed

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to r e n d e r a n individual suitable for recruitment. O n e is still left with the question of how a person joins such a group. What are the mechanisms a n d the processes that would lead a n individual to become a m e m b e r of a n alternative religion? The psychology of conversion In dealing with the current controversy over contemporary fringe religions o n e c a n n o t avoid discussing the n a t u r e of religious conversion which is o p e n to a variety of theological, sociological, a n d psychological considerations. T h e psychological study of conversion began towards the e n d of the last century. 55 Research was c h a n n e l e d into three major areas. T h e first dealt with the time-frame within which conversion takes place. T h e debate centered o n sudden or gradual personality changes, sometimes called respectively 'selfsurrender' a n d Voluntary' conversions. Psychologists showed m o r e interest in, a n d were fascinated by, conversions of a s u d d e n nature that usually occurred at a crucial turning-point in life. T h e second examined the age at which people usually experienced a religious conversion. Adolescence was found to be the most c o m m o n period in one's life when conversion could transpire, with s u d d e n conversions tending to take place earlier than gradual ones. Finally, the possible explanatory factors a n d causal antecedents that account for conversions were discussed. Although b o t h sudden a n d gradual conversions result in the awareness of a transformed self, they differ significantly in several main aspects. Sudden conversions are passive a n d highlight the converts' experiences of being influenced by outside forces or confronted by 'otherness'. Gradual conversions, o n the o t h e r hand, are achieved by the individuals' active search for meaning, a search that can take a long time before the converts becomes aware of their transformations. Sudden conversions are also accompanied by a feeling of self-surrender to the 'otherness', which converts immediately accept. Gradual conversions d e n o t e a continual process t h r o u g h which one's faith is d e e p e n e d . Sudden conversions, unlike gradual ones, are further accompanied by a sense of unworthiness, sin, a n d guilt. They are experienced at a time of emotional upheaval d u r i n g which cognition plays a m i n o r role. In spite of the inclination of researchers to spend m o r e time o n s u d d e n conversions, all seem to agree that the frequency of gradual conversions by far o u t n u m b e r s that of sudden ones.

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T h e rise of new religious movements has rekindled, to a limited degree, psychological interest in the study of religious conversion. 56 Most of contemporary research o n conversion has b e e n carried out by sociologists a n d social psychologists. Attempts have b e e n m a d e b o t h to rethink the m e a n i n g of conversion a n d to reconstruct models of the conversion process. This recent tendency follows to some degree the well-established psychological tradition that defines conversion as a radical, sudden shift in one's religious beliefs, values, a n d practices linked with the acceptance of a new faith commitment. T h e conversion process itself, however, is being a p p r o a c h e d from quite a different perspective. T h e major change has b e e n the adoption of an activist-oriented theory to explain how an individual ends u p in a new religious group. T h e personal psychological state of the prospective devotee a n d the intense proselytization by zealous members do n o t by themselves explain the actual entry a n d involvement. Various sociocultural conditions come into play to influence one's decision. Thus the impact of one's prior socialization a n d education, p e e r a n d family pressures, a n d stress situations should all be considered necessary for interpreting the experience of conversion. Models of conversion to the new religions Two main models of conversion dominate contemporary studies. 57 T h e first stresses the i n d e p e n d e n t , active role of converts who responsibly commit themselves to a new faith. T h e second sees the individual as playing the d e p e n d e n t , passive, a n d negative role of a victim who succumbs to carefully p l a n n e d recruitment tactics that solicit his or h e r commitment. In the activist theories of conversion the convert is an individual who looks for, or is confronted with, a new faith perspective a n d makes a free, deliberate choice, even t h o u g h there might be psychological a n d social factors that affect the final decision. In the passive theories of conversion converts do n o t freely choose their new faiths b u t are rather cajoled into t h e m a n d t h e n m o l d e d into typical adherents. They d o n o t change their religious orientation by a thoughtful a n d evaluative p r o c e d u r e b u t are rather 'brainwashed' into accepting a whole lifestyle a n d value system. These two models endorse diametrically opposed interpretations of cult involvement: the passive m o d e l considers such involvement as pathological a n d detrimental; the activist m o d e l tends to see it as largely therapeutic or beneficial.

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The brainwashing model T h e theory of brainwashing, also referred to as 'coercive persuasion' or ' t h o u g h t reform', has b e c o m e the most popular perception of what h a p p e n s when a young adult becomes a m e m b e r of a new religious movement. 5 8 Relying heavily o n studies of Chinese a n d Korean communists' treatment of prisoners-of-war, who were apparently convinced to accept their captors' ideology, p r o p o n e n t s of the brainwashing theory of cult induction have insisted that m e m b e r s of new movements u n d e r g o a process similar, t h o u g h obviously n o t identical, to what these prisoners-of-war went through. Central to this theory is the assertion that the evangelization techniques used by these groups are forceful a n d deceptive a n d largely responsible for the success they have h a d over the last 25 years. T h e susceptible individual who h a p p e n s to m e e t recruiters at the right time a n d place can easily fall victim to their engaging p r o p a g a n d a a n d be lured to make a sudden, hasty decision to become a m e m b e r . T h e reason why people j o i n is that they have b e e n skillfully led to believe that m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion solves the emotional a n d intellectual problems they have b e e n experiencing. O n c e theyjoin, m e m b e r s are taught cult ideology that explains the noble goals of the organization a n d the motivations that attract people to commitment. They are socialized, indoctrinated, or brainwashed into the lifestyle of a particular fringe religious group. Their previous ideologies a n d value systems are recast by subtle methods that are beyond their control. T h e same indoctrination techniques serve as a maintenance mechanism that shelters t h e m from the outside world a n d continuously inculcates the virtues a n d benefits of their new lifestyles. Some scholars see little difference between the m e t h o d s used by the Chinese on their prisoners-of-war a n d those employed by the Unification C h u r c h of the Reverend Moon a n d by the now-defunct People's T e m p l e of J i m J o n e s . T h o u g h they admit that in the Unification C h u r c h there is little evidence of physical coercion, they appear to hold that this exception (which is, in fact, typical of the new religions) doesn't make m u c h of a difference. O n a psychological level, the convert goes t h r o u g h a sudden personality change called 'snapping', which is a kind of 'information disease' characterized by impaired awareness, irrationality, disorientation, a n d delusion. T h e individual loses one's free will a n d is unable to re-evaluate one's

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position in the cult, unless explicit pressures are initiated o n one's behalf by outsiders. T h e comparison between cult recruitment a n d socialization methods with brainwashing techniques used o n prisoners-of-war in communist countries has b e c o m e o n e major disputed area in the study of the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions. Most scholars agree that five major ingredients of coercive persuasion are central in the transformation of the individual. These are: (1) total control a n d isolation; (2) physical debilitation a n d isolation; (3) confusion a n d uncertainty; (4) guilt a n d humiliation; a n d (5) release a n d relaxation. T h e debate in scholarly literature has concentrated a r o u n d three major points. T h e first concerns the m e a n i n g of coercive persuasion. T h e five factors m e n t i o n e d above d o n o t always occur together a n d at the same level of intensity. O n e could, therefore, talk of degrees of coercive persuasion ranging from the extreme Chinese communist brainwashing techniques to military indoctrinations or religious summer-camp programs. T h e second is related to the effectiveness of coercive persuasion. People t e n d to react differently to various forms of indoctrination procedures a n d o n e is left with the p r o b l e m of whether o n e can talk of brainwashing as a universal technique that always produces the same results. T h e third challenges the assumption that the brainwashing m o d e l can be applied to the new religions at all. It would be difficult to find a new religious m o v e m e n t where all the determinants m e n t i o n e d above are present a n d strong e n o u g h to warrant the accusation of 'brainwashing'. Further, o n e can raise formidable objections to the brainwashing theory of cult conversion. First of all, it renders the pre-cult m e m b e r s passive participants in the recruitment process. T h e initiative is p u t totally in the h a n d s of the recruiter. O n e important aspect, namely that the person who joins a new religious movement is, m o r e often than not, an active seeker, is completely ignored. Second, this analysis fails to explain why (1) the majority of young a n d seemingly vulnerable adults, who have h a d contact with m e m b e r s of new religions, d o n o t succumb to the allegedly irresistible, alluring techniques; a n d (2) many of those who have j o i n e d leave on their own accord without family pressures or exit counseling. Third, many studies of m e m b e r s of new religions d o n o t support the hypothesis that they are disoriented individuals who have m o r e psychological problems than the average person. Fourth, recent psychological studies o n conversion t e n d to show that the conversion process can

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be a lengthy o n e that spans many stages a n d extends over a period of m o n t h s , if n o t longer. The drift model O n e major theory aimed at unraveling the process of conversion to a new religious movement is based on the observations that those attracted to a new religion (1) have been, as a rule, involved in countercultural activity for a while a n d (2) have at times tried different faith commitments, long before they appear to have settled down in o n e particular religious movement. Rather t h a n a s u d d e n conversion, these individuals have experienced a gradual change. They have embarked o n a 'conversion career', 5 9 a n d their final involvement in a new religion has n o t b e e n a sudden decision m a d e o n the spur of the m o m e n t , w h e n they could n o t come to grips with a difficult period in their lives. It has rather b e e n a gradual transformation. People d o n o t j u m p into new religions, they drift almost imperceptibly into t h e m over a period of time. Lewis R a m b o has developed a seven-stage m o d e l of religious conversion that usually has the following sequence: (1) context; (2) crisis; (3) quest; (4) e n c o u n t e r between the potential convert a n d an evangelist or advocate; (5) interaction between b o t h parties; (6) commitment; a n d (7) consequences. O n e of the most elaborate expositions of the drift m o d e l has b e e n m a d e in connection with conversions to the Divine Light Mission. This theory argues that the 'premies', or 'lovers of G o d ' (as initiates in the Divine Light Mission are called) did n o t experience a radical personality change b u t an evolutionary development of their egos. Based o n intensive interviews with followers of Guru Maharaj Ji (the founder a n d leader of the Mission), J a m e s Down ton, a sociologist, identified ten stages in the process of conversion to the worldview of this movement. These stages are r e p r o d u c e d h e r e intact, since they portray a developmental m o d e l of personality change that stretches over a period of time d u r i n g which the individual exercises b o t h reflection a n d free decision-making: Stage 1: General disillusionment with conventional values, social, organization, and solutions to problems. Stage 2: Deepening or developing faith in a spiritual solution to problems.

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Stage 3: Growing determination to take spiritual direction, reflected in the development of a new spiritual ego-ideal and self-image. Stage 4: Increasing sense of personal futility, leading to a greater psychological receptivity to the appeals of unconventional spiritual leaders or followers who make bold promises of change. Stage 5: Contact and increasing attraction to an unconventional spiritual movement as a result of positive interactions with members and ideological compatibility with the movement's beliefs. Stage 6: Acceptance of a problem-solving perspective of the movement, strengthening the determination to join. Stage 7: Initiation and conversion: the transformation of awareness resulting from a shift in identity from the personality (ego) to the spirit (life force, God). Stage 8: Surrender to the spirit (God) and to a spiritual leader, characterized by idealization of the leader, identification with him, conformity to his initiatives, and loss of capacity to criticize him (features of the role of 'devotee'). Stage 9: Intensification of commitment through increasing investments and sacrifices, greater social communion with members, reduction of social ties with outside world, and mortification of the ego. Stage 10: Gradual modification of identity, beliefs, and behavior through commitment, which secures the individual's adherence to the movement's norms and practices and, therefore, ensures the accumulation of experiences considered by the movement to be essential for a thorough-going change of character and outlook.61 Although Downton's theory has n o t b e e n tested o n m e m b e r s of o t h e r new religions, it does challenge the p o p u l a r 'snapping' theory of conversion that conceives of personal change in religious orientation as taking place suddenly a n d solely t h r o u g h outside pressures. While it admits that enculturation or socialization takes place within a new religion, it allows for the converts' active a n d conscious participation in their re-education. It should be stressed that m e m b e r s h i p a n d / o r c o m m i t m e n t in a religious organization d o n o t necessarily require that the a d h e r e n t know everything about one's new faith. Neither does genuine conversion necessitate complete awareness of all the implications that flow from m e m b e r s h i p a n d of the difficulties that c o m m i t m e n t might eventually entail. These limitations d o n o t automatically make one's decision to enlist in a new religion hasty, unwise, or forced. People who make i m p o r t a n t decisions that affect their lives (like

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getting married a n d making a career change) d o n o t normally foresee or consider all the possible outcomes of their behavior. They are nonetheless free agents a n d are held responsible for their actions, even if later o n they have to e n d u r e the unpleasant consequences of their errors a n d admit they h a d b e e n mistaken. Combination of the two models T h e above-mentioned paradigms of conversion have habitually b e e n seen as incompatible ways of explaining how young people j o i n 'deviant' religious groups. It is possible, however, that these two models are n o t as irreconcilable as they a p p e a r to be at first sight. People can experience s u d d e n a n d u n e x p e c t e d conversions within the religion in which they have b e e n raised from infancy. Many of the mainline churches are n o t satisfied with their religious education a n d socialization programs that start from early childhood; they encourage their adult m e m b e r s both to reform a n d to d e e p e r commitment. T h e r e are also religious groups which initiate adult m e m b e r s by sudden conversions, b u t t h e n expect t h e m to raise their children in the faith by the gradual process of enculturation. Even such classic examples of s u d d e n conversion as that of St Paul on the road to Damascus (Acts 9) should lead any reader of the account of his change of heart to w o n d e r whether Paul h a d already reflected on, a n d maybe d o u b t e d the righteousness of, his fanatic persecution of Christians before his conversion experience. Sudden a n d gradual conversions are possibly complementary a n d could represent two ways of viewing the same religious a n d personality change. Two sociologists, J o h n Long a n d Jeffrey H a d d e n , have thus argued that o n e can better u n d e r s t a n d the conversion sequence if o n e starts from a general theory of socialization that implicitly relies on b o t h the brainwashing a n d drift models. 6 2 T h e r e are two aspects of the socialization process that are applicable to conversion: first there is the group's effort to mold or form the new m e m b e r (brainwashing or indoctrination), a n d t h e n the new m e m b e r ' s 'journey' toward affiliation with the g r o u p (drift or free conscious search). Socialization is conceived as the social process of creating a n d incorporating new m e m b e r s into a g r o u p . It instructs the new m e m b e r s n o t only in the ideology of the group, b u t also in the m a n n e r they should behave a n d feel. Any theory of conversion must, therefore, take into account three

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c o m p o n e n t s of the socialization process: (1) the n a t u r e a n d requirements of membership; (2) the participants; a n d (3) the creating a n d incorporating activities. Knowledge a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of a new religion's m e m b e r s h i p requisites, as well as the ability to fulfill the requirements of commitment, are certainly n e e d e d for conversion. But the d e t e r m i n i n g element in becoming a n d remaining a m e m b e r is the relationship of trust that exists between the novice a n d those who accept him or h e r in the group. For socialization, a b o n d i n g between new m e m b e r s a n d the g r o u p is required, a b o n d i n g which can take the form of separating newcomers from the outside world a n d of inculcating the distinction between insiders a n d outsiders. O n c e m e m b e r s , the converts take part in activities that are geared to the realization of the movement's goals and, at the same time, they b e c o m e incorporated into the movement's hierarchical system. This m o d e l of conversion, applied to the m e m b e r s of the Unification Church, led to the conclusion that the Church's socialization process encouraged quick, short-lived commitments b u t created difficulties for long-term affiliations for most converts. T h e reason for this is that the C h u r c h offers insufficient opportunities for advancement within the movement. Many of the Unification Church's recruits, who come largely from a social background where upward mobility formed part of their ideology, lose interest in the ideals, goals, a n d programs of the C h u r c h when they b e c o m e increasingly aware that they will probably remain stuck at the level of novices (who d o most of the recruiting a n d street fundraising) with n o prospect for advancement. T h a t so many of t h e m opt out of the system is an indication that the indoctrination m e t h o d s used by the Unification Church, n o matter how strong they might be, d o n o t destroy its m e m b e r s ' ability to think critically a n d to make decisions for themselves. While this model of conversion still needs to be tested in the context of several new religious movements, it does at least clarify some of the issues that are still the subject of heated exchanges between scholars. T h e accusation, for instance, that many j o i n new religions without knowing what they are getting into is only partially correct. T h e person who commits oneself to a new c h u r c h or religious g r o u p is far from being completely in the dark about its beliefs a n d practices. What triggers the conversion, however, is n o t a dispassionate, impartial, intellectual inquiry into the theological a n d philosophical system of the g r o u p n o r a careful a n d t h o r o u g h examination of its manifold activities. It is the social networks within

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the g r o u p that lead the individual to make the initial c o m m i t m e n t a n d to retain m e m b e r s h i p . In this view, the emotional ties between m e m b e r s are m o r e important than the intellectual reflections people eventually make o n their new faiths. T h e fact that emotional c o m m i t m e n t comes first does n o t necessarily invalidate the later theological a d h e r e n c e to the movement's ideology. Conversion motifs T h e dichotomy between s u d d e n a n d gradual conversions could also be a rather naive way of looking at a complex p h e n o m e n o n that consists of a great variety of religious experiences, personality types, a n d transformatory expressions. J o h n Lofland a n d N o r m a n Skonovd have united sociological a n d psychological elements in their attempts to decipher the process of conversion that is described as a radical reorganization of one's identity, meaning, a n d life. 63 Instead of focusing on p l a n n e d activities or programs that are employed by new groups to induce or encourage conversion, or o n the individual's subjective life that stresses the self-induced aspect of conversion, these two authors distinguish six conversion motifs a n d five levels of intensity that go with each of the motifs. T h e motifs are identified as: (1) intellectual; (2) mystical; (3) experiential; (4) affectional; (5) revivalist; a n d (6) coercive. T h e major variations that interact with the motifs are: (1) the degree of social pressure; (2) temporal duration; (3) the level of affectional arousal; (4) affective content; a n d (5) the belief-participation sequence. Seen in schematic form the relationship between the motifs a n d variations is amenable to several combinations that represent many kinds of conversions. T h e level of intensity of the conversion tactics, the socialization procedures, a n d the response of converts vary greatly. It would be unwise a n d unrealistic to choose o n e label, namely, that of'brainwashing', as an encompassing description of all conversions to the new movements. Lofland a n d Skonovd's j u d g m e n t is that the concept of coercive persuasion should be restricted to those situations where there is a high degree of long-term external pressure coupled with an intense arousal of fear a n d uncertainty, culminating in empathetic identification a n d even love. Conversion, therefore, is n o t exactly the same p h e n o m e n o n for every individual a n d the process of c o m m i t m e n t d e p e n d s also o n the character a n d n a t u r e of the particular religious movement. Thus, to give a couple of examples, the degree of social pressure is rather low

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when the conversion motif is intellectual, mystical, or experiential, while the level of affective arousal tends to be the highest where revivalist a n d coercive patterns p r e d o m i n a t e . Applied to the c u r r e n t debate o n the process of affiliation to a new religion, the theory of Lofland a n d Skonovd eschews generalizations about the cultinduction process a n d allows for a wider variety of interpretations d e p e n d i n g o n the particular m o v e m e n t u n d e r study a n d the individual's own intellectual a n d emotional state of being. T h e conclusion that o n e should draw from these studies is that there is n o o n e generally accepted theory that satisfactorily explains the mechanism of conversion that leads a young adult to j o i n a new religious movement. O n e can find individuals who e n t e r e d a new m o v e m e n t after a relatively short period of consideration a n d others who h a d b e e n shopping for years before settling down to a particular marginal lifestyle. T h e motivations that lead a person to commit oneself to a specific religious g r o u p are also diverse a n d complex. T h o u g h , in most cases, participation in a new religion usually precedes acceptance of its belief system, there could also be instances when an intellectual examination of the theology of a sect or cult lead to a decision to involve oneself in the group's rituals a n d activities. Similarly, o n e comes across m e m b e r s of new religious movements who have serious psychological problems, as well as others who are as ' n o r m a l ' as the average person who has never considered becoming a m e m b e r of an alternative religious group. T h e r e is also the possibility that different lifestyles might n o t have the same effects o n their members. 'High-demand sects', as the new religious groups have sometimes b e e n called, are m o r e likely to have a deleterious effect o n those m e m b e r s whose level of c o m m i t m e n t does n o t go d e e p e n o u g h a n d who, therefore, discover that m o r e is being asked of t h e m than they are able a n d / o r willing to give. U N D E R S T A N D I N G T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S AS RITES OF PASSAGE What has b e e n largely lacking in psychological studies is a general theoretical m o d e l to u n d e r s t a n d the new religions as sociocultural institutions that have a bearing o n an individual's psychological a n d spiritual growth a n d development. T h e most original a n d provocative approach to the cults along these lines has b e e n that ofJ. G o r d o n Melton a n d Robert L. Moore 5 4 who have borrowed the anthropological concept of 'rites of passage'

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from the works of Arnold van Gennep 6 5 a n d Victor Turner 6 6 a n d applied it to the new religions. T h e transition from childhood to a d u l t h o o d is never an easy process a n d societies t h r o u g h o u t the history of the h u m a n race have created socially sanctioned rituals to make the passage easier a n d to imbue it with meaning. T h e traditional anthropological analysis divides rites of passage into three distinct stages. T h e first stage has b e e n called 'preliminal' a n d involves the separation or segregation of young adults from the rest of the community. T h e second stage is the actual period of separation d u r i n g which young adults are stripped of their previous identities a n d enculturated into the new condition to be assumed at initiation. This is the marginal or 'liminal' stage. In the final stage, called 'aggregation', 'reintegration', or 'postliminal', the individuals are accepted anew into the community as transformed people with new rights a n d responsibilities. T h e liminal period can be c o m p a r e d to the grief process a n d o t h e r important a n d d e m a n d i n g life changes (like divorce) in that it might be bizarre in form a n d traumatic to both those in transition a n d to their relatives a n d friends. Liminal stages can be considered dangerous because they can be c o m p a r e d to a kind of 'no-man's-land' t h r o u g h which individuals are traveling. They are also necessary steps that all people go t h r o u g h with varying degrees of difficulty. Applying this theory to m e m b e r s of new religions, Melton a n d Moore argue that the conversion or sudden personality change that accompanies entrance in a new religion is comparable to the stage of liminality or transition. Ascetical practices, long hours of work, dangerous a n d apparently inane activities, total obedience to authority, a n d an austere lifestyle are all characteristics of this marginal phase. T h e so-called trance-like stare that cult m e m b e r s are said to manifest is n o t a sign of brainwashing or hypnotism, b u t rather an indication that they are still in the state of shock that accompanies the trauma of any major life transition. A comparison of the conversion process to new religions with o t h e r transition stages, such as resolving a grief situation, adopting a completely new lifestyle or profession, coping with divorce, going t h r o u g h the mid-life crisis, a n d adapting to retirement, may lead to a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the process of conversion to a new religion a n d provide the tools n e e d e d to help those in a state of transition. It further throws light on those exceptions when cult m e m b e r s remain committed for many years or for life. T h e r e are people who take longer than the average person to solve a personal p r o b l e m a n d

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others who never seem to be able to make the transition from o n e stage to another. People are sometimes accused of never having grown u p , that is, of having r e m a i n e d in a kind of transitional stage between childhood a n d adulthood. T h e widow or widower who spends the rest of h e r or his life in m o u r n i n g a n d the divorced couple who are still e n m e s h e d in court battles decades after their divorce was finalized are examples of people who are stuck in the stage of transition. While the above a p p r o a c h illuminates the process of b e c o m i n g a m e m b e r of a new religion, it leaves o p e n for contention a n u m b e r of important issues. T h e first is that the liminal stage theory treats religious conversion, just as many psychological theories have d o n e in the past, merely as an adolescent or transient state, a sort of childhood behavior that o n e eventually will grow out of. However, n o t all converts to the new religions are young adults a n d some of t h e m have now b e e n m e m b e r s for over twenty years. Secondly, Melton a n d Moore's m o d e l disregards the fact that many of the unusual a n d / o r dangerous practices associated with cult m e m b e r s h i p can be found a m o n g the major religious traditions, especially monastic a n d religious institutions. Are we to conclude that the Christian m o n k or n u n , secluded in a remote monastery, is a person fixated in the liminal stage because of defects g r o u n d e d in early childhood experiences? If celibacy a n d chastity are liminal stages what are we to make of, say, the celibate clergy in the Catholic Church? And if the arranged marriages in the Unification C h u r c h are liminal rites, what about those cultures where such marriages are the norm? Lastly, why is it that only a relatively small n u m b e r of individuals make their transition to full a d u l t h o o d by way of a new religious movement? It is reasonable to p r e s u m e that many young adults, who have the same family backgrounds as those who j o i n new religions, make the transition t h r o u g h o t h e r less unusual a n d traumatic liminal stages. What o t h e r factors might influence those who take the cult route? T h e application of the theory of rites of passage to the new religious movements, in spite of its weaknesses, opens for us the possibility of making a better assessment of the problems the new religions have raised. If rites of passage are necessary or useful devices that enable h u m a n beings to make transitions from o n e important stage of life to another, it is reasonable to conclude that

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alternative religions are n o t without certain benefits for some individuals. Much of the controversy o n the new religions has, with d u e reason, centered a r o u n d the question of whether they are harmful or therapeutic. If m e m b e r s h i p of an alternative religion is a temporary condition that enables a person to pass from o n e state of life to another, t h e n it might be said that, for some at least, m e m b e r s h i p might actually contribute to the individual's growth. T h e r e are many advantages that belonging brings to an individual in a state of critical transition. T h e supportive community a n d controlled environment, the experience of sharing a lifestyle that de-emphasizes competition a n d stresses acceptance a n d co-operation, the self-control that might be acquired by a well-defined a n d disciplined daily schedule of work a n d o t h e r activities, a n d the new confidence that might be accrued by the performance of distasteful activities (such as fundraising) are all features a n d conditions of cult life that might help people overcome their problems a n d later re-enter the mainstream better e q u i p p e d for success in living. It is definitely possible that in certain cases m e m b e r s h i p in a new religious movement does have a healing effect o n individuals who could n o t resolve crises generated by a highly mobile society a n d a rapidly changing culture. This does n o t m e a n that some psychologists a n d psychiatrists are ready to recomm e n d m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion as a viable alternative to traditional therapy. It rather suggests that the controlled environments of new religions can, like those of monastic institutions, have positive effects o n at least some individuals at certain critical stages of their lives a n d maybe also for the duration of their lives. T h e rigidity a n d d e m a n d s of m e m b e r s h i p in new religions do, however, raise pressing problems for those psychologists who maintain that they have harmful effects. O n e might dismiss the exotic a n d fantastic elements of the new religious movements as relative perceptions of features c o m m o n to most, if n o t all, religions. However, the fanatical, authoritarian, a n d intolerant stance o n e finds in the membership of several new religions (and, o n e might add, in some traditional Christian churches) has never b e e n taken as a sign of psychological well-being. Further, the treatment of children in a n u m b e r of cults a n d fundamentalist Christian churches has b e e n criticized especially w h e n it resulted in grievous bodily harm. 6 7 Several Christian fundamentalist churches, citing the authority of the Bible, have p u r s u e d harsh authoritarian a n d disciplinary measures in dealing with young m e m b e r s of their community. Contemporary

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psychologists d o n o t r e c o m m e n d such treatment of children. They further maintain that b o t h parents a n d educators who inflict extreme physical h a r m o n youngsters may themselves be suffering from severe psychopathology. T h e assertion that cults are 'dangerous detours to growing u p ' appears to sum u p the dilemma o n e faces when evaluating b o t h the advantages a n d disadvantages of m e m b e r s h i p in some of the new religions. Whatever the benefits of membership, however, j o i n i n g a new religious m o v e m e n t is definitely n o t a r e c o m m e n d e d a n d preferred solution to adolescent problems n o r a panacea for all mental a n d psychological problems that o n e experiences in times of crises. ARE T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S T H E R A P E U T I C OR DESTRUCTIVE? Psychological studies o n new religious movements are n o t conducive to sweeping generalizations about the beneficial or deleterious effects they might have o n the mental a n d emotional well-being of their members. They lead inevitably to the u n p o p u l a r conclusion: m e m b e r s h i p in new religions is ambivalent a n d ambiguous; it can contribute to one's mental a n d spiritual health a n d social stability, serve as a meaningful (and temporary) stage in o n e ' s life, expose a n d exacerbate o n e ' s innermost problems, or be the direct cause of pathological a n d self-destructive behavior. T h e evidence a d d u c e d to support the tenet that new religious movements in general are destructive organizations that invariably ruin one's life a n d warp one's personality is just n o t strong e n o u g h . Also, the statement that they function as alternative therapies relies too optimistically on reports of m e m b e r s themselves. Both approaches tend to ignore studies that d o n o t confirm their own individual hypothesis. Consequently, o n e has to examine each religious g r o u p on its own without any preconceived notions of the evils of cultism or the benefits of commitment. O n e must also consider carefully b o t h what m e m b e r s a n d ex-members have to say. O n e must stress, however, that the advantages of traditional therapy would seem to override whatever indirect treatment a n d temporary comfort m e m b e r s h i p in the new religious movements might offer. Although there are some similarities between traditional psychiatry a n d the indirect therapy o n e might receive in a new religion (such as the authoritative roles assumed by therapists a n d gurus), the differences between the two are substantial. T h e former

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is conscious, formalized and planned treatment that is open to improvement and critique by peers in the same field. There are academic and social boundaries which confine and monitor counseling and therapy. Legal procedures, independent of the counseling profession, can be initiated if counselors or therapists are not properly trained a n d / o r if they abuse their position of trust. Unlike membership in a new religion, involvement in therapeutic sessions does not demand total allegiance or commitment, nor does it prescribe an absolute system of religious beliefs and rituals. One of the major problems with traditional therapy seems to be its neglect of the spiritual or religious dimension of life. Conversion or religious involvement, especially if the level of emotion is rather high, is customarily dismissed as a childish stage in one's life, a phase out of which any healthy individual will automatically grow. Most therapists and counselors do not require any knowledge of religious matters to qualify for their respective profession. It is not surprising that, as a rule, they have manifested an insensitivity and lack of empathy when religious topics emerge in therapy. There are signs, however, that psychiatry is acquiring greater awareness of the importance of the spiritual and religious aspects of human life. 68 If this trend actually transpires, then psychiatrists and psychologists will be able to deal, both perceptively and effectively, with religious issues in therapy and with problems that arise when evaluating and counseling members and ex-members of the new religious movements. NOTES i. For materials on this issue see John A. Saliba, Psychiatry and the Cults: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1987). For a recent update cf. John A. Saliba, 'The new religions and mental health' in Religion and the Social Order, ed. David G. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden (New York: JAI Press, 1993), vol. 3B, pp. 99-113. 2. Foremost among these is Transcendental Meditation. See Psychiatry and the Cults, pp. 4ooff. For another comprehensive review see Michael Murphy and Steven Donovan, The Physical and Psychological Effects of Meditation (San Raphael, CA: Esalen Institute, 1988). 3. Several ex-members of the Unification Church, for example, have denounced their previous commitment not only in public talks but also in books. See, for instance, Barbara and Betty Underwood, Hostage to Heaven (New York: C. N. Potter, 1979); and Christopher Edwards, Crazy for God (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1979).

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4. Snapping: America's Epidemic of Sudden Personality Change (New York: A. B. Lippincott, 1978). 5. See Jack Sparks, The Mind Benders: A Look at Current Cults (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1977), p. 17; Joel A. MacCollam, Carnival of Souls: Religious Cults and Young People (New York: Seabury Press, 1979), pp. 106-8; and Willa Appel, Cults in America: Programmed for Paradise (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1983)'P- 1 336. Robert W. Balch, 'Looking behind the scenes in a religious cult: implications for the study of conversion', Sociological Analysis 41 (1980), pp. 137-43, suggests that the zombie look of the members of a UFO religion he studied is actually a front purposely put on to ward off evil spirits. 7. Consult, for example, Bernard Spilka, Ralph W. Hood, and Richard L. Gorsuch, The Psychology of Religion: An Empirical Approach (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall, 1985), pp. 287ff.; and Religion and Mental Health, ed.John F. Schumaker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 8. Ronald Enroth, Churches That Abuse (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1992). 9. See Richard M. Ryckman, Theories of Personality (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks Cole Publishing Co., 1989). 10. For example, Saul Levine, Radical Departures: Dangerous Detours to Growing Up (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984), p. 15, states that over 90 percent of those who join leave within two years. 11. Committee on Psychiatry and Religion, Leaders and Followers: A Psychiatric Perspective on Religious Cults (Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, 1992), p. 28. 12. Anson D. Shupe, Six Perspectives on New Religions: A Case Study Approach (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1982), discusses several models (including that of deprivation) which have been employed by social psychologists to understand the new religious movements. Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge, in A Theory of Religion (New York: Peter Lang, 1987), adopt a deprivation theory of cult formation. 13. See John A. Saliba, Social Science and the Cults: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1990), pp. xxxi-xxxiii. 14. Frank MacHovec, Cults and Personality (Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 1989), p. 71. 15. 'Report on Sects and New Religious Movements', Origins 16 (May 22, 1986), pp. !-9-

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16. Patrick C. Heaven and C. L. Bester, 'Alienation and its psychological correlates', Journal of Social Psychology 126 (1986), pp. 593-8. 17. Adam Sharf, Alienation as a Social Phenomenon (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1980). 18. See Gregory Baum, Religion and Alienation: A Theological Reading of Sociology (New York: Paulist Press, 1975), pp. 7ff. Baum discusses the possibility that alienation can be produced by 'bad religion' itself. 19. Raymond L. Calabrese and Edgar J. Raymond, 'Alienation: its impact on adolescents from stable environments', Journal of Psychology 123 (1989), pp. 397-404. 20. Raymond L. Calabrese, 'Adolescence: a growth period conducive to alienation', Adolescence 22 (1987), pp. 929-38. 21. Cynthia M. Clark, 'Deviant subcultures: assessment strategies and clinical interventions', Adolescence 27 (1992), pp. 283-93. 22. See, for example, Neil Freude, Understanding Family Problems: A Psychological Approach (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1991). 23. Saul Levine, 'Adolescents: believing and belonging', Annals of the American Society of Adolescent Psychiatry 7 (1979), pp. 41-53. 24. John Lofland and Rodney Stark, 'Becoming a world-saver: a theory of conversion to a deviant perspective', American Sociological Review 30 (1965), pp. 862-74; and John Lofland, ' "Becoming a world-saver" revisited', American Behavioral Scientist 20 (1977), pp. 805-19. 25. This is especially true in those educational systems where religion is taught in the public schools. The United Kingdom is an excellent case in point. Those students preparing for the GCSE exam in religious studies are expected to follow the descriptive and historical methodology common in the field of religious studies, a methology that treats religions on a par and avoids making judgments regarding truth claims. See the preparatory manual byj. Glyn Harris, GCSE: Religious Studies (London: Longman, 1989). Cf. also Michael Keene, Seekers After Truth: Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); and Believers in One God: Judaism, Christianity, Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 26. Scholarly studies on fundamentalism over the last decade have increased. See, for example, The Fundamentalism Project, ed. Martin E. Marty and E. Scott Appleby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 3 vols, 1991-93). 27. Erik H. Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York: W. W. Norton/London: Faber and Faber, 1968) is an excellent example.

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28. 'Identity crisis' in Encyclopedia of Adolescence, ed. Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn (New York: Garland, 1991), vol. 1, p. 519. 29. Ibid. 30. See, for instance, W. W. Meissner, 'The cult phenomenon: psychoanalytic perspective', Psychoanalytic Study of Society 10 (1984), pp. 91-111. 31. 'The cult phenomenon: transition, repression, regression', Adolescent Psychiatry 8 (1980), p. 118. 32. Robert W. Balch and David Taylor, 'Seekers and saucers: the role of the cultic milieu in joining a UFO cult', American Behavioral Scientist 20 (1977), pp. 847ff. 33. Wade Roof Clark, 'The baby boomers' search for God', American Demographics 14 (December 1992), pp. 50-6. 34. Weston La Barre, 'Materials for a history of studies of crisis cults: a bibliographic essay', Current Anthropology 12 (1971), pp. 3-27. 35. 'Charismatic religious sects and psychiatry: an overview', American Journal of Psychiatry 139 (1982), p. 1539. 36. The Hare Krishna Character Type: A Study of the Sensate Personality (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1986). 37. Peter B. Magaro, Ivan W. Miller, and Thomas Sesto, 'Personality style in posttraditional religious organizations', Psychology: A Journal of Human Behavior 21.3-4 (1984), pp. 10-4. 38. Ibid., pp. 12-4. 39. M. A. Persinger, 'Transcendental Meditation-super™ and General Meditation are associated with enhanced complex partial epileptic-like signs: evidence for "cognitive" rekindling', Perceptual and Motor Skills J6 (1993), pp. 80-2. 40. 'Ritual as psychic bridge builder: narcissism, healing, and the human potential movements', Journal of Psychoanalytic Anthropology 6 (1983), pp. 179-200. 41. 'A temple for last resorts: youth and shared narcissism' in The Narcissistic Condition, ed. Marie Coleman Nelson (New York: Human Sciences Press, 1977), pp. 27-65. 42. 'Cult groups and the narcissistic personality: the offer to heal the defects of the self, InternationalJournal of Group Psychotherapy 25 (1985), pp. 239-61.

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43. Ruth G. Newman, 'Thoughts on superstars of charisma: pipers in our midsts', American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 53 (1983), pp. 201-8; Alexander Deutsch, 'Psychological aspects of cult leadership' in Cults and New Religious Movements: A Report of the American Psychiatric Association, ed. Marc Galanter (Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, 1989), pp. 147-63; and Ronald O. Clarke, 'The narcissistic guru: a profile of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh', Free Inquiry 8 (Spring 1988), pp. 33-5. Clarke's essay elicited a lively debate; see Free Inquiry 9 (Summer 1989), pp. 41-8. 44. Susan L. Blackmore, Beyond the Body: An Investigation of Out-of-Body Experiences (London: Heinemann for the Society for Psychical Research/Chicago: Academic Publications, 1992). 45. John Rust, 'Schizotypal thinking among members of occult sects', Social Behavior and Personality 20 (1992), pp. 121-9. 46. For a discussion on the various psychological models of magic, see John A. Saliba, 'Magical thinking in contemporary Western societies: a psychological view' in LeDefi Magique: esoterisme, occultisme, spiritisme, ed. Jean-Baptiste Martin (Lyons: University of Lyons Press, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 249-63. 47. Brock K. Kilbourne and James T. Richardson, 'Social experimentation: self process or social role', International Journal of Social Psychiatry 31 (1985), pp. 13-22. 48. See, for instance, Marc Galanter, 'The "relief effect": a sociobiological model for neurotic distress and large-group therapy', American Journal of Psychiatry 135 (1978), pp. 588-91; Cults: Faith, Healing, and Coercion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); and 'Cults and zealous self-help movements: a psychiatric perspective', American Journal of Psychiatry 147 (1990), pp. 543-51. 49. 'Clinical profiles of Hare Krishna devotees', American Journal of Psychiatry 140 (1983), pp. 416-20; and 'Mental health and membership in the Hare Krishnas: a case study', Australian Psychologist 18 (1983), pp. 128-9. 50. 'Mental health in Hare Krishna devotees: a longitudinal study', American Journal of Social Psychiatry 4 (Fall 1985), pp. 65-7. 51. 'Personality factor structure among Hare Krishnas', Educational and Psychological Measurement 14 (1987), pp. 317-28; 'Personal characteristics of Hare Krishnas', Journal of Personality Assessment 51 (1987), pp. 399-413; 'Psychological distress and well-being in Hare Krishnas', Psychological Reports 61 (1987), pp. 23-35; a n d 'Personality and mental health of Hare Krishnas compared with psychiatric outpatients and "normals" ', Personality and Individual Differences 8 (1987), pp. 721-30. 52. For a brief summary of recent studies on the effects of meditation, see John A. Saliba, 'The new religions and mental health', pp. 104-6.

