Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death: the arts, religion, and society in the mid-fourteenth century 9780691039190, 9780691003122

The first extended study of the painting of Florence and Siena in the later 14th century, this book presents a rich inte

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Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death: the arts, religion, and society in the mid-fourteenth century
 9780691039190, 9780691003122

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION
FOREWORD
INTRODUCTION (page 3)
I. THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT (page 9)
II. THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY (page 59)
III. GUILT, PENANCE, AND RELIGIOUS RAPTURE (page 74)
IV. THE SPANISH CHAPEL (page 94)
V. TEXTS AND IMAGES (page 105)
VI. THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY (page 132)
VII. BOCCACCIO (page 157)
APPENDICES (page 166)
INDEX (page 177)
INDEX SUPPLEMENT (page 195)

Citation preview

Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death

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Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death The Arts, Religion, and Society in the Mid-Fourteenth Century MILLARD MEISS

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS Princeton, New Jersey

Copyright 1951 by Princeton University Press All Rights Reserved Published by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey In the U.K.: Princeton University Press, Chichester, West Sussex LCC 51-14790 ISBN 0-69 1-00312-2 (paperback edn.) ISBN 0-691-03919-4 (hardcover edn.) Previously published in paperback by Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc.: Torchbook Edition, 1964; Icon Edition, 1973 Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources First PRINCETON PAPERBACK printing, 1978 Printed in the United States of America by Princeton Academic Press

ll 13 15 17 #19 18 16 14 12

To

C.L. M.

and M. L. M.

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CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

INTRODUCTION 3 I. THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT 9 FOREWORD

Orcagna’s Altarpiece 9 The Madonna by Nardo 14

From Narrative to Ritual 16 The Exaltation of God, the Church, and the Priest 27

The Supernatural 39 The Recovery of the Dugento 44

Barna. Conclusion 53

Il. THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY 59

The Economic Crisis 61 Political and Social Change 62

The Black Death 64 Economic and Social Consequences of the Plague 67

The Effect upon Culture and Art 7}

III. GUILT, PENANCE, AND RELIGIOUS RAPTURE 74

IV. THE SPANISH CHAPEL 94 V. TEXTS AND IMAGES 105 VI. THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY 132 Origin and Development The Meaning of the Image 132 145

VII. BOCCACCIO 157

APPENDICES 166 I. Chronological Table 166

II. Facts about the Painters 168

INDEX 177 INDEX SUPPLEMENT 195

III. Some Recent Criticism of Orcagna 172 IV. A New Polyptych by Andrea da Firenze 175,

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ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Orcagna, The Strozzi Altarpiece, S. M. Novella, Florence. 1354-1357 2. Meliore, Polyptych, Academy, Florence. 1271 3. Roman, early thirteenth century, Christ Enthroned, Duomo, Sutri 4. Giovanni da Milano, Christ Enthroned, Contini collection, Florence 5. Orcagna and Associates, detail of the tabernacle, Or San Michele, Florence. 1352-1359 6. Orcagna, Saints Michael and Catherine, detail of Fig. 1 ». Orcagna, Saints Lawrence and Paul, detail of Fig. 1 8. Orcagna, Death and Assumption of the Virgin, Or San Michele, Florence g. Follower of Nardo, Triptych, Academy, Florence. 1365 10. Giotto, Madonna, Uffizi, Florence 11. Nardo di Cione, Madonna, New-York Historical Society. 1356? 12. Taddeo Gaddi, Presentation in the Temple, Academy, Florence 13. Giovanni del Biondo, Presentation in the Temple, Academy, Florence. 1 364 14. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Presentation in the Temple, Uffizi. 1342 15. Bartolo di Fredi, Presentation in the ‘Temple, Louvre 16. The Bigallo Master, Madonna, A. Acton collection, Florence 17. Giovanni del Biondo, St. Jerome, S. M. Novella, Florence 18. Follower of Orcagna, Presentation in the Temple, Dr. Franz Haniel collection, Munich¢ ig. Osservanza Master, Birth of the Virgin, Collegiata, Asciano 20. Bartolo di Fredi, Birth of the Virgin, S. Agostino, S. Gimignano 21. Luca di Tommé, Assumption of the Virgin, Gallery of Fine Arts, Yale University 22. Follower of Simone Martini, Assumption of the Virgin, Alte Pinakothek, Munich 23. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Madonna, Brera, Milan 24. Andrea Vanni, Madonna, S. Donato, Siena 26. Niccolé di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, Triptych, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (pinnacles by a Florentine painter) 26, Giotto, Meeting at the Golden Gate, Arena Chapel, Padua. ca. 1305 27. Giovanni da Milano, Meeting at the Golden Gate, S. Croce, Florence. 1365 28. Orcagna, Presentation of the Virgin, Or San Michele, Florence 29. Giotto, Presentation of the Virgin, Arena Chapel, Padua. ca. 1305 go. Orcagna, head of the Baptist, detail of Fig. 1 g1. Andrea da Firenze, head of St. Nicholas, detail of Fig. 64 32. Taddeo Gaddi, Presentation of the Virgin, Louvre 33. Taddeo Gaddi, Meeting at the Golden Gate, S. Croce, Florence 34. Pisan, late thirteenth century, Expulsion of Joachim, Museo Civico, Pisa 35. Giotto, Expulsion of Joachim, Arena Chapel, Padua. ca. 1305 36. Giovanni da Milano, Expulsion of Joachim, S. Croce, Florence. 1365 37. Giovanni da Milano, Resurrection of Lazarus, S. Croce, Florence. 1365 38. Andrea da Firenze, Way to Calvary, Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella, Florence. 1366-1368 39. Close Follower of Orcagna, Pentecost, Badia, Florence 40. Taddeo Gaddi, Pentecost, Kaiser-Friedrich Museum, Berlin 41. Andrea da Firenze, Pentecost, Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella. 1366-1368 42. Follower of the Cioni, Holy Face, Jack Linsky collection, New York 43. Florentine, ca. 1410, Holy Face, Horne Museum, Florence 44. Andrea da Firenze, pilgrim, detail of Fig. 94

ILLUSTRATIONS

45. Venetian, ca. 1325, Sudarium, Museo Civico, Trieste 46. Sienese, late fourteenth century, Sudarium,. Lanz collection, Amsterdam 47. Andrea da Firenze, Resurrection, Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella. 1366-1368 48. Ugolino da Siena, Resurrection, National Gallery, London

49. Jacopo di Cione, Resurrection, National Gallery, London. 1370-1371 | 50. Luca di Tommé, Triptych, T. S. Hyland collection, Greenwich, Conn. 51. Nardo di Cione, Madonna, Tessie Jones collection, Balmville, New York 52. Giovanni del Biondo, Madonna and Saints, Vatican Gallery

"3. Jacopo di Cione, Madonna, Ss. Apostoli, Florence 54. Bartolo di Fredi, Coronation of the Virgin, Museo Civico, Montalcino, 1388 55. Jacopo Torriti, Coronation of the Virgin, S. M. Maggiore, Rome. 1295 56. Jacopo di Cione, Coronation of the Virgin, Academy, Florence. 1373 57- Maestro Paolo, Coronation of the Virgin, Brera, Milan 58. Master of the Stefaneschi Altarpiece, Coronation of the Virgin, S. Croce, Florence 59- Orcagna and Jacopo di Cione, St. Matthew Altarpiece, Uffizi. 1367-1369 60. Andrea da Firenze, heads of two soldiers, detail of Fig. 96 61. Giacomo di Mino del Pellicciaio, head of St. Anthony, Pinacoteca, Siena. 1362 62. Andrea Vanni, head of St. Peter, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 63. Andrea da Firenze, Polyptych, National Gallery, London

64. Andrea da Firenze, Polyptych, S. M. del Carmine, Florence 65. Lucchese, ca. 1260, Deposition, Uffizi, Florence 66. Bartolo di Fredi, Deposition, S. Francesco, Montalcino. 1382 67. Duccio, Deposition, Opera del Duomo, Siena. 1310-11 68. Giovanni del Biondo, Altarpiece of the Baptist, Contini collection, Florence 69. Giovanni del Biondo, St. John Evangelist, Uffizi, Florence %o. Giovanni del Biondo, St. Zenobius, Duomo, Florence 71. Pride, Avarice, and Vainglory, detail of Fig. 69

72. Giotto, Caritas, Arena Chapel, Padua 43. Giotto, Faith, Arena Chapel, Padua “4. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Bad Government, Palazzo Pubblico, Siena 75. Simone Martini, Way to Calvary, Louvre 76. Barna, Way to Calvary, Collegiata, S. Gimignano 77. Duccio, The Pact of Judas, Opera del Duomo, Siena. 1310-11 78: Barna, The Pact of Judas, Collegiata, S. Gimignano 49g. Barna, The Last Supper, Collegiata, S. Gimignano 80. Bartolo di Fredi, Crossing of the Red Sea, Collegiata, S. Gimignano. 1367 81. Barna, Christ Teaching in the Temple, Collegiata, S. Gimignano 82. Bartolo di Fredi, Death of the Children of Job, Collegiata, S. Gimignano. 1367 83. Assistant of Orcagna, detail of Hell, S. Croce, Florence 84. Assistant of Orcagna, detail of Hell, §. Croce, Florence

: 85. Francesco Traini, The Triumph of Death, Camposanto, Pisa 86. Orcagna, fragment of the Triumph of Death, S. Croce, Florence 87. Francesco Traini, Last Judgment, Pisa 88. Giotto, Last Judgment, Arena Chapel, Padua. ca. 1305 89. Nardo di Cione, detail of Last Judgment, S. M. Novella, Florence go. Florentine, ca. 1355, Last Judgment, Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Magl. 11.1. 212,

f. 64Vv

ILLUSTRATIONS

gi. Giovanni del Biondo, Martyrdom of St. Sebastian, Opera del Duomo, Florence g2. Barna, Crucifixion, Collegiata, S. Gimignano 93. Interior of the Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella, Florence. 1366-1368 94. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis, Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella 95. Andrea da Firenze, Christian Learning, Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella, Florence 96. Andrea da Firenze, Crucifixion, Way to Calvary, and Limbo, S. M. Novella, Florence g7. Andrea da Firenze, The Navicella, S. M. Novella, Florence 98. Andrea da Firenze, Limbo, Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella gg. Florentine, Mystic Marriage of Christ and the Virgin, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 100. Follower of the St. Cecilia Master, Marriage of Catherine of Alexandria (detail), W. R. Hearst collection (formerly) 101. Giotto, Marriage of the Virgin, Arena Chapel, Padua 102. Follower of Giotto, Marriage of Francis to Poverty, S. Francesco, Assisi 103. Pacio and Giovanni da Firenze, Catherine of Alexandria receiving an image of the Madonna, S. Chiara, Naples 104. Giovanni di Paolo, Marriage of Catherine of Siena, Stoclet collection, Brussels 105. The Dijon Master, Marriage of Catherine of Alexandria, Ringling Museum, Sarasota, Florida 106. Giovanni del Biondo, Marriage of Catherine of Alexandria, Allentown Art Museum, Allentown, Pa. 107. Associate of Barna, Marriage of Catherine of Alexandria, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 108. Giovanni Pisano, Ecclesia, Duomo, Pisa 109. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Good Government with Caritas above, Palazzo Pubblico, Siena 110. Tino di Camaino, Caritas, Opera del Duomo, Florence 111. Pisan Master, Marriage of Catherine of Siena, Museo Civico, Pisa 112. Giovanni di Paolo, Catherine offering Christ her heart, Stoclet collection, Brussels 113. Bonaventura Berlinghieri, Stigmatization of St. Francis, S. Francesco, Pescia. 1235 114. Florentine Painter, ca. 1250, Stigmatization of St. Francis, Uffizi, Florence 115. School of Guido da Siena, Stigmatization of St. Francis, Pinacoteca, Siena 116. Stigmatization of St. Francis, S. Francesco, Assisi 117. Giovanni di Paolo, Stigmatization of St. Catherine of Siena, Robert Lehman collection, New York 118. Florentine, early fourteenth century, The Disrobing of Christ, T. S. Hyland collection, Greenwich, Conn. 119. Luca di Tommé, Madonna, Pinacoteca, Siena 120. Niccold di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, Madonna, William Rockhill Nelson Gallery, Kansas City 121, Follower of Orcagna, Man of Sorrows, Museo dell’Opera di S. Croce, Florence 122. Guido da Siena, Christ mounting the Cross, Archiepiscopal Museum, Utrecht 123. Niccolé di Tommaso, Lamentation, Congregazione del] Carita, Parma 124. Follower of Niccolé di Buonaccorso, detail of Altarpiece, Pinacoteca, Siena

125. Niccolo di Tommaso, Man of Sorrows, The Cloisters, New York 126. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Crucifixion, Fogg Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 127. Andrea Vanni, Saints Peter and Paul, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 128. Workshop of Simone Martini, Madonna of Humility, Kaiser-Friedrich Museum, Berlin 129. Bartolommeo da Camogli, Madonna of Humility, Museo Nazionale, Palermo. 1346 130. Simone Martini, Madonna of Humility, Notre-Dame-des-Doms, Avignon 131. Andrea di Bartolo, Madonna of Humility, National Gallery, Washington

ILLUSTRATIONS

132. Giovanni di Niccolo, Madonna of Humility, Ca d’Oro, Venice 133. Neapolitan Follower of Simone Martini, Madonna of Humility, S$. Domenico, Naples

134. Simone dei Crocefissi, Madonna of Humility, private collection, Florence 135. Lorenzo Veneziano, Madonna of Humility, National Gallery, London 136. Fra Paolo da Modena, Madonna of Humility, Gallery, Modena 137. Allegretto Nuzi, Madonna of Humility, Gallery, San Severino 238. Jacopo di Cione, Madonna of Humility, Academy, Florence 139. The Assistant of Daddi, Madonna of Humility, Parry collection. 1348 140. Orcagna and Jacopo di Cione, Madonna of Humility, National Gallery, Washington 141. Domenico di Bartolo, Madonna of Humility, Pinacoteca, Siena. 1433 142. Master of the Straus Madonna, Madonna of Humility, Kaiser-Friedrich Museum,

Berlin ,

143. Stenese School, Madonna of Humility, Philadelphia Museum, Philadelphia 144. Master of Flémalle, Madonna of Humility, National Gallery, London 145. Follower of Nardo, Madonna, Academy, Florence 146. Flemish, ca. 1430, Madonna of Humility, Morgan Library, New York, Ms 46, f. 85v 147. French, 1350-1370, Madonna of Humility, Morgan Library, New York, ms 88, f. 151 148. Jaime Serra, Madonna of Humility, Parish Church, Palau 149. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Maesta, detail, Museo, Massa Marittima 150. Follower of Jacquemart de Hesdin, Madonna of Humility, British Museum, London, Yates Thompson ms 37, f. 92 151. The Boucicaut Master, Madonna of Humility, Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, ms lat. 1161, £. 130V

152. Flemish, Madonna of Humility, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp 153. French, ca. 1410, Madonna of Humility, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, ms 232 154. Giovanni da Bologna, Madonna of Humility, Academy, Venice 155. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Madonna, S. Francesco, Siena 156. Second century, Madonna, Catacombs of Priscilla, Rome 157. Amiens, late thirteenth century, Nativity, Morgan Library, New York, ms 729, f. 246v | 158. Majorcan, fourteenth century, Legend of St. Bernard, Archaeological Museum, Palma

159. Taddeo Gaddi, Nativity, Kaiser-Friedrich Museum, Berlin 160. Liége, thirteenth century, Adam and Eve, Morgan Library, New York, ms 183, f. 13 161. French, ca. 1480, “Les Pauvres,” Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, ms fr. 9608, f. 20 162. Twelfth century, Tree of Virtues, Vatican Library, ms pal. lat. 565, £. 32

163. Simone dei Crocefissi, Vision of the Virgin, Pinacoteca, Ferrara . 164. English, thirteenth century, illustration of Apocalypse xu, 1-4, Morgan Library, New York, MS 524, £. 30v

165. Paolo di Giovanni Fei, Presentation of the Virgin, National Gallery, Washington 166. Giotto, Infidelity, Arena Chapel, Padua 164. Follower of Giotto, Obedience and Humility, S. Francesco, Assisi 168. Orcagna, St. Thomas celebrating mass, detail of the Strozzi Altarpiece, S. M. Novella,

Florence

169. Master of the Stefaneschi Altarptece, Madonna, Saints, and Virtues, Wildenstein and Company, New York

PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION As an auther contemplating a new edition of an old book I have faced the usual alter-

native of revising the text or letting it stand. I would not wish to alter the content basically, but after fifteen years a writer has a rather different—but not necessarily better—way of putting things. A conscientious scrutiny now of the countless decisions that went into the making of the book would be a large, and perhaps dubious, enterprise. One might begin right on the title page. The title places painting in an ‘‘historical” context by reference to a contemporary event—an event well known, definitely

datable, and cataclysmic, but only one of many brought into relation with the art of the time. To this extent “After the Black Death” oversimplifies, as titles often do, the argument of the text. “Painting in Florence and Siena in the Third Quarter of the Fourteenth Century” would scarcely mislead anyone, but isn’t it proportionately less informative? One kind of revision, however, has seemed to me worth undertaking. I have sought to track down the new “addresses” of all paintings that have changed hands. The present owners have been substituted for the former, except in the case of the many paint-

ings once in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum in Berlin. Those that survived the fire of 1945 are all now in Museum Dahlem, Berlin-Dahlem. For technical reasons in the production of the book the references to these Berlin paintings in the text have been left unchanged. The original index is reprinted without a change but all the new addresses appear in the Index Supplement of 1964. I would not have discovered the identity of many new owners without the very generous help of Dr. Klara Steinweg, to whom I wish to express my warmest thanks. A number of typographical errors, now of course corrected, were called to my attention by a considerate friend, Agnes Mongan of the Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University, who listed them in a letter to me rather than in the review of the book she published In 1952.

The nature of the inquiry led me to poach considerably on adjacent historical fields. My task would have been simplified if a good recent book had been available at the time: G. A. Brucker, Florentine Politics and Society, 1343-1378, Princeton, 1962. This is the most comprehensive of numerous studies of Florentine later Trecento history that have been published since the appearance of The Pest. The reader may wish to consult some of these studies, all listed in Brucker’s excellent bibliography. Especially relevant is the paper by M. B. Becker, ‘““An Essay on the ‘Novi Cives’ and Florentine Politics, 1342-1382," Mediaeval Studies, XXIV, 1962, pp. 35-82, the most recent of this historian's important contributions to the social and political developments of the time. A useful survey of the literature on the plague is provided by Elisabeth Carpentier, “Autour de la Peste Noire: Famines et épidémies dans I’histoire du XIV*° siécle,”’ Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, XVII, 1962, pp. 1062-1092. While these studies greatly extend our knowledge of the period, they do not seem to me to require changes in the present text.

April, 1964 M.M. Princeton, N. J.

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FOREWORD HE present book deals with Florentine and Sienese painting from around 1350 T to 1375. This is not one of the great periods in the history of these two remarkable schools, but it has seemed to me one of the most problematic. In it those aspects of reality and those problems of form that had occupied the leading masters of the first half of the century, and that were soon again to occupy the artists of the early Renaissance, were suddenly opposed by other values. The painters became engrossed with qualities which do not easily find a place in the evolution leading from Giotto to Masaccio, or from Simone and the Lorenzetti to Sassetta. The first part of the book endeavors to show that these qualities, however foreign to this evolution and to classical taste, are coherent and purposeful, and that the more important paintings of the time present a unique range of meaning and form. The subsequent chapters confront the problem of the emergence of this art, and they attempt to interpret it in the light of contemporary religious sentiment, contemporary literary thought, and a state of mind that was affected by a series of unusual events. In tracing these varied relationships I have not been unaware of the risks expressed by the old Tuscan proverb: Chi due volpe caccia L’una per l’altra perde.

One chapter, the Madonna of Humility, is not new. It was originally published as an article in the Art Bulletin in 1936. Part of this essay, particularly the account of the spread of the image in the northern countries, falls outside the scope of this book. But since much of the rest deals with the broader aspects of style and iconography in the first half of the fourteenth century, it extends and makes more concrete observations about the art of that period that are essential to the present study. To adjust the article to its new context I have revised the writing, but the content.remains essentially unchanged. Two or three very brief additions have been made to the footnotes, a couple of attributions have been revised, and changes of ownership noted. I have not found it desirable to be entirely consistent in the handling of quotations. Excerpts from poetry are usually included in the text, while the translations are placed in the footnotes. The reverse procedure is usually followed for prose. The original is always included, even in longer quotations, where the color and nuance of the language, which have mostly escaped translation, are as important as the ideas expressed. In a few instances, however, where published translations are quoted, the original has been omitted so as to limit the size of the notes. J am deeply indebted to the Bollingen Foundation for a grant in aid of the publication of this book. My work has been greatly facilitated in many ways by the friendly assistance of members of the staff of the Frick Art Reference Library and its librarian, Mrs. Henry Howell, Jr. They have my warmest thanks. The librarians in charge of inter-library loan in the Columbia University Library, and Miss Mary Chamberlin

FOREWORD

of the Fine Arts Library, have also been very helpful. A number of collectors, Conte

Alessandro Contini-Bonacossi, Miss Tessie Jones; Mr. Robert Lehman, and M. Alphonse Stoclet have generously permitted me to reproduce paintings in their collections, and I owe several photographs to the kind intervention of Enzo Carli, W. G. Constable, Philip Hendy, and A. O. Quintavalle. I am very grateful for suggestions

and criticism to several colleagues and friends: Hans Baron, Dino Bigongiari, Lucile Bush, Vittorio Gabrieli, Ruth W. Kennedy, Paul Oskar Kristeller, Hanns Swarzenski, and, above all, Erwin Panofsky. To two good friends, Richard Krautheimer

and Richard Offner, I feel a special gratitude. Richard Krautheimer read the manuscript and made many valuable observations. Richard Offner lent me several photographs for study or for reproduction, and he was unsparing of his own time in bringing to my hypotheses his incomparable knowledge of the painting of the time. My wife has been helpful in innumerable ways. Throughout the period of preparation and composition she maintained unfailingly just the right blend of enthusiasm and indifference.

MILLARD MEISS New York City, June 1950

Painting in

Florence and Siena |

after the Black Death

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INTRODUCTION N ONE Of his T'recento novelle, written around 1390 toward the end of his life, Franco Sacchetti relates the following incident: “In the city of Florence, which has always been rich in talented men, there were once certain painters and other masters who were at a place outside the city called San Miniato al Monte for some painting and other work that had to be done in the church; after they had had a meal with the abbot and were well wined and dined, they began to converse; and among other questions, this was posed by one of them called Orcagna, who was head master of the noble oratory of Our Lady of Orto San Michele: “Who was the greatest master of painting that we have had, who other than Giotto?’ Some replied Cimabue, some Stefano, some Bernardo [Daddi], others Buffalmacco, and some named one master, and others another. ‘Taddeo Gaddi, who was one of the company, said: ‘Certainly there have been plenty of skillful painters, and they have painted in a manner that is impossible for human hand to equal; but this art has grown and continues to grow worse day by day.’ ’” The story, which has come down to us incomplete, then takes a jocular turn in the remarks of the sculptor Alberto di Arnaldo. He belittles the opinions of the others, saying that excellent painters, the equals of Giotto, were working at that very moment—the Florentine women, whose skill in cosmetics corrects the defects of the greatest painter of them all, God. The proposals for Giotto’s nearest rival have an authentic ring, and it is generally agreed, though we cannot be certain, that the story reflects a conversation at a gathering at S. Miniato in the late ’fifties.» We know all the artists present and those men-

tioned in the discussion—one group, Taddeo Gaddi, Orcagna, Bernardo Daddi, Cimabue, Alberto di Arnaldo by their works, another, Stefano and Buffalmacco (the St. Cecilia Master?), by reputation. We should expect the assembled masters to accept the preeminence of Giotto without question. And as for the choices expressed by the group, they are remarkable, so far as we can judge, only for the omission of Maso, surely Giotto’s greatest follower, and perhaps Nardo. Taddeo Gaddi himself was not 1 “Nella citta di Firenze, che sempre di nuovi Bernardo, e chi Buffalmacco, e chi uno e chi uomini é stata doviziosa, furono gia certi di- un altro. Taddeo Gaddi, che era nella brigata pintori, e altri maestri, li quali essendo a un disse: per certo assai valentri dipintori sono luogo fuori della citta, che si chiama San Mini- stati, e che hanno dipinto per forma, ch’é imato a Monte, per alcuna dipintura e lavorio, possibile a natura umana poterlo fare; ma che alla chiesa si dovea fare; quando ebbono questa arte € venuta e viene mancando tutto desinato con l’Abate, e ben pasciuti e bene di” (Novella 136). avvinazzati, cominciarono a questionare; e tra 2 Orcagna was capomaestro of Or S. Michele l’altre questione mosse uno, che avea nome from 1355 to 1359, and both Taddeo Gaddi l’Orcagna, il quale fu capo maestro dell’ora- and Alberto di Arnaldo were in Florence at torio nobile di Nostra Donna d’Orto San that time (see J. von Schlosser, Quellenbuch Michele: qual fu il maggior maestro di dipig- fiir Kunstgeschichte, xvi, Vienna, 1896, p. nere, che altro, che sia stato da Giotto in fuori? 3.49). Chi dicea, che fu Cimabue, chi Stefano, chi 3

INTRODUCTION

proposed, possibly because he was present; nor Orcagna, who was both present and the proponent of the question. Quite surprising, however, at least on first consideration,

is the statement of Taddeo Gaddi. For it goes beyond an acceptance of the superiority of Giotto, already dead some twenty-three years, to assert a continuous decline of the art into the present moment.’ Though laments about the state of contemporary art are common enough in history, precisely in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries they were exceedingly rare. Taddeo’s pessimistic opinion is thus exceptional in its time, and it is all the more remarkable because of the occasion on which it was expressed. For it was spoken in the very presence of Orcagna, certainly the greatest Florentine Trecento painter after Giotto, excepting only Maso di Banco. And it ignores the stature not only of Orcagna but of

his brother Nardo and of Andrea Bonaiuti, who were inferior to Maso but no less gifted than any of the other masters of the earlier part of the century, Bernardo Daddi and Taddeo Gaddi himself included. The significance of this extraordinary judgment may be grasped, I believe, if we consider the historical position and the taste of its author. Taddeo Gaddi was the most devoted pupil of Giotto. He had worked with him, according to Cennino Cennini, for twenty-four years, and in the later fifties he was the only veteran of Giotto’s circle still alive. Elis insights and his taste were those of an earlier time, and the utter failure to recognize the greatness of Orcagna, if we may trust Sacchetti, suggests an important truth—the profound difference of the art of this painter and his contemporaries from that of Giotto and his successors in the earlier part of the century.

This difference implies not only that people with a taste formed in the earlier Trecento might fail to understand Orcagna, but also that some members of Orcagna’s generation might feel less enthusiastic than their elders about Giotto. Possibly we may find an intimation of this in a rather cryptic comment of a writer of the time. In the great chorus of approval of the painting of Giotto that begins with Dante and Riccobaldo and extends into the fifteenth century there was only one discordant note. It was introduced by a writer just a few years younger than Orcagna, Benvenuto da Imola. Though Benvenuto was not Florentine, he lived for a time in Florence* and he was quite familiar with Florentine critical and historical thought. In his commentary on the Divine Comedy, which he wrote ca. 1376, he upheld the reputation and the superiority of Giotto, but qualified it with what, in the light of earlier and later opinion, amounts to heresy. “Giotto,” he said, “‘still holds the field because no one subtler than § The story has been mentioned by previous lation in part incorrect); W. R. Valentiner, in writers simply as evidence of the pessimism, the Art Quarterly, xu, 1949, p. 48 (Taddeo’s the “Epigonengefiihl,” of all the artists present. reply incorrectly read). ) See J. v. Schlosser, in Kunstgeschichtliches *From 1357 to 1360 and in 1373-1374 (see Jahrbuch der K. K. Zentralkommisston, 1v, P. Toynbee, Dante Studies, London, 1902, pp.

1910, p. 126; P. Toesca, Florentine Painting of 218-222).

the Trecento, New York, n.d., p. 50 (the trans-

4

INTRODUCTION

he has yet appeared, even though at times he made great errors in his paintings, as ! have heard from men of outstanding talent in such matters.’” These are serious charges against the man who had been widely hailed as the founder of modern painting and the greatest master since the Greeks. They have been ignored by almost all later historians, and recently one scholar has attempted to dispel them by

attributing their meaning exclusively to their context. Benvenuto’s statement occurs in the course of his discussion of Dante’s famous passage on the transitory nature of fame. The poet says that the renown of Oderisio the miniaturist was short-lived because he was immediately succeeded by Franco, just as Cimabue was eclipsed by Giotto.

O vana gloria dell’umane posse, Com’ poco verde in su la cima dura, Se non é giunta dall’etadi grosse! Credette Cimabue nella pittura Tener lo campo, ed ora ha Giotto il grido, Si che la fama di colui é oscura.®

It has been suggested that Benvenuto’s reference to the great errors of Giotto was simply contrived ad hoc, to extend to this painter also Dante’s thought about the brevity of fame.’ But neither the verses themselves nor Benvenuto’s comments permit this interpretation. Dante was concerned first of all with reputation and renown, not with problems of criticism and value. Benvenuto himself understood this, devoting most of his commentary on the passage to a discussion of Dante’s condition for the loss of fame. The glory of Plato, he says, was dimmed by Aristotle. But since Aristotle was not followed by a philosopher equally as subtle, his reputation survived to the present day.® Virgil enjoyed a similar good fortune, for similar reasons, while Cimabue was unlucky enough to find himself not ‘in aetatibus grossis” but “subtilioribus.’’ Giotto on the other hand, Benvenuto says, had no equally subtle successor. Benvenuto would have been inconsistent then if he had supposed a necessary decline in Giotto’s reputa-

5“ . . Giottus adhuc tenet campum, quia writing about 1395, says that he made two nondum venit alius eo subtilior, cum tamen errors in the Campanile, of which he was aware fecerit aliquando magnos errores in picturis and which led him to die of a broken heart. suis, ut audivi a magnis ingeniis’ (Comen- ‘“Composie et ordind il campanile. . . . Comtum super Dantis Aldigheritt Comoediam, missevi due errori: l’uno, che non ebbe ceppo

ed. Florence, 1887, II!, p. 313). da pié, l’altro, che fu stretto: posesene tanto

¢“O empty glory of human powers! How dolore al cuore, ch’egli si dice, ch’egli ne ‘inshort the time its green endures at its peak, fermo e morrissene” (see Milanesi in Vasari, if it be not overtaken by crude ages! Cimabue 1, p. 371). Schlosser, op.cit., p. 124, refers to thought to hold the field in painting, and changes in the design made by Giotto’s suc-

5.

now Giotto has the cry, so that the fame of the cessors as a possible source of the Anonimo’s

former is obscured.” (Purgatorio, XI, 91-95.) fable.

7R. Salvini, Grotto, Rome, 1938, p. ili. 8“... fama Platonis non diu viguit in alto,

A later Dante commentator, perhaps under quia Aristoteles subtilior diminuit et offuscavit

. the influence of Benvenuto, also imputed gloriam eius; sed quia post Aristotelem non errors to Giotto, but in architecture, where venit alius subtilior, ideo fama adhuc viget” they are far less significant. The Anonimo, (Comentum ctt., p. 311).

INTRODUCTION

| tion; and if he himself had for some personal reason felt called upon to detract from it, would he not have written simply and vaguely that nowadays “some people are no longer unqualified in their praise’’ rather than the careful statement “‘he made great errors, as I have heard from outstanding critics”? It seems indeed quite probable that Benvenuto’s comment was not provoked by Dante’s text alone, but reflected current

criticism of Giotto’s pictorial style.’ ,

Whatever the real meaning of Benvenuto’s remarks, a certain kind of adverse criticism of the work of Giotto and his followers was certainly common at this time in the paintings themselves. Every one of the younger masters after 1345-1350 rejected, at least in part, Giotto’s most easily imitable accomplishment, linear perspective. None attempted to rival the equilibrium in his art between form and space, or his supple _ figures moving freely in a measured, easily traversible, receptive world. And which of these masters subscribed without equivocation to his conception of the divine imma-

nent in an exalted and profoundly moral humanity? In all these respects Maso di Banco, of whose activity we do not hear after the early ‘forties, was Giotto’s last follower. It is striking that the influence of this major master was not dominant in the late forties and ‘fifties. He had no real succession among the younger painters, who turned unanimously to Orcagna and Nardo.*°

All of this is indicative of an important change in style and in taste around the middle of the fourteenth century. Variety and change there was of course in the preceding years, too, however dominant the figure of Giotto. The space with which he had surrounded his figures was extended and deepened, the environment made more specific and more familiar. In the hands of Taddeo Gaddi his massive forms became ponderous and rather assertive, in Bernardo Daddi refined and lyric. Maso introduced a marvelous subtlety of color, and gave to the ambience of the figures a wholly new intensity of form and meaning. Other painters, the S. Cecilia Master, Pacino, Jacopo del Casentino, the Biadaiolo Master, whose work has been defined in recent years chiefly by Richard Offner,™ heeded Giotto’s example relatively little, seeking an effect of greater animation and spontaneity, and a more fluid mode of expression. They avoided the grave and the monumental. Unlike Giotto and Taddeo and Maso they

,6

° It is true that eulogies of Giotto were not 10'This statement seems to me essentially lacking around this time. Petrarch spoke ad- correct even though some elements of Maso’s miringly of him in a letter, and in his will of style were assimilated by two or three younger 1361 he referred to the praise of the “magistri masters, among them the author of the frescoes artis” as Benvenuto had of the “‘ingenii.” But of the Nativity and Crucifixion in the ChioPetrarch, living far from Florence, may not strino of S. M. Novella (Van Marle, The Dehave been in close touch with the growth of velopment of the Italian Schools of Patnting, Florentine opinion on the arts. Boccaccio’s The Hague, 1924, ul, fig. 241), and Orcagna famous statement in the Decameron was writ- himself. ten in 1350-1352, thus at the very beginning of 11 Studies in Florentine Patnting, New York, a profound change of taste in Florence. (For 1927, pp. 3-42, and Corpus of Florentine Paintthe passages in Petrarch and Boccaccio, see ing, New York, sec. m1, vols. 1, 1931, and un,

Salvini, op.ctt., pp. 4-5.) 1930.

INTRODUCTION . were more effective in smaller works—tabernacles, miniatures, little histories in altarpieces—than in fresco. The departures of the mid-century from Giottesque style, however, are not connected with differences of scale or technique or the conditions of exhibition: they appear in large murals as well as in retables, tabernacles, and minia-

tures. And whereas some of the masters of the earlier part of the century are un- : Giottesque, most of the later ones are, in a sense, anti-Giottesque. There were similar changes in Siena, too, around the middle of the century. The great styles that succeeded one another during the preceding fifty years—those of Duccio, Simone Martini, Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti—show despite their diversity many related qualities and a certain community of purpose. They constitute a rather orderly development, the younger painter in each instance developing one or another aspect of the older master’s style. Around 1350 this continuity seems interrupted. Though the influence of the earlier tradition persists, many of its fundamental elements were rejected, and others were combined in a new and wholly different way. These transformations occurred despite the fact that only one of the painters active at this time, Barna, approximated in stature the great masters of the preceding years. He belonged to an earlier generation, however, and with all his originality he remained

in many ways more fully within the tradition of the first half of the century. The — younger painters, Bartolo di Fredi, Luca di Tommé, Andrea Vanni, were all less gifted, but they created distinctive forms nevertheless, very similar to one another and related

to those of contemporary Florence without being dependent upon them. | Previous accounts of Sienese painting of this period have been devoted less to the

analysis of its distinctive character than to its dependence upon the art of the earlier , part of the century.’ It has always, furthermore, been studied separately from Florentine. And when these studies have been part of a comprehensive account of Italian painting, they have emphasized the differences between the two schools rather than the similarities, although they have pointed to the influence upon the Florentines of the earlier art of Simone Martini and the Lorenzetti.** Without minimizing these differences, our present purpose is to consider those aspects of the form and content

of the two schools that are related. ,

These similarities between the painting of the two towns are interesting in the light of the remarkably similar circumstances surrounding their appearance. Though the history of the two city-states had corresponded in many ways from the late twelfth century onward, the resemblances between them were especially numerous just before

and after the middle of the fourteenth century. During this brief period, both the 12 See for instance C. Weigelt, Sienese Paint- and F. Antal (Florentine Painting and tts Soing of the Trecento, New York, 1930, pp. 56-57. cial Background, London, 1947, p. 205). But 18 Resemblances between Florentine paint- I cannot agree with Antal’s belief that Gio-

ing of the period and Bartolo di Fredi have vanni del Biondo and several contemporary already been observed, however, by G. Gom- Florentine painters were influenced by Fredi. bosi (Spinello Aretino, Budapest, 1926, p. 14) 7

INTRODUCTION

Sienese and Florentines lived through a series of deeply disturbing events, which provoked in each a social, moral, and cultural crisis. For what light it may throw on the similarities of their painting, therefore, we shall consider the history of the two people together—their common experience of economic failure, pestilence and social conflict, their fear, their sense of guilt, and the varieties of their religious response.

8

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT ORCAGNA’S ALTARPIECE HE most impressive Florentine painting of the third quarter of the fourteenth century that has come down to us Is the altarpiece in the Strozzi Chapel of S. M. Novella, painted by Andrea Orcagna between 1354 and 1357 (Fig. 1). A landmark in the history of style, it is also unprecedented in subject, at least among Florentine and Sienese retables of the great epoch in painting that began with Giotto and Duccio. Of the dozens of altarpieces that were painted by them and their successors during the first half of the fourteenth century, none so far as I know represents the full-length adult Christ in the central field. Nor does any of these earlier altarpieces show Christ in

the act of disseminating doctrine and granting ecclesiastical authority. During this period of fifty years only one polyptych presents even the half-length Redeemer in its main field.? With this single exception Christ appeared in the central panels of altarpieces only as an infant, on the arm of his mother or in her lap. As an adult he was either banished from altarpieces entirely or relegated to a pinnacle or the predella; and even then he was often given the pathetic form of the wounded man, the Man of Sorrows, rather than the omnipotent King. Before 1300, however, the majestic Christ not infrequently occupied the main panel of altarpieces; in Tuscany he was usually but not always in half-length (Fig. 2),? in Rome and its environs quite commonly enthroned (Fig. 3).* Many of these earlier works, too, represent intercessors at the side

of the impersonal transcendent Redeemer: the Virgin and John the Baptist, as in Orcagna’s altarpiece, or, especially in Rome, the Virgin and John the Evangelist.‘ 1Polyptych from the workshop of Giotto, Mosatken und Malereien, Freiburg, i/B, 1917, the central panel by the master himself, pub- i, pp. 1101ff., and W. F. Volbach in Rendilished by W. Suida, in the Burlington Maga- contt della Pont. Accademia Romana di zine, LIX, 1931, p. 188. The half-length Re- Archeologia, XviI, 1940-41, pp. 97-126. The deemer appears between the Virgin and the paintings are bound up with. the cult of the Baptist. The polyptych, improperly recon- Acheiropoieta or miraculous image of Christ structed, has just entered the National Gallery in the pontifical oratory of the Sancta Sanc-

in Washington. torum. The cult spread to the towns near 2.In addition to the altarpiece of 1271 by Rome, each of which had a similar image Meliore (Fig. 2), the half-length Redeemer ap- painted during the twelfth, thirteenth, and pears in the Pisan polyptych of ca. 1275 in subsequent centuries. The cult of the image in Pisa, Museo Civico, Room 11, no. 3, and in the Rome was fostered by the popes, for whom it Cimabuesque polyptych in the National Gal- was a symbol of authority and power.

lery, Washington. The retable of 1215, in the *In the fresco of the Last Judgment by

Pinacoteca, Siena, shows a full-length Christ Nardo di Cione on the wall behind the altarin a mandorla between the symbols of the piece, undoubtedly planned at the same time,

evangelists. Christ as judge is again accompanied by the 8On the altarpieces of the enthroned Re- Virgin and the Baptist as intercessors.

deemer in Lazio, see J. Wilpert, Die rémische 9

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

Orcagna’s design is reminiscent then of an older religious outlook and an older artistic convention—a convention that was most strongly established and most persistent in

the immediate vicinity of the Papacy. Orcagna’s majestic Redeemer, a major innovation just after the middle of the century, did not remain unique in its time. Shortly afterward Giovanni da Milano introduced a similar figure in the central field of a polyptych (Fig. 4). In this panel, now in the collection of the Conte Contini-Bonacossi in Florence, Christ is seated on a faldstool, adored, as in the Pala Strozzi, by four angels. We hear, too, of the figure of the Eternal in the main panel of a triptych that Boccaccio is said to have commissioned in 1366 for the church of SS. Michele e Jacopo in Certaldo. Though it and a companion altarpiece are lost, it seems probable that God was shown full-length and enthroned because Boccaccio, the donor, was represented kneeling on his right.° While all these representations revive the earlier tradition of the Majesty, Orcagna’s

joins to it the Deésis and allots additional roles to Christ and the Virgin Mary that demonstrate the connection of the Church with the Deity. Mary acts as sponsor of Thomas Aquinas as well as intercessor for mankind, and Christ appears as the source of doctrine and the founder of the Church. With an effortless, seemingly unconscious though inexorable gesture, defined chiefly by falling diagonals that extend unbroken from his shoulders to his hands, Christ extends the book and the keys to the kneeling Thomas and Peter.* Though he is thus related to these two saints and to the four angels

below he is at the same time isolated from them and the surrounding space by the mandorla in which he is suspended. ‘The two rigid arcs formed by the cherubs cut his space decisively from that around. This exclusive space is snapped shut above and below by pairs of cherubic wings, pointed and crossed like the blades of a shears. Orcagna’s Christ, like those of the early Dugento, is a transcendent figure, superior to specific:acts and functions. Frontal, elevated, and almost motionless, he looks directly outward with glowing but unfocused eyes. Looming before a yellow radiance intensified by the dark blue of his mantle, he is a visionary but massive figure, seated but without visible means of support. ‘These paradoxes are continued in the definition of his position in space. He seems both near and far: near because his form is large, insistent, and linked with Thomas and Peter, more distant because the four kneeling 5 The triptych represented the Eternal e Jacopo di Certaldo, Orvieto, 1913, pp. 24between the Baptist, Boccaccio’s patron, and 26, 34. Mark. The second altarpiece represented the A detail of the panel by Giovanni da MiMadonna between St. Catherine of Alexandria lano (Fig. 4) was published (as a work of this | and S. Miniato. Both triptychs were said to painter) by R. Longhi in Critica d’arte, v, 1940, show Boccaccio’s arms. See Florence, Biblio- p. 150, fig. g. teca Nazionale, Ms Cappugi 124, fol. g (early §See H. Gronau, Andrea Orcagna und sixteenth century); O. Bacci, Burle ed arti Nardo di Cione, Berlin, 1937, pp. 14-15, for magiche di Gio. Boccaccio, Castelfiorentino, the antecedents of this aspect of Orcagna’s 1904, p. 3 (Nozze D’Ancona—Cardoso); G. representation in the illumination of the DeBilanovich, Restauri boccaccescht, Rome, 1945, cretals. p. 168, and D. Tordi, La chiesa det SS. Michele

10

ORCAGNA’S ALTARPIECE

angels, set away from the lower frame and much smaller in scale than the adjacent figures, press backward the mandorla that surrounds him. It is apparent that the qualities of Christ’s form and of his exclusive space are partly incommensurate with those of the rest of the composition. Thomas, the theologian, responds thoughtfully to Christ; Peter, the militant churchman, with intense fervor—the same fervor that he shows in the Navicella of the predella. There again Christ, though addressing him, does not return his gaze. The Bap-

tist is a dour double of Christ, frontal, and, like him, encased in a mantle that binds and limits his gesture. The Virgin is more relaxed, and her brooding eyes and parted lips are not without a certain sensuousness. But this is countered by the tightly wound wimple that covers her throat, cheeks, and forehead. Very seldom worn by the Virgin, though recurring in the work of Orcagna and his circle, it gives her an ascetic and monastic look.” On her cheeks, as on those of Christ and the saints, there is a hot, unnatural blush. The saints at the limits of the design, coupled as in the Parry altarpiece of Daddi’s workshop (1348) although now within a more constricted space, are freer in movement

and more varied in posture (Figs. 1, 6, 7). But the conflicts inherent in the figure of Christ are present in these areas of the composition also. Since Catherine, for instance, is overlapped by the melancholy Michael and his dusky dragon, she seems deeper in space. The forms of these two figures tend on the other hand to be unified, in a thoroughly un-Giottesque way: the diagonal sweep of Catherine’s mantle parallels that of Michael’s, her book and palm are the same green as his cuirass, and the pink vertical strip of the underlining of his mantle runs into the orange border of hers, eliminating any spatial interval between the two. The planes of his figure, turning independently of his action, glide backward, merging with hers. On the other hand, the beautifully patterned light yellow and gold mantle of Catherine tends to come forward alongside the gray-blue figure of Michael, an emergence that is deliberately enhanced by her slightly greater scale. At the opposite extremity of the polyptych Lawrence and Paul, though more differentiated in color, are similarly related in shape. Their outlines correspond, the grate and the sword are parallel, and the dark blue orphrey of Lawrence is equated with the dark blue vertical strip of the inner surface of Paul’s mantle

that extends downward from his shoulder. The light orange and white robe of Lawrence, like Catherine's in value and design,’ starts forward in much the same way. The predella shows similar tensions in spatial relations. ‘Though in the scene at the left, the Mass of St. Thomas, Orcagna renounced the usual architectural setting and 7 Orcagna gave the Virgin a wimple again in ‘must have been drawn from a cloth in the his relief of the Assumption in Or San Michele Cione workshop. A similar bird appears in (Fig: 8) and she wears it in Nardo’s frescoes of textiles in other paintings of the circle, such the Paradise and the Last Judgment in the as Nardo’s Madonna in the New-York Histori-

Strozzi Chapel. cal Society (Fig. 11) and Jacopo di Cione’s . 8 The patterns of both contain a beautiful Madonna in the Accademia (Fig. 138). figure of a bird resembling a parakeet that

1]

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

placed the figures against the gold ground (Fig. 168), at the right, just below Peter (the most massive of the figures), he introduced a building that constructs an emphatic and rather abrupt cubic space. But within the violet walls of this chamber the bed is tilted upward toward the picture plane, and the tall man at the right, larger than the soldier in front of him, tends to move forward, his emergence supported by the attraction between his scarlet cloak and the more saturated scarlet in the foremost figure at the left. Within the figures there are tensions similar to those between them. They have a sort of dense substantiality, a mass that is confined, repressed, and even denied by outlines that obstruct the implied turning of the planes. The hair of the somber Baptist, instead of continuing, at its limits, to curve around the head, rises into five locks that

fan out in the plane of the gold (Fig. 30). The ears are scarcely foreshortened. To enhance the assimilation of the volumes to the broad vertical plane, four of the nine large figures are shown either in perfect profile or in perfect frontality. The ground itself on which they stand is twisted around into the same plane by the gilt motifs strewn over it and by its intense orange-red color. Inasmuch as the motifs are unforeshortened, they deny recession. And, like the patterned background of Orcagna’s relief of the Assumption (Fig. 8), they maintain the continuity of the vertical plane in the interstices between the figures. The scarlet color of the ground recurs, though sometimes less saturated, throughout the upper areas of the composition and even in the frame. It appears in the lining of Peter’s mantle, in the borders of the mantle of the Virgin, the Baptist, and St. Catherine, and on the Baptist’s staff. Often it is set alongside a strong blue or a gray-blue. The cherubim, the spaces between the dentils of the frame, and the four angels above the arches alternate between those two colors. hey are almost equally intense, one very warm, the other cool, and they compete and conflict. They compose the basic chord in the color sequences of the altarpiece. The same artistic intention that shaped the composition of the figures is manifest | in the frame. The altarpiece is a polyptych of five compartments. The exigencies, however, of the central subject and the desire to assert and to maintain the unity of the painted field led Orcagna to omit from the framework the four colonnettes that would normally divide the compartments. The colonnettes are not, however, wholly missing. They are implied by the capitals underneath the arches, by the shafts in the spandrels, and by the bases below, which define the compartments without interrupting the rhythmical movements of the composition. The ghosts of the colonnettes themselves are present. They are tooled into the gold—a remarkably ambiguous and ingenious

solution.*® The structure of the altarpiece is thus stated in part forte and in part pianissimo. ® Though Orcagna is not as concerned with the frame is notable. Below the base at the far

tectonic qualities as Giotto and the Giotteschi, left he set the lectern. his placement of the building as a supporting 10 Farlier altarpieces representing the Maesta member below St. Peter and below the base in or historical scenes sometimes omit the colon-

12

ORCAGNA’S ALTARPIECE

For similar purposes Orcagna has altered in other ways the traditional skeleton of

the Gothic altarpiece. The flat fields above the pointed arches sparkle with gilt tendrils and flowers that are consistent with the patterns in the robes of Lawrence, Catherine, and the angels. They serve to extend the plane of the painted area into the frame and thus to counter the effect inherent in earlier altarpieces, and to some extent in this, of looking through a frame at a scene behind. Furthermore, the central field is enlarged by the addition of two lobes, which oppose the normal progression of the straight lines and the contraction of the space, and, incidentally, compose a shape that resembles the crown of Christ below. The predella is likewise of novel design. ‘There are only three scenes, and they are not divided by the usual shafts. The corners of each are beveled, and there are large flat fields between them that are filled with the same pattern as the fields at the upper limits of the altarpiece. Some peculiarities of the frame of the Strozzi altarpiece recur in other altarpieces of the period. In the triptych of the Trinity in the Accademia, dated 136% and painted by a follower of Nardo (Fig. g), the progression of the pinnacles is interrupted by quatrefoils which curve outward beyond their limits and which are filled with painted forms that create a divergent lateral movement. The pinnacles are completed above the quatrefoils, but on a different scale and angle. Similar shapes and displacements appear in Giovanni del Biondo’s altarpiece of 1379 in the Rinuccini Chapel, S. Croce.** These recurrences of details of the frame of the Pala Strozzi are only symptoms, as we shall see,

of its extensive relationships with the painting of the entire period.

The Strozzi altarpiece is, in my opinion, the only painting executed by Orcagana himself that has been preserved in its entirety. There are however a few other paintings,

and some sculpture, for which this leading Florentine master was wholly or in part responsible. We first hear of him in 1343 or 1344, when he was registered in the guild of physicians and apothecaries. In 1352 he entered the masons’ guild, and he directed during the following seven or eight years the greatest sculptural enterprise of the time, the elaborate marble tabernacle for Or San Michele, which was very nearly completed in 1359 (Figs. 5, 8, 28). In 1354 he undertook to paint for the chapel of the family of Tommaso Strozzi in S. M. Novella the altarpiece which we have already considered (Fig. 1). It is signed and dated 1357. From 1355 to 1359 he acted as capomaestro of Or San Michele, and from 1359 to 1362 he held a similar position at the cathedral of Orvieto. There he made, significantly enough, a mosaic. During the ’sixties in Florence his counsel on problems arising at the cathedral was frequently sought, and nettes for the sake of a larger field, but I do donna at S. Ansano). not recall one which preserves the bases, or in 11°Van Marle, op.cit., ui, fig. 294. Giovanni which colonnettes are tooled in the gold back- Bonsi’s polyptych of 1371 in the Vatican also ground (see Simone Martini’s Annunciation, shows the influence of the structure of the Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Maesta and Presenta- Strozzi altarpiece. tion in the Temple, Pietro Lorenzetti’s Ma13

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

he served on a commission that furnished a drawing for the construction of the building itself. He fell ill during the summer of 1368 while he had in hand an altarpiece of St. Matthew for the Arte del Cambio (Fig. 59), and he apparently died shortly thereafter.” Along with this work as sculptor, architect, and administrator, Orcagna was busy with painting during most of his career. Of the many frescoes and panels of which

there are documentary records and of which early writers speak, little besides the Strozzi altarpiece has survived. Nothing remains of the two chapels in the Annunziata which Ghiberti said he frescoed, nor of a chapel in S. Croce. The extant Crucifixion and Last Supper in S. Spirito, probably the paintings that Ghiberti listed as his, seem to me actually only the work of close followers.“ In the nave of S. Croce fragments have been discovered of his “tre magnifiche istorie,” the Triumph of Death, the Last

Judgment, and Hell (Figs. 83, 84, 86), the latter executed in part by assistants. Just | a few years ago a small part of his work in the choir of S. M. Novella came to light— figures of prophets in quatrefoils in the vaults. These paintings, largely the work of assistants, give us valuable intimations of Orcagna’s early style.** ‘The forms, still reminiscent of Maso, are not as tense or as severe as those in the Strozzi altarpiece of 1354-

1354. The only definitely dated work from the late years is the altarpiece of St. Matthew, now in the Ufhzi, for which he received the commission in 1367 (Fig. 59). Orcagna probably laid this work out but, as we know from a document, it was com- | pleted by his brother, Jacopo di Cione. The Strozzi altarpiece of 1354-1357 thus remains the only complete work actually painted by Orcagna himself.

THE MADONNA BY NARDO : The preceding analysis of the Strozzi altarpiece has not attempted to explore all the , subtleties of Orcagna’s art nor the full richness of form and color that make the altarpiece the greatest painting of its period. It has sought rather to disclose certain qualities of his style that are fundamental to the more advanced painting of the time. These qualities are to a considerable extent the creation of Orcagna himself, but very similar ones appear in the painting of Sienese masters who may not have known his work, and the paintings of his closest Florentine associates and followers show related forms that 12 See the documents and records assembled these attributions is convincing.

by K. Steinweg, Andrea Orcagna, Strasbourg, 14The frescoes were published by Beche-

1929, PP. 53-59- rucci, /oc.cit. On the basis of a document pub-.

12 These frescoes have recently been pub- lished in part by C. di Pierro in Gtornale lished as the work of Orcagna and Nardo by storico della letteratura italiana, xvi, 1906, “. Becherucci, in Bolletiino d’arte, Xxx, pp. 15-16, she dates the frescoes approximately 1948, pp. 24-33, 143-156. Becherucci also attrib- between 1340 and 1348 (as does also J. Wood utes to Orcagna, as early works, the Crucifixion Brown, The Dominican Church of S. M. No-

and the Nativity in the Chiostrino of S. M. vella, Edinburgh, 1902, p. 128). H. Gronau’s Novella mentioned in the Introduction, note plausible interpretation (op.cit., p. 66) of this 10, and a fresco (a very mediocre fresco) of the document places the beginning of the frescoes Disputa of St. Catherine in S. Trinita. None of in 1348. 14

THE MADONNA BY NARDO

cannot be shown to derive directly from him. Orcagna was the leading figure of the

new style, but not its sole creator.

The qualities of form and content that differentiate the painting of the middle of the century from preceding styles appear in varying measure and combination, of course, and always within the context of individual taste and creativity. Nardo, for instance, tends to be gentle where his brother Orcagna is severe, mild and sensuous where he is tense and ascetic. His beautiful large panel, perhaps of 1356," in the NewYork Historical Society (Fig. 11), shows nevertheless many basic relationships with the Strozzi altarpiece. Like Christ in Orcagna’s painting, the Virgin is frontal, elevated,

and almost motionless. Though she appears to be seated, what she sits on is not visible.** She is sustained by formal rather than by natural means, unlike earlier Florentine Madonnas, such as Giotto’s (Fig. 10), in which a throne and a podium are - prominent. She is closely identified with, almost embedded in, a perfectly flat, richly figured textile that has a very active outline above; it loops upward to a point, but is quiet below. This ascending movement helps to fix the Madonna high in the area. Less | of the drapery, furthermore, is visible below; it and the lower part of the figure of the

weight. : |

Virgin are constricted by the two Saint Johns. The corresponding area of Giotto’s }

design, on the other hand, contains an expanding figure and architecture. For these and other reasons Nardo’s Madonna, though quite massive, is without suggestions of The formality of the Madonna is enhanced by the repeated horizontals that cross

her figure—her hand and Christ’s arm, and the broad band of ermine. They are

extended to the frame by the heads of the saints. The glances of the saints and of the Virgin tend to be horizontal, too: Zenobius and the Baptist look slightly upward toward the Child, but Reparata and John the Evangelist, though just below Christ, look off to the left. ‘Their glances, moreover, are not clearly focused. Thus, as in the Strozzi altarpiece, there is little direct communication between the figures, and even less between the figures and the spectator. The Virgin as well as the saints seem aloof, self-absorbed, and their eyes are partly veiled by lowered lids. Giotto’s Madonna is very different. In it the glances of all the saints and angels are directed upward at the Virgin or the Child. These glances are expressive of the great potential activity of the figures, and they are counterparts of the dynamic structure of * Because of its style and the presence of for having Nardo’s Madonna cleaned before it four patron saints of Florence—the two Saint was photographed for this book. The work Johns, and Saints Reparata and Zenobius—the was skillfully done by Ingrid Marta Held. painting may be identical with one signed by 1¢'There are numerous examples of the Nardo and dated 1356, once in the rooms of the seated Madonna without a throne in the paintGabella de’ Contratti in Florence. However, ing of the third quarter of the century. See, Gronau, op.cit., p. 58, dates it in the ’sixties. for instance, a tabernacle by a follower of For information about Nardo’s career see Nardo in the Parry collection, Gloucester, a

Appendix 11. Cionesque tabernacle in the Museum MeerI am very grateful to Dr. R. W. G. Vail, manno-Westreenianum in The Hague, and

director of the New-York Historical Society, one in the New-York Historical Society (8-11). 15

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

weight, thrust, and support. They-enhance, too, the effect, created especially by the perspective of the throne, of a specific point of sight that brings the observer into an immediate and fixed relation with the entire group. The Madonna looks directly at him, and the open space below her provides for him a figurative path of access up a series of steps. The four angels are very near in this vivid, easily traversible space. Standing or kneeling in adoration of the Madonna, and offering flowers or a crown,

they are equated with, just as they define, the attitude of the observer. All of this 1s : very dissimilar from Nardo’s painting, which in many ways is less like the Madonnas of Giotto or his followers than those of the mid-thirteenth century (Fig. 16).

FROM NARRATIVE TO RITUAL The Strozzi altarpiece by Orcagna and the large Madonna in New York by Nardo have given us an insight into the character of mid-Trecento representations of cult images and dogma. For an understanding of historical painting we must turn to the work of other masters, because nothing of this kind by either of the brothers has been well preserved except the small panels of the predella of the Strozzi altarpiece. Let us consider a painting of the Presentation in the Temple in the Florentine Academy, the central panel of a triptych executed in 1364 (Fig. 13).*” It is the earliest work, or rather the earliest definitely dated work, of Giovanni del Biondo, a Florentine master with a very indifferent reputation. The productions of the latter part of his career are, it is true, mock-intense, vapid, mechanical. ‘The dreary impression of these later works has tended to obscure the fact that during his early years he painted several panels of real strength and beauty.

The painter of the Presentation had evidently studied very closely the style of Orcagna and of Nardo; perhaps he had been trained by them. We can in fact find him, I believe, among the assistarits in the Strozzi Chapel, the frescoes of which were executed by Nardo, probably while Orcagna was painting the altarpiece. He seems to me the author of the lean, crisply painted St. Jerome on the soffit of the entrance arch of the chapel (Fig. 17),*® and probably also of the St. Gregory opposite.

If we compare with Biondo’s Presentation a painting of the same subject made around 1330 by Taddeo Gaddi (Fig. 12), we become aware of the profound differences of style that underlie Taddeo’s pessimistic judgment of the state of painting after the middle of the century. In Taddeo’s panel the poised, supple figures move freely through 11 The altarpiece came to the Academy from of them at exactly the same angle. The palm

: the western cloister of the Convento degli of the hand is a prominent and regular square, Angioli (U. Procacci, La galleria dell’Acca- set off from the wrist by a band of shadow. B.

demia, Florence, 1936, pp. 27-28). Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance,

18 Characteristic of Biondo, as we know him Oxford, 1932, p. 241, has already given to in later work, are the smooth drapery with Biondo the adjacent figure of St. Augustine, very narrow folds, the wiry line, and the pe- but of this figure, and the St. Ambrose oppoculiar hand, bent back sharply at the wrist. site, I am more uncertain. The fingers are likewise bent at the joints, all

16

FROM NARRATIVE TO RITUAL

an ample space. This space and their own position in it is defined by their roundness, by the calculated overlapping of figure and figure or figure and architecture, by the perspective of the temple and the altar, and by differences of color corresponding to differences of depth. The subject is ritualistic: the redemption of the Child, accompanied

by the fulfillment of one prophecy and the utterance of another.’® The figures are primarily concerned, however, either as actors or as sympathetic spectators with the touching behavior of the Child. He has become frightened by the gentle, but formidably bearded, old Simeon and reaches for the outstretched arms of his mother. The central incident is thus familiar, human, intimate, and the pantomime seems quite natural. Even the High Priest shows a warm benevolence. He watches with relaxed features, nodding his head informally. Though on the central axis of the composition, he is a secondary figure, standing farthest away and partly concealed by the Child. In the cavernous apse of Biondo’s panel the Child, swaddled in bands that bind his arms to his side, is set on the altar before the High Priest like some precious liturgical symbol. The action has the air of a grim and mysterious rite, performed around a large

brightly-lighted altar. The figures are divided into two groups, those who offer and | those who interpret or receive. The latter include Simeon, the prophetess Anna, and the priest, who is distinguished by his large white tiara, his black beard, and his scarlet cope. The Virgin and Joseph bow humbly before him, one presenting the Child, the other sacrificial doves. The association of the two is unmistakable, and it is not accidental that the bound, inactive Infant is held so close to the flames. The Presentation was often understood as a sacrificial act, prefigured by Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac. In Biondo’s painting it seems to allude, at the same time, to the offering of the host in the mass. The people are rapt and noncommunicative. Though they seem deeply stirred, their feelings smoulder behind rigid masks, lighting up only the eyes. Some of their. movements and gestures are emphatic or even abrupt, but they are nevertheless highly selfcontained. Simeon’s hand is extended towards the Infant, but the fingers recoil, eliminating any sense of an imminent contact. Every movement is similarly arrested, and the figures seem frozen in their present attitudes. Most of the participants appear in profile or a position very close to it, and they extend their arms or bend their bodies in one plane only, parallel to the picture plane. Though the figures are modeled, the folds of the drapery do not wind around them, but stop at the taut and wiry outlines. The forms are thus both massive and flat. The painter, like Orcagna, has developed qualities of dense substantiality and planar linearity so as to produce an acute tension between the two. The entire space has the same character. The floor and the glaring altar table are tilted so that while they suggest extension inward they nevertheless tend to rise into place in a planar pattern. Similarly, the figures overlap each other and seem therefore

17 ,

7° See the illuminating article on the Presen- XXVIH, 1946, pp. 17-32. ,

tation by D. C. Shorr in the Art Bulletin,

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

to extend back into space, but at the same time they are so closely interrelated rhyth-

mically that they are drawn together into one plane. This telescoping of forms is enhanced by the color. The dark green of Joseph’s mantle is repeated in the central bay of the church, so that the nearest plane is equated with the farthest. Similarly the scarlet on the lining of the Prophetess Anna’s mantle reappears in the flame and in the mantle of Simeon. The glowing red of the Virgin’s tunic starts forward above the dusky green of St. Joseph. It is true that after the development of tridimensional space in the late thirteenth century pictorial compositions always have both planar and spatial aspects. But in the earlier fourteenth century these aspects were harmoniously coordinated where here they conflict. The oppositions in Biondo’s panel between plane and space and between line and mass are accompanied by tensions between movement and rigidity and between abruptly juxtaposed areas of widely different value. As in Orcagna’s altarpiece,

red and orange colors, closely crowded in hue and value, compete and conflict. Rounded shapes are contrasted with acutely pointed ones: the inflexible outline of Joseph’s back, for instance, with the sharp free-hanging folds of his drapery.” ‘The broad figures and forms in the lower part of the composition, grouped in a horizontal _ rectangle, are surmounted by the slim pointed arches and vaults of the apse. ‘These are the most active forms in the composition, comparable to the arcs of the drapery in Nardo’s Madonna (Fig. 11). In both these paintings the setting tends to be active, the figures still. Just the opposite relation is apparent in Taddeo’s Presentation and in other paintings of his period. The pointed arches in Biondo’s panel dart upward like arrowheads, straining against the figures and the horizontal forms of the lower part of the design. The figures are, at the same time, squeezed between the altar and the | frame, and the ponderous heads are pinched by the narrow, slight, but active arches behind them. The relation of the heads to these arches produces an effect of simultaneous opposed expansion and contraction, a sort of strained systole and diastole,

that is characteristic of all the formal relationships in the painting. : The three other Florentine paintings of the Presentation that I know from this period are essentially similar to Biondo’s in style and mood. One detail is especially significant. In two of the three paintings, as in Biondo’s panel and Orcagna’s relief on the tabernacle of Or San Michele,” Christ is tightly swaddled or wrapped in a cloth that binds and conceals his arms (Fig. 18).?? He is unfree and inactive, precisely like

the cherubim in the Strozzi.altarpiece or the Or San Michele tabernacle, who are sheathed in rigid wings (Figs. 1, 5). Though during the early Trecento Christ is often 20 A similar figure, which probably served as 21 A. Venturi, Storia dell’arte italtana, 1, Biondo’s model, appears in Orcagna’s taber- fig. 542. nacle: the apostle bending over the dead body * Cionesque predella (Fig. 18) in the Dr. of Mary in the entombment (Fig. 8). The Franz Haniel collection, Munich; Florentine long, taut, uninterrupted line of his back con- panel of about 1380 in the Dresden Pinakotrasts violently with the freer shapes and ir- thek, no. 27. regular planes adjacent to it. 18

FROM NARRATIVE TO RITUAL

swaddled in representations of the Birth and the Flight into Egypt, he appears in this way, so far as I know, in only two Presentations: Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s and the Giottesque fresco in the lower church of Assisi.” Ambrogio’s Infant, however, is loosely wrapped and very active; he puts his finger in his mouth and kicks his feet (Fig. 14). , In some fourteen other paintings of the Presentation from the first half of the Trecento the arms of the Child are quite free, flung toward the Virgin or against old Simeon.” It is apparent then that he is bound in the representations of the third quarter of the century not simply as a sign of his infancy, but to conform to a fundamentally different conception of the event. A few years later than Giovanni del Biondo a Sienese master, Bartolo di Fredi, painted a Presentation in the Temple that is now in the Louvre (Fig. 15). Bartolo’s — work is based on Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s altarpiece of 1342 (Fig. 14). He transformed Ambrogio’s design, however, much as Biondo transformed a composition like ‘Taddeo Gaddi's. Ambrogio’s deep space is curtailed, his system of perspective distorted. The inlaid floor that defined the recession and the position of the figures in space has been eliminated. The figures have been drawn into one or two shallow planes and knit tightly together by their more salient outlines and drapery folds. The light, unlike that in Ambrogio’s panel, seems to have no source. As in Biondo, it enhances the spatial ambiguity, creates a dense relief but not roundness, and accents lines and shapes _ which compose a pattern. Instead of suggesting atmosphere, it produces, as in Biondo, conspicuous glints, and on the altar table a glare. Bartolo’s colors, more saturated than

Ambrogio’s, exhibit stronger contrasts; and gilt ornament, reminiscent of Nardo, is used more extensively. A cloth spangled with golden elements is spread perfectly flat across the altar, replacing the massive arcuated structure in Ambrogio’s painting. In Bartolo’s composition, as in Biondo’s, the horizontal axis of the main block of figures is opposed by a strong vertical movement. This opposition of perpendicular axes, apparent also in Nardo’s Madonna (Fig. 11), is accompanied by a dispersal of the narrative. Whereas in Ambrogio’s concentrated design the figures are united in con-

templation of Anna’s prophecy, Bartolo has created three separate competitive centers—around the child, the priest, and the prophetess Anna. Even within these centers the figures are withdrawn from one another. Although the Virgin, the Child, and Simeon participate in a common action, none looks directly at the other. The priest and his attendant are similarly detached. 23 O. Sirén, Grotto and Some of His Follow- lery, Washington, no. 359; Pacino, Tree of ers, Cambridge, Mass., 1917, "1, pl. 93. The Life, Florence Academy and Ms no. 643 in the Child is occasionally swaddled in representa- Morgan Library; workshop of Giotto, Gardner tions of the Presentation before the fourteenth Museum, Boston; follower of Taddeo Gaddi,

century. See, for example, the ivory of the Castello, Poppi (Sirén, op.cit., u, pl. 137); ninth-tenth century in the Louvre. (A. Gold- Master of the Dominican Effigies, Poppi, Bib. schmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen, Berlin, 1, Com., Ms no. 1. See also, from the late thir-

1914, pl. xLt). | teenth century, Torriti’s mosaic in S. M. Mag-

247 shall list only a few: Giotto, the Arena giore, Rome, and for the Sienese school, Chapel; Jacopo del Casentino, National Gal- Duccio, panel of the Maestd. |

19

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

Bartolo has introduced in the foreground the incident of the return of the Child from Simeon to Mary, which was not represented by Ambrogio. But at the same time he increased the importance of the altar, introducing a ceremony of inscription around

it and elevating the High Priest to a position of dominance in the entire scene.” Several people look up toward him, even the Child, significantly enough, while he reaches for his mother. When Bartolo di Fredi was at work on a fresco cycle in S, Agostino, S. Gimignano, representing the life of the Virgin, he again used as a model a Lorenzettian composi-

tion. His Birth of the Virgin (Fig. 20) undoubtedly was based on a fresco on the facade of the Ospedale della Scala, one of four paintings of the Life of the Virgin that were signed by Ambrogio and Pietro. The Birth itself was begun by Pietro in 1335. These frescoes have since been destroyed, but a semblance of the compositions has been preserved in numerous Sienese paintings.”® The Birth of the Virgin is reflected fairly accurately in several works, among them a panel in Asciano by a master close

to Sassetta (Fig. 19). We recognize as Lorenzettian the domesticity of setting and action. The people move quietly, with a grave and thoughtful air that transforms their homely duties into a momentous event. The space has a characteristic Lorenzettian perspective and depth, indexed, like Ambrogio’s Presentation (Fig. 14), by the

geometry of the inlaid floor. Both of the figures around whom the story revolves, St. Anne and the infant Mary, are reclining. It is characteristic of the art of the early Trecento that they, and they alone, are foreshortened. At this time the most important figures are commonly centers of the most vividly created space, just as they are vehicles of the maximum massiveness and motility. In his own design Bartolo di Fredi has again reduced the space, diminishing the effect of one of the most easily imitable aspects of his model, the linear perspective, and eliminating another, the inlaid floor. His room is seen from an eccentric position near the left margin of the painting. The opposite side of the wall of the antechamber from the one in the Asciano panel thus becomes visible, and Bartolo has reversed the position of Joachim, his companion, and the young boy. In his model this area is part of a symmetrical composition determined by a central point of sight; both are normal for paintings of the first half of the century except when they constitute a unit in a series. Bartolo’s modification disperses the glances and the gestures of the two old men

toward the margin of the composition. The men become parallel, furthermore, to 25 TD). Shorr, op.cit., p. 67, bearing in mind Day of Judgment.” If this conjecture is corthe passage from Malachi, 1, 1, inscribed on rect, the eschatological reference would be enthe prophet’s scroll in Ambrogio’s Presenta- tirely in accord with the ideas of advent, sacrition, and pointing to its inclusion in the feast fice, and redemption conveyed by Giovanni del of the Purification in the Roman Missal, sug- Biondo’s Presentation and other paintings of

gests that the act of inscription, unique in the period.

Bartolo’s painting, is based on Malachi, m1, 16: 26See A. Peter, in As Orszdgos Magyar “*,.a book of remembrance was written before Szépmiiveszéti Muzeum Evkényvei, Budapest, him for them that feared the Lord and thought V, 1930, pp. 70-71. upon his name and they shall be spared at the

20

FROM NARRATIVE TO RITUAL

Anna and to the woman holding the Virgin, repeating the diagonals of those figures. And together with the boy they add to the series of short movements in and out of a shallow space that are essential to the structure of the design. This zigzag pattern in depth is repeated in the vertical plane, and the woman in the doorway rises without intermediate forms high above the two women seated on the floor. Bartolo has greatly diminished the overlapping of the figures, and he has twisted their movements and gestures into parallel planes.” Thus the farther figures tend to come forward and to coalesce with those in the foreground. The infant, who lies halfnude in the lap of a nurse in the earlier composition, is in Bartolo’s wrapped in a cloth and held upright. Similarly St. Anne rises to an upright position and, seemingly transfixed, gazes at the attendant as she prepares, in this more formal and ritualistic way,

_ to wash her hands. Though the stature of Bartolo di Fredi does not approach that of either Ambrogio or Pietro Lorenzetti, the differences of his work from theirs are not simply the consequences of this inferiority. His departures from the two Lorenzettian compositions that we have considered are both consistent and purposive. At the same time they afhliate his painting with that of the Cioni and Giovanni del Biondo as well as several contemporary masters in Siena. When, for instance, Luca di Tommé, the subtlest Sienese painter of the ’sixties and seventies, undertook to paint the Assumption of the Virgin now in the Jarves Collection of Yale University (Fig. 21) he was certainly familiar with a composition of this scene that was created in Siena some forty years earlier. In this composition, whose renown is attested by a half-dozen or more extant copies (Fig. 22),** the ascending Virgin, seated on a cloud, is accompanied by a flock of

angels who sing and play a variety of instruments. ‘The angels fly in a circle, seen in’ perspective from above. Luca (Fig. 21) has compressed the angels into the plane of the Virgin, deliberately crowding them between her and the frame, as Biondo crowded his figures in the Presentation. The angels are at the same time separated decisively from her by the repeated arcs of the mandorla painted in several shades of blue. ‘The 27In two contemporary Florentine repre- R. Offmer (Art News, XLiv, 1945, p. 17). For

sentations of the Birth, the upper half of similar compositions of the Assumption see Anne’s figure is turned around so as to be Bartolommeo Bulgarini, Pinacoteca, Siena parallel to the main plane of the composition: (De Wald, in Art Studtes, vu, 1929, fig. 68); Orcagna, relief on the tabernacle of Or San fresco in S. M. del Carmine, Siena, by the masMichele; Cionesque predella, Ashmolean Mu- ter of the late fourteenth century frescoes in seum, Oxford (see H. Gronau, op.cit., fig. 57). the sacristy of the cathedral (Berenson in 28 The style of this panel in the Alte Pina- Dedalo, x1, 1930, fig. on p. 334); panel, partly kothek, Munich, is very close to that of the by Sassetta, formerly in the Kaiser-Friedrich follower of Simone and Barna whose work (in- Museum (J. Pope-Hennessy, Sassetta, London, cluding a Madonna in the Houston Museum, 1939, pl. 24); panel by Pietro di Giovanni in a St. John Evangelist from the same polyptych the archiepiscopal museum at Esztergom, by at Yale, an Annunciation in the Kaiser-Fried- Giovanni di Paolo in the Collegiata, Asciano, rich Museum, and a Crucifixion in the Ashmo- and by Vecchietta, Duomo, Pienza. lean Museum, Oxford) has been identified by

21

_ THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

sarcophagus, though related in outline to the two lowest angels, punctures abruptly the shallow space of the figural group. Three other Sienese representations of the Assumption from the third quarter of the century are essentially similar to Luca’s. Two of them were painted around 13551360 by Niccold di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, one in the Museo Civico at S. Gimignano,” the

other a hitherto unidentified work by this master in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (Fig. 25).°° He had, moreover, painted an Assumption of a similar compositional type, though of different style, some years earlier—certainly before the middle of the century, if not in 1334 as has. been generally believed.” This miniature from the early part of his career carries into the second quarter of the century a late Dugento and early Trecento Sienese composition that shows the Virgin in a mandorla, accompanied by six or eight angels flying in one plane.* It is thus this older type with the angels in a plane, rather than the new composition of the second quarter of the century with the angels in a circle (Fig. 22), that is most closely related to the Assumptions of Luca and Niccold (Figs. 21, 25). It is significant, too, that the circular composition (Fig. 22) appears only once during our period, in a painting by Bartolomeo Bulgarini or the so-called ‘“‘Ugolino Lorenzetti,’’** a master whose position in Siena at this time was similar to that of Taddeo Gaddi in Florence. And though this design was rejected by other painters during the third quarter of the century, it was revived shortly afterward and in the early Quattrocento. Its history is thus similar to that of other Simonesque and Lorenzettian compositions. As we have already seen in the instance of the Birth of the Virgin, the closest replicas were not made, paradoxically enough, by immediate successors of these masters but by painters active forty to a hundred years later.** 20°C. Brandi, in L’arte, n.s. 1, 1932, fig. 3. and the Ducciesque panel (cut down) in S.

80 See Appendix mu. The painting has been Lorenzo, Terenzano. ,

considerably damaged. Richard Offner has 83 Siena, Pinacoteca no. 61. See Van Marle, independently attributed it to the same master. op. cit., 1, fig. 216. The Assumption in Girton

Though its composition is related to the College, Cambridge, by Francesco di Vanstylistic trend we have been describing, the nuccio (J. Pope-Hennessy, in Burlington Mag-

representation of the Madonna on a smaller azine, XC, 1948, fig. 13) is a rather flatscale than the apostles, because of perspective tened version of the type. This Sienese circular diminution, reflects a point of view more char- composition was copied by a Florentine master

acteristic of the early Trecento. around 1385 in a panel in the Kaiser-Friedrich

The third Assumption of this type is in the Museum, Berlin, no. 1089. panel in the Siena Gallery, no. 163, by a $¢ For the revival of the circular Assumption, painter close to Niccold di Buonaccorso. This see the fresco in the Carmine, Siena, by the panel is discussed below on page 122. master of the Life of the Virgin in the sacristy Orcagna’s relief of the Assumption on the of the Duomo, Siena, and the Quattrocento tabernacle at Or San Michele (Fig. 8) 1s simi- paintings mentioned in note 28. For the Lolar in many respects to these Sienese composi- renzettian Birth of the Virgin see, in addition

tions. to Fig. 19, the fresco in the sacristy of the 81 See Appendix I, p. 169. Duomo, Siena, and the panel by Paolo di | 82 See the stained-glass window in the Duomo, Giovanni Fei in the Pinacoteca, Siena (based

Siena, designed under the influence of Duccio on Pietro’s Opera del Duomo composition). (E. Carli, Una vetrata ducctesca, Siena, 1946) For the Lorenzettian Presentation of the Vir-

22

FROM NARRATIVE TO RITUAL

Luca di Tommeé’s Assumption exhibits, though in a limited way, a method of transforming earlier Trecento space that becomes common after the middle of the century. Space is compressed, as in the group of the Virgin and angels, but compressed areas are occasionally juxtaposed with forms, like his sarcophagus, that strike vehemently back into depth. The equilibrium characteristic of the earlier period between

form and space, between solid and void, is thus supplanted by tension between the two. The fresco of the Via Veritatis by Andrea da Firenze in the Spanish Chapel (Fig. 94), usually described as flat, has yet a landscape that recedes farther than any preceding one in Florence, however ambiguous its depth. In several paintings by Niccold di Buonaccorso, the tiled floor, derived from the Lorenzetti, carves out a space that the flattened figures do not really occupy.** In all these paintings the perspective serves to force apart forms that are unified otherwise in a plane, or to surround them with a deep space that is incommensurate with their planar character. This conflict between the planar and spatial aspects of compositions is enhanced by the use of frontal and profile postures, which are exceptionally common, as we have seen, in the art of the time.** Figures that had never appeared in frontality in earlier

Tuscan painting were now represented in this position: the Magdalen at the foot of the Cross,’ or Christ in the manger in the Nativity.** In one painting of the Presentation the Infant stands, frontal, on the altar, as in the late twelfth century relief at Chartres.*® He is turned toward frontality even in the representation of the Madonna del Latte (Fig. 24)*° or the Madonna of Humility, and in one example of the latter subject he appears in perfect profile. In many cult images of the Madonna, the Virgin gin in the Temple, see below, note 58. For Spanish Chapel, the figure of the executioner Simone Martini’s Annunciation, the panel in is largely frontal. S. Pietro Ovile, and for his Madonna of Hu- 87 Fresco of the Crucifixion, cloister of S. M. mility, the paintings around 1400 by Andrea Novella (Van Marle, op.ctt., m1, fig. 241). di Bartolo (especially the one in the National 38 Fresco in S. M. Novella by the painter of

Gallery, Washington, Fig. 131). the Crucifixion mentioned in the previous 88 See his Madonna of Humility published note. In Orcagna’s relief in Or San Michele

by B. Berenson, op.cit., fig. on p. 340; the An- the Infant is almost frontal. See also a predella nunciation by a follower, tbid., fig. on p. 342; of about 1380 in the Museo Bandini, Fiesole,

the Marriage of St. Catherine, National Gal- Room tI, no. 11. lery, Washington. In this last panel the flight 89 Predella, Museo Bandini, Fiesole, Room ny, of the orthogonals is intensified by wide red no. 12. Florentine about 1380. bands that push the Virgin’s throne back into 40 This Madonna, now cut down to an oval, space to a point where the Christ Child could was very probably the central panel of a large scarcely reach the finger of St. Catherine on altarpiece that contained the Saints Peter and

which he places a ring. Paul in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Fig. 86 As in the Strozzi altarpiece, both the cen- 127), a St. John Evangelist, whereabouts untral Madonna of the Orcagnesque polyptych known, and perhaps also the Annunciation in in S. M. Maggiore and the adjacent Baptist are the Fogg Museum, Cambridge, Mass. I shall exactly frontal. Three of the four saints in the discuss elsewhere the reintegration of this altarframe of Jacopo di Cione’s Crucifixion in the piece. National Gallery, London, are frontal, and the 41 Master of the Fabriano Altarpiece, Dijon fourth very nearly so. In Andrea da Firenze’s (Offner, Corpus, sec. 111, vol. v, pl. 31). fresco of the death of St. Peter Martyr in the

23

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT . is frontal, or the child, or sometimes both, as in the Byzantine Nikopoia (Figs. 11, 16). In these paintings, as in earlier mediaeval art, frontality usually has a positive value and a specific connotation. It is generally associated with divinity or at least with the most important figure in a hierarchy. Two fourteenth century writers, whom we shall cite below, assign it this significance.” Frontal figures of this sort were occasionally employed also in the first half of the century. In Giotto’s frescoes in the Arena Chapel,

for instance, Justice is frontal while Injustice is in profile. In general, however, painters of this earlier period avoided both these positions as too fixed, static, unfree. ‘The most exalted figures were, in fact, endowed with the most intense plasticity, the

greatest potentialities of movement, and they appear in the most vividly created space—just the opposite qualities, therefore, of the corresponding figures in the third quarter of the century. Though figures such as the St. Matthew by Orcagna and Jacopo di Cione (Fig. 59) resemble the frontal saints of earlier western or Byzantine painting (Fig. 3), they possess important distinguishing qualities. They are organically articulated and physiognomically individualized—often indeed to a higher degree than figures of the earlier fourteenth century. They exhibit likewise a capacity for movement, or rather a tension in many parts of the body. We sense it in the taut ligaments of the neck of St. Matthew, in the pressure of his left arm against the book and against his body, in the firm grasp of the inkpot. Yet these potentialities are opposed by the perfectly erect and inflexibly frontal position, by the flattening of the mass, and by the adherence of the arms and hands to the torso. The right forearm and hand, it 1s true tend to move away from it, but they are restrained by the folds of drapery, especially prominent at this point, that wind across them. Both arms, in fact, and much of the body are tightly bound by the drapery. St. Matthew is in this respect like the Infant

in the Presentation or in paintings of the Madonna (Fig. 138), and we have seen similar figures, encased in mantles as in a sheath, in the Strozzi altarpiece. They are common in the painting of the time. The tension inherent in these figures may recall the dynamism of certain figures of the preceding period, but there are differences that enable us readily to distinguish the two. In a painting of the Madonna, for instance, by Ambrogio Lorenzetti in the Brera, Milan (Fig. 23), the Child is almost entirely wrapped in a cloth—a rare form in a Tuscan painting of this subject. Unlike the bound Infants of the later period (Figs. 13,

, 18, 138), however, the activity of Ambrogio’s Infant is felt throughout his body, in the turn of the head, the spreading fingers, and the curving outlines of the torso and legs.

42 P. 107. of the painting to Pietro (A. Peter, in La 48 The condition of this painting, usually Diana, vii, 1933, p. 169, has attributed the

attributed to Ambrogio, makes it difficult to be painting to him), but its color, suffused light, certain of its author. Parts of the surface have and supple form do seem to reflect the style been badly rubbed, others repainted (particu- of this painter. The Madonna seems to me an

larly the mantle of the Madonna that now early work of Ambrogio, painted under the

shows a pattern of poinsettas). This reworking influence of Pietro. may be partly responsible for the resemblance

24

FROM NARRATIVE TO RITUAL

The figures by Ambrogio’s brother Pietro, likewise, are often no less tense than those

of Orcagna. They seem restless, feverish, tormented by doubt. The Baptist in the Arezzo altarpiece, for instance, twists in two opposite directions at once.** But the tension of these figures, developed within organic terms, is capable of resolution. That

of St. Matthew is not, arising as it does from an interpenetration of the natural and | the unnatural, the physical and the abstract. Qualities of bearing or behavior related to those of the frontal and bound figures are apparent almost everywhere in the narrative and cult painting of the third quarter of the century. In the works already described we have observed the inflexible masks, the dispersed glances, the halted action. The figures, exhibiting a more generalized intensity, are less responsive to their immediate situation. In Giovanni da Milano's Meeting at the Golden Gate, painted in 1365 (Fig. 27), Joachim and Anna avoid a familiar greeting. Anna lowers her head in humble contemplation of the miraculous conception, and Joachim, grasping her arm, gazes beyond her with a grave portentous look. These two figures constitute only one of three centers in the composition. At the — left Joachim is preoccupied with the angel. The exceptionally prominent man at the very middle, though evidently aware of the meeting, turns an enigmatic melancholy face toward the left, and one at least of the two women under the gate, though close

to the aged couple, likewise looks away from them. There are thus a dispersal of attention and an individual withdrawal that resemble Bartolo di Fredi’s Presentation or Nardo’s Madonna and that differentiate Giovanni’s fresco from scenes of the Meeting painted in the earlier part of the century. For Giotto the meeting was a joyful event (Fig. 26). Joachim’s retainer and all but one of the attendant women watch the aged couple with curiosity and delight. Joachim and Anna kiss tenderly. The arch created by their embrace, the germinal form of the composition, is echoed in the city gate and the bridge. ‘This warm and spontaneous greeting had been represented in earlier scenes of the Meeting;* it was suggested by the Apocryphal gospels, which tell that “Anna... saw Joachim coming, and ran and hung upon his neck.’”* In paintings by the followers of Giotto, and occasionally already in the late thirteenth century,*’ Joachim and Anna embrace each other at the waist, crossing their **C. Weigelt, Sienese Painting of the Tre- Duomo di Siena, Turin, 1941, pl. x1).

cento, New York, 1930, pl. 72. 46 Proto-Evangelium of James, Iv, 4 (see *5 In the Homilies of the Monk James, Vat. M. R. James, The Apocryphal New Testament,

grec. 1162, Joachim and Anna press their Oxford, 1924, p. 40). The description in the cheeks together (Stornaiuolo, Miniature delle Pseudo-Matthew (1, 5) is the same, and the Omilie di Giacomo Monaco, Rome, 1910, pl. gospel of the Nativity of Mary says that the two

6); they émbrace, their heads very close, in the met and rejoiced (see the Golden Legend, Menologion of Basil II (Menologio, Turin, chap. 129). 1907, 1, pl. 229), but both look upward to *7 See the altarpiece in the Museo Civico of heaven; they kiss in the relief of the very end Pisa, Room ul, no. 7, attributed to Raniero di of the thirteenth century over the main door Ugolino by Garrison, following Offner (E. B. of the Duomo of Siena (recently attributed to Garrison, Italian Romanesque Panel Painting, Tino di Camaino by E. Carli, Le sculture del Florence, 1949, pp. 26, 150). 25

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

arms. He peers intently at her. In Taddeo Gaddi’s fresco (Fig. 33) she returns his glance, in a panel by Bernardo Daddi* she looks shyly downward. The greeting in these paintings is less intimate than in Giotto’s, partly perhaps because in them the Meeting at the Golden Gate was more explicitly associated with the immaculate conception of the Virgin, a tenet that was widely disseminated by the Franciscans during

_ the course of the fourteenth century. The angel who hovers over the aged couple in Daddi’s panel is an explicit reference to this idea.“° Nor is it improbable that Taddeo’s decision to portray a less intimate embrace than Giotto was influenced by the moral injunctions of the Augustinian preacher Fra Simone Fidats, although he did not con-

form to them fully. Fra Simone, whom Taddeo knew while he was preaching and writing in Florence from 1333 to about 1338, included in his L’ordine della vita cristt-

ana a brief guide to the marital behavior of the pious. “Married couples,” he said, “should not touch one another, neither seductively nor playfully, because this puts the fire of desire in their flesh.’”*° When describing the Nativity, Fra Simone asserted that " no midwives were present because Christ was born without difficulty or pain. ‘These comments of Fra Simone disclose a point of view that did not, we surmise, welcome the growth of naturalism in art, and that was opposed to the increasingly familiar and human conception of sacred legend in the art of the late thirteenth cen-

tury and the first half of the fourteenth. With Fra Simone Fidati this point of view appears in the course of the ’thirties. It became dominant some twenty years later. It is significant that none of the five scenes of the Meeting at the Golden Gate that I know from this period” revives the composition of the Arena Chapel.*? They all represent a more formal greeting, like that of Daddi or Gaddi, and in some of them, Giovanni da Milano's fresco included (Fig. 27), the joyless Joachim and Anna are separated still

further, bodily and in spirit. ,

*® Predetla of Daddi’s altarpiece in the Uffizi L’arte, XV, 1914, pp. 107ff.

(Offner, Corpus, sec. 111, vol. m1, pl. 1425). 61 In addition to the fresco by Giovanni da “°F. Antal, op.ctt., p. 222 note go, says that Milano, see the fresco in the cloisters of S. M. this reference gives the painting a “severely Novella by a follower of Nardo (Van Marle, ecclesiastical” character. But the idea of the op.cit., m1, fig. 272); Orcagnesque panel in the immaculate conception was certainly not lim- Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, Texas—this — ited to ecclesiastical circles—the Dominicans panel was sold in the Chillingworth Sale, Luin fact rejected it. It was rooted in the intense cerne, September 1922, no. 100 (incorrectly veneration of the Virgin, and won great popu- attributed by Van Marle, op.cit., 11, p. 506, to lar acclaim during the fourteenth century. Jacopo di Cione); predella of the altarpiece of 50 “Gli sposi non debbono fare toccamenti 137% formerly at Impruneta, now in the Gabil’uno all’altro, né lusinghe, ne piacevolezze, le netto del Restauro, Florence.

quali mettono fuoco di lussuria nelle carni 62] doubt that Giotto himself would have loro” (L’ordine della vita cristiana, ed. F. Mat- represented the couple kissing in paintings tioli, Rome, p. 195). I. Maioni first called atten- made during his later years. In the ’twenties his

tion to this passage and to the relationship of art tended toward greater formality and an Taddeo with Fidati in an interesting article in expansive rhetoric.

26

THE EXALTATION OF GOD, THE CHURCH, AND

THE PRIEST

The ritualistic character of paintings of sacred history in the third quarter of the fourteenth century is bound up with an expression of the authority of the enduring Church. When the representation involves a priest, he is given an exceptional prominence and formal intensity. We have seen him in Bartolo di Fredi’s Presentation towering above all the other figures in the temple (Fig. 15). In a predella panel in the Haniel

collection, Munich, by a follower of Orcagna (Fig. 18) he stands behind a brightly lighted altar, frontal and dominant in the central bay of the church. In this panel the discreteness of the figures has been increased by enclosing them in separate compartments defined by the arches of the five-domed building. In the related subject of the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple, represented in relief on the tabernacle of Or San Michele (Fig. 28), Orcagna has given the High

Priest an even greater supremacy. Framed by the arch of the temple, which repeats the outline of the upper part of his body, he looms up above the youthful Mary at the top of a long flight of steps, a formidable apparition, certainly, for a child. For the first time in Italian representations of this scene both he and the temple are frontal and they are closely identified, asserting together a superior principle of unshakeable stability and permanence. The priest raises both hands, one, covered by his mantle, suggesting his proximity to sacred things, the other in a generalized gesture of accept- ance and blessing not directed specifically at the Virgin. Beyond this formal act, he

takes no cognizance of her. |

The emphatic axiality and symmetry of the upper part of the composition is extended below. The Virgin appears on the central axis below the priest, enveloped by him as the Christ Child is by the Madonna in the Dugento image of the Nikopoia (Fig. 16). Joachim and Anna kneel in profile, like Thomas Aquinas and Peter in the Strozzi altarpiece (Fig. 1); and like them, too, they comprise the two lower parts of an inflexible triangle that reaches its apex in the frontal high priest or, in the Strozzi_ altarpiece, in Christ. Orcagna follows the Pseudo-Matthew and other apocrypha in representing fifteen — steps leading to the temple. He has also conveyed the exceptional nature of the ascent as described by the text: “She ascended quickly the fifteen steps, without looking

| back and without inquiring of her parents as children usually do, much to the astonishment of everyone; and the priests themselves wondered at her.’’** But, preferring a more formal and more static composition, Orcagna has shown her turned outward, gesturing with one arm toward the priest, while the upper part of her body, and, one judges, her face, are exactly frontal like his. In his famous fresco in the Baroncelli Chapel Taddeo Gaddi had already represented her turned outward, but with profound

58 See note 22. 65 Pseudo-Matthew, Iv (M. R. James, op.cit.,

*¢ Mary is placed exactly on the middle steps, Pp. 73). the seventh and eighth.

27

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

differences. In it the figure of Mary and the adjacent steps have been altered by later reworking, but Taddeo’s drawing of the composition shows that her posture is more casual than in Orcagna’s relief and she does not point to the priest (Fig. 32).°* Most important of all, and quite characteristic of early Trecento narrative, she does what children in strange circumstances ‘‘usually do,” and precisely what the apocryphal text states she did not do: she hesitates on the steps and glances inquiringly at her parents. The spirit of Giotto’s fresco in the Arena Chapel is even more remote from the

miraculous event of the apocrypha (Fig. 29). He sees in the story the drama of the departure of a young child from her home, and he shows a wonderful sympathy for the human realities of the event. The final moment of separation itself is represented. The child stands at the portal of the temple before the priest. Anne has accompanied her part way up the steps, but stops short of the final ones and bends toward her daughter, looking intently at her with mixed feelings while she both supports her and presents her to the priest.”’ The little girl, crossing her arms over her breast, accepts the transfer quietly, reassured by the tender but firm intention of her mother and the understanding warmth of the priest, who bows his head and opens his arms in a gentle welcome. Her entry into the new world of the temple is made less trying also by the appearance near by of her future companions, the virgins. They crowd together, enveloping the child and the priest and peering over the wall with benevolent curiosity at the newcomer. Like Gioito’s fresco, all the scenes of the Presentation painted in the first half of the century dwell on familiar and universal human experience. We have already de-

scribed Taddeo Gaddi’s painting, and in a Lorenzettian fresco, known by later “copies,” the Virgin likewise turns back to her mother while the priest bows to receive her (Fig. 165)."° After the mid-century, on the other hand, these sentiments disappear;

in accordance with the Apocrypha the moment is not that of departure from the family but of an unnaturally determined entry into the temple.*® The Virgin stands °° The general belief that this drawing is by than that of the welcoming priest. As we have ‘Taddeo himself (see Berenson, Drawings of observed previously, the compositions of this the Florentine Painters, Chicago, 1938, 11, fig. relief are exceptionally close to those in the 1), Seems to me correct. For the view that it is Arena Chapel.

a later copy of the fresco, perhaps by the 68 This important panel (Fig. 165), 64 x 60 Rinuccini Master, see R. Oertel (Mitteilungen inches and unrecorded in the literature, bedes Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenz, v, longed to H. M. Clark, London. The group in

1940, pp. 236-238). the lower left corner is taken from Taddeo’s

5? Giotto here develops a late thirteenth cen- Presentation (Fig. 32). Other Sienese paintings, tury composition of the Presentation such as likewise dependent in part on the Lorenzettian the one in the altarpiece in the Museo Civico, composition and showing the Virgin looking Pisa (Catalogo della Mostra Giottesca, Flor- at her parents, are: frescoes at S. Leonardo al ence, 1943, fig. 24a). See also the contemporary Lago and in the sacristy, Duomo, Siena; panels relief on the Duomo of Siena (E. Carli, op.cit., by Giovanni di Paolo, Siena Gallery, and Sano,

, pl. x1), where the child stands at the top of Vatican.

the flight of steps, her head as high or higher 59 See the Nardesque fresco in the cloisters 28

EXALTATION OF GOD, CHURCH, AND PRIEST

alone and, except in Orcagna’s relief (Fig. 28), she faces the priest. She faces him even in the fresco in the Rinuccini Chapel, S. Croce,“ though in every other essential this work copies Taddeo’s painting in the same church. Sometimes she signifies by an

extended hand her eagerness to reach the temple precincts. In all these works the authority of the priest approximates Orcagna’s relief. There is an increasing emphasis on the church, and the central act is the willful mounting of the steps, which signifies beyond doubt an ascent from worldly to religious life. The temple of the Old Testament and its ministers were closely associated in the thought of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance with the Church and its clerics. On the scroll held by the prophet Malachi directly above the Christ Child in Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Presentation in the Temple (Fig. 14) is written: “And the Lord whom ye seek shall suddenly come to his Temple” (Malachi, m, 1). The most grandiose painting of the temple in the fourteenth century has a dual character (Fig. 36). Its style,

| Romanesque and therefore outmoded, probably designates the Synagogue,” while a cross appears in the arch above the nave. This remarkable building, Lombard in character, is the dominant form in one of Giovanni da Milano's frescoes in the Rinuccini Chapel of S. Croce, part of the same cycle of 1365 as the Meeting at the Golden Gate discussed above (Fig. 27). The painting represents the Expulsion of Joachim from the Temple. If the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple may be a theme of religious dedication, of entry into the Church, the Expulsion of Joachim signifies rejection by it. The Expulsion is therefore a subject that we would expect to convey an uncommonly intense meaning in the art of the third quarter of the century. For Giotto the Expulsion was, like the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple, a moment of profound and complex personal relations (Fig. 35). Following,a late thirteenth century tradition, exemplified again by the corresponding scene on the altarpiece in the Museo Civico of Pisa (Fig. 34) or by the relief of about the same time on the facade of the Sienese Cathedral,** he shows the priest pushing Joachim from the Temple. Unlike the earlier works, the priest has no attendants, and there are no of S. M. Novella (Van Marle, op.cit., m1, fig. rary ones, although in many formal qualities 273); pinnacle of the altarpiece of 1375 for- it resembles the latter. merly in the church at Impruneta (zb:d., fig. 60 This posture of the Virgin appeared ear366); fresco in the Rinuccini Chapel of S. lier in Daddi’s predella in the Uffizi, and the

Croce (see note 61). church, too, is prominent, but the priest bows Similarly Niccold di Buonaccorso’s panel in to greet the Virgin (Offner, Corpus, sec. mI, the Uffizi, though dependent on the Lorenzet- vol. m1, pl. 1477).

tian fresco on the facade of the Scala, greatly 61 A, Venturi, Storia dell’arte italiana, v, reduces the welcoming movement of the priest, Milan, 1907, fig. 717.

who stands almost erect, and minimizes the 62'The temple in Fig. 18 shows five domes, relative importance of the Virgin (G. Mar- perhaps expressive of its eastern character. For chini, Rivista d’arte, x, 1938, fig. 3). The char- the use of the Romanesque to characterize the acter of the narrative in the fresco by Bartolo temple, see E. Panofsky, Albrecht Diirer, di Fredi in S. Agostino, S. Gimignano, is, how- Princeton, 1943, I, p. 102. ever, more closely related to representations of 63 E, Carli, op.cit., pl. x1. the first half of the century than to contempo-

29

. THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT witnesses. ‘The two confront each other alone—the stern, perhaps angry but certainly

. not unsympathetic priest, who exhibits a fundamental humanity during the performance of his official duty, and the anguished old man, still clinging tightly to ‘his rejected lamb as though it were the child that God had denied him. Giotto has suggested very discreetly the consequences of this fateful meeting. At the left, more than half hidden behind a wall, a second priest blesses a young father. At the right, where Joachim must go, there is now a void, an expressive but unique form whose authenticity has often been questioned.“ In any event, the rejected old man is still retained within the structure of the composition and the temple, framed as he is by the pulpit,

its columns, and the marble floor.

The tense and moving relationship of the two chief actors in the Arena fresco is preserved in paintings of this subject by Giotto’s immediate followers: the fresco by ‘Taddeo Gaddi in the Baroncelli Chapel™ and the predella by Bernardo Daddi in the Uffizi,* although the priest, who now wears a tiara, becomes more aggressive, the church is larger, and numerous other figures are introduced. Radically different, however, is the representation by Giovanni da Milano (Fig. 36). In it the experience of

Joachim has not an equally central significance, and the dramatic personal encounter has entirely disappeared. The action resembles in fact the account in the early _ Apocrypha or the Golden Legend, which tell simply that Joachim, learning that his offering was unacceptable, left the temple weeping.” In Giovanni's fresco, and in the painting ten years later that was formerly at Impruneta,** Joachim appears in front of the temple, the only person wholly outside it. His exclusion is emphasized by the design of the arches opening into the building. The one behind him, though actually slightly wider than the others, seems to be much narrower. He casts a gloomy, furtive look back into the nave, where the high priest, ignoring him completely, receives the offerings of the fathers who are acceptable to him. The priest, as in Orcagna’s relief (Fig. 28), is a grim figure, closely identified with the nave.and the half-dome of the apse, and towering like a campanile above the kneeling worshippers. The five-aisled church

rises in absolute frontality, filling the entire painted area and extending beyond the framing arch at the sides. It is massive, rigid, all-inclusive, and it assimilates to its tight structure the regular rows of worshippers within. This insistent fixity and order renders more poignant the exclusion of Joachim. The overwhelming weight and authority of ¢¢ See, for instance, Rintelen (Giotto, end ing may reflect the Expulsion that Orcagna ed., Basel, 1923, p. 19) who suspects the loss of probably painted in the choir of S. M. No-

a figure in this area. vella. Joachim has a similar position and pos65 See Sirén, op.ctt., pl. 114. ture in the fresco of the Expulsion that

66 Offner, Corpus, sec. 11, vol. m1, pl. 147%. Ghirlandaio painted in his cycle that replaced

87 See the Pseudo-Matthew, nu, 1, and the Orcagna’s frescoes after the latter had been Proto-Evangelium of James, 1, 1 (James, op.cit., badly damaged (Van Marle, op.cit., xim, fig.

pp. 73 and 39). 40). In many respects Ghirlandaio’s composi-

68 Van Marle, op.cit., m1, fig. 366. tion looks like a revised version of Giovanni's,

6° This and other aspects of Giovanni’s paint- or, more probably, of Orcagna’s.

30

EXALTATION OF GOD, CHURCH, AND PRIEST

the Church is brought to bear on the old man. The rejection is institutional, rather than, as in earlier paintings, personal. The composition of the fresco shows opposed axes and movements, more abrupt even than in other paintings of the time. The nave and the aisles, seen in perspective from an axial point of sight, sweep back into space, their extension duplicated by the parallel rows of sacrificants. All the latter, though units in receding rows, are in exact profile. They look intently at or move toward the similarly profile priests, creating a

lateral movement perpendicular to that of the architecture and equally as strong. | The figures overlap each other with an extraordinary regularity, reminiscent of earlier mediaeval art. The nose of each of the standing men and women touches, or almost touches, the ear of the figure behind. In each row they are similarly dressed, and the women look very much alike. Despite therefore the more varied features of the men at the left—exceptions to the otherwise uniform character of these figures—all

the sacrificants appear less as individuals than as undifferentiated members of a congregation. This strict uniformity and regimentation of the figures involves a denial of the values of individuality—a denial that we have observed in other aspects of the painting of the time, and that is profoundly opposed to the art of the earlier fourteenth century. Though the regimentation of figures is most conspicuous in this representation of the

pious, it is not peculiar to it nor to the painting of Giovanni da Milano. Along with a partially contrary interest in individualized physiognomy, it appears as a rather constant trend in the painting of the time. We find it, for example, in the fresco of Limbo by Andrea da Firenze (Fig. 98), in the wings of the Coronation of the Virgin in London by Jacopo di Cione,”* in an Ascension of Christ by Andrea Vanni,” or in the shutters of a Cionesque tabernacle in Bayonne.” In the case of the angels in the Madonna of Humility in Washington from the workshop of Orcagna (Fig. 140) or the soldiers before Christ in the Way to Calvary by Andrea da Firenze (Fig. 38), it governs the appearance of figures which by their intrinsic character imply uniformity but which had not earlier been represented in so regular and unvaried an alignment. In Giovanni da Milano’s Expulsion, as in Orcagna’s Presentation (Fig. 28) and many other works of the time, the priest is a central figure, elevated, often frontal and motionless. Similar qualities of decisive hierarchical superiority are attributed to Christ in contemporary cult images (Figs. 1, 4) and occasionally also in scenes of his miracles. In the numerous paintings of the Resurrection of Lazarus from the first half of the century, Christ stands at the left confronting the shrouded dead man, who appears at the right, held erect by bystanders or placed in an open vertical tomb cut in the rock.”* Christ is attended by the apostles and all the figures stand on approximately

70 Van Marle, op.cit., 11, fig. 277. 72¥F, Antal, op.cit., pl. 44b.

71 Formerly in the Stroganoff collection; re- 78 See the fresco by Giotto in the Arena — produced, without a definite attribution, by Chapel or Duccio’s panel from the Maesta Berenson in Dedalo, x1, 1930, p. 274. (Van Marle, op.ctt., 1, fig. 20; 1, fig. 43). In 31

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

the same level. Giovanni da Milano fundamentally altered this traditional composition in his scene of the Resurrection, another of the frescoes in the Rinuccini Chapel, unfortunately smeared here and there with repaint (Fig. 37). Christ stands at the center, as in some earlier mediaeval representations of the subject."* He looms above the other figures, his head rising into the sky. He is framed by dark hills that ripple and heave as though they were activated by the magnetism of his presence and his miraculous act. Lazarus himself, in an unusual position, turns away from Christ, though he casts a look backward as two apostles help him step from the tomb.” Here, as in other paintings of the time, a direct meeting of the glances of lesser figures with the Deity is avoided. Though Lazarus does not quite see Christ, Christ looks intensely toward him, his brow contracted and casting deep shadows over his eyes. His move_ ment, moreover, is more limited than in earlier representations of the subject. Instead of the usual extension of an arm toward Lazarus, he raises one hand close to his body and parallel to its axis. His energy is expressed more by his eyes than by his gesture, and the miracle itself becomes the consequence of forces that are spiritual and ineffable rather than physical.

In view of the importance of the Church and the priest in the art of the third quarter of the Trecento it is not surprising that a subject connected with the reception and dissemination of ecclesiastical doctrine should have undergone a special development during this period. For the first time in the history of Tuscan painting, and so far as I know, the only time, the Pentecost was selected as the subject of an altarpiece (Fig. 39). The significance of its selection is not lessened by the fact that the painting, though now in the Badia, may have been made for the high altar of the church of the Apostles (SS. Apostoli) in Florence.”* It was painted by a close follower of Orcagna, possibly in his workshop.” ‘Though its iconography is similar to that of earlier representations of the event that were included in historical cycles, such as Taddeo Gaddi's in Berlin (Fig. 40), the composition is radically different. The active group in the earlier painting, with its variety of individual response, has been transformed into the most inflexible and schematic assembly of figures in the history of Tuscan art. Even the ‘‘cloven tongues of fire” have been congealed to a single flame and stilled to a tense quaver, and they are not too small to escape the almost exact symmetry that governs the whole.” one of the medallions in Pacino’s Tree of Life 1932, fig. 80), though the far leg of Christ is in the Academy, Florence, Lazarus is seated in outside the sarcophagus.

a sarcophagus. 76 See W. Paatz, Die Kirchen von Florenz, 74 For instance, S. Angelo in Formis (2bid., Frankfurt, 1940, p. 259 note 47. 1, fig. 64). 77 H. Gronau, op.cit., p. 40, suggests that the

78 His posture resembles that of Christ in altarpiece was designed by Orcagna himself. certain representations of the Resurrection 78 They start abruptly from the heads as do (see the Bible of the Duke of Berry, British the locks of hair of the Baptist in the Strozzi- . Museum, Harley Ms no. 4382, reproduced by altarpiece (Fig. 30). H. Schrade Die Auferstehung Christi, Berlin,

32

EXALTATION OF GOD, CHURCH, AND PRIEST |

The insistence on hierarchy that we have observed in other paintings of the time is _ no less evident here. The Virgin emerges as the dominant person, placed at the apex of a triangle that embraces the entire triptych. As the superior figure, she shares with the Holy Ghost above her a position of exact frontality. The apostles seem to have dropped to their knees as much in adoration of her as of the Spirit that descends from

heaven. :

In other paintings of the Pentecost from the period, such as the fresco of 1366-1368 by Andrea da Firenze in the Spanish Chapel (Fig. 41), the figures are similarly transfixed by the mystical experience. They are passive, tense, and erect, the Virgin again is perfectly frontal, but the scene is now not limited to the moment of reception of the Spirit. It has been modified and enlarged to show the consequences for humanity of the divine influence. The apostles and the Virgin are seated in a chamber, a setting which had been eliminated in the Badia altarpiece but which enclosed the figures in representations of the early fourteenth century (Fig. 40). This chamber, however, has become the open second storey of a building. In front of the building, the main door of which is ajar, a multitude of men listen attentively or gesticulate with surprise and wonder. Differentiated ethnically and in costume, they are the people described in the Acts, people “out of every nation under heaven.’’ They had learned of the ability of the apostles to speak their languages after the descent of the Spirit, and congregated to witness the miracle. They were amazed to hear their native tongues spoken, and they became suspicious, thinking that the apostles were drunk. But Peter rose to speak,

as in the fresco, telling them the meaning of Christ’s death and resurrection, and urging them to save themselves by repentance and baptism. Three thousand became Christians on that day.” This painting illustrates then the beginning of the mission of the apostles and it celebrates their first success. Peter, furthermore, is glorified above the other apostles or even the Virgin, and through him the Papacy and the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Here

once again is the familiar theme of the time, but with a more explicit reference to repentance, conversion, and the missionary zeal of the Church. Although the people from all parts of the world are occasionally included in repre-

sentations of the Pentecost of a much earlier period,” as in a mosaic in one of the domes of S. Marco in Venice, they are absent from the paintings of Duccio, Giotto, or Taddeo Gaddi (Fig. 40). In these works, moreover, St. Peter is seated with the other apostles. It is all the more significant therefore that the representatives of the diverse peoples reappear in several paintings of the latter part of the century. Two—a panel of 1370-1371 by Jacopo di Cione and a Cionesque miniature—clearly derive from the fresco by Andrea da Firenze." Andrea was probably moved to include this group and

79 Acts, 1 and Wl. altarpiece made for S. Pier Maggiore (see H. 80 See E. Sandberg-Vavala, La croce dipinta Gronau in Burlington Magazine, LXXXVI, 1945,

ttaliana, Verona, 1929, p. 379. p. 139, and R. Offner in Studies of the Museum 81 ‘The panel by Jacopo di Cione, now in the of Art of the Rhode Island School of Design, National Gallery, London, is a pinnacle of an 1947, p. 43). The miniature is in the Victoria 33

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

the discourse of Peter by the context of the fresco in the Spanish Chapel. His Pentecost forms part of a monumental fresco cycle that is the most elaborate statement of

| ' doctrine in the history of Tuscan painting. It is a kind of summa of the ideas of the Church, of divinity, conversion, and redemption that are so prominent in the painting of the third quarter of the century. The cycle, painted around 1366-1368, will be discussed in chapter tv, but it should be said here that, however great its influence, it was clearly not the sole nor even the major source of these ideas; they are conveyed consistently by the art of the preceding ten or fifteen years.

In view of the concern with doctrine and the exaltation of the Church and the Deity, it is not surprising that the Trinity should suddenly have become prominent in the iconography of the third quarter of the century. Represented on‘y once, so far as

I know, in Italian altarpieces and tabernacles of the thirteenth and early fourteenth _ centuries, and then in a subordinate field, examples of it multiply after 1350.°* Earlier

| Italian representations in frescoes or miniatures show a variety of forms: a threeheaded figure, three men identical in feature and dress, God the Father holding the Christ Child on his knee, or God the Father holding a crucifix. It is the latter, the more pathetic form created in the north in the twelfth century, that becomes common in Tuscan panels (Fig. 9). The most interesting of these paintings, and the earliest to have survived from Siena, is a hitherto unknown work in the T. S. Hyland Collection, Greenwich, probably an early work of Luca di Tommeé (Fig. 50). and Albert Museum, London, no. 3045. See painting of the first half of the century appears also the Gerinesque fresco in the former Con- in a compartment of the right wing of a tripvento di S. Birgitta, Paradiso degli Alberti tych by Pacino that belongs to Wildenstein & (Sirén, in L’arte, x1, 1908, p. 186), and a late Co., New York.

fourteenth century Florentine miniature in ws | .

the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, no. 643. ‘The "* In addition to the altarpiece of 1365 by a iconography of this group of paintings was Jacopo di Cione in the National Gallery, L

. . oe follower of Nardo (Fig. 9), see the panel by

adopted by. ;Ghiberti in the his first pair of doors q P se On: on, and Cionesque panel inona thealerys Gallery

for the Florentine Baptistery. . we ;

of Fine Arts, Yale University (O. Sirén, Cata-

82] have referred to the emergence of the logue of the Jarves Collection, New Haven

Trinity in Tuscan panels in the Art Bulletin, (SE 6) » New taven, XXvII, 1946, p. 6, listing examples of the sev- 910) Pl. OPP P- 49). eral types. To the works cited there should be &¢ Height, 2214 inches; width, 21 inches. This added the miniature by the shop of Pacino di master also painted, I believe, the Conversion

Bonaguida in the Morgan Library, Ms 742, of St. Paul in the National Gallery, Washingwhich represents the Trinity in four forms: ton, no. 319, and two additional panels of the God the Father holding the crucifix (also ap- same predella with other scenes of the legend pearing in Morgan ms 716, Bolognese, toward of St. Paul in the Pinacoteca, Siena, nos. 117 the middle of the century), three “identical” and 118. Longhi pointed to the relationship of men behind an altar, the three-headed figure, these predella panels, but attributed the three and Abraham with the three angels (Offner, to the Florentine Lorenzo di Bicci, whereas Corpus, sec. 111, vol. 1, pt. m1, add. pl. vin); Berenson ascribed the Washington panel to miniature, Sienese around 1355 or at least Lippo Vanni (see the National Gallery, PreTuscan under Sienese influence, collection of liminary Catalogue, Washington, 1941, p. 206). Robert Lehman, New York, showing three Brandi listed the two Siena panels as Spinello

similar men seated side by side. Aretino, with question (Catalogo della PinaThe only Trinity familiar to me in the panel coteca dit Siena, Siena, 1930, p. 365). The 34

EXALTATION OF GOD, CHURCH, AND PRIEST

The central panel of this tabernacle shows the Trinity together with the Crucifixion, a combination that reappears in later paintings by Luca himself in the Museum at Pisa (dated 1366), by Paolo di Giovanni Fei in the Duomo of Naples,* and by Andrea di Bartolo in the Castle at Konopisté.** But whereas in Luca’s Pisa panel God the Father and the dove hover over the crucifix, and in the other two Sienese paintings

God holds the crucifix, all three members of the Trinity appear behind it in the tabernacle. 'n this rather anomalous iconography the Crucifixion and the Trinity have not been completely fused, and the second member, Christ, appears twice. Even more extraordinary, and indeed rather disturbing, is the form of the Trinity itself. ‘The image of three almost identical men, well known in the Middle Ages, is star-

tling enough when carried into the more naturalistic and humanistic art of the fourteenth century. But our painter has not only eliminated their individuality of feature and dress; he has reduced and compromised their separate physical existence. Within a mandorla, two of the figures are seated close together; ‘the third is between and behind them in an otherwise nonexistent space. Only two hands and two feet are visible, and the mantles of the two outer figures merge at the center. The three men thus appear to be neither abnormal nor quite normal, and the painter has deliberately created an image of the greatest visual ambiguity.*’ Though expressive of the conception of the triune God, its relationship to the groups of impersonal, uniform figures in other paintings of the time cannot escape us. The Trinity now in New York is painted in a small tabernacle. Apparently, then, in the third quarter of the century this image was the object of private devotion as well as of the more public and collective veneration occasioned by large altarpieces (Fig. 9). Similarly the Redeemer, whom we have seen reappear in the main field of two altarpieces (Figs. 1, 4), became the subject of a small panel (Fig. 42). This extraordinary painting, hitherto unpublished, was made around 1380, perhaps by a Pistoiese master. __ His style is deeply dependent upon the Cioni, and his novel subject may have derived

from the same source. The panel represents the head of Christ, firmly based in painter is very probably the author also of the semble one or another aspect of the painting Crucifixion, no. 33 in the Lindenau Museum, in New York. In a miniature in a missal in

Altenburg. Toulouse (Bibliotheque Municipale, no. 91)

The posture of Christ in the Resurrection of 1362 the three figures wear a common man_ derives from the fresco by Pietro Lorenzetti in tle and crown, but each figure has two arms S. Francesco, Siena (see E. DeWald, in Art (V. Leroquais, Les Sacramentaires et les Mis-

Studtes, vu, 1929, fig. 43). sels, Paris, 1924, pl. 59). In a twelfth century

85 F, M. Perkins in La Diana, vi, 1931, pl. 18. “binity” in a gospels in Pembroke College Li8° Meiss, op.cit., fig. 3. Masaccio’s fresco in brary, no. 120, the bodies of God Father and S. M. Novella belongs to this tradition, though Christ unite at the hips into one lower half God the Father is standing rather than seated. (M. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the In this respect his Trinity is anticipated by a/ | Manuscripts in the Library of Pembroke Colpanel by Lorenzo di Niccolo in the Museum lege, Cambridge, Cambridge, 1905, pp. 123-

of Bob Jones University, Greenville, S. C. 124). 7 There are images of the Trinity that re-

35

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

accordance with Tuscan taste upon a sort of plinth, formed by the shoulders and the inscription on the neck-band: PACEM MEAM DO vosis.® The qualities of the face are the now familiar ones attributed in the third quarter of the century to the Deity, to

the priest, and to other hierarchically superior figures. }

Organically articulated and solid, the head is also immovably frontal and rigid. Its tension is increased by the taut ligaments of the neck and by the relations of light and dark that show subtle and expressive variations of a generally symmetrical pattern. The contrasts of value culminate in the eyes, whose white corneas and dark, almost fullround, pupils emerge from the surrounding shadows. The glance is penetrating but unfocused and impersonal. ‘The transcendence of the figure is suggested also by the abnormally high dome of the head. Though spiritually remote, the face seems also very near. It creates a peculiarly insistent and dramatic effect. The head of Christ is reminiscent of earlier mediaeval images, and the resemblance may in this instance be the consequence not only of a generally related formal intention but of a more specific iconographic one as well. The painting may have been intended as a likeness of one of the miraculous images of the sacra facies that were venerated in Rome in the later Middle Ages.** The ornamented textile in the panel, held by two angels, may be a cloth of honor that falls behind the head. But it may, on the other hand, represent the sudarium, the kerchief of St. Veronica on which the likeness of Christ was impressed during the journey to Calvary. The sudarium was preserved in St. Peter’s, and it became the object of a rapidly growing cult, fostered by the popes, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.*° Giovanni Villani saw it during his stay in Rome in the Jubilee year of 1300: “per consolatione de’ Christiani peregrini,”’ he wrote, “‘ogni venerdi, o di solenne di festa, si mostrava in San Piero la Veronica del Sudario di Christo.’ The sudarium was exhibited frequently also during the Jubilee of 1350, and over a period of several years special indulgences were granted by the pope for prayer before it.*? Badges showing the image were distributed among the faithful.

The pilgrim in the Spanish Chapel frescoes wears one pinned to his hat (Fig. 44). Before the fourteenth century the sudarium was occasionally represented in northern illumination,®® and although rare in Italy at that time, there is one surviving example in Trecento panel painting before our Cionesque specimen. This little-known work, one of thirty-six panels composing a retable in the Museo Civico, Trieste, painted in the Veneto around 1325, is a typical Veronica image (Fig. 45).°* Our

27). 82 Tbid., pp. 310-312. | 88 “My peace I give unto you” (John, xiv, 1 Dobschiitz, op.ctt., p. 310.

89 See J. Wilpert, Die rémischen Mosaiken 8 See, for instance, the thirteenth century und Mc'ereien, Freiburg i/B, 1917, 1, pp. 1123- drawings by Matthew Paris (M. R. James, in 1127, and K. Kiinstle, Jkonographie der christ- The Walpole Society, xiv, 1925-26, pl. 29, nos. lichen Kunst, Freiburg i/B, 1928, 1, pp. 589- 140, 141);. also H. Swarzenski, Die deutsche

592. Buchmaleret des XIII. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, #0 See the exhaustive study of the Veronica 1936, I, pp. 52, 128.

legend by E. von Dobschiitz, Christusbilder, 64 See Garrison, op.cit., p. 148. A second Leipzig, 1899, pp. 197-262; also Wilpert, loc.cit. Venetian example on panel is in the collection

36

EXALTATION OF GOD, CHURCH, AND PRIEST

Tuscan painting departs from it in several respects. Its highly ornamented cloth is unlike the usual white kerchief, but there are a few examples similarly decorated.” Only the face is usually shown, but once again there are instances in which the neck and part of the shoulders are included.” Similarly the representation of angels holding the cloth, though rare in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, is not entirely exceptional.*” If our panel is actually a Veronica, it is apparently the earliest one in Tuscany, apart from the pilgrim’s badge in the Spanish Chapel, and the earliest surviving example from any part of Europe painted as an independent subject on a panel.” The head is almost certainly not more than life-size, and very likely less, so that the panel probably measures at the most a foot or a foot and a half in height. This small size, together with the inscription PACEM MEAM DO Vosis, suggests the possibility that the painting may have served as a pax, a tablet employed in the liturgy to transmit the

kiss of peace from the celebrant to other clerics and to the laity.°* Though the surviving examples are mostly in metal, a few tiny panels, such as Fra Filippo Lippi's Man of Sorrows in the Horne Museum, Florence,’ have been identified as liturgical instruments of this kind. Whatever its precise use and iconic connotation, this little panel is significant as an of J. Pope-Hennessy, London, (G. Fiocco, in schichte der K6lner Malerschule, Liibeck, 1902, Dedalo, x1, 1930-31, p. 892 and fig., as Maestro Pp. 375 note 121). A similar representation ap-

Paolo). The panel is a quatrefoil, and must pears also in a drawing, of the early fifteenth have been part of an altarpiece or some other century, in British Museum ms Royal 17 A

large complex. xxvul, fol. 72v (Pearson, loc.cit.). This compo-

95 See the drawing by Matthew Paris (no. sition occurs frequently in later painting, espe140) mentioned in note 93. The cloth in the cially German (see the panel by Zeitblom in Veronica in the collection of J. Pope-Hennessy Berlin: A. Michel, Histoire de l’art, Paris, v, mentioned in note 94 shows four or five hort- part 1, 1912, fig. 13). In a Guelders Book zontal stripes. A diaper pattern appears in the of Hours of 1415 a standing angel holds the cloth in the tenth or eleventh century image cloth (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, 4°.42, fol. 15v). in Vat. Ross. 251, fol. 12gv (see C. Osieczkow- °8 Apart from the panel discussed above, the ska, in Byzantion, Ix, 1934, p. 264 and pl. 16). earliest ‘Tuscan Veronica seems to be the one

| °6In the Venetian Veronica in the Pope- by Masolino above his Man of Sorrows in Hennessy collection the neck and the neck- Empoli.

band of the tunic are visible. See also the Both K. Pearson, loc.cit., and C. Aldenimage in Vat. Ross. 251, fol. 12v, mentioned hoven, loc.cit., mention a painting in the

in note 95. Cathedral of Prague which was traditionally

**K. H. Schweitzer, Der Veronthameister identified as a sudarium, and which Charles und sein Kreis, Wiirzburg, 1935, p. 15, Says IV was believed to have brought from Rome in that this type appeared ca. 1350, but his evi- 1368. This panel, however, is neither a Veronica dence is not clear. Possibly he had in mind a nor made before ca. 1400 (see A. Matejcek, miniature in a document of Pope Clement VI Gotische Maleret in Béhmen, Prague, 19309, of 1350 which was mentioned by K. Pearson, pp. 135-136, pl. 143). Die Fronika, London, n.d., p. 97. Pearson took #9 See F. X. Kraus, Real-Encyklopddte der his information about this painting from W. christlichen Alterthiimer, Freiburg i/B, 1886, Grimm, Kleinere Schriften, u1, p. 159. I have p. 6o2. not been able to consult this book nor to find 100 See Catalogo della Mostra d’Arte Antica

| any trace of the painting. C. Aldenhoven de- —Lorenzo il Magnifico e le arti, Florence, scribes an early panel formerly in Helmstadt 1949, p. 26 no. 5. The panel measures 13 by in which two flying angels hold the cloth (Ge- 22 cm.

37

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

independent image of the Redeemer in the painting of the later fourteenth century. Two similar images from the same period, though the very end of it, have come down to us. One, probably Sienese, in the Lanz collection, Amsterdam, is a Veronica (Fig. 46). The other, a small Florentine panel in the Horne Museum, Florence (Fig. 43), omits the cloth and is simply a volto santo. The halo in this panel is ornamented with an arabesque like those that appear in the paintings of Coppo and the Magdalen

: Master in the latter part of the Dugento. It is our Cionesque panel however (Fig. 42) that shows the more pervasive resemblance to earlier art. Though in detail the style , of the Venetian painter of the Trieste panel is much more Byzantine (Fig. 45), his , Veronica appears bland alongside our Tuscan image, in which the exaltation and intense ardor of Near Eastern Pantocrators seem to appear before us again.

THE SUPERNATURAL The representation in the later fourteenth century of subjects such as the Trinity and the majestic Christ rather than the Madonna and Child springs from an intention to magnify the realm of the divine while reducing that of the human. A similar intention is evident, as we have seen, in the painting of religious history, which accents the miraculous rather than the natural, the mysterious rather than the familiar and the human. Sometimes the more explicit representation of the supernatural led to a fundamental modification of the compositions of the earlier fourteenth century and to what

are, in fact, striking iconographic innovations. | Before the late thirteenth century the Resurrection was not a frequent subject in

, Italian painting. As in Byzantine art, the event itself was alluded to by the representa_ tion of the three Marys at the empty tomb. This is the scene that appears in the cycles of the life of Christ by both Giotto and Duccio. In the paintings of the Resurrection made in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, Christ, erect and frontal, or nearly so, stands on the tomb’” or inside it." Sometimes he seems to rise, though one foot remains either within the tomb or touching it.** These closely related postures persist in Florentine painting of the first third of the Trecento,’” although the 101 In the Lanz panel (no. 448 in the col- 103 Bolognese miniature ca. 1300 (P. Toesca, lection) Christ is crowned with thorns. For the La collezione di U. Hoeplt, Milan, 1930, pl.

painting in Florence, see Illustrated Catalogue 19).

| of the Horne Museum, Florence, 1926, no. 81, 104 Fresco in S. M. in Vescovio (Van Marle, p. 40, as school of Siena. These panels, un- in Bollettino d’arte, 1927, fig. 16). Reminiscent published so far as I know, prove that the of this early type is, too, the fresco fragment of Quattrocento paintings of the sudarium and the Resurrection by Pietro Lorenzetti in S. of Christ crowned with thorns, discussed some Francesco, Siena, and the Resurrection by

years ago by R. Longhi (Pinacoteca, 1928, pp. Luca di Tommé (Fig. 50) which is derived | 156ff.) have Trecento prototypes. from Pietro’s design. In both, Christ stands in 102 Crucifix, S. Frediano, Pisa (E. Sandberg- front of the tomb, but he is, on the other hand, Vavala, op.cit., fig. 381); Cavallinesque fresco very active. in S. M. di Donna Regina, Naples (H. Schrade, 105 In a miniature in the Kupferstichkabinett,

op.cit., fig. 16). Berlin, by a follower of Pacino di Bonaguida, 38

THE SUPERNATURAL

levitation of Christ is developed until, in Taddeo Gaddi’s panel in the Florentine Academy of around 1330, he glides sideways from the tomb.*** At the same time, however, the form of the Resurrection that had earlier become conventional in the north was adopted in Tuscany, or at least in Siena and Pisa. In these paintings Christ mounts from the sarcophagus, placing one foot on its front rim (Fig. 48).'”

This composition was quite familiar to the Florentine painters of the later fourteenth century, but they rejected it for a novel design which, like the new form of the Pentecost, seems to have appeared first around 1366 in the Spanish Chapel (Fig. 47).’*

In it Christ does not climb from the sarcophagus, an active figure impelled by a firm | will. He hovers high above it, and in the panel by Jacopo di Cione (Fig. 49), painted just about five years after the fresco by Andrea da Firenze, as well as in later representations,’” he is frontal and entirely passive. A weighty figure, he is sustained in mid-air or drawn upward by a force that transcends, as it violates, natural law. In the painting by Jacopo di Cione, moreover, the sarcophagus is covered by the lid, which is _ undisturbed, in accordance with the belief that when rising Christ passed miraculously through the closed tomb.**°

The essential relationship of this new type of the Resurrection with other representations of the time is evident. And like them, it is reminiscent of an older art. For Christ stands in the tomb (Offner, Corpus, sec. the fresco in the Spanish Chapel, in fact at the i, vol. 1, part u, add. pl. x1), In a miniature end of the century. He also ignores distinctions by Pacino in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cam- between the several Italian schools. The Hambridge, he is floating, though his feet seem to ilton Bible, for instance, is Neapolitan.

touch the front edge of the sarcophagus. 108 Niccold di Pietro Gerini, fresco, sacristy

106 For the painting by Taddeo Gaddi see of S. Croce (Van Marle, op.cti., m1, fig. 344); Catalogo della Mostra Gtottesca, fig. 137m. miniature by a Florentine painter influenced

Outside Tuscany a similar posture appears in by Spinello Aretino in the Musée Condé, . the Riminese painting in the Palazzo Venezia, Chantilly (Giraudon photo no. 738g: in the

Rome (Van Marle, op.cit., tv, fig. 138). border, the rare scene of Christ putting his 107 In the north Christ more commonly puts arm around his mother in a meeting after the

a foot over the sarcophagus. Resurrection); fresco by a Pistoiese master, ca. In addition to the painting by Ugolino re- 1400, in the Capitolo of S. Francesco, Pistoia. produced in Fig. 48, other Tuscan examples of In a miniature of the end of the Trecento in this type are the fresco by a follower of Pietro S. Croce, the floating Christ is turned to a Lorenzetti in S. Francesco, Assisi, the central three-quarter position and looks upward (P. panel of the Sienese altarpiece of around 1335 d’Ancona, La miniatura fiorentina, Florence, in the museum at Borgo Sansepolcro (F. M. 1914, pl. xxi). Perkins, La Diana, v, 1930, pl. 11), a miniature 110 Just as at birth he emerged from the body (ca. 1350) by Niccold di Ser Sozzo (Toesca, of the Virgin without destroying her virginity op.cit., pl. 51), and the fresco in the Campo- (see Y. Hirn, The Sacred Shrine, London, 1912, santo at Pisa executed by an assistant of Fran- chap. xvi). cesco Traini (Meiss, in the Art Bulletin, xv, The miraculous passage through the closed

1933, fig. 29). tomb is represented also by Lippo Vanni in the

108 Schrade (op.cit., pp. 149-151) confuses Antiphonary in the Fogg Museum, and by the development by placing a Florentine panel those earlier paintings cited above (note 102) showing the floating Christ (Sirén, .op.cit., fig. in which Christ stands on the covered sar213) immediately after Taddeo Gaddi’s paint- cophagus. ing, though actually it was made later than

39

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

although the levitation of Christ is anticipated to a degree by Pacino di Bonaguida and Taddeo Gaddi, the passive suspended figure recalls the paintings of the thirteenth and very early fourteenth century in which Christ, erect and frontal, stands on or in the tomb.’ And this early form is itself revived in at least one instance, a predella panel of unknown whereabouts by Giovanni da Milano, which shows Christ poised majestically on the closed lid of the sarcophagus.*”

At the end of the fourteenth century Agnolo Gaddi returned to the active Christ mounting the tomb in the Resurrection," just as he revived other forms and.compositions characteristic of the second quarter of the century."* Many of his successors fol-

lowed him in this respect, but the new type of Andrea da Firenze reappeared frequently in later art, either in its original form, showing Christ suspended, or developed to suggest a more active rise to heaven."* Often its reappearance is associated with

the style of a painter or a period that is related in one way or another to that of the third quarter of the Trecento, but its continued use is also a symptom of a general trend to distinguish, more explicitly than in the art of the first half of the fourteenth century, the supernatural from the ever-growing realm of the natural. For us it 1s significant that the beginnings of this historical movement lie in the third quarter of the Trecento. In this way, then—and we shall have further evidence of it—the painters

of the third quarter of the fourteenth century made an important contribution to the evolution of later religious painting. The fresco by Andrea da Firenze combines with the Resurrection the representa-

tion of the three Marys at the Tomb and the Noli me tangere. Despite variations in scale and the slight differences of depth at which the figures are placed, they are united in a single vertical plane. The two figures of Christ and the angels are frontal or nearly so, the Magdalen is in profile. They are linked with the other figures by the rhythmical sequences of their outlines and by their gestures, all of which remain within the dominant plane. In partial opposition to this the landscape is expansive and deep. Its over-

lapping and terraced planes, exhibiting a variety of flora and fauna, extend further 111 Schrade (loc.cit.) suggested quite rightly also in Prato (ibid., pl. 27b), in which the _ that the new floating type in Florence was in- Virgin turns to look at her parents, and the fluenced by the Ascension. The Christ in priest, placed very little higher than Joachim Jacopo di Cione’s Resurrection is, in fact, al- and Anna, bends to welcome the child. most indistinguishable from the Christ in his 115 See, for instance, the terracotta by Luca Ascension. Schrade refers also to precedents in della Robbia in the sacristy of the Duomo, German Romanesque painting (see his fig. 20). Florence; Ghiberti’s relief on the Baptistery 112 Berenson, in Dedalo, x1, 1931, pl. opp. doors (though this is perhaps more closely re-

p. 1060. lated to Taddeo Gaddi’s Resurrection in the 118 See his panel in S. Mintato (R. Salvini, Academy); Castagno’s painting in the Frick

L’arte di Agnolo Gaddt, Florence, 1936, pl. 37). Collection and Bellini’s in the Kaiser-Friedrich

114 See his fresco of the Meeting at the Museum; Vecchietta’s bronze in the Frick Col-

Golden Gate in the Duomo at Prato (bid., lection; and, though Christ is more active, pl. 27a), in which the action of Joachim and Gruenewald’s altarpiece at Colmar, and Ti-

Anna is reminiscent of Taddeo Gaddi’s fresco tian’s in Brescia. (Fig. 33); and the Presentation of the Virgin, 40

THE SUPERNATURAL

into space than in earlier Florentine paintings, but they tend at the same time to coalesce in the plane of the figures. This unification is abetted by the light. The radiant Christ hovering in the air is the main source of it. A bright aura surrounds him, lighting the horizontal streaks of clouds beneath his feet and striking into the dark landscape below. It falls with great intensity upon a few large forms—the angels, the tomb, the two hills, the city wall at the left corresponding to the figure of Christ in white at the right—creating a symmetrical pattern of light that strengthens the symmetry of the main forms in the composition. But the light is no longer limited to its usual function in the earlier Trecento of defining mass and space; it becomes essential to the drama and mystery of the scene. As a quality that is no less expressive than line, shape, and

volume it recalls a late thirteenth century painting such as Coppo’s Crucifix at San Gimignano while it anticipates the art of Lorenzo Monaco and of the later Quattrocento. The new form of the Resurrection in the third quarter of the century was motivated —

by the desire to endow Christ with a more decisive hierarchical superiority and to accentuate the miraculous character of the event. In it the supernatural is represented explicitly by the unnatural. A similar intention and similar methods are evident in the novel forms given to other subjects at this period. In Andrea’s fresco of Limbo Christ floats toward Adam, scarcely touching with his feet the fallen portal (Fig. 98). The Madonna of Humility, created in the second quarter of the century as an intimate image of the Virgin’s sympathy and love (Fig. 128), was so drastically transformed after 1350 as to lose much of its original meaning."** Seated on a cushion, the Madonna is raised above the ground and suspended in the area of gold, becoming less the humble

mother than an exalted celestial apparition (Fig. 145). Whereas the painters of the early Trecento brought the sacred figures down to earth, both figuratively and literally, those of the third quarter of the century projected them upward again.

The germ of this new celestial Madonna lay in the original image and its copies, which allude to an identification of the Madonna with the heavenly Woman of the Apocalypse. In these works she was therefore exalted in her humility. But whereas her heavenly aspect was suggested originally by symbols of the sun, the moon, and twelve stars, it is conveyed in the new celestial type by the elevation of the Madonna herself and her unnatural suspension in space. Hovering or ascending figures are of course not absent from the art of the earlier fourteenth century: the Madonna rises through space in the Assumption, Christ in the Ascension, St. John in his translation. Their number increased, however, in the third quarter of the century, and often, as in the “celestial Madonna” or in cult images (Figs. 1, 11), the supernatural effect is heightened by showing the suspended figures in seated postures. Only a portion of the representations of the Madonna of Humility painted after the middle of the century belong to the “celestial type.”” But even those paintings that. conform more closely to the original image show important and characteristic differ116 For the history of the Madonna of Humility see chap. vi.

4]

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

ences. In the panel now in Washington, probably designed by Orcagna and executed partly by Jacopo di Cione (Fig. 140), the Child is no longer suckling nor even close to the Virgin’s breast. In other paintings he is seated upright on her knee.’" In Jacopo di Cione’s panel in the Academy (Fig. 138) he is wholly wrapped in a rich cloth, and though his head touches the Virgin’s, the two impinge like stones. The peculiar discreteness of the two figures is enhanced by the characteristic contrasting colors—intense blue in the Madonna’s mantle and orange-red in the wrap of Christ. It was of course not only the Humble Madonna that was transformed after the mid-

dle of the century. In the traditional Madonna enthroned, the throne itself was often eliminated, as in Nardo’s altarpiece (Fig. 11), and in a painting by the Master of the Fabriano Altarpiece, the Virgin together with her throne is suspended above the

, ground.”* There is, too, in this period an exceptional group of paintings of the standing Madonna. Though common in free-standing sculpture, this representation was rare in Tuscan painting before the third quarter of the century, when Nardo and Jacopo di Cione and their followers executed a series of six examples.*” In the panels by Nardo (probably the earliest, Fig. 51) and Jacopo (Fig. 53) the height of the Virgin is increased by the exceptional length of the lower half of her body. She holds the Child in a formal, diffident way, her own thought detached, veiled, and inscrutable. She towers above the spectator or the small kneeling saints and donors, more like a priestess than an affectionate intercessor or a mother.?”°

117 See chap. VI, note 25. 120 In two of the paintings there are allusions | 118 The panel, formerly in the collection of to the Apocalyptic Woman, as often in the

A. E. Street, London, was painted around Madonna of Humility. Stars are strewn over 1365 (Offner, Corpus, sec. 11, vol. v, pl. 50). the ground plane of the panel by Jacopo di It anticipates the Madonna by the Master of Cione (Fig. 53). Twelve stars appear above the

Flémalle at Aix. head of Giovanni del Biondo’s Madonna in 119 Madonnas by Nardo di Cione, collection the Vatican, and the crescent moon below her

of Tessie Jones, Newburgh, N.Y. (Fig. 51); feet (Fig. 52). Above the Madonna an angel Jacopo di Cione, partly repainted, SS. Apostol1, touches the lips of Isaiah with a coal of fire. Florence (Fig. 53);'Giovanni del Biondo, Vati- Friar Philip, one of the first companions of can Gallery (Fig. 52); Master of the Fabriano St. Francis, had a similar experience (Fiorettt, Altarpiece, ca. 1365 (Offner, Corpus, sec. m1, chap. 1), and this fact may be relevant because vol. v, pl. 44); follower of the Cioni, formerly Giovanni's panel is Franciscan. Another aspect in the Corsi collection, Florence; follower of of the extraordinary iconography of this panel,

| the Cioni, Museo Civico, Arezzo. See also the the corpse in the predella, will be discussed tabernacle by Ceccarelli in the Walters Gal- below (p. 74).

lery, Baltimore. Apocalyptic symbols appear also in two Cio-

Of the five standing Madonnas of the thir- nesque paintings that represent the Madonna teenth or very early fourteenth century listed del Parto, one in the Vatican (P. d’Acchiardi, by Garrison, only one is definitely Tuscan— I quadri primitivi della Pinacoteca Vaticana, the panel at Peccioli (Garrison, op.cit., no. 47; Rome, 1929, pl. x), the other in the Museo but se€ also no. 45). From the circle of the great Bandini, Fiesole, Room 1, no. 6 (Rivista d’arte, masters of the first half of the fourteenth cen- XVI, 1934, p. 217). This image, which has been tury I know only the standing Madonna by the discussed by Offner (Corpus, sec. m1, vol. v,

Dijon Master in the collection of Bernard p. 28), shows the pregnant Virgin standing, Berenson, and this may in fact have been wearing a girdle and holding a book. There

painted after 1350. are two Florentine examples of around 1335, 42

THE SUPERNATURAL

The Coronation of the Virgin underwent a transformation in the third quarter of the century similar to that of the Resurrection and the Madonna of Humility. In the early Trecento the scene was set on a floor or platform. The throne of Christ and the Virgin was raised somewhat above it on a dais, and the witnesses were assembled at the

sides (Fig. 58).* Shortly after the middle of the century a new composition was created. In Florence in 1360 and somewhat later in Siena the supernatural character and environment of the action was expressed by suspending Christ and the Virgin above the ground (Figs. 54, 56).’? Though their throne is usually eliminated, they

appear in seated postures, often before a figured drapery’* or surrounded by cherubim,’* and sometimes above a small cloudbank that symbolizes the natural heavens and provides a semblance of a supporting plane.’** The attendant saints and angels, who in earlier representations stood alongside Christ and the Virgin, are now usually placed below, and occasionally they, too, are without a ground plane.’”* When they but only the two Cionesque paintings contain that the first Florentine example may have the Apocalyptic symbols. In the Fiesole panel, been Jacopo di Cione’s panel of 1372-1373 in | the Virgin, labeled Regina Coeli, wears a the Academy. While it is true that Jacopo’s crown, the moon is beneath her feet, and stars panel appears to be the first in which Christ are strewn over her mantle as well as on the and the Virgin, together with the drapery beground, In the Vatican panel twelve stars ap- hind them, are separated from the figures and pear above the Virgin's halo, and the moon is the ground below by a strip of gold, the two

at her feet. figures were supernaturally suspended as early 121 See for instance the Ducciesque paintings as 1360 in the altarpiece by Matteo di Pacino,

in the Pinacoteca, Siena, no. 35, and in the formerly in the Stroganoff collection, and Metropolitan Museum, New York, no. 41.190.- dated in that year (Khvoshinsky and Salmi, 31; panel by the Master of the St. George Co- Pittori toscani, Rome, 1914, uy, fig. 38).

dex, Museo Nazionale, Florence; fresco by a 122 Panels by the Master of the Fabriano follower of Ambrogio Lorenzetti, S. Agostino, altarpiece in Ghent and in the Cenami-Spada

Montefalco; the Baroncelli altarpiece in S. collection, Lucca (Offner, tbid., pls. 39 and Croce (Fig. 58), and the Daddesque panel in 42); Jacopo di Cione, altarpiece of 1372-1373 Altenburg, no. 13 (Offner, Corpus, sec. m1, in the Academy, Florence (Fig. 56); Matteo di

vol. 1v, pl. 36). Pacino, altarpiece of 1360 (see preceding note);

A Coronation in the pinnacle of a Madonna Giovanni del Biondo, altarpieces in the Cain the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum (no. 1710), thedral, Fiesole and S. Ansano (near Flor-

painted by a late follower of Duccio who was ence), both of 1373, and in the Oratorio of S. influenced by Simone Martini, shows Christ Giovanni Valdarno (Van Marle, op.cit., wl, and the Virgin seated on cherubim (P. Hendy, fig. 291). in Burlington Magazine, Lv, 1929, pl. 118). This 124 Bartolo di Fredi, Museum, Montalcino, composition anticipates the type of the third dated 1388 (Fig. 54); Niccold di Buonaccorso,

quarter of the century. A ground plane is collection of Robert Lehman, New York; follacking also under the throne of Christ and the lower of Bartolo di Fredi, Siena, Pinacoteca Virgin in Pacino’s small medallion in the Tree no. 580. of Life in the Academy, Florence. The omis- 125 Panel by a follower of Jacopo di Cione, sion, exceptional in its time, may have been Vatican (Van Marle, op.cit., 11, fig. 286) and suggested by the unusual shape of the frame. Cionesque panel, Musée des Arts Décoratifs, 122] described this innovation in the Art Paris (Giraudon photo no. 26713). For addiBulletin, xvi, 1936, p. 448, and xxv, 1946, tional examples, see Offner, op.cit., p. 250. p. 13. See also Offner, Corpus, sec. 11, vol. v., #2¢Coronations by Niccolé di Tommaso, 1947, p. 250. Offner suggests that the celestial Narodni Galerie, Prague (Meiss, Art Bulletin, type was anticipated by Torriti’s mosaic, and xxXviu, 1946, fig. 23) and Academy, Florence

43

| THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

cherubim or by a mandorla. , flank Christ and the Virgin they are decisively separated from them by a circle of

Thus in this composition, as in others of the time, the most important figures are isolated and remote. In this respect they resemble the corresponding figures of the thirteenth century more than those of the first half of the fourteenth. The essential aspect of the new Coronation, the heavenly locale of Christ and the Virgin, is itself reminiscent of Dugento painting. In the beautiful mosaic made by Jacopo Torriti in 1296 for the apse of S. M. Maggiore (Fig. 55), one of the earliest surviving Italian representations of the Coronation, the enthroned Virgin and Christ are placed in a round mandorla that hangs like a rising moon above the world. The moon itself and the sun appear just below the throne, and these elements of Torriti’s Byzantinesque composition recur in representations of the Coronation painted during the ’fifties and probably earlier in that Italian center in which Byzantine form lingered longest in the Trecento: Venice.’ In these paintings, too, a mandorla sometimes appears behind the throne (Fig. 57), and an ornamented cloth is spread behind Christ and the Virgin, adding to the luxurious effect of their garments. It is, in fact, not impossible that the Tuscan painters of our period were attracted by Venetian painting of the fourteenth century, as they certainly were by the earlier Byzantinesque art of the Dugento.

THE RECOVERY OF THE DUGENTO The similarity of the heavenly type of the Coronation with Torriti’s mosaic is only one of numerous resemblances that we have already observed between the painting of the third quarter of the fourteenth century and the Romanesque or Byzantine art of the Dugento. In the light of these resemblances, the conception current among the early Florentine writers and still surviving today, of Giotto as a sort of impassable continental divide in the history of Italian painting, clearly requires some qualification. This qualification is all the more important because certain forms of our period that seem to have been influenced by pre-Giottesque painting—qualities of expressive light and color as well as compositions such as the Resurrection or Coronation—per(Offner, Studies, p. 112 and fig. 3); late four- zantine, formerly in the Yates Thompson colteenth century Florentine panel in the Uni- lection (Illumination of One Hundred Manu-

versity Gallery, Géttingen, no. 62. scripts in the Library of Henry Yates Thomp127 See the Coronation in the Frick Collec- son, London, v, 1915, pl. 65; here the sun and tion, New York, by Maestro Paolo and his son moon are missing, but the figures rest their Giovanni, dated 1358 (Van Marle, op.cit., 1v, feet on orblike baldachini). In Tuscan reprefig. 6); the earlier Coronation in the Brera sentations, on the other hand, Christ abandons

(Fig. 57). this posture of dignified superiority. He be-

In Trecento Venetian paintings of the Coro- comes more fully involved in the action, and nation, as in Torriti’s, Christ is seated majesti- turning toward the Virgin, he bestows the cally and often does not look at the Virgin crown with both hands. (In the earliest Tuswhile with one hand he places the crown on can example, the mosaic in the Duomo, Florher head. The action is similar in the Paduan ence, Christ places the crown with one hand psalter, late thirteenth century and very By- and blesses the Virgin with the other.) 44

RECOVERY OF THE DUGENTO

sisted in later art. In this sense the “recovery” of certain aspects of Dugento form was a fateful historical accomplishment. Relationships with the Romanesque or Byzantine traditions of the thirteenth century are of course not lacking in the painting of the first half of the Trecento. Giotto and Duccio, each in his way, was deeply indebted to them. Even while denying and transcending the older pictorial tradition, they absorbed and maintained a part of it. Among the followers of these masters, however, the connection diminished. A few Dugento forms, considerably modified, persisted—such as the type of altarpiece representing in the central panel a saint and in the wings scenes from his life.** Jacopo del Casentino, when designing an altarpiece for San Miniato,’”* not only adopted this kind of retable, but retained the earlier proportions and the older means of dividing the scenes. It is possible, however, as Offner has suggested, that the close dependence of this and a few similar works on thirteenth century precedent arises from an intention of the painter and the donor to replace an earlier miracle-working image.*” Apart from such specially motivated instances, the relationships of the first half of the century with Dugento painting are neither so pervasive nor so central to style and content as those of our period. In the work of Giotto, Duccio, and the painters of their generation Dugento form persisted as a natural heritage; for the later Trecento it was the object of conscious interest and deliberate selection. The similarities between Torriti’s mosaic (Fig. 5%) and the paintings of the Coro-

nation of the Virgin by Bartolo di Fredi (Fig. 54), Jacopo di Cione (Fig. 56), and other masters of the period are not limited to the representation of a transcendental locale. In the mosaic Christ and the Virgin are clothed in rich garments, the large crown is set with jewels, and the cushions and throne are highly ornamented. ‘This material opulence, characteristic of the Byzantine tradition, including its late phase in Venice (Fig. 57), is approximated in the painting of the third quarter of the T'recento. In the panels by both Fredi and Jacopo di Cione the Virgin and some of the saints and | angels wear a figured mantle, and in Jacopo’s painting Christ and the Virgin appear in front of a brocade woven with golden threads. A similar cloth is spread behind Nardo’s Madonna (Fig. 11), laid over the throne of God in the altarpiece of the Trinity (Fig. g) or over the altar in Bartolo di Fredi’s Presentation (Fig. 15). It is worn as a tunic by the Virgin in the Pentecost (Fig. 39) or used to wrap the Child in Jacopo di Cione’s Madonna of Humility (Fig. 138). Frequently the ground plane itself is ornamented and has the character of a textile, as in the Strozzi altarpiece (Fig. 1), where a larger 128 For example, Simone Martini, altarpiece piece by Giovanni del Biondo in the Contini in S. Agostino, Siena (Van Marle, op.cit., u, collection (Fig. 68), which in this respect is

fig. 156). related to the retable of Jacopo del Casentino; 120 Jbid., ut, fig. 172. and the Madonnas by Ambrogio Lorenzetti at

180 Offner, Corpus, sec. 1, vol. v, p. 132 and Vico l’Abate and Bernardo Daddi in Or San note 3, cites the Crucifix in the Academy by Michele. the Assistant of Daddi; the shape of the altar-

45

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

area of it, significantly enough, is visible just below Christ. Precious objects such as crowns are large and elaborately contrived (Figs. 1, 54, 56). It is true that a related decorative richness may be found in several panels of Simone Martini. In the Giottesque and Lorenzettian traditions, on the other hand, the garments of the figures are generally plainer, and ornament is much less prominent. As has often been observed, the taste of Simone Martini and his technique of working the gold influenced greatly the painting of the later fourteenth century. But to his example must be added Byzantine and Byzantinesque paintings and mosaics of an earlier time. In later Trecento works the transcendent world of the Deity and the saints glows with gold and is filled with objects of luxurious and sparkling texture."” This material richness is concentrated on or around the superior beings, and the hierarchical distinctions that it implies are often augmented by clothing lesser religious figures as well as laymen in contemporary dress. In color, too, the paintings of our period imply an attentiveness to the panels and mosaics of the Dugento. Single hues and their pattern, like other qualities of form, vary considerably of course from painter to painter. Among the Florentines, Niccolo di Tommaso inclines toward warm and relatively mild colors—rose, lilac, yellow-green, and pale orange, which he frequently uses in the hair. Giovanni da Milano shows a related taste, preferring especially a light apple green. The hues of Jacopo di Cione are more somber and sooty. Despite this diversity, however, the colors of the more advanced painters of the time show a certain similarity. They are more solid and saturated, and less transparent, than those of Giotto, Simone, the Lorenzetti and their followers. Their impact is more direct, less merged with impressions of roundness or space, and they compose a pattern that tends to be more independent of the design of the shapes. Among the Florentines this taste was inspired by the art of Maso di Banco, who had given to hue and value a basic structural function—in one fresco in S. Croce the ground plane moves from buff to olive green. His painting exhibited a new delight in the evocative power of color as such. But in its density and radiance the color of the later Trecento is equally reminiscent of the mosaic and panel painting of an earlier period, and these broad resemblances become quite explicit in the swarthy flesh tones. As in Byzantinesque works of the thirteenth century, the flesh colors tend to be dark red-brown, and the terra verde underpainting is more telling in the finished surface. These somber colors, alternately warm and cool, contribute to the intense expressiveness of the faces, stark, dour, grim, and often anguished (Figs. 30, 31, 42, 60-62). The Dugento provided, however, no historical precedent for the intensity of the color contrasts in the third quarter of the fourteenth century. Extraordinarily strong blue alongside scarlet, which we have observed in the Strozzi altarpiece, recur con-

| 181 Bartolo di Fredi, in his Adoration of the and their crown. The tunic of the Virgin, the Magi in Siena (Van Marle, op.ctt., u1, fig. 318) wide border of Joseph’s mantle, and the archiuses gold in the large, prominently displayed tecture contain gilt motifs. Very little gold, of hats of the Magi and on the harnesses of their course, was used in frescoes. horses as well as on their gifts, their clothes

46

RECOVERY OF THE DUGENTO

stantly in the painting of Florence and frequently, too, in Siena. Closely crowded shades of red are juxtaposed, and a brilliant yellow alongside gold. These clashing colors, bright and dark, warm and cool, are set side by side to create a tense pattern of repeated abrupt change. One painting of the period exhibits such broad resemblances to Dugento dossals that at first glance it might almost seem a thirteenth century work (Fig. 63). Now in

the National Gallery, London,” and hitherto unpublished, it is one of the rare tempera paintings by Andrea da Firenze. Though many works have been attributed to this master, only the altarpiece in the Carmine in Florence (Fig. 64), and two panels

in the gallery of the Accademia are in my opinion by him.” The design of the Madonna and Child in the London panel recurs in the Carmine altarpiece and also in the center panel of the triptych that stands on the altar before which S. Ranieri kneels in Andrea's fresco in the Camposanto at Pisa." The polyptych in London is clearly connected with the Dominicans of S. M. Novella, for whom Andrea executed a great

fresco cycle, and it shows a special relationship with the Gondi Chapel in their church." The painting in London belongs to a type of low retable with a higher, projecting central field that was current in Florence in the second half of the thirteenth century. Only a few examples have survived.*** It is probably significant that the best of them is an altarpiece dated as early as 1271 (Fig. 2). Toward the end of the century the type seems to have become outmoded in Florence, and though in the early Trecento it continued in occasional use in provincial regions, I am aware of only one example in Tuscany—a painting from the conservative circle of Pacino di Bonaguida.’” Andrea da Firenze reverted then to a form of the second half of the thirteenth century. And the division of the entire field by colonnettes that support round arches (except in the center) draws his work closer to the earliest example of the type, the altarpiece of 1271 by Meliore (Fig. 2). The later ones employ pointed arches or a painted framework or, as in the late Dugento altarpiece at Yale*** or the one by the school of Pacino mentioned above, eliminate the divisive framework entirely.

It is possible that the adoption of this long outmoded form was motivated less by the artistic intention of the painter than by the wish of his patron to possess a sort of

replica of a Dugento painting made memorable for religious or other reasons. In weighing such a possibility we should have to bear in mind Andrea’s consistent interest

in the painting of the earlier period, and his use of a Dugento convention in the 182 No. 5115. The surface is dirty and some- section of a triptych of the Coronation, Mme.

what damaged. The painting came to the M. van Gelder collection, Brussels (Woluwe). Gallery in 1940 from the collection of Mrs. F. 184 A, Venturi, Storia, cit., v, fig. 653.

W. Myers. 185 See Appendix Iv. ™ Gallery, Academy, Florence, no. 3145. 186 Garrison, Op.cit., pp. 159-161.

See B. Berenson, Italian Pictures, p. 11. Close 187 In a private collection in Dublin. Cited to Andrea are Saints Agnes, Bartholomew, tbid., p. 159.

Nicholas, and Elizabeth in the Museum at 188, Sirén, od.cit., p. 17 and Garrison, Houston, and four saints, perhaps the left loc.ctt. 47

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

Carmine Madonna, where it was almost certainly not dictated by the patron nor by a special function of the work. In this panel (Fig. 64), as in numerous Tuscan Madonnas

of the late thirteenth century, the busts of two angels appear above the back of the throne, their heads nearly frontal and inclined gently toward the Virgin. But even if Andrea had been asked, when undertaking the London panel, to produce the semblance of a thirteenth century painting, the significant thing is the extraordinary sympathy for his model that he displayed in executing the commission. For in addition to retaining the shape and design of the older altarpiece, he has given most of the saints a Dugento impersonality and rigidity, and five of them are represented frontal. He has even inserted in each spandrel a colored stone, four of them blue and four pinkish orange—the favorite colors of the time. This means of enhancing the glitter and preciousness of a painting is unique, so far as I know, in the Tuscan Trecento. It was common enough, however, in the thirteenth century, and similar colored stones might have been visible in the spandrels of Meliore’s altarpiece (Fig. 2) had they not later been replaced by seraphim. However much the shape of the polyptych in London resembles Dugento dossals, in one respect it differs conspicuously from them and at the same time from polyptychs

of the earlier fourteenth century. Along with the Madonna there are not the usual four or six saints, but ten. It is improbable that this exceptional number appeared in Andrea’s model, if indeed he had one; and even if the patron had insisted that all these saints be represented, Andrea was still free to vary the proportions of his polyptych as he included them. To an eye familiar with the shapes of thirteenth and earlier fourteenth century Tuscan polyptychs (Fig. 2), Andrea’s central panel would seem much too small. Its size, including the leafy projections from the frame, would be normal in relation to two or at most three saints at each side, but not five. It rises abruptly from the long blank horizontals of the lateral sections, without attaining sufficient size to maintain a quiet dominance over them. These unusual relations are neither accidental nor unique. They recur in Andrea’s fresco of the Pentecost (Fig. 41), where Peter rises starkly above the eleven apostles and the Virgin, who compose an isocephalic group like the saints in the polyptych. In the same painter's Way to Calvary (Fig. 38) the long, only slightly varied horizontal of the central part of the procession is broken by the emergence of two soldiers, framed by turrets, just above and behind Christ. A similar unmediated emergence from a horizontal group occurs in Bartolo di Fredi’s

Presentation (Fig. 15), and to a degree in Nardo’s Madonna (Fig. 11), as we have already seen. And in Giovanni da Milano’s Expulsion of Joachim (Fig. 36), the relationship of the priest and the relatively small central bay of the church to the long row

of sacrificants and the aisles is likewise reminiscent of Andrea’s polyptych. | The tendency of this period to distinguish Christ and other superior figures by eleva189 See the altarpiece of St. Anne and the and S. M. dei Servi, Bologna (Catalogo della Virgin, Museo Civico, Pisa (Van Marle, op.cit., Mostra Guottesca, figs. 69, 84a, 958).

1, fig. 149); the Madonnas at Rovezzano, Stia, , 48

RECOVERY OF THE DUGENTO

tion, immobility, isolation, and frontality, is manifest not only in cult images and scenes of ritual and the supernatural; it shows itself also in narrative subjects that in the earlier part of the century had been the occasion for the expression of warm, spontaneous and intimate feelings. In the Deposition from the Cross by Duccio (Fig. 67) the mourners press with desperate affection around the dead body of Christ. The Virgin, Mary Magdalen, and St. John kiss the limp figure, helping at the same time to support it. All the representations of the Deposition in the first half of the century are

related to this in the quality of their action and emotion. Though in the panel by Simone Martini in Antwerp” Christ and the cross are higher, the figures below unite in a frantic movement toward him. His slumped body is surrounded by their clutching hands and by Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, who are very close to him on the cross. In Bartolo di Fredi’s deeply-felt Deposition of 1382 in Montalcino (Fig. 66), on the other hand, Christ is comparatively alone, with larger, less active spaces around him. His unsupported, stiffly suspended head and the slightly divergent planes of his torso create the maximum tension in a very tense design. Unlike earlier ‘T'recento

representations (Fig. 67), he is very nearly frontal," and his entire body forms a rather rigid, unnatural arch that is the dominant shape in the composition. In all these

respects Bartolo di Fredi’s panel resembles the Deposition in Dugento painting (Fig. 65).

The trend toward symbolism in later Trecento painting and its method of expressing values by the relative position of the figures in the picture space unite in the work of one painter of the period to produce images of a very exceptional kind. In three of his large panels Giovanni del Biondo represented one figure trampling upon another. In his altarpiece in the Contini collection in Florence (Fig. 68), which preserves a thirteenth century convention in its general design and the absolute frontality of the — central figure, the grim, aggressive Baptist stands on a recumbent figure of Herod, pinning him down with his talon-like feet and long, predacious toenails. In Biondo’s panel in the cathedral of Florence, the enthroned St. Zenobius puts his feet on personifications of pride and cruelty (Fig. 70). Three vices lie beneath the enthroned St. John Evangelist in the same painter’s panel in the Uffizi (Fig. 69), a work which was probably commissioned by the Arte della Seta, perhaps for a pier in Or San Michele.”

140 Van Marle, op.cit., u, fig. 162. San Michele. (For this information about the 142 The torso of Christ is frontal in the Dep- Camera I am indebted to a notice given by osition in the Sienese altarpiece, ca. 1335, in Dr. Ugo Procacci to Professor Richard Offner, Borgo San Sepolcro (F. M. Perkins, La Diana, who kindly communicated it to me.) The panel Vv, 1930, pl. 16), but in other respects this com- has in the past been associated with a predella,

position shows the form and qualities of mood no. 446 in the Uffizi, which represents the and action of Duccio and the Lorenzetti. Ascension of the Evangelist and which bears 142 Now no. 444 in the Ufhzi, the panel came the stemma of the Arte della Seta (Alinari to the Gallery from the Camera di Commercio, photo no. ggo). This predella, conforming in an institution founded in 1770. The paintings subject and place of origin to Biondo’s panel in its possession were inherited from the guilds, of St. John, was probably made for it, but it several of them from the guild church of Or was painted by a different hand (a related 49

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT | These compositions revive an old mediaeval convention in which Christianity demonstrates its victory over its enemies, or the virtues their conquest of the vices, by the simple physical act of trampling them underfoot.’* The famous passage in Psalm xc about the asp and the basilisk was commonly referred to Christ, who was represented standing on these creatures, or seated, like Biondo’s saints, with his feet upon them.'** When in 1376 the French Pope Gregory XI set out for Italy his aged father attempted to restrain him by throwing himself at his son’s feet. The pope, saying “‘It is written that thou shalt trample upon the asp and the basilisk,’’ passed over the prostrate body of his father and boarded his ship.*** The image, referred to Christ, appears in Giovanni Pisano’s pulpit in Pisa. And in two frescoes in the Arena Chapel Giotto employed the related device of the virtues, personified as female figures, treading on the vices. In adopting this traditional representation, however, Giotto modified it in

an essential and significant way. He did not place underfoot the traditional personifi- | cations of the vices, as they appear for instance on Strasbourg Cathedral,** but only symbols of them. Caritas stands on bags of money and grain that signify avarice (Fig. 72), and Faith treads upon pagan writings while pinning down an idol with her cross (Fig. 73), just as the lances of the Virtues pinned the Vices in the traditional compositions. "he exchange in these two frescoes of personifications for symbols was motivated in part perhaps by the painter’s desire to avoid repetition, for personifications of infidelity and other vices (though not avarice)'*’ actually appear on the opposite wall

| of the chapel. But it seei..s probable in any event that Giotto’s conception of the human being as the source and the emblem of moral and aesthetic values would lead him to avoid, if he could, casting figures on the ground, to be trodden ignominiously underfoot. When he must subject them to this or similar mistreatment, as in the Inferno, he greatly reduces their scale, giving them a miniature-like unreality. And though two of the personified vices are partly deformed, he will not deny most of them a certain shapeliness and grace and even dignity, while the greatest violence he does _ Orcagnesque Master) and it is wider than twice in this opposed pair. Caritas stands on Biondo’s painting. The latter measures 2.34 x moneybags, as we have seen, and Envy holds

1.04 meters, the predella, 0.55 x 1.15. one. By representing Envy instead of Avarice, 248 See A. Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of and giving her this form, Giotto’s thought is the Virtues and the Vices, London, 1939, pp. related to that of his Florentine contemporary,

14ff. Giovanni Villani. Though Villani classified

144 Twelfth century relief, Porta dei Mesi, avarice as one of the capital sins, he asserted )

Duomo, Ferrara. For this and earlier examples, that it arises from envy (see his Chronicle, see Trude Krautheimer-Hess, in the Art Bulle- book x1, chap. 2).

tin, XXVI, 1944, pp. 156, 171. Giotto’s Envy, furthermore, with her tightly 146 F. G. Gardner, St. Catherine of Stena, clutched treasure and her grasping hand, is

: London, 1907, p. 194. not unlike Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Avarice in

146 Katzenellenbogen, op.cit., fig. 19. the Palazzo Pubblico, Siena (Fig. 74). Avarice

147 Giotto did not include Avarice among the here is an old woman who holds a grappling-

personifications of the vices. He placed Envy hook and a closed chest. Giotto’s figure is Opposite Caritas, but he alluded to Avarice clearly an avaricious Envy. 50

RECOVERY OF THE DUGENTO

to Folly, Inconstancy, and Infidelity is to throw them off balance—for him a momentous step and a particularly poignant means of expressing evil. Though such conceptions in their full range of meaning are peculiarly Giotto’s, they were shared to some extent by all the painters of the stil muwovo of the first half of the | fourteenth century. Inanimate symbols might be trampled, as the weapons of war by Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Peace, but personifications, whether of evil or of a defeated good, were simply placed upon the ground (Fig. 74).'** It was, so far as I know, only in the ‘sixties and ’seventies, in the painting of Giovanni del Biondo, that the old device of human figures underfoot was revived.

In Giovanni del Biondo’s panel in the Duomo (Fig. 70) the drapery behind St. Zenobius is held by the winged Virtues, Humilitas and Caritas, and his feet rest on the corresponding Vices, Superbia and Crudelitas. Crudelitas appears here as the opposite of the latter of the two aspects of Caritas—amor dei and amor proximi.* And just as amor proximi, or love of one’s fellowmen, is represented in Italy by a woman caring for a child (Nicola Pisano’s pulpit in Pisa), Cruelty in Biondo’s painting assumes the form of a vicious person attacking a child. This motif is especially appropriate in a

, representation of St. Zenobius, who was revered for having revived a child—a miracle which in fact is represented in the predella.’*° Ambrogio Lorenzetti in his fresco of Bad Government had earlier shown Cruelty brandishing a serpent in one hand and choking an infant with the other (Fig. 74). In the more strenuous times of the later Trecento, when the tortures of conscience and of Hell became more intense (Fig. 83),*** Giovanni del Biondo turned Cruelty into a cannibal who sinks fanglike teeth into the writhing child. Below the feet of John the Evangelist in Biondo’s panel in the Uffizi lie Pride, Avarice, and Vainglory (Fig. 71). These vices largely coincide with the great sinful trio of the late Middle Ages, pride, avarice, and unchastity.’** This trio is supreme in the scheme of evil of ‘Thomas Aquinas. It is prominent in Franciscan thought also, as is

Implied by its emphasis upon the virtues of poverty, chastity, and obedience.** Though | 148 For the figure of Peace, see Weigelt, persists into the sixteenth century. Ripa says op.cit., pl. g9. See also Eve lying in front of the the vice is represented in this way “perché enthroned Madonna (Lorenzettian fresco at grandissimo effetto di crudelta é l’occidere chi Monte Siepi—G. Rowley in Art Studies, vu, non nuoce altrui” (Iconologta, s.v. crudelta). 1929, fig. 1—and several later examples) or 152 See chap. 11, pp. 75ff. Averroes lying before St. Thomas (panel by 168 See M. Gothein, in Archiv fiir Religtonsthe Master of the Dominican Effigies in the wissenschaft, x, 1907, pp. 416ff., and M. SchaRobert Lehman collection in New York, and, piro, in the Art Bulletin, xxi, 1939, pp. 325-328. after the middle of the century, fresco by An- 264 Biondo’s composition precedes, and may drea da Firenze in the Spanish Chapel, or well be the source of the image of St. Francis

panel in S. Catarina, Pisa). standing upon the same three vices, which ap-

148For these aspects of Caritas, see R. pears in Taddeo di Bartolo’s altarpiece of 1403 Freyhan, in the Warburg Journal, x1, 1948, pp. in the Gallery at Perugia (B. Berenson, A

68-69. Sienese Painter of the Franciscan Legend, Lon150 "The predella, like the child and the head don, 1910, pl. 21) and in the panel by Sassetta

of St. Crescentius, is repainted. in the collection of Mr. Berenson (zbid., pl. 161 This image of Cruelty choking an infant 20). In both these paintings Avarice is a Bene51

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

pride was usually considered the greatest of the three, and represented therefore in . the center between the other two, Biondo has given this position to Avarice. However, the avaricious old woman—Avarice commonly took the form of an old woman—who squeezes the mouth of a bag of money already firmly and conspicuously tied by a heavy cord, is less intensely conceived and thus less prominent than her neighbors. Instead of Unchastity (luxuria) Biondo has represented Vainglory. In general, and especially in this instance, the two vices are closely related. Biondo has designed for her, not without perhaps a touch of humor, a fantastic headdress combining a crown and peacock’s plumes. As usual she holds a mirror before her. Unlike the other two Vices, who sprawl on the floor, she reclines indolently, her supple, low-necked dress revealing the sensuous form of her body. Despite these evident allusions to luxuria in Biondo’s Vanagloria, it is primarily the latter that is represented. This reflects a shift in the relative condemnation of two evil pleasures associated, iconographically at least, with women—the pleasure of personal adornment now preceding the physical pleasure of sex. In this respect Biondo’s thought resembles that of Ambrogio Lorenzetti, who had earlier represented vainglory along with pride and avarice as the three supreme vices of bad government and a bad society (Fig. 74). Similarly Giovanni Villani, enumerating the sins of the Florentines that had provoked the disastrous flood of 1333, named vanagloria after superbia and avarizia, defining it as ‘“‘vanagloria delle donne e di disordinate spese e ornamenti.’”*** To him and to other burghers of the time a delight in elaborate personal adornment, associated with the older nobility, appeared to be disturbing to family and social relations, and incompatible with industriousness. The expenditures which it entailed seemed waste-

ful and uneconomic, draining capital from productive investment. Thus vainglory could become a real threat to the commune, and efforts were made to control it by sumptuary laws that set precise limits on the kind of finery in which the Florentines could indulge.***

dictine nun. (Pope-Hennessy, Sassetta, Lon- F. Antal, however, holds that the sumptuary don, 1939, p. 123 note 16, suggests that the laws were instruments of class conflict and symbolism of ‘Taddeo’s and Sassetta’s panels class oppression. He maintains that they were may originate in the Sacrum commercium. He aimed at the lower classes, and that the rich is not specific, and I do not see the connection.) garments in paintings of the “democratic pe-

155 Cronaca, book x1, chap. 2. riod” reflect the struggle of these classes for the 156 In 1327, six years before he had written right to wear the same clothes as the upper the condemnation of vainglory quoted above, class (op.cit., pp. 19, 207). But if the petty Giovanni Villani and his brother Filippo were bourgeoisie, as he says (p. 33 note 43, and p. fined for violations committed by their wives 34 note 59), sought the repeal of the laws, how (see E. Mehl, Die Weltanschauung des Gio- is it that the government which he believes vanni Villant, Leipzig, 1927, p. 2). This event was dominated by this class did not abolish may imply a discrepancy between professed these laws but in 1355 actually instituted more belief and practice, a discrepancy that is hard- stringent restrictions? (For the sumptuary laws ly uncommon. The event also demonstrates of 1355, see F. T. Perrens, Htstotre de Florence, that the regulations were enforced against the Paris, 1888-90, Iv, pp. 357-358.) well-to-do.

, 52

BARNA. CONCLUSION

Villani conceived of the other vices, too, in terms of the welfare, largely the economic

welfare, of the bourgeois republic. He associated avarice with fraudulent trade and highly venturesome loans. These ill-gotten riches involved great risks and thus shook the stability as well as the reputation of Florentine business. And pride connotes for him the desire of an oligarchy or a tyrant to govern—that is, to violate and despoil— the citizenry.” In the light of such views, doubtless widespread at the time, it is not surprising that Biondo’s Superbia, an aggressive warrior from whose helmet project two horns, and Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Tirannia (Fig. 74) should be very much alike.

BARNA. CONCLUSION All the paintings that we have linked together as manifestations of a distinctive phase of Tuscan painting were made within a period of twenty-five or thirty years. None of them can be dated before 1350, and only one, Bartolo di Fredi’s Deposition, was made as late as 1382. Almost all these works, furthermore, were produced by painters who had become independent masters within a period of about fifteen years. Andrea and Nardo di Cione, who entered the guild in 1343-1344, were probably the earliest of the group. We possess no works by them from the beginning of their career, but the newly discovered prophets in the choir of S. M. Novella, mostly by assistants of Orcagna,*** and paintings such as the Baronci triptych of 1350 now in the Archiepiscopal Museum, Utrecht,**® or the retables of 1353 and 1354 by the Master of the Fabriano Altarpiece*® show that during the late ‘forties Orcagna had begun to transform the style of Daddi and of Maso, and to evolve the new forms that appear, highly developed, in the Strozzi altarpiece (1354-1357).

Andrea da Firenze matriculated in the guild around the same time as the Cioni, and he is mentioned in Florence from 1351 on, but the first dated work that we know is the cycle in the Spanish Chapel, ca. 1366-1368. During the ‘fifties we first hear of the

Florentine Giovanni del Biondo, of Giovanni da Milano who had come from the

north, and of the Sienese Bartolo di Fredi, Andrea Vanni, Giacomo di Mino, and : 167“ | . Ja infinita avarizia e mali guadagni executed, by Orcagna himself. I believe it may di comune, di fare frodolenti mercatanzie e be an early work of the Rinuccini Master. usure, recati da tutte parti dalla ardente in- 180 In the museum at Fabriano and the Navidia l’uno fratello e vicino coll’altro. . . . Su- tional Gallery, Washington (Offner, Corpus, perbia, l’uno vicino coll’altro in volere signo- sec. 11, vol. v, pls. 36 and 37). In the panel of

reggiare e tiraneggiare e rapire.” Similarly 1353 at Fabriano the central figure of St. ingratitude: “Io pessimo peccato della ingrati- Anthony is tense and frontal; all his wor-

tudine di non conoscere da Dio i nostri grandi . shippers are in profile. The ornamental rich-

beneficii e il nostro potente stato...” (book ness of the altarpiece in Washington, the

x1, Chap. 2). prevalence of gold, orange, and intense blue, 158 See note 14 above. For the career of are Cionesque, and the motif of confronted Nardo and other painters mentioned in this birds, common in the Cioni workshop, appears and subsequent paragraphs see Appendix UL. in two of the textiles. ‘The figure of St. Anthony 158 See H. Gronau, op.cit., pp. 34-38, fig. 23. Abbot in this altarpiece, painted by Allegretto Gronau believes, incorrectly in my opinion, Nuzi, shows a similar influence. that this triptych was designed, though not 53

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT . Luca di Tommé. The activity of Jacopo di Cione and of Francesco di Vannuccio 1s first recorded in the ’sixties. Along with these masters there were numerous painters now anonymous—followers

: of the Cioni in Florence, the Master of the Pieta in Siena’**\—who likewise began to work during the ‘fifties or ’sixties in a closely related style. ‘There were, furthermore,

| one or two painters whose later work exhibits many of the characteristic forms of the third quarter of the century but whose beginnings go back to the ’thirties, so that their

earlier paintings belong to the preceding stylistic phase. One of these masters was Niccolo di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci. All his known panel paintings are, I believe, from the latter part of his career—he died, probably of the plague, in June 1363. One of these, a polyptych made in collaboration with Luca di Tommé, is dated 1362. We know his early work only in illuminations. The style of the most important of these, the miniature of the Assumption of the Virgin in the Caleffo dell’Assunta, always dated between 1332 and 1386 but perhaps not quite so early as this, resembles Simone Martini, Pietro Lorenzetti, and Lippo Vanni whereas the style of the panels is more closely related to Bartolo di Fredi and Luca di Tommeé.

| One master has been conspicuously absent from our discussion of painting in the third quarter of the Trecento. We have not hitherto mentioned Barna, by far the most gifted painter active in Siena around the middle of the century. Though not one of his paintings is dated, and we know nothing of his career, there is general agreement that his major surviving work, the New Testament cycle in the Collegiata at S. Gimignano, was made around 1350-1355.’ Unlike most of the other masters whom we have considered, his beginnings go back to the ‘thirties. His early work, such as the Madonna in S. Francesco at Asciano,*® is essentially in the tradition of Simone Martini, though

it contains intimations of the tragic character of the S. Gimignano frescoes. The frescoes themselves are still reminiscent of Simone, especially of his late work (Figs. 4e, 76), and they also disclose a new interest in Duccio. Despite these continuing and profound relationships with the art of the earlier part of the century, and despite the exceptional and highly personal nature of Barna’s later style, it shows some similarities

with the characteristic art of its time. The raking diagonals of the Way to Calvary (Fig. 76), the free flow of the forms in space, the physical and emotional impact of one figure upon another, are unparalleled in painting after 1350. But they convey a terrible © intensity that is related, in a special way, to the art that we have considered. We feel 161 See Meiss in the Art Bulletin, xxviu, Bartolo’s frescoes (E. Carli, in Critica d’arte,

1946, pp. 6-12. VIII, 1949, pp. 75-76) would permit, from this

162 In a careful study of the date of the fres- point of view, a later date for Barna’s paintcoes in the Art Bulletin, xiv, 1932, pp. 285-315, ings—later than I should be inclined to place

Lane Faison argued that they were painted them for stylistic reasons. before the Old Testament cycle by Bartolo di Faison speaks of Barna’s “strange, dark state Fredi and assistants, dated according to Va- of mind” influenced by the Black Death sari 1356. Though Faison is not convincing on (p. 285). all points, his thesis seems to me correct. How- 163 Van Marle, op.cit., u1, fig. 196. ever, the discovery of the actual date, 1367, of

54

BARNA. CONCLUSION

that the grim tension of these Florentine and Sienese works, their inner conflict and | repressed excitement, have in Barna erupted violently. The bobbing, twisting helmets, the piercing glances, the lances shooting up. at different angles, create a turbulence that breaks against the order—not really stable—of the cross and the ladder. Just behind the haunted Christ, who is brutally pushed on one side and pulled on the other, is a dark, menacing soldier, his face startlingly close. He walks parallel to Christ, the two moving together like Adam and Eve in the Brancacci Chapel, and he looks like the evil alter ego of Jesus, or the devil. With one hand he brandishes a long sharp claw-hammer, with the other a bundle of enormous spikes—actions that are unprecedented in Italian painting. The Virgin, more decisively separated from Christ than in earlier representations (Fig. 75), does not even reach for him. In preceding paintings her access to Christ is often blocked by an upraised arm or shield. Here a sword is driven by a vicious soldier straight at her cheek. She, the Magdalen, and their companions are less able to redeem by their affection the brutality and pain of the scene. Even more than in other paintings of the time Christ is alone. The Pact of Judas (Fig. 78) is a quieter, more orderly composition, but it, too, contains elements of conflict and strain. As in the late paintings of Botticelli, with which Barna’s art has so extraordinary a resemblance, the intent figures are bent together, forming a taut, indissoluble group. Instead of the three. or four casually arranged priests of Duccio’s painting (Fig. 77), one is clearly distinguished as a High Priest. He stands in the middle, disengaged from the action but craftily eyeing Judas and unable to refrain from exulting as he sees his plot progress. He is the central figure of the active

trio in the foreground, but not of the entire group of figures, and he stands a little to the right of the central opening in the building, so that there is an oscillation between the axis of the architecture and the axis of the figures. This sort of displacement, so foreign to Duccio’s Pact or to other compositions of the first half of the century (Fig. 14), occurs frequently in our period. In Barna’s fresco the tense conflict is continued in the design of the building and its _ relation to the figures. The figures form a round arch, but the gable, the only central architectural form of comparable size, is pointed. Furthermore, the gable encloses highly diverse shapes, which become progressively smaller as they approach the large arc of the figures. The narrow pointed arch moves upward and away from the dramatic center, like the vaults in Biondo’s Presentation (Fig. 13). Within it there is a rectangu- | lar door, surmounted by a round arch—the only shape that corresponds to the figural pattern, but also the smallest. While this nest of dissimilar forms conflicts in several ways with the figures, it at the same time intensifies, by repeating, their contraction

into dense and ever smaller groups. :

There is a similar counterpoint between figures and architecture in the Last Supper (Fig. 79). Barna’s composition again resembles Duccio’s, but he has increased the importance of Christ, as of the High Priest in the Pact. Christ rises a little above the apostles at the far side of the table, so that he appears larger than they. His apparent 55

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

size is increased by his frontality and the coalescence of his figure with the reclining St. John. The central arch behind him, however, is no larger than the two at the sides;

indeed, like the central bay of the church in Giovanni da Milano’s Expulsion of Joachim (Fig. 36), it appears even to be smaller. Large areas of the lateral openings are visible; the apostles are not framed by the arches, but distributed irregularly in front of them. The close conformity of figures and architecture in earlier Trecento painting is replaced by contrast and conflict. And this new relation often entails, as in Barna’s painting, an oscillation between a formal, accented, yet contracted middle and freer, more open and more active sides. In the fresco of the Presentation in the Temple, probably designed by Barna but executed by an associate, the swaddled Child is set on the altar, as in Giovanni del Biondo’s panel (Fig. 13). Just as the grave Infant is unaware of his mother, the young Christ teaching in the temple seems little concerned with the arrival of his parents (Fig. 81). He does not, as in Duccio’s representation of this subject, turn gladly toward them.’ Frontal and erect, he continues his discourse and acknowledges their presence only by the turn of his eyes and the tilt of his head. In this composition, and also in the paintings of Christ before Caiaphas, the Massacre of the Innocents, and the Miracle at Cana, Barna renounced the architectural setting that his Trecento predecessors had used. Relatively indifferent in these scenes to depth and to quantitative space, he tilts the planes of the floor and the furniture sharply upward, so that the figures—the farthest of them very high—fill a great part of the picture area. He accomplishes this extension, at once inward and upward, without the tension inherent in contemporary compositions, because the rounded single forms and the freely moving figures imply unequivocally a tridimensional space. The mode of composing these frescoes, however, without an architectural framework, allowing the figures to be set before a neutral ground that throws into relief their lively shapes and gestures, recurs in other paintings of the time. The most impressive example is Orcagna’s Mass of St. Thomas in the Strozzi altarpiece (Fig. 168). If the frescoes of Barna thus exhibit a special relationship to the artistic trend that we have defined, the work of several masters active in the ’fifties or ‘sixties stands almost

wholly outside it. The paintings of Taddeo Gaddi in Florence, of Lippo Vanni, Bartolommeo Bulgarini (‘‘Ugolino Lorenzetti”), or the Dijon Master in Siena, show at most a limited and often superficial connection.’ Most of these masters belonged 164 Christ faces his parents also in Taddeo whereas they are frequently omitted in earlier Gaddi’s quatrefoil in the Accademia (Cata- mediaeval works. They are also absent in the logo della Mostra Giottesca, fig. 137f), but in works of essentially non-Tuscan ‘Trecento other Florentine paintings of the early Tre- painters, such as Giusto (fresco, Baptistery,

cento, Giotto’s fresco in Padua and the Giot- Padua). . tesque fresco in the lower church at Assisi, he 168 The late altarpieces by Taddeo Gaddi in

is no more concerned with them than in S. Felicita and in the Uffizi (dated 1355) are Barna’s painting. In this respect all these works richer in ornament, and along with the Pieta

continue the mediaeval tradition, but it is at Yale, show a much graver mood than his

significant that Mary and Joseph are present earlier work. in all these Tuscan Trecento representations,

56

BARNA. CONCLUSION

to an older generation; they formed their styles in the ‘twenties or the ‘thirties and they continued to paint without essential change of purpose after the middle of the century. In the same way certain painters, notably those in the Gerini workshop, carried on into the early Quattrocento the characteristic forms of the third quarter of the century, though in the ‘eighties and ‘nineties Agnolo Gaddi, Spinello Aretino, and above all Antonio Veneziano had given a fundamental redirection to Florentine

painting.

The painting of the third quarter of the century in Florence and Siena presents then a considerable variety. Beyond the diversity of trends and of individual styles, there were continuing differences between the two schools. These differences persisted

despite the recognized influence of Simone Martini upon the Florentine painters, and the probable but unacknowledged influence of the Cioni upon the Sienese. Sienese art remained more linear, more mercurial, more lyrical, Florentine more massive, more geometric, and intellectual. There were no Sienese paintings comparable in the structure of their thought to the Strozzi altarpiece, the Spanish Chapel, or the frescoes by Orcagna in S. Croce—there were indeed few mural paintings of any kind in Siena at the time, and nothing of importance has survived. The Sienese masters were less concerned with dogma, system, and the institutional aspects of religion. Their painting shows a more spontaneous sentiment and a greater immediacy of religious experience. But we have found in Sienese paintings, too, a greater emphasis upon the Church

and the priest than in the first half of the century. The traditional histories, which the earlier period had understood more as narratives of the familiar, recurring events of human life, assumed in them also the character of formal ritual, enactments of ineffable mysteries. This transformation was not accomplished either in Siena or Florence without a conflict and a persistent ambiguity. We have seen these in the relation of pattern and space, or line and mass, or color and form. We have seen them also

in the tension between the human, the ecclesiastical, and the divine, between secular , commitments and a more compelling religious aspiration. The humanity of the figures } is only partially suppressed. Many naturalistic qualities of the preceding period are maintained or even developed, so that a relatively inorganic figure in a rigid unnatural posture is yet given considerable anatomic and physiognomic detail—often more, indeed, than in the first half of the century (Figs. 6, 7, 30). Even where this detailed articulation serves, as it often does, to intensify the religious rapture, so that there is no conflict in final purpose, there remains a tension arising from highly diverse or even contradictory means. How are we to understand these profound changes in Tuscan painting around the middle of the fourteenth century? Understand them, that is, within the limits imposed by the nature of art, whether of our own time or of six hundred years ago. Whatever the elucidation, by the critic, the historian, or the artist himself, there remains at the core of creation an impenetrable mystery. Shall this ultimate obscurity lead us to refrain from enquiry? Shall we dismiss the redirection of Trecento painting as the con57

THE NEW FORM AND CONTENT

sequence simply of an inevitable reaction against the art of the preceding years? That would be to assert an undeniably relevant psychological fact, but it leaves us wondering why the reaction did not set in earlier or later, and it tells us little about the art that we did not already know. We have also the possibility of inquiring whether these new qualities are related to circumstances and events of the time, and whether the state of mind that they disclose is discernible in other areas of contemporary culture. Without denying that each art has a certain rationale and momentum of its own, this is what we propose to do. .

58

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY or both Florence and Siena the first forty years of the fourteenth century had JB been generally years of great prosperity and of political stability. Already at the beginning of this period the two cities had risen to European prominence as centers of finance and manufacture. Just before 1300 the contest between the rising middle class and the long-established noble landholders had ended in a victory for the former. ‘The middle class acquired complete control of the state. Though many noble families, particularly in Florence, had entered trade or banking and had merged to a great extent

communal offices. |

with the business groups, they were, like all the members of their class, excluded from

As in other late mediaeval towns, Florentine and Sienese society was organized for political and economic purposes in a series of guilds. Citizenship depended upon mem-

bership in one of them. The thousands of workers in the chief industry, the manufacture or refinement of woolen cloth, were forbidden to form or to join guilds, and they thus had no political rights whatever. The guilds of the great merchants, bankers, industrialists, and professional men (jurists and physicians) formed the Greater Guilds, or Arti Maggiori. The shopkeepers and artisans were members of the more numerous Arti Minori. The state, which shortly before 1300 had assumed the form of a bourgeois republic, was actually administered by a wealthy oligarchy centered within the Maggiori. Their rule, as well as the guild structure which supported it, lasted in both cities for about half a century. The great entrepreneurs were engaged in production for foreign more than for local consumption, and with their large accumulation of capital they financed the Papacy as well as many princes throughout Europe. Seeking wider markets in their own regions, they pursued a policy of local “imperialism.” During their rule almost all of ' Tuscany was brought under the domination of one or another of the two cities. As long as the oligarchy succeeded in maintaining a high level of prosperity, it was not seriously challenged in either Florence or Siena. Though political power was thus highly concentrated, the form of the state reflected a libertarian ideal. The oligarchy sought to maintain the approval of the entire middle class, which believed it had the right to determine the policy of the government, and at times of crisis, as in Florence in 1343, exercised it. The republican principle, which implied the evolution of a nonhierarchical, more horizontal social order, was apparent also in other forms of association—in the guilds, for instance, with their elected captains. It was apparent also, within the sphere of religion, in the confraternities. These societies, formed by laymen for purposes of worship and mutual aid, grew rapidly from the late thirteenth century on. Their members, though subject to canon law, lived in the world without taking vows or adhering to a fixed rule. They were drawn from all classes; priests and friars were admitted too, but they had no special rights or privileges.

59

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY

The fraternities were governed, and their religious services conducted, by lay rectors elected for short periods of time. On the altar of the chapel that each of these societies possessed there stood almost invariably a retable that was the visible center of the cult. There the members assembled periodically, singing hymns to the Virgin before her painted image. No phenomenon of town life was more expressive of its democratic and lay tendencies, and none impinged more directly upon the art of painting. As in other advanced European centers, but nowhere more than in Florence and Siena, the new competitive economy fostered (as well as it implied) independent individual inquiry and action in all fields of endeavor, and it stimulated a greater measure of individual self-consciousness. The middle class, concerned with the techniques of manufacture and the kinds of calculation required by production and banking on an unprecedented scale, developed increasingly empirical, inductive, and quantitative modes of thought. The burghers emphasized family and civic responsibilities and they valued circumspection, moderation, and, above all, industriousness.’ Though they remained deeply pious, they believed with increasing assurance that they could enjoy themselves in this world without jeopardizing their chances in the next. Their optimism seemed to be confirmed by the prosperity and the comparative peace of the first forty years of the century. The arts flowered as at few other moments in history. The painters and sculptors, developing a more naturalistic style, created an image of an orderly world, substantial, extended, traversable. They endowed the people in it with a new range of intellectual and emotional awareness, and great moral strength. The realm of human values was immeasurably enlarged, the relation of man to man becoming as important as the relation of man to God. It is no accident that the most memorable episodes in the Arena Chapel include the return of Joachim to his sheep, his meeting with Anna at the Golden Gate (Fig. 26), and the lament over the dead body of Christ. ‘These are

: scenes that had held only a subordinate meaning in earlier Christian art or had only recently been represented at all. In the early Trecento cycle they seem more congenial to the painter and more deeply felt than the episodes involving the prophetic and the symbolical (Last Supper), or the supernatural (Wedding at Cana, Ascension, Pentecost—the last executed by an assistant). Giotto’s human sympathy and insight reach an astonishing profundity in the wonderful soldier standing at the left in the Massacre of the Innocents, a wholly unprecedented figure who, though traditionally on the side of . brutality and evil, now withdraws in anguish from the bloody work of his men. Such novel accents and reinterpretations of traditional themes are not uncommon at the time. The life of the Virgin attains a new prominence, along with the Infancy

cycle, and the mother of Christ is given a much greater role in the sequence of the Passion. Entirely new subjects, such as the Madonna of Humility or the Madonna della Culla (Madonna with the cradle) were introduced.’ In one of his panels Simone 1See, for instance, a collection of middle 2 See the Madonna della Culla by Bernardo class precepts such as that of Paolo di Messer Daddi and an assistant in the Museum at Pace, Il libro di buoni costumi, ed. by S. Mor- Berne (Offner, Corpus, sec. 11, vol. 1v, add. purgo, Florence, 1921. For burgher modes of pl. 1). For the Madonna of Humility, see thought, see also the comments below on the chap. vi. Villani chronicles (note 27 and p. 80).

60

THE ECONOMIC CRISIS , Martini represented Mary and Joseph admonishing Christ after he had strayed from them and tarried in the temple at Jerusalem—a scene that is as rich in human significance as it is weak in religious or dogmatic.’ The theme of the Holy Family appears for the first time,‘ and the Virgin's father, Joachim, not previously present at her birth, waits in an antechamber in Sienese paintings of the scene.* Sometimes Christ brings together and embraces St. John and the Virgin, recommending them to one another as son and mother.’ A variety of marriages are represented, most of them novel.’ These themes are all expressive of family sentiments, of the emotional bond between mother and child, mother and son, or husband and wife. They reflect burgher values and many of the paintings were commissioned by a married couple for their own private devotion. It is not surprising then that children should have become especially prominent. Scenes of the resurrection of a child by St. Francis and St. Nicholas were represented more frequently. In the representation of Caritas, the woman personifying love of man (amor proximi) is accompanied, not by a beggar as in earlier French sculpture, but by a nude child.* Similarly, Amor is transformed from a man into a boy.’ In this predilection for youth we sense also an ebullience and an optimism similar to that conveyed a century later by the putti of the early Renaissance. Though some of these forms were carried into the art of the third quarter of the century, their expressive meaning was modified. The playfulness of the Christ Child and the glad affection of his mother, prominent especially in the panels of Daddi’s circle, were subdued, and no new types or motifs expressing similar sentiments were introduced. The inventiveness and the creative power of the age manifested itself in

a darker realm of fearful, strenuous yet often uncertain piety, brightened only by : mystical transports and visions of supernatural splendor.

THE ECONOMIC CRISIS From about 1340 on, the whole of Florentine and Sienese society was shaken by a series of increasingly disastrous events. The persistent and costly attempt of Florence to add Lucca to its domain was frustrated in 1341 by the capture of that city by the Pisans. The expansion of Milan under the Visconti began to present a serious threat,” ® The panel, which is in the Walker Art 188 and fig.). As B. Berenson has pointed out, Gallery, Liverpool, is based on Luke, 1, 48. the same painter made a Lamentation in the * See the panel close to Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Philippe Stoclet collection, but he is not, as and probably reflecting a composition by him, Berenson maintains, Andrea di Bartolo (Inter-

in the Abegg collection, Zurich. national Studio, 1931, p. 34, fig. 10).

6 Altarpiece by Pietro Lorenzetti, Opera del 7 See below, p. 109. |

Duomo, Siena, and numerous later Sienese ® Beginning, apparently, with Nicola Pi-

paintings. sano’s figure on the pulpit of the Baptistery in ¢The representations are based on John, Pisa (see R. Freyhan, in the Warburg Journal,

x1x, 26-27. See the triptych of 1334 by Taddeo XI, 1948, p. 72). Gaddi in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum, Berlin ® See E. Panofsky, Studies in Iconology, New (Van Marle, op.cit., 1, fig. 181). Also a panel York, 1939, pp. 114-115. by a Sienese painter influenced by Barna (Fogg 10 ‘The growth of the power of Milan weighed

61

Art Museum, Collection of Medieval and so heavily upon the minds of the Florentines Renaissance Paintings, Cambridge, 1927, no. that a large part of Matteo Villani’s chronicle

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY | and the burden of meeting this, together with the failure of the English branches of two of the largest Florentine banks, provoked an economic and then a political crisis. In 1343 the great house of the Peruzzi declared bankruptcy, and it was followed by the Accaiuoli, the Bardi (1345) and almost every other bank and mercantile company in Florence. Many of the Sienese houses were brought down also. ‘Throughout the cities workshops and stores closed because commissions were lacking and funds were not available for the purchase of materials or the payment of wages.” The crash plunged the towns into an unprecedented depression. Long after it had passed it continued to weigh upon the spirit of enterprise, engendering a more cautious and conservative attitude. For many years, fear of comparable loss tended to divert investment from trade and manufacture to farms and land. The merchant and chronicler Giovanni Villani, who himself suffered severe reverses and who was even thrown into the Stinche for inability to pay his debts, reported that by 1346 the Florentine companies had lost

, around 1,700,000 florins. No such calamity, he said, had ever overtaken the commune.” He wrote this judgment on the eve of a far greater one, in which he lost not his fortune but his life.

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE | The ruling merchants and bankers in Florence tried to meet the mounting crisis by the usual method of the Italian communes in time of distress—transference of munici-

pal authority to a dictator. In 1342 the Duke of Athens was called to Florence and given supreme power in the state. But this expedient, which in many other cities had resulted in the permanent loss of republican government, proved unsatisfactory to all sections of the Florentine middle class. Rallying to the cry of liberty, they united to

expel the Duke in 1343. The republic was restored, but with new provisions that ' curtailed the power of the great merchants, industrialists, and bankers who had controlled the state almost uninterruptedly since the end of the thirteenth century. _ Weakened by the failure in the Lucchese war, the financial collapse, and the necessity of relying upon other groups to expel the signore whom they had installed, they were obliged to admit to the priorate representatives of sections of the middle class that had not previously had a voice in its councils. Of the eight seats in the priorate only two were retained by this old oligarchic faction, which consisted of the wealthier members

of the “great” guilds of the Lana, Calimala, and Cambio. Three or four seats were given to the mezzana gente, whose identity is disputed. The old belief that they belonged to five ‘‘middle guilds”’ which were commonly grouped with the fourteen Lesser

Guilds has recently been opposed by evidence that they, too, were members of the from 1351 on (book 11) is devoted to it. For the 1926; also A. Doren, Italienische Wirtschaftsconsequences of the Milanese threat see H. geschichte, Jena, 1934, pp. 464f.

Baron, in Annual Report of the American 12 Sapori, op.ctt., p. 140.

Historical Association for 1942, Washington, 18 “Maggiore ruina e sconfitta che nulla che

1944, pp. 123-138. mai avesse il nostro comune” (book xu, chap. 14See A. Sapori, La crist delle compagnie 55). Villani was a socius of the Buonaccorsi

mercantili dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi, Florence, Company. | | 62

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Greater Guilds, but distinct from the oligarchic party, less wealthy and the owners of smaller business enterprises.’* T'wo or three seats finally were allocated to the fourteen Lesser Guilds of shopkeepers and craftsmen, in other ‘words to the lower middle class. This distribution of power was maintained until 1378, when the famous revolt of the ciompi won a brief control of the state for the disenfranchised workers of the woolen guilds. They were quickly succeeded by the Lesser Guilds, and in 1382 the old oligarchy reestablished its power. If the smaller entrepreneurs and the professional men, the mezzani of the Greater Guilds, were actually dominant in the government of Florence from 1343 to 1378, this

era was not quite so “democratic” as many historians have maintained. But in any event the oligarchy was overthrown, the new priorate was more widely representative, and the lower middle class did acquire a share in the regime. There were, moreover, corresponding readjustments of power within the guilds themselves, so that the consequences of the revolution were felt through Florentine society.’® The rise to power of the mezzani and the necessity for the political recognition of the lower middle class shattered the confidence of the very wealthy, which had already been shaken by the

: crash. They and all those in the city who depended upon, or sympathized with, the old oligarchy bitterly opposed the new government. In 1345 Giovanni Villani ridiculed the rulers of Florence as “artisans and manual workers and simpletons.””” 4¢The character of the several Florentine the great majority of the working population parties and the nature of the complex conflict of Florence (see G. Capponi, Storia della Rebetween them need further clarification. Party pubblica di Firenze, Florence, 1, 1875, p. 245). alignments often cut across the guild structure, 1¢ See, for instance, the changes within the and within the guild groups there were funda- guild of the physicians and apothecaries to mental differences of interest—within the which the painters belonged, described by R. seven Greater Guilds, for instance, between Ciasca, L’arte dei medici e speziali, Florence, those producing for export (free-traders) and 1927, pp. 86ff., and A. Doren, Entwicklung for the local market (protectionists). Further- und Organization der florentiner Ziinfte, Leipmore, the financial position of the producer zig, 1897, pp. 51-59. and the scale of his production did not always During these years the painters acquired

. correspond to the rank of his guild. In fact greater independence and influence within the some of the sottoposti of the cloth guilds (such guild, but this was in part the consequence of as the dyers) who were not permitted to form special factors, chiefly the greater public esteem

their own guild conducted larger enterprises won by this craft during the course of the than some members of the Lesser or even the fourteenth century. The painters entered the

Greater Guilds. guild in 1314 as dependents of the membrum

For the identification of the mediani with a of the apothecaries, classified simply as men section of the Arti Maggiori, see G. Scaramella, who buy, sell, and work colors. In the guild Firenze allo scoppio del Tumulto dei Ciompi, lists of the ’forties or ‘fifties painters of panels Pisa, 1914. For the older interpretation of the and frescoes are called dipintori, and differenevents of this period, still maintained by most tiated from painters of chests and furniture. historians, see F. T. Perrens, Histoire de Flor- Not long afterward the dipintori became deence, Paris, 1888-90, Iv, pp. 342ff.; F. Schevill, pendents of the physicians, the only profesA History of Florence, New York, 1936, pp. sional group in the guild. Finally, in 1378 the 259-283; N. Rodolico, I ctompi, Florence, 1945. group of painters was authorized to form an 16 This government, furthermore, suppressed independent membrum and their name as firmly as the oligarchic one preceding it the was added to the title of the guild, which sottoposti of the woolen guilds, who comprised became known as the “arte de’ medici,

63

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY

In Siena during these years there was a corresponding series of revolutions, though

they occurred at different intervals of time and on the whole the swing to the left extended farther than in Florence."* The Nove, the counterpart of the oligarchic party in Florence, was thrown from power in 1355, after having been the sole ruler of the city since the end of the thirteenth century. Weakened by the economic consequences of the Florentine bank failures and by the plague of 1348, the Noveschi were excluded by law from the new government of the so-called Dodicini. It consisted of a coalition between the nobles and the smaller entrepreneurs, shopkeepers and craftsmen. These groups, except for the nobility, corresponded exactly to the Florentine mezzani and minuti who had won a share in political power in 1343. A second revolution, precipitated again by the nobility, brought down the Dodicini in 1368 and led, after some rapid changes, to the most widely representative government in the history of the Tuscan communes. It included the nobility and all sections of the middle class, omitting only the workers in the woolen industry, whose riotous demands for citizenship in 1371 were suppressed by the expulsion of thousands from the city.’* The several parties were represented in proportion to their number in the population, so that the lower middle class held a majority in the supreme council. Whereas the rule of this class lasted in Florence only from 1378 to 1382, in Siena it persisted from 1368 to 1385. During the years of lower middle class participation and ascendancy, several Sienese painters—Andrea Vanni, Bartolo di Fredi, Luca di Tommé, Giacomo di Mino—were active in the political parties and in the government, occupying a variety of offices and serving as municipal envoys.

THE BLACK DEATH During the ’forties, just after the fall of the oligarchy in Florence and several years before it was overthrown in Siena, both cities suffered seriously from lack of grain.” The bankruptcies reduced the financial resources of the cities and weakened

| the influence of the great Florentine houses of the Accaiuoli and the Bardi in Naples, so that normal imports from that region were not forthcoming.” On top of this, crops failed throughout Tuscany in 1346, and they were badly damaged in 1347 by exceptionally heavy hailstorms. Weakened and terrified by these deprivations, which they attributed to divine displeasure, the Florentines and Sienese attempted to appease God. They engaged in collective prayer and public displays of repentance. Giovanni spetiali, dipintori e merciai” (Ciasca, op.ctt., Siena,” in Bullettino senese di storia patria,

p- 131). VII, 1947, pp. 35ff.; F. Schevill, Siena, London, i7 “Signori artefici e gente manovali e idioti” 1909, pp. 213-228; L. Douglas, A History of

, (book xu, chap. 43). In 1340, before the revo- Siena, New York, 1902, pp. 149ff. lution, Villani had advocated a government 19 Rodolico, op.cit., p. 24. representative of all classes (book x1, chap. 20 See N. Rodolico, Il popolo minuto, Bo-

118). logna, 1899, p. 51. See also chap. II, note 5

18 See G. Luchaire, Document: per la storia below. det rivolgimenti politici del comune di Siena 21See Doren, Italienische Wirtschaftsgedal 1354 al 1369, Lyons, 1906; P. L. Sbaragli, schichte, p. 391.

“I mercanti di mezzana gente al potere in

64

THE BLACK DEATH

Villani tells of great processions, in one of which, continuing for three days, he marched himself.*? These had scarcely disbanded when an unimaginable catastrophe struck both towns.

Suddenly during the summer months of 1348 more than half the inhabitants of Florence and Siena died of the bubonic plague.”* By September only some 45,000 of the 90,000 people within the walls of Florence were still living; Siena was reduced from around 42,000 to 15,000.* Never before or since has any calamity taken so great a proportion of human life. The plague struck again in 1363 and once more in 1374, though it carried off far fewer people than in the terrible months of 1348.” The survivors were stunned. The Sienese chronicler Agnolo di Tura tells of burying his five children with his own hands. “No one wept for the dead,” he says, “because every one expected death himself.’”** All of Florence, according to Boccaccio, was a sepulcher. At the beginning of the Decameron he wrote: “.. . they dug for each graveyard a huge trench, in which they laid the corpses as they arrived by hundreds at a time, piling them up tier upon tier as merchandise is stowed in a ship. . .”—sights not

unfamiliar to modern eyes. For years the witnesses were haunted by memories of bodies stacked high in the streets and the unforgettable stench of flesh putrefying in the hot summer sun. Those fortunate few who were able to escape these horrible scenes by fleeing to isolated places were, like Petrarch, overwhelmed by the loss of family and friends.

The momentous nature of the experience is suggested by the words of Matteo Villani as he undertook after a few years to continue the chronicle of his dead brother: “The author of the chronicle called the Chronicle of Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence and a man to whom I was closely tied by blood and by affection, having rendered

his soul to God in the plague, I decided, after many grave misfortunes and with a greater awareness of the dire state of mankind than the period of its prosperity had revealed to me, to make a beginning with our varied and calamitous material at this

22 Book x1, chap. 21. Lisini and F. Iacometti, Bologna, 1932, p. 555)

28In a previous epidemic, during the and an anonymous chronicler (ibid., p. 148) spring of 1340, 15,000 Florentines died, accord- asserts that the “grande moria” carried off ing to Giovanni Villani (book x1, chap. 114). three-fourths of the people. A. Lisini, com24 These estimates of Doren (op.cit., pp. 634- menting on this statement (zbid., p. 148 note 635) are conservative. Others suppose a higher 2), says that if three-fourths did not die, at - rate of mortality. N. Rodolico, La democrazia least a half did. Lisini estimates as many as

fiorentina nel suo tramonto, Bologna, 1905, 70,000 people in Siena before the plague. Pp. 7, 32, 35, gives an over-all figure for Flor- Commenting on Siena, Matteo Villani (book ence in 1347 of 120,000; after the plague I, chap. 4) says “non pareva che fusse persona.” 25,000 to 30,000, a death rate of four-fifths. 25 See for Siena, W. Heywood, “Ensamples” Boccaccio in the Decameron said that 100,000 of Fra Filippo, Siena, 1901, pp. 8off., and for Florentines died, and the Chronicle of Stefani Florence, Perrens, op.cit., 1v, pp. 379ff. The puts the figure at 96,000. Matteo Villani gives plague of course became endemic, reappearing a general death rate of three-fifths (see note in 1400, 1411, 1424, and thereafter, but with a

277). greatly diminished rate of mortality. Agnolo di Tura seems to say that 80,000 26 Rerum Italicarum scriptores, xv, part 6,

Sienese died, leaving only 10,000 alive (Rerum PP. 555-556. Italicarum scriptores, xv, part vi, ed. by A.

65

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY

juncture, as at a time of renewal of the world... . Having to commence our treatise by recounting the extermination of mankind ... my mind is stupefied as it approaches the task of recording the sentence that divine justice mercifully delivered upon men, who deserve, because they have been corrupted by sin, a last judgment.’ Though the rate of mortality was doubtless somewhat greater among the poor, about half of the upper classes succumbed. Agnolo di Tura’s comments about Siena are significant: four of the nine members of the oligarchic priorate died, together with two

of the four officers of the Biccherna, the podesta, and the capitano di guerra.” The painters were not spared. The plague carried off Bernardo Daddi, the most active and influential master in Florence, and perhaps also his associate whom Offner has called the ‘Assistant of Daddi.’”* It is generally assumed that the disappearance of all references around this time to Ambrogio and Pietro Lorenzetti signifies their death in the

epidemic.*° Undoubtedly a great many minor painters suffered a similar fate. This | sudden removal at one stroke of the two great Sienese masters and of Daddi along with

numerous lesser painters produced a more than ordinary interruption in pictorial tradition. It gave to the surviving masters, especially the younger ones, a sudden, exceptional independence and a special freedom for the development of new styles. 27 ‘Nella quale mortalita avendo renduta adds, “ma questo non possiamo accertare.” To l’anima a Dio l’autore della cronica nominata the assertion of the astrologers that the plague la Cronaca di Giovanni Villani cittadino di resulted from the conjunction of three superior Firenze, al quale per sangue e per dilezione fui planets in the sign of Aquarius, he replies that strettamente congiunto, dopo molte gravi for- a similar conjunction had occurred in the past tune, con pit conoscimento della calamita del without producing such dire results. He is mondo che la prosperita di quello non m ‘avea quick to calculate, and to propose laws and dimostrato, propuosi nell’animo mio fare alla principles: on the basis of reports from many nostra varia e calamitosa materia comincia- countries, he says that the pestilence may be mento a questo tempo, come a uno rinnovella- said usually to last five months in a given mento di tempo e secolo, . . . Avendo per region. It normally carried away three out of cominciamento nel nostro trattato a raccontare every five persons. la sterminio della generazione umana.. . stu- 28 Asnolo di Tura, op.cit., pp. 555-556. One pidisce la mente appressandosi a scrivere la hundred and thirteen of the friars in S. M.

sentenzia, che la divina giustizia con molta Novella in Florence died (C. di Pierro, in

: misericordia mando sopra gli uomini, degni Giornale storico della letteratura ttaliana, XLVU, per la corruzione del peccato di final giudizio” 1906, p. 14), and in Avignon nine cardinals

(book 1, end of chap. 1 and beginning of and seventy prelates, despite the great fires

chap. 2). which were maintained in the papal palace to The entire passage is interesting for its care- purify the air (P. Schaff, History of the Chrisful, precise account of the spread of the plague tian Church, New York, V, part 2, 1910, p. 100).

through Italy and Europe. Villani is assiduous 29 Corpus, sec. I, Vol. v, p. 119.

in the collection of facts and opinions but s0Their names are lacking not only in all cautious in accepting them, and he frequently documents, but in the list of the best Sienese records them with scepticism or with contrary painters compiled around 1349 for the operaii argument. ‘hus he tells about the reports of a of S. Giovanni, Pistoia (C. von Fabriczy,

great fire in Asia, and the belief that the Repertorium fiir Kunstwissenschaft, xxin,

plague originated in areas ‘ravaged by it, but 1900, pp. 496-497). ,

66

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL GONSEQUENCES OF THE PLAGUE In the immediate wake of the Black Death we hear of an unparalleled abundance of food and goods, and of a wild, irresponsible life of pleasure. Agnolo di ‘Tura writes that in Siena “everyone tended to enjoy eating and drinking, hunting, hawking, and ©

, gaming,’’** and Matteo Villani laments similar behavior in Florence: “Those few sensible people who remained alive expected many things, all of which, by reason of the corruption of sin, failed to occur among mankind and actually followed marvelously in the contrary direction. ‘They believed that those whom God's grace had reserved for life, having beheld the extermination of their neighbors, and having heard the same tidings from all the nations of the world, would become better men, humble, virtuous, and Catholic; that they would guard themselves from iniquity and sins; and would be full of love and charity for one another. But no sooner had the plague ceased than we saw the contrary; for since men were few, and since by hereditary sucession they abounded in earthly goods, they forgot the past as. though it had never been and gave themselves up to a more shameful and disordered life than they had led before. ... And the common people (popolo minuto), both men and women, by reason of the abundance and superfluity that they found, would no longer work at their accustomed trades; they wanted the dearest and most delicate foods for their sustenance; and they married at their will, while children and common women clad themselves in all the fair and costly garments of the illustrious ladies who had died.” This extraordinary condition of plenty did not, of course, last very long. For most _ people the frenzied search for immediate gratification, characteristic of the survivors of calamities, was likewise short-lived. Throughout the subsequent decades, however, we continue to hear of an exceptional indifference to accepted patterns of behavior and to Institutional regulations, especially among the mendicant friars. It seems, as we shall

see, that the plague tended to promote an unconventional, irresponsible, or self- indulgent life, on the one hand, and a more intense piety or religious excitement, on the other. Villani tells us, in his very next sentences, of the more lasting consequences of the epidemic: ‘Men thought that, through the death of so many people, there would be abundance of all produce of the land; yet, on the contrary, by reason of men’s ingratitude, everything came to unwonted scarcity and remained long thus; . .. most commodities were more costly, by twice or more, than before the plague. And the price of labor, and the. products of every trade and craft, rose in disorderly fashion beyond the double. Lawsuits and disputes and quarrels and riots arose everywhere among citizens in every land, by reason of legacies and successions; ... Wars and divers scandals arose through-

out the world, contrary to men’s expectation.” , Conditions were similar in Siena. Prices rose to unprecedented levels.** The econ-

84 Agnolo di Tura, op.cit., p. 560. London, 1929, pp. 66-67.

82 Book 1, chap. 4. A translation of the entire 88 Book 1, chap. 5. : chapter—upon which the above is based—may 8 Chronicle of Neri di Donato, op.cit., pp. be found in G. C. Coulton, The Black Death, 633-636. On the inflation throughout Europe

67

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY

omy of both Florence and Siena was further disrupted during these years by the defection of almost all the dependent towns within the little empire of each city. These towns seized as an opportunity for revolt the fall of the powerful Florentine oligarchy in 1343, and the Sienese in 1385. The two cities, greatly weakened, and governed by groups that pursued a less aggressive foreign policy, made little attempt to win them back.

_ The small towns and the countryside around the two cities were not decimated so severely by the epidemic, but the people in these regions felt the consequences of it in another way. Several armies of mercenaries of the sort that all the large states had come

to employ in the fourteenth century took advantage of the weakness of the cities. Sometimes in connivance with the great enemy of the north, the Duke of Milan, they

| invaded, or threatened to invade, the territory of Florence and Siena. These large marauding bands—the companies of the Conte Lando, of John Hawkwood, and of Fra Moriale, the Company of the Hat and the Company of St. George—hovered in the neighborhood throughout the fifties and ’sixties, a continual threat to the peace of the contado and a serious drain on the already shrunken communal treasuries. Florence, the stronger of the two cities, was less troubled by them. Siena paid out huge ransoms,** in twenty years some 275,000 florins, but even then its lands were pillaged and the people on the farms and in the villages lived in constant terror. For them the

story of Job, an old paradigm of trial and affliction, acquired a specially poignant meaning. Not only did Job suffer from a disease whose outward symptoms were like those of the plague; his cattle were driven off and his children killed. It is not surprising that his history, rarely if ever represented in earlier Tuscan panels and frescoes, should now have been portrayed several times. In a triptych dated 1365, by a follower of Nardo in S. Croce he appears as a cult figure at the left of the Madonna, and the entire predella is devoted to his trials.** Bartolo di Fredi appended five, or probably originally six, scenes of Job’s misfortunes to his Old Testament cycle of 1367 in the Collegiata, S. Gimignano (Fig. 82).** Another of Bartolo’s Biblical stories must likewise have evoked an intense response, stirring bitter memories of dislocated families even while it held out a measure of hope: the scene of the Jews fleeing from Egypt and of the pursuing Egyptian army drowned in the Red Sea (Fig. 80). In 1362, just a few years before the painting of these frescoes, Bartolo himself had written a report for the Signoria of Siena describing the movement of marauding troops in the countryside.

_ after the Black Death see J. W. Thompson, soon, Professor Lucile Bush has already in American Journal of Sociology, xxvi, 1920- suggested a connection between the Job 21, p. 565, and Kovalevsky in Zeitschrift fiir sequence and the ravages of the merchant

Soztal- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 1, 1895, companies. |

Pp. 406-423. A third cycle of the Job story is in the

85 Twenty thousand florins, for instance, to Camposanto, Pisa (Van Marle, op.cit., Vv, pp. , Lando in 1356 (see Neri di Donato, op.cit., 264-266 and figs. 173-174). It was begun by p- 585). On the merchant companies and Flor- Taddeo Gaddi (in the ’fifties?) and completed ence, see especially Perrens, op.cit., Iv, pp. 424, some years later by another painter.

457-470. | , 38G. Milanesi, Documenti per la storia *¢ Van Marle, op.cit., mt, fig. 289. dell’arte senese, Siena, 1854, 1, p. 260. 87 In a study of these frescoes to be published

68

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES

The ravages of the mercenary companies accelerated a great wave of immigration from the smaller towns and farms into the cities that had been initiated by the Black

Death. Most of the newcomers were recruits for the woolen industry, who were attracted by relatively high wages. But the mortality offered exceptional opportunities also for notaries, jurists, physicians, and craftsmen. In both Florence and Siena the laws controlling immigration were relaxed, and special privileges, a rapid grant of citizenship, or exemption from taxes were offered to badly needed artisans or professional men, such as physicians.** Throughout the earlier history of Florence and Siena there had been, it is true, a steady influx of people from the contadi. Dante complained of a population swollen with rustics from places such as Signa and—ironically enough— Certaldo, Boccaccio’s town.” But the magnitude of the immigration into Florence after the Black Death was unprecedented. Those historians who estimate the population of the city as 25,000 or 30,000 just after the Black Death postulate 45,000 in 1351," and others state that, despite the successive epidemics, there were 60,000 people by 1375 and 70,000 by 1380.** Siena, on the other hand, grew comparatively little.** In addition to bringing into the city great numbers of people from the surrounding towns and country, the Black Death affected the character of Florentine society in still another way. Through irregular inheritance and other exceptional circumstances, a class of nouveaux riches arose in the town and also in decimated Siena.** Their wealth was accentuated by the impoverishment of many of the older families, such as the Bardi and the Peruzzi, who had lost their fortunes in the financial collapse. In both cities, too, many tradesmen and artisans were enriched to a degree unusual for the

| popolo minuto. Scaramella sees as one of the major conflicts of the time the struggle between the old families and this gente nuova.** Outcries against both foreigners and

the newly rich, never lacking in the two cities, increased in volume and violence. Antagonism to “the aliens and the ignorant” coalesced with antagonism to the new municipal regime; the government, it was said, had been captured by them. Filippo Villani wrote in his chronicle for the year 1363:

“In those days the administration and government of the city of Florence . . . had 89 See R. Ciasca, op.cit., p. 291. Despite these that this figure includes refugees from the inducements the number of physicians did not plague who returned to the city.

increase as rapidly as the shopkeepers and *2 The chronicler Stefani, quoted by Rodotradesmen in the same guild (ibid., p. 117). lico, op.cit., p. 39. For immigration into Florence see also N. 4A, Doren, Italtenische WhirtschaftsgeRodolico, I ctompi, pp. 40-42, and tdem, Demo- schichte, pp. 634-635. crazta fiorentina, pp. 36ff. For Siena, see Kova- #4 Doren, loc.cit. levsky, op.cit., p. 421 and L. Douglas, op.cit., #5 Apnolo di Tura (op.ctt., p. 560) wrote that Pp. 155-156. All these writers comment only “tutti li denari erano venuti a le mani di gente

very briefly on the immigration. The entire nuova.” See also Matteo Villani (book m, phenomenon, and its consequences for con- chap. 56); Perrens, op.ctt., Iv, p. 391. temporary society and culture, has not hitherto 48 Op.cit., p. 34. Though Scaramella does not

been given adequate attention. | observe it, all references that he cites to the 40 Paradiso, xvi, 46. Cited by N. Rubinstein, homines novi are from the period after the in the Warburg Journal, v, 1942, p. 222. plague (Matteo and Filippo Villani, Giovanni

41 N. Rodolico, Democrazta fiorentina, p. 35, di Paolo Morelli, etc.). and Ciasca, op.cit., p. 106. Ciasca points out

69

THE TWO CITIES AT MID-CENTURY

passed in part—and not a small part—to people newly arrived from the territory of Florence who had little experience in civic affairs, and to people from more distant lands who had settled in the city. Finding themselves after a time enriched with money

gotten in the crafts, in trade, and in money-lending, they married into any family that pleased them; and with gifts, feasts, secret and open maneuvers they put themselves forward so much that they were drawn into public offices and were added to the list of those eligible for election to the priorate.’’*” In the Corbaccio, written in 1354-1358, Boccaccio compared the rulers of the city to a person lacking liberal studies,** and in a letter of about ten years later he said that the reins of government had been given to people who had come, as we would say, from Kalamazoo—“‘venuti chi da Capalle e quale da Cilicciavole, e quale da Sugame o da Viminiccio’—and who had been “‘taken from the mason’s shop or from the plow and elevated to the highest office in the state.”’*°

THE EFFECT UPON CULTURE AND ART | The painting of the third quarter of the century, more religious in a traditional sense, more ecclesiastical, and more akin to the art of an earlier time, may reflect these profound social changes in Florence and Siena, or rather the taste and the quality of

piety that they brought into prominence. For these homines novi, the immigrants, the newly rich and the newly powerful, had not on the whole been closely identified with the growth of the new culture in the first half of the fourteenth century. ‘They adhered to more traditional patterns of thought and feeling, and it may well be that ) their ideal of a religious art was still the art of the later thirteenth century—an art that was still visible almost everywhere in the cities, and even more in the churches of the

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® The other two are in the chapel of the Monte, Bologna (attributed by Van Marle, Crucifixion and in the narthex. Cf. Rolffs, tbid., p. 403, and Kurth, op.cit., to a much Geschichte der Malerei Neapels, Leipzig, 1900, earlier painter, Vitale). Cf. also the Madonnas

p- 41, and Alinari photo. 33442. by Giovanni da Bologna in the Academy,

- The panel bears the Aquinas coat of arms. Venice (Fig. 154), and in the Brera in Milan 10 The technique of raising into relief some (reproduced by E. Modigliani, in the Burlingof the ornament, the fleur-de-lys stamped into ton Magazine, XIX, 1911, p. 22).

the gold border, the angels, as well as the style A Madonna by Vitale da Bologna in the as a whole, indicate as the source of this Poldi-Pezzoli Museum in Milan (Vavala, in painting Simone’s panel of St. Louis. Rivista d’arte, Ser. 2, 1, 1929, p. 474, fig. 18) Similar to this Madonna in S. Domenico shows the Virgin seated on the ground beside Maggiore are the paintings in S. Pietro a the Child, with whom she is playing. This Maiella (according to Rolffs, a later copy of painting is related by its style, its playful it) and in S. Chiara (cut down; Van Marle, character, and by such domestic details as the

op.cit., V, fig. 211). A painting in S, Lorenzo low wall and the flasks, to the Sienese Madon(Rolffs, op.cit., fig. 41) shows the motif of the nas mentioned in note 7.

. Child taken over into a half-length representa- 12 Niccolé Semitecolo, 1367, Padua, Bibliotion of the Madonna. A Madonna of Humility teca Capitolare. A Veronese Madonna, forof the latter part of the century in the Mu- merly in the Cannon collection, now in the seum of Fine Arts, Moscow (attributed to Museum of Princeton University, shows wider Roberto Oderisi in Burlington Magazine, 11, divergences. F. J. Mather (Art tn America, September, 1927, p. 133), the composition of XXIV, 1936, p. 52) mentions, without definitely which differs considerably from the Neapoli- approving, the view of J. P. Richter (The tan group, is interesting because of the ap- Cannon Collection of Italian Paintings, Princepearance of the Pieta in the pinacle (cf. below, ton, 1936, p. 11) that the panel was painted

Pp. 145). by “Altichiero II,” presumably before the * All the Bolognese Madonnas are relatively middle of the century; but the earliest possible

late in date. Cf. Andrea da Bologna, 1372, date for the painting seems to me to be ca. Gallery, Pausola; Simone dei Crocefissi in S. 1365. Martino, Bologna (Van Marle, op.cit., 1v, p. 18 Paolo da Modena, 1372, Modena Gallery 404, as Vitale); Lippo Dalmasio, in the Pinaco- (cf. P. Bortolotti in Atti e memorie delle RR.

teca in Bologna (photo. Croci no. 3120), in Deputaziont di Storia Patria per le provincie the Gallery at Pistoia, in the Misericordia, Modenest e Parmensi, vu, 1874, pp. 583ff.). Bologna (tbtd, fig. 231), and in S. Giovanni in

135

. THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY wise, the Venetian Madonnas, three of which—in the Thyssen collection, in S. Anastasia, Verona, and in the National Gallery, London (Fig. 135)*7—~may have been

painted as early as ca. 1355-1365. The early date of these Madonnas, as well as the popularity of the subject in Venice,** might suggest the possibility of a Venetian origin of the type; but this must be rejected because of the wholly Sienese character of the composition, and because of the absence in Venice~an unprogressive center at this period, still clinging to Byzantine style—of those sources and analogous motifs which, as we shall see, are all found in Tuscany. The Marches have sometimes been considered the region where the composition originated because of the number and homogeneity of the examples painted there. The earliest Marchigian Madonna of Humility is the panel in S. Domenico, Fabriano,” dated 1359, some fifteen years later than our earliest Sienese examples. It was painted by Francescuccio Ghissi, whose style depends, in general and in this specific _ work, upon Allegretto Nuzi. There is an almost identical Madonna of Humility by Nuzi in the Gallery of San Severino, dated 1366 (Fig. 137), and he must have painted | an earlier example—before 13%9—which served as Ghissi’s model. This assumed Ma-

donna by Nuzi, made certainly before 1359, was with almost equal certainty not The panel bears the inscription: LA NosTRA XVIII, 1930, Pp. 54). The London Madonna, DONNA D. UMILITA F[RATER] PAULUS DE MUTINA though certainly Venetian, is given to Tom-

FECIT. ORD[INIS] P[RAE] DIC[ATORUM]. maso da Modena by the catalogue of the 44 Giovanni di Niccold, Ca d’Oro, Venice National Gallery (1929, p. 366) and by Betty (Fig. 132), and National Gallery, Washington. Kurth, op.cit.; L. Coletti, in L’Arte, n.s. u, 18 In Pistoia there flourished a cult of the 1981, Pp. 131, attributes it to Giovanni da Madonna of Humility, centered on the Ma- Bologna. donna now in the church of the Madonna dell’- 8 Later Venetian examples of the type are Umilita (cf. note 53). This Madonna, some- in the Thyssen collection (reproduced in times incorrectly attributed to Giovanni di Dedalo, x1, 1931, p. 1371, and there attributed Bartolommeo Cristiani (Tolomei, Guida di by Van Marle to Caterino); in the Worcester Pistoia, Pistoia, 1921, pp. 81, 91, 95), was Art Museum (signed by Caterino); S. Maria executed by a Pistoiese painter ca. 1370. Of a Mare, Torre di Palme (Van Marle, Develop-

about the same date, and also of local origin, ment, Iv, fig. 44); and Walters Art Gallery, : are the Madonnas in S. Bartolommeo in Pan- Baltimore (Berenson, Venetian Painting in | tano (first altar, right) and in the cloisters in America, New York, 1916, p. 3). The late S. Domenico. Illuminating is the appearance fourteenth century Madonna in the National of this very Sienese composition in Pistoia, a Gallery, London (no. 4250) and Caterino’s town usually dominated by Florentine style. Madonna of Humility in the Walters Art 16 Reproduced in Dedalo, X1, 1931, p. 1370, Gallery, Baltimore, differ considerably from and there attributed by Van Marle to Paolo this group of Venetian paintings. Cf. also the | Veneziano. It is close in style to Paolo’s Coro- Madonnas by Giovanni da Bologna mentioned

nation of the Virgin in the Frick collection in note 11. |

dated 1358. 1° Van Marle, op.cit., v, fig. 106. G. G. King 17’'The Madonnas in S. Anastasia and in the (op.cit., p. 469) discusses the curtain and the

National Gallery were attributed to Lorenzo marble parapet in this work without recogVeneziano (active from ca. 1357 to 1372) by nizing that they were painted in several cenE. Sandberg Vavala (La pitttura veronese, turies later. Verona, 1926, fig. 39, and Art in America,

186

ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT

painted before about 1350, for his first dated work is of 1354,”° and none of his paintings can be placed much before this. The fact that the Madonna of Humility appeared in the Marches first in the work of Nuzi is very significant, for he was the first painter of this region who assimilated

. Tuscan style. His art was based upon the Florentines, particularly Bernardo Daddi and Maso di Banco. A comparison of the San Severino panel, however, with his other Madonnas reveals how he has largely abandoned in that work his typically rugged form in the attempt to achieve a characteristically Sienese rhythmical line and languorous sentiment (Fig. 137). The soft, partly transparent drapery of the seminude Child is Sienese, and he has adopted even the Sienese motif of a loose fold hanging down free from the Child’s body, which appears in both the Berlin and Palermo panels. The fact that a master otherwise so completely dependent on Florence adopted a Sienese composition is good proof of the renown of the Sienese prototype, especially when there were Florentine paintings of the subject which he might have imitated. The earliest extant examples of the Madonna of Humility in Florence were painted in the immediate circle of Bernardo Daddi—the most “Sienese” painter of his generation. The first, the Madonna by the so-called Assistant of Daddi, is on the back of the

central panel of the Parry altarpiece, dated 1348 (Fig. 139);7 the composition was merely laid in and has suffered serious damage, so that only the configuration of the : larger forms can be seen today. It was copied closely, however, by Daddi’s follower, Puccio di Simone, in the altarpiece now in the Florentine Academy. This painting also has been partly destroyed; the faces have been repainted, and this probably accounts for certain differences from the Parry panel, in which the Madonna looks at the Child, and the Child at the spectator. This Daddesque composition of the Madonna of Humility is the only early one in all Italy which differs radically from Simone’s. Fundamentally Giottesque, it replaces the intimacy of the Simonesque version with a statuesque monumentality. The Virgin is seated more erectly and turned farther toward frontality. The undulating Sienese contours have given way to a bolder construction of mass and space. Symptomatic of the change is the omission of the free-hanging fold of the Child’s drapery. The Child is not actually suckling and his body is not drawn so close to the Virgin, so that even 20 See his St. Anthony in the altarpiece in Madonna in the museum at Ancona by Carlo the National Gallery, Washington, dated 1354 da Camerino, and, by the same painter, Ma-

(Offner, Corpus, v, pl. 37). donnas in the Cleveland Museum (ibid., fig.

Ghissi’s representations of the Madonna of 105), in the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Humility, in addition to the example in S. and in the Worcester collection, Chicago (in-. Domenico, Fabriano (1359) mentioned above, correctly attributed by L. Venturi, Pitture are in S. Andrea, Montegiorgio (1374; Van italiane in America, Milan, 1931, pl. 104, to Marle, op.cit., v, fig. 107); in the Fornari col- Jacobello del Fiore). lection, Fabriano (1395; tbid., fig. 108); in "1 Offner, Corpus, sec. m1, vol. mm, pl. XIX, S. Agostino, Ascoli Piceno (tbid., fig. 110); in and v, p. 117 (where Offner attributes the S. Domenico, Fermo (zbid., fig. 109); and in painting to a collaborator of Daddi whom he the Vatican Gallery (ibid., fig. 111). Early calls the Assistant of Daddi). fifteenth century Marchigian examples are the

137

| | THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY though he looks out at the spectator, he remains quiet and reposeful, without the dynamic contrapposto of the Simonesque motif.

Since the Parry Madonna was made at the end of the career of Daddi and the Assistant of Daddi—both painters apparently died in the plague—it is not impossible that one of these masters painted a Madonna of Humility earlier. This seems quite unlikely, however, because the subject was represented only once by the later followers of Daddi, and this work, in Dijon, actually draws away from Daddi toward Simone’s composition.”

It is interesting that the most numerous and most essential modifications of the Madonna of Humility during the course of the later fourteenth century were made in Siena, where the image originated, and in Florence, where it was soon adopted. These changes demonstrate once again the exceptional vitality of the two schools. In Siena the most important innovation was made during the second quarter of the century. At that time, as we have seen, the interior or domestic version was introduced,

very probably by the Lorenzetti (Fig. 143). In Florence, where the Madonna of Humility appears to have been introduced early in 1348, the major changes occurred a few years later, and they conform to that artistic and religious trend that we have described in preceding chapters. The beautiful Madonna designed by Orcagna and completed by Jacopo di Cione, now in the National Gallery, Washington (Fig. 140), derives from the Parry Madonna, but in it there is a greater “distance” between the Virgin and Child and between them and the spectator. The Child is moved still farther from the Virgin’s breast; he now lies so low in her lap that only one of his _ extended arms and hands can reach it. This composition was copied many times,” and it is the one which appeared most frequently in Florence in the later Trecento.* Some painters of this period, moreover, formalized the image still further by representing the Child seated erect on the Virgin’s knee.** Around 1390-1400, however, painters of the school of Agnolo Gaddi

22 Tbid., sec. ut, vol. v, pl. 31. Bonnat, Bayonne, may be described as midway

28 Panels in: the Tolentino sale, American between the Dijon and Cione compositions. Art Galleries, Dec. 8-11, 1926, no. 764 (Gio- 24"There are a few Florentine examples of vanni del Biondo); Academy, Florence (cen- this period which do represent the suckling tral panel of a triptych; in the wings Michael Infant, but he is placed entirely in profile. CE. and Gabriel, Anthony and Paul); Academy, Florence Academy no. 3156, Orcagnesque; and Florence, storeroom, no. 3161 (by a follower P. Weiner collection, Leningrad (reproduced of Spinello Aretino); Museum, Avignon (by in Starye-Gody, 1908, p. 712; attributed by Niccold di Pietro Gerini); church in Cevoli, Van Marle, op.cit., 1v, p. 367, and by Kurth,

near Pisa (close to Lorenzo di Niccolo); op.cit., to the school of Bernardo Daddi,

Galerie Pardo, Paris (Orcagnesque; photo. whereas it is, in my opinion, a partly repainted Reali, 218); two Orcagnesque panels of un- work of the end of the fourteenth century). known whereabouts (reproduced in Dedalo, 25 Madonnas in the Municipio, Chianciano; XI, 1931, pp. 1308 and 1310); Museum of Art, formerly in the Chiesa collection, Milan; no. Philadelphia (Orcagnesque); and in the fif- 7689 in the gallery at Strasbourg (much reteenth century, Masolino, Alte Pinakothek, painted); no. 345 in the Museum at Miinster;

Munich. panel by a follower of the Cioni in the PalAn Orcagnesque Madonna in the Musée lazzo Davanzati, Florence, no. 6113 (N); col138

, ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT (Fig. 142) reversed the tendencies of the preceding development in Florence. As in other instances that we have cited,” they reverted to the compositions of the second

quarter of the century, in this case to the Madonna of Simone Martini. , Though Orcagna’s painting in Washington and other similar variants of the Madonna of Humility (Fig. 138)* exemplify the new trend of Florentine painting in the third quarter of the century, they do not modify the essential meaning of the image. During this period, however, another version of the Madonna was introduced that involved a radical departure from the original type. In it the seated Virgin 1s raised high in the gold field above the ground plane (Fig. 145).” Her cushion, often elevated with her, was occasionally placed on a small bank of clouds. As in the Coronation, she becomes less accessible than earlier to the attendant saints or the spectator, who look up at her from below. This new composition may in fact have been influenced by the legend of the Virgin in the sun revealed to Augustus by the sibyl. Before the appearance of the “celestial version” of the Madonna of Humility, however, the Virgin was usually shown standing or half-length in representations of this legend. In any event the Virgin in our “celestial version” is less a Madonna of Humility than

a remote and visionary apparition. .

This “celestial version’”’ of the Madonna of Humility persisted in the early Quattro- | cento,”® and it is the ancestor of later Renaissance compositions such as Raphael’s

Madonna di Foligno or Titian’s Ancona and Vatican Madonnas. In all these later works, however, the small band of clouds under the Virgin was enlarged to a prominent cloudbank, providing a plane, however permeable, beneath her, and giving the design a certain naturalistic plausibility. The Quattrocento adopted also the true Madonna of Humility. Up to 1450 it was almost as popular as in the preceding century, and it appeared also in sculpture." The Quattrocento tended on the whole to lection Dard of the Dijon Museum (ca. 1400); 28 See above, p. 41. collection Baron Lazzaroni, Paris (ca. 1400). 20 See the panel by a follower of Nardo di 26 Madonnas in: Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich Cione in the Academy, Florence (Fig. 145); Museum (Fig. 142), Museo Nazionale, Flor- the panel by a follower of Gerini in the Muence, and Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, all seum of Chateauroux; the altarpiece by Mariby the “Master of the Straus Madonna”; three otto di Nardo in the Academy, Florence; Cionpanels of unknown whereabouts (reproduced esque panel, Academy, Florence (Meiss, Art by Berenson in Dedalo, x1, 1931, pp. 1308- Bulletin, xvi, 1936, fig. 193). 1310). Also, though somewhat less closely re- 8° See, for example, Lorenzo Monaco, Pina-

lated, no. 62 in the Parry collection. The coteca, Siena.

reversion of these works to the Simonesque 81 "The marble Madonna of Humility in the composition exemplifies the neo-Gothic aspect National Gallery, Washington, attributed tenof Florentine painting around the turn of the tatively to Quercia by C. Seymour, Jr., and H.

century. Swarzenski (Gazette des beaux-arts, xxx, 1946,

Unique in the school of Florence from ca. pp. 120ff.), is probably the earliest example 1350 to ca. 1380 (except the Madonna della of the image in Italian sculpture, but not, as Pura) is an Orcagnesque Madonna formerly the authors say, the earliest example in sculpin the collection of L. Douglas, for it is a very ture anywhere. See the northern examples, close imitation of the Simonesque composi- earlier and contemporary, mentioned in notes

tion, and shows also the twelve stars. 43 and 45. , 27 See above, p. 40.

139

, THE MADONNA OF RUMILITY monumentalize and to ennoble the representation. Whereas in the fourteenth century the Virgin sits on a cushion on the ground, and the setting, when any is shown, is a simple domestic one, in the fifteenth century she is often raised on a dais above the floor, a rich brocade is spread behind her,*? and elaborate stone architecture rises in the background.® The Child, furthermore, is rarely shown suckling. A number of Quattrocento representations, however, contain a reference of a different kind. In a Madonna of Humility in the National Gallery, Washington—a com-

| pletely repainted work probably executed originally by Masaccio or upon his design— in several Madonnas from the circle of Donatello,** and in a Madonna by Domenico di Bartolo (Fig. 141), the Virgin is represented with bare feet. Thus to the Virgin’s humility these works add poverty, the great Franciscan virtue.

Although both the creation and the major part of the later development of the Madonna of Humility were due to Tuscan painters, one important innovation was apparently made outside this region, in northern Italy and probably in Venice. In Giovanni da Bologna’s Madonna in the Venice Academy, as well as in Caterino’s Madonna in the Worcester Museum, painted around 1380 or 1385, the usual bare floor has been transformed into a flowered field or garden (Fig. 154). This “garden type,” idyllic and colorful, was especially congenial to the period around 1400. The garden was sometimes given a semicircular shape that conveyed a cosmological meaning. In Giovanni da Bologna’s panel in Venice (Fig. 154) its curvature is similar to that of the arc of heaven in the same painter’s representation of the celestial type in the Brera. The garden was often identified, on the other hand, with the hortus conclusus of the Song of Songs, as in the French miniature cited below (Fig. 153), or Stefano’s panel in the Verona Gallery. Though the garden type was developed chiefly in northern Italy, it was adopted also by other centers, such as Siena.* Only a slight change was needed to transform it, in the fifteenth century, into the representation of

the Madonna in the rose garden.** ,

During the third quarter of the fourteenth century Simone Martini’s composition

of the Madonna of Humility was taken up in the three regions of Europe where painters were most attentive to Italian Trecento style and iconography. We meet with it in Bohemia in the panel in Sts. Peter and Paul on the Wyschehrad, Prague.* It was 32 Fra Angelico, National Gallery, Wash- (L’énigme des primitifs frangats, Ghent, 1923, ington; Gentile da Fabriano, Museo Civico, pp. 98ff.) that the composition of the Virgin Pisa; school of Angelico, Henckel collection, seated in a garden is not German in origin,

Wiesbaden. but French, whereas actually it appeared first 83 Fra Angelico, Pinacoteca, Turin. in Italy. Furthermore, Maeterlinck tried to

84 Donatello, Klasstker der Kunst, pp. 91-93. prove his thesis by dating around 1350 a Ma85 Madonnas by Andrea di Bartolo in the donna in the Louvre, which, though possibly

Brooklyn Museum, in the Goodhart collec- based upon an -earlier work, was actually tion, New York, and the two reproduced in painted in the middle of the fifteenth century. International Studio, January, 1931, p. 30. 87 Cf. B. Kurth, op.cit., fig. 11. In the early

| 8¢These late Trecento and early Quattro- fifteenth century the Madonna of Humility

cento Italian Madonnas of the “garden type” (but no longer the Simonesque composition) invalidate the argument of L. Maeterlinck appears in the school of Cologne (panel for-

140

ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT

introduced into Spain by the most Simonesque of the Catalan painters, Jaime Serra (Fig. 148).** Furthermore, Spain, which at this period became almost as dependent upon Tuscany as were some north or south Italian centers, took up even Bernardo Daddi’s composition of the Madonna,” though in Italy itself this composition seems to have had no influence outside Florence. The first example of the Madonna of Humility in France is, so far as I know, a miniature in a Book of Hours in the Morgan Library, made about 1360 (Fig. 147). The miniature was painted in the outlying region of Metz‘ and is rather poor in style, so that it probably derives, not directly from an Italian composition, but from an earlier French example made in a more progressive French center. Inasmuch as the style shows some resemblance to Pucelle and his followers in Paris, it seems possible that the Madonna of Humility was introduced in France by these painters, who were the first to assimilate Italian (Sienese) style and iconography. It is a notable fact that the Madonna in Morgan ms 88, like the early examples in Bohemia and Catalonia, follows the Simonesque version common throughout Italy, not the composition of Simone’s fresco at Avignon. This Avignon fresco, though prominently exhibited in what is usually regarded as the great center for the dissemination of Italian style, seems to have had no influence in France whatever. The Madonna in Morgan ms 88 differs in a number of ways from the usual Italian composition. The Child is, remarkably enough, entirely nude. The Virgin places one hand on her breast, as in many northern Nativities and in the Daddesque Madonna of Humility at Dijon. The crescent moon shows a man’s face, common in northern, espe-

cially German, representations of the Apocalyptic Woman and the Virgin on the moon. Furthermore, the floor or ground plane under the Madonna is missing, and the merly in the Weber collection, reproduced by Miss King, op.cit., pp. 489-490, inclines to Worringer, Anfange der Tafelmaleret, fig. 95), the belief that the Madonna of Humility was and in Germany may be found also the “gar- created simultaneously in Spain and Italy.

| den type” (panel by the school of Lochner This would seem highly improbable because

in the Alte Pinakothek, Munich). of the very great similarities of the Italian

38 The earliest Spanish example is probably and Spanish examples (these compose a type the Madonna by Jaime Serra at Palau (Fig. as fixed as the Hodegetria, as Miss King her148), not the painting in the Ramon collec- self observes). She also suggests the possibility tion, Saragossa, as B. Kurth, op.cit., claims. that the Italian examples depend upon the It was made ca. 1360-1375. Later Spanish ex- Spanish, a view that is not tenable because amples, all following closely this Palau compo- of the chronological facts, the formal qualities Sition, are in the following places: S. Salvador, of the type (see the second half of this chap-

Valencia (reproduced in Museum, vil, p. 290); ter), and the fact that the first Spanish MaPrivate collection, Madrid (ibid., p. 281); | donnas appear only in the works of painters Muntadas collection, Barceloria; Museo de la whose style and iconography were derived to Ciudadela, Barcelona (from Torroella de a very great extent from Italy. Montgri, reproduced in Post, op.cit., 11, fig. 39 Panel in the Obreria del Cabildo, Cor169); no. 44 of the Bosch collection, Prado dova (Post, op.ctt., 1, p. 308 and fig. 359).

(tbid., p. 272); Plandiura collection, Barce- #0'The Book of Hours is for the use of

lona (tbid.); Valencia, Museo Diocesano no. Metz. MS gi in the Walters Art Gallery shows

15 (tbid., p. 274). a similar style. 141

THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY

cushion has been replaced, apparently through a misunderstanding, by large folds of the Madonna’s mantle.** Many of these peculiarities reappear in a miniature in a Book of Hours of unknown whereabouts, painted in the same region but a little later in

date.*? :

In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, when French painting was in its most Italianate phase, the Madonna of Humility attained a certain currency there. Some of these later French Madonnas resemble closely the Simonesque type,** but the majority introduce modifications of the original version, and show a wide variety of composition (Fig. 151).44 The most remarkable variant is a Madonna in a Book of Hours in the British Museum, Yates ‘Thompson Ms 37, painted by a follower of Jacquemart de Hesdin (Fig. 150). This extraordinary miniature is a close copy of Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Madonna in the large Maesta at Massa Marittima (Fig. 149), ora Madonna of Humility by this painter in which he used a similar grouping of the Madonna and Child. The Yates Thompson miniature, or possibly an original by Ambrogio, was copied ca. 1410 in Brit. Mus. Harley Ms 2952, fol. 71v, a manuscript which shows strong Italian tendencies and which contains three Humility Madonnas of different

types (fols. 71v, 86v, 115). The reproduction of Ambrogio’s great Madonna in a miniature a few centimeters high is a striking example of the enthusiasm of French illuminators of this period for the plastic and monumental qualities of Italian art, for Italian panel and fresco painting rather than for Italian illumination. To the latter they were relatively indifferent.

In the early fifteenth century French painters took up the “garden type” (Fig. 153),“° which had been evolved in north Italy around 1380 (Fig. 154). This type, as well as earlier versions of the Madonna of Humility, appeared around the same time also in the Netherlands.** Similarly, painters working in France probably adopted

. 41 The Madonna is adored by a lady whose Jacquemart de Hesdin; Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. prayer, written on the, background beside her, 1161, fol. 1g30v, by the Boucicaut Master (Fig. is: “Glorieuse vierge pucelle q de la tres douce 151); the Royal Library, The Hague, ms 76. memelle e latas to tres chiers efans Fait ma G. 3., fol. 298v, a poor manuscript of ca. 1400cocience si belle que la moe arme ne chancelles 1410, probably northeast French in origin; the

iour de mo trespacement.” Bedford Hours, Brit. Mus. Add. 18850, fol. 25; 42 Cf. the Catalogue of Manuscripts .. offered Victoria and Albert Museum Ms 8. 12. 02-1647,

for sale by J. and J. Letghton, London, n.d. fol. 126, a hitherto unrecognized manuscript (ca. 1915), no. 321, with reproduction of the by the shop of the Rohan Master.

Madonna of Humility. *s Walters Art Gallery Ms 232, made ca.

#8 See the Madonna in a Book of Hours for- 1405-1410 by a follower of the Boucicaut merly in the Chester Beatty collection, by a Master. ‘The Virgin, wearing a crown, is seated

follower of the Boucicaut Master; the Ma- in a garden, identified with the hortus con-

donna in Brit. Mus. Harley Ms 2952, fol. 115, clusus. A very similar Madonna, but with St. ca. 1410; a wood statuette in the Louvre, no. Joseph and without the enclosure (a Holy 153, late fourteenth century, which is an al- Family, then), appears in Morgan Ms 359, fol.

most exact translation into sculpture of giv, painted by a follower of the Boucicaut

Simone’s composition. Master. Cf. also Brit. Mus. Cotton Domitian _ *4 Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. g24, fol. 241 (Lero- =A _ xvii, fol. 75, ca. 1430.

quais, Les livres d’heures de la Bibl. Nat., pl. ‘6For the Madonna of Humility in the 22), made ca. 1400 by a painter influenced by Netherlands cf. The Hague, Royal Library, 142

ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT

the “celestial type” (Fig. 145), though I can cite no examples; in any event, the compo-

sition was known in the Netherlands (Fig. 146).** Finally the Master of Flémalle developed the “domestic type” (Fig. 143), basing his Madonna in the National Gallery, London (Fig. 144) and in the Hermitage either upon intermediate French or Flemish examples or directly upon Italian models. This master showed a continuous interest in lowly posture. The Virgin in his Mérode Annunciation is seated on the floor, and the Madonna from his circle in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum is, as we have seen, seated on the flowering ground. This interest distinguishes him from his pupil, Roger van der Weyden, and from Jan van Eyck. Neither Jan nor Roger nor indeed any fifteenth century master in Italy employed the ‘‘domestic type’ of the Madonna of Humility.** Furthermore, though Jan represented the Madonna in a garden, she is standing (Antwerp), and the Virgin in Annunciations by both Roger and Jan is raised

to a kneeling position. |

The Italian, French, Bohemian, and Spanish examples of the Simonesque type of.

the Madonna of Humility form a uniquely homogeneous group in the art of the fourteenth century. There is not even in any single Italian school a series of paintings of one subject which resemble each other so closely as do these Madonnas. ‘This resemblance and this wide diffusion is partly accounted for by the fact that the compo-

sition was created by Simone Martini, whose style exerted a far greater influence throughout Italy and Europe than did that of any other painter.*® It seems clear, howMS 133.D.14., fol. 11v, ca. 1415-1420; Walters the related, but more formal, Madonna known MS 172, Ca. 1435; and Walters MS 211, Ca. 1425; in a number of copies; cf. Friedlander, Altand in Flemish sculpture cf. the tomb relief niederlandische Maleret, 1, p. 135.

of Gerard Parent, Ste..Wandru, Mons, early M. Davies, in the Catalogue of the Early fifteenth century, and a Madonna of the same Netherlandish School, National Gallery, Lonperiod, no. 185 in the Mayer van den Bergh don, 1945, p. 17, doubts my classification of

Museum in Antwerp. Flémalle’s panel in London as a Madonna of

For the garden type in the Netherlands cf. Humility because, as he says, “the Virgin does Walters Ms 215, ca. 1410; The Hague, Royal not appear to be sitting on the ground.” But Library Ms 74. G.34, fol. 15, ca. 1425; Walters in almost all the representations of the MaMS 170, Ca. 1420-1425; Walters Ms 246, ca. 1435; donna of Humility, as in the painting in Victoria and Albert Museum, Ms 8.12.02 London, the Virgin is elevated a little above (1691), fol. 61v, ca. 1435-1440, probably Eng- the ground by a cushion or some other low lish but under strong Flemish influence; panel seat, implied when not clearly visible. related to the Master of Flémalle, Kaiser-Fried- *?The wide diffusion of the composition. rich Museum, Berlin. The “garden type” and its prevalence in Venice might suggest the _ usually omits the sun, stars, and moon, but possibility.of a Byzantine origin (cf. Kurth, occasionally (The Hague, Royal Library, ms op.cit.).. There are, however, no Humility 131.6.3, fol. 14, ca. 1430—cf. Byvanck, La Madonnas in Byzantine art, and even of the miniature hollandaise, 1, pl. 6) the Virgin in a Maria lactans there are only a few examples garden wears a crown of stars, and the moon before the fifteenth century. Several of these,

appears in the grass! furthermore, seem to be dependent on western

47 Morgan Library ms 46, fol. 85v; Walters prototypes. Ihe composition in every other

Art Gallery Ms 166, fol. 61v, both Flemish, ca. respect is un-Byzantine; I refer particularly to

1425-1430. the seminude Child, the Virgin seated on the *8 Except perhaps Roger in the instance of ground, the sentimental relationship between

143

THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY ever, that Simone’s authority alone could scarcely in itself have led to so large and so unusually faithful a series of imitations. Religious and devotional interests must have played a part. A large proportion of the surviving Madonnas was made for Dominican churches. In Naples, for instance, three are in S. Domenico, only one in Franciscan

S. Chiara. In the Marches three are connected with the Dominicans, one with the Augustinians, but none with the Franciscans. Of the numerous early Italian examples of the Madonna with the heavenly symbols, only two (Palermo and S. Chiara, Naples) can be traced to the Franciscans, but nine are Dominican, and one, the panel in Modena (Fig. 136) was painted by a member of this order." Clearly then the image was

fostered especially by the Preaching Friars.“ It seems possible, too, that Simone the figures and the spectator, and the numer-. S. Francesco, Assisi. The motif of Pietro’s Maous other aspects to be discussed in the latter donna, which she claims the painter found in

part of this chapter. Umbria, and which she believes is explained 5° These facts controvert the thesis of G. G. by a hymn of St. Ephrem Syrus, appeared alKing (op.ctt.) that the image was created in ready in Pietro’s Madonna at Montichiello, the circle of the Spirituals. Her arguments in his earliest extant work made some time support of this thesis, are, as I understand before his activity in Umbria, and was inthem: (1) examples of the Madonna of Hu- spired by the similar emotional and dramatic mility are most frequently found in the cen- compositions of Giovanni Pisano (Madonnas ters of the Spiritual Franciscans; (2) within in the Duomo, Pisa, and the Arena Chapel). these regions the paintings appear ‘‘a little _ 51 There was an altar dedicated to the Mamore often in the churches of the Franciscans”; donna of Humility in S. M. Novella, Florence, (3) the character of the type is prepared in the in 1361 (J. Wood Brown, The Dominican

Arab and Armenian Gospels of the Infancy, Church, ctt., p. 124). probably familiar to the Spirituals from the Some Madonnas were painted for confralate thirteenth century on; and the apocalyp- ternities: the panel in the Palermo Museum tic aspect of the type may be referred to the for the Disciplinati, and the painting by interest of this sect in the Apocalypse. Miss Giovanni da Bologna in the Venice Academy King has considered only that version of the for the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista (cf. Madonna of Humility in which the stars, sun, the identification, in the Madonna of Humiland moon are present, but even this version ity, of the Virgin with the Woman described shows no special connection with the Spir- in the Apocalypse of St. John). Though most ituals, As for the Arab and Armenian Gospels of the confraternities worshipped the Virgin of the Infancy, and the writings of St. Ephrem in various phases (the most common being Syrus, they contain neither any specific points Madonna di Misertcordia), few, if any, were of reference to the Madonna of Humility, nor under the advocacy of Madonna d’Umilita (cf. any general content which is not familiar in G. M. Monti, Le Confraternita medtevalt much better-known contemporary (i.e. thir- dell’alta e media Italia, Venice, 1927). The teenth-fourteenth century) writings, especially “humble Madonna’ was occasionally made the famous Meditationes vitae Christi. It is advocate of ecclesiastical groups of other kinds, notable, too, that whereas the Apocalypse held as in the instance of the Monastery at Long-

a central position in the thought of the champs near Paris, founded in 1255 for the Spirituals, Joachim de Flore’s Expositio, the Clarissans by Isabelle of France, sister of St. chief source of this interest, identifies the Louis (cf. G. Duchesne, Histoire de l’abbaye Woman in the twelfth chapter not with the royale de Longchamps, Paris, 1906). Not long

Virgin Mary, but with the Church. after its establishment as “l’abbaye de I’hu-

To the Spiritual Franciscans and to these milité de la Sainte Vierge Marie” it was resources Miss ¥ ag refers other compositions proved for its refusal to admit poor girls. also, such as Pietro Lorenzetti’s Madonna in

144

MEANING OF THE IMAGE

Martini’s original Madonna was the center of a cult.*? It may have been painted to celebrate an important occurrence, or, after its creation, it may have exhibited miraculous powers, which became known throughout Italy.** The whereabouts of this famous Madonna, however, remains yet to be discovered.

THE MEANING OF THE IMAGE The Simonesque type of the Madonna of Humility belongs to that group of compositions commonly called devotional images.** These images, which appeared first in the

late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, embody in the most distinctive and novel way those tendencies apparent in all the art of this period to establish a direct, sympathetic, and intimate emotional relationship between the spectator and the sacred figures. They usually show only a few figures, who are outwardly quiet and inactive but involved in a very emotional—usually pathetic—relationship, such as that of the Virgin who holds an arm of her dead son, or St. John resting his head on Christ's

bosom. The very name of our type, the Madonna of Humility, indicates that the Virgin is represented in a particular mental state and proves its connection with a devo-

tional picture such as the “Pietas Christi” or “Man of Sorrows.” But it is to the ‘“Vesperbild” that the Madonna of Humility is most closely related. ‘The two are complementary or polar themes, presenting Christ in the lap of the Virgin at the beginning and end of his life on earth. One of them epitomizes the joys of the Virgin, the other her sorrows. And in the cycles of the Seven Sorrows and the Seven Joys there appear the Lamentation, a scene that closely resembles the Vesperbild, and the Nativity, a source, as we shall see, of the Madonna of Humility. These two devotional pictures emerged, moreover, around the same time and in the same circles—Simone Martini and the Lorenzetti—and in Italy they have a common form, since in both the Virgin is seated on the ground.” In a sense both compositions are transformations of 52 Inasmuch as the Humility Madonna so _of the church of S. Maria foris-portae. In 1490,

often shows the Virgin nursing the Child, it according to Fr. Tolomei, loc.cit. (who boris worth noting that the cult of Marta lactans rows from C. Bracciolini, Trattato delle grazie | was widespread in the fourteenth century. della Madonna dell’Umilita, Florence, 1580) Sacchetti, in Novella 60, says of Florence: “fu veduta questa immagine spargere sudore, “non é cappella che non mostri aver del latte o vero liquore dalla sua testa.” In 1509, followdella Vergine Maria.” He adds that such ing this miracle, a more magnificent church claims are deceptions, for the milk of the for the Madonna was begun by Ventura (cf. Virgin could not possibly be exhibited every- G. Vasari, Vite, ed. Milanesi, Iv, pp. 165-166, where in the world. On the possible connec- and A. Chiappelli, Pistota, Florence, 1923, tion in Spain between the Madonna of Hu- pp. 283ff.), and to this church, called the mility and relics of the milk see Leandro de “Madonna dell’Umilita,” Ammanati transSaralegui, in Museum (Barcelona), vil, pp. ferred the painting in 1579.

288-289. ’¢For a discussion and definition of the 68 "The Madonna of Humility painted ca. “Andachtsbild” see E. Panofsky, in Festschrift

1370 by a Pistoiese master (cf. note 15) and fiir Max J. Friedlinder, Leipzig, 1927, pp. now on the high altar of the Madonna dell’- 264ff. See also above, pp. 123-124. Umilita in Pistoia was famous for a miracle. 58 These comments do not apply to the VesIt was originally on the wall of the campanile perbild in northern sculpture, but to the cor-

145

THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY

the traditional representation of the Madonna and Child, and though the creation of the Madonna of Humility did not involve so startling a substitution or inversion as the Vesperbild, it was nonetheless a radical innovation. Of the many aspects of the Madonna of Humility, let us consider first the representation of the nursing Child. The Maria lactans is not at all new to Christian art.” It was known from the early Christian period on, and became quite common in the

, later thirteenth century in the north and in Italy."’ But these late thirteenth century representations, and even the Italian examples of the early fourteenth century,” show the Child seated or held erectly, and thus do not convey the warm and intimate sentiment of the Madonna of Humility. The intimacy between the Virgin and Child in the Madonna of Humility effects a like intimacy between these figures and the spectator, and this is greatly enhanced by the behavior of the Child. Though nursing, he turns to look directly outward, and the Virgin in most examples does likewise. Now this direct, sympathetic contact between figures and spectator, a kind of relationship which was evolved in the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, was developed more extensively in Siena than _ anywhere else in Italy or Europe. Already in the thirteenth century the Sienese showed an interest in this sympathetic address, in the Madonnas, with their wistfully inclined heads and appealing look, and even in historical scenes, which the Sienese tended to transform into devotional pictures also.’® In this we find, then, further evidence for the attribution of the original Madonna of Humility to a painter of the Sienese school. The turn of the head and glance of the Infant out toward the spectator, while his body faces the Virgin and he presses her breast into his mouth, results in a combination of movements that is one of the remarkable innovations of early Trecento Italian art. The Child, like Christ in contemporary paintings of the Way to Calvary, is presented at a moment when he is involved in two opposed interests and movements. And _responding representation in Trecento paint- this type, however, there are Romanesque ing. See my discussion of the latter in Art representations in which the Child draws the

Bulletin, xxvii, 1946, pp. 8-10. breast toward his mouth or into it. Cf. Dijon

5¢ On the history of the Madonna del Latte Ms 641, fol. 21v (C. Oursel, La miniature du cf. L. Tramoyeres Blasco, La Virgen de la XII s. a Citeaux, Dijon, 1926, pl. 33); S. Anleche en el arte, in Museum, 1, 1913, pp. 79f.; drea, Barletta (A. K. Porter, Romanesque N. Baldoria, in Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto Sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads, p. 252);

di Sctenze, ser. 6, vol. v1, 1888, p. 777. Liege, Musée de L’Institut Archéologique

57 Earlier, in the Romanesque period, the (Helbig, L’Art Mosan, Brussels, 1906, 1, pl. 6).

Maria lactans was much less frequently repre- “For example, Magdalen Master, Yale sented, and the form of the representation was University; Florentine early fourteenth cenoften quite different. Nursing was often re- tury, Academy, Florence; follower of Duccio, ferred to (rather than actually shown) by the Yale University (Van Marle, op.cit., u, fig. extension of one hand of the Child toward the 95). Virgin’s breast. (Cf. the Madonna from Anzy- 5® Cf. the angel leading Peter from prison in le-Duc, now in the Museum at Paray-le-Monial, the altarpiece of St. Peter, Siena Gallery, as and the “Vierge de la rue de St. Gengoulf,” early as ca. 1280. Metz, both twelfth century.) In addition to

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these movements, turning in divergent directions in space, are organically integrated in such a way that they suggest a sudden, temporary shift of interest, responsive to an individual will.

The only example of a similar motif for the Child in all western art before the fourteenth century is in the earliest known representation of the Madonna, the second century painting of the Vision of Isaiah in the catacomb of Priscilla.* In this painting (Fig. 156), which is dependent upon late antique art, the Child shows a similar though more highly developed contrapposto, and even the gesture of the bent, upraised arm is alike. This is a striking example of the affinities between the principles of antique art and those that began to manifest themselves in the Italian Trecento. And it 1s not surprising that the motif should have been developed in the Renaissance, as in the Madonna della Casa Litta in the Hermitage. This posture of the Child in the Madonna of Humility is not to be found in any of the extant Madonnas by Simone himself. But whereas its appearance in Venice or any other Italian school beyond Tuscany in the second quarter of the century would be quite unexpected, it was known in Siena even outside the Madonna of Humility. It appears in the half-length Madonna in S. Francesco, Siena, by Ambrogio Lorenzetti (Fig. 155), as well as in later paintings of the Sienese school or tradition.“ Ambrogio’s Madonna was painted around the time of the creation of the Madonna of Humility. It may even have been made before it, for the dynamic motif of the Child, more highly developed in Ambrogio’s panel than in the Madonna of Humility, is also more deeply Lorenzettian than Simonesque in character.

Though the Madonna of Humility has been described above as a transformed Madonna and Child, the process of its formation seems to have resembled that of other devotional pictures—the isolation of a group of figures appearing in an historical scene. The scene in this instance was the Nativity. During the first third of the Trecento the successive representations of the Nativity in Florence show an increasingly affectionate

and intimate relationship between the Virgin and Child. In Giotto’s fresco in the Arena Chapel the reclining Virgin turns and reaches for the Child. In the Giottesque fresco in the lower church of St. Francis, Assisi (as also in Taddeo Gaddi’s fresco in the Baroncelli Chapel and his panel in Dijon), she holds him before her. And finally, in paintings by Bernardo Daddi (1333)** and Taddeo Gaddi (1334; Fig. 159), the 60 J. Wilpert, Die Malereten der Katakom- in S. Giovenale, Orvieto, dated 1399, a hithben Roms, Freiburg i/B, 1903, p. 187. Wil- erto unrecognized work of Pietro di Puccio pert, unlike De Rossi and some other scholars, (reproduced in Van Marle, op.ctt., v, fig. 73); believes that the Virgin is not actually giving fresco by a follower of Nardo di Cione in 8S. her breast to the Child. All that concerns us, Ambrogio, Florence; Madonnas by Barnaba however, is that the Child is reaching for it. da Modena in S. Matteo, Tortosa, in the Gal-

¢1 Madonna by a follower of Bartolo di lery of Pisa, and in Lavagnola. In sculpture, Fredi, Perkins collection, Assisi; Madon- cf., for example, Madonna on S. M. della na in the tradition of Simone Martini, S. Spina, Pisa. Lorenzo, Naples; standing Madonna, under ¢2'Triptych in the Bigallo, Florence, which Sienese influence, in S. Pietro, Tuscania; fresco was copied by a pupil of Daddi in the triptych,

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THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY

Infant nurses at her breast. This representation, which has no counterpart in Sienese painting,“ may well have been influenced by northern Nativities (Fig. 157), as well as by the description of this scene in the Meditationes vitae Christi, probably written by Giovanni da S. Gimignano between ca. 1290 and ca. 1310: ‘“Whan tyme of that blissed byrthe was come / that is to say the Sonday at mydnyt / goddis sone of heuene as he was conceyued in his moder wombe by the holy goost with

outen seede of man / so goynge out of that wombe with outen trauaille or sorwe / sodeynely was vppon hey at his moder feete. And anon sche / deuoutly enclynande / with souereyne joye toke hym in hir armes and swetely clippyng and kessynge leyde him in hir barme / and with a fulle pap / as sche was taut of the holy goost / wisshe hym al about with hir swete mylk. .. .’”’* The group of the Virgin nursing the Child in Daddi’s and Taddeo Gaddi’s Nativities shows the very closest resemblance to the Madonna of Humility.** Considered in isolation, it is, indeed, the composition, save for the absence of the turn of the Child’s head. Though this form of the Nativity was undoubtedly the main source of the Madonna of Humility, the composition may have been influenced also by the analogous figure of Eve, the antitype of the Virgin, nursing her child after the expulsion from the Garden (Fig. 160). | The fact that the Virgin seated on the ground nursing her Child could, in the early Trecento, be isolated from the Nativity in order to serve alone as an image of the Madonna and Child, presupposes certain general tendencies in the art of the time.

Though for many centuries, in Byzantine art at least, the Virgin was seated on a mattress on the ground in the historical scene of the Nativity, she was never, until the appearance of our type, placed so lowly in the Madonna and Child. In the thirteenth century not only the Madonna but even the Virtue Humility usually sat enthroned Kaiser-Friedrich Museum, Berlin, no. 1064. Bible of the end of the Dugento, reproduced Cf. also the panel by a pupil of Taddeo Gaddi by Warner, A Descriptive Catalogue of the (Catalogue of the Somzée Sale, Berlin, May Illuminated Manuscripts in the library of C.

26, 1904, no. 296). W. Dyson Perrins, Oxford, 1920, pl. 53).

68 While no examples of the Nativity by 6 Quoted from the early fifteenth century Simone Martini or either of the Lorenzetti English translation (a very free translation in have come down to us, those intimations of some places) by N. Love, The Mirrour of the their compositions that we can gain from later Blessed Life of Jesus Christ, published by the paintings under their influence (such as the Roxburghe Club, Oxford, 1908, p. 46. Nativity by “Ugolino Lorenzetti” in the Fogg 6° The similarity is so great that one might Museum) reveal nothing comparable to the suppose the reverse, that the group in the

Nativity by Daddi or the Madonna of Hu- Nativity was inspired by the Madonna of mility. The Sienese Nativities, up to ca. 1360 Humility, were it not for the existence of at least, usually show the Virgin seated along- successive stages in the development of the

side the crib, in which the Child lies. motif within the Nativity, and for the fact ¢¢ This northern representation of the Vir- that the representation of the Virgin seated gin nursing the Child in the Nativity appeared on the ground appeared in the Nativity long

already in the late thirteenth century in before it did in the Madonna of Humility. Bologna (cf. the miniature in a Bolognese

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like a queen.” Theologians had asserted, to be sure, that the root of “humilitas” was “humus.” “Humilis dicitur quasi humo acclinis,” they said, but this image of closeness to the earth did not appear in the arts until the Italian Trecento. It remained for the Italian painters of this period to enact the virtue in the Madonna of Humility, just as Giotto enacted the virtues in the Arena Chapel, endowing each with appropriate behavior and emotional expressiveness. The Madonna of Humility is not the only Trecento representation of the Virgin in which, for-the first time, she is shown in contact with the ground. Instances of a seated, kneeling, or reclining Virgin are so numerous that they compose the most common innovation in Tuscan late Dugento and early Trecento painting. She is frequently seated on the ground in the Crucifixion,” the Adoration of the Magi," and the Annunciation’'—a moment when she particularly manifested her humility.” She kneels in the Nativity,”* the Annunciation,” and the Coronation.”* She lies pros¢7 For examples of this representation, cf. her mattress while the Magi adore the Child K. Kiinstle, Ikonographie der christlichen (panel by the School of Giotto in the MetroKunst, Freiburg i/B, 1928, pp. 158-160. politan Museum; here the Annunciation to 68 See Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum, the Shepherds is also shown). This combinaLib. x (cf. Migne, Pat. lat., vol. 82, col. 379), tion of the various moments in one scene or Thomas Aquinas (quoting Isidore), Summa occurred already in the Dugento, for example theologica, u, 11, q. 161, a. 1. Jacopo Passavanti in a panel in the Stoclet collection, Brussels.

(Specchio di vera penitenza, ed. Lenardon, 71 Cf. the two panels of the Virgin Annunp. 296) tells of the entry of S. Ilario into a ciate in the Feron-Stoclet collection and the gathering of the pope and bishops. They were Annunciation in Berlin (by the master of the all seated on “alte sedie,” but none rose nor Straus Madonna), all by followers of Simone made room for the saint, so he sat on the Martini; and the Annunciation by Bartolomfloor, saying “Domini est terra.” Immediately meo Bulgarini in the Johnson collection. The the ground rose, elevating him to the level of motif appears also in the school of Bernardo

the ecclesiastics. Daddi (for example, the triptych in Dijon), «2 Karly examples are a Ducciesque Cruci- and in Taddeo Gaddi’s fresco in S. Croce.

fixion of unknown whereabouts (reproduced 7 The reply of the Virgin to the angel in Dedalo, x1, 1930, p. 267) and the relief on Gabriel “ecce ancilla domini” (Luke, 1, 38) the third pier at Orvieto. Cf. also a Daddesque and her hymn to the Lord shortly thereafter triptych of 1334 in the Fogg Museum and a (Luke, 1, 48-52) were often selected by mediaeCrucifixion by a follower of Simone, Boston, val writers as examples of humility (cf. Museum of Fine Arts. In Crucifixions painted Origen, Homilia VIII in Lucam, in Die in small initials in manuscripts, where the griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ers-

space was very limited, the Virgin and St. ten Jahrhunderte, herausgegeben von der John are sometimes crouching at the ground Kirchenvater Commisston der preuss. Ak. der

line already in the thirteenth century. Wiss., Berlin, 1x, 1930, pp. 58-60, Dante, Pur- | 70 Cf. Barna, Collegiata, S. Gimignano; gatorto, x, and Thomas Aquinas, loc.cit.).

Baronzio, altarpiece of 1345 in Urbino; Rim- The Annunciation, moreover, is represented

inese panels (the motif is especially common in the spandrels above several of the Ma- :

in this region) in the Parry collection and the donnas. The angel Gabriel appears at the National Gallery, Washington. In these paint- right of the Virgin in the Cleveland panel.

ings, in accordance with the interest of the 78 Pacino di Buonaguida, Tree of Life, Trecento in spatial and narrative continuity, Academy, Florence; Taddeo Gaddi, Academy, the setting of the Adoration of the Magi has Florence; Bernardo Daddi, Uffizi. The reprebecome exactly the same as the Nativity, and sentation of the Virgin kneeling in the Nativthe two scenes are sometimes so closely identi- ity, known to Italian art in the early Trecento, fied that the Virgin can be shown lying on as these examples show, became quite com-

149

| THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY trate on the ground in the Crucifixion.”* Similarly other sacred figures are for the first time shown seated on the ground, as St. John in the Crucifixion,” or kneeling, as the apostles in the Ascension,” the angel Gabriel in the Annunciation,” the Magdalen at the foot of the cross.°° Most of these motifs originate in Tuscany, some of them in Siena and in the work of Simone Martini. These new motifs imply a certain development of tridimensional space, particularly with respect to a receding horizontal ground plane; for the body, in contact with the

ground, measures a greater space inward on it than do the feet, especially when the figure is placed oblique to the picture plane. And while each of these postures has a special significance in the context of the historical scene in which it appears, they all are the expression of a new attitude toward sacred history and the transcendental

realm. For the sacred figures, inhabiting a more natural world, behave in a more familiar human way. They tend to feel and act like the spectator." This relationship mon—in fact the usual form—from about larly popular in Emilia and north Italy. P. 1400 on, partly because of the great influence Durrieu’s claim of a French origin for the of a vision of St. Bridget (of 1370), as H. kneeling Virgin in the Coronation (Mémoires Cornell, Iconography of the Nativity of Christ, de l’Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-LetUppsala, 1924, has shown. Nativities based on tres, 1911, pp. 381ff.) cannot be accepted, inasSt. Bridget’s vision may be found earlier than much as the earliest French instances (Brussels the first example (of ca. 1400) cited by Cor- MS 11060/1 and compositions by the Limburgs nell, for two paintings of this type by Niccold and the Boucicaut Master) date from the late di Tommaso were made around 1375-1385 fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and (panel in the Vatican Gallery, which Cornell are clearly dependent upon Italian prototypes.

knew but attributed to a fifteenth century .16 This motif is most frequent in Siena. See painter, Sano di Pietro; and one in the Phila- Simone Martini, Antwerp; Ambrogio Loren-

delphia Museum). zetti, Fogg Museum (Fig. 126); Barna, Col-

t The kneeling Virgin in the Annunciation legiata, San Gimignano (Fig. g2). An early seems to have been introduced by Giotto in example outside Siena is the Cavallinesque the Arena Chapel fresco. There are one or Crucifixion in S, M. di Donna Regina, Naples. two examples of the Virgin kneeling in the 77 One of the earliest extant examples is the Annunciation in mediaeval art before Giotto, fresco in S. Maria in Vescovio, of the late but these (like the pre-Trecento examples of thirteenth century (reproduced in Bollettino other seated or kneeling figures discussed d’arte, XXVIII, 1934, p. 93). See also the third above) are sporadic, and the motif was not pier at Orvieto.

commonly used before the Trecento. 78 Appeared first, it seems, in Giotto’s fresco

78 Cf. a Giottesque Coronation in the col- in the Arena Chapel. lection of Lord Rothermere, London; a Bolo- 7° Appeared first in the Arena Chapel and gnese miniature of the end of the Dugento: in Duccio’s Maesta (Annunciation of the Death Choral vir, S. Domenico, Gubbio, fol. 77 (re- of the Virgin). All the new Italian figure produced in Bollettino d’arte, vin, 1929, p. motifs discussed above were, like the Madonna 540; panel no. 125 in the Museum, Valencia, of Humility itself, taken up by Spanish and by a late follower of Duccio (Meiss, in Journal north European art in the second half of the of the Walters Art Gallery, rv, 1941, fig. 22); fourteenth century. Vitale, altarpiece in S. Salvatore, Bologna, *° Cf. school of Guido da Siena, pinnacle probably 1353; Vitale (?), panel in the Feron- with the Crucifixion, Jarves collection, New

: Stoclet collection, Brussels; Barnaba da Mo- Haven; Giotto, fresco in the Arena Chapel.

dena, panel in the National Gallery, London; 61 Indications of this change are to be found Turone (1360). Museo Civico, Verona. The also in contemporary legends, such as the one motif would seem, then, to have been particu- concerning Jean Firman, a Franciscan, who

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with the beholder is implied by the appearance of the devotional pictures discussed

_ above, and it makes possible later, in the second half of the fifteenth century, the impersonation of a sacred person by a contemporary—Quattrocento—one. The attitudes and emotions expressed by these new postures involve the movement of the entire body, not only, as earlier, one part, the head or a hand. These attitudes seem, furthermore, to center in most cases within a certain limited range. This 1s par-

ticularly true of the Virgin, who shows an unceremonial forthrightness, simplicity, and even homeliness, values arising among the Tuscan townspeople in the new republican communes.” Similarly, in the Madonna of Humility she sits on the ground nursing her Child “in public,” more like a simple housewife or a poor peasant than the Queen of Heaven (Fig. 161)." The representation of the Madonna suckling her Child had a special significance in late mediaeval art and thought. Since it showed that situation in which the Virgin was most concretely and intimately the mother of Christ, it set forth that character and power which arose from her motherhood, i.e. her role as Maria mediatrix, compassionate intercessor for humanity before the impartial justice of Christ or God the Father."* Thus, in chapter 39 of the Speculum humanae salvationis (written ca. 1324), when Christ intercedes before God the Father by showing his wounds, the Virgin intercedes by exhibiting her breasts—a reference to that moment which is portrayed in the Madonna del Latte and the Madonna dell’Umilita. Furthermore, the representation of the Virgin suckling Christ sets forth nct only her authority to intervene and protect, but also her inclination to do so. For the act of nursing signified moral qualities, such as benevolence and mercifulness. It had this meaning in the representation of the virtue Charity as a female figure with children at her breast (Fig. 110). In the Middle Ages the Virgin was believed to be the mother and nurse not only of Christ but of all mankind."* She was the Mater omnium, as the Madonna of Humility wanted to see the Virgin, not as she was in it vulgar, the representation of the Virgin heaven, majestic and splendid, but in the poor showing her breast to Christ. — and humble condition in which she lived on ** Cf. also other representations of peasant earth. The Virgin answered his prayer and women, such as the one in the Ms of Aristotle’s appeared to him thus (P. Sausseret, Les ap- Economics (Brussels, 11201, fol. 359v) by the paritions et révélations de la trés Sainte Vierge, atelier of Jean Bondol, which seems to derive

Paris, 1854, 11, p. 33). from representations of Adam and Eve after

*3 It is noteworthy that Francisco Pacheco, the expulsion from the Garden (Fig. 160). representing the aristocratic and classicistic * A specific reference to the Virgin as intertendency in Spain ca. 1600, condemns, as an cessor, particularly at the Last Judgment, is example of lack of “decoro,” a representation given in the Marchigian Madonna of Humility of the Virgin seated on the ground with bare in Cleveland. To the right of the Virgin is feet (cf. Arte de la pintura, end ed., Madrid, introduced St. Michael, holding the sword and 1866, vol. 1, book 1, p. 249). Similarly, Mo- the scales. For a discussion of Marta mediatrix lanus, De historia sacrorum, Louvain, 1570 and advocata, cf. P. Perdrizet, La Vierge de book 1, chap. xxxr (in Migne, Cursus theo- Miséricorde, Paris, 1908, passim. logiae, xxvii) feels called upon to defend, * Anselm: “Ad te (virginem) nutricem nosagainst those contemporaries who considered tram” (Maxima bibltotheca veterum patrum, 151

THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY

in S. Domenico, Naples is labeled, and consequently also the nutrix omnium. Mediae-

val writers frequently referred to the Virgin as the nurse of the faithful, and in numerous miraculous appearances she gave to various people some of her milk, often three drops, symbolizing the Trinity. One of the beneficiaries was St. Bernard, who in a Majorcan panel of the fourteenth century is shown kneeling before the Virgin— a statue of the Madonna del Latte come to life, according to the legend—and drinking her milk (Fig. 158)." If the representation of the Virgin nursing the Child signifies her mercy, then her _ lowly posture expresses her solicitude for all souls, even the sinful, in the love of whom

she manifested her deepest humility.". Though Mary was always considered the humblest of beings, this quality of her nature was emphasized especially during the

late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries by writers such as Jacopone da Todi (“l'umilta profonda che nel tuo cor abonda’”’**), Petrarch (“Vergine umana e nemico d’orgoglio”),** and Giovanni da San Gimignano, who, in the description of that very scene which inspired the Madonna of Humility wrote: “Potuistis etiam attendere in

, utroque profundissimam humilitatem in hac ipsa Nativitate.”’”° Humility was an essential Christian virtue. Although in formal classifications it did not receive a place among the three theological and four cardinal virtues, being usually XXVII, 44a); Jacopo da Voragine: “Maria dat the contemplation of an image of the Virgin nobis lac pietatis et misericordiae” (Mariale, suckling the Child. As recompense for her Venice, 1497, p. 33); Richard of St. Victor: devoutness, the Virgin with the nursing Child “Beata virgo et peccatoribus reconciliationis appeared to her one day (in 1368?) and the

et piis gratiae lac fundit’ (Migne, Pat. lat., Infant allowed a few drops of milk to fall

vol. 196, col. 475a). See also the following upon Paula’s lips (Sausseret, op.cit., 11, p. 46). invocation to the Madonna, quoted from the The image before which Paula prayed may Saitero della Beata Vergine Maria, a vulgari- well have been a Madonna of Humility. In zation by a late Trecento Sienese of a Latin this connection we should recall the miracupsalter attributed to Bonaventura: ‘‘Porgine lous image of the Madonna in Pistoia (cf. note una goccia delle grazie delle tue mamme, e 53), which was believed to have poured forth con abundante latte di tua soavita reficia li “sudore, o vero liquore dalla sua santa testa,” nostri cuori” (Scelta di curiosita letterarie, an occurrence which would seem to be a dis-

vol. 126, 1872, p. 10). placement and transformation, in the interest 8¢ See for similar representations, Brit. Mus. of propriety, of the issuance of milk from the Egerton Ms 2781, fol. 24v (English[?}], middle Virgin’s breast; the latter, indeed, was said to

of the fourteenth century), and the late fif- have occurred in a number of instances, noteenth century Marchigian painting in the tably the famous Madonna in Saint-Vorle de Palazzo Comunale, Chieti, where streams of Chatillon-sur-Seine (Sausseret, op.cit., 1, p. .

milk are shown passing from the Virgin’s 202).

breasts into the mouths of souls in Purgatory. st “Fic ostendit Domina Nostra suam veram For mediaeval legends of similar miracles cf. humilitatem, quia amat peccatores eisque Mussafia, Studien zu den mittelalterlichen misericordissima est” (Sermon of St. Humility Marienlegenden, in Sitzungsberichte der K. [Tt 1310] in Acta sanctorum, May, V, p. 217). Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, philo- ** Lauda u, 16. Cf. also H. v. d. Gabelentz, soph.-hist. Klasse, vol. 115, pp. 6, 16, 18, 31, Die kirchliche Kunst im italienischen Mittel32, $7, 51, 77, 91; vol. 119, pp. 5, 26; vol. 139, alter, Strasbourg, 1907, p. 176.

pp. 9, 12. Illuminating is the legend of the * Canzone XxIx, 118. blessed Paula of Florence, who lived in a cell * Meditationes vitae Christi, in Opera at Camalduli. Her greatest happiness lay in omnia S. Bonaventurae, Paris, 1871, x11, p. 519.

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attached to temperance, it was, on the other hand, believed to be the primary condition for the attainment of the other virtues, the “‘spiritualis aedificii fundamentum” as Thomas Aquinas says.** And in a tree of virtues which appears in moral treatises

} from the twelfth century on, humility was placed at the bottom, as the radix virtutum (Fig. 162).°? Now just as humility is the root from which the tree of virtues grows and by which it is nourished, so is the Virgin the condition of the incarnation of Christ,

the radix sancta, as she is sometimes called.” She appears as such in a painting by Simone dei Crocefissi in the gallery at Ferrara (Fig. 163). And these two conceptions, of the Virgin as the radix sancta and of humility as the radix virtutum, are not only

analogous, but also interdependent, for Mary could become the mother of Christ just because of her humility.” In accordance with a principle of polarity that was pervasive in Christian thought, humility implied sublimity. These two qualities were combined in the Beatitudes, and we find them united everywhere in mediaeval literature—in Richard of St. Victor (“quanto humilior, tanto sublimior”),*° in Dante (‘‘Vergine madre, figlia del tuo figlio, umile e alta pit: che creatura’’),°* in Jacopo Passavanti, whose image “Quanto Maria pit umile sedeva, tanto maggiore grazia riceveva” might well have been suggested by one of our paintings. One of Petrarch’s verses is more reminiscent of the “celestial type’”’ of the Madonna of Humility: ‘““Vergine santa . . . che per vera ed altissima umilitate salisti al ciel... .”°* Thus a common mediaeval symbol of humility was the dove, a gentle bird that appeared “humbly” in the meadows and yet could fly high in the sky. This “polar thinking” produced one of the most remarkable aspects of the Madonna of Humility, the almost paradoxical combination of the humble image of the mother nursing her Child with the awesome Woman described in the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse: “And there appeared a great wonder in heaven; a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars... .”

* Op.cit., , 1, Q. 161, A. V. parallels closely the process of formation of

2 Cf. the treatise (called to my attention by the Madonna of Humility. Professor Erwin Panofsky) De fructtbus carnis %° Paradiso, XXXII. _ et sptritus, apud Migne, Pat. lat., vol. 176, *7 Canzone XXIX, 40-43. For Passavanti see col. 998 (attributed to Hugh of St. Victor). the Specchio, ctt., p. 296.

* Sermon of St. Humility in Acta sanc- Thus humility was sometimes represented

torum, May, Vv, p. 216. : in the fifteenth century as a figure with bowed * Luke, 1, 48-52. St. Augustine: ‘‘Facta est head but with, at the same time, wings at-

certe humilitas Mariae scala coelestis per quam tached to the shoulders, breast, and legs (Gerdescendit Deus ad terras” (Migne, op.cit., vol. man Ms of the fifteenth century, Rome, Bibl. 39, cok 2133). Also St. Bernard, tbid., vol. 183, Casanatense, Cod. 1404, fol. 11v, cf. F, Saxl, in cols. 61-2, and St. Bridget, Revelationes (ed. Festschrift fiir Julius Schlosser, Vienna, 1927,

Antwerp, 1626, 11, p. 389). p. 118; and a second figure of this type [also

* Apud Migne, op.cit., vol. 196, col. 1330. in an early fifteenth century German mMs— Also tbid., vol. 176, col. 998. Cf. also Luke, 1, Rome, Vat. pal. lat. 1726, fol. 48v] bearing a

: 58: “deposuit (Deus) potentes de. sede et scroll on which is inscribed “Qui se humiliat exaltavit humiles,” a graphic phrase which exaltabitur”’). 153

THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY

The Virgin is Regina coeli as well as Nostra domina de humilitate, and thus “Regina humilitatis.”’ All these ideas set forth in the Trecento image of the Madonna of Humility, and even the specific symbols by which they are expressed, had already been brought together into a kind of constellation in thirteenth century thought. In his first sermon on the Annunciation, Bonaventura, discussing the mystery of the incarnation and the twelve metaphors by which it may be apprehended, says: “Notandum igitur, quod incarnationis mysterium sic est duodecim metaphoris designatum, quae a terra humilitatis® incipiunt et in sole sapientiae divinae sistunt . .. . Unde, quia hae duodecim metaphorae beatem Virginem et eius Prolem insinuant, convenienter de ipsa dicitur illud apocalypsis: mulier amicta sole, scilicet ornata Divinitatis claritate;” lunam,

temporalium mutabilitatem, habens sub pedibus;*” et in capite habens coronam duodecim stellarum’™ propter dictum mysterium duodecim metaphoris desig-

natum... .”"?0 ,

The Woman of the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse was usually believed to be a metaphor of the Church, but Bonaventura, like several other mediaeval writers, con-

nects her with the Virgin.’” In the arts, on the other hand, the Woman was very 68 The earth was a common mediaeval sym- Salzer, Die Sinnbilder und Betworte Mariens bol of the Virgin’s humility (cf. also Albertus in der deutschen Literatur und lateinischen Magnus, De laudibus B. Mariae, Liber Octa- Hymnenpoesie des Mittelalters, Linz, 1893, pp.

vus, c. 1). See also note 66. 481ff. The sun, moon, and stars were brought

: °° The sun, which appears less frequently in into connection with the Virgin also in in-

the Madonna of Humility than the other sym- numerable poetic similes, some of them probbols, is represented by rays projecting from ably influenced by the Apocalypse (see Salzer, the Virgin’s body or. by a gilt disc, either op.cit., pp. 377, 391, 399). Especially relevant,

behind her, on her drapery (a specialty of because they are Italian and approximately the Venetian examples) or beside her (Marchi- contemporary with the creation of the Ma-

gian panel, Cleveland). donna of Humility, are the phrases in the

100 See the Madonna by Giovanni del Biondo laudarii (cf., for example, Il laudario det in the Vatican Gallery, with the moon at the Battuti di Modena, ed. by G. Bertoni in Zeitfeet of the Virgin, and below the moon, a schrift fiir romanische Philologie, xx, 1909)

decomposed human corpse (Fig. 52). and the apostrophe of Petrarch, Simone’s 201 The twelve stars were sometimes held to friend, to the Virgin: prefigure the twelve apostles (cf., for example, Vergine bella, che di sol vestita, Speculum humanae salvationis, chap. 36, and Coronata di stelle, al sommo sole... .

Albertus Magnus, Opera omnia, Paris, 1899, (Canzone xxix, 1)

vol. 38, p. 653). In each of the twelve stars in Post, op.cit., 1, p. 232, assumes that the the Marchigian panel in the Museum at celestial symbols refer to the immaculate conCleveland is a small bust of an apostle. In the ception of the Virgin. While they have this

Speculum (chap. 36), the Apocalyptic Woman meaning in representations of the Immaculata prefigures the Coronation of the Virgin; and in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,

in the Madonna of Humility two angels are there is no evidence of it in the Madonna of sometimes shown lowering a crown onto the Humility, neither in the inscriptions on the

Virgin's head. paintings nor in their distribution, for the 102 Bonaventura, Opera omnia (Quaracchi Dominicans, who were opposed to the idea of ed.), 1X, p. 659. the virgin birth of Mary, would not have

| 154

108 Cf. Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung favored an image that advanced it. The idea Maria in Deutschland, pp. 260, 347, and A. is not mentioned, moreover, by those late

MEANING OF THE IMAGE

seldom identified with the Virgin until the fourteenth century, and the first large group of monuments which exhibits this identification is the Madonna of Humility.** It is interesting, moreover, that the identification occurred when there existed between the two a similarity not only of content, but also of form. For the woman in a number of English and French Apocalypses of the thirteenth century is shown seated

with one leg raised higher than the other, like the Virgin in the Madonna of Humility and in the Nativities discussed above (Fig. 164).** Curiously enough, among the surviving paintings only one Florentine Madonna of Humility’ and no Sienese shows the attributes of the Apocalyptic Woman. Though these attributes are often not represented in the Madonnas of other Italian schools, Tuscany alone seems to have consistently avoided identification of the Virgin with the Woman of the Apocalypse. The absence of the heavenly symbols in one of the very earliest Madonnas—the Simonesque painting in Berlin—suggests the possibility that

} the composition of the Madonna seated on the ground nursing the Child was created first, and the identification with the Apocalyptic Woman was made a little later, out-

side Siena and Tuscany. On the other hand, the very early Madonnas in Palermo (1346), and in S. Domenico, Naples (shortly after 1345), widely separated but wholly mediaeval theologians such as Bonaventura Historia no. 33) shows the Woman seated on who connect the Virgin with the Apocalyptic the ground only after the angel has taken her Woman. It is significant, too, that the earliest child and she has fled to the wilderness; and Italian Immaculata pictures (Crivelli, Lon- she is not accompanied by the stars, sun, and don; Signorelli, Cortona; Piero di Cosimo, moon. The Woman is represented again in Uffizi) do not show any resemblance to the the same miniature, this time with the celestial Madonna of Humility, and most of them do symbols, but then she is standing (as usual in

not include the apocalyptic symbols. the Spanish Beatus mss, cf. Madrid Academia

10¢ For the identification of the Virgin with no. 33, Paris, Bibl. Nat. nouv. acq. lat. 1366; the Woman of the Apocalypse outside the in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek theol. lat. 561 she Madonna of Humility, see the thirteenth cen- is seated on a kind of throne), so that neither tury glass window in St. Elizabeth, Marburg figure combines all the elements which appear (Beissel, op.cit., p. 349), fourteenth century in the English and French Apocalypses menGerman sculptures in the church of the Cister- tioned above. cians, Doberan, and in the Erfurt Museum The Byzantine composition of the Apoca(Pinder, Deutsche Plastik, 1, p. 106), and a lyptic Woman, as reflected in the Hortus panel by Giovanni del Biondo in the Vatican deliciarum (the miniature illustrating the Gallery (Fig. 52). All of these represent the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse contains

standing Virgin. Greek inscriptions) and in later Russian min105 Paris, Bibl. Nat. fr. 403; Cambridge, iatures (cf. G. Buslaev, Collection of MiniaTrinity College r. 16.2; Oxford, Bodl. Douce tures from Illuminated Apocalypses, taken 180; Oxford, Bodl. Auct. d. 4,17; Cambrai, no. from Russian Mss. of the XVI-XIX Centurtes

422; Dyson Perrins collection no. 10. (Russian), St. Petersburg, 1884, pls. 67, 85, King (op.cit.), who favors a Spanish origin 103, 146, 156) shows a standing woman.

of the Madonna of Humility, refers to the 106 Orcagnesque panel formerly in the colBeatus ms from las Huelgas in the Morgan lection of Langton Douglas. The Madonna of Library as a possible source of the type. This Humility in the Museo di S. Croce and the relationship seems, however, very improbable, one by Fra Angelico in the Rijksmuseum, because for one thing the Morgan ms (and Amsterdam, also show a number of stars in other examples of the Beatus, such as the tenth the Virgin’s halo. century ms Madrid, Real Academia de la 155

THE MADONNA OF HUMILITY | Simonesque, show the stars and the moon, so it seems likely that the assumed Madonna of Humility by Simone Martini represented the fully developed form. __ The Simonesque form of the Madonna of Humility illuminates in a remarkable way the humanistic character of early Trecento art, so profoundly different from that of the third quarter of the century. It clarifies also the historical position of this earlier art, its progressive qualities and its relationship with preceding arts. Although both of the figures which are combined in the Madonna of Humility, the seated Woman of the Apocalypse and the Virgin nursing the Child in the Nativity, existed in the north in the thirteenth century, they were fused into a single image only by Italian painters early in the fourteenth century. And the Madonna of Humility, based upon these two north European figures, exhibits at the same time one form—the spatial contrapposto of the Child—which is not mediaeval but which shows resemblances with antique art.’ On the other hand, the representation in a rather formal image of a sacred person seated humbly on the ground is foreign to the Middle Ages and without analogy in antiquity;? it is new, and in a sense ‘‘modern.”’

107 Even the northern fifteenth century tempt this contrapposto. paintings of the Madonna of Humility (Mas- 108 Even the concept “humilitas” did not, in ter of Flémalle) or the Maria Lactans (Jan Greco-Roman antiquity, signify a virtue; it van Eyck, Roger van der Weyden) do not at- meant lowliness, baseness, or meanness.

156

BOCCACCIO | I N FirsT consideration the secular literature of the third quarter of the fourteenth

, O century, apart from the chronicles, seems to disclose a different state of mind than the painting. We have already, to be sure, observed certain similarities: a growing piety and melancholy, especially in the writing of Franco Sacchetti and his brother Giannozzo.t Among the numerous poems on death and the gruesome decay of the flesh, one by Antonio Pucci was, like several paintings, directly descriptive of the plague.” But this period is most memorable for the composition of the Decameron and for the beginning in Florence, again with Boccaccio, of an intensive study of ancient language and literature. It is true that one would not expect in contemporary religious painting the sparkling humor or the irony of the Decameron, which was often directed at the Church. But there is nothing in it either that remotely resembles Boccaccio’s free inquiring intelligence and his fascination with the diversity of life and morals in the world around him. Tuscan painters and sculptors of this period were, furthermore, conspicuously indifferent to ancient art; their styles are fundamentally dissimilar from it, and there is not, so far as I know, a single instance of assimilation of its qualities of form. No painting of the time exhibits an organic conception of the figure, a spatial movement and a contrapposto so reminiscent of ancient art as Ambrogio Lorenzetti's Madonna in S. Francesco (Fig. 155). There is nothing comparable to the statuesque serenity of the senatorial apostles of Cavallini, which made so deep an impression on

Giotto. Though we know there were ancient sculptures in Florence in the third quarter of the century—Benvenuto da Imola saw a marble Venus attributed, like most

ancient statues at this period, to Polyclitus*—we do not hear that any Florentine artist of the time was delighted by it as Ambrogio had been earlier by a statue of Lysippus in Siena. In no painting of the period is there anything like Ambrogio’s knowing approximation to ancient statuary in his figures of Peace and Security in the Town Hall at Siena. I do not recall during our period, either, a record of a commission similar to Ambrogio’s for a series of stories from Roman history.* Not until the late 1 On Franco Sacchetti, see De Sanctis, Storia larly in Padua, where the influence of Petrarch della letteratura ttaltana, Naples, 1893, 1, pp. was great, developments were somewhat dif357-363. On Giannozzo, see Sapegno, Storia ferent. A cycle of murals based on Petrarch’s letteraria d’Italia, Il trecento, p. 490. See also De viris tllustribus, and like later Paduan art,

chap. 1, notes 1 and 2. antiquarian in character, was painted in the 2 See Sapegno, op.cit., pp. 412-413. Carrara palace in Padua (see J. v. Schlosser in

§ See his commentary on Canto x of Purga- Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen, tory (Comentum, Florence, 1887, 111, p. 280). XVI, 1895, pp. 189ff., and a forthcoming article * Outside of Tuscany, however, and particu- by T. Mommsen). Around 1375, at the very

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fourteenth or early fifteenth century do such connections with ancient art reappear. _ Between the two historical moments the painters of the third quarter, or even second half, of the fourteenth century were attracted rather by the Byzantine and Romanesque art of the Dugento, and by Simone Martini and northern Gothic styles related to his. In these respects it is evident that the historical evolution of the arts of painting and literature did not exhibit a close chronological conformity. Because of motives, conditions, and accidents peculiar to each, related impulses appeared at somewhat different times, as they not infrequently do. But there are other aspects of the life and work of Boccaccio, the one major literary figure of the period in either Florence or Siena, that

are more suggestive of the character of contemporary painting and of a similar response to the events of the time.

II Boccaccio was born in Paris in 1312, the natural son of a merchant of Certaldo who

had become an associate of the Bardi Company in Florence.’ Boccaccio’s father brought him to Florence at a very early age, and when he was around ten or fifteen sent him off to work in a commercial house at Naples. A few years later Boccaccio obtained permission from his father to study law; and while he pursued this work for several years, he devoted himself increasingly to literature. He moved in the gay, cosmopolitan circles of the court of King Robert, and won the love of Maria d’Aquino,

a natural daughter of the king. Around 1340 he was called back to Florence by his father, who suffered severe financial reverses shortly afterward when the Bardi Company went bankrupt. Soon Boccaccio felt the pinch of poverty, and he was never free of it for the rest of his life. Petrarch, who had become a good friend, invited Boccaccio to come to live with him, hoping thus to relieve his troubles.* We know very little of Boccaccio’s life during the "forties, but he was in Florence in 1349, in time to witness the desolation following the Black Death, and from 1350 to his death in 1375 he took an active part in the political and cultural life of the city. While in Naples and during the first six or seven years after his departure Boccaccio composed in prose and verse a series of romances: Filocolo, Filostrato, Teseide, Ameto, Amorosa visione, Fiammetta, Ninfale fiesolano. Some were directly inspired by his

relationship with Maria d’Aquino. They all deal with love and a spirited, buoyant, or idyllic life. Though inevitably they include disappointments and rejections, their end of our period, Giovanni Dondi, a mem- 1902, Pp. 44-45). ber of Petrarch’s circle, showed an interest in ° The chronology of Boccaccio’s early life is . pagan as well as Christian monuments in controversial. I follow the recent summary by Rome. He reported their measurements, col- Sapegno, op.cit., 1942, pp. 278ff. lected inscriptions, and wrote of a celebrated 6 See Francesco Corazzini, Le lettere edite e sculptor resident in Rome (name not given) inedite di Messer Giovanni Boccaccio, Florwho was studying ancient art (see Prince ence, 1877, p. 132. D'Essling and E. Miintz, Pétrarque, Paris, 158

! BOCCACCIO characters are not disenchanted, despite occasional avowals to the contrary. The earlier of these works are passionately subjective; the later ones show a greater detachment from his own experience and a growing insight into the rich diversity of human life. This development culminates in the Decameron, written between 1348 and 1353, immediately after the Black Death. For Petrarch the plague had been a great personal calamity: Laura and four of his

closest friends died in it. Shocked and saddened, he turned with strengthened conviction to religion.” Boccaccio, on the other hand, gave no immediate sign of a deep disturbance. Although the Black Death is vividly described in the Proemio of the Decameron, it is only a dramatic pretext for the formation of the group of story-tellers and their escape from Florence to an isolated villa. There is no trace of guilt, a persistent sadness, or asceticism in the entire work. In the Corbaccto, however, written in 1354-1355 immediately after the Decameron, we are presented with a startling change of mood. This gloomy vision of an arid wilderness and of bestial people was composed, Boccaccio says, after he had been enjoined by a spirit from purgatory to disseminate the truth about women and passion. It is a

bitter exposure, written with an insistent moral and didactic intent. He turns upon love, the central theme and value of all his earlier work, to degrade it; its motives become ignoble and its physical aspects revolting. Beneath this rancorous and truculent rejection there lingers, however, a sensuality that the author’s growing asceticism has not fully quenched. Students of Boccaccio have accounted in various ways for this sudden change in his art. Some have maintained that the Corbaccio is simply autobiographical, provoked by the ridicule of a Florentine lady to whom the author had made advances*—though

this was certainly not the first time he had been jilted. Others have referred to his advancing age and to fear of death, or to the influence of Petrarch’s more constant piety. But even if all these things played a part, they do not exclude the cumulative effect on Boccaccio of the events of the ‘forties—the Black Death, the bankruptcies, which brought him poverty, and the political revolution, which, as we have seen, he bitterly attacked.® Nor do they diminish the likelihood that he was responsive to the new moral and religious atmosphere in Florence. *H. Hauvette, Le Boccace, Paris, 1914, p. the death of two more of his friends, he said 201; Sapegno, op.cit., pp. 182-184; and H. to Boccaccio: “Of my old friends, only you Baron in Speculum, xm, 1938, p. 9. On Pe- remain” (Lett. sen., ut, 1). Just a few weeks

trarch’s professed religious aspirations and as- later, news from Florence led him to fear that cetic inclinations see his letter of 1352 to his Boccaccio, too, might have succumbed, and he brother Gherardo (J. H. Robinson and H. wrote a hasty note inquiring anxiously whether W. Rolfe, Petrarch, New York, 1899, pp. 396- he was still alive (Lett. sen., m1, 2).

403). 8 See T. C. Chubb, Life of Boccaccio, New Writing to Boccaccio toward the end of the York, 1930, pp. 183ff. Sapegno, op.cit., p. 366,

epidemic of 1363, Petrarch said that the speaks uncertainly of an “autobiographical plague would not cease until men became element.” penitent and were converted to a religious ° See p. 70. life. In this sad letter, in which he lamented

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The Corbaccio is a sort of inverted romance, the last of Boccaccio’s wholly imagina-

tive works. While its venom and its invective are exceptional, it represents In many _ ways a turning point in his career. One of the foremost Boccaccio scholars of the past generation has entitled his chapter dealing with it and other works written immediately after the Decameron, ‘Retour a la tradition mediévale.’”° In all these writings the asceticism and the stringent moral intention of the Corbaccio persist. Between 1355 and 1360, not long then after the bankruptcies, the fall of the oligarchy, and the plague, he wrote a study on the reversals of fortune, the De casibus virorum illustrium. In it he sketches the lives of famous men from Adam to his own time who through pride or folly had fallen from happiness and high position into misery. The ghosts of these men parade before the author in his study. He acts as a judge, deliberating each case, addressing some with pity, reproving others, and frequently extracting a prin-

ciple about the conduct of life. His interest is as much moral as historical, unlike Petrarch’s in the De viris illustribus that he had begun in 1338. To some extent the De casibus was anticipated in Boccaccio’s earlier writing. Examples of decline and fall appeared in the description of the Hall of Fortune in the Amorosa visione (1342), but there they had comprised a secondary, not a central, theme. Similarly Boccaccio professed a didactic purpose in several of his earlier works, usually at the very end, as in the Filostrato or the Fiammetta. The latter was intended, he or rather Fiammetta _ says, as an inducement to moderation, a warning against the pains and perils of complete abandon in the “labyrinth of love.” But these limited comments, seemingly afterthoughts or gestures of moral justification, are different from the pervasive didacticism and the doctrinaire morality of the De casibus. Shortly after undertaking his account of the misfortunes of famous men Boccaccio began a parallel treatise on women, De claris mulieribus, though in this work the moralization is not quite so pointed. At this time, too, he began to occupy himself with Dante. He planned an extensive commentary on his great religious poem, of which he completed only a part, and he wrote a Life or, more precisely, a Trattatello in laude di Dante. In this tribute to Dante as scholar and poet, Boccaccio dwelt on the themes with which he had recently become preoccupied. He exalted the life of solitude and tranquillity; if Dante had had it, he says, he ‘“‘would have become a God on earth.’ Instead he was burdened with a “violent and insufferable passion of love,” and, on top of this, a wife. Boccaccio seized upon these circumstances as the occasion for an invective against love, women, and marriage reminiscent of, though less violent,

than the Corbaccio.” | 10H. Hauvette, Littérature italienne, Paris, habits of that sublime poet as though he were

1924, p. 151; and Boccace, pp. 344ff., 476. writing the Filocalo, the Filostrato, or the 11 See the translation by J. R. Smith in the Fiammetta. For it is filled with love and sighs Earliest Lives of Dante, New York, 1901, p. $3. and burning tears, as though man were born 12 Jt is interesting that Leonardo Bruni, in into this world for no other purpose save to

the Proemio to his own Life of Dante, should find himself in those ten amorous days, have said that Boccaccio wrote “the life and wherein enamored ladies and gallant youths 160

BOCCACCIO | Boccaccio’s moral and ascetic inclination after 1354 led him to turn against his own earlier work. In a remarkable letter written in 1373 to his friend Mainardo Cavalcanti,

to whom he had dedicated the De casibus virorum illustrium, he said of the Decameron:

“I am certainly not pleased that you have allowed the illustrious women in your house to read my trifles; indeed I beg you to give me your word that you will not permit it. You know how much in them is less than decent and opposed to modesty, how much stimulation to wanton love, how many things that drive to lust even those most fortified against it. ... My feminine readers will judge me a filthy pimp and an incestuous old man, shameless, foul-mouthed. and malignant, eager to spread tales of

the dissoluteness of others... .”"** |

In provocative circumstances Boccaccio’s sense of guilt could mount to panic. Earlier, in 1362, he had received a visit from a monk, who brought a sinister prophecy from Pietro Petroni, a Carthusian of Siena who had died a short time before. Petroni was renowned in Siena for his holiness, and Giovanni Colombini undertook to celebrate it in a life. As a reward for his sanctity the Blessed Pietro had been permitted to see the face of Christ before he died, and he thus acquired the power of penetrating the future. Through his messenger he warned Boccaccio, as he intended to warn Petrarch

and others, that his death was imminent and that unless he immediately renounced poetry and profane writing he would be eternally damned. Boccaccio, whose even temper as a young man had won him the nickname “Johannes tranquillitatum,” was terrified. He decided to abandon the world and to devote himself wholly to a religious life. He offered to sell his library to Petrarch. But Petrarch’s calm reply deterred him. In a

letter which is our chief source for the incident, since Boccaccio’s anxious letter to him is lost, Petrarch began to parry the threat by a cool reference to human frailty, exhibiting a composure and a scepticism of human motive that Boccaccio, too, had

recount the Hundred Tales” (J. R. Smith, (quite haughtily) that he had not read it op.cit., p. 81). This is obviously unjust, but through, partly because it was long and writBruni probably sensed in Boccaccio a linger- —_—iten in the vulgar for the people (so that it

ing attraction for the very things he vilified. would take his time from more serious con1“ . . non lodo certamente che tu abbi cerns), partly because it was too “free” (libero permesso che le inclite tue donne di casa e lascivo). The moral character of the story leggano le mie bazzecole, che anzi ti prego di of Griselda pleased him, however, so he transdarmi parola di non farlo. Sai quanto in quelle lated it into Latin and sent Boccaccio a copy

é di meno decente e contrario all’onesta, (Ep. sen., Xvi, 3). quanti stimoli ad infausta Venere, quante 14In the life of Petroni completed by Barcose che sospingono a scelleraggine i petti tolommeo of Siena in 1619, and based upon sebbene ferrei, . . le leggenti mi stimeranno Colombini’s life, the monk tells Boccaccio that un sozzo ruffano ed incestuoso vecchio, im- the works he had published were “the tools pudico, turpiloquo maledico, ed avido divul- — of the devil, devised to equip men for degatore delle scelleraggini altrui. . .” (Coraz- bauchery and to lure them to it.” “You are,”

zini, op.cit., pp. 289-290). he said, “furnishing to others an example of

In 1373 Petrarch expressed a similar opinion baseness and wantonness by. your language, of the Decameron. Writing to Boccaccio about your writing, and your character” (Acta a copy of it that he had acquired, he confessed sanctorum, May, vu, pp. 228-229).

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possessed earlier, but had lost. ‘““The vision was indeed astounding,” Petrarch said, ‘if only it be true. For it is an old and much-used device, to drape one’s own lying inventions with the veil of religion and sanctity, in order to give the appearance of

divine sanction to human fraud.” The study of literature, he adds, has never been incompatible with religion. Jerome and Augustine have proved that. ‘I cannot understand why such advice should be given to an educated person in the full possession of his faculties, .. . one who realizes what can be derived from such studies for the fuller understanding of natural things, for the advancement of morals and of eloquence, and for the defense of our religion. I am speaking now only of the

man of ripe years, who knows what is due to Jupiter the adulterer, Mercury the pander, Mars the manslayer, Hercules the brigand, and—to cite the less guilty—to the leech Aesculapius, and his father, Apollo the cither-player, to the smith Vulcan, the spinner Minerva; and, on the other hand, to Mary the virgin-mother, and to her son,

our Redeemer, very God and very man.... ‘Neither exhortations to virtue nor the argument of approaching death should divert us from literature; for in a good mind it excites the love of virtue, and dissipates, or at least diminishes, the fear of death.... “But I will trouble you no longer with these matters, as I have already been led by the nature of the subject to discuss them often. I will add only this: if you persist in your resolution to give up those studies which I turned my back upon so long ago, as well as literature in general, and, by scattering your books, to rid yourself of the very means of study—if this is your firm intention, I am glad indeed that you have decided to give me the preference before everyone else in this sale... . I cannot, however, fix the prices of the books, as you most kindly would have me do. I do not know their titles and number, or their value... .’""" It is a curious and interesting fact that the Passtone di Gesu Cristo, the poem by Niccoldé Cicerchia that we have discussed above, was attributed to Boccaccio in the fifteenth century, and for a long time was believed to have been written by him after this “conversion” of 1362, in atonement for the moral freedom of his earlier work.** Though this conversion was actually only a passing crisis, it is highly significant for what it reveals of the growth of Boccaccio’s religious impulses and of his inner tension during the latter part of his life. It is possible that he received priestly orders some-

where around this time, and in 1366 he is said to have performed the pious act of commissioning two altarpieces for a church in Certaldo.*” After considering Petrarch’s letter, he returned to his work. Upon completion of the Corbaccto he had abandoned

imaginative writing for scholarship, and in the early ‘sixties he was preparing a comprehensive treatise on the ancient gods, De genealogiis deorum gentilium. This work, together with his cooperation with Leontius Pilatus in a translation of Homer 15 Eb. sen., 1, 4, translated by Robinson and 1878, p. xx, and L. Cellucci, in Archivum

Rolfe, op.cit., pp. 384-396. Romanicum, xxu, 1938, p. 74. 26 See Scelta di curtositd letterarie, vol. 162, 17 See above, p. 10.

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from the Greek, was probably the more immediate object of the Blessed Pietro’s denunciation and of Boccaccio’s guilt. _ The Genealogy was begun before 1350, a first draft was completed around 1360, shortly before the prophetic message, and Boccaccio was still revising the manuscript in 1373. It was the major task of his later years. Though devoted to pagan mythology (interpreted historically, allegorically, and in a Christian sense) it contains some signs of the same conflict that is evident in his other work after the Decameron and in the disturbance of 1362. To the thirteen books dealing with the ancient gods, Boccaccio added, probably after 1366, two in defense of poetry, which for him was identified chiefly with the poetry of the Greeks and Romans. An interest in it required a defense, he felt, against the indifference of the bons vivants and the scorn of the philistines, mostly jurists, who asserted that neither the writing nor the study of poetry was lucra- | tive. Even more dangerous was the opposition of the conventionally pious and the sanctimonious, who attacked it in the name of theology and religion. One of these, “a certain venerable man, in other respects of eminent sanctity and learning . . . once exhibited the prejudice [against poetry] on an occasion not altogether to his credit. ... For it happened one morning in our University that he was reading from the desk the Gospel according to St. John to a large audience, when suddenly he came upon the name of poet. Forthwith he became flushed, his eyes took fire, and raising his voice, he broke into a perfect frenzy and poured out one false charge after another against poets. And finally, to show the justice of his case, he averred—nay, almost swore: ‘I have never seen, nor do I wish to see, a volume of poetry!’ ’”’™ People of this sort posed the same issue that had disturbed Boccaccio so profoundly in 1362. Indeed, he and Petrarch, the two pioneering humanists, were confronted with

it during the whole of the latter part of their lives.** Although under the spell of the Blessed Pietro’s prophecy Boccaccio had concluded that religion and ancient literature were incompatible, he held more consistently to the belief expressed a year or so earlier

in the Trattatello” that poetry and theology were related in character and function. They both reveal the mystery of life, he said. They have the same moral purpose, and they employ similar methods: allegory and symbolism. Theology is the poetry of God.” His position in the Genealogy is similar. But it is accompanied by what the author

xIV, 15; C. G. Osgood, Boccaccto on _ to both these attacks with arguments similar Poetry, Princeton, 1930, p. 73. As early as 1336 to Boccaccio’s (see V. Rossi, I! quattrocento, Petrarch had been rebuked by Bishop Giacomo Milan, 1938, pp. 54-57).

Colonna for his interest in pagan writings 20'The first version was probably written

(see Ep. fam., 11, 9). between 1357 and 1362 (see Sapegno, op.cit., 18 For Petrarch, see, for example, Ep. fam., p. 389).

XXII, 10. 21 See J. R. Smith, The Earliest Lives, pp. : The issue was raised in Florence in the late 51-54. Boccaccio’s conceptions are not novel.

fourteenth century by the Camaldolite Gio- They belong to the mediaeval tradition of . vanni di Duccio da S. Gimignano and by the the allegorical interpretation of poetry, and

163 : ,

Lucula noctis (140%) of Giovanni Dominici, were influenced particularly by Dante and a Dominican who had been deeply influenced Petrarch. by St. Catherine. Coluccio Salutati replied

BOCCACCIO

of the excellent translation of the Defense calls ‘‘an anxious display of orthodoxy.’ Boccaccio does not deny that some people, the young for instance, will be harmed by reading the ancients,” and he tries to disarm his pious opponents and at the same time quiet his own conscience by a.reluctant and somewhat equivocal admission of the superior claims of religion: “. . . I grant freely that it would be far better to study the sacred books than even the best of these works [of ancient poetry], and I suppose they who do so are more acceptable to God, to the high Pontiff, and to the Church. But we are not all at all times subject to one inclination, and occasionally some men incline to poetical writers. And if we so incline, or turn to them of our own accord, what sin or harm is there in that?’ Petrarch, facing the same problem as Boccaccio, implies a similar judgment of better and worse, but on the grounds of distinctive qualities in the two spheres. “I think I can retain my love for both the Christian writers and the ancients,” he wrote, “‘so long as I keep in mind which is preferable for style and which for content.’’* When he turned to the figure arts, however, where his insights were more limited and he saw little beyond the subject, he did not maintain this distinction, and he coupled with his judgment a warning. “To enjoy sacred images that remind the spectator of heavenly blessings is often pious, and useful for the stimulation of the mind. Profane ones, though they are sometimes moving and rouse us to virtue when the diffdent mind is warmed by the recollection of noble deeds, should nevertheless not be equally loved or worshipped, lest they become witnesses of folly or ministers of avarice or rebels against faith and true religion and against that noted precept: beware ye of images.’’”*

III The conflict that Boccaccio felt more or less urgently from 1354 on is related to the tensions in contemporary painting. The terms, it is true, are rather different. Boccaccio, together with Petrarch, was confronted by the diversity of two dissimilar,

historically differentiated universes of thought and feeling. One, the antique, these scholars themselves had done much to evoke; the task of harmonizing the two had scarcely begun. The painters, on the other hand, were committed for the most part to the traditional Christian themes. For them the conflict lay within the sphere of religious art, between dissimilar or even opposed qualities of content and form. But in a larger sense these differences between the painters and the writers are not so 22 Osgood, op.cit., p. 195 mote 1. See es- autem, etsi, interdum moveant, atque erigant

pecially book xv, 9, and the Proemio to book ad virtutem, dum tepentes animi rerum

IX. | nobilium memoria _ recalescunt: amandae 28 Petrarch makes a similar point in a letter tamen aut colendae aequo amplius non sunt, to Boccaccio cited in note i5. ne aut stultitiae testes, aut avaritiae ministrae,

24 Osgood, op.cit., p. 82. aut fidei sint rebelles, ac religioni verae, et 25 Fb. fam., XXU, 10. praecepto illi famosissimo: Custodite vos a

26 “Nelectari quoque sacris imaginibus, quae simulachris” (De Remedtis, quoted by Prince spectantes beneficii coelestis admoneant, pium D’Essling and E. Miintz, Pétrarque, Paris, saepe, excitandisque animis utile: prophanae 1902, p. 58).

: 164

BOCCACCIO

considerable as they might seem. For the more natural conception of man, presented in the art of the first half of the century and still haunting the painters after 1350, was related, historically and ideologically, to the interest in the ancient world. The growth of “humanism” and a more secular culture preceded, as a necessary condition, the broad revival of antiquity. There are unmistakable signs of this connection in the period we have been studying. When during the ’sixties and ‘seventies Boccaccio was ‘driven by a religious conscience, he both disowned the Decameron, the finest flower

of early Florentine secular art, and tried to dispose of his library, rich in ancient writing. For the painters the rejection was more profound and more constant. Creating almost exclusively for the Church and for an audience larger than Boccaccio’s, Orcagna and his contemporaries suppressed qualities of the art of Giotto and Am-

brogio that were both naturalistic and “antique.” And although they felt unable wholly to resist the power and magnetism of these forms, they opposed to them quallities of a very different kind, expressive of a more intense piety, a mystical rapture, or simply a firmer adherence to the doctrine and institutional authority of the Church. The tension in the art and literature of the third quarter of the century arises then from a conflict between an old and a newer mode of life and thought. This conflict would inevitably have accompanied the growth of the new, but it was made far more

acute by the disturbances and disasters of the time. Some of these events, like the plague, were more accidental and unprepared; others, like the financial crisis and the social struggles, were rooted in the new forms of life themselves. ‘They seemed to challenge all at once, in the name of mediaeval society and mediaeval Christianity, the new individualism, the new secularity, and the new economic order. In these respects, then, this was a period of crisis, the first crisis of what we may call, in its larger sense, humanism. It was to be followed by similar critical periods—though the causes and the alternatives were somewhat different—in the later fifteenth century

and in the sixteenth. It is to Crivelli and the late Botticelli or Pontormo and Tintoretto that the painting of our time is peculiarly related, rather than to Masaccio, Piero della Francesca, Titian, or Raphael. To them it offered models of aspiring, though tormented, spirituality, of emotionally exciting color and light, and a strained, disharmonious unity of plane and space, line and mass, color and shape.

165

APPENDIX I | CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE THE following is a chronological list of the more important events, artistic, religious, social, and literary, that are discussed in the present volume. Those that cannot be rather precisely dated are excluded. Facts about artists and works of art are in italics.

1341. Florence defeated in its attempt to ac- 1356. Ravages of the marauding condottiert

quire Lucca. (through the ’sixties). a

1342. Florentine political power transferred (7) antar? iece by Nardo, New-York Histort-

by the merchant oligarchy to the Duke of y:

. . . Chapel.

Athens. 1357. (ca.) Nardo painting in the Strozz

1343. Failure of the Peruzzi Company. Begin- .

pression. 1358.

ning of the period of bankruptcies and de- Death of Jacopo Passavantl.

Expulsion of the Duke of Athens, and

formation of a new regime representative of 1359. all sections of the Florentine middle class. 1360. (ca.) Meeting of Florentine artists at S.

1344. Miniato, described by Sacchettt. 1345. Bankruptcy of the Bardi Company. 1361.

1346, Famine in Tuscany. 1362. Polyptych, Siena Gallery, by Niccolo dt

. Ser Sozzo and Luca di Tomme.

1347, Scarcity in Tuscany. _ Triptych, Siena Gallery, by Giacomo di

Birth of St. Catherine of Siena. Mino.

; Blessed Pietro Petroni.

1348. The Black Death (June-September). Boccaccio frightened by the prophecy of the

1349. Congregation of the Flagellants. (?) William Fleet settled at Lecceto. Boccaccio’s Decameron (between 1348 and

1353). Recurrence of the oo 1363. Colombini recalled to plague. Siena.

1351. tertiary.

1350. Jubilee in Rome. Catherine of Siena became a Dominican 1352. Orcagna undertakes the Or S. Michele 1364. Madonna of Mercy Pienza, by Bartolo

tabernacle (work continued through 1359). di Fredi,

Giovanni dalle Celle in retirement at Val- Presentation tn the Temple, Florence, Acad-

lombrosa. emy, by Giovanni del Btondo.

; ; ; (ca). Composition by Niccolé Cicerchia of

1353. Bartolo di Fredi and Andrea Vanni the Passione di Gesu Cristo.

open a workshop in Stena. | , , 1365. Frescoes by Giovanni da Milano, S. 1354. Orcagna begins the Strozzi altarpiece Croce, Florence. (finished 1357).

| Sermons of Jacopo Passavanti, which were 1366. Andrea da Firenze painting the frescoes incorporated in his Specchio di vera pent- tn the Spanish Chapel (through 1367).

tenza. (ca.) Death of Nardo di Ctone.

‘ Boccaccio’s Corbaccio. Crucifixion, Pisa Museum, by Luca di 1355. Revolution in Siena: fall of the mer- Pomme. chant oligarchy and rise of the Dodicini. 1367. Old Testament cycle, Collegiata, S.

Conversion of Giovanni Colombini. Gimignano, by Bartolo di Fred. :

(ca.) Boccaccio’s De casibus virorum illus- Orcagna undertakes the St. Matthew altar- — trium. piece (completed 1369).

166

APPENDICES

Polyptych, Siena Gallery, by Luca di 1373. Goronation of the Virgin, Academy,

Tomme. Florence, chiefly by Jacopo di Cione. The Order of the Gesuati, consisting of ; ;

Urban V.eethe Spanish Chapel. ee Recurrence of the plague. 1368. Defeat of the Dodicini in Siena, and rise Composition of the Miracoli della B. Cateof the Riformatori. rina. Foundation of the Observant section of the |

Franciscan Order. 1375. Beginning of the war of Florence against

1369. Pope Gregory XI (War of the Eight Saints). Stigmatization of Catherine of Siena. 1370. Altarpiece by Jacopo di Cione, National Death of Boccaccio.

Civico, Rieti. .

Gallery, London (through 1371). ;

Altarpiece by Luca di Tommé, Museo 1378. Revolt of the Ciompi.

Foundation of the Brigittine Order. 1380. Death of St. Catherine. 1371. Triptych by Niccolo di Tommaso, Mu- 1382. Restoration of the Florentine oligarchy.

seo di S. Martino, Naples. Deposition, Montalcino, by Bartolo di Fredt.

1372. 1385. Restoration of the oligarchy in Siena.

, 167

APPENDIX II FACTS ABOUT THE PAINTERS THE following paragraphs are intended to provide the reader. with chronological information about the painters discussed in the present volume, some of whom are not well known. They will also substantiate the statements made above (p. 53) that almost all of these painters appeared as independent masters during the course of the ‘forties and ‘fifties. For these purposes I have brought together the relevant facts, in most cases actually everything that we know about the career of the artist. Information of this sort about Orcagna has already been given above (p. 13) and about Barna we know nothing. The most recent article cited for each painter usually contains a list of the paintings that are generally (but not always correctly) accepted as his at the present time. There the reader will also find a bibliography. I have added a few new facts, and proposed several new attributions. Narpo pi CIoNeE entered the guild of physicians and apothecaries in 1343 or 1344, at the same time as Orcagna. He is mentioned in Florence in 1351 and 1354, and perhaps in 1356 he painted the Madonna in the New-York Historical Society (Fig. 11). He made his will in 1365, and died before the middle of the next year.* ANDREA DA FIRENZE matriculated in the Florentine guild at the same time as the Cioni.

He is recorded as an inhabitant of the quarter of S. M. Novella at intervals from 1351 to 1376. The first commission of which we hear is that for the frescoes in the Spanish Chapel. On December 30, 1365, he agreed to complete these frescoes within two years from January 1, 1366. In 1377 he received a final payment for the mediocre frescoes of S. Ranieri in the Camposanto at Pisa.? GIOVANNI DEL BIonpo probably came to Florence from the Casentino and became a citizen

in 1356;* around this time, if the attribution I have proposed above is correct, he.was working as an assistant in the Strozzi Chapel (Fig. 17). There is a record of an altarpiece made by him in 1360,‘ and from the Presentation in the Temple of 1364 (Fig. 13) to the Madonna of 1392 at Figline a long series of his works, many of them dated, has survived. GIOVANNI DA. MILANO, a painter of Lombard origin, was in Florence serving as a master's

assistant in 1350. In 1363 he joined the Florentine guild. In 1365 he executed the frescoes in the Rinuccini Chapel in S. Croce (Figs. 247, 36, 37) and the Pieta in the Academy, the only two extant dated works by him. In 1369, when we last hear of him, he was working in the Vatican.®

1See H. Gronau, in Thieme-Becker, Kimst- Verdiana in S. Verdiana, Castelfiorentino,

lerlexthon, XXVI, 1932, P. 39. actually Sienese and close to Ugolino.

2See G. Poggi in Enciclopedia italiana, m1, To his known paintings should be added a 1929, p. 200; Vasari, Vite, ed. Milanesi, 1, p. somewhat repainted Annunciation, Bucknell 550; Supino in Thieme-Becker, 1, 1907, p. 452; University, formerly no. 181 in the National I, Taurisano, in Il rosario, ser. 111, vol. u1, 1916, Gallery, Washington (Preliminary Catalogue,

Pp. 217-230. Washington, 1941, p. 6g) and a Virgin Annun8 See G. Poggi, in Rivista d’arte, v, 1907, p. ciate in the W. B. Chamberlin sale, Christie's, 26. Also Milanesi in Vasari, 1, p. 669 note 2. Feb. 25, 1938, no. 21, as Jacopo di Cione.

Van Marle, Development of the Italian 5See P. Toesca, in Enciclopedia italiana, Schools of Painting, ul, p. 519, mistakenly XVH, 1933, pp. 248-249, and W. Suida in identifies with this altarpiece a panel of S. Thieme-Becker, XIv, 1921, pp. 127-130.

168

APPENDICES

JAcopo pi CIONE, a younger brother of Nardo and Orcagna, is first mentioned in documents in 1365, but his Madonna now in the Stoclet collection, Brussels, is dated 1362.° He entered the painters’ guild in 1368-1369, around the time when he completed the altarpiece

, of St. Matthew begun by his brother Andrea (Fig. 59). He painted the S. Piero altarpiece, parts of which are now in the National Gallery, London, in 1370-1371, and in 1373 he received a payment for the completion of the Coronation of the Virgin now in the Academy, Florence (Fig. 56). He is last mentioned in 1398.7 NiccoLo bi ‘Tommaso was registered in the Florentine guild in 1343-1344, and from 1358

Martino, Naples, is of 1371.5 : to 1376 we hear of him in Florence. His one dated work, a triptych in the Museo di S.

The common conception of the career of Nicco.d pit SER Sozzo TrEGLiacci has been shaped by the belief that the signed miniature of the Assumption in the Archivio di Stato, Siena, was painted between 1332 and 1336.° This miniature is undoubtedly one of the earliest works of the master, but its style suggests a date some ten years later than the one hitherto

given, and this is not conclusively controverted by any evidence in the manuscript itself. The Caleffo del Assunta in the Archivio di Stato, Siena, consists of copies of imperial privileges, papal bulls, pacts with feudal families and with other cities, and similar papers extending from 813 to 1336.%° On the verso of the miniature, the only one in the codex, is an inscription stating that the work of compilation and copying was completed in 1336. The miniature, however, could conceivably have been made later. It appears on folio 8, half of a binion that is bound around three binions (six folios) that contain the index. The corresponding folios 1 and 1v are blank, so that this binion containing the miniature might well _ have been added later. Furthermore, the script on folios 8 and 8v is different from that in the rest of the manuscript. The known documents referring to the painter, moreover, give us no‘certain indication that his career began before the late forties. In 1348 he was required to make a certain payment, and in 1353 (?), 1357, 1359, 1361, 1362 he held municipal office.» He died, probably of the plague, in June 1363. His one dated work is the polyptych of 1362 in the Pinacoteca, Siena, and all his panels seem to me to have been made in the last fifteen years of a career cut short by the epidemic.’? To the known group of his panel

paintings should be added the following: a Madonna Enthroned in the National Gallery, Washington, of which only the upper half survives (Fig. 120)!%; another enthroned Madonna, once in a Russian collection, which I shall publish elsewhere, and the altarpiece of

: See R. Offner, in Burlington Magazine, active in political life not only in 1355, as

LXIII, 1933, p. 83. Brandi (loc.cit.) has shown, but as late as

7See H. Gronau, in Thieme-Becker, xxv, 1368, See the chronicle of Neri di Donato for

1932, p. 39. that year: “Ser Sozzo Tegliacci impetrd la 8 Ibid., XXV, 1931, Pp. 439. Rocca Albegna .. .” (Rerum Italicarum ®Van Marle, op.cit., 1, fig. 377. scriptores, Bologna, Xv, part VI, 1932, p. 622).

10 See Indice sommario, R. Archivio di Stato, 18 No. 453. See the Preliminary Catalogue,

Siena, 1900, p. 15. Washington, 1941, p. 116, which cites the

14 See C. Brandi, in L’arte, ns. ml, 1932, attribution of the panel by F. M. Perkins to p. 223, and F. M. Perkins in Thieme-Becker, the early period of Luca di Tommé when he XXXII, 1938, p. 501. Brandi cites also a payment was working in collaboration with ‘Tegliacci.

for miniatures made in 1338 to one “‘Nic- In my opinion, on the other hand, the figure

cholello.” of the Madonna shows Tegliacci under the

22%¢ may be significant for an estimate of influence of Luca. ‘the age of the painter that his father was still

169

APPENDICES

the Assumption, mentioned above, in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Fig. 25).’* The figures in the pinnacles and the roundels are, however, by a Florentine master contempo-

rary with Niccolo. .

The first record of the long career of BARTOLO pi FREp1 is of 1353, when he opened a workshop with Andrea Vanni.** From this time until his death in 1410 there is an almost uninterrupted series of notices of his activities as a painter and in the service of the city. Fis first extant dated work, which is also signed, is the Madonna of Mercy of 1364 in the museum at Pienza,’* but the signed Madonna at Cusona was certainly painted earlier. The Old ‘Testament cycle in the Collegiata, S. Gimignano (Figs. 80, 82) bears the newly discovered date 1367.7 The Deposition in S. Francesco, Montalcino, is dated 1382, and the , large altarpiece divided between the galleries of Montalcino and Siena is of 1388. He con-

tinued to work at least until 1397.28 ,

Though AnprEa VANNI maintained a workshop in Siena with Bartolo di Fredi from 1353 to 1355, he left town in 1354 on the first of a series of diplomatic missions to Naples and other cities. Of the numerous paintings of which there are records in Siena from 136% on, only the panels in the Siena Gallery possibly of 1394 or 1396, the Madonna in S. Francesco of 1398-1400, and the dull altarpiece of 1400 in S. Stefano have survived. He is mentioned for the last time in 1413, and died shortly afterward.” Gracomo Di MINo DEL PELLIccIAIO is mentioned as one of the three best Sienese painters in a Pistoiese record of about 1349. There are references to his work in Siena from 1354-1355 on, and he was admitted to the guild in 1355. The date on his Madonna at Sarteano, which has been read 1341 or 1342, is problematic, and F. M. Perkins has recently proposed 1353.”° ‘This very mediocre painting has almost none of the stylistic qualities that we have been considering; they appear, however, in his triptych of 1362 in the Pinacoteca, Siena (Fig. 61), and in other paintings, presumably later (and certainly better) than the Sarteano Madonna. He is last mentioned in 1389, and by 1396 he was dead.

The name of Luca p1 TomMME appears on the roll of the painters’ guild in 1356. In 1362 he signed with Niccold di Ser Sozzo the polyptych now in the Pinacoteca, Siena. His Crucifixion in Pisa is dated 1366, the polyptych of St. Anne in the Pinacoteca, Siena, 1367, and the altarpiece in the Museum at Rieti 1370. We last hear of him in 1389.73 14 See Catalogue of Paintings, Boston, 1921, arte senese, Siena, 1854, UN, pp. 36-37. The pp. 4-5, no. 3; F. M. Perkins, in Rassegna oeuvre of Bartolo di Fredi is more encumbered d’arte senese, 1, 190%, p. 74; Van Marle, op.cit., with the works of other, inferior, painters than

I, p. 495, all as Bartolo di Fredi. B. Berenson, that of any master of the fourteenth century. Italian Pictures of the Renaissance, Oxford, In a forthcoming study Professor Lucile Bush

1932, p. 312, as Luca di ‘Tommé. undertakes the task of disposing of the weeds. 18S. Borghesi and E. L. Banchi, Nuovi 19See A. M. Ciaranfi in Enciclopedia ital-

documenti per la storia dell’arte senese, Siena, tana, XXXIV, 1987, p. 975, and G. de Nicola in

1898, p. 27. Thieme-Becker, 1, 1908, pp. 464-465.

16 Cy Brandi, in Bullettino senese di storta 20 Bullettino senese di storia patria, ns. 1,

patria, 1932, p. 5. 1930, p. 243. Perkins compiles here the known 17K. Carli, in Critica d’arte, vit, 1949, pp. facts of Mino’s career.

170 }

75-76, 21 FF. M. Perkins in Thieme-Becker, xx11I, 18 Most of the documentary evidence is given 1929, p. 427; C. Brandi, in L’arte, n.s. 1, 1932,

by G. Milanesi, Document: per la storia dell’- pp. 223-236. |

APPENDICES

time he was probably dead.”

Of FRANCEsCco pi VANuUCCIO there is certain mention in 1367, and again in 1403, by which

Nicco.o pi Buonaccorso is first heard of in 1372 and 1376, when he held public office in Siena. There was once a polyptych, signed by him and dated 138%, in Costalpino. He died in 1388.8 FRANCESCO TRAINI is related in a special way to the painters discussed in the foregoing

paragraphs. His frescoes in the Camposanto at Pisa resemble their work in certain aspects of iconography and content, as we have seen. His style however is fundamentally different, associating itself rather with the Lorenzetti and other masters of the second quarter of the century. We first hear of him as a painter, in fact, as early as 1921. He was paid for the triptych in S. Catarina in 1344-45, and it is possible that he is the painter Francesco who is named in a document of 1363. In an article in Critica d’Arte, vit1, 1949, pp. 192201, G. Paccagnini argued that the inscription with Traini’s signature on the St. Dominic triptych is not authentic, and he drew from this premise a series of radical conclusions

with respect to the identity of the painter. The judgment of other students, however, including the present writer, that the inscription is original has been confirmed by a careful technical examination conducted recently by Prof. Piero Sanpaolesi, who has kindly

, communicated to me in detail the results. (Prof. Sanpaolesi will publish his observations shortly.) Paccagnini’s main argument thus falls to the ground. It may also be said that his identification of Traini with the St. Thomas rather than the St. Dominic altarpiece presents other serious difficulties. For whereas the style of the St. Thomas panel is profoundly Sienese and is a rather isolated phenomenon in Pisa,?* the author of the St. Dominic altarpiece ts intimately connected with earlier and later Pisan art—with Giovanni Pisano, by whom he was deeply influenced, and with contemporary and later Pisan painters, Cecco, Gera, Giovanni di Niccold, all of whom were dependent upon him, as I have shown. The St. Dominic master therefore conforms far more adequately to the long career of Traini in Pisa that the documents present. 22 See R. Offner, Art in America, xx, 1932, Italian Pictures, p. 183, to Fei.

Pp. 103. 24 Meiss, in Art Bulletin, xv, 1933, pp. 17228 See C. Brandi, in Thieme-Becker, xxv, 173. 1931, p. 431. To Niccoldé’s oeuvre should be 25 The recent attributions to this master by added a St. Lawrence, formerly in the State G. Vigni in Bollettino d’arte, Xxx1v, 1949, Pp. Museum, Gotha, and sold in 1932 at Sotheby 311-321, and by L. Coletti, I primitivi, Novara, (Moray and other collections, June 9, no. 110, Il, 1943, p. 65 note go, are not tenable.

p. 42). This panel was attributed by Berenson,

171

APPENDIX III SOME RECENT CRITICISM OF ORCAGNA AND OF THE FLORENTINE PAINTING OF HIS TIME UNTIL quite recently Florentine painting of the third quarter of the fourteenth century has been judged with values derived from the art of Giotto and his circle.’ Critics have pointed to the lack of qualities such as tridimensional space and linear perspective. The painters, particularly Orcagna—the only one who attracted much attention—seemed able neither to maintain Giottesque style nor to create a new one themselves. What originality they were believed to possess was defined chiefly as a more extensive assimilation of Sienese form. Inasmuch, however, as the style of Siena, particularly of Simone Martini, was judged

irreconcilable with that of Giotto, the works in which the two were combined were found lacking in unity and coherence.? The criticism of Sienese painting itself was quite similar.’ And although the discussion of single paintings from both schools sometimes contained fresh insights, it is only recently that attempts have been made to re-evaluate the art of the

time, at least that of Orcagna and a few of his Florentine contemporaries. George Gombosi was, I believe, the first. In a brief introduction to his little monograph on Spinello Aretino, published in 1926,‘ he characterized the style of Orcagna and Nardo in terms that were by then familiar—flat, linear, symmetrical, hieratic—but he perceived a

consistency in these qualities, and a sort of negative purposiveness. The art of these painters seemed to him deliberately opposed to that of Giotto and his followers, and since it incorporated some elements of pre-Giottesque painting, he described it as reactionary. He

referred the appearance of this reactionary style to Dominican scholasticism and to the failure of the masses to comprehend the style of Giotto and his followers, though he did not indicate why either of these things should have affected painting at this particular time, rather than earlier or later. His brief account of the art of the period was inadequate in other ways also. He distinguished, but not clearly, the “reactionary” style of the Cioni from a “Gothicizing” trend inaugurated by Giovanni da Milano and Andrea da Firenze,’ and he confused the reactionary style by tracing its origin to Francesco Traini, whose art he completely misunderstood. He tied the art of the Cioni to a revival of mural painting, overlooking the surviving frescoes of Maso and Taddeo and the records of lost murals, and he attributed this revival to the “architectonic” spirit of the Cioni.® 2 This view is already implicit in Vasari’s also in the painting of this period, especially Lives. Ghiberti wrote favorably of Orcagna; Orcagna’s. this master was however the latest Florentine ®See C. Weigelt, Stenese Painting of the whom he discussed in his vite and the only Trecento, New York, n.d. artist of his period. Ghiberti was interested 4 Spinello Aretino, Budapest, 1926, pp. 7-23. above all in the richly sculptured tabernacle 5 Just recently, on the other hand, Orcagna in Or San Michele, for which he reported the himself has been characterized as the leader of fabulous cost mentioned above (pp. 78-79). the Gothic movement in Florence (L. Becche2 See P. Toesca, Florentine Painting of the rucci, in Bollettino d’arte, xxxul, 1948, p. 155). Trecento, Florence, 1929, pp. 51-53; W. Suida, 6 Gombosi’s criticism of the Cioni has been | Florentinische Maler um die Mitte des vter- discussed in the course of reviews of his book zehnten Jahrhunderts, Strasbourg, 1905, pp. by R. Salvini (Kritische Berichte, vi, 1937, pp. 10-11; Vitzthum-Volbach, Italtentsche Maleret 119-124) and U. Procacci (Rtvisia d’arte, 1, und Plasttk des Mittelalters, Wildpark-Pots- —_—‘1929, p. 273). Both of these reviews seem to me

dam, 1914, p. 306; Van Marle, op.ctt., 1, p. unjustifiably negative. Procacci maintained 472. All these writers find some positive values that spatiality and planarity were not histori-

172

APPENDICES

Both Gombosi and, a few years later, Hans Gronau’ dwelt on only one aspect of Orcagna’s art, disregarding other opposed qualities that were described shortly afterward by Toesca: “Plastic modeling, at times rivaling the hardness and solidity of metal, combined with the treatment of the rest as pure surface ornament. . . .”* These conflicting qualities signified for Toesca as for others a disconcerting and unsuccessful attempt to join the style of Giotto and the Sienese. Roberto Salvini found in them, however, the essence of Orcagna’s art. His analysis of the style of the Strozzi altarpiece, published in 1937,° was not only exceptionally sensitive and subtle but was the first to admit tension and conflict as positive values. In this respect his judgment and the similar one in the present book reflect the developing criticism of the art of the sixteenth century and the character of the arts in our own time. The tension between line and volume, volume and plane, is expressive, Salvini said, of a psychic tension between a “spiritual striving or a religious activism” and a ‘‘tenacious affection for the nature of man.” He pointed to a similar fervor in the preaching of the contemporary Dominican, Jacopo Passavanti, and suggested that in both Passavanti and Orcagna it may have been a consequence of the plague. Salvini did not develop these conceptions. They are similar to, and they influenced, those that the present writer was forming at that time with respect to Sienese as well as Florentine painting, and which he set forth briefly in the course of articles published from 1933 to 1946.7° The main ideas of the present book were presented to the annual meeting of the College Art Association in January, 1948, and they were developed at greater length in a paper read before the Columbia University Seminar on the Renaissance in November, 1949.

The characterization of Florentine painting of the third quarter of the century in Frederick Antal’s recent book" is similar to Gombosi’s, but it has become part of a broad scheme of the development of Florentine painting in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries that is set within a framework:of social, or more precisely class, reference. Antal distinguishes two constant trends or styles in Florentine painting. One, represented in the fourteenth century by Giotto and Maso, is characterized by rationality and concentration, the other by emotionality, planarity, ‘‘realism of detail,’’ and symbolism. The former is the art of the wealthy, progressive, cultured section of the upper middle class, the latter, which he calls “popular,” is associated with the rest of Florentine society. Giotto’s art of the ‘‘intellectual” elite of the upper middle class was accompanied in the early fourteenth century by the styles of the S. Cecilia Master, Jacopo del Casentino, Pacino di Buonaguida, etc., ranged on a scale of “popularity” and corresponding to progressively lower social groups. Toward the end of Giotto’s career, and more decisively after his death, the upper middle class and its art entered into a decline (Taddeo Gaddi, Daddi). Then, in the third quarter of the century, when the lower middle class acquired a share in political power, the “progressive upper middle class’’ made artistic “‘concessions’’ to the lower middle class, contriving, through the agency of the Dominicans, to give its own art a more ‘‘popular”’ character. The

cal modes, but were adopted by the same ship, and iconography, for which it has been artist on different occasions. Several objections cited frequently in the preceding text. that Salvini raised, such as the impossibility | ®P. Toesca, loc.cit. of an actual revival of pre-Giottesque form in ° “La Pala Strozzi,” in L’arte, n.s, vii, 1937, the middle of the fourteenth century, seem to pp. 16ff. me a pedantic distortion of Gombosi’s mean- 10 Art Bulletin, Xv, 1933, pp. 151-152; XVII,

ing. 1936, pp. 447-448; XxvilI, 1946, pp. 7, 12-14.

7Orcagna und Nardo di Ctone, Berlin, 11 Florentine Painting and Its Social Back-

1937. This book, however, made valuable con- ground, London, 1947, pp. 187-217, 247-251. tributions to problems of chronology, author-

173

APPENDICES

art of Orcagna and Nardo is least compromised by the admission of “popular” qualities, but these increase progressively from Jacopo di Cione, Niccolé di Tommaso, Andrea da Firenze, Agnolo Gaddi, and Antonio Veneziano to Giovanni del Biondo, whose painting is most completely identified with the taste of the lower classes.'? I have elsewhere published a fuller summary of Antal’s thought, together with a detailed critique. I refer the reader to this review"* and to those written by other historians.’* In the course of a quite recent article devoted primarily to the attribution of several sculptures to Orcagna, W. R. Valentiner characterized the style of this master in much the same way as Salvini.**> He went on, however, to attribute the “lack of depth” in Orcagna’s compositions to the fact that he was primarily a sculptor. He related the religious intensity of Orcagna’s art to the economic and social crisis and the plague.’* He found evidence of the effect of the plague on this master in a wood crucifix in the Cappella della Pura of S. M. Novella, which he attributed, with question, to him. In it the body of Christ is covered with rather evenly spaced boils. The style of this work seems to me very different from Orcagna’s. It remains to be proved, I think, that the work is Tuscan or even Italian. Certainly the little paintings on the cross are not. 22 Essential to Antal’s thought at this point comments on some of Antal’s ideas that refer is the conception of a basic relationship be- particularly to the painting of the third quartween this group of painters and certain ter of the century see above, chap. 1, note 156; “popular” masters of the earlier part of the chap. Iv, note 15. century—Pacino, the Biadaiolo Master, etc. 144R. Krautheimer, in the Magazine of Art, (see above, pp. 6-7). This conception seems xu, 1948, p. 318; H. Gronau, in the Burlingto me to imply a misunderstanding of both ton Magazine, xc, 1948, pp. 297-298; W. Cohn,

groups. in Belfagor, 1948, pp. 742-744; IT. Mommsen,

Agnolo Gaddi and Antonio Veneziano, fur- in Journal of the History of Ideas, x1, 1950, thermore, actually belong to a later and quite pp. 369-379. different stage in the history of Florentine 15 Art Quarterly, x1, 1949, pp. 48-68, 113painting and they seem to me to be harbingers 128. of the style of the early fifteenth century. I 28 In his brief summary of these events, he suspect, in fact, that Antonio’s space and color described the political conflict as a struggle

and light were studied carefully by the between the nobility and the lower classes,

painters of the early Renaissance. but this was not an important aspect of the 18 Art Bulletin, XxxI, 1949, pp. 143-150. For civil strife of the time.

174

APPENDIX IV A NEW POLYPTYCH BY ANDREA DA FIRENZE THE curious painting in the National Gallery, London, whose authorship and formal peculiarities have been discussed above, exhibits an iconography that is as uncommon as its shape (Fig. 63). At the Madonna’s right are the half-length figures of Saints Mark, Peter Martyr, Thomas Aquinas, Dominic, and Luke; on the opposite side, John the Evangelist, Gregory, Catherine, Mary Magdalen, and a bishop labeled Thomas, undoubtedly Thomas of Canterbury. Thus three of the evangelists appear in an order that implies a symmetrical completion: Luke and John alongside the Madonna, and Mark at the extreme left. We should certainly expect Matthew at the extreme right, but he is missing, his place occupied’ by Thomas of Canterbury. The representation of as many as three evangelists in a polyptych is very unusual in the fourteenth century, and suggests a connection with a center of learning. Judging from Van Marle’s lists,? the only comparable representation in Florentine Trecento painting is, in fact, the four evangelists in the Spanish Chapel. The presence in the polyptych of Peter Martyr, Dominic, and Thomas Aquinas prove it to be Dominican, and there are cogent reasons for identifying this Dominican center as S. M. Novella, within the precincts of which Andrea da Firenze painted his monumental cycle of frescoes. All ten of the saints represented in the panel were titulars of altars in this church in the late fourteenth century.® St. ‘Thomas of Canterbury, very seldom represented in Tuscan painting, was the titular of one of them,‘ and as far as I can discover St. Matthew, who was omitted from the polyptych, had no altar in the church. This extensive correspondence can scarcely be accidental. The polyptych appears in fact to be a sort of hagiographic compendium of the church. Having gotten the painting into S. M. Novella, we can perhaps pursue it still further within the church. The most honored saint in the panel is Luke, who appears immediately to the right of the Madonna. Now Luke was rarely represented in Florentine Trecento paint-_. ing. Apart from his presence as one of the evangelists in the Spanish Chapel, Van Marle’s index lists only three examples of the fourteenth century, and one of these is in the cloisters of S. M. Novella.® St. Luke was, however, the titular of the Gondi Chapel of S. M. Novella, located immediately to the left of the choir.* The early date of the construction of this chapel is proved by the fragments of Cimabuesque frescoes preserved in the vaults, and Vasari tells us that in it Cimabue learned the maniera greca by watching Byzantine masters

*Pp. 47-48. saint’s feast in the church (G. Richa, Notizie 2'Van Marle, op.cit., VI, p. 122. istoriche delle chiese fiorentine, Florence, rv,

§See J. Wood Brown, The Dominican 1776, p. 68—the notice was kindly called to my Church of S. M. Novella, Edinburgh, 1902, attention by Martin Davies). Pp. 115-135. Wood Brown mentions only five The martyrdom of St. Thomas of Canteradditional altars, dedicated to Saints Law- bury is represented in a Dominican miniature rence, Louis, Elizabeth of Hungary, Michael, by the shop of Pacino in the Cini collection

and the Resurrection of Lazarus. (formerly Hoepli) (Offner, Corpus, sec. 111, vol. *The altar of the Minerbetti family, sup- I, pt. u, pl. x4). Perhaps the codex to which posedly descendants of refugee relatives of the this miniature belonged was also made for Saint (see Wood Brown, op.ctt., pp. 121-122). S. M. Novella.

In his will of 1308, Maso de’ Minerbetti ®’Van Marle, loc.cit.

stipulated that he was to be buried near the * Wood Brown, op.cit., p. 132. Richa, op.cit.,

altar of St. Thomas, and he left a piece of It, p. 6g. land to provide for the celebration of the 175

APPENDICES

paint frescoes.7 But much more relevant at the moment is the biographer’s statement that there was in the chapel a “tavola” representing the Madonna, Luke, and other saints (notice the enumeration!) by Simone Martini.’ And this is the painter to whom Vasari ascribed the frescoes in the Spanish Chapel! But if the painting was in the Gondi Chapel, where could it have been placed? Vasari describes it simply as a “‘tavola,” and in a chapel a polyptych would be placed on the altar. The iconography and the shape of the work are indeed those of a retable, but the size is not. It is only about 42 inches wide,® whereas the width of altarpieces, including those comparable to the London polyptych in shape, is usually no less than 60 or 70 inches. Was it made by

Andrea then for a small private altar of one of the Gondi, perhaps as a replica of the polyptych which stood on the altar of the family chapel? If this is true, then the design of the painting in London, together with Vasari’s statement, suggest that the altarpiece in S. M. Novella was painted by Andrea also.

* Vasari, ed. Milanesi, 1, p. 247. Richa 8 Vasari, ed. Milanesi, 1, p. 549. (loc.cit.), quoting the Sepoltuario of the ®The panel of the Madonna is 11 inches church, says that the construction of the high, the others 514 inches, exclusive in each chapel did not begin until after 1325, instance of the frame.

176

INDEX* Tue term “follower” is used throughout the Index to signify all the degrees of dependence of one painter upon another that are more precisely conveyed—as they are in the text—by terms ranging from “workshop of” to “remote follower of.”

The author wishes to express his gratitude to Mrs. Esther Mendelsohn and Mrs. Louise W. Carlson for their work on the Index, and he feels especially thankful to Miss Helen M. Franc, who expanded it and gave it its final form. Abraham and the Angels, 34 n. 82 Andrea di Bartolo, 22 n. 34, 35, 61 ——-, S. Maria della Pieve, Lo-

Acciaiuoli, Angelo, 97 n. 6 n. 6, 194, 140 n. 35, Fig. 131 renzetti, Pietro, altarpiece, 25

Acciaiuoli Company, 62, 64 Andrea di Bartolo—Followers, 134 Aristotle, 5, 103

Acheiropoieta, see Christ—Miracu- n. 6 Arius, 100 lous Image Andrea di Niccolo, 121 n. 65 arrows, 77 Adam and Eve, 55, 148, 151 n. 83, Angelico, Fra, 77, 113 nN. $4, 140 Nn. Arti maggiori e minort: Arte della Fig. 160 g2 and 33, 155 n. 106 Calimala, 62, Arte del Cambio, Adoration of the Magi, 46 n. 131, 149 Angelico, Fra~Followers, 77 n. 18, 62, Arte della Lana, 62, Arte dei Agnes, St., 47 n. 133 140 Nn. 32 Medici e Speziali, 63 n. 16, 69 n. Agnolo di Tura, 65-67, 69 n. 45, 80 Angers, Musée des Tapisseries, Seg- 99, 168ff., Arte della Seta, 49, 72,

Aix-en-Provence, Musée, Master of na—Follower, Last Judgment, 76 see also guilds

Flémalle, Madonna, 42 n. 118 n. 10 and 12 Ascension of Christ, 91, qu n. 111,

Alberti, Leone Battista, Treatise on Anne, St., 48 n. 139, 110, 110 n. 26, 41, Go, 94 N. 1, 95, 97, 150

. Painting, 123 170 Ascent of the Cross, see Christ Alberto di Arnaldo, 3, 3 n. 2 Annunciation, 12 nm. 10, 21 n. 28, Mounting the Cross Albertus Magnus, 154 n. 98 and 101 22 n. 34, 23 n. 35 and 40, 143, Asciano, Collegiata

altarpieces—forms, 12ff., 47ff., 96, 149ff., 154, 168 n. 4 Giovanni di Paolo, Assumption of

176 Annunciation of the Death of the the Virgin, 21 n. 28

Altenburg, Lindenau Museum Virgin, 150 n. 79 Osservanza Master, Birth of the “Associate of Luca di Tommé,” Annunciation to the Shepherds, 149 Virgin, 20, Fig. 19 Crucifixion (no. 33), 34 n. 84 n. 70 ———, S. Francesco, Barna da Siena, Daddi—Follower, Coronation of Anonimo (Dante commentator c. Madonna, 54 the Virgin (no. 13), 43 N. 121 1395), 5 n. 7 Ascoli Piceno, S. Agostino, Ghissi,

Altichiero, 1395 n. 12 Anselm of Canterbury, 127ff., 151 Francescuccio, Madonna of HuAmbrose, St., 16 n. 18 n. 85 mility, 137 n. 20 Ammanati, Bartolommeo, 145 n. 53 Anthony Abbot, St., 46, 53 n. 160, asp and basilisk (Psalm xc), 50

Amor, 61, 107 83, Fig. 61 Assisi, S. Damiano (formerly), CruAmsterdam, Kijzer-Lanz Collection Anthony of Padua, St., 114, 137 cifix, 106

Rinuccini Master (?), Baronci trip- Antichrist, 78 Assisi, S. Francesco, Lower Church

tych, 53 antiquity: influence on art, 147, Giotto—Followers: Christ Teach-

Sienese, late 14th cent., Sudarium, 157ff., 165, influence on literature, ing in the Temple, 56 n. 164,

38, Fig. 46 157ff., 161ff., 164ff. Humility, 115, Fig. 167, Mar-

———, Rijks Museum Antonio Veneziano, 57, 174 riage of St. Francis to Poverty,

Angelico, Fra, Madonna of Hu- Antwerp, Musée des Beaux Arts 109, 111, Fig. 102, Nativity, 147,

mility, 155 n. 106 Simone Martini: Crucifixion, 150 Obedience, 115, Fig. 167, Presen-

Bulgarini, Bartolommeo—Follow- n. 76; Deposition, 49 tation in the Temple, 19 . er, Madonna of Humility, 134 Van Eyck, Jan, Madonna, 143 Lorenzetti, Pietro, Madonna, 144

n. 7 ———-, Musée Mayer van den n. 50

Ancona, Pinacoteca Bergh, Flemish sculpture, 15th Lorenzetti, Pietro—Followers, ResCarlo da Camerino, Madonna of cent., Madonna of Humility (no. urrection, 39 nN. 107 Humility, 137 n. 20 185), 142 n. 46, Fig. 152 Master of ,St. Francis, StigmatizaTitian, Madonna, 139 Apocalyptic Woman (Apoc. xu, 1-4), tion of St. Francis, 119

Andrea da Bologna, 1357. 11 41, 42 NM. 120, 1392 n. 1, 141, 144 ———, S. Francesco, Treasury, Andrea da Firenze, 4, 23, 23 n. 36, n. 50 and 51, 159ff., 156, Fig. 164 portable cross, c. 1325, Marriage 31, 33ff., goff., 41, 46, 47ff., 47 n. Apocrypha: Proto-Evangelium of of St. Catherine of Alexandria, 132, 53ff., 57, 72ff.. 79, 83ff., 91, 94- James, 25 n. 46, go n. 67, Pseudo- - 308 104, 107, 131, 166, 168, 172, 174, Matthew, 25 n. 46, 27ff., go n. 67 ————, §. Francesco, Upper Church

275 ff., Figs. 91, 38, 41, 44. 47, 60, Aquinas, Johanna, 135 Master of St. Francis Cycle, Stig-

63-64, 93-98 Aquinas, Thomas, St., see Thomas matization of St. Francis, 120,

Andrea da Fitenze—Followers, 94 Aquinas, St. Fig. 116

n. 1 Arezzo, Museo Civico,- Cioni~Fol- nave window, 13th cent., Stigma-

Andrea da Lucca, 89 lower, Madonna, 42 n. 119 tization of St. Francis, 119 n. 53 © Works of art that have changed hands since the first edition of this book are listed at the end of the index with their new as well as their old addresses.

INDEX “Assistant of Daddi,” 11, 45 n. 130, Madonna of Humility, 142 n. Daddi, Bernardo—Follower, trip-

66, 94, 137ff., Fig. 139 46 tych (no. 1064), 147 n. 62

“Associate of Barna," 110 n. 24, Barcelona, Muntadas Collection, Duccio—Follower, Madonna (no.

110ff., 112, Fig. 107 Spanish Master, 14th cent., Ma- 1710), 43 NM. 121 34 n. 84, 38 n. 104,.Fig. 50 ———, Museo de la Ciudadela, sumption of the Virgin (no.

“Associate of Luca di Tommé,” 34, donna of Humility, 141 n. 38 Florentine Master, c. 1385, As-

Assumption of the Virgin, 11 n. 7, Spanish Master, 14th cent., Ma- 1089), 22 n. 33

13, 21ff., 22 nN. 33, 41, 54, 113, 169, donna of Humility, 141 n. 38 Gaddi, Taddeo: Pentecost, 3eff.,

Fig. 8, 21-22, 25 ————, Plandiura Collection, Span- Fig. 40, triptych, 61 n. 6, 147,

astrology, 66 n. 27, 75 ish Master, 14th cent., Madonna Fig. 159

Augustine, St., 16 n. 18, 712 mn. 54, of Humility, 141 n. 38 Mantegna, Presentation in the 116 n. 41, 153 n. 94, 162 Bardi Company, 62, 64, 73, 158, 166 Temple, 124 n. 74

Augustinians, 86, giff., 103 n. 28, Barletta, S. Andrea, Romanesque Master of Flémalle—Circle, Ma-

125, 144 sculpture, Madonna del Latte, 146 donna of Humility, 142 n. 46, 143 yl, Tiburtine Barna da Siena, 7, 54ff., 80, 84, 92, (Florentine), Madonna of HuAvarice, 4off., 71ff., Figs. 71, 74 97, 149 n. 70, 150 n. 76, 168, Figs. mility, 139, Fig. 142 Averroes, 51 n. 148, 100, 103ff. 46, 78-79, 81, 92 Master of the Straus Madonna Avignon, 66 n. 28, 82, 89, 98 n., 8, Barda da Siena—Followers, 21 n. 28, (Sienese), Anunciation (no. 102, 125 61 n. 6; see also “Associate of Bar- 1142), 21 n. 28, 141 n. 71

Augustus, Emperor—Vision, see Sib- n. 57 Master of the Straus Madonna

———, Musée Calvet, Niccold di na” Sassetta and Assistants, Assump-

ity, 138 n. 23 n. 75 stroyed).

Pietro Gerini, Madonna of Humil- Barnaba da Modena, 147 n. 61, 150 tion of the Virgin, 21 n. 28 (de-

———-, Notre-Dame-des-Doms, Por- Baronzio da Rimini, 149 n. 70 Simone Martini—Follower, Ma-

tail Romain, Simone Martini, Ma- Bartholomew, St., 47 n. 133 donna of Humility, 41, 132 n. 3,

donna of Humility, 133, 141, Fig. Bartolo di Fredi, 7, 7 n. 13, 19ff., 25, 139H., 137, 155f., Fig. 128

130 27, 28 n. 59, 43 N. 124, 45, 46 n. Zeitblom, Sudarium, 37 n. 97

131, 48ff., 53ff., 54 n. 162, 64, 68, ————, Kauffmann, Richard von,

“Babylonian captivity,” 82, 89, 91, 80, 92, 166ff., 169 n. 14, 170, Figs. Collection (formerly), Francesco

102; see also Avignon; Papacy 15, 20, 54, 66, 80, 82 di Vannuccio, Madonna of Hu5O Nn. 147, 51ff., 94, Fig. 74 124, 147 Nn. 61 ———, Kupferstichkabinett Baldesi, Turino, 79 Bartolomeo da S. Concordia, 104 n. Florentine miniature, 14th cent.,

Bad Government, representation of, Bartolo di Fredi—Followers, 43 n. mility, 1394 n. 7

Balducci, Matteo, 121 n. 65 29 Pentecost (no. 643), 33 n. 81

Balduinus of Ford, 114 n. 38 Bartolommeo da Camogli, 132, 133 Hamilton Bible, Neopolitan, 14th

Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery N. 4, 144, 155, Fig. 129 cent., Pentecost, 39 n. 108 Carlo da Camerino, Madonna of Bartolommeo Dominici, 105 Pacino di Bonaguida—Follower, Humility, 137 n. 20 Bartolommeo of Siena, 161 n. 14 miniature, Resurrection, 38 n. Caterino, Madonna of Humility, Bartolus, 75 105 136 n. 18 Battuti, societies of, 81, 154 n. 103 ———-, Moll Collection (formerly), Ceccarelli, Madonna, 42 n. 119 Bayonne, Musée Bonnat Orcagna—Follower, Presentation Master of the Straus Madonna Cioni—Follower, tabernacle, 93) in the Temple, 18 n. 22, 27, Fig.

(Florentine), Madonna of Hu- Orcagna—Follower, Madonna of 18

mility, 139 n. 26 Humility, 138 n. 23 ———, Somzée Sale, 1904, Gaddi,

Venetian Master, 14th cent., Ma- Beatitudes (Luke 1, 48-52), 153 Taddeo—Pupil, Madonna del Latdonna of Humility, 136 n. 18 Beatus of Liébana, Commentary on te, 147 n. 62 MS 91, Hours, French, 14th cent., the Apocalypse, Mss, 155 Nn. 105 ———, Staatsbibliothek

141 1. 40 Bedford Master, see Master of the MS 4°. 42, Hours, Netherlandish, Ms 166, Hours, Flemish, c. 1425, Bedford Hours Sudarium (fol. 15), 37 n. 97 Madonna of Humility (fol. Belcari, Feo, La vida del Beato Gio- Ms Theol. lat. 561, Beatus, Span61), 143 n. 47 vanni Colombini, 86, 86 n. 64 ish, Apocalyptic Woman, 155 n.

n. 46 60 Fig. 113

ms 170, Hours, Flemish, ¢. 1420- Bellezza corporale, 98 n. 9 105

25, Madonna of Humility, 142 Bellini, Giovanni, 40 n. 115, 120 n. Berlinghieri, Bonaventura, 117ff.,

Ms 172, Hours, Flemish, ¢. 1435, Benedictines, 5: m. 154 Bernard, St.: 153 n. 94, legend, 152, Madonna of Humility, 142 n. Benincasa, Catherine, see Catherine Fig. 158

46 of Siena, St. - Berne, Museum, Daddi, Bernardo,

Ms 211, Hours, c. 142%, Madonna Benvenuto da Imola, Commentary and Assistant, Madonna _ della

of Humility, 142 n. 46 on Dante’s “Divine Comedy,” 4ff., Culla, 60 n. 2

MS 215, Hours, Netherlandish, c. 6 n., 9, 157 Biadaiolo Master, see Master of the "1410, Madonna of Humility, Benvenuto di Giovanni, 113 n. 95 Biadaiolo Codex

142 n. 46 bequests, see patronage Bianco da Siena, 85, 87

Ms 232, Hours, Boucicaut Master Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich Museum Biblia pauperum, 109 n. 23 —Follower, c. 1410, Madonna of Angelico, Fra~Follower, Last Bigallo Company, 79, 100, 100 n.

Humility (fol. 191), 140, 142, Judgment, 77 n. 18 17s See also Florence, Bigallo

Fig. 153 Bellini, Giovanni, Resurrection, Bigallo Master, see Master of the

ms 246, Hours, Flemish, c. 1435, 40 n. 115 Bigallo Crucifix 178

INDEX

Binity, 35 n. 87 ——_—-, Museum of Fine Arts St. Catherine of Alexandria, Birth of the Virgin, 2off., ¢2, 22 n. “Associate of Barna,” Marriage of 110 N. 25

34, 61, Figs. 19-20 St. Catherine of Alexandria, Sienese Master, early 14th cent.,

Black Death, 54 n. 162, 65ff., 73, 110ff., 110 n, 24, 112, Fig. 107 tabernacle (no. 34), Stigmatiza74ff., 78ff., 87, 88, 90, 93, 94, 102, Jacopo del Casentino—Circle, pin- tion of St. Francis, 120 n. 62

104, 157ff., 159, 165, 16618, 169, nacle of panel, Mystic Mar- Buffalmacco, 3

173 ff. riage of Christ and the Virgin, Bulgarini, Bartolommeo, 21 n. 38,

Blood of Christ, 89 109, Fig. 99 22, 56, 134 n. 7, 135 nm. 11, 148 n. .

Boccaccio: 10, 69, 71, 78 n. 25, 157- Niccold di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, 63, 149 Nn. 71 165, 166ff., Ameto, 158, Amorosa triptych, Assumption of the Bulgarini, Bartolommeo—Followers,

visione, 148, 160, commissions for Virgin, 22, 160ff., Fig. 25 134 n. 7, 195 mM. 11

altarpieces at Certaldo, 10, 162, Simone Martini—Follower, Cruci- | Buonaccorsi Company, 62 n. 13, 73

Corbaccio, 70, 159ff., 162, 166, fixion, 149 n. 69 Byzantine painting, 24, 38, 44, 46,

Dante Commentary, 160, Decame- Vanni, Andrea, Sts. Peter and 143 n. 49, 148, 155 n. 105, 158,

ron, 6 n. 9, 65, 65 n. 24, 157€f., Paul, 23 n. 40, 46, 83, Figs. 175K. 161, 166, De casibus virorum illus- 62, 127

trium, 16off., 166, De claris muli- Botticelli, 55, 165 Cambrai, Bibliothéque, ms 422,

eribus, 160, defense of poetry, Boucicaut Master, see Master of the Apocalypse, 13th cent. 155 mn.

163ff.. De genealogiis deorum ’ Boucicaut Hours 105

gentilium, 71 -n. 52, 162ff., Fiam- Brescia, SS. Nazaro e Celso, Titian, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College,

metta, 158ff., 160, Filocolo, 158, Resurrection, 40 n. 115 Ms xvi, Chronica of Matthew Par-

Filostrato, 158, 160, Homer, trans- Bride of Christ, 108, 108 n. 15, 109; is: Stigmatization of St. Francis, lation of, 162ff., Ninfale Fiesolana, see also Catherine of Alexandria, 119 n. 55, Sudarium (fol. 221b),

158, Teseide, 158, Trattatello in St.; Catherine of Siena, St. 36 n. 93, 37 Nn. 95 laude di Dante, 160, 163 Bridget, St., 76 n. g, 85, 91, 106 n. ———, Fitzwilliam Museum

Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, | 6, 149 0. 73, 153 1. 94 Pacino di Bonaguida, Miniature,

MS 1574, Stigmatization of St. Brigittine Order, 167 Resurrection, 38 n. 105

Catherine, 121 n. 65 Brooklyn (N.Y.), Brooklyn Museum, Psalter, probably of Isabelle of

————~, Misericordia, Lippo Dalma- Andrea di Bartolo, Madonna of France, Stigmatization of St.

sio, Madonna of Humility, 135 n. Humility, 134 n. 6, 140 n. 35 Francis, 119 n. 54

11 Bruni, Lionardo: Istoria Fiorentina, ———, Girton College, Francesco di

———, Museo Civico, ms 17, 13th 15 n. 5, Life of Dante, 160 n. 12 Vannuccio, Assumption, 22 n. 33 cent., Stigmatization of St. Fran- Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale ———, Pembroke College Library, cis (fol. 208v), 119 n. 53 and 58 MS 11060/1, Jacquemart de Hes- MS 120, Gospels, 12th cent., Binity,

————, Pinacoteca din, Hours, Coronation of the 35 n. 87

Lippo Dalmasio, Madonna of Hu- Virgin, 150 n. 75 ———, Trinity College, Ms R.16.2, mility, 195 nm. 11 MS 11201, Bondol, Jean—Atelier, Apocalypse, 13th cent., 155 n. 105

Master of the Stefaneschi Altar- Economics of Aristotle, Peasant Cambridge (Mass.), Harvard Uni-

piece, altarpiece, 114 Women (fol. 359v), 151 n. 83 versity, Fogg Museum of the Virgin, 109 n. 22 da Firenze—Follower, Eight Saints 148 n. 63 ———, S. Giovanni in Monte, Lip- 47 Nn. 133 Cioni—Follower, Man of Sorrows po Dalmasio, Madonna of Hu- ——, Stoclet, A., Collection (no. go), 124 n. 76 mility, 195 n. 11 Andrea di Bartolo, Madonna of Daddi, Bernardo—Follower ( trip-

Simone dei Crocefissi, Coronation ———_—,, Market (formerly), Andrea Bulgarini, Bartolommeo, Nativity,

——~, S. Maria dei Servi, Cima- Humility, 134 n. 6 tych, 149 n. 69

bue—Follower, Madonna, 48 n. Giovanni di Paolo: Marriage of Duccio—Follower, tabernacle

139 St. Catherine of Siena, 113, (no, 132), 119 n. 58

—_—., S. Martino, Simone dei Fig. 104, St. Catherine of Si- Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, CrucifixCrocefissi,, Madonna of Humility, ena Offering Christ Her Heart, ion, 130, 150 n. 76, Fig. 126

135 Mm. 1 . 114, Fig. 112 Sienese Master, 14th cent., Christ

———, S. Salvatore, Vitale da Bo- Italian Master, late 13th-early 14th with Virgin and St. John (no.

logna, altarpiece, 150 n. 75 cent., Nativity and Adoration, 18b), 61 n. 62

——, University, 103 149 Nn. 70 Vanni, Andrea, Annunciation, 23 Bonaventura, go, 128 n. 87, 151 n. Jacopo di Cione, Madonna, 169 n. 40

85, 154, 154 n. 109; see also Fran- Sienese Master, 14th cent., La- Vanni, Lippo, antiphonary, Res-

cis of Assisi, St-—legends mentation, 61 n. 6 urrection, 39 n. 110

Bondol, Jean—Follower, 151 n. 83 Simone Martini—Follower, Vir- cantari, 130ff.

Boniface VIII, Pope, 102 gin Annunciate, 149 n. 71 cantastorie, 130ff.

Bonsi, Giovanni, 13 n. 11 Vitale da Bologna (?), Corona- Caritas, 5off., 61, 114ff., 116 mn. 42,

Borgo San Sepolcro, Pinacoteca, Si- tion of the Virgin, 150 n. 75 120, 151, Figs. 72, 109-110, 169

enese Master, 14th cent., altar- ————, Van Gelder, Mme. M., Col- Carlo da Camerino, 137 n. 20, 149

piece, 39 n. 107, 49 N. 141 lection, Benvenuto di Giovanni, n. 72, 151 n. 84, 154 n. gg and 101 Boston, Gardner Museum Marriage of St. Catherine of Si- Castagno, Andrea del, go n. 115

Giotto—Follower, Presentation in ena, 118 Nn. 35 Castelfiorentino, S. Verdiana, Ugolithe Temple, 19 n. 24 Buccio di Ranallo, 108 n. 16 no (?), St. Verdiana, 168 n. 4 Giuliano da Rimini, altarpiece, Budapest, Museum Caterino, 136 n. 18, 140

120 n. 61 Giovanni dal Ponte, Marriage of Catherine of Alexandria, St.: 10 n. 179

INDEX 5, 11, 12, 57, 107ff., 121, 175, Figs. 61, Giving Authority to Sts. Peter Company of the Hat, 68

1, 6, Disputd, 14 n. 13, Legends, and Thomas Aquinas, off., 27, 35, Company of Or San Michele, 78; 107, 108, 111ff., Marriage, 23 n. 45f., 57, 98, 99, Fig. 1, Giving see also Florence, Or San Michele 35, 108ff., 108 n. 17, 113, Figs. Keys to Peter, 99 (see also Christ Company of St. George, 68 100, 105-107, Receiving Image of Giving Authority to Sts. Peter Company of St. Luke, 79 n. 32 the Madonna from a Hermit, 107, and Thomas Aquinas), Holy Face, condottieri, 68ff., 166 Fig. 103, Vision of the Madonna, 35ff., 38, 46, Figs. 42-43 (see also confraternities, 59 ff., 79 mn. 32, 144

107 Sudarium), Hurling Arrows or n. 51

Catherine of Siena, St.: 80 n. 96, 81, Lances, 77, Infancy Cycle, 60 (see contrapposto, 146ff., 156, 157 S5ff., 88ff., g2, 104, 105ff., 116ff., also Adoration of the Magi; Na- Coppo di Marcovaldo, 38, 41

125, 129, 191, 163 n. 19, 166ff., tivity; Presentation in the Tem- Corbaccio, see Bowcaccio

Cenacolo, 88, 91, 92, 104, 105, 125, ple; etc.), in the Garden of Geth- Cordova, Obreria del Cabildo, Span-

Dialogo della divina providenza, semane, 118, in Majesty, off., 12 ish Master, 14th cent., Madonna 116, 131, Offering Christ Her n. 10, 38, o8ff., Figs. 1-4, Mystic of Humility, 141 n. 39 Heart, 113ff., Fig. 112, Legends, Marriage to the Virgin, 109, Fig. Coronation of the Virgin. 31, 43ff., 107 n. 8 and g (Legenda maior, 99, Miraculous Image, 9 -n. 3, 45, 47 N. 133, 109, 109 N. 22, 113 105 n. 1 and 3, 112ff., 117, Le- Mounting the Cross, 129, Fig. 122, N. 34, 214, 136 n. 16, 139, 149, 154

genda minor, 107 n. 7, Miracoli Passion Cycle, 60, 129 (see also n. 101, 167, 169, Figs. 4-58 della beata Caterina, 88 n. 74-76, Christ Before Caiaphas; Cruci- corpses, representations of, 42 n. 105ff., 111ff., 167), Libro della fixion; Way to Calvary; etc.), Re- 120, 74ff., 75 n. 4, 83, 154 M. 100, divina dottrina (see Dialogo del- ceiving Heart Offered by St, Cath- Fig. 52 la divina providenza), Marriage, erine of Siena, 113ff., Fig. 112, Corpus Christi, 94, 97 111ff., Figs. 104, 121, Stigmatiza- Teaching in the Temple, 56, 61, Corsham Court (Wiltshire), Lord

tion, 106, 117, 121, 167, Fig. 117 Fig. 81 Methuen Collection, Master of

Cavalca, Domenico, 84 Christ Child Carrying the Cross, 87 the Fabriano Altarpiece, Mar-

Cavalcanti, Mainardo, 161 Christian Learning, 51 n. 148, 94ff., riage of St. Catherine of Alexan-

Cavallini, Pietro, 71, 134, 157 96, 97, 9off., 104, Fig. 95 dria, 110 n. 24

Cavallini, Pietro—Follower, 38 n. Church, representations of, 97ff., Corsini, Pietro, 97 n. 6

102, 150 n. 76 100, 116, Fig. 108 Cortona, Gest, Signorelli, Luca,

Ceccarelli, Naddo, 42 n. 119 Church Suckling the Faithful, 116, Immaculate Conception, 154 n.

Cecco di Pietro, 171 Fig. 108 103 Cennini, Cennino, 4 Cicerchia, Niccold di Mino: Pas- Costalpino, S. Margarita (former-

Certaldo, SS. Michele e Jacopo (for- stone di Gest Cristo, 125ff., 130, ly), Niccold di Buonaccorso, polmerly), triptychs commissioned by 162, 166, Resurrezione di Gesu yptych, 171

Boccaccio, 10, 162 Cristo, 125ff. Cristofano di Bindoccio, 122 n. 69

Cevoli (near Pisa), Pieve, Lorenzo Cimabue, 3, 5, 175ff. critical opinions on later Trecento di Niccolo—Follower, Madonna Cimabue—Foilowers, 9 n. 2, 48 n. painting: Antal, Frederick, 173ff.,

of Humility, 138 n. 23 139, 121 n. 64, 175 174 mn. 12-14, Gombosi, George,

Chantilly, Musée Condé, Florentine Ciompt, 63, 167 172ff., Gronau, Hans, 173, ProFollower of Spinello Aretino, Cioni, 172; see also Jacopo di Cione; cacci, Ugo, 172 n. 1, Salvini,

miniature, Resurrection, 39 n. 109 Nardo di Cione; Orcagna, Andrea Roberto, 172 n. 6, 173, 174, Toes-

Charity, see Caritas Cioni—Followers, 15 n. 16, 21 n. 27, ca, Pietro, 172 n. 1, 173, Valen-

Chartres, Cathedral: south porch, 26 n. 51, 31, 33, 34 n. 83, 35ff., 42, tiner,.W. R., 174

Caritas, 116 nm. 42, west portal, 43 n. 125, 46, 49 Nn. 142, 54, 110 n. Crivelli, Carlo, 113 n. 36, 154 n. 103,

12th cent. relief, Presentation in 24, 112 N. 30, 122, 123ff., 124 n. 76, 165 )

the Temple, 23 138 n. 25, 199 n. 29, Fig. 42; see Crossing of the Red Sea, 68, Fig. 80

Chateauroux, Museum, Gerini— also Master of the Rinuccini Crucifix, 41, 45 n. 130, 106, 117, 121,

Follower, Madonna of Humility, Chapel 127, 194

199 Nn. 29 Cividale, Museo, MS LXXXvI, late Crucifixion, 6 n. 10, 14, 14 nm. 1, 21

Chatillon-sur-Seine, St. Vorle, Ma- 13th cent., Man of Sorrows (fol. n. 28, 23, 23 n. 36-37, 35, 46, S3ff.,

donna, 152 n. 86 16), 124 n. 75 o4ff., 97, 109 N. 21, 119 n. 58, 122, Master, 14th cent., Madonna of 102 Figs. #0, 60, 92, 96, 124, 126

Chianciano, Municipio, Florentine Clement VI, Pope, 37 n. 97, 80, 81, 122 n. 69, 127, 130, 149ff., 166, 170,

Humility, 198 n. 25 Cleveland, Museum of Fine Arts, Cruelty, 49, 51ff.

Chicago, Art Institute, Andrea di Carlo da Camerino, Madonna of Lu cades, 8, 89 . Bartolo—Follower, Madonna of Humility, 137 n. 20, 149 Wh. 72, Cusona, Pieve, Bartolo di Fredi,

Humility, 134 n. 6 151 n. 84, 154 n. 99 and 101 Madonna, 170

—_-_—, Worcester Collection, Carlo Colmar, Unterlinden Museum, ,

mility, 197 n. 20 , .

da Camerino, jmadonna of Hu- tion gone} we aTpiec® Resurrec- Daddi, Bernardo, ff. 6, 26, 29 n. Chieti, Palseze Comunale, Marchi- Cologne, Rheinisches Museum, Nic- 6o, a 45 n. ~~ 53, 60 n. 2, 66, gian Master, 15th cent., Virgin cold di Buonaccorso—Follower, D at ” Bone “aa "Pal Nn. 73+ 173 Nourishing Human Souls, 152 n. Crucifixion (inv. no. 619), 122 n. addi, bernardo—rollowers, 43 Nn.

86 69 121, 61, 147 n. 62, 149 n. 69 and

children, representation of, 61 Colombini, Beato Giovanni, 72, 73. 715 see also “Assistant of Daddi

Christ: Admonished by His Par- 85, 86ff., 89, go, giff., 104, 161, 166 Daniele (Minorite in Florence), 78 ents, 61, Before Caiaphas, 56, Colonna, Bishop Giacomo, 163 n. 18 Dante: Divine Comedy, 4ff., 69, 98, Commending Virgin to St. John, Company of the Bigallo, 79, 100 98 n. 9, 103, 149 N. 72, 153, 157 n.

180

INDEX )

g, 16g n. 21, Lives of, 160, Vita di Bonaguida—Follower, Dossal, Felice da Massa, Fra, La Fanciul-

NuUOVA, 125 47 lezza di Gest, 91 n. 87, 125 cio 150 n. 79, Figs. 67, 77. 137 Nn. 20 David, 99, 113 Duccio—Followers, 22 n. 32, 43 Nn. Ferrara, Duomo, Porta dei Mesi,

Dante Commentators, see Anoni- Duccio, 7, 9, 19 N. 24, 31 N. 73, $3, Fermo, S. Domenico, Ghissi, Franmo; Benvenuto da Imola; Boccac- 38, 45. 49) 54, 55ff., 119 n. 58, 131, cescuccio, Madonna of Humility,

death, see Black Death; Triumph 121, 119 n. 58, 120, 120 n. 62, 129 y2th cent. relief, Christ Treading

of Death n. 89, 146 n. 58, 149 n. 69, 150 n. on Asp and Basilisk, 50, 144

Death of the Virgin, Fig. 8 45 | ——, Pinacoteca, Simone dei

Decameron, see Boccaccio Dugento painting, 9, 9 n. 2, 10, 16, Crocefissi, Vision of the Virgin,

Deésis, off., 99 22, 25, 27, 28 n. 67, 29, 38, 38 n. 153, Fig. 163

Deposition, 49, 53, 124 n. 76, 167, 102, 40, 41, 42 N. 119, 43 N. 122, Fidati, Fra Simone: 81, L’ordine del-

170, Figs. 65-67 44ff., 76, 76 nm. 111, 117ff., 129, 124, la vita cristiana, 26ff., 71

Descent into Limbo, see Limbo 124 n. 76, 129, 146, 148ff., 148 n. —- Fiesole, Museo Bandini

Detroit, Institute of Art, Andrea di 64, 149 n. 6g, 150 n. 75 and 77, Cioni—Follower, Madonna del Bartolo, Madonna of Humility, —_— i e»ff., Figs. 2-3, 16, 34, 55, 65, 113- Parto (room 1, no. 6), 42 n. 120

134 n. 6 115, 122 Florentine Master, late 14th cent.,

devotional images, 123ff., 127, 132ff., Duke of Athens, 62, 166 predeila, Nativity (room I, no.

145ft.; see also Lamentation; Ma- 11), 23 n. 38

donna of Humility; Man of Sor- Ecclesia, see Church, representations Florentine Master, late 14th cent.,

rows; Vesperbild of predella, Presentation in the

Dialogo della divina providenza, see Elie Raymond de Toulouse, see Temple (room u, no. 12), 23

Catherine of Siena, St. Raymond de Toulouse Nn. 39

Dijon, Musée Elizabeth of Hungary, St., 175 n. 3 Giovanni del Biondo, altarpiece, Daddi, Bernardo—Follower, trip- § Empoli, Collegiata, Masolino, Man 43 n. 123

tych, 149 n. 73 of Sorrows, 37 n. 98 Figline, Misericordia (S. Francesco),

Florentine Master, ¢. 1400, Ma- = Englewood (N.J.), Platt Collection Giovanni del Biondo, Madonna,

donna of Humility, 138 n. 25 (formerly), Paolo di Giovanni Fei, 168 , Master of the Fabriano Altar- Entombment, 18 n. 20 Fioretti, see Francis of Assisi, St—

Gaddi, Taddeo, Nativity, 147 Madonna of Humility, 134 n. 7 Filippo, Fra (Augustinian Friar), 86

piece, Madonna of Humility, 23 Envy, 50 n. 147 legends n. 41, 138, 141° Ephrem Syrus, St. 144 n. 50 Firman, Jean, 150 n. 81

Ms 641, French, 12th cent. Ma- Erfurt, Barfiisserkirche, stained — Fitz-Ralph, Richard (Archbishop of

donna del Latte (fol. 21v), 146 glass, German, late 13th cent., Armagh), 102, 103

n. 57 Stigmatization of St. Francis, 119 = flagellants, 8off., gz, 103, 166

Dijon Master, see Master of the n. 54 Fleet, William, 85ff., 91, 104, 107 Dijon Tabernacle ———-, Museum, German, 14th cent. Nn. 7, 125, 166

Disciplinati della Madonna, 125, sculpture, Standing Madonna, 155 — Flight into Egypt, 19

144 N. 51 Nn. 104 Florence: economic developments,

Disrobing of Christ, 129, Fig. 118 Esztergom, Archiepiscopal Museum, 61ff., 67ff., 72ff., 82, 166ff., political

Divine Comedy, see Dante Pietro di Giovanni, Assumption and social developments, 59ff., 62, Doberan, Cistercian Church, Ger- of the Virgin, 21 n. 28 68ff., 72, 82, 160, 166ff., 173ff. man sculpture, 14th cent., Stand- Eugene IV, Pope, 73 n. 60 ——., Accademia ing Madonna, 155 n. 104 Evangelists, Four, 175; see also Sts. Andrea da Firenze, Two Saints Doddington (Kent), Church, Eng- John Evangelist; Luke; Mark; (no. 3145), 47

lish Master, late 1gth cent., Stig- Matthew “Assistant of Daddi,” Crucifix matization of St. Francis, 119.56 = Eve, 51 n. 148, 148, Fig. 160; see (no. 442), 45 n. 130 Dodicini, 64, 88, 166ff. . also Adam Cioni—Follower, Madonna of Hu-

Domenico di Bartolo, 140, Fig. 141 Expulsion of Joachim from the mility, 139 n. 29 Dominic, St., 77, 98, 105ff., 113, 118 Temple, see Joachim Expelled Florentine Master, early 14th

N. $4, 121, 171, 175, Fig. 121 from the Temple cent., Madonna del Latte, 146 Dominicans, 26 n. 49, 47, 83, 88, 89, n. 58 90, giff., 93 N. 95 94, 97, 97 0. 6, Fabriano, Fornari Collection, Ghis- Gaddi, Taddeo: Christ Teaching

g8ff., 101ff., 105, 144, 154 N. 103, si, Francescuccio, Madonna of in the Temple (no. 8586), 56

166, i7att., 175 Humility, 137 n. 20 n. 164, Nativity (no. 8583), 149

Dominici, Bartolommeo, see Barto- ____ mtuseo Civico, Master of the n. 73, Presentation in the Tem-

lommeo Dominici Fabriano Altarpiece, retable, 53 ple (no. 8585), 16ff., Fig 12, Res-

Dominici, Giovanni: go, Lucula __ ss, Domenico, Ghissi, Fran- urrection (no. 8591), 39, 40 Nn.

noctis, go, 163 n. 19 cescuccio, Madonna of Humility, 115 Donatello, 140 Fabriano Master, see Master of the Presentation in the Temple Donato Martini, 133 n. 5 Fabriano Altarpiece (no. 8462), 16ff., 24, 55ff., 166, Dondi, Giovanni, 157 n. 4 Faith, soff., 115, Figs. 73, 169 168, Fig. 13 Dresden, Pinakothek, Florentine = Family Subjects, 110, 134 n. 7 Giovanni da Milano, Man of SorMaster, 14th cent,, Presentation Famine, 64, 166 rows (no. 8467), 168 in the Temple (no. 27), 18 n. 22 Fanciullezza di Gestt, see Felice da Jacopo di Cione: Coronation of Dublin, Private Collection, Pacino Massa, Fra the Virgin (no. 456). 49ff., 45,

Domitilla, Suora, 85 136, 137 n. 20 Giovanni del Biondo, triptych,

181

INDEX 167, 169, Fig. 56, Madonna of §-———-, Contini-Bonacossi, A., Cole §————, S. Croce

Humility, 11 n. 8, 24, 42%, 45, lection Master of the Stefaneschi Altar-

139, Fig. 138 Giovanni del Biondo, Altarpiece of piece, Coronation of the Virgin,

Mariotto di Nardo, altarpiece the Baptist, 45 n. 190, 49, Fig. 68 43, 114, Fig. 58 (no. 3460), 139 n. 29 Giovanni da Milano, Christ En. Nardo di Cione—Follower, trip-

Meliore, polyptych (no. 9153), 9, throned, 10, Fig. 4 " tych, 68

471., Fig. 2 ————, Corsi Collection (formerly), Orcagna: Last Judgment, 14, 57,

Nardo di Cione—Follower: Ma- Cioni—Follower, Madonna, 42 -n. n4ff., gz, 10:ff., Triumph of

donna of Humility (no. 8465), 119 Death, 14, 57, 74ff., 92, 101ff., 41, 199, 148, Fig. 145, Triptych ———, Duomo, 13ff., 77 n. 20, 97, Fig. 86 of the Trinity (no. 8464), 13, 100 Orcagna—Assistant, Hell, 14, 51, 34ff., 45, 96, Fig. 9 Giovanni del Biondo, St. Zenobi- 57, 74ff., 83, 84, 92, 101ff., Figs.

Niccold di Tommaso, Coronation US, 49, 51, Fig. 70 83-84

of the Virgin (no. 8580), 43 n. mosaic, 13th cent., Coronation of ————, §. Croce, Bardi Chapel

126 the Virgin, 44 n. 127 Florentine Master, c. 1260, Stig-

Orcagna—Follower, Madonna of representations of, 97, 100 matization of St. Francis, 119

Humility (no. 3156), 138 n. 24 ——~—, Duomo, Campanile, reliefs, Giotto, Stigmatization of St. Fran-

Pacino di Bonaguida, Tree of Life 94, 100 cis, 120

(no. 8459): Coronation, 43 n. ———-, Duomo, Opera del Duomo ———, §. Croce, Baroncelli Chapel 121, Nativity, 149 n. 73, Presen- Giovanni del Biondo, Martyrdom Gaddi, Taddeo, frescoes: Annunci-

tation in the Temple, 19 n. 24, of St. Sebastian, 77ff., Fig. 91 ation, 149 n. 71, Expulsion of Resurrection of Lazarus, 31 n. Tino di Camaino, Caritas, 116, Joachim from the Temple, go,

"3 151, Fig. 110 Meeting at the Golden Gate,

Puccio di Simone, Madonna of ————-, Duomo, Sacristy, Luca della 26, 40 n. 114, Fig. 33, Nativity,

Humility (no. 8569), 137 Robbia, Resurrection, 40 n. 115 147, Presentation of the Virgin,

Rinuccini Master, altarpiece, Ma- ————, Gabella de’ Contratti (for- 27ff. donna Appearing to St. Ber- merly), Nardo di Cione, altarpiece, Master of the Baroncelli Altar-

nard, and Saints, 77 n. 19 15 piece, Coronation of the Vir-

Sixteenth century Master, Mar- ——, Horne Museum gin, 43 nm. 121

riage of St. Catherine of Alex- 14th cent., Man of Sorrows, 124 ——, §. Croce, Museo dell’ Opera,

andria (no. 8647), 113 n. 36 n. 75 Orcagna—Follower, Madonna and

Spinello Aretino—Follower, Ma- Florentine Master, c. 1410, Holy predelia, 121ff., 129ff., Fig. 121

donna of Humility (no. 3161), Face, 38, Fig. 43 ——, §. Croce, Rinuccini Chapel 132 n. 1, 138 n. 23 Lippi, Fra Filippo, Man of Sor- Giovanni del Biondo, altarpiece,

———, Acton, A., Collection, Bigal- rows, 37 18

lo Master, Virgin and Child, 16, ——, Museo Nazionale Giovanni da Milano and Rinuc-

27, Fig. 16 13th cent., Madonna and Passion cini Master, frescoes: Expulsion

——, Albrighi, Sig. Luigi, Collec- Scenes, Deposition, 124 n. 76 of Joachim from the Temple,

tion (formerly), Master of the Fa- Master of the St. George Codex, 20ff., 48, 56, 79, giff., 166, 168, briano Altarpiece, Standing Ma- Coronation of the Virgin, 43 n. Fig. 36, Meeting at the Golden

donna, 42 n. 119 121 Gate, 25ff., 29, 79, grff., 166,

———-, Annunziata (formerly), Or- Master of the Straus Madonna 168, Fig. 27, Presentation of the

cagna, frescoes, 14 (Florentine), Madonna of Hu- Virgin, 28 n. 59, 29, Resurrec-

———., Arte del Cambio (formerly), mility, 199 n. 26 tion of Lazarus, 32, 79, 91 ff., 166, Orcagna, Altarpiece of St. Mat- ————, Or San Michele, 8, 13, 49, 78 168, Fig. 37

thew, 14 Daddi, Bernardo, Madonna, 45 ———, S. Croce, Sacristy ———, Badia, Orcagna—Follower, n. 130 Ms, Cod p., Antiphonary, late 14th

Pentecost, 32ff., 45, Fig. 39 Orcagna and Associates, taber- cent., Resurrection (fol. 3), 39

———., Baptistery, see S. Giovanni nacle: 13, 18, 18 n. 20, 21 n. 27, n. 109 . ————,, Bargello, see Museo Nazi- 78, 92,172 n. 1, 166, Fig. 5, Cari- Niccoldé di Pietro Gerini, Resur-

onale tas, 116, Death and Assumption rection, 39 n. 109 ,

—_——-, Biblioteca Nazionale of the Virgin, 11 n. 7, 12, 22 ——, S. Croce, St. Sylvester ChapmS Cod. Pal. 600, Master of the n. 30, Fig. 8, Nativity, 23 n. el, Maso di Banco, frescoes, 46 | Dominican Effigies, Initial C, 38, Presentation in the Temple, ———., S. Croce, unidentified chapel Bellezza corporale, 98 n. 9 18, Presentation of the Virgin (formerly), frescoes attributed to Ms Magl. u.1.212, Laudarto, Flor- in the Temple, 27, 29, 30ff., Orcagna, 14, 77 n. 16, 92

entine, ¢c. 1355, Last Judgment Fig. 28 ——, S. Felicita, Gaddi, Taddeo, (fol. 64v), 76, Fig. go ————, Private Collection, Simone _ altarpiece, 56 n. 165

———, Bigallo ; dei Crocefissi, Madonna of Hu- ——, S. Giovanni

Daddi, Bernardo, triptych, 147 mility, 135, Fig. 134 Ghiberti, Lorenzo, bronze doors:

n. 62 -—————, S. Ambrogio Pentecost, 33 n. 81, Resurrec-

Orcagna—-Follower, St. Peter Mar- Gaddi, Agnolo—-Follower, Martyr- tion, 40 n. 115

tyr Giving Standards to the dom of St. Sebastian, 78 n. 21 mosaic, 13th cent., Last Judgment, Compagnia del Bigallo, 100 n. Nardo di Cione—Follower, fresco, 76 n. ut

17 Madonna del Latte, 147'n. 61 ~—_—_—., §. Lorenzo, Cioni—Follower,

n. 142 pital, 79 andria, 112 n. 30

———, Camera di Commercio, 49 ———, §. Caterina dei Talani, Hos- Marriage of St. Catherine of Alex-

182

INDEX ———, S. Maria del Carmine Giovanni del Biondo, St. Jerome, Follower, Madonna of Humility,

Andrea da Firenze, polyptych, 16, 168, Fig. 17 138 n. 25 47ff., Figs. 31, 64 Nardo di Cione: Last Judgment, Folly, 51

Brancacci Chapel, Masaccio, Ix- gn. 4, 11 n. 7, 72, 77, 83, 91, Fortitude, 115 pulsion from Paradise, 55 101ff., 166, Fig. 89, Paradise, 11 frames of altarpieces, see altarpieces ~————, S, Maria Maggiore, Orcagna n. 7, 72, 77 n. 19, 83, 91, 101ff., —forms

. —Follower, altarpiece, 23 n. 36 166 Francesco da Barberino, Documenti ————, §. Maria Novella, 66 n. 28, Orcagna, Andrea, Strozzi Altar- @’amore, 107ff. 79, 83, 89, gO, 102, 144 N. 51, 175 ff. piece, off., 18, 23 n. 36, 24, 27, Francesco di Mino Vincenti, g2

Masaccio, Trinity, 35 n. 86 g2 n. 78, 35, 45ff., 53, 56, 57, 72, Francesco di Pippino, 92

Rucellai Madonna, 119 n. 58 83, 91, 96, 98, 99, 131, 166, 173, Francesco di Vannuccio, 22 n. 33, 54;

———, 5. Maria Novella, Cappella Figs. 1, 6-7, 30, 168 134 mn. 7, 170

della Pura, Crucifix, 174 ———, S. Maria dei Servi (former- Francis of Assisi, St.: 51 n. 154, 87, ——, S. Maria Novella, Chios- ly), frescoes attributed to Orcag- | 106ff., 109, legends, 117ff. (Actus

trino, Orcagna—Contemporary, na, 92 beati Francisci, 118 n. 51, 121 n.

Nativity and Crucifixion, 6 n. 10, ———_—, §. Miniato 63; Bonaventura, Life of St. Fran14 N. 13, 23 n. 37-38 Gaddi, Agnolo, Resurrection, 40 cis, 117 n. 45, 118, 121 n. 63; Fio———, S. Maria Novella, Choir Jacopo del Casentino, altarpiece, rettt di S. Francesco, 42 n. 120,

Ghirlandaio, Expulsion of Joa- 45 118 n. 51, 121; Legend of the chim from the Temple, go n. 69 ——~, §. Miniato (formerly), Leg- Three Companions, 118; Sacre

Orcagna and Assistants, frescoes, endary Crucifix, 106 sante stimmate, 118 mn. 51, 121; 14, 30 n. 69, 53, 72, 79, 83, 83 ——, §. Spirito, Orcagna—Follow- Tommaso da Celano: First Life,

Nn. 50, 92 er, Last Supper and Crucifixion, 118, 120 n. 59, Second Life, 118,

——~-, S. Maria Novella, Choir 14, 92 n. 48, Tractatus de Miraculis, 118 (formerly), Orcagna, Expulsion ——.,, §. Trinita: 84, Orcagna—At- n. 48), Marriage to Poverty, 109ff.,

of Joachim from the Temple, 3o tributed to, Disputa of St. Cath- 111, Fig. 102, Resurrecting Child,

n. 69 erine of Alexandria, 14 n. 18 61, Stigmatization, 117ff., Figs.

———, S. Maria Novella, Cloister ——, SS. Apostoli: 32, Jacopo di 113-116 Florentine Master, c. 1370, St. Cione, Madonna, 42, Fig. 53 Franciscans, 26, 42 n. 120, 51, 78, 81,

, Luke, 175 ——, Tolentino Collection (for- g0, 99 N. 10, 111, 144, 150 n. 81, Nardo di Cione—Follower: Meet- merly), Giovanni. del Biondo, Ma- 167; see also Fraticelli; Osservanti;

ing at the Golden Gate, 26 n. donna of Humility, 138 n. 23 Spiritual Franciscans

51, Presentation of the Virgin, ——, Uffizi Franco (miniaturist), 5

. 28 n. 59 Cioni—Follower, predella, Ascen- Frankfurt, Ad. Schaeffer Collection, Old Testament Cycle, 79 sion of St. John Evangelist (no. Angelico, Fra—Follower, Madon-

—— -, §. Maria Novella, Gondi 446), 49 n. 142 na of Humility, 140 n. 32

Chapel, 47, 175ff. Daddi, Bernardo, altarpiece, 26, Fraticelli, 81ff., 85ff., 87, goff., 92, ———, S. Maria Novella, Spanish 29 n. 60, 30, 149 n. 73 103

Chapel, 79, 83, 94ff., Fig. 93 Florentine Master, c. 1250, Stig- frontal figures, 23ff., 107ff. Andrea da Firenze and Assistants, matization of St. Francis, 119, Fungai, Bernardino, 121 n. 65 | frescoes: 46, 47, 53, 57, 72. 7% 120, Fig. 114 83, 91, 94-103, 166, 168, 175, Gaddi, Taddeo, Madonna, 56 n. Gabriel, Archangel, 138 n. 23, 149

Apotheosis of St. Thomas (see 165 Nn. 72, 150

Christian Learning), Ascension, Ghirlandaio, Michele di Ridolfo, | Gabriele da Volterra, Fra, 104 n.

94 n. 1, g5ff., Christian Learn- Marriage of St. Catherine of Si- 31

ing, 51 n. 148, g4ff., 96, 97, 99ff., ena, 113 Nn. 35 Gaddi, Agnolo, 40, 57, 174 104, Fig. 95, Crucifixion, 46, 83, Giotto, Madonna and Child, isff., Gaddi, Agnolo—Followers, 78 n.

o4ff., Figs. 60, 96, Evangelists, Fig. 10 21, 138ff.; see also Master of the 175, Limbo, 31, 41, 84, 94ff., Giovanni del Biondo, St. John Straus Madonna (Florentine)

Figs. 96, 98, Navicella, gsff., 99, Evangelist, 49, 51, 71ff., Figs. 69, Gaddi, Taddeo, sff., 6ff., 16ff., 22,

107, Fig. 97, Pentecost, 33ff., 48, 7 26, 27ff., 28 n. 58, 29, 30, 32ff.,

g5ff., 100ff., Fig. 41, Resurrec- Lorenzetti, Am brogio, Presenta- 39, 40, 56, 56 n. 164, 61 n. 6, 68

. »C. , diptych, .

tion, 3off., o5ff., 131, Fig. 47, tion in the Temple, 12 n. 10, n. 37, 124 n. 76, 147ff., 149 Nn. Scenes from Life of St. Peter — 19ff., 29, 5, Fig. 14 m1 and 73, 172ff., Figs. 12, 32-33, Martyr 23 n. 36, 94, Via Veritat- Lucchese Master c. 1260, di 40, 159

tS, 23, 36, 94 n. 1, Q5ff., 99, 102ff., Deposition Fie. 6 Gaddi, Taddeo—Followers, 19 n. . 102 n. 20, 104, Figs. 44, 94, Way Ni a ai . 49, Fig. 05 24, 68 n. 37, 147 n. 62 to Calvary, 31, 48, o4ff., Figs. iccold F Buonnaccorso, Presen- Genealogia deorum gentilium, see

38, 96 tation of the Virgin, 28 n. 59 Boccaccio, De genealogiis deo-

“Assistant of Daddi,” retable, 94 Orcagna and Jacopo di Cione, St. rum gentilium .

————, S. Maria Novella, Spanish Matthew Altarpiece, 14, 24ff. | Genoa, Private Collection, Andrea

Chapel (formerly), Corpus Christi 131, 166, 169, Fig. 59 di Bartolo, Madofna of Humil-

frescoes, 94, 97 Piero di Cosimo, Immaculate Con- ity, 134 n. 6 Chapel _ Simone Martini, Annunciation, 12 Gentile da Fabriano, 140 n. 32 " Giovanni del Biondo (?), St. Greg- Nn. 10, 22 Nn. 34 Gentile da Foligno, 75 n. 5 ory, 16 ———, Uffizi, Storeroom, Cioni— Gera, Jacopo di Michele, 171 183 ———, S. Maria Novella, Strozzi ception, 154 N. 103 Gente nuova, 6off.

INDEX Gerini, Niccold di Pietro, 39 n. 109, Giovanni Gualberto, St., 106 Hamburg, Weber Collection (for-

138 n. 23 Giovanni Pisano, 50, 76 n. 11 and merly), Cologne School, 15th cent.,

Gerini, Niccold di Pietro—Follow- 14, 116, 144 n. 50, 171, Fig. 108 Madonna of Humility, 140 n. 37 ers, 33 n. 81, 57, 1399 n. 29 Giusto de’ Menabuoi, 56 n. 164, 103 Hawkwood, John, 68, 89

- Gesuati, 88, goff., 166 Gloucester, Highnam Court, Parry hearts, offered as gift to God, 113ff.,

Ghent, Musée des Beaux-Arts, Collection 115, Figs. 112, 169

Master of the Fabriano Altar- “Assistant of Daddi,” altarpiece, Heaven, see Paradise; sae also Last

piece, Coronation of the Virgin, 11; verso, Madonna of Humil- Judgment

43, 123 ity, 197ff., Fig. 139 Hell, 14, 50, 75, 83, 92, 101ff., 104 n.

Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 14, 33 n. 81, 40 Gaddi, Agnolo—Follower, Madon- 29, Figs. 83-84; see also Last Judg-

n. 115, 78ff., 92, 172 nm. t na of Humility (no. 62), 139 n. ment

Ghirlandaio, Domenico, g0 n. 69 26 Helmstadt (formerly), Cologne

119 Nn. 35 nacle, 15 n. 16 97

Ghirlandaio, Michele di Ridolfo, Nardo di Cione—Follower, taber- School, panel, Sudarium, 37 n. Ghissi, Francescuccio, 136, 137 n. 20 Riminese Master, 14th cent., Ado- heresy and heretical sects, 81ff., go,

Giacomo di Mino del Pellicciaio, 46, ration of the Magi, 149 n. 70 98 n. 8, 99 n. 10, 100ff., 109ff. 53, 64, 85, 112 n. 30, 166, 170, Fig. Géttingen, University Gallerv, Nic- hermits, 74, 75, 84, go

61 colo di Tommaso, Coronation of Hildesheim, Rémer-Museum, Gio-

Giotto, 3ff., 9, 9 n. 1, 12 n. 9, 15ff., the Virgin (no. 62), 43, 126 vanni del Biondo, Man of Sor-

19 N. 24, 24, 25ff., 28ff., 31 n. 73, Gold, 46, 75 n. 5 rows, 124 n. 76

33, 38, 44if., 46, 5off., 56 n. 164, Golden Legend, see Jacopo da Vora- Holy Face, see Christ, Holy Face; see

60, 71, 76, 84, 94, 96, 99, 100, 107, gine also Sudarium

109, 114ff., 120, 126, 127, 134, 147, Good Government, representation Holy Family, 61, 134 n. 7, 142 n. 45

149, 150 n. 74, n. 78 and 80, 157, of, 51, 94, 114, 157, Fig. 109 Holy Women at the Sepulchre, 38, 165, 172ff., Figs. 10, 26, 29, 30, 35, Gotha, State Museum (formerly), 40 72-73, 70, 88, 101, 166 Niccold di Buonaccorso, St. Law- Homer, translation by Boccaccio and

Giotto—Followers, sff., 9 n. 1, 12 n. rence, 171 n. 23 Leontius Pilatus, 16eff.

9, 19, 19 Nn. 24, 25, 56 n. 164, 76 Gregory, St., 16, 106, 124 n. 75, 175 Honorius of Autun, Commentary on

N, 12, 109, 111, 115, 120 n. 61, Gregory XI, Pope, 50, 89 n: 81, 103, Song of Solomon, 116 n. 41

147, 149 n. 70, 150 n. 75, Figs. 167 Hope, 114

102, 167; see also Master of the Grosseto, Museo Civico, Guido da Hortus conclusus, 140, 142 n. 45

Stefaneschi Altarpiece Siena (?), Last Judgment, 76 n. Hortus deliciarum, 155 n. 105

Giovanni da Bologna, 135 n. 11, 136 13, 98 Houston, Museum of Fine Arts n, 17 and 18, 140, 142, 144 N. 51, Griinewald, Matthias, go n. 115 Andrea da Firenze—Close to, Sts. Fig. 154 Gubbio, S. Domenico, Choral VII, Agnes, Bartholomew, Nicholas,

Giovanni da Firenze, 107, 110 n. 24, Bolognese, 13th cent., Coronation Elizabeth, 47 n. 133

| Fig. 103 of the Virgin (fol. 77), 150 n. 75 Barna—Follower, Madonna, 21 n. Giovanni da Milano, 10, 25ff., 2off., Guidalotti, Buonamico di Lapo, 72, 28

40, 46, 48, 53, 56, 70, gi ff., 122 "9, 94 Orcagna—Follower, Meeting at n. 67, 166, 168, 172, Figs. 4, 27, Guidini, Cristofano, 88 the Golden Gate, 26 n. 51 | 36-37 Guido da Siena, 98, 129, Fig. 122 Hugh of St. Victor, De fructibus

Giovanni da S. Gimignano, 130 n. Guido da Siena—Followers, 76 n. 13, carnis et spiritus, 153 n. 92 and 95

96; see also Meditations on the 119, 119 n. 58, 129 n. 89, 150 n, humanism, 163, 165

Life of Christ 80, Fig. 115 Humility, 51, 115, 148ff., 152ff., 153

Giuliano da Rimini, 120 n. 61 Guido di Neri, 85 n. 59 n. 97, 156 n. 108, Figs. 70, 167, Giovanni dal Ponte, 110 n. 25 guilds, 59, 62, 72, 94, 106; see also 169; see also Madonna of Humil-

Giovanni dalle Celle, Beato, 84ff., Arti maggiori e minori ty

89, giff., 104, 166 Humility, St.,13, Sermon, 152 n. 87, 158 Giovanni del Biondo, 7 n. 13, Nn. 93 16ff., 19, 21, 24, 42 NM. 119, 43 Nn. 123, 45 n. 130, 4off., 51, 53, 55ff. Hague, Museum Meermanno-West-

"al fE., 74, 7786, 83, 110, 110 n. 24, reenianum, Cioni—Follower, tab-

112, 112 n. 32, 113, 124 n. 76, 138 ernacle, 15 n. 16 Ilario, St., 149 n. 68

Nn, 23, 154 N. 100, 155 n. 104, 166, ———~, Royal Library Immaculate Conception, 26, 113 n. 168, 174, Figs. 13, 17, 52, 68-71, MS 74.6.34, Hours, Netherlandish, 36, 154 n. 103

91, 106 c. 1425, Madonna of Humility immigration into Florence and. Si-,

Giovanni del Biondo—Followers, 78 (fol. 15), 142 n. 46 ena, 69

n. 21, 124 n. 76 Ms 76.6.3, Hours, French, ¢. 1400- —sincarnation, 106 n. 6, 153ff. Giovanni di Bartolommeo Chris- 1410, Madonna of Humility Inconstancy, 51

tiani, 136 n. 15 (fol. 298v), 142 n. 44 Infancy Cycle, see Christ, Infancy

Giovanni di Duccio da S. Gimi- MS 11.6.3, Hours, Netherlandish, Cycle

gnano, 163 n. 19 c. 1430, Madonna of Humility _—Infidelity, 5off., 115, Fig. 166 Giovanni di Niccold, 135, 171, Fig. (fol. 14), 142 n. 46 inflation, 67

132 MS 133.D.14, Hours, northeast Injustice, 24

Giovanni di Paolo, 21, n. 28, 28 n. French or Flemish, c. 1415-1420, Innocent VI, Pope, 102 58, 77, 113, 124, 121, 194 n. 6, Figs. Madonna of Humility (fol. 11v), —s inscriptions in paintings, 122ff.

104, 112, 117 142 n. 46 Isaiah, 42 n. 120 184

INDEX

Egert 81, (?), English idIsaiah “ha . . gerton 2781,MSEnglish mid nal LUI, 4-5—inscription from, hastra a pena. FM reeins Col- 14th cent., The Virgin NourishIsaiah—Vision of the Virgin, 147 Last . . . oe? pper, 14, 55, 60, Fig.Su79;

. . ; n, Bartolo di Fredi—Follow- ing Human Souls (fol.

enon ee Etymologiarum, er, Madonna, 147 n. 61 n. 86 wis Gols a4), 358 Istoria Fiorentina see Bruni, Lio- raudario dei Battuti di Modena, Ms Harley 2952, French, c. 1405,

nardo , a 154 1. 103 Madonnas of Humility (fols. taudi, 87, 108 n. 15, 154 Nn. 103; see 7iv, B6v, 115), 142, 142 n. 43

acopo d i 93 acopo d i . - 72V), 37 Nn. 97

Jacobello del Fiore, 137 n. 20 Laure ail da Todi Ms Harley 4382, Berry Bible, Res-

acopo da V : . : , . urrection of Christ, 32 n. 75

J ern. 46 ey noha te meene havagnola, Pieve, Barnaba da Mo- MS Royal 2 a xx, Chronica of tet me 8: +77) . 16, ale, eons Madonna del Latte, 147 n. Matthew Paris (fol. 49b) 36 n.

J 8, Casentino, 6, 19 n. 24, ene ot 11, 57, 172 Nn. gg, MS Royal 17 a xxvii, 15th cent.,

; 175 N. 3, Fig. 7 Sudarium (fol. 72v)

J Fig, 09 el Casentino—Circle, 109, Lazarus—Resurrection, giff., 79, ms Yates Thompson 37, Jacque-

Jacopo di Cione, 11 n. 8, 1 n L gut, 168, 175 n. 3, Fig. 37 mart de Hesdin—Follower, Ma36, 24ff., $1, 98, 34 n. 8 4 23 0. egend of the Three Companions, donna. of Humility (fol. 92), ne Mah , oe 3 “ “6 3: 39 “ peed Francis of Assisi, St—legends 142, Fig. 150

18H, 1 esx. “68ft 5 49, be 31, cningrad, Hermitage ——-, Buckingham Palace, Duccio

53, 56, 59 138 140 74» £188. 49, conardo Circle, Madonna della —Follower, tabernacle, Stigmati-

Jacopo di Cicne—Followers 4 M asa ae. 147 zation of St. Francis, 120

125, 124 n. 96 » 43 n. aster 0 Piemalle, Madonna, 143 ———, Chamberlain, W. B., CollecJacopone da Todi, Laudi, 76 n. 19 — roganoft Collection (for- tion (formerly; Sale, Christie’s,

- 108 n. 15, 109 Nn. 120, 152 M ina di Paci . Feb. 25, 1938, no. 21), Giovanni de}

or , + 122-123 Clark, H.: M., acquemart de ———, Hesdin— . ’Collection ’’

Jacopone da Todi, Pseudo, 78 at 0 _ pacino. Coronation of Biondo, Virgin Annunciate, 168 n. 4

J ia Fig. 0 esdin—Follower, nie Andrea, Ascension, 31 n. (formerly), Paolo di Giovanni Fei, oan de Jandan 108 n. 16 ——— Weiner, P., Collection (for- New York, Wildenstein), 28 n. Jeremiah, Lamentations I, 12, 124{f. wath x n Madore of Hea " 58, Fig. 165 Jerome, St., 16, 162, 168, Fig. 17 38 n s 4 adonna of Humility, ____, Courtauld Institute, Duccio

ean de Bungay, ; . Presentation of the Virgin (now

oachim: Expelled f . tok ok —Follower, Christ Mounting the

ree 4B. $8, 70 oils 108, Figs, Lente nanos e M7 Grom (ex-Lord Lee: Collection,

. 9 s » ! ? * . ? f ; 8, 1 2 ; 129 n. 89

34 3 Returning to His Sheep- Ce ats representations of, 100 ————, Douglas, Langton (former-

Joachim of Flore, 144 n. 50 ‘ ai M ; "Pa costumt, see Paolo ly), Orcagna—Follower, Madonna

Job, 68 Li ve Musé ‘i ae of Humility, 139 n. 26, 155 n. 106 Job—Misfortunes, Death of His 8 » Musee de l'Institut Arché- ——-, Leighton, J. and J. (former-

Children, 68, 170, Fig. 82 owas, Romanesque sculpture, ly), Ms 321, Hours, French, MaJohn Baptist, St.,9,9,+ 10 n. 5, 12 Limbo, “ Ba, ott, on donna of Humility, » Ot, 5 Vl, 22,11, » §t, 41, 84, +41,97» 108, ———-, National Galler142 190, 6, so gy ; 90. A vies Figs. 96, 98; see also Last Judg- Andrea da Firenze, polyptych,

15, 23 n. g6, 25, 32 n. 78, : i . , Y

30, 68 Limburg Brother. 47f., 175ff., Fig. 63

John Evangelist, St.: OQ; 15, 21 n. 28 Lippo Fra Filippo oy ™ 75 Barnaba da Modena, Coronation

23 N. 40, 41, 49, 61, 61, 7Iff., 118, nei . , of the Virgin, 150 n. 75

Ascension, 49 n. 142 “ Lippo Memmi, 138 n. 36; S. Piero Altarpiece: 166,

John XXII, Pope, 81, 82, 99 n. 10 Liverpool, Walker Art Gallery, Si- 169, Coronation of the Virgin,

Jubilee of 1350, 36, Bo, , 66 . mone Martini, Christ Admonished $1, Pentecost, 33 n. 81, Resur-

Judas Receiving Silver, see Pact of by His Parents, 61 . . rection, 39f., go n. 111, Fig.

Judas Livorno, Larderel Collection, Nic- 49, Trinity, 34 n. 83

Justice, 24 colé di Tommaso, Last Judgment, Crivelli, Carlo, Immaculate Con-

76 ception, 154 n. 103

Konopi8té, Castle Lochner, Stefan—Follower, 140 n. Lorenzo Veneziano, altarpiece,

Andrea di Bartolo, Trinity and 37 Madonna of Humility, 136, Fig. . Crucifixion, 35, London, Beatty, Chester, Collection 135

Niccold di Tommaso, Coronation (formerly), Hours, Boucicaut Master of Flémalle, Madonna of

of the Virgin, 43 n. 126 Master—Follower, Madonna of Humility, 143, 156 n. 107, Fig.

Humility, 142 n. 43 144

Lamentation, 56 n. (165, 60, 61 n. —-—, British Museum Ugolino da Siena, Resurrection, 6, 122, 123, 145, Fig. 123 ms Add. 18850, Bedford Hours, 39, Fig. 48

Fando, Conte, 68 Madonna of Humility (fol. 25), Venetian Master, late 14th cent.,

ast Judgment, g n. 4, 11 n. 7, 14, 142 Nn. 44 Madonna of Humility (no.

74, 76, 92, 95, 98, 101ff., 151 n. ms Cotton Domitian a xvit, Hours, 4250), 1396 n. 18 84, wt Figs. 87-90; see also Hell; French, c. 1430, Madonna of ——-—., Pope-Hennessy, Arthur, Col-

Limbo; Paradise Humility (fol. 75), 142 n. 45 lection, Andrea di Niccold, Stig185

INDEX matization of St. Francis, 121 n. 65 piece, Coronation of the Virgin, Magdalen Master, see Master of

— ——, Pope-Hennessy, J., Collec- 43 Nn. 123 the Magdalen Altarpiece

tion, Venetian Master, 14th cent., Lucerne, Chillingworth Sale, Cioni Malachi, 29 -Sudarium, 36 n. 94, 37 n. 95-96 —Follower, Meeting at the Gold- Malavolti, Francesco, 92 n. go

————-, Private Collection, Magdalen en Gate, 26 n. 51 Malvern, C. W. Dyson Perrins Col-

Master (?), Stigmatization of St. Lugano, Thyssen Collection lection . Francis, 119 n. 52 Venetian Master, c. 1360, Madon- ms 10, Apocalypse, 13th cent., ——~——, Rothermere, Lord, Collec- na of Humility, 136 Apocalyptic Woman, 155 n. tion, Giotto—Follower, Corona- Venetian Master, late 14th cent., 105 tion of the Virgin, 150 n. 75 Madonna of Humility, 136 n. 18 MS 51, Bible, Bolognese, late

———-—-, Street, A. E., Collection (for- Luke, St., 175; see also Company of igth cent., Nativity (fol. 3b),

merly), Master of the Fabriano St. Luke 148 n. 64

Altarpiece, Madonna, 42 Luke 1:38,48-52, 149 n. 72, 153 N. 94 Man of Sorrows, 9, 37, 37 n. 98, ————-—, Victoria and Albert Museum Luke 1:58, 153 n. 95 121ff., 129ff., 195 n. 10, 145, 168,

Cioni—Follower, Miniature, Pen- Luxuria, see Unchastity Figs. 121, 125

tecost (no. 3045), 33 Lysippus, 71, 157 Mantegna, Andrea, 124 n. 74 |

MS 8.12.02 (1647), Hours, Rohan Marburg, St. Elizabeth, stainedMaster—Shop, Madonna of Hu- Madonna, see also Virgin Mary glass window, 13th cent., Stand-

mility (fol. 126), 142 n. 44 Madonna and Child, 9, 15ff., 18, 21 ing Madonna, 155 n. 104

MS 8.12.02 (1691), Hours, Eng- n. 28, 24, 41, 47, 48, 48 n. 139, 51, Margaret, St., 110

lish (?), ¢. 1435-1440, Madonna 54, 68, 71, 74, 83, 87, 107; 114, 115, Maria d’Aquino, 158 .

of Humility (fol. 61v), 142 n. 119 n. 58, 121, 123, 146, 168, 260ff., Maria Lactans, see Madonna del

46 175, Figs. 10-11, 16, 23, 63-64, 119- Latte

———-, Yates Thompson, Henry, 120, 149, 156, 169 Maria Mediatrix, 15)

Collection (formerly) Madonna della Culla, 60 Maries at the Tomb, see Holy Psalter, Paduan, late 13th cent., Madonna del Latte, 23, 116 n. 40, Women at the Sepulchre

Coronation of the Virgin, 44 n. 143 N. 49, 145 n. 52, 146ff., 151ff., Mariotto di Nardo, 139 n. 29

127 156 n. 107, 157, Figs. 24, 149, 155- Mark, St., 10 n. 5, 175

Taymouth Hours, 121 n. 64 156 Marriage at Cana, 56, 60

Longchamps Monastery, 144 n. 51 Madonna del Parto, 14 n. 120 Marriage of St. Catherine, see CathL’Ordine della vita cristiana, see Madonna di Misericordia, see Ma- erine of Alexandria, St.; Catherine

Fidati, Fra Simone donna of Mercy . of Siena, St.

Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, 7, 12 n. 10, Madonna in Majesty, 12 n. 10, 114, marriage scenes, 61, 108ff.; see also

19ff., 24ff., 29, 45 n. 180, 46, FO n. 115, 123, 131, 142, Fig. 149 Catherine of Alexandria, St.; Cath147, 51, 55, 66, 71, 94, 96, 114, 115, Madonna in the Rose Garden, 132 erine of Siena, St.; Christ, Mystic

180, 131, 138, 142, 148, 147, 148 n. n. 1, 140 Marriage to the Virgin; Francis of 109, 126, 149, 155 N. 34, 23, 23 N. 35, 24, 31, 4%, 45, riage of the Virgin

63, 150 n. 76, 157, Figs. 14, 23, 74, Madonna of Humility: 11 n. 8, 22 Assisi, St.; Marriage at Cana; Mar-

Lorenzetti, Ambrogio—Followers, 43 60, 109, 116 n. 40, 132-156, Figs. Marriage of the Virgin, 1ooff., Fig. MN. 121, §1 mn. 148, 62 n. 4, 134 n. 128-238, 140-142, 147-148, 150-152, 101

7,138 M11 Fig. 139, celestial type, 41ff., 1.g0ff., Marsilio of Padua, Defensor pacis,

Lorenzetti, Pietro, 7, 12 n. 10, 20, 22 143, Figs. 145-146, domestic type, 108

N. 34, 24 N. 43, 25, 28, 34 n. 84, 38 138, 143, Figs. 143-144, garden Mary Magdalen, 23, 121, 126ff., 150, n. 104, 46, 54, 61 n. 5, 66, 96, 131, type, 140, 142, 142 n. 46, Figs. 153- 175

138, 144 n. 50, 145, 148 n. 63 154, Quattrocento adaptations, = Masaccio, 35 n. 86, 55, 140, 165

Lorenzetti, Pietro—Followers, 39 n. 139 ff. Maso di Banco, 3ff., 6, 46, 53, 96, 107, 75 Nn. 4, 110 n. 24 and 26; see Madonna of Mercy, 144 n. 51, 166, 137, 172ff.

also Master of the Dijon Altar- 170 Masolino, 37 n. 98, 138 n. 22 piece Madonna Nikopoia, 24, 27 Massa Marittima, Museo, Lorenzet-

“Lorenzetti, Ugolino,” see Bulgarini, Madonna, Standing, 42, 74, 110, 154 ti, Ambrogio, Madonna in Majes-

Bartolommeo Nn. 100, 155 n. 104, Figs. 51-53 ty, 12 N. 10, 114, 115, 142, Fig. 149

Lorenzo di Bicci, 34 n. 84 Madrid, Prado, Bosch Collection, Massacre of the Innocents, 56, 60 Lorenzo di Niccold, 35 n. 86 Spanish Master, 14th cent., Ma- Master of Assisi St. Francis Cycle, Lorenzo di Niccolb—Follower, 138 donna of Humility (no. 44), 142 120, Fig. 116

Nn. 23 n.g8 Master of Flémalle, 42 n. 118, 143,

Lorenzo Monaco, 41, 139 n. go —————,, Private Collection, Spanish 156 n. 1047, Fig. 144

Lorenzo Veneziano, 136, Fig. 135 Master, Madonna of Humility, Master of Flémalie—Circle, 142 n.

Louis, St., 135, 175 n. g 141 n. 38 46, 143 Luca della Robbia, go n. 115 ————, Real Academia de la His- Master of the Bedford Hours, 142 n. Luca di Tommé, 7, 21ff., 35, 38 n. toria, Ms 33, Beatus Commentary 44

104, 54, 64, 73, 87, 112 n. 30, 123, on the Apocalypse, Spanish, 10th Master of the Biadaiolo Codex, 6, 166ff., 169 n. 13, 170, Figs. 21, 119 cent., Apocalyptic Woman, 155 n. 76 n. 12, 174 Nn. 12

Luca di Tommé—Follower, see “‘As- 105 Master of the Bigallo Crucifix, 16, sociate of Luca di Tommé” Maestd, see Christ in Majesty; Ma- 27, Fig. 16 Lucca, capture by Pisa, 61 donna in Majesty Master of the Boucicaut Hours, 142,

————-, Cenami-Spada Collection, Maestro Paolo, see Paolo Venezi- 142 N. 44, 150 n. 75, Fig. 151

Master of the Fabriano Altar- ano Master of the Boucicaut Hours— 186

INDEX Followers, 142, 142 n. 43 and 45, Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, Madonna, Minster, Museum, Florentine Mag-

Fig. 153 24, Fig. 23 ter, late 14th cent., Madonna of

Master of the Dijon Tabernacle, 42 Paolo Veneziano, Coronation of Humility (no. 345), 138 n. 25 n. 119, 56, 110, 112, Fig. 105 the Virgin, 44 n. 127, 44ff., Fig. Munich, Alte Pinakothek

Master of the Dominican Effigies, 57 Lochner, Stefan—Follower, Ma19 n. 24, 98 n. 9 ———, Chiesa Collection (former- donna of Humility, 140 n. 37

Master of the Fabriano Altarpiece, ly), Florentine Master, late 14th Masolino, Madonna of Humility, 23 NM. 41, 42, 43 N. 123, 53, 77 0. cent., Madonna of Humility, 138 138 n. 23

19, 110 n. 24, 141 Nn. 25 Riminese Master, 14th cent., Stig-

Master of the Grandes Heures de ———, Hoepli, U., Collection (for- matization of St. Francis (no.

Rohan—Follower, 142 n. 44 merly) , 980), 121 nm. 64

Master of the Magdalen Altarpiece, miniature, Bolognese, Resurrec- Simone Martini—Follower, As-

38, 119 n. 52, 129 n. 88, 146 n. 58 tion, 38, 103 sumption of the Virgin, 21 n.

Master of the Osservanza Triptych, miniature, 13th cent., Man of 28, 113, Fig. 22

20, Fig. 19 Sorrows, 124 Nn. 75 ———, von Kauffmann, Richard,

Master of the Pieta, 54, 112 n. 30 Niccolé di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, Collection (formerly), Francesco Master of the Rinuccini Chapel, 28 miniature, Resurrection, 39 n. di Vannuccio, Madonna of Hu-

n. 56, 29, 53 n. 159, 77 Nn. 19, 79 107 mility, 134 n. 7

Master of the St. Cecilia Altarpiece, Pacino di Bonaguida—Shop, min- Murano, Museo Civico Vetrario, Si-

6, 193 iature, Martyrdom of St. Thom- enese Master, c. 1400, Stigmatiza-

Master of the St. Cecilia Altarpiece as of Canterbury, 175 n. 4 tion of St. Catherine, 121 —Followers, 107 n. 10-11, 108, 108 © ———, Museo Poldi-Pezzoli, Vitale mystery plays, 130ff.

n. 19, 173, Fig. 100 da Bologna, Madonna of Humil- — Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine, see

Master of St, Francis, 119 n. 53 ity, 135 nm. 12 Catherine of Alexandria, St. Master of the St. George Codex, 43 Minerbetti Family, 175 n. 4 mysticism, 104, 106ff., 131

mn. 121 Miniato, St., 10 n. 5 21 n. 28, 22 n. 34 Cana Fei, Trinity and Crucifixion, 35 Master of the Stefaneschi Altar- Miracoli della beata Caterina, see —___—, Museo Nazionale, Simone

Master of the Siena Duomo Sacristy, Miracle at Cana, see Marriage at Naples, Duomo, Paolo di Giovanni

piece, 43, 114, Figs. 58, 169 Catherine of Siena, St.—legends Martini, St. Louis, 135

Master of the Straus Madonna Modena, Pinacoteca Estense, Fra Pa- ————, §. Antonio, Niccold di Tom-

(Florentine), 139 n. 26, Fig. 142 olo da Modena, Madonna of Hu- maso, triptych, 167, 169

Master of the Straus Madonna (Si- mility, 135, 144, Fig. 136 ——, §. Chiara

enese), 21 n. 28, 149 n. 71 Molanus, De historia sacrorum, 151 Giovanni and Pacio da Firenze,

Matteo di Pacino, 43 n. 122-123 n. 82 reliefs; Legend of St. Catherine

Matthew, St., 14, 24ff., 131, 166, 169, Mons, Ste.-Wandru, tomb of Gerard of Alexandria, Marriage of St.

175, Fig. 59 Parent, 15th cent., Madonna of Catherine, 110 n. 24, St. Cath119 M. 55 Montalcino, Museo Civico, Bartolo Madonna from a Hermit, 107,

Matthew Paris, 36 n. 93, 37 n. 95; Humility, 142 n. 46 erine Receiving Image of the Medici, Cosimo dei, 73 n. 60 di Fredi, Coronation of the Vir- Fig. 103

Meditations on the Life of Christ, gin, 43, 43 . 124, 45, 170, Fig. 54 Neapolitan Follower of Simone 71, 91 n. 87, 125ff., 130, 144 n. 50, —__——,, §. Francesco, Bartolo di Fre- Martini, Madonna of Humility,

148, 152 di, Deposition, 49, 53, 167, 179, 138 TL. 10, 144

Meeting at the Golden Gate, 25ff., Fig. 66 ; —_——, S. Domenico Maggiore, Nea40 n. 114, 60, 79, 91ff., 168, Figs. Montefalco, S. Agostino, Lorenzetti, politan Follower of Simone Mar-

26-27, 33 Ambrogio—Follower, Coronation tini, Madonna of Humility, 138,

Meliore, 9 n. 2, 47ff., Fig. 2 of the Virgin, 43 n. 121 144, 151ff., 155ff., Fig. 133

mendicant orders, 91ff., 102 Montegiorgio, S. Andrea, Ghissi, ———-, §. Domenico Maggiore,

Meo di Pietro, 122 n. 69 Francescuccio, Madonna of Hu- Chapel of the Crucifixion, 14th

merchant companies, 68 mility, 197 Nn. 20 cent., Madonna of Humility, 135

Metz, French sculpture, 12th cent., Montesiepi, S$, Galgano, Lorenzetti n. 8, 144 “Vierge de la rue de St. Gen- —Follower, Madonna, 51 n. 148 ———, S. Domenico Maggiore, nar-

goulf,” 146 n. 57 Montichiello, Pieve, Lorenzetti, Pi- thex, 14th cent., Madonna of Hu-

Mezxzana gente, 62ff. etro, Madonna, 144 Nn. 50 mility, 135 n. 8, 144

. . ; : , 150

Michael, Archangel, 11, 57, 110, 188 | Montmorillon, Nétre-Dame, fresco, = ~~" S. Lorenzo n, 23, 151 n, 84, 175 n. 3, Fig. 6 igth cent., Coronation and Mar- Neapolitan Follower of Simone Michael of Cesena, 81, 99 n. 10 riage (?) of St. Catherine of Alex- Martini, Madonna of Humil-

Michelangelo, 77 andria, 108 n. 17 Simne eran . Traditi M Michele da Calci, 82 moon as symbol, 154 n. 100 and 103 donna de! Lotte 47 i 6, o middle class, rise of, 52 n. 156, 50ff., Morelli, Giovanni di Paolo, 69, n. , S. Maria Donna Regina, Ca-

Geff., 166, 173 46 vallini—Follower: Crucifixion, 1

Milan, expansion of, 61 Moriale, Fra, 68 n. 76, Resurrection, 38 n. 102 — Brera Moscow, Museum of Fine Arts, Ne- , §. Pietro a Maiella, NeapoliGiovanni da Bologna, Madonna opolitan Master, Madonna of tan Follower of Simone Martini,

of Humility, 135 n. 11, 136 n. Humility, 135 n. 10 Madonna of Humility, 135 n. 10

18, 140 Moses, 99 Nardo di Cione, 3ff., 6, 9 n. 4, 12 n. 187

INDEX 7 and 8, 14 n. 13, 15ff., 28, 19, 25, ————, Lehman, Robert, Collection MS 742, Pacino di Bonaguida—

4iff., 45, 48, 53ff., 72, 77, 79 Nn. Master of the Biadaiolo Codex, Shop, Trinity, 34 n. 82

31, 83, giff., 101ff., 166, 168, 172, panel: Last Judgment, 76 n. 12, ———_—-, Private Collection, Floren-

Figs. 11, 51, 89 St. Thomas Aquinas Teaching, tine Master, early 14th cent., reta-

Nardo di Cione—Followers, 13, 15 Bin. 148 bie, Passion of Christ, 129, Fig. n. 16, 26 n. 51, 28 n. 50, 34ff., 41, Niccold di Buonaccorso, Corona- 118 45, 68, 1399 n. 29, 143, 147 n. 61, tion of the Virgin, 43 n. 124 ———, Rabinowitz, Louis, Collec-

Figs. 9, 145 ————-, Lehman, Robert, Collection tion, Duccio—Follower, Madonna

Nativity, 14 n. 13, 19, 23, 26, 106 n. Giovanni di Paolo, Stigmatization del Latte, 146 n. 58 6, 124 n. 74, 145, 147ff., 149, 155ff., of St. Catherine, 121, Fig. 117 ———, Satinover Galleries (former-

Figs. «87, 159 Tuscan miniature, Trinity, 34 n. -ly), Orcagna—Follower, Madonna

Naviceila, 11, 95f€., 99, 101, 107, 82 of Humility, 138 n. 23

Fig. 97 ———, Market ———-, Wildenstein & Company

Lorenzetti, Pietro—Follower, Vir- Master of the Stefaneschi Altar-

Neri di Donato, Chronicle, 67 n. $4, gin and St. Anne, 110 n. 26 piece, Madonna, Saints and Vir-

68 n. 35, 169 n. 12 Lorenzo di Niccold, Trinity, 35 tues, 114ff., Fig. 169

New Haven, Yale University, Gallery n. 86 Paolo di Giovanni Fei, Presentaof Fine Arts Pacino di Bonaguida, triptych, 34 tion of the Virgin, 28, Fig. 165 Cioni—Follower, Trinity, 34 n. n. 82 Newburgh (N.Y.), Tessie Jones Col-

. 83 ———, Metropolitan Museum of lection, Nardo di Cione, Madonna,

Gaddi, Taddeo, Pieta, 56 n. 165 Art 42, Fig. 51

Guido da Siena—Follower, Cruci- Duccio—Follower, tabernacle, Niccolé di Buonaccorso, 23, 28 n. 59,

fixion, 150 n, 80 Coronation of the Virgin, 43 n. 43 NM. 124, 134 Nn. 7, 171

Luca di Tommé, Assumption of 121 Niccolé di Buonaccorso—Followers, the Virgin, 2iff., Fig. 2: Giotto—Follower, Nativity, Ado- 22 N. ZO, 23 N. 95, 122, Fig. 324

Magdalen Master, Madonna del ration and Annunciation to the Niccoléd di Mino Cicerchia, see Ci-

Latte, 146 n. 58 Shepherds, 149 n. 70 . cerchia

Master of the Straus Madonna ———~-, Metropolitan Museum of Niccold di Pietro Gerini, see Ge-

(Sienese), St. John Evangelist, Art, Cloisters, Niccold di Tomma- rini, Niccold di Pietro

21 n. 38 so, Man of Sorrows, 124, 124 n. Niccold di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, 22,

Tuscan (?), late igth cent., altar- 76, Fig. 125 . oo, . 39 N. 107, 54, 166, 169ff., Figs. 25,

: -———-, New-York Historical Society 120

pieces 47 Cioni—Follower, tabernacle, 15 n Niccold di Tommaso, 43 n. 126, 46

New York, Barnard, G. G., Collec- 6 , ° 15M 16, 77 1. 16, 122 12 4 - 4 n. "6, tion (formerly), Orcagna—Follow- Nardo di Cione, Madonna, 11 n. 149 n. 73, 167, 169, 174, Figs. 123,

er, Madonna of Humility, 138 n. 8, 1sff., 18, 19, 42ff, 45, 48, 166, 128

23 , ; 168, Fig. 11 Nicholas, St., 46, 47, 47 n. 133, 61,

——— Duveen Brothers, “Associ- ______ Pierpont Morgan Library Figs. 31, 64 ate of Luca di Tommé,” triptych, ms 46, Hours, Flemish, c. 1430, Nicola Pisano, 51, 61 n. 8, 71, 76 n.

Trinity and Resurrection, 34ff., Madonna of Humility (fol. 10, 116 n. 42

$8 n. 104, Fig. 50 85v), 143 n. 47, Fig. 146 Noah, 99

———~, Ehrich Galleries (formerly), ms 88, Hours, French, c. 1360, Noli Me Tangere, 40 Andrea di Bartolo, Madonna of Madonna of Humility (fol. 151), | Nove and Noveschi, 64, 86, 92

Humility, 134 iqiff., Fig. 147 Nuzi, Allegretto, 53 n. 160, 136ff.,

—————, Frick Art Reference Library, Ms 183, Hours, Liége, 13th cent., Fig. 137

Paduan Follower of Giotto, trip- Adam and Eve (fol. 13), 148,

tych, 76 n. 12 151 n. 83, Fig. 160 Obedience, 115, Figs. 167, 169

———, Frick Collection MS 359, Hours, Boucicaut Master § Occam, William, 81, 99 n. 10, 108 Bellini, Giovanni, Stigmatization —Follower, Madonna of Humil- Oderisio (miniaturist), 5

of St. Francis, 120, 60 ity (fol. giv), 142 n. 45 Orcagna, Andrea, sff., 3 n. 2, 4, 6,

Castagno, Andrea del, Resurrec- MS 429, Beatus, Commentary on 9-14, 18, 18 n. 20, 22 Nn. 27, 22 Nn.

tion, 40, 115 the Apocalypse, Spanish, 13th 30, 23 n. 38, 24ff., 27ff., goff., 32

Paolo Veneziano, Coronation of cent., Apocalyptic Woman, 155 Nn. 77-78, 35, 41, 42, 45ff., 53ff., 56,

the Virgin, 44 n. 127, 136 n. 16 n. 105 57> 72, 73ft., 77 n. 16, 78ff., 83ft.,

Vecchietta, Resurrection, 40 n. Ms 524, Apocalypse, English, 13th ouft., 96, 98 99, 101ff., we ~

ARB cent., Apocalyptic Woman (fol. ie ig8ft., 165, 166, 172K, ———, Goodhart, Mrs. A. E., Colv), 158. Fig.Fig. 1 igs. 1, 5-8, 28, 30, 59,168, 86, 140, 1688 30V)» 155. 164 Orcagna, Andrea—Foll

. . . , . gna, Andrea—Followers, 14, 1

lection (formerly), Andrea di Bar- ms 643, Pacino di Bonaguida, n. 22, 23 n. 36, 26 N. 51, 27, 81, 82

tolo, Madonna of Humility, 134 Scenes from the Life of Christ, 45, 49 no 42, 5, 5S, 8s, 92 n. 88,

nN. 7, 140 nN. 35 Presentation in the Temple, 19 100 N. 17, 121ff., 123ff., 138 n. 23-

~———-~, Hearst, W. R., Collection n. 24 24, 139 n. 26, 155 n. 106, Figs. 18, (formerly), St. Cecilia Master— MS 716, Bolognese miniature, c. 39, 83-84, 121

Follower St. Catherine of Alex- 1350, Trinity, $4 Nn. 82 Ordine della vita cristiana, see Fiandria and Scenes from Her Leg- MS 729, Hours, Amiens, late. 13th dati, Fra Simone end, 107 n. 10-11, 108, 108 n. 19 cent., Nativity (fol. 246v), 148, Origen, Homilia VUT in Lucam, 149

Fig. 100 Fig. 157 n. 72 188

INDEX Or San Michele, Company of, see 25ff., 60, Fig. 26, Nativity, 147, Master, Madonna of Humility Company of Or San Michele Pentecost (Giotto and Assist- (fol. 1g0v), 142, 142 n. 44, Fig.

Orsini Family, 76 n. 9 ant), 33, 60, Presentation in the 15t

Orvieto, Cathedral (formerly), Or- Temple, 19 n. 24, Presentation MS Nouv. Acq. Lat. 1366, Beatus,

cagna, mosaic, 13 of the Virgin, 28 Fig. 29, Resur- Commentary on the Apocalypse,

——, Cathedral, pier relief, 24th rection of Lazarus, 31 n. 73, Vir- Spanish, i1gth cent., Apocalyptic cent,, Crucifixion, 149 n. 60, 150 tues and Vices, 50, 149 (see also Woman, 155 Nn. 105

n. 77 Caritas; Faith; Fortitude; Hope; ©— ——, Ducatel Collection (former-

————, §, Giovenale, Pietro di Puc- Infidelity; etc.); Crucifix, 127 ly), enamel, 13th cent., Stigmatizacio, Madonna del Latte, 147 n. 61 Giovanni Pisano, Madonna, 144 tion of St. Francis, 119 n. 56

Osservanti, goff., 166 n. 50 ————-, Lazzaroni, Baron, Collection,

Osservanza Master, see Master of | ———., Baptistery, Giusto de’ Mena- Florentine Master, c. 1400, Ma-

the Osservanza Triptych buoi, Christ Teaching in the donna of Humility, 138 n. 25

Oxford, Ashmolean Museum Temple, 56 n. 164 ———-, Louvre

Cioni—Follower, predella, Birth ———, Biblioteca Capitolare, Nic- Angelico, Fra, Coronation of the

of the Virgin, 21 n. 27 cold Semitecolo, Madonna of Hu- Virgin, 113 n. 34 Master of the Straus Madonna (Si- mility, 195 n. 12 Bartolo di Fredi, Presentation in enese), Madonna, 21 n. 28 ———~-, Eremitani (formerly), Gius- the Temple, ioff., 27, 45, 48, ———, Bodleian Library to de’ Menabuoi, frescoes, 103 Fig. 15

Ms Auct. d.4,17, Apocalypse, 13th ———, Palazzo Carrara, murals of Cioni—Follower, Marriage of St.

Nn. 105 157 n. 4 n. 30

cent., Apocalyptic Woman, 155 Petrarch’s De viris illustribus, Catherine of Alexandria, 112

Ms Douce 180, Apocalypse, 13th painters, social and economic posi- enamel, 13th cent., Stigmatization

cent., Apocalyptic Woman, 155 tion, 63 n. 16 of St. Francis, 119 n. 56 n. 105 Palau, Parish Church, Serra, Jaime, French Master, 15th cent., Ma-

——. Christ Church Gallery, Duc- Madonna of Humility, 141, Fig. donna of Humility, 140 n. 36

cio—Follower, triptych, Stigmati- 148 French sculptor, late 14th cent.,

zation of St. Francis, 120 n. 62 Palermo, Museo Nazionale, Barto- wood statuette, Madonna of

————, Keble College, Regensburg lommeo da Camogli, Madonna of Humility (mo. 153), 142 n. 48 Legendary, German, late 13th Humility, 132ff., 137, 144, 144 n. Gaddi, Taddeo, drawing, presen-

cent., Stigmatization of St. Fran- B1, 158, Fig. 129 tation of the Virgin, 28, Fig. 32 .

cis (fol. 222r), 119 n. 54 Palma, Archeological Museum, Ma- Giotto—Follower, Stigmatization jorcan Master, 14th cent., St. Ber- of St. Francis, 120 n. 61 Pacchia, Girolamo del, 121 n. 65 nard and Scenes of His Legend, ivory, gth-1oth cent., Presentation

Pacheco, Francisco, Arte de la pin- 152, Fig. 158 in the Temple, 19 n. 23

tura, 151 n. 82 Paolo da Modena, Fra, 135, 144, Fig. Simone Martini, Way to Calvary,

Pacino di Bonaguida, 6, 19 n. 24, 31 136 54ff., Fig. 75

n. 73, 34 n. 82, 38 n. 105, 40, 43 Paolo da Trinci, 90 ——_——-, Musée des Arts Décoratifs,

N. 121, 149 N. 73, 173, 174 Nn. 12 Paolo di Giovanni Fei, 22 n. 34, 28 Cioni—Follower, Coronation of Pacino di Bonaguida—Followers, 34 n. 58, 35, 134 n. 7, 171 n. 23, Fig. the Virgin, 43 n. 125

n. 82, 38 n. 105, 47ff., 195 n. 4 165 Parma, Congregazione della Carita,

Pacio da Firenze, 107, 110 n. 24, Paolo di Messer Pace, Il libro di bu- Niccold di Tommaso, Lamenta-

Fig. 103 oni costumt, 60 n. 1, 72 n. 56 tion, 122ff., Fig. 123

Pact of Judas, 55, Fig. 77-78 Paolo Veneziano, 36 n. 94, 44ff., 44 Passavanti, Jacopo: 74, 83ff., 85, 86,

Padua, Arena Chapel n. 127, 136 n. 16, Fig. 57 89, goff., 102, 106, 166, 173, Lo Giotto, frescoes: Annunciation, papacy, 33, 59, 82, 102ff. specchio di vera penitenza, 83ff., 150 n. 74 and 79, Ascension of Paradise, 11 n. 7, 77 n. 19, 94 Nn. 101ff., 149 n. 68, 1F3, 166

Christ, 60, 150 n. 78, Avarice, 1, o8ff., 101ff.; see also Last Judg- Passion Cycle, see Christ-——Passion

5O n. 147, Carttas, so, 51ff., 114, ment Cycle; see also Betrayal; CruciFig. 72, Christ Teaching in the Paradiso degli Alberti (Florence), fixion; etc.

Temple, 56 n. 164, Crucifixion, Gerini—Follower, Pentecost, 33 Passione di Gest Cristo, see Cicer-

150 n. 80, Envy, 50 n. 147, Ex- n. 81 chia, Niccold di Mino

pulsion of Joachim from the Paray-le-Monial, Musée, French Patarines, 100 Temple, 2off., 60, Fig. 35, Faith, sculptor, igth cent. Madonna Patriarchs, 100; see also Abraham; 50, Fig. 73, Folly, 51, Fortitude, from Anzy-le-Duc, 146 n. 57 David; Moses; etc. 115, Holy Women at the Sep- Paris, Bibliothtque de 1l'Arsenal, patronage of art and artists, 7off., ulchre, 38, Inconstancy, #1, MS 280, French, c. 1280, Stigmati- “8ff., 82, giff., 94, 144, 144 N. 51, 115, Infidelity, soff., 115, Fig. zation of St. Francis, 119 n. 54 173 ff. 166, Injustice, 50, Joachim Re- ———, Bibliothéque Nationale Paul, St.: 11, 23 n. 40, 57, 100, 105, turning to his Sheepfold, 60, MS Fr. 403, Apocalypse, 13th cent., 113, 1398 n. 23, Figs. 7; 127, I Co-

Justice, 24, Lamentation, 60, Apocalyptic Woman, 155 n. 108 rinthians, 11, 2, 116 n. 41, legend, Last Judgment, 50, 76, 84, 96, MS Fr. 9608, Les Pauvres, French, 34 n. 84 Fig. 88, Last Supper, 60, Mar- c. 1480 (fol. 20), 151, Fig. 161 Paula of Florence, Beata, legend,

riage at Cana, 60, Marriage of MS Lat. o2q, Hours, French, c. 152 n. 86 the Virgin, 109, Fig. 101, Mas- 1400, Madonna of Humility Pausola, S. Agostino, Andrea da Bosacre of the Innocents, 56 n. 164, (fol. 241), 142 n. 44 logna, Madonna of Humility, 135 60, Meeting at the Golden Gate, MS Lat. 1161, Hours, Boucicaut n, 12

189

INDEX pax (liturgical instrument), 37 pit: 51, 61 n. 8, Caritas, 116 n. ——_—, S. Domenico, Cloisters, Pis-

Peace, representation of, 51 42, Last Judgment, 76 n. 10 toiese Master, ¢. 1370, Madonna Peccioli, S. Verano, Tuscan Master, ——-, Camposanto of Humility, 136 n. 15

13th cent., Madonna, 42 n. 119 Andrea da Firenze, Story of St. ——_——, S. Francesco, Pistoiése Mas- .

Pelayo, Alvaro, 98 n. 8 Ranieri, 47, 168 ter, late 14th cent., fresco, Man Pentecost, 32ff., 45, 48, 60, g5ff., 100, Gaddi, Taddeo—and Successor, of Sorrows, 124 n. 76

119, Figs. 39-41 ) Story of Job, 68 n. 37 ———, S, Francesco, Capitolo, Pis-

perspective, 20, 23, 150, 172 Tommaso Pisano, altarpiece, 124 toiese Master, c. 1400, Resurrec-

Perugia, Galleria Nazionale dell’ n, 76 tion, 399 n. 109

Umbria (Pinacoteca Vannucci) Traini, Francesco, frescoes: Last ————, §. Giovanni, 66 n. 30

Giacomo di Mino, Tabernacle, Judgment, 76, 77 n. 16, 95, Pius II, Pope, 113 n. 33 Marriage of St. Catherine of 101ff., 104 n. 29, 171, Fig. 87, Plague, see Black Death Alexandria, 112 n. 30 Thebaid, 75, Triumph of Death, _ Plato, 5

5i nN. 154 Fig. 85 Pontormo, 165

Taddeo di Bartolo, St. Francis, 74ff., 83, 98 n. g, 101ff., 123,.171, Polyclitus, 157

Peruzzi Company, 62, 73, 166 Traini—Follower, Resurrection, Poppi, Biblioteca Comunale, ms

Pescia, S. Francesco, Berlinghieri, 39 N. 107 1, Master of the Dominican Effi-

Bonaventura, St. Francis and ———, Duomo, Giovanni Pisano, gies, Presentation in the Temple, Scer:zs from His Legend, Stig- Madonna, 144 n. 50, pulpit: 50, 19 n. 24 matization of St. Francis, 117ff., 76 n. 11, Ecclesia, 116, Fig. 108 ——, Castello, Gaddi, Taddeo—

Fig. 113 ~——_-—, Museo Civico Follower, Presentation in the

Peter, St., 10ff., 23 n. 40, 27, 33, Barnaba da Modena, Madonna del Temple, 19 n. 24

46, 83, g8ff., 102, 105, 123, 131, Latte, 147 n. 61 Poverty, representations of, 100ff., 146 n. 59, Figs. 62, 127 Gentile da Fabriano, Madonna of 111 Peter Martyr, St.: 98, 100, 175ff., Humility, 140 n. 32 Prague, Cathedral, Bohemian MasGiving Standards to the Compa- Luca di Tommé, Trinity and ter, Holy Face, 37 n. 98

gnia del Bigallo, 100 n. 17, Scenes Crucifixion, 35ff., 166, 170 ——_—, Sts. Peter and Paul on the from His Life, 23 n. 36, 94, 100 Pisan Master, c. 1275, altarpiece, Wyschehrad, Bohemian Master,

Peter and Paul, Sts., Giving Staff gn. 2 14th cent., Madonna of Humility, and Book to St. Dominic, 114 n. Pisan Master, ¢. 1385, Marriage 140 34 of St. Catherine of Siena, 113, Prato, Duomo, Gaddi, Agnolo, fresPetrarch: 6 n-9g, 65, 71, 75, 157ff., Fig. 121 coes, Meeting at the Golden Gate

161, 163ff., Canzoni, 152 ,153, 154 Raniero di Ugolino: altarpiece and Presentation in the Temple,

n. 103, De viris illustribus, 157 (room 2, no. 7), Expulsion of gon. 114

nN. 4, 160, translation from the Joachim from the Temple, 29, Preaching Friars, see Dominicans

Decameron, 161 n. 13 Fig. 34, Meeting at the Golden Presentation in the Temple, 12 n.

Petroni, Beato Pietro, 161, 166 Gate, 25 n. 47, Presentation of 10, 16ff., 17 NM. 19, 23, 24, 25, 27, Philadelphia, Philadelphia Museum, the Virgin, 28 n. 57; altarpiece 29, 45, 48, 55ff., 124 n. 74, 166,

Johnson Collection (room 2, no. 16), St. Anne and 168, Figs. 12-15, 18

Bulgarini, Bartolommeo, Annun- the Virgin, 48 n. 139 Presentation of the Virgin in the

ciation, 149 n. 71 ——, S. Catarina Temple, 27ff., 29, goff., 40 n. 214,

Cioni—Follower, Marriage of St. Simone Martini—Follower, Altar- Figs. 28-29, ‘32, 165

Catherine of Alexandria (no. | piece of St. Thomas Aquinas, Pride, 49, 51, 52, 71, Fig. 72

6), 110 n. 24 51 nm. 148, 104 n. 29, 171 riests, 17, 20, 27, 31, 55, 57 149 Nn. 73 Dominic, 113 n. 34, 171 seum, Veronese, Madonna of HuSienese Master, late 14th cent., ——, S. Cristina (formerly), Cruci- mility, 135 n. 12 diptych, Madonna of Humility, fix, 106, 117 prophecies, 78, 161 Niccol6 di Tommaso, Nativity, Traini, Francesco, Triptych of St. Princeton, Princeton University Mu-

(no. 153), 1384 nN. 7, 138, 143, ———, S. Frediano, Crucifix, 13th Prophets, 14, 53

Fig. 148 cent., 38 n. 102 Proto-Evangelium of James, see

Piccolomini, Gabriele, gz n. go ———, S. Maria della Spina, Pisan Apocrypha

Pienza, Duomo, Vecchietta, Assump- sculptor, 14th cent., Madonna del Pseudo-Jacopone da Todi, see Ja-

tion of the Virgin, 21 n. 28 Latte, 147 n. 61 copone da Todi

y, » 17 ? 379, o : :

—————, Museo, Bartolo di Fredi, Pistoia, Madonna dell’ Umilita, Pis- Pp P

Madonna of Mercy, 166, 170 toiese Master, ¢. 1370, Madonna seudo-Matthew, see Apocrypha

————, S. Francesco, Choir, frescoes, of Humility, 136 n. 15, 145 n. Pucci, Antonio, 157 | late 14th cent., 122 n. 69 53, 12 nh. 86 Puccio di Simone, 137 Piero della Francesca, 165 ———., Museo Civico Pucelle, Jean, 141 Piero di Cosimo, 154 n. 103 Lippo Dalmasio, Madonna of Hu- . Pieta, see Lamentation; Man of mility, 135 n. 41 Quercia, Jacopo della, 139 n. 31

Sorrows; Vesperbild 13th cent. Master, Altarpiece of i

Pietro, Fra, Nova legenda (of St. St. Francis, 119 n. 58 Ranieri, St., 47, 168 Catherine of Alexandria), 111 ————, §. Andrea, Giovanni Pisano, Raniero di Ugolino, 25 a. 47, 28 Pietro di Giovanni, 21 n. 28 pulpit, 76 n. 11 and 14 N. 57, 29, 48 n. 39, Fig. 34 Pietro di Puccio, 147 n. 61 ————, §. Bartolommeo in Pantano, Raphael, 139, 165

pilgrims, 36, Fig. 44 Pistoiese Master, c. 1370, Madon- Raymond of Capua, 8off., 89 n. 79, Pisa, Baptistery, Nicola Pisano, pul- na of Humility, 136 n. 15 105 n. 3, 117; see also Catherine

190

INDEX of Siena, St., legends (Legenda MS Ross. 251, Sudarium (fol. 12Vv), Before Caiaphas, 56ff., Christ

maior) 37 n. 95-96 Teaching in the Temple, 56,

Raymond of Toulouse, 93 n. 95, ————-, Vatican, Pinacoteca Fig. 81, Crucifixion, 84, 97, 150

104 Bonsi, Giovanni, polyptych, 13 n. 76, Fig. 92, Last Supper,

Regina Coeli, see Virgin Mary as n. 12 55fl., Fig. 79, Massacre of the

Queen of Heaven Cioni—Follower, Madonna del Innocents, 56, Miracle at Cana,

Reparata, St., 15, 15 n. 15 Parto, 42 n. 120 56, Pact of Judas, 55ff., Fig. 78,

Resurrection of Christ, 32 n. 75, 34 Ghissi, Francescuccio, Madonna of Way to Calvary, 54, Fig. 76

n. 84, 38ff., 44, o5ff., 131, Fig. 47- Humility, 137 n. 20 Barna da Siena—Follower: Ado-

50 Giovanni del Biondo, Standing ration of the Magi, 149 n. 70,

Resurrection of Lazarus, see Laza- Madonna and Saints, 42 n. 119 Presentation in the Temple, 56

rus—Resurrection and 120, 155 n. 104, Fig. 52; Bartolo di Fredi, frescoes, Old

Resurrezione di Gest Cristo, see Ci- predella, 74, 83, 154 n. 100, Fig. Testament Cycle: 54 n. 162, 68,

cerchia, Niccold di Mino 52 g2, 166, 170, Crossing of the

Riccobaldo, 4 Jacopo di Cione—Follower, Cor- Red Sea, 68, Fig. 80, MisforRichard of St. Victor, 151 n. 85, 153 onation of the Virgin, 43 n. 125 tunes of Job, 68, Fig. 82 Rieti, Museo Civico, Luca di Tom- Master of the Stefaneschi Altar- ———, Museo Civico

mé, altarpiece, 167, 170 piece, polyptych, 114 Coppo di Marcovaldo, Crucifix, 41 Riformatori, 64, 167 Niccolo di Tommaso, Nativity, Niccold di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, As-

Rinuccini Master, see Master of the 149 Nn. 73 sumption of the Virgin, 22 . Rinuccini Chapel Raphael, Madonna di Foligno, ———, S. Agostino, Bartolo di Fre-

Rocca d’Orcia, S. Simeone, Giovan- 139 di, fresco cycle, Life of the Vir-

ni di Paolo, Madonna of Humil- Sano di Pietro, Presentation of gin: Birth of the Virgin, 2off., g2,

62 Nn. 123

ity, 1394 n. 6 the Virgin, 28 n. 58 Fig. 20, Presentation of the Virgin,

Rohan Master, see Master of the Titian, Madonna, 139 25, 28 n. 59

Grandes Heures de Rohan ——_——, Vatican, Sancta Sanctorum, S. Giovanni Valdarno, Oratorio, GiRomanesque architecture, 29, 29 n. Miraculous Image of Christ, 9 n. ovanni del Biondo, altarpiece, 43

Romanesque painting, 40 n. 121; a Vatican, Sistine Chapel, ———, Pieve di S. Giovanni Batsee also Dugento painting Michelangelo, Last Judgment, 77 tista, Giovanni del Biondo—Fol-

Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Cod. Rovezzano, S. Michele, Florentine lower, Man of Sorrows, 124 n. 76 1404, German Ms, 15th cent., Hu- Master, late 13th cent., Madonna, S. Leonardo al Lago (Siena), Loren-

mility (fol. 11v), 153 n. 97 48 n. 339 zetti—Follower, Presentation of

———-, Catacomb of Priscilla, 2nd the Virgin, 28 n. 58

cent. fresco, Madonna, 147, Fig. Sabellius, 100 S. Martino a Mensola (Florence),

156 Sacchetti, Franco: 157, Trecento no- Gaddi, Taddeo, altarpiece, pre-

———, Palazzo Venezia, Riminese velle, 3ff., 74 m. 1, 77 N. 20, 105, della, 124 n. 76

Master, 14th cent., Resurrection, 145 n. 52, 166 S. Severino (Marches), Pinacoteca 39 n. 106 Sacchetti, Giannozzo, 105, 157; see Civica, Allegretto Nuzi, Madonna

———., Private Collection, Sienese also Catherine of Siena, St., leg- of Humility, 136ff., Fig. 137

Master, Madonna of Humility, ends (Miracoli della beata S. Sano di Pietro, 28 n. 58, 149 n. 73

134 n. 6 Caterina) Saracini, Alessa, 92 n. 90

——_—-, §. Cecilia, Cavallini, Pietro, Sacre sante stimmate, see Francis of Saragossa, Ramon Collection, Span-

Apostles, 157 Assisi, St., legends ish Master, late 14th cent., Ma-

————, §. Costanza, Stigmatization St. Cecilia Master, see Master of the donna of Humility, 141 n. 38

of St. Francis, 119 n. 53 St. Cecilia Altarpiece Sarasota. (Fla.), Ringling Museum,

———, S. Croce in Gerusalemme St. Francis Master, see Master of St. Dijon Master, Marriage of St.

(formerly), Man of Sorrows, 124 Francis ) Catherine of Alexandria, 110, 110

n. 75 Salimbeni, Biancina, 92 n. go n. 24, 112, Fig, 105

———, S. Maria Maggiore, Torriti, Salisbury, Wilton House, Pembroke Sarteano, SS. Martino e Vittorio, Gi-

Jacopo, mosaics: Coronation of Collection, Hugo van der Goes, acomo di Mino del Pellicciaio, Mathe Virgin, 43 n. 122, 44ff., Fig. Adoration of the Child, 124 n. 74 donna, 140 55, Presentation in the Temple, Saltero della beata vergine Maria, Sassetta, 21 n. 28; 51 n. 154; see also

ig n. 24 151i n. 85 Master of the Osservanza Triptych

———, St. Peter's Salutati, Coluccio, 163 n. 19 Sassetta—Follower, 20 Giotto, mosaic, Navicella, 99, 107 S. Agata (Mugello), Scarperia, Gio- Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista, Sudarium, 36 vanni del Biondo—Shop, Martyr- 144 Mn. 51

——, Vatican, Biblioteca dom of St. Sebastian, 78 n. 21 Sebastian, St.: 77ff., Martyrdom, ms Grec. 1162, Homilies of the S. Angelo in Formis (Capua), Resur- 77ff., Fig. 91

Monk James, 25 n. 45 ; rection of Lazarus, 32 n. 74 Segna di Bonaventura—Follower, 76

Ms Grec. 1613, Menologium of S. Ansano (Florence), Giovanni del n. 10 and 12

Basil II, 25 n. 45 Biondo, altarpiece, 43 n. 123 Semitecolo, Niccold, 135 n. 12

ms Pal. Lat. 565, 12th cent., Tree S. Ansano a Dofana (Siena), Loren- Seraph, 118ff. of Virtues (fol. 32), 153, Fig. 162 zetti, Pietro, Madonna, 12 n. 10 Serra, Jaime, 141, Fig. 148

ms Pal. Lat. 1726, German, sth S. Gimignano, Collegiata Settignano, Berenson Collection cent., Humility (fol. 48v), 153 Barna da Siena, frescoes, New Tes- Dijon Master, Madonna, 42 n. 119

n. 97 tament Cycle: 54ff., g2, Christ Sassetta, St. Francis, 51 n. 154 191

INDEX Sienese Master, c. 1365, Madonna Simone Martini, Madonna in Sienese Master, 13th cent., Altar-

of Humility, 134 n. 7 Majesty, 123 piece of St. Peter (no. 15), 146 Ship of the Church, see Navicella ————, Pinacoteca n. 59 |

Sibyl, Tiburtine, Revealing the Vir- “Associate of Luca di Tommé,” Simone Martini—Follower, Mar-

gin to Emperor Augustus, 139 Scenes from the Legend of St. riage of St. Catherine of AlexSiena: economic developments, 62, Paul (nos. 117 and 118), 34 n. andria (no. 108), