Peace and World Security Studies: A Curriculum Guide 9781685856618

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
PART 1 NEW DIRECTIONS IN PEACE STUDIES
1 Challenges to Curriculum Development in the Post-Cold War Era
2 New Approaches to International Peacemaking in the Post-Cold War World
3 Global Peace and Security in the Post-Cold War Era: A "Third World" Perspective
4 Feminist Perspectives on Peace and World Security in the Post-Cold War Era
5 The Nexus Between Peace Studies and International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era
PART 2 A PEACE STUDIES CURRICULUM FOR THE 1990s
6 Introductory Courses in Peace Studies
7 War, Conflict, and Peace in the Post-Cold War Era
8 The New Nuclear Agenda
9 North-South Relations
10 Conflict Resolution
11 International Law, the United Nations, and UN Peacekeeping
12 Psychology and Peace
13 The Economics of Peace and Security
14 Development, Debt, and Global Poverty
15 The Environment, Population Growth, and Resource Scarcity
16 Human Rights
17 Race, Ethnicity, and Conflict: The North American Experience
18 Feminist Perspectives on Peace, Militarism, and Political Violence
19 Nonviolence, Peace Movements, and Social Activism
About the Contributors
About the Book

Citation preview

Peace & World Security Studies

Peace & World Security Studies A CURRICULUM GUIDE Sixth

Edition

edited by MICHAEL T. KLARE

Lynne Rienner Publishers • Boulder & London

Published in the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a in 1994 by L y n n e R i e n n e r Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, C o l o r a d o 80301 and in the United Kingdom by Lynne R i e n n e r Publishers, Inc. 3 H e n r i e t t a Street, Covent G a r d e n , L o n d o n WC2F. 8I.U © 1994 by Lynne R i e n n e r Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Peace and world security studies : a curriculum guide / edited by Michael '!'. Klarc —6th ed. Rev. ed. o f : Peace and world order studies. 5lh ed. 1989. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 1-55587-432-0 (alk. p a p e r ) 1. Peace—Study and teaching. 2. International organization— Study and teaching. I. Klare, Michael T., 1942- . II. Peace and world o r d e r studies. JX1904.5.P392 1993 327.1 ' 72 • 07—dc20 93-28833 CIP British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this b o o k is available f r o m t h e British Library.

Printed and b o u n d in the United States of A m e r i c a

Q

T h e p a p e r used in this publication m e e t s the r e q u i r e m e n t s of the A m e r i c a n National S t a n d a r d for P e r m a n e n c e of P a p e r for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1984.

Contents

Preface PART 1 1

2

3

4

5

NEW DIRECTIONS IN PEACE STUDIES

Challenges to Curriculum D e v e l o p m e n t in the P o s t - C o l d W a r E r a , George A. Lopez

3

New A p p r o a c h e s to International P e a c e m a k i n g in the P o s t - C o l d W a r W o r l d , Carolyn M. Stephenson

14

G l o b a l P e a c e a n d Security in the P o s t - C o l d W a r Era: A " T h i r d W o r l d " Perspective, Asoka Bandarage

29

Feminist Perspectives on P e a c e and World Security in the P o s t - C o l d W a r E r a , J. Ann Tickner

43

T h e N e x u s B e t w e e n Peace Studies and I n t e r n a t i o n a l Security Studies in the P o s t - C o l d W a r E r a , Patricia Stein Wrightson & Alice Ackermann

55

PART 2

6

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A PEACE STUDIES CURRICULUM FOR THE 1990S

I n t r o d u c t o r y Courses in Peace Studies, Andrew

Murray

• Introduction to Peace and Conflict Resolution, Adrienne Kaufmann, The American University, 82 • Conflict and Peace Studies as a Field, Francis A. Beer, University of Colorado, 87

69

v i • CONTENTS • What Is Peace? Ronald Tiersky & Vincent Ferraro, Amherst College and Mount Ilolyoke College, 92 1

War, Conflict, and P e a c e in the P o s t - C o l d War Era, Michael T. Klare

97

• Transformation of the International System, R. Ned Lebow, University of Pittsburgh, 107 • International Conflicts in the Modern World, Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Harvard University, 112 • International Politics and Regional Conflict, Paul F. Walker, College of the Holy Cross, 116 8

T h e N e w Nuclear A g e n d a , Allan

S. Krass

123

• Citizenship in the Nuclear Age, Michael Parkhurst, University of Massachusetts, 131 • Arms Control and Global Security, Nancy Gallagher, Wesleyan University, 139 • Force, Strategy, and Arms Control, Lisa Drandes, Tufts University, 144 9

N o r t h - S o u t h Relations, Caroline

Iliggins

150

• Global Policies of the Third World, Bessie Ilouse-Midamba, University of Denver, 158 • Major Dimensions of Third World Security, Mohammed Ayoob, Michigan State University, 161 • Central America and the United States, Jeffrey Rubin, Amherst College, 167 • Militarism and Transformation in Southern Africa, Horace Campbell, Syracuse University, 172 10

Conflict R e s o l u t i o n , Louis Kriesberg

176

• Introduction to Conflict Resolution, Celia Cook Huffman, Juniata College, 189 • Conflict and Conflict Resolution, D. John Grove & E. Thomas Rowe, University of Denver, 194 • Conflict and Conflict Management: A Cross-Cultural Approach, Marc Ross, Bryn Mawr College, 198 • The Processes of International Negotiation, Jeffrey Rubin, Tufts University, 204 11

International Law, the U n i t e d Nations, and U N P e a c e k e e p i n g , Michael G. Schechter

210

CONTENTS • v i i

• An Introduction to World Order, Richard Falk, Princeton University, 218 • Transnational Organizations and Processes, Karen Mingst, University of Kentucky, 223 12

Psychology and Peace, Richard V. Wagner & Daniel J. Christie

230

• International Conflict: A Psychological Perspective, Jeannette Diaz-Veizades & David Warren, University of California, 2.43 • Aggression, Michael Wessells, Randolph-Macon College, 251 13

The Economics of Peace and Security, Judith Reppy

257

• The Economics of Defense, Tom Riddell, Smith College, 266 • The World Economy and Sustainable Development, Robin Broad, The American University, 273 14

Development, Debt, and Global Poverty, Vincent Ferraro & Ann E. Chenier

280

• The Political Economy of Development, Thomas Biersteker, University of Southern California, 293 • International Community Development, Galen R. Martin, University of Oregon, 299 15

The Environment, Population Growth, and Resource Scarcity, Barbara Jancar

304

• The Politics of the Global Environment, Daniel Deudney, University of Pennsylvania, 315 • Research Seminar in International Environmental Politics, Peter M. Haas, University of Massachusetts, 320 16

Human Rights, Jack Donnelly

325

• Global Human Rights Research, Edy Kaufman, The American University, 336 • Human Rights and Basic Needs in the Americas, Margaret E. Crahan, Occidental College, 340 17

Race, Ethnicity, and Conflict: The North American Experience, William Strickland & Andrea Ayvazian • Racism: The American Experience, William Strickland, University of Massachusetts, 352

344

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• CONTENTS

• Race and Change in South Africa and the United States, Don Will, Chapman University, 355 • Ethnonationalism in Comparative Perspective, Joshua B. Forrest, University of Vermont, 359 18

Feminist Perspectives on Peace, Militarism, and Political Violence, Jennifer Schirmer

365

• Gender and International Relations Theory, V. Spike Peterson, University of Arizona, 376 • Women and Worid Politics, / Ann Tickner, College of the Holy Cross, 383 • Women and Development, Carolyn Elliott, University of Vermont, 389 19

N o n v i o l e n c e , Peace Movements, and Social Activism, Michael True

396

• Nonviolent Social Change, Harry G. Lefever, Spelman College, 406 • Movements: Gandhi and King,/o/m T. Crist & Ron Pagnucco, The Catholic University of America, 412 • Systematic Application of Nonviolence, Mubarak Awad, The American University, 416 About the About the

Contributors Book

421 425

Preface

This is the sixth in an extraordinary series of curriculum guides that has recorded the progress in peace and world order studies for more than twenty years. The first four editions of the guide (1972,1978, 1981,1985) were published by the Transnational Academic Program of the World Policy Institute (formerly the Institute for World O r d e r ) in New York City; since 1987, with the fifth edition, it has been published u n d e r the auspices of the Five College Program in Peace and World Security Studies (PAWSS), based at Hampshire College in Amherst, Massachusetts. Throughout this period, the goal of the guide has remained the same: to advance the teaching of peace and world order studies at colleges and universities in the United States and abroad, and, in this manner, to contribute to the global struggle to achieve lasting international peace and security. The fifth edition was begun in 1987 and completed in 1989—a period of intense international change, culminating in the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War. Recognizing that the teaching of peace and world order studies would be profoundly affected by these developments, the editors of that edition attempted to anticipate the many global changes that were thought to be inevitable in the years ahead. Hence, many new syllabi were included on the emerging, post-Cold War themes of ecological decline, regional conflict, and Third World underdevelopment. Nevertheless, it was impossible to anticipate all of the traumas and convulsions that were to follow in short order: the b r e a k u p of the Soviet Union, the Gulf War of 1991, the conflict in Bosnia, and so on. By 1992, it had become painfully apparent that the fifth edition was rapidly losing its utility, and that a new guide was desperately needed to cope with the altered war/peace landscape of the post-Cold War era. This edition, completed in early 1993, is intended to help college and university faculty (and others with an interest in the field) to assess the sweeping changes of the past few years and to refocus their teaching and ix

x •

PREFACE

research accordingly. It features a diverse collection of essays on new themes in peace and conflict studies, and on new approaches to the teaching of peace and conflict studies. It also includes fourteen essays on curricular developments in particular aspects of the pcace and world security field. Of particular interest to college faculty, it includes several dozen outstanding syllabi on a wide variety of topics; these syllabi have been chosen from among the hundreds that we received from college faculty because they were found to be particularly useful in suggesting course models and reading selections on peace and world security issues in the post -Cold War era. In planning the sixth edition, I decided—after consultation with many colleagues in the field—to make a number of significant changes in the design of the guide. The first and most conspicuous change is the title: instead of Peace and World Order Studies, as in earlier editions, the book is now entitled Peace and World Security Studies. This change was made in order to reflect the expansion of the field from a primary focus on pcace and conflict issues to a broader sphere that encompasses other threats to h u m a n well-being and survival, including environmental degradation, persistent Third World poverty, racial and gender violence, and political repression. Also changed from previous editions is the format of the book. As in past editions, this version includes both topical essays and sample syllabi, but whereas in earlier editions these two types of documents were grouped separately, in this edition they are integrated more closely. Thus, in addition to a n u m b e r of introductory essays on broad theoretical and pedagogical concerns, the sixth edition includes fourteen curricular essays on particular aspects of the field—each accompanied by two to four outstanding syllabi covering that specific area. T h e curricular essays are intended to provide readers with an intellectual " m a p " of the particular topic or subfield, and to provide suggestions as to course organization, textbooks, supplemental readings, and so forth. Preparation of the sixth edition has been a demanding, taxing, and sometimes frustrating experience, but it has also proved enormously rewarding. Not only did I have the privilege of working with many outstanding and creative teachers but I also came to appreciate the extraordinary quality and diversity of work in this field. Although many of us are still struggling to come to terms with the dramatic changes of the past few years, it is also evident that much progress has been made by our colleagues around the country in developing courses and course materials that reflect the new realities of the post-Cold War era. I believe that the sixth edition bears great testimony to the vigor and dynamism of this collective effort. A project like this, which is intended to represent the work of an entire community of scholars, obviously requires the input and guidance of many

PREFACE

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xi

people. Fortunately, I was able to rely on the assistance and contributions of many w o n d e r f u l colleagues. O f greatest significance was the guidance p r o v i d e d early on by the Editorial A d v i s o r y C o m m i t t e e , consisting of Linda Harris of the P A W S S P r o g r a m , G e o r g e L o p e z of N o t r e D a m e University, Patricia Stein Wrightson of the University of M a r y l a n d , and D a n i e l T h o m a s of C o r n e l l University. T h e s e p e o p l e helped to design the format of the b o o k , to select topics and authors for the introductory and curricular essays, and in some cases also w r o t e important chapters. I am very grateful for their advice and assistance. H e r e at the Five C o l l e g e s , I rely to a great extent on the advice and support of my c o l l e a g u e s on the Faculty Steering C o m m i t t e e of the P A W S S P r o g r a m , s o m e of w h o m have contributed essays or syllabi to this volume. T h r o u g h the years, this c o m m i t t e e has d e v e l o p e d the broad academic and scholarly guidelines that g o v e r n the P A W S S P r o g r a m , and its m e m b e r s are a l w a y s available to provide assistance w h e n n e e d e d . M y sincere thanks, then, to Pavel M a c h a l a , William T a u b m a n , and R o n a l d T i e r s k y of A m h e r s t C o l l e g e ; E l i z a b e t h H a r l m a n n and A l l a n Krass of H a m p s h i r e C o l l e g e ; A s o k a B a n d a r a g e and V i n c e n t F e r r a r o of M o u n t H o l y o k e C o l l e g e ; D e b o r a h L u b a r . T h o m a s Riddell, and Susan Peterson of Smith C o l l e g e ; and James D e r D e r i a n , Eric E i n h o r n , G e o r g e L e v i n g e r , and M a r y Wilson of the University of Massachusetts. Special thanks are also due to L o r n a P e t e r s o n and her associates at the Five C o l l e g e C e n t e r , and to G r e g o r y Prince, the president of H a m p s h i r e C o l l e g e . Crucial to the success of this e f f o r t was the willingness of s o m e very busy p e o p l e to p r e p a r e essays for the guide. A l l of these p e o p l e have multiple teaching and administrative responsibilities, and so it is a testament to their dedication to the field that they agreed to write these essays. T h e i r e f f o r t s will be fully r e w a r d e d , I b e l i e v e , in the contribution they will surely m a k e to the a d v a n c e m e n t of the field at this critical time. M y c o m p l i m e n t s to all of them! Similarly, I am d e e p l y indebted to the many hundreds of educators f r o m around this country and C a n a d a w h o submitted their syllabi for possible inclusion in the sixth edition. O b v i o u s l y , w e had to select a m o n g these for reasons of space and diversity, but I am grateful to everyone w h o sent in a syllabus. M a n y p e o p l e also contributed to this v o l u m e in other w a y s , by assisting in various stages of the production effort. M y greatest debt of gratitude is o w e d to L i n d a Harris, w h o , in her capacity as assistant director of the P A W S S P r o g r a m , w a s involved in every stage of the p r o d u c t i o n of this b o o k . W i t h o u t her thoughtful and c o m p e t e n t assistance, this project could n e v e r h a v e b e e n c o m p l e t e d . T h a n k s are also due to T h o r a D u m o n t , w h o retyped the syllabi in computer-readable form; to Y o g e s h Chandrani, w h o p r o o f r e a d and c o r r e c t e d the syllabi; to A d i B e m a k , the o t h e r Assistant D i r e c t o r of P A W S S ; and to the many w o n d e r f u l p e o p l e at H a m p s h i r e

xii

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PREFACE

C o l l e g e — e s p e c i a l l y our loyal student a s s i s t a n t s — w h o aided us in one way or another. I also wish to a c k n o w l e d g e the terrific c o o p e r a t i o n w e h a v e received f r o m the folks at L y n n e R i e n n e r Publishers, especially L y n n e R i e n n e r , K a t e Watts, and Steve Barr. Finally, special thanks are due to the donors and foundations that have supported our w o r k o v e r the years and m a d e this project possible: the William and Flora H e w l e t t F o u n d a t i o n , Corliss L a m o n t , the John D . and C a t h e r i n e T. M a c A r t h u r F o u n d a t i o n , the M i r i a m and Ira D . W a l l a c h F o u n d a t i o n , the W i n s t o n F o u n d a t i o n for W o r l d P e a c e , and others w h o have chosen to remain a n o n y m o u s . T h e continuing support of these foundations and individuals has b e e n absolutely essential, and I h o n o r them for their many contributions to the cause of international p e a c e , justice, and stability. Michael T. Klare Amherst, Massachusetts

PART 1 NEW DIRECTIONS IN PEACE STUDIES

1 Challenges to Curriculum Development in the Post-Cold War Era George A. Lopez A c a d e m e ' s inability lo a d j u s t to the new realities of the p o s t - C o l d W a r world p e r m i t us s o m e poetic license with the F r e n c h a d a g e " T h e m o r e things c h a n g e , t h e m o r e we [sic] r e m a i n the s a m e ! " A t worst this new p h r a s i n g should h a u n t a n d e m b a r r a s s collegiate e d u c a t i o n . A t best, it d e l i n e a t e s q u i t e clearly ihc c u r r e n t curricular c h a l l e n g e of h o w to integ r a t e t h e u n p r e c e d e n t e d c h a n g e s of the c o n t e m p o r a r y e r a into w h a t is t h e i n h e r e n t l y s t a b l e — s o m e w o u l d use the t e r m s impenetrable a n d conservative—academic c u r r i c u l u m of U.S. colleges a n d universities. Such tension, of c o u r s e , should c o m e as n o surprise. B e g i n n i n g with t h e d r a m a t i c e v e n t s of t h e late 1980s in E a s t - W e s t r e l a t i o n s a n d t h e c o n c o m i t a n t i n t e r n a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of E a s t e r n E u r o p e a n d t h e f o r m e r Soviet U n i o n , m u c h of t h e global reality that g u i d e d the r e i g n i n g p a r a digms of inquiry in t h e p e a c e studies field n o longer exist. A l t h o u g h this has led to s o m e r e a s s e s s m e n t of the s u b s t a n t i v e d i r e c t i o n of r e s e a r c h a n d t e a c h i n g in t h e s e fields, such r e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n has b e e n m i n i m a l c o m p a r e d to the m a g n i t u d e of change. 1 A s a result, it has b e e n difficult f o r m a n y a c a d e m i c specialists in p e a c e studies to close the e x p a n d i n g distance b e t w e e n t h e world in which we a n d o u r s t u d e n t s live a n d the m a t e r i a l we p r e s e n t in o u r courses. 2 In this c h a p t e r I s k e t c h the topics a n d a p p r o a c h e s that I believe a r e m o s t salient in a p e a c e studies c u r r i c u l u m in the c u r r e n t p o s t - C o l d W a r era. In t h e h o p e t h a t these ideas will be t a k e n seriously by the h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n c o m m u n i t y , I f r a m e t h e m with s o m e realistic a s s u m p t i o n s in m i n d r e g a r d i n g t h e c o n s t r a i n t s a n d the challenges of c u r r i c u l u m d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e 1990s. W i t h o u t d e v e l o p i n g o r d o c u m e n t i n g fully the r a t i o n a l e t h a t i n f o r m s e a c h of t h e s e a s s u m p t i o n s , I see t h r e e as c e n t r a l lo this essay. 3 First, t h e r e could not be a worse lime than now for U.S. colleges a n d universities to u n d e r t a k e serious curricular r e s p o n s e s to a c h a n g i n g world. Financial, political, a n d m o r a l e p r o b l e m s p l a g u e m u c h of t h e a c a d e m y . A l t h o u g h t h e c a u s e s a n d full scope of t h e decline vary f o r s t a t e versus

3

4

•

N E W D I R E C T I O N S IN P E A C E

STUDIES

private universities, and for small versus large institutions, higher education is experiencing a fiscal and emotional crisis. This makes curricular expansion, innovation, or réévaluation—especially in multidisciplinary ventures that already may be viewed with some suspicion—difficult to undertake. Second, and logically related to the first factor, il a campus is able to organize for curriculum changes that reflect the current global condition, it will do so through relatively incremental means and through faculty development. By this I mean that innovation and reformulation of courses and programs will occur in small revisions based on the expanded expertise of faculty already resident at an institution. Only in rare cases will budgets permit "new hires" of faculty in any number that might permit new areas of emphasis to be created in any given program. Thus, to put it bluntly, we need to get old faculty looking at current events in new ways. The goal is to create a vibrant curriculum from the combination of existing faculty expertise, energized by new perspectives on the peace puzzle. Finally, programs that will be successful in creating a dynamic, relevant curriculum that has academic integrity and that reflects the realities of the post-Cold War world will be those that make clear to their institution and to the field their specific areas of inquiry and education in a lime of rapid change. Of central importance to quality peace studies education in the 1990s will be faculty and administrators recognizing that no existent peace studies program can adequately address all of the relevant themes that constitute the academic peace puzzle. Those who can make difficult choices from an imposing list of priorities lor education and research and who can identify their niche in the broad constellation of the field will flourish. Programs that attempt to reflect each of the subfields of the larger field and to adjust to the various contours of the evolving world will crumble from overextension. The queries that I discuss below are intended to provide the proper balance of perspective and definition.

Three Queries for Post-Cold War Curriculum Development In light of (1) the constraining realities of fiscal and faculty resources; (2) the glacial pace of curriculum change within the university; and (3) the long-standing themes of peace research and education that emerged prior to the end of the Cold War, 4 what substantive themes can faculty pursue as a means of developing a sensible curriculum that is also sensitive to new global realities and their rate of change? In thinking about this challenge I have found it helpful to organize faculty thinking and dialogue about a peace studies curriculum around three basic queries;

C U R R I C U L U M D E V E L O P M E N T IN T H E P O S T - C O L D W A R ERA

•

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1. H o w a r e p e o p l e d y i n g f r o m political a n d social v i o l e n c e in this post-Cold W a r world? 2. W h a t f o r c e s a n d f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e t o political a n d social v i o l e n c e in t h e p o s t - C o l d W a r w o r l d ? 3. W h a t r o l e d o n o n v i o l e n t a p p r o a c h e s t o c o n f l i c t h a v e in t h e p o s t Cold War world? Obviously, these are not the only interesting queries relevant either t o c u r r i c u l a r r e f o r m in p e a c e s t u d i e s o r t o t h e r e a l i t i e s of t h e 1990s. B u t t h e y d o h a v e t h e a d v a n t a g e of b r i d g i n g t h e d o m i n a n t c o n c e r n s in t h e field w i t h m o r e c o n t e m p o r a r y issues. F u r t h e r , t h e y a r e p o s e d at a s u f f i c i e n t l y g e n e r a l level in this initial s t a g e as t o b e g p a r t i c i p a t i o n f r o m a v a r i e t y of d i s c i p l i n e s a n d p e r s p e c t i v e s in the f o r m u l a t i o n of a r e s p o n s e . A s s u c h , t h e q u e r i e s p r o v i d e a s p r i n g b o a r d f r o m w h i c h f a c u l t y can e n g a g e o n e a n o t h e r in c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y d i a l o g u e a n d by w h i c h t h e y c a n assess t h e a d e q u a c y of t h e i r e x i s t i n g c u r r i c u l u m . In t h e p a g e s t h a t f o l l o w , I i l l u s t r a t e h o w g r o p i n g w i t h t h e s e q u e r i e s m i g h t b r i n g this a b o u t ; in e a c h c a s e , I will s u g g e s t w h e r e t h e l i t e r a t u r e of t h e field a n d t h e signs of t h e t i m e s l e a d us in c o n s i d e r i n g this q u e r y .

Query 1. How Arc People Dying from Social and Political Violence in the Post-Cold War World? A f o c u s o n l a r g e - s c a l e political a n d social v i o l e n c e h a s l o n g b e e n t h e m a i n s t a y of t h e p e a c e r e s e a r c h field. B u t the t r u t h of the m a t t e r is t h a t t h e p r e o c c u p a t i o n of p e a c e r e s e a r c h ( a n d its collegial field, i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s ) h a s b e e n a l m o s t s i n g u l a r l y with t h e s t u d y of t h e f r e q u e n c y , i n t e n s i t y , a n d c a u s e s of w a r — e s p e c i a l l y '"great p o w e r " w a r . 3 T h e likely d e c l i n e in s u c h w a r s r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e e n d of t h e C o l d W a r n o w c o m b i n e s w i t h a n e w f o c u s o n i n t e r n a l strife b r o u g h t a b o u t by civil w a r in Y u g o s l a v i a a n d a n a r c h y in S o m a l i a t o t u r n o u r a t t e n t i o n to p e o p l e d y i n g f r o m political a n d social v i o l e n c e in s e e m i n g l y n e w ways. B u t a c l o s e s c r u t i n y of t h e r e a l d a t a of d e a t h f r o m social a n d political v i o l e n c e a f t e r 1945, as p r o m p t e d by this first q u e r y , s h o w s t h a t o u r f e a r of and focus on great-power war may have obscured other, m o r e central t r e n d s in g l o b a l v i o l e n c e . T h i n k i n g a b o u t h o w t h e p o s t - C o l d W a r w o r l d m a y b e d i f f e r e n t f r o m its p a s t , w e a r e c o n f r o n t e d w i t h t h e h a r s h r e a l i t y t h a t l a r g e - s c a l e v i o l e n c e c o n t i n u e s to h a v e s e v e r a l c o m m o n f e a t u r e s . First, of t h e w a r s t h a t d o o c c u r (127 b e t w e e n 1945 a n d 1989), m o r e t h a n 99 p e r c e n t a r e f o u g h t in t h e d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d . S e c o n d , t h e s e a r e a u g m e n t e d b y v a r i o u s o t h e r f o r m s of d i r e c t a n d c o v e r t m i l i t a r y i n t e r v e n t i o n s of l a r g e r p o w e r s in t h e i n t e r n a l d i s a g r e e m e n t s of s m a l l e r , a n d o f t e n d e v e l o p i n g n a t i o n s . F o r s u c h w a r s a n d i n t e r v e n t i o n s , t h e civilian d e a t h f i g u r e s h a v e

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i n c r e a s e d d r a m a t i c a l l y , with civilians n o w c o n s t i t u t i n g nearly 75 p e r c e n t of w a r casualties in t h e late 1980s, c o m p a r e d with less t h a n 50 p e r c e n t in t h e 1950s. 6 A n d t h e d a n g e r t o civilians, as R u d o l p h R u m m e l n o t e s , is not only d u r i n g war o r intervention. 7 In fact, o n a p e r capita basis, m o r e p e o p l e h a v e died within their o w n b o u n d a r i e s , at t h e h a n d s of their o w n c o m p a triots, in this c e n t u r y t h a n h a v e died o u t s i d e t h e s e b o u n d a r i e s in fighting wars. A s s t r a n g e as it m a y s e e m to s o m e , t h e c o m b i n a t i o n of g e n o c i d e , gross violations of h u m a n rights, a n d b l o o d y internal civil a n d e t h n i c v i o l e n c e h a s w r e a k e d m o r e h a v o c on t h e world scene than has o r g a n i z e d warfare. T h e s e realities p r e s e n t empirical, c o n c e p t u a l , a n d p e d a g o g i c a l dilemm a s t o t h o s e c o m m i t t e d t o quality p e a c e e d u c a t i o n . T h e y d e m a n d t h a t we b r o a d e n t h e d i a l o g u e c o n s i d e r a b l y b e y o n d the c o n v e n t i o n a l i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s a n d p e a c e r e s e a r c h b o u n d a r i e s to include m o r e c o u r s e o f f e r i n g s in a n t h r o p o l o g y (with its focus on ethnicity a n d local factors c o n t r i b u t i n g to violence), social psychology (with its c o n s i d e r a t i o n of factors that sustain social violence), a r e a studies, a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l law. T h e y also d e m a n d t h a t we e x p l o r e h o w societies might actually forge critical linkages that w o u l d limit large-scale violence. F o r e x a m p l e , a l t h o u g h we h a v e l e a r n e d to d o c u m e n t gross violations of h u m a n rights, we have yel to posit t h e f a c t o r s that lead to rights i m p r o v e m e n t s or d e t e r i o r a t i o n o v e r time. W o r s e yet, w e d o n o t h a v e in focus t h e specific r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n h u m a n rights violations, war, e t h n i c violence, a n d systematic discrimination against large g r o u p s of p e o p l e in t h e f o r m of politicidc. Y e t we k n o w t h a t unless t h e r e is h u m a n rights i m p r o v e m e n t in societies a n d c o n t i n u e d h u m a n rights p r o t e c t i o n , t h e r e will be n o p e a c e . This sets a tall a g e n d a f o r o u r c u r r e n t c u r r i c u l u m . It also m e a n s that o u r traditional f o u n d a t i o n c o u r s e s u n d e r such titles as " W a r a n d P e a c e in I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s , " as t a u g h t a l m o s t exclusively by political scientists, n e e d c o n s i d e r a b l e r e f o r mulation.

Query 2. What Forces and Factors Contribute to Political and Social Violence in the Post-Cold War World? T h e s e c o n d q u e r y begs m a n y r e s p o n s e s a n d o u g h t t o p r o d u c e a lively a n d multidisciplinary c a m p u s discussion. T h e c o n t e n d i n g p e r s p e c t i v e s t h a t such a d i a l o g u e g e n e r a t e s might itself constitute the basis of new curricular offerings. B u t such a q u e r y a n d d e b a t e w a r r a n t answers, only o n e of which I will e x a m i n e in detail here. T h e t h e m e I isolate for discussion serves b o t h as a q u i t e likely s u b s t a n t i v e r e s p o n s e to this q u e r y and as o n e that illustrates t h e curricular i m p a c t of such a query. In my view, o n e of t h e m a j o r forces a n d f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g to large-scale violence and that m u s t h a v e a p r o m i n e n t place in o u r c u r r i c u l u m is militarization. Militarization h a s at times b e e n an invisible t h e m e in m o d e r n p e a c e

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research and policy for more than two decades. New events and our new perspective on longer-term trends now make it imperative that serious consideration and prominence be given to militarization in U.S. peace studies programs. Beginning with definitional debates in the 1970s, peace researchers considered militarization as a multidimensional process whereby a nation experienced a "rush to armaments"; a new prominence of the military in decisionmaking about various aspects of national political, economic, and social life; and a preference for the use of force to settle national and international disputes. 8 Much of the rich discussion about the linkage between militarism (as a set of ideas) and militarization (as their actualization in policy) occurred outside the United States, and a good deal of that was itself fractioned into discrete research and teaching concerns. For example, peace research in the 1970s and 1980s in E u r o p e and the United States was dominated by the discussion of the nuclear arms race, with very little attention paid to the arms trade or related issues. Only for the few analysts concerned about guns and butter in government budget priorities in sub-Saharan Africa, or in the dramatic relationship between military assistance and h u m a n rights abuses in Latin America, was there a focal point away from the East-West arms dynamic. 9 The continuing saga of the arming of Iraq, Iran, and other states involved in the bloody wars of the 1980s and early 1990s has led some analysts to reconsider the militarization of the planet and the potential it has for causing death and destruction. 1 0 Thus, not until after the Cold W a r can we see a fuller picture of how the c o m p o n e n t parts that have occupied our agenda for the past two decades now warrant reconstruction and reconsideration in our curriculum. What might result from using militarization as an organizing concept for curricular innovation in peace studies'? From a topic perspective, a n u m b e r of themes would certainly be explored. The first area examines the economics of weapons development and arms transfers. W h e t h e r it is through the desire of a developing nation to generate hard currencies through the sale and the exporting of arms, or whether it is through the profit-making efforts of private businesses that have developed a technological edge in new weaponry, the flow of arms has an economic base and a technological dimension that must engage economists and area studies specialists in our curricular concerns. A second area relevant to militarization is economic conversion. H o w d o First World and other states with large military expenditures convert to peacetime economies, especially if that conversion must occur within a global economy that has now seen a b o o m in U.S. arms exports and sales? This question quite naturally creates an important role for faculty in economics, business, management, finance, engineering, and other disciplines whom many would correctly recognize as quite foreign to peace studies concerns during the Cold War era. But new events and new social

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n e e d s m a k e t h e m s t r a n g e r s t o t h e s e issues n o m o r e . L a s t , b u t c e r t a i n l y n o t least, d i s c u s s i o n s of c o n t e m p o r a r y m i l i t a r i z a t i o n a r e likely t o r e t u r n t o b a s i c issues, s u c h as t h e c o n c e p t s a n d m o d e l s t h a t h a v e led s o c i e t i e s in t h e p o s t - 1 9 4 5 w o r l d to c o n s t r u c t n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y s t a t e s t h a t h a v e e n s h r i n e d m i l i t a r i z a t i o n . T h e g r e a t a d v a n t a g e of this p e r s p e c t i v e o n m i l i t a r i z a t i o n is t h a t it i n v o l v e s p h i l o s o p h e r s , a n t h r o p o l o gists, o t h e r social scientists, a n d a r e a specialists. S u c h a c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y c o n v e r s a t i o n will c r e a t e a n active c u r r i c u l a r c o m p o n e n t . It m i g h t a l s o l e a d t o t h e a r t i c u l a t i o n of n e w , w o r k a b l e visions of h o w n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y c a n b e g u a r a n t e e d w i t h o u t m i l i t a r i z a t i o n . S u c h c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a r e s o r e l y lacking in t h e r e s e a r c h c o m m u n i t y , w h e r e , t h u s far, o n l y i s o l a t e d s t u d i e s , s u c h as Z a g o r s k y ' s r e c e n t s t u d y a d d r e s s t h e i m p o r t a n t issue of h o w s o c i e t i e s m i g h t demilitarize. 1 1

Query 3. What Role Do Nonviolent Approaches to Conflict Have in the Post-Cold War World? T h e s y s t e m a t i c s t u d y of n o n v i o l e n c e h a s b e e n a n i n t e g r a l p a r t of c o l l e g i a t e p e a c e s t u d i e s since its i n c e p t i o n . F o r m a n y , it w a s t h e a r e a of s t u d y t h a t w a s d o m i n a t e d by t h e h u m a n i s t s w h o t a u g h t t h e r e l i g i o u s , p h i l o s o p h i c a l , a n d historical d i m e n s i o n s of n o n v i o l e n c e . T h e r e a l w a y s h a s b e e n a c e r t a i n s k e p t i c i s m in t h e a c a d e m y a b o u t n o n v i o l e n c e , with s o m e of t h e m o s t h o s t i l e r e a c t i o n s , in fact, c o m i n g f r o m i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s f a c u l t y in p e a c e p r o g r a m s . 1 2 O t h e r critics c o n s i d e r e d t h o s e w h o t e a c h a b o u t n o n v i o l e n c e as p r o s e l y t i z i n g , at w o r s t , o r as m i s r e p r e s e n t i n g e i t h e r t h e p o t e n t i a l o r t h e reality of n o n v i o l e n c e as a n a p p r o a c h t o social c h a n g e , at b e s t . S o m e of this division a n d s k e p t i c i s m w i t h i n a c a d e m e m a y n e v e r b e r e s o l v e d . B u t e v e n t s in t h e real w o r l d h a v e c e r t a i n l y s h i f t e d t h e b u r d e n of p r o o f f r o m t h o s e w h o c o n s i d e r n o n v i o l e n c e a n i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t of p e a c e s t u d i e s t o t h o s e w h o a s s e r t t h a t it is U t o p i a n . B e g i n n i n g with t h e n o n v i o l e n t o v e r t h r o w of M a r c o s in t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , t h r o u g h t h e r e m a r k a b l e p r o c e s s e s of g o v e r n m e n t a l c h a n g e in m o s t of E a s t e r n E u r o p e , a n d c u l m i n a t i n g in t h e s p o n t a n e o u s p r o g r a m of n o n c o o p e r a t i o n by R u s s i a n c i t i z e n s a n d m e m b e r s of t h e a r m y in t h e a b o r t i v e 1991 a n t i - G o r b a c h e v c o u p , n o n v i o l e n c e h a s b e c o m e political reality. B u t if s o m e of t h e c o n c e r n s a b o u t the c u r r i c u l a r r e l e v a n c e of n o n v i o lent d i r e c t a c t i o n h a v e w a n e d in light of t h e s e e v e n t s , a fully h o n e s t a s s e s s m e n t w o u l d r e c o g n i z e t h a t a n e w set of c h a l l e n g e s in r e s e a r c h a n d t e a c h i n g a b o u t n o n v i o l e n c e h a s e m e r g e d . In s h o r t , t h e p r a c t i c e of n o n v i o l e n t d i r e c t a c t i o n h a s s u r p a s s e d o u r ability to t e a c h a b o u t it, t o f o r m u l a t e o u r c a s e s t u d i e s t h a t d o c u m e n t it, a n d t o p l a c e t h o s e c a s e s in a h i s t o r i c a l a n d t h e o r e t i c a l f r a m e w o r k t h a t e x p l a i n s it a c r o s s c u l t u r e s . W e r e it not f o r t h e d o c u m e n t a r y w o r k of t h e H a r v a r d P r o g r a m o n N o n v i o l e n t S a n c tions, 1 3 o u r e v i d e n c e w o u l d lag e v e n f u r t h e r b e h i n d w h a t w e s u s p e c t t h e

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contemporary reality to be. Serious consideration of the place of nonviolence in the post-Cold War world would likely lead faculty to recognize a number of imperatives in the peace studies curriculum. First, to have students read the autobiographies of great nonviolent change advocates, such as Gandhi and King, may fall short of adequate confrontation with the theory and practice of nonviolence in a post-Cold War world. Second, and relatedly, faculties in the social sciences should have new roles to play in teaching about nonviolence through the emergence of comparative research in social and peace movements that has been published during the past few years. 14 Further, international relations specialists have a new opportunity to assess nonviolence in an examination of the efforts of private voluntary organizations and nonviolent nongovernmental organizations, such as Peace Brigades International and Witness for Peace, which have engaged violent authority with new strategies of participation and truth. 15 And, we would expect that a serious discussion of nonviolent approaches to conflict resolution beyond the 1990s would also focus on the changing role and potential of the United Nations.

Pedagogical Perils of the Post-Cold War Period Attention to the queries discussed above will lead to distinct curricular foci and educational strategies on different campuses. Although I have no single or model curricular response to these queries in mind, I do believe that there arc some incorrect, if not inappropriate, ways to respond to them. That is, the road to successful curriculum development is fraught with dangers from preemptive narrowing of the issues to the temptation to oversimplify the unique challenge we now face. Three of these pedagogical perils deserve note. The first peril appears as a kind of reductionist or particularistic approach to linking peace research, peace education, and the current era. In this situation, faculty define the niche much too narrowly by (1) failing to adequately specify how the focus of their curriculum fits into the wider and equally legitimate concerns of peace studies, and/or (2) letting the excitement about a "hot topic" become the single prism for answering the queries or driving the engine of curriculum change. An example of the former appeared a few years ago when the Reverend Bill Byron, S.J., then president of Catholic University, wrote in The Chronicle of Higher Education that peace studies ought to reformulate itself and call itself the management and science of conflict. 16 Such a self-definition would free peace education of the conceptual and ideological debates in which Byron believed the field to be hopelessly mired. Moreover, this narrowing of the field essentially to the skills of negotiation

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a n d m e d i a t i o n w o u l d link p e a c e studies to e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s in w h a t w a s b e c o m i n g t h e b o o m i n g industry of d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n . N o w , t h e c o n c e p t u a l c e n t r a l i t y — a s well as p o p u l a r i t y — o f various t h e o r i e s a n d t e c h n i q u e s of conflict r e s o l u t i o n to p e a c e s t u d i e s c a n n o t be d e n i e d . T h i s i m p o r t a n t subfield m u s t b e a p r o m i n e n t c o m p o n e n t of any p e a c e studies p r o g r a m . B u t to e q u a t e o r t o c o n f i n e p e a c e s t u d i e s only to this p a r t i c u l a r a p p r o a c h w o u l d be a m i s t a k e . I m a k e this a s s e r t i o n even while recognizing the increased n u m b e r of p e a c e p r o g r a m s d e v o t e d alm o s t exclusively to conflict r e s o l u t i o n since t h e early 1980s. F o r t u n a t e l y , t h e r e a r e s o m e discussions a i m e d at r e s t o r i n g p e r s p e c t i v e a n d b a l a n c e in t e a c h i n g conflict r e s o l u t i o n a n d p e a c e studies in light of the other. 1 7 A s e c o n d peril has b e e n p e r e n n i a l for m a n y p r o g r a m s : h o w to sustain faculty i n v o l v e m e n t in the face of the bias in h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n against the multidisciplinary e n t e r p r i s e . M a n y still c o n s i d e r it c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e to b r i n g faculty a n d s t u d e n t s f r o m q u i t e d i f f e r e n t disciplines a n d p a t t e r n s of a c a d e m i c socialization t o g e t h e r to e n g a g e in a joint v e n t u r e on a c o m m o n set of q u e s t i o n s . I am personally c o n v i n c e d that, o v e r the long t e r m — i n p a r t b e c a u s e o u r paying c o n s t i t u e n c i e s will d e m a n d that o u r curricula a d j u s t to the t i m e s — s u c h multidisciplinary v e n t u r e s will b e c o m e the n o r m . B u t that o p t i m i s m d o e s not alter the p r e s e n t reality, as s u m m a r i z e d in t h e c o m m e n t s o n c e m a d e to m e by an a c a d e m i c at a m a j o r c o n f e r e n c e , " M y c a m p u s has r u n a m u c k with multidisciplinary p r o g r a m s . W e h a v e g e n d e r studies, interracial studies, e n v i r o n m e n t a l studies, p e a c e a n d global studies. . . . Nexl y e a r I a m f o u n d i n g a p r o g r a m called 'studies studies!"' T h i s peril is sufficiently p r o b l e m a t i c in its o w n right, b u t its d a n g e r i n c r e a s e s w h e n we a c k n o w l e d g e , as we m u s t , that o u r o w n multidisciplin a r y v e n t u r e is e n h a n c e d a n d b r o u g h t closer t o t h e c h a n g i n g realities it is m e a n t to study w h e n we search f o r its linkages to o t h e r multidisciplinary d o m a i n s . T h e t w o most o b v i o u s a r c linkages to g e n d e r studies a n d to e n v i r o n m e n t a l studies. W i t h o u t specifying w h a t the m u t u a l l y reinforcing b r i d g e s across these studies are, I simply p o i n t out t h a t t h e r e is n o t h i n g i n c o n s i s t e n t with p e a c e studies p r o g r a m s ' delving into t h e s e areas, p r o vided t h a t they a r e clear a b o u t h o w d o i n g so fits their s u b s t a n t i v e vision of h o w t o t e a c h a n d r e s e a r c h i m p o r t a n t p a r t s of t h e p e a c e puzzle. F o r t h o s e still skeptical of such advice, a d e t a i l e d r e a d i n g of F o r c e y for t h e linkage to g e n d e r studies, a n d H o m e r - D i x o n f o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l issues, m i g h t p r o v e convincing. 1 8 T h e last p e d a g o g i c a l peril we f a c e in t h e p o s t - C o l d W a r e r a lies in o u r p o t e n t i a l failure to posit t h e ways in which p e a c e r e s e a r c h , p e a c e e d u c a tion, a n d p e a c e action c o m p l e m e n t a n d r e i n f o r c e o n e a n o t h e r . A s t h e r e c e n t w o r k of Bing a n d Weigert h a s s h o w n in d i f f e r e n t collegiate learning situations, we m u s t i n c r e a s e o u r c o m m i t m e n t to a n d specification of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n p e a c e l e a r n i n g t h a t o c c u r s d u r i n g "in t h e field"

C U R R I C U L U M D E V E L O P M E N T IN T H E P O S T - C O L D W A R ERA

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e x p e r i e n c e s and t h e p e a c e learning t h a t e m e r g e s f r o m t h e o r y a n d t e a c h i n g in o u r o w n w o r k in t h e university. 1 9 P e a c e studies h a s a very long t r a d i t i o n of " a c t i n g o n e ' s way into n e w thinking a n d using r e s e a r c h in t h e c l a s s r o o m to t h i n k o u r way into n e w p a t t e r n s of action," 2 0 b u t w h a t this m e a n s specifically in t h e p o s t - C o l d W a r e r a n e e d s to b e d e f i n e d a n d d e f e n d e d in t h e a c a d e m y . F o l l o w i n g the lead of A l g e r a n d of B o u l d i n g , with their e m p h a s i s on global citizenship t h r o u g h t r a n s n a t i o n a l n e t w o r k s , a p p e a r s to b e a u s e f u l place t o begin. 2 1 This certainly fits with o u r early indications of t h e p a t t e r n s of citizen action in a p o s t - C o l d W a r world.

Conclusion C o n s i s t e n t with the p e d a g o g i c a l tradition of p e a c e studies, t h e r e will a n d should be a variety of curricular m o d e l s that r e s p o n d lo t h e c u r r e n t c h a l l e n g e of integrating n e w global realities with the historical thrust of the r e s e a r c h a n d t e a c h i n g in the field. U n i q u e lo o u r c u r r e n t m o m e n t is the magnit u d e a n d d e p t h of c h a n g e occurring in the social forces t h a t h a v e b e e n so closely r e l a t e d to the study of a n d reality of p e a c e : t h e shifting c o n f i g u r a t i o n of n a t i o n s , the increasingly b r u t a l c h a r a c t e r of conflict a m o n g p e o p l e s , a n d t h e varied f o r m s of security a n d conflict r e s o l u t i o n that h u m a n s seek. D r a m a t i c c h a n g e of a m o r e local n a t u r e — t h a t is, within t h e a c a d e m y i t s e l f — a l s o d e f i n e s t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y era. This c o m b i n e d reality m a k e s serious university p e a c e e d u c a t i o n a most difficult, t h o u g h not impossible, u n d e r t a k i n g . T h e task, if g u i d e d by active a n d o p e n d i a l o g u e a r o u n d s o m e basic q u e r i e s , can p r o d u c c a c u r r i c u l u m with a c a d e m i c integrity that also has s o m e flexibility as faculty p e r s p e c t i v e s on t h e q u e r i e s c h a n g e o v e r time. W i t h an eye t o w a r d b o t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d perils, p e a c e studies s h o u l d be p a r t of the n e w d e f i n i t i o n of higher e d u c a t i o n in the U n i t e d S t a l e s that the realities of t h e p o s t - C o l d W a r world will necessitate.

Noles 1. The d i l e m m a of h a v i n g e v e n t s o u t p a c e i n t e l l e c t u a l a s s e s s m e n t s of w h e r e r e s e a r c h a n d t e a c h i n g in t h e field m i g h t m o v e is p a i n f u l l y a p p a r e n t in W . S c o t t T h o m p s o n et al., Approaches to Pcace: An Intellectual Map ( U n i t e d S t a t e s I n s t i t u t e of P e a c e , 1991), in w h i c h v i r t u a l l y n o n e of t h e s i x t e e n e s s a y s r e f l e c t t h e r e a l i t i e s of a 1990s w o r l d . T h e m o s t h e l p f u l a n a l y s e s t h a t a t t e m p t this c a n b e f o u n d in C h e s t e r H a r t m a n a n d P e d r o V i l a n o v a , e d s . , Paradigms Lost: The Post Cold War Era ( P l u t o P r e s s , 1992), a n d in t h e s e c u r i t y s t u d i e s d e b a t e b e t w e e n S t e p h e n M . W a l t ( " T h e R e n a i s s a n c e of S e c u r i t y S t u d i e s , " International Studies Quarterly 35 [1991]: 2 1 1 - 2 3 9 ) a n d E d w a r d A . K o l o d z i e j ( " R e n a i s s a n c e in S e c u r i t y S t u d i e s ? C a v e a t L e c t o r ! " International Studies Quarterly 3 6 [1991]: 4 0 0 - 4 1 7 ) .

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2. T w o e x c e p t i o n s to this are C h a d A l g e r , " P e a c e Studies at the C r o s s r o a d s : W h e r e E l s e ? " in G e o r g e A . L o p e z , ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 117-127, a n d J a r o s l a v P e l i k a n , " T h e S t o r m B r e a k i n g u p o n t h e University: T h e University in Crisis," Key Reporter, S u m m e r 1992, pp. 2^6. T h e f o r m e r is a p e a c e r e s e a r c h e r a n d e d u c a t o r of long standing. The latter m a k e s a classical a r g u m e n t f o r closing t h e g a p b e t w e e n university life and the life of the society of which t h e university is a p a r t . 3. Such d o c u m e n t a t i o n , of c o u r s e , would not be difficult. A simple culling of The Chronicle of Higher Education for t h e past few years would do. So, too, would a r e a d i n g of J a m e s E . Giles, " G r i p e s of A c a d e m e : A Critical R e v i e w , " Crosscurrents 41 (Spring 1991): 116-123. 4. See G e o r g e A . L o p e z , " C o n c e p t u a l M o d e l s for Peace Studies P r o g r a m s , " in D a n i e l C. T h o m a s and Michael T. Klare, eds., Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 5th ed. ( W e s t v i e w Press. 1989), pp. 73-86; G e o r g e A . L o p e z , ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989), pp. 9 - 1 3 . 5. See J. D a v i d Singer and Melvin Small, Report to Arms: International and Civil Wars, 1816-1980 (Sage. 1982): Jack Levy, War and the Modern Greal Power System, 1945-75 (University of K e n t u c k y Press, 1982); M a n u s 1. Midlarsky, Handbook of War Studies ( U n w i n , 1989); K. J. Holsti, Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and International Order, 1648-1989 ( C a m b r i d g e University Press, 1991). 6. R u t h L e g e r Sivard, World Military and Social Expenditures, 1989 ( W o r l d Priorities, 1989), p. 23. 7. R u d o l p h J. R u m m e l , " W a r Isn't This C e n t u r y ' s Biggest Killer," Wall Street Journal, July 7, 1986. 8. M a r e k Thee, "Militarism and Militarization in C o n t e m p o r a r y I n t e r n a tional R e l a t i o n s , " Bulletin of Peace Proposals 9 (1978). 9. Michael T. K l a r e and C y n t h i a A r n s o n , Supplying Repression: U.S. Support for Authoritarian Regimes Abroad (Institute for Policy Studies, 1981). 10. Michael T . K l a r e , " W a r s in the 1990s: G r o w i n g F i r e p o w e r in the T h i r d W o r l d , " Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 46 ( M a y 1990): 9-13; F r e d e r i c S. P e a r s o n , The Spread of Arms in the International System ( W e s t v i e w Press, f o r t h c o m i n g ) . 11. Paul Z a g o r s k y , Democracy Versus National Security ( L y n n e R i e n n e r . 1991). 12. J o h n V a s q u e z , " T o w a r d a U n i f i e d Strategy of Peace E d u c a t i o n , " Journal of Conflict Resolution 20, no. 4 (1976): 707-728. " 13. P r o g r a m on N o n v i o l e n t S a n c t i o n s in Conflict and D e f e n s e , Transforming Struggle: Strategy and the Global Experience of Nonviolent Direct Action ( C e n t e r f o r I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s , H a r v a r d University, 1992). 14. D o u g M c A d a m et al., "Social M o v e m e n t s , " in Neil Smelser, ed., Handbook of Sociology (Sage, 1988); A l d o n M o r r i s and C e d i g H e r r i n g , " Theory a n d R e s e a r c h in Social M o v e m e n t s : A Critical R e v i e w , " in S a m u e l Long, ed., Annual Review of Political Science, no. 2 ( A b l e x , 1987). 15. P e t e r Willetts, ed., Pressure Groups in the International System (St. M a r t i n ' s Press, 1982). 16. William J. B y r o n , " P e a c e Studies Should Be T a u g h t as ' T h e History a n d M a n a g e m e n t of Conflict R e s o l u t i o n , ' " Chronicle of Higher Education, N o v e m b e r 23,1988. 17. Louis K r i e s b e r g , " C o n f l i c t R e s o l u t i o n A p p l i c a t i o n s to Peace S t u d i e s , " Peace and Change 16 ( O c t o b e r 1991): 400-417. 18. L i n d a R e n n i e F o r c e y , " W o m e n as P e a c e m a k e r s : C o n t e s t e d T e r r a i n for Feminist P e a c e S t u d i e s , " Peace and Change 16 ( O c t o b e r 1991): 331-354; T h o m a s

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F. H o m c r - D i x o n ct a l , " E n v i r o n m e n t a l C h a n g e and Violent C o n f l i c t , " Scientific American, F e b r u a r y 1993, pp. 38-45. 19. A n t h o n y G . Bing, " T h i n k i n g O u r W a y into A c t i n g a n d A c t i n g O u r W a y i n t o T h i n k i n g in U n d e r g r a d u a t e P e a c e S t u d i e s " ( K e y n o t e a d d r e s s at t h e t e n t h a n n i v e r s a r y c o n f e r e n c e for the C o n c e n t r a t i o n in P e a c e Studies at t h e U n i v e r s i t y of N o t r e D a m e , M a r c h 26,1993); A n t h o n y G . Bing, " P e a c e Studies as E x p e r i e n t i a l E d u c a t i o n , " in G e o r g e A . L o p e z , ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 37—47. 20. Bing, " T h i n k i n g O u r W a y into A c t i n g . " 21. A l g e r , " P e a c e Studies at t h e C r o s s r o a d s " ; Elise B o u l d i n g , Building a Global Civic Culture: Education for an Interdependent World (Syracuse University Press, 1990).