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53. Consult, for example, Walter Capps, The Monastic Impulse (New York: Crossroads, 1983). 54. Ghristopher Lasch, The Culture ofNarcissism: American Life in an Age ofDiminishing Expectations (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978). 55. See Bernard Spilka et al, The Psychology ofReligion, pp. lggff. Lewis R. Rambo has done some major work on the subject. See 'Conversion: towards a holistic model of religious change', Pastoral Psychology 38 (1989), pp. 47-63; and Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993). My Psychiatry and the Cults, pp. 4off., dedicates a section to studies on religious conversion before the rise of the new movements. 56. See, for instance, Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion', and Natalie Isser and Lita Linzer Schwartz, The History of Conversion and Contemporary Cults (New York: Peter Lang, 1989). 57. See John A. Saliba, Psychiatry and the Cults, pp. 53 iff. 58. For more recent articulations of this model see Thomas W. Reiser and Jacqueline Reiser, The Anatomy of Illusion: Religious Cults and Destructive Persuasion (Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 1987); Margaret Thaler Singer and Richard Ofshe, 'Thought reform programs and the production of psychiatric casualties', Psychiatric Annals 20 (1990), pp. 188-93; and Margaret Thaler Singer and Marsha Emmer Addis, 'Cults, coercion, and contumely', Cultic Studies Journal 9 (1992), pp. 163-89. 59. James T. Richardson, 'Conversion careers', Society 17.3 (March/April 1980), pp. 47-50. 60. Understanding Religious Conversion, pp. 20-1. Each model is described separately at length in one or more chapters. 61. 'An evolutionary theory of spiritual conversion and commitment: the case of the Divine Light Mission'', Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 19 (1980), pp. 392-3. See also Down ton's monograph Sacred Journeys: The Conversion of Young Americans to the Divine Light Mission (New York: Columbia University Press, !979)62. 'Religious conversion and the concept of socialization: integrating the brainwashing and drift models', Journal for the Scientific Study ofReligion 22(1983), pp. 1-14. 63. 'Conversion motifs', Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 20 (1981), pp. 373-8564. The Cult Experience: Responding to the New Religious Pluralism (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1982), pp. 47ff.

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65. The Rites of Passage (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, i960). 66. The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1969). See also his essay 'Betwixt and between: the liminal period in rites of passage' in The Forest of Symbols (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1967), pp. 93-ni67. There is a great debate about how members of new religions are rearing their children. Some maintain that they are being abused. Cf. Arthur A. Dole and Steve K. Dubrow Eichel, 'Some new religions are dangerous', Cultic Studies Journal 2 (1985), pp. 17-30; and David A. Halperin, 'Cults and children: the role of the psychotherapist', Group 11.1 (1987), pp. 47-53. Recent studies of some controversial movements, however, have reached quite different conclusions. See, for instance, Gary Shepherd and Larry Lilliston, 'Children of the Church Universal and Triumphant: some preliminary impressions' in Church Universal and Triumphant in Scholarly Perspective, ed. James R. Lewis and J. Gordon Melton (Stanford, CA: Center for Academic Publications, 1994), pp. 67-95. 68. The 1994 edition of the diagnostic and statistical manual of mental diseases, DSM-TV(Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association), included a completely new section entitled 'Religious or spiritual problems'. Cf. the report in the New York Times (February 10, 1994), p. A16.

4 THE

NEW RELIGIOUS SOCIOLOGICAL

MOVEMENTS

IN

PERSPECTIVE

T H E RESURGENCE of religious fervor a n d the advent of new religious movements in the last three decades have revitalized the study of religion in the social sciences, particularly in sociology. 1 Sociologists interested in the field of religion have b e e n given the opportunity to observe how new religions might come into being a n d how they interact with their sociocultural environments. Insights gleaned from these direct personal observations have b e e n used to reexamine other movements in different periods of history. Comparative analyses have b e e n employed to determine to what degree the new movements of the second half of the twentieth century can be considered a unified p h e n o m e n o n of religious revivals, sharing similar features a m o n g themselves a n d with other alternative groups that came before them. T h e sociological study of the new religions differs from the psychological a p p r o a c h in that it looks o n t h e m as social movements, affecting n o t just individuals b u t society as a whole. 2 Sociologists focus o n the existence of these new religious entities as marginal subcultures or units that are in conflict with society at large. They examine the way diverse religious institutions a n d organizations are formed a n d maintained; the internal dynamics that make t h e m viable social entities; their economic, social, a n d political structures; the type of charismatic leadership that provides divine legitimation for the movements' beliefs a n d practices; a n d the levels a n d types of c o m m i t m e n t d e m a n d e d of their devotees. They further explore the social correlates that go with m e m b e r s h i p a n d the cultural factors that influence recruitment policies. They are also interested in the conflicts that exist between the new groups a n d the mainline religious traditions a n d the effects such conflicts might have on both. In addition, they follow the evolution of particular movements that

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eventually cease to exist, u n d e r g o radical changes, acquire respectable, t h o u g h still marginal, niches in society, or sometimes b e c o m e institutionalized a n d established religions spread in different parts of the world. But the sociology of new religious movements has n o t b e e n a smooth undertaking. Contemporary sociologists quickly found themselves engaged in heated debates with some psychiatrists a n d counselors who maintain that involvement in a new religion is either an expression or a direct cause of pathology. They also failed to have m u c h impact o n the parents of cult m e m b e r s a n d on the general public, because their reflections a p p e a r e d to be too academic a n d irrelevant to four main, practical a n d commonly asked questions: (1) how does o n e react to the a p p a r e n t threat of a rising new religious subculture?; (2) how can parents come to terms with their offspring's involvement in alternative belief systems?; (3) how can o n e prevent people from j o i n i n g them?; a n d (4) how can their m e m b e r s be persuaded to r e t u r n to their natural family ties a n d previous religious affiliations? Further, most sociologists have defended religious freed o m a n d have t e n d e d to support the position of the new religions in legal suits. They, consequently, have n o t b e e n very successful in influencing people's attitudes towards, a n d responses to, the new religions. T h e sociological m e t h o d has b e e n a n o t h e r h i n d r a n c e to the public's acceptance of sociological understandings of the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions. Sociologists study religion as objectively a n d impartially as possible. They t e n d to p u t all religions o n the same level. They are n o t interested in establishing which religion is true or false, or in defending any o n e particular religious tradition. Besides, they make n o moral j u d g m e n t s a b o u t religious behavior. What is important to t h e m is the exploration of how a n d why new values, beliefs, a n d lifestyles come into being; how new religious concepts emerge or b e c o m e popular; a n d how experimental communities are formed. Further, sociologists have assumed that the new religions, while existing in various levels of friction with their surroundings, are genuine religious expressions. This perspective is foreign to the average m e m b e r of traditional religions, who might interpret it either as an e n d o r s e m e n t of the cults' belief systems a n d activities a n d / o r a challenge to the believer's stance that new religions a n d spiritualities must be j u d g e d in the light of true religion. It does n o t come as a surprise, therefore, that there have b e e n serious disagreements a n d clashes between sociologists a n d o t h e r

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observers of the contemporary religious scene. At least six issues can be identified in the c u r r e n t debate about the new religious movements. T h e first deals with the definition of a cult. T h e second questions the reasons for studying the new religious movements a n d the m e t h o d s that should be used to examine them. T h e third concerns their variety a n d hinges o n whether any generalizations can be m a d e about them. T h e fourth centers o n their distinguishing characteristics. T h e fifth focuses on the models that are devised to u n d e r s t a n d why they come into being a n d to explain their significance for, a n d impact on, m o d e r n Western culture. T h e sixth discusses the societal response that is appropriate to their persistent presence, a response that is d e t e r m i n e d by the answers that are given to the first five issues. T H E D E F I N I T I O N O F A NEW R E L I G I O N T h e debate about the definition of a cult or new religion has b e e n going o n for decades a n d has shown n o signs of subsiding. In Chapter 1, the differences between sociological definitions a n d their psychological a n d theological counterparts were identified. By training, sociologists are inclined to be dispassionate a n d open-minded and, h e n c e , they normally a d o p t a neutral position to the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions. O n e of the underlying issues at stake, however, is whether a non-partisan definition of a marginal religious g r o u p is at all possible. Although an impartial approach to the study of the new religions may be highly c o m m e n d a b l e , it is certainly fraught with difficulties. Treating cults o n a par with established religious groups could easily lead to a relativistic a n d noncommittal approach that conflicts with the truth claims a n d the c o m m i t m e n t d e m a n d s of all religions. Besides, sociological attempts to give a non-judgmental, factual definition may n o t be as value-free as they might appear to be at first sight. All scholars are faced with the initial task of identifying a n d defining the various kinds of religious groups they are studying. In so doing, they c a n n o t avoid making an implicit evaluative statement o n the m o v e m e n t u n d e r study. Neutral definitions of cults or sects may n o t incorporate a religious appraisal of their orthodoxy, b u t they might indirectly state something about these religious groups that contributes to their acceptance as credible a n d respectable religious options in a pluralistic society. They may further influence public opinion b o t h with regard to their importance a n d worth a n d in the

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kind of responses that can be m a d e to their challenging presence. A definition of a new religion, for instance, may steer away from the question as to whether its claim to be within the O r t h o d o x Christian or Judaic traditions is a legitimate o n e . But it can hardly avoid making a statement o n its n a t u r e a n d / o r functions a n d selecting certain constitutive features that d e t e r m i n e its make-up. O n e can also observe that the scholars' own religious backgrounds or lack of them, their academic training, a n d their own attitudes towards religion are b o u n d to influence their definitions a n d implicit evaluations of the new religions. Sociologists have b e e n active participants in the public debates o n the new movements for the simple reason that they view a new religion as just o n e type of socioreligious g r o u p a n d organization. They, consequently, write about a particular cult or sect as if it were just a n o t h e r religious entity a n d lifestyle, sharing some features with o t h e r religious organizations a n d traditions - a position that contrasts sharply with the conviction that a cult is a pseudoreligion and, therefore, should in n o way be c o m p a r e d a n d confused with Christianity a n d its main branches. Sociologists also c o n t e n d that contemporary new religions share at least some characteristics with religious movements in o t h e r periods of Western history - an opinion n o t usually u p h e l d by those (usually anti-cultists) who maintain that most of the new religions are destructive entities that are intrinsically different from the majority of religious groups that came into being in previous centuries. Sociologists a n d o t h e r scholars also disagree about the religious significance of the new religious movements, be they labeled sects or cults. From a sociological viewpoint, the new religions may be seen as natural processes that have taken place several times in the history of the h u m a n race a n d that will occur again, given the correct sociocultural conditions. From this general picture it is easy to conclude that the rise of new religious movements is an interesting b u t unremarkable event in a society that is changing rapidly u n d e r the influence of technology. This does n o t logically lead to the view that sectarian developments are necessarily good in themselves or beneficial to the individual a n d society, b u t it certainly leans toward the position that alternative religious groups should n o t be the subject of overwhelming concern, m u c h less fear. It follows, therefore, that most sociologists 3 d o n o t exhibit the same level of anxiety, a p p r e h e n sion, a n d panic that o n e finds a m o n g some psychiatrists a n d psychologists, certain segments of the Christian community, parents

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of cult a n d ex-cult members, self-styled deprogrammers, a n d news media reporters. WHY AND H O W S H O U L D O N E STUDY T H E NEW RELIGIONS? A second major issue regards both the reasons why a n d the m a n n e r in which new religions should be studied. While the majority of sociologists support the continued research o n the new movements, some Christian writers have argued that the study of the cults does n o t deserve the p r o m i n e n c e it has b e e n given. 4 Since cults c a n n o t be reconciled with Christianity, they should be simply dismissed as pseudoreligious or non-Christian organizations. Others seem to engage in the study of new religions with the intention of counteracting their alleged manipulative techniques a n d pervasive influence. 5

Reasons for studying the new religions Sociologists are interested in the new religions because they are a specific form of h u m a n social behavior a n d an expression of religious, social, a n d cultural dynamism. They are n o t primarily dedicated to the investigation of the new movements for personal reasons. Their research is n o t an aspect of their involvement in, or reaction to, a new religion, n o r is it directly related, as a rule, to their own personal quest for religious m e a n i n g a n d experience, even t h o u g h there might be some exceptional cases. How a n d to what extent this initial attitude influences one's research is a debatable point. Because of this rather dispassionate motivation for studying new religions, sociologists could easily appear to be cult sympathizers or even cult promoters. T h e above approach contrasts sharply with the view of those whose study of the new religions is motivated by theological a n d / o r practical reasons. For religious apologists a n d evangelizers, the study of the new movements is n o t an e n d in itself, an academic activity pursued for the quest of h u m a n knowledge. Rather, the teachings of the cults are studied in o r d e r that they might be m o r e easily criticized a n d refuted. T h e behavior of their m e m b e r s is scrutinized so that their evil intentions a n d activities might be m o r e readily exposed. Many parents, psychologists, a n d d e p r o g r a m m e r s get involved in the

n o

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study of cults largely to explore ways of extricating their m e m b e r s from organizations they d e e m antithetical to family life or, m o r e generally, to the fundamental values of Western culture. 6 While sociologists can at least make an effort at impartiality, those engaged in attacking the new religions have already taken a negative stand o n their n a t u r e a n d activities. They are religious crusaders, enthusiastic champions of customary moral values a n d family unity, a n d a r d e n t defenders of traditional social norms. T h a t such a zealous attitude could negatively influence the study of the new movements does n o t require m u c h verification. Because of their highly charged, emotional stance, those people who d e n o u n c e the cults as evil institutions can be perceived as 'cult o p p o n e n t s ' or 'anti-cultists' with little to offer to the academic study of new religions. In fact, many sociologists have argued that the anti-cult movement has some of the negative features often ascribed to the new religions themselves. 7 Those involved in the anti-cult movement have retorted by accusing sociologists of having accepted some of the beliefs a n d values of the new movements a n d to have sided with their m e m b e r s in the family conflicts that m e m b e r s h i p has given rise to or aggravated. They have accused scholars of having formed their own 'anti-anti-cult movement'. 8 In their view, many scholars, especially sociologists, are 'misguided academics' or 'cult apologists' and, consequently, b o t h their assessments of cults a n d their r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s must be summarily dismissed. 9 Ways of studying the new religions Examining the m e t h o d s used to investigate the new religions is necessary because the validity a n d interpretation of the information about t h e m ultimately d e p e n d s o n how researchers go about studying them. What are the procedures o n e should adopt for finding out exactly what cult m e m b e r s believe, what their goals a n d practices are, what effects they have o n those who j o i n them, what m e t h o d s they employ to socialize their members, a n d what d e m a n d s gurus make of their devotees? How does o n e reach conclusions about the way new religions operate as distinct subcultures that are at variance or in conflict with the mainline religious groups a n d culture? Are there suitable m e t h o d s that can help the researcher n o t only record the facts faithfully, b u t also u n d e r s t a n d their significance? T h e m e t h o d s employed by sociologists to investigate the new religious movements are essentially those that have b e e n applied to

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the study of traditional religions in various societies a n d of social processes in general. 1 0 These m e t h o d s are: the use of historical materials, comparisons between similar p h e n o m e n a in the same society a n d across cultures, controlled experimentation where possible, sample surveys, intensive interviews, content analysis, a n d participant observation. 11 Some of these approaches emphasize the n e e d for an investigation that entails direct contact a n d interaction with the people u n d e r study. T h e underlying assumptions are that those being studied are n o t only reliable a n d trustworthy informants, b u t also that they should have an important say in e x p o u n d i n g a n d explaining their own beliefs a n d practices. T h e m e t h o d of participant observation is at the heart of the c u r r e n t debate o n how new religious movements should be studied. Briefly stated, this approach, which is n o t new in the social sciences, encourages researchers to study the new movements by establishing direct contact with their m e m b e r s a n d by taking part, to a limited degree, in their lifestyles. Developed initially by Western anthropologists for the study of non-Western peoples, 1 2 this now well-established m e t h o d has b e e n analyzed a n d discussed for decades a n d b e e n a d o p t e d by most social scientists. 13 T h e heart of this approach lies in its insistence that the observers should n o t apply an interpretation or j u d g m e n t based solely o n their own cultural assumptions a n d points of view. Rather, they should attempt to u n d e r s t a n d people's behavior from the perspective of the latter's own cultural a n d religious norms a n d values. Thus, scholars are u r g e d to avoid being ethnocentric, advice which is being taken seriously by some Christian missionaries in their evaluation of indigenous religions. 14 In their approach to o t h e r cultures a n d religions social scientists favor the adoption of a non-judgmental attitude a n d the posture of cultural relativism. This approach, which is considered problematic also by the scholars who propose it,15 is o n e of the sources of conflict between social scientists a n d those who have taken a negative a n d belligerent approach to the new religious movements. Participant observation has the advantage of studying people a n d their religious beliefs a n d practices directly without any intermediaries. By establishing relationships with those individuals who are being studied, the researcher has a better opportunity of learning about their feelings, experiences, fears, a n d motivations. Misinformation a n d misinterpretation that flow from rather casual a n d indirect studies of o t h e r societies a n d religions can be m o r e easily

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avoided by direct contact with those u n d e r study. Similarly, exaggerations a n d misunderstandings by disgruntled ex-members are n o t allowed to distort the belief systems a n d lifestyles of new religious movements. Such an approach, however, is n o t without its difficulties. For example, how does o n e d e t e r m i n e the limits of participation that requires m o r e than an outward conformity to some aspects of the behavior a n d worldview of the m e m b e r s of a new religion u n d e r study? Because religion deals with matters of ultimate truth a n d moral worth, o n e c a n n o t accept the ideology a n d lifestyle of a new religion o n a temporary a n d u n c o m m i t t e d basis. Social scientists d o n o t endorse conversion to the religion o n e is studying, b u t they do insist that one must endeavor to see it from the 'inside out' rather than from the 'outside in'. This implies that sociologists must find some c o m m o n g r o u n d between what they are studying a n d some of their own religious a n d / o r cultural beliefs, values, practices, a n d experiences. In so doing, sociologists might be indirectly criticizing some aspects of m o d e r n culture a n d traditional religion. Further, participant observation entails n o t just the attendance at religious rituals, b u t also some kind of personal involvement in the rites themselves. Scholars could easily leave the impression that they are compromising their own religious principles a n d / o r rejecting those of mainline culture. T h e use of the m e t h o d of participant observation highlights the tension that exists between most sociologists a n d those who have opted for an anti-cult stand. Anti-cultists have r e s p o n d e d with their own m e t h o d which, by a n d large, consists of studying cult life t h r o u g h the eyes of those who have defected, willingly or by force, from the movements. 1 6 T h e literature a n d activities of the new religious movements are interpreted n o t in the total context of the m e m b e r s ' lifestyles a n d commitments, b u t from the cultural presuppositions of those who have e m b a r k e d on an anti-cult crusade or on a mission to evangelize cult members. T h e fact that most sociologists think that this methodological approach is highly inadequate, inaccurate, a n d misleading, has intensified the conflict. T h e criticism that the m e t h o d of participant observation is indicative of an approach that favors involvement in, or acceptance of, a new religion is, however, a misunderstanding of the whole a n t h r o p o logical a n d sociological enterprise. First of all, social scientists are aware that this m e t h o d is n o t i m m u n e to difficulties that have b e e n openly recognized a n d debated in social-scientific literature for

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decades. 1 7 Thus, to m e n t i o n just o n e problem, to what extent scholars can actually assume a worldview a n d lifestyle that are foreign to their upbringing a n d convictions is n o t easy to determine. T h e many m o n o g r a p h s o n non-Western societies that Western scholars have p r o d u c e d testify, however, that participant observation is, within limitations, a worthwhile venture. Its application has advantages that far outweigh its weaknesses a n d that c a n n o t be replicated by o t h e r methods. Moreover, except in a few cases, there is little evidence that social scientists look favorably o n the beliefs a n d practices of the new movements. O n the contrary, they are rather viewed as curiosities, anachronisms, or even complete absurdities. Bryan Wilson, for example, holds that charisma, found in many of the leaders of the new religions, is a primitive trait a n d that its presence in the m o d e r n world shows how slowly wish-dreams die out. 18 Not many scholars in their face-to-face approach to the new religions have b e e n remotely attracted, m u c h less converted, to their worldviews a n d lifestyles. H O W CAN T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S BE BEST CLASSIFIED? T h e variety of new religions in Western society leads to a n o t h e r important question: can they be classified in some c o h e r e n t fashion? In Chapter 1 a major example of a classification based o n religious ideologies was presented. H e r e , various kinds of typologies that have b e e n proposed by influential sociologists will be briefly outlined. Sociological classifications of new religions have t e n d e d to focus o n the conflicting relationships that they might have with society at large. Roy Wallis divides cults into three different categories, that is, those that are: (1) world-rejecting; (2) world-affirming; a n d (3) world-accommodating. 1 9 This typology would be applicable to both sects a n d cults. Its stress is n o t o n the c o n t e n t of belief, b u t rather o n the way each g r o u p defines itself vis-a-vis the larger society. Implicit in such a classification is the principle that new religious movements c a n n o t be u n d e r s t o o d simply as spiritual revivals or resurgences. They are rather envisaged as ways of reacting to society or to some particular sociocultural condition. A m o r e elaborate proposal has b e e n p u t forward by Bryan Wilson, who thinks that sects are 'deviant responses to the world'. 20 Seven types of such responses are then distinguished: (1) conversionist; (2) revolutionist (or transformative); (3) introversionist; (4) manipulationist (or magical); (5) thaumaturgical (or miraculous); (6)

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reformist; a n d (7) Utopian. T h o u g h developed primarily to account for the divisions within traditional Christianity, several of the characteristics that are associated with this typology have b e e n applied to some of the new religions. A typology tailored specifically for the new religious movements has b e e n proposed by two American sociologists, Rodney Stark a n d William Bainbridge, who take the degree of organization, or lack of it, as the principal criterion for their distinctions between the various new religious groups. 2 1 These two scholars classify new religions into three types: audience cults, client cults, a n d cult movements. T h e first type, audience cults, is characterized by having virtually n o organization. Its m e m b e r s remain largely on the consumer level; they do not, as a rule, m e e t as a group; a n d they adopt cult beliefs a n d practices t h r o u g h printed materials, the radio, a n d television. This kind of cult provides a mythology for its participants. T h e second type, client cults, is m a d e u p of individuals who develop a relationship with their leaders similar to that of patients with their therapists. These cults never b e c o m e organizations or communities; they have clients, n o t members, who may retain their formal association with an established church. They make ritual practices available to those who are genuinely interested in the magical arts. T h e final type, cult movements, consists of organized religious entities that attempt to satisfy all the needs of their adherents. T h o u g h the levels of organizational development, the intensity of commitment, a n d the d e m a n d s m a d e o n the m e m b e r s h i p may vary, all cult movements look for converts who will break off their attachm e n t to o t h e r religious organizations. Cult movements are genuine alternative religions a n d they alone provoke great hostility from their sociocultural surroundings. It may be c o n t e n d e d that these sociological typologies neglect both the ideological differences between the new religious as well as the experiential dimensions that most of t h e m claim. It may be further objected that n o n e of t h e m would encompass all the new religions. Moreover, most of t h e m seem to have b e e n originally constructed to account for the divisions within Christianity, making their application to a b r o a d e r religious base somewhat strained. Some sociologists admit that many of the movements d o n o t fit easily in any o n e particular category, that some would fit comfortably in m o r e than one, a n d that several have altered sufficiently e n o u g h to

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merit being placed in a category different from the o n e they belonged to when they first came into being. A n o t h e r weakness of the above classifications is that they are highly descriptive and, therefore, fail to deal with the objections raised by those who maintain that most of the new religions require some evaluation. Several social scientists have endeavored to correct this flaw by proposing m o r e normative criteria. Dick Anthony, for example, focuses o n differentiating new religions by whether they can be j u d g e d to be 'authentic' or Unauthentic' paths to transcendence. 22 Frederick Bird takes a n o t h e r approach that centers o n moral accountability. 23 H e points out that in three types or levels of membership, namely, those of devotee, discipleship, a n d apprenticeship, new religions provide their own way of mitigating moral accountability. A n d Ken Wilber has proposed an evolutionary scheme of 'pre-rational', 'rational self-consciousness', a n d 'transrational' levels 24 by which the authenticity a n d legitimacy of new religious groups can be judged. 2 5 Whatever the weaknesses of these sociological divisions, they certainly highlight some crucial questions that must be answered if the new religious movements are to be u n d e r s t o o d in some depth. W h e n is the sociocultural environment conducive to the emergence a n d success of new religions? What types of relationships with society do these groups promote? T o what extent is knowledge of their organizational structure necessary for u n d e r s t a n d i n g them? What factors will lead a new religion to grow or fail, or to cultivate a lower or higher tension with society? It would seem that such questions must be answered before any attempt can be m a d e to evaluate the new religions. MAJOR F E A T U R E S OF T H E NEW M O V E M E N T S It is taken for granted by most scholars that the new religions represent, by a n d large, a kind of spiritual revival that leads people to a b a n d o n traditional churches a n d denominations. T h e r e is little agreement, however, when it comes to specifying those characteristics that are peculiar to alternative religions a n d set t h e m apart as distinct groups. T h e sociological a p p r o a c h is typified by that of Bryan Wilson who carefully avoids making theological j u d g m e n t s o n the belief systems of new religions. His catalogue of ideal sect characteristics, most of which can, with some modifications, be applied to the new religions,

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is a good illustration of how a sociologist describes the main features of new religions without d e n o u n c i n g t h e m as destructive entities. H e considers sects a n d new religious movements to be religious entities that live in tension with traditional religions a n d society. 26 H e enumerates the following eight features of sectarianism: (1) exclusivity; (2) monopoly of truth; (3) a lay organization; (4) rejection of the religious division of labor; (5) voluntariness; (6) the expulsion of m e m b e r s who do n o t follow the prescribed standards; (7) the d e m a n d of total allegiance; a n d (8) protest against traditional religions a n d society. 27 Several o t h e r features can be easily seen as flowing from those listed by Wilson. Contemporary religious movements t e n d to set clear boundaries that mark their m e m b e r s as the chosen elite. These m e m b e r s are b o u n d together by selfconsciousness a n d conscientious commitments a n d n o t by cultural heritage or tradition. Their quest for truth a n d / o r religious experiences have led t h e m to dedicate themselves to the goals a n d ideals of a new religion. They also legitimize their claims with reference to a sacred authority, often e m b e d d e d in a charismatic leader who monopolizes the right to dictate the movement's doctrine a n d to prescribe its lifestyle. These characteristics d o not, by themselves, necessarily imply any positive or negative functions that new religions might fulfill. Some of them, like authoritarianism, monopoly of truth, a n d exclusivity, can be found also in mainline churches. Most of t h e m can have good a n d / o r b a d effects, d e p e n d i n g o n the social circumstances a n d the states of m i n d of b o t h the leaders of the new religions a n d their followers. Admittedly, the sociological m e t h o d of ascribing relatively neutral features to the new religions does n o t have a great popular appeal. T h e beliefs a n d practices of new religions call for an evaluation, if for n o o t h e r reason than because (1) they propose different belief systems a n d lifestyles a n d (2) they frequently a n d openly question a n d / o r attack traditional religious a n d social values. But as an initial approach to the new religions, the sociological m e t h o d is a safeguard against making hasty j u d g m e n t s about, a n d wild generalizations on, what m e m b e r s of new religions believe a n d practice. Widely publicized statements about the violence that is allegedly r a m p a n t in the new religions are o n e glaring example of such overgeneralization. 2 8 T h e tragic demise of the People's T e m p l e in Jonestown, Guyana (where several h u n d r e d cult m e m b e r s were either m u r d e r e d or committed suicide) is taken as the paradigm of a

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destructive cult, thus implying that all new religious movements might e n d u p like Jonestown. Two m o r e recent examples of religious groups that h a d recourse to m u r d e r a n d self-violence, namely the Branch Davidian in Waco, Texas, a n d the O r d e r of the Solar T e m p l e in Switzerland, seem to confirm the view that some cults are p r o n e to self-destructive behavior. It is doubtful, however, whether any of these groups are typical. It is also questionable whether a general theory of 'destructive cultism' or 'brainwashing' can account for their suicidal behavior, which might be better explained with reference to sociological 29 a n d psychological 30 theories of suicide. Anthony Robbins' attempt to interpret the tragedy of Jonestown u n d e r the rubric of 'the sociology of martyrdom' 3 1 is certainly m o r e convincing than the view that attributes the People's Temple's charismatic leader with the u n c a n n y powers of hypnosis a n d m i n d control. O n e must also stress that suicide is a form of h u m a n aberrant behavior n o t restricted to a handful of new religions. 32 G o r d o n Melton has p u t forward some i m p o r t a n t considerations for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the p h e n o m e n o n of violence within new religious movements. 3 3 H e first adopts a b r o a d e r definition of cult-related violence to include n o t only bodily h a r m inflicted on cult m e m b e r s b u t also violent actions perpetrated against these same m e m b e r s by the public. Secondly, h e insists that reports of violence must be carefully investigated. Thirdly, h e inculcates the n e e d to a d o p t the standard sociological approach, namely, to see cult-violence in the b r o a d e r religious a n d cultural violence that prevails in many societies. Finally, h e proposes that a distinction should be m a d e between the various levels of violence that exist a m o n g the new religious movements. T h e r e appears to be a g r e e m e n t o n o n e i m p o r t a n t point: violence, such as physical child abuse a n d the u n e q u a l treatment of women, exists in some of the new religions. But the corporal p u n i s h m e n t of children a n d the limiting of woman's social role are present also in many Christian churches, who justify their behavior by referring to biblical texts or to tradition. T h e kind of violence a n d its justification also varies from g r o u p to group. In addition, the question can be raised as to whether the belligerent reaction to the new religions can create or aggravate cult-violence. 34 It must be emphasized that violence, such as the mistreatment of children a n d women, suicide, a n d m u r d e r , is indicative of social a n d psychological problems that have existed in contemporary Western culture long before the advent of the new religions.

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T H E O R I E S E X P L A I N I N G T H E RISE O F T H E NEW RELIGIONS T h e fifth major debate about the new religions concerns their significance. Their apparently s u d d e n emergence requires an explanation. Why is it that this particular p e r i o d in the history of Western culture should witness the rise of so many new religious movements? What factors must be taken into account to u n d e r s t a n d their dynamics? Most social-scientific literature takes it for granted that the roots of the p h e n o m e n o n lie in contemporary culture. Several theories have b e e n proposed to show how the Western world in the second half of the twentieth century has b e c o m e a fertile g r o u n d for the successful rise a n d c o n t i n u e d presence of new religions.

The functional

approach

Probably the most c o m m o n interpretation of cult formation has b e e n the functional o n e . Religious revivals are said to emerge to satisfy practical h u m a n needs that are n o t being met, to help people cope with new problems a n d social conditions that c a n n o t be addressed in other ways, a n d to act as catalysts for religious change. This view is usually labeled the 'relative deprivation theory' of cult formation, because it starts with the observation that economic distress, lower social status, loneliness, a n d anomie are at the root of religious movements. 3 5 T h e functional approach is hardly new in the social sciences, especially in sociology a n d anthropology, where exploring the effects of religious beliefs o n both the individual a n d o n society has long b e e n incorporated into their methodology. T h e following five major functions or needs which religion in general and, by extension, cults a n d sects serve, have d o m i n a t e d social-scientific literature, particularly anthropological studies o n non-literate cultures. 36

Explanatory

functions

Religion is said to offer explanations, interpretations, a n d rationalizations of the many facets of h u m a n existence. It satisfies cognitive a n d intellectual needs by providing sure a n d definite answers. Inexplicable problems, which c a n n o t be resolved by any o t h e r means, are

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unraveled by recourse to theological a n d religious sources of knowledge a n d argument. T h e new religions have come into being at a time when the mainline churches appear to have retreated, in part, from their dogmatic stance a n d when scientific progress has b r o u g h t to the fore new moral a n d religious questions for which there are n o definite answers. New religions, just like fundamentalist churches, are known for providing intellectual security. They counteract contemporary moral ambiguity, providing religiously legitimated answers to h u m a n behavior.

Emotional functions T h e most c o m m o n sociopsychological functions assigned to religion are emotional. Religion, by giving the person identity, security, a n d courage, reduces, relieves, a n d allays anxiety, fear, tension, a n d stress. It helps the individual cope with life a n d face h u m a n dilemmas with comfort a n d confidence. It contributes to emotional integration b o t h on an individual a n d social level. T h e argument, found repeatedly in social-scientific literature, is that when traditional religions cease to fulfill these needs, new religious movements come into being. This view hypothesizes that the rise of the new religions is a response to h u m a n psychological needs, which the major religious traditions are n o t fully satisfying. Thus, m o r e precisely, the new religions could be offering a holistic self-conception in a culture where the diffusion of personal identity has left many people lost, confused, a n d afraid.

Social functions Many social scientists agree that religious beliefs a n d practices are instrumental in maintaining, if n o t creating, social solidarity. Religion is j u d g e d to be a force of integration, a unifying b o n d contributing to social stability a n d control a n d to the preservation of knowledge. Recent developments in the West have created some d o u b t as to whether the established religions are fulfilling this important function. T o what degree the new religions take the place of the traditional ones is n o t clear. From o n e point of view, they stress community living in an age when religious, social, a n d kinship ties have b e c o m e rather tenuous a n d diffuse. Many offer the opportunity

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for a shared lifestyle in a society where dislocation of c o m m u n a l patterns has b e c o m e the n o r m . They create novel systems of e x t e n d e d kinship in societies where even the nuclear family is showing signs of weakening or breaking down. They further prop o u n d , a n d at times eagerly await, an ideal future situation when the relationship between religion a n d society will be m o r e harmonious. Yet, from a n o t h e r perspective, they foster conflict with society a n d between family m e m b e r s a n d can b e j u d g e d to be dysfunctional.

Validating functions A n o t h e r function of religion, closely allied with the social o n e , is that of validating cultural values. Religious beliefs a n d practices support, at times with moral a n d spiritual sanctions, the basic institutions, values, a n d aspirations of a society. Religion inculcates social a n d ethical norms; it justifies, enforces, a n d implements a people's ideological assumptions a n d way of life. Again, the applicability of these functions to the new religious movements is n o t obvious. J o i n i n g a new religious m o v e m e n t indicates a break with traditional religious a n d cultural values. T h e cults, rather t h a n stamp with approval their m e m b e r s ' previous lifestyles, pass a condemnatory j u d g m e n t o n them. Yet, at the same time, they give the new ideology a n d ritual behavior the e n d o r s e m e n t of charismatic a n d revelatory authority a n d validate the m e m b e r s ' a b a n d o n m e n t of their previous religion.

Adaptive

functions

Several anthropologists have emphasized the adaptive functions of religious beliefs a n d rituals. T h e study of how beliefs a n d membership in a religious g r o u p can have repercussions on the individual's chances of survival falls u n d e r sociobiology. 37 Observing that there is a definite relationship between religion a n d b o t h the physical a n d social environments, some scholars have suggested that, t h r o u g h the use of religion, h u m a n beings have b e e n able to adjust a n d utilize the environment to cater to their own needs. Religion, in this view, is seen as a tool for survival a n d can be better u n d e r s t o o d in terms of r e c u r r e n t adaptive processes. This a p p r o a c h has b e e n applied to show how many of the rituals found in the religions of non-literate peoples (like divination a n d

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totemism) may, originally, have h a d ecologically relevant results. It has also b e e n used to explain beliefs a n d values in some of the great religions. For instance, the H i n d u ritual attitude a n d treatment of the cow has b e e n interpreted as an ecologically beneficial developm e n t that has contributed to the adaptation a n d survival of society in India. 38 T h e new religions may serve as ways t h r o u g h which h u m a n beings adapt to the current sociocultural environment. O n e of the m o r e telling criticisms of traditional religions is that, in a m o d e r n technological a n d computerized society, they are rapidly becoming irrelevant to daily experiences. An excellent example would be the observance of Sunday as a day of rest a n d prayer. In pluralistic societies the ritual practices of just o n e religion c a n n o t be adopted as the cultural n o r m . Further, m o d e r n industrial society has m a d e the universal ritual observance of Sunday (or any other day) virtually impossible. New religions may be attempts to create an ideology a n d work ethic that fits in m o r e comfortably with the developing lifestyles in the West. While it would be difficult to outline any direct relationship between the new religions a n d ecology, it is feasible to build a case for their adaptive function. Many of the new movements, particularly those that align themselves with the New Age Movement, are very ecologically minded. 3 9 In a time in history when the h u m a n race is overusing, polluting, a n d destroying the natural environment, theological a n d moral views that bestow a divine quality to nature or see it as an expression of divine creativity that must be preserved at all costs may have a survival value. Further, since m e m b e r s h i p in the new movements is largely transient, they may be indirectly acting as stages in an individual's psychological development a n d / o r re-entry into the larger society. It can also be maintained that some new religions play the role of mental health care a n d counseling agencies. Occult movements, for instance, p r o m o t e astrology, a form of divination, which is clearly a process of self-reflection leading to a decision u n d e r the guidance of experts, whose role is similar to that of counseling psychologists. 40 Alternative forms of marriage, like the pre-arranged mass marriages carried out in the Unification Church, are a contrasting substitute for the c u r r e n t precarious married state embodied, for example, in the custom of 'serial monogamy' that has b e c o m e widespread in Western culture. T h e r e are different ways t h r o u g h which a person learns how to cope with the stress of intra-familial relationships, one

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of which is to a d o p t a well-defined family lifestyle in a new religion where c o m m u n a l living is encouraged, if n o t prescribed. T h e tendency a m o n g social scientists, particularly anthropologists a n d sociologists, to highlight the positive functions of religion is also reflected in their writings on the new religions. If the new religious movements gratify some of the needs of those individuals who j o i n them, then it is easy to conclude that they are beneficial institutions. If they offer genuine alternatives in an age of social a n d religious turmoil, t h e n o n e can readily be led to the view that contemporary religious options perform a necessary a n d useful service for h u m a n ity. It is n o t surprising, therefore, that anti-cultists have b e e n inclined to see social scientists as supporters or sympathizers of the cults. T h e functional viewpoint is in direct conflict with the anti-cult conception of a cult as a spurious religious organization that can have few, if any, beneficial effects both o n individuals a n d society. Current theories of new religions It is necessary to bear in mind, however, that the functional explanation of religion a n d of cults has come u n d e r heavy attack by several social scientists, even t h o u g h it has n o t completely lost its appeal. 4 1 Besides the admission that religious beliefs a n d practices may n o t always have positive results, there are some who are questioning the whole approach that treats the cults as remedies for deprivation. Because this approach often neglects the religious functions that new religions might fulfill, it could easily be perceived as reductionistic, ignoring the fact that the h u m a n religious quest might be responsible for the success of the cults that may function, in part, as vehicles for mystical experiences. Moreover, deprivation theories d o n o t quite explain the causes of deprivation n o r the reason why individuals j o i n particular religious movements. Several explanatory theories, some of which overlap, have b e e n devised either to bypass the question of deprivation or else to reformulate it m o r e cogently. O n e approach, which has b e e n forcefully articulated by Rodney Stark a n d William Bainbridge, considers the new cults as g e n u i n e religious a n d spiritual revivals,42 a position that some theologians have found attractive. 43 Since religious awakenings have occurred t h r o u g h o u t the history of the West, it can be argued that such revivals appear in cycles a n d / o r take place whenever traditional religions appear to have lost some of their original vitality. T h e advent of the new religions in the last few decades has coincided with a period in

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history when the mainline churches may have so a c c o m m o d a t e d themselves to society that their ability to satisfy the religious needs of their adherents has b e e n diminished. In sociological terms, when religion becomes too secularized o n e can expect new religious groups to come into being. In o t h e r words, secularization a n d cult formation go h a n d in h a n d . Most of those novel religions that survive will, in time, be swept away by the secularization process, thus recreating the conditions that give rise to new ones. A second approach, proposed by Bryan Wilson, contradicts the above hypothesis a n d speculates that the presence of the new religions is a confirmation of the secularization hypothesis. 44 T h e new religions are an indication of the trivialization of religion a n d n o t a genuine religious resurgence. They may be considered to be the final gasp of religion, a last b u t futile attempt to restore the importance that religion used to have in social life. In this view, secularization is an inevitable process because m o d e r n technological society leaves n o r o o m for religion, ritual, a n d spirituality. T h e new religions could be seen as a reaction to the process of secularization, b u t a reaction that will have little impact on that process. T h e religious revival theory has also b e e n dismissed by anthropologist Marvin Harris, who maintains that the new religions are movements in search of material wealth a n d power rather than transcendental a n d spiritual values. 45 In o t h e r words, Harris, in typical Marxist fashion, seeks an economic explanation for the rise of new religions. His position has echoes also in sociological literature that holds that theology a n d ideology should n o t be treated as i n d e p e n d e n t variables in the formation of new religious movements a n d that economic factors deserve equal consideration. 4 6 A fourth hypothesis, developed by Robert Wuthnow, interprets the new religions as a form of experimental religion. 47 Contemporary society is m a r k e d by a system of communication a n d mobility that increases one's knowledge of different religious options a n d makes available several spiritual opportunities. In a society that values individual experience a n d stresses freedom of choice, young adults, who form the bulk of people attracted by alternative religions, become p r o n e to experiment even with religious forms. This experimental outlook may also be a result, in part at least, of the loosening of family ties. Unlike m e m b e r s of tribal societies, people in contemporary Western culture may be less attached to their cultural, family, a n d religious roots a n d m o r e p r e p a r e d a n d willing to embark on their own personal quest than to accept unquestionably the religion

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of their parents. More psychologically inclined scholars would stress the prevailing narcissism in Western culture a n d maintain that the new movements are an expression of this growing trend. 4 8 A n o t h e r theory focuses o n the current political scene a n d speculates that the new religions have sprung from political disenchantment. 4 9 T h e late 1960s saw for the first time widespread antagonism towards, a n d rebellion against, the economic a n d sociopolitical system in the West, especially in the United States. Material success has b e c o m e an all-embracing value that neglects or denies the spiritual dimension of life. It may also have created or aggravated m o r e problems (such as rivalry a n d intense competition) t h a n it has solved. J o i n i n g a new religious m o v e m e n t is a way of opting o u t of the system, a form of escapism. O n e can e x p a n d this theory to include rebellion against Western culture as a whole, a n d against one's parental authority a n d religious upbringing. T h e values a n d lifestyles that have b e e n passed o n by the family a n d society are rejected as inadequate a n d unsatisfying. Related to this theory is the view that contemporary change has b e e n too rapid a n d has, consequently, u p r o o t e d people from their parental a n d cultural moorings. 5 0 T h e Western world is in a state of culture crisis. People feel lost a n d insecure in a world that questions all absolute values a n d norms a n d has b e c o m e highly impersonal a n d utilitarian. New religions provide e n c o u r a g e m e n t a n d certainty to people who are beset by moral a n d religious confusion a n d who are in a state of anomie. They fulfill needs that traditional religions have ceased to take care of. This is o n e form of the deprivation theory of religion tailored to suit the e m e r g e n c e of the new movements. A n o t h e r hypothesis speculates that the new religions are indicators of the emergence of a new humanism. 5 1 It starts with the assumption that religion is an evolving p h e n o m e n o n a n d attempts to determine specific universal religious trends for the future. It implies that religion, in its present form, is on the decline a n d that a new worldview is coming into being, a worldview that has b e e n influenced by Eastern traditions a n d stresses the i m m a n e n t , rather than the transcendent, n a t u r e of the divine. This new h u m a n i s m is thisworldly oriented. Although such a perspective has b e e n present in the West for centuries, it now shows signs of becoming the d o m i n a n t feature in contemporary spiritual life. This theory does n o t necessarily maintain that the traditional religious worldview, that postulates a creator God who is b o t h distinct a n d separate from the world, will be replaced by a new o n e . But it

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does suggest that traditional religion might be u n d e r g o i n g some radical changes a n d might n o t remain the only d o m i n a n t force in h u m a n spirituality in the Western world. T h e rise of the new religious movements has also b e e n related to the breakdown of the 'American Civil Religion'. 52 In many societies, there has b e e n a religious or quasi-religious regard for civic values a n d traditions. T h e complexity of special festivals, rituals, creeds, a n d dogmas that flow from this nationalist attitude has b e e n given the label 'Civil Religion'. T h e United States offers a m o d e r n , vivid example of such a religion, which began with the divine mission ascribed to America by the Puritan settlers in New England. T h e cultural developments a n d turbulence of the 1960s are related to the incipient breakdown of Civil Religion in the United States. T h e new religions may be considered attempts to fill the void left by the decline of Civil Religion. Two contemporary religious groups are particularly amenable to this interpretation: the M o r m o n Church, which came into being last century a n d which is currently experiencing growth in different parts of the world; a n d the Unification Church, which migrated from Korea to the West in the late 1960s. Both churches exalt the place of America in the divine plan a n d may be offering a substitute Civil Religion that permeates cultural values a n d filters into every aspect of life. T h e principal difficulty with this theory is that it fails to account for the majority of the new religious movements. It is also n o t clear whether it is applicable to o t h e r Western societies outside the United States. Social-scientific critique of popular theories T h e main sociological critique has b e e n directed against popular views of new religions, particularly the brainwashing theory discussed in the previous chapter. Sociological researchers share o n e thing in c o m m o n : they see the emergence of the new movements as a complex sociocultural p h e n o m e n o n that c a n n o t be explained simply in terms of individual psychology or as a result of external forces that are destined to bring about the downfall of Western culture. T h e brainwashing theory is j u d g e d deficient precisely because it fails to take d u e notice of the sociocultural conditions of Western society and, therefore, ignores some of the main issues that must play a central role in any explanation of the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions. 53 Thus, to u p h o l d the view that new religious movements attract people who are mentally ill or psychologically weak does n o t

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answer the questions of why they have arisen in a certain period of history a n d why it is that so many young adults j o i n them. T o claim that their leaders are power-seeking individuals who use their charismatic powers to entice, by skillful m i n d control methods, naive youngsters into their folds reveals n o t h i n g about the reasons why such leaders actually emerge a n d little about the causes of the alleged vulnerability of those attracted to them. Also, to explain their success by stating that they use carefully planned, deceptive a n d brainwashing techniques to gain a n d maintain members is an outright rejection of any initiative that young adults might take in j o i n i n g them. Most of those individuals who j o i n new religions, however, have already embarked o n a spiritual or religious quest before they ever came in contact with them. They are, therefore, n o t just passive bystanders who have b e e n unwittingly lured into a new religious movement. In like m a n n e r , to insist that continuous heavy socialization or indoctrination into cult beliefs a n d values practically destroys the free wills a n d minds of cult m e m b e r s contradicts the evidence that many m e m b e r s disengage themselves from the new movements on their own initiative a n d that a few m e m b e r s are actually critical of some of the activities of the movements to which they belong. A n o t h e r popular theory that is n o t supported by sociological studies is the view that interprets the emergence of the new religions as the result of some kind of well-orchestrated attack o n Western culture from outside sources. This position is hardly original a n d was expressed earlier this century to explain the influx of Eastern religious a n d philosophical ideas after the 1893 World Parliament of Religions in Chicago. 54 Many of the ideals, values, a n d lifestyles a d h e r e d to by new religions are hardly novel; their roots are wellestablished in marginal groups that have b e e n part of the Western cultural tradition for some time. New religions are n o t just an external problem, a kind of missionary invasion from outside that can be stopped by the introduction of social a n d legal restrictions. They are primarily an internal problem and, h e n c e , direct attacks against t h e m will n o t succeed in exterminating them. T h e evidence suggests that Western culture is being influenced rather than overr u n by Eastern traditions, which are in the process of accommodating themselves to the Western civilization into which they have b e e n transplanted. It is certainly n o t difficult to see why sociological views o n the new

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religions have n o t b e e n very popular. Those who hold that membership in their ranks implies pathology have at their disposal a simple, professional answer to an unusual involvement, that is, optional or forced therapy for cult members. Those who maintain that the new religions are responsible for enticing a n d brainwashing young adults against their wills p r o p o u n d the equally straightforward solution, namely that their m e m b e r s should be d e p r o g r a m m e d a n d subjected to traditional therapy a n d the cults themselves suppressed. Lastly, those who are afraid that the influence from the East is b o u n d to lead to the eclipse of Western culture have a strong rationale for insisting o n an u n c o m p r o m i s i n g a n d belligerent reaction to the new movements. Sociologists think that these reactions are based on assumptions that do n o t fit the facts a n d that they offer superficial a n d simplistic explanations that neglect consideration of the many problems caused by m o d e r n industrialized society a n d by evolutionary forces that may n o t be easily controlled by h u m a n endeavors. Consequently, they seem to offer little comfort to the worried parents of cult m e m b e r s a n d to agitated evangelizers, who see in the sociological theories of cult formation a n d development n o quick resolutions of the personal problems that plague those who have b e e n personally affected by the presence of the new religions. Sociological theories of cult formation, however, draw attention to the sociocultural matrix suitable for the rise of new religious movements. They focus on the problems of Western society in a period of rapid social change. They emphasize that it is precisely these problems that explain the reasons why new religions succeed a n d that, consequently, must be addressed. They make people reflect n o t only o n the inevitability of the new religions, b u t also o n their manifold functions. T h o u g h sociological studies could lead to the conclusion that the problems that alternative movements have b r o u g h t in their wake may n o t be easily solved, they also provide the information a n d reflection for ways of coping with them. R E S P O N S E S T O T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S T h e sixth a n d final issue in contemporary sociology has to do with the response that society should make to the new religions. Two opposing positions have gradually emerged a n d solidified since the early 1970s. T h e first has been identified largely with the activity of the anti-cult movement a n d has attracted the support of many

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psychiatrists, lawyers, ministers of religion, a n d the general public. Its main concerns are the effects of cult life o n family members, the wellbeing of the individuals who b e c o m e cult members, a n d the perceived negative results on society a n d / o r religion as a whole. Its m e t h o d s are mostly confrontational. Besides the dissemination of literature that discredits the cults a n d the foundation of counseling centers that assist parents in their efforts to remove their offspring from their milieu, those who a d h e r e to this a p p r o a c h have h a d recourse to the courts to counteract the practices of the new religious movements. A second response, to which many social scientists subscribe, is aimed m o r e at diagnosing the activities of the anti-cult m o v e m e n t itself a n d analyzing the various reactions to new religions t h a n dealing directly with the personal problems b r o u g h t into being by the presence a n d influence of the new religions. 55 James Beckford, for example, has shown how reactions to the new religions is shaped by the cultural a n d legal frameworks of different countries. 5 6 Thus, whether the cults are considered to be a form of religious deviance, an expression of totalitarianism, or a threat to social order, moral norms, a n d traditional values d e p e n d s o n the sociocultural contexts in which they thrive. Further, instead of concentrating largely o n the psychological a n d personal aspects of involvement, many sociologists have drawn attention to the grave social implications that might follow a legally sanctioned anti-cult stand. They have stressed the importance of religious freedom in a pluralistic society a n d have c o n t e n d e d that any legal curtailment of the new religious movements threatens it. Their defense of religious freedom has regrettably b e e n interpreted as a pro-cult stance. 57 T H E RELEVANCE O F S O C I O L O G Y F O R U N D E R S T A N D I N G T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S T h e issues discussed above are expressive of a d e e p division between two incompatible approaches to, a n d interpretations of, the new religious movements. T h e debates have assumed a crusading spirit that has intensified the split between the two groups of scholars studying the new religions. Rarely d o m e m b e r s of each c a m p participate in j o i n t conferences or discussions. Consequently, it would be unrealistic at this stage to h o p e for a quick a n d easy resolution to the problems discussed in this chapter.

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The sociological approach to the new religions is based on wellestablished academic principles and, in spite of some weaknesses, has many advantages. The impartial stance of sociologists and their refusal to pass theological judgments should, in fact, be recommended as a necessary initial step to understanding the new religions. The neglect of sociological studies by those who have embarked on an anti-cult campaign has contributed to the hysteria that so frequently characterizes the public responses to the new religious movements. The responsibility of making theological evaluations belongs to theologians, who are called upon to interpret and evaluate the beliefs and practices of the new religious movements in the context of their respective faiths. Similarly, the responsibility of helping those who have been affected by the cults' recruitment drives and activities falls on psychologists and counselors. Both responsibilities can be better attended to if sociological studies of the new religions are given their rightful place in the study of contemporary religious change and development. The sociological approach to the new religious movements provides, first of all, a solid and reliable method for finding out and accurately recording their beliefs, rituals, and activities. Second, it places their emergence in a wider religious and cultural context, thus broadening understanding of the phenomenon. Third, it draws attention to some of their social functions, thus showing how entrance into a new religion may have positive consequences. Finally, sociology makes us aware of a much larger problem that believers of all religions have to come to terms with, namely the increase in the varieties of religious options over the last few decades and, most of all, the changing face of religion at the end of the second millennium. NOTES 1. Thomas Robbins, Cults, Converts, and Charisma (Newbury Park, CA/London: Sage, 1988), pp. igoff. 2. For standard sociological approaches to religion see H. Paul Chalfant, Robert E. Beckley, and C. Eddie Palmer, Religion in Contemporary Society (Sherman Oaks, CA: Alfred Publishing Co., 1981); and Keith A. Roberts, Religion in Sociological Perspective (Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1984). 3. For a typical example, see David G. Bromley and Anson D. Shupe, Strange Gods: The Great American Cult Scare (Boston: Beacon Press, 1981).

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4. See, for instance, Dave Breese, Know the Marks of Cults (Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1978), p. 11. 5. Such as frequently is the case with those who have joined organizations like the Family Action, Information and Rescue (FAIR) in Great Britain and the American Family Foundation (AFF) and the Cult Awareness Network (CAN) in the United States. 6. Michael D. Langone, for instance, 'Cultism and American culture', Cultic Studies Journal?, (1986), pp. 157-72, contends that cults reject the major fundamental values on which American culture rests. 7. See Anson D. Shupe and David G. Bromley, The New Vigilantes: Deprogrammers, Anti-Cultists, and the New Religions (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1980). 8. Johannes Aagaard, 'Conversion, religious change, and the challenge of new religious movements', Cultic Studies Journal 8 (1991), pp. 102-3. 9. See, for example, David J. Bardin, 'Psychological coercion and human rights: mind control ("brainwashing") exists' (1994), a privately circulated paper written in response to Nancy T. Ammerman, Recommendations of Experts for Improvements in Federal Law Enforcement After Waco (Washington, DC: US Department ofJustice and US Department of the Treasury, n.d.; released on October 8, 1993). Bardin is a Washington Counsel for the American Family Foundation and the Cult Awareness Network. 10. Anthony Giddens, Sociology (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 45off. 11. Neil Smelser, Sociology (Cambridge, MA: UNESCO, 1994), pp. 39~5512. Conrad Phillip Kottack, Anthropology: The Exploration of Human Diversity (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1991), pp. 19-23, lists 'observation and participant observation' as the first ethnographic technique. For a detailed study of this method and its advantages and difficulties, consult Danny L. Jorgensen, Participant Observation: A Methodology for Human Studies (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1989)13. David Bidney, 'Cultural relativism' in International Dictionary of the Social Sciences, ed. David L. Sills (New York: Macmillan/Free Press, 1968), vol. 3, pp. 543-7. The use of this method is listed in sociology textbooks as one of the standard methods used by sociologists. Cf., for instance, John E. Farley, Sociology (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990), pp. 46-8. 14. See Eugene Hillman, 'Religious ethnocentrism', America (March 23, 1993), pp. 317-915. Richard H. Robbins, Anthropology: A Problem-Based Approach (Itasca, IL: Peacock Publishers, 1993), p. 9; and Robert H. Winthrop, 'Relativism' in Dictionary of

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Concepts in Cultural Anthropology (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), pp. 236-8. 16. This is typical of many studies published in, for example, the Cultic Studies Journal 17. See, for instance, Danny L. Jorgensen, Participant Observation: A Methodology for Human Studies, especially pp. 27ff. 18. The Noble Savages: The Primitive Origins of Charisma and Its Contemporary Survival (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975). 19. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982). 20. Religious Sects: A Sociological Study (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970). 21. 'Concepts for a theory of religious movements' in Alternatives to American Mainline Churches, ed. Joseph H. Fichter (New York: Rose of Sharon Press, 1983), pp. 12-21. 2 2. For a more recent and lengthy formulation of this typology, see Dick Anthony and Bruce Ecker, 'The Anthony typology: a framework for assessing spiritual and consciousness groups' in Spiritual Choices: The Problem ofRecognizing Authentic Paths to Inner Transformation, ed. Dick Anthony, Bruce Ecker, and Ken Wilber (New York: Paragon, 1987), pp. 35-106. 23. 'The pursuit of innocence: new religious movements and moral accountability', Sociological Analysis 40 (1979), pp. 335-46. 24. 'The spectrum-model', in Spiritual Choices, pp. 237-60. 25. For a lengthy discussion of these typologies see Thomas Robbins, Cults, Converts and Charisma, pp. i35ff. 26. The Social Dimensions of Sectarianism: Sects and New Religious Movements in Contemporary Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), especially Part I, pp. 23ff. 27. Religion in Sociological Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 91-2. 28. Marcia Rudin, 'Women, elderly, and children in religious cults', Cultic Studies Journal 1.1 (1984), pp. 8-26, presents a typical example. 29. See Ronald W. Maris, 'Suicide' in Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. Edgar R. Borgatta and Marie L. Borgatta (New York: Macmillan, 1992), vol. 4, pp. 2111-9.

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30. Cf. E. S. Schneiderman, 'Suicide' in Encyclopedia of Psychology, ed. Raymond J. Corsini (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1994), vol. 3, pp. 488-90; David Lester, 'Suicide' in Encyclopedia of Human Behavior, ed. V. S. Ramachandran (New York: Academic Press, 1994), vol. 4, pp. 347-52. 31. 'The historical antecedents of Jonestown: the sociology of martyrdom' in New Religious Movements, Mass Suicide, and the People's Temple: Scholarly Perspectives on a Tragedy, ed. Rebecca Moore and Fielding McGehee III (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989), pp. 51-76. 32. For a discussion of this issue see Violence and Religious Commitment: Implications of Jim Jones's People's Temple Movement, ed. Ken Levi (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982). 33. J. Gordon Melton, 'Violence and the cults' in Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America (New York: Garland, 2nd edn, 1992), pp. 361-93. 34. See Robert D. Hicks, 'Cult label made Waco violence inevitable' in From the Ashes: Making Sense of Waco, ed. James R. Lewis (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1989), pp. 63-5. 35. See, for example, Charles Y. Glock, 'On the origin and evolution of religious groups' in Religion in Sociological Perspective, ed. Charles Y Glock (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1973), pp. 207-20; and Newton B. Fowler, 'Religion beyond the churches', Lexington Theological Quarterly 16 (April 1981), pp. 78-84. Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge, A Theory ofReligion (New York: Peter Lang, 1987), adopt a theory of deprivation to explain religious commitment and the rise of new religious movements. 36. For an elaboration of these various functions, see John A. Saliba, 'Religion and the anthropologists, 1960-1976, Part IF, Anthropologica 19 (1977), pp. 181-5. 37. V. Reynolds and R. E. S. Tanner, The Biology of Religion (London: Longman, 1983), especially ch. 1, 'Religion and sociobiology', pp. 2-17. Cf. Brant Wenegrat, The Divine Archetype: The Sociobiology and Psychology of Religion (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1990), pp. 3iff. 38. Marvin Harris, 'The cultural ecology of India's sacred cow', Current Anthropology 6 (1966), pp. 51-9. 39. The New Age Journal dedicates an issue each year to home and planet ecology. See, for instance, 'Sourcebook 1994', New Age Journal 10.7 (1993); and 'The Annual Sourcebook for '95', New Age Journal 11.8 (1995). 40. David Lester, 'Astrologers and psychics as therapists', American Journal of Psychotherapy 36 (1981), pp. 56-66.

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41. For a summary of such critique see Robert Wuthnow, 'Sociology of religion' in Handbook of Sociology, ed. Neil J. Smelser (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1988), pp. 477-942. The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival, and Cult Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). 43. See, for example, Harvey Cox, Religion in the Secular City (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984). 44. Contemporary Transformations of Religion (London: Oxford University Press, 1976). 45. American Now: The Anthropology of a Changing Culture (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1981). 46. See, for example, Money and Power in the New Religions, ed. James T. Richardson (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988). 47. Experimentation in American Religion: The New Mysticisms and Their Implications for the Churches (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). 48. See Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978). For some critical reflections on Lasch's theory consult Jesse F. Battan, 'The "new narcissism" in 20th-century America: the shadow and substance of social change', Journal of Social History 17 (1983), pp. 199-220. 49. See, for example, James T. Richardson, 'Studies of conversion: secularization or reenchantment' in The Sacred in a Secular Age, ed. Phillip E. Hammond (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 104-21; and Robert Wuthnow and Charles Y. Glock, 'Religious loyalty, defection, and experimentation among college youth', Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 12 (1973), pp. 157-80. 50. Robert N. Bellah, 'New religious movements and the crisis of modernity' in The New Religious Consciousness, ed. Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Bellah (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 333-52; Dick Anthony and Thomas Robbins, 'Culture crisis and contemporary religions' in In Gods We Trust: New Patterns of Religious Pluralism in America, ed. Thomas Robbins and Dick Anthony (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1981), pp. 9-31; and Allan W. Eister, 'Culture crisis and the new religious movements: a paradigmatic statement of a theory of cults' in Religious Movements in Contemporary America, ed. Irving I. Zaretsky and Mark P. Leone (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), pp. 612-27. 51. Robert Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion: Society and Faith Since World War II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988).

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52. Phillip E. Hammond, 'Civility and civil religion: the emergence of cults' in Varieties of Civil Religion, ed. Robert E. Bellah and Phillip E. Hammond (New York: Harper and Row, 1980), pp. 188-99. 53. See John A. Saliba, Social Science and the Cults: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1990), pp. xxxvi-xxxvii. 54. Wendell Thomas, Hinduism Invades America (New York: Beacon Press, 1930). 55. For literature dealing with sociological studies of responses to the new religious movements, see John A. Saliba, Social Science and the Cults, pp. 6i8ff. 56. James A. Beckford, 'The "cult problem" in five countries: the social construction of religious controversy' in Of Gods and Men: New Religious Movements in the West, ed. Eileen Barker (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), pp. 195-214. 57. There are some notable exceptions to this almost universal stance of sociologists. See, for instance, Edward M. Levine, who, in 'Are religious cults religious?', Cultic StudiesJournal 1.1(1984), pp. 4-7, argues that the cults do not have a claim to religious legitimacy.

5 THE

NEW RELIGIOUS LAW

MOVEMENTS

IN

THE

COURTS

T H E LITIGATION of religious matters in the courts has increased dramatically over the last ten years due, in part, to the problems b r o u g h t about by the presence a n d activities of the new religious movements or cults. T h e arguments presented d u r i n g court hearings a n d the statements a n d decisions of many judges have b r o u g h t to the fore both ideological a n d practical issues. T h e relationship between the civil authorities a n d the various new religious organizations has, at times, b e e n strained. T h e occasions when the former have the right to interfere in c h u r c h matters a n d to curtail the activities of new religious groups have b e e n a m o n g the overriding concerns of those who have followed the court procedures or participated in the legal processes in which new religions have b e e n involved. T H E R E L A T I O N S H I P BETWEEN C H U R C H AND STATE Basic to any debate o n the m a n n e r in which cult-related questions are h a n d l e d in the courtrooms is the autonomy of religious organizations a n d the degree to which they are subject to the laws of particular countries. T h e type of relationship between C h u r c h a n d State varies in different countries in the West. So also does the legal status of the new religious movements. 1 T h e r e is, however, a general a g r e e m e n t o n the n e e d to protect religious freedom, especially since most Western countries are religiously pluralistic. It is an accepted principle that o n e has the right to belong to the religion of one's choice, even t h o u g h some religious practices may be restricted if they are held to h i n d e r the c o m m o n good or infringe on the rights of others. In Western culture u n d u e interference in religious matters is usually avoided b o t h in those countries where the state sponsors or favors o n e particular religion

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a n d in those, like the United States, where a separation between C h u r c h a n d State has b e e n constitutionally established. 2 T h e central principles of religious freedom are affirmed in the E u r o p e a n Convention o n H u m a n Rights (1951) a n d in a resolution a d o p t e d by the General Assembly of the United Nations (1981). T h e E u r o p e a n Parliament took u p the issue of new religious movements in 1984 a n d expressed the concern that these new movements themselves might be infringing u p o n h u m a n rights. Even t h o u g h specific criteria for investigating the activities of new religions were r e c o m m e n d e d , the Parliament strongly endorsed the principle of religious freedom. 3 More recently (1992), the Council of E u r o p e issued a r e p o r t o n sects a n d new religious movements which, while admitting that their presence a n d activities can create social problems, stressed the freedom of conscience a n d religion. 4 Bryan Wilson has identified the following four major conditions that are at the h e a r t of the conflicts between the teachings a n d practices of marginal religious groups a n d state authorities: (1) when the new religions directly challenge the state: (2) when the teachings of these religions are contrary to public policy; (3) when membership in the fringe religions is said to e n d a n g e r the rights of its members; a n d (4) when the civil authorities are constrained to defend public morality a n d to protect the public. 5 In practice, two types of controversies involving new religious movements have b e c o m e the subject of debate in the law courts. T h e first deals with the illegal behavior of m e m b e r s of new religions. Cases of child neglect a n d abuse are typical examples. T h e second consists of suits that attempt to resolve debates between new religions a n d individuals. Examples of this are the court cases initiated by ex-members against the sects or cults to which they previously belonged. This chapter first presents a brief outline of seven, often interrelated areas of contention, namely (1) suits b r o u g h t by ex-cult m e m b e r s a n d families; (2) criminal cases; (3) custody cases; (4) tax cases; (5) solicitation cases; (6) z o n i n g / c o m m u n i t y relations issues; a n d (7) suits that deal with the legality of d e p r o g r a m m i n g . Examples are provided to illustrate the nature of each problem a n d the kind of decisions that civil courts a n d authorities are called u p o n to make. Several major thorny issues will t h e n be discussed in o r d e r to bring into focus the religious nature of some of the cases. Finally, the quality of the testimony of court witnesses will be dealt with.

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AREASOFCONFLICT Court suits involving the new religious movements have covered a variety of h u m a n problems that have b e e n litigated in o n e form or a n o t h e r long before the new religions arrived o n the scene. Although there are some issues b r o u g h t u p in court cases that seem to pertain largely to the new religions, like that of brainwashing or m i n d control, the majority of legal problems in which some of t h e m have b e e n e n m e s h e d are hardly novel. It is important to keep this perspective in mind; otherwise o n e runs the risk of presenting these issues as being peculiar to the new religions, when in fact they are not. Rather, the n u m b e r of criminal a n d civil cases in which their m e m b e r s are involved are relatively small c o m p a r e d with the load that most courts routinely carry in the exercise of justice. For instance, family conflicts that revolve a r o u n d the custody of children a n d cases of child abuse or neglect are n o t peculiar to the new religions. They are h u m a n problems widespread in Western culture.

Suits brought by ex-members and their families O n e of the c o m m o n accusations against the new religions is that they have h a r m e d b o t h their adherents a n d their families a n d that their activities have inflicted pain a n d hardship o n many m e m b e r s of the community. 6 New religions have b e e n taken to court for (1) the mental distress a n d psychological damage they have caused; (2) kidnaping a n d brainwashing young adults, thus forcing t h e m to b e c o m e members; (3) the corruption of minors; (4) sexual servitude; (5) defamation; (6) alienation of affections; (7) wanton misconduct a n d outrageous acts; (8) harassment; a n d (9) wrongful death. Court decisions have varied so m u c h that it is difficult to draw any general conclusions about the legal implications of such processes. By far the most disputed cases have b e e n those in which the new religions have b e e n charged with recruiting young adults u n d e r false pretenses a n d brainwashing t h e m into new belief systems a n d lifestyles. Although the theory of m i n d control or brainwashing has b e e n rejected by the majority of social scientists, many lawyers still appeal to it7 a n d some psychologists a n d psychiatrists still defend it vigorously. 8 O n e of the most well-known cases, which dragged on for several

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years in US courts, involved the Unification Church. 9 David Molko a n d Tracey Leal h a d b e e n m e m b e r s of the C h u r c h for about six m o n t h s when they were forcibly abducted a n d d e p r o g r a m m e d . Shortly after their disaffiliation they b r o u g h t a lawsuit against the C h u r c h claiming that they were misled into j o i n i n g it a n d accusing it of fraud, intentional infliction of emotional distress, a n d false impriso n m e n t . T h e suit sought the restitution of donations (totaling about $6,000) a n d compensation for work performed in the Church's service. T h e C h u r c h counteracted with its own charge that the h a r m b r o u g h t o n the two ex-members was caused by the d e p r o g r a m m i n g procedures rather than by any of its activity or training. In 1986 a j u d g e dismissed the charges against the C h u r c h . T h r e e years later a n d after several appeals, the lawsuit charging the Unification C h u r c h with fraudulent recruitment was finally cleared for trial by the California Supreme Court. T h e matter was eventually settled o u t of court in November 1989. T h e accusation that new religious movements practice brainwashing or mind-control techniques has fared unevenly in US courtrooms. 1 0 J o h n Young a n d Ezra Griffith, in an evaluation of the brainwashing or 'coercive persuasion' charge, write that 'the concept of coercive persuasion as a means of controlling a n o t h e r ' s thinking a n d behavior appears quite far from receiving general professional acceptance as a working model'. 1 1 T h e testimony of expert witnesses who have defended it have n o t always b e e n accepted by the courts. It is possible that brainwashing will eventually cease to be an overriding concern in lawsuits against the new religions, n o t only because m i n d control is h a r d to prove, b u t also because many new religions are taking steps to protect themselves against such an accusation. Thus, for example, some groups (like the Children of God) are requiring a six-month waiting period from all those who apply to j o i n them. Criminal cases T h e tragedy of the People's T e m p l e in Jonestown, Guyana, was a landmark in the history of new religious movements a n d also in the formation of the public's attitude to new religions in general, even t h o u g h it failed 'to provide the anticipated catalyst in the ACM's [anti-cult movement's] war against "destructive c u l t i s m ' ' ' ,12 It was an untypical example of how suicide a n d m u r d e r can occur in religious groups. It raised the question of whether such violence can be prevented. More recent events that led to the demise of the Branch

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Davidians in Waco, Texas, a n d the m e m b e r s of the O r d e r of the Solar T e m p l e in Switzerland have t e n d e d to confirm the view of those who maintain that all religious movements are p r o n e to violence a n d criminal behavior. Robert Hicks, who has written extensively o n the allegedly criminal activities of new religions, has remarked that, in the United States, law enforcement agencies t e n d to treat their m e m b e r s as criminals. 13 Sociological attempts, such as those of T h o m a s Robbins, to interpret such activities as forms of martyrdom for a religious cause 14 have h a d practically n o impact o n the way these cases are h a n d l e d by the legal authorities. T h e accusation that many new religions neglect their m e m b e r s a n d / o r treat t h e m with violence has a p p e a r e d repeatedly in anti-cult literature. 1 5 T h e abuse a n d mistreatment of children tops the list of allegations. 16 Stories of Satanic worship that includes child abuse a n d sacrifice have b e c o m e popular news items in magazines a n d some police journals. 1 7 Sexual abuse of children, child pornography, a n d bizarre m u r d e r s are easily interpreted as being ritual in character a n d linked to Satanic groups. T h e case of the drug-smuggling a n d ritual-murder cult in an isolated ranch near Matamoros, Mexico, n o t far from the Texas border, m a d e news headlines in early 1989. 18 It was immediately linked with Satanic worship, even t h o u g h the evidence for such a connection was n o t very substantial. Police investigations of various allegations of Satanic crimes have n o t yet resulted in a convicted case. Stories of well-organized Satanic cults have b e e n circulating in the United States since the mid-1980s a n d are also now appearing in Europe. 1 9 W h e t h e r these accounts are factual or n o t is debatable. A recent survey of psychiatrists in the United States 'found n o substantiated reports of well-organized Satanic rings of people who sexually abuse children'. 2 0 Custody cases Litigation a b o u t child custody takes place routinely in the courtrooms a n d people of different faiths have often b e c o m e e n m e s h e d in complicated cases. Generally speaking, the courts are called u p o n to decide either whether o n e of the parents should be given the custody of their offspring or whether the state itself should take over the care of the children. Problems dealing with child custody are n o t new a n d many of the current court cases are n o t related to the new religious movements. A typical case a p p e a r e d before the Minnesota Court of Appeals in

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1987. 21 T h e divorced parents of two children h a d agreed to raise t h e m in the L u t h e r a n C h u r c h (the faith of the m o t h e r ) a n d to expose t h e m to the Catholic Church (the faith of their father). T h e father, however, changed his religious affiliation a n d wanted to raise his children in his new church. T h e trial court h a d c o n t e n d e d that exposure to a third religion would be 'confusing a n d detrimental' to the young children, a conclusion with which the appeals court concurred. Members of new religious movements sometimes get involved in similar cases when o n e of the parents joins or leaves a new religion. O n e of the new religious movements that have b e e n recently fighting the courts in child custody cases is T h e Family (the Children of G o d ) . Since the mid-ig7os the sexual practices of this g r o u p have aroused a lot of criticism a n d antagonism. Although T h e Family now claims that it has reformed its practices regarding sex, which is restricted only to adults, several ex-members have accused its members of exposing their youngsters to unhealthy sexual behavior. 22 In many countries, including the United Kingdom, Norway, Italy, France, Argentina, Peru, Venezuela, a n d the United States, state agencies have conducted investigations of accusations of child abuse. In some instances, the children of T h e Family were removed from their c o m m u n a l h o m e a n d p u t into state-run homes. In J u n e 1993, for instance, 40 children from T h e Family's comm u n e in Aix-en-Provence, France, were p u t u n d e r state protection a n d twelve adult members were accused of 'inciting children to debauchery'. 2 3 A few m o n t h s later, several of T h e Family's homes were raided a n d many adults were arrested a n d their children taken into protective custody. It was believed that the children h a d b e e n physically a n d psychologically abused. In those cases where j u d g m e n t has b e e n m a d e , n o evidence of child abuse a n d neglect h a d been found a n d all the children were eventually r e t u r n e d to their parents. Tax cases T h e tax-exempt status of religious a n d / o r charitable institutions has b e e n taken for granted in many countries, even t h o u g h objections have b e e n raised to some financial practices pursued by a few individual organizations. 2 4 In the United States such exemption is seen as flowing from the First A m e n d m e n t of the Constitution that

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stipulates that Congress 'should make n o law respecting the establishment of religion or forbidding the free exercise thereof . . . ' 25 In the United Kingdom, many religious groups have b e e n granted exemption from paying taxes by establishing charitable trusts. 26 Thomas Robbins observes that there are b o t h legitimate a n d illegitimate financial practices a m o n g the new religions. 27 H e discusses several financial misdealings allegedly perpetrated by the new religions, such as the royalty payments m a d e by the Church of Scientology to its founder Ron H u b b a r d . H e concludes that some new religions may be m o r e p r o n e to abuse tax laws than m o r e financially established institutions a n d churches. T h e p r o b l e m of the religious nature of financial operations is discussed below. H e r e , it suffices to call attention to a n u m b e r of court cases that dealt with the tax exemption of religious institutions. T h e well-publicized trial a n d conviction of the Reverend Moon, founder a n d leader of the Unification Church, highlights the issues at stake. 28 Some years ago, Moon was convicted of tax evasion in the early 1970s, before his C h u r c h was formally instituted as a religious organization according to US law. Many established Christian churches came to the defense of the Unification C h u r c h because they saw in Moon's prosecution a n d conviction a threat to their own financial status. This case showed how inextricably linked are the legal issues involving the new religious movements with those of the m o r e established religions. T h e resurfacing of Paganism a n d Witchcraft a n d the request of their adherents for tax-exempt status has b e e n a source of confusion. In Western tradition Witchcraft has been, a n d still is, routinely linked with Satanism a n d h e n c e t h o u g h t to be the antithesis of religious belief a n d practice. Therefore it should n o t come as a surprise if requests for tax exemption by Witchcraft covens a n d Satanic churches are challenged in court. While the tendency of the United States courts has b e e n to grant pagan groups the same preferential treatment granted to regular churches, there are some noteworthy exceptions. Thus, in 1986, the Supreme Court of R h o d e Island found that the Church of Pan was n o t strictly speaking a religious organization a n d revoked its tax-exempt status granted to it by a lower court. T h e Church's motives a n d activities, rather than its stated purpose, were j u d g e d to be the determining factors. Since its monthly meetings consisted of n o t h i n g else b u t discussions o n environmental issues, the Court concluded that the Church of Pan

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was n o t a religion and, therefore, did n o t deserve to be given the same status as an established religious organization. 2 9 Solicitation cases A n u m b e r of the new religions are known for their public campaigns to attract m e m b e r s a n d to collect funds. O n several occasions, the m a n a g e m e n t s of airports, bus a n d train stations, a n d public facilities have sought to ban or regulate solicitation practices on the grounds that they are a public nuisance a n d / o r deceptive means of attracting new m e m b e r s a n d gaining support a n d money. Members of new religious movements have r u n into trouble with the law because they publicly sought monetary donations for various projects. In 1987, for instance, several H a r e Krishna devotees were arrested in West Virginia for collecting donations allegedly u n d e r the false pretense of funding their p r o g r a m to feed p o o r people. 3 0 In France, several of the new religions appear to be o n the brink of bankruptcy a n d have b e e n accused of 'trying anything to generate income'. 3 1 These attempts at devising ways of soliciting donations result, in part, from the very conditions in which new religious movements exist. Unlike the established churches, new religions do n o t have a strong base for generating the funds n e e d e d for any institution to grow a n d prosper. Besides soliciting funds from the general public, several new religions have e m b a r k e d o n projects which are r u n like businesses with cheap labor willingly provided by the devotees. It is the new religions' inherently economic instability that underlies their m o r e questionable economic endeavors. 3 2 Recruitment tactics of new religions have come u n d e r attack because of their alleged 'deceitfulness'. This accusation implies either that m e m b e r s of the new religions intentionally d o n o t identify themselves clearly when evangelizing or that they do n o t specify to prospective recruits the implications of membership. In Great Britain some new religions have b e e n so active in recruiting that there is a campaign to ban sects, like the L o n d o n Church of Christ, from using university facilities. 33 Fears that vulnerable students might be easy targets underlie such concern. T h e Los Angeles C h u r c h of Christ has e n c o u n t e r e d similar reactions with regard to its activities o n the University of Southern California campus. Some have accused it of n o t making recruits sufficiently aware of what m e m b e r s h i p involves. 34 T h e concern that new religions are dedicating many of

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H3

their resources to recruiting university students a n d the consequent n e e d to take legal action to protect t h e m are widespread. 3 5 T o what extent restrictions on the evangelizing activities of new religions would conflict with religious freedom is questionable. T h e criteria for deciding whether solicitation is deceptive o r n o t are n o t always clear. Similarly, whether a n d to what degree public solicitation by m e m b e r s of new religions is a public nuisance or n o t is debatable. T h e r e are cases which, t h o u g h n o t typical, can be cited as examples of u n d u e harassment. In Aberdeen, Scotland, for instance, recruiters for the Word of Life International elicited quite a negative response when they started knocking door-to-door inside university halls of residence at night time. 36 Many people, however, seem to have found the right formula for brushing aside the enthusiastic distributors of religious literature a n d for ignoring the evangelizing sermons a n d enthusiastic witnessing of devotees. Solicitation, even if persistent a n d obnoxious, does n o t necessarily consist of u n d u e pressure. Few solicitors persist if the initial reaction is negative. Rather t h a n enact laws that restrict public speech or discriminate against a few marginal religious groups, m o r e might be gained by educating people in how to deal with solicitors a n d how to avoid harassment. Zoning/community

relations issues

Many new religions consist of relatively small groups of individuals that can be c o m p a r e d to extended families yet which may be large e n o u g h to have an impact o n the residential areas, particularly when h o m e s serve also as places for religious worship, social gatherings, a n d seminars. Further, the kind of relationships that m e m b e r s of the new religions establish with the community at large can lead to conflicts. A clear example of zoning regulations that conflict with the activities of new religions is the attempt by the Hare Krishna Movem e n t to keep their Bhaktivedanta M a n o r in Hertfordshire, England, o p e n as a place of worship. T h e district council argued that the m a n o r was originally p l a n n e d to be used as a college a n d n o t a temple. Its c o n t i n u e d use as a temple violated p l a n n i n g regulations and, because of the traffic it attracted, was a nuisance to the residents of the area. Its closure remains imminent, unless permission is granted to build an a p p r o a c h road that will bypass the village. 37 T h e question of community relations can be illustrated by the

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action the government of Singapore took in response to the activities of the Unification Church. 3 8 In July 1990, the C h u r c h was officially b a n n e d from the island when o n e of its organizations, known as the Moral H o m e Society, was dissolved. T h e government maintained that the Unification Church's continued existence 'was prejudicial to public welfare a n d good order'. Foremost a m o n g the reasons b r o u g h t forth to support this claim were the activities of C h u r c h m e m b e r s to attract people to a b a n d o n their homes a n d families in order to become full-time m e m b e r s of the Church. T h e Moral H o m e Society's teachings a n d methods were j u d g e d to be harmful to religious harmony, family life, a n d social cohesion. T h e question that comes to m i n d in reviewing this case regards the nature of religious discipleship. Religious motives have always played a key role in people's decisions to a b a n d o n their lifestyles, family attachments, a n d economic advantages. In fact, in the New Testament Jesus d e m a n d s that his followers make a complete a n d radical dedication to God's kingdom. 3 9 A n o t h e r much-publicized cult activity that strained community relations was the r e p o r t e d statement (in October 1989) by Elizabeth Clare Prophet, leader of the C h u r c h Universal a n d T r i u m p h a n t , that a nuclear war with the Soviet U n i o n was imminent. T h e 1,000 residents of the Church's r a n c h in Montana took the prophecy seriously. 40 Believing that famine, pestilence, a n d economic collapse would follow the nuclear attacks, they began building shelters a n d storing food a n d water. Tensions between the C h u r c h a n d the s u r r o u n d i n g communities increased when the r u m o r was spread that Church m e m b e r s were stockpiling weapons for civil defense purposes. T h e anxieties a n d apprehensions were somewhat diffused when the C h u r c h officials explained that what their leader h a d predicted was the beginning, on April 2 3 , 1 9 9 0 , of a twelve-year cycle that would bring an increase of negative karma leading to possible disasters a n d catastrophes. Charges, which never materialized in court suits, that the C h u r c h is ignoring environmental concerns have b e e n repeatedly rejected by its members. Cult-initiated law suits Many of the new religions, dismayed by the wave of p r o p a g a n d a against t h e m a n d by the constant threat of d e p r o g r a m m i n g , have gone on the offensive. Some cult m e m b e r s who survived unsuccessful d e p r o g r a m m i n g efforts have sued b o t h their parents a n d the hired

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H5

d e p r o g r a m m e r s for violation of civil rights, abduction, false impriso n m e n t , a n d psychological harm. Because the word 'cult' has acquired such a negative connotation, the simple accusation that a g r o u p is a new cult can have considerable repercussions both o n its recruitment efforts a n d finances. Some new religions have sued the offending parties for libel. An excellent example of a new religious group that reacted to this kind of labeling by initiating a lawsuit is the Local C h u r c h of Witness Lee, a Christian sect that originated in China in the 1920s a n d was t h e n exported to the West. 41 Witness Lee moved to southern California in 1962 a n d has since b e e n its d o m i n a n t leader, providing theological a n d spiritual direction to the movement by his authoritative teachings. Since the mid-1970s the Local C h u r c h has b e e n in conflict with the larger evangelical Christian community that disagreed with some of the theology that Lee's C h u r c h taught a n d with certain expressions of piety in its worship. Taking the lead in the increasing campaigns against the Local C h u r c h was the Spiritual Counterfeits Project, a Berkeley, California-based, evangelical organization that specializes in studying the new religions a n d d e n o u n c i n g t h e m for their u n o r t h o d o x Christian beliefs a n d practices. Two major books, b o t h written from a Christian evangelical perspective, accused Witness Lee of heresy. O n e , written by Jack Sparks, covered several of the new religious movements a n d contained a chapter o n the Local C h u r c h that suggested that, a m o n g o t h e r things, Witness Lee denied the traditional doctrine of the Trinity. 42 T h e other, written by Neil Duddy a n d the Spiritual Counterfeits Project of Berkeley, California, was dedicated to a full a n d t h o r o u g h analysis of Lee's doctrinal errors. 4 3 T h e authors, however, went beyond theological debates a n d accused the Local Church of being a destructive cult that used m i n d control to keep their m e m b e r s in line, a n d of creating unnecessary social a n d psychological problems for those who j o i n e d it. These insinuations led to tensions within the g r o u p a n d to some loss of membership. W h e n attempts to resolve the issues by theological exchanges a n d to seek retractions a n d apologies by the authors or their publishers failed to restore harmony, the Local C h u r c h decided to file suit for libel. A settlement with the publisher of Sparks's b o o k was reached out of court a n d b r o u g h t an apology, the withdrawal of the book from circulation, a n d a financial settlement. T h e charges against the authors of the o t h e r book were h e a r d in an uncontested trial, held in San Francisco in May 1985,

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after years of deliberation d u r i n g which thousands of pages of depositions were accumulated. 4 4 T h e Local C h u r c h won a moral victory when an $11 million j u d g m e n t was passed against the book's authors. Lawsuits like the o n e described above can easily be dismissed as petty religious debates that should have n o place in civil courts. T h e charges b r o u g h t by the Local Church, however, deal with matters that pertain to any society which values religious freedom a n d which assumes that o n e is entitled to practice the religion of one's choice without harassment a n d intimidation. Besides, the accusations against the Local C h u r c h went beyond those of heresy a n d suggested that the authority system a n d lifestyle of the Church were harmful to its members. Civil courts are n o t interested in whether c h u r c h teachings are heretical or not, b u t they are c o n c e r n e d with those practices that e n d a n g e r the mental a n d psychological welfare of their members. SOME R E F L E C T I O N S ON T H E R E L I G I O U S ISSUES IN THE COURTROOMS Many accounts of, a n d reports on, court cases omit to m e n t i o n the intricate argumentation that takes place d u r i n g the trial proceedings a n d the reasoned court decisions o n the issues u n d e r discussion. Few efforts have b e e n m a d e to u n d e r s t a n d the religious a n d spiritual reasons that are a d d u c e d to justify the behavior u n d e r dispute. Judges, lawyers, a n d juries have b e e n called o n to reflect u p o n a n d make j u d g m e n t s o n religious a n d theological matters that are inextricably b o u n d u p with the issues debated in the courtrooms. When is a new cult a religious entity ? O n e of the decisions that a court is frequently called to make regards the religious character of the organization being sued. What makes a g r o u p of people, united with a c o m m o n purpose a n d lifestyle, a religious, rather than an educational, political, or economic entity? While traditional religions are taken for granted, new ones t e n d to arouse suspicion a n d must prove themselves. A new religion's claim to be a genuine spiritual institution is questioned, if n o t categorically denied. In like m a n n e r , its petition to be accepted as a charitable trust might arouse misgivings regarding its intentions. Consequently, ' [in] charity law a religion must have certain characteristics to be

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acceptable/ 4 5 T h e legal system must establish criteria to d e t e r m i n e the religious nature of a new organization. It is ironic that a state, such as the United States, that defines itself as separate a n d distinct from any religious ideology, rejects allegiance to any particular church, allows freedom of religion, a n d / o r adopts a secular worldview must decide whether groups like the Unification Church, a Yoga institute, a n d Scientology should be treated as religions o n a par with the mainline traditions. It is quite understandable that the recent growth in religious diversity has created difficulties for the interpreters of the law. Both j u d g e s a n d lawyers, for example, find themselves in situations where they have to define what 'religion' is. In a society where the Judeo-Christian tradition forms the basis n o t only of most people's beliefs a n d practices b u t also of public morality, the presence of alien, apparently exotic, belief systems a n d rituals can be too readily dismissed as something n o t pertaining to religion at all. In determining whether a religious organization is a b o n a fide religion, j u d g e s have to ask two basic questions: (1) is the insistence o n the religious character of a g r o u p a subterfuge for illegal activities?; a n d (2) is the application to b e c o m e legally classified as a religious (or charitable) organization a convenient way of gaining tax exemption? A good illustration of the kind of conflict that might arise between the state a n d new religions is the custom that incorporates the consumption of illegal drugs in religious rituals. In the United States the problem received widespread publicity in the late 1960s when Dr Timothy Leary advocated the use of the d r u g known as LSD as a way of achieving religious ecstasy.46 Leary, who was convicted o n the charge of transporting marijuana illegally, was n o t original in his claim. However, his e n d o r s e m e n t a n d e n c o u r a g e m e n t of the use of drugs highlighted the practices of several religions that have employed drugs in ritual contexts to achieve mind-altering states believed to e n h a n c e u n i o n with the divine. 47 During the last fifteen years religious seekers have sometimes e x p e r i m e n t e d with drugs in o r d e r to achieve the 'vision quest', a c o m m o n goal in American Indian religions. 48 However, the use of drugs, especially peyote, a m o n g some US American Indians is a relatively recent p h e n o m e n o n in their history. 49 Peyote is a wild cactus that contains mescaline, an alkaloid d r u g that has hallucinogenic effects similar to those of LSD. During the ritual the tip of the cactus (or button) is eaten or d r u n k in a form of tea. Those who

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ingest the b u t t o n are said to experience ecstatic visions. T h e presence of peyote in religious rituals dates from pre-Columbian times when it was discovered a m o n g several Indian tribes in Mexico. It spread into the United States in the eighteenth a n d n i n e t e e n t h centuries as a reaction to the oppressive effects of colonialism. T h e use of peyote became part of the ritual of the Native American C h u r c h in 1918 a n d still remains central to this church's services. T h e immediate public reaction to eating peyote d u r i n g religious rituals was negative. T h e m e m b e r s of the Native American C h u r c h were involved in legal problems in several states, including Colorado, Utah, Mexico, Arizona, a n d California. By the late 1950s the courts' attitude towards peyote began to change a n d several states passed exemption clauses that permitted its religious use. T h e California Supreme Court ruled in 1964 that the Native American C h u r c h c a n n o t be deprived of the use of peyote for religious purposes. Federal d r u g legislation in 1970 t h r e a t e n e d the custom that allowed the m e m b e r s of the Native American Church to partake of peyote in their services, b u t in 1971 their exemption was retained. How does one determine whether church m e m b e r s h i p is n o t h i n g b u t an excuse for taking hallucinatory drugs? Two factors probably h e l p e d the courts decide. T h e first was the attitude of the American Indians who belonged to the Native American Church. They treated peyote as a holy object. They did n o t distribute it indiscriminately n o r did they encourage people to j o i n their c h u r c h because of the drug's p u r p o r t e d spiritual benefits. This attitude became clear during the early 1970s when many non-Indians tried to j o i n this church, b u t were refused m e m b e r s h i p . T h e Indians wanted to keep out those whose main interest was taking drugs a n d n o t participating in a religious ritual that they believed was central to their religion. T h e second factor was the careful control of the peyote by C h u r c h officials. In the Native American Church, the shaman is the central religious or spiritual figure who is t h o u g h t to possess psychic powers. H e keeps a n d distributes the peyote buttons. T h e peyote ritual starts with a pilgrimage of the Church m e m b e r s who collect the peyote buttons a n d h a n d t h e m over to the shaman. T h e peyote ceremony is held in the evening in a tepee a n d lasts t h r o u g h the night. T h e drug, called 'Father-Peyote', is placed o n a crescent-shaped m o u n d which is carefully constructed so that it faces west, while the two h o r n s of the crescent face east. After prayer a n d smoking, the peyote is eaten in sacramental fashion. T h e ritual c o m m u n i o n is t h e n followed by singing a n d d r u m m i n g a n d by a long period of contemplation. T o

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the courts, the way the Indians treated a n d used peyote was a clear indication that the partaking of the d r u g was religious in nature. More recently, however, the courts seem to be having second thoughts about the whole matter. In J u n e 1990, a Supreme Court ruling u p h e l d an O r e g o n law that m a d e it a crime to possess or use peyote even in Indian religious services. 50 Two American Indians were fired from their j o b s as state d r u g counselors because they h a d participated in a religious ritual involving the ingestion of peyote. A majority of the judges hearing the appeal argued that the b a n did n o t violate the Indians' constitutional right to free exercise of religion. T h e dissenting j u d g e s maintained that the O r e g o n law was n o t supported by a compelling government interest a n d pointed out that C h u r c h m e m b e r s consume the d r u g in a 'carefully circumscribed context' that 'is far removed from the irresponsible a n d unrestricted recreational use of unlawful drugs'. T h e ruling against the use of peyote was confirmed when the Supreme Court d e n i e d a request, m a d e by several religious organizations, for a new hearing. O r e g o n ' s b a n against peyote was sustained, even t h o u g h m e m b e r s of the Native American C h u r c h are technically still e x e m p t from such restrictions by federal law a n d by the legislations of over twenty states. T h e debate about the use of peyote by American Indians is far from over. 51 In 1991 an I d a h o law allowed Indians to transport peyote legally to their reservations for religious ceremonies a n d health purposes. 5 2 T h e financial status of the new religions or cults has also figured prominently in the attacks m a d e against them. Some groups have the unenviable reputation of being wealthy a n d of r u n n i n g lucrative businesses u n d e r the guise of religion. 53 In the United States, Scientology has b e e n involved in so many court cases that deal precisely with this question that it offers an excellent example of the problems courts e n c o u n t e r when they are called to make j u d g m e n t s on what constitutes religious behavior. J. G o r d o n Melton writes that 'the history of Scientology has to a large extent b e e n a history of controversy. Since 1958 the C h u r c h has b e e n in almost constant litigation with the Internal Revenue Service. It fought a ten-year battle with the Food a n d Drug Administration, a n d in Australia it e n d e d over sixteen years of war with the government in 1983.' 5 4 In J u n e 1989, the US Supreme Court ruled that C h u r c h m e m b e r s c a n n o t d e d u c t the cost of Scientology courses or services from their federal income taxes. In a 5~to-2 decision the j u d g e s maintained that

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the two main practices of Scientology, auditing a n d training, are services for which people are charged set fees a m o u n t i n g to several thousand dollars. Scientology students, in the Court's opinion, are n o t making free religious contributions b u t paying for services and, consequently, they c a n n o t d e d u c t the cost from their federal income tax. T h e debate centers a r o u n d the religious nature of the practice of auditing which is pivotal in the worldview a n d practice of Scientology.55 Scientologists believe that the real self (called the T h e t a n ' ) is h a m p e r e d from developing a n d expressing itself fully by b o t h the body a n d the mind. Auditing is the main discipline for removing the obstacles to h u m a n development. It allows the individual to reach the state of 'Clear', a condition in which o n e ' s negative reactions have b e e n erased a n d the individual is 'in control over his own mental matter, energy, space a n d time'. T h e auditor, a spiritual counselor or guide, uses a mechanical device, called the E-Meter, as a 'confessional aid' in the process of releasing the T h e t a n . In the auditing sessions the E-Meter is employed to indicate areas of tension. It consists of a small electrical device, a rectangular or circular box, to which two handles are attached by wires. T h e person being audited holds the handles while the auditor asks him or h e r standardized questions. T h e reactions to these questions are registered by a moving dial o n the E-Meter. Scientologists, in their catechism, describe the E-Meter as follows: The E-Meter is a shortened term for electropsychometer. It is a religious artifact used as a spiritual guide in the Church confessional or counseling session. It is for use only by a Scientology minister or a Scientology minister-in-training to help the preclear locate and confront areas of spiritual upset... The E-Meter is used to help the individual who is being audited uncover truth. 56 T h e Court was unimpressed by the Scientology claim that auditing is a religious m e t h o d for reaching the state of spiritual freedom or enlightenment, a n d that the fees charged can be c o m p a r e d to tithing in some Christian churches. It ruled that, because the payment for auditing is commensurate with the type a n d a m o u n t of service r e n d e r e d , the fees are n o t charitable gifts. Like tuition for c h u r c h schools, payment for church-sponsored counseling sessions, a n d fees for medical care in church-run hospitals, the monetary compensation for auditing sessions is n o t tax-deductible. T h e Court's decision has repercussions a n d ramifications that go beyond Scientology. T h e

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American Jewish Congress was dismayed by the Court's ruling because it indirectly questions whether m e m b e r s of any synagogue or c h u r c h can d e d u c t religious contributions for tickets for religious services o n high holy days, Mass stipends, or mandatory tithing. A recent decision by the United States Internal Revenue Service has, however, granted the C h u r c h of Scientology a n d its many corporations tax exemption, thus e n d i n g o n e of the longest legal disputes involving new religious movements. 5 7 What are the boundaries of religious freedom'? O n e of the central accusations that have b e e n levied against the new religions is that their m e m b e r s have b e e n deceived into j o i n i n g them. Deceptive recruitment tactics a n d strong indoctrination processes deprive people of those qualities necessary for making free choices. Entry into a new religious m o v e m e n t is, therefore, n o t a question of religious conversion, m a d e freely without compulsion, b u t o n e of m i n d control or brainwashing. 5 8 T h e implications of this theory o n court trials a n d decisions have b e e n devastating. For example, if the cult m e m b e r is a virtual prisoner o r slave in the cult's enclave, hasn't the state the right to interfere a n d remove him or h e r by force? A n d if the individual h a d b e e n deceived into becoming a m e m b e r , isn't the institution that forced the c o m m i t m e n t liable to the damages inflicted o n the unsuspecting individual? If, on the other hand, the cult m e m b e r m a d e a free choice to j o i n a new religion a n d if his or h e r entrance is the result of a genuine religious conversion, what right has the state to intrude? Similarly, if an individual elects to follow an ascetic lifestyle in an Eastern religious group, what right have the parents to remove him or h e r by force? How can the m e m b e r s of the jury in a civil court decide whether the person who joins a new religion they know practically n o t h i n g about has experienced a religious conversion? O n e of the most notorious instances that illustrate the above dilemmas is the George case. T h e main elements of this dramatic story can be summarized as follows: in 1977, Robin George, a high school student a n d legally a minor, became interested in the H a r e Krishna Movement. H e r parents, worried that she would d r o p out of school a n d h o p i n g that h e r interest was a passing phase, reached an a g r e e m e n t with h e r that allowed h e r to keep h e r connections with the H a r e Krishna temple in Los Angeles while still attending school.

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Robin, however, got m o r e involved in this Eastern religion a n d decided to d r o p out of school a n d formally j o i n the Movement, in spite of h e r parents' objections. Afraid that h e r parents might get a court o r d e r to remove h e r from the temple, Robin traveled from o n e H a r e Krishna temple to another. Eventually, however, h e r whereabouts was discovered a n d she was abducted a n d d e p r o g r a m m e d . She then completely reversed h e r attitude a n d j o i n e d h e r parents in suing the H a r e Krishna Movement for keeping h e r against h e r will, forcing h e r to accept an alien belief system, a n d inflicting psychological damages u p o n her. T h e j u d g m e n t , which included damages totaling over $30 million (later r e d u c e d to $9.7 million), went against this H i n d u religious g r o u p . T h e appeals dragged o n the case for years. In 1989 a Los Angeles court dismissed Robin George's claim that she h a d b e e n brainwashed by the H a r e Krishna Movement. 5 9 T h e suit was finally settled in 1993. 6 0 T h e jury in this lawsuit h a d to pass an implicit j u d g m e n t on the nature a n d validity of religious conversion. But d o e s n ' t this make the civil court an arbiter in a theological debate? Is there an age when the individual can be j u d g e d c o m p e t e n t to accept freely a system of belief a n d ritual, just as there is an age when the young adult is considered m a t u r e e n o u g h to vote or contract a marriage? T h e r e is n o d o u b t that Robin George was technically u n d e r age. T h e reasons for maintaining that h e r decision to j o i n the H a r e Krishna Movement was illegal are, however, far from clear. T h e George case has h a d o n e major effect on many new religions: it has m a d e t h e m cautious a n d m o r e wary of accepting people who are n o t recognized as full adults by the law. When does religion lead to child abuse or neglect? It has b e e n a tacitly approved principle in Western culture that parents have the right to d e t e r m i n e the religious upbringing of their offspring. T h e religion of the parents can dictate the kind of food their children receive, the strictness of the behavior they are expected to follow, the p u n i s h m e n t they receive for n o t obeying, a n d the kind of medical treatment they get. This has n o t b e e n a p r o b l e m with the majority of Christian churches, where the regulations regarding food are minimal, the rearing of children a n d the punishments inflicted for misconduct conform to a large degree to what is culturally accepted as normal, a n d medical attention is in h a r m o n y with m o d e r n healthcare standards.

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Serious problems begin to surface when, for instance, the religious g r o u p insists that corporal p u n i s h m e n t should be strictly m e t e d out to recalcitrant children. A m o n g Christian fundamentalists, the Bible has b e e n a d d u c e d as a justifiable rationale for such treatment, even when it results in grave bodily h a r m . T h e difficulties b e c o m e m o r e complex w h e n the sect or cult nurtures a d e e p antagonism towards a society that is labeled unChristian or evil. Refusal to take advantage of m o d e r n medical treatments, w h e n these are perceived to conflict with one's religious beliefs, also becomes a problem. W h e n is the refusal to supply one's offspring with what is considered essential childcare a case of child neglect or abuse? U n d e r what conditions can government regulation or interference be justified? Cases about children who are severely h a r m e d by physical punishm e n t are becoming all too frequent. Although religious reasons are given for the strict enforcement of parental a n d g r o u p rules, many of the punishments m e t e d o u t are obviously physically a n d psychologically damaging. T o outsiders, they also appear to be completely out of p r o p o r t i o n to the alleged offenses of young children who may have n o t yet reached the age of reason. In such instances has the state the right a n d duty to intervene a n d prosecute the offending parties? O n e of the most notorious cases involved the House of J u d a h , a fundamentalist Christian c o m m u n a l sect in Michigan that flourished in the early 1980s. 61 A twelve-year-old boy, who was generally reluctant to obey his parents a n d elders, skipped his assigned chores. After an initial p u n i s h m e n t h e reacted by refusing to eat, for which h e was exposed to further discipline. H e was taken to o n e of the main buildings of the camp a n d locked, h e a d a n d wrists, in the camp's stocks. H u n c h e d over, h e received 30 strokes with a thick wooden stick. At least o n e blow landed o n his spine a n d killed him. Investigations revealed that the House of J u d a h h a d a well-defined rigorous system of corporal p u n i s h m e n t that was graded in p r o p o r t i o n to the offenses committed. T h e state authorities reacted by removing all children from the camp a n d by charging the child's m o t h e r with manslaughter a n d William Lewis, the camp leader, a n d several o t h e r m e m b e r s with child cruelty. Although the state's intervention in this case was justified, the incident still raised many legal questions regarding its right to intervene in o r d e r to protect children from treatment detrimental to their health. 6 2 T h e p r o b l e m of supplying children u n d e r age with medical treatm e n t becomes m o r e acute in situations involving groups like the

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Church of Christ, Scientist, which, t h o u g h n o t a new religious movement, has at times b e e n l u m p e d with 'destructive' cults. Christian Scientists reject most forms of m o d e r n medical procedures a n d have recourse to their own practitioners who are c h u r c h m e m b e r s trained to handle all kinds of ailments usually treated by medical doctors. These practitioners do n o t prescribe medication; they 'pray' over the matter. They argue that there is plenty of evidence to show that spiritual m e t h o d s have cured physical illnesses. 63 Much misunderstanding of Christian Science stems from the fact that its use of the word 'prayer' has quite a different m e a n i n g from that employed by the majority of Christian churches. Praying over a sick person generally refers to the Christian's petition to God for a special healing intervention a n d is, therefore, a sign of faith in God's power a n d concern for h u m a n welfare. For the Christian Scientists, however, prayer is a kind of reinforcement of their faith in God who, t h r o u g h Jesus, has already saved a n d healed h u m a n beings from all their miseries. T h e r e is consequently n o n e e d to ask God for a miraculous curing of the apparently sick person. This being the case, having recourse to a medical doctor can be easily perceived as a sign that one's faith is lacking. T h e decision to take a sick child to a doctor or a Christian Scientist practitioner is the parents', b u t what if the child is n o t given medical treatment a n d dies? W h o bears responsibility for his or h e r death? In the early 1980s Christian Science became embroiled in a legal suit precisely because a young child died after it was taken to hospital too late to be given any effective medication. T h e Swan case was reported in popular magazines t h r o u g h o u t the United States. 64 Briefly, in 1977, Matthew Swan, t h e n fifteen m o n t h s old, began to show signs of illness a n d his Christian Scientist parents took him to a practitioner. As the child grew worse, they tried a n o t h e r practitioner with little a p p a r e n t result. Finally, the parents rushed their son to a hospital where h e was diagnosed as suffering from advanced meningitis. T h e parents allowed the doctors to operate without getting a court order. T h e son, however, did n o t survive. T h e disappointed a n d disillusioned parents left the Christian Science C h u r c h a n d sued it a n d the practitioners for the death of their son. 65 T h e C h u r c h as well as the two practitioners were charged with negligence a n d misrepresentation. T h e r e was an implicit accusation that the C h u r c h conditioned ('brainwashed') the parents to reject m o d e r n medicine a n d to believe in spiritual healing. Consequently, b o t h the C h u r c h a n d its practitioners who inculcated the Church's teachings were to

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be blamed for the p r e m a t u r e a n d unnecessary demise of their child. T h e question as to whether the practitioners were guilty of medical malpractice was also raised. After lengthy legal exchanges a n d appeals, the case never m a d e it to a trial court. T h e refusal to have the matter tried in civil court was based on constitutional grounds. T h e Michigan Supreme Court, in an o r d e r dated November 2, 1988, concluded that the behavior of the parents a n d C h u r c h practitioners did n o t subject t h e m 'to civil liability to the child's estate for resulting damage as a matter of c o m m o n law or in implementation of statutory m a n d a t e ' . In November 1989, the US Supreme Court u p h e l d this ruling, thus e n d i n g a protracted debate in which experts on b o t h sides participated. T h e courts have, however, b e e n m o r e successful when Christian Scientist parents have b e e n sued for involuntary manslaughter a n d child endangerment. 6 6 How does one deal with religious violence? In spite of the many reports on cult-related violence, there are very few studies that survey the types a n d frequency of violence that occur within new religions or are justified by religious ideology. J. G o r d o n Melton, in his Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America, has analyzed the matter with some care a n d provided some guidelines to understand a n d deal with it. Melton begins by proposing a b r o a d e r definition of violence that includes n o t only bodily h a r m b u t also the destruction of property. O n e can also widen his definition to include the verbal abuse a n d slander that are used to attack religious groups. Melton rightly points o u t that three types of violence related to the new religions must be considered: (1) against cults; (2) between the cults themselves; a n d (3) initiated by cults. H e suggests that cult-related violence be placed in the larger context of religious violence a n d that rumors about such violence should be carefully distinguished from factual occurrences that are subject to proof. T h e r e are also different levels of violence. Given the n u m b e r of new religious groups, it becomes clear that only a handful of them can be suspected of committing or c o n d o n i n g acts of violence. Generalizations a b o u t the violence of cults are therefore unwarranted. J u d g i n g from the n u m b e r of r e p o r t e d cases, evangelical a n d fundamental Christian churches seem m o r e p r o n e to violence than are those groups that bear the label of cults or new religions.

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T h e r e is good reason to believe that the roots of cult-related violence are deeply e m b e d d e d in one's culture a n d ideology. Robert McAfee Brown points to seven comprehensive areas of concern relating to religion a n d violence: (1) nuclear weapons; (2) terrorism; (3) the death penalty; (4) sexual violence; (5) the d r u g culture; (6) disinformation (or violence against t r u t h ) ; a n d (7) revolution. 67 Brown's discussion indirectly points to the complexity of the violence that has b e e n associated with the new religions. W h e n o n e recalls the violence that has b e e n , a n d still is, perpetrated by religious motivations or justified by scriptural quotes, t h e n it becomes clear that the p r o b l e m cannot be solved simply by prosecuting a n d punishing the offenders. O n e of the major causes of cult-related violence is the difficulty people have in coping with religious pluralism, a difficulty that will be discussed in some detail in the next two chapters. T h e inability to deal with the variety of conflicting religious beliefs a n d practices a n d to treat people with dignity a n d respect, n o matter what their religious persuasions might be, is a principal cause of religiously motivated violence (which is not, incidentally, restricted to Western culture). Moreover, psychological a n d social factors might, at times, be responsible for violence. Ritual child abuse, for instance, is probably better u n d e r s t o o d as a sociopsychological t h a n a religious problem. Western society has many laws against all kinds of violence a n d brutality a n d it is doubtful whether the activities of the new religious movements call for the e n a c t m e n t of m o r e legislation. T h e problem lies in the fact that laws d o n o t change people's attitudes n o r d o they automatically ameliorate social conditions a n d psychological states. Unless the roots of violence are addressed, it is m o r e than likely that it will continue to m a r the religious scene for a long time to come. C O U R T T E S T I M O N Y AND E X P E R T W I T N E S S E S T h e discussion of cult-related issues in the courtrooms requires witnesses, jury m e m b e r s , lawyers, a n d j u d g e s who are n o t only impartial b u t also knowledgeable in religious a n d theological matters. T h e fact that cult m e m b e r s belong to out-of-the-mainstream groups renders t h e m m o r e susceptible to be victims of disguised prejudice. A n d because many of the new religions are based o n Eastern philosophical traditions, most of those who take part in court cases are less likely to u n d e r s t a n d them. While it has to be assumed

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that j u d g e s a n d lawyers are aware of the n e e d to make a j u d g m e n t that relies o n the facts presented in court, a n d that jury m e m b e r s are screened before the trial a n d advised of their duties, the principal witnesses can still play an important role in influencing their decisions. Five different types of witnesses have testified for or against the new religions. Family members T h e parents of cult m e m b e r s take a central part in the legal process involving the new religions. Usually their view of the cult is, understandably, negative. Family m e m b e r s tend to look at new religions as evil organizations that threaten b o t h society a n d the family. They often refuse to listen to different points of view, to consider that new religions might have some attractive features, or that the h o m e situation might have contributed to their children's problems prior to their involvement. Their anguish a n d frustration, coupled at times with their anger a n d guilt-feelings, might affect their testimony, making it unreliable. Ex-cult members Many times ex-cult m e m b e r s have testified against the new religion to which they formerly belonged. They have rarely given a favorable impression of their lives in the cult. Their participation, before the trial, in anti-cult activities raises disconcerting questions about their impartiality. Forced d e p r o g r a m m i n g has often led cult m e m b e r s to repudiate their former ideologies a n d lifestyles a n d transformed t h e m from avid cult promoters to vociferous detractors. Their testimony must be carefully sifted a n d c o m p a r e d to that of m o r e impartial observers of the new religions. Current cult members Members of new religions have dedicated a lot of time a n d energy defending themselves in the courtrooms against the charges b r o u g h t against them. Lawyers who are themselves cult m e m b e r s have frequently led the defense of their organizations. Like ex-cult members, they have an important stake in the outcome of the trial, an outcome that might have crippling repercussions on their lifestyles a n d the success of their missions. T h e m e m b e r s ' testimonies in support of

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their religious beliefs should certainly n o t be taken for granted. Their presence in the trial is, however, essential ifjury m e m b e r s a n d judges are to make a fair a n d just decision. Experts in religious matters A variety of scholars have b e e n called to describe the belief system a n d lifestyle of the cult in question a n d to express their opinions on the nature of the p r o b l e m u n d e r discussion. Their testimonies have o n e principal advantage: their respective disciplines have provided t h e m with the tools to study a n d evaluate religion. Their opinions are n o t usually m a r r e d by anti-cult rhetoric. But there are many selfstyled experts who are probably m o r e noteworthy for anti-cult oratory than for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the m o d e r n religious scene. If experts are to present objective testimony on religious beliefs a n d practices, they n e e d to be carefully screened. Psychiatrists Several psychiatrists a n d psychologists have b e c o m e regular expert witnesses against the new religions, even t h o u g h their training in religious matters a n d their knowledge of non-Western traditions are minimal. 6 8 Their opinions have b e e n requested by the courts because many of the accusations against the cults have revolved a r o u n d (1) the psychological state of their members, b o t h before a n d after commitment, a n d (2) the physical a n d mental effects that a lifestyle of a particular new religion might have o n its members. T h e competency of psychiatrists a n d psychologists to testify in religious matters should not, however, be taken for granted. These professionals are noteworthy for their antagonistic disposition towards religion, a disposition that does n o t r e n d e r t h e m detached observers of the current religious scene. Judges should realize that trained psychiatrists may have little of worth to reveal about religion a n d that some of their negative testimony against the new religions is equally applicable to the major Christian churches. CONCLUSION It would seem that the value of religious freedom in pluralistic societies should remain the overriding criterion when dealing with marginal religious groups. Religious freedom implies that the new

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religions should n o t be subjected to u n d u e harassment because of their unusual beliefs a n d behaviors. 69 While there is n o d o u b t that they have b r o u g h t out in the o p e n or revived many legal a n d social issues that must be resolved, there is serious d o u b t whether specific laws designed to curtail t h e m are really necessary. T h e Council of Europe's r e p o r t states explicitly that . . . the freedom of conscience and religion guaranteed by Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights makes major legislation on sects undesirable, since such legislation might well interfere with this fundamental right and harm traditional religions.

70

In the West there is e n o u g h legislation to handle most, if n o t all, of the legal issues that the new religious movements have aggravated or b r o u g h t to the fore. 71 An excellent example is the case of immigration laws that new religions have often b e e n accused of breaking. In the United Kingdom attempts are being m a d e to use already-existent immigration laws to bar entry for undesirable cult leaders. 72 It must be emphasized, however, that the breaking of these laws is n o t a new problem b r o u g h t about by the new religions. In fact, most Western countries are facing serious immigration problems that make the abuses by m e m b e r s of new religions look minuscule. This does n o t m e a n that when new religions break these laws they should n o t be prosecuted. Rather, it should draw o u r attention to two main considerations: (1) the efforts to bypass or circumvent immigration laws should be seen in perspective of a m u c h larger issue; a n d (2) the transgressions in this respect by m e m b e r s of the new religions do n o t warrant the e n a c t m e n t of any special law designed solely for them. T h e legal debates b r o u g h t about by the new religious movements are n o t likely to subside in the n e a r future, n o t only because they are n o t a passing fad, b u t also because conflicts between State a n d C h u r c h are endemic to a religiously pluralistic culture a n d to the very nature of new religions. Such debates may have the effects of strengthening, rather than weakening, the new religions a n d of exacerbating the already existing controversy. T h e best way to handle the legal problems pertaining to the activities of the new religious movements is to treat t h e m n o t as forms of organized crime or pathology hiding u n d e r the mantle of religious respectability, but rather as alternative minority religions struggling to gain a foothold in a hostile environment. While it must be stressed that new religions should conform to the law of the

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country in which they seek to become established, it must be emphatically stated that any prosecution of new religious movements that resembles a crusade or a persecution might have profound and undesirable repercussions on both society and traditional religions. It is advisable that most of the cases that are not criminal in nature can best be heard in a different forum where reconciliation and compromise, rather than costly and protracted litigation, should be the goal of all the parties concerned. 73 NOTES i. Some of these differences are listed in 'The Council of Europe's Report on Sects and New Religious Movements', Cultic Studies Journal 9 (1992), p. 97. James A. Beckford, Cult Controversies: The Societal Response to the New Religious Movements (London: Tavistock, 1985), shows how the social and cultural differences between the United Kingdom, Germany, and France have had an impact on how the new religions are conceived as legal problems. 2. For a discussion on the constitutional issues that affect the new religions in the United States, see William C. Shepherd, To Secure the Blessings of Freedom: American Constitutional Law and the New Religious Movements (New York: Crossroad, 1985). 3. See David Wilshire, 'Cults and the European Parliament: a practical political response to an international problem', Cultic Studies Journal 7 (1990), pp. 1-14. The text of the 1984 European Parliament's Resolution is given on pp. 11-4. 4. 'The Council of Europe's Report on Sects and New Religious Movements', pp. 89-119. 5. 'Sects and the state: some issues and cases' in Bryan Wilson, The Social Dimensions of Sectarianism: Sects and New Religious Movements in Contemporary Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 31. 6. See, for instance, Steven Pressman, 'Taking cults to court for psychological injuries', New Jersey Law Journal 130 (March 9, 1992), p. 4. 7. A good example is Susan Landa, 'Children and cults: a practical guide', Journal of Family Law 29 (1991), pp. 591-622. The author accepts the theory that cults are destructive organizations that recruit new members deceptively and maintain them by well-developed methods of mind control. 8. Margaret Thaler Singer and Richard Ofshe, 'Thought reform programs and the production of psychiatric casualties', Psychiatric Annals 20 (1990), pp. 188-93.

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9. See Stephen G. Post, 'The Molko case: will freedom prevail?', Journal of Church and State 31 (1989), pp. 451-64. 10. Thomas Robbins and James A. Beckford, 'Religious movements and churchstate issues' in Religion and the Social Order, ed. David G. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden (New York: JAI Press, 1993), vol. 3A, p. 202. 11. 'A critical evaluation of coercive persuasion as used in the assessment of cults', Behavioral Sciences and the Law 10 (1992), p. 96. 12. Anson D. Shupe, David G. Bromley, and Edward F. Breschel, 'The People's Temple, the apocalypse at Jonestown, and the anti-cult movements' in New Religious Movements, Mass Suicide, and the People's Temple: Scholarly Perspectives on a Tragedy, ed. Rebecca Moore and Fielding McGehee III (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989), p. 153. 13. 'Many law enforcement officers have been instructed to consider membership in a "cult" as tantamount to a crime', Los Angeles Daily Journal 106 (March 16, 1993), p. 6. 14. 'The historical antecedents of Jonestown: the sociology of martyrdom' in New Religious Movements, Mass Suicide, and the People's Temple, ed. Rebecca Moore and Fielding McGehee III, pp. 51-76. 15. Marcia Rudin, 'Women, elderly, and children in religious cults', Cultic Studies Journal 1.1 (1984), pp. 8-26. 16. See Shirley Landa, 'Warning signs: the effects of authoritarianism on children in cults', Areopagus 2.4 (1989), pp. 16-22. 17. For a discussion of the various issues regarding Satanic ritual abuse see Journal of Psychology and Theology, 20.3 (1992), which is dedicated to the topic. 18. Lengthy reports and commentaries were carried in the New York Times (April 13, 1989), I, pp. 1:4, 10:5, 26:5; and II, pp. 3:1, 7:1, 8:4. 19. In the United Kingdom, for example, The Timeshas, since 1990, published many reports of Satanic cases. See The Times Index 1990-1993, where under 'sexual offences' a section on 'Satanic practices' is listed. 20. Daniel Goleman, 'Proof lacking for ritual abuse by Satanists', New York Times (October 13, 1994), A, p. 13:1. 21. Carl H. Esbeck, '1987 survey of trends and developments on religious liberty in the courts'', Journal of Law and Religion 6 (1988), pp. 184-5. 22. Some still doubt whether The Family has made any changes in their libertarian sexual mores. See, for example, Robert B. McFarland, 'The Children of God',

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Journal of Psychohistory 21 (1994), pp. 497-9; and Joe Maxwell, 'Have the Children of God cleaned up their act?', Christianity Today 36 (December 14, 1992), pp. 42-3. 23. Consult, for instance, the report by Paul Webster, Guardian (June 12, 1993), p. 24. Thomas W.John, 'Preventing non-profit profiteering: regulating religious cult employment practices', Arizona Law Review 23 (1981), pp. 1003-32. 25. See James E. Wood, 'New religions and the First Amendment', Journal of Church and State 24 (1982), pp. 455-62. 26. Bryan Wilson, 'Sects and the state: some issues and cases' in The Social Dimensions of Sectarianism, p. 30. 27. 'Profits for prophets: legitimate and illegitimate economic practices in new religious movements' in Money and Power in the New Religions, ed. James T. Richardson (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988), pp. 70-116. 28. For a thorough account of this case and its implications, see Carlton Sherwood, Inquisition: The Persecution and Prosecution of the Reverend Sun MyungMoon (Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway, 1989). 29. Carl H. Esbeck, '1986 survey of trends and developments in religious liberty in the courts', Journal of Law and Religion 4 (1986), p. 439. 30. The Cult Observer (March/April 1988), p. 9. 31. The Cult Observer 8.10 (1991), p. 9. 32. Frederick B. Bird and Frances Westley, 'The economic strategies of new religious movements' in Money and Power in the New Religions, ed. James T. Richardson, p. 65. 33. Cf. The Times (March 12, 1993), p. if; (March 12, 1994)^. if; (July 6, 1994)^. 5 h. 34. See The Cult Observer 8.2 (1991), p. 7. 35. Cults on Campus: Continuing Challenge, ed. Marcia Rudin (Bonita Springs, FL: American Family Foundation, 1991). 36. FAIR News (Spring 1994), p. 13. 37. This was reported in FAIR News (Spring 1994), pp. 7-8. For more detailed accounts see The Times (March 13, 1992), p. IC; and (February 27, 1989), p. 2e.

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38. For a brief report on this case, see The Cult Observer (September/October 1990), p. 12. 39. See, for instance, Matthew 10:36 and Luke 9:57-60. This issue is discussed at length by David S. Lovejoy, 'Shun thy father and all that: the enthusiasts' threat to the family', New England Quarterly 60 (1987), pp. 71-85. 40. See the report in Areopagus 3.2 (1990), pp. 53-4. See also Jocelyn H. DeHaas, 'The mediation of ideology and public image in the Church Universal and Triumphant' in Church Universal and Triumphant in Scholarly Perspective, ed. James R. Lewis and J. Gordon Melton (Stanford, CA: Center for Academic Publications, 1994), pp. 28-9. 41. For a brief description of this religious group and the controversy it has aroused see J. Gordon Melton, Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America (New York: Garland, 2nd edn, 1992), pp. 249-57. 42. The Mind Benders: A Look at Current Cults (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1977). Eight new religions are examined and said to share one thing in common, namely the use of brainwashing to control the members' minds. 43. The God-Men (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1981), originally published in German a couple of years earlier as Die Sonderlehre des Witness Lee und seiner Ortsgemeinde (Berneck, Switzerland: Schwengeler-Verlag, 1979). 44. The author of this book was one of the expert witnesses called upon to give testimony in this trial. 45. Kenneth Dibble, 'Cults and new religious movements and the law of charity', p. 2, paper presented at the Seminar on New Religious Movements and the Law, held at the London School of Economics, May 7, 1994. 46. For a brief discussion of this case see Richard J. Regan, 'Regulating cults activities: the limits of religious freedom', Thought 61 (1986), pp. 186-7. 47. Cf. Thomas Lyttle, 'Drug-based religions and contemporary drug-taking', Journal of Drug Issues 18 (1988), pp. 271-84. 48. See Kevin Krajick, 'Vision quest (ritual hallucinogens)', Newsweek 119 (June 3, 1992), pp. 62-3. 49. For a study of the peyote religion, see Omer Call Stewart, Peyote Religion: A History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); David Friend Aberle, ThePeyote Religion Among the Navaho (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1966); and Weston La Barre, ThePeyote Cult (New York: Schocken Books, 4th edn, 1975). 50. See New York Times (April 18, 1990), A 22:1. See also Douglas Laycock, 'Peyote, wine and the First Amendment', The Christian Century (October 4, 1989), pp.

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876-8; and Richard F. Duncan, 'Religious freedom denied', First Things no. 5 (1990), pp. 12-3. 51. The issues were discussed by Peter Steinfels, New York Times (February 29, 1992), I, p. 10:5. 52. Cf. New York Times (April 1, 1991), A, p. 12:6. 53. This accusation was made against Scientology by Richard Behar in his provocative essay 'The thriving cult of greed and power', Time (May 6, 1991), pp. 50-754. Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America, p. 132. 55. For Scientology's own description of auditing, see Hubbard Dianetics Foundation, What Is Scientology?: The Comprehensive Textbook of the World's Fastest Growing Religion (Los Angeles: Bridge Publications, 1992), pp. 156-63. 56. What Is Scientology?, p. 555. 57. See New York Times (October 14, 1993), A, p. 1:2; (October 22, 1993), A, p. 12:1. 58. For several essays that discuss this point see Cults, Culture, and the Law: Perspectives on New Religious Movements, ed. Thomas Robbins, William C. Shepherd, and James McBride (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985), pp. 59-91. 59. The Cult Observer (September/October 1989), pp. 6-7. 60. The Cult Observer 10.5 (1993), p. 5. 61. This case was widely reported in the news media. See, for instance, New York Times (July 9, 1983), I, p. 5:5; (July 14, 1983), I, p. 13:6; (July 15, 1983), I, p. 6:6; (January 13, 1984), I, p. 12:5; (January 14, 1984), I, p. 7:1; (January 21, 1984), I, p. 14:1. 62. See Gregory M. Gochenour, 'House of Judah: the problem of child abuse and neglect in communes and cults', University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 18 (1982), pp. 1089-1119, where some of the legal issues are discussed. 63. See, for instance, Stephen Gottschalk, 'Spiritual healing on trial: a Christian Scientist reports', The Christian Century 105 (June 22-29, !988), pp. 602-5. 64. See, for example, Rosalind Wright, 'A matter of life and death', Good Housekeeping2io (March 1990), pp. 86ff.; and Kevin Delaney,' "We thought our faith could save our son." - (death from meningitis after Christian Scientist parents

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R. and D. Swan withhold medical treatment)', Redbook 168 (January 1987), pp. 104-6. 65. The Swans have become very active in promoting medical care for children even when the faith of their parents does not allow it. See Rita Swan, The Law's Response When Religious Beliefs Against Medical Care Impact on Children (Sioux City, IA: Child, Inc., 1990). The Swans have, in fact, led a crusade against Christian Science, especially against its teaching regarding medical treatment. See Roger Rosenblatt, 'A woman at Christmas. - (death of former Christian Scientist R. Swan's son due to withholding medical treatment)', Life 13 (December 1990), p. 43; and Lori Miller Kase, 'Swan's way - (R. Swan's crusade against religiousbased medical neglect of children)', American Health 11 (July/August 1992), pp. i6ff. 66. See New York Times (August 6, 1990), A, p. 1:2. Many of these cases reported are still under appeal and in one instance, the Twitchell case, the negative judgment against the parents was reversed by a superior court. Cf. New York Times (August 12, 1993), A, p. 16:4. For a discussion of these cases see James T. Richardson and John Dewitt, 'Christian Science spiritual healing, the law, and public opinion', Journal of Church and State 34 (1992), pp. 549-61. 67. Religion and Violence (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 2nd edn, 1987). 68. For a lengthy discussion of their testimony see Dick Anthony, 'Religious movements and brainwashing litigation: evaluating key testimony' in In Gods We Trust: New Patterns of Religious Pluralism in America, ed. Thomas Robbins and Dick Anthony (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 2nd edn, 1990), pp. 295-343. See also Donald T. Lunde and Henry A. Sigal, 'Psychiatric testimony in "cult" litigation', Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law 15 (1987), pp. 205-10; John Young and Ezra Griffith, 'Expert testimony in cultrelated litigation', Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law 17 (1989), pp. 257-67. 69. Leo Pfeffer, writing from the perspective of the US Constitution, states in 'Equal protection for unpopular sects', New York University Review of Law and Social Change 11 (1979-80), p. 11, that 'The purpose of the First Amendment's guarantee of freedom of religion was and is the protection of unpopular creeds and faiths.' 70. Cultic Studies Journal 9 (1992)^. 118. 71. Two possible exceptions might be those cases involving (1) child custody litigation when one parent is a member of a marginal religious movement; and (2) medical treatment for children of members of religious groups that shun the use of modern medicine. 72. See The Times (April 21, 1994), p. ib.

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73. A good example of this is the agreement reached in the mid-1970s between the city of Seaside Heights, New Jersey, and the Hare Krishna Movement. Hare Krishna devotees were allowed to continue soliciting on the city's boardwalk, provided they no longer made physical contact with any person or used any voice magnification devices. See New York Times (June 23, 1977), II, p. 17:6.

6 •

THE

NEW

RELIGIOUS

THEOLOGICAL

MOVEMENTS

IN

PERSPECTIVE

AS WAS pointed out in Chapter 1, o n e of the definitions of a new religion is theological. This approach starts with a faith perspective that c a n n o t appeal to that kind of neutrality or d e t a c h m e n t claimed by the social sciences. 1 Its goal is n o t to describe the beliefs a n d practices of cults a n d sects a n d to assess their sociological import, b u t primarily to evaluate their truth claims a n d moral principles. Because Christian theology is the systematic exposition a n d analysis of those religious truths that are accepted as divine revelations, Christians are naturally c o n c e r n e d a b o u t religious orthodoxy. A n d because Christianity is a way of life with a sacramental system a n d a moral code, Christians must be attentive to orthopraxis. T h e new religions offer systems of belief a n d practice that Christians n e e d to appraise in the light of Christian revelation. Several issues about the new religions must, therefore, be dealt with. T h e first regards the spiritual nature of these new movements. In what sense can they be called 'religions? T h e second deals with their relationship with Christianity. How d o the teachings a n d practices of the new religions differ from those of Christianity a n d can some of t h e m be harmonized with Christian doctrine? T h e third is c o n c e r n e d with the various kinds of theological reactions to the new religions. In o t h e r words, what should the Christian believer's response to their presence be? Finally, o n e must take into account the pastoral problems that have followed in their wake. What can pastors say a n d d o to help those worried parents of cult m e m b e r s who have recourse to t h e m for help? Are there any educational means by which young adults can be so g r o u n d e d in their faith that they would never consider j o i n i n g a new religion? How does o n e treat those who have left the faith of their upbringing a n d j o i n e d a new religious movement?

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ARE T H E C U L T S ' R E L I G I O U S ' E N T I T I E S ? In some Christian circles, many of the new religions are too readily dismissed as non-religious or pseudoreligious groups. Many of those who are active in anti-cult organizations - referring to some new religious movements that are apparently preoccupied with the accumulation of wealth, or that foster sexual practices that are in conflict with Christian morality, or that make heavy psychological d e m a n d s o n their m e m b e r s - have indirectly dismissed t h e m as spurious entities that have n o relation to genuine religiousness or true spirituality.2 O t h e r s have concentrated, with some justification, o n the negative features of some new religious groups. 3 But they have ignored those positive religious features that attract new m e m b e r s in the first place. These writers fail to distinguish clearly between orthodoxy o n the o n e h a n d , a n d religiosity or spirituality on the other. Orthodoxy refers to correct belief a n d is narrow in scope. Religiosity a n d spirituality are m u c h b r o a d e r concepts a n d c o n n o t e the type of belief system, experience, a n d ritual practice irrespective of whether they are true or false, real or imaginary, or morally right or wrong. T h e r e can be little d o u b t that the majority of new religions fall u n d e r the b r o a d definition of religion that has become standard in the academic study of religion. 4 They p r o m o t e classical religious ideologies a n d use rituals that are similar to those of o t h e r religious traditions. T h e belief in some kind of transcendent reality, the insistence that life has a spiritual or non-material aspect, the conviction that there is an afterlife, a n d the practice of a spirituality that leads to transcendent goals are all religious in nature. O n e c a n n o t u n d e r s t a n d the appealing qualities of the new religions, or formulate a response to their presence, unless o n e recognizes a n d treats t h e m as religious endeavors. It would seem that many of the new religions are offering g e n u i n e spiritual options to those who j o i n them. Those that are based o n Eastern religions a n d philosophies are m o r e correctly categorized u n d e r , for instance, Hinduism or Buddhism. Many groups, such as those that align themselves with the New Age Movement, are rather syncretistic in their ideology, uniting aspects from both Eastern a n d Western traditions. They differ too radically from mainline Christianity to be rightfully called Christian. T h e r e are also some borderline organizations, such as the Local C h u r c h of Witness Lee a n d the Way International, that could be unacceptable deviations from the major

Theological

perspective

169

currents of Christian theology a n d practice, even t h o u g h they take their main inspiration from Christian sources a n d consider themselves to be genuine expressions of the Christian faith. 5 Yet all of the new religions aim at satisfying the spiritual needs of their members. Scientology, for example, can be considered a new religious group, even t h o u g h its religious n a t u r e has b e e n questioned both by the US Internal Revenue Service 6 a n d by some observers who have c o m m e n t e d that its main operations can be m o r e accurately described as unscrupulous business practices than a spiritual discipline. 7 Yet the m e m b e r s of Scientology insist that they are religious a n d call their organization T h e C h u r c h of Scientology'. 8 Scientologists believe in a supreme being with w h o m h u m a n beings are related, even t h o u g h this being is n o t conceived of as a personal saving God n o r does it appear to be central in their worldview. They further conduct on a regular basis a n u m b e r of religious services, including christenings, weddings, a n d funerals. O n e of their central practices, that of 'auditing', has, in spite of its psychological overtones, some similarities to the Christian custom of the confession of sins. A n o t h e r m o d e l of a religious g r o u p is Transcendental Meditation (TM), which is advertised as an effective tool for achieving individual health a n d world peace. 9 Unlike Scientology, the leaders of this new m o v e m e n t insist that their organization is n o t religious in nature, even t h o u g h they admit that it has a spiritual goal. They argue that the meditation they teach is simply a well-developed technique that automatically leads to happiness in this life, improves its practitioners' physical, mental, a n d psychological conditions, enhances the quality of their activities, a n d has positive repercussions o n the social environment. Offering n o official creed or moral code a n d s h u n n i n g the labels of ' c h u r c h ' a n d 'religion', the leaders of Transcendental Meditation p r o m o t e its p r e s u m e d benefits as a kind of psychotherapeutic practice. TM is thus a m e t h o d for h u m a n growth a n d development, a way b o t h of e n h a n c i n g the h u m a n potential a n d leading to peace a n d happiness o n earth. T h e religious character of Transcendental Meditation, however, was u p h e l d in a US court when the organization was sued, in the mid1970s, for using the public school system of New Jersey to teach their basic course entitled ' T h e science of creative intelligence'. 1 0 Two major reasons were advanced to show that Transcendental Meditation is a religion. First, it has an underlying philosophical a n d religious system that includes 'God-realization' as the individual's ultimate goal. Second, m e m b e r s h i p in the movement is achieved

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t h r o u g h an initiation rite known as puja (worship), which has obvious religious connotations including the recitation of prayers to H i n d u deities a n d the veneration of a long line of gurus. 1 1 Many Eastern religious movements p r o m o t e meditation a n d yoga that have a well-established basis in the history of Indian traditions a n d are founded o n H i n d u or Buddhist spiritual ideas a n d exercises. T h e International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) has b e e n an established devotional b r a n c h of Hinduism in India since the sixteenth century. 12 Its m e m b e r s maintain that several of their standard practices, like celibacy a m o n g some of its m e m b e r s a n d vegetarianism, are justifiable o n religious grounds. Similarly, the Unification C h u r c h can be considered a new religion since it advocates a belief system a n d ritual practices that traditionally fit into the concept of religion. 13 Thus, for example, its mass marriage ceremonies have a sacramental quality a b o u t them. In the mid-1970s a commission of the World Council of Churches examined the theology of the Unification C h u r c h a n d found it defective from a Christian standpoint, b u t never questioned its claim to be a b o n a fide religious organization. 1 4 Even t h o u g h the Unification C h u r c h a n d some o t h e r new religious movements might have b o t h a political a n d an economic agenda, nevertheless their overtly religious thrust leaves n o o t h e r option b u t to classify t h e m as religions. ARE T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S C O M P A T I B L E W I T H CHRISTIANITY? T h e new religions, therefore, could be offering alternative religious a n d spiritual beliefs, goals, a n d practices. If so, they raise the question of whether they are formidable competitors to traditional religion or whether they are complementary to Christian belief a n d practice. In other words, are the teachings a n d activities of the new religions so o p p o s e d to Christian tenets a n d moral standards that they should be totally rejected? O r d o they contain some elements of truth a n d some c o m m e n d a b l e ethical a n d spiritual practices that can stimulate Christian theological discourse a n d n u r t u r e or revive the Christian spirit? Can some practices of the new movements be incorporated into Christianity? T h e study of comparative religions leaves n o d o u b t that, in spite of their many differences, all world religions share many beliefs, values, a n d ritual practices. A non-materialistic attitude a n d the quest for

Theological perspective

171

religious or mystical experiences of the holy seem to be at the core of the majority of religions. T h e c o m m o n b o n d s that unite different religions were highlighted by the Second Vatican Council in an u n p r e c e d e n t e d d o c u m e n t entitled 'Declaration o n the Relationship of the C h u r c h to Non-Christian Religions'. This d o c u m e n t affirms that many of the world's great religions recognize, directly or indirectly, the existence of a supreme being o n w h o m all creation d e p e n d s . O n Hinduism, for example, the Fathers of the Council state that those who belong to this ancient religion 'contemplate the divine mystery a n d express it t h r o u g h an u n s p e n t fruitfulness of myths a n d t h r o u g h searching philosophical inquiry'. Hindus, further, 'seek release from the anguish of o u r condition t h r o u g h ascetical practices or d e e p meditation or a loving, trusting flight toward God'. 1 5 T h e stress on the points of contact between world religions has enabled believers from different religions (including such leaders as the Pope, the Archbishop of Canterbury, a n d the Dalai Lama) to j o i n together in worship or prayer services. T h e features that religions sometimes share can be concretely demonstrated by considering o n e form of prayer, namely the Roman Catholic practice of reciting the Rosary. 16 T h e Rosary developed as various Christian devotions coalesced over a period of four centuries. Its origins lie in the practice of counting the 150 psalms sung d u r i n g the Divine Office a n d can probably be traced to Irish monks. 1 7 By the twelfth century the recitation of 150 Hail Marys, always linked with the practice of meditating on the mysteries of Christ, was a regular prayer a m o n g some laity. T h e Rosary was simplified into the form known today by the early fifteenth century a n d was m a d e popular especially by the Dominicans t h r o u g h their preaching, writings of Rosary books, a n d p r o m o t i o n of the Rosary confraternity. T h e custom was officially approved by Pope Pius V in 1569, who presented the meditation of the mysteries as an essential part of the Rosary. A different version of it can also be found in the monastic institutions of the Eastern O r t h o d o x Church. 1 8 T h e custom of using beads as an aid to vocal a n d mental prayer has, moreover, a long history which goes beyond the beginning of the second millennium. It probably arose in India, where both Hindus a n d Buddhists have used the counting of beads to record the n u m b e r of prayers muttered. 1 9 Muslims also took u p the custom a n d developed a rosary that 'normally consists of thirty-three beads with a tassel, a n d is r u n t h r o u g h the fingers three times to complete the ninety-nine n a m e s ' of Allah. 20 W h e t h e r Christians borrowed the idea

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from o t h e r religions is a debatable point. What is certain is that the counting of prayers o n beads was given a Christian m e a n i n g a n d adapted into the theology a n d devotional practice of the Catholic Church. T h e above discussion is relevant because it raises the question of whether, a n d to what extent, some new religious practices can be incorporated into Christianity a n d transformed into Christian forms of prayer a n d meditation. Yoga a n d Zen are two Eastern meditative practices that have become known t h r o u g h the activities a n d publications of several of the new religious movements. What is generally n o t known is that, before the onset of the new religions, Christian missionaries in Asia h a d b e e n considering the possibility of incorporating these practices into Christianity. Many Christians, both in the East a n d in the West, have in fact b e e n practicing Christianized versions of Zen a n d Yoga for several decades. 2 1 T h o u g h a n u m b e r of writers have advised caution in taking u p such Eastern techniques without p r o p e r guidance, 2 2 a n d a recent letter to the Catholic Bishops from the Vatican's Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith has warned Catholics of some of the dangers of Eastern m e t h o d s of meditation, 2 3 the fact remains that a blanket c o n d e m n a t i o n of Yoga a n d Zen does n o t hold u p to contemporary scholarship. 2 4 Moreover, many Christians have found these Eastern techniques useful a n d have succeeded in bestowing u p o n t h e m a g e n u i n e Christian spirit. Christian Zen a n d Christian Yoga have b e c o m e acceptable topics for discussion in Christian literature a n d tools to e n h a n c e spiritual practices in retreat houses. T h e emergence of Christian Yoga a n d Christian Zen leads us to ask whether certain practices of the new religions can help us either (1) rediscover forms of Christian prayer that have b e e n a b a n d o n e d or ignored; a n d / o r (2) incorporate a n d transform basically good non-Christian spiritual m e t h o d s into Christian spirituality. Transcendental Meditation can be taken as an excellent illustration. Statements by officials of the TM foundation have insisted that TM does n o t imply a d h e r e n c e to a particular religious doctrine or philosophy a n d some Christians, who have taken u p the habit of reciting the TM mantra, have r e m a i n e d loyal m e m b e r s of the Church. While the incorporation of TM into Christian spirituality a n d devotion might be p r e m a t u r e , the possibility of a Christianized version of TM should n o t be ruled out. T h e initiation to TM (with its reference to H i n d u gods) a n d the various TM mantras (which are allegedly unintelligible, t h o u g h possibly names of various H i n d u

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gods) contain elements that make t h e m inappropriate for Christian use. T h e m o d e of prayer used in TM, however, is hardly novel to Christian spirituality. T h e praying of the Rosary, for example, can function like a mantra, when the quiet slow recital of the Hail Marys, without too m u c h reflection, prevails. In the first few centuries of the Christian era, the Desert Fathers used to repeat the Jesus Prayer, 'Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on m e ' (cf. Luke 18:38), in m a n t r a fashion. These early Christians stressed the n e e d for the 'prayer of the heart', a prayer without images a n d concepts a n d without imagination a n d discursive reason. 25 In o r d e r to maintain a continuous r e m e m b r a n c e of God, they used to spend hours reciting the Jesus Prayer, while at the same time maintaining a certain physical posture a n d using a technique to control their breathing. This custom developed in Eastern Christianity a n d was known as hesychasm, which means 'quiet', 'tranquillity', a n d 'stillness', a n d was employed as an effective means of reaching contemplative prayer. 26 In the West, a similar form of prayer, known as 'centering prayer', was proposed by the u n k n o w n fourteenthcentury a u t h o r of the mystical work called The Cloud of Unknowing.21 Over the last fifteen years or so, several Catholic writers, such as Basil Pennington, have attempted to revive this custom especially a m o n g Catholics. 28 Such a comparative approach is, needless to say, n o t without its problems. O n e of its dangers is that of syncretism, whereby nonChristian elements are absorbed recklessly a n d without m u c h reflection into Christian ideology a n d practice. Applied with understanding a n d discrimination, however, o n e can overcome these problems a n d enrich Christian devotional life. T h e comparative m e t h o d can have three major beneficial results. It offers religious life a vitality a n d novelty, o p e n i n g it u p to growth a n d improvement. Further, it encourages believers to delve d e e p e r into the intellectual a n d devotional richness of the Christian faith itself. Finally, it facilitates the development of m o r e effective evangelization programs. T H E O L O G I C A L A P P R O A C H E S T O T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S Christian reactions to the presence of the new religious movements have b e e n sporadic a n d at times vociferous. T h e r e is n o consensus a m o n g Christian writers about the m e a n i n g of the new movements a n d the p r o p e r way a Christian should respond to their successful

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missionary activities in the West. T h o u g h the new religions may n o t have recruited a sizable percentage of the population, they have m a d e themselves felt t h r o u g h the public media a n d / o r their proselytizing activities. T h a t they call for a response can hardly be doubted. T h r e e general types of response to the new religions can be observed. Neglect of the new religions T h e most c o m m o n reaction to the new religions has b e e n to ignore them. T h e mainline Christian churches have, till quite recently, m a d e relatively few or n o attempts to address themselves to the questions raised by the presence of the new religions a n d to offer guidelines to assist committed Christians, especially when their child r e n are involved, to deal with their activities. O n e of the m o r e prevalent a n d justifiable complaints of parents of cult m e m b e r s has b e e n that the pastors of their churches were unable to help t h e m because of their lack of knowledge about the new religions. This neglect, whether i n t e n d e d or not, is indirectly based on b o t h practical a n d theoretical grounds. T h e contemporary alternative religions, it can be argued, form a small minority of the population, so small that they are unlikely to have lasting impact o n traditional religions. T h e majority of them, even when they give the impression that they are attracting many young adults, do n o t have large memberships. T h e Unification Church, for instance, which conducts many evangelical campaigns, has never succeeded in recruiting large n u m b e r s of followers in the West. 29 Many new religions have fewer than a few h u n d r e d fully committed m e m b e r s . Paying too m u c h attention to the new religions might indirectly be doing t h e m a service by drawing attention to their beliefs a n d practices a n d by presenting t h e m as a viable alternative to traditional faiths. T h e news media is p r o n e to depict the new religions in sensational fashion, without pointing out that relatively few individuals j o i n t h e m a n d that many new m e m b e r s d o n o t persevere in their newly found faith. This excessive public exposure of the new religions becomes clear when o n e reflects o n the publicity that Satanism, for example, has received in the news media. So m u c h has b e e n written about Satanic worship, so many movies have dwelt o n Satanic possession, a n d so many TV programs a n d shows have discussed its revival that

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o n e is left with the impression that many people are getting involved in the most bizarre rituals that include wanton orgies a n d infant sacrifices. But when o n e looks in some detail into this p u r p o r t e d increase in Satanism, o n e discovers that the reports tend to be exaggerated. J. G o r d o n Melton, in his authoritative Encyclopedia of American Religions, lists nine Satanic groups, six of which h e reports are now defunct. 30 Needless to say, there are probably several groups operating u n d e r such a veil of secrecy that n o o n e knows about them. Reports of tens of thousands of children being sacrificed in Satanic Black Masses are, however, n o t h i n g b u t a form of irresponsible sensationalism. 31 Not a single case of h u m a n sacrifice in a Satanic ritual has ever b e e n conclusively proven to have actually taken place. T h e r e is simply n o t e n o u g h evidence to build u p a case for a Satanic scare. T h e attitude that ignores the presence of new religious movements, however, has its disadvantages. It fails to recognize that a major religious shift might be occurring in Western culture a n d that the ideas which the new religions propagate might influence Christianity, even if they d o n o t survive. T h e r e are, for instance, many H i n d u a n d Buddhist religious movements that seem to have established a foothold in the West. Their presence is, to some degree, responsible for the renewed interest in reincarnation in some Christian circles. T h e New Age Movement, which is a diffuse movement with n o central organization or universally accepted set of dogmatic beliefs a n d ritual practices, is also spreading a variety of religious a n d philosophical ideas a n d magical practices that c a n n o t be readily reconciled with Christianity. 33 Books dealing with New Age topics occupy many shelves in libraries a n d bookstores. Many traditional Christian values a n d beliefs are being challenged a n d sometimes openly attacked by New Age speakers who claim novel revelations. Neglecting the study of new movements might be a form of escapism from the issues that Christians are facing towards the e n d of the second millennium. A m o r e positive a n d insightful approach to the new religions is thus required. Not only must Christianity clarify its own position a n d defend itself against misinterpretations a n d attacks, it must also develop a theological framework that makes some sense of the presence of o t h e r religions including those that have e m e r g e d since the late 1960s.

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The apologetic approach O n e of the m o r e popular responses to t h e rise of contemporary movements has b e e n the apologetic approach, even though, nowadays, its place a m o n g the major Christian traditions d o e s n ' t seem to be as p r o m i n e n t as it used to be. 34 Apologetics is c o n c e r n e d with the proofs advanced in favor of the Christian faith a n d with its defense against the claims of other religions. It can take two distinct, t h o u g h obviously related, forms. T h e first form, which o n e can label 'positive apologetics', e x p o u n d s a n d clarifies the tenets of Christianity, pointing out how they differ from, a n d excel over, all o t h e r religious claims. T h e second form, which can be called 'negative apologetics', attacks other religious beliefs, pointing o u t their weaknesses a n d inconsistencies. T h o u g h apologetics, as a b r a n c h of Christian theology, is a relatively recent development, attempts to argue in favor of the Christian faith date from the very beginning of the Church. St Paul's sermon o n the Areopagus, r e c o r d e d in the Acts of the Apostles ( 1 7 : 2 2 - 3 1 ) , is an example of apologetics used by the first Christians to preach the Good News to the pagans of the Roman Empire. T h e form positive apologetics have taken over the centuries has changed. By the Protestant Reformation apologetics h a d b e c o m e a theological debate about disputed or controversial matters within Christianity itself. Protagonists of the various Christian churches strove to prove that their theological views a n d religious practices were the correct ones a n d dedicated many of their efforts to attack or ridicule the positions of their adversaries. Negative apologetics expressed itself in the mutual misunderstandings, accusations, a n d condemnations that d o m i n a t e d the relationship between the Christian churches that proliferated in the post-Reformation period. Positive apologetics Positive apologetics have b e e n widely employed in the Christian response to the new religious movements. Because so many of t h e m p r o p o u n d beliefs a n d practices that differ from a n d contradict basic Christian tenets, the n e e d is felt to explain clearly what the C h u r c h teaches. Because some m e m b e r s of the new religions have explicitly stated that their views are in h a r m o n y with the Christian faith, many Christians have b e c o m e aware of the necessity a n d urgency to clarify what the major Christian doctrines are a n d to demonstrate how these

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differ from the beliefs that the new movements espouse. This type of response is dogmatic, in the sense that it specifies a n d stresses the o r t h o d o x beliefs, values, a n d practices of the C h u r c h a n d refuses to compromise on matters that are j u d g e d to be essential to Christian doctrine. A typical specimen of positive apologetics is the work of the late Walter Martin whose life was dedicated to e x p o u n d i n g a n d refuting the teachings of various sects a n d cults. In his popular book, The Kingdom of the Cults, Martin deals principally with several nineteentha n d early to mid-twentieth-century religious groups, namely the Jehovah's Witnesses, Christian Science, Mormonism, Armstrong's C h u r c h of God, the Baha'i faith, the Theosophical Society, a n d Zen Buddhism. H e follows a similar pattern in the treatment of these groups: a brief history, an outline of their teachings, a n d a lengthy refutation of those beliefs that contradict the Bible. In dealing with the Jehovah's Witnesses, for instance, Martin takes u p such basic Christian doctrines as the Trinity, the Deity of Christ, the Atonement, the existence of hell a n d eternal punishment, a n d the spiritual nature a n d destiny of the h u m a n person. H e refutes the theological stance of the Witnesses o n each of these major Christian doctrines. H e then lists biblical passages that are helpful in discrediting the teachings of u n o r t h o d o x Christian groups. In his m o r e recent work, The New Cults, Martin has applied his apologetic approach to the new religious movements, including such groups as the Way International, the Children of God (The Family), the Foundation of H u m a n Understanding (of Roy Masters), Nichir e n Shoshu Buddhism, Silva Mind Control, the H a r e Krishna Movement, a n d Transcendental Meditation. H e r e he follows the same pattern used in his previous work a n d examines the ideology of new religious movements with respect to the major Christian tenets contained in the Bible a n d e x p o u n d e d in credal statements. Some of his conclusions are worthwhile mentioning, since they illustrate b o t h his m e t h o d as well as the kind of theological j u d g m e n t h e passes o n the new religious movements. O n the founder of the Children of God, he writes: David Berg is a false prophet: his prophecies do not come to pass, and he preaches doctrine contrary to the Bible. Berg claims to be God's prophet and the chosen dictator over the Children of God. He has held his own writings above the authority of the Bible. He rejects those portions of the Old and New Testaments which contradict his own beliefs and practices. The sexual aberrations of

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the COG completely divorce his followers from the rank of obedient Christians.35 O n H i n d u religious movements h e makes a sweeping theological analysis that allows for little h o p e of rapprochementbetween Christianity a n d Hinduism. H e states: The religion of Hinduism, for all its diversity, cannot expand to include Christianity as one of its sects. There is no harmony between Christianity and Hinduism/ISKCON/TM. Hinduism denies the biblical Trinity, the biblical Jesus Christ, the biblical salvation. While the Hindu works out his own salvation and has no future other than becoming one with impersonal mind, the Christian looks forward to eternity with the Creator of the Universe. .. .36 Because Walter Martin aims to refute the cults from the standpoint of the Bible, the correct interpretation of Scripture is highlighted in his study of those religious movements that distort or contradict the Christian message. His Cults Reference Bible is an elaborate a n d meticulous attempt to demonstrate how the sects a n d cults misquote a n d misinterpret the Christian Scriptures. 37 It includes short essays that treat schematically a n d comparatively the following ten major groups: the Baha'i, Christian Science, the H a r e Krishna Movement, Jehovah's Witnesses, Mormonism, Transcendental Meditation, the Unification Church, the Unity School of Christianity, the Way International, a n d the Worldwide C h u r c h of God. After a brief description of each, h e compares their beliefs with five main Christian teachings, namely those o n God, Christ, the Holy Spirit, sin, a n d salvation. By so doing h e draws attention to his overriding conviction that all new religions, whether they are variations of Christianity or of some Eastern religion, are at odds with all the major doctrines of the o r t h o d o x Christian faith a n d h e n c e should be totally rejected. Biblical passages that show where the cults interpret Scripture passages erroneously a n d where Scripture disproves their favorite beliefs a n d practices are carefully footnoted. Martin's typical evangelical approach to new religious movements has many positive elements. It relies heavily o n the Bible. It concentrates o n the essentials of Christian doctrine. It indirectly stresses the n e e d for Christians to be solidly g r o u n d e d in their faith a n d intellectually p r e p a r e d to defend it. It warns of the d a n g e r of stressing superficial similarities between Christianity a n d o t h e r religions.

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Underlying his m e t h o d is the assumption that the evangelization efforts of new religions have a positive impact only on those individuals whose knowledge a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of their faith leaves m u c h to be desired. T h e major p r o b l e m with his response, however, is that it can easily degenerate into an attack against b o t h the new religions in general a n d the honesty a n d intentions of their leaders a n d members. Martin does n o t engage in diatribes against the new religions, yet h e sometimes leaves the impression that greed for money regularly motivates the new religions, that their m e m b e r s are gullible individuals, a n d that their leaders routinely r u n a racket a n d n o t a religious movement. T h o u g h he is careful to stress the theological differences between Christianity a n d the new movements, h e still starts by dwelling o n the latter's deceptive techniques. Cult leaders, h e states, 'have o n e primary purpose: they take biblical Christianity a n d change it into a clever counterfeit of the real thing . . . \ 3 8 Further, h e thinks that many immature Christians are lured into j o i n i n g quasiChristian churches. O n the religious state of those who j o i n new religious movements, Martin expresses an unmistakably clear opinion that ignores the religious a n d spiritual satisfaction that some people find in their new commitments. H e writes, for instance, in connection with the organization of Roy Masters: Those who are involved with the Foundation of Human Understanding are in double jeopardy. Not only are they being robbed of the opportunity for true salvation in Christ, but they are also being robbed of the opportunity for abundant life in Christ.39 Martin's response to the new religions stresses the uniqueness of Christianity to such a degree that the similarities between different religions are completely ignored. By failing to see that non-Christian religions might contain some truth a n d goodness h e leaves unanswered the central question about why people ever consider j o i n i n g them. By doubting the motivations of all cult leaders a n d the sincerity of many cult m e m b e r s h e has n o o t h e r option b u t to draw a rather unrealistic picture of cult life a n d spirituality. Moreover, h e is unable to assign to the new religions a c o h e r e n t theological role, except perhaps the negative o n e , namely that of providing some kind of test to o r t h o d o x Christians who continue to maintain their faith against all odds.

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Negative apologetics T h e deficiencies of apologetics in providing, by itself, a theological Christian e n c o u n t e r with the new movements is confirmed even by a brief survey of Christian books a n d magazine articles that address the cult issue. T h e necessary defense of Christianity has frequently d e g e n e r a t e d into a shouting match between m e m b e r s of different religious groups. In such encounters, participants are inclined to engage in monologues a n d diatribes rather than dialogues. Their efforts are directed at hurling abuse against o n e another, rather than building bridges of understanding. This is the heart of the confrontational a p p r o a c h of negative apologetics. T h e most forceful line of argumentation has b e e n an attempt to show that the new religions are the work of Satan himself. This attack is hardly novel a n d has for many centuries b e e n directed toward non-Christian religions in general. Evangelical a n d fundamentalist churches, in their writings on b o t h traditional a n d new religions, have developed this particular form of negative apologetics almost into an art. Larson's Book of Cults provides a case in point. 40 Its author, Bob Larson, admits that some new religions must be u n d e r s t o o d in the framework of the particular religion from which they originally sprung. H e , consequently, dedicates a whole chapter to outlining the teachings of Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism, a n d Islam. Besides the many factual inaccuracies a n d misunderstandings that occur t h r o u g h o u t his presentation, Larson exhibits a distinct talent in relating all these religions to Satanic powers. Thus, for instance, h e states that 'the polytheistic a n d idolatrous practices of Hinduism are pagan forms of worship which constitute collusion with demonic forces.' 41 H e sees the various forms of Buddhism as 'idolatrous sects which advocate d e m o n i c ceremonialism' a n d 'the propitiation of spirits as a form of witchcraft'. 42 T h o u g h h e does n o t ascribe the same connection to d e m o n i c forces to Islam, h e maintains that the 'Dervish trance-states exhibit the characteristics of biblically defined d e m o n i c possession.' 43 Showing n o knowledge of the rich tradition of Christian mysticism a n d of the d e e p spirituality that the practice of Christian contemplation entails, he brushes aside all kinds of meditative a n d mystical experiences as dangerous conditions that leave the individual o p e n to the influence of, a n d possession by, evil spirits. With this theology of religion as a background, the new religious

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movements are readily j u d g e d to be m o d e r n expressions of dangerous, sinister organizations that draw people away from the o n e true God of the Bible. Larson outlines the beliefs a n d practices of over sixty contemporary cults a n d points out their major errors in the light of the Bible. H e carefully notices the various appeals that each g r o u p might have to possible members, b u t h e fails to see anything positive or constructive in the new religions. H e makes n o distinction between the evaluation of their teachings a n d practices from a theological standpoint a n d the accusation that their m e m b e r s are agents of Satan himself. H e leaves the impression that his j u d g m e n t is that everybody who does n o t accept the Gospel is necessarily an evil person in league with the devil. Larson's a p p r o a c h is n o t only cynical b u t also unproductive. It directly contradicts the o n e sanctioned both by the Catholic C h u r c h a n d the World Council of Churches. It further h a m p e r s understanding of the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions as a whole a n d raises too many insoluble scriptural, theological, a n d pastoral problems. T h e implication that the contemporary world is d o m i n a t e d by diabolical interference requires m o r e analysis than the citing of a few biblical passages. T h e New Testament, after all, brings a message of 'Good News' a n d a n n o u n c e s that Christ has c o n q u e r e d evil a n d the devil by his passion, death, a n d resurrection. Many Christians will find it h a r d to harmonize the encompassing, subtle success of Satan with the infinite power, goodness, a n d providence of God. Besides, the 'Satanic principle', used as a weapon against the new religions, is n o t a very practical evangelical tool. Several of the new religious movements, particularly those with Christian roots, have used the same a r g u m e n t to their advantage. This approach has at times reached the state of hysteria as, for example, has h a p p e n e d in the case of the New Age Movement. 4 4 In fact, many of the reactions to the New Age Movement are m o r e c o n c e r n e d with d e n o u n c i n g its theological errors a n d delineating its carefully concealed Satanic connections t h a n with attempting a constructive evaluation of its beliefs a n d practices. 45 Some responses to New Age teachings a n d practices encourage Christians to embark o n a crusade. Peter Jones, for example, writing from an evangelical perspective, maintains that the New Age is a return to the Gnosticism of the first three centuries of the Christian era. H e connects it with what he thinks are many contemporary problems, including h o m o sexuality, witchcraft, feminist spirituality, c o n c e r n for ecology, a n d spiritual healing techniques, all of which are indiscriminately

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l u m p e d together as m o d e r n deviations from the truth. H e outlines the aims of his study as follows: to clarify the true nature of the forces opposing Christians today a n d to demonstrate their interconnectedness; to warn the C h u r c h of the battle that lies a h e a d in o r d e r that Christians might be prepared; to encourage believers to 'fight the good fight' using the weapons of faith, particularly the sword of God's Word, by which pagan Gnosticism was once already p u t to flight from the early Church, a n d by which it will be p u t to flight again. 46 The deficiencies of the apologetic approach Without denying the fact that the apologetic approach, especially the positive o n e , has some value, it must be stressed that one can e n u m e r a t e at least six main obstacles that r e n d e r its use in responding to contemporary religious movements very limited, if n o t unsuitable a n d ineffective. First of all, apologetics are n o t conducive to empathetic understanding. Particularly in the h a n d s of evangelical a n d fundamentalist Christians, they b e c o m e a vehicle for expressing a n d generating antagonism a n d animosity that r e n d e r mutual u n d e r s t a n d i n g impossible. Because of their belligerent character, apologetical debates elicit negative reactions a n d intensify conflicts. W h e n those defending Christianity openly question the sincerity of all cult leaders a n d members, their arguments lose some of their effectiveness. Any value of apologetics is s q u a n d e r e d when the parties involved d o n o t listen to o n e another. Second, the apologetic a p p r o a c h stresses, largely or solely, the differences between the various religious affiliations. Similarities, which are the basis for u n d e r s t a n d i n g b o t h Christianity a n d o t h e r religions, are bypassed or ignored. As was pointed out above, apologetical works have frequently attacked the new religions for their mystical tendencies. T h e r e are, however, many points of contact between the various types of mystical experiences found in Christianity a n d in the new religions. Religious a n d mystical experiences could b e c o m e avenues of communication between the various religions, rather t h a n walls dividing them. Third, the apologetical a r g u m e n t ignores real theological problems within Christianity as a whole. Those who cite select biblical passages to refute o t h e r religious beliefs seem unaware that biblical

