Painting religion in public: John Singer Sargent's Triumph of religion at the Boston Public Library 9780691015651, 9780691089508

A brilliant painter of society portraits, John Singer Sargent also devoted many years at the height of his career to a p

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Painting religion in public: John Singer Sargent's Triumph of religion at the Boston Public Library
 9780691015651, 9780691089508

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (page viii)
INTRODUCTION PAINTING RELIGION IN PUBLIC (page 2)
CHAPTER I THE SUBJECTIVITY OF MODERN RELIGION (page 10)
CHAPTER 2 RITUAL PERFORMANCES (page 62)
CHAPTER 3 CULTURAL SELECTIONS (page 104)
CHAPTER 4 EDUCATION FOR DEMOCRACY (page 144)
CHAPTER 5 THE SYNAGOGUE CONTROVERSY (page 174)
CHAPTER 6 SYNAGOGUE, CHURCH, AND THE SELF CONCEALED (page 226)
CHAPTER 7 THE MANY PUBLICS OF SARGENT'S PROPHETS (page 272)
EPILOGUE REPRESENTING RELIGIOUS PLURALISM IN PUBLIC (page 306)
ABBREVIATIONS (page 317)
NOTES (page 318)
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY (page 349)
INDEX (page 356)

Citation preview

PAINTING RELIGION

IN PUBLIC

BLANK PAGE

eT Po PAINTING RELIGION

IN PUBLIC

John Singer Sargent’s Triumph of Religion

at the Boston Public Library

SALLY M. PROMEY

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

PRINCETON, NEw JERSEY

Details used on divider pages: Introduction, Israelites Oppressed (fig. 6); Chapter 1, Frieze of Prophets, east wall (fig. 9); Chapter 2, Dogma of the Redemption (fig. 10); Chapter 3, Israel and the Law (fig. 27); Chapter 4, Preliminary Sketch for Sermon on the Mount (fig. 25); Chapter 5, Synagogue (fig. 17); Chapter 6, Church (fig. 18); Chapter 7,YWCA pageant, Silver Bay, New York (fig. 156); Epilogue, Oil Study for East Wall (fig. 24)

Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the UK: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 ISY Www.pup.princeton.edu Copyright © 1999 Princeton University Press All Rights Reserved Second printing, and first paperback printing, 2001 Paperback ISBN 0-691-08950-7 Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Millard Meiss Publication Fund of the College Art Association of America

Publication of the paperback edition has been made possible in part by a subvention from the Department of Art History and Archaeology, University of Maryland Designed by Jean Wilcox Composed in Bembo and Meta with Copperplate display by dix!, Syracuse, New York Printed by CS Graphics, Singapore

109876 5 4 3 2 The Library of Congress has catalogued the cloth edition of this book as follows

Promey, Sally M., 1953Painting religion in public : John Singer Sargent’s Triumph of religion at the Boston Public Library / Sally M. Promey.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-691-01565~-1 (cl. : alk. paper)

1. Sargent, John Singer, 1856-1925. Triumph of religion.

2. Protestantism in art. 3.Mural painting and decoration— Massachusetts—Boston. 4. Boston Public Library. I. Boston Public Library. II. Title. ND237.83A77 1999

7§9.13——dc21 99-12158 CIP

To my teachers—and especially

John W. Cook, Neil Harris, Martin E. Marty, Pamela Mayencourt, S. Thomas Niccolls, Paul Rochford, Linda Seidel, Marie Smith, and David Tracy

CON TEN T S

@

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS V111

INTRODUCTION PAINTING RELIGION IN PUBLIC 2

CHAPTER 1 THE SUBJECTIVITY OF MODERN RELIGION 10

CHAPTER 2 RITUAL PERFORMANCES 62

CHAPTER 3 CULTURAL SELECTIONS 104

CHAPTER 4 EDUCATION FOR DEMOCRACY 144

CHAPTER 5 THE SYNAGOGUE CONTROVERSY 174

CHAPTER 6 SYNAGOGUE, CHURCH, AND THE SELF CONCEALED 226

CHAPTER 9 THE MANY PUBLICS OF SARGENT’S PROPHETS 272

EPILOGUE REPRESENTING RELIGIOUS PLURALISM IN PUBLIC 3006

ABBREVIATIONS 317

: 318

NOTES

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 349

INDEX 356

“kK

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book’s framing idea on the public representation of religion and its connections to John Singer Sargent’s public library murals began to take early shape at the University of Chicago in the spring of 1985 in a graduate seminar on “Public Religion and Public Theology” taught by Martin E. Marty and David Tracy. To these teachers—and to others named and unnamed—I dedicate this book. There

is much more to be said on religion’s public display in the United States; a second, more synthetic and broadly historical, treatment of the subject will follow, and complement, the case study approach presented here. Writing this book was an intensely collaborative activity. A substantial part of the effort’s pleasures accrued from the community of people assembled around the subject in its various aspects over time. IJ am deeply grateful to all contributors who gave so freely of their knowledge, insight, resources, and skills. A National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship for University Teachers in 1997-98 funded a year’s release from the immediate interests and commitments of teaching and service; the liberal research leave policies of the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Maryland made it possible for me to accept the fellowship. As this project developed over time, research support at different stages came from the American Council of Learned Societies, the Department of Art History and Archaeology at the University of Maryland, the General Research Board of the Graduate School at the University of Maryland, and the Louisville Institute as well as the National Endowment for the Humanities. Generous publication subventions from the Henry Luce Foundation, the Millard Meiss Publication Fund, and the Department of Art History and Archaeology, University of Maryland, provided for the book’s current form. Many institutions made available to me their considerable holdings in subjects addressed here. For kindnesses large and small I owe special thanks to the professional staffs of numerous archives, museums, galleries, and religious organizations, including: Adelson Galleries, Inc.; the American Cathedral in Paris; American Jewish Archives, Hebrew Union College; the American Jewish Historical Society; the Archives of American Art; the Art and Architecture Libraries, University of Maryland; the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley; the Boston Athenaeum; the Boston Public Library; Boston University School of Theology; Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University; Center Church,

pt Hartford; Church of the Advent, Boston; Congregation Adath Israel Brith Sholom, Louisville, Kentucky; Congregation Emanu-El of the City of New York; Dartmouth College Library; the Edward Lee McClain High School, Greenfield, Ohio; the Foge Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums;

vill

cr ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

George Eastman House; Houghton Library, Harvard University; the Imperial War Museum, London; the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum; the Jewish Community Center, Rochester; Jewish Theological Seminary; the Library of Congress; the Massachusetts Council of Churches; the Massachusetts Historical Society; McKeldin Library, University of Maryland; the Metropolitan Museum of Art; Miller Library, Colby College; the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; the Museum of Modern Art; the National Gallery of Art; the National Museum of American Art; the National Portrait Gallery; the New York Public Library; Silver Bay Conference Center; the Society of St. John the Evangelist, Cambridge; Sotheby’s; Syracuse University Library; Temple Israel, Boston; Temple Sholom, Chicago; Trinity Church, Boston; and the YWCA of the USA, New York. Individuals at a number of these institutions helped me repeatedly over the years. They deserve particular mention. To say that without John Dorsey (Special Library Assistant in the Research Library Office at the Boston Public Library) this book would not have been written is only the slightest exaggeration.

tt His efficiency, unflagging thoughtfulness, reservoir of information, and careful at-

tention to detail made my frequent contacts with that institution an adventure and a delight. At the public library, I also owe an unusual debt to Janice Chadbourne, Katherine Dibble, Jody Eldredge, Aaron Schmidt, Karen Smith Shafts, R. Eugene Zepp, and Roberta Zonghi. At the Fogg Art Museum, Harvard Uni-

versity Art Museums, Miriam Stewart likewise dedicated an extraordinary share . of time, energy, and expertise to my study of Sargent drawings and other materials in the Fogg’s collections. The contributions of Stephen Nonack at the Boston

Athenaeum; Marcia Hertzman at Congregation Adath Israel Brith Sholom,

Louisville, Kentucky; Elizabeth Gombosi, Teri Hensick, and Abigail Smith at the Foge Art Museum; Patrick McMahon and Lowell Bassett at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum; Phyllis Kasdin at the Jewish Community Center, Rochester; Peter Drummey and Virginia Smith at the Massachusetts Historical Society; and Erica Hirschler, Shelley Langdale, and Karen Otis at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, also warrant separate note. Among those who read this manuscript 1n its various parts and stages, I am especially grateful to Leigh Culver, John Davis, Jane Dini, David Morgan, Richard Murray, and Ellen Smith for their critical and creative advice and for their professional and personal encouragement. For the latter, I want to express my appreciation to Jill Pearlman as well. Elizabeth Ives Hunter made her spirited assistance and multiple kindnesses—in terms of time and energy as well as archival resources—unstintingly available. Sargent scholars both new and seasoned— Leigh Culver, Jane Dini, Trevor Fairbrother, Anne Helmreich, Stephanie Her-

1X

TI ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

drich, Patricia Hulls, Erica Hirschler, Elaine Kilmurray, Richard Ormond, Elizabeth Oustinoff, Marc Simpson, and John Thomas—shared generously from their own research. And Sargent descendants Richard Ormond (again) and John Or-

mond provided materials with respect to family history and items in John Sargent’s library.

In addition, for both intellectual engagement and material assistance, I also thank Helen Barton, Edward Bleiberg, Cynthia Bird, Jeri Bothamley, Betsy Brinson, Roger Bruce, Anita Carrico, Christopher Coble, Adam Cohen, Anthony Colantuono, Dan Crusie, Don Denny, Elka Deitsch, Erika Doss, John B. Fox, Jr., Robert A. Fradkin, Sharon Gerstel, Meredith Gill, Louise Greene, Michael Hager, June Hargrove, Catherine Hays, Michelle Jenney, Pamela Jones, Mary Kergall, Bill Kipp, Liza Kirwin, Genevra Kornbluth, Jennifer Krzyminski, Melinda Linderer, Yelena Luckert, Patricia Lynagh, Dorothy Lynch, Alan

McLean, Merl Moore, Elizabeth Norris, Thai Nguyen, Samuel D. Perry, William Pressly, Kevin Proffitt, Kathy Rivas, Bruce Ronda, Herbert Roth, Jonathan Sarna, Terry Sayler, Kristin Schwain, Kerry Schauber, Donna Schulze, Dan Strain, Jennifer Strychasz, Roger Tolson, Malcolm Varon, Marjorie Venit, Melanie Wisner, and Lynne Woodruff. Working with Princeton University Press has been a satisfying experience from start to finish. When the College Art Association convened in Boston

po

in 1996, then associate art editor Timothy Wardell met me in Sargent Hall with :

Triumph of Religion around and before us to discuss the project. Since then this book has benefited immensely from the insights of the informed and discerning readers solicited by the press and from the guidance of art editor Patricia Fidler, editorial assistant Elizabeth Pohland, production coordinator Elizabeth Steiner, and production editor Curtis Scott. Virginia Wageman’s expert copyediting was an art historian’s dream, Kathleen Friello brought interdisciplinary expertise to the task of indexing, and Jean Wilcox designed a book likely to make Sargent proud. Earlier drafts of some materials presented in this book were published by William B. Eerdmans, Art Bulletin, and Art Journal. I am grateful to the editors for their initial support and for permission to publish revised versions. Finally, it is to my husband Roger Fallot and our daughter Anna that | am most profoundly indebted. Their sweet company, patience, and good and wise counsel have made this a better book and me a better person. It was Anna, too, whose persistent desire for a pet brought Alex, the Labrador retriever, into our household where she kept a place by my chair while I wrote and lured me

outside for walks at all the most appropriate moments. ,

x

PAINTING RELIGION

IN PUBLIC

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THE YOUNG MASTER. |

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! bse te sy BREAK THE Ses es compte okes ; peers || Fig. 19

The Young Master. From Punch, 17 January 1923. Boston Public Library Fine Arts

| Clippings File. Trustees of the Boston Public Library

ization of the world.” *’ Both Blashfield and Fenollosa looked to mural painting

for evidence of superior intellectual accomplishment, and both believed they found it in Sargent’s murals. Publicist Sylvester Baxter agreed: “This work furnishes the first example on a grand scale of a truly modern interpretation of such a theme; the artistic employment of all the means which scientific investigations have placed at the disposal of the worker in the wonderful fruits of archaeological and historical research. It is notable even as a scholarly achievement and one receives a profound impression of the intellectual quality of the artist.” *° A group of nineteen Boston artists commended Sargent’s “scientific desien,” “high intellectual qualities,” and “scholarly effort.” *” The hyperbolic lan-

guage of the Boston and New York critics sounds so exaggerated to latetwentieth-century ears as to partially mitigate its effect. It stands, however, as a useful marker of contemporary opinion and excitement among supporters and promoters of the genre. The periodical literature of the time is full of similar encomia. By the printing of the 1895 Handbook of the Boston Public Library, in a

ee ae = eae SSS SS eee on | 33

II CHAPTER 1

tribute to the artist repeated neither for Abbey nor Puvis, the room Sargent’s decoration adorned had become “Sargent Hall.” As Sargent acknowledged on more than one occasion, this project represented a tremendous intellectual and imaginative departure for him. In 1892, when he was hard at work on the “Library ex-

clusively,” he wrote to a Boston friend noting modestly that the work was “setting on very slowly as it need must—and requires more brain work than is

good for a would-be impressionist.’’°° In equipping Sargent Hall to accommodate the visual and cultural meanings he desired, Sargent pursued a number of activities appropriately characterized as “scholarly”: he traveled, he observed and sketched, he read. In fact, travel was among Sargent’s earliest responses to the mural commission. Before the year

was over he set out for Alexandria, Cairo, and other Egyptian sites, Athens, Olympia, Delphi, and Constantinople. Soon he would also spend time in Spain. Later, in preparation for the 1903 installation, he not only returned to Spain, but also traveled to Ravenna and to Palermo, Sicily, as well as paying repeat visits to Rome and Florence.*! And after 1903 he continued his researches in Syria and Palestine (visiting, among other places, Nazareth, Mount Tabor, the Plains of Es-

Pt dralon, and Jerusalem). In Italy he went again to some favorite sites, Venice, Rome, and Florence among them. Another visit to Spain took him to Seville,

Granada, and Majorca. That he understood this sort of travel as professional study rather than simple tourism 1s apparent in his correspondence. “Crammung hard for my library” was the way, in a letter of 1 February 1891, he described his current itinerary.°?

In order to guarantee the objectivity and authenticity of his narrative, Sargent conducted extensive research. He not only traveled widely to look at

artistic and religious monuments firsthand, assembling a large reserve of sketches and visual memories as he went, he also accumulated and consulted an impressive personal library of relevant books and materials. Baxter framed this acquisition of printed matter (a “remarkable library of religious and archaeological lore’’) in direct relation to the Boston murals.*? In a memorial tribute, Evan Charteris summarized his friend’s literary habits in this context as well: “His range was wide, his knowledge inexhaustible, his reading deep and varied. In literature he trod no

narrow track—travel, adventure, experiences that were personal and strange, these had an invariable appeal for him. He liked writing which could conjure up images and portraits... . For his work in the library at Boston there was no detail which he had not verified by his reading. He was in all things thorough, not, indeed, consciously, but rather by reason of his immense and natural sincerity, his zest for the absolute truth in expression and representation.” °**

Fox agreed but added more: “The books to be seen on the shelves of even his temporary abode were of unexpected and exceeding interest, and

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showed a range rarely found outside the quarters of a true bibliophile or the enthusiast in things unusual, but never abnormal. Books of travel were numerous and the file of a geographical magazine, primarily for the pictures, was kept intact so far as possible. But in addition to these were always to be found not only the standard fiction of foreign tongues, but also the works of the biographer, philosopher and poet.” A careful perusal of extant tabulations of the books owned by Sargent would augment these lists of Sargent’s reading interests with such categories as art, architecture, design, religion, literature (classical and contemporary), and history, especially of the places Sargent had lived or to which he traveled with any frequency. There is ample evidence to suggest that Sargent was a dedicated collector of books well before the beginning of his experiences as a muralist. Lists of the items in his personal library, collated from various sources including an important estate sale catalogue, include many selections both rare and old as well as a significant number of first editions.*° Sargent’s correspondence with family and friends

te also indicates that books were a favored gift on birthdays and holidays.°*’ His sister

Emily, in particular, indulged her brother’s love for books in the presents she chose for him. With Henry James and Edmund Gosse as close friends and many other writers among his warm acquaintances, he moved easily and frequently 1n bibliophilic circles. It was as one already established in the habits of avid reading, book collecting, and support of contemporary literature that Sargent conceived Triumph of Religion. His collecting habits were so well set that, on a visit to an army hospital in 1918 during his months as a war artist, he was more inclined to stop at all the relevant local establishments than to eat. His escort commented: “He wanted to roam all over every book shop and antique shop but took himself firmly, slapped himself on the wrist, and came to lunch.”°* Martin Birnbaum, who met Sargent at a dinner party in 1917 and was sketched by him in charcoal in 1922, described the artist’s consistent display of “youthful greediness [Sargent was in his mid-sixties by this time] for the wealth of wisdom that books contain

... his rapid mind retained its readiness to absorb everything.” °? Sargent’s library, as well as his travel itineraries, tends to indicate that he often linked religion with travel (and therefore with distance). He was, in other words, fascinated by other people’s religion. He recommended to his friend, musician Charles Loeffler, for

example, Ferdinand Ossendowski’s “very remarkable” tale of adventure and Asian religions, Beasts, Men, and Gods, and he provided illustrations—some of

~ them “religious”’—for Alma Strettell’s primitivizing book on Spanish folk songs. What we know about Sargent’s library and reading habits we owe to the estate sale catalogue, lists of public and private collections, and his own correspondence.®*! The fact that Sargent was a book collector as well as a reader, however, increases the level of caution that must be exercised with respect to gauging

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the significance of any particular volume in his library. That he owned a book tells us little about his sense of its content; even if we know that he read the book,

it may have represented to him a collector’s prize rather than a scholar’s re-

source.©* On the other hand, a number of factors facilitate responsible documentation and assessment of Sargent’s reading habits. Several partial collections of his books exist intact. Here we see the varied possibilities for the different volumes he owned: some remain uncut; some are inscribed as gifts (often from family and close friends but also from distant admirers eager to share their own literary productions with a renowned contemporary); others are well worn and annotated in his own hand—some annotations directly connected to his Boston Public Library project. In addition to the evidence of the books themselves, the estate sale catalogue for printed materials from his Boston and London studios and some of the private lists too contain rather precise notations regarding inscriptions, condition, and in some instances even suggestions of use. Finally, because Sargent was so fully engaged in the culture of books, his own reviews and recommendations appear with some frequency in letters to family and friends and in the records his acquaintances kept of various exchanges with the artist. Boston artist R. H. Ives Gammell accurately assessed the Sargent who painted Triumph of Religion as, first and foremost, the “cultivated reader,” the scholar meticulously recording in his mural panels images elicited during hours of study in his private library: “These pictures seem to give pictorial shape to the thoughts of a man comfortably ensconced in the security of nineteenth-century scholarship, pondering over the dreams of earlier ages.” ® Such an “intellectual” undertaking would surely refute complaints regarding the supposed superficiality of Sargent’s facile “French” brush. From Sargent’s perspective, Triumph of Religion, when completed, would represent an intellectual endorsement of spiritual subjectivity conceived not to sanction religion per se but as an analogue for enlightened human achievement (his own and that of Western civilization). This message hinged on the style and content of two paintings: Frieze of Prophets at the north end of the hall and the “keynote” Sermon on the Mount, planned for the long east wall above the staircase.®* In these panels Sargent would equate his naturalistic signature style with a “modern” freedom from external and institution-

pe ally determined authority. Here Triumph owed much to Sargent’s principal

textual sources, and especially to Ernest Renan’s Life of Jesus and five-volume History of the People of Israel.®°

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SARGENT AND RENAN

Sargent’s move from the Spanish subject to Triumph of Religion was not simply a

move from a literary subject to a religious one but from one literary subject to another. His conception of the public library decoration was heavily informed by his own wide reading habits—and by Renan in particular. In Triumph of Religion Sargent expanded upon both his specific understanding of Renan’s scholarly thought and his sense of Renan’s contemporary reputation. Sargent’s murals invoked the content of Renan’s texts, first and most importantly, in the artist’s endorsement of a progressive evolutionary scheme that appropriated the history of Western religion to recommend, as characteristic of civilization’s pinnacle, the values of subjectivity and individualism. Second, in this cycle at least, Sargent agreed with Renan’s identification of the specific pivotal episodes (the Hebrew prophets and Sermon on the Mount) upon which the narrative construction of human “progress” would turn. In addition to the content of Renan’s texts themselves, Sargent’s conception of Triumph of Religion depended upon the cultural and political character of historical reception of the French author’s work. Especially in Sargent’s earliest idea of his program, he counted on the tendency of his contemporaries to read the skeptic Renan as both subversive and scientific: subversive, in fact, because he was so “scientific” in his approach to the biography of Jesus. Renan’s texts had disconcerted the institutional church in France; Sargent anticipated that his Boston library murals, too, would be a “surprise to the community.” °° He also believed that his cycle would be understood in relation to contemporary advances in the scholarship of biblical criticism and archaeology, a body of knowledge represented by Renan’s biography of Jesus and histories of

Pe religion.

Though Life of Jesus was initially published in Paris in 1863, twenty-seven years before Sargent conceived his Triumph of Religion, the French historian’s fivevolume History of the People of Israel was completed to much fanfare between 1887 and 1893 (with the last two volumes published posthumously). Life of Jesus, too,

continued to maintain a high cultural profile. Over sixty thousand copies of

Renan’s Life of Jesus had been sold in the first five months after publication (at went through eight editions in three months); the text was translated into thirteen languages. Dora Bierer’s research on Renan and his cultural interpreters indicates that in nineteenth-century France, Life of Jesus might justifiably be called a “best seller,” its sales superseded, apparently, by only one book: the Bible itself.°” Owen Chadwick concurs that Renan’s book was the “most famous book written in France during the nineteenth century and until about 1900 its author was the most famous of French writers.” °* Whereas Gustave Flaubert’s Madame Bovary

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went through twenty-three printings in different French editions between 1857 and the end of the century, Life of Jesus went through at least one hundred printings between 1863 and 1900.° Undoubtedly Renan’s clear and readable style of writing, his straightforward thesis, and the resonance of poetry and romance that attended his brand of positivism all contributed to the book’s appeal. Here was an expert of established academic repute who communicated comfortably with the general reading public as well as his professional peers. By 1891 Sargent was well aware of Renan’s reputation as a scientific rationalist and a skeptic. This is especially apparent in an August entry for that year in the diary of Lucia Fairchild, an art student and Sargent family friend. It is due

chiefly to Fairchild, and to her accounting of the day on which Sargent recommended Renan’s Life of Jesus to her consideration, that we know Sargent had this text on his mind as he formed the plan for his Boston Public Library mural cycle. According to Fairchild’s diary, after a visit to the Church of St. Mary, Fairford, Gloucestershire, to look at medieval stained-glass windows depicting Hebrew prophets (windows that Sargent judged to be of very fine quality as stained glass but not very helpful in their treatment of draperies and characterization of the subject for his purposes in Boston), the older artist encouraged the unchurched Fairchild to read the Hebrew Scriptures for their excitement and their “stories of adventure perfectly plainly told.” He also promoted the Christian Scriptures for their beauty “from a literary point of view” and asked Fairchild about her degree of acquaintance with Renan’s 1863 text: “Have you ever read Renan’s ‘Life of Christ’ [sic ]? Oh that you ought to read—that’s a fine book.”’”° Fairchild secures

be for us Sargent’s familiarity with Life of Jesus and his general approval of its content.

A letter from Sargent to his friend and promoter Henry James demonstrates his explicit interest in a later set of works by Renan, the author’s five-

volume History of the People of Israel. James held Renan in highest esteem. Earlier,

in 1876, he had asserted, “if he is not the first of French writers, I don’t know who may claim the title.” Within a few years of Renan’s death in 1892, James deplored the fact that now, as he saw it, “the great historians are dead—the last of them went with Renan.”7! Clearly Sargent knew of James’s admiration for and familiarity with Renan, for the artist wrote James, in the early stages of the library murals’ production, to inquire whether the fourth volume of Renan’s History of the People of Israel had yet appeared: “I wish you could find the time to run

down here some day. We would all be so delighted. I should like to have your suggestions about my work [on Triumph of Religion |] and about the subject of it which seems to me bigger and bigger and more difficult to put into a straight jacket. I am still at work on the designs, and not yet on the big canvases. Do you know if the 4th volume of Renan’s Peuple d’Israel has come out?’”’? Records of

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Sargent’s personal library indicate, furthermore, that he owned a first and complete edition of History of the People of Israel as well as the eight-volume set of Renan’s History of the Origins of Christianity (ncluding Life of Jesus).’> Later in life,

Sargent’s response to an admirer’s inquiry explicitly acknowledged the influence of this author and historian on Triumph of Religion.”

Taken together, the James and Fairchild references establish for us Sargent’s engagement of both History of the People of Israel and Life of Jesus at just

the time of the conception and planning of Triumph of Religion. Fairchild’s account is particularly revealing, for it is in her diary that the reader most clearly discerns the interpretation of Renan that informs the Boston decorations. In Fairchild’s diary, in the sentences that follow Sargent’s hearty endorsement of Life of Jesus, the artist added a cautious qualifying note. It was only because Fairchild had none of “that conventional feeling to start with” that the painter’s recommendation of Renan could pass as appropriate. Renan’s text was, after all, a “book that most young people are not allowed to see. It’s considered awfully sacrilegious. .. . Raising doubts—taking away a young creature’s faith etc etc.””> In Fairchild’s rendering, Sargent understood Life of Jesus, with its emphatically human conception of the Christian messiah, its rationalist debunking of miracles, and its reliance on German biblical criticism, as a challenge to conventional latenineteenth-century Christianity. In short, the artist was attracted by the subversive agenda he read in Renan.

Pt RENAN’S REPUTATION

There was plenty of basis for this reading of Renan on Sargent’s part. Despite Renan’s scholarly credentials and intentions, his biography of Jesus had provoked an immediate scandal. In Europe and in the United States, churchmen and women moved vigorously to counteract his influence. The proportions of this reaction were amplified, surely, by the fact that Renan’s principal “target” was nei-

ther Jesus nor God—though he did sever the ontological and orthodox

connection between the two, claiming that Jesus was not God but simply the closest thing to divinity (in terms of intimacy and quality of relation with the di-

vine) that humanity had yet produced.”° While Renan’s was a distinctly revision-

ist history of the Christian messiah, he reserved his condemnation for the

institutional church as the source of stultifying dogmatic pronouncements and structures. Writing thirty years later, at precisely the time that Sargent was working on the north end of the library hall, Emile Zola recalled the ecclesiastical furor following the publication of Life of Jesus:

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Suddenly, overnight [Renan’s] face rose above France, with the terrifying profile of Anti-

christ. It was a sacrilege shaking Jesus on his cross. Renan was represented, like Satan, with two horns and a tail. The fright was immense, mainly among the clergy. ... Devout women crossed themselves and scared naughty little girls by threatening them with M. Renan, while the freethinkers grew interested in this audacious mind and liked to attribute gigantic proportions to him. He became the giant of negation, he symbolized science killing faith. If one adds that he was considered a defrocked priest, one completes the portrait of this rebellious archangel, a modern Satan, a victor over God, eliminating God with the weapon of the century.”

The official response of the Catholic Church was swift. From its perspective, Renan’s book exemplified recent and dangerous scientific critical tendencies in historical and religious scholarship; such literature generally supported liberalism, challenged the church’s political power, and encouraged rationalism and skepticism. Judged to constitute just the sort of “pestilential errors” and “pernicious fallacies” that Pius [IX had recently proscribed (June 1862), Life of Jesus by

Pt 24 August 1863 had earned a secure place in the church’s Index of censured works. A little over a year later, though naming neither text nor author, those for whom the message was intended could clearly see that the Syllabus of Errors condemned Renan and his book.’”* Among the hundreds of reviews and pamphlets (some with titles like “Long Live Jesus! An Appeal to the People against the Dei-

cide Manifesto of M. Renan’) that appeared in Europe and the United States, many attacks were written by individuals who, since the Index prohibited observant Catholics from ever actually seeing the text, had not read the book. Some of the most vehement detractors went so far as to suggest that Life of Jesus represented a conspiracy by Renan and his Jewish publisher (Calmann-Lévy) to destroy the Catholic faith.” Renan remained a prominent figure 1n the French press throughout the rest of the nineteenth century and a favored enemy of the Catholic Church until well after his death. During the period of Sargent’s student days and early career

years (1874-84) in Paris as well as during the time of Triumph of Religion’s initial conception (1890—94), the French historian’s name appeared in the news in ways that might well have attracted Sargent’s attention. It would have been difficult to avoid knowledge of Renan’s reputation; he had become the perennial symbolic

adversary of the French Catholic Church and its political allies. In 1878 Renan received significant coverage for his connection to another of Sargent’s literary heroes: Voltaire. On the occasion of the centenary of Voltaire’s death, Renan, Victor Hugo, M.P.F. Littré, and other intellectuals organized a widely publicized celebratory event. The government refused to take part (Voltaire’s name— not unlike Renan’s, incidentally—having well before this time acquired a kind of

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symbolic usage in French politics). In language sounding like that used to denounce Renan, one devout and disgusted English observer commented that the huge crowd, representing “no inconsiderable portion” of France’s population,

“exalted the memory of the most inveterate enemy of Christianity and its

founder.” ®° In the first decades of the twentieth century, the French church and prominent Catholic authors including Jacques Maritain and Paul Bourget construed the return to the church of Renan’s grandson (Ernest Psichar1) as a vindication of Catholic Christianity and as revenge for Renan’s blasphemy.®!

RENAN AND SUBJECTIVITY IN TRIUMPH OF RELIGION

Renan ’s Life of Jesus did more than suggest a subject to Sargent and set the scien-

tific and anti-institutional tone for his “religious” decoration. It also charted a standard nineteenth-century progressive evolutionary course from “paganism” to Christianity, a movement Renan described as the basis for Western civilization.* Perhaps most important for the organization of Sargent’s murals, Renan’s book extolled two moments of greatest consequence in the story that told these destinies: first, “the introduction of morality into religion” in the lives and words of the Hebrew prophets and, second, the flowering of the prophets’ message in Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount.*®? For Renan, Jesus was, in fact, “the last of the Prophets,” the one who “sets the seal upon the work of Israel.” ** From this time forward, “whatever may be the transformations of dogma, Jesus will remain in religion the creator of its pure sentiment: the Sermon on the Mount will never be surpassed.” ®° Renan’s celebration of this “pure sentiment” Sargent reiterated in his sense of the development of “subjective” spirituality. For Renan, this sort of subjectivity constituted a new beatitude for contemporary life. Alluding in his own selection of words and organization of sentences to the language and structure of the biblical Sermon on the Mount, Renan provided this emphatic summary: “more blessed still would Jesus tell us, [is] he who, disenthralled from all illusions, shall reproduce in himself the heavenly advent, and, with no millennial dream, with no chimerical paradise, with no signs in the heavens, [but] by the righteousness of his will and the poesy of his soul, shall create anew in his heart the true kingdom of God!’’* According to Renan, the ideal religion, the religion founded by Jesus and expressed most fundamentally in the Sermon on the Mount, was anti-institutional and democratic; it was “the everlasting religion of humanity, the religion of the spirit liberated from everything belonging to the priesthood, to ceremonial and to ritual, accessible to every caste.”®’ Renan’s “pure worship” represented “a religion without priests and external practices, resting entirely upon the feelings of

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the heart, upon the imitation of God, [and] upon the immediate communion of the conscience with the heavenly Father.” ** Renan insisted, further, that much of the religious sentiment of the Sermon on the Mount could be traced to the Hebrew prophets, “defenders of the ancient democratic spirit, enemies of the rich, opposed to all political organizations,” conveyors of the highest moral and spiritual imagination. It was, in fact, the subordination of the priesthood to the individual inspiration of the prophets that accounted for Judaism’s early religious superiority.*? Subjectivity, of the sort endorsed by Sargent and defined as an immediate, intimate, experiential, and private relation to God (a relation character-

ized as the divine “kingdom” or domain within the individual), was the cornerstone of authentic religion as Renan understood and recommended it.” For Renan, the prophets signaled the beginning of the story of genuine religious subjectivity, just as the Sermon on the Mount signaled its distilled expression.

THE STAIRCASE WALL AND SARGENT’S SERMON ON THE MOUNT

be In official correspondence dated as early as 1893 (when Sargent was hard at work

on his Prophets) and as late as 1918, the artist maintained that Sermon on the

Mount was essential to his conception of Triumph of Religion.?' His desire to paint this image on the east wall panels was fundamental to his request for the second

contract—and it determined his treatment of the south end of the hall. Furthermore, Sargent clearly understood Sermon not just as one more equally important piece of the whole, but as the “central idea,” the “culmination,” the “keynote of my affair.” °* Without Sermon, Triumph of Religion would not narrate the idea he

had in mind. The second contract specifically subordinated the east and west lunettes to the east wall panels in terms of the expected order of completion as well as significance. In keeping with his qualitatively “evolutionary” pattern or

sequence of installation, however, Sargent began the lunettes first. Presumably in the interest of emphasis, he decided, sometime before 1913 when he told Edward Robinson of his plans, to leave “the three large panels [of the lateral staircase wall] to be finished last of all.”?? This course of action also offered the distinct advantage of visually pulling together the two ends of the room before showcasing the program’s climax.

In the two years or so leading up to the 1916 installation, Sargent redesigned the moldings and the punctuation of the ceiling and the east and west

walls with his three large panels in mind. Until this time he had envisioned a continuous single-subject composition, covering all three panels of the wall surface. A surviving sketch reflects this idea (fig. 20).?* Except when viewed from the

42

SSS SSS SSS SUBJECTIVITY OF MODERN RELIGION

ce ee a, | ye 2 Ao ee Qe iy ee ee ee oe Fig. 20

John Singer Sargent, Study for Sermon on the Mount. Graphite on cream wove paper, 10 5/16 x 16 3/16 in. (26.2 by 41.1 cm). Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Miss Emily Sargent and Mrs. Francis Ormond (through Thomas A. Fox, Esq.), 1933.46 recto

north and south ends of the room, it would have enveloped the viewer’s entire range of vision and continued beyond. In this rendering and in the relatively narrow space of Sargent Hall, Sermon would have assumed panoramic proportions. While this treatment would have underscored the contemporaneity and importance of the theme, the possibility that the piece would seem entirely out of scale with the rest of the cycle, and that it might reinforce the “monotony of that long wall,” apparently dissuaded Sargent from pursuing this course, as he indicated to Josiah Benton in a letter of 8 October 1915 reporting the modification of his plans.

The letter not only reiterated the significance of Sargent’s Sermon panel as his story’s climax, the “end” of the painted sequence, but also noted the addition of flanking “allegorical” figures of Synagogue and Church. These two figures, Sargent declared, he would treat in a manner “totally different” from the Sermon, in part by containing the images in architectural frames (or “shrines” as he called them). In this letter, too, Sargent provided his straightforward explanation for reducing the lateral expanse of the Sermon panel: “My original intention was to cover the three large spaces over the staircase and below the impost with one continuous composi-

eS se ee ee ee a 43

ee GHAPTER

\ es me SE re Fig: 21

John Singer Sargent, Study for East Wall, Tripartite Design: Shrine, Landscape, Shrine. Graphite on cream wove paper, 10 3/8 x 16 1/8 in. (26.3 by 41 cm). Fogg Art

Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Miss Emily Sargent and Mrs. Francis Ormond (through Thomas A. Fox, Esq.), 1933.48 recto

tion of the Sermon on the Mount—but I find that impracticable—one could not stand far enough away to see such an extended composition—and have come to the conclusion to limit that subject to the middle space.” ”° Based on the presumed distance required to view the very large composition as initially conceived, Sargent’s explanation accounts for the more emphatic division of the three panels but not for the addition of new subject matter. Sargent pursued his revised conception of the east wall in a sketch (fig. 21) that shows him moving from the tripartite landscape he first penciled in to an overdrawing of Synagogue and Church in architectural frames. The framing devices altered the visual phrasing of the wall, shrinking the spaces now to be occupied by Synagogue and Church and “expanding” by comparison the central area intended to hold the new single-panel conception of Sermon. The focus on Sermon Sargent would maintain in that panel’s relative scale and lateral orientation.” Sargent’s earliest design for Synagogue and Church, worked out before his

ae |

decision to modify the east wall and probably while he was considering the iconography for the west lunettes, demonstrates that the artist had initially envisioned the allegorical pair as part of the cycle’s relief decoration (fig. 22). In this

44

Sree aan rrarc ee SUBJECTIVITY OF MODERN RELIGION

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| John Singer Sargent, Study for Lunettes and Relief Sculpture, top, west wall; bottom, | east wall, from sketchbook labeled “Lat[e]lish Decoration.” Graphite on off-white wove paper, 10 1/4 x 14 3/4 in. (26 by 37.5 cm). Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Mrs. Francis Ormond, 1937.7.31 folio 4 verso

phase of his thinking, Sargent sketched relief figures of apocalyptic angels for the west side of the room flanking the central lunette of Judgment and relief figures of Synagogue and Church (reversed north to south from their final configuration) for the east side flanking Israel and the Law. The sketch in which the artist superimposed his architectural shrines on the landscape (fig. 21) he probably executed in the two years or so prior to his 1915 letter to Benton, after moving Synagogue and Church from elevated relief pendants adjacent to the lunettes and locating them within the painted scheme for the east wall but before he had reached his final conception of the two figures. As in all the earlier sketches, Synagogue and Church here retain a more conventional iconography and opposition than in the final design.” The London scale model (fig. 23), which Sargent had photographed in 1915 to demonstrate to Josiah Benton and Thomas Fox the changes he desired 1n the moldings and treatment of the ceiling, showed an early conception of Church

in place and a preliminary sketching out of the central Sermon panel. An oil study (fig. 24), now at the Boston Public Library, provides an even better sense of

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| John Singer Sargent, studio model for Special Collections Hall, three bays from center of room to south end. Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Registrar’s Files, refers to 1933.45

this stage of Sargent’s thinking about the staircase wall. Here he retained the landscape features of the central horizontally oriented panel and indicated the rela-

tional scale he desired between Sermon and the smaller, vertically oriented Synagogue and Church. Another preliminary sketch (fig. 25) has the artist working

out the figural composition of Sermon with a crowd of people inclined toward the central figure of Jesus, whose left hand rests on the head of a child. The wall of upright bodies in the middle ground cuts off the sweep of the landscape of ear-

46

TO SUBJECTIVITY OF MODERN RELIGION

lier studies and represents a more intimate view, into which the viewer is drawn by the disposition of the foreground figures. Considering the east wall as a whole, the new, more segmented treatment featured a higher degree of thematic consistency with the lunettes above. Sargent’s Synagogue would be placed under the apocalyptic destruction of Gog and

Magog; his Church under Messianic Era (fig. 26), with the young anointed one, above, striding out confidently over Church’s shoulders; and Sermon itself would appear below the figure of a youthful Israel sheltered by Jehovah’s Law (fig. 27), marking the descent of authority from the Jewish God to the Christian Jesus. Despite the changes in scale and iconography that accompanied Sargent’s east wall modifications (1913—16), the artist and his critics remained sharply focused on the projected climax in the Sermon. Sargent never intended the latecomers, Synagogue and Church, to stand at the apex of his cultural evolutionary scheme. Rather, like Renan, he understood both institutions to represent premodern dimensions of religion. The artist endorsed a conception of the two that eventuated in the library’s labeling them the “Medieval Contrast.” “Medieval” here, in relation to recent developments in the organization and periodization of history, signified not just chronology but also the superstitious, primitive, and archaic.°? Synagogue and Church represented the institutional religious framework that Sargent saw progress discarding as it approached the “more personal relation” of individual will and imagination to the divine that Sermon signified. In Sargent’s panels, implicit in the conventional opposition set up between Synagogue and Church was an even more dramatic dichotomy between the pair of “medieval” images and Sermon’s “modernism.” In terms perhaps especially appealing to an artist, Renan had made his position on religious institutions clear; unlike the Church with its “limited” and “temporary” creeds, the expansive and “pure” worship of Jesus rested on a different founda-

bt tion: “His symbols [creeds] are not fixed dogmas, but images susceptible of indefinite interpretations. We should seek vainly in the gospel for a theological proposition. All professions of faith are disguises of the idea of Jesus.” ”” At the Boston Evening Transcript, art critic William Howe Downes articu-

lated the opinion of many that Sargent had, in fact, organized Synagogue and Church to showcase the all-important Sermon on the Mount. According to Downes, the “extremely quiet tone” of the two allegorical panels was “deliberately premeditated” to emphasize, by comparison, the “brilliancy of the central wall panel.” In the painting that would fill the “important space” between Synagogue and Church, Sargent would “delineate the climax of the evolution of the Christian religion, up to which all the rest of the mural painting in the corridor leads by successive stages in its development.” !°°

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Sh nn aes Sey TN“een Fe NE Diger Fseee” / Coa meee 2 ee CARS eh ee hy4, a) Re y/ ie) ae eae Geass. Pag eR sor Ra 2 eee Rather than literally copying ancient styles, Sargent produced his own “modern” versions from a well-

pt established stylistic lexicon. In the artist’s own words and from his first

descriptions of the murals, he contrasted “material,” “formulated,” “conventional,” “allegorical,” “abstract,” “primitive,” “symbolic,” “archaic,” “severely decorative,” and “definite” renderings with an assumed stylistic opposite corre-

sponding to the “spiritual,” the “subjective,” the “more personal.”''!® This change in style he understood to manifest a change in substance. From Sargent’s perspective, the emblematic mode codified and objectified religious experience, restraining interpretive possibilities. His formulaic language of representation functioned in Sargent Hall to underscore the “pastness,” the otherness, the distance in time and space between what was depicted and the freedom of “modern” experience for the artist and, by extension, the city of Boston. The pagan, the primitive, and the dogmatic made possible for Sargent a rhetorical contemporary opposite: the subjective, the personal, the spiritual. Sargent likened the abandonment of formulas, which he approached in his Prophets and intended to attain fully in the “keynote” of Sermon on the Mount, to a freedom from external and institutionally determined religious authority. He was not interested simply in a chronological historical accounting but (as his title indicated) 1n qualitative change as well,

$4

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in a movement from the material to the spiritual, from the dogmatic to the experiential, from objective to subjective, and from externally generated theological prescription to voluntary, interiorized, and private moral choice. The meaning Sargent assigned to style in Triumph of Religion may represent a late manifestation of a visual discourse Michael Paul Driskel claims was assumed in France during the years of the artist’s training in the Paris studio of

Emile Carolus-Duran. In Representing Belief: Religion, Art, and Society in Nineteenth-

Century France, Driskel has mapped in nineteenth-century French religious art an ideological opposition between naturalism and the “hieratic mode,” corresponding to progressive and traditionalist religious positions respectively.''’ In this case, the hieratic mode, characterized by such qualities as “frontality, stasis, severity, and an emphatic reduction of pictorial illusionism,” was the principal constituent of the aesthetics of ultramontanism. It represented a visual response to and defense against just the sort of secular scientific enterprise signified by the work of Ernest Renan. Naturalism, characterized by a more relaxed individualized rendering and direct observation of the visible universe, could be considered “an adjunct of the ideology of progress”; this mode of representation was preferred by those in search of the historical (as opposed to the supernatural) Jesus.1!® The style, of course, did not actually correspond to the “real” any more than the hieratic/iconic mode corresponded to the “transcendent.” ''? But Sargent and many of his late-nineteenth-century audiences maintained that naturalism was “contemporary” and “scientific,” and thus, by implication, “real.” '?? Driskel argues further that Renan’s application of the basic principles of positivism to the sacred

Ls story of Jewish and Christian scripture and history hovered behind the emer-

gence of a naturalist aesthetic in France after 1850.'*! By the end of the century, when Sargent was painting his public library murals, the hieratic mode was no longer tied to any single ideological position within institutional Christianity in France (not to mention London or Boston). However, its association with a conservative authoritarian Catholic expression in the Paris of Sargent’s own student days might have informed the painter’s selective appropriation of the style, even more likely given Sargent’s interest in Renan.'” Sargent’s adoption of a narrative suggested by Renan and a somewhat outdated stylistic hierarchy informed by French painting theory explains some of the visual peculiarities of Triumph of Religion, for example, the oddly petrified treatment of Moses (fig. 28). In volume 1 of his History of the People of Israel, Renan commented on the antiquity of Moses: “Moses, at the distance [in time] at which he stands, has the appearance of a shapeless column, like the pillar of salt which represents Lot’s wife.”'?? According to Sargent’s schema, of the figures represented in Frieze of Prophets, Moses, as the most “primitive,” is the most styl-

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sor in the lunette above, has the function of making “manifest the law of God.” !*4 That this stylistic setting apart of Moses was a deliberate strategy on Sargent’s part is clear not only in the artist’s own statement that he retained in this central frieze panel alone ‘“‘an element of the abstraction of the preceding portions [i.e., the ceiling and the lunette]” but also in a surviving oil study (fig. 29).'°? In the study, Sargent treated Moses in a manner more consistent with his “living and realistic” treatment of the four major and twelve minor prophets, a manner subsequently rejected by the artist in favor of the sort of formulaic differentiation we see in the finished Hebrew lawgiver.'*° Another early oil study, this one of the north end of the hall (fig. 30), demonstrates that as Sargent’s conception of his

ee a Moses changed, so did his conception of the overall organization of Frieze of Prophets. In the preliminary study of the hall’s north end, columns isolated and contained the individual figures of the prophets. As Moses moved toward the final “great conventionality” described by the library’s 1895 Handbook, the visual orchestration of the Frieze moved from an earlier more regimented appearance toward a freer, more pronounced naturalism. '*’

56

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The main entrance to the Boston Public Library used to face

Copley Square across Dartmouth Street. There was a broad ex| terior stairway and inside there was a beautiful marble staircase

leading up to the main reading room with carved lions and _ high-domed ceilings. It was always a pleasure to go there. It felt like ello ta mrvelems (ole) > if f he er a\\\B\\ ~A\ i Mae oa Bo V4 wyUP PRSSN 7) \e yess

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Pon. A a eee a se || | es ee Ree ee es ola & ane Fig. 46

| Dogma of the Redemption, photograph by Richard Cheek, c. 1977 |

poraries readily acknowledged, this was clearly a “symbolic delineation” of “ancient” and “archaic” Christian dogma, not an expression of religion as practiced in the modern era 1n the United States of America.*° The organization of the hall itself, with its relatively cramped space between the upper landing of the staircase and the south wall, its comparatively high ceilings (the room is higher than it is wide), its skylights distributed across the three central bays of the north-south axis, = and the long barrel vault of the gallery extending back to the north toward the chambers beyond, which housed the rarest special collections of the library, soon rerouted the spectator’s gaze in a northern direction.*’

ee EE ee ee ee ee ee ee a, 80

I RITUAL PERFORMANCES

At the north end of the room, the high-relief Moses with the tablets of the Law (fig. 28) established the initial focal point. In two letters to McKim in December 1891 Sargent indicated his firm commitment to giving Moses sufficient “prominence” on the north wall and providing him with a sort of visual “pedestal.” Following an example he saw “used in a Pinturicchio fresco,” he asked McKim to build out the moldings above and below Moses, thereby secur-

ing for that figure a “real plane in relief.”” The painter would himself “paint a false architectural relief” for the two flanking figures (whom Sargent named as Joshua and Deborah here, though the finished Frieze substituted Elijah for Deborah).* The articulation of the cornice line above the three figures would further secure both the real projection of Moses and the illusory projection of the central block of three with respect to the rest of Frieze of Prophets.*°

Sargent’s composition allowed the eye to rest here momentarily with Moses, then pulled it upward along the strong vertical axis initiated by the figure of Moses above the central feature of the north door and leading upward through

the kneeling figure of the foremost of Sargent’s Israelites oppressed by the stylized leaders and gods of Egypt and Assyria (fig. 6). The loosely symmetrical arrangement of figures in the lunette and the orientation of their bodies punctuated the vertical as did Sargent’s use of strong reds along this axis, in the garments of Elyah

Pt and Joshua who flank Moses and in the red wings of the cherubim embracing Moses and hiding the face of God at the top of the lunette, above. This compositional channel through the center of the lunette Sargent further accentuated by his naturalistic treatment of the Israelites and the formulaic treatment of other figures whose appearance approximates more closely the art historical objects they reference than actual beings. The inscription, excerpted from Psalm 106, on the rib at the juncture of lunette and ceiling vault, informed the diligent viewer that the formulaic images of strange beings in the ceiling (figs. 4 and 5) represented the

“idols of Canaan” in whose pursuit the children of Israel had strayed from the truth. Here Sargent arranged the body of Neith, as he had seen her in Egyptian temples and papyrus, with limbs extended so that her fingers touched down just below Astarte’s crescent moon and her toes behind the “Egyptian trinity” of Isis, Osiris, and Horus on the west.*° The span of Neith’s body is evident in Sargent’s oil studies (figs. 47 and 48) where her toes (at west) and fingers (at east) are more clearly seen than in photographs of the final versions in the library Combined with the judicious use of rich reds, blues, and gold, the disposition of the goddess ensured that the beholder took in the extravagance of images on the ceiling. The visual arrangement of the elements and the deliberate contrast of the initially confusing profusion of the ceiling and lunette with the simplicity of the prophets below, however, especially once a sense of the narrative chronology

SI

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Fig. 47

‘ ae

John Singer Sargent, Study for Moloch, 1892-93. Oil and graphite on canvas, 83 3/4

Fig. 48 |

xX 44 5/8 in. (212.7 x 113.4 cm). Trustees of the Boston Public Library

John Singer Sargent, Study for Astarte, 1892-93. Oil and graphite on canvas, 79 x |

| 40 1/2 in. (200.7 x 102.9 cm). Trustees of the Boston Public Library |

| lea a aeedtraoemenal ea J 82

ae RITUAL PERFORMANCES

emerged, drew the eye back down the central axis to consider Frieze of Prophets (figs. 7-9). Though Sargent later claimed that Frieze of Prophets had become his least favorite element in Triumph, he worked the row of figures to excellent effect in his design.*! Relying on a keen sense of such visual cues as gesture, color, and the use of shallow dimensionality, Sargent organized the nineteen represented individuals to accomplish two simultaneously operative results. First, his distribution of prophets, with the dominant central Moses flanked by the prominent Ezekiel and Isaiah (the three singled out by Renan as well), articulated the significance of the north wall as an independent unit. And, second, some of the same elements also established the overall visual movement of Frieze (comprising panels across the north ends of the west and east walls as well as the north wall itself) as a subtle but certain eastward progression. Both Ezekiel and Isaiah, for example, the

former in voluminous white drapery (fig. 49), the latter robed in heavy blue,

pt

stand to the east of center in their respective panels. Preliminary sketches and , studies for the prophets (figs. so and 51) indicate the degree to which the artist — considered a large range of possibilities in terms of gesture and the positioning of 7 hands, faces, and draperies before settling on the final design with its elaborate , choreography.*? In an early sketch (fig. 52) now at the Fogg, for example, Micah assumes a posture similar to that adopted by Jonah in the completed frieze. In the

single panel of four (as shown in Sargent’s sketch), this posture served to anchor a the gestures of the other three figures. In the full composition of nineteen oo. prophets, however, Micah had to respond, across the room, to Joel as well. Generated by the point and counterpoint of Sargent’s deliberate figural arrangements a and by the brilliant interplay of hue, value, and saturation, the chain of figures weaves its way across the shallow space. This line of movement culminates in the three southernmost figures (Haggai, Malachi, and Zechariah; fig. 9), whose gestures lead the viewer to the east wall. The ceiling vault too played a role in the gestural dance toward the east; Sargent reversed the conventional mythological disposition of Neith’s body so that the Egyptian sky goddess’s fingers would touch down on the east, thus rein-

forcing the directional sense of the prophets.*? Even in 1895, when only the north end images were in place, the artist’s direction of attention to the east was evident to library patrons, as an early print by Ernest C. Peixotto demonstrates (fig. $3). In this illustration for Scribner’s Magazine, of the seven spectators depicted in Sargent Hall, three look toward the north wall segments of the Frieze of Prophets, one gazes up and slightly to the left, likely taking in the western portion of the north

wall lunette, and three look toward the east wall segment of the Frieze, the socalled Prophets of Hope, who, like Peixotto, direct their attention (and ours) to the empty east wall panels that would ultimately contain Triumph’s focus.

83

GHAPTER =

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| John Singer Sargent, Frieze of Prophets, panel at west end of north wall, installed 1895. Oil and gilding on canvas. Trustees of the Boston Public Library |

Fig. 50

Opposite, top left: John Singer Sargent, Study for the Prophet Joel, c. 1891-94. Char- | coal on cream wove paper, 14 3/8 x 9 15/16 in. (36.6 x 25.3 cm). Fogg Art Museum, |

| Fig. $1

Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Mrs. Francis Ormond, 1937.7.32 folio 3 recto

|

Opposite, top right: John Singer Sargent, Study for Frieze of Prophets, West Wall

Panel, c. 1891-94. Graphite on cream wove paper, 9 15/16 x 14 3/8 in. (25.3 x 36.6 cm). Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Mrs. Francis Ormond, 1937.7.32 folio 12 recto

Fig. 52

Opposite, bottom: John Singer Sargent, Study for Frieze of Prophets, East Wall

| Panel, c. 1891-94. Graphite and charcoal on off-white wove paper, 10 x 14 1/2 in. (25.4 x 36.8 cm). Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Mrs. Francis Ormond, 1937.7.32 folio 10 verso

84

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John Singer Sargent, Study for Israel and the Law (detail), c. 1909. Oil and graphite

Fig. 67 |

on canvas. Trustees of the Boston Public Library

Opposite: John Singer Sargent, Study for Israel and the Law, from an album of 107 | studies for Israel and the Law. Charcoal on faded greenish blue laid paper, 18 3/8 x

24 1/4 in. (46.8 x 61.5 cm). Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift |

of Mrs. Francis Ormond, 1937.11 folio 2 | ages together (Sermon and Israel and the Law) would establish a strong vertical axis in the center of the east wall.°° This axis and the dominant visual focus it created for the room would have been underscored by Sargent’s placement of the two paintings and their principal figures immediately above the balcony door on the first landing of the main staircase into the room and its balanced relation to the punctuating feature of the music room entrance, opposite on the west wall (see tig, 2).

98

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| Fig. 76

1509-10. Fresco. Sistine Ceiling, Vatican, Rome

|

Opposite, bottom: John Singer Sargent, Study for Israel and the Law, from album of

107 studies for /srael and the Law. Charcoal on off-white laid paper, 18 1/2 x 24 3/8 in. (47 x 62 cm). Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Gift of Mrs. Francis Ormond, 1937.11 folio 21

Fig. 77

Michelangelo Buonarroti, Cumaean Sibyl, 1510. Fresco. Sistine Ceiling, Vatican,

| Rome

119

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Michelangelo Buonarroti, Pietd, n.d. Black chalk on hand-laid paper, 11 3/8 x 71/2 in. (29 x19 cm). Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston, 1.2.0.16 Fig. 79

Opposite, top: John Singer Sargent, Tyrolese Interior, 1915. Oil on canvas, 28 1/8 x 22 in. (71.4 X 55.9 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, George A. Hearn Fund, 1915 Fig. 80

Opposite, bottom: Sistine Chapel, Vatican, Rome. View toward altar, with Cosimo Rosselli’s Giving of the Law at left and Sermon on the Mount at right

Sargent’s mining of the Sistine Chapel went beyond his appropriations from Michelangelo (which themselves went beyond the Sistine Chapel) to affirm his own substantial interest in the so-called Italian primitives of the fifteenth century (and earlier) whose reputations, by the middle of the nineteenth century, were in the process of revitalization.** Beginning earlier in the century, artists and historians alike contributed to revised and now positive appraisals of these works. Sargent registered his opinion on the subject in his high esteem for Botticelli, in periodic travel to visit Alpine, Italian, and Spanish sites known for their “primitive” art (e.g., fig. 79), and in his intense interest in exhibitions that included “primitive” works. In a letter to Ariana Curtis in 1907, for example, the artist described his delight in an exhibition in Perugia of “charming primitives, and of magnificent church treasures in the way of stuffs [fabric], crosses, ciboires, etc.—

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