2 New Approaches to International Peacemaking in the Post-Cold War World Carolyn M. Stephenson In the late 1980s, we were full of hope for a new, m o r e gentle world order that would provide for more peace and more security. We had hopes in a renewed United Nations, in new forms of mediation and conflict resolution, in a new relationship between the superpowers, in new arms control and disarmament treaties, and in the increasing recognition of individual human rights and needs. The United Nations had received the Nobel Prize for its peacekeeping missions in 1988. Nonviolent revolutions had overturned authoritarian regimes in the Philippines in 1986 and in Eastern E u r o p e in 1989. We were beginning to develop solid international agreements to protect and restore our environment. Although we were less hopeful and more sober by the early 1990s, we had begun to take seriously both new types of conflict and new approaches to peacemaking. But there was disagreement about what constituted the grounds for successful peacemaking. For some, success consisted of the breakup of the Soviet Union and the renewed ability of the United Nations to function as originally intended, as a maker and keeper of the peace. People with this perspective tended to view U.S. military, economic, and political power as having been responsible for the end of the Cold War. For them, the restoration of the UN capability for e n f o r c e m e n t action, under U.S. leadership, was central. For others, what constituted success was the restoration of a different United Nations: a United Nations that would be run on a one-nation, one-vote basis; would counter the hegemonic influence of both superpowers, and would function cooperatively to advance individual and group rights, international security, economic development, and the quality of the global environment. For these people, U.S. leadership was not so central as were decentralized political movements of individual human beings. For them, the global changes of the late 1980s had come about not so much because of U.S. military, economic, and political power as because of the committed organizing power of social movements all over the world. 14

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These two approaches, and other variants of them, rely on different conceptions of security and peace, on different views of the state (and of the relationship between the individual and the state), and on different conceptions of power; as a result, they emphasize different methods of and approaches to the task of international peacemaking. If we are to be more than faddish in educating ourselves and others in new approaches to peacemaking, it is important that we examine the conceptions of peace, security, power, and the state that underlie these approaches, and that we give serious attention to what really has and has not changed in the international system. Otherwise, we risk shifting from notions of world government to arbitration, to nuclear deterrence, to UN peacekeeping, to nonviolent revolution, to humanitarian intervention, and so on with no sense of why we have shifted from one approach to another, and to what ultimate effect. It is essential, therefore, that we examine each of these questions in turn.

What Has Changed and What Has Not? There may be far less that has changcd in the post-Cold War world than we might at first glance be led to assume. Certainly, and centrally, the power structure of the international system has changed. It is no longer a bipolar world dominated by hostility between two ideologically divided superpowers facing each other with nuclear weapons. The Soviet Union has collapsed, the Warsaw Pact has collapsed, and we are left with a strong United States, a strong Western Europe, a strong Japan, and emerging powers in various Third World areas. We have new bilateral and multilateral arms control treaties, including START, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) agreement, and the new Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) signed by 130 countries in January 1993. We have a renewed United Nations, which has experienced a new availability of military and other force because of the cooperation between the former superpowers and the resultant decline in the use of the Security Council veto. We have the fractionalization of certain regions of Eastern E u r o p e and the former Soviet Union, seeming to support John Mearsheimer's argument that we will soon miss the "stability" of the Cold War, with its bipolar structure of internal order and nuclear deterrence. 1 But what has not changed? Not a great deal has changed in the configuration of weapons arsenals themselves: the INF reduced nuclear weapons by 4 percent; the C W C will outlaw chemical weapons already considered unusable by most. Weapons have, however, shifted location. As certain categories of weapons decline or disappear in the First and Second Worlds, their presence increases in numerous parts of the Third World. The new UN arms registry may, when fully implemented, tell us

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where transfers of arms have occurred, but it will not curb the booming trade in conventional weapons. 2 Nor have the various types and forms of conflict and violence changed very much. Terrorism, although it has not received so much attention recently in peace and security studies, was found to be alive and well at the World T r a d e Center in New York City on February 26,1993. Ethnic and national conflict and violence, which are seen as a new challenge to the agenda of peace and security studies, are not in fact very new. What may be new is the extension of such violence to the formerly authoritarian countries of Eastern E u r o p e and the USSR, where internal conflict was suppressed for so many years. If one looks beyond Europe, however, it is difficult to miss the underlying dynamic of ethnicity and nationalism in the 150-odd wars that have occurred since World War II. What is new is not the existence of such conflict but, rather, our focus on it and our desire to d o something about it. There are other significant changes in the international system thai affect peace and security, but they cannot be said to have occurred suddenly at the end of the Cold War. The world has b e c o m e smaller and more interdependent due to increases in population, changes in technology and information systems (including military technology), changes in economic and political systems, and changes in our awareness of our physical environment. Along with these changes have come the increasing importance of economics and the environment, and some recognition that the utility of military force may not be as great as once thought. 3 T h e nonaligned movement and the " G r o u p of 77" less-developed countries ( L D C s ) have grown in size and declined in unity, and individual states in the nonindustrialized South have become more powerful. Any discussion of a new security order must address these aspects of structural change in the international system. Changes

in the Concept

of

Security

Perhaps most significant in examining new approaches to peacemaking is to examine the underlying changes in our conception of security, and in the practices of the systems we have designed to provide it. Whereas "national security" was once virtually the only conception of security that we could talk about, we have come to acknowledge the relationship between national security and both international and individual security. We have moved from reliance on a balance-of-power system, to collective security, to collective defense, and then to c o m m o n security, with the present international security system representing some mixture of all of these. The classical balance-of-power system was the primary system for maintaining security in nineteenth-century Europe, and was retained well

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into the twentieth century. With a goal of assuring that no nation-state b e c o m e so strong as to be able to overpower others, rough equality was maintained by two groups of states in the system, with one or several states (usually Britain) periodically changing alliances in order to maintain the balance. This system began to break down in the twentieth century, when it failed to avert world wars and to maintain stability in the system. T h e beginnings of collective security came with the League of Nations in 1919, and was strengthened with the establishment of the United Nations in 1945. U n d e r this system, states agreed on certain basic notions of international law, including national sovereignty and f r e e d o m from outside aggression, and agreed that if any state violated these rules, all of the others would band together against the miscreant state. Sanctions for violating the prohibition against international aggression could be either military or nonmilitary. U n d e r the League, whose voting rules required unanimity, there were failures to apply sanctions in certain clear-cut cases of aggression as well as incompleteness in the implementation of sanctions when they were applied (as in the case of Italian aggression against Ethiopia). U n d e r the United Nations Charter, the requirement for unanimity— which had prevented action in the League—was dropped in favor of granting a veto only to the great powers (that is, to the victors of World W a r II: the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain, France, and China), which became p e r m a n e n t members of the Security Council, and with majority voting in the General Assembly. Collective security was strengthened with provisions for a UN military force to be negotiated and supplied by the great powers, acting through the U N Military Staff Committee. However, with the advent of the Cold War, the solidarity that had existed between the p e r m a n e n t m e m b e r s was fractured, and the exercise of the veto power again led to virtual paralysis in security decisionmaking. A l t h o u g h this was remedied somewhat by the Uniting for Peace Resolution of 1951 (which authorized the General Assembly to take up matters of peace and security if the Security Council was unable to d o so), a combination of political and financial constraints meant that collective security did not begin to function as a practical system until the end of the Cold War. Collective defense, which was a step back in the direction of the balance-of-power system, became the dominant international security system by the late 1940s. U n d e r this system, each major set of nationstates, East and West, gathered together in military alliance to defend against the other set. T h e formation of N A T O in 1949 (and later A N Z U S , C E N T O , and S E A T O ) was followed by the formation of the Warsaw Pact in 1955. Each side bolstered its conventional military defenses with the nuclear umbrella of its respective superpower. Deterrence, including (but n o t limited to) nuclear deterrence, was the primary underlying power

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dynamic of collective defense. T h e collective defense system has not entirely disappeared, but the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Eastern E u r o p e and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact has left N A T O with profound questions about its remaining purpose. 4 In contrast, the concept of common security has gained considerable strength. T h e r e are two distinct aspects of common security, one of which arose in the context of North-South hostilities, and one in the East-West context. The 1980 report of the Independent Commission on International D e v e l o p m e n t Issues, better known as the Brandt Commission, raised the question of economic security. 5 For the South, the failure of economic development was perceived as a much greater threat to security than was nuclear war. T h e 1982 report of the Independent Commission on Security Issues, or the Palme Commission, m a d e two additional points: first, that there can be no victory in nuclear war, and thus we can only survive together; and second, that the costs of the military everywhere are contributing to economic insecurity, and thus the reduction of military costs would contribute to development and enhanced economic security. 6 T h e Conference on Security and Cooperation in E u r o p e (CSCE), convened since the early 1970s by the states both of N A T O and the Warsaw Pact, is the best example of an actual common-security regime. T h e Helsinki Final Act, adopted by the CSCE in 1975, contains three "baskets" of accords: a security basket that contains agreements on p o s t World W a r II borders in Europe, an economic basket that opens up trade between East and West, and a human rights basket that provides for certain human rights guarantees and procedures. In subsequent meetings, the CSCE also agreed to the initiation of "confidence- and security-building measures" (CSBMs) aimed at reducing tensions between East and West. Similar efforts have been proposed for other areas, including Asia and the Middle East. T h e 1987 Brundtland Commission report, Our Common Future, added the concept of environmental security to that of c o m m o n security, strengthening the idea that sustainable development required protecting the environment that supported development. 7 Environmental security encompasses both the protection of the environment for its own sake and the protection of the environment for the sake of humankind. A n o t h e r important security concept that has arisen in recent years, especially in Asia, is that of comprehensive security. First used in J a p a n ' s 1983-1984 D e f e n s e White Paper, comprehensive security represents an expanded concept of traditional national security by means of self-defense but also includes ensuring access to food, energy, and other resources, and recognizes the utility of development aid and other economic methods in the pursuit of security. T h e concept has since spread to various states of Southeast Asia as well. Security today is thus conceived of in a more multidimensional way,

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even when that security is still applied to the nation-state rather than to the world community. It comprises not only negative security (the ability to defend against threats viewed as harmful) but also positive security (the ability to maintain relationships that are viewed as essential to survival, such as access to food, oil, and credit). Such a reconceptualization of security, to include both positive and negative security, inevitably means that reliance on traditional approaches to security are less likely to be seen as adequate. 8 This is one of the reasons that new approaches to peacemaking are increasingly being taken seriously by security analysts. Changes in the Concept of the State and Individual-State

Relations

T h e r e is no spacc here to consider the broad reconceptualization of the state that has been occurring in political theory; we can only briefly examine the changes that affect international relations. Both increases and decreases in the power of the state are important here. Although the increasing bureaucratization of the state is thought to have increased its power relative to that of the individual and society, there has been extensive discussion of the declining power of the state in international terms. From above, the nation-state has been challenged by the growth of regional and global intergovernmental organizations, such as the E u r o pean Community and the United Nations. From below, many states (especially those with a multinational structure) have been challenged by ethnic, linguistic, and national separatism. This is seen not only in the former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia, but also in states as widely divergent as Canada and Sri Lanka. The state has also been challenged by the power of multinational corporations, nongovernmental organizations ( N G O s ) and social movements. It may no longer be as easy to assume the continued existence of the international system—a system that, after all, has existed only since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Nation-states, which have been the system's basic units, are no longer by any means the only major units. International law—which grew up with this system and protected the sovereignty of each of the states—increasingly recognizes the role and legal standing of the individual. T h e Declaration of H u m a n Rights (1948), the Convention on Political and Civil Rights (1966), and the Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) have helped to increase the emphasis on the rights and needs of individuals. T h e basic-human-needs approach, which posits that peace and security require meeting the basic needs of all h u m a n s for food, shelter, identity, and security, has also been increasingly important. 9 All of this, in turn, has influenced conceptions of peace and security. It may already be inappropriate to speak of approaches to international p e a c e m a k i n g (as distinct from peacemaking in general), as the unitary and sovereign nature of the nation-state becomes less clear

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a n d as we b e c o m e m o r e and m o r e a w a r e of the connections b e t w e e n d i f f e r e n t levels of conflict and violence. Changes in the Concept of Peace A t this stage in the field of p e a c e studies it is probably u n n e c e s s a r y to d o m o r e t h a n briefly r e m i n d ourselves of ways in which the concept of p e a c e has changed. 1 0 A l t h o u g h the concept of security has increasingly b e e n i n t e r p r e t e d as relating to t h e individual unit, p e a c e has t e n d e d to be seen as a p r o p e r t y of the b r o a d e r c o m m u n i t y . Yet the concept of p e a c e has also b r o a d e n e d in m u c h the s a m e way as security has, e x p a n d i n g f r o m the concept of "negative p e a c e " (or p e a c e as the absence of war) t o include "positive p e a c e " (or p e a c e as the absence of exploitation and the p r e s e n c e of social justice). T h e earliest discussion of negative and positive p e a c e a p p e a r s to be in M a r t i n L u t h e r King's writings, but the t e r m s were e x p a n d e d u p o n a n d m o r e fully operationalized by J o h a n Galtung. 1 1 T h e d e b a t e that e n s u e d over which concept of peace was to receive centrality in the field has yet to be resolved. For some, the absence of direct violence s e e m s m o r e i m p o r t a n t ; for others, the absence of exploitation is key. N o r have we yet b e e n able to clarify how the two are related. T h e basic underlying issues h e r e are values questions, yet b o t h theoretical and empirical aspects beg for dialogue and research. New a p p r o a c h e s to p e a c e m a k i n g tend to a c k n o w l e d g e that relationships exist b e t w e e n the concepts of negative and positive peace but are not specific a b o u t the n a t u r e of those relationships. Until we are m o r e in a g r e e m e n t a b o u t the kind of p e a c e we are interested in making, however, t h e r e will c o n t i n u e to b e m a j o r d i f f e r e n c e s in the various a p p r o a c h e s to p e a c e m a k i n g .

New Approaches to Peacemaking This writer d o u b t s that t h e r e are any entirely new a p p r o a c h e s to peacem a k i n g in the p o s t - C o l d W a r era. T h e r e are m e t h o d s that were neglected d u r i n g the Cold W a r period that existed in a s u b t e r r a n e a n discourse a n d that have now c o m e to the f o r e with the waning of the Cold War. T h e r e are also i m p o r t a n t changes in e m p h a s i s and modifications to p a r t i c u l a r existing m e t h o d s . T h e r e is n o space in this essay to cover all of the various m e t h o d s , b u t we can at least touch on the overall p e a c e m a k i n g app r o a c h e s , and on the specifics of s o m e of the most notable of these. In the U n i t e d Nations, distinctions have for a long time b e e n m a d e b e t w e e n p e a c e m a k i n g , p e a c e k e e p i n g , and peacebuilding. 1 " W i t h o u t getting i n t o t h e t e c h n i c a l i t i e s of d e f i n i t i o n s , let it suffice to say that peacebuilding generally includes constructing the conditions of society so that t h e r e will b e peace. In this area, we might include such m e t h o d s as

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human rights education, economic development and development aid, and the restoration of intergroup h a r m o n y in a postconflict phase. Peacekeeping, in the b r o a d e r sense, involves keeping hostile parties from fighting or otherwise doing damage to each other. In the narrower sense, it has been used to describe the multinational forces used by the United Nations to restore and maintain peace between hostile parties. Peacemaking is usually taken to mean helping to bring parties in conflict to a negotiated agreement. In the context of this essay, we will explore new approaches to all three of these, with an emphasis on peacekeeping and peacemaking (and with the recognition that they overlap). United Nations peacekeeping operations have probably received more attention than most of the other approaches. 1 3 Peacekeeping is defined by the International Peace Academy (a nongovernmental organization that does much of the training for UN peacekeeping forces) as "the prevention, containment, moderation, and termination of hostilities between or within states, through the medium of peaceful third-party intervention organized and directed internationally, using multinational forces of soldiers, police, and civilians to restore and maintain peace." 1 4 The United Nations Charter does not mention peacekeeping, either in Chapter VI (Peaceful Settlement of Disputes) or in Chapter VII (Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression). Yet peacekeeping has come to be dubbed " C h a p t e r Six 1/2" because it is a hybrid of the approaches discussed in those two chapters. United Nations peacekeeping can be considered to have begun with the UN Special Committee on the Balkans, an observer mission created by the General Assembly in 1947 to investigate G r e e k allegations of Albanian. Bulgarian, and Yugoslavian guerrilla infiltration in support of insurrection in Greece. 1 3 The United Nations itself generally lists the first peacekeeping observer mission as the UN Truce Supervision Organization ( U N T S O ) in Israel/Palestine, which was established in June 1948 and has continued to the present. The term peacekeeping was not actually used until the 1956 creation of the UN Emergency Force ( U N E F I) to secure the cease-fire and to provide a face-saving formula for the withdrawal of Israeli, British, and French troops involved in the Suez crisis. Through 1987, six observer missions and seven peacekeeping forces had been set up; from 1988 on, thirteen additional missions were established. By January 1992, an estimated 528,000 military, police, and civilian personnel had served in U N peacekeeping missions, at an aggregate cost of roughly $8.3 billion. 16 Most missions were under 1,000 in personnel; a few ranged between 6,000 and 7,000. T h e C o n g o operation ( O N U C , 1960-1964) n u m b e r e d almost 20,000, and resulted in m a j o r financial problems for the United Nations. T w o operations established in 1992, U N P R O F O R (in the former Yugo-

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slavia) and U N T A C (in Cambodia), also promise to be large. Many U N peacekeeping operations have continued long after their start; fourteen are currently in operation, leading observers to ask whether this is an indication of their effectiveness or ineffectiveness. U n d e r the operating conditions that have prevailed since 1973, U N peacekeeping forces are deployed only (1) with the full backing of the Security Council, and (2) with the consent of the host countries; furthermore, the force must (3) be under U N command (specifically, u n d e r the secretary-general), (4) have complete f r e e d o m of movement, (5) be international in composition, with contingents acceptable to the all parties, (6) act impartially, (7) use force only in self-defense, and (8) be supplied and administered under U N arrangements. 1 7 U N peacekeeping missions have generally been staffed with participants from a large number of middlelevel p o w e r s . T h e s e c o n d i t i o n s are a m o n g those that distinguish peacekeeping operations from enforcement action by the United Nations. United Nations enforcement action constitutes another approach to peacemaking that has become more available to the international system after the end of the Cold War. E n f o r c e m e n t action is covered u n d e r the collective security provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, especially the nonmilitary sanctions provided in Article 41 and the military sanctions provided in Article 42. Some analysts consider that the charter's conditions for military enforcement have never been met, because of the failure to set up U N forces under the Military Staff Committee (Articles 43-47), but most would agree that Korea and the Gulf War constitute the only examples of U N military enforcement. 1 8 E n f o r c e m e n t action is generally considered when a state has clearly violated the terms of the charter by carrying out cross-border aggressive action. E n f o r c e m e n t actions have tended to be led and staffed by one or several of the great powers rather than by middle powers. T h e r e are clear differences of opinion as to whether military enforcement action constitutes an approach to peacemaking, or is better considered simply as a form of war. Somewhere between peacekeeping and enforcement lie the newer m e t h o d s of preventive diplomacy and humanitarian intervention. While attempting to end or prevent war or the abuse of h u m a n rights, or to reduce h u m a n suffering d u e to disasters occasioned by h u m a n beings, these methods raise the age-old questions on the relationship between force and justice by utilizing means that may be unacceptable to the leaders and/or populations of the countries directly concerned. T h e word prevention has b e c o m e a n a t h e m a to most representatives of nonaligned countries, as they see the risks of justifying intervention (military or otherwise) in smaller or weaker countries by the major powers of the world, now united in coalition. 19 Resolution of this debate may prove a critical question for scholars and policymakers who are examining new

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approaches to peacemaking. Nonmilitary sanctions are not a new but a newly resurgent approach to peacemaking. Article 41 of the United Nations Charter says that " T h e Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions," including "complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communications, and the severance of diplomatic relations." In the 1930s, sanctions were seen as a primary guarantor, within the system of collective security, for preventing wars. A f t e r the failure of League of Nations sanctions against Italy in 1936 with respect to Ethiopia, sentiment turned against sanctions. 20 Most writers today have concluded that sanctions are not especially useful on major foreign policy goals but may be useful on limited goals. H u f b a u e r and Schott, looking at 103 cases of economic sanctions, found that the success rate declined from 75 percent in the period 1914-1973 to 28 percent in the period 1973-1984. 21 T h e old debate over whether sanctions are appropriate and effective was renewed after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Peace organizations generally supported sanctions as an alternative to armed combat b e f o r e the war but opposed sanctions as harmful to the Iraqi people after the war. Clearly, the context, purpose, type of sanction, and alternatives available must be taken into account in the decisionmaking process. If the purpose was to gel Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait, there were early indications that sanctions might have worked. If, on the other hand, the purpose was (is) to get Saddam Hussein out of Iraq, then sanctions were (are) not likely to be effective. Goal ambiguity in messages from Washington may be one of the reasons that sanctions did not succeed within the short time period they were attempted. Clearly, the definition of sanctions has changed over time. At the time of the League of Nations, sanctions usually meant actions taken by international bodies to enforce international law; since then, the term has come to include unilateral acts and even the use of economic policies for ordinary diplomatic influence. Evaluation of the success of sanctions may be very different if one separates unilateral actions from the more consensually based actions of international organizations. Baldwin points out that the efficacy of positive (reward-based) and negative (threat-based) sanctions will be different for different kinds of goals. 22 Yet most studies of sanctions have dealt only with negative sanctions. Were we to attempt a careful evaluation of the use of sanctions in international peacemaking, we would need to examine attempts at international influence based on a b r o a d e r conception of power than simply threat. Many of the approaches to peacemaking that are receiving renewed attention by both policymakers and researchers are based on a more complex combination of coercive (threat) power, exchange (economic) power, and integrative (persuasive

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o r c o n s e n s u a l ) power. 2 3 I n t e r n a t i o n a l n o n m i l i t a r y s a n c t i o n s a r e b u t o n e f o r m of t h e b r o a d e r c a t e g o r y of nonviolent action. N o n v i o l e n t action includes a variety of m e t h o d s f o r struggling with an o p p o n e n t . W h e r e a s s a n c t i o n s a r e usually t h o u g h t of as b e i n g c a r r i e d o u t by o n e state against a n o t h e r , n o n v i o l e n t action is usually seen as action by individuals o r g r o u p s against t h e s t a t e o r f o r c o n t r o l of state p o w e r . In practice, n o n v i o l e n t action o r s a n c t i o n s c a n b e d i r e c t e d within t h e society o r o u t s i d e it. a n d can b e used b o t h for c h a n g e a n d to p r e v e n t c h a n g e . ( G e n e S h a r p ' s Politics of Nonviolent Action, p u b l i s h e d in 1973, r e m a i n s t h e central text on n o n v i o l e n t action.) N o n v i o l e n t action h a s p r o b a b l y existed t h r o u g h o u t t h e w h o l e of history. T h e ancient G r e e k play Lysistrata, in which wives w i t h d r e w f r o m sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s with their h u s b a n d s in o r d e r to i n f l u e n c e t h e m into r e f r a i n i n g f r o m war, is a story of n o n v i o l e n t action. In m o r e r e c e n t times, t h e role of G a n d h i a n satyagraha in the i n d e p e n d e n c e of India is k n o w n to all. W h a t is n e w a b o u t t h e n o n v i o l e n t - a c t i o n a p p r o a c h to i n t e r n a t i o n a l p e a c e m a k i n g is that t h e r e h a v e b e e n recent successes in a variety of cultural and political settings that few can ignore. T h e p o w e r of n o n v i o l e n t action was d e m o n s t r a t e d in the " p e o p l e p o w e r " r e v o l u t i o n of 1986 in t h e Philippines, in t h e various E a s t e r n E u r o p e a n r e v o l u t i o n s of 1989, a n d in t h e A u g u s t 1991 resistance to the a n t i - G o r b a c h e v c o u p in t h e U S S R . W h a t is significant is that t h e s e actions s u c c e e d e d in situations in which n o o n e t h o u g h t that success was possible: situations with r e p r e s s i v e a u t h o r i t a r i a n g o v e r n m e n t s a n d in c u l t u r e s in which t h e r e was n o clear tradition of n o n v i o l e n t action. In o t h e r m a j o r e x a m p l e s of n o n v i o l e n t a c t i o n , such as t h e Palestinian intifada, the T i a n a n m e n S q u a r e e v e n t s of F e b r u a r y - J u n e 1989, t h e c o n t i n u i n g resistance to a p a r t h e i d in S o u t h A f r i c a , a n d the p r o d e m o c r a c y e f f o r t s in B u r m a , success may not yet be s e e n , b u t the actions h a v e d e m o n s t r a t e d c o n t i n u e d c o m m i t m e n t to political c h a n g e . N o n v i o l e n t civilian-based d e f e n s e is a s u b c a t e g o r y of n o n v i o l e n t action t h a t is d e v o t e d to d e f e n d i n g a n a t i o n or state f r o m o u t s i d e attack o r f r o m internal t a k e o v e r s . R e s i s t a n c e to t h e G o r b a c h e v c o u p a n d the 1991 L a t v i a n a n d L i t h u a n i a n c a m p a i g n s f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d against r e n e w e d Soviet d o m i n a n c e a r e e x a m p l e s . T h e r e h a v e b e e n g o v e r n m e n t level discussions of such policies in S w e d e n , Switzerland, t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , N o r w a y , a n d D e n m a r k . " 4 A t a c o n s u l t a t i o n in J u n e 1992. d e f e n s e ministry r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f r o m L i t h u a n i a , Latvia, E s t o n i a , a n d S w e d e n m e t a n d discussed d e v e l o p m e n t of a Baltic civilian-based d e f e n s e m u t u a l aid treaty. 2 5 In spite of w i d e s p r e a d u s e of a n d discussion of n o n v i o l e n t a c t i o n , t h e r e r e m a i n s a m o n g t h e g e n e r a l p u b l i c a n d t h e security policy c o m m u n i t y — a n d , I w o u l d a r g u e , in t h e p e a c e studies c o m m u n i t y as well—little u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e d y n a m i c s of n o n v i o l e n t action. Lip service is p a i d to its p o w e r , b u t t h e r e is little u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e p o w e r i n h e r e n t in large

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numbers of people withdrawing support from a repressive government or an invading state, and little understanding of the fact that the necessity for strategic planning is as great in nonviolent action as it is either in military action or m o r e conventional political action. Clearly, the study of nonviolent action and nonviolence theory needs to become a more widely studied approach to peacemaking. Within the field of mediation, or third-party resolution of conflict, new varieties, emphases, and techniques, along with a new sophistication in its use, make it a particularly important approach to peacemaking. Thirdparty conflict resolution involves the use of a third party not directly involved in a conflict to facilitate communication between parties and to help them in coming to a mutually acceptable resolution of their conflict. It can include methods such as judicial decision (where the third parly exercises ultimate coercive decisionmaking power over the parties in the conflict), arbitration (where the third party is expected to propose a solution that may be binding or nonbinding on the parties), and mediation and problem-solving facilitation (where the third party is expected to facilitate communication and help the parties come up with their own resolution to the conflict). Third-party conflict resolution methods range from the coercive to persuasive/consensual dynamics of power: the newer approaches—variants of mediation and problem solving—tend to emphasize the consensual end of the power spectrum. In considering the application of these techniques, we can look at the efforts of the U N secretary-general and officials of regional organizations to mediate in such conflicts as the Iran-Iraq war and the Bosnian-Serbian conflict, along with efforts by representatives of powerful stales to mediate in regional conflicts, as in Jimmy Carter's mediation at C a m p David of the Israeli-Egyptian conflict and in James Baker's efforts to p r o m o t e negotiations between Israel and its opponents. The set of approaches variously termed controlled communication, facilitation, or the problem-solving workshop—often classified as "second-track diplomacy," and usually carried out by representatives of N G O s — t e n d to be located at the more consensual end of the power spectrum, and to be aimed not only at abating or slopping a violent conflict but also toward resolving the underlying issues, meeting the parties' underlying needs, and promoting reconciliation between the parties. 26 Included here are the work of the academics John Burton and H e r b e r t Kelman, as well as of the Carter Center and such N G O s as the International C o m m i t t e e of the Red Cross, the Mennonite Conciliation Service, and the Friends World Committee for Consultation. 2 7 T h e restoration of traditional techniques of mediation and conflict resolution has also been important; many of these techniques, such as the Hawaiian ho'oponopono, also stress reconciliation and lie at the consensual end of the power spectrum. 2 8

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In the wake of the Cold War we have also seen the phenomenon of community mediation groups from the United States providing training in such techniques to people in areas of conflict, such as Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. As with nonviolent action, there has been a tremendous increase in both the study and use of these approaches. With mediation, in particular, the literature has burgeoned in the recent past, with numerous case studies of the stages of mediation, the use of different techniques, their appropriateness to different settings and conflicts, and the degree of justice provided compared with traditional methods of conflict resolution. 29 The teaching of conflict resolution has expanded tremendously, and has specialized in a variety of realms such as neighborhood/community, family, business, environmental, public policy, and international disputes. Teaching has been institutionalized in settings ranging from college and graduate programs to community mediation training of volunteers, to commercial mediation and negotiation programs.

The Tasks Ahead What is new in the various approaches to peacemaking discussed above is a realization that peacemaking must ultimately be an activity carried out in common—with recognition of mutual interests and needs, including both those of the individual units within the system and those of the system itself. This has come forward in a variety of arenas, and in certain aspects of feminist theory, psychological theory, environmental theory, and peace and security theory. Yet our reconceptualization of security has not really led to an exploration or design of new techniques that are appropriate to these more comprehensive conceptions of security. We are thus left with tremendous inconsistencies in our thinking. We alternately advocate and hesitate over humanitarian intervention but seem unable to imagine more powerful methods—perhaps equally costly but less violent—that would approach the problem in the longer term and work toward its resolution and ultimately to forgiveness and reconciliation between parties that have carried out unforgivable violence and abuse against each other. Wholly new approaches to peacemaking would require not only a further reconceptualization of power and security but also imaginative experimentation with methods that better incorporate the full range of power dynamics—from the coercive power on which we still seem to rely to a better balance between coercive, exchange, and consensual power. Better understanding of the psychological dynamics of conflict is needed. This is not to say that if we all sit down on the grass together and hold hands, we will be in touch with the earth and bring justice to our world community; real peacemaking entails a whole lot more work than that, and requires a balance between the individual and the community, be-

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tween coercion and consensus, between man and woman, between the e n v i r o n m e n t a n d Homo

sapiens.

Alfred Zorzybski said that "there are two ways to slice through life, to believe everything and to doubt everything. Both ways save us from thinking." But the current balance of approaches, even in peace studies, seems to remain weighted in the direction of coercion to a degree that does not seem to take adequate account of our new understandings of peace and security in the face of an increasingly smaller and more environmentally fragile world.

Notes 1. J o h n M e a r s h e i m e r , " B a c k lo the F u t u r e : Instability in E u r o p e A f t e r the Cold W a r , " International Security 15 ( S u m m e r 1990): 5-56. 2. S e e M i c h a e l T. Klare, " W o r l d A r m s M a r t : It's Business as U s u a l , " The Nation, F e b r u a r y 3, 1992, p p . 120-26. 3. R o b e r t K e o h a n e and J o s e p h N y e , Power and Interdependence (Boston: Little, B r o w n , 1977). 4. See t h e o n g o i n g d e b a t e in NATO Review, especially M a n f r e d W o r n e r , " A V i g o r o u s A l l i a n c e — A M o t o r for P e a c e f u l C h a n g e in E u r o p e , " D e c e m b e r 1992, pp. 3-9, in which c o m m o n security, or " p r o j e c t i n g stability to the c o u n t r i e s of C e n t r a l and E a s t e r n E u r o p e and C e n t r a l Asia," and crisis m a n a g e m e n t are identified as a r e a s o l ' c u r r e n t focus. 5. I n d e p e n d e n t C o m m i s s i o n on I n t e r n a t i o n a l D e v e l o p m e n t Issues, NorthSouth: A Programme for Survival ( C a m b r i d g e : M I T Press, 1980). 6. I n d e p e n d e n t C o m m i s s i o n on D i s a r m a m e n t and Security Issues, Common Security ( N e w Y o r k : S i m o n & Schuster, 1982). 7. W o r l d C o m m i s s i o n on E n v i r o n m e n t and D e v e l o p m e n t , Our Common Future ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d University Press, 1987). 8. F o r a m o r e c o m p r e h e n s i v e discussion of the c o n c e p t s of n e g a t i v e and positive security, s e e C a r o l y n M. S t e p h e n s o n , Common Sense and the Common Defense (Syracuse: S y r a c u s e University Press, f o r t h c o m i n g , 1994), c h a p . 1. 9. See, for e x a m p l e , J o h n B u r t o n , " H u m a n N e e d s V e r s u s Societal N e e d s , " and " C o n f l i c t R e s o l u t i o n as a F u n c t i o n of H u m a n N e e d s , " in R o g e r A . C o a t e and Jerel A . R o s a t i , e d s . , The Power of Human Needs in World Society ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: L y n n e R i e n n e r , 1988): J o h n B u r t o n , ed., Conflict: Human Needs Theory ( N e w Y o r k : St. M a r t i n ' s Press, 1990); B r u c e E . M o o n , The Political Economy of Basic Human Needs ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l University Press, 1991). 10. F o r fuller discussion of d e b a t e s in t h e field over d e f i n i n g p e a c e , see C a r o l y n M . S t e p h e n s o n , " T h e E v o l u t i o n of P e a c e Studies," in M i c h a e l K l a r e and D a n i e l T h o m a s , eds., Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 5th ed. ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: W e s t view Press, 1989), pp. 9-19. 11. J o h a n G a l t u n g , " V i o l e n c e , P e a c e , and Peace R e s e a r c h , " Journal of Peace Research 6, no. 6 (1969). 12. B o u t r o s B o u t r o s - G h a l i , in An Agenda for Peace ( N e w Y o r k : U n i t e d N a t i o n s , J u n e 1992), e m p l o y s s o m e of these distinctions. 13. F o r a g o o d i n t r o d u c t i o n to U N p e a c e k e e p i n g , see T h o m a s G . Weiss and J a r a t C h o p r a , United Nations Peacekeeping: An ACUNS Teaching Text ( N e w Y o r k : A c a d e m i c C o u n c i l o n t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s System, 1992). T h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s p r e f e r s " p e a c e - k e e p i n g " ; most o t h e r s r e f e r t o " p e a c e k e e p i n g . " 14. I n t e r n a t i o n a l P e a c e A c a d e m y , Peacekeeper's Handbook (New York:

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P e r g a m o n Press, 1984). 15. U N G A Res. 109 (II), O c t o b e r 21,1947. A m o n g those w h o begin with this mission are H e n r y Wiseman, "United Nations Peacekeeping: A n Historical Overview," in Wiseman, Peacekeeping, Appraisals and Proposals (New York: Perg a m o n Press, 1983), pp. 19-58. Also William J. Durch and Barry M. Blechman, Keeping the Peace: The United Nations in the Emerging World Order (Washington, D.C.: H e n r y L. Stimson Center, 1992). Both sources are excellent introductions to U N peacekeeping. For an account of the case, see David W. W a i n h o u s e and associates, International Peace Observation (Baltimore: T h e J o h n s H o p k i n s University Press, 1966), pp. 221-241. 16. Boutros-Ghali, An Agenda for Peace, pp. 1,28. 17. Report of the Secretary-General on the I m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the Security Council Resolution 340 (1973), U N document S/11052/Rev„ 27 O c t o b e r 1973. 18. For the d e b a t e over legal authority in the Gulf War, see the American Journal of International Law (July 1991). 19. At the Rio " E a r t h S u m m i t " (June 1992), there was t r e m e n d o u s objection to keeping the term prevention in a section of A g e n d a 21, even though the issue here was not directly military. It was finally removed. 20. M. S. D a o u d i and M. S. D a j a n i , Economic Sanctions ( L o n d o n : Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983), pp. 18-28. Sanctions 21. See G a r y Clyde H u f b a u e r and Jeffrey J. Schott, Economic Reconsidered, 2d ed. (Washington, D.C.: Institute for International Economics. 1990), pp. 79-82: Miroslav Nincic and Peter Wallensteen, cds., Dilemmas of Economic Coercion (New York: Praeger, 1983), p. 6: David Baldwin, Economic Statecraft (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 146-147, 205. 22. David Baldwin, "The Power of Positive Sanctions," World Politics, October 1971, p. 35. 23. For fuller discussion of the relationships between sanctions and success, see Stephenson, Common Sense and the Common Defense, chap. 3. For a fuller discussion of concepts of power, see Stephenson, chap. 2, and K e n n e t h Boulding, Three Faces of Power (New York: Sage, 1989). 24. G e n e Sharp, "Making the Abolition of War a Realistic G o a l , " in Carolyn M. Stephenson, ed., Alternative Methods for International Security ( L a n h a m , Md.: University Press of America, 1982). 25. R o g e r Powers, "Baltic D e f e n s e Officials Consider Relevance of CivilianBased D e f e n s e at Vilnius C o n f e r e n c e , " Nonviolent Sanctions: News from the Albert Einstein Institution 3, no. 4/ 4, no. 1 (Spring/Summer 1992): 1-2. 26. A review of the literature in this area up to 1981 can be found in Carolyn M. Stephenson, " A Review of the Literature," in Stephenson, Alternative Methods for International Security, pp. 203-239, and of the literature f r o m 1981 to 1989 in Stephenson, " T h e Need for Alternative F o r m s of Security: Crises and O p p o r t u nities," Alternatives 13, no. 1 (1988): 55-76. 27. A recent consultation of the International Negotiation N e t w o r k highlights some of this work. See "Resolving Intra-National Conflicts: A S t r e n g t h e n e d R o l e for N o n - G o v e r n m e n t a l Actors," C o n f e r e n c e R e p o r t Series, vol. 3, no. 2 (Atlanta: C a r t e r C e n t e r of E m o r y University, January 1992). 28. See E. Victoria Shook, Ho'oponopono (Honolulu: East-West Center, 1985). 29. See Victor K r e m e n y u k , International Negotiation (San Francisco: JosseyBass, 1991); Louis Kriesberg, International Conflict Resolution (New H a v e n : Yale University Press, 1992); Louis Kriesberg and Stuart Thorson, Timing the Deescalation of International Conflict (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1991).

3 Global Peace and Security in the Post-Cold War Era: A "Third World" Perspective Asoka Bandarage The Cold War is over. Capitalist democracy has defeated communist authoritarianism. F o r m e r adversaries have improved their relations; armed forces are being reduced; h u m a n rights are being protected; and conflicts are being resolved multilaterally. The peace dividend will be converted into sustainable development. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, humanity has arrived at the "end of history" and a new world order of peace, justice, and security. 1 Such proclamations, spoken with great authority by well-known analysts, are sharply at odds with current global realities. T h e environment is collapsing around us; A I D S is wiping out entire communities; trade wars, drug wars, and ethnic wars are escalating; nation-states are being torn apart; and millions are being turned into refugees. Economic and political uncertainty in the former Soviet Union and "ethnic cleansing" in Central and Eastern E u r o p e could lead to new forms of authoritarianism in those regions. Mass discontent, ethnic violence, and fascist movements are on the rise in Western Europe. In the United States, the 1992 Los Angeles riots revealed the volatility of the seemingly stable and peaceful social order. It is in the so-called "Third World," however, that political violence is most advanced and routinized." Gun-wielding youth, death squads, disappearances, torture, and pervasive human rights violations constitute the way of life in many parts of the impoverished "South." Massive dumping of arms by superpowers during the Cold War has been followed by political destabilization at the end of the Cold War. T h e situation in Somalia illustrates how a nation can be devastated by violence, impeding

The term Third World is pejorative. In the absence of a "Second World," it has even less meaning. Still other alternative terms such as developing world, the South, and so on do not capture the exploitative nature of the relations between the West and the neocolonial nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Hence the term Third World is retained in this article.

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even famine relief, so that the return of external military powers to restore social order is widely justified. What are the reasons for rising levels of violence and insecurity in the Third World in the post-Cold War era? Can violence and insecurity be attributed simply to primordial enmities and the Hobbesian nature of human beings? Under what historical social circumstances do ethnicity and cultural differences lead to hierarchy, conflict, and violence? This chapter will seek to explain the global politico-economic context in which Third World conflicts and political violence are escalating. It will do so by discussing such issues as the Third World in the Cold War, the historical relationship between militarism and economic imperialism, the current expansion of arms exports to the Third World, and the formulation of new strategies for U.S. intervention in the Third World. The paper will conclude by emphasizing the urgency for a global paradigm shift: from the social and psychological structures of domination that underlie militarism to structures of partnership that alone can provide the foundation for global peace education and peacemaking.

The Third World in the Cold War Although Cold War ideology was largely formulated in terms of EastWest competition, both superpowers invoked this ideology while seeking to extend their control and influence in the Third World. Already in the 1950s, foreign policy experts such as Henry Kissinger were arguing that U.S.-USSR conflict was less likely to take place in Europe and that the greater threat to U.S. power lay in the "gray areas" of the Middle East, Indochina, and Korea. 2 Indeed, virtually all of the 150 or so wars fought during the Cold War—many of them "proxy wars" of the superpowers— took place in the Third World. Except in Greece, no intense Cold War struggle took place in Europe (and of course none took place in North America). Moreover, nuclear forces were placed on alert, and threats made regarding the use of nuclear weapons, only during Third World crises, as in Cuba in 1962 and Vietnam in 1969.3 Many of the armed conflicts in the Third World during the Cold War era involved superpower military intervention in national liberation struggles. For example, the United States intervened either directly or indirectly in Korea, Guatemala, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Iran, Vietnam, Angola, Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Libya, and Grenada, among other countries. The Soviet Union intervened in Angola, Ethiopia, Korea, Yemen, and Afghanistan (as well as in the former Warsaw Pact countries). For much of the Third World, the so-called Cold War was not an "unprecedented half-century of global peace" as assumed by most Western ana-

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lysts and the public. 4 Rather, it was a period of hot wars and t r e m e n d o u s violence, suffering, and insecurity. The full extent of the devastation caused by so-called low-intensity wars in the Third World during the Cold War era will probably never be known. According to some estimates, more than 16 million people were killed and between 25 and 30 million were turned into refugees due to these wars. A n y w h e r e from 1 million to 3 million people died at the hands of the K h m e r Rouge in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979. More than a million people died in the decade-long Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, and m o r e than 100,000 people were killed and 40,000 disappeared in the G u a t e m a l a n army's counterinsurgency campaigns between 1970 and 1990.' But losses caused by war have never been restricted to the millions killed. Environmental destruction, poverty, and destitution are other m a j o r ruinous outcomes. A s a result of napalm, Agent Orange, and other toxic chemicals, Vietnamese women have the highest rate of spontaneous abortion and cervical cancer in the world, and many give birth to deformed children fifteen years after the official end of the Vietnam War. Palestinian women exposed to tear gas attacks in the West Bank and Gaza are also suffering from reproductive health problems. 6 The environmental costs of war have not been limited to the actual battlefields. Much of uranium mining and nuclear weapons testing around the world has taken place on lands stolen by m a j o r military powers from indigenous people—Native Americans, Marshall Islanders, Kazakhs, Australian "aborigines," and so on. 7 These people then were also victims of the Cold War. And these practices have not stopped with the end of the Cold War: there are reports that the United States has begun to ship its surplus chemical weapons from E u r o p e to Johnston Atoll in the Pacific for incineration. 8 Despite the focus on nuclear war, the arms buildup and arms race during the Cold War primarily involved conventional weapons for use in the Third World. Cold War rhetoric helped make defense the leading sector of the global economy, with a trillion-dollar annual allocation by the end of the 1980s. A r m s exports to the "developing" countries j u m p e d f r o m $1.1 billion in 1960 to $35 billion in 1987, accounting for up to three-quarters of the global arms trade. Military spending in those countries rose three times faster than in the industrialized countries during the past three decades. Between 1960 and 1987, Third World military spending rose from $24 billion to $173 billion. 9 Some of the highest spending on d e f e n s e prevailed in some of the poorest regions: South Asia spent $10 billion a year on defense and sub-Saharan Africa $5 billion in the 1980s.10 A large percentage of the Third World debt today represents monies borrowed to purchase arms from the industrialized world; some 20 percent

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of the African and Latin American loans in the 1970s were geared toward the military." Military expenditures constitute a direct assault on social welfare, especially the welfare of the poor. According to U N estimates, in 1980 there were eight times more soldiers than physicians in the Third World. 12 In many Third World countries like Angola, Oman, Yemen, and Pakistan, which were heavily armed during the Cold War, military expenditures were nearly three times that of education and health. These same states had abysmally low literacy rates and life expectancies. 13 In the United States too, the 1980s saw a gigantic increase in military expenditures and a slashing of social welfare spending. While the state was allocating 50 to 60 cents of every tax dollar to the heavily subsidized defense sector, the burden of cuts in health, education, and social benefits were being borne predominantly by the poor, people of color, women, and children.

Poverty as Structural Violence Worsening poverty and the "deterioration in the human condition" in a majority of countries in the 1980s cannot be attributed to militarism alone. 14 The nexus between militarism and poverty has to be located in the historical evolution of industrial capitalism and recent forms of economic warfare as represented by the G A T T (General Agreement on Tariff and Trade), Third World debt, and Structural Adjustment Programs imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. From the outset, the transformation of Third World subsistence economies into commodity production for export was highly exploitative of colonial lands and laboring populations. Take the case of the famineridden Sahel region in Africa. The famines there have roots in colonial capitalism, when the region's varied agriculture was turned into a producer of cotton and peanuts for export at the expense of food for the local people. Even at the height of famines, bumper cash crops were recorded in some Sahel countries while once self-sufficient local people were waiting for imported food and other relief from the North. 15 There is also evidence that modern farming methods associated with monocrop agriculture have been a major cause of desertification and other forms of environmental destruction in the Sahel as well in other regions across the world. 16 Imperialism set in motion a system of unequal trade—euphemistically referred to as "comparative advantage"—whereby the industrialized countries were able to export expensive manufactured goods (including advanced military equipment) to the Third World, while cheaply extract-

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ing vast natural resources such as the minerals of Africa, the tropical forests of the Amazon, and the oil of the Gulf. 17 During the Cold War period, differences in the rates of capital accumulation and the terms of trade between North and South continued to widen. T h e result was an increasing income gap. A decade ago, the 75 percent of the world's population that lives in the Third World received 23 percent of the global income; in 1991, the 77 percent of the global population living there earned only 15 percent of the global income. In terms of G N P , the average 1991 income in the South was $710; in the North, $12,510. 1S High interest rates were imposed by Western financial institutions as the poverty-stricken Third World became increasingly d e p e n d e n t on loans. At the start of 1989, "developing" nations owed foreign creditors $1.3 trillion, on which the annual debt-service bill approximated $200 billion. In 1986, repayments on the debt from Africa to the I M F were three times as high as the funds received from the I M F by Africa. 1 9 A s noted earlier, a large percentage of Third World debt represents spending on arms from the industrialized world. Structural A d j u s t m e n t Programs (SAPs) imposed by the I M F are aimed at managing the Third World debt and removing obstacles to further integration of Third World economies into global capitalism. Structural adjustment loans usually require trade liberalization, export promotion, devaluation of local currencies, curbs on import substitution, privatization of state sectors, deregulation of stale controls, wage and salary freezes in the public sector, and cutbacks in social welfare expenditures and subsidies. Not surprisingly, the freezing of wages, abolition of food subsidies, and elimination of other social benefits have worsened the poverty and vulnerability of those in the lowest socioeconomic strata of the Third World. 20 For example, following the removal of food subsidies in Sri Lanka, market prices rose by 158 percent for rice, 386 percent for wheat flour, 339 percent for bread, and 345 percent for milk powder in the 1977-1984 period. The shock program introduced by the Peruvian government in August 1990 raised prices of basic consumer goods several thousand percent virtually overnight. 21 In a n u m b e r of countries, the riots that followed the introduction of SAPs have engendered increasing state repression. As Brazilian labor leader Lula da Silva says, " T h e Third World War has already begun; it is a silent war fought over the foreign debt; interest is its main weapon and Third World children, unemployed, and destroyed economies are its main victims." 22 Indeed, the debt crisis is merely the tip of an iceberg of a global system of political and economic inequality created by imperialism and maintained by militarism. The impoverishment is so acute today that in many places dispossessed people have been forced to enter the "skin t r a d e " — prostitution, pornography, the export of children, mail-order brides, the

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sale of body organs, mercenary soldiering—simply to survive. Indeed, soldiering is the most readily available work option for young men, as prostitution is for young women. The global skin trade is flourishing not only because more and more people have nothing but their bodies to sell but also because it constitutes one of the most lucrative and expanding sectors of the global economy. The dangers inherent in the skin trade are tremendous, as demonstrated by the dramatic spread of AIDS in the Third World. 23 Growing social inequalities, poverty, and discontent have created extremely fragile political situations in most regions of the world. Ethnic conflict, migration, and unmanageable numbers of refugees are only the outward manifestations of the crisis caused by the combined effects of militarism, economic insecurity, environmental destruction, and traditional rivalries. Capitalist production, poverty, and militarism are intertwined. In the absence of fundamental social transformations, populations can be managed only through further militarism and repression. The continuation of the existing economic system will increase human rights violations, leading to a mounting spiral of violence and insecurity, death and destruction around the world.

A n n s Exports to the Third World Accompanying and fueling the spiral of global violence is a continuing increase in the flow of conventional weapons to the Third World. Notwithstanding expressions of intent to "observe rules of restraint" in arms sales to volatile regions, the five permanent UN Security Council members seem to be more concerned with protecting the comparative advantage of their respective arms industries and export markets than in preventing arms proliferation. 24 The United States, Russia, Britain, France, and China together account for about 85 percent of all arms sales to the Middle East and more than 85 percent of global arms exports. For the most sophisticated and expensive equipment, these five countries are virtually the only suppliers. 25 The United States—self-proclaimed guardian of the peaceful new world order—has emerged as the unrivaled exporter of arms to the Third World since the 1991 Gulf War. In the wake of large projected cuts in Pentagon spending, U.S. arms manufacturers have been lobbying the White House to promote arms sales abroad. They argue that it is the only way for the United States to keep its technological supremacy and competitive edge in the global economy. McDonnell Douglas has even formed a "Jobs Now" coalition with six other aerospace corporations and six labor unions in support of "arms-sales-for-jobs." 26 Not wanting to sabotage their election bids at a time of economic hardship, many members of Congress who had voted to restrain arms sales to the Third World in the past supported the two biggest arms sales announced during the fall 1992

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election campaigns: the sale of 150 F-16 aircraft to Taiwan and of 72 F-15 aircraft to Saudi Arabia. Seeking to win workers' votes, presidential candidate Bill Clinton also supported these two transactions. 27 In contrast to the rise in U.S. weapon sales, Russian arms exports have sharply declined in the post-Cold War years. However, lobbying groups in Russia and Ukraine are now seeking to revive weapons exports. They argue that arms exports will bring in tens of billions of dollars in muchneeded hard currency, and that selling weaponry would be a better alternative to begging for aid from the International Monetary Fund. To attract buyers, Russia is severely lowering its prices. For example, a Russian T-72 tank, which earlier sold abroad for $2 million, is now available for a mere $500,000, and a MiG-29 jet fighter can be purchased for less than $20 million, or half its original price. 28 The growth of the Third World arms market cannot be approached from the supply side alone. On the demand side are long-simmering regional rivalries, persistent border and trade disputes, ethnic and class conflicts, and growing political instability. The mounting anxieties and insecurities contribute to gigantic buildups of sophisticated weapons. Many of these arms are being accumulated by antidemocratic regimes to repress their own populations. Before the Gulf War, the Middle East absorbed more than $200 billion worth of munitions over a period of ten years. 29 If post-Cold War trends in arms trafficking and military assistance grants continue, these figures may well be exceeded before the end of this decade. Both Egypt and Israel are seeking substantial new arms commitments from the United States, and Saudi Arabia is planning to double the size of its armed forces in the next few years—making its military expansion "one of the largest engineering projects in the world." 30 The Middle East continues to be the most highly militarized region, but the threat of nuclear and conventional conflict in Asia is also growing in the post-Cold War era. Asia now accounts for 35 percent of the world's imports of major weapons systems.31 The accumulation of plutonium by Japan and suspicious nuclear activities by North Korea exacerbate the anxiety over nuclear weaponry among countries in Asia and elsewhere. Meanwhile, many of the newly industrialized countries like Taiwan and South Korea are seeking to augment their growing economic power with advanced military capabilities. The expansion of arms production by newly industrializing countries will further magnify global arms proliferation concerns. 32

Military Intervention in the Third World As arsenals of conventional, chemical, and nuclear weapons grow, tensions and the potential for armed conflict also rise. The arms exporters

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themselves will have to intervene to curb the destructive capability of weapons arsenals they have helped build. The Gulf War scenario could b e repeated again and again. As then Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney said after the 1991 conflict, " T h e Gulf war presages very much the type of conflict we are likely to confront in this new era—major regional contingencies against foes well armed with advanced conventional and unconventional weaponry." 3 3 In this respect, it is instructive to recognize that while the United States has been reducing its forces in Europe, it is concurrently restructuring its military as a rapid deployment force to be used in Third World crisis situations. In 1988, even prior to the official end of the Cold War, the National Security Council and the D e p a r t m e n t of Defense articulated the need for concentrating U.S. military resources in fighting so-called midintensity conflicts (MICs) against emerging powers in the Third World. 34 T h e high-tech air war in the Gulf was a clear example of M I C in action. The draft Defense Planning Guidance issued by the D e p a r t m e n t of D e f e n s e in March 1992 revealed the U.S. rationale for continued intervention in the post-Cold W a r period and its vision of a world led by a single superpower: W c will r e t a i n t h e p r e - e m i n e n t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a d d r e s s i n g s e l e c t i v e l y those wrongs which t h r e a t e n not only o u r interests, but those o i o u r allies, o r w h i c h c o u l d s e r i o u s l y u n s e t t l e i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s . V a r i o u s t y p e s of U . S . i n t e r e s t s m a y b e i n v o l v e d in s u c h i n s t a n c e s : a c c e s s t o vital r a w m a t e r i a l s , p r i m a r i l y P e r s i a n G u l l ' oil; p r o l i f e r a t i o n of w e a p o n s of m a s s d e s t r u c t i o n a n d b a l l i s t i c missiles; t h r e a t s t o U . S . c i t i z e n s f r o m t e r r o r i s m o r r e g i o n a l o r l o c a l c o n f l i c t ; a n d t h r e a t s to U.S. s o c i e t y f r o m narcotics trafficking.35

When Washington's plans to prevent the rise of military competitors in E u r o p e and Asia (as outlined in the guidance document) came under criticism abroad, the Pentagon softened its stance. In a revised version issued in May 1992, the Pentagon emphasized the U.S. c o m m i t m e n t to collective military action and to developing "new tools in international relations" including "humanitarian aid, intelligence assistance, [and] measures to prevent the emergence of non-democratic aggressors in critical regions." 36 T h e new Pentagon rationale justifies not only increased military intervention but also the continued buildup of the U.S. military. T h e identification of new e n e m i e s — d r u g cartels, ecoterrorists, Islamic fundamentalists, and so on—is also likely to increase U.S. covert operations in the Third World. 37 In 1991 Congress passed the National Security Education Act, which places foreign languages, area studies, and other international fields within the realm of U.S. military and intelligence

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priorities and Department of Defense funding. 38 The conversion of defense money into such intelligence operations will not result in a peace dividend. Instead, it will deepen the military's permeation into civilian sectors of society both in the United States and abroad. The new emphasis on multilateralism also needs to be approached with caution. Can the United Nations and other leading multilateral organizations operate as truly neutral peacemaking and peacekeeping bodies? While Saddam Hussein remains in power in Iraq, thousands of innocent people, especially children, are dying because of the continuing UN-imposed economic embargo. 39 Indeed, if the role of the United Nations in the Gulf War is the example for the post-Cold War era, there is much to fear from manipulation of decisions in the Security Council by the United States. Those who occupy the five permanent Security Council seats and exercise their veto powers are the world's leading arms merchants. And, as Albert Einstein once said, "We cannot simultaneously prevent and prepare for war."

Toward a "Paradigm Shift" To eradicate militarism, we have to look deeper into the roots of violence and the process through which violence has come to define all realms of global society, from human sexual relations to interspecies relations. Rule by the gun is derived from and reinforced by social structures of domination and subordination: humans over nature, men over women, capital over labor, whites over people of color, and so on. Psychological structures of dualism—self versus other, subject versus object—underlie the social structure of domination and subordination. Indeed, much of Western rationalist philosophy and the military-industrial complex are founded on such hierarchical dualisms. Dualistic thinking leads to ignorance of the dialectical nature of reality, encouraging greed, hatred, and fear in people's minds; it upholds the mistaken belief in a separate self and the pursuit of separation, control, and permanence in life (see Figure 3.1). A true sense of individual and collective security can be achieved only with a global shift from psychological and social structures of domination to those of partnership: humans with nature; men with women; whites with people of color; capital with labor; and so on. 40 In this transition, so-called Third World philosophical systems, especially the teachings of the Buddha and of Native Americans and other earth-based cultures, have much to offer the world. They stress the fundamental interconnectedness of all life and the ultimate falsity of the notion of a separate self. The Buddhist teachings of nonviolence in particular focus on the impermanence of all phenomena and the importance of cultivating selflessness through wis-

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dom, compassion, and generosity. 41 Peacemaking requires a transformation of h u m a n consciousness from domination to partnership, and its practical application to the realms of politics and economics. It is only when peace activism is based on an ethical foundation that unites all people that a new world order of peace, justice, and ecology can be achieved. Socially engaged spirituality is not entirely a m o d e r n p h e n o m e n o n , but today it is beginning to take new and promising forms, as can be seen in the indigenous-peoples movements, liberation theology, engaged Buddhism, and so on. In the Third World, people who stand up against military authorities and exploitative economic systems are daily being imprisoned, "disappeared," killed, or exiled. Aung San Suu Ky from Burma and Rigoberta Menchu from Guatemala are only two of the best-known examples. 42 Fortunately, peace activists in the West can still challenge dominant ideologies and institutions in relative safety. However, if the kind of paradigm shift that is essential for global peace and security is to be achieved, peace education and peacemaking efforts in the West, and in the United States in particular, have to be more holistic in analysis and more courageous in action. During the Cold War, the peace movement in the United States concerned itself largely with the East-West conflict and the nuclear proliferation issue. Except in the cases of Vietnam and Central America, the peace m o v e m e n t did not pay much heed to military intervention, arms races, or regional conflicts in the Third World. T h e narrowness of this approach was visible on June 12, 1982, at the largest disarmament rally ever held in the United States; speaker after speaker railed against the planned deployment of nuclear missiles in E u r o p e , but only one even mentioned the Israeli invasion of Lebanon that was then taking place. 43 Similarly, the peace movement has not adequately responded to the recent Los Angeles riots, or to the ongoing violence against people of color in the United States. Peace has been defined in very narrow terms, excluding the underlying socioeconomic inequities and other social and psychological issues. A s a result, the movement has not posed a challenge to the racial and economic privileges of its mostly white middle-class and upper-class constituency. Yet, the p e a c e m o v e m e n t in the U n i t e d States has a critical role to play in the struggle f o r global peace and justice. T o use an expression f r o m the 1960s, it lies in the "belly of the beast." H o w e v e r , to b e m o r e effective, t h e m o v e m e n t has to c o n f r o n t its own misconceptions and inadequacies honestly, and develop a m o r e c o m p r e h e n s i v e and integrated analysis of global crises. T h e m o v e m e n t must also m o v e away f r o m the a n t i q u a t e d tactics of protest to more creative ones relevant to the changing times. T h e peace m o v e m e n t must also recognize that the United States is now the principal supplier of arms and military technology to the Third

4 0 • NEW D I R E C T I O N S IN PEACE STUDIES

World. I n d e e d , the root of the global arms trade lies in the U n i t e d States, and it is here that its u p r o o t i n g must also take place. In this regard, c o n c e r n e d citizens in the U n i t e d States s h o u l d assume responsibility for c o m b a t t i n g arms sales and global militarism through appropriate action, such as d i v e s t m e n t in global military corporations, lobbying for a ban o n arms exports, and tax resistance. In so doing, they can t a k e inspiration f r o m Third W o r l d w o m e n leaders like R i g o b e r t a M e n c h u . R e f l e c t i n g o n the devastating e f f e c t s of the past five hundred years of E u r o p e a n imperialism and yet l o o k i n g to the future with h o p e , M e n c h u says: We must eliminate situations of usurpation, imposition, discrimination, and marginalization that generate these conflicts that cost our people so much. . . . [We must rediscover] the dignity of respect for life, for human rights, and our Mother Earth who belongs also to our children and our grandchildren of tomorrow. . . . The common struggle of indigenous, mestizo, and black peoples—the common struggle of the poor . ..—is no longer a dream; it is a reality that our people are living. 44

Notes 1. See Francis F u k u y a m a , " T h e E n d of History," National Interest, S u m m e r 1989, p. 3; G e o r g e Bush, A d d r e s s Before Joint Session of Congress, S e p t e m b e r 11, 1990, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States (Washington, D.C.: G o v e r n m e n t Printing Office, 1990), pp. 1218-1222. 2. Eqbal A h m a d , " T h e D i s a r m a m e n t Movement: A Critique," in P e t e r Worsley and Kofi B u e n o r H a d j , eds., On the Brink: Nuclear Proliferation and the Third World ( L o n d o n : Third World Communications, 1987), p. 52. 3. Fred Halliday, "Cold W a r , the Peace M o v e m e n t , and the Third World," in Worsley and H a d j , On the Brink, p. 96. 4. D a n k w a r t Rostow, " D e m o c r a c y : A Global Revolution," Foreign Affairs 69 (Fall 1990): 75. 5. See I n f o r m a t i o n Packet, International Working C o n f e r e n c e on the A r m s T r a d e , S A N E / F r e e z e International, New York, N o v e m b e r 1 - 2 , 1991; A g n e s Black, " C a r n a g e in G u a t e m a l a , " letter to the editor, New York Times, July 13,1990. See also Michael Kidron and D a n Smith, The New State of War and Peace: An International Atlas (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990). 6. Joni Seager, " M a k i n g Feminist Sense of Environmental Issues," Sojourners (The W o m e n ' s F o r u m ) , F e b r u a r y 1991, p. 22. 7. See "Victims of U r a n i u m Mining and Atomic Tests," T h e World U r a n i u m Hearing, 1990, u p d a t e d report published in cooperation with the Heinrich Boll Stiftung; Ranginui W a l k e r and William Sutherland, eds., The Pacific: Peace, Security, and the Nuclear Issue (London: Z e d Books, 1988). 8. C. Kijang and Lim Poo Kin, "U.S. Burns Chemical W e a p o n s in the Pacific," Third World Resurgence, no. 3, N o v e m b e r 1990, p. 6. 9. See Ian A n t h o n y , " T h e Global A r m s T r a d e , " Arms Control Today, J u n e 1991, pp. 3-8; U n i t e d N a t i o n s D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m m e ( U N D P ) , H u m a n D e v e l o p m e n t R e p o r t (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 77. 10. United Nations D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m m e ( U N D P ) , Human Develop-

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menl Report, p. 77. 11. A n n e Marie Buelink, " W o m e n and the D e b t Crisis," Development, 1989, no. 1: 89. 12. U N D P , Human Development Report, p. 78. 13. Ibid. 14. R i c h a r d Jolly, " A U N I C E F Perspective on the E f f e c t s of E c o n o m i c Crises and W h a t C a n Be D o n e , " in David E. Bell and Michael R . R e i c h , eds., Health, Nutrition and Economic Crises: Approaches to Policy in the Third World ( D o v e r , Mass.: A u b u r n H o u s e , 1988). 15. See N o r m a n Myers, Gaia: An Atlas of Planet Management (New York: A n c h o r B o o k s , 1984), p. 51; Lloyd T i m b e r l a k e , Africa in Crisis: The Causes, the Cures of Environmental Bankruptcy (Philadelphia: N e w Society, 1986). 16. V a n d a n a Shiva, The Violence of the Green Revolution (London: Zed Books, 1991). 17. See A s o k a B a n d a r a g e , Colonialism in Sri Lanka: The Political Economy of the Kandyan Highlands, 1833-1886 (Berlin: M o u t o n , 1983); A s o k a B a n d a r a g e , " W o m e n and Capitalist D e v e l o p m e n t in Sri L a n k a , 1977-1987," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 20, no. 2 (1988): 57-81. 18. U N D P , Human Development Report, p. 79: W a r W a t c h , Out Now, no. 10, O c t o b e r 1991, p. 6. 19. Beulink, " W o m e n and the Debt Crisis," p. 89. 20. Engendering Structural Adjustment for the 1990s, R e p o r t of the C o m m o n wealth Expert G r o u p on W o m e n and Structural A d j u s t m e n t (London: C o m m o n wealth Secretariat, 1989). 21. See Diane Elson, " H o w Is Structural A d j u s t m e n t Affecting W o m e n ? " Development, 1989, no. 1:71; John Lindsay-Poland, "Peru: On D e s p e r a t e T e r m s , " Fellowship, D e c e m b e r 1991. 22. Q u o t e d by N o a m Chomsky in " T h e E n e m y Is the Third World Itself," Central America Reporter, July-August 1990, p. 6. 23. "Love for Sale," Utne Reader, J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 1992, p. 37. 24. Nicole Ball, Briefing Book on Conventional Arms Transfers (Washington, D C.: Council for a Livable World Education Fund, August 1991), p. 19. 25. F.A.S. Public Interest Report (Federation of American Scientists), Novemb c r / D c c c m b e r 1992, p. 4. 26. Ibid., pp. 3-6. 27. Ibid., p. 3. 28. " H a r d Pressed, Russia Seeks to Revive Global A r m s Sales," Boston Globe, July 29,1992, pp. 1,14. 29. U.S. A r m s Control and D i s a r m a m e n t Agency, World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers, 1990 (Washington, D.C.: G o v e r n m e n t Printing Office, 1991), p. 91. 30. Ball, Briefing Book, p. 19. 31. "Asian A r m s Binge," World Press Review, J u n e 1992, p. 34. 32. See Ball, Briefing Book, p. 19; F.A.S. Public Interest Report, pp. 7-8. 33. Q u o t e d in W a r Watch, Out Now, no. 10, O c t o b e r 1991, pp. 4-5. 34. "Downsizing Defense: From Swords to . . .," United and Babson Investment Report, N o v e m b e r 30,1992, p. 475. 35. "U.S. Strategy Plan Calls for Insuring N o Rivals D e v e l o p , " New York Times, March 8,1992, pp. 1,14. 36. " P e n t a g o n D r o p s Goals of Blocking New S u p e r p o w e r s , " New York Times, May 24,1992, pp. 1,14. 37. Thalif D e e n , "Shadow-boxing with 'Islamic F u n d a m e n t a l i s m , ' " Sunday

4 2 • N E W D I R E C T I O N S IN P E A C E S T U D I E S

Observer (Sri L a n k a ) , July 19,1992, p. 1. 38. National Security E d u c a t i o n Act of 1991, signed by the president, Decemb e r 4, 1991 (PL 102-183). See also James K. Boyce, " T h e National Security Education Act of 1991 : Issues and Analysis," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 24, no. 2 (1992): 85-88. 39. Patrick E. Tyler, " H e a l t h Crisis Is Said to G r i p Iraq in W a k e of War's D e s t r u c t i o n , " New York Times, May 22,1991, p. A16. 40. For discussion, see R i a n e Eisler, The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future (San Francisco, H a r p e r & Row, 1988); A s o k a B a n d a r a g e , "In Search of a N e w World O r d e r , " Women's Studies International Forum 14, no. 4 (1991): 345-355. 41. Walpola R a h u l a , What the Buddha Taught (New York: G r o v e Press, 1959). 42. I Rigoberto Menchu: An Indian Woman in Guatemala (London: Verso, 1984); A u n g San Suu Kyi, Freedom from Fear and Other Writings (London: Penguin Books, 1991). 43. A h m a d , " T h e D i s a r m a m e n t M o v e m e n t , " p. 51; personal observation. 44. Q u o t e d in " T h e Next 500 Years: Setting T h e A g e n d a , " CEP AD Report (Council of Evangelical Churches of Nicaragua), S e p t e m b e r - O c t o b e r 1992, pp. 4-5.

4 Feminist Perspectives on Peace and World Security in the Post-Cold War Era J. Ann

Tickner

National security and military strategy are usually p e r c e i v e d as masculine domains, but p e a c e and conflict resolution are issues that we stereotypically associate with the feminine. Y e t , as feminist peace r e s e a r c h e r B e t t y R e a r d o n asserts, the p e a c e research establishment has b e e n as heavily populated by men as has the discipline of national security studies. 1 G e n d e r analysis is rarely included in the subject m a t t e r o f p e a c e studies, and there has b e e n little attention to w o m e n ' s issues or w o m e n ' s experiences in spite o f the field's avowed c o m m i t m e n t to b r o a d - b a s e d empirical investigations. 2 A l t h o u g h w o m e n have frequently played leadership roles in various p e a c e m o v e m e n t s , the p e a c e h e r o e s whose lives we study in our courses on peace and conflict are m o r e likely to be m e n than w o m e n . P e a c e studies and feminist studies have, t h e r e f o r e , p r o c e e d e d on s e p a r a t e tracks. L i k e much of the theoretical literature in international relations, the p e a c e studies discipline has assumed g e n d e r neutrality; in o t h e r words, g e n d e r issues are generally thought to be irrelevant to its theoretical assumptions and explanations. T h e fact that men and w o m e n occupy different and usually unequal roles in national and international institutions is not assumed to be relevant to understanding the b e h a v i o r of states in the international system. P e a c e studies rarely investigates how w o m e n are differentially affected by war, structural violence, and environm e n t a l degradation. W o m e n ' s lives and the c o n s e q u e n c e s of g e n d e r inequality may even seem like distractions from the m o r e " i m p o r t a n t " issues in the field. W h a t accounts for this silence with respect to g e n d e r issues? O n e possible explanation might be the field's efforts to maintain a c a d e m i c respectability. T h e age-old association o f w o m e n with pacifism and romanticized domestic values of caring and nurturance suggest dangers that p e a c e researchers face when dealing with g e n d e r issues. G a i n i n g respectability, or the ability to challenge " r e a l i s t " concepts without being dismissed as " i d e a l i s t , " inhibits the consideration of what, in the a c a d e m i c

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m a i n s t r e a m , a r e p e r c e i v e d as m a r g i n a l o r radical issues. H o w e v e r , this s t e r e o t y p i c a l view of w o m e n as innately m o r e p e a c e f u l t h a n m e n is t r o u b l i n g to m a n y feminists as well. 3 For this r e a s o n , certain f e m i n i s t s h a v e also c a u t i o n e d against m e r g i n g p e a c e studies with feminist studies. 4 J e a n E l s h t a i n a r g u e s t h a t feminists should b e suspicious of definitions of p e a c e that eschew d i f f e r e n c e a n d envision an u n a t t a i n a b l e world of h a r m o n y a n d a b i d i n g o r d e r . 5 Such visions relegate w o m e n ' s voices to Utopian a n d idealistic musings, t h u s p e r m i t t i n g w o m e n ' s various struggles f o r justice a n d e q u a l i t y to b e ignored. A d r i e n n e H a r r i s d e c l a r e s t h a t the o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n aggressive w a r - m a k i n g m e n a n d n u r t u r i n g p e a c e f u l w o m e n is d e e p l y p r o b l e m a t i c . 6 Such m y t h s t e n d to d e v a l u e w o m e n , reinf o r c e militarism, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y d e l e g i t i m a t e p e a c e e x p e r i m e n t s . In reality, m o s t c o n t e m p o r a r y feminist perspectives o n p e a c e a n d security a r e n o t s e a r c h i n g f o r w h a t J a n e A d d a m s called a " g o o d y - g o o d y " peace; 7 r a t h e r , they a r e s e e k i n g a m o r e r o b u s t d e f i n i t i o n of p e a c e as f r e e d o m f r o m all s o u r c e s of o p p r e s s i o n . T h e r e f o r e , in spite of t h e reserv a t i o n s of b o t h feminists a n d p e a c e r e s e a r c h e r s , courses on p e a c e a n d w o r l d security in t h e p o s t - C o l d W a r e r a have m u c h to gain by i n c o r p o r a t ing g e n d e r analysis a n d feminist p e r s p e c t i v e s into their subject m a t t e r . P e a c e studies a n d f e m i n i s m h a v e m u c h in c o m m o n , b o t h in t e r m s of similar n o r m a t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n s t o w a r d issues of conflict r e s o l u t i o n a n d s o c i o e c o n o m i c justice and a s h a r e d c o m m i t m e n t to an interdisciplinary m e t h o d o l o g y . 8 H a v i n g m o v e d b e y o n d r o m a n t i c i z e d images that link w o m e n with an idealized p e a c e , c o n t e m p o r a r y feminist t h e o r i e s have t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r e x t e n d i n g a n d e v e n t r a n s f o r m i n g o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the s o u r c e s of conflict a n d t h e p o t e n t i a l for long-term security. A s s e r t i n g t h a t it is practice that i n f o r m s theory, A d r i e n n e H a r r i s a n d Y n e s t r a King 9 a r g u e f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g feminist perspectives on p e a c e a n d w o r l d security o u t of ideas that have e m e r g e d f r o m the intersection of w o m e n ' s practice in p e a c e m o v e m e n t s a n d the analysis of g e n d e r in r e c e n t f e m i n i s t studies. 1 0 A l t h o u g h their voices h a v e not b e e n p a r t of the m a i n s t r e a m l i t e r a t u r e of p e a c e studies, w o m e n in various p e a c e m o v e m e n t s w o r l d w i d e h a v e b e e n writing a n d s p e a k i n g a b o u t p e a c e a n d security f o r a long time. A d d r e s s i n g t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s of W o m e n at the H a g u e d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I, for instance, J a n e A d d a m s s p o k e of t h e n e e d f o r a n e w i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m to r e p l a c e t h e self-destructive n a t i o n a l i s m that c o n t r i b u t e d so centrally t o t h e o u t b r e a k of t h a t war. 11 A t the W o m e n ' s I n t e r n a t i o n a l P e a c e C o n f e r e n c e in H a l i f a x , C a n a d a , in 1985, p a r t i c i p a n t s d e f i n e d security b r o a d l y , in t e r m s of safe w o r k i n g conditions and f r e e d o m f r o m t h e t h r e a t of w a r or u n e m p l o y m e n t . 1 2 T h e final d o c u m e n t of the 1985 W o r l d C o n f e r e n c e to R e v i e w a n d A p p r a i s e the A c h i e v e m e n t s of the U . N . D e c a d e f o r W o m e n , in N a i r o b i , o f f e r e d a similar m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l d e f i nition of security t h a t included e c o n o m i c as well as military concerns. 1 3 T h e s e v a r i o u s d e f i n i t i o n s of p e a c e a n d global security a r e not t h e idealized vision of p e a c e t h a t a r e stereotypically associated with w o m e n .

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These women, and others who have written or spoken about peace and security in very different contexts, define security in terms quite similar to contemporary analyses of structural violence. 14 Asserting that security cannot be built on others' insecurity, they offer multidimensional definitions of peace that are not zero-sum. Jane A d d a m s ' s views, dismissed at the time as impractical, are quite compatible with recent attempts to redefine security—efforts that have had an important influence on broadening the curriculum of peace and conflict studies. 15 Given the multiple dimensions of insecurity in the post-Cold War era, many peace researchers are shifting from state-centric models that focus on military conflict to broader definitions of security, sometimes referred to as " c o m m o n " or "comprehensive" security. 16 Proponents of comprehensive security say that examining only traditional security issues, such as the causes, outcomes, and consequences of international wars, arms control, and disarmament, seems inadequate given the dramatic events of the past few years—events that have diminished the threat of nuclear war between two superpowers but have unleashed a host of ethnic conflicts and economic disputes as well as a growing awareness of potential environmental disasters. In an international system wherein conflict has tended, over the past forty years, to have internal rather than international roots (albeit exacerbated by outside intervention), war between great powers across international boundaries—the traditional concerns of peace research—has not been the dominant mode of conflict. Moreover, economic competition between advanced capitalist states and the enormous inequalities of wealth between these states and the rest of the world have brought concerns about justice and structural violence— similar to those expressed by women in Nairobi and Halifax—to the center of the peace studies agenda. Fears of the depletion of natural resources and the more recent attention to air and water pollution have further broadened the field to include ecological as well as economic concerns. Peace researchers working in the framework of comprehensive security define insecurity in terms of various types of violence: direct (or physical), structural, and, more recently, violence against nature. This comprehensive approach also looks at insecurity from a multilevel perspective. Whereas direct violence focuses on the state and its international conflicts, structural violence emphasizes the insecurity of individuals and social groups, and ecological threats draw attention to the insecurity of the entire planet. T h e multidimensional, multilevel definition of security—which depends on the reduction of all these types of violence—is quite similar to the way women have been thinking about h u m a n security for some time. 17 For this reason, the peace studies curriculum has much to gain from the inclusion of women's voices and feminist theories. T o this end. I shall now introduce a gendered perspective on the three dimensions of security outlined above. Drawing on a variety of feminist theories, 1 8 1 shall show

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that g e n d e r inequality is itself a f o r m of violence that c o n t r i b u t e s to the insecurity of all individuals. T h e n , in r e s p o n s e to P e t e r W a l l e n s t e e n ' s urging that p e a c e studies include b o t h criticism and u t o p i a n i s m , 1 9 1 offer s o m e suggestions as to h o w feminist perspectives and w o m e n ' s experiences in w o r k i n g for p e a c e can help us to rethink conventional analyses in ways that can t r a n s f o r m o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the m e a n i n g of p e a c e and security in the p o s t - C o l d W a r era.

Introducing Gender into Comprehensive Security If we are to teach p e a c e studies f r o m the c o m p r e h e n s i v e perspective that c o n t e m p o r a r y realities d e m a n d , we should surely include the experiences of p e o p l e w h o constitute half the world's population. T o avoid the dangers of essentializing w o m e n , a t e n d e n c y that generally comes f r o m s p e a k i n g o u t of the experiences of white W e s t e r n w o m e n , feminist perspectives on p e a c e and security should include the voices of w o m e n worldwide. H o w ever, adding w o m e n ' s experiences to the subject m a t t e r of o u r investigations is not e n o u g h ; feminist perspectives must also expose previously h i d d e n g e n d e r relations in o r d e r to d e m o n s t r a t e how g e n d e r inequalities can themselves be a source of insecurity that contributes to b o t h direct and structural violence as well as to violence against n a t u r e . Gender and Direct

Violence

A n analysis of the c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n war and masculinity allows us to i n t r o d u c e s o m e new ideas a b o u t how the national security f u n c t i o n s of the state are legitimized. W a r and military issues have been deeply g e n d e r e d activities t h r o u g h o u t history. A l t h o u g h feminists caution that it is as simplistic to state that all m e n are innately aggressive as it is to assert that all w o m e n are naturely p e a c e f u l , aggressive b e h a v i o r — n e c e s s a r y for soldiering and the conduct of war—is e n c o u r a g e d through a p p e a l s to masculinity. Military recruits are taught that to be a soldier, o n e must first b e a "man." Sheila T o b i a s declares that this association b e t w e e n soldiering a n d masculinity, which has b e e n evident t h r o u g h o u t most of history, e x t e n d s into civilian life as well, w h e r e being a war veteran is a special m a r k of g o o d citizenship. Being a w a r v e t e r a n is, t h e r e f o r e , an asset in r u n n i n g for most political offices—an a d v a n t a g e that is denied to all w o m e n by virtue of their exclusion f r o m military combat. 2 0 T h e association of citizenship with masculinity and military service m a k e s it hard for w o m e n to be perceived as first-class citizens c a p a b l e of holding positions of power. M o r e o v e r , this intimate c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n soldiering, citizenship, a n d masculinity gives special validation to the national security functions of the state: patriotism and service to o n e ' s country are associated with

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war-fighting rather than with other types of activities that are equally valuable contributions to the political and economic life of the state and its citizens. However, it would be simplistic and reductionist to say that these appeals to masculinity can explain the causes of war. Therefore, what does exposing the masculinity of soldiering and citizenship contribute to our understanding of conflict and the politics of national security? T o provide some answers to this question, Carol Cohn takes us inside the world of strategic planners, mostly men. and examines their modes of discourse, which she describes as loaded with masculine imagery. Although Cohn is not saying that this masculine language determines national security policy, she does suggest that it limits the options that leaders may consider when making decisions about military strategy and shapes their expectations regarding other states' behavior. 2 1 G e n d e r e d discourses, which demand that military planners and the states they represent "act like m e n , " legitimate certain options in strategic planning and ensure that others get left out. Cohn believes that this diminishes the possibility of thinking comprehensively about national security policy; it shapes and limits the possible outcomes of debates, for it is difficult for people involved in national security planning to express ideas marked as " f e m i n i n e " — f o r example, a preference lor negotiations over coercive threatening—if they arc to maintain their credibility. In contrast to images of men as legitimate and efficacious actors in matters of war and national security, images of women in this context are quite different. In an article in the Village Voice of S e p t e m b e r 25, 1990, Cynthia Enloe reminds us of media coverage of the communication between the United States and Iraq over the release of what she termed U.S. "womenandchildren." Television pictures of families trying to leave Iraq in 1990 after its invasion of Kuwait depicted women as helpless dependents rather than as independent persons capable of coping with the complex world of realpolitik. Such a view denies the contributions made by women soldiers and diplomats in the Gulf War and contributes to the legitimation of war as a manly activity necessary for the protection of women, children, and the "motherland." T h e masculinity of war depends, therefore, on the myth that women are being protected. 2 2 Spike Peterson has argued that rethinking the meaning of protection is a crucial c o m p o n e n t of efforts to address problems of world security. 23 By exposing the protector/protected myth, we can d e e p e n our understanding of the real victims of direct violence. T h e National Organization for W o m e n has estimated that up to 90 percent of total casualties in conflicts since 1945 have been civilians, the majority of them women and children. 24 Moreover, as Judith Stiehm points out, if we are to think of men as protectors we must r e m e m b e r they are usually protecting women from other men. Feminist theory also draws our attention to the issue of domestic

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violence, which is prevalent but generally u n d e r r e p o r t e d and not legislated against in most societies. By pointing to the high incidence of domestic violence in military families and in militarized societies, feminist perspectives can d e e p e n our understanding of the connection between militarism and sexism. Peterson 2 5 also asserts that the way notions of protection have traditionally been constructed by the state contributes to the reproduction of hierarchies, including gender hierarchies, and hence to the structural violence against which states say they offer protection. Gender and Structural

Violence

In the wake of the Vietnam War and the questions it raised about the asymmetric power relations between the major protagonists, peace research broadened its agenda to include issues concerned with economic development and economic justice. 26 This focus on economic issues led to the introduction of the concept of "structural violence" into the literature of peace studies: according to Johan Galtung, structural violence exists when economic and social conditions are such that people die or suffer as a consequence of the unequal distribution of resources, not as a result of physical violence. 27 Evidence suggests that women are disproportionately victims of structural violence, and that it is gender inequalities that arc often responsible for women's particular vulnerability. From a 1981 report to the UN Committee on the Status of W o m e n , we learn that although women represent one-third of the world's paid labor force, they are responsible for two-thirds of all working hours and yet receive only one-tenth of world income and own less than 1 percent of world property. 2 8 W o m e n work longer hours because much of their labor is p e r f o r m e d outside the wage sector—in families or in the subsistence sector of Third World economies. In some parts of Africa, women are responsible for up to 90 percent of agricultural production, but most of this production takes place on family plots outside the market where technology is at its most primitive and economic returns are minimal. In most countries, women's wage rates fall below 75 percent of men's, and in some they average about half that of 29

men. I n c r e a s i n g l y , y o u n g w o m e n a r e p r o v i d i n g a d o c i l e , und e r r e m u n e r a t e d , and hard-working labor force for multinational corporations that relocate in Third World states to avoid minimum-wage requirements and other labor standards in their h o m e countries, as well as constraints imposed by environmental legislation. T h e notion of the family wage has perpetuated the concept of "breadwinner," a role traditionally assigned to male heads of households. However, young women employed by light industry in the Third World are not thought of as "breadwinners" but as future housewives earning "pin money." 3 0 As Maria Mies has suggested, the concept of "housewife" began coinciden-

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tally with the birth of capitalism, and has provided vast quantities of free labor for an ever-expanding global capitalist economy. 3 1 Low wages and long working hours, often performed outside the wage sector, reflect the undervaluing of work done by women even though it is often vital to the provision of basic material needs that are f u n d a m e n t a l to the elimination of structural violence. Social and cultural factors often act to deny women the same nutrition, health care, and other supports that men receive, with the result that because of lower life expectancy, in Asia and the Pacific there are only ninety-five women for every one hundred 32

men. All this evidence suggests that it is structures of gender inequality that are responsible for women's disproportionate representation at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale. Therefore, if the field of peace studies is to examine the causes and consequences of structural violence thoroughly, it must pay attention to the particular plight of women. A feminist perspective enables us to see that it is often unequal gender roles reinforced by historical cultural practices and patterns of economic production that p e r p e t u a t e w o m e n ' s victimization. 33 T o establish links between direct and indirect violence, feminist perspectives have also investigated the apparent correlation between female poverty and defense spending. There is evidence that women's poverty is particularly sensitive to increases in defense spending. Because military spending is capital intensive, and tends to divert funds from labor-intensive activities, both men and women suffer when military spending rises, although it has been suggested that women may lose more jobs in relation to men. A study done in the United States demonstrates that women's jobs tend to be heavily concentrated in light manufacturing, services, and local governments—categories that are usually hardest hit when military spending is high. 34 Moreover, women and children suffer when social welfare is traded for military spending; high military budgets typically mean decreases in domestic social programs, which result in particularly harsh effects on female heads of households (who are disproportionately poor). 3 5 All of these issues should be raised if a comprehensive examination of structural violence is to be included in the curriculum of peace and security studies. Gender

and Violence

Against

Nature

Environmental issues offer the newest challenge to conventional thinking on peace and security. Recent images of a fragile and polluted earth underscore the futility of state boundaries as protection against environmental disasters; depletion of the ozone layer and pollution of rivers and oceans affect poor and rich alike. Scholars concerned with environmental security suggest that collective action to deal with these threats is hard to achieve in the contemporary international system, composed as it is of

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self-interested sovereign states. T o the extent that war, w e a p o n s testing, and military m a n e u v e r s a r e a m o n g the most severe causes o f environmental pollution and the biggest c o n s u m e r s of resources, traditional m e t h o d s o f protecting the state are, paradoxically, the greatest threats to environm e n t a l security. S c h o l a r s c o n c e r n e d with the environment suggest that the international system may require m a j o r restructuring, with state-centric solutions giving way to g l o b a l a g r e e m e n t s if e n v i r o n m e n t a l security is t o be achieved. T h e introduction of feminist perspectives on e n v i r o n m e n t a l security offers us a radically new way of thinking about these issues. G o i n g b e y o n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l m a n a g e m e n t , certain feminists are suggesting that we must also reconsider humans' relationship with nature. 3 6 E c o f e m i n i s t s assert that the instrumental attitude toward nature, which they believe is responsible for our c o n t e m p o r a r y environmental insecurities, arose in the s e v e n t e e n t h century (coincidentally with the birth of the modern state system), when nature began to be viewed as a resource to be exploited for the benefit of human progress. Nature was also regarded as female, resulting in the simultaneous devaluation of women and nature that feminists declare has been typical of modern Western scientific thinking. 37 T h e drive to impose human mastery over nature was a product of E u r o p e a n E n l i g h t e n m e n t thinking, which held that the taming and transformation of wild and " v i r g i n " lands was a measure of human p r o g r e s s — a process that native peoples, often characterized in terms associated with w o m e n , were incapable o f effecting for themselves. 3 8 E c o f e m i n i s t s assert, t h e r e f o r e , that g e n d e r hierarchies and the domination o f nature are interrelated; only when both are eliminated can we move to a less instrum e n t a l view o f nature that is n e e d e d to solve our present e n v i r o n m e n t a l insecurities. B e c a u s e they arise in the experiences of those on the margins, feminist perspectives can also d e e p e n our understanding of linkages b e t w e e n poverty, structural violence, and e n v i r o n m e n t a l insecurities. O u r tendency, in the W e s t , to focus on global issues of air and water pollution can o b s c u r e the fact that it is the p o o r who suffer most from e n v i r o n m e n t a l degradation. T h e affluent are c o n c e r n e d with the potential hazards o f a thinning o z o n e layer, but the p o o r are confronted with m o r e immediate threats of c o n t a m i n a t e d water, soil erosion, and energy shortages that threaten their daily existence. It is often w o m e n who are the worst victims of environmental degradation; as gatherers of firewood and drinking water in rural areas of the T h i r d W o r l d , w o m e n are facing ever-greater constraints on providing these resources for their families. 3 9 M o r e o v e r , toxic pollution and environmental disasters impact on w o m e n ' s reproductive systems. It is often w o m e n who organize local c o m m u n i t i e s to fight such calamities. T h e s e protest m o v e m e n t s , which often go unnoticed in the mainstream literature, are an important source o f information on the politics o f environ-

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mental security at the local level.

A Feminist Perspective on Peace and World Security As well as examining sources of conflict and insecurity, courses on peace and world security should also include suggestions as to how a more secure world might be achieved. In this section I offer some thoughts on how the gendered analysis of the multidimensional view of security presented above can contribute to thinking about constructing a more peaceful world. Uncovering hidden gender relations in each of the dimensions of security that I have discussed gives us some new perspectives on their interconnections. By more clearly illuminating aspects of gender inequality that contribute to militarism, structural violence, and violence against nature, feminist perspectives can enrich our understanding of the interrelationships between these various forms of insecurity. However, because feminists believe that gender systems of domination and subordination arc not /ixed but, rather, are constructed through socialization and perpetuated through unjust political and economic structures, our analysis also permits us to envisage more secure societies where these various forms of domination can be mitigated or even eliminated. As Betty Reardon says, just as the conduct of warfare and the practice of aggression are learned behaviors, their transcendence can also be learned. 40 By understanding the interrelationship between the various forms of domination, we can seek new ways to change the structures of oppression within which these behaviors are situated. New thinking on comprehensive security encourages us to focus our attention on structures and individuals other than the state and national security policymakers as potential providers of security. Global citizenship is a catchphrase that attempts to link the individual with global threats to security, many of which are not amenable to statist solutions. Feminist perspectives can help us to think about more global, less statist perspectives on security. Women have always been less identified with the state and its institutions than have men because they have generally been situated far from the seats of power. Likewise, the sort of citizenship and patriotism that have legitimized war and traditional concepts of national security have not valorized the contributions to society typically made by women. Feminist perspectives can help us to think about new definitions of citizenship that would validate activities associated with caring for the earth and its inhabitants. Exposing the myth of the protector/protected relationship permits us to envisage a different kind of citizenship whereby both women and men can become what Judith Stiehm has called "citizen defenders": people whose roles would be compatible with less offensive military strategies. 41

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Traditional thinking about international security has posited a dangerous international environment against which the state must accumulate power to protect itself and its citizens. Because feminist perspectives are concerned with breaking down gender dichotomies, they can also help us to question the dichotomous we/they thinking that has contributed to so many international conflicts where the "other," or those on the outside, are perceived as dangerous or inferior. Furthermore, ecofeminists suggest ways of breaking down other barriers, notably those between h u m a n s and nature. R a t h e r than viewing nature as "other," as a resource to b e exploited for the benefit of (certain) human beings, ecofeminists suggest models for living in harmony with our natural environment.

Conclusions

My thoughts on introducing feminist perspectives into courses on peace and world security have not taken the familiar route of suggesting the inclusion of "the week on women." Assigning some discrete portion of the course to women authors and women's issues can only perpetuate their marginalization from the rest of the field. It also tends to objectify women as victims or problems, rather than presenting them as actors who have made a variety of contributions (although often unnoticed) to peacebuilding and the provision of security. 4 ' In peace studies this approach can also reinforce the link between an idealized view of women and a romanticized kind of peace that I cautioned against earlier. T h e perspectives presented here are intended to suggest ways in which gender analysis can be introduced throughout the curriculum. Exposing previously hidden gender inequalities allows us to sec how the militaristic practices of states are legitimated in the name of masculinity, and h o w s t r u c t u r a l v i o l e n c e — w h o s e c o n s e q u e n c e s are b o r n e disproportionately by women—is often the result of unequal gendered practices. T h e association of women with nature helps us to understand how both have been dominated and exploited for the benefit of m o d e r n society. Moreover, if we are to understand the particular insecurities faced by women, we can do so only if they are analyzed not in isolation but in terms of w o m e n ' s relations to men. Teaching courses on peace and world security that include gender analysis throughout not only deepens the empirical base of these courses but also transforms them, offering new ways in which we can conceptualize a world that is more secure for all of us. Finally, when we teach peace studies, we must distinguish between educating for peace and educating about peace. Educating about peace involves teaching the issues familiar to peace researchers; educating for peace, a more difficult task, involves taking steps to bring about a m o r e peaceful world. 43 Raising the consciousness of our students by bringing to light previously hidden systems of gender oppression can make an import-

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ant contribution to our efforts to teach for peace. Rather than reinforcing the sort of gender stereotypes that have been typical of the way we traditionally think about peace and war, we need to educate in ways that can help our students question and overcome these socially constructed gender roles that have contributed to making us all less secure.

Notes 1. B e t t y R e a r d o n , Sexism and the War System ( N e w Y o r k : T e a c h e r s College Press, 1985), chap. 4. See also Sally M u r r a y a n d A n d r e w M a c k , " W o m e n , Feminism, and P e a c e R e s e a r c h , " in A n d r e w M a c k , ed., Peace Research in the 1980s ( C a n b e r r a : A u s t r a l i a n N a t i o n a l University, 1985), pp. 91-102. 2. P e t e r W a l l e n s t c e n , ed., Peace Research: Achievements and Challenges ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: W e s t v i e w Press, 1988), p. 8. 3. M a r y K. B u r g u i e r e s , " F e m i n i s t A p p r o a c h e s t o Peace: A n o t h e r S t e p for Peace S t u d i e s , " Millennium 19 (1990): 16. 4. Christine Sylvester, " S o m e D a n g e r s in M e r g i n g Feminist and P e a c e P r o j e c t s , " Alternatives 12 (1987): 493-509. 5. J e a n B e t h k c Elshtain, " T h e P r o b l e m with P e a c e , " Millennium 17 (1988): 441-449. 6. A d r i e n n e Harris and Y n e s t r a King, eds., Rocking the Ship of State: Toward a Feminist Peace Politics ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: W e s t v i e w Press, 1989). 7. J e a n B e t h k e Elshtain and Sheila T o b i a s , Women, Militarism, and War: Essays in History, Politics, and Social Theory (Savage, Md.: R o w m a n & Littlefield, 1990), p. x. 8. B u r g u i e r e s , " F e m i n i s t A p p r o a c h e s to P e a c e , " p. 15. 9. H a r r i s and King, Rocking the Ship of State, p p . 1-2. 10. M o s t c o n t e m p o r a r y feminist t h e o r i e s use t h e t e r m gender in t h e social constructionist sense r a t h e r than as a biological distinction b e t w e e n w o m e n ;ind m e n . W h a t it m e a n s to be a m a n or a w o m e n varies across time and culture, a l t h o u g h characteristics associated with femininity a r e generally less v a l u e d in most societies than are those associated with masculinity. It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that g e n d e r is a relational c o n c e p t : masculinity and femininity d e p e n d on each o t h e r for t h e way in which e a c h is d e f i n e d . 11. J a n e A d d a m s , Emily G . Balch, and Alice H a m i l t o n , Women at The Hague: The International Congress of Women and Its Results ( N e w Y o r k : M a c m i l l a n , 1916). 12. A n n e Sisson R u n y a n , " F e m i n i s m , P e a c e , and I n t e r n a t i o n a l Politics: A n E x a m i n a t i o n of W o m e n Organizing Internationally for P e a c e a n d Security" ( P h . D . diss., A m e r i c a n University, 1988). 13. H i l k k a Pietila and J e a n n e Vickers, Making Women Matter: The Role of the United Nations ( L o n d o n : Z e d B o o k s , 1990). 14. J o h a n G a l t u n g , " V i o l e n c e , Peace, and Peace R e s e a r c h , " Journal of Peace Research 6, no. 3 (1969): 167-191. 15. F o r a description of this b r o a d e n i n g process see W a l l e n s t e e n , Peace Research, c h a p . 1. 16. I n d e p e n d e n t C o m m i s s i o n on D i s a r m a m e n t and Security Issues, Common Security: A Blueprint for Survival ( N e w Y o r k : S i m o n & Schuster, 1982). 17. A s feminist p e a c e r e s e a r c h e r Elise B o u l d i n g r e m i n d s us, n e w ideas in any discipline d o not receive w i d e s p r e a d a t t e n t i o n unless they are a d o p t e d by significant n u m b e r s of m e n . See B o u l d i n g ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n in C h e r i s K r a m e r a e a n d D a l e

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S p e n d e r , eds., The Knowledge Explosion ( E l m s f o r d , N.Y.: P e r g a m o n Press, 1991). 18. F e m i n i s m e n c o m p a s s e s a rich t h e o r e t i c a l literature that c o m e s o u t of a variety of disciplines and p a r a d i g m s including liberal, socialist, radical, and p o s t m o d e r n traditions. M o s t feminist perspectives are united by t h e c o m m o n goals of describing and explaining s o u r c e s of g e n d e r inequality and s e e k i n g strategies t o e n d t h e m . F o r an o v e r v i e w of feminist theories, see R o s e m a r i e T o n g , Feminist Thought: A Comprehensive Introduction ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: W e s t v i e w Press, 1989). 19. W a l l e n s t e e n , Peace Research, p. 9. 20. E l s h t a i n a n d T o b i a s , Women, Militarism, and War, chap. 8. 21. Ibid., c h a p . 2. 22. J u d i t h S t i e h m , Women and Men's Wars ( O x f o r d : P e r g a m o n Press, 1983). 23. V. Spike P e t e r s o n , ed., Gendered States: Feminist (Re)Visions of International Relations Theory ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: L y n n e R i e n n e r , 1992), chap. 2. 24. " R e s o l u t i o n on W o m e n in C o m b a t , " S e p t e m b e r 16,1990. 25. P e t e r s o n , Gendered States, c h a p . 2. 26. W a l l e n s t e e n , Peace Research, c h a p . 1. 27. G a l t u n g , " V i o l e n c e , P e a c e , a n d P e a c e R e s e a r c h . " 28. A l i s o n J a g g a r , Feminist Politics and Human Nature ( T o t o w a , N.J.: R o w m a n & A l l a n h e l d , 1983), p. 138. 29. U n i t e d N a t i o n s , The World's Women, 1970-1990: Trends and Statistics ( N e w Y o r k : U N D e p a r t m e n t of I n t e r n a t i o n a l E c o n o m i c and Social A f f a i r s , 1991), p. 88. 30. C y n t h i a E n l o e , Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 162-163. 31. M a r i a Mies, Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale: Women in the International Division of Labour ( L o n d o n : Z e d Books, 1986). 32. U n i t e d N a t i o n s , The World's Women, 1970-1990, p. 11. 33. F o r discussion, see C h a r l o t t e B u n c h and R o x a n n a Carrillo, " G l o b a l V i o l e n c e A g a i n s t W o m e n , " in Michael Klare and Daniel Thomas, eds., World Security: Challenges for a New Century ( N e w Y o r k : St. M a r t i n ' s Press, 1994), p p . 256-273. 34. Birgit B r o c k - U t n e , Educating for Peace: A Feminist Perspective (New Y o r k : P e r g a m o n Press, 1985), pp.12-13. 35. L o u r d e s B e n e r i a and R e b e c c a B l a n k , " W o m e n and the E c o n o m i c s of Military S p e n d i n g , " in H a r r i s and King, Rocking the Ship of State, chap. 10. 36. F o r a review of feminist perspectives on ecological security, see J. A n n T i c k n e r , Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security ( N e w Y o r k : C o l u m b i a University Press, 1992), chap. 4. 37. C a r o l y n M e r c h a n t , The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution (San Francisco: H a r p e r & R o w , 1980). 38. C a r o l y n M e r c h a n t , Ecological Revolutions: Nature, Gender and Science in New England ( C h a p e l Hill: University of N o r t h C a r o l i n a Press, 1989). 39. I r e n e D a n k e l m a n a n d J o a n D a v i d s o n , Women and Environment in the Third World: Alliance for the Future ( L o n d o n : E a r t h s c a n Publications, 1988). 40. R e a r d o n , Sexism and the War System, p. 9. 41. S t i e h m , Women and Men's Wars. 42. F o r a m o r e d e t a i l e d analysis of these p r o b l e m s and for s o m e c o n c r e t e suggestions a b o u t h o w t o avoid t h e m w h e n introducing g e n d e r into the curriculum, see Peggy M c i n t o s h , Interactive Phases of Curricular Revision: A Feminist Perspective (Wellesley, Mass.: Wellesley College C e n t e r for R e s e a r c h o n W o m e n , 1983). 43. Birgit B r o c k - U t n e , Feminist Perspectives on Peace and Peace Education ( N e w Y o r k : P e r g a m o n Press, 1989), p. 82.

5 The Nexus Between Peace Studies and International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era Patricia Stein Wrightson & Alice

Ackermann

Peace studies and international security studies share the same goal of preventing war. Yet, in the past, these two approaches to international relations theory 1 have gotten along only by virtue of an u n s p o k e n — a n d some would say uneasy—truce. Their differences are far-ranging and have o f t e n s e e m e d i r r e c o n c i l a b l e ; f r o m m e t h o d o l o g y , to p r i n c i p l e , to worldview they have had little in common. Moreover, this relationship has been tinged with acrimony, with one side being accused of warmongering and the other charged with muddle-headed idealism. Thus, it is not surprising that, until now, scholars in the two fields have worked in virtual isolation from one another. However, this intellectual standoff may be about to end, for the demise of the Cold War has provided a unique opportunity for finding c o m m o n ground. T w o sets of circumstances suggest such a common ground is possible. First, peace studies and international security studies are increasingly dealing with the same issues. Second, the nature of the threats facing the post-Cold War world are so multifaceted that solutions to them might best be addressed by a combination of approaches, drawing on the expertise of both peace studies and international security studies. Given their past, how can peace studies and international security studies begin to find c o m m o n ground? H o w does the end of the Cold War contribute to possibilities for collaboration? And, finally, how much integration is a good thing? T o address these questions, it first makes sense to examine the nature of the rift that has divided these fields for so long.

The Schism Between Peace and Security Studies The contrasts between these two fields are significant: the words peace and security have disparate—some would say incompatible—meanings. Their basic assumptions about the world differ, as do their prescriptions

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for it, and they collect and analyze data in different ways. T h e most troubling aspect of these differences, however, is that peace studies and international security studies view each other with some disdain. It is for this reason that one depicts their relationship—or lack of one—as a schism. The purpose of this section is to lay out clearly some of the differences between peace studies and international security studies. T o that end, the following depicts the "maximalist" position of each school of thought. T h e r e are some scholars who no doubt consider themselves m e m b e r s of both schools, for example, those who favor a behaviorist approach to the study of security, or those who rely more on history to study peace. Moreover, it must be kept in mind that neither school is monolithic in its ideological or philosophical views. No doubt the differences between the two fields begin with the initial and central fact that the terms peace and security d o not mean the same thing. First and foremost, the concept of security assumes that voluntarily h u m a n e and peaceful international relations' are not at hand and, therefore, nation-states must protect and if necessary defend their geographic, political, economic, and social integrity within an anarchic and menacing international system. This pessimistic assumption stems from the Realist perspective that the pursuit of power has always been and will always be the driving force of state behavior. In effect, the essence of any security policy is to sustain and pursue power without upsetting one's own security. That is to say. the search for security is analogous to the constrained pursuit of power. 3 E m b e d d e d in the security field and state-centric approach is the idea that war is a permanent feature of the international system and that at times it may be necessary to go to war to defend a state's security. Put another way, the concept of security maintains that finding an end to war is beyond human reason, yet it sees war as a rational instrument of policy under the appropriate circumstances. National security policies tend to reflect this dualistic nature in their simultaneous efforts to avoid and prepare for war. Similarly, the study of international security addresses the military and political instruments that might mitigate both the likelihood and the effects of war, including the study of foreign policy, military strategy, weapons systems and deployment, and arms control. Although the concept of peace recognizes the disorder inherent in the international system, its approach to it instantly diverges from the concept of security. First, peace studies contends that the lack of peace should urge us to seek peace and not security. T h a t is because the preservation of state power is not the first principle of peace; rather, at its core is a set of values: war prevention, social justice, and economic well-being. 4 Second, it does not take as a given the p e r m a n e n c e of war but argues that its persistence results from our lack of understanding about both the structure of peace

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and the nature of conflict. Thus it is the basic purpose of peace studies to understand peace and conflict better as p h e n o m e n a in themselves. T o that end, it takes these concerns as its central foci. George Lopez describes the peace studies agenda as including "(1) the analysis of the causes and consequences of violent conflict; (2) the study of theories and techniques of managing, reducing, and resolving conflict; and (3) the examination of those norms, values, rules, and institutions that are necessary for constructing p e a c e . ' 0 Lopez's three subject areas correspond roughly to J o h a n Galtung's conceptions of "negative" and "positive" peace. T h e first two subjects address the m a n a g e m e n t and resolution of conflict that might lead to "negative peace," that is, to the absence of war and violent conflict. T h e third category casts a wide net for the study of peace. It includes not only an examination of global peacemaking through international organizations and treaties but also the political, social, and economic conditions that support "the universal well-being of human beings and their groups, from the family to the culture and the nation-state." 6 T a k e n together, these elements constitute what Galtung means by "positive peace." O n e could argue that the first place to look for common ground between peace and security is in the concept of negative peace. Such an argument goes as follows: T h e Cold War era, characterized by the unilateral pursuit of security by its central adversaries, precluded the b r e a k o u t of overt war and violence between them; the security that these two nations and their allies enjoyed was certainly peaceful, even if it did not contribute to the establishment of a positive peace, that is, the integration of human society. 7 But the comparison does not hold up, for security and negative peace have too little in common to be considered analogous conditions. The weakness of the argument lies in the narrowness of the concept of negative peace—it is not broad enough to incorporate within it the c o m p o n e n t s of security. Although the absence of war (at least a hot one) is a necessary condition of security, it is not sufficient. T h e Warsaw Pact countries—with the exception of the Soviet Union—provide an apt illustration. T h e nations of Eastern E u r o p e were at peace during the Cold War, yet one could hardly call them secure in any genuine sense; on their own, they could not maintain their political, economic, and geographical integrity. T h e demise of the Cold War with the speedy toppling of regimes, their ensuing shaky political and economic structures, and in several cases, disputes over boundaries, clearly revealed the f u n d a m e n t a l insecurity of the states of Eastern Europe. Indeed, if anything, the Cold War exacerbated the differences between peace and security, and, hence, between peace studies and international security studies. In fact, both fields owe their origins to the Cold War, yet each was developed to address different concerns of this new

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historical p h e n o m e n o n . In Schools for Strategy, G e n e Lyons and Louis Morton explain that the development of international security studies had three main purposes, "to contribute to the formulation of national security policy; to contribute to public debate and discussion on issues of war and peace; and to contribute to the preparation of specialists and political leaders." 8 T h a t is to say, security studies was developed to foster and to help gain support for the incipient national security establishment of the United States. In doing so, it followed traditional approaches to international relations, such as the study of diplomacy and the primacy of the state in terms of interests and power. 9 Peace studies, in contrast, sought to rethink international relations altogether in order to get the world out from u n d e r the nuclear conundrum. T o d o so, the new field turned its back on classical international relations theory and looked elsewhere in the social sciences for a new approach. 1 0 T h e variety of disciplines represented at Stanford University's Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences during 1954-1955 exemplifies the rich brew that helped to launch peace studies in the United States. Participating at the center that year were an economist, a mathematical biologist, a political scientist, a social psychologist, and an anthropologist. Each of these scholars—Kenneth Boulding, Anatol R a p o p o r t , Harold Lasswell, H e r b e r t Kelman, and Clyde Kluckhohn—was to play a seminal role in the development of peace studies." In turning its back on classical international relations theory, peace studies turned its back on international security studies as well. Scholars in peace studies could not accept the compromises made on behalf of security—such as the nuclear balance of terror and the defense of dictators as long as they were anticommunist—because they believed that relying on power politics was morally suspect and could lead to the actual use of nuclear weapons. 1 2 Peace studies' criticisms of international relations theory work equally well for international security studies. These criticisms include, according to Peter Lawler, "limited focus, insufficient consideration of normative questions, and an overriding hostility to research of an explicitly forward-looking and prescriptive nature." 1 3 In fact, the link between traditional international relations theory and international security studies is, as far as many peace studies scholars are concerned, o n e of the latter's main problems. By staying within the former's tradition, they believe, security studies has failed to imagine new ways for states to conduct relations with one another, much less to consider whether the state as political structure is still viable. Elise Boulding, for example, writes that security studies' limited focus hinders "the search for alternatives to the existing world system with its persistent recurrence of war." 14 Juergen Dedring's critique is more damning in its assertion that the Realist approach "contributes, at least indirectly, to the continuation of war and hostility." 13

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Security studies faults peace studies for, among other things ; defining peace too broadly and its self-righteous approach. Writing from the security studies side, George H. Quester has criticized peace studies for including within its definition of peace the eradication of "poverty and injustice and prejudice and tyranny." What does "peace" mean, he asks, if it is indistinguishable from ending poverty or racism? Quester compares this overgeneralizing to equating all disease with cancer: "Can medicine make any progress at all if it is not allowed to use different words for different ailments?" In a related criticism, Quester faults peace scholars for assuming that they alone are committed to addressing "the ultimate or root causes of conflict." 16 He finds that peace studies implicitly accuses security studies of "welcoming permanent conflict or even relishing it or at least [assuming] that conflict and hostility are in the natural order of things." 17 The criticisms that peace studies and international security studies have leveled at each other are particularly thorny because they aim at the core of each field—that is, its raison d'etre. Such differences can often be intractable—until, that is, events vividly and unmistakably change the world. Clearly, the end of the Cold War has pulled the theoretical rug out from under both fields. For example, on the peace side, scholars will need to consider the role that conflict is playing in the otherwise generally positive processes of political, social, and economic change now gripping many parts of the world. On the security side, the global nature of so many of today's problems make the national pursuit of security virtually anachronistic. Might the end of the Cold War thus provide an opportunity for peace studies and international security studies to find common ground?

Finding Common Ground In fact, peace studies and international security studies have each been undergoing a self-evaluation process for several years. Within the peace studies community, self-criticism has always been common practice. Such criticisms have included a lack of scholarly rigor, a failure to get through to policymakers, the irrelevance of peace studies to peace activists, and a too-radical approach, as well as a lack of commitment to the field's radical roots. 18 But the greatest debate within peace studies continues to be its own schism between negative and positive peace. Over the years, such scholars as J . David Singer, Elise and Kenneth Boulding, and G. Kenneth Wilson have argued for keeping the study of peace topical and empirically based. Others, such as Johan Galtung, Chadwick Alger, and Kathleen Maas Weigert, continue to press for peace studies as an agent of change, both inside the university and out. 19

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International security studies has been rethinking its own future for m o r e than a decade. A 1980 article by Lawrence Martin openly criticized the grand-theoretical efforts of strategic studies and encouraged the field to extend its "medium level of analysis" to such issues as the economic dimension of national security, and "putting strategic studies on a multicultural basis." 20 In the 1983 edition of People, States and Fear, Barry Buzan made the argument that the "concept of security binds together individuals, states, and the international system so closely that it d e m a n d s to be treated in a holistic perspective." 2 1 Writing in 1983, Richard Ullman called for a redefinition of threats, including the nonmilitary ones that threaten the "quality of life for the inhabitants of a state," and that limit "the range of policy choices available to a government of a state or to private, nongovernmental entities (persons, groups, corporations) within the state." 22 Subsequent efforts at broadening the concept of security have pointed to the need to meet threats to the "environmental, economic, and social fabric of a state," 2 3 as well as "some degree of political participation and achieving and preserving inter-communal harmony." 2 4 T h e end of the Cold War has accelerated the search for a new agenda. Elise Boulding has defined the new agenda for peace studies in the 1990s as follows: exploring avenues for promoting democratization, finding solutions to ethnic and communal strife, engaging in demilitarization, searching for dispute settlement models, building regional collective security regimes, addressing environmental problems, and securing economic futures. 2 5 T h e security studies community has been engaged in a similar search for a new agenda emphasizing the necessity to explore regional security issues, ethnic conflict, environmental degradation, the linkage between poverty and political instability and migration into Western countries, causes of peace and cooperation, the interrelationship between economics and security, and the correlation between domestic politics and security. 26 In their searches for a new agenda, both disciplines are keen to point out that the end of the Cold War has not eliminated the need for security studies or peace studies. Moreover, both impress the urgency of adopting a broader framework in which issues of security and peace must be addressed because the security problematique of the last decade of the twentieth century is witnessing a merging of old and new concerns with traditional military, political, economic, and social dimensions. T h e r e are n u m e r o u s opportunities for collaboration between these two fields; we will e n u m e r a t e three here. G e r m a n y ' s present problems provide fertile ground for cooperation between scholars in the peace and security studies communities. T h e effects of unification, high unemployment, economic stagnation, and migration from both the South and the East have led to a violent outburst of racism, xenophobia, and expressions of extreme nationalism. These have led to n u m e r o u s brutal m u r d e r s and

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may undermine the stability of the government—and even weaken the foundation of the democratic state. Moreover, the stability of G e r m a n y is not simply a domestic affair but also affects all E u r o p e a n states and their allies. Peace scholars are well prepared to examine the conflict potential of G e r m a n y ' s current social and political maladies, while security studies' expertise lies in its ability to understand the role of G e r m a n y in the context of E u r o p e and the North Atlantic alliance. Clearly, both of these perspectives are necessary if one is to get a complete picture of today's G e r m a n y and how these conditions are likely to affect the rest of E u r o p e and beyond. A second area for possible collaboration is that of ethnic and national strife of the sort now visible in many areas. Although ethnic and communal conflict is not a new p h e n o m e n o n , we can observe novel manifestations of such conflict, given the rise of violent nationalism and intolerance. This is particularly the case in Eastern E u r o p e and the successor states to the Soviet Union. Many of these conflicts have the potential for escalating into interstate wars; at the very least, they are likely to result in new migratory waves into countries where the "refugee p r o b l e m " already exists. T h e fact that these tensions are occurring in a n u m b e r of countries that are armed with nuclear weapons makes these issues that much more difficult to tackle. Understanding and resolving the problems might have the best chance if peace studies and security studies collaborate on finding conflict-prevention techniques that promote change. In particular, peace studies' emphasis on peace-building through international cooperation and institution-building can offer valuable insights into the resolution of conflict, whereas international security studies can draw on its expertise in more traditional military matters to assess the viability of proposed peace-building mechanisms. A third way in which peace studies and security studies may collaborate is to draw on each other for the aspects in which each field is the strongest. For example, one of the dilemmas that peace studies experienced in past years was that it was unable to influence the policy community in the way that security studies was able to do. Although peace researchers were crucial to the development of the concept of c o m m o n or cooperative security, and although this concept did receive attention with the 1980 Palme Commission report on common security, it did not become a policy-relevant concept until the latter part of the 1980s, when politicians in East and West began to consider it. It is certainly correct to note that "it would not have been possible for these ideas to have gained c u r r e n c y . . . without peace researchers addressing the realities of the 1980s and devising both pragmatic and visionary alternatives," as suggested by Kevin Clement. 2 7 Yet, the truth of the matter is that the peace studies community never had much access to policymakers, at least not to the extent that security studies has had. O n e

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way to gain a more significant voice in influencing policy is for peace researchers and security studies scholars to work together on the new research problems that both academic fields have identified. Security studies, for its part, could profit equally from collaborating with peace studies. For instance, security studies has traditionally been more state-centric, at the expense of ignoring or giving little attention to other levels of analysis. Peace studies, on the other hand, has never focused solely on the state but has looked equally at the individual, the group, and the societal levels. Its emphasis has thus been on the creation of harmonious and peaceful communities, an emphasis largely inspired by a broader notion of peace. Shifting to a more varied framework of analysis is particularly important, given the breakup of states in the post-Cold War era and the manifestation of multiple problems that must be tackled at the individual as well as at the state level. Moreover, peace studies has always had a research agenda dictated by the need to find nonviolent means of conflict resolution and alternative models of building constructive relationships among states, groups, and individuals. Again, security studies could learn from some of the advances made in peace studies by a more active and constructive exchange of ideas, models, and empirical analysis directed at facilitated peaceful change.

Separate but Friendly The greatest possibility for fruitful collaboration between peace studies and international security studies would stem not from greater similarity in research agendas but from greater doctrinal convergence. There are some indications that even these deep-level changes are taking place. Edward Kolodziej, for example, is encouraging security studies "to probe . . . why and how co-operation among divergent and differing communities has been (and can be) achieved by means other than threats and violence, and to specify the transformation rules and procedures in moving from coercive to non-coercive based co-operative regimes." 28 With this exhortation, Kolodziej is shifting the concept of security away from the power paradigm and toward one based on cooperation. Despite the fact that peace studies and international security studies have increasingly more in common, this does not mean that one field should be folded into the other. In fact, we argue that both peace and security can best be assured by sustaining these two fields as separate and complementary spheres of inquiry. Not only is there still a lot to learn from both fields but neither has yet demonstrated conceptual superiority over the other. Peace studies, for example, has yet to demonstrate rigorously that security is a worthless value to pursue. Nor has security studies proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that the world will not someday reflect "the

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constructive integration of h u m a n society." 29 David D u n n discusses complementarity between peace studies and international security studies and even hints at the possibility of the future convergence of the two fields. Convergence, however, does not mean sameness; nor is it perceived to be an inevitable reaction to the developments in both disciplines over the past decade or so. D u n n makes this clear when he notes that although there is already overlap between peace studies and international security studies, "convergence is not an end in itself and might not even be consciously pursued." 3 0 Nevertheless, in the same essay, D u n n offers the provocative—if undeveloped—concept that he calls the "new realism," a concept that links the traditional concerns of peace studies and international security studies into a unified theoretical framework. H e suggests that " t h e r e is now an alternative approach to the study of world order which can claim to be 'realistic' in stressing the new problems and processes of security in an ecologically whole and complex interdependent system of behavior." 3 1 In brief, D u n n makes several of the same points that are central to Kolodziej's essay in the April 1992 edition of Arms Control. This meeting of the minds certainly suggests that what may characterize the relationship between peace studies and international security studies will be a growing tolerance for each other's approach and assumptions; a sense that separateness but complementarity is preferable to the schisms that had been obstacles to constructive cooperation during the Cold War era.

Notes Patricia Stein Wrightson would like to acknowledge the support of the Center for International and Security Studies at the University of Maryland at College Park in preparing this chapter. 1. To the extent that peace studies falls within the purview of international relations (IR), it can be seen as "an intellectual protest at the inadequacy of traditional approaches to the study of international relations." See Peter Lawler, "Peace Research and International Relations: From Convergence to Divergence," Millennium 15 (Winter 1986): 376. Under the IR tent, peace studies resides with its newest manifestations, including world systems theory and dependency theory (p. 380), whereas international security studies favors the traditional, that is, Realist approach. Peace studies, however, can also be seen as too interdisciplinary to be pigeonholed as a subfield of just one discipline. See, for example, David Dunn, "Peace Research," in Trevor Taylor, ed., Approaches and Theory in International Relations (London: Longman Group, 1978), p. 276. 2. Robert Pickus offers a concise definition of a peaceful world as "a world of justice and brotherhood, a world governed by compassion and the fulfillment of human need." "New Approaches," in W. Scott Thompson and Kenneth M. Jensen, eds., Approaches to Peace: An Intellectual Map (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1991), p. 231.

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3. H a n s M o r g e n t h a u writes that efforts to "protect [the] physical, political, and cultural identity against e n c r o a c h m e n t s by other nations" are "legitimate interests," the "restrictive and rational" pursuit of which other nations "have nothing to fear." The Decline of Democratic Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 9 1 , 1 0 0 . 4. G e o r g e A . Lopez, "Trends in College Curricula," in Lopez, ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 64. This is not to say that international security studies d o e s not share the s a m e set of values but that they are not the focus of its research program. 5. G e o r g e A . Lopez, "Preface," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 10. 6. J a m e s H. Laue, "Contributions of the E m e r g i n g Field of Conflict R e s o lution," in W. Scott T h o m p s o n and K e n n e t h M. Jensen, eds., Approaches to Peace: An Intellectual Map (Washington, D.C.: U n i t e d States Institute of Peace, 1991), p. 301. 7. Pickus, " N e w A p p r o a c h e s , " p. 231. 8. G e n e M. Lyons and Louis Morton, Schools for Strategy: Education and Research in National Security Affairs ( N e w York: Praeger, 1965), p. 4. 9. Lawlcr, "Peace Research," p. 367. 10. In its rejection, p e a c e studies was putting the e m p h a s i s on "scientific." Lawler writes that early works "celebrated the possibility of a 'science of p e a c e ' and the application of mathematical and social scientific techniques to the study of conflict." "Peace Research," p. 371. 11. D u n n , "Peace Research," p. 262. 12. Ibid., p. 261. 13. Lawler, "Peace Research," p. 376. S e e also Juergen Dedring, Recent Advances in Peace and Conflict Research: A Critical Survev (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1976), p. 17. 14. Elise Boulding, "Introduction," in Daniel C. T h o m a s and Michael T. Klare, eds., Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 5th ed. (Boulder, Colo.: W e s t v i e w Press, 1989), p. 5. 15. Dedring, Recent Advances, p. 209. 16. G e o r g e Quester, "International-Security Criticisms of Peace Research," in G e o r g e A . L o p e z , ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 64. 17. Ibid., 104. 18. S e e , for e x a m p l e , K e n n e t h E. Boulding, "Future Directions in Conflict and P e a c e Studies," Journal of Conflict Resolution 22, no. 2 (1978): 342-354; G e o r g e Kent, "The A p p l i c a t i o n of P e a c e Studies," Conflict Resolution 15, no. 1 (1971): 48; J. D a v i d Singer, " A n A s s e s s m e n t of Peace Research," International Security 1 (1986): 118-137; Abigail A . Fuller, "Toward an Emancipatory M e t h o d o l o g y for P e a c e Research," Peace and Change 17 (July 1992): 286; Chadwick A l g e r , "Peace Studies at the Crossroads," in G e o r g e A . L o p e z , ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academ v of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 118. 19. See, for example, Singer, " A n A s s e s s m e n t of Peace Research, p. 121; Elise Boulding's "Foreword," to Dedring, Recent Advances in Peace and Conflict Research: A Critical Survey, pp. 6-8; K e n n e t h Boulding, "Future Directions," pp. 345-346; G. K e n n e t h Wilson, "Peace Studies in an A g e of Increasing A r m e d Conflict" (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies A s s o c i a t i o n , L o n d o n , March 28 - April 1, 1989); A l g e r , "Peace Studies at the Crossroads," p. 118; K a t h l e e n M a a s Weigert, "Peace Studies as Education for

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N o n v i o l e n t Social C h a n g e , " in G e o r g e A. L o p e z , ed., Peace Studies: Past and Future, vol. 504, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1989): 37-47. 20. L a w r e n c e M a r t i n , " T h e F u t u r e of Strategic S t u d i e s , " Journal of Strategic Studies 3 ( D e c e m b e r 1980): 96-97. 21. B a r r y B u z a n , People, States and Fear: The Problem of National Security in International Relations ( C h a p e l Hill: University of N o r t h C a r o l i n a Press, 1983), p. 245. 22. R i c h a r d H . U l l m a n , " R e d e f i n i n g Security," International Security 8 ( S u m m e r 1983): 129-153. 23. H a r a l d M ü l l e r , " M a i n t a i n i n g N o n - N u c l e a r W e a p o n S t a t u s , " in R e g i n a C o w e n K a r p . ed., Security with Nuclear Weapons? Different Perspectives on National Security ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d University Press, 1991), p. 303. 24. See, for e x a m p l e , Gil L o e s c h e r , " M a s s M i g r a t i o n as a G l o b a l Security P r o b l e m , " in Virgina H a m i l t o n , ed., World Refugee Survey, 1991 ( W a s h i n g t o n , D.C.: U.S. C o m m i t t e e for R e f u g e e s , 1991), p. 7. F o r o t h e r l i t e r a t u r e on t h e e x t e n d e d notion of security see also Jessica T u c h m a n M a t h e w s , " R e d e f i n i n g Security," Foreign Affairs 68 (Spring 1989): 162-177; E d w a r d A. Kolodziej, " W h a t Is Security and Security S t u d i e s ? Lessons f r o m the Cold W a r , " Arms Control 13 (April 1992): 1-31; Elise Boulding, ed., New Agendas for Peace Research: Conflict and Security Reexamined, Part II: Reconceptualizing Security ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: L y n n e R i e n n e r , 1992); B a r r y B u z a n . " N e w P a t t e r n s of G l o b a l Security in the 21st C e n t u r y , " International Affairs 61 (July 1991): 431-451; Michael R e n n e r , National Security: The Economic and Environmental Dimension ( W a s h i n g t o n , D.C.: W o r l d w a t c h Institute, 1989); H e l g a H a f t e n d o r n , " T h e Security Puzzle: Theory Building and Discipline Building in I n t e r n a t i o n a l Security," International Studies Quarterly 35 ( M a r c h 1991): 3-17; Styliani Simoncti and Alice A c k e r m a n n , " I d e n tity F o r m a t i o n and Security C o n s i d e r a t i o n s , " Peace and Change 17 ( A p r i l 1992): 229-247. 25. Elise Boulding, " C h a l l e n g e s for the Peace R e s e a r c h C o m m u n i t y in an E r a of T r a n s i t i o n , " New Agendas for Peace Research, pp. 185-186. 26. See, for e x a m p l e , S t e p h e n M. W a l t , " T h e R e n a i s s a n c e of Security Studies," International Studies Quarterly 35 (1991): 211-239; Sean L y n n - J o n e s , " I n t e r national Security S t u d i e s A f t e r t h e Cold W a r : A n A g e n d a for t h e F u t u r e " ( P a p e r p r e s e n t e d at t h e a n n u a l m e e t i n g of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Security Studies Section of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Studies Association, A n n a p o l i s , N o v e m b e r 7 - 9 , 1 9 9 1 ) . 27. Kevin C l e m e n t , " P r e f a c e , " in Elise Boulding, Clovis B r i g a g a o , a n d Kevin C l e m e n t , eds., Peace Culture and Society: Transnational Research and Dialogue ( B o u l d e r , Colo.: W e s t v i e w Press, 1991), p. viii. 28. K o l o d z i e j , " W h a t Is S e c u r i t y ? " pp. 5-6. 29. Pickus, " N e w A p p r o a c h e s , " p. 231. 30. D u n n , " P e a c e R e s e a r c h versus Strategic S t u d i e s , " p. 70. 31. Ibid., p. 66.

PART 2 A PEACE STUDIES

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FOR THE 1990s

6 Introductory Courses in Peace Studies Andrew

Murray

Putting together an introductory course in peace studies is like putting together a puzzle that has too many pieces and will make more than one picture. Each picture may be the "right" one; the challenge is to decide which picture one wants to make and then look for the pieces that will complete it. This chapter is intended as an aid for the task of conceiving and giving definition to this larger picture. It is not meant as a recipe or a set of "how to" instructions but, rather, as a kind of lubricant that may help unlock the creative gears that make choice possible. Though the temptation is great, it will not offer specific advice about what should or should not be taught by the instructor, nor will it give directions regarding how material should be organized or what pedagogical methods should be used. Rather, it attempts to cultivate a vision that will help the designer to imagine the finished work. Guiding the essay is a thinly veiled assumption that failure to put adequate energy and creativity into this aesthetic task will likely result in a syllabus that has little apparent inner logic and a classroom experience that leaves students overwhelmed and underinspired. Section I will concentrate on what might be thought of as the background for the picture. It will consider institutional and programmatical context and look at conceptual, methodological, and substantive issues. The second section of the chapter will look more specifically at the categories of pieces that go into making up the larger picture. This may be thought of as the foreground of the picture, where detail and technique become apparent. It is in the second part that the more specific questions of content and pedagogy will be addressed.

Section I The most difficult task in developing an introductory course in peace studies is to find and articulate those principles, those templates, and those 69

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guiding visions that help to establish the framework within which the course is understood and created. This is true for any survey course, but probably more true in this field because of its developing nature and because of a lack of experience and consensus that might guide one in making such choices. 1 It is a task that should not be done alone. T h e more discussion that can be generated at this stage of development and the broader the base of participation in the discussion, the stronger the foundation will be for future development. A t the beginning, no person or group should be accepted as supplying definitive, expert help; conversely, no one should be assumed to be unable to contribute. A caution, however, is in order. W h e r e a s the " i n p u t " group should be large and representative of a wide spectrum of attitudes and skills, the actual decisionmaking group should be small and relatively agreeable; otherwise, the course runs the risk of becoming a patchwork of compromises rather than an experience with internal integrity. O n e should begin to " s e e " the course in the mind's eye and should be able to articulate its purpose so that it is understandable, if not persuasive. T h e picture should be something that students, as well as faculty, can see. T h e vision should not be simplistic, but it should be simple. One should find eloquence in its clarity rather than in the use of specialized language or esoteric modes of thought. Student

Outcomes

T h e academic community is already dangerously close to making "student o u t c o m e s " a cliché. Still, this must be the beginning point for conceiving the shape and substance of any new course. T h e issue of student outcomes is somewhat different from the question " W h a t should students s e e ? " when they are looking at the course. T h a t question attempts to m a k e certain that by reading the syllabus and talking with the instructor, students can develop a reasonably accurate notion of what the course is about. Defining student outcomes, on the other hand, raises questions about what happens to students who have gone through the experience. H o w are they changed? W h a t should they know and be able to do when the course is finished that was not known and not possible before the course b e g a n ? It is best to be precise and modest in answering this question. O n e should begin with the "most hoped f o r " and distill the answer until it reflects the "minimally acceptable." This may seem severe, but it will serve planners well when the discussion of breadth and depth begins and it will provide a governor that will protect the syllabus from becoming overloaded and the instructor from accomplishing too little by attempting too much.

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O n e o f the advantages of having serious and e x t e n d e d discussion about student o u t c o m e s early in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the c o u r s e is that it will help expose agendas that might otherwise remain hidden a m o n g those who have an investment in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the course. W h e n a team or a c o m m i t t e e is working on a course, getting assumptions on the table about what should happen to students can be especially helpful in avoiding p r o b l e m s later on. T h e danger with putting undue emphasis on student o u t c o m e s is that course designs may b e c o m e stilted, predictable, and too much c o n c e n trated on ends without sufficient attention to means. T o avoid " t e a c h i n g to the t e s t " it is always important to strive for design that is o p e n to surprise. T h e wise instructor will realize that despite the best-laid plans, students grow, change, and mature in ways that are often unanticipated. A n y consideration o f student o u t c o m e s needs to be t e m p e r e d by respect for the unanticipated and the unpredictable.

Institutional

Mission

It is surprising, perhaps even shocking, that many courses are developed by instructors who do not have the slightest idea of whether the stated mission of the institution will support the course. M o s t colleges and universities have explicit mission statements, and it is imperative that such a s t a t e m e n t be known and, to the extent possible, understood by those who develop new courses. E v e n if o n e is u n c o m f o r t a b l e with the direction of his or her institution, it is important to have the formal mission statem e n t well in hand. I n d e e d , at times, formal s t a t e m e n t s can provide c o v e r for rearguard actions. T h e r e are legitimate political reasons for paying attention to institutional mission statements. A proposed course that takes institutional mission seriously is more likely to negotiate the committee hoops successfully on the way to approval. An instructor who can articulate the relationship of a new course to institutional mission will find a more sympathetic ear with deans and academic vice presidents and may significantly raise the likelihood of survival for the course. W h e r e strategic planning is an institutional priority, attention to mission will also help integrate the course into the larger development of the academic program and may help it to avoid a fringe existence. In addition, taking institutional mission seriously and designing a course with it in mind may uncover allies for the endeavor as well as provide a rationale for seeking resources for it. T h e r e are, o f course, what may b e considered loftier rationales for paying attention to institutional mission. It can provide a starting point for seeking c o h e r e n c e . It can also provide avenues of interaction with o t h e r courses and programs. In addition, such attention pushes o n e to k e e p a focus on the larger picture. T h e larger picture is not only the shape

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a n d s u b s t a n c e of t h e individual c o u r s e b u t also its relation t o t h e e d u c a tional task of t h e larger institution. Curricular

Context

H a v i n g d e v e l o p e d a h a b i t of t h i n k i n g in t e r m s of institutional goals a n d priorities, o n e m u s t also p a y a t t e n t i o n t o t h e c o n t e x t in which the c o u r s e will b e o f f e r e d . H o w t h e c o u r s e will c o n t r i b u t e t o the larger c u r r i c u l u m , a n d h o w it relates t o t h e principles that g u i d e c u r r i c u l u m d e v e l o p m e n t for t h e institution in g e n e r a l a r e i m p o r t a n t . T h e eclectic n a t u r e of p e a c e studies m a k e s this an especially n o t e w o r t h y a n d difficult c o n s i d e r a t i o n . T h e m o s t biting criticism of p e a c e studies c o u r s e s is t h a t they h a v e s o m e t i m e s failed to distinguish t h e m s e l v e s f r o m ot her offerings. W h a t will set a n e w c o u r s e a p a r t f r o m o f f e r i n g s t h a t a r e a l r e a d y a v a i l a b l e a n d s h o w t h a t it will fill an u n m e t n e e d ? O n e s h o u l d look first in his o r h e r o w n institution f o r help. E x a m i n e t h e w r i t t e n m a t e r i a l s for o t h e r n o n d e p a r t m e n t a l o r interdisciplinary c o u r s e s such as w o m e n ' s studies o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l science. R e a d t h e c h a r t e r o r bylaws f o r any special p r o g r a m s or r e s e a r c h c e n t e r s related to y o u r institution. A carcful review of the general education program, and minutes from the academic planning and/or c u r r i c u l u m c o m m i t t e e s may p r o v i d e cues for i m p o r t a n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s and early w a r n i n g f o r p o t e n t i a l p r o b l e m s . T h e m o s t e l o q u e n t l y d e s i g n e d c o u r s e in all of a c a d e m i a will b e of little use if it fails to m a k e it past t h e institution's curricular gatekeepers. Programmatic

Context

In a d d i t i o n t o institutional mission a n d curricular c o n t e x t o n e must also c o n s i d e r h o w a n e w c o u r s e will f u n c t i o n in t h e p r o g r a m t o which it is most closely r e l a t e d . If t h e c o u r s e is to serve as a b e g i n n i n g p o i n t f o r a m o r e c o m p l e t e p r o g r a m in p e a c e studies, it is necessary to t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t t h e mission, goals, a n d objectives of that p r o g r a m as well as t h o s e of t h e larger institution. In this case t h e c o u r s e is obliged t o i n t r o d u c e t h e s t u d e n t to a p r o g r a m as well as t o a field of study, a n d should be d e s i g n e d with this in mind. A n introductory course that is designed to provide students w h o are majoring or minoring in peace studies a foundation on which to do subseq u e n t work will look and feel quite different f r o m a course designed to stimulate t h e interest of general students. If the course is to be taught u n d e r t h e auspices of a m o r e traditional d e p a r t m e n t rather than an interdisciplinary program, its design should reflect an understanding of how the course relates to t h e larger p r o g r a m of the d e p a r t m e n t . For example, an introductory course taught in a sociology d e p a r t m e n t that puts heavy emphasis on quantitative analysis might look quite different f r o m o n e taught in an English d e p a r t m e n t that emphasizes narrative c o n s t r u c t i o n .

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C o n s i d e r a t i o n o f institutional and d e p a r t m e n t a l mission is the appropriate place to begin the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a course but it is not a task that should e v e r b e considered c o m p l e t e d . E v a l u a t i o n o f teaching in light of mission is an ongoing task and should b e c o m e a practiced part of developing and refining curriculum as well as creating it

Breadth Versus Depth O n e of the most important and difficult discussions related to any survey course is the discussion that seeks to establish s o m e principle for deciding how the quantity o f material covered will relate to the quality of instruction and learning. Introductory courses, by nature, force a choice between how much material will be used and how completely it will be covered. T h e fact that p e a c e studies is still in the early stages of d e v e l o p m e n t and the fact that it potentially covers topics that range from a r m a m e n t s to zealots renders this discussion particularly significant and t r o u b l e s o m e . T o some extent the answer to the breadth-versus-depth question is a matter of individual taste. Some instructors feel comfortable with immense amounts of material lightly covered; others prefer a more severely culled syllabus with heightened expectations in regard to mastery of material. T h e important thing is not so much which path one takes but that one choose a path guided by a particular rationale and stick to it. Nothing can be more confusing and more frustrating to students than dealing with a course where the instructor has not yet come to terms with the issue. That is not to say thai a syllabus cannot be mixed. Some models choose one issue to look at in depth while moving rapidly over other issues. Such mixing can be successful but it needs to be intentional and apparent to the student. A discussion of student o u t c o m e s , institutional missions, curricular context, and breadth versus depth can help to establish the b a c k g r o u n d for the big picture as the course develops. It remains to identify the issues that will help to fill in the foreground of the picture. T h e issues are here divided into three sets: conceptual, methodological, and substantive.

Concepts P e a c e studies by its nature deals with concepts that are vague, misunderstood, p a c k e d with e m o t i o n a l freight, ill-defined, and carelessly used. O n e of the m o s t important tasks of an introductory course is to provide a c o m m o n language for the students so that they can begin to talk with s o m e clarity a b o u t such c o n c e p t s as peace, war, violence, justice, exploitation, security, human rights, and international law and organization. T h e list is long and full of challenge. T o s o m e extent the establishment of such a language must be arbitrary b u t the decisions can be m a d e only in the c o n t e x t of having e x p l o r e d c o n c e p t u a l d e v e l o p m e n t within the field. 2 It is desirable that students have

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adequate time to move through that exploration and that they experience and understand some of the profound disagreements in the field about conceptual development. The richness of the concepts with which peace studies must deal can be a source of both frustration and excitement. Students need not be spared that frustration; it is an inevitable part of trying to bring some precision to the language of the field. It is important, however, that rather than a hopeless morass of conflicting meanings, they find in the complexity that defines peace studies a certain fertility that is both beautiful and filled with potential. Methodology

If there is one place where consensus has developed within the peace studies community, it is that peace studies by nature is interdisciplinary. This does not mean that it is without method but, rather, that its method is found within the ability to draw upon the knowledge banks and methodologies of the more traditional disciplines when analyzing problems of warfare, exploitation, injustice, and human violence. Students should have an opportunity to see how a variety of disciplines have contributed to the field of peace studies, and they should experiment with the task of matching peace studies problems to an appropriate discipline. This process involves asking three questions. 1. What issues or problems related to peace studies match the resources and capabilities of which disciplines? For example, where should one look for help in understanding the roots of aggressive human behavior? Or, which discipline has the tools most appropriate for exploring the relationship between imperialism and structural violence? Would one seek help from the music department, the history department, the sociology department, or perhaps all three in developing a study of how popular music serves to legitimize or delegitimize certain political conflicts? 2. What are the limitations of the helping discipline in dealing with the questions one seeks to direct to them? Both the poet and the student of the biological functions of the human brain may give us insight into human behavior, but the way each works will impose certain limitations on the material they can handle and the conclusions they can reach. 3. What has already been done in a particular discipline to address a certain problem of peace studies, and what remains to be done? This should lead one to an act of imagination informed by careful literature search.

Substance It is the consideration of substance that moves one from conceiving the big picture to the more specific task of choosing the pieces that will make

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up the picture. Substantive considerations exist on the boundary of overall design and day-to-day detail. These decisions might best be thought of in terms of paradigms for peacemaking. A n introductory course must consider a n u m b e r of paradigms that will provide substance: international law and organization; peace through strength; development; nonviolence; civilian defense; conflict management; dispute resolution; education; economic conversion and disarmament are a few among many. 3 No course can give a d e q u a t e treatment to any of these issues in the time allotted for a survey experience. It is necessary to choose which will be emphasized, which skimmed, and which ignored. It is perhaps at this point that it is most necessary to avoid making decisions for political or ideological reasons. It is tempting, especially when considering paradigms of peacemaking, to choose those that most nearly fit the instructor's biases. In the long run it is impossible to avoid doing so, and perhaps undesirable as well. T h e biases, however, should be acknowledged, and choices should be made consciously with an understanding of how the biases affect them.

Section II Of course, not all of the substance of an introductory course will fit neatly under the "paradigms" rubric. Smaller, more specific pieces will give the course color and life. Following is a discussion not of those specific pieces but of categories of pieccs. There are many more categories than those discussed below, but they seem to be particularly relevant. History O n e of the exciting things about peace studies now is that it has been around long enough to have developed a significant history. This history is m o r e and more accessible to the interested scholar and is an important piece of any introductory course. Hearing and reciting the story of how the field has developed gives the student a context within which to put his or her own experience with the course. It opens up the course to a larger universe, taking it beyond a particular classroom and a particular instructor. 4 It does not matter so much that the story may vary from instructor to instructor. It does matter that the story come alive; that it be given the sense of vibrancy that comes with the discussion of something that is new and urgent. T h e student should be aware that the instructor has decided which actors and events bring the story to life. Students should also be aware that by participating in the class, they become part of the development of peace studies and thus of the story. Indeed, students should be encouraged to help with the development and the telling of the story.

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Literature Just as there is a story that is beginning to define peace studies, there is also a body of literature that is developing canon attributes. A cybernetic relationship exists between the power of a piece of literature to define the field and the choice to include such literature especially in a survey course. T o the extent that a certain piece of literature has already reached a level of importance, it will present itself for inclusion; to the extent that certain pieces of literature are included, they become codified in terms of giving shape and definition to the field. It may be helpful in choosing literature to develop a sine-qua-non list.5 T o d o this, one might imagine a conversation with a student who has just finished an introductory course in peace studies. A series of "Did you read this?" questions might reveal pieces without which one might be considered inadequately tutored. It is useful to share the list with others, both within the local educational community and within the broader field of pcace studies. Perhaps no other exercise will elicit such passionate response and such practical help. T h e list, of course, will becomc a great source of controversy. No two people who have been around the field for any length of time will agree on its contents. O n e might find patterns of advice, however, that will be most informative. An alternative to putting together a reading list for a class is to use a text or several collections of readings. The first integrated text in the field, Introduction to Peace Studies, by David P. Barash, is thoughtfully organized, simply written (too simply for other than first-year students), and comprehensive. Each chapter is followed by a list of study questions that are at times helpful and at times reminiscent of high school social studies lessons. From Barash's source notes and suggestions for further reading, one could build a sufficient library for peace studies at the undergraduate level. For breadth of coverage there is no alternative to Barash; however, there are several other possibilities for those who might want to cast a smaller net. Teachers w h o know and love equations or who work in quantitative programs should look at The Scientific Study of Peace and War, edited by J o h n A. Vasquez and Marie T. H e n e h a n , and Understanding Conflict and the Science of Peace, by Walter Isard. For those who want to k e e p focused on war as a h u m a n problem, Ronald Glossop's Confronting War could serve as a slightly dated but still excellent text. Making War/Making Peace, edited by Francesca Cancian and James Gibson, would also serve nicely as a general text for those who are especially interested in sociological issues of war and peace. For a general collection of readings that is especially rich in sources that examine questions of morals and values, look at A Peace Reader, edited by Joseph Fahey and Richard Armstrong. Two out-of-print readers are still excellent sources for introductory materials: The War System: An Interdisciplinary Approach, edited by Richard Falk and Samuel Kim, and

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Roy Prosterman's Surviving to 3000: An Introduction to the Study of Lethal Conflict. They are especially helplul for the instructor who wants to emphasize the interdisciplinary nature of peace studies. In the end, the individual instructor will have to make the difficult choices about what to use and what to leave out. It should, however, be a matter of celebration for people in the field that the problem is one of culling and not of one of finding enough material to fill a semester of classwork. People The tendency to become emotionally involved escalates when the discussion turns to which thinkers, leaders, and activists should be covered by an introductory course in peace studies. Everyone has some idea, usually a strong idea, about which individuals should be familiar to every person who has been properly introduced to the field. 6 T o some extent this question has already been dealt with. O n e cannot make decisions about literature and history without making collateral decisions about people. The development of the field and the literature have been, of course, driven by individuals. At this point in the process, it is a matter of looking to see who is missing. Again it may be helpful to develop a sine-qua-non list and then check it with other persons in the field. If a n u m b e r agree that someone indispensable has been left out, it may be worth looking again to see if this particular piece might not find a place in the picture. It may be helpful to review categories of individuals to make sure there is some balance between activists, educators, researchers, and writers. Individual preferences and competencies may indicate that one of these categories will receive more attention than another. It would be a mistake, however, to ignore any one group. For students to understand and to have a feeling for the richness and diversity of peace studies, it is desirable that they have a good introduction to the wide variety of people who have given shape and direction to the field. Issues Gays in the military, the draft, Pentagon procurement practices, the glass ceiling, the end of the Cold War, transparency in arms transfers, Third World import pricing—the list of issues that could appropriately be included in a peace studies survey course is nearly endless, and changes from day to day. 7 It can be as fresh as the morning's headlines or as ancient as the story of Cain. Issues give life and vitality to peace studies and can save survey courses f r o m mind-numbing dullness, but they should be app r o a c h e d with considerable caution. A survey course in peace studies should not be issue driven. O n e of the mistakes most commonly made when new courses are developed is

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that issues that p r e s u m a b l y are of considerable salience for the instructor are used as organizing principles r a t h e r than as illustrative material. S t u d e n t s participate in the t e m p t a t i o n b e c a u s e they are o f t e n a t t r a c t e d to p e a c e studies courses in the first place because they want to discuss certain issues. T h e y have a t e n d e n c y to b e c o m e impatient and restless at the m o r e p e d a n t i c task of establishing a theoretical, methodological, and substantive b a c k g r o u n d . W i t h o u t such b a c k g r o u n d , however, it is easy for the discussion of issues to t u r n i n t o little m o r e than bull sessions. W i t h o u t t h e discipline i m p o s e d by rigorous and consistent application of m e t h o d s a n d a familiarization with a set of p a r a d i g m s , discussions of issues a r e likely to d e v e l o p m o r e h e a t t h a n light. This is not t o say that issues should be avoided. T o the c o n t r a r y , they p r o v i d e the kind of color and contrast that gives the larger picture interest and detail. T h e i m p o r t a n t thing is to try to choose issues for pedagogical r a t h e r t h a n p e r s o n a l reasons. T h e r e is m o r e latitude for individual choice h e r e than in o t h e r matters. O n e n e e d s a great deal of counsel on what literature and what p e o p l e to include in a course and certainly on how to d e v e l o p and p r e s e n t the history. O n the o t h e r hand, o n e is likely to find little a g r e e m e n t on which issues are useful and meritorious. H e r e , the instructor should feel m o r e c o n f i d e n t going it alone, as long as he or she is secure in the knowledge that choices have been m a d e in o r d e r to educate and not to recruit. Experiences W e c o m e finally to issues of pedagogy. Which learning experiences will be chosen to c o m p l e t e the picture? T h e r e are familiar pieces such as lectures, discussions, case studies, simulations, field trips, and audiovisua l . T h e r e are m o r e exotic and e x p e r i m e n t a l pieces, such as intensive writing a n d m e d i t a t i o n . It may s e e m like a mistake to hold the discussion of t e c h n i q u e until the end of the process. I n d e e d , pedagogy should be in the b a c k g r o u n d of o n e ' s thinking t h r o u g h o u t the entire process. T h e r e is a bias h e r e , h o w e v e r , that form follows function, and that the time to c h o o s e t h e pedagogical pieces is a f t e r the organizational and c o n t e n t decisions have b e g u n to t a k e shape. Like issues, t h e choice of pedagogical pieces may be m a d e on a m o r e individual basis. T h e r e is an additional bias h e r e that o n e should use the t e c h n i q u e s with which o n e feels most c o m f o r t a b l e and most c o m p e t e n t . A gifted lecturer should use the lecture f o r m a t without apology; a skilled facilitator might want to spend m o r e time on case studies and simulations. O n e should consider variety, interest, and a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of teaching style to c o n t e n t . In the final analysis, however, the p r i m e consideration is w h e t h e r the pedagogical style c o n n e c t s the instructor and the s t u d e n t to the material.

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A final bias r e l a t e s to w h a t is s o m e t i m e s c a l l e d e x p e r i e n t i a l learning. It is not h e l p f u l t o try to distinguish b e t w e e n " e x p e r i e n t i a l " a n d " n o n e x p e r i e n t i a l " learning. A l l learning d e r i v e s f r o m e x p e r i e n c e . R e a d i n g a b o o k , h e a r i n g a lecture, h a v i n g a d i s c u s s i o n with a friend, g o i n g t o a m o v i e are all e x p e r i e n c e s . A g o o d lecture m a y very w e l l i n v o l v e a s t u d e n t at an e x p e r i e n t i a l l e v e l b e t t e r than w o u l d a bad s i m u l a t i o n . I n d e e d , a c o u r s e itself is an e x p e r i e n c e . It is o n e s p r e a d o v e r l i m e and h a v i n g a n u m b e r of d i s c r e t e p i e c e s . T h e joy a n d t h e w o r k of e d u c a t i n g is t o try t o m a k e that e x p e r i e n c e c o u n t for s o m e t h i n g .

Notes 1. See Falk and Kim (1980), pp. 1-12, for an examination of assumptions and approaches in developing templates for peace studies. W a s h b u r n and W e h r (1976), pp. 5-30, establishes a f r a m e w o r k based on transformation. Richard Barnet, in Sloan (1983), pp. 30-37, establishes a need for peace studies by highlighting the weaknesses of existing courses in strategic studies and national security studies. Murray (1988) puts peace studies in the f r a m e w o r k that is analogous to other applied programs within a liberal arts curriculum. For a general nuts-and-bolts f r a m e w o r k , see Galtung (1975), pp. 280-290. For a template that focuses on war as a h u m a n problem, see Glossop (1983), pp. 2-6. See H e n e h a n and Vasquez (1992), pp. xix-xxix, for a template based on quantitative analysis. Also see essays by Richard Falk and by Burns Weston in Institute for World O r d e r , Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide (New York, 1981), pp. 25-78. 2. For a good discussion of the meaning of the concepts of war, peace, justice and the relationship of peace and justice, see Glossop (1983), pp. 7-15. For a discussion of positive peace, see J o h a n Galtung, "Violence, Peace and Peace Research," Journal of Peace Research (1961): 167-191. See Barash (1991), pp. 5-31, for a good discussion of the concepts of war and peace. Also sec Boulding (1978), pp. 1-30 on the meaning of peace, and pp. 67-91 on the relationship of peace and justice. 3. T h e "intellectual m a p " published by the U S I P (Jensen and T h o m p s o n eds., 1991) offers the most complete collection and description of paradigms for peacemaking. It is too obscure for the u n d e r g r a d u a t e introductory level and it practically ignores transformational or moral paradigms; however, it is a useful resource for instructors w h o are developing courses. A r m s t r o n g and Fahey (1992) is an excellent source for short, primary readings that will help the instructor formulate nonviolence and transformational paradigms. 4. For a concise and useful summary of the history of peace studies see Carolyn M. Stephenson, " T h e Evolution of Peace Studies" in Michael T. Klare and Daniel C. Thomas, eds., Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 5th ed. (1989). For more of an intellectual history, see Galtung (1975), pp. 244-262. For the student willing to dig a little, the July 1989 issue of Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, edited by G e o r g e Lopez and dedicated to the past and future of peace studies, will yield some helpful information for developing a history of peace studies. 5. A fifth way to begin formulating this list would be to take the fourth and sixth editions of this curriculum guide, note the reading lists and bibliographies for all introductory courses and determine which resources are c o m m o n , or most c o m m o n , to all syllabi.

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6. For an excellent collection of short biographies of peace activists, see C o o n e y and Michalowski (1967). It is difficult to conceive of an introductory course in peace studies that would ignore G a n d h i and Martin Luther King. A list of researchers and educators who have helped develop and define peace studies would include, a m o n g others, Lewis Richardson, Quincy Wright, David Singer, A n a t o l R a p o p o r t , K e n n e t h and Elise Boulding, J o h a n Galtung, G e n e Sharp, and Betty R e a r d o n . 7. T w o series that give excellent issue-related background and information are the Worldwatch Institute Stale of the World reports, and R u t h Leger Sivard's World Military and Social Expenditures. Journals and periodicals are also a good source for developing issue-related materials. See the Selected Bibliography that follows.

Selected Bibliography A r m s t r o n g , Richard, and Fahey, Joseph, eds. A Peace Reader: Essential Readings on War, Justice, Non-Violence and World Order. Paulist Press, 1992. Barash, David P. Introduction to Peace Studies. Wadsworth, 1991. B e n d e r , David, and Leone, B r u n o , eds. War and Human Nature. G r e e n h a v e n Press, 1983. Boulding, K e n n e t h . Stable Peace. University of Texas Press, 1978. . Three Faces of Power. Sage, 1972. Brown, Lester R. State of the World. N o r t o n , 1993. Cancian, Francesca M., and Gibson, J a m e s William. Making War/Making Peace: The Social Foundations of Violent Conflict. Wadsworth, 1990. Cooney, R., and Michalowski, H. The Power of the People. Peace Press, 1977. Curie, A d a m . Making Peace. Tavistock, 1971. D u n n , Lewis A. Controlling the Bomb: Nuclear Proliferation in the J980's. Yale University Press, 1982. Dyson, F r e e m a n . Weapons and Hope. H a r p e r & Row, 1984. Elias, R o b e r t , and Turpin, Jennifer, eds. Rethinking Peace. Lynne Rienner, 1994. Eisler, Diane. The Chalice and the Blade. H a r p e r and Row, 1987. Falk, Richard A., and Kim, Samuel S., eds. The War System: An Interdisciplinary Approach. West view Press, 1980. Galtung, J o h a n . Peace: Research, Education, Action. Christian Ejlers, 1975. Glossop, R o n a l d J. Confronting War. McFarland, 1983. H e n e h a n , Marie, and Vasquez, J o h n A., eds. The Scientific Study of Peace and War. Lexington Books, 1992. Isard, Walter. Understanding Conflict and the Science of Peace. Blackwell, 1992. Jensen, K e n n e t h M., and T h o m p s o n , W. Scott, eds. Approaches to Peace: an Intellectual Map. United States Institute of Peace, 1991. Johansen, R o b e r t C. Toward an Alternative Security System. World Policy Institute, 1983. Klare, Michael T. American Arms Supermarket. University of Texas Press, 1984. Klare, Michael T., and T h o m a s , Daniel C., eds. Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide. 5th ed. Westview Press, 1989. Klare, Michael T., and T h o m a s , Daniel C., eds. World Security: Challenges for a New Century. St. Martin's Press, 1994. Lebow, Richard, ed. Between Peace and War: The Nature of International Crisis. J o h n s H o p k i n s University Press, 1981. Lynd, Staughton. Nonviolence in America: A Documentary History. Bobbs-Merrill, 1966.

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Makhijani, A r j u n . From Global Capitalism to Economic Justice. A p e x Press, 1992. Murray, A n d r e w . Peace and Conflict Studies as Applied Liberal Arts: A Theoretical Framework for Curriculum Development. B a k e r Institute, 1988. Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide. 3d ed. Institute for World O r d e r , 1981. Prosterman, Roy L. Surviving to 3000: An Introduction to the Study of Lethal Conflict. D u x b u r y Press, 1972. R a p o p o r t , A. Fights, Games and Debates. University of Michigan Press, 1974. R e a r d o n , Betty. Sexism and the War System. Teachers College Press, 1985. Peace Education: Educating for Global Responsibility. . Comprehensive Teachers College Press, 1988. Schell, J o n a t h a n . The Fate of the Earth. A v o n Books, 1982. Sceley, Robert. The Handbook of Non-Violence. Lawrence Hill, 1986. Sharp. G e n e . The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Porter Sargent, 1974. Sivard, R u t h Leger. World Military and Social Expenditures 1993. World Priorities, 1993. Sloan, Douglas, ed. Education for Peace and Disarmament: Toward a Living World. Teachers College Press, 1983. Small, Melvin, and Singer, David J., eds. International Wat. Dorsey Press, 1985. Sommer, Mark. Beyond the Bomb: Living Without Nuclear Weapons. T a l m a n Col., 1985. Sponsel, Leslie E., and G r e g o r , T h o m a s A., eds. The Anthropology of Peace and Nonviolence. Lynne Rienner, 1994. Stephenson, Carolyn, ed. Alternative Methods for International Security. University Press of America, 1982. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. SIPRI Yearbook 1993: World Armaments and Disarmament. Oxford University Press, 1993. Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. Penguin ed. Penguin U S A , 1954. W a s h b u r n , Michael, and Wehr, Paul. Peace and World Order Systems: Teaching and Research. Sage, 1976. W e h r , Paul, Burgess, Heidi, and Burgess, Guy, eds. Justice Without Violence. Lynne Rienner, 1994. Weinberg, A r t h u r and Lila. Instead of Violence. Beacon Press, 1963. Weston, Burns, ed. Alternative Security: Living Without Nuclear Deterrence. Westview Press, 1990. Wright, Quincy. A Study of War. University of Chicago Press, 1942,1964.

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Adrienne Kaufmann The American University, Washington, D.C. School of International Service 33.308: " Introduction to Peace and Conflict Resolution" Fall 1993 Course Description and Requirements This course examines conflict and violence, as well as cooperation and peaceful change, within and among individuals, cultures, and systems. Effective means for diminishing the level of violence; for increasing the potential for nonexploitative, cooperative coexistence; and for collaborative conflict resolution are explored. Required Texts Fischer, Louis. Gandhi: His Life and Message for the World Fisher, Roger, and Ury, William. Getting to Yes Holmes, Robert L. Nonviolence in Theory and Practice King, Martin Luther, Jr. Stride Toward Freedom Smoker, P., Davies, R., and Munske, B., eds. A Reader in Peace Studies United States Institute of Peace. Making Peace Among Arabs and Israelis: Lessons from Fifty Years of Negotiating Experience Grading and Requirements Forty-five percent of your grade: Nine weekly journals (5 percent each). These journals should be two to three pages in length, and are due every week when you come to class. They are to be primarily reflective papers. What have the readings and other preparations for this class period meant to you? There are eleven class periods on which journals are due (for two of these periods you may choose not to submit a paper; no questions asked). Twenty-five percent of your grade: Live-body participation. This includes in-class participation (attendance being understood as a prerequisite to participation). This will also include your creative project. This will also include a creative project that will express some facet of peacemaking using a creative medium.

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Twenty percent of your grade: Y o u r written project R e f e r to the next page for suggestions regarding topic. Y o u are not limited t o these suggestions, but ideas not included on this list should b e c h e c k e d out b e f o r e e m b a r k i n g on t h e m . T e n p e r c e n t of your grade: Y o u r final t a k e - h o m e exam. Suggestions for Written

Project

1. E c o n o m i c conversion: H o w far has it a d v a n c e d ? W h a t is currently h a p p e n i n g in Congress, within the military-industrial complex to f u r t h e r its success? 2. Civilian-based defense: W h a t are the p r o b l e m s a n d possibilities? W h e r e has it b e e n tried? H o w has it s u c c e e d e d ? 3. T r a n s a r m a m e n t : H o w does the n o r t h e r n E u r o p e a n military differ f r o m our o w n ? W h a t are the possibilities for c o n v e r t i n g our military toward a nonviolent defensive set of strategies? 4. C h o o s e one nonviolence m o v e m e n t not studied in class; research it and evaluate its effectiveness. E x a m p l e s : Czechoslovakia, 1968; t h e ousting of M a r c o s in the Philippines; the role of Solidarity in Poland. 5. D o an in-depth study of the m a j o r writings of one p e r s o n w h o has contributed to the d e v e l o p m e n t of p e a c e theory in the twentieth century. W h a t have b e e n his/her m a j o r contributions? 6. Mediation: a c o o p e r a t i v e conflict-resolution process. W h a t are its p r o b l e m s and possibilities? 7. T a k e a conflict that is now a m a j o r o n e in the news (for example, the Israeli-Arab conflict, o r o n e facet of it; the f o r m e r Yugoslavia; South A f r i c a ) . T r a c e it in the news for the entire semester. Clip the articles, put into a n o t e b o o k , a d d i n g c o m m e n t s day by day; t h e n write a few pages of conclusions a b o u t the conflict's progress. W h a t would you r e c o m m e n d to bring it to r e s o l u t i o n ? 8. T r a c k - t w o diplomacy. H o w has the citizen d i p l o m a t altered thinking a b o u t p e a c e m a k i n g ? 9. D o an in-depth study of o n e p e a c e m a k i n g organization; e v a l u a t e its effectiveness. 10. D o a c o m p a r a t i v e study of several p e a c e m a k i n g organizations w o r k i n g on the s a m e basic a g e n d a . H o w d o they d i f f e r ? A r e they c o o p e r ative or competitive? M a k e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for increased effectiveness. 11. E x a m i n e o n e j o u r n a l (listed below). Study its c o n t e n t s o v e r the past ten years and analyze its effectiveness. 12. T r a c e o n e topic over a ten-year period in o n e or several journals. E x a m p l e s : p e a c e e d u c a t i o n in e l e m e n t a r y and s e c o n d a r y schools, advocacy for p e a c e in C e n t r a l A m e r i c a , work on nuclear d i s a r m a m e n t , some aspect of h u m a n rights. H o w have a p p r o a c h e s to this topic changed over the years? W h a t ' s next on the a g e n d a ?

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Journals Applicable for Peace and Conflict Resolution Bulletin of Peace Proposals Conflict Studies Cooperation and Conflict Human Rights Quarterly International Peace Research Association Newsletter Journal of Conflict Resolution Journal of Peace Research Journal of Social Issues Peace and Change Peace Research Abstracts Journal Peace Research Reviews Peace Review Peace Science Society International, Papers Political Psychology

(IPRA)

Course Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Introductory

Session

Getting to know one another, completing information sheets, discussion of syllabus and course expectations. •

2. Conflict Resolution—An

Individual Approach, Part 1

This and the next session will focus on learning some theory that will help to identify one's own conflict-resolution style, as well as on developing some skills toward greater conflict-management effectiveness. Read: Fisher and Ury, Getting to Yes, to p. 98. •

3. Conflict Resolution—An

Individual Approach, Part 2

Read: Fisher and Ury, Getting to Yes, complete the book. •

4. Psychology-based Tlieory Regarding Conflict and Violence

What does the study of psychology have to tell us that will enlighten our understanding of why we develop conflicts, create enemies, and can be prone to violent behaviors? Read: Smoker, Davies, and Munske, eds., A Reader in Peace Studies, pp. 159-196,221-223. •

5. Theories About Conflict Within Societal Systems

During this session we will examine the ideas of some leading figures who are contributing to the development of peace and conflict-resolution theory.

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Who are these people, what are their ideas about conflict, violence, peace, and cooperation? How do they support and build on one another's research? Read: Smoker, Davies, Munske, eds., Reader in Peace Studies, pp. 1-32. Also read more of the work of one of the following peace researchers: Johan Galtung, Kenneth Boulding, Elise Boulding, John Burton, Robert Axelrod, Richard Falk, R. B. J. Walker. Consult peace journals listed above. •

6. Structural Violence—A Problem Within Society's

Systems

We will look at how the way society is structured works to the advantage of some and the disadvantage of others. W e will use the simulation "Star Power" during the class. Read: Smoker, Davies, and Munske, eds., A Reader in Peace Studies, pp. 107-132. D o one of the following and report it in your journal: (a) attend a congressional committee hearing dealing with some aspect of structural violence; (b) spend time working with victims of structural violence—homeless, hungry, refugees, and so on: or (c) visit an office dedicated to some type of structural change. •

7. International Conflicts: Problem Areas, Promising

Developments

This class will look at four specific ways to address international conflicts that seem to hold some hope for a less violent future: economic conversion, transarmament, civilian-based defense, and ecological suslainability. Read: Smoker, Davies, and Munske, eds., A Reader in Peace Studies, pp. 33-105. •

8. Gandhi: Developing Nonviolence as a Methodology Conflicts

to Address

Major

While in South Africa, Gandhi worked on strategies for nonviolent change within the country. In India he used nonviolent strategies to free India from British control. What were the elements of his nonviolent methodology? Read: Fischer, Gandhi: His Life and Message for the World; Holmes, Nonviolence in Theory and Practice, pp. 51-62. •

9. The Civil Rights Movement: Bringing Nonviolence into the Struggle of the United States to End One Form of Structural Violence

Focus upon what was effective as nonviolent strategy and what led to ineffectiveictetion. What is the difference between being effective and being faithful? A civil rights movement activist will be with us for class. Read: King, Stride Toward Freedom; Holmes, Nonviolence in Theory

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and Practice, pp. 68-77.

•

10. Active and Passive Resistance: A Survey of Actors and

Methodologies

F o c u s upon motivations as well as actions of resisters. H o w do they formulate their decisions and plan their actions? R e a d : H o l m e s , Nonviolence in Theory and Practice, pp. 2 9 - 5 0 . 113152,164-206.

•

11. Cultural Dimensions

of Conflict and Conflict

Resolution

D u r i n g class we will play the simulation game " R a f a , R a f a " and use it as the basis for understanding m o r e sensitively the differences in cultural patterns and how these shape o u r varying worldviews. •

12. Student Peace Conference Peace Studies, at the American

Sponsored by Capital Area Association University

of

A t t e n d a n c e is optional but highly r e c o m m e n d e d . It's an e x c e l l e n t opportunity to m e e t o t h e r p e a c e and conflict-resolution students. •

13. Religious Perspectives and Gender Differences: Conflict

Cultural Dimensions

of

R e a d : S m o k e r , D a v i e s , and M u n s k e , eds., A Reader in Peace Studies, pp. 133-157; H o l m e s , Nonviolence in Theory and Practice, pp. 7 - 2 8 , 7 9 - 1 1 2 .

•

14. Case Study: The Middle East—An

Elusive Peace

W e will have two guest s p e a k e r s for this session: o n e an A r a b , one an Israeli. R e a d : H o l m e s , Nonviolence in Theory and Practice, pp. 1 5 3 - 1 6 3 ; U n i t e d States Institute of P e a c e , Making Peace Among Arabs and Israelis: Lessons from Fifty Years of Negotiating Experience.

•

15. Peacemaking: A Whole-Person

Experience

E a c h person will have approximately six minutes to share her/his creative p r o j e c t with the group.

•

16. Final Exam

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Francis A. Beer University of Colorado/Boulder, Political Science Department Conflict and Peace Studies 3800: " Conflict and Peace Studies as a Field" Spring 1992 Course Description and Requirements This course aims to give students a better general understanding of the dynamics of conflict and peace. It hopes to sensitize students to the different dimensions of conflict and peace, of their causes and effects, and of the obstacles and opportunities for meaningful change in the contemporary world. There are no formal prerequisites; the course presumes a high level of student maturity and motivation. All class sessions center on discussion, during which students interact directly with one another. The professor acts as leader and facilitator; there is n o formal lecture. T h e first part of the course focuses on getting a broad overview. We consider various dimensions of conflict and peace. A n u m b e r of books are assigned and are available at the bookstore. Students are responsible for reading and being able to discuss assignments from these books for each of the class sessions in the first few weeks. Some questions that we will consider: • What are conflict and peace? How do we define these central terms of our discourse? Are they opposites? Could there be more than one "opposite"? Are there similarities between conflict and peace? What visions of conflict and peace do the authors present? How are these visions the same and how different? What is the relationship between the words "conflict" and "peace," the rhetoric, and the experiences that they supposedly represent? • How do conflict and peace "happen"? What is the vision of causes and effects that each author presents? H o w are these the same and how d o they differ from one another and from the works considered in earlier classes? D o e s the portrayal of peace causes and effects imply a particular view of conflict causes and effects? D o e s the portrayal of causes and effects imply a particular view of the "real" world and how it supposedly "really" works? Did the political context influence each author's work? Did the writing, in turn, have a political impact? • Is it possible to predict the future of conflict and peace? How would

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one go about it? What is the range of alternatives? Can one distinguish between future possibilities and probabilities? • How can one influence contemporary and future conflict and peace? What are the possibilities and probabilities of such influence? What are the constraints? Course Requiremen ts The second part of the course focuses on the application of perspectives developed in the first part. Each student picks a topic for intensive research on conflict and peace in (1) specific geographical contexts, or (2) particular substantive issues. Topics are made more tractable if limited by both geography and issue. Oral Report. Each student is responsible for presenting a brief oral report that recounts his/her progress on the chosen research project. T h e report should be supported by a typewritten handout of two to three pages that includes an outline. There should also be a one-page bibliography of recent relevant books. Group discussion by the class will provide constructive critical feedback to help improve the work. Paper. The report will be the basis for a final paper of ten to fifteen typewritten double-spaced pages, due at the end of the course, on the specific topic of the student's choice. Final Examination. There will be a take-home final examination of ten to fifteen typewritten pages synthesizing a theory of conflict and peace. T h e final examination covers all the work of the course. T h e answer to this examination should present a general theory of conflict and peace supported with comprehensive and detailed analysis and evidence resting on the reading, reports, and discussion of the semester. Grading. The professor assigns a grade for the course based on his personal evaluation of the overall work and effort of each student. ( l ) T h e professor develops a general impression of each student's work and progress in assigned readings, oral reports, and class discussion. High-quality student reading, reports, and discussion are assumed to be the norm; significant deviations from the norm will have an effect on the final grade. (2) T h e final written materials are the cumulation of student learning. T h e quality of the final paper and the final examination will count most heavily in evaluation of the student's work. Required Barash, D. P. Introduction 1991.

Texts

to Peace Studies. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth,

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Smoker, P., R. Davies, and B. Munske. A Reader in Peace Studies. New York: Pergamon Press, 1990. Also recommended for browsing: Thomas, D. C., and M. T. Klare. Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide. 5th ed. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1989. Beer, F. A. Peace Against War. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1981.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. The Meaning of Pcacc

Read: Barash, chap. 1 ; K. E. Boulding, "Peace Theory," in Smoker et al., pp. 3-8; K. E. Boulding, Stable Peace (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978). •

2. The Meaning of Conflict

Read: Barash, chap. 2; J. Galtung, "Violence and Peace," in Smoker et al., pp. 9-14. •

3. Pence Movements Read: Barash, chap. 3.

•

4. Conflict Movements Read: Barash, chap. 4.

•

5. Conflict Movements and Nuclear Weapons

Read: Barash, chap. 5; J. Hersey, Hiroshima (New York: Vintage, 1989). •

6. Conflict Movements and Terrorism

Read: All in Smoker et al.: R. Clutterbuck, "Does Terrorism Work?" pp. 61-64; N. Chomsky, "International Terrorism: Diplomacy by Other Means," pp. 65-68; B. Hamilton-Tweedale, "Reporting 'Terrorism': The Experience of Norther n Ireland," pp. 69-74. •

7. Causes of Conflict and Peace

Read: F. A. Beer, "The Reduction of War and the Creation of Peace," in Smoker et al., pp. 15-20.

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8. Personal Causes of Conflict and Peace

R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 6. In S m o k e r et al.: S. F r e u d , " W h y W a r ? " pp. 161-166; D . R o w e , " A r e E n e m i e s N e c e s s a r y ? " pp. 161-166; R. A. H i n d e , " H u m a n Aggression," pp. 167-171; G . K e m p , " T h e A r t of W a r , " pp. 172-181; M. Midgley, " D e t e r r e n c e and Provocation," pp. 182-190. J. F r a n k , Sanity and Survival in the Nuclear Age ( L a n h a m , Md.: University Press of A m e r i c a , 1982). •

9. Group Causes of Conflict and Peace

R e a d : B a r a s h , chaps. 7, 8; T. G u r r , Why P r i n c e t o n University Press, 1970). •

Men

Rebel

(Princeton:

10. State Causes of Conflict and Peace R e a d : B a r a s h , chaps. 9,10.

•

11. Social and Economic Causes of Conflict and Peace

R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 11. In S m o k e r et al.: A. H o o g v e i t , "Capitalism a n d G l o b a l I n t e g r a t i o n , " pp. 35-42; H . T i n k e r , " T h e R a c e F a c t o r in International Politics," pp. 43-50; A . Y. Yansane, " D e c o l o n i z a t i o n and the D e v e l o p m e n t Crisis in A f r i c a , " pp. 109-118; G. K e b b e d e , " T h e State and A f r i c a ' s F o o d R e c o v e r y , " pp. 119-126; S. G e o r g e , " T h e T h i r d World D e b t Crisis," pp. 127-132. P. H a r r i s o n , Inside the Third World: The Anatomy of Poverty ( N e w Y o r k : Penguin, 1988). •

12. Systemic Causes of Conflict and Peace

R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 12. In S m o k e r et al.: F. Halliday, " C o l d W a r , " pp. 51-56; R. K ü h n l , " I m a g e s of P e a c e a n d the Reality of W a r , " pp. 57-60. •

13. Diplomacy, Negotiations,

and Conflict

Resolution

R e a d : Barash, chap. 13. In S m o k e r et al.: R. A x e l r o d , "Building C o o p e r a t i o n , " pp. 21-25; C. Mitchell, " M e d i a t i o n , " pp. 26-32. Fisher and Ury, Getting to Yes, 2d ed. ( N e w Y o r k : Penguin, 1991). •

14. The Balance of Poiver R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 14.

•

15. Disarmament

and Arms

Control

R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 15. In S m o k e r et al.: O x f o r d R e s e a r c h G r o u p , " D e c i s i o n - m a k i n g on Nuclear W e a p o n s in Britain," pp. 77-88; Ministry of

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Defence, "Nuclear W e a p o n s and N A T O Strategy," pp. 89-91; D. Smith, "Non-nuclear D e f e n c e , " pp. 92-96; P. Lewis, "Verification: Nuclear Disa r m a m e n t and the Practicalities of Checking on Compliance/Cheating," pp. 97-106. •

16. International Law, International Organization, and World

Government

Read: Barash, chaps. 16-18; G. Clark and L. Sohn, World Peace Through World Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966). •

17. Ethics, Morality, and Religion

Read: Barash, chaps. 16-18; M. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1977). •

18. Human

Rights

Read: Barash, chap. 20. In Smoker et al.: P. Antrobus, " P o e m , " p. 135; B. R e a r d o n , "Feminist Concepts of Peace and Security," pp. 136-143; B. Brock-Utne, "Feminist Perspectives on Peace," pp. 144-150; J. SpencerRobinson and J. Gay, "Third World Women: Organizing for Change," pp. 151-158. •

19.

Ecology/Environmcnt

Read: Barash, chap. 21; N. Myers, GAIA: An Atlas of Plant ment (New York: Anchor, 1984). •

20. Economic

Manage-

Weil-Being

Read: Barash, chap. 22. •

21. Nonviolence

Read: Barash, chap. 23. In Smoker et al.: R. Ambler, " G a n d h i a n Peacemaking," pp. 199-205; G. Ostergaard, " A G a n d h i a n Perspective on D e v e l o p m e n t , " pp. 206-209; A. Carter, "Nonviolence as a Strategy for Change," pp. 210-216; N. Young, "Nonviolence and Social Change," pp. 217-220; " T h e Seville Statement on Violence," pp. 221-223. J. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988). •

22. Personal

Transformation

Read: Barash, chap. 24.

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Ronald Tiersky and Vincent Ferraro Amherst College and Mount Holyoke College Politics 54: "What Is Peace?" Fall 1990 Course Description and Requirements This course explores a variety of answers to the question "'What is peace?" The question is impossible to answer, but the course stresses a variety of possible ways of thinking about the question. Generally speaking, the course avoids treating peace as a particular condition that exists only under specific and contingent circumstances. Additionally, the course does not treat peace as something that can be defined only within the context of an understanding or appreciation of war, although the course does examine the question of why war occurs. Peace is probably not merely "not war"—although, for some, that may be the most to which human beings can aspire. Course Format and Requirements The course meets twice a week: Tuesdays at Amherst College and Thursdays at Mount Holyoke College. The classes will be conducted as both lectures and discussions. At certain points, the instructors will give what might be termed minilectures to cover certain issues more efficiently. However, the main emphasis will be on discussions within class. The readings average about 150 pages a week, but some of them are quite difficult. All readings ought to be read and reread very carefully. Participation in discussions should be based upon the readings. Two papers will be required, each accounting for one-third of the final grade. The remaining third will be based upon the quality of participation in class discussions. Required Texts Only one book has been ordered for the class: Immanuel Kant's Perpetual Peace (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1957). All other readings have been

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93

photocopied and will be made available to students at cost.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

I. The "Realities"

of

War

° A. The Suffering Read: Euripides, "The Trojan Woman," in Ten Plays by Euripides, trans. Moses Hadas and John McLean (New York: Bantam Books, 1960), pp. 173-204; Simone Weil, "The Iliad, a Poem of Force," in The Pacifist Conscience, ed. Peter Mayer (Chicago: Gateway, 1967), pp. 292-316. ° B. The Purported Nobility Read: J. Glenn Gray, The Warriors: Reflection on Men in Battle (New York: Harper & Row, 1959), pp. 25-58; Victor Hugo, Les Misérables, trans, from the French by Charles E. Wilbour (New York: Modern Library, n.d.), pp. 257-303; Alfred Lord Tennyson, "The Charge of the Light Brigade," in The Poetical Works of Alfred Tennyson (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1871), pp. 147-148. •

II. Philosophical

Approaches, or, How Do You Know What You Want?

° A. What Is War? Is Peace Just the Absence of War? • 1. War as Fate Read: The Republic of Plato, trans. Francis MacDonald Cornford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1941), pp. 14-29; Hippocrates, On the Universe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959). Fragments 43 and 44; Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. Richard Crawley (New York: Dutton, 1910), chap. 17, pp. 392401; Q. Curtis Rufus, The History of Alexander (New York: Penquin, 1984), excerpts. • 2. War as Predisposition: The Presumed State of Nature Read: Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (New York: Macmillan, 1958), Part I, chap. 13 ("Of the Natural Condition of Mankind as Concerning Their Felicity and Misery"), pp. 104-109, and Part II, chap. 18 ("Of the Rights of Sovereigns by Institution"), pp. 143-152. • 3. War and Human Nature Read: Edward O. Wilson, On Human Nature (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 99-120; Margaret Mead, "Warfare Is Only an

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Invention—Not a Biological Necessity," reprinted in Classics of International Relations, ed. John A. Vasquez (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: PrenticeHall, 1986), pp. 216-220. • 4. War as Necessity Read: E. H. Carr, "The Harmony of Interests" and "The Realist Critique" in The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939 (New York: Macmillan, 1939), pp. 41-88; Michael Walzer, "Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands," in War and Moral Responsibility, ed. Marshall Cohen, Thomas Nagel, and Thomas Scanlon (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), pp. 62-82; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., "National Interests and Moral Absolutes," in International Ethics in the Nuclear Age (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1987), pp. 15-37. • 5. War as the Self-interest of the Strong Read: J. A. Hobson, Imperialism (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1965), Part II, chap. 1 ("The Political Significance of Imperialism"), pp. 113-152; V. I. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1939), pp. 68-128; Editorial Departments of Jen-min jih-pao and Hung-ch'i, "The Fantasy of a Warless World," reprinted in Toward a Strategy of Peace, ed. Walter C. Clemens, Jr. (Chicago: Rand McNally. 1965), pp. 76-103. o B. What Is Peace? • 1. Peace as Non-Violence Read: E. Erikson, Gandhi's Truths, excerpts; Martin Luther King, Jr., "Letter from Birmingham Jail," American Visions 1, no. 1 (1986): 52-59. • 2. Peace as the Abolition of War Read: Ralph Waldo Emerson, "War," in The Pacifist Conscience, ed. Peter Mayer (Chicago: Gateway, 1967), pp. 114-122; Gene Sharp, Making the Abolition of War a Realistic Goal (New York: Institute for World Order, 1980). • 3. Peace as the Minimization of Violence Read: Geoffrey Blainey, The Causes of War (New York: Free Press, 1973), Book One ("The Mystery of Peace"), pp. 3-32. • III. Practical Approaches,

or, How Do You Get What You Want?

o A. Peace and the Civil Constitutions of Governments • 1. The Community of Nations

INTRODUCTORY COURSES

Read: Immanue! Kant, Perpetual

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Peace.

• 2. Liberal States and Peace Read: Woodrow Wilson, "The World Must Be M a d e Safe for Democracy," reprinted in Classics of International Relations, ed. J o h n H. Vasquez (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1986), pp. 12-15; W o o d r o w Wilson, Address Delivered at the First A n n u a l Assemblage of the League to Enforce Peace, reprinted in Search for Peace, ed. David B r o o k (New York: D o d d , Mead, 1974), pp. 310-313; Michael Doyle, "Liberalism and World Politics," American Political Science Review 80 ( D e c e m b e r 1986): 1151-1169. • 3. Communist States and Peace Read: Kenneth Waltz, Man, the State, and War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), pp. 124-158; Mikhail Gorbachev, Address to the General Assembly of the United Nations, D e c e m b e r 7, 1988; E d u a r d Shevardnadze, "Towards a Safe World," International Affairs, September 1988, pp. 1-14. ° B. Peace and Competing Values •

1. Economic Justice

Read: Jean-Paul Sartre, "Preface," in Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1963), pp. 7-31; N o r m a n Alcock et al., "The Magnitude of Structural Violence," in How the World Works, ed. Gary Olson (Glenview, 111.: Scott, Foresman, 1984), pp. 18-25; Charles Beitz, "Justice and International Relations," Philosophy and Public Affairs 4 (1974-1975), pp. 360-389. • 2. Personal F r e e d o m Read: Charles K r a u t h a m m e r , " A Moral Guide to Guerrilla W a r , " New Republic, September 8, 1986, pp. 17-24; Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1977), pp. 176-196. • IV. Necessity and Morality, or, When Should One Fight? ° A. Preparation for War as a Means to Peace •

1. T h e Avoidance of Nuclear War

Read: John Lewis Gaddis, "The Long Peace: Elements of Stability in the Postwar International System," International Security 10 (Spring 1986): 99-142. • 2. Arms Races as a Cause of War

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Read: Patrick Glynn, "The Sarajevo Fallacy—The Historical and Intellectual Origins of A r m s Control Theology," National Interest, no. 9, Fall 1987, pp. 3-32. o B. Preparation for Peace as a Cause of War •

1. T h e Validity of the Munich Analogy

Read: Telford Taylor, Munich: The Price of Peace (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), chap. 10 ("For King and Country?"), pp. 197-253; Donald Kagan, "World War 1, World W a r II, World War III," Commentary, March 1987. • 2. Gorbachev and the C o m m o n E u r o p e a n H o u s e Read: J o h n J. Mearsheimer, "Why We Will Miss the Cold War," Atlantic Monthly, August 1990, pp. 35-50.

7

War, Conflict, and Peace in the Post-Cold War Era Michael T. Klare

Designing a course on war. conflict, and peace in the p o s t - C o l d W a r era presents e n o r m o u s difficulties b e c a u s e so much about this new era is unknown or uncertain. In contrast to the Cold W a r era, when certain t o p i c s — f o r e x a m p l e , U . S . - S o v i e t relations and the nuclear arms r a c e — could be r e p e a t e d year after year without losing their saliency, we now face a shifting world situation in which the important topics are continually undergoing revision. Y e t we know that war and conflict will remain a conspicuous feature of the world situation, and that international p e a c e making will prove an increasingly vital activity. T h u s , o u r challenge in designing a course on this subject is to analyze the conflictive forces of the late twentieth century and to describe the various p e a c e m a k i n g techniques that will b e applicable to future conflicts. In designing such a course, I p r o c e e d on the basis of five c o r e assumptions: 1. V i o l e n t conflict of many types will continue to erupt in the years and decades ahead. 2. N o m a j o r p o w e r c e n t e r ( o r c e n t e r s ) will be able to establish h e g e m o n y o v e r the entire world ( o r large sections t h e r e o f ) ; rather, we will face a highly fractured world, with a few zones of relative stability ( N o r t h A m e r i c a , W e s t e r n E u r o p e ) surrounded by large areas o f chronic instability and violence. 3. A l t h o u g h the risk o f a m a j o r world war or continent-wide c o n f l i c t — a " W o r l d W a r I I I " — c a n n o t be ruled out, we are far m o r e likely to face a global proliferation of local wars, civil wars, insurgent conflicts, and ethnic/religious struggles—a condition I s o m e t i m e s refer to as " W o r l d War IV." 4. A l t h o u g h it is possible that nuclear and/or c h e m i c a l weapons will b e used in these local and internal conflicts (and, for this reason, global nonproliferation efforts will remain a m a j o r world security c o n c e r n ) , most

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f u t u r e wars will be fought with nonnuclear, "conventional" weapons. 5. N o single institution or entity will bear sole responsibility for global peacemaking, and no particular strategy of peacemaking will be applicable to all instances of conflict. Rather, the task of peacemaking will be shared by a wide variety of entities—the United Nations, certain states and regional organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and concerned citizens—and, by the same token, a wide variety of peacemaking techniques will be needed to deal with the spectrum of likely conflicts. From these corc assumptions, I try to construct a coherent sequence of course segments. O n e can, of course, vary the length and order of these segments (and insert others as needed and appropriate), but I tend to organize my courses around the following five subject areas: (1) introductory themes and concepts; (2) global tectonics (the global trends that arc shaping the conflictive patterns of the post-Cold War era); (3) the spectrum of conflict in the post-Cold War era; (4) proliferation, nonproliferation, and the conventional arms trade; and (5) the principles and methods of international peacemaking.

Introductory Themes and Concepts Each instructor will want to cover the introductory themes and concepts that she or he considers most salient for a course on this subject. I usually begin by discussing the concept of the international system with its multiple, interconnected actors—states, ethnic and religious groups, regional bodies, multinational corporations, N G O s , and so forth. I also discuss such contested concepts as "nation," "state," "ethnicity," "nationalism," "sovereignty," and others that figure prominently in discussion of contemporary international relations. T o help students to understand these and other such concepts, it is sometimes useful to assign a basic textbook on international relations. A m o n g those that might be used for this purpose are: Charles W. Kegley and E u g e n e R. Wittkopf, World Politics, 4th ed. (St. Martin's Press, 1993); Frederic S. Pearson and J. Martin Rochester, International Relations, 3d ed. (McGraw-Hill, 1992); Peter A. T o m a and R o b e r t F. G o r m a n , International Relations: Understanding Global Issues (Brooks/Cole, 1991); and David W. Ziegler, War, Peace, and International Relations, 6th ed. ( H a r p e r Collins, 1993). E a c h of these texts also contains discussions of some of the other topics addressed below, and so can be used to supplement other assigned readings on these topics. For more advanced courses, I might assign one of Barry Buzan's texts on international security affairs: People, States and Fear, 2d ed. (Lynne Rienner, 1991), or An Introduction to Strategic Studies (Macmillan, 1987).

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It is also important to provide some general background on the causes of war and conflict, and to discuss some of the m a j o r historical events— World W a r s I and II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and so o n — t h a t are often considered when examining the causes of war. Each instructor will, of course, emphasize the particular causes that she or he considers most important, and select the wars and conflicts that best illustrate these factors. I believe that many factors combine to ignite armed conflicts— some c o m m o n to all periods of history, others unique to a particular period—and so I try to expose my students to a wide variety of possible explanations for h u m a n violence. To provide broad coverage of this topic, I often assign Seyom Brown's The Causes and Prevention of War (St. Martin's Press, 1987; 2d ed. due in 1994), which summarizes many of the standard explanations for war and conflict. A n o t h e r text that can be used for this purpose is Ronald J. Glossop's Confronting War, 2d ed. (McFarland, 1987). T o stimulate class discussion on this topic, it is also useful to assign Kenneth Waltz's classic study, Man, the State, and War (Columbia University Press, 1959). John Stoessinger's Why Nations Go to War, 6th ed. (St. Martin's Press, 1993) provides much useful background on the immediate causes of recent wars, but does not attempt to analyze the deeper causes of war. Finally, an introductory segment should include some discussion of the concept of peace. Again, this is something that each instructor will want to organize on his or her own, drawing on the books and articles that appear most compelling. Many instructors begin with a discussion of the distinction m a d e by Johan Galtung between "negative p e a c e " (that is, the [usually temporary] absence of war) and "positive p e a c e " (that is, the absence of the inequities and oppressions that give rise to war). Some instructors stress the avoidance of war (negative peace) as the goal of peacemaking, others stress the eradication of social and economic injustices (positive peace); my tendency is to present both points of view, and to encourage students to develop their own perspectives on these issues. I also stress the distinction between peace (that is, a condition we seek to attain or preserve) and peacemaking (that is, a critical task that must be p e r f o r m e d on a recurring basis). I further argue that as m e m b e r s of the h u m a n family, we have both a moral responsibility and a vital interest in helping to overcome the violence that afflicts many areas of the world. In accordance with this view, I usually require my students to write a term paper on a particular ongoing conflict or world security problem (for example, proliferation, arms trafficking, global violence against women), asking that they both analyze the conflict/problem and provide a realistic solution. For discussions of peace in its various meanings, several books and readers will prove of use. These include: David P. Barash, Introduction to Peace Studies (Wadsworth, 1990); R o b e r t Elias and Jennifer Turpin, eds.,

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Rethinking Peace (Lynne Rienner, 1994); Linda Rennie Forcey, ed., Peace: Meanings, Politics, Strategies (Praeger, 1989); Paul Smoker et al., eds., A Reader in Peace Studies (Pergamon Press, 1990); and Raimo Vayrynen, The Quest for Peace (International Social Science Council/Sage, 1987). For an excellent review of the ethical underpinnings of peace and peacemaking, see Sissela Bok, A Strategy for Peace: Human Values and the Threat of War (Vintage, 1990). These questions are also discussed on a regular basis in two key journals, Peace Review and Peace arid Change.

Global Tectonics Contemporary human society is being buffeted by a number of powerful trends or "tectonic shifts," with a resulting increase in certain types of conflicts. These trends—the globalization of the market economy, the intensification of ethnic and religious identities, environmental and population pressures, and so on—are likely to persist into the twenty-first century, thus setting the stage for war and peacemaking in the years ahead. Although we cannot be precise about the directions that these trends are likely to take in the coming period, we can at least sketch out their broad features and speculate as to their impact on global conflict patterns. In assessing these tectonics, I generally focus on four key areas: (1) global economics pressures (the spread of capitalism to formerly socialist or precapitalist communities, global capital flows and the rapid impoverishment of formerly productive areas, Third World poverty and underdevelopment, the relationship of competitive economic forces to preexisting ethnic and national cleavages); (2) political trends (the end of bipolarity, the breakup of the USSR and other multinational states, the erosion of state power and authority); (3) sociocultural trends (the global drive for democracy and human rights, the assertion of cthnic and national claims, the growing worldwide appeal of religious fundamentalism, the rise of anti-immigrant and antiforeigner sentiments); and (4) environmental and population pressures (the impact of global warming and other environmental pressures on the habitability of marginal areas, declining habitability and human migrations, resource scarcities and resource conflicts, population growth and Third World poverty). There is no single source (or set of sources) that can do justice to a topic as sweeping and speculative as this one. My tendency is to assign a set of readings on global tectonics, and then to stimulate class discussion on the basis of these readings. For basic readings, one can draw on such publications as Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, International Security, Population and Development Review, Scientific American, Survival, Technology Review, Third World Quarterly, Washington Quarterly, World Policy Journal, and World-Watch, as well as feature articles from New

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York Times and other major newspapers. A number of edited volumes are also useful for studying global tectonics: Charles W. Kegley and Eugene R. Wittkopf, eds., The Global Agenda: Issues and Perspectives, 3d ed. (McGraw-Hill, 1992); Michael Klare and Daniel Thomas, World Security: Challenges for a New Century, 2d ed. (St. Martin's Press, 1994); William Dan Perdue, Systemic Crisis: Problems in Society, Politics, and World Order ( H a r c o u r t B r a c e Jovanovich, 1993); Nicholas Rizopoulos, ed., Sea Changes: American Foreign Policy in a World Transformed (Council on Foreign Relations, 1990); and Steven L. Spiegel, At Issue: Politics in the World Arena, 6th ed. (St. Martin's Press, 1991). Also useful is the annual State of the World Report, published by the Worldwatch Institute; the annual World Development Report, published by the World Bank and Oxford University Press; and the April 1993 issue of Current History on global entropy. For a broad overview of these trends, see Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the 21st Century (Random House, 1993), and Robin Wright and Doyle McManus, Flashpoints: Promise and Peril in a New World (Fawcett/Columbine, 1991). For a more theoretical view, see James N. Rosenau, Turbulence in World Politics: A Theory of Change and Continuity (Princeton University Press, 1990). Key statistics on these issues are available in Vital Signs, 1993, published by the Worldwatch Institute and W. W. Norton.

The Varieties of Conflict At one time, courses on international peace and conflict focused almost exclusively on one or two types of conflict: all-out war between the superpowers, and superpower intervention in the Third World. Today, the world is afflicted by a much wider range of conflict types, and we must be prepared to inform our students about the full range of possible struggles. I usually discuss the following: • Regional conflicts between local rivals, or between a rising Third World power and one (or more) of the established major powers. These can also include conflicts involving the new states that have arisen from the dissolution of the former Soviet Union. • Resource wars, sparked by conflicts between states or groups over the control or possession of vital water, energy, or mineral supplies. • Separatist and nationalist conflicts, involving attempts by subordinated ethnonationalist groups to establish their own nation-state. • Irredentist conflicts, involving efforts by a particular ethnonationalist group to expand the boundaries of its current state to encompass neighboring areas inhabited by members of the same group. • Ethnic, religious, and tribal power struggles, entailing conflicts within states over the distribution of land, jobs, aid funds, and other

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national resources. • Revolutionary and fundamentalist struggles, involving efforts by ideologically motivated movements (including religious fundamentalists) to impose a particular type of social system on a country through the use of force. • Prodemocracy and anticolonial struggles, entailing efforts by unrepresented or colonized peoples to achieve f r e e d o m and democracy. ( A related p h e n o m e n o n is the struggle of indigenous peoples to gain greater rights and autonomy.) I am not aware of any systematic treatment of the varieties of conflict, but some of the textbooks identified above provide discussion of the major types; I also make a stab at such an analysis in "The New Challenges to Global Security," Current History, April 1993. Aspects of contemporary conflict are also discussed on a regular basis in such journals as International Security, Orbis, and Survival, and in the Adelphi Papers, issued several times a year by the International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS). For background on military intervention and revolutionary conflicts, see Michael Klare and Peter Kornbluh, eds., Low-Intensity Warfare (Pantheon, 1988); Peter J. Schrader, ed., Intervention into the 1990s (Lynne Rienner, 1992); and Barry M. Schutz and R o b e r t O. Slater, eds., Revolution and Political Change in the Third World (Lynne Rienner, 1990). (Any of the three books can be used as a supplemental text in courscs on contemporary conflict issues.) For an excellent study of ethnic conflicts, see Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (University of California Press, 1985). On regional conflict, see the various books on the Iran-Iraq war and the Gulf conflict. A useful survey of m a j o r conflicts in the Middle East is provided by Geoffrey Kemp, The Control of the Middle East Arms Race (Carnegie Endowment, 1991). For background on specific current conflicts, see the annual discussion of "Major Armed Conflicts in the World" in the SIPRI Yearbook, published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI); the annual Strategic Survey, published by the IISS; and the annual State of World Conflict Report, published by the International Negotiation Network (INN) in association with the Carter Center of Emory University (first published in 1992). Students who seek to investigate a particular conflict in depth should consult such sources as Facts on File, Current History, The Economist, and the standard newspapers and newsmagazines.

Proliferation, Nonproliferation, and Arms Control With very few exceptions, the conflicts of the p o s t - C o l d War era will be fought with imported weapons, or with domestically produced weapons

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that incorporate foreign technology. T h e growing availability of modern weapons is thus a significant factor in the contemporary war/peace equation, in that such weapons are contributing to the duration, intensity, and reach of local and regional conflicts. Furthermore, the proliferation of nuclear and chemical weapons (the so-called weapons of mass destruction) is increasing the risk of escalation in such wars, and also increasing the risk of preemptive strikes by other powers that seek to prevent the spread of advanced weapons. Thus, proliferation and its prevention have become m a j o r issues in world security affairs. When discussing proliferation, I usually begin by describing the four "rivers" (or "pipelines") of proliferation that carry weapons and associated technology from the major military producers to their clients in the Third World: (1) nuclear proliferation; (2) the proliferation of chemical warfare (CW) and biological warfare (BW) agents; (3) missile proliferation; and (4) the spread of advanced conventional weapons. I also describe the major suppliers of each type of technology, the methods (legal and otherwise) used in transferring them, and the principal recipients of such materials. Finally, I describe the various nonproliferation regimes that have been set up to prevent such transfers. Unfortunately, there is no single text that covers all aspects of the proliferation issue. T h e works that come closest are Aspen Strategy G r o u p , New Threats: Responding to the Proliferation of Nuclear, Chemical, and Delivery Capabilities in the Third World (University Press of America, 1990); Jean-Francois Rioux, ed., Limiting the Proliferation of Weapons (Carleton University Press, 1992); and W. Thomas W a n d e r and Eric H. Arnett, eds., The Proliferation of Advanced Weaponry (American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1992). The standard source on n u c l e a r p r o l i f e r a t i o n , L e o n a r d S. S p e c t o r ' s Nuclear Ambitions (Westview Press, 1990), also covers C W and missile proliferation, but is now out of date (a new book by Spector, Nuclear Thresholds, is due in 1994). M o r e recent, although somewhat less detailed, are Peter A. Clausen, Nonproliferation and the National Interest (Harper/Collins, 1993), and Gary G a r d n e r , Nuclear Nonproliferation: A Primer (Lynne Rienner, 1994). C W proliferation is discussed periodically in the SIPRI Yearbook and in Trevor Findlay, ed., Chemical Weapons'and Missile Proliferation (Lynne Rienner, 1991); B W proliferation is covered in Susan Wright, ed., Preventing a Biological Arms Race (MIT Press, 1990); and missile proliferation is covered in J a n n e E. Nolan, Trappings of Power: Ballistic Missiles in the Third World (Brookings Institution, 1991). For the text of the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and other n o n p r o liferation measures, see U.S. A r m s Control and D i s a r m a m e n t Agency ( A C D A ) , Arms Control and Disarmament Agreements ( A C D A , 1990); for a list of signatories of the N P T and other arms control agreements, see the most recent edition of the SIPRI Yearbook. Current activities regard-

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ing nonproliferation treaties and agreements are reported in Arms Control Today, U.S. Department of State Dispatch, and the SIPRI Yearbook. Conventional arms transfers are generally (although in my view mistakenly) treated as a separate subject. The best books on the topic are William Hartung, And Weapons for All (Harper/Collins, forthcoming, 1994); Keith Krause, Arms and the State: Patterns of Military Production and Trade (Cambridge University Press, 1992); Edward J. Laurance, The International Arms Trade (Lexington Books, 1992); Frederic S. Pearson The Spread of Arms and the International System (Westview Press, 1993); and Andrew Pierre, The Global Politics of Arms Sales (Princeton University Press, 1982). On the formation of domestic arms industries in the Third World, see Michael Brzoska and Thomas Ohlson, eds., Arms Production in the Third World (Taylor and Francis, 1986); and U.S. Office of Technology Assessment (OTA), Global Arms Trade (OTA, 1991). Statistics on arms imports and exports by country are provided in A C D A , World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers, published annually. For data on specific arms transfers, sec Arms Control Today and the annual "arms trade register" in the SIPRI Yearbook.

International Peacemaking Having addressed the causes of war, the nature of contemporary conflict, and the proliferation of arms, it is time to address the principles and methods of international peacemaking. Such a discussion should cover the full range of possible techniques, from traditional diplomacy and collective security to more innovative methods, including citizens' diplomacy and humanitarian intervention (see Chapter 2 for an overview of such methods). Also, as noted by Louis Kriesberg (see Chapter 10), it is also important to be conscious of the stages of conflict (from the formation of differences and grievances to the outbreak of conflict, the prosecution of war, the initiation of negotiations, the cessation of combat, and the resolution of differences), and to identify the peacemaking strategies that are most applicable at any given stage. Successful peacemaking also entails the development of international institutions that can investigate, mediate, and adjudicate interstate and intergroup conflicts before they reach the point of outright violence. Because existing institutions—notably the United Nations and the World Court—are considered inadequate for this purpose, a major issue in international relations and peace studies is the reform and strengthening of these institutions. For background on these concerns, see James N. Rosenau, The United Nations in a Turbulent World (Lynne Rienner, 1992), plus the relevant sections of Brown's The Causes and Prevention of War and Ziegler's War, Peace, and International Relations. Proposals for

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enhancing these institutions are provided in An Agenda for Peace, the 1992 report of U N Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. A n o t h e r approach to the prevention of war is the adoption of military strategies that stress self-defense and arms control while eschewing any capacity for the conduct of offensive military operations. Such strategies— usually termed "alternative security," "nonoffensive defense," or "defensive defense"—are intended to diminish the mutual fear and suspicions generated by traditional strategies (which typically stress a capacity for offensive combat). For discussion of such approaches, see: Harry B. Hollins et al., eds., The Conquest of War (Westview, Press 1989); Bj0rn M0ller, The Dictionary of Alternative Defense (Lynne Rienner, 1994); and Burns H. Weston, ed., Alternative Security (Westview Press, 1990). Some theorists go even further, suggesting that countries can deter invasion and lower the risk of war by adopting defensive strategies based on nonviolent civilian resistance. On this approach, see the classic by G e n e Sharp, Making Europe Unconquerable: The Potential of Civilian-Based Deterrence and Defense (Ballinger, 1985); see also publications of the Albert Einstein Institute in Cambridge, Massachusetts and Transforming Struggle: Strategy and the Global Experience of Nonviolent Direct Action (Program on Nonviolent Sanctions, Harvard University, 1992). Unfortunately, peacemaking efforts often do not commence until a conflict has erupted into armed violence. Once this point has been reached, a variety of techniques are available to control and terminate conflict. These include •

• •

•

•

•

•

International mediation and negotiation, as carried out by the leaders and representatives of states, UN officials, and representatives of regional organizations. International embargoes, ranging from arms and oil embargoes to full-scale trade embargoes. UN peacekeeping operations, to separate warring forces once a cease-fire has been agreed to and to prevent the resumption of fighting. Peace enforcement, or the use of U N forces to deter or resist efforts by belligerents to disrupt or violate a UN-imposed peace settlement. (This obviously entails a greater use of force than ordinary peacekeeping operations.) Humanitarian intervention, or the use of force to ensure the delivery of food to civilians in war zones, or to prevent massacres of one group by another. Peacebuilding, or efforts to prevent future conflicts in war-torn areas by improving socioeconomic conditions and promoting reconciliation among former adversaries. Citizens' diplomacy, including efforts to "bridge" hostile com-

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munities through small-group discussions, citizen exchanges, improvised communications links, and so on. N o single work covers all of these methods, but many of them are discussed in B r o w n ' s The Causes and Prevention of War and Ziegler's War, Peace, and International Relations. Also useful are J o h n B u r t o n and F r a n k D u k e s , Conflict: Practices in Management, Settlement, and Resolution (St. M a r t i n ' s Press, 1990); Louis Kriesberg, International Conflict Resolution (Yale University Press, 1992); R o b e r t O. M a t h e w s et al., eds., International Conflict and Conflict Management, 2d ed. (Prentice Hall C a n a d a , 1989); D e a n Pruitt and Jeffrey Rubin, Social Conflict ( R a n d o m H o u s e , 1986); and W. Scott T h o m p s o n and K e n n e t h M. Jensen, eds., Approaches to Peace: An Intellectual Map (U.S. Institute of Peace, 1991). U N p e a c e k e e p i n g operations are covered in The Blue Helmets, 2d ed. (United Nations, 1990); F.T. Liu, United Nations Peacekeeping and the Non-Use of Force (Lynne Rienner, 1992); and William J. D u r c h , ed., The Evolution of U.N. Peacekeeping (St. M a r t i n ' s P r e s s , 1 9 9 3 ) . P r o p o s a l s f o r t h e e n h a n c e m e n t of U N p e a c e k e e p i n g , p e a c e m a k i n g , and peace-building can be f o u n d in B o u t r o s - G h a l i ' s An Agenda for Peace.

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R. Ned Lebow University of Pittsburgh Graduate School of Public and International Affairs PIA 2490: "Transformation of the International System" Autumn 1992 Course Description The dramatic events of the last several years brought an end to the Cold War and transformed the map of Europe. They are also likely to alter the basic patterns of international relations. This course will analyze these changes, their causes, and their implications for the future course of international relations.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments o 1. Overview of the Course •

Part I: The End of the East-West Conflict o 2. Why Did the Cold War End?

Read: John Lewis Gaddis, "Hanging Tough Paid Off," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 45 (January 1989): 11-13; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Did 'Peace Through Strength' End the Cold War? Lessons from INF," International Security 16 (Summer 1991): 162-188. ° 3. Explaining Gorbachev Read: Seweryn Bialer, '"New Thinking' and Soviet Foreign Policy," Survival 30 (July-August 1988): 291-309; Robert Legvold, "Soviet Learning in the 1980s," in George W. Breslauer and Philip E. Tetlock, eds.. Learning in U.S. and Soviet Foreign Policy (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), pp. 684-732.

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o 4. Lessons of the Cold War: Conflict

Management

Read: R. Ned Lebow and Janice Gross Stein, "Why A r e Crises Resolved?" chap. 13 of We All Lost the Cold War (forthcoming). o 5. Lessons of the Cold War: Nuclear Deterrence Read: John Mueller, "The Essential Irrelevance of Nuclear Weapons: Stability in the Postwar World," International Security 13 (Fall 1988): 55-79; R o b e r t Jervis, "The Political Effects of Nuclear Weapons: A Comment," International Security 13 (Fall 1988): 80-90. •

Part II: The Nexo Order and Disorder ° 6. Realism Versus Liberalism

Read: Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. (New York: Knopf, 1968), chaps. 1,11-13; Richard Rosecrance, The Rise of the Trading State: Commerce and Conquest in the Modern World (New York: Basic Books, 1986), chaps. 2-3. ° 7. The Long Peace: Will It Endure? Read: John J. Mearsheimcr, "Back to the Future: Instability in Europe A f t e r the Cold War," International Security 15 (Summer 1990): 5-56; Stanley H o f f m a n n and R o b e r t O. Kcohane, "Back to the Future, Part II: International Relations T h e o r y and Post-Cold War E u r o p e , " International Security 15 (Fall 1990): 191-199. ° 8. Does the CIS Have a Future? Read: Seweryn Bialer, " T h e D e a t h of Soviet Communism," Foreign Affairs 70 (Winter 1991-1992): 166-181. o 9. Eastern Europe Transformed Read: Elizabeth Pond, " A Wall Destroyed: The Dynamics of G e r m a n Unification in the G D R , " International Security 15 (Fall 1990): 35-66; Laura D ' A n d r e a Tyson, " T h e T h r e e Challenges of Economic Transition in Eastern E u r o p e , " in G e o r g e W. Breslauer, ed., Dilemmas of Transition in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (Berkeley: Berkeley-Stanford Program in Soviet Studies, 1991), pp. 45-64. ° 10.

T I Í C

Neiu Europe

Read: Jack Snyder, "Averting Anarchy in the New E u r o p e , " International Security 14 (Spring 1990): 5-41.

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R e a d : E l i z a b e t h P o n d , " G e r m a n y in t h e N e w E u r o p e , " Foreign fairs 71 ( S p r i n g 1992): 114-130.

Af-

°

°

11. The New

Germany

12. Yugoslavia: The First Challenge

R e a d : V e l j k o Vujacic, " T h e Crisis in Y u g o s l a v i a , " in B r e s l a u e r , Dilemmas of Transition, pp. 95-117; J a m e s E . G o o d b y , " A N e w E u r o p e a n C o n c e r t : Settling D i s p u t e s in C S C E , " Arms Control Today 21 ( J a n u a r y F e b r u a r y 1991): 3-6. •

Part 111: The Developing

World

o 13. Domestic and External Sources of Instability R e a d : D o n a l d L. H o r o w i t z , Ethnic Groups University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1985), pp. 3-54. o 14. How Difficult Is

in Conßict

(Berkeley:

Democracy?

R e a d : D a n k w a r t R u s t o w , " D e m o c r a c y : A G l o b a l R e v o l u t i o n ? " Foreign Affairs 69 (Fall 1990): 75-91. o 15. The Middle East: A Case Study Read: J e r o m e Slater, " A Palestinian Slate and Israeli Security," Political Science Quarterly, 106 (Fall 1991): 411-429; Richard K. H e r r m a n n , " T h e Middle East and the New World Order: Rethinking U.S. Political Strategy A f t e r the Gulf W a r , " International Security 16 (Fall 1991): 42-75. °

16. Regional Conflict: Tlte Origins of the Gulf War

R e a d : D o n O b e r d o r f e r , " M i s s e d Signals in t h e M i d d l e E a s t , " Washington Post Magazine, 17 ( M a r c h 1991): 19-23, 36-41; J a n i c e G r o s s Stein, " D e t e r r e n c e a n d C o m p e l l e n c e in t h e G u l f , 1990-1991: A Failed o r Impossible T a s k ? " International Security 17 (Fall 1992): 147-179. o 17. Regional Conflict: The Gulf War and Its

Aftermath

R e a d : D a n i e l Hallin, " T V ' s C l e a n Little W a r , " a n d P a u l F. W a l k e r a n d E r i c S t a m b l e r , " A n d t h e D i r t y Little W e a p o n s , " Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists Al ( M a y 1991): 17-24; L a w r e n c e F r e e d m a n a n d E f r a i m K a r s h , " H o w K u w a i t W a s W o n : S t r a t e g y in t h e Gulf W a r , " International Security 16 (Fall 1992): 5 - 4 1 . o 18. The Role of Force in International

Relations

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Read: Thomas L. McNaugher, "Ballistic Missiles and Chemical Weapons: The Legacy of the Iran-Iraq War," International Security 15 (Fall 1990): 5-34; Ian Anthony, "The Global Arms Trade," Arms Control Today 21 (June 1991): 3-8; Michael T. Klare, "Fueling the Fire: How We Armed the Middle East," The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47 (January/February 1991): 19-26; William Härtung, "The Boom at the Arms Bazaar," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47 (October 1991): 15-20. •

Part IV: Looking Ahead ° 19. The Future of Arms Control

Read: Jack Mendelsohn, "Why START?" Arms Control Today 21 (April 1991): 3-9; "A START Briefing Book," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47 (November 1991): 24-25; Randall Forsberg, Rob Leavitt, and Steve Lilly-Weber, "Conventional Forces Treaty Buries Cold War," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47 (January/February 1991): 32-37; Ashton B. Carter, "Reducing the Nuclear Dangers From the Former Soviet Union," Arms Control Today 22 (January/February 1992): 10-14; Kurt Gottfried and Jonathan Dean, "Nuclear Security in a Transformed World," Arms Control Today 21 (November 1991): 13-14. o 20. Tlte Problem of Proliferation Read: David Albright and Mark Hibbs, "Iraq's Bomb: Blueprints and Artifacts," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 48 (January/February 1992): 30-40; Albright and Hibbs, "Iraq's Shop-Till-You-Drop Nuclear Program," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientist 48 (April 1992): 27-23; Lawrence Scheinman, "The Nonproliferation Treaty: On the Road to 1995," IAEA Bulletin 34 (1992): 33-40; Leonard S. Spector and Jacqueline R. Smith. "North Korea: The Next Nuclear Nightmare," Arms Control Today 21 (March 1991): 9-13. ° 21. A Unipolar Moment? Read: Charles Krauthammer, "The Unipolar Moment," Foreign Affairs 70 (1991): 23-33; Alvin Z. Rubinstein, "New World Order or Hollow Victory?" Foreign Affairs 70 (Fall 1991): 53-65; Lawrence Freedman, "The Gulf War and the New International Order," Survival 33 (May/June 1991): 195-209; Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "What New World Order?" Foreign Affairs 71 (Spring 1992): 83-96. o 22. The Future of World Politics Read: Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 58-93; Richard

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Rosecrance, "A New Concert of Powers," Foreign Affairs 71 (Spring 1992): 64-82; Robert Jervis, "The Future of World Politics: Will it Resemble the Past?" International Security 16 (Winter 1991/1992): 39-73.

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Joseph S. Nye, Jr. Harvard University, Center for International Affairs Historical Study A-12: "International Conflicts in the Modern World" Fall 1992 Course Description and Requirements This course offers an introduction to the forces shaping conflict and cooperation in world politics. We will discuss key conccpts in international relations, including power and the balance of power, deterrence, intervention, and interdependence. Theories will be examined against a wide range of historical cases, from the Peloponnesian War between the Greek city-states of Athens and Sparta to the oil crises of the 1970s and the post-Cold War international order. Con rse Requ iremen ts All students will be required to write two five-page take-home examinations. There will be a three-hour final examination. Required Texts Books marked A on the syllabus are available for purchase at the Coop. All other readings, marked # on the syllabus, are included in a sourcebook that may be purchased in the stockroom in the Science Center basement. In addition to the sourcebook, you will need Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War Donald Detwiler, Germany: A Short History Gordon A. Craig and Alexander L. George, Force and Statecraft, 2d ed. Edward Gulick, Europe's Classical Balance of Power James Joll, The Origins of the First World War John Lewis Gaddis, Russia, the Soviet Union and the United States, 2d ed. Robert F. Kennedy, Thirteen Days George C. Herring, America's Longest War, 2d ed.

WAR, CONFLICT, AND PEACE • 1 1 3 Joseph S. Nye. Jr., Bound to Lead Students lacking a strong knowledge of history should also read Rene Albrecht Carrie, A Diplomatic History of Europe.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Introduction: Realism and Liberalism; Ethics and International

Conflict

Read: #Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Nuclear Ethics, pp. 14-41; A Thucydides, "Melian Dialogue" in The Peloponnesian War, Penguin ed., pp. 400-408 (other editions: Book V, paras. 84-116); #Robert Gilpin, "The Theory of Hegemonic War," in Robert I. Rotberg and Theodore K. Rabb, eds., The Origin and Prevention of Major Wars, pp. 15-37. •

2. Origins of the Peloponnesian War; International Systems and War o Case: Tlie Peloponnesian War

Read: A Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, Penguin ed., pp. 35-87, 103-164, 212-223 (other editions: Book I, paras. 1-88, 118-146; Book II, paras. 1-65; Book III, paras. 36-50); #Donald Kagan. The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, pp. 1-5, 31-56, 345-356; #Kenneth Waltz, Man, the State, and War, pp. 1-15. 224-238; #Robert O. Keohane, ed., Neorealisrn and Its Critics, pp. 1-13. •

3. The Balance of Power: Theory and Practice o Case: Germany and the Nineteenth-Century

Balance of Power

A

Read: Donald S. Detwiler, Germany: A Short History, pp. 104-148; G o r d o n A. Craig and Alexander L. George, Porce and Statecraft, chaps. 1-3; A Edward Gulick, Europe's Classical Balance of Power, pp. 1-34, 184-218,280-296; #Harry Ritter, "Counterfactual Analysis," in Dictionary of Concepts in History, pp. 70-73; #Stephen Walt, "Alliance Formation and the Balance of World Power," International Security 9, no. 4 (1985): 3-43; A R e n e Albrecht-Carrie, A Diplomatic History of Europe (optional for those who wish more historical background), pp. 3-141. A

•

4. The Origins of World War I; Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy ° Case: World War I Read: A James Joll. The Origins of the First World War, pp. 9-147.

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5. The Rise and Fall of Collective Security; The Origins of World War II o Case: World War II

Read: # G r a h a m Ross, The Great Powers and the Decline of the European States System, 1919-1945, pp. 109-126; A D o n a l d Detwiler, A Short History of Germany, pp. 170-183; #Richard Storry, A History of Modern Japan, chap. 8; #P. M. H. Bell, The Origins of the Second World War in Europe, pp. 14-38; #A. J. P. Taylor, The Origins of the Second World War, pp. 102-109,272-278, xi-xxviii; #Alan Bullock, "Hitler and the Origins of the Second World War," in The Origins of the Second World War: A. J. P. Taylor and His Critics, pp. 117-145; #Scott Sagan, "The Origins of the Pacific W a r , " Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18 (Spring 1988): 893-922; A G o r d o n A. Craig and Alexander L. George, Force and Statecraft, chaps. 4-7. •

6. The Cold War; How the Cold War Was Waged o Case: The Origins of the Cold War

Read: #Joseph Stalin, "Election Speech," New York Times, February 15,1947; #Daniel Yergin, Shattered Peace, pp. 69-86; #Arthur Schlesinger. Jr., " T h e Origins of the Cold War," Foreign Affairs, Fall 1967, and " T h e Cold War Revisited," New York Review of Books, October 25, 1979; A G o r d o n A. Craig and Alexander L. George, Force and Statecraft, chaps. 8-10; A John Lewis Gaddis, Russia, the Soviet Union and the United States, chaps. 6-7. •

7. The Role of Nuclear Weapons; Nuclear Weapons: Questions and Answers ° Case: The Cuban Missile Crisis

Read: A R o b e r t Kennedy, Thirteen Days, entire; #George F. Will, "Lessons of the Cuban Missile Crisis," Newsweek, October 11, 1982, p. 120; #Bruce Allyn, James Blight, and David Welch, "Essence of Revision," International Security 14 (Winter 1989/90):136-172; #John Mueller, " T h e Essential Irrelevance of Nuclear Weapons," International Security 13 (Fall 1988): 55-79; # R o b e r t Jervis, "The Political Effects of Nuclear Weapons," International Security 13 (Fall 1988): 80-90; #Albert Carnesale, et al., Living with Nuclear Weapons, chap. 4, pp. 71-101. •

8. The Question of Intervention;

The United States in Vietnam

o Case: The Vietnam War Read: Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, chap. 6; A G e o r g e Her-

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ring, America's Longest War, chaps. 1-4; #Irving H o w e and Michael Walzer, " W e r e W e Wrong A b o u t V i e t n a m ? " New Republic, August 18, 1979, pp. 15-18; #Norman Podhoretz, Why We Were in Vietnam, chap. 5; #Yuen F o o n g Khong, " T h e Lessons of Korea and the Vietnam Decision of 1965," in George Breslauer and Philip Tetlock, eds., Learning in U.S. and Soviet Foreign Policy, pp. 302-334. •

9. International Organization and Regional Conflicts; Wars in the Middle East o Case: The Arab-Israeli Conflict

Read: #Congressional Quarterly, The Middle East, 6th ed., pp. 1-31; #Walid Khalidi, The Gulf Crisis, pp. 1-31; #"Kuwait: H o w the West Blundered," Economist, September 29, 1990; #1.1.S.S., Strategic Survey, 1990-91, pp. 49-59; #Fouad Ajami, " T h e Summer of A r a b Discontent," Foreign Affairs, Winter 1990/1991, pp. 1-20; #Arnold Toynbee, J. L. Talmon, and Albert H o u r a n i exchanges, The Israel-Arab Reader, pp. 260-287. •

10. Economic Interdependence and Conflict; The Transnational Politics of Oil ° Case: The 1973 Oil Crisis

Read: # R o b e r t O. K e o h a n e and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Power and Interdependence, chaps. 1-2; #Robert W. Tucker, "Oil: T h e Issue of A m e r i c a n Intervention," Commentary, January 1975, p. 21-31; #Stanley H o f f m a n n , " R e s p o n s e to Tucker," Commentary, April 1975, pp. 4-5; #Daniel Yergin, The Prize, pp. 588-632; #Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of International Relations, chap. 7, pp. 263-305. •

11. Alternatives to the Present System

Read: A Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Bound to Lead, pp. 1-68, 141-201; #Paul Kennedy, "Fin-de-Siècle America," New York Review of Books, J u n e 28, 1990, pp. 31-40; #Paul Kennedy, "Iraq Challenges the New World O r d e r , " New Perspectives Quarterly, Fall 1990, pp. 60-61; #John J. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future," International Security 15 (Summer 1990): 5-56; #Stanley H o f f m a n n , R o b e r t Keohane, and J o h n J. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future: Part II," International Security 15 (Fall 1990): 191-199; #Bruce M. Russett, T h o m a s Risse-Kappen, and John J. Mearsheimer, " B a c k to t h e F u t u r e : P a r t I I I , " International Security 15 ( W i n t e r 1990/1991): 216-222; #Francis Fukuyama, "The E n d of History?" National Interest, 16, Summer 1989, 3-18; #Samuel Huntington, " N o Exit: T h e E r r o r s of Endism," National Interest, 16, Fall 1989, pp. 3-11.

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Paul F. Walker College of the Holy Cross Center for Interdisciplinary and Special Studies 2704001/ Political Science 1228101: " International Politics and Regional Conflict" Spring 1992

Course Description arid Requirements This course examines issues of war and peace in regional context, that is, it seeks to understand both the causes of war and the opportunities lor conflict resolution and peace by studying a variety of contemporary "limited" conflicts in the Americas, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. In so doing, it will include study of superpower (U.S. and Soviet/Commonwealth/Russian) foreign and military policies, Cold War rivalries, regional politics, global arms trade, and international and intranational competition and violence—ethnic, religious, political, racial, and economic. The course will follow descriptive, historical, and analytical models of conflict study in order to provide a broad and comparative understanding of the roots of conflict, the causes of outbreaks of violence, and the paths to peace. O n e semester is inadequate to covcr all contemporary conflicts (some two dozen of which remain currently active) but will allow a representative sample to be included from most continents of the globe. Required Texts Jerry F. Hough, The Struggle for the Third World: Soviet Debates and American Options (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1986). Michael T. Klare and Peter Kornbluh, eds., Low Intensity Warfare: Counterinsurgency, Proinsurgency, and Antiterrorism in the Eighties (New York: Pantheon/Random House, 1988). Andrew J. Pierre, The Global Politics of Arms Sales (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).

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Requirements

1. A t t e n d a n c e . T h e course will not be run as a lecture but, rather, as a participatory seminar with weekly student presentations and guest lecturers. It is very important that students m a k e their best efforts to attend each session and actively participate. F r e q u e n t absences will be penalized. 2. Newspaper. Because much of the class discussion will revolve around recent and contemporary events—for example, the ongoing Lebanon crisis—daily reading of the New York Times (and/or Washington Post and Wall Street Journal) is required. This not only provides a larger, informed base for class discussion but also encourages all students to raise the issues outside the class. 3. Research Papers. T w o research papers will be required over the course of the semester, each to be on a focused, course-relevant topic chosen in coordination with the professor. Each will be at least fifteen pages in length, typed and double-spaced, and fully footnoted. 4. T a k e - H o m e Final. A take-home final examination will be given at the last class. This will be a challenging, broad essay question posed to encouragc thoughtful integration of the semester material. 5. Class Presentation. With the exception of the first and last classes, each week's discussion will begin with one to three students presenting a thoughtful overview/introduction to the conflict under study. Each student will be expected to make one presentation over the semester. 6. Additional. Some additional demands may be made on students, for example, attending campus talks and viewing films/videos, depending on the availability of such opportunities during the semester. Students are also encouraged (but not required) to read recommended and other readings for each week's discussion. Journals of particular interest are Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, International Security, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Orbis, Political Science Quarterly, Survival, and World Policy Journal, a m o n g others.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Introduction

to the Course

•

2. The Gulf War (1991): Iraq, Kuwait, and Mideast Peace

Read: Walid Khalidi, " T h e Gulf Crisis: Origins and Consequences," Journal of Palestine Studies 20 (Winter 1991): 5-28; Charles W. Maynes, "Dateline Washington: A Necessary W a r ? " Foreign Policy, no. 82, Spring

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1991, pp. 159-177; Alvin Z. Rubinstein, "New World O r d e r or Hollow Victory?" Foreign Affairs 70 (Fall 1991): 53-65; J e r o m e M. Segal, "The Gulf War and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict," World Policy Journal 8 (Spring 1991): 351-362; Joe Stork, "The Gulf War and the A r a b World," World Policy Journal 8 (Spring 1991): pp. 365-373. R e c o m m e n d e d reading: M. Lerner et al., " A f t e r the Gulf W a r , " Tikkun 6 (May/June 1991): 5-32, 92-96; Michael Sterner, "Navigating the Gulf," Foreign Policy, no. 81, Winter 1990-1991, pp. 39-52; Paul F. Walker and Eric Stambler, ". . . A n d the Dirty Little W e a p o n s , " Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists Al (May 1991): 20-24. •

3. The Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988): Security in the Persian Gulf

Read: Efraim Karsh, " T h e Iran-Iraq War: A Military Analysis," Adelphi Papers, no. 220, Spring 1987, pp. 1-17; Nita M. Renfrew, " W h o Started the W a r ? " Foreign Policy, no. 66, Spring 1987, pp. 98-108; Philip A. G. Sabin and Efraim Karsh, "Escalation in the Iran-Iraq War," Survival 31 (May/June 1989): 241-254; David Segal, "The Iran-Iraq War: A Military Analysis," Foreign Affairs 66 (Summer 1988): 946-963; Michael Sterner, " T h e Iran-Iraq War," Foreign Affairs 63 (Fall 1984): 128-143; Milton Viorst, "Iraq at War," Foreign Affairs 65 (Winter 1986/87): 349-365. R e c o m m e n d e d reading: James A. Bill, "Resurgent Islam," Foreign Affairs 63 (Fall 1984): 108-127; Richard Cottam, "Iran—Motives Behind its Foreign Policy," Survival 28 ( N o v e m b e r / D e c e m b e r 1986): 483-494; A d e e d I. Dawisha, "Iraq: T h e West's Opportunity," Foreign Policy, no. 41, Winter 1980-1981, pp. 134-153; Alex von Dornoch, "Iran's Violent Diplomacy," Survival 30 (May/June 1988): 252-266; Efraim Karsh, " T h e Iran-Iraq War: A Military Analysis," Adelphi Papers, no. 220, Spring 1987; Roy Parviz Mottahedeh, "Iran's Foreign Devils," Foreign Policy, no. 38, Spring 1980, pp. 19-34; R. K. Ramazani, "Iran: Burying the H a t c h e t , " Foreign Policy, no. 60, Fall 1985, pp. 52-74; Charles Tripp, " I r a q — A m b i tions Checked," Survival 28 ( N o v e m b e r / D e c e m b e r 1986): 495-508. •

4. Afganistan (1978-1989): Civil War, Soviet Intervention, power Rivalry

and

Super-

Read: Olivier Roy, " T h e Lessons of the Soviet/Afghan War," Adelphi Papers, no. 259, Summer 1991, pp. 2-77. R e c o m m e n d e d reading: Felix Ermacora, "United Nations E c o n o m i c and Social Council, Commission on H u m a n Rights" (excerpts), Survival 27 (July/August 1985): 195-196; Selig S. Harrison, " A B r e a k t h r o u g h in Afghanistan," Foreign Policy, no. 51, Summer 1983, pp. 3-26; Selig S. Harrison, "Inside the Afghan Talks," Foreign Policy, no. 72, Fall 1988, pp. 31-60; R o s a n n e Klass, "Afghanistan: T h e Accords," Foreign Affairs 66

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( S u m m e r 1988): 922-945; C l a u d e M a l h u r e t , " R e p o r t f r o m A f g h a n i s t a n , " Foreign Affairs 62 ( W i n t e r 1983/84): 426-435; J a g a t S. M e h t a , " A f g h a n i stan: A N e u t r a l S o l u t i o n , " Foreign Policy, no. 47, S u m m e r 1982, p p . 139-153; J a m e s R u p e r t , " A f g h a n i s t a n ' s Slide t o w a r d Civil W a r , " World Policy Journal 6 (Fall 1989): 759-785. •

5. Angola (1975-Present):

Civil War and Superpower

Proxies

R e a d : G e r a l d J. B e n d e r , " A n g o l a : L e f t , R i g h t , a n d W r o n g , " Foreign Policy, no. 43, S u m m e r 1981, pp. 53-69; G e r a l d J. B e n d e r , " A n g o l a , T h e C u b a n s , a n d A m e r i c a n A n x i e t i e s , " Foreign Policy, no. 31, S u m m e r 1978, pp. 3-30; J o h n A. M a r c u m , " R e g i o n a l Security in S o u t h e r n A f r i c a : A n g o l a , " Survival 30 ( J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 1988): 3-14; K u r t M . C a m p b e l l , " A n g o l a : T e s t of Soviet R e s o l v e , " in " S o u t h e r n A f r i c a in Soviet F o r e i g n Policy," Adelphi Papers, no. 227, W i n t e r 1987/1988, pp. 9-14. R e c o m m e n d e d r e a d i n g : W a y n e S. Smith, " A T r a p in A n g o l a , " Foreign Policy, no. 62, Spring 1986, pp. 61-74; N a t h a n i e l Davis, " T h e A n g o l a D e c i s i o n of 1975: A P e r s o n a l M e m o i r , " Foreign Affairs 57 (Fall 1978): 109-124; C h a r l e s W. F r e e m a n , Jr., " T h e A n g o l a / N a m i b i a n A c c o r d s , " Foreign Affairs 68 ( S u m m e r 1989): 126-141. •

6. Guest Speaker: Ross Mirkarimi of the "International Environmental Impact of the Gulf War"

Study Team on the

7. Mozambique (1981-Present): Civil War And South Africa R e a d : K u r t M . C a m p b e l l , "Soviet Policy in M o z a m b i q u e : W a n i n g I n f l u e n c e ? " in " S o u t h e r n A f r i c a in Soviet F o r e i g n Policy," Adelphi Papers, no. 221, W i n t e r 1987/1988, pp. 14-19; R o b e r t S. J a s t e r , " T h e Security O u t l o o k in M o z a m b i q u e , " Survival 27 ( N o v e m b e r / D e c e m b e r 1985): 258264; A l l e n I s a a c m a n , " R e g i o n a l Security in S o u t h e r n A f r i c a : M o z a m b i q u e , " Survival 30 ( J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 1988): 14-34. R e c o m m e n d e d r e a d i n g : William F i n n e g a n , " A R e p o r t e r at L a r g e : T h e E m e r g e n c y , I," New Yorker, M a y 2 2 , 1 9 8 9 , 4 3 - 7 6 ; William F i n n e g a n , " A R e p o r t e r at L a r g e : T h e E m e r g e n c y , II," New Yorker, M a y 29, 1989, p p . 69-96.

•

8. Sudan (1983-Present):

Civil War in the Horn of Africa

R e a d : A n n M o s e l y Lesch, " A V i e w f r o m K h a r t o u m , " Foreign Affairs 65 ( S p r i n g 1987): 807-826; S a m u e l M a k i n d a , " S h i f t i n g A l l i a n c e s in t h e H o r n of A f r i c a , " Survival 27 ( J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 1985): 11-19; C h r i s t o p h e r C l a p h a m , " T h e Political E c o n o m y in t h e H o r n of A f r i c a , " Survival 32 ( S e p t e m b e r / O c t o b e r 1990): 403-419.

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R e c o m m e n d e d r e a d i n g : T o d d Shields, " A T r a g e d y in t h e M a k i n g , " Africa Report, M a r c h / A p r i l 1991, pp. 54-57; " S u d a n , " Middle East Report, S e p t e m b e r / O c t o b e r 1991, pp. 2-7; B e n a i a h Y o n g o - B u r e , " S u d a n ' s D e e p e n i n g Crisis," Middle East Report, S e p t e m b e r / O c t o b e r 1991, pp. 9-13; " F a m i n e is F u n c t i o n a l , " Middle East Report, S e p t e m b e r / O c t o b e r 1991, p p . 27-30; J o h n W . H a r b e s o n , " T h e H o r n of A f r i c a : F r o m C h a o s , Political R e n e w a l ? " Current History 90 ( M a y 1991): 221-224. •

9. Lebanon (1975-Prescnt): and Arab-Israeli Peace

Syrians, Israelis, and Palestinians—Civil

War

G u e s t s p e a k e r : J o e G e r s o n . M i d e a s t Scholar, A m e r i c a n F r i e n d s Service C o m m i t t e e . R e a d : G h a s s a n T u e n i , " L e b a n o n : A N e w R e p u b l i c , " Foreign Affairs 61 (Fall 1982): 84-99; A m i n e G e m a y e l , " T h e Price a n d t h e P r o m i s e , " Foreign Affairs 63 ( S p r i n g 1985): 759-777. R e c o m m e n d e d r e a d i n g : F o u a d A j a m i , " T h e S h a d o w s of H e l l , " Foreign Policy, no. 48, Fall 1982, pp. 94-110; A d a m Z a g o r i n , " A H o u s e D i v i d e d , " Foreign Policy, no. 48, Fall 1982, pp. 111-121. •

10. El Salvador (1979-1992): tion

Civil War, Death Squads, and U.S.

Interven-

G u e s t s p e a k e r : M a r y A n n H i n s d a l e , D e p t . of Religious Studies. H o l y Cross. R e a d : L i n d a R o b i n s o n , " T h e E n d of El S a l v a d o r ' s W a r , " Survival 33 ( S e p t e m b e r / O c t o b e r 1991): 387-400; S a m Dillon, " D a t e l i n e El S a l v a d o r : Crisis R e n e w e d , " Foreign Policy, no. 73, W i n t e r 1988/1989, pp. 153-170; J a m e s L e M o y n e , " E l S a l v a d o r ' s F o r g o t t e n W a r , " Foreign Affairs 68 ( S u m m e r 1989): 105-125; M o r r i s S. B l a c k m a n a n d K e n n e t h E. S h a r p e , " T h i n g s Fall A p a r t in El S a l v a d o r , " World Policy Journal 6 ( W i n t e r 1988/1989): 107-139. R e c o m m e n d e d reading: William M. L e o G r a n d e , " E l S a l v a d o r A f t e r D u a r t e , " World Policy Journal 5 (Fall 1988): 703-723; T e r r y Karl, " E l S a l v a d o r : N e g o t i a t i o n s o r T o t a l W a r , " World Policy Journal 6 ( S p r i n g 1989): 321-355; P i e r o Gleijeses, " T h e C a s e f o r P o w e r - S h a r i n g in E l Salvad o r , " Foreign Affairs 61 ( S u m m e r 1983): 1 0 4 8 - 1 0 6 3 ; A b r a h a m F. L o w e n t h a l , et al., " C a r i b b e a n Basin Initiative," Foreign Policy, no. 47, S u m m e r 1982, pp. 114-138.

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11. The Falklattds/Malvinas

War (1982): England Versus

Argentina

G u e s t s p e a k e r : P e t e r J o n e s , D e p a r t m e n t of Politics. U n i v e r s i t y of Reading, England.

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Read: Lawrence Freedman, "The War of the Falkland Islands, 1982," Foreign Affairs 61 (Fall 1982): 196-210; Susan K a u f m a n Purcell, " W a r and D e b t in South America," Foreign Affairs 61 (1982): 660-674; Max Hastings and Simon Jenkins, "Forgotten Islands," " T h e Seventeen Years' W a r , " and " A f t e r m a t h , " in The Battle for the Falklands (New York: Norton, 1983), pp. 1-44, 315-340; "Chronology: T h e Falkland Islands W a r . " Foreign Affairs 61 (1982): 740. R e c o m m e n d e d reading: Paul F. Walker, "Smart Weapons in Naval Warfare, Scientific American 248 (May 1983): 53-61; Sunday Times of London, War in the Falklands: The Full Story (New York: H a r p e r & Row, 1982); Bruce W. Watson and Peter M. D u n n , eds., Military Lessons of the Falkland Islands War (London: Arms & A r m o u r Press, 1984); Lawrence F r e e d m a n and Virginia Gamba-Stonehouse, Signals of War (London: Faber & Faber, 1990); A l b e r t o R. Coll and A n t h o n y C. A r e n d , eds., The Falklands War: Lessons for Strategy, Diplomacy, and International Law (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1985)/ •

12. Nicaragua (1981-1988): Sandinistas, Contras, and the United States.

Read: Nina M. Serafino. "Dateline Managua: Defining Democracy," Foreign Policy, no. 70, Spring 1988, pp. 166-182; Joshua Muravchik, " T h e Nicaragua Debate," Foreign Affairs 65 (Winter 1986/1987): 366-382; Piero Gleijeses, "Resist Romanticism," Foreign Policy, no. 54, Spring 1984, pp. 122-138. R e c o m m e n d e d reading: Margaret D. Wilde, "In Nicaragua, Consultation Beats Confrontation," Christian Century, February 19, 1992, pp. 181-183; Regina Lawrence and Paul B e r m a n , " A n Exchange on Nicaragua," Dissent 38 (Winter 1991): 120-122; Holly Sklar, Washington's War on Nicaragua (Boston: South End Press, 1988); Stephen Kinzer, Blood of Brothers: Life and War in Nicaragua (New York: A n c h o r / D o u b l e d a y , 1992); A r t u r o Cruz, Jr., and Consuelo Cruz Sequeira, " A s the World Turns," New Republic, J u n e 17, 1991, pp. 22-25; Cynthia J. A r n s o n and J o h a n n a Mendelson Forman, "United States Policy in Central America," Current History 90 (March 1991): 97-100+; R o b e r t Parry and Peter Kornbluh, "Iran-Contra's Untold Story," Foreign Policy, no. 72, Fall 1988, pp. 3-30. •

13. Haiti (1991-1992): Democracy, Refugees, and the OAS

Read: "Haiti Holds Free, Democratic Elections with U N Help," U N Chronicle 28 (March 1991 ): 62-64; Anne-Christine d' Adesky, "The Bones of Haiti," Village Voice, June 11, 1991, pp. 41-42; Regina Griffin, "The O t h e r Boat People: T h e Plight of Haitian Refugees," America, August 3, 1991, pp. 68-69+; Anne-Christine d'Adesky, "President Jean Bertrand

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Aristide," Interview 21 (October 1991): 86-91+. Recommended reading: Amy Wilentz, "The Oppositionist," New Republic, October 28,1991, pp. 16-20; "Notes and Comment," New Yorker, October 21,1991, pp. 29-30; Bruce W. Nelan, "One CoupToo Many," Time, October 14,1991, pp. 34-35; Anne-Christine d'Adesky, "Who Was Behind Haiti's Coup?" Village Voice, November 26,1991, pp. 23-25; Amy Wilentz, "The Priest and His People," The Nation, December 24, 1991, pp. 795-796; Jean-Bertrand Aristide, In the Parish of the Poor: Writings from Haiti (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1990); Amy Wilentz, The Rainy Season: Haiti Since Duvalier (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989). •

14. Yugoslavia (1991-Present): Ethnic Wars

Guest speaker: Predrag Cicovacki, Department of Philosophy, Holy Cross Read: Dennison Rusinow, "Yugoslavia: Balkan Breakup?" Foreign Policy, no. 83, Summer 1991, pp. 143-159; V. P. Gagnon, Jr., "Yugoslavia: Prospects for Stability," Foreign Affairs 70 (Summer 1991): 17-35; James Gow, "Deconstructing Yugoslavia," Survival 33 (July/August 1991): 291311. •

15. Guatemala (1966-1990): Mayan Indians and Military Juntas

Read: Marlise Simons, "Guatemala: The Coming Danger," Foreign Policy, no. 43, Summer 1981, pp. 93-103; Elizabeth Farnsworth, "Voices from Guatemala," World Policy Journal 4 (Summer 1987): 527-538; and Richard L. Millett, "Guatemala: Hopes for Peace, Stuggles for Survival," Survival 33 (September/October 1991): 425-441. •

16. Review and Wrap-up; Final Take-Home Exam Distributed

Read: Lawrence Freedman, "Order and Disorder in the New World," Foreign Affairs 71 (1991/1992): 20-37; Strobe Talbott, "Post-Victory Blues," Foreign Affairs 71 (1991/1992): 53-69; Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "What New World Order?" Foreign Affairs 71 (Spring 1992): 83-96.

8

The New Nuclear Agenda Allan S. Krass

The fear of nuclear war has been a prime mover in the creation of courses and programs in peace and world order for more than four decades. In the fifth edition of this book, Carolyn Stevenson pointed out that the centra!ity of nuclear issues to peace studies was very much a phenomenon of the 1980s, stimulated by "widespread public concern over the nuclear arms race." 1 In the same volume, Michael Klare attributed a growing interest in peace studies to students who are "acutely aware of the threat of nuclear annihilation" and who find in peace studies "a positive alternative to nuclear fatalism and despair." 2 My own experience of more than twenty years of teaching on nuclear issues confirms that fears of nuclear war provided the primary motivation for students taking courses in the otherwise esoteric fields of nuclear strategy, nuclear arms control, and U.S.-Soviet diplomacy. T h e writings of Jonathan Schell and Helen Caldicott, 3 films and television programs like " R e d D a w n " and " T h e Day After," the confrontational rhetoric and military buildup of the first Reagan administration, the fear of and/or fascination with "Star Wars," and the gigantic antinuclear demonstrations of the early 1980s all contributed to these fears and convinced large numbers of undergraduates that they needed to come to terms with them. Students enrolled in courses on nuclear issues at least as much to deal with their emotional needs as from intellectual curiosity. Many colleges and universities introduced such courses in the early and mid-1980s, and enrollments were generally quite large. With the advent of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985, the conciliatory rhetoric of the second Reagan administration, the signing of the Intermediate Nuclear Forces ( I N F ) Treaty in 1987, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the rapidly accelerating pace of East-West accommodation in the Clinton and Yeltsin administrations, this situation has changed significantly. I have not done a careful survey, but conversations with colleagues at other institutions and my own experience at Hampshire College indi123

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cate that interest in such courses began to decline in the late 1980s, and that enrollments have decreased correspondingly. An upper-division course of mine on arms control and nuclear strategy that typically drew twenty-five to thirty-five students from the Five College area in 1982-1985 drew only five to ten in 1988-1990; my first-year course, " T h e Science of Disarmament," in which students conduct science projects based on problems of nuclear arms control, was consistently overenrolled in its first three years but has been only about 50 to 60 percent full in the past two. All of this suggests that those of us who have dealt with nuclear issues in our courses are going to have to do some serious rethinking if we want to continue to attract students to them. The traditional subject matter of such courses—the gruesome effects of nuclear explosions on cities and people, the strategies of deterrence, strategic defense, and nuclear war fighting, the wisdom or folly of various weapon systems, and the politics and physics of arms control and verification—appeal less and less to students and are in many ways becoming anachronistic. Although it is certainly necessary to teach each new generation of students what happened at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it now seems less necessary and less interesting to devote an entire unit to what might happen to Detroit or Saint Petersburg under a similar attack," especially when students can see Beirut, Basra, and Sarajevo being devastated by "conventional" weapons. Similarly, with the United States and Russia stumbling over each other in their haste to eliminate entire classes of nuclear weapons, units on the destabilizing properties of multiple warhead missiles or the Strategic Defense Initiative are unlikely to engage the interest of students more worried about the destruction of the ozone layer, starvation and intervention in Somalia, racial violence in South Africa, drug smuggling from Peru, or riots in Los Angeles. And it does not take much interaction with students these days to realize that A I D S has long since overtaken nuclear annihilation in their hierarchy of anxieties. Still, many important nuclear issues remain on the world's agenda, and people must be educated to deal with them either as professionals or as concerned citizens. What are these issues and how can they be brought into courses accessible to college students? This is a short chapter, and I am only beginning to grapple with these questions myself, so the following thoughts will be preliminary and tentative. They are intended to stimulate others to begin the essential process of redesigning courses on nuclear weapons and nuclear war so as to address today's and tomorrow's problems, rather than yesterday's.

Nuclear Issues in the 1990s—or— Constructing the New Nuclear Agenda We can begin by noting that even if all of the nuclear arms-reduction agreements already reached are fully implemented by the end of the

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decade, the U n i t e d S t a t e s and Russia will still have roughly four thousand nuclear weapons in e a c h of their arsenals, quite enough for a devastating, mutually annihilating nuclear war. 5 B u t the strategic rivalries and ideological suspicions that m a d e the threat o f such a war s e e m so real in the past no longer exist and are unlikely to return, even in the unfortunate event o f a reactionary regime's taking power in Russia. Such a r e g i m e would almost certainly focus its efforts on domestic stability and e c o n o m i c restructuring, and would have nothing to gain by threatening the very countries it will have to depend on for its recovery. B u t why, then, k e e p so many nuclear weapons? Indeed, why k e e p any at all? T h e s e questions apply, of course, not only to Russia but also to the U n i t e d States, G r e a t Britain, F r a n c e , and China, all of which are recognized as legitimate nuclear weapon states under the nuclear Non-Proliferation T r e a t y ( N P T ) . Y e t it is precisely this group o f states that appears to have the least to gain and the most to lose by using nuclear weapons in war. Without the threat of attack by a n o t h e r powerful n u c l e a r - a r m e d state, the entire c o n c e p t of d e t e r r e n c e that c a m e to d o m i n a t e nuclear strategy is called into question. Traditional courses in nuclear strategy focused on the c o n c e p t of bilateral d e t e r r e n c e and the requirements for its stability, both in crisis situations (where military establishments on hair-trigger alert might be tempted or deluded into launching a preemptive strike) and in the arms competition itself (where faulty intelligence, worst-case planning assumptions, and the constant need to d e m o n s t r a t e resolve often led to unnecessary and p r o v o c a t i v e new w e a p o n s ) . T h e s e topics now a p p e a r anachronistic and largely irrelevant to the multidimensional nuclear world of the twenty-first century. T h e p r o b l e m o f stable d e t e r r e n c e with multiple actors was always insoluble in traditional models used by strategic analysts, but so long as the confrontation was dominated by two nuclear superpowers, this difficulty could be ignored. T o d a y , it can no longer be ignored; if nuclear weapons are to remain components of national military arsenals, there will be many such arsenals, and many possible situations in which they might b e called on to play their deterrent role. D e t e r r e n c e theory will have to be far less abstract and mathematical and far more c o n t e x t d e p e n d e n t and political than it has b e e n in the past. Nuclear strategy and nuclear proliferation, which have b e e n treated as largely separate fields for the past forty years, will now have to be brought together. W e will want to study the motivations and decisionmaking processes of the traditional nuclear weapon states for clues to these s a m e p h e n o m e n a in emerging nuclear states. 6 It is interesting to speculate that if intelligence analysts had l o o k e d harder at the decision in the M a n h a t t a n P r o j e c t to use the grossly inefficient calutron process to produce enriched uranium, s o m e o n e might have suggested that the Iraqis would m a k e a similar effort. W h a t appears to have b e e n missing in U . S .

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intelligence assessments of the Iraqi program was a consciousness of the determination with which the Iraqis pursued their goal, and the degree to which the calutron process fit the needs of a state that wanted a b o m b as quickly and as clandestinely as possible and for whom neither energy scarcity nor cost was an obstacle. T h e r e is a tendency to attribute aggressive motives to states seeking to develop nuclear weapons, but history suggests that the motivations of existing nuclear states have had more to do with security, technical development, prestige, and self-confidence than with a desire for nuclear aggression. W e in academia need to spend more time examining those motivations, along with the political, economic, technological, and psychological contexts in which they are acted on or renounced. Courses on nuclear proliferation need to break out of the traditional mold of considering nonproliferation primarily as a problem for U.S. foreign and technology policy and begin to look at it more as a problem in international relations and world security in which the United States is only one actor among many. In particular, it would be interesting to reexamine the concept of international control of nuclear energy as embodied in the post-World War II Baruch Plan. This proposal was one of the first victims of Cold War suspicions, but its basic premise—that commercial nuclear energy is fundamentally inseparable from the capability to develop nuclear weapons— remains valid. This is most clearly evident today in the controversy over Japanese plans to recycle plutonium, but it can also be seen in a number of other countries, including Brazil, Argentina, Iran, North Korea, and others. T h e end of the Cold War has seen the rebirth of President Eisenhower's " O p e n Skies" proposal, which seemed as fanciful in its day as the Baruch Plan. The latter will not be as easy to resurrect, but it is certainly worth serious study as one of a number of options for dealing with future problems of nuclear proliferation. 7 All of this assumes that the nuclear disarmament process initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan and accelerated by Boris Yeltsin and G e o r g e Bush will proceed to its anticipated conclusions. But this is not, by any means, a foregone conclusion. Although the politics of U.S.Russian nuclear arms control has changed dramatically, it remains a subject worthy of serious study—both for the lessons it might teach us about how other nuclear rivals might reach a modus vivendi, and for the new problems it poses for U.S.-Russian relations, as well as the relations among Russia, the N A T O countries, and the new states of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. These countries were the first in history to be born nuclear, and although all are on record as committed to nonnuclear status under the NPT, the achievement of this goal amid the complex and unsettling political developments in the former Soviet Union seems much more problematic than it did in the first flush of independence. 8

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It is generally assumed that Russia will remain the only nuclear weapon state among the remnants of the former Soviet Union. But concerns a b o u n d about the stability of the Russian government and the security of its nuclear command and control system. All kinds of conventional weapons from the former Soviet arsenal are being peddled abroad for foreign exchange, and thousands of Russian scientists and engineers who were once employed in challenging and well-paying jobs in the nuclear weapons complex are now faced with unemployment and possibly the same loss of economic status and public respect experienced by the professional military. Russia also faces staggering environmental and public health problems as a result of the irresponsible, even criminal manner in which the Soviet regime operated its nuclear establishment. Chernobyl, as tragic and destruct ive as it was, is only the lip of this iceberg. 9 It is difficult for a nonspecialist in Soviet and Russian studies to suggest appropriate ways for incorporating these issues into the curriculum. But it does seem clear that the nuclear legacy is going to be a m a j o r factor in the domestic politics of the former Soviet republics for many years to come, and it ought to become a focus of study for U.S. students trying to understand those politics. Russia's relations with Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan are also complicated by the nuclear issue. Thousands of nuclear warheads deployed on intercontinental ballistic missiles remain in these states, and although few would suggest that they are being considered seriously as military weapons or even as a national deterrent, the temptation is great to use them as bargaining chips to extract economic aid and political concessions from Russia and the West. Ukraine has already shown a willingness to play this game. 10 As in the case of Russia, the f u t u r e of nuclear weapons is only one of a wide range of issues facing these states, but the political salience of nuclear weapons and the obvious concern of Western governments that they be dealt with properly makes this an important and challenging area for study by U.S. teachers and students. As interesting as these foreign problems may be, we in the United States cannot afford to become so preoccupied with them that we neglect our own rather substantial problems. Most are not as immediate and daunting as those in Russia, but they are going to be expensive and politically controversial well into the next century, when today's students will be called on to confront them. T h e United States has its own nuclear legacies—social, political, environmental, and psychological—and, as the world moves out of the shadow of the Cold War, we will have to rethink our nuclear assumptions, attitudes, and policies from the ground up. T h e nuclear arms race and the U.S.-Soviet rivalry were born together and until now there has never been a m o m e n t in which we could think about the nuclear question outside the context of that rivalry. Now that m o m e n t has arrived, and although the government can afford to think only incremen-

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tally, the academy is the place to attempt a fundamental reassessment of the goals and directions for U.S. nuclear weapons policy. 11 W e can begin with the political legacy: the popular assumption that the United States " w o n " the Cold War and that nuclear weapons in their role as deterrent and coercive threat played a crucial role in keeping the peace and possibly even hastening the victory. A less popular but at least equally plausible thesis is that nobody won the Cold War. From this point of view, Soviet communism collapsed from its own moral and economic weaknesses, and U.S. hostility and threats had more to do with legitimating and prolonging it than with bringing it down. At the same time, our own immense expenditures on military preparedness led to huge budget deficits and inadequate investments in education, infrastructure, and commercial research and development. This is not the place to argue for one or the other of these points of view but only to say that the debate deserves attention in our political science and economics courses. Military spending has both positive and negative effects on the overall economy, but the relative weights are uncertain and controversial, as are the prospects for conversion of existing military industrial facilities to civilian uses. We need to understand better the role that military spending plays in our economy and how to minimize the harmful effects and maximize the benefits of major reductions in military spending. The environmental legacy is also important. Although we have nothing on the scale of Chernobyl to worry about, we do have the H a n f o r d (Washington) Reservation, where dozens of huge tanks filled with liquid radioactive wastes threaten to leak or even explode. We have the Rocky Flats facility near Denver, where nearly forty years of plutonium processing has left many buildings and the surrounding land heavily contaminated. We have an e n o r m o u s n u m b e r of old burial and d u m p sites where radioactive materials were disposed of with little regard for their effects on the environment or h u m a n beings. And we have vast quantities of radioactive wastes, both military and civilian, for which we still d o not have a satisfactory method of long-term management or disposal. 12 T h e D e p a r t m e n t of Energy ( D O E ) and its predecessor agencies have traditionally been preoccupied with producing nuclear weapons. But the shutdown of the production complex has brought this activity to a halt. T h e uncertain future of the U.S. nuclear arsenal and public opposition to the construction of new nuclear facilities have forced the D O E to postp o n e its plans to rebuild and restart the complex several times. 13 Meanwhile, efforts have accelerated to clean up the environmental damage caused by its previous activities, and these now take the lion's share of the D O E ' s annual budget appropriation. However, there are good reasons to doubt that the D O E has the managerial and technical expertise to d o this job properly, especially in view of the shortage of qualified environmental

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scientists and technicians. 1 4 P r o b l e m s of e n v i r o n m e n t a l c l e a n u p are inherently interdisciplinary, bringing s c i e n c e and politics t o g e t h e r in interesting and socially useful ways. T h e s a m e groups of physicists, political scientists, biologists, and psychologists w h o used to teach t o g e t h e r in courses o n nuclear war s h o u l d n o w be thinking of ways to e d u c a t e the n e w g e n e r a t i o n of e n v i r o n m e n t a l managers and technicians w h o will h a v e to work with f r i g h t e n e d and suspicious c o m m u n i t i e s o n issues of nuclear pollution and w a s t e disposal. T h e s e are only a few preliminary t h o u g h t s o n h o w w e might r e d e f i n e the nuclear p r o b l e m in our teaching o n p e a c e and world security issues. A n y o n e w h o has b e e n active in this field and wants to c o n t i n u e will u n d o u b t e d l y h a v e begun to g e n e r a t e s o m e of his or her o w n ideas. T h e thread that ties all such ideas together is the fact that the nuclear d i l e m m a , although c h a n g e d in important ways, is still with us and will not be g o i n g away any time soon. W e can rejoice in the e n d of our students' (and our o w n ) nightmares of nuclear annihilation, but w e must remind t h e m that a lot of hard work remains to be d o n e and that m u c h of it will have to be d o n e by them.

Notes 1. Daniel C. Thomas and Michael T. Klare, eds., Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 5th ed. (Boulder, Colo., Westview Press, 1989), pp. 15-16. 2. Ibid., p. 35. 3. Jonathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth (New York: Avon Books, 1982), and The Abolition (New York: Avon Books, 1984); Helen Caldicott, Missile Envy: The Arms Race and Nuclear War (New York: Bantam Books, 1986). 4. Michael Riordan.ed., The Day After Midnight: The Effects of Nuclear War (Palo Alto: Cheshire Books, 1982). 5. Two excellent references for information on the U.S., Russian, and other nuclear arsenals are the analyses published periodically in Arms Control Today and "Nuclear Notebook," which appears monthly on the inside back cover of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. Another excellent source of data is the SIPRI Yearbook, published annually by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute and Oxford University Press. 6. Two books that treat proliferation in this spirit are McGeorge Bundy, Danger and Survival: Choices About the Bomb in the First Fifty Years (New York: R a n d o m House, 1988), and Peter Pringle and James Spigelman, The Nuclear Barons (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1981). For a study of a number of states that have decided against nuclear arsenals, see Mitchell Reiss, Without the Bomb: The Politics of Nuclear Nonproliferation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988). A n excellent recent study of the evolution of U.S. nonproliferation attitudes and policies is Peter A. Clausen, Nonproliferation and the National Interest: America's Response to the Spread of Nuclear Weapons (New York: Harper/Collins, 1992). 7. A good analysis of the Baruch Plan can be found in Bundy, Danger and

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Survival, chap. 4. 8. A n excellent source of information on the problem of nuclear weapons in t h e f o r m e r Soviet Republics is the January/February 1992 issue oiArms Control Today, which contains a n u m b e r of articles devoted primarily to that subject. Arms Control Today also follows recent developments in this field. For example, see William C. Potter, "Nuclear Exports from the F o r m e r Soviet Union: W h a t ' s New, W h a t ' s T r u e , " Arms Control Today, January/February 1993, pp. 3-10. 9. A n authoritative account of the consequences of the Chernobyl accident can be found in Z h o r e s Medvedev, The Legacy of Chernobyl (New York: W . W . N o r t o n , 1990). T h e best reference on the overall environmental and public health situation in the f o r m e r Soviet Union is Murray Feshbach and A l f r e d Friendly, Jr., Ecocide in the USSR: The Looming Disaster in Soviet Health and Environment (New York: Basic Books, 1992). 10. " U k r a i n e Says It May Sell Nuclear A r m s to Highest Bidder," Boston Globe, N o v e m b e r 6, 1992, p. 10; Serge Schmemann, " U k r a i n e Asks Aid for Its A r m s C u r b , " New York Times, N o v e m b e r 13,1992, p. A10. 11. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , many of the most recent publications on future U.S. nuclear policy have been unable to break away from the traditional focus on the Soviet, now Russian, " t h r e a t . " See, for example, Charles L. Glaser, "Nuclear Policy Without an Adversary," International Security, Spring 1992, pp. 34-78, and Michele A. Fournoy, ed.. Nuclear Weapons After the Cold War: Guidelines for U.S. Policy (New York: Harper/Collins, 1993). More radical proposals have been put forward by individuals like Robert M c N a m a r a ("Nobody Needs Nukes," New York Times, February 23, 1993, p. A21) and organizations like the Union of C o n c e r n e d Scientists ( J o n a t h a n D e a n and Kurt Gottfried, A Program for World Nuclear Security, [Cambridge, Mass.: February 1992]). 12. Two good introductions to the problems of radioactive waste management are R o n n i e D. Lipschutz, Radioactive Waste: Politics, Technology and Risk ( C a m bridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1980), and R a y m o n d L. Murray, Understanding Radioactive Waste (Columbus, Ohio: Battelle Press, 1989). A n excellent review of the problems created by the m a n u f a c t u r e and disposal of plutonium is H o w a r d H u , A r j u n Makhijani, and K a t h e r i n e Yih, Plutonium: Deadly Gold of the Nuclear Age (Cambridge, Mass.: International Physicians Press, 1992). A good introductory text on nuclear issues intended for nonscience undergraduates is Michael Wolfson, Nuclear Choices: A Citizen's Guide to Nuclear Technology (New York: M c G r a w Hill, 1991). 13. T h e D O E ' s own study of the reconfiguration of the weapons complex is Nuclear Weapons Complex Reconfiguration Study, D O E / D P - 0 0 8 3 (Washington, D.C., January 1991). T w o independent studies of the problems of reconfiguration are Allan S. Krass, The Future of the U.S. Nuclear Weapons Complex (Cambridge, Mass.: Union of C o n c e r n e d Scientists, May 1991), and Peter Gray, ed., Facing Reality (Seattle: Nuclear Safety Campaign, May 1992). 14. U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Complex Cleanup: The Environmental Legacy of Nuclear Weapons Production, O T A - O - 4 8 4 (Washington, D.C., F e b r u a r y 1991).

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Michael Parkhurst University of Massachusetts at Amherst: Political Science 250: "Citizenship in the Nuclear Age" Fall 1992 Course Description and Requirements Because misusing the power of the atom could destroy civilization, a central question of our age is whether citizens have adequate knowledge and understanding to make informed decisions about nuclear issues, and enough influence to make a favorable difference in policy decisions. In a democracy, the ultimate responsibility for government policy rests with the citizens, who arc not assumed to be experts but are assumed to be familiar with basic issues. Therefore, this course is designed to help students gain the minimum level of knowledge and understanding needed to enable citizens to make informed and thoughtful choices concerning the key issues of our nuclear age. This does not mean that citizens have to become experts: we all consult professionals from time to time. But we do need to make reasonable judgments when experts disagree, as they often do. Politically speaking, this means we must be able to express our judgments in terms understandable to various publics, including our classmates, instructors, fellow citizens, and elected representatives. Because nuclear issues have multiple dimensions (scientific, political, historical, philosophical, psychological, and educational), this course will be taught from an interdisciplinary perspective by faculty from several departments. Students from all political and. disciplinary perspectives are invited to participate. During the course, all students are expected to express themselves critically and reflectively about what they read, hear, and believe, both in class and in writing. Course

Rationale

Despite the dramatic decline in tensions between East and West, there has been very little change in the objective facts of the nuclear age. Even if all current negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union's successor states bear fruit, these nations will still have thousands of nuclear devices of every size and description. In addition, the three other acknowledged nuclear powers—Britain, France, and China—are

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not now engaged in any negotiations or programs of reduction in their respective nuclear forces. T h e r e are also a number of nations that have not acknowledged possession of nuclear weapons but are widely believed to be able to manufacture them, including Argentina, Brazil, India, Iraq, Israel, Pakistan, South Africa, and North Korea. In addition, delivery systems of various types are readily available on the global weapons market. So, it is evident that the end of the Cold War does not m e a n the disappearance of the threat posed by nuclear weapons any more than it means that international peace has become a permanent state of affairs. Concerns for security, from personal to global, have not been left in the dustbin of history by some transformation of human nature or political thinking, any more than the age-old connection between feelings of security and military arms has been broken. As m e m b e r s of the h u m a n race and as individual citizens of a particular nation, we are confronted with the question of what nuclear strategies our government should promote. We are frequently told that nuclear strategy is a matter for experts because of its technical complexities and the necessity of maintaining military secrecy. But the basic assumption of this course is that just as war is loo important to be left to the generals, as the old saying has it, so nuclear strategies are too important to be left to experts. We need to r e m e m b e r that not one of our elected presidents over the past fifty years was an expert in nuclear affairs. Nevertheless, the president is nominally the only authority in this country who has a finger on the button. You may feel that the president has access to the experts in a way that we, as ordinary citizens, do not. However, presidents pick and choose among possible experts, and frequently surround themselves with advisers who agree with their own political outlooks. But as ordinary citizens, without immediate decisionmaking responsibilities, we d o need and can afford to listen to and reflect on a wide variety of expert opinions before making our judgments. How are the supposed objective truths of science and technology, which are the business of experts, related to political and public opinion? It is this relationship that is the crux of our course. Clearly the technical capacity to do something does not carry with it the logical necessity of doing it. It is widely said, for example, that a policy of nuclear deterrence must comprise two factors: one is the objective technical capacity to retaliate in the face of nuclear attack; the other factor, just as important, is the political will to retaliate and the ways of making such will credible to those who seem to threaten an attack. Thus, we inevitably enter the realms of politics and psychology, which are just as inevitably matters of opinion rather than objective fact. T h e uniqueness of this course among university offerings is its attempt to treat nuclear issues from multiple perspectives—scientific, technological, political, philosophical, psychological, historical, and educational.

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Though politics and policy must always remain in the realm of opinion, as Aristotle thought, we must also say, with Aristotle, that some opinions may be better than others, especially opinions that are the result of wide-ranging public discussions from a variety of viewpoints. Citizens have an obligation to enter into such public discussions with some knowledge of science and technology, but they must also enter into them on the basis of serious reflection about how their own political opinions have been formed and some serious listening to those with whom their first reaction is disagreement. In the last analysis, a citizen who is unable to speak persuasively—even to those with whom disagreements are inevitable—is in some measure a citizen without a useful voice. It is the instructor's expectation that each student will take the opportunity offered by this course to speak critically and reflectively about what he or she reads, hears, and believes. T h e ensuing discussion is what we all are here for. Required Texts Students are responsible for readings from the textbook The Arms Race and Nuclear War, by David P. Barash, to be purchased (under the heading of Education 250) at the UMass Textbook Annex, and extra readings that will be handed out from time to time in class. Details are given on the syllabus. Readings should be completed before the lecture for which they are assigned. Because of rapid changes in the world political situation— changes that have implications for nuclear policy—we are also requiring students to read the daily New York Times or Boston Globe and to be prepared to discuss current happenings in the discussion sections. Course •

Assignments

I.A Short Essay: Taking a Stand on a Nuclear Issue

Write a three- to five-page typed (or computer-printed) essay on the following topic, based on the assigned readings or class discussion: When, if ever, should the United States use military force to prevent or reverse proliferation of nuclear military capability? Your paper should consider: (1) the limits, if any, on the force that should be used, and (2) the strongest arguments against your position and how you would refute them. •

II. Three General

Assignments

o I. Updating Nuclear Issues (Neio York Times/Boston ment)

Globe assign-

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Goals: (1) T o follow the general trends of rapidly changing nuclear issues; and (2) T o trace one specific, significant story. Assignment: Write a three- to five-page paper tracing a significant, continuing story related to nuclear issues. Subjects might include nuclcar proliferation; restricting the arms trade; nuclear power; nuclear waste disposal; changes in U.S. nuclear strategy or arms control policy; nuclear arms limitation treaties; military implications of changes in the former Soviet Union and Eastern E u r o p e ; debates about the U.S. military budget or specific weapons systems or arms modernization; changes in the N A T O military organization and strategy. All facts and quotations in your paper should be footnoted with at least six to eight specific, different references to the New York Times and/or the Boston Globe. Inform your discussion leader of your proposed topic by October 23; submit your completed paper by Friday, D e c e m b e r 11. o 2. Reaction to Debate on Nuclear Power Issues or Citizen (Choose A or B)

Interviews.

• A. D e b a t e Reaction W e plan to have " p r o " and "anti" nuclcar power speakers in class. T h e speakers have been asked to address the relative costs and risks of nuclear and conventional power. In addition, we will have a " d e b a t e " in discussion section on the following topic: What place should nuclear power have in our energy future? Greater, the same, or less than at present? Assignment: We would like your thoughts on the above question in a brief (three- to four-page) paper. Your paper should include your answer to the debate topic, your reasons, and your assessment of the comparative benefits and risks of nuclear versus conventional power. Y o u should take into account the points both for and against your point of view raised by the student debaters, guest speakers, and articles provided in class, and should also respond to the strongest arguments opposing your point of view. • B. Citizen Interviews Goals: (1) T o decide what you believe are the most important facts and opinions about nuclear issues, (2) to learn what other citizens think about these issues, and (3) to analyze and interpret the significance of what others think. T h e questionnaire. Prepare twelve to fifteen questions concerning what you believe are the most important (1) facts, (2) opinions, and (3) projections or predictions concerning nuclear issues. Approximately four or five of the questions should be open-ended. Questions should be

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balanced, neutral, and unambiguous. They should be reviewed by your discussion leader in advance. Collecting responses. Seek responses from five to seven citizens. Respondents should be (1) family, friends, or neighbors from your hometown, if possible, or (2) no more than half should be students if you will not be visiting home during the semester. Analysis. Discuss your responses. This three- to four-page assignment should include (1) a brief summary of the responses, and (2) a discussion of what you find most surprising and significant about the responses. Your draft questions should be submitted to your discussion leader by November 8, and your summarized responses and analysis should be submitted by December 6. o 3. Assessment of Periodicals Assess periodicals as described below. Submit a three- to five-page typed assessment to your section leader on November 6. 1. Review several of the following periodicals: The Atlantic, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Commentary, Foreign Affairs, Harper's, In These Times, The Nation, National Interest, National Review, New Republic, New York Review of Books, New Yorker, Scientific American, World Policy Journal, or journals preapproved by your discussion leader. 2. Compare and analyze at least three articles on a single nuclear topic (for example, modernization of nuclear arms, the B - 2 bomber, "Star Wars," nuclear arms limitation treaties, nuclear power, or any of the other topics listed under the newspaper assignment above) in terms of "objectivity'Vbias; persuasiveness; political perspective; and usefulness. •

III. Quizzes

There will be about six to eight unannounced short quizzes (one to three true/false, multiple-choice, or fill-in-the-blank questions) during lectures or discussion sections. They will consist of basic questions from assigned reading and/or the previous lecture. We will eliminate your two poorest quiz grades. All quizzes together will count for about 8 percent of your total grade. •

IV. Midterm

Exam

There will be a midterm, in-class exam to test your knowledge of nuclear "facts" covered in the text and the lectures.

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V. Final Exam Course Grade

10% essay; 15% midterm exam; 12% debate reaction; 1 3 % periodical assessment or interviews; 12% New York Times/Boston Globe assignment; 8 % quizzes; 2 0 % final exam essays; 10% discussion section participation.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments o 1. Course

Overview

General introduction of course aims and the lecturers/TAs; use of tactical nuclear weapons to save lives (for example, in Desert Storm). •

War, Politics, and Nuclear o 2. International

Weapons

Relations and Nuclear

Ethics

Read: Barash, chap. 13, pp. 303-312; Chomsky (handout). o 3. When Is the Use or Threat of Force Justified Proliferation ?

to Prevent

Nuclear

Read: Barash, chap. 11. Read for discussion section: Barash, chap. 9. ° 4. Nuclear Psychology Applied to Regional

Issues

Read: Barash, chap. 14. o 5. Wliat's Happening in Weapons Proliferation ? Risks and

Dangers

Guest speaker: Prof. Michael Klare, Hampshire College o 6. Technical Issues and Citizen

Influence

Read: Handout. •

Technology

of Nuclear

Weapons

o 7. Weapons Systems, Past, Present, and Future Tactical and battlefield weapons; short-range missiles; bombs and bombers; Cruise missiles, medium- and long-range missiles (ICBMs, S L B M s ) ; antimissile defenses.

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R e a d : B a r a s h , pp. 17-23,47-53, chaps. 2 , 7 , 8 . Essay due: W h e n , if ever, should the U n i t e d States use military force to p r e v e n t or reverse proliferation of nuclear military capability? o 8. What Makes the Bomb ? A t o m i c structure, radioactive decay, half-lives, binding energy curve, chain reactions, and fission/fusion. R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 1. ° 9. Movie: Fat Man and Little Boy. o 10. Effects of Nuclear

Weapons

R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 4. o 11. Biological Effects R a d i a t i o n and cells, whole-body effects, carcinogens. R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 6. ° 22. Long-term

Effects

M u t a t i o n s , fallout patterns, nuclear winter. •

Nuclear

Power

o 13. Nuclear Pou'er Reactors. Benefits and Dangers R e a d : B a r a s h , pp. 257-262. o 14. Nuclear Power Debate: Is It Necessary ? Is It Safe? Visiting speakers: representative of N o r t h e a s t Utilities a n d M i k e D a l e y of the N e w E n g l a n d Coalition on N u c l e a r Pollution. •

National

Security,

Arms Reduction

and Nuclear

Policy

o 15. Deterrence. How Much Is Enough? R e a d : B a r a s h , chap. 6; " M A D is the M o r a l Position," by K a t t e n b e r g (handout). °

16. The Economics of Defense and

Conversion

G u e s t S p e a k e r : Prof. W. G e o f f r e y S h e p h e r d , E c o n o m i c s D e p a r t ment, UMass.

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Read: Barash, chap. 12. o 17. Nuclear Weapons: Controls and Risks in the Former Soviet Union Guest Speaker: Prof. Karl Ryavec, History D e p a r t m e n t , UMass. o 18. Negotiated Agreements; Testing; SALT and INF Read: Barash, chap. 10, pp. 213-230. ° 19. Implications

of Recent International

Changes for Strategic 17.5.

Defensive Programs Guest Speaker: Dr. G e o r g e R. Schneiter, Director, Strategic & Space Systems, Office of the U n d e r Secretary of Defense o 20. Step-by-Step

Procedures for Getting Rid of Nuclear Weapons

Read: Barash, chap. 10, pp. 231-253. o 21.

Documentary:

"Lethal Legacy of the B o m b , " from the PBS N O V A series. •

Citizen Action and Altema tive ° 22. Alternate Modes of Citizen

Futures Action

How to Prevent Nuclear War, film by Liane Brandon. o 23. Effects of National Democracy

Security

in the Nuclear Age on American

° 24. Enforceable World Law: Peace, Development, and the Environment Read: Barash, chap. 15. o 25. What Citizens Are Doing Visitor: A n d r e a Ayvazian, Communitas, Inc., Amherst, Mass.

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Nancy Gallagher Wesleyan University Government 328: " Arms Control and Global Security" Fall 1992 Course Description and Requirements This course examines the factors that determine how well arms control agreements can constrain competition and promote less adversarial forms of international security. We begin with an overview of key issues underlying arms control debates. Then we investigate these basic dilemmas of security in the nuclear age as they are reflected in the history of U.S. strategic doctrine and arms control policy. T h e third section looks at the process of arms control decisionmaking to show how domestic and international factors interact. Students will apply these insights in an arms control negotiation simulation. The final section of the course explores new security problems in the post-Cold War era. Course

Requirements

Students will receive letter grades. Final grades will be based on participation in class discussions and the simulation, several short papers, a midterm, and a final examination. To facilitate class discussion, students are expected to prepare thoroughly and complete written assignments on time. The simulation requires several evening sessions. To participate, students must b e available for the full simulation. Please speak with the instructor as soon as possible if you anticipate any difficulties with this schedule. Course grade distribution: participation, 15%; themes paper, 10%; midterm, 20%; simulation paper, 20%; issue editorial, 10%; final, 25%. Required Texts • John Newhouse, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age • Michael Klare and Daniel Thomas, World Security: Challenges at Century's End (K&T).

Trends

and

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• Charles Kegley and E u g e n e Wittkopf, eds., The Nuclear 2d ed. (K&W). • R a y m o n d Smith, Negotiating with the Soviets

Reader,

Supplementary readings are marked with an asterisk (*) on the syllabus. Students should familiarize themselves with current events by reading a newspaper with good international coverage or listening to "All Things Considered" on National Public Radio.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Introduction and Overview

Read: *Carol Cohn, "Sex and D e a t h in the Rational World of the D e f e n s e Intellectual," Signs 12 (Summer 1987). •

2. Anns and

Intentions

Read: *John Lewis Gaddis, " T h e Long Peace: Elements of Stability in the Postwar International System," International Security 10 (Spring 1986); Richard Falk, "Theory, Realism, and World Security," in K&T, pp. 6-24. •

3. Are Nuclear Weapons Fundamentally

Different ?

Read: in K&W: Barbara G. Levi et al., "Civilian Casualties from 'Limited' Nuclear Attacks," pp. 281-283; John Weinstein, "Soviet Civil D e f e n s e , " pp. 302-312; Louis R e n e Beres, "Surviving Nuclear War: U.S. Plans for Crisis Relocation," pp. 313-319; Carl Sagan, "Nuclear War and Climatic Catastrophe," pp. 320-335; Starley T h o m p s o n and Stephen Schneider, "Nuclear Winter Reappraised," pp. 336-344. •

4. What Would a Nuclear War Be Like?

See: Threads (110 min.). Read: in K&W: Harvard Nuclear Study Group, " H o w Might a Nuclear War Begin?" pp. 256-269; Jonathan Schell, "Nuclear Holocaust," pp. 270-281 (optional). •

5. Implications Read: *Caspar Weinberger, Annual

Report to Congress, FY 1987,

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(selections); *Alice Cook and Gwyn Kirk, Greer.ham Women Everywhere, pp. 5-37; *Graham Allison et al., eds., Hawks, Doves and Owls, pp. 206-246. • 6. Deterrence and Reassurance Read: Kosta Tsipis, "The Future of Nuclear Deterrence," in K&T, pp. 45-67; ^Stephen Kull, Minds at War, pp. 3-29. • 7. The Tliermonuclear

Dilemma

Read: Newhouse, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age, pp. 1-184. • 8. Mutual Destruction and Risk Reduction Read: Newhouse, War and Peace, pp. 185-291. • 9. MAD Versus NUTS Read: Newhouse, War and Peace, pp. 292-364; Theodore Draper, "Nuclear Temptations," in K&W, pp. 25-40; Spurgeon Keeny, Jr., and Wolfgang Panofsky, " M A D vs. NUTS," in K&W, pp. 49-53. •

10. Strategic Defenses

Read: Newhouse, War and Peace, pp. 365-412; Robert McNamara, "The Star Wars Defense System: A Technical Note," in K&W, pp. 213222: Charles Glaser, "Managing the Transition from Offense to Defense." in K&W, pp. 223-232; Daniel Deudney, "The High Frontier of Outer Space in the 1990s: Star Wars or Spaceship Earth?" in K&T, pp. 101-122. •

11. Arms Control and the End of the Cold War

Read: Newhouse, War and Peace, pp. 413-427; Walter Clemens, "Soviet-U.S. Relations: Confrontation, Cooperation, Transformation?" in K&T, pp. 25-44; Allan Krass, "Death and Transfiguration: Nuclear Arms Control in the 1980s and 1990s," in K&T, pp. 68-100; T h o m a s Risse-Kappen, "Did 'Peace Through Strength' End the Cold War? Lessons from the INF," International Security 16 (Summer 1991). •

12. Is Arms Control the Answer?—The

Case of the CTBT

Read: Arms Control Today, Special Issue (November 1990).

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13. The Impact of Domestic

Politics

Read: *Stephen Miller, "Politics over Promise," International rity, Spring 1984. •

14. Negotiating

Styles

R e a d : S m i t h , Negotiating

•

Secu-

15. Simulation

with the

Soviets.

Preparation

Read: Marie Hoguet, "Beancounting and Wargaming," in K & W , pp. 141 -146. These chapters of K & W may be especially useful as you develop your negotiating position: 7, 8,12-19. •

16. Simulation

•

17. Simulation

•

18. European

(3

sessions)

Debriefing

Security

Read: T h o m a s Risse-Kappen, "From Mutual Containment to Common Security: E u r o p e During and A f t e r the Cold War," in K & T , pp. 123-143; *Richard Betts, "Systems for Peace or Causes of War? Collective Security, A r m s Control and the New E u r o p e , " International Security, Summer 1992. •

19. Citizen

Soldiers?

Women and Military

Service

Read: *Cynthia Enloe, Does Khaki Become You? pp. 117-159; Enloe. " T h e G e n d e r e d Gulf," in Cynthia Peters, ed., Collateral Damage, pp. 93-111; *Sheila Tobias, "Shifting Heroisms: T h e Use of Military Service in Politics," in J e a n B e t h k e Elshtain and Shelia Tobias, eds., Women, War and Militarism, pp. 163-185. •

20. Proliferation

and Arms

Transfers

Read: In K&T: Peter Clausen, "Nuclear Proliferation in the 1980s and 1990s," pp. 144-169; Michael Klare, "Deadly Convergence: T h e A r m s Trade, Nuclear/Chemical/Missile Proliferation, and Regional Conflict in the 1990s," pp. 170-196; Nicole Ball, "Militarized States in the Third World," pp. 197-225.

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• 21. Economics of Arms Reductions Read: *Seymour Melman, "Profits without Production," in Suzanne Gordon and Dave McFadden, eds., Economic Conversion, pp. 19-31; *Hendrick Smith, "Pentagon Games: The Politics of Pork and Turf," in The Power Game, pp. 160-215; *Ann Markusen and Joel Yudken, "Scaling the Wall of Separation," in Dismantling the Cold War Economy, pp. 208-240. • 22. Lesson from Arms Control for a Secure

Environment

Read: In K&T: Jessica Tuchman Matthews, "The Environment and International Security," pp. 362-380; David Wirth, "Catastrophic Climate Change," pp. 381-400. • 23. Toward Global Security Read: In K&T: Robert Johansen, " A Policy Framework for World Security," pp. 401-425; Margaret Karns and Karen Mingst, "Multilateral Institutions and International Security," pp. 266-294.

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Lisa Brandes Tufts University Political Science 150: " Force, Strategy, and Arms Control" Fall 1992 Course Description and Requirements In this class, we study the role of military force in world politics. Although some argue that we arc now entering a p o s t - C o l d W a r era in which great-power conflict is much less likely, war is not likely to b e c o m e obsolete at any time in the near future. Even with reduced chances for nuclear war between the superpowers, the maintenance of huge stockpiles of nuclear armaments by a few nations and the determined desire to acquire them on the part of a number of other states make issues of nuclear strategy central to any discussion of national security, or of a peaceful new world order. This class has four main concerns. First, we examine the role of military force in world politics, analyzing the strategic thought that guides the development and the utilization of defense establishments. W e pay special attention to the nature of deterrence, and the components of deterrence success. Next, we examine the evolution of nuclear weapons policy as an integral part of defense of many nations, but primarily the United States and the former Soviet Union, in the period since World W a r II. Third, we study the accomplishments of and prospects for arms control as an ongoing attempt to reduce the likelihood of war, to enhance stability, and to diminish the damage of war should it occur. W e end by examining potential ethical and political constraints on the use of military force in world affairs.

Structure

of the

Course

This course is designed primarily as a lecture class, but we will allot about fifteen minutes at the end of class at least once each week for questions and discussion. T h e instructor will evaluate students on the quality of their class participation. Students should be prepared for discussion, completing the reading before class, and paying attention to events in the news. A s you read, you might want to j o t down anything that you feel needs clarification, or that raises questions in your mind. Y o u may wish to

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p r e p a r e an a r g u m e n t of y o u r o w n f o r p r e s e n t a t i o n , or c r i t i q u e a r e a d i n g in light of r e c e n t events. A t times, I m a y o f f e r study q u e s t i o n s b e f o r e h a n d , as an aid to r e a d i n g a n d discussion. Course Goals In this class, t h e lectures, readings, a n d a s s i g n m e n t s a r e d e s i g n e d to h e l p s t u d e n t s t o achieve t h e following goals: 1. T o learn to e x a m i n e critically t h e r a n g e of political a r g u m e n t s o n issues of p e a c e a n d war. 2. T o gain i n f o r m a t i o n necessary to u n d e r s t a n d i n g security issues, a n d t o d e v e l o p t h e ability to a c q u i r e f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n o n o n e ' s own. 3. T o p r o m o t e logical clarity a n d conciseness in t h e e x p r e s s i o n of ideas, in oral a n d written f o r m . 4. T o b e c o m e m o r e discriminating c o n s u m e r s of m e d i a r e p o r t s of n a t i o n a l security affairs. Required

Texts

Course books. S t u d e n t s will r e a d the following b o o k s in this c o u r s e : A r m s C o n t r o l A s s o c i a t i o n ( A C A ) , Arms Control and National Security: An Introduction ( A C A , 1989). R o b e r t J. A r t a n d K e n n e t h N. Waltz, eds., The Use of Force: Military Power and International Politics, 3d ed. ( L a n h a m . Md.: University Press of A m e r i c a , 1988). E t h a n K a p s l e i n , The Political Economy of National Security ( N e w Y o r k : M c G r a w Hill, 1992). M i c h a e l H o w a r d , Clausewitz, Past M a s t e r s Series ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d University Press, 1983). R i c h a r d S m o k e , National Security and the Nuclear Dilemma: An Introduction to the American Experience, 2d ed. ( R a n d o m H o u s e , 1987). R i c h a r d A . W a s s e r s t r o m , War and Morality ( B e l m o n t , Calif.: W a d s w o r t h , 1970). Course packet. A c o u r s e p a c k e t of various p h o t o c o p i e d readings, primarily b o o k c h a p t e r s a n d j o u r n a l articles, will b e available f o r p u r c h a s e . R e a d ings f o u n d in t h e p a c k e t a r e m a r k e d in t h e syllabus with an asterisk (*). T h e p a c k e t s will b e sold directly to s t u d e n t s d u r i n g t h e first w e e k s of class. I e x p e c t s t u d e n t s to b u y t h e c o u r s e p a c k e t , b u t t h e s e m a t e r i a l s also h a v e b e e n p l a c e d on r e s e r v e at Wessell L i b r a r y . News media. I e x p e c t s t u d e n t s to follow c o n t e m p o r a r y e v e n t s in t h e field

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of international security by paying regular attention to the news: being a consistent media consumer will provide information for class discussion and for developing a topic for your essay. Course Requirements Students will have the opportunity to demonstrate their command of the course material and concepts in several ways. The following assignments total 100 points. 1. In-class midterm examination: 25 percent of grade. Students will complete a written exam containing both short-answer identification items and a choice of one of several essay questions. 2. Analytical essay: 30 percent of grade. Students will prepare an analytical essay (not a research term paper) of no more than 10 pages. Specific information on this assignment will be provided in class. 3. Final examination: 35 percent of grade. Students will write answers to two essay questions and to brief identification items. 4. Class participation: 10 percent of grade. Your participation in class provides another means for evaluation. I base this grade upon the quality, not the quantity, of your effort.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

I. Strategic Studies and Strategic

Theory

o 1. What Is Strategy and How Do We Study It? Read: Smoke, Dilemma, appendix, pp. 301-306; *Hedley Bull, "Strategic Studies and Its Critics," World Politics 20 (July 1968); ^Stephen Walt, "The Renaissance of Security Studies," International Studies Quarterly 35 (1991): 211-239. o 2. Introduction to Strategic Theory Read: *Russell F. Weigley, "American Strategy from Its Beginnings Through the First World War," in Peter Paret, ed., Makers of Modem Strategy: From Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 1986, chap. 15, pp. 408-443; Howard, Clausewitz, entire. In Art and Waltz, Use: Posen, pp. 44-66; Jervis, pp. 67-97; Van Evera, pp. 125-151. Smoke, Dilemma, chaps. 1-2, pp. 1-22.

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o 3. Tlteoty and Practice of Deterrence Read: In Art and Waltz, Use: Schelling, pp. 3-24; Snyder, pp. 25-43. Paul H u t h and Bruce Russett, " W h a t Makes D e t e r r e n c e W o r k ? " World Politics 36, no. 4 (1984): 496-526. See video "For All Practical Purposes: Part III: Social Choice": Show 3, Z e r o Sum Games; Show 4, Prisoners Dilemma (to be shown during class time). •

II. Nuclear Strategy

and Nuclear

Weapons

o 1. Development of Nuclear Strategy and Nuclear Policy I: From Hiroshima to Assured Destruction Read: A C A , Introduction, Chap. 2, pp. 17-26, Timeline, p. 43, A p p e n dix III, Abbreviations, p. 157, Appendix IV, Glossary, pp. 158-163. In Art and Waltz, Use: Dulles, pp. 98-102; Khrushchev, pp. 102-103; Halperin, pp. 220-237. Smoke, Dilemma, chaps. 3-6, pp. 23-105, Glossary, pp. 307314. *NSC 68, Foreign Relations of the United States [FRUS], 1950, vol. 1, pp. 234-292. o 2. Development of Nuclear Strategy and Nuclear Policy II: Flexible Response, Extended Deterrence, and the Countervailing Strategy Read: A C A , Introduction, chap. 3, pp. 27-37; Smoke, Dilemma, chap. 7, pp. 106-131, chap. 12, pp. 227-246, chap. 14, pp. 283-300. In Art and Waltz, Use: Wohlstetter, pp. 238-273; McNamara, pp. 104-106; Schlesinger, pp. 106-111; Brown, pp. 112-117; Brezhnev, pp. 118-121; Gaddis, pp. 274-306; Blechman and Hart, pp. 307-327; Bund et al„ pp. 481-492; Kaiser et al„ pp. 493-501. ° 3. Waging Nuclear War Read: *Paul Bracken, The Command and Control of Nuclear Forces (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), chap. 6, pp. 179-237. In A r t and Waltz, Use: Nitze, pp. 349-360; Gray, pp. 361-377; Art, pp. 378-396; Jervis, pp. 397-408. See video: "Failsafe." o 4. The Effects of Nuclear War and the Possibility of Protection Read: A C A , Introduction, "Effects," pp. 8-9; ""Jonathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth (New York: Knopf, 1982), pp. 36-54; *Carl Sagan, "Nuclear War and Climatic Catastrophe," Foreign Affairs 62 (Winter 1983/1984): 257-292; »Stanley L. T h o m s o n and Stephen H. Schneider, "Nuclear Winter Reappraised," Foreign Affairs 64 (Summer 1986): 9811005; *Jennifer Leaning, "Star Wars Revives Civil D e f e n s e , " Bulletin of

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the Atomic Scientists 43 (May 1987): 42-46. See videos: "Duck and Cover," "War Game." o 5. Strategic Defense Read: A B M and SDI: ACA, Introduction, chap. 7, pp. 67-85. In Arl and Waltz, Use: Brzezinski, Jastrow, and Kampelman, pp. 409-419; Glaser, pp. 420-441. Smoke, Dilemma, chap. 13, pp. 247-282. o 6. Strategic Balances and Arms Races Read: A C A , Introduction, "Comparing US and Soviet Nuclear Forces," pp. 38-41, Appendices I, II, pp. 154-156; Smoke, Dilemma, chaps. 10-11, pp. 182-226. In Art and Waltz, Use: Mearsheimer, pp. 442-463; Huntington, pp. 637-670. • III. Arms Control: Theory and Practice o 1. The Purpose of Arms Control Read: ACA, Introduction, pp. 1-7, 10-15. In Art and Waltz, Use: Brodie, pp. 618-636; Schelling, pp. 671-683. *Hedley Bull, "Arms Control and World Order," International Security 1, no. 1 (1976): 3-16. ° 2. Political Economy of National Security: Domestic and International Processes Read: Kapstein, Political Economy, entire. ° 3. Controlling the Bomb: Testing and Proliferation Read: ACA, Introduction, chaps. 11-12, pp. 110-125; Smoke, Dilemma, chap. 8, pp. 132-155. In Art and Waltz, Use: Waltz, pp. 684-712; Dunn, pp. 713-726. *Tom A. Zamora, "Put a Cap on Testing," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 48 (March 1992): 25-29. ° 4. Reducing the Threat: Controlling Conventional, Biological, and Chemical Weapons; Creating Confidence-Building Measures, and International Peace Operations Read: ACA, Introduction, chap. 9, pp. 92-99, chaps. 13-14, pp. 126137. In Art and Waltz, Use: Brown, pp. 172-183. *"1925 Protocol (Gas and Bacteriological Warfare)," in US Treaties and Other International Agreements (US TIAS), vol. 26, part 1 (1975), Document 8061, excerpts; *"1972 Biological Weapons Convention," US TIAS, vol. 26, part 1 (1975), Document 8062, excerpts; *"Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe: Final Act (Helsinki Accords)," U.S. Dept. of State Bulletin 73, no.

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Reduction and Elimination of Nuclear Weapons

Sys-

1888 (September 1,1975). o 5. Disarmament: tems

Read: A C A , Introduction, chaps. 4-8, pp. 47-91, chap. 10, pp. 100-109, chap. 15, pp. 138-152; Smoke, Dilemma, chap. 9, pp. 156-181. • IV: Using Force in International

Relations

O 1. Ethical Reasoning and War Read: In Wasserstrom, Morality. "Introduction," pp. 1-4; James, pp. 4-15; Walzer, pp. 54-62: Nuremberg, pp. 102-114; Narvelson, pp. 63-77; Wasserstrom, pp. 78-101. *"Geneva Conventions of 1949" (excerpts), US HAS, vol. 6, part 3. o 2. Morality and Nuclear

War

Read: In Wasserstrom, Morality. Ford, pp. 15-41: Anscombe, pp. 42-53; Lewy, pp. 115-134. In Art and Waltz, Use: Morton, pp. 198-219. * "Statement by President Harry S Truman, August 6,1945," FRUS, 1945, vol. 6, pp. 621-624; * U S Strategic Bombing Survey, Summary Report (Pacific War), July 1, 1946 (Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office); *Barlon J. Bernstein, " A Postwar Myth: 500,000 U.S. Lives Saved," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 42 (June/July 1986): 38-40. o 3. Domestic Political Considerations

of Military

Force

Read: *John Mueller, "Trends in Support for the Wars in Korea and Vietnam," American Political Science Review, 1971, pp. 358-375; *Bernard Kramer, S. Michael Kalick, and Michael Milbum, "Attitudes Toward Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear War, 1945-1982," Journal of Social Issues 39, no. 1 (1983): 7-24. o 4. Future of International

Security

9 North-South Relations Caroline Higgins

Peace studies educators and researchers have been notable among academics dedicated to fostering a truly global, inclusive view of human institutions and practices. For several decades, most peace studies curricula have included offerings designed to expand students' awareness of the complex ways in which the world's peoples and problems are interrelated. In particular, the peculiar relationship between the industrialized North and less-developed South has been highlighted. Courses with titles that include phrases like "North/South Issues" or "The Third World" are common, and in introductory classes like "The Politics of Global Problems" and "Culture and Conflict," the problems of the world's poorest regions have received searching examination. During the 1970s and 1980s, to say "North/South" was to say "not just East/West"; to study the "Third World" was to protest against a reductionist paradigm in which developments everywhere were seen in light of Cold War preoccupations. Teaching about North/South was an attempt to discern, behind the ephemera of daily events and the rhetoric of realpolitik, the structures that shape the political landscape and inscribe the discursive universes that govern our thinking. Hence, to say "North/South" was not just to argue for taking seriously all the world's peoples, with their diverse points of view, but also to protest against the poverty of imagination that made it possible, if not inevitable, that all of contemporary history would be interpreted as a contest between "freedom" and "totalitarianism"; it was an argument against folding every nation's history into a triumphant "Northern" metanarrative. Although South—like the other cardinal points—has for centuries carried rich metaphorical connotations far beyond the meager grammar of latitude and longitude, 1 in the contemporary period South came first and foremost to mean "not North." Teachers of peace studies participated actively in the naysaying: "not-North" as underdevelopment rather than development; as colonialism and neocolonialism rather than competitive 150

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advantage; as ecological damage rather than control of nature; as immiseration rather than progress; and as the breakdown of community and local control rather than the spread of instrumental rationality. Finally, South came to stand for what is neither Europe nor the United States, and for what is not Caucasian; to remind us that, in Audre Lorde's words, "Most people in the world / are Yellow, Black, Brown, Poor, Female / and do not speak English." 2 With the breakup of the Soviet Union and the relaxation of East-West tensions, however, those of us who had grown used to the terms of the debate are apt to feel baffled. Our new situation is suggested by our linguistic quandary: Does it make sense to keep insisting on North/South in a world where East/West is no longer the dominant dyad? A r e we going to allow ourselves to continue, for the sake of familiarity and convenience, to force complex matters and diverse viewpoints into procrustean beds of duos and trios? Do we want to refer to the "Third" World in spite of the dissolution of the "Second"? Are we better off than before, now that we have been liberated from the formerly dominant Cold War discourse, or are we ourselves, ironically, so dependent on the very paradigm we were critiquing that we now find ourselves at a loss for a vocabulary and a set of metaphors with which to articulate a problématique appropriate for our times? In light of the complexity of the issues involved, perhaps the simplest approach for teachers of peace studies with a Third World focus is to assume, for purposes of discussion, that North/South now occupies, or should occupy, the privileged place in political and scholarly discourse once occupied by East/West. Thus, such issues as debt in Latin America, famine in Africa, arms proliferation, urbanization and internal migration, and the tensions between traditional and modern ways of life could provide the backbone for introductory courses in peace studies. This approach seems to be legitimized by the increasing tendency of the United Nations, as well as prominent NGOs, to intervene and provide assistance in what used to be called "regional" conflict—with Yugoslavia and Somalia constituting the most recent examples. One could begin such a course with books like The Challenge to the South: The Report of the South Commission or the earlier Brandt Commission report, 3 works that outline in some detail the situation of the world's poorest countries and suggest ways in which the welfare of the South is intimately linked with that of the North. Alternatively, one might concentrate on specific issues that—whether the setting be Colombia or the West Bank, South Africa or Malaysia—lead inevitably to an analysis of international or transnational dynamics. A variation on this approach is to choose a theme running through many Third World sites and concerns. One of my colleagues at Earlham College, Howard Richards, has built his introductory philosophy course

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around the dilemma of world hunger. His course is at once an examination of food ethics, a critique of development paradigms, and a consideration of certain "universal" claims about rationality and human nature. Similarly, J o n a t h a n Diskin, also at Earlham, discusses the problem of international indebtedness in his introductory economics course, sometimes assigning Gary M a c E w a n s ' s Debt and DisorderDiskin's focus is less on particular countries or regions of the world than on the way indebtedness is e m b e d d e d in a complex web of transnational practices. It r a p i d l y b e c o m e s a p p a r e n t t o s t u d e n t s t h a t the s o - c a l l e d North/South issues cross whatever geographical borders might be attributed to " N o r t h " and "South." Indeed, some of us may well conclude that, at this juncture, the North/South distinction has outlived its usefulness. W e could opt for constructing a curriculum around the search for a more adequate discourse. We might speak of many "Souths," for instance, and attempt to describe their relations with each other and with the multiple "Norths." At various times, for instance, Brazil and Argentina have asserted that they arc no longer part of the Third World. South Africa has always been problematic as a " S o u t h e r n " country. Indeed, Detroit has been described as the first "Third World" city in the United States, and the New Yorker likened Los Angeles to a Third World combat zone occupied by special S W A T teams during the 1992 riots. 3 In an attempt to liberate "South" and "Third World" altogether from familiar geographical moorings and to delineate a socially descriptive cartography, some analysts have referred to women of color and various groups of poor, nonwhite peoples whose oppression is overdetermined as " F o u r t h " and " F i f t h " worlds. 6 The complex intersection of race, class, gender, ethnic identity, modes of production, and income distribution within n a t i o n - s t a t e s like Mexico, the f o r m e r Yugoslavia, and Iraq challenge the notion that people sharing a geographical area can be uniformly characterized as " m o d e r n " or traditional, rich or poor, marketoriented or self-sufficient. Alternatively, we might want to say that however many sites we remap, or however many situations we rename, the world constitutes a single system. World-system theory has produced an abundant literature that is usefully summarized by Thomas Richard Shannon in World-System Perspective.1 T h e r e is no substitute, however, for reading authors like Samir Arnin, Fernand Braudel, and Immanuel Wallerstein. I begin my senior seminar in peace and global studies by assigning Wallerstein's "1968, Revolution in the World System: Theses and Queries" and Fredric Jameson's "Periodizing the Sixties." 8 Both essays, though specifically devoted to exploring the meaning of the worldwide uprisings of 1968, serve to open up a discussion of the principal claims made by world system analysts: that the rise of capitalism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries created a hegemonic system that—by gradually expanding over

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the face of the globe and institutionalizing accumulation, wage labor, and the production of commodities for sale on the world market—revolutionized work, property, subjectivity, and culture, and divided the world into core and peripheral regions (with the latter being subordinated to the former). Because world-system theory derives from a study of history, it has the advantage of acquainting students with important arguments about the origin and development of the modern world. In particular, it forces a confrontation with the very meaning of modernity just as modernity (as well as world-system theory) is being challenged by postmodernism. N o w h e r e is the significance of the debate more a p p a r e n t than in the discussion of development. Or, to put the matter another way, by critiquing not only specific development policies but also the very idea of economic and political "development," noted contemporary social activists and academics, like Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Carolyn Merchant, Rosemary Radford Reuther, Eustavo Gutierrez, V a n d a n a Shiva, and Frederick T u r n e r — t o name only a few—are undermining both the N o r t h ' s position as role model and the universal moral justifications of N o r t h e r n cultural hegemony that have been advanced by E u r o p e a n s and Americans since the Enlightenment. 9 T h e s e are the questions likely to dominate North/South discussions as we approach the millennium: Is there a natural trajectory that all nations and people must follow? And, will all of us find fulfillment when we have learned to live like E u r o p e a n s and North Americans? T h e assumption that "yes" is the correct answer to both underlies the work of n u m e r o u s development organizations. Inspired by Max W e b e r and Joseph Schumpeter, and troubled by revolutionary anticolonial struggles, the p o s t - W o r l d War II architects of international lending and development institutions proposed to usher " u n d e r d e v e l o p e d " countries through various "stages of growth" toward full participation as m o d e r n states in an international economic order governed by the free market. 1 0 A l t h o u g h this "growth model" was challenged in the 1960s and 1970s by dependency theorists like Samir Amin and A n d r é G u n d e r Frank, who argued that it was impossible for the (underdeveloped) " p e r i p h e r y " to recapitulate the history of the ( E u r o p e a n and American) " c o r e " because d e v e l o p m e n t and underdevelopment are intimately linked, the desirability of development itself was rarely challenged." Many governments, of course, continue to push for modernization, adopting austerity programs urged by the International Monetary Fund in order to prove themselves creditworthy, and deregulating and decentralizing domestic production in a t t e m p t s to attract investment. 12 But a growing n u m b e r of critics, like those about to be discussed—many of them participants in broad-based social movements—declare that development is not the solution but r a t h e r the problem.

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As a consequence, the literature of undevelopment, as well as of development, must be given a place in any course on North/South relations. Or, more accurately, as alternatives to the standard development models increasingly force themselves on our attention, we shall have to reconstruct the meanings of commonly used terms like economy, growth, welfare, work, and progress. It is in this arena, perhaps, that we are most likely to succeed in overcoming the simple N o r t h / S o u t h and First World/Third World dichotomies, for the debate is truly transnational and focuses on global p h e n o m e n a and universal history. Some experts, like Wolfgang Sachs, depart from a concern about the fate of communities and the quality of life in the c o n t e m p o r a r y world. Sachs decries the homogenization of culture and the obliteration of varied social practices that modernization has entailed. 13 Others, like Gustavo Esteva and Bina Agarwal, who are disillusioned with claims that modernized agriculture and market-oriented production will produce higher yields and a more agreeable life-style, argue for the preservation of peasant life-styles, rootedness in communities and local control, traditional ecological practices, and village self-sufficiency. 14 It is by n o means obvious to the critics of development that modernization has raised the standard of living for the majority. Wallerstein, for example, estimates that only 10 to 20 percent of the world's population has benefited from the rise and spread of capitalism; V a n d a n a Shiva asserts that modernization has meant the immiseration of the majority of rural women, at least in India." Such arguments cannot be evaluated without reference to the history of E u r o p e and the United States, as well as of the Southern Hemisphere. In addition to an abundant literature on the impact of science, technology, and Enlightenment thinking on both North and South, there is, of course, the critique of Western thought by poststructuralists, feminist philosophers, and others who challenge our most basic assumptions as to what constitutes truth, objectivity, subjectivity, and nature. Such abstract concerns may seem beyond the scope of a course on North/South relations. However, by borrowing from the rich offerings by ecofeminists, teachers of cultural studies, historians of science, and others interested in expanding the curriculum, we can become acquainted with assertions about the ways in which people in the developed countries have been prisoners of their own discourse. 16 In a course on "Feminism, Ecology, and Peace," for instance, I have sometimes introduced Heidegger's essay, "The Thing." 17 Although no one in the class has ever said that he or she has grapsed Heidegger's argument totally, most enjoy reading it and come to realize the e n o r m o u s implications of attempting to deconstruct Western philosophy and its heirs, including modern science. I expect in the future to model the same course around Carolyn Merchant's Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution,18 which analyzes the impact of the rise of modernity

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on European women and the land between 1500 and 1700, and Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva's Ecofeminism, a discussion of ecology and feminism from a global perspective. 19 For many of us, however, the compelling reason for taking or teaching a course in North/South relations is to arrive at an understanding of recent world developments in order to plan for the future. In addition to learning about the economic, social, and symbolic structures that govern relations among peoples, we want to identify specific conflicts that have generated creative responses to violence, terror, and oppression; innovative ways of meeting human needs; and new movements that, for whatever reason, satisfy people's longings to belong and to name their own identities. In particular, as the millennium approaches, we shall probably be looking at the ways that people's movements for change differ from what we had become used to in the post-World War II period. It is interesting to note that "Third World" progressives themselves are addressing such questions: at a recent meeting in Sao Paulo, Latin American activists identified some of the qualities likely to characterize social movements in the future—in particular, pluralism and democratic decisionmaking. 20 The literature on the new social movements is vast, and the principal question they pose—how they can achieve their aims without seizing state power (a strategy that many such movements have abandoned)—is not yet answered. In the coming decades our students will, perhaps, be among those to articulate a solution. In any case, peace and global studies curricula are sure to be informed by a consideration of the manifold ways that official institutions arc being challenged by social movements on a global scale, and by a thoughtful appraisal of what can be expected as North and South, First and Third Worlds, become ever more intimately interconnected—and consequently, in some fundamental ways, ever more similar.

Notes 1. Professor Sam Mate-Kodjo, who teaches Spanish at Earlham College, in a lecture at Earlham (May 5,1992) explored some of the ways that the "South"— whether the Mediterranean, the sub-Sahara, or the Caribbean—has been constructed by the "North" and reveals the North's ambiguous preconceptions: the "South" is simultaneously disorderly and threatening. On the other hand, it is a slothful and naked place that scandalizes the North's sense of orderliness and correctness. 2. Unpublished poem by Audre Lorde, quoted in Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres, eds., Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 2. 3. The Challenge to the South, The Report of the South Commission

(Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 1991). W. Brandt, North-South; A Programme for Survival (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1980).

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4. Gary MacEwan, Debt and Disorder: International Economic Instability and U.S. Imperial Decline (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990). 5. "Talk of the Town," New Yorker, June 8, 1992, p. 27. 6. According to The Third Barnharl Dictionary of New English (New York: H. W. Wilson, 1990), the term "Fourth World," was coined by Robert McNamara to distinguish the world's poorest and most underdeveloped countries from the oil-rich nations often grouped with the Third World. For Eifth World, see, for instance, Elise Boulding, Women, The Eifth World (New York: Foreign Policy Association, 1980) or Gloria Steinern, Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions (New York: Holt, Reinhart & Winston, 1983), p. 157. 7. Thomas Richard Shannon, Introduction to the World-System Perspective (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1989). 8. Immanuel Wallerstein, "1968, Revolution in the World-System: Theses and Queries" (Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems and Civilizations, State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton, N.Y. 13901). This essay was a keynote paper for a symposium, "1968 as a World Event," at Brooklyn College, October 20-21, 1988. Fredric Jameson, "Periodizing the Sixties," The Ideologies of Theory, Essays 1971-1988, vol. 2 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988,), pp. 178-208. 9. For critiques of development from a variety of perspectives, see the following: Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Eiberation (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Press, 1973); Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985); Carolyn Merchant, The Mirror of Nature (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1980); Rosemary Radford Reuther, Gaia and God: An Ecofeminist Theology of Earth Healing (San Francisco: Harper/Collins, 1992); Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development (London: Zed Books, 1988). For a well-known work that challenges key premises of the claims of a modern Western reason to be universal and timeless, sec Richard Rorty's Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980). Other influential works critiquing the assertion that liberal rationalist ideals are founded on Enlightenment reason include the corpus of writings by Jacques Dcrrida, Michel Foucault, Jean-Francois Lyotard, and Roland Barthes. 10. T h e classic work on stages of economic development is W. W. Rostow's The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960). See also P. A. Baran and E. J . Hobsbawm, " T h e Stages of Economic Growth: A Review," Kyklos 14, no. 2 (1961). 11. Works on dependency and underdevelopment include Samir Amin, Accumulation on a World Scale (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974); Kay Cristobal, Latin American Theories of Development and Underdevelopment (London: Routledge, 1989); A. G. Frank, Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment (London: Macmillan, 1978); S. J. Stein and B . H. Stein, The Colonial Heritage of Latin America: Essays on Economic Dependence in Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970); O. Sunkel and P. Paz, El Subdesarrollo Latinamericano _y la Teoria del Desarrollo (Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1970). 12. See Hernando de Soto's influential argument in favor of decentralization and deregulation in Peru and, by implication, throughout Latin America: El Otro Sendero (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1987). The English edition is entitled The Other Path: The Invisible Revolution in the Third World (New Y o r k : Harper & Row, 1989). 13. Wolfgang Sachs, ed., Collected Essays. The Development Dictionary; A Guide to Knowledge as Power (London: Zed Books, 1992).

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14. Gustavo Esteva, "Regenerating People's Space," in Saul H. Mendlovitz and R. B. I. Walker, eds., Towards a Jiist World Peace: Perspectives from Social Movements (London: Butterworths, 1989), pp. 271-298. Bena Agarwal, "Engendering the Environment Debate: Lessons from the Indian Sub-Continent," C A S I D Distinguished Speaker Series, no. 8 (Center for Advanced Study of International D e v e l o p m e n t , Michigan State University, East Lansing, January, 1991). 15. Immanuel Wallerstein, "Development, Lodestar or Illusion?" (Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems, and Civilizations, State University of N e w York at Binghamton, Binghamton, N . Y . , 1987). Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development (London: Z e d Books, 1989.) 16. In addition to the works already cited by Rorty, Reuther, Guitierrez, Derrida, Foucault, Turner, Lyotard, and Merchant, see, for example, Murray Bookchin, Remaking Society: Pathways to a Green Future (Boston: South End Press, 1990); Caroline Richards, "Cosmic Community, Cosmic Story: A n Ethics for the Ecological Age," Earlhamite, Summer 1988; Michael Tobias, After Eden: History, Ecology, and Conscience (San Diego: Avant Books, 1985); A n d r e w Dobson, ed.. The Green Reader: Essays Toward a Sustainable Society (San Francisco: Mercury House, 1991); Irene D i a m o n d and Gloria Orenstein, eds,,Reweaving the World: The Emergence of Ecofeminism (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1990): Patricia Hill Collins, "The Social Construction of Black Feminist Thought," Signs 14, no. 4 (1989); William Irwin Thompson, Imaginary Landscape: Myth and Science ( N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1989); Sandra Harding, Feminism and Methodology (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987); Micheline R. Malson, Jean F. O'Barr, Sarah Westphal-Wehl, and Mary Wyer, Feminist Theory in Practice and Process (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); Edgardo Lander, ed., Modernidad y Universalismo (Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Nueva Sociedad, 1991); Charles Taylor, "Interpretation and the Sciences of Man," Review of Metaphysics 25 (1971), 3-51; Paul K. Feyerabend, Against Method: Outline of an Anarchistic Theory of Knowledge, Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol. 4 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1970); R o m Harre and P. F. Secord, The Explanation of Social Behavior (Oxford: Blackwell. 1972); T h o m a s Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). 17. Martin Heidegger, "The Thing," Poetry, Language, and Thought, trans. Albert Hofstadter ( N e w York: Harper's, 1973). 18. Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature, Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution ( N e w York: Harper's, 1989). 19. Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva, Ecofeminism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993). 20. William I. Robinson, "The Säo Paulo Forum: Is There a N e w Latin American Left?" Monthly Review, D e c e m b e r 1992.

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Bessie House-Midamba University of Denver International Studies 2188: "Global Policies of the Third World" Spring 1989 Course Description and Requirements T h e purpose of this course is to examine global policies of the Third World, using theories of international politics, development, and human rights. Paramount in the discussion will be a critical examination of development theories and strategies, which include modernization theory, dependency theory, Marxist analysis, and self-reliant strategies of development. T h e course will provide a survey of contemporary conflicts and crises in Africa, Asia, and Latin America since World War II, and will suggest possible changes in the global system that may lead to a new post-Cold War era and the emergence of a new people's rights movement. Course

Requirements

There will be a term paper and a final examination. Class presentations will be assigned, and participation based on readings is encouraged. Required

Texts

Susan George, A Fate Worse than Debt (Grove Press, 1988). George Shepherd, The Trampled Grass (Praeger, 1987). Additional readings will be on reserve in Penrose Library.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Tlteoretical Issues and Approaches

to Global

Politics

Read: Dean Tipps, "Modernization Theory and the Comparative Study of Societies: A Critical Perspective," Comparative Studies in History and Society 15 (March 1973); D. Milazi, "African Social Thought: Sociological Analysis and Synthesis," African Review 12, no. 2 (1985); Johan Galtung, " A Structural Theory of Imperialism," Journal of Peace Re-

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search 8, no. 2 (1971); Jim Caporaso, "Dependency Theory: Continuities and Discontinuities in Development Studies," International Organization 34, no. 4 (1980); Bade Onimode, Introduction to Marxist Political Economy (1985), chaps. 2-3. • 2. Alternative Approaches in Development Read: Richard L. Sklar, "Beyond Capitalism and Socialism in Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 26 (March 1988); Andrew Zimbalist and Susan Eckstein, "Patterns of Cuban Development: The First TwentyFive Years," World Development 15, no. 1 (1987); Catherine Scott, "Socialism and the Soft State in Africa: An Analysis of Angola and Mozambique," Journal of Modern African Studies 26 (March 1988); Lois H. Oppenheim, "The Chilean Road to Socialism Revisited," Latin American Research Review 24 (November 1988). • 3. The Evolution of Human Rights Read: Claude Ake, "The African Context of Human Rights," Africa Today 34, nos. 1, 2 (1987); George W. Shepherd, Jr., "Global Majority Rights: The African Context," Africa Today 34, nos. 1, 2 (1987); Hurst Hannum, "International Law and Cambodian Genocide: The Sounds of Silence," Human Rights Quarterly 11 (February 1989); Gay McDougall, "International Law, Human Rights, and Namibian Independence," Human Rights Quarterly 8 (August 1986). • 4. Women, Development, and Society Read: Stephanie Urdang, Fighting Two Colonialisms: Women in Guinea-Bisseau (1979), chaps. 1-3; Beverly Lindsay, "Impact of Race, Sex and Class," Comparative Perspectives of Third World Women, chaps. 1-3. • 5. Human Rights and the Role of Women Read: "Symposium: Women and International Human Rights," Human Rights Quarterly 3, no. 2 (1981); J. E. Peterson, "The Political Status of Women in the Arab Gulf States,"Middle East Journal 43 (Winter 1989); Jean Harris, "Women in Kenya: Revolution or Evolution," Africa Report 30 (March-April 1985). •

6. Liberation Movements in the Third World

Read: Tom J. Farer, "Looking at Nicaragua: The Problématique of Impartiality in Human Rights Inquiries," Human Rights Quarterly 10

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(May 1988); T o m J. Farer, "The United States as Guarantor of Democracy in the Caribbean Basin: Is There a Legal L a w ? " Human Rights Quarterly 10 (May 1988); Emile A. Nakhleh, "The West Bank and Gaza: Twenty Years Later," Middle East Journal 42, no. 2 (Spring 1988); Philip Maffa, " T h e Mufti of Jerusalem and the Politics of Palestine," Middle East Journal 42, no. 2 (Spring 1988). •

7. Superpower

Rivalry

Read: R. E. Weise and E. Macauley, " T h e Soviet-American Struggle for Influence in Africa: A Pragmatic Assessment," African Review 12, no. 2 (1988); George Shepherd, The Trampled Grass, chaps. 1, 3,5, 6; Lee H. Hamilton, "Challenge for United States Policy in the Middle East," Middle East Journal 43 (Winter 1989); Melvin A. G o o d m a n and Carolyn McGiffert Ekedahl, " G o r b a c h e v ' s New Directions in the Middle East," Middle East Journal 42 ( A u t u m n 1988). •

8. The International Debt Crisis

Read: Susan G e o r g e , / ! Fate Worse Than Debt, Part I, chaps. 1,13,21; K a r a m o Sonko, "African Economies and the Impact of the IMF," Africa Today 35, no. 1 (1988); James D. Fearon, "International Financial Institutions and Economic Policy R e f o r m in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (1988); John M. Cohen, Merilee Grindle, and S. Tjip Walker, "Foreign Aid and Conditions Precedent: Political and Bureaucratic Dimensions," World Development 13 (1985). •

9. The South African Political Economy

Read: Nigel Gibson, "Black Consciousness, 1977-1987: T h e Dialectic of Liberation in South Africa," Africa Today 35, no. 1 (1988); G e o r g e Shepherd, The Trampled Grass, chap. 2; Okwudiba Nnoli, "Revolutionary Violence, Development, Equality and Justice in South Africa," Africa Today 34, nos. 1, 2 (1987); Janice Love, " T h e Potential Impact of Economic Sanctions Against South Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 26 (March 1988). •

10. Final Examination

Week

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Mohammed Ayoob Michigan State University, James Madison College MC 492: "Major Dimensions of Third World Security" Fall 1992 Course Description and Requirements This seminar will u n d e r t a k e an in-depth analysis of the m a j o r dimensions of Third W o r l d security by investigating the sources from which threats to Third World states and regimes e m a n a t e , the differences in the mix of such threats as they relate to individual slates and discrete regions, the various strategies adopted by T h i r d World stale elites to m e e l such threats, and the efficacy o f these strategics in assuring the security of T h i r d W o r l d stales and regimes. T h e seminar will begin by analyzing the c o n c e p t of security as c o m monly used in the literalure on international relations, and by evaluating ihe applicability of the c o n c e p l possibly adapted to and redefined in the Third W o r l d context. T h e substantive analysis (if Third W o r l d security problems will be carried out by examining threats that e m a n a t e from domestic as well as e x t e r n a l sources. T h e importance of domestic sources of insecurity is d e m o n s t r a t e d by the fact that the largest n u m b e r of conflicts currently in progress in the Third W o r l d are intrastate conflicts, popularly known as civil wars, and are in o n e way or a n o t h e r c o n n e c t e d with the processes of state-making and nation-building that are under way in the T h i r d World. Given the fragility of Third W o r l d state structures and the artificial nature of many postcolonral boundaries, intrastate conflicts can be relatively easily transformed into interstate ones. B e c a u s e the T h i r d W o r l d states' p r o b l e m s o f external security c a n n o t be separated from their p r o b l e m s of d o m e s t i c security, this seminar will also attempt to investig a t e — b o t h at a general level and at the level of specific case s t u d i e s — t h e linkages b e t w e e n internal and external security of T h i r d W o r l d states. Such investigation is e x p e c t e d logically to lead to the analysis o f regional conflicts and the related issue o f regional security in the T h i r d W o r l d . T h e s e latter subjects will also be addressed in the seminar. A m a j o r dimension o f Third W o r l d security is related to the impact of the global b a l a n c e of power and especially the rivalry a m o n g m a j o r

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p o w e r s on the security of T h i r d World regions and states. This dimension of T h i r d World security will be carefully scrutinized in the s e m i n a r both in the context of s u p e r p o w e r rivalry f r o m 1945 to 1990 and in light of the recently changing global b a l a n c e of p o w e r , the b r e a k u p of the Soviet U n i o n , and the t e r m i n a t i o n of the Cold War. T h e impact of escalating w e a p o n s technology and of the t r a n s f e r of sophisticated w e a p o n r y and relatively advanced technology to several T h i r d W o r l d countries involved in regional conflicts will also b e studied. Particular emphasis will b e given in this context to the analysis of p r o b l e m s of nuclear w e a p o n s proliferation and ballistic missile proliferation, which have a d d e d new and potentially devastating dimensions to conflicts in the T h i r d World. Finally, the a r g u m e n t that e c o n o m i c and ecological p r o b l e m s as well as h u m a n rights issues have a m a j o r bearing on the security of T h i r d World states and regimes will also be critically evaluated in the seminar. Required

Texts

Brian J o b , ed., The Insecurity Dilemma: National Security of Third World States. Caroline T h o m a s , In Search of Security: The Third World in International Relations. K a t h l e e n C. Bailey, Doomsday Weapons in the Hands of the Many: The Arms Control Challenge of the '90s. Michael T. Klare and D a n i e l C. T h o m a s , eds., World Security: Trends and Challenges at Century's End. Brad R o b e r t s , ed., U.S. Foreign Policy After the Cold War. C o u r s e p a c k for M C 492 (section 2), available at Budget Printing, East Lansing. Course

Evaluation

S t u d e n t s ' work in the s e m i n a r will be evaluated on the basis of the following f o r m u l a : m a j o r research p a p e r , 50 percent; review of literature essay, 25 p e r c e n t ; oral p r e s e n t a t i o n and participation, 25 p e r c e n t . E a c h s t u d e n t will have to p r e p a r e a twenty-five-page d o u b l e - s p a c e d research p a p e r dealing with a particular conflict or a specific security p r o b l e m in the T h i r d World. T h e case to be studied will b e c h o s e n by the s t u d e n t in consultation with the instructor. T h e student is expected to analyze the chosen case in light of the conceptual/analytical material reviewed in the class a n d to d e m o n s t r a t e b o t h the u n i q u e f e a t u r e s of a particular case as well as t h e characteristics it may share with o t h e r T h i r d W o r l d conflicts/security p r o b l e m s . T h e idea is to m a k e participants in the s e m i n a r a w a r e of the c o m m o n threads that run through T h i r d World

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security issues as well as the distinctive features that may determine the contours of particular conflicts. Each student will make an oral presentation of his/her case study during an allotted session to provide members of the seminar the opportunity to react to his or her findings in the light of their own research as well as their reading of the theoretical literature. The first half of the seminar will be devoted to a general review of the conceptual/analytical literature prescribed for the course under different topics. The instructor will expect all seminar participants to have full familiarity with the literature to be discussed in a particular session. This familiarity can be achieved only by a thoughtful reading of the material before attending each session. However, to provide some structure to our discussion, each student will be responsible, either individually or jointly with one or more other students, to lead the discussion in at least one meeting of the seminar. His or her performance as discussion leader will count heavily in the evaluation category termed "oral presentation and participation," which will determine 25 percent of the final grade. In addition, each student will provide the instructor with a written version of the literature review he/she has done no later than November 10. This review essay of approximately ten double-spaced pages must provide a critical evaluation of the material reviewed. Attendance at seminar meetings is compulsory. A seminar is a collective learning exercise in which you learn not merely from the literature you read, the research project you undertake, or from the instructor's comments but even more from what your colleagues contribute in terms of both their own research and their interpretations of the theoretical and conceptual literature that they analyze. Every member of the seminar must not merely attend every session but comment intelligently and knowledgeably on what her or his colleagues have to say on the topic of the day. Moreover, if you expect your colleagues to attend your presentations and comment on them, the least each one of you can do is to extend the same courtesy to other members of the seminar.

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Course Introduction

and Administrative

Details

• 2. Definition (or Definitions) of Security in the Context of the Tliird World Read: In coursepack: Caroline Thomas, "New Directions in Thinking About Security in the Third World"; Mohammed Ayoob, " T h e Security Problematic of the Third World"; Edward E. Azar and Chung-in Moon, "Rethinking Third World National Security."

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• 3. Internal Dimensions of Third World Security: building, and Regime Legitimacy

State-making,

Nation-

Read: Job, Insecurity Dilemma, chaps. 3-4; Thomas, In Search of Security, chap. 2; Azar and Moon, "Legitimacy, Integration and Policy Capacity: T h e 'Software' Side of Third World National S e c u r i t y " (coursepack). • 4. Conducting

Research on Third World Security

Issues

Presentation by Terry Link, Political Science and Public Policy Specialist, M S U Library, followed by questions and comments from members of the seminar. •

5. Internal Dimensions:

Ethnicity and

Ethno-nationalism

Read: Klare and Thomas, World Security, chap. 10. In Coursepack: Anthony D. Smith, " T h e Ethnic Basis of National Identity"; Anthony D. Smith, "Separatism and Multi-nationalism"; Daniel L. Horowitz, " T h e Logic of Secessions and Irredentas"; David Brown, "Ethnic Revival: Perspectives on State and Society." •

6. 7he Global Dimension of Third World Security During the Cold War Era: U.S. Objectives and Interests

Read: In coursepack: Shahram Chubin, "United States"; Charles F. Doran, " T h e Globalist-Regionalist D e b a t e " ; Steven R. David, "Why the Third World Matters"; Robert H. Johnson, "Exaggerating America's Stakes in Third World Conflicts." •

7. The Cold War Era: Soviet Objectives and

Interests

Read: In coursepack: S. Neil MacFarlane, "Soviet Union"; David E. Albright, " T h e U S S R and the Third World in the 1980s"; Victor A. Kremenyuk, " T h e Cold War as Cooperation: A Soviet Perspective"; Samuel Huntington, "Patterns of Intervention: America and the Soviets in the Third World." •

8. Post-Cold

War Visions of International

Security

Read: Roberts, U.S. Foreign Policy, pp. 3-74 (articles by Hunter, Scalapino, Binnendijk, Hamilton and Clad, Vernon); Klare and Thomas, World Security, chap. 2; John Lewis Gaddis, "Toward the Post-Cold War World" (coursepack); John J. Mearsheimer, "Why We Will Soon Miss the

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Cold War" (coursepack). Recommended: Sean M. Lynn-Jones, ed., The Cold War and After. • 9. International Era

Security and Third World Security in the Post-Cold

War

Read: Job, Insecurity Dilemma, chap. 10. In coursepack: Stephen Van Evera, "American Intervention in the Third World: Less Would B e Better"; S. Neil MacFarlane, "The Impact of Superpower Collaboration on the Third World"; Meryl A. Kessler and Thomas G. Weiss, "The United Nations and Third World Security in the 1990s"; Kurt C. Campbell and Thomas G. Weiss, "The Third World in the Wake of Eastern Europe"; James M. Goldgeier and Michael McFaul, " A Tale of Two Worlds: Core and Periphery in the Post-Cold War Era." •

10. Regional Conflict and Regional Security in the Third World

Read: Job, Insecurity Dilemma, chaps. 7-8; Fen Osier Hampson, "Building a Stable Peace: Opportunities and Limits to Security Cooperation in Third World Regions" (coursepack); Keith Krause, "Constructing Regional Security Regimes and the Control of Arms Transfers" (coursepack). •

11. Regional Conflict and Regional Security in the Post-Cold War Era

Read: Geoffrey Kemp, "Regional Security, Arms Control, and the End of the Cold War" (coursepack); Richard Rosecrance, "Regionalism and the Post-Cold War Era" (coursepack); Roberts, U.S. Foreign Policy, pp. 101-158 (articles by Haass, Jones, Perry, Newsom). •

12. Arms and Technology Transfers and Tlteir Impact on Third World Security: Conventional Weapons

Read: Job, Insecurity Dilemma, chaps. 5-6; Andrew L. Ross, "Arms Acquisition and National Security: The Irony of Military Strength" (coursepack); Klare and Thomas, World Security, chaps. 8 and 9. •

13. Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation

and Third World Security:

Nuclear

Read: Bailey, Doomsday Weapons, chaps. 1-3; Thomas, In Search of Security, chap. 6; Klare and Thomas, World Security, chaps. 3,7. Recommended: Leonard S. Spector, Nuclear Ambitions', Lewis A. Dunn, Containing Nuclear Proliferation (International Institute of Strategic Studies,

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Adelphi Papers, no. 263). •

14. The Poor Man's Atom Bomb: Chemical and Biological Weapo7is

R e a d : B a i l e y , Doomsday Weapons, c h a p s . 4 - 7 ; T h o m a s L. McNaugher, "Ballistic Missiles and Chemical Weapons: T h e Legacy of the Iran-Iraq W a r " (coursepack). •

15. Delivering Doomsday Weapons: The Proliferation of Ballistic Missiles

Read: Bailey, Doomsday Weapons, chaps. 8-10; Steve Fetter, "Ballistic Missiles and Weapons of Mass Destruction: What Is the Threat? What Should B e D o n e ? " (coursepack). Recommended: Martin Navias, Ballistic Missile Proliferation in the Third World (International Institute of Strategic Studies, Adelphi Papers, no. 252); Janne E. Nolan, Trappings of Power: Ballistic Missiles in the Third World. •

16. Economic Deprivation and Third World Security

Read: Thomas, In Search of Security, chaps. 3-5; Roberts, U.S. Foreign Policy, pp. 237-250 (article by Hartland-Thunberg); Klare and Thomas, World Security, chaps. 14, 15. •

17. Population Explosion, Environmental Degradation, and Third World Security

Read: Roberts, U.S. Foreign Policy, pp. 207-222 (article by Rowlands), and pp. 251-270 (article by Foster et al.); Klare and Thomas, World Security, chaps. 16, 17; Daniel Deudney, " T h e Case Against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security" (coursepack). •

18. Democracy, Human Rights and Third World Security

Read: Roberts, U.S. Foreign Policy, pp. 271-307 (articles by Rothstein, Roberts); Klare and Thomas, World Security, chap. 13; Atul Kohli, "Democracy and Development" (coursepack). •

19. Summing Up: The Security Problematic of the Third World

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Jeffrey Rubin Amherst College Political Science 37: "Central America and the United States" Spring 1993 Course Description W h a t is the n a t u r e o f the crisis in C e n t r a l A m e r i c a and w h a t h a v e b e e n the e f f e c t s o f U . S . p o l i c i e s t h e r e ? W h a t a r e the p r o s p e c t s f o r p e a c e a n d w e l l - b e i n g in the 1 9 9 0 s ? W h a t c a n we learn f r o m t h e s e m a t t e r s a b o u t the goals o f U . S . f o r e i g n policy and t h e way i n t e r n a t i o n a l e v e n t s a r e r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e U . S . m e d i a ? T o a n s w e r these q u e s t i o n s , we will e x a m i n e the political and e c o n o m i c histories o f C e n t r a l A m e r i c a n c o u n t r i e s during the last c e n t u r y with an e m p h a s i s on U . S . i n v o l v e m e n t in the region t h r o u g h o u t that p e r i o d . W e will e x a m i n e p a t t e r n s o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t and f o r m s o f political rule, along with the ways in which t h e s e h a v e a f f e c t e d p e o p l e ' s daily lives. W e will then f o c u s on the N i c a r a g u a n r e v o l u t i o n , the guerrilla w a r in E l S a l v a d o r , and military rule in G u a t e m a l a . W e will pay p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n to U . S . e c o n o m i c , political, and military activities in e a c h c o u n try, as well as the a c t u a l and p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t s o f the e n d o f t h e C o l d W a r a n d t h e c o l l a p s e o f S o v i e t p o w e r . W e will e v a l u a t e the origins a n d n a t u r e o f v i o l e n c e , r e f o r m , r e v o l u t i o n , and d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n in C e n t r a l A m e r i c a in the 1 9 8 0 s and 1 9 9 0 s , as well as their i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , e q u i t y , and t h e m e e t i n g o f basic h u m a n n e e d s .

Course

Requirements

W r i t t e n w o r k f o r t h e c o u r s e will c o n s i s t o f two t h r e e - t o f o u r - p a g e p a p e r s ( o n e on the first w e e k ' s reading and o n e on the r e a d i n g s f o r a w e e k o f y o u r c h o i c e ) , o n e f i v e - p a g e p a p e r on N i c a r a g u a ( d u e in the s e c o n d N i c a r a g u a c l a s s ) , and o n e s e v e n - p a g e final p a p e r . T h e s e p a p e r s will c o u n t f o r 15 p e r c e n t , 15 p e r c e n t , 3 0 p e r c e n t , and 4 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e c o u r s e g r a d e , respectively. T h e first p a p e r will b e due in class o n F e b r u a r y 1. T h e a s s i g n m e n t f o r this p a p e r is t o identify t h e b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e s in t h e views p r e s e n t e d in " C o n t e n d i n g P e r s p e c t i v e s on the C r i s i s . "

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The second three- to four-page paper can be done for a week of your choice. It will be due on the first day we discuss the reading. In this paper, you should summarize and discuss the readings from one section of the course, focusing on whatever you find most interesting. The paper on Nicaragua will be due on March 29. A paper topic will be distributed approximately one week in advance. The final paper topic will be distributed on the last day of class. Approximately seven films will be shown. The films are a required part of the course. Course Texts Books for the course are available at Wooten Books; they will also be on reserve at the library. Two multiliths will be available at the Political Science office. An (M) on the syllabus indicates the readings that appear on the multiliths.

Course Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Introduction: Central America and the United States Course Introduction.

• 2. Contending Perspectives on the Crisis

o A. Carter, Reagan, the Sandinistas, and the Junta in El Salvador Read: Robert Leiken and Barry Rubin, The Central American Crisis Reader, pp. 483-515 (Carter, U.S. State Department, Vaky, Christopher, Romero, Kirkpatrick); pp. 515-518 (Republican Platform, Santa Fe Document); pp. 541-543 (Barnes); pp. 554-556 (Ikle); pp. 673-674 (Mikoyan); pp. 676-681 (Castro, Handel); pp. 689-690 (Castro, Andropov); pp. 208214 (Ortega, Bishops); pp. 251-271 (Democratic Coordinator, Pastora, Ribera, Ramirez, FDN); pp. 370-420 (Junta, CD, Ungo, Zamora, Romero, Morales, State Department, D'Aubuisson, Pyes, White, Bowdler and Rogers, F D R , E R P , Gomez, Rivera y Damas, Cienfuegos) (M). *Films: "Attack on the Americas" and "America in Transition"

o B. Authoritarianism and Intervention Read: Gettleman et al., El Salvador and Central America in the New Cold War, pp. 7-48 (Reagan, Kirkpatrick, Walzer, Farer) (M); Daniel

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Ortega, " A n Appeal for Justice and P e a c e " (M); Nestor Sanchez, "The C o m m u n i s t T h r e a t " (M); G u i l l e r m o U n g o , " T h e P e o p l e ' s S t r u g g l e " ( M ) . •

3. Daily Life in Rural El Salvador R e a d : M a n l i o A r g u e t a , One Day of Life.

•

4. The Roots of the Crisis: The Role of the United States (3 classes)

R e a d : W a l t e r L a F e b e r , Inevitable Revolutions, 2d E d i t i o n ( N e w Y o r k : W. W. N o r t o n , 1993), pp. 13-85,87-95,99,105-127,138-173,194-196; A r t h u r Schlesinger, Jr., " T h e A l l i a n c e f o r Progress: A R e t r o s p e c t i v e " ( M ) : S t e p h e n R a b e , " T h e C a s t r o - C o m m u n i s t T h r e a t . 1959-1960" ( M ) ; Benjamin Keene & Mark Wasserman, "The Cuban Revolution: The R e v o l u t i o n in P o w e r , 1959-1987" ( M ) . •

5. The Roots of the Crisis: Economics and Authoritarian

Rule (2 classcs)

R e a d : R o b e r t Williams, Export Agriculture and the Crisis in Central America, pp. 3-165. *Films: " J u n g l e b u r g c r " a n d " T h e R e a l T h i n g " •

6. Reform and U.S. Intervention

in Guatemala (2 classes)

R e a d : S t e p h e n Schlesinger a n d S t e p h e n Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, pp. 7-255; N e w Y o r k T i m e s Series, " T h e Soviet P e n e t r a t i o n in C e n t r a l A m e r i c a , " J u n e 22-24,1950. •

7. Civil War in El Salvador (2 classes)

R e a d : E n r i q u e A. B a l o y r a , " R e a c t i o n a r y D e s p o t i s m in El S a l v a d o r " ( M ) ; T o m m i e S u e M o n t g o m e r y , " R e v o l u t i o n in E l S a l v a d o r , " chap. 4 (M); G e t t l e m a n et al., " A g r a r i a n R e f o r m a n d t h e Revival of L a b o r " ( M ) ; Sara Miles a n d B o b O s t e r t a g , " F M L N N e w T h i n k i n g " ( M ) ; S h o r t articles by M o r t o n K o n d r a c k e , A l f r e d o Cristiani, A l e x a n d e r C o c k b u r n ( M ) ; William L e o g r a n d e , " A f t e r ^he B a t t l e of San S a l v a d o r e " ( M ) . *Film: " T h e S i t u a t i o n "

•

8. Military

Terror and Grass-roots

Organizing

in Guatemala (2 classes)

R e a d : E l i z a b e t h B u r g o s - D e b r a y , ed., I, Rigoberto Menchü, chaps. 1-8, 15-25,29-32; J e n n i f e r G . S c h i r m e r , " R u l e of L a w o r L a w of R u l e ? G u a t e m a l a n Military A t t i t u d e s T o w a r d L a w , N a t i o n a l Security, a n d H u m a n R i g h t s " ( M ) ; A l l a n Nairn a n d J e a n - M a r i e Simon, " B u r e a u c r a c y of D e a t h "

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(M). Reread sections on Guatemala after 1960 from Bitter Fruit, and after 1970 from Export Agriculture. *Film: Todos Santos: "The Survivors" •

9. Revolution and Counterrevolution

in Nicaragua (3 classes)

Read: Jeffrey Gould, To Lead as Equals, chaps. 11-12, "Conclusion"; Martin Diskin et al., "Peace and A u t o n o m y on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua"; Marvin Ortega, "The State, the Peasantry, and the Sandinisla Revolution"; Roger Lancaster, Life is Hard: Machismo, Danger, and the Intimacy of Power in Nicaragua, pp. xiii-xxiii, 1-33, 92-187; Charles Male, "Miskitu: Revolution in the Revolution" (M); Jiri Valenta and Virginia Valenta, "The FSLN in Power" (M); Joseph Collins and Paul Rice. What Difference Could a Revolution Make, selections; René Mendoza, " W e Erred to Win . . ."; additional reading to be announced (M). For background: The End and the Beginning, especially chaps. 4-8 (not required). *Film: " T h e War on Nicaragua" •

10. The Meaning of National

Security

Read: Lars Schoultz, "Soviet Military Bases" (M); Terry Karl, "Mexico, Venezuela, and the Contadora Initiative" (M); William M. Leogrande " C u b a " (M); Carl Gershman, "Soviet Power in Central America and the Caribbean: The Growing Threat to American Security" (M). •

11. The Role of Churches Read: Philip Berryman, "Ethics of the Revolutionary Proyecto" (M). *Film: " T h e Kingdom Divided"

•

12. U.S. Policy: Human Rights and the Promotion of Democracy (2 classes)

o A. El Salvador and

Democratization

Read: Terry Karl, "Imposing Consent: Elections Versus Democratization in El Salvador" (M); Frank Brodhead, "Demonstration Elections in El Salvador" (M); Gettleman et al., "Special Aspects of the Civil War: Terror and H u m a n Rights" (M).

o B. Elections in Nicaragua Read: Latin American Studies Association, "The Electoral Process in Nicaragua" (M); Leiken and Rubin (M); Julia Preston, " T h e D e f e a t of

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the Sandinistas"; Alma Guillermoprieto, "Letter from M a n a g u a " (M); Roger Lancaster, Life is Hard: Machismo, Danger, and the Intimacy of Power in Nicaragua, pp. 279-299; Murray Edelman, "Contstructing the Political Spectacle," chapters 4-5 (M). •

13. U.S. Policy: The Instruments

o A. Loiu-lntensity

of War and Diplomacy (3 classes)

Warfare

Read: Daniel Scigel and Joy Hackel, "El Salvador: Counterinsurgcncy Revisited," in Klare and Kornbluh, Low Intensity Warfare (M); Peter Kornbluh, "Nicaragua: U.S. Proinsurgency W a r f a r e Against the Sandinistas" (M). o B. The Role of the Media Read: Edward H e r m a n and N o a m Chomsky, "Legitimizing Versus Meaningless Third World Elections: El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicar a g u a " (M); Marie Gottschalk, "The Media and the Gulf W a r " (M).

o C. Regional Peace and Environmental

Destruction

Read: Blachman et al., pp. 329-350 (M); Latin American Studies Association, "Extraordinary Opportunities . . . and New Risks: Final R e p o r t of the L A S A Commission on Compliance with the Central America Peace Accord" (M); Joshua Karliner, "Central America's Other War," in World Policy Journal (M). *Film: " T h e Secret G o v e r n m e n t " •

14. Central America and the United States (2 classes)

R e a d : Jay Hackel and Daniel Siegel, eds., In Contempt of Congress', N o a m Chomsky, Turning the Tide, pp. 1-97,157-170. *Films: " T h e World is Watching" and "Media War in El Salvador" •

15. Central America in the 1990s: Equity Marginalization and Repression? (1 class)

and Human

Rights,

or

R e a d : G e o r g e Vickers and Jack Spence, "Nicaragua: T w o Years A f t e r the Fall" (M); George Vickers and Jack Spence, " E n d g a m e : A Progress R e p o r t on Implementation of the Salvadoran Peace Accords" (M); Carol Smith, "Maya Nationalism" (M).

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Horace Campbell Syracuse University Department of African-American Studies AAS 700.001/PS 700.002: " Militarism and Transformation in Southern Africa" Spring 1992 Course Description and Requirements The thrust of the seminar will be to analyze the issues of militarism in the political process in southern Africa over the past fifteen years. Of necessity there will be some discussion of the background that unleashed war, destabilization, and violence in the region. The seminar will analyze the problems of the search for independence and how the integration of the societies and economies of the region was affected by the fight to maintain minority rule. The problems of the labor process, resistance, Cold War politics and the long-term questions of transformation will be analyzed. T h e seminar is designed to grasp how changes at the level of ideas affected both the form and the content of the political organizations committed to ending military domination and colonial forms of governance. T h e ways in which resistance and guerrilla struggles led to war and low-intensity conflict will be discussed both from the point of view of the labor process and in light of the ways in which Africa is integrated into the global armaments process. T h e militarization of the region, along with the corresponding political repression, will be analyzed against the background of the requirements for self-determination and transformation. Course Requirements

and

Grading

T h e grade will be based on class presentations, book reviews, and o n e m a j o r research paper. Required

Texts

H o r a c e Campbell, "Demilitarization and New Frontiers in Southern A f rica" (handout).

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J. Cock and L. Nathan. War and Society: The Militarization of South Africa. David Phillips, 1989. Joseph Hanlon. Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots. Indiana University Press, 1991. International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF). Apartheid: The Facts. 1991. Bernard Magubane. The Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa. Monthly Review Press, 1979. Seymour Melman, The Demilitarized Society. Harvest House, 1990. Eddie Webster. Cast in a Racial Mould. Ravan Press, 1985. N.B.: The readings below constitute only a provisional guide. Students are expected to read widely for preparation of their presentations. It will be important that students read the following journals: South Africa Labor Bulletin Weekly Mail Work in Progress ANC WEEKLY Briefings Survey of Race Relations in South

Africa

Class Schedule and Reading Assignments •

1. Map Familiarization and Outline of the Course

Read: Joseph Hanlon, Beggar Your Neighbours', Bernard Magubane, The Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa. •

2. Film: Generations of Resistance

Read: IDAF, Apartheid: The Facts. Assignment: Clarify the methodological differences in the presentation of Magubane's book and that of Apartheid: The Facts. •

3. Militarism and Politics in Africa

Read: Walter Rodney, "The Imperialist Partitioning of Africa," Monthly Review, April 1970; Robin Luckham, "Militarization in Africa," in SIPRI Yearbook, 1985. Video: Basil Davidson, Africa, episode V, "The Bible and the Gun." •

4. Militarism, Force, and the Labor Process Read: "The Labor Process," in Capital and Class-, Ruth First, Black Gold.

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• 5. The Labor Process in Southern Africa Read: Eddie Webster, Cast in a Racial Mould; Peter Abrahams, Mine Boy, IDAF, Apartheid: The Facts. •

6. Impact of War and Its Aftermath in Southern Africa

Read: D. Killingray and R. Rathbone, Africa and The Second World War; David Johnson, "Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labor in Southern Rhodesia 1935-1948," Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (1992); Magubane, Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa; J. M. Lee, "Forward Thinking and War: The Colonial Office in the 1940's," Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 6, no. 1 (1977). •

7. Apartheid, Militarism, and the Working People

Read: P. Frankel, Pretoria's Praetorians; Archie Mafeje, Soweto and Its Aftermath; David Hemson, "Trade Unionism and the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa," Capital and Class. no. 6, 1978. Video: "Six Days in Soweto." •

8. Militarism and Total Strategy

Read: Gavin Cawthra, Brutal Force (IDAF, 1986); Kenneth Grundy. The Militarization of South African Politics (Indiana University Press, 1986); Republic of South Africa, White Paper on Defence, 1977. •

9. Militarism and Society

Read: "The JMC's and Total War at the Grassroots," Weekly Mail, October 9,1986; J. Cock and L. Nathan, War and Society: The Militarisation of South Africa. •

10. Mozambique and Recolonization

Read: Hanlon, Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots; Horace Campbell, "War, Reconstruction and Dependence in Mozambique," Third World Quarterly, October 1984. •

11. Conventional War in Angola Read: Horace Campbell, The Siege ofCuito

•

Cuanvale.

12. Counterinsurgency Warfare and Low-intensity Conflict: Lessons From

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Namibia and South Africa Read: Yusuf Hassan, The Remilitarization of Northern Namibia-, H o r ace Campbell, "Low Intensity W a r f a r e in Southern A f r i c a " (mimeo). •

13. The Politics of Resistance

Read: H o r a c e Campbell, "Challenging the Apartheid System from Below"; speech of Mandela in Cape Town, February 1990. •

14. Political Transformations

iti South Africa

Read: Archie Mafeje, "The Dynamics of a Beleaguered State," in Whither South Africa; Archie Mafeje, "Negotiated Peace: T h e E n d of A r m e d Struggles and the Beginning of Violence in South A f r i c a " (mimeo); H o r a c e Campbell, "Liberation and Transformation in Southern Africa" (mimeo). •

15. Demilitarization

and Conversion in South Africa

Read: Horace Campbell, The Dismantling of the Apartheid Machine; Seymour Melman, The Demilitarized Society. •

16. The Politics of Transformation in Southern Africa

War

10 Conflict Resolution Louis Kriesberg

The practice and theoretical understanding of conflict resolution can make significant contributions to teaching about pcacc and world order. Conflict resolution applications have greatly expanded in recent years, both domestically and internationally, so that their contributions have taken on important new dimensions. The applications result from, and contribute to, new ways of thinking about the enhancement of security, order, justice, and peace. Conflict resolution theory and practice provide many additions to the repertoire of ways to manage and settle conflicts peacefully. Even if not applicable for every conflict at each stage of its course, conflict resolution methods are complementary to more traditional methods of resolving conflicts, and can often substitute for traditional, more cocrcive means.

Core Ideas The field of conflict resolution is a broad one, encompassing many different approaches. Disputes among advocates of various approaches abound. 1 Nevertheless, some basic ideas are widely shared. Before examining the new developments in the field and new applications, a few paragraphs about the commonly shared understandings in the field will be useful. The notion that conflicts can be redefined as problems, which then can be solved to satisfy the basic interests of the adversaries is generally stressed by conflict resolution analysts. These analysts frequently disagree, however, whether such "win/win" or mutually beneficial outcomes are always, often, or only sometimes possible. Various negotiating and mediating methods arc emphasized by workers in this field. Among such negotiating tactics are to separate the people from the problem, to explore the deep-seated interests that may underlie 176

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stated positions, and to develop m a n y options f r o m which to choose. 2 Mediating activities are typically c o n d u c t e d by intermediaries w h o are not directly engaged in the conflict. Such activities include restructuring the conflict by facilitating c o m m u n i c a t i o n (for example, by indirectly transmitting information); by providing additional resources (for e x a m ple, by c o m p e n s a t i n g for concessions m a d e ) ; by modifying the hierarchy of issues (for example, by variously packaging or sequencing them); and by modifying the adversaries' interest in reaching an a g r e e m e n t (for example, by providing a face-saving way to accept it). 3 In addition, conflict resolution a p p r o a c h e s are increasingly viewed as relevant for every p h a s e of a conflict's course, and not only w h e n negotiating a settlement. This view is based on the recognition that conflicts are socially constructed, with the o p p o n e n t s struggling to d e f i n e each o t h e r and the issues in dispute; in the course of those efforts, the m e a n s used and the issues at stake generally escalate b e f o r e m o v e m e n t is u n d e r t a k e n to de-escalate and settle the conflict. 4 A s a conflict escalates, misunderstandings tend to increase, posing obstacles to de-escalation but also providing the bases for reducing what has b e c o m e a disproportionate level of antagonism. Conflict resolution m e t h o d s include ways to limit the conflict's escalation, to construct strategies for bringing adversaries to the bargaining table, and to assist t h e m in reaching fair and e n d u r i n g settlements.

N e w Applications Conflict resolution practice has e x p a n d e d into five m a j o r new d o m a i n s in r e c e n t years: (1) international g o v e r n m e n t a l organization efforts; (2) n o n g o v e r n m e n t a l organization efforts; (3) institutionalization; (4) training; (5) stages of conflict. E a c h is discussed briefly below. International

Governmental

Organization

Efforts

First, international g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations ( I G O s ) have increasingly stressed the application of conflict resolution m e t h o d s ; in some cases, they h a v e established centers that employ conflict resolution p r o c e d u r e s . F o r e x a m p l e , in 1990, the C o n f e r e n c e on Security and C o o p e r a t i o n in E u r o p e ( C S C E ) established a Conflict P r e v e n t i o n C e n t r e ( C P C ) in V i e n n a . T h e C P C has incrementally b e e n given responsibility for providing conflict resolution assistance in international conflicts in E u r o p e . F u r t h e r m o r e , with the end of the Cold W a r , the U n i t e d Nations ( U N ) has b e e n able to function m o r e effectively t h a n earlier in facilitating conflict settlements. T h e U N has e x p a n d e d not only its p e a c e k e e p i n g o p e r a t i o n s b u t also its p e a c e m a k i n g a n d p e a c e - b u i l d i n g functions. 5

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{Peacekeeping normally r e f e r s to e f f o r t s to sustain a cease-fire that has b e e n agreed to by the belligerents, usually by providing a small b u f f e r i n g force b e t w e e n them; peacemaking refers to efforts to resolve or de-escalate a conflict that has e r u p t e d and persisted; and pence-building refers to e f f o r t s to heal the w o u n d s of war in such a way as to discourage f u t u r e o u t b r e a k s of fighting.) Nongovernmental

Organization

Efforts

Second, n o n g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations ( N G O s ) , s o m e of t h e m international ( I N G O s ) , are increasingly e n g a g e d in facilitating international conflict resolution. T h e s e organizations are based in acadcmic research centers, religious bodies, and i n d e p e n d e n t institutes. T h e i r activities can include providing training for negotiators, developing policy r e c o m m e n dations, and participating in m e d i a t i o n efforts. For example, within the I n t e r n a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e f o r A p p l i e d S y s t e m s A n a l y s i s ( I I A S A ) in L a x e n b e r g , A u s t r i a , is the Processes of International Negotiation ( P I N ) Project. P I N associates d e v e l o p and refine theoretical f r a m e w o r k s and e x a m i n e issues such as the role of p o w e r imbalance and culture in international negotiation; they also provide support to practitioners, and conduct research using e x p e r i m e n t a l and quasi-experimental techniques. Similarly, the C a r t e r C e n t e r of E m o r y University in A t l a n t a , Georgia, c o n d u c t s research a n d holds c o n f e r e n c e s on issues of conflict and conflict resolution. F u r t h e r m o r e , f o r m e r P r e s i d e n t J i m m y C a r t e r and his associates apply conflict resolution m e t h o d s to a variety of regional and intranational conflicts, including, for example, the E t h i o p i a - E r i t r e a conflict. 6 I n t e r n a t i o n a l n o n g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations can e n t e r a r e n a s that p o s e great difficulties for international g o v e r n m e n t a l intervention. Thus, a g o v e r n m e n t generally will resist I G O intervention in its country's internal affairs, even if m a n y o t h e r g o v e r n m e n t s decry its h u m a n rights violations or express concern over societal disorder arising f r o m ethnic and c o m m u n a l conflicts. U n d e r these circumstances, nonofficial facilitation can be especially useful in ameliorating such conflicts, particularly at their early stages.

Institutionalization T h i r d , conflict resolution practices have b e c o m e institutionalized within a n d a m o n g m a n y organizations. T h a t is, they have b e c o m e a n o r m a l c o m p o n e n t of, or c o m p l e m e n t to, f o r m a l p r o c e d u r e s for dealing with conflict. F o r e x a m p l e , the growth of Alternative D i s p u t e R e s o l u t i o n ( A D R ) m e t h o d s in the U n i t e d States has m e a n t the establishment of c o m m u n i t y d i s p u t e resolution c e n t e r s that handle disputes r e f e r r e d to t h e m by g o v e r n m e n t agencies, as well as ones b r o u g h t directly by disputants. T h e use of such centers also may b e a ' m a n d a t o r y step in some legal

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proceedings, such as child-custody m e d i a t i o n in the context of divorce. In interethnic relations, too, private and g o v e r n m e n t agencies are sometimes established to provide m e c h a n i s m s for i n f o r m a l or private mediation o r as channels for the airing of disputes. F o r example, the U.S. D e p a r t m e n t of Justice has developed the C o m m u n i t y R e l a t i o n s Service to help m e d i a t e c o m m u n i t y disputes; m a n y states and cities have h u m a n rights agencies not only to e n f o r c e rules protecting h u m a n rights but also to conciliate disputes a b o u t such matters. A n d , in several countries of Central and E a s t e r n E u r o p e , conciliation commissions have b e e n established to deal with interethnic c o m m u n i t y disputes. 7 In s o m e a r e a s of public policy, negotiations may b e u n d e r t a k e n a m o n g m a n y parties to a potential dispute b e f o r e it has significantly erupted. This is increasingly the case in e n v i r o n m e n t a l issues, such as the siting of waste disposal facilities. By bringing t o g e t h e r the parties with a stake in such issues, airing concerns, and trying to create new options, it is s o m e t i m e s possible to develop a solution that satisfies all or most of the parties' concerns. Negotiations are also used m o r e and m o r e o f t e n by a g o v e r n m e n t agency b e f o r e issuing a regulation. Such negotiated regulations are an i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e of the E n v i r o n m e n t a l Protection A g c n c y ' s procedures. D i s p u t e s a m o n g m e m b e r s of organizations are also increasingly handled by institutionalized conflict resolution m e t h o d s . F o r e x a m p l e , some schools at s e c o n d a r y and higher levels of e d u c a t i o n have a p p o i n t e d o m b u d s p e o p l e a n d / o r established m e d i a t i o n centers, and s o m e have established p e e r m e d i a t i o n p r o g r a m s in which s t u d e n t s serve as mediators. Training F o u r t h , training in conflict resolution has b e e n growing, particularly in the U n i t e d States. T r a i n i n g in negotiation and m e d i a t i o n is increasingly being given in professional schools, including those in law, m a n a g e m e n t , and public administration. It is also being provided increasingly to p e o p l e in m i d c a r e e r — f o r e x a m p l e , to m a n a g e r s in large c o r p o r a t i o n s . This training a n d the application of conflict resolution concepts arc being widely d i f f u s e d t h r o u g h o u t the world. Interest in learning a b o u t this a p p r o a c h is b e c o m i n g evident not only in W e s t e r n E u r o p e , C a n a d a , and Australia b u t also in Russia, E a s t e r n E u r o p e , and s o m e Asian and Middle E a s t e r n countries. Stages of Conflict Finally, as suggested by the previous discussion, conflict resolution concepts a r e being applied to many stages of a conflict in addition to the stage of de-escalation negotiations. S o m e p r o c e d u r e s discusscd earlier arc indicative. Thus, conflict resolution e f f o r t s may be u n d e r t a k e n to prevent

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dispute from escalating into a m a j o r destructive conflict. Conflict resolution m e t h o d s also may b e used to limit the escalation of a conflict. Given concerns about the justice and equity of a conflict settlement, some practitioners and analysts in the conflict resolution field emphasize the need to allow certain struggles to continue, and even to escalate, in o r d e r to ensure that the final o u t c o m e is more equitable than it otherwise would be. In such cases, they consider how the conflict can be escalated while minimizing long-term damage to the relationship b e t w e e n the adversaries, thus allowing for an ultimate resolution and even for reconciliation. 8 A n o t h e r stage of considerable interest to conflict resolution practitioners is the prenegotiation one: developing a strategy to bring adversaries to the negotiation table. 9 This is particularly important for conflicts that are relatively intractable or protracted. F o r e x a m p l e , the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has persisted for decades, for most of this time without Israeli and Palestinian representatives negotiating directly with each other about a settlement to their conflict. A f t e r the U.S.-led war to drive Iraq out of Kuwait, then S e c r e t a r y o f State J a m e s B a k e r employed a strategy of c o m b i n i n g three negotiation fora to bring the Israelis and A r a b s to the negotiation table: a multilateral c o n f e r e n c e (favored by the A r a b s ) , a series of bilateral negotiations (favored by the Israelis), and a series of regional c o n f e r e n c e s on issues of c o m m o n c o n c e r n . In the end, however, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators sought a separate (and entirely s e c r e t ) channel for n e g o t i a t i o n s — o n e organized by researchers and officials in N o r w a y — t o achieve their b r e a k t h r o u g h a g r e e m e n t of S e p t e m b e r 1993. Analysts now are also giving attention to the post-settlement stage of a conflict. This means developing strategics that m a k e a peace a g r e e m e n t enduring, and that strengthen the relationship b e t w e e n the f o r m e r adversaries. F o r example, in the early 1950s, the E u r o p e a n Coal and Steel C o m m u n i t y provided the basis for building c o m m o n bonds of interest a m o n g trade unions and business associations in the coal and steel industries o f F r a n c e , West G e r m a n y , Italy, and the B e n e l u x countries: this was the f o r e r u n n e r o f the E u r o p e a n Community. M o r e recently, a group o f several dozen states jointly pledged $2 billion for development and reconstruction in the W e s t B a n k and G a z a in order to ensure the success of the S e p t e m b e r 1993 Israeli-Palestinian p e a c e a g r e e m e n t .

New Theoretical Developments T h e expansion of conflict resolution applications and the growing research and theory building on social conflicts and their resolution have g e n e r a t e d new understandings. T h e s e understandings are especially significant for the relationship of conflict resolution methods to the c o n t e x t , stages, and types of conflicts.

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Context T h e social context of a conflict has varied and often profound implications for the application of conflict resolution methods. T h r e e aspects of a conflict's context warrant discussion here: the relationship among the antagonists; the institutional and cultural setting; and the linkage to o t h e r conflicts. Adversary relationship. T h e relationship b e t w e e n antagonists in a conflict is always b r o a d e r than the specific fight in which they are engaged. T h e antagonists share a past, and they will share a future; they share some c o m m o n interests (if only not to be destroyed), as well as some complementary ones. T h e g r e a t e r their mutual d e p e n d e n c e , the greater the opportunities to find c o m m o n interests, and the greater the losses if the relationship is disrupted. T h e relative power of the adversaries profoundly affects ihe c h a n c e s of applying conflict resolution m e t h o d s and the quality o f the eventual resolution. If o n e antagonist considers itself in a much stronger position than its opponent, it is likely to resist entering into a negotiation process and will, rather, seek to dictate the terms of settlement. Past grievances often e m b i t t e r relations b e t w e e n adversaries, especially when past hurt and shame fuels the desire for revenge and the restoration of honor. S o m e people working in the field of conflict resolution emphasize the need to give attention to such emotions, and to ways o f healing the hurts so that enduring settlements and reconciliation may be possible. 1 0 Institutional and cultural setting. T h e institutional a r r a n g e m e n t s for managing conflicts provide the parameters for conflict resolution applications. In societies with a well-developed judicial system for handling certain kinds o f disputes (for example, divorces), adversaries using mediation and conciliation services are often aware o f the range of likely o u t c o m e s if they resort t o the formal c o u r t system. Within each society there are s o m e prevailing rules a b o u t the legitim a t e ways to conduct a struggle, a b o u t what matters are appropriately disputable, and who are legitimate parties to a dispute. T h e s e rules and understandings are, o f course, subject to change, as o n e group or a n o t h e r s e e k s to alter them, and t o give increased legitimacy to its claims. F o r e x a m p l e , such understandings regarding l a b o r - m a n a g e m e n t relations in the U n i t e d States have varied over time, changing with the shifts in the strength o f the trade union m o v e m e n t and its political allies, as well as m o r e impersonal m a r k e t and technological developments. In the international arena, changes in understandings also may also be seen, for e x a m ple, in the growing f r e q u e n c y of struggles waged to gain human rights. R u l e s and understandings are e m b e d d e d in the general values and

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norms that constitute a society's culture. Conventional understandings about which issues can be legitimately disputed, by whom, and by what means exist in every culture. Linked conflicts. Every conflict is embedded in many other conflicts, over time and space. For example, each fight or battle may be seen as but one outbreak in an ongoing struggle. Furthermore, each of the parties to a conflict may be engaged in other fights at the same time, and in some of those contests may even be allied with one another against a common enemy. This multiplicity of conflicts means that each one may become more or less salient as others rise or decline in importance. T h e resolution of any specific conflict often bccomes easier to achieve when other conflicts in which the partisans are engaged become more salient." For example, from 1969 to 1974, the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union experienced a period of reduced antagonism, known as détente. During that period, many de-escalating agreements were reached between the two superpowers. Detente was in part a response to intensified conflict between the U S S R and the People's Republic of China (as evident in bloody border skirmishes), to the domestic U.S. resistance against the U.S. engagement in the Vietnam War, and to the search by President Nixon and his administration to find a face-saving way out of that war. Stages Although not every conflict goes through a fixed set of stages, it is useful to recognize that every conflict can be seen as having a relatively predictable course of development: first emerging into general recognition; then escalating in intensity, perhaps fluctuating at a high level of antagonism; then going through a transition that leads to significant de-escalation; explicit or implicit bargaining sometimes leading to an agreed-upon outcome; and finally resulting in consequences that affect the next set of conflicts. Conflict resolution analysts and practitioners recognize that different methods of conflict resolution are varyingly effective in limiting conflict escalation or in settling a dispute at different stages of its course of development. 12 Furthermore, different methods are appropriate for various kinds of objectives—some relatively short term, and others long term. Figure 10-1 maps out a great many conflict resolution methods that contribute to movement away from destructive conflict and toward enhanced peace. T h e stages from which, and to which, de-escalating movement may occur, as listed in Table 10.1, vary in time period, and some overlap with each other.

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A few of the possible de-escalation m o v e m e n t s , and the m e t h o d s that may contribute to those transitions, will b e briefly noted here. First, consider m o v e m e n t from phase II to phase A , limiting escalation. O n e m e t h o d that many conflict resolution analysts stress is reliance on m e a n s of struggle that are relatively nonprovocative; this can include the use of nonviolent means of struggle and of n o n o f f e n s i v e m e a n s of defense. 1 3 A n o t h e r way to limit escalation, and even to build a cooperative relationship, is to p u r s u e a tit-for-tat strategy; that is, o n e adversary initiates a cooperative move, but then it simply r e s p o n d s to the o t h e r side's cooperative or conflictive behavior in a similarly c o o p e r a tive or conflictive manner. 1 4 In addition, the d e v e l o p m e n t of shared n o r m s about the use (or n o n u s e ) of certain kinds of w e a p o n s sometimes inhibits their e m p l o y m e n t . Finally, previous military limitations and effective e m b a r g o e s on arms shipments can shorten a military engagement and contain its intensity. Once a conflict has been waged for many years, with recurrent periods of high intensity, it is protracted and seems intractable (line V). T o move toward the initiation of deescalating negotiations (row D ) often requires some conciliatory initiatives on the part of one or more parties to the struggle. O n e strategy for pursuing this is G r a d u a t e d Reciprocation in Tension-Reduction ( G R I T ) , whereby de-escalation is initiated with a publicly announced concession and a scries of cooperative actions, inviting reciprocation but not contingent on it.15 Types of conflict. Various kinds of conflict resolution methods differ in possible effectiveness, depending on the type of conflict whose resolution is being sought. There is no agreement, however, even about how conflicts should be distinguished. Some distinctions are based on social conventions; for example, interstate conflicts are usually distinguished from internal conflicts. Such distinctions are significant because many rules and expectations are based on such conventions. Relatively abstract dimensions of conflicts can also be used to distinguish among them. 16 The dimensions may pertain to the issues in contention (resources and interests or values and ideology), the arenas in which the conflict is waged (families, communities, countries, or regions), the contending parties (persons, organizations, classes, or peoples), and the m e a n s used in the struggle (violent or nonviolent). A fundamental dimension is the degree to which the conflict is conducted within accepted regulations; most domestic conflicts and few international ones are waged according to legitimate rules. This factor affects not only the likelihood of one side or the other (or both) resorting to violence in seeking an end to the conflict but also the legitimacy of the resulting outcome.

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