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interpretation is n o t an easy task, a n d that the Bible has b e e n subjected to different interpretations within Christianity itself. Besides, quoting Bible passages to buttress dogmatic views might be convincing to those who already a d h e r e to those opinions b u t it is doubtful whether this technique will have any impact on those who have taken a different stance on doctrine or whose ideology is based o n different religious premises. Fourth, apologetics, especially of the negative variety, have little evangelical value. In sociological terms, virulent attacks against the new religious movements perform the function of 'boundary maint e n a n c e ' . In o t h e r words, heated denunciations of the new religions reinforce the attitudes a n d beliefs of b o t h their m e m b e r s a n d o p p o n e n t s . They rarely make converts a n d they d o n o t persuade r e n e g a d e Christians to r e t u r n to the faith of their birth. Harangues against the new religions d o n o t lead their m e m b e r s to listen attentively to the arguments of zealous evangelizers trying to reconvert t h e m to Christianity. Fifth, the insistent use of apologetics could convey the idea that people can be persuaded by some rational a r g u m e n t to have faith in God. However faith is a free gift of God a n d n o t something that can be acquired or bestowed by the power of h u m a n reasoning a n d logic. Lastly, apologetics, especially when it is negatively oriented, is n o t easily h a r m o n i z e d with Christian charity. Diatribes give a b a d image of Christianity. They may even serve to confirm the cult m e m b e r s ' decision to a b a n d o n the faith of their youth for what they perceive to be a m o r e inclusive a n d less belligerent faith. The dialogue approach Since the early 1960s a new theological a p p r o a c h began to take hold of the Christian world t h r o u g h the efforts of the World Council of Churches a n d of the Second Vatican Council. Known as the dialogue approach, this m e t h o d of u n d e r s t a n d i n g non-Christian theologies a n d of relating to non-Christians has become the official position of the majority of the mainline Christian churches. At first used to improve the relationships between the divided Christian churches, the dialogue m e t h o d has b e e n a d o p t e d to cover the relationships between different religions. T h e Catholic Church, with its Pontifical Commission for Inter-Religious Dialogue, continues to make valuable contributions to the sympathetic u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the many

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diverse a n d complex religious traditions. T h e World Council of Churches also has a d e p a r t m e n t dedicated to the task of fomenting dialogue between Christianity a n d o t h e r religions. In its statement on non-Christian religions Vatican II admits that the world's great religions have long spiritual traditions. T h o u g h the differences between Christian a n d other faiths seem at times overwhelming, the Council Fathers o p t for giving consideration to what h u m a n beings have in c o m m o n a n d to what promotes fellowship. They state that as m e m b e r s of the h u m a n race all people share the same origin a n d ask the same basic questions about the m e a n i n g a n d purpose of life. They are all searching for God, the divine mystery in their lives. O n e goal a n d o n e providence guides t h e m all. 'We c a n n o t in truthfulness call u p o n that God who is the Father of all if we refuse to act in a brotherly way toward certain m e n , created t h o u g h they be to God's image.' 4 7 Instead of, for instance, criticizing a n d ridiculing Hinduism for its pagan beliefs a n d accusing it of Satanic practices, the Council openly declares that Christians a n d Hindus share some important religious beliefs a n d aspirations that makes mutual conversation between t h e m possible a n d fruitful. This approach is in sharp contrast to the apologetic stance described above. In a n o t h e r d o c u m e n t , the 'Declaration o n H u m a n F r e e d o m ' , the Council stresses the n e e d to respect individual consciences even when these affirm u n o r t h o d o x religious truths. 4 8 It further calls u p o n Catholics to a b a n d o n the attitudes of suspicion, prejudice, a n d hostility that have for centuries marked their relationships with those who profess different religious convictions. Without a b a n d o n i n g the missionary n a t u r e of the Christian faith, the Council changes the focus of its evangelizing efforts. Knowledge of one's faith, a d e e p c o m m i t m e n t to Christian values, a n d an expression of one's beliefs in daily living are j u d g e d to be m o r e effective a n d convincing forms of spreading the Gospel than the use of forceful proselytizing methods. In 1986 the Vatican issued a preliminary report that discussed the recent e m e r g e n c e of religious movements a n d their impact o n the Christian faith. 49 O n e of the chief features of this report was that it a d o p t e d the attitudes expressed by the bishops at the Second Vatican Council in their 'Declaration o n non-Christian Religions'. Although c o n c e r n e d that many Catholics are j o i n i n g new religious groups, the writers of the 1986 r e p o r t take seriously into account Vatican IFs 'Declaration o n Religious F r e e d o m ' which stressed the dignity a n d inviolable rights of the h u m a n person. In this declaration, the use of

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psychological a n d / o r social pressures to convert o t h e r people was d e n o u n c e d as an infringement o n the religious rights of individuals, rights that include the freedom to a b a n d o n their Christian faith, even t h o u g h such a decision c a n n o t be sanctioned. While admitting that dialogue with the new religions may n o t always be possible, the 1986 Vatican r e p o r t still r e c o m m e n d s that efforts be m a d e to engage in genuine a n d meaningful communication with their members. 5 0 T h e r e p o r t does n o t indulge in accusations against, n o r condemnations of, sects or cults. It does n o t suggest ways in which their beliefs can be refuted by arguments a n d their practices curtailed by legal means. Moreover, it does n o t advance apologetic arguments to defend the doctrinal position of the Catholic Church. Rather, it focuses on the lessons that can be learned from the success of the new religious movements a n d o n the continuous n e e d for improving Christian life a n d behavior. Concern with the relationships between the various Christian churches as well as between Christianity a n d o t h e r religions has b e e n the major focus of many discussions held u n d e r the auspices of the World Council of Churches. T h e relationship between mission, evangelization, a n d dialogue are central themes that recur in the deliberations a n d exchanges between representations of different religious traditions. Although a variety of views have b e e n expressed regarding the possibility of reconciling mission with dialogue, there seems to be a g r e e m e n t on the principle that the relationship of dialogue should n o t be identified with the Church's mission of evangelization. T h e Christian mission to p r e a c h the G o o d News, t h o u g h a necessary part of Christian life, is n o t to be primarily directed to lead non-Christians to a b a n d o n their religious traditions a n d commitments. 5 1 Pressures to d o so, be they political, economic, psychological, or religious are frowned u p o n as infringements o n religious freedom. A n o t h e r topic discussed in d o c u m e n t s of the World Council of Churches is the final goal of dialogue which, a m o n g Christian churches, is unity. It appears to be an unstated principle, however, that such a goal is n o t to be achieved by forcing any Christian c h u r c h to give u p its identity n o r by creating o n e new C h u r c h to replace all denominations. T h e goals of dialogue between representatives of the world religions are less pretentious a n d are m o r e directed to mutual u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d co-operation in areas of agreement. Several

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documents warn against the dangers of compromising the authenticity of the Christian faith a n d of creating a kind of syncretistic religion. 52 This latter a p p r o a c h is m i r r o r e d in a m u c h less detailed statement p r e p a r e d jointly by the World Council of Churches a n d the L u t h e r a n World Federation at a consultation held in 1986. 53 T h e statement issued at the culmination of a long series of discussions focuses o n the n e e d to u n d e r s t a n d the new religious movements with their distinct ideologies a n d missionary enterprises a n d to 'protect the rights of new religious movements to go about their activities, even t h o u g h we may radically disagree with their beliefs a n d worldviews'. 54 T h e language of the statement, like that of the 1986 Vatican report, is n o t inflammatory a n d obviously seeks reconciliation rather than confrontation. Explicit suggestions are m a d e for a response to the new religions that covers four main areas of parish life, that is, education, dialogue, ministry a n d renewal of the Church, a n d ecumenical collaboration. PASTORAL ISSUES IN D E A L I N G W I T H T H E NEW RELIGIONS T h e aforementioned documents o n sects a n d cults c a n n o t be interpreted as anti-cult statements that aim to combat the new movements by legal, social, a n d religious efforts. They are rather pastoral documents, pastoral in the sense that their writers h a d primarily in m i n d the spiritual welfare of m e m b e r s of the traditional Christian churches. T h e Vatican report, in conclusion, states that ' T h e ' ' c h a l l e n g e " of the new religious movements is to stimulate o u r own renewal for a greater pastoral efficacy.'55 Those who are involved in religious teaching a n d counseling are faced with several pastoral issues that the presence of the new religions have highlighted. T h e first of these issues is religious pluralism. T h e second is the spiritual state of the person who has j o i n e d a new religion. T h e third deals with the ways a n d means that might prevent people from a b a n d o n i n g their traditional churches to enter a new movement. Finally, the fourth grapples with the questions of whether a n d how cult m e m b e r s can be reincorporated in their original communities of faith. Religious pluralism and the new religions O n e of the major problems that confront those who are consulted in their capacity as priests or ministers of religion is the question of

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religious pluralism. This question, which has theological, sociological, a n d psychological dimensions, is explored in some detail in Chapter 7. H e r e it suffices to say that religious counselors themselves must first have come to terms with theological diversity before they can be of help to those Christians whose lives have b e e n directly affected by their relatives' decision to j o i n the new religions. It should be emphasized that knowledge of o n e ' s faith, as well as involvement in the life of the believing community, are the necessary requirements for a discriminating approach to the prevalence of religious pluralism that has b e e n accentuated by the presence of the new religions. O n e positive way of dealing with the status of their m e m b e r s is, therefore, for individuals to be educated further in their religious traditions. Pastors n e e d to be acquainted with the theology of religions. Parents a n d relatives of cult m e m b e r s could enroll with profit in those adult education programs that address the issue of religious pluralism a n d that explore ways m e m b e r s of different faiths can treat a n d relate to o n e another. Continuing education in one's traditional faith is o n e of the m o r e effective ways in preventing young adults from j o i n i n g a new religion a n d in giving their parents the g r o u n d i n g in their faith necessary to help t h e m cope with the success the new religions might have h a d in recruiting their children. The spiritual status of those who join new religions O n e of the most difficult theological questions that parents of m e m b e r s of new religions raise deals with their offspring's spiritual state. Those who j o i n a new religious movement appear to have rejected the faith of their upbringing. T o Christians, this appears to be sheer apostasy, a formal, conscious renunciation of God's C h u r c h a n d grace. Consequently, o n e has every reason to be worried about the spiritual well-being of m e m b e r s of new religions. While b e c o m i n g a m e m b e r of an alternative religious g r o u p involves, as a rule, the acceptance of a belief system that c a n n o t be h a r m o n i z e d with traditional Christian faith, it is interesting to note that few of the new religions d e m a n d a formal rejection of one's previous faith. 56 In fact, it is Christian fundamentalist groups that often require such renunciation a n d encourage converts to relinquish completely their past religious affiliation as a period u n d e r which they were d o m i n a t e d by Satan. Most of the new religious movements never attack the Christian faith. Some, o n the contrary, insist that becoming a m e m b e r does n o t necessarily m e a n that o n e

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has to a b a n d o n one's religious heritage. Scientologists, for instance, argue that 'Scientology does n o t conflict with o t h e r religions a n d other religious practices. Quite often Scientology c h u r c h m e m b e r s rekindle a greater interest t h a n ever in the subject of religions including the o n e of their birth.' 5 7 It would seem, however, that those who j o i n new religions have broken their ties with the churches of their upbringing. Yet the break may n o t be as absolute as it appears to be at first sight. Those who j o i n new religions are, as a rule, n o t fully committed to the c h u r c h of their parents. Involvement in a new religious m o v e m e n t is hardly an act of apostasy in the strict m e a n i n g of the term. Conversion to a new religious perspective a n d lifestyle could represent a t u r n i n g to genuine religion for the first time in one's life, the first conscious, free religious decision or fundamental option. 5 8 W h e n o n e reads the personal accounts a n d scholarly descriptions of conversions to the new religions, o n e is led to the conclusion that some converts might be spiritually better off than they were before, even t h o u g h j o i n i n g a new movement c a n n o t be, theologically speaking, the correct answer to whatever difficulties they might have b e e n facing. T o many, m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion is the initial step in their spiritual j o u r n e y to God, rather than an explicit rejection of a faith they never quite had. Moreover, there are several psychological a n d social factors that play a part in the conversion process. Many young adults have to face cultural pressures they never learned how to cope with, m u c h less resist. T h o u g h there is little d o u b t that free will plays a role in the conversion process, the j o i n i n g of a new religion is n o t a simple response to a direct call from heaven, n o matter how willing cult m e m b e r s are to ascribe their decision to divine intervention. Neither is it the result of a well-executed theological debate or assessment. Further, it is n o t the p r o d u c t of some irresistible recruitment technique. T h e spiritual state of the individual, the various adolescent problems that confront young adults, a n d the timing of the evangelizing efforts all play a part in a person's decision to j o i n a new religion. Preventive measures against involvement in a new religion If the churches are serious about responding to the new religions, they have to begin by taking steps to prevent their m e m b e r s from opting out of their traditional churches in search of alternative

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religious experiences a n d belonging. New religions succeed because they appear to offer what the churches apparently d o n o t have. They recruit adults who are dissatisfied a n d have decided to look elsewhere for their spiritual nourishment. Responding to the new religions requires some soul searching on the part of the mainline churches. This is precisely what the Vatican d o c u m e n t o n sects a n d cults has d o n e . By reflecting o n what might be attracting young adults to the new movements, the d o c u m e n t draws attention to what the churches must d o to counteract the appeal of the new religions. T h e Vatican r e p o r t outlines n i n e main reasons why the new religious movements have spread in contemporary Western culture: (1) the quest for belonging; (2) the search for answers; (3) the search for wholeness; (4) the search for cultural identity; (5) the n e e d to be recognized as special; (6) the search for transcendence; (7) the n e e d for spiritual guidance; (8) the n e e d of vision; a n d (9) the n e e d of participation a n d involvement. According to the docum e n t these are genuine needs a n d aspirations of the h u m a n spirit a n d the C h u r c h should strive to provide the opportunities for their fulfillment. Although the d o c u m e n t reminds us that recruitment practices play a part in a cult's success, it admits that the new movements have something positive to offer, irrespective of whether their offer materializes or not. Reclaiming cult members A n o t h e r major question asked by parents a n d ministers of religion is whether m e m b e r s of new religious movements can be talked into a b a n d o n i n g their new c o m m i t m e n t a n d reconciled to the faith of their upbringing. In o t h e r words, are there any m e t h o d s that can be effectively used to lead a m e m b e r of a new religion to 'reconvert' to Christianity? This issue is foremost in evangelical literature, t h o u g h it pertains to all churches who have lost m e m b e r s to the new religions. Unfortunately, the above question has n o easy answer. Parents have endeavored to convince their children, who have j o i n e d a new religion, to pay o n e final (desperate) visit to the pastor of their church or some other priest or minister of religion in o r d e r to discuss religious matters. By this time, however, m e m b e r s of the new religious movements are already e n t r e n c h e d in their commitments, which are constantly being reinforced by their new lifestyles a n d

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religious practices. Those counselors a n d ministers of religion who have talked to t h e m are aware of how difficult it is to persuade t h e m that they have taken the wrong path a n d should r e t u r n to their original religious traditions. Several things must be considered when dealing with attempts to persuade m e m b e r s of new religions to go back to their original churches. From a religious point of view it should be insisted that faith c a n n o t a n d should n o t be forced on anyone. Religious commitm e n t is a free act a n d n o a m o u n t of pressure can make an individual a genuine Christian. D e p r o g r a m m i n g or coercive exit counseling can never be justified from a theological standpoint. T h e two official religious d o c u m e n t s discussed above have n o place for it in their theological assessment. A n d a m o r e recent Catholic pastoral letter states categorically that d e p r o g r a m m i n g that includes physical coercion c a n n o t be reconciled with Catholic morality. 59 Besides, there are so many legal a n d psychological ramifications to the practice of d e p r o g r a m m i n g that it would be m u c h wiser if parents were categorically advised n o t to try it. A further observation is that d e p r o g r a m m i n g , which is usually an expensive undertaking, does n o t necessarily succeed in extracting the individual from the new religion a n d could create new problems both for cult m e m b e r s a n d their parents. More positively, parents should maintain a good relationship with their offspring who are m e m b e r s of new religions. Christian charity a n d patient u n d e r s t a n d i n g is m o r e likely to influence these m e m b e r s than are diatribes a n d subterfuge efforts to make t h e m a b a n d o n their new faith. T h e parents' own c o m m i t m e n t to their religious faith might be o n e of the factors that could lead cult m e m b e r s to reexamine their decision. Parents who manifest their faith by the way they live a n d relate to others are b o u n d to influence their children m o r e than the arguments of counselors, pastors, or deprogrammers. J. G o r d o n Melton a n d Robert L. Moore have provided a set of guidelines for helping families to cope with the problems that m e m b e r s h i p of their offspring in new religions has created. Their suggestions are based n o t only o n good counseling principles b u t also o n solid theological grounds. They advise parents n o t to intimidate their children to reconsider their actions. They stress that honesty, respect, a n d trust, a n d n o t hostility, should dominate their relationships with their offspring. They conclude by advising parents that, in some cases, they must learn to 'accept the fact that a n o r m a l

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healthy child of a n o r m a l healthy family may spend his or h e r life as a m e m b e r of an alternative religion'. 60 While this might appear to be a somewhat fatalistic statement, it does alert people to the fact that there are certain situations in life that cannot be altered. Many devout religious parents have learned to maintain a healthy relationship with their offspring who have j o i n e d a n o t h e r mainline d e n o m i n a t i o n or who have totally a b a n d o n e d their faith a n d have b e c o m e hedonistic a n d materialistic in their outlooks. It is sometimes just as h a r d to reconvert m e m b e r s of new religions to their former religious affiliation as it is to convince practical atheists or agnostics to return to their previous c h u r c h m e m b e r s h i p . It is part a n d parcel of the pastoral duty of the C h u r c h to help people come to terms with, a n d make sense of, conditions that might never be altered or are simply unchangeable. Believers learn to cope with the disappointments of life, with h u m a n suffering, a n d with death. Membership in a new religion could, in some cases, be c o m p a r e d to these situations that have n o remedy or cure. T h e r e is, however, faith in a merciful a n d loving God that will enable parents of m e m b e r s of new religious movements n o t to despair a n d lose their faith because of their offspring's novel involvement, to accept a n d respect the new commitments of their sons a n d daughters without approving them, a n d to find in their new situation an occasion for the development a n d renewal of their own spiritual lives. NEW R E L I G I O N S AS SIGNS O F T H E T I M E S C u r r e n t theological assessments of the new religions are in agreem e n t on at least two major issues: (1) the new religious movements c a n n o t be h a r m o n i z e d with traditional Christianity; a n d (2) they present a challenge that c a n n o t be ignored. They are, however, sharply divided with regard to practical reactions that should be m a d e to the challenge. O n e approach seeks confrontation, the o t h e r prefers dialogue a n d reconciliation. N o n e of the two present a quick remedy to the success of the new religions. While the attacks of the fundamentalist approach may be emotionally m o r e satisfying, they aggravate the situation by increasing hostilities. Dialogue has the advantage of laying the grounds for a fruitful exchange between m e m b e r s of new religions a n d their relatives, b u t its low emotional key doesn't make it popular. While the confrontational approach, especially if it endorses forceful means to suppress the new religions, may promise some quick results, the dialogue approach requires

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more patience and understanding. In the long run, however, dialogue has a better chance of producing positive results since it keeps members of new religions in touch with the faith of their upbringing. About 30 years ago the bishops gathered at Vatican II argued that, in order to fulfill the missionary task of the church and to serve the needs of humankind, Christians must be alert to the 'signs of the times'. 61 In a report to the 1990 Cardinals' Consistory, Cardinal Ernesto Corripio Ahumada explicitly interpreted the new religious movements as signs of the times. 62 New religions are indicators of genuine religious needs and aspirations at a time in history when spiritual yearnings are being either downplayed or ignored. They offer an excellent opportunity for the Christian Church to better understand and execute its mission, to adapt and react more meaningfully and relevantly to the changing needs, problems, and conditions of the modern age, and to reform, re-evaluate and renew itself in the spirit of the Gospel. NOTES 1. For the distinction between the theological and academic approaches to religion see, for example, Roger Schmidt, Exploring Religion (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2nd edn, 1988), pp. 20-2. 2. The American Family Foundation (AFF) in the United States and Family Action, Information and Rescue (FAIR) in Great Britain never discuss the spiritualities offered by the new religions. 3. This is particularly true of some critics of fundamentalist churches that take into consideration only their negative aspects. See Ronald Enroth, Churches That Abuse (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1992). While some of Enroth's criticisms are appropriate, they do not help us understand why people join and remain in churches that misuse their authority. 4. Theodore M. Ludwig, The Sacred Paths: Understanding the Religions of the World (New York: Macmillan, 1989), pp. ^ff.; and Lewis M. Hopfe, Religions of the World (New York: Macmillan, 6th edn, 1994), pp. 4ff. 5. For some basic information on these two groups, see J. Gordon Melton, Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America (New York: Garland, 2nd edn, 1992), pp. 249-58 and 315-22, respectively. 6. See, for instance, the case reported in the Religious Freedom Reporter7 (1987), pp. 719-24. In this suit the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals of California upheld a

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previous decision that the Church of Scientology did not qualify for tax exemption for religious reasons between the years 1970 and 1972. As was seen in Chapter 5, Scientology has recently been granted such exception and hence indirectly recognized as a religious entity. 7. Richard Behar, 'The thriving cult of greed and power', Time (May 6, 1991), pp. 50-7. Behar expresses a common viewpoint that is often applied to the new religious movements in general. 8. See Hubbard Dianetics Foundation, What Is Scientology?: The Comprehensive Textbook of the World's Fastest Growing Religion (Los Angeles: Bridge Publications, 1992), especially Part IX, 'A Scientology Catechism', pp. 54iff. 9. See, for instance, A. H. Chapman, What TM Can and Cannot Do for You (New York: Berkeley Publishing Corporation, 1976). 1 o. The complete text of the Federal Court's opinion has been published under the title TM in Court (Berkeley, CA: Spiritual Counterfeits Project, 1978). For commentaries on this court's decision, consult Peter Maabjerg, 'TM is a religious practice, court rules', Update: A Quarterly fournal of New Religious Movements 2.1 (1978), pp. 27-30; Robert D. Baird, 'Religious or non-religious: TM in American courts', fournal ofDharma 7 (1982), pp. 391-407; and John E. Patton, The Case against TM in the Schools (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, i97 6 )11. A short description of this rite is provided by Robert S. Ellwood and Harry S. Partin, Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2nd edn, 1988), pp. 194-7. Though the TM initiation ceremony is a private rite, the contents of which initiates do not reveal, it has been published in, for example, Update: A Quarterly fournal of New Religious Movements 3.3-4 (1979), pp. 20-45. One must add, however, that there is no way of checking whether this published version accurately represents the one officially used. 12. Kim Knott, My Sweet Lord: The Hare Krishna Movement (Wellingborough, UKAquarian Press, 1986); and Charles R. Brooks, The Hare Krishnas in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989). 13. See George D. Chryssides, The Advent of Sun MyungMoon (New York: St Martin's Press, 1991), pp. lgff., where he describes the doctrines of the Church. 14. 'Critique of the theology of the Unification Church as set forth in the Divine Principle1 in Science, Sin, and Scholarship: The Politics of Reverend Moon and the Unification Church, ed. Irving Louis Horowitz (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1978), pp. 103-8. See also the negative assessment of the British Council of Churches (Youth Unit), The Unification Church: A Paper For Those Who Wish to Know More (^.1978).

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15. The Documents of Vatican II, ed. Walter M. Abbott (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1966), pp. 661-2. 16. See J. G. Shaw, Story of the Rosary (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1954); and Franz Michel Willam, The Rosary: Its History and Meaning (NewYork: Benziger Brothers, 1952). Herbert Thurston had made, in the early part of this century, a thorough historical study that was published in six installments in the English periodical The Month (1900-10). A summary of Thurston's work appeared in The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Encyclopedia Press/London: Caxton Publishing Co., 1912), vol. 13, pp. 184-7. 17. F.J. Jelly, 'Rosary' in The New Dictionary of Theology, ed. Joseph A. Komonchak et al (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1987), pp. 908-9; and W. A. Hinnebusch, 'Rosary' in New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1967), vol. 12, pp. 667-70. 18. Donald Attwater, 'Rosary' in A Catholic Dictionary (New York: Macmillan, 1985), p. 438. 19. Shawn Madigan, 'Rosary' in The New Dictionary of Catholic Spirituality, ed. Michael Downey (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1993), p. 833. 20. Arthur Jeffrey, Islam: Muhammad and His Religion (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1958), p. 93. 21. Cf. Swami Abhisiktananda (Henri Le Saux), 'Yoga and Christian prayer', Clergy Monthly 35 (1971), pp. 473-7; Sister Marie Hamelin, 'Yoga - yes or no?', Review for Religious 33 (1974), pp. 817-27; Nancy Roth, A New Christian Yoga (Cambridge, MA: Cowley Publications, 1989); John Kind, Christ Mind, Zen Mind, Child Mind (Toronto: Anglican Book Club, 1988); and Ruben Habito, Total Liberation: Zen Spirituality and the Social Dimension (Maryknoll, NY: Orlis, 1992). 22. For example, William Johnston, 'Zen - the present situation', East Asia Pastoral Review 20 (1983), p. 344. 23. An English translation of the letter can be found in Origins 19 (December 28, 1989)>PP- 492-6. 24. See John A. Saliba, 'Learning from the new religious movements', Thought 61 (1986), pp. 232-6. 25. For the difference between these two forms of meditation, see Harvey Egan, 'Christian apophatic and kataphatic mysticisms', Theological Studies 39 (1978), PP- 399-426. 26. See Kallistos Ware, 'Hesychasm' in The Westminster Dictionary of Spirituality, ed. Gordon S. Wakefield (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983), pp. 189-90. A

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three-part article on Hesychasm, written by M. B., was published in the Canadian Catholic Review"] (1988), pp. 227-9, 272-4, 302-5. 27. The Cloud of Unknowing and the Book of Privy Counseling, translated by William Johnston (Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Co., 1973). 28. See his two books, Centering Prayer (Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Co., 1980); and Call to the Center (Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Co., 1990). 29. J. Gordon Melton, The Encyclopedia ofAmerican Religions (Detroit: Gale Research, 4th edn, 1993), p. 755, states that in 1988 the Church reported 5,000 members in the United States, 'a figure that has remained stable throughout most of the decade'. Eileen Barker, New Religious Movements: A Practical Introduction (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1989), p. 216, writes on the Unification Church that 'Despite the frequent allegations of its power of control over its members, the movement has a high turnover rate and has never succeeded in having more than about 10,000 full-time members in the West'. 30. The Encyclopedia of American Religions, pp. 854-7. 31. For a balanced assessment, see Chas S. Clifton, 'The three faces of Satan: a close look at the Satanism scare', Gnosis, No. 12 (Summer 1989), pp. 9-18. 32. Robert D. Hicks, In Pursuit of Satan: The Police and the Occult (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991). 33. See Perspectives on the New Age, ed. James R. Lewis and J. Gordon Melton (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992). 34. Francis Schussler Fiorenza, 'Apologetics' in The New Dictionary of Theology, ed. J. A. Komonchak et al, pp. 44-8. 35. The New Cults (Santa Ana, CA: Vision House, 1980), p. 196. 36. Ibid., p. 101. 37. Cults Reference Bible (Santa Ana, CA: Vision House, 1981). 38. The New Cults, p. 11. 39. Ibid., p. 317. 40. Larson's Book of Cults (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House, 1982). 41. Ibid., p. 81. 42. Ibid., p. 95.

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43. Ibid., p. 114. 44. One of the best examples of this is Constance Cumbey, The Hidden Dangers of the Rainbow: The New Age Movement and Our Coming Age ofBarbarism (Shreveport, LA: Huntington House, 1983). 45. Mitch Pacwa, for instance, Catholics and the New Age (Ann Arbor, MI: Servant Publications, 1992), strongly denounces Jungian influence on the New Age Movement. While admitting that Jungian psychology can make positive contributions, he is more concerned with pin-pointing Jung's critical assessment of Christianity than with showing the benefits and applicability of his psychological insights. 46. The Gnostic Empire Strikes Back: An Old Heresy for the New Age (Phillipsburg, NJ: P & R Publishing, 1992), p. x. 47. 'Declaration of the Relationship of the Church to Non-Christian Religions', para. 5, in The Documents of Vatican II, ed. Walter M. Abbott, p. 667. 48. 'Declaration on Human Freedom' in The Documents of Vatican II, pp. 675-6. 49. The English version of this document can be found in e.g., Origins 16 (May 22, 1986), pp. 1-10. For an analysis of, and commentary on, this and related documents, see John A. Saliba, 'Vatican response to the new religious movements', Theological Studies 53 (1992), pp. 3-39. 50. For a discussion of the difficulties involved in dialogue with the new religious movements, see John A. Saliba, 'Dialogue with the new religious movements: issues and prospects', Journal of Ecumenical Studies 30 (1993), pp. 51-80. 51. The following are some of the better known documents of the World Council of Churches: (1) 'Dialogue between men of other faiths', Study Encounter 6.2 (1970); (2) 'Christians in dialogue between men of other faiths', International Review of Mission 59 (1970), pp. 382-91; (3) 'The World Council of Churches and dialogue between people of living faiths and ideologies', Ecumenical Review 23 (1971), pp. 190-8; (4) 'Dialogue in community', Ecumenical Review 29 (1977), pp. 354-62; and (5) 'Guidelines on dialogue', in Mission Trends, No. 5, ed. Gerald A. Anderson and Thomas F. Stransky (New York: Paulist Press, 1981), pp. 133-55. The first three documents mentioned above can also be found in Living Faiths and the Ecumenical Movement, ed. S.J. Samartha (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1971). 52. See, for example, 'Guidelines on dialogue' in Mission Trends, No. 5, paras 24-29, pp. 146-8. 53. 'Summary statement and recommendations' in New Religious Movements and the Churches, ed. Allan R. Brockway and J. Paul Rajashekar (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1987), pp. 171-9.

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54. Ibid., p. 172. 55. Origins 16 (May 22, 1986), p. 8. 56. An exception to this is the Rael Movement, a UFO group that originated in French-speaking Canada. See Susan Palmer, 'Woman as playmate in the Raelian Movement: power and pantagamy in a new religious movement', Syzygy: Journal of Alternative Religion and Culture 1 (1992), pp. 227-45. 57. 'A Scientology Catechism' in Hubbard Dianetics Foundation, What is Scientology?, p. 545. One must admit, however, that it is difficult to see how one can become a member of the Church of Scientology and remain committed to the Christian faith. Scientology offers a belief system that in many areas, such as the nature of God and the place of Christ, differs radically from those espoused by Christianity. Besides, Scientology provides religious services such as christening, marriage and funeral rituals, and Sunday services, which make it nearly impossible for its members to attend parallel ceremonies in other religions or churches. 58. For various discussions on the nature of religious conversions consult Walter Conn, Christian Conversion: A Developmental Interpretation of Autonomy and Surrender (New York: Paulist Press, 1986). 59. Giuseppe Casale, Nuova Religiosita e Nuova Evangelizzazione (Turin: Piemme, 1993), p. 82. 60. The Cult Experience: Responding to the New Religious Pluralism (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1982), p. 123. 61. 'Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World' in The Documents of Vatican II, ed. Walter M. Abbott, pp. 201-2. 62. See Catholic International 2 (July 1-14, 1991), p. 618.

7 COUNSELING

AND

THE

NEW

RELIGIOUS

MOVEMENTS

T H E PRECEDING historical, psychological, sociological, legal a n d theological reflections o n the new religious movements provide a d e e p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the current religious ferment. However, by themselves, they d o n o t automatically suggest practical ways for handling all the personal problems b r o u g h t into being by their presence. Counselors a n d psychologists, who are called u p o n to help both parents a n d their children in their personal anguish a n d emotional states, face a formidable task. How d o they p r e p a r e themselves to treat the psychological a n d mental difficulties that may precede or result from m e m b e r s h i p in a new religious movement? What does o n e say to those young adults who have already become m e m b e r s of a new religion a n d to their distraught parents? W h a t advice can be given to those who are searching for a d e e p e r m e a n i n g of life or for a religiously oriented, c o m m u n a l lifestyle outside the religion of their upbringing? Can, a n d should, any preventive measures be applied that would redirect people to seek spiritual n o u r i s h m e n t within the traditional churches? How should o n e address the religious a n d social issues that have re-emerged in the wake of the new religions? In Chapter 6 some of these questions were dealt with from a theological point of view. This chapter will first consider the major problems that psychologists a n d psychiatrists e n c o u n t e r in counseling those individuals who have b e e n affected by the new religions. T h e n , it will look at several fundamental counseling principles a n d guidelines that n e e d to be applied when dealing with parents a n d m e m b e r s of the new religions. Finally, it will propose some procedures that might prevent people from j o i n i n g new religions, offer advice to m e m b e r s of new religions a n d their parents, a n d suggest

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how o n e might deal with the evangelizing techniques of new movements. MAJOR P R O B L E M S IN C O U N S E L I N G AND THERAPY It is a c o m m o n assumption in the counseling professions that the new religious movements are n o t fringe groups that are, at worst, social nuisances. They are, rather, dangerous institutions that inflict mental a n d psychological h a r m on their members. 1 Because of this, counseling tends to be a device for attacking their activities a n d / o r a strategy session about ways their m e m b e r s can be persuaded, by drawing attention to the negative features of their beliefs a n d practices, to give u p their m e m b e r s h i p a n d r e t u r n to a ' n o r m a l ' lifestyle. Such an approach is m a r r e d by a narrow, limited, superficial perspective that actually makes counseling largely ineffective in addressing the real issues b e h i n d the new religions. It starts with the presupposition that new religions are evil entities that ensnare young adults a n d use t h e m in their nefarious activities. It does n o t take seriously into consideration that involvement in a new religion may be n o t only the cause of personal, psychological problems, b u t also an indication of deeply rooted social, religious, a n d family-related difficulties. It also leaves out completely the possibility that some young adults are religious seekers who j o i n new religions willingly, even if their knowledge about t h e m is still rudimentary. Several wider considerations are necessary if counselors a n d therapists are to treat effectively cult-related cases. A n o t h e r c o m m o n assumption is that involvement in a new religion is a form of religious psychopathology. 2 This view conforms with the psychiatric opinion that all religion is detrimental to mental health. 3 Religious problems that n e e d professional advice or treatment are n o t new to the mental health professions. Yet traditional therapists a n d pastoral counselors disagree o n the nature of religion a n d o n its effects o n h u m a n beings. 4 All maintain, however, that there is a relationship between some religious expressions a n d personality disorders. Scrupulosity is a classical example of an extreme form of religious behavior that is directly linked with psychopathology. 5 T h e presence a n d activities of the new religions have b o t h created a n d b r o u g h t to the fore several difficulties that therapists must face in dealing with cult-related problems. Four principal questions can be identified: (1) How does one get information about a specific new religious movement? (2) T o what extent is involvement in it a

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psychological a n d n o t a sociological matter? (3) Is conversion to a fringe religious g r o u p a sign of unhealthy development in one's personality? (4) How does o n e come to terms with the expanding religious pluralism of the twentieth century? Information about the new religions T h e counselor or therapist who is called o n to assist people involved in, or affected by, o n e of the new religious movements may feel perplexed a n d inadequately informed to h a n d l e the case. Contemporary psychologists a n d therapists do n o t usually receive m u c h training in religious subjects, thus making t h e m i n c o m p e t e n t to counsel people in spiritual matters. They often have little knowledge about religion or about the new movements a n d the various Eastern religious a n d philosophical systems from which many of t h e m stem. T h e counseling of b o t h cult a n d ex-cult m e m b e r s a n d their parents is thus a heavy undertaking. How does o n e give advice or treatment in a situation where religious factors are prominent? Further, psychological training in the West has b e e n rather culture-bound, with little, if any, exploration in cross-cultural psychology a n d psychiatry. 6 T h e initial question p e r t i n e n t to counseling concerns the knowledge required to give p r o p e r advice. Psychologists a n d psychiatrists n e e d to know the particular religious m o v e m e n t before they can diagnose the problem, give reliable advice, a n d / o r administer p r o p e r therapy. Similarly, parents of cult m e m b e r s expect information about the new religions, information which can itself be part of the therapy or r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s they receive. This information that counselors a n d therapists distribute to their clients is consequently an i m p o r t a n t adjunct to the therapeutic process itself. T h e first source of information about the new religions is to be found in social-scientific literature. 7 If o n e would like to read accurate descriptions of the major new religions, to explore the social conditions in which they flourish, or to u n d e r s t a n d t h e m in a b r o a d e r religious o r cultural setting, o n e has n o o t h e r choice b u t to t u r n to this a b u n d a n t literature which covers b o t h traditional a n d m o r e recently formed religious movements. Unfortunately this literature is largely ignored by those who are advising ex-cult m e m b e r s a n d their families. 8 T h e 1992 r e p o r t of the American Psychiatric Association states: Information about the beliefs, rites, and organizations of the 'new religions' is difficult to obtain. These groups are isolated from the

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surrounding community . . . Their recent origin prohibits accumulation of reliable history or knowledge about their aims and ways.9 Anyone familiar with the sociological literature o n new religions, however, is fully aware of the many m o n o g r a p h s o n new religions, especially o n the m o r e controversial ones. Besides, sociology has provided a m e t h o d for getting reliable information on the practices a n d ideologies of these movements. Counselors a n d therapists would be well-advised to consult this literature a n d let it influence the proposals they make to their clients. A second source of information is provided by the many anti-cult groups that have c o m e into being over the last two decades. Led mainly by parents of cult a n d ex-cult m e m b e r s a n d spurred o n by several psychologists a n d psychiatrists who seem to have e m b a r k e d o n a crusade against the new religions, anti-cult organizations have b e e n active in disseminating information about the new religions a n d in publicizing their negative features. Several ex-cult m e m b e r s who have b e e n forcibly d e p r o g r a m m e d have contributed to the anticult campaigns. They are the major source of the h o r r o r stories about the practices of new religions that circulate b o t h at anti-cult conferences a n d in newspaper a n d magazine articles. 10 While information gathered from parents a n d former friends of m e m b e r s of new religions, as well as from those who have left, is necessary, there still seems to be an i n h e r e n t flaw in an a p p r o a c h that relies for information largely or solely o n belligerent a n d disgruntled apostates. O n e should have reservations about a counseling m e t h o d that assumes that m e m b e r s of new religions are insincere a n d d o n o t have a right to be heard, or that takes atrocity stories by ex-members as invariably factual a n d objective records of what h a p p e n s in all new religions. T h e first responsibility of counselors is to sift t h r o u g h the information on new religious movements a n d to present their clients with a balanced picture of the beliefs, ritual practices, a n d lifestyle of the particular g r o u p u n d e r consideration. They should be p r e p a r e d to alert their clients to potentially dangerous situations without exaggerating or sensationalizing those relatively few occurrences that are a cause for concern. 1 1 Presenting the mistakes of a few m e m b e r s of o n e religious g r o u p as normative of all m e m b e r s a n d of all movements will n o t assist parents a n d relatives to assess the situation at hand.

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The sociological question It has b e e n an implicit assumption in m u c h anti-cult literature that those who j o i n new religions are young adults who are going t h r o u g h a major crisis in their lives a n d are thus r e n d e r e d vulnerable or susceptible to the influence of heavy propaganda. 1 2 Members of new religions step in at the right time a n d lure the unsuspecting a n d weak individuals from their traditional lifestyle with grandiose promises of peace, happiness, a n d self-fulfillment. W h e t h e r a person joins a new religion or n o t is thus largely a matter of individual psychology c o m b i n e d with the c u n n i n g a n d deceptive tactics of zealous cult members. While o n e c a n n o t rule out the individual's psychological state as a predisposition for entering a new religious movement, n o r neglect the effects of good p r o p a g a n d a or evangelizing methods, o n e has to bear in m i n d that responding positively to the missionary efforts of new religions is a m u c h m o r e complex p h e n o m e n o n . Many young adults suffering from adolescent problems have b e e n accosted by m e m b e r s of new religions a n d never even considered j o i n i n g them. As has already b e e n pointed out in Chapter 3, there is n o simple a n d exact formula that specifies what type of personality may respond positively to the missionary endeavors of any particular group. T h e r e are b r o a d e r sociological reasons that must be taken into consideration in o r d e r to explain why new religions have come into being in a certain historical period a n d why some people b e c o m e interested in dedicating themselves to their goals a n d activities. T h e conflicts between m e m b e r s of new religions a n d their parents c a n n o t be viewed solely as clashes instigated by the new religions themselves. Family relationships prior to j o i n i n g a new religion are important factors that cannot be disregarded in the counseling of m e m b e r s of new religions a n d their families. 13 More specifically, it has b e e n theorized that there are cult-vulnerable families. Children who receive double messages from their parents, who have a p o o r fatherchild relationship, who are beset with sexual pressures a n d the d e m a n d s of adulthood, a n d who have strong d e p e n d e n c y needs (which are sometimes satisfied by drugs) are said to be a m o n g the m o r e likely candidates for m e m b e r s h i p in a marginal religious g r o u p . A consideration of the changing social a n d family situations in contemporary Western culture 1 4 would probably shed m o r e light o n the e m e r g e n c e a n d success of new religions than an articulate description of a young adult's personality profile or a vivid exposition

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of the techniques of evangelization employed by new religious groups. T h e question raised h e r e is whether the cult problem is m o r e a sociological than a psychological o n e . If it is, t h e n treating the individual may alleviate his or h e r ailments, b u t it will n o t solve the d e e p e r issues at all. Again, if the roots of involvement in a new religion lie in the conditions of Western culture, then n o attacks against the recruitment efforts of the cults will stem the conversions to their ranks. If the rise of new religions is part a n d parcel of the restructuring of religion that is taking place in Western society, then vivid attacks against cult leaders may persuade some m e m b e r s of these religious movements to a b a n d o n their newly found commitments; b u t they will n o t stop new ones coming into being, n o r young adults from j o i n i n g them. While the individual problems of clients should n o t be minimized or tacitly ignored, they c a n n o t be solved by virulent denunciations of the ideologies a n d lifestyles of the new religious movements. The issue of conversion At the center of the controversy about new religions is the claim by their m e m b e r s that they have gone t h r o u g h a religious experience that has radically c h a n g e d their attitudes, beliefs, a n d actions. Members of new religious movements see themselves as converts, even t h o u g h the theological or spiritual validity of this change of heart may be o p e n to question. T h e r e are n o universally accepted criteria to evaluate a d e e p experience a n d new awareness that has resulted in a radical change in a person's life. T h e history of the psychological disciplines attests to the inability of psychologists a n d psychiatrists to u n d e r s t a n d a n d deal with religious conversions. O n e of the m o r e c o m m o n interpretations of these conversions is that they are simply an expression of adolescence. 1 5 T h e tendency in psychological literature has b e e n to focus attention o n s u d d e n conversions that have b e e n consistentlyjudged to be signs of pathology. Great Christian saints, like St Paul 16 a n d St Augustine, 1 7 have b e e n subjected to intensive scrutiny a n d sometimes declared to have b e e n disturbed individuals, if n o t psychopaths. T o treat conversions to new religions in this fashion will n o t e n h a n c e the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of what h a p p e n s when an individual abandons one's traditional lifestyle to j o i n a marginal religious g r o u p or c o m m u n e . T h e majority of counseling centers that treat cult-related issues

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seem to have a d o p t e d the postion that conversion to a new religion is usually a s u d d e n one, 1 8 forced o n the invidual by outside pressure. 1 9 They are, consequently, unable to see the advantageous a n d beneficial aspects that might flow from religious commitment. With this frame of m i n d counselors c a n n o t help parents u n d e r s t a n d the process that leads their sons a n d daughters to j o i n new religions n o r can they initiate or p r o m o t e a dialogue between m e m b e r s a n d their distraught parents.

The nature of pluralistic society Contemporary religious movements a n d the societal reactions to t h e m are an indication of an increase in, a n d a growing awareness of, religious pluralism in democratic countries. 2 0 T h e religious seeker is faced with an ever-increasing picture of a variety of religious beliefs a n d practices unsurpassed in the history of the h u m a n race. Pluralism is the cause of several distinct, t h o u g h interrelated, issues that must be addressed whenever o n e counsels those who have b e e n affected by the new religions. People have psychological, sociological, a n d theological problems accepting or tolerating a variety of religious options, especially when such options exist within the close family circle. O n e of the main challenges to counselors is to suggest to parents of m e m b e r s of new religions ways of coping with religious pluralism.

Pluralism as a psychological problem From a psychological point of view, religions offer different a n d irreconcilable worldviews a n d lifestyles. Families that are split by contradictory beliefs about the nature of ultimate reality a n d the afterlife, a n d by diametrically opposed ethical norms, understandably have to e n d u r e mental a n d emotional strains. T h e h u m a n m i n d aims at resolving contradictions a n d naturally suffers when confronted with insoluble dilemmas that are n o t subject to empirical verification or to a final, universally accepted authority. T h e various kinds of allegiances that religious organizations request of their adherents d e m a n d that a person makes a choice of c o m m i t m e n t that is always accompanied by some personal risk. People who come in contact with many diverse belief systems for the first time, a n d parents who may learn what dedication to a religious ideology a n d

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c o m m i t m e n t to a missionary sect entail when their offspring j o i n a new religion, are b o u n d to e n c o u n t e r emotional a n d intellectual problems. Religious pluralism creates barriers between people. T h e unequivocal truths a n d normative ethical standards that religions p r o m o t e discourage dialogue a n d compromise. O n e of the c o m m o n reactions of parents whose offspring have j o i n e d a new religion is disbelief followed by confusion. Communications, especially if they are already strained, frequently break down completely. It is next to impossible to carry o n a close relationship with relatives who might have a d o p t e d non-Western-style clothing, a vegetarian diet, a n d outof-the-ordinary behavioral patterns. At times, m e m b e r s of new religions b e c o m e a source of annoyance a n d aggravation, r e n d e r i n g communication even m o r e impossible a n d undesirable. Pluralism as a sociological problem Since cults a n d sects form new communities a n d / o r subcultures, coming in touch with t h e m is also taxing from a sociological point of view. O n e of the attractive features of the new religions has b e e n to bring together people who want to share a lifestyle that includes a c o m m o n ideology, a set of agreed-upon Utopian goals, a n d a system of shared religious practices. Closely knit communities often erect obstacles between themselves a n d the rest of society which is portrayed as an evil world h e a d e d for destruction. Marginal religious groups build walls of separation between themselves a n d the larger society in which they thrive. Many new religions c o n t e n d that they represent the perfect solution to all h u m a n problems. Their adherents insist that m e m b e r s h i p has improved dramatically their spiritual lives. Such attitudes are n o t found only a m o n g m e m b e r s of fringe religions a n d are n o t limited to religious topics. Many people think that their countries offer the best cultural a n d political alternatives, a n d that their respective religious a d h e r e n c e teaches the only truth a n d proposes the o n e exemplary path to God or to the holy. Ethnocentrism, i.e. the tendency to use norms a n d values of one's culture or subculture as a basis forjudging others, is an almost universal characteristic found a m o n g people of different technological developments t h r o u g h o u t h u m a n history. 21 All h u m a n beings are raised in o n e particular culture that becomes standard a n d is taken for granted. All other cultures appear strange a n d are j u d g e d to be inferior.

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Applied to religion, ethnocentrism means that a person holds that o t h e r people's belief systems are bizarre a n d totally false. T h e negative reaction of many to the belief in reincarnation a n d / o r to the practice of vegetarianism for religious reasons is a typical example of ethnocentrism. In this instance, people fail to realize that their own tenets a n d religious practices - like the belief in the resurrection of the dead o n the last day, a belief which they never question, or the custom of n o t eating pork, which they may have practiced dutifully all their lives - probably appear strange a n d / o r wrong to those who a d h e r e to different religious options. Social scientists have pointed out that ethnocentrism serves the functions of c e m e n t i n g g r o u p solidarity, legitimizing one's existing culture, a n d discouraging assimilation into o t h e r groups. T h e sense of belonging to a specific g r o u p , society, or religion implies some degree of ethnocentrism. W h e n people react negatively to new religious ideals a n d practices that have b e e n a d o p t e d by their relatives or friends they are expressing an ethnocentric view of their own beliefs a n d values. In like m a n n e r , when m e m b e r s of the new religions proselytize in aggressive a n d sometimes annoying ways, they are stating that their newly acquired philosophical outlooks a n d codes of behavior are better t h a n the ones they have a b a n d o n e d . Converts have to justify their new commitments a n d this may be d o n e by criticizing their parents a n d attacking the mainline churches. Many family conflicts a n d debates that come to the surface when a young adult joins a new religion are excellent examples of clashes between two ethnocentric points of view.

Pluralism as a theological problem T h e new religious movements have intensified the theological problem of religious pluralism. 22 While it is possible to come to terms with different languages a n d cultures by applying a relativistic perspective, the very nature of theological discourse does n o t allow for such an easy solution. Religion proposes unquestionable dogmas a n d divine injunctions that c a n n o t be taken lightly. T h e apparently irrevocable decision to a b a n d o n o n e ' s faith for a n o t h e r can easily be seen as a negative j u d g m e n t on one's parental religious tradition. This might explain why parents are generally less c o n c e r n e d when their offspring cease to practice their religion on a regular basis or

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a b a n d o n it altogether than when they j o i n a n o t h e r religious organization. T h a t parents are confused, upset, a n d frightened when their sons or daughters j o i n new religions should n o t come as a surprise. In Western societies several ways of handling religious diversity have b e e n developed. T h e first way is to stress religious freedom a n d toleration, b o t h of which can be buttressed by appealing to religious a n d secular grounds. A n o t h e r a p p r o a c h is to divorce religion from public life, a process known as secularization. Still a n o t h e r way is to make religion a private matter, reducing to a bare m i n i m u m religious exchanges or interactions between people of different faiths. In many respects people still live in religious isolation. They relate religiously only with people of their own faith a n d their knowledge of o t h e r religions is severely limited or non-existent. Religious conflict is thus r e d u c e d or avoided. Although pluralism is n o t an issue peculiar to the second half of the twentieth century, the current wave of new religious movements has b r o u g h t with it several new features, the most important of which is the importation of Eastern religious traditions on a relatively large scale. A convert to evangelical Christianity or to an established Christian sect is still considered to be within the Christian fold. A convert to a Buddhist or H i n d u religious g r o u p appears, however, to have completely severed the ties with his or h e r religious (usually Christian) heritage. T o the average person b r o u g h t u p in Western culture it is the people in the East who n e e d Christian missionaries to save t h e m from their pagan ways. T o have Zen monks a n d H i n d u gurus travel across E u r o p e a n d N o r t h America preaching to a n d converting young adults to Eastern religious beliefs a n d practices is a reversal of commonly recognized roles. Accepting or tolerating religious pluralism is o n e thing; relating to, a n d communicating with, close relatives who have a b a n d o n e d one's c h u r c h to j o i n an Eastern religion a n d are actively looking for converts is quite another.

C O U N S E L I N G AND T H E NEW R E L I G I O N S Many people who have come in touch with the new religions have sought psychological counseling or therapy. In psychology, counseling is used as a generic term to include several processes of interviewing, testing, guiding, a n d advising individuals in or through,

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for example, marital difficulties, d r u g abuse, vocational selection, a n d community work. Therapy, o n the o t h e r h a n d , refers to the treatment of psychological disease or disorder. Although counseling a n d therapy are related, the latter refers m o r e technically to the cure of mental illness. While counseling is usually d o n e by choice, therapy can, in certain situations, be prescribed a n d carried out without the patient's explicit consent. Types of people who might need counseling Those who first approach psychologists a n d psychiatrists for help are usually the parents of m e m b e r s of new religions. They are, however, n o t the only ones who n e e d advice or treatment. Four main groups of people who have h a d direct or indirect contact with the new religions may n e e d professional assistance. It is important to distinguish between these individuals because their relationships with a marginal religion differ. Since they approach the counseling sessions with different attitudes, reactions, questions a n d aspirations, they may require diverse counseling procedures. T h e first g r o u p are the parents of cult m e m b e r s who have to face a 'loss' in the family a n d learn how to react to and, if necessary, come to terms with the decision of their offspring. A second g r o u p consists of ex-cult members. While the evidence indicates that the majority of those who leave a new religious m o v e m e n t d o so voluntarily with little deleterious effect on their well-being, some, especially those who have b e e n removed forcibly, have found it difficult to readjust themselves to their pre-cult worldviews a n d lifestyles. Those who have spent several m o n t h s or years in a new religion may have discovered that intense c o m m i t m e n t to a strict religious institution can be m o r e d e m a n d i n g on their general well-being than they h a d originally thought. T h e third g r o u p is m a d e u p of those young adults who are actually interested in alternative lifestyles a n d religions b u t haven't yet m a d e u p their mind. They can be labeled 'religious seekers'. Because they ultimately have to make a m o m e n t o u s decision that may adversely affect n o t only themselves b u t also their relatives, many of these young adults might benefit from professional advice d u r i n g which m o r e pressing religious issues a n d o t h e r problems might surface. Lastly, there are m e m b e r s of new religions who are reconsidering their commitments a n d would benefit from outside,

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professional counseling that directs t h e m to make a free, independ e n t decision. In practice the vast majority of people who have actually received counseling are parents a n d ex-cult members, most of the latter having b e e n forced or persuaded to d o so by their parents. Most parents, surprised by the departure of their sons or daughters, have o n e basic concern a n d goal, namely the return of their offspring to their previous state. Parents feel desperately in n e e d of emotional support a n d practical assistance in this new, u n e x p e c t e d crisis in their lives. They have n o idea how to relate to their offspring who have a b a n d o n e d their cultural a n d religious moorings to j o i n a marginal religious institution. Their efforts to persuade t h e m to a b a n d o n their new involvements have failed a n d aggravated the already tenuous family relationships. Unable to cope with the matter, they have little choice b u t to have recourse to a counselor or therapist. Ex-members might also require therapy. They may have b e e n b r o u g h t to the therapist's office in a state of doubt, shock, or confusion. Since they have j o i n e d a subculture that usually rejects traditional therapy, they might exhibit antagonism towards their counselors a n d resist any treatment. Psychologists a n d psychiatrists may have difficulty initiating a n d maintaining r a p p o r t with them. T o be of assistance to parents a n d cult m e m b e r s alike, counselors have to apply their professional attitudes, principles, a n d skills to cultrelated cases. General counseling principles and guidelines It should be b o r n e in m i n d that o n e of the counselor's goals is to help those individuals who seek advice. Although the parents of m e m b e r s of new religions approach the counselor with o n e major objective, namely to retrieve their offspring from the new religion, o n e must emphasize that this is n o t necessarily the counselor's main objective. T h e worried p a r e n t who seeks advice is experiencing emotions of regret, confusion, fear, a n d guilt, a n d it is precisely these feelings that have to be taken care of. So also, when a m e m b e r of a new religious movement is b r o u g h t in for counseling, the main objective of the counselor is to tactfully direct the client into making a responsible a n d free decision, even if this ends u p to be o n e the parents find h a r d to accept.

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Neutrality T h e counselor's attitude of neutrality is an essential factor in dealing with issues b r o u g h t about by involvement in new religious movements. T o start with the assumption that the religious g r o u p u n d e r question is a 'destructive cult' that practices m i n d control limits the kind of advice that can be given to both parents a n d m e m b e r s of new religions. Arthur Reber provides a m o d e l for psychological counseling by adopting a neutral, less j u d g m e n t a l , a n d m o r e realistic (though obviously incomplete) view of a cult, which h e describes as A loosely constructed type of religious organization with an amorphous set of beliefs and rituals. A distinguishing feature of a cult is the adherence to a particular individual who is seen as the guiding principle behind these beliefs and rituals.23 Counselors should work with a comparable dispassionate view of a new religion because it facilitates counseling a n d therapy. It elicits m o r e easily the cooperation of the person being counseled. It has also the advantage of allaying the fears that are associated with the word 'cult'. Counselors a n d therapists are n o t the j u d g e s of the lifestyles a n d religions of their clients. Their objective is certainly n o t to try a n d 'deconvert' or dissuade individuals from their commitments. Judgments about belief systems are never appropriate in a counseling context. Counselors who dwell o n the fantastic a n d irrational nature of cult beliefs, who ridicule the rituals that cult m e m b e r s practice, a n d who cite select examples of weird or criminal behavior as evidence against new religions in general, are n o t offering counseling services b u t expressing their own personal theological positions a n d ethnocentric viewpoints or, worse still, passing condemnatory j u d g m e n t o n religion as a whole. It is useful in this context to r e m e m b e r that all religious beliefs are beyond the kind of empirical testing o n e comes across in scientific investigations. Many religious doctrines, such as the beliefs in the Trinity a n d in many gods, are empirically unprovable tenets that o n e accepts o n scriptural evidence a n d / o r faith. T h e same can be said about the many religious customs a n d rituals of the new religious movements. N o counseling session should, therefore, be t u r n e d into an all-out attack o n a movement's leaders, beliefs, goals, a n d ritual practices. If these seem to require critique or questioning as, in fact, sometimes they do, the counselor should skillfully steer (1) m e m b e r s of new religions to reflect u p o n a n d assess their faith commitments

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without fear of being threatened; a n d (2) ex-cult m e m b e r s to reach insightful a n d profitable appraisals of their past experiences, rather than indulge in morose recollections of their foolish mistakes a n d in angry tirades against their former spiritual guides or gurus. Moreover, counselors should n o t participate in, m u c h less initiate, attacks - verbal or otherwise - against fringe religions, n o matter how reprehensible their behavior might appear to be. O n e example will illustrate the kind of counseling being proposed. A c o m m o n criticism against new religions has b e e n directed towards their leaders who are represented, sometimes n o t without just cause, as psychopaths or as tyrants whose morality is questionable a n d intentions dubious. These accusations, m o r e often than not, make little or n o impact o n convinced devotees who can interpret t h e m as fabrications a n d forms of persecutions that all true prophets in the past h a d to e n d u r e . Cult or ex-cult m e m b e r s , who are faced with assaults against the religious leaders they revere or once revered, might have their self-confidence devastated by the disclosure of the alleged misconduct of their gurus, or by the challenging insinuation that they have dedicated their lives to false prophets. In each case, the counseling or treatment that has centered o n attacking the g u r u may p r o d u c e m o r e h a r m than good. Nothing can be gained by increasing the anxiety of the counselees a n d by amplifying their doubts. If, however, cult a n d ex-cult m e m b e r s are asked to reflect on the spiritual principles of conduct that are inculcated in the new religions themselves a n d t h e n tactfully led to reflect o n how, or whether, their leaders live u p to their own teachings, then they might be able to draw their own conclusions on their respective gurus or religious guides. T h e outcome of such considerations should be m o r e beneficial, less traumatic, a n d m o r e lasting. T h e view maintained h e r e is that a balanced presentation of the nature of a new religion is the best way of helping b o t h the counselees a n d their parents. Counseling sessions that are in essence diatribes against the new religions increase the distress, fear, a n d belligerency of parents. Sometimes parents who were upset, b u t n o t frightened, by their offspring's decision to j o i n a new religion have attended counseling sessions or cult conferences a n d e m e r g e d m o r e worried a n d scared t h a n ever. Convinced, after the lectures they h e a r d a n d the advice they received, that the only way of saving their offspring from serious mental a n d physical h a r m is to extricate them, by force if n e e d be, from the new religion, these parents may e n d u p having m o r e problems than they h a d originally started with. Failed

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attempts to remove m e m b e r s of marginal religions from their new environments can alienate t h e m even further, create new difficulties for the parents, a n d aggravate the psychological a n d physical misfortunes they were endeavoring to assuage. Understanding O n e of the main tasks of counselors a n d therapists is to help their clients to u n d e r s t a n d the situation a n d their own reactions to it. Parents frequently fail to realize that many factors have contributed to their sons' or daughters' behavior, factors over which they h a d little, if any, control. While allowing a n d / o r encouraging ex-cult m e m b e r s a n d their parents to express their frustration a n d anger is a legitimate therapeutic m e t h o d , counselors should facilitate their clients' transition from the angry stage to a m o r e productive o n e . Irate parents, ready to embark o n the warpath against a new religious movement, are n o t ready to engage in dialogue with their sons a n d daughters. O n c e they have passed t h r o u g h this phase of anger, t h e n they may be p r e p a r e d to p u t aside their disagreements with their sons a n d daughters a n d begin the process of u n d e r s t a n d i n g the conscious a n d unconscious motivations that might have led to their involvement in new religions. Parents should be encouraged to examine religious a n d cultural reactions in the light of the facts (not rumors) a n d of b r o a d e r principles that might be at stake. Parents who express religious concerns should be directed to counselors who are trained to deal with such situations. Those parents with a Christian fundamentalist b a c k g r o u n d who are worried about the spiritual welfare of their offspring, a n d Jewish parents whose main frustration centers a r o u n d the fact that their offspring have a b a n d o n e d a n d betrayed their tradition, may require different advice from those who share similar religious worldviews. Understanding the new religions c a n n o t be d o n e without accurate information about their beliefs a n d activities. Because knowledge about the new religious movements is an important part of the counseling process, it is r e c o m m e n d e d that the following principles should guide counseling centers in the information they disseminate. First of all, sensational literature is certainly n o t the best material that can be placed in the hands of family m e m b e r s of those who have j o i n e d the new religions. Increasing the anxiety of clients has never b e e n o n e of the goals of counseling a n d therapy.

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Second, the best information should be drawn from reliable, professional sources. Reports o n new religions written after o n e short visit to their training camps or centers are n o t accurate, complete, or penetrating. Most anti-cult literature distributed at counseling centers is untrustworthy because it presents only o n e particular point of view, namely that the new religious movements are evil a n d destructive institutions that must be curtailed, if n o t completely suppressed. Third, the literature by ex-cult m e m b e r s who have e m b a r k e d o n an anti-cult campaign presents a one-sided picture of e n r a g e d individuals who have rejected the teachings a n d lifestyles of the new religions. It habitually presents an inaccurate, lopsided, a n d rather frightening caricature of cult life, a caricature that c a n n o t make a positive contribution to the therapeutic process. Fourth, literature that explores the social a n d religious causes of why people might j o i n new religions could help parents u n d e r s t a n d the behavior of their children without blaming themselves or the new religions. It is essential that parents acquire this u n d e r s t a n d i n g before they respond to their offspring's c o m m i t m e n t in a new religious m o v e m e n t a n d before they start the process of dialogue. Generally speaking, counselors should n o t dictate to their clients a specific course of action, b u t rather assist t h e m in assessing the situation a n d reaching a decision. While, in some extraordinary cases, directive counseling or therapy might be called for, the decision for a course of action must usually rest with the parents, or the m e m b e r s or ex-members of a new religion, as the case may be. Religious pluralism Guidelines to help individuals u n d e r s t a n d a n d live with theological diversity, especially when this is close to one's h o m e , are n o t easy to come by. T h e sense of loss, the feeling of guilt, a n d the fear that a loved o n e is o n the wrong spiritual p a t h are emotions that d o n o t have a simple antidote. T h e task of counselors to help people cope with religious pluralism is r e n d e r e d m o r e arduous by the fact that they too see the new religions ethnocentrically a n d are, therefore, m o r e apt to pass a negative j u d g m e n t on their beliefs a n d activities. T h e person who wishes to live, a n d participate in, a religiously pluralistic society must, first of all, start by confronting his or h e r own ethnocentricity. T h o u g h o n e is definitely n o t to be urged to give u p one's sense of belonging to a particular religious or ethnic group,

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o n e should be r e m i n d e d that too m u c h insistence o n the uniqueness a n d righteousness of one's religious a n d cultural identity may have negative consequences. Ethnocentrism may contribute to irrational prejudice, cause conflict a n d hostility between people, a n d generate c o n t e m p t towards outsiders. Both parents a n d cult m e m b e r s should be m a d e aware that relating to o n e a n o t h e r ethnocentrically exacerbates rather than solves problems a n d leads to the denial of some of the deepest religious aspirations that b o t h sides affirm. Thus, to give b u t a couple of specific examples, from a Christian p o i n t of view, ethnocentrism c a n n o t be reconciled with the injunction to love one's neighbor a n d one's enemy, while, from a H i n d u standpoint, it runs counter to the tolerance that Hinduism in its long history has exhibited towards o t h e r beliefs a n d worldviews. Second, o n e needs to u n d e r s t a n d that the nature of spiritual a n d moral truth is such that n o rational solution is possible to the conflicting views that different religions p r o m o t e . Only t h e n can o n e explore the main similarities between the various religious systems. Looking at the c o m m o n links between the various beliefs a n d ritual practices may lessen the sense of strangeness a n d p r o m o t e intellectual a n d emotional bridges, thus avoiding the creation or intensification of the impregnable walls of mental confusion a n d emotional distance. Ultimately, o n e has to accept the fact that religious belief a n d c o m m i t m e n t are a matter of personal choice. O n e , consequently, has to respect a person who has m a d e an alternative decision. Third, the theological attitude that outrightly c o n d e m n s conflicting religious views must be scrutinized a n d carefully reconsidered. People can still look o n their own religion as the e m b o d i m e n t of truth, while at the same time develop a healthier a n d m o r e positive a p p r o a c h to others. In this context b o t h parents a n d cult m e m b e r s should be e n c o u r a g e d to explore the ways in which their religious traditions have dealt with such a complex question. As was pointed out in Chapter 6, many churches a n d denominations have contributed to the great strides that have b e e n m a d e in building a relationship of reciprocal u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d cooperation between people of many faiths without compromising their respective theological stances. Fourth, it is possible that a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Eastern religions a n d an appreciation of their worth could help reduce the fear

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a n d bewilderment of those who come in touch, directly or indirectly, with many of the new movements. Seeing the positive aspects of different religious traditions might also lessen the sense of alienation a n d a b a n d o n m e n t that parents might feel when they realize that their sons or daughters have j o i n e d an Eastern religion. Fifth, counselors a n d pastors could guide their clients to reflect on their own faith-commitments. A realization that faith is n o t something which parents or educators simply pass on, respectively, to their offspring or students is a necessary step if o n e is to begin to fathom the conversion process or change that a person who joins a new religion goes through. Empathy A n o t h e r objective in the counselor's profession is to establish a trusting, working relationship with clients. This is usually achieved by empathy, that is the 'capacity to participate in another's feelings a n d expressions a n d to u n d e r s t a n d them'. 2 4 T h e ability to empathize with one's patients is considered to be o n e of the qualities of a good counselor. T h o u g h there might be dangers in over-identifying oneself with one's clients or patients, some measure of empathy is a r e q u i r e m e n t if the counseling process is to make headway. Seeing one's client's point of view a n d relating to his or h e r individual intellectual a n d emotional states is a necessary prerequisite for any successful psychological treatment. Empathy is a must, irrespective of whether the client is an irate parent, a cult m e m b e r who has b e e n persuaded or forced to talk to a counselor, or an ex-cult m e m b e r who is having difficulties readapting to the larger sociocultural background that h a d b e e n previously a b a n d o n e d . Counselors who attack the belief systems of m e m b e r s of new religions, who refuse to listen to their points of view, a n d who make n o effort to u n d e r s t a n d the various factors that attracted t h e m to the new religions are simply disregarding the empathetic approach. Counselors, understandably, may find it difficult to empathize with clients who have a d o p t e d different religious values a n d cultural lifestyles. Therefore studies o n clinical empathy with clients from different ethnic backgrounds might be a useful tool in the h a n d s of those counselors who treat a n d advise m e m b e r s a n d exm e m b e r s of new religious movements. 2 5

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Application of other therapeutic treatments Above all, counselors should be ready to apply a n d adapt their knowledge a n d experience to the new situation that m e m b e r s h i p in new religions has b r o u g h t into being. They might, for instance, gain therapeutic insight regarding cult-related cases if they reflected on the psychological studies o n the way people react to death. Elisabeth Kiibler-Ross m a d e a seminal analysis of the feelings dying patients have about their i m p e n d i n g death. 2 6 She pointed out that there are five stages they pass t h r o u g h at this i m p o r t a n t j u n c t u r e of their lives: ( l ) denial a n d isolation; (2) anger; (3) bargaining; (4) depression; a n d (5) acceptance. It is possible that, with modifications, these stages can be also applied to those parents whose sons a n d daughters have b e e n m e m b e r s of a new religious m o v e m e n t for some time a n d are expected to remain so for the foreseeable future. In such cases counselors should help t h e m overcome their strong emotions of disbelief, grief, guilt, a n d anger. Learning to make sense of, a n d accepting with resignation, their children's choice of a n o t h e r religion a n d lifestyle may be necessary, even t h o u g h regrettable. Ex-cult m e m b e r s might also share in the parents' feelings about the religious movements to which they h a d previously given their allegiance. Resentment a n d antagonism may dominate their moods as they embark on lecture tours d e n o u n c i n g the beliefs a n d practices of the groups to which they once belonged. They may express their negative feelings by involvement in the anti-cult movement. Continued feelings of guilt a n d animosity are, however, n o t signs of psychological strength a n d balance. T h e counselor's careful handling of his or h e r clients should encourage antagonistic ex-cult m e m b e r s to embark on m o r e rewarding a n d satisfying careers than speaking at anti-cult conferences a n d r u n n i n g exit-counseling programs aimed at persuading cult m e m b e r s to a b a n d o n their commitments. PREVENTION T h e question that is constantly raised when o n e discusses the new religions a n d their impact on traditional institutions, like religion a n d the family, is whether people can be prevented from j o i n i n g cults a n d what kind of preventive measures can be used. Many new religions might be deviant expressions of deep-rooted social a n d psychological problems or they might be simply providing

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religious a n d cultural alternatives. In either case, any quick solution to the difficulties b r o u g h t a b o u t by involvement in t h e m is hardly possible. O n e should, therefore, be aware that counseling may be a long process a n d that, by itself, it may n o t address, m u c h less solve, all the difficulties that the new religions have b r o u g h t in their wake. Serious psychological weaknesses a n d family conflicts usually have a long history a n d are n o t necessarily best served by immediate remedies a n d c a n n o t be resolved by magical or miraculous formulas. They require, rather, a p r o l o n g e d p r o g r a m of psychological advice a n d social reform. O n e must bear in m i n d that religious issues raised by m e m b e r s of new religious movements are also n o t subject to solutions that can be p u t into effect at once. Although a long-range agenda might n o t be very appealing to those parents whose offspring have become m e m b e r s of o n e of the new religious movements, careful reflection points to the conclusion that stop-gap measures are unsatisfactory. In cult-related issues prevention is certainly better than cure. Deterrents to involvement in new religions Surely, there are preventive measures that can be used to deter people from a b a n d o n i n g their religious heritage a n d j o i n i n g a new religion. But to d o so o n e must u n d e r s t a n d the roots of the problems that make involvement in a new religious m o v e m e n t an attractive proposition. New religions appeal, to a large degree, to those individuals who are n o t well-grounded in any particular faith. Young adults who are spiritually, emotionally, a n d intellectually o n the move form a large percentage of those who b e c o m e cult m e m b e r s . Those who are disenchanted or disillusioned with the churches of their upbringing are also susceptible to respond positively to the evangelizing efforts of the new religions. Young school a n d / o r college students who feel that the Christian faith has b e e n forced u p o n them; adult m e m b e r s of Christian churches whose participation in c h u r c h life is limited to an occasional, half-reluctant presence at the Sunday service; a n d faithful believers whose knowledge of their own faiths is inadequate might all be suffering from a severe case of religious malnutrition. T h e spiritual growth a n d strength of young a n d old adults alike must, consequently, be the constant concern of religious educators. Cults offer religious experiences, propose different theological ideas, a n d d e m a n d the unflinching c o m m i t m e n t of their members.

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They call people to greater involvement that is presented as an attractive e n g a g e m e n t with practical, beneficial results. They do n o t tolerate half-hearted measures. Religious education programs that the mainline churches offer must compete with this idealistic approach of the new religions. They have to be so structured in content a n d format so as to draw a spontaneous, whole-hearted response from those Christians to w h o m they are addressed. It is just n o t e n o u g h to r u n anti-cult programs a n d seminars that dwell on the evils of destructive cultism a n d propose means of resisting m i n d control. 2 7 Educators might get a fairly good idea of where the problem lies if they took time to pay several visits to some of the centers of new religions a n d to talk with their m e m b e r s a n d listen carefully to what they have to say. O r they might profitably dedicate a few hours attending a psychic fair. H e r e they will e n c o u n t e r people who are searching for spiritual a n d religious knowledge a n d experience o n their own initiative. A conversation with an individual who is interested in astrology might reveal that h e or she has b e e n reading a n d studying books o n the subject for years a n d consulting an astrologer o n a regular basis. Not only is such a person religiously committed to the worldview of astrology, b u t h e or she also dedicates sufficient time to explore the subject a n d grow in the knowledge of the field a n d t h e n to apply it to practical problems. Religion, to such an individual, has ceased to be a traditional matter, accepted without question a n d taken for granted. It has b e c o m e a living reality, something to be pursued because it is worthwhile a n d because it provides guidance in one's life. A long-term agenda T h e success of the new religions points to the n e e d to re-evaluate the efficacy of the religious programs of many Christian churches. These programs should start with the assumption that religious education is a continuous process that challenges the believer to seek genuine religious experiences a n d growth in the knowledge of one's faith. A religious education is deficient if by the time students have finished their secondary education or graduated from university they have n o idea of what religious experience is all about a n d think that n o further knowledge in their faith is really n e e d e d . T h e Vatican r e p o r t o n the new religions is right on target when it dedicates a section to 'Formation a n d O n g o i n g Formation'. 2 8 C o m p a r e d to m e m b e r s of

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many cults a n d sects, the adherents of the mainline religions dedicate little of their time a n d energy to grow in the knowledge of, a n d to m a t u r e in, their faiths. It must be emphasized that there is n o swift solution to the problems raised by the new religions. T h e social, cultural, a n d religious factors that foster cult involvement must be addressed over a relatively long period of time. T h e stress of prevention does n o t m e a n that little can be d o n e to help those who, like parents, have already suffered from their children's involvement in the new movements. However, the practical suggestions that follow are n o t applicable to all cases a n d h e n c e must be adapted to the immediate needs of those who seek counseling. SOME PRACTICAL R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S Advice to parents T h e parents of cult m e m b e r s are probably the most difficult g r o u p to counsel. T h e decisions of their sons or daughters to j o i n new religions, decisions that they frequently learn of after they were executed, have b e e n a great shock to them. They are afraid that the physical, mental, a n d / o r spiritual welfare of their offspring is in real danger. H e i g h t e n e d by n u m e r o u s reports o n the dangers of j o i n i n g new religions a n d by the t h u n d e r i n g denunciations of ex-cult members a n d self-made d e p r o g r a m m e r s at anti-cult conferences, this fear could reach irrational proportions. Parents are further plagued by the apprehension that they might be partly to blame for what has h a p p e n e d . They are deeply c o n c e r n e d a n d often expect instantaneous results from counselors (or clergymen), w h o m they at first imbue with extraordinary powers that can immediately persuade their offspring to a b a n d o n their new commitments. 2 9 Counsellors must seriously take into consideration the fact that the presence of the parents in their office is indicative of two related problems. T h e first is the reason why the parents have m a d e an appointment, namely to discuss involvement of their offspring in a new religious movement. T h e second, n o t always recognized by the parents, is their emotional condition a n d intellectual state of m i n d which make the crisis situation unbearable. T h e perceived disaster has h a d a traumatic effect on their lives. Counselors c a n n o t always deal immediately with the first issue, b u t they can certainly begin by tackling the second.

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W h e n faced with a crisis situation the best help that a counselor can give h e r or his clients is, first of all, to calm t h e m down a n d to guide t h e m from an irrational a n d highly emotional state of panic to a m o r e quiet condition that is conducive to reflection. Counselors who participate in the parents' emotional outbursts against the new religions a n d who j o i n in anti-cult tirades d o n o t contribute to the parents' u n d e r s t a n d i n g of their offspring's problems; m u c h less are they able to assist t h e m to cope and, if n e e d be, live with their children's new commitments. Counselors should tactfully redirect the parents' consideration to the major problem, namely their own psychological condition. In some cases it might be clear that the family situation is o n e of the main underlying causes b e h i n d their children's involvement in a new religion. Counselors are again faced with the unenviable duty of directing the parents to deal first with their own personal problems. Secondly, the counselor's tranquil a n d unruffled m a n n e r is necessary if the parents are to be led to face the situation squarely a n d make the right decisions. T h e counselor's attitude a n d handling of the parents must convey a message of empathy, balanced by knowledge a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the p h e n o m e n o n of new religions. It might take several sessions before a counselor can succeed in calming down the irate parents to a relatively serene state of mind. T h e time spent is well worth it. Parents b e c o m e conscious participators in the counselor's second step, namely, to u n e a r t h the facts about their offspring's m e m b e r s h i p in the new religion a n d to propose various ways of dealing with the situation. T h e counseling session can be considered to have b e e n successful only if the counselor has succeeded in easing the parents' concerns to such a degree that they are able to reflect intelligently o n the issue. T h e counselor is responsible for assisting the parents in discerning why their offspring decided to j o i n the new religion in the first place. Becoming a m e m b e r of a new religious movement might appear at first sight to be an irrational act, performed u n d e r duress or tension. But careful consideration could reveal that sociological a n d psychological pressures, over which neither the parents n o r their offspring have any complete control, play a considerable, if n o t overriding, role. Such insight should go a long way in relieving the guilt feelings of the parents who cannot be held accountable for all the decisions that their adult offspring make. It might h a p p e n that when parents a p p r o a c h a counselor for advice, the relationship between t h e m a n d their offspring has all b u t

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broken down. T h e counselor might find himself or herself playing the part of a mediator. Communication between the parents a n d their offspring who are m e m b e r s of a new religion should be encouraged, even t h o u g h it might call for a lot of patience on b o t h sides. 30 T h e contacts that parents maintain with their offspring could be the major, if n o t the only, link they maintain with the outside world. Parents would be well-advised to avoid being drawn into arguments about the merits of the new religion in question a n d to ignore their children's attempts to criticize traditional religious beliefs a n d activities. O n e of the goals of counseling would be to establish a n d improve communications that could bring about mutual understanding, in spite of unreconcilable disagreements, between parents a n d their adult children. A good relationship between parents a n d m e m b e r s of new religions will make it easier for the latter to reflect on a n d discuss their new religious involvement without fear of being threatened. Some excellent advice to parents is suggested by Arnold Markovitz.31 H e writes that family members should be good listeners. They n e e d to be patient, since former m e m b e r s may n o t be responding well to the parents' a n d counselor's initiatives. They should avoid being over-protective. H e concludes: Create an environment that is low in tension, conflict, and overstimulation. Intense affect and tension in the family can precipitate internal stress for the former cult member. Conflict, intense group discussions, verbal interruptions, and argument can be difficult to manage. Decrease stress by reducing the emotionality and intensity of family life.32 Advice to members of new religions It is unfortunate that many m e m b e r s of marginal religious groups d o n o t realize that they too n e e d suggestions as to how to inform their parents about their decisions to j o i n new religions a n d to relate to t h e m from their new faith perspective. Becoming a m e m b e r of a new religious movement has certain resemblances to entering a traditional monastic or religious order. Family ties a n d relationships are radically altered a n d b o t h parents a n d their children must make the necessary adjustments. O n e of the most disturbing elements that o n e comes across in cultrelated counseling is the fact that many young adults apparently j o i n a new religious movement without a word to their parents, who are

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caught by surprise when the news reaches them, sometimes indirectly. O n e normally talks with relatives a n d friends about career decisions. Such reticence could m e a n that there are psychological issues within the family that have n o t b e e n resolved. Even if such problems d o n o t exist, it is understandable that young adults may n o t find it easy to confide to their parents their unhappiness with a traditional religion a n d lifestyle. J o i n i n g a new religious movement will always appear to be a rejection of the religion of one's parents. But cult m e m b e r s a n d those thinking of j o i n i n g o n e could save themselves a lot of vexation a n d their parents m u c h useless agony a n d anxiety if they spoke openly about their concerns a n d search for a different lifestyle. Members of new religions should be encouraged to make efforts to keep the lines of communication with their parents open, even if, at times, some risks have to be taken. A regular complaint of parents of m e m b e r s of new religions is that their offspring seem mentally unable to conduct a p r o l o n g e d conversation unless it relates to their beliefs a n d practices. This is probably at the root of the accusation that cult m e m b e r s behave as if they have b e e n brainwashed. Parents could also feel that they are being proselytized by their own children. Such enthusiasm from converts to a new religion is n o t unique, b u t it is certainly very annoying a n d definitely n o t conducive to h a r m o n i o u s family relationships. Members of new religious movements should reduce to a m i n i m u m their conversion tactics o n their parents. They must realize that heavy religious p r o p a g a n d a between relatives a n d friends has o n e major effect, namely, to create friction or worsen the already existing tensions. Advice to ex-cult members Given the generally accepted fact that the turnover rate of cult m e m b e r s h i p is rather high, there must be many ex-cult m e m b e r s who have a b a n d o n e d their c o m m i t m e n t without any regrets or illfeelings. Many of these may n o t n e e d counseling at all. Membership in a new religion has b e e n a stage in their growing u p . T h e best elements of their experiences may have b e e n incorporated in their lives without any deleterious mental or psychological consequences. Some therapists have drawn u p lists of post-recovery issues, such as depression, a sense of purposelessness, a n d guilt feelings. 33 Those exm e m b e r s who are e n c o u n t e r i n g such difficulties should certainly seek treatment, even t h o u g h the problems they experience are n o t

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peculiar to their previous religious involvement b u t are c o m m o n to many who make radical career changes. Ex-members of new religions, particularly those who have b e e n d e p r o g r a m m e d , might feel resentment, anger, a n d antagonism against their former affiliations. O n c e again, o n e has to advocate the approach of empathy a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g in dealing with those individuals who, in retrospect, consider their past involvements to have b e e n a waste of time a n d an i m p e d i m e n t to their future plans. Both d e p r o g r a m m i n g a n d exit-counseling programs seem to be designed to instill or heighten such feelings a n d to turn ex-members into anti-cult crusaders. 34 While it is both legitimate a n d necessary for such emotions to be expressed, the goal of counselors should be to help their clients accept the fact that cult involvement is part of their history a n d to direct their energies to m o r e creative a n d wholesome activities. Consequently, advising ex-members of new religions to get involved in anti-cult groups, as is often done, 3 5 a n d to consider filing legal charges against their former leaders should not, as a rule, be r e c o m m e n d e d . Such advice is self-destructive a n d could p r o l o n g their reincorporation into mainline religion a n d culture. It is also difficult to see what some of the techniques for coping which exm e m b e r s are encouraged to pursue can achieve. Madeleine Tobias, for instance, counsels ex-cult m e m b e r s to, a m o n g o t h e r things, (1) T u r n the car radio o n loud a n d scream in the car, b u t n o t while driving'; a n d (2) 'Fantasize taking revenge - it's okay to imagine it.' 36 T h e first suggestion is rather ridiculous, the second is conducive to violence. It should be emphasized that continued involvement in anti-cult activities a n d c o m m i t m e n t to a new religion have m u c h in c o m m o n . T h e intense emotional level a n d p r o p a g a n d a efforts a n d m e t h o d s are almost identical. Just as m e m b e r s h i p in a new religion could point to unresolved problems, so too could p r o l o n g e d participation in the anti-cult movement. Counselors should help their clients evaluate their experiences and, whenever possible, incorporate into their lives the positive aspects of their past m e m b e r s h i p . Carol Giambalvo, in spite of h e r totally negative approach to the new religions, states that 'integral to the recovery process is developing an attitude that there are some positives to be gained from the cultic experience'. 3 7 In addition, Lorna Goldberg, even t h o u g h she tends to dwell o n the destructive features of the new religions, asserts: Not all cult-induced behaviors are negative. Some former cultists

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express that they can be proud of having pushed themselves to the limit of their goals. Others state that they became more outgoing and self-confident as a result of the proselytizing demanded by the group. Many learned valuable skills, which can be used in post-cult life. ...38 In cult-related counseling it must be r e m e m b e r e d that there is a large variety of problems that come to the surface a n d that the above suggestions may n o t always be applicable. T h e counselor might wish to refer his or h e r clients to a trained family therapist or psychotherapist, particularly when serious family or individual problems antedate cult involvement. W h e n there is serious mental dysfunction, the services of a psychiatrist might be required. Advice to would-be cult members Young adults who feel attracted to an alternative religion d o n o t normally seek advice o n the matter. T h o u g h cult m e m b e r s might have b e e n o n a religious quest for years before they finally decided to j o i n a particular movement, there may be little evidence that they sought professional advice before joining. It is a general view in the social sciences that the advent of a crisis is a precipitating factor that contributes to the final decision to j o i n . Membership in a new religious movement, however, does n o t automatically resolve a crisis situation; it might avoid it or camouflage it. Consequently, those who are considering c o m m i t m e n t in a new religious movement (or a monastic order) will profit by seeking religious a n d psychological advice. T h e high turnover rate of cult m e m b e r s h i p indicates, if n o t h i n g else, that the decisions many individuals have taken to j o i n new religions were, in fact, mistaken. T h e source of the reluctance to look for guidance in making a choice that affects one's entire life is n o t h a r d to locate. Parents are b o u n d to react negatively to any h i n t that their offspring are thinking of b e c o m i n g m e m b e r s of a new religion. Religious teachers a n d ministers are m o r e apt to interpret a young adult's questioning in this respect as a temptation to a b a n d o n o n e ' s traditional u p b r i n g i n g or as a sign that the individual is losing one's faith. Counselors a n d psychologists could interpret the desire to j o i n a new religion that endorses ascetical practices as a sign of pathology. Young adults in search of spiritual fulfillment are very m u c h alone, unless they make contact with people who are already committed to an alternative

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religious system or who have also embarked o n a religious pilgrimage. Most of the cult-prevention programs focus o n the evils of destructive cultism. These programs (which might start with a lecture on the Jonestown tragedy as a paradigm of a cult) aim at depicting membership in a marginal religious g r o u p in a negative light, h o p i n g to instill fear in young adults. T h e effectiveness of this technique remains to be tested. T h e r e are several positive steps that counselors a n d pastors can take, steps that concentrate n o t on the new religions as such, b u t o n the intellectual a n d spiritual states of young people themselves. Counselors who have some knowledge of world religions can provide sound, neutral advice to young adults who have decided to go on a religious quest. They can counsel these seekers to choose intelligent a n d less drastic alternatives without p r o m o t i n g a specific faith commitment. W h e n consulted about spiritual matters, religious counselors could provide the necessary information a n d insight that would enable the religious seeker to reach a responsible decision, without evangelizing or p r o m o t i n g their own religious convictions a n d without indulging in anti-cult rhetoric. Those persons who are interested in exploring different spiritualities a n d are obviously seeking a richer religious fulfillment should be advised to start their journeys by looking into different religious options, including those in which they have b e e n raised. Many people have committed themselves to an Eastern religion with little t h o u g h t about the seriousness of the steps they were contemplating, with even less evaluation of the beliefs a n d practices of the new religion, a n d with practically n o attempt to examine the possible outcomes of their decisions. Others have ruled out the religion in which they were raised without making a conscientious effort to find out what it has to offer. Christians, for example, who are seeking a d e e p e r religious c o m m i t m e n t d o n o t necessarily have to enter a Zen Buddhist monastery or a H i n d u ashram. T h e variety of Christian monastic a n d religious institutions can probably satisfy their spiritual aspirations a n d should, at least, be included in their deliberations. T h e religious seeker must also be alerted to the d e m a n d i n g nature of religious commitment. Quick, sudden decisions should be discouraged. Before a b a n d o n i n g college, giving u p a career, or donating one's savings to a new religion, the individual should wisely

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seek counseling assistance a n d advice. In this way one's personal motives can be examined a n d any underlying problems u n e a r t h e d . Testing the genuineness of one's religious calling is a wise p r o c e d u r e that should be strongly r e c o m m e n d e d . T h e basis for such caution is n o t difficult to understand. T h e person who makes a c o m m i t m e n t to j o i n a new religious movement may find it difficult a n d painful to change one's decision. T h e r e is a grain of truth underlying the popular accusation that new religions enslave or entrap their m e m b e r s a n d p u t a n u m b e r of physical a n d / or psychological restraints o n t h e m to maintain their allegiances. T h e truth does n o t lie in the c o m m o n view that the cults brainwash or hypnotize their m e m b e r s a n d physically restrain t h e m from r e t u r n i n g h o m e so that, consequently, their chances of leaving without some outside intervention are remote. T h e truth is rather m u c h m o r e complex. T h e person who becomes a m e m b e r of a new religious m o v e m e n t usually changes or severs all his or h e r relationships with relatives a n d friends, adopts a different worldview a n d lifestyle, a n d becomes a m e m b e r of a subculture. After a while all one's emotional, intellectual, a n d social ties are with the m e m b e r s of the g r o u p . Psychological, economic, a n d c o m m u n a l pressures come into being, making the decision to leave rather difficult. Similar obstacles have b e e n experienced by m e m b e r s of Christian religious orders or monasteries who a b a n d o n e d their religious vocations only after years of painful deliberation a n d soul searching. From the religious seeker's point of view, the d e m a n d s of a new religious movement might n o t a p p e a r encompassing a n d restricting. Idealistic, enthusiastic young adults are willing to take in stride a major change in their faith commitments a n d lifestyles, n o matter how difficult a n d arduous these might appear to be. This does n o t alter the fact, however, that such a change can be traumatic a n d cause upheaval in o n e ' s individual a n d family life. It could be a sign of faddishness as well as an indication of serious psychological a n d / or social unbalance. Counselors have the task of making people aware of these problems. If they succeed in engaging their clients in self-reflection, many of the difficulties associated with j o i n i n g a new religion might be assuaged, if n o t altogether avoided. Such a counseling p r o c e d u r e should bear m o r e positive results than anti-cult tirades a n d / o r the indiscriminate listing of the evil intentions a n d pathological characteristics of the leaders of the new religions.

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H O W T O DEAL W I T H PRESENT-DAY EVANGELIZERS Although the Western world has b e e n accustomed to the idea of sending Christian missionaries to foreign lands, its experience of Eastern missionaries o n its own turf, so to speak, is a disconcerting novelty. How can o n e respond to evangelizers who persistently knock o n people's doors or who aggressively accost t h e m on the streets? The mission of the new religions Several of the new religious movements have b e e n criticized for their recruitment practices, the most c o m m o n accusation being that their m e t h o d s of drawing new m e m b e r s are largely deceptive. Although there are grounds for believing that in some cases this allegation is valid, the majority of those new religions who practice heavy evangelization a n d proselytization m e t h o d s are using techniques that are hardly u n k n o w n in Western culture a n d that have b e e n used by Christian evangelical sects for centuries. T h r e e major world religions - Buddhism, Christianity, a n d Islam would never have b e c o m e so widespread without extensive a n d forceful missionary endeavors. More recently, nineteenth-century sects like the C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormonism) a n d Christian Science became established t h r o u g h organized propaganda. Several contemporary traditional Christian groups make continuous efforts to spread their respective versions of Christianity by literature, radio talk-shows, a n d television programs. It is n o t only the activities of the m e m b e r s of the Unification C h u r c h a n d of the devotees of the Hare Krishna Movement that urge us to consider ways of dealing with proselytizers, who can be b o t h a public nuisance a n d a source of individual annoyance. T h e mainline Christian churches have n o t a b a n d o n e d their missionary goals to convert the world. Their missionary tactics, however, have changed. They have b e c o m e m o r e conscious of the n e e d to minister to their respective adherents a n d have t e n d e d to limit their overt conversion programs to the traditional mission lands of Asia a n d Africa. They have also b e c o m e sensitive to religious freedom a n d less obnoxious in their evangelization methods. Like some of the new religions, mainline churches have, at times, expressed a desire a n d proposed a p r o g r a m for the bettering of social conditions. 3 9 Unlike some of the new religious movements, however, these proposals are

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n o t m a d e in the context of a coming millennium or of an i m m i n e n t apocalyptic end. Persecution and the new religions T h e r e are several things that must be avoided when responding to evangelizers. T h e first is n o t to persecute t h e m or even give t h e m the slightest reason to suspect that they are being oppressed. New religious movements thrive o n persecution, real or putative. It is a sociological axiom that o n e of the optimal conditions u n d e r which new movements grow a n d prosper is persecution. Public antagonism against a g r o u p actually consolidates it. It makes martyrs of those who e n d u r e insults, animosity, a n d attacks because of their beliefs. Paradoxically, the anti-cult m o v e m e n t has strengthened the new religions by providing their m e m b e r s with an ideal opportunity to suffer together for what they perceive to be a noble a n d divine cause. Moreover, it has given the new religions greater importance than they actually deserve a n d has furnished t h e m with free, widespread publicity. O n e should also avoid a response characterized by fear a n d panic. Those who react as if the new movements are just about to overrun the traditional social a n d religious institutions of Western culture are behaving as losers. T h e new religions are m i n o r competitors in the religious field. They are attracting fewer people than the current revivals within the mainline a n d evangelical churches. Those convinced that their churches are still viable a n d vibrant and, therefore, quite able to satisfy the spiritual needs of their adherents, are n o t at all disconcerted or frightened by the modest success stories of the new religions. In responding to the new movements, o n e should also avoid making criticisms a n d accusations that might be applicable to the major churches themselves. O n e c o m m o n complaint against the new religions is that their m e m b e r s are overworked a n d used as cheap laborers. T h e same can be said about priests a n d n u n s in the Catholic C h u r c h a n d volunteers in humanitarian programs r u n by many Christian denominations a n d charitable organizations. Dedicated believers tend to work longer hours a n d to expect less material reward. Similarly, restricting the religious freedom of the new religions may have unforeseen repercussions o n the religious freedom of other religious groups. This is n o t to deny that religious freedom can be, a n d sometimes is, abused. O n e cannot, however, grant

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religious freedom to all without o p e n i n g u p the possibility of it being misused. Blanket restrictions should n o t be advocated just because a small minority tends to take advantage of the situation. A C O U N S E L I N G R E S P O N S E T O NEW R E L I G I O N S T o those parents whose offspring have j o i n e d a new religion a n d to ex-cult m e m b e r s themselves many of the above proposals are rather late. Most parents feel that the only solution to their u r g e n t problem is to remove their children from their new environment a n d rehabilitate them, a somewhat expensive solution achieved by the m e t h o d s of d e p r o g r a m m i n g or exit counseling. 4 0 Such drastic actions, however, raise pressing moral, social, legal, a n d religious questions a n d may bring with t h e m m o r e problems than they aim to solve. Most of the studies of disaffiliation from b o t h new a n d traditional religions have b e e n carried out by sociologists. 41 It is possible that several of those who have b e e n forced to leave a new religion have simply j o i n e d alternative groups that are m o r e acceptable to their parents. T h e r e are a few studies of d e p r o g r a m m i n g attempts that either failed or worsened the condition of those who h a d b e e n forced or persuaded to defect. 42 These studies indicate that movem e n t in a n d out of new religions is fluid a n d that the majority leave voluntarily. Consequently, in many instances it would be wiser to encourage families to maintain an o p e n dialogue with their offspring a n d to be patient. T h e many cult-counseling centers that have flourished in the West have relied o n the theory of brainwashing or m i n d control to explain the rise a n d success of the new religions. This theory has left an indelible mark o n most of the advice given to those who have b e e n affected by the new religious movements. Carol Giambalvo writes that 'the most helpful tool for recovering excultists is learning what m i n d control is a n d how it was used in their specific cult'. 43 Such a perspective, however, ignores the rate of defection from the new religions. If so many leave, the indoctrination programs c a n n o t be very strong, m u c h less can they be insurmountable obstacles to defection without outside interference. Further, the mind-control theory applied to counseling does n o t take into account two important factors, namely, the religious aspirations of young adults a n d the cultural conditions in which the new religions thrive. These factors should play a key role in a theory of new religions a n d in educational

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and counseling programs aimed at benefiting both members and exmembers of the new religions and their parents. The counseling of those affected by the new religions must start by being realistic and admitting that the new religions are here to stay, but that their attractiveness to most young adults is only temporary. One can then sit down in meaningful exchange and dialogue with their members, thus opening the doors for a better understanding of what is happening in Western culture and for coping with the problems Western society is experiencing at the end of the second millennium. Keeping the lines of communication with the new religions open will provide the necessary information for distinguishing between genuine religious movements and problematic ones. 44 Only then can appropriate counseling strategies be devised to help those whose lives have been adversely affected by the impact of new religions in the West. NOTES 1. See, for example, Rachel Andres and James R. Lane, Cult and Consequences: The Definitive Hardbook (Los Angeles: Commission on Cults and Missionaries, Jewish Federation Council of Greater Los Angeles, 1989); and Madeleine Landau Tobias and Janja Lalich, Captive Hearts, Captive Minds: Freedom and Recovery from Cults and Abusive Relationships (Alameda, CA: Hunter House, 1994). 2. For discussions on the relationship between religion and mental health, consult Religion and Mental Health, ed.John F. Schumaker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 3. Wendell W. Watters, for example, 'Christianity and mental health', The Humanist 47.6 (November/December 1987), p. 5, argues that Christian doctrine 'is incompatible with the principles of mental health and contributes more to the genesis of human suffering than to its alleviation'. For a brief reply to Watters, see Peter R. Breggin, 'Mental health versus religion', The Humanist 47.6 (November/December 1987), pp. 12-3. 4. John Gartner, Dave B. Larson, and George D. Allen, 'Religious commitment and mental health: a review of the empirical literature', Journal of Psychology and Theology 19 (1991), pp. 6-26. 5. Bernard Spilka, Ralph W. Hood, and Richard L. Gorsuch, The Psychology of Religion: An Empirical Approach (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1985), pp. 293-46. See Beyond Therapy: The Impact of Eastern Religions on Psychological Theory and Practice, ed. Guy L. Claxton (London: Wisdom Publications, 1986); and John A.

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Saliba, Psychiatry and the Cults: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1987), pp. i85ff. 7. A good guide to information sources is provided by Jonathan B. Jeffrey and Patricia W.Jeffrey, 'Information search strategies: cults and the family' in Cults and the Family, ed. Florence Kaslow and Marvin B. Sussman (New York: Haworth Press, 1982), pp. 175-85. 8. Kevin Garvey, 'The importance of information in preparing for exit counseling: a case study' in Recovery from Cults: Help for Victims of Psychological and Spiritual Abuse, ed. Michael D. Langone (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), PP- 181-200. The author refers to various sources but omits any reference to sociological studies of new religions. 9. Committee on Psychiatry and Religion, Leaders and Followers: A Psychiatric Perspective on Religious Cults (Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, 1992), p. viii. 10. Anson D. Shupe and David G. Bromley, 'Apostates and atrocity stories: some parameters in the dynamics of deprogramming' in The Social Impact of New Religious Movements, ed. Bryan Wilson (New York: Rose of Sharon Press, 1981), pp. 179-215. 11. Eileen Barker, New Religious Movements: A Practical Introduction (London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1989), p. 137. 12. Lita Linzer Schwartz, 'Cults and family therapists', Interaction 2 (1979), pp. 145-54; David A. Halperin, 'Group processes in cult affiliation and recruitment', Group 6.2 (1982), pp. 13-24; and Michael D. Langone, Cults: Questions and Answers (Weston, MA: American Family Foundation, 1988), p. 5. 13. Arnold Markowitz, 'The role of family therapy in the treatment of symptoms associated with cult affiliation' in Psychodynamic Perspectives on Religion, Sect and Cult, ed. David A. Halperin (Boston: John Wright, 1983), pp. 323ff. 14. For discussions on the issues facing contemporary families, see Families and Change: Coping with Stressful Events, ed. Patrick C. McHenry (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1994). 15. There are some exceptions to this, however. See, for example, Robert O. Fern, The Psychology of Christian Conversion (Westwood, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1959), who argues that the conversions of historical figures like St Paul, Martin Luther, and John Wesley cannot be interpreted as adolescent phases in their lives. 16. Felix A. Anderson, 'Psychopathological glimpses at the behavior of some biblical characters', Psychoanalytic Review 14 (1927), pp. 56-70.

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17. Charles Klingerman, 'A psychoanalytic study of the Confessions of St Augustine', Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 5 (1957), pp. 469-84. Augustine's conversion has been the subject of many studies; see, for instance, 'Symposium on Augustine's Confessions', Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 25 (1986), pp. 56-115. 18. For studies on sudden conversions, see John A. Saliba, Psychiatry and the Cults, pp. 4off. 19. This view, still widely accepted today, was first articulated at some length in Flo Conway and Jim Siegelman, Snapping: America's Epidemic of Sudden Personality Change (New York: A. B. Lippincott, 1978). 20. See, for example, S. J. D. Green, 'Religion and the limits of pluralism in contemporary Britain', Antioch Review 49 (1991), pp. 571-86; and Wade Clark Roof and William McKinney, 'Denominational America and the new religious pluralism', Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 408 (July 1985), pp. 24-38. 21. See K. J. Gergen and M. M. Gergen, 'Ethnocentrism' in Encyclopedia ofPsychology, ed. Raymond J. Corsini (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 22. For discussions on religious pluralism, consult Ted Peters, 'Pluralism as a theological problem', The Christian Century 100 (September 5, 1983), pp. 843-5; John Hick, Problems of Religious Pluralism (Houndmills, UK: Macmillan, 1985); and Religious Pluralism, ed. Leroy S. Rouner (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984). 23. Arthur Reber, Dictionary of Psychology (New York: Penguin, 1985), p. 169. 24. Stuart Sutherland, 'Empathy' in The International Dictionary of Psychology (New York: Continuum, 1989), p. 137. For a short discussion of different approaches to empathy, consult E. Stotland, 'Empathy' in Encyclopedia of Psychology, ed. Raymond J. Corsini, vol. 1, pp. 479-80. 25. See, for example, Erwin R. Parsons, 'Ethnotherapeutic empathy, I: definition, theory, process', Journal of Contemporary Psychotherapy 23.1 (1993), pp. 5-18. 26. Her book Death and Dying (New York: Macmillan, 1969) was one of the earliest works on the subject. 27. This is precisely what the International Cult Education Program in the United States does. See its publication Too Good to be True: Resisting Cults and Psychological Manipulation (New York, 1992). 28. See para 3.2 of the Vatican 'Report on Sects and New Religious Movements', Origins 16 (May 22, 1986), p. 7.

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29. David A. Halperin, 'Families of cult members: consultation and treatment' in Cults and New Religious Movements: A Report of the American Psychiatric Association, ed. Marc Galanter (Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, 1989), p. 117. 30. Eileen Barker, New Religious Movements: A Practical Introduction, pp. 111-3. 31. Arnold Markovitz, 'Guidelines for families' in Recovery from Cults, ed. Michael D. Langone, pp. 293-4. 32. Ibid., pp. 294-5. 33. Carol Giambalvo, 'Post-cult problems: an exit counselor's perspective' in Recovery from Cults, pp. 151-2. 34. The only major difference between deprogramming and exit counseling is that the former requires the temporary physical restraint of members of new religions, while the latter is a voluntary process. See David Clark, Carol Giambalvo, et al, 'Exit counseling: a practical overview' in Recovery from Cults, p. 156. For a description of exit counseling see Steven Hassan, 'Exit counseling: working to undo the shackles of mind control' in Counseling Cultists and Their Families, ed. R. E. Schecter (Weston, MA: American Family Foundation, n.d.), PP- 25-3335. See Madeleine Landau Tobias andjanja Lalich, Captive Hearts, Captive Minds, p. 136; and Madeleine Landau Tobias, 'Guidelines for ex-members' in Recovery from Cults, ed. Michael D. Langone, pp. 313-4. 36. 'Guidelines for ex-members', p. 313. 37. 'Post-cult problems: an exit counselor's perspective' in Recovery from Cults, p. 150. 38. Lorna Goldberg, 'Guidelines for therapists' in Recovery from Cults, pp. 247-8. 39. See, for example, Pope John Paul IPs encyclical letter on social concerns 'Sollicitudo Rei Socialis' in The Pope Speaks: The Church Documentary Quarterly 33 (1988), pp. 122-55. 40. Michael D. Langone predicts that 'deprogramming will become increasingly uncommon and will fade into practical insignificance ... : see 'Helping cult members: historical background' in Recovery from Cults, p. 43. 41. One of the best studies of defection from new religions is Stuart A. Wright, Leaving the Cults: The Dynamics of Defection (Washington, DC: Society for the Scientific Study of Religions, 1987). See also Falling from the Faith: Causes and Consequences ofReligious Apostasy, ed. David G. Bromley (Newbury Park, CA: Sage,

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1988). Bromley's book is partly dedicated to studies of defections from the mainline churches. For a more recent review article, see David G. Bromley, 'Unravelling religious disaffiliation: the meaning and significance of falling from the faith in contemporary society', Counseling and Values 35 (1991), pp. 164-85. 42. See David G. Bromley, 'Deprogramming as a mode of exit from new religious movements: the case of the Unificationist Movement' in Falling from the Faith, ed. David G. Bromley, pp. 185-204. Bromley reports 'that the success rates of deprogramming from the UM has approached two-thirds' (p. 199). 43. 'Post-cult problems: an exit counselor's perspective' in Recovery from Cults, ed. Michael D. Langone, p. 150. 44. Kay Marie Porterfield, Blind Faith: Recognizing and Recovering from Dysfunctional Religious Group (Minneapolis: CompCare Publishers, 1993), provides some helpful hints for identifying genuine and trustworthy spiritual leaders or gurus (p. 113) and for distinguishing a healthy relationship from an unhealthy one with such leaders (p. 117). See also Dick Anthony and Bruce Ecker, 'The Anthony typology: a framework for assessing spiritual and consciousness groups' in Spiritual Choices: The Problem of Recognizing Authentic Paths to Inner Transformation, ed. Dick Anthony, Bruce Ecker, and Ken Wilber (New York: Paragon, 1987), pp. 57ff.; and LaVonne Neff, 'Evaluating cults and new religions' in Ronald Enroth and others, A Guide to Cults and New Religions (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1983), p. 197.

INDEX

Acts of the Apostles 22,176 advice to ex-cult members 222-4 members of new religious movements 221-2 parents 219-21 would-be cult members 224—7 Aetherius Society 24 African religions 37 Ahumada, Cardinal Ernesto Corripio 192 Albigenses see Cathars Albigensian crusades 41, 5gn alienation and cult formation 70-2 Amana Community 22 American civil religion 125 American Indian religions 147 American Jewish Congress 151 American Psychiatric Association, profile of cult members 67 Ananda Cooperative Village 2 2 Ancient Egypt, religion of 37 Ancient Wisdom 24-5 Anthony, Dick 115 anti-cult movement 122, 127-8, 138, 168, 201, 223 Apologetic Research Institute 32n apologetics 176ff. criticism of 182-3 Appel, Willa 9 asceticism 29, 82, 94 and Gnosticism 40 Association for Research and Enlightenment 24 astrology 23, 34n, 121 Aum Shinri Kyo 27 Aylmer, G. E. 50 Baha'i faith 27,177,178 Bainbridge, William, 8,114,122

Bakker, Jim 34n Barker, Eileen 28 Baumeister, Roy 74 Beckford, James 128 Berg, David 289 Bird, Frederick 115 Black Death 44 Black Mass 26 Black Jews 27 Book of Mormon 53 brainwashing 85, 86-7, 90, 94, 117, 137-8, 151, 154, 210, 226, 229 objections to 87-8, 125-6, 229 Branch Davidian 117, i3on, 139 Brotherhood of the Annunciation Day 45 Brotherhood of the Flagellants 44 Brown, Robert McAfee 156 Buddhism 81, 168, 171, 180, 227 Builders of the Adytum 25 Burke, Robert W.C. 23 Caddy, Eileen 2 2 Caddy, Peter 22 Carlebach, Rabbi 27 catatonia 78-9, 82 Cathars 38, 41-3, 46 Catholic Church 3, 139, 279-80 and religious dialogue 183-4 Cayce, Edgar 24 celibacy 72,95, and Gnosticism 40 centering prayer 173 channels 23 Charismatic Christians 9 see also Pentecostalism charismatic leaders 10 Charles IV (emperor) 45 child abuse 139, 152, 156 Children of God 30, 65, 138, 140, 16m, 177

236

Perspectives on new religious

Christian fundamentalism see fundamentalist churches Christian Research Institute 2 Christian Science see Church of Christ, Scientist Christian Yoga 281 Christian Zen 281 Christianity and Hinduism 171,178 and mental health 2 3 on and reincarnation 37 and Scientology 188, ig7n and Transcendental Meditation 172-3 as a cult movement 56 defection from 233n missionary goals of 277-8 Church of Armageddon 22 Church of Christ, Scientist 22-3, 154-5, 177, 178 Church of Inner Wisdom 23 Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) 3, 14, 52-5, 63n, 125, 177, 227 and Masonic rites 54 reactions to 55 Church of Pan 141 Church of Scientology 13, 16, 65, 66, 141, 147, 149-51, 169, 188 and auditing 150 and tax exemption 150-1 church/state relationship 136ff. Church Universal and Triumphant 13, 16, 144 clairvoyance 23 Clement VI (pope) 45 Cloud of Unknowing 282 coercive persuasion see brainwashing Comrey, Andrew 80 communal lifestyles 2 2 Constance, Council of (1417) 45 Constantine (emperor) 56 conversion 77, 84ff., 152, 188, 203-4, 2°7 brainwashing model of 86—8 drift model of 88-90 motifs 92-3 psychology of 93ft, 332-3 Conway, Flo 60 Coppe, Abiezer 48 Council of Europe 136,159 counseling 208-9 principles of 209ff. counselors, neutrality of 210-2 court cases in Australia 149 in France 140 in Singapore 144 in the United Kingdom 143 in the United States i38ff., 141, i45ff., i5off., 169—70

movements

crisis cults 76—7 Cromwell, Oliver 47 cults see new religious movements Cults Reference Bible 290 Cushman, Philip 5 Damien, Peter 43 Davis, J. C. 50 death, psychological reactions to 351-2 demythologization 9 depression 135 deprivation theory, and cult formation 111 ff. deprogramming 190, 229, 233n deterrents to cult involvement 217-8 dialogue between religions 183ff. Divine Light Mission 78, 79, 80 conversion to 88-90 Divine Principle 13, i93n Divine Science Federation International 2 2 Doctrine and Covenant 53 Dominicans, and the Rosary 171 Down ton, James 88 drugs see religious rituals and drugs Duddy, Neil 145 Eastern Orthodox Church and the Rosary 171 Eastern religious groups 26ff. Elan Vital see Divine Light Mission Ellens, G. F. S. 48 Ellwood, Robert 28, 32n, 35n, 39 empathy 215 Encyclopedia of American Religions 21, 175 Enroth, Ronald ig2n Epiphanius 40 Erdmann, Paul 22 ESP 23-4 ethnocentricity 111, 205—6, 213—4 European Convention of Human Rights (1951) 136 European Parliament 136 European Values Survey, and reincarnation 38 evangelical Christianity 18 exit counseling see deprogramming expert witnesses 156ff. Family see Children of God family, contemporary crisis of 71 Family of Love 75 fanaticism 18 Farm 2 2 Feinstein, Sherman 75 Findhorn 34 Flagellants 41, 43-6, 5g-6onn in Latin America 45

Index in the United States 45 flying saucers see UFOs Foundation of Human Understanding 177, 179 Freemasonry 25 Friedman, Jerome 47 functionalism 118ff. critique of 122 fundamentalist churches 16, 65, 74, 96, 119, 153, 187 Galanter, Marc 6, 76, 80 Gallup Poll, on reincarnation 37 Gaskin, Stephen 22 General Assembly of the United Nations (1981) 136 George, Robin 151, 152 Giambalvo, Carol 223, 229 Gibson, Joan 23 glossolalia 21 Gnosticism 38-41,58n and the Cathars 41-2 Goffman, Erving 17 Goldberg, Lorna 223 Great White Brotherhood 24 Green, Michael 34n Griffith, Ezra 138 Gurdjieff Foundation 2 7 Guru Bawa Fellowship 2 7 gurus 10, 79 in Hinduism 13 Hadden, Jeffrey K. 90, 36n Hare6 Krishna Movement 3, 14, 15, 16, 27, 5> 77~8> 79? So-1* !42> M3> l^~2^ 170, 177, 227 Harris, Marvin 123 Hasidic Judaism 2 6-7 Havurah communities 26-7 hesychasm 173 Hicks, Robert 139 Hinduism 13,37,121,168, 225 and Christianity 171, 178, 180, 184 hippies 35 n and the Ranters 49 House ofJudah 153 House of Love and Prayer 27 Hubbard, Ron 13, 141 Human Potential Movements 79 I AM Movement 24 I Ching 23 identity crisis, and cult formation 74-5 indoctrination see brainwashing Innocent III (pope) 41 Inquisition 45, 71 Institute of Esoteric Transcendentalism 23

237

International Cult Awareness Program 2 32n International Metaphysical Association InterVarsity Christian Fellowship 78 Irenaeus 40 Islam 27, 171, 180 and reincarnation 37 missionary goals of 227 ISKCON see Hare Krishna Movement

22

Jainism 27 Jehovah's Witnesses 177 Jesus Movement 14, 19, 30 Jesus Prayer 173 Jewish messianism see Sabbatean movement Johnson, Ann Braden 79 Jones, Jim 49, 86 Jones, Peter 181 Jones, Rufus 49 Jonestown see People's Temple Judaism and reincarnation 37 Kabbala 50 Kingdom of the Cults 288 Koresh, David 34n Kriegman, Daniel 79 Kriyananda, Swami 22 Kubler-Ross, Elisabeth 216 Larson, Bob 180,181 Larson's Book of Cults 180 Leal, Tracey 130 Leary, Timothy 147 LeBar,JamesJ. 33n Lehman, Arthur C. 35n Levellers 47 Lewis, James R. 34n Lewis, William 153 Local Church (of Witness Lee) 145-6, 168 Lofland, John 92, 93 London Church of Christ 142 Long, John 90 Los Angeles Church of Christ 142 Lutheran Church 139 Lutheran World Federation, and new religious movements 186 McGregor, J. F. 50 MacHovec, Frank 68 MacLaine, Shirley 23 McLean, Dorothy 22 Magaro, Peter 78 magic 25-6, 79, i02n Maharajiji, Guru 88 Mahikari 27 Manichaeans 38 Mann, Mildred 22

238

Perspectives on new religious movements

Manson cult 6 i n Marcion 42 Markowitz, Arnold 221 Martin, Walter 2, 177, 178, 179 Masonic rites and Mormonism 54 Masters, Roy 177,179 Matamoros, Mexico 139 mediums 23 meditation 74, 81 see also Buddhism; Transcendental Meditation; Zen Meher Baba 27, 79 Melton, J. Gordon 21, 28, 93, 94, 95, 117, !49> !55> !75> l9° Messiah ben Joseph 51 metaphysical movements 22-3, 52 mid-Eastern religious groups 26ff. Mills, Edgar W. 35n mind control see brainwashing Molko, David 138 monasticism 82, 226 Moon, Reverend Sun Myung 31, 49, 86, 141

Moore, Robert L. 93, 94, 95, 190 Moral House Society 144 Mormonism see Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints; Reorganized Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Morton, A. L. 47 Muggletonians 47 mysticism 19, 23 Christian 180 Jewish 50 narcissism 50, 75, 79, 82, 124, i33n Nathan of Gaza 50-1 Native American Church 148-9 neo-Nazi skinhead movements 70 neutrality in counseling 210—2,225 New Age Movement 23—4, 57, 121, 168, 175, 181, ig6n and Gnosticism 39 new religious movements and asceticism 29 and criminal behavior 138-9 and culture crisis 124 and custody cases 139—40 and immigration laws 159 and Marxist theory 123 and pastoral issues 186ff. and personality types 67ff. and politics 30-1 and social change 123,127 and society 3off. and solicitation cases 142—3 and tax cases 140—2,150 and the Council of Europe 136

and the Catholic Church 69, i84ff, 218 and the family 29-30 and the law i35ff. and the Lutheran World Federation 186 and the World Council of Churches 186 and violence 116-7,139 and zoning issues 143-4 apologists for 110, 122 as a new humanism 124 as anti-family 29-30 as anti-self 30-1 as anti-social 28—9 as crisis cults 75-9 as experimental religion 123-4 as rites of passage 93ff. as signs of the times 191-2 as spiritual revivals 12 2-3 as therapeutic communities 96—7 as total institutions 17 children in 96—7, i04n classifications of 2iff., ii3ff. conversion to 188, 203-4, 2 ° 7 definitions of 2ff., 107-9 disaffiliation from 229, 233n enthusiasm of members 18-9 experiences of members 19-20 features of 1 iff., 1 i5ff. founders of 16 functions of 118ff. information about 200-1, 212-3 leaders of 12-3, 234n normality of members 13off. persecution of 228—9 proselytization by 14-5 psychological traits of 67ff. psychology of 1 o7ff. psychopathology of members 77-9 reasons for joining 83ff. recruitment to 5, 12, 15, 18-9, 75-6, 142, 1 5 1 , 188, 2 0 2 , 227

religious nature of 168-70 responses to 127-8 sociology of 105ff. theology of 167ff. New Thought 22-3 New Vrindaban 16 Nichiren Shoshu 27, 177 North American Indians, religions of 37 occult movements 121 occult orders 23-4 Order of the Solar Temple 117,139 Ordo Templi Orientalis 25 out-of-body experiences 79 Paganism 6, 25, 141 palmistry 23 parapsychology 23, 79

Index Partin, Harry 28, 39 Pearl of Great Price 53 Penitentes see Flagellants Pennington, Basil 173 Pentecostalism 18, 21-2 People's Temple 15,49,86,116,117, 138,225 peyote ritual 147-8 Pius V (pope) 171 pluralism 4, 27, 186-7, 213~~5 as a psychological problem 204-5 as a sociological problem 205-6 as a theological problem 206-7 Poling, Frank 77 Poling, Tommy 77 Pontifical Commission for Interreligious Dialogue 183 precognition 23 Prophet, Elizabeth Clare 13,144 Protestant Reformation 41 psychokinesis 23 Puritans 48 Quakers

47, 48

Rael Movement 197n Rajneesh, Bhagwan Shree 30, 49 Rajneesh Foundation 79 Rambo, Lewis 143—4 Ranters 47-50, 6 m Acts of Parliament against 48 and modern hippies 49 Reber, Arthur 210 reincarnation 37, 57n religion and violence 155-6 functions of 118ff. psychology of 55n religious education programs 218—9 religious freedom 128, 15iff., 159-60, 37 1 religious pluralism see pluralism religious rituals and drugs 19, 35n, 147ft0. see also peyote ritual Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 53 revivalism in New York State 53 Rhine, J. B. 23 rites of passage 93ff• ritual abuse 50 see also child abuse; Satanism Robbins, Anthony 117, 226, 229, 33n Rosary 171-2 Rosicrucians 25, 39 Ross, Michael 80 Rudin, James 11-2 Rudin, Marcia 11-2 Rudolph, Kurt 40

239

Sabbatean movement 50-2 St Augustine 38 conversion of 203 St Paul 176 conversion of 90, 203 sannyasin 15 satanic worship 131 Satanism 25-6, 50, 62n, 170, 139, 174-5, 180-1

and ritual abuse 50 theology of 181 School of Pragmatic Mysticism 23 Scientology see Church of Scientology secularization, and cult formation 122-3 Seventh Day Adventists 14 Shakers 2 2 Sheikh, Farzana 36n Siegleman, Jim 66 Sikhism 27 Silva Mind Control 79, 177 Sire, James 2 Skonovd, Norman 92, 93 Smith, Joseph 53, 54 Society for the Teachings of the Inner Christ 24 Society of Brothers 2 2 sociobiology 120 sociological method and new religious movements 106, 110-3

difficulties in 106,107-8,112-3 Solomon, Daniel 79 Sparks, Jack 145 Spiritual Counterfeits Project 145 spiritual healing 23 spiritualism 23, 25 Stark, Rodney 8,114,122 Sufi Order in the West 27 Sufism 2 7 Sufism Reoriented 27 Summit Lighthouse see Church Universal and Triumphant Swaggart, Jimmy 34n Swan, Matthew 154 Swan, Rita i65n syncretism, dangers of 173 Taoism 293 tarot 23 telepathy 2 3 Theosophical Society 177 Theosophy 23, 24, 25, 52 thought reform see brainwashing Tobias, Madeleine 223 Transcendental Meditation 16, 20, 27, 7 8 - 9 , 8 1 , 177 and Christianity 172-3 and the courts 169-70, i93n Turner, Victor 94

240

Perspectives on new religious

UFOs g, 24, ig6n Unification Church 3, 13, 14, 15, 16, 27, 47-8, 49, 85, 79, 80, 86, 125, 138, 141, 144, 147, 170, 174, 178,227 and Gnosticism 39 and politics 30-1, 36n conversion to 91 marriage in 121 recruitment practices of 34n United Church of Religious Science 2 2 United School of Christianity 2 2 Unity School of Christianity 178 van Gennep, Arnold, 94 Vatican Council II 172,192 and religious dialogue i83ff. Vatican 'Report on Sects and New Religious Movements' 69, 184-5, x^9' 21 ^ vegetarianism 42, 72 and the Cathars 42 and the Gnostics 40 vision quest of American Indians 147 Walker, Benjamin 13 Wallace, Samuel 17

movements

Wallis, Roy 113 Way International 3,177,178 Weigle, Marta 45 Weiss, Arnold 80 Westley, Francis 7g Wilber, Ken 115 Wilson, Bryan 113,115,123,136 witchcraft 25, 141, 180 Witness Lee 145,168 Word of Life International 143 World Council of Churches and religious dialogue i83ff. Commission on Unification Church theology 170 World Parliament of Religions (1893) 126 Worldwide Church of God 177,178 Wuthnow, Robert 123 yoga 16, 27, 77, 81, 147, 172 Young, John 138 Zen 15, 27, 79, 137, 172, 177, 225 Zevi, Shabbetai 50—3, 62n Zohar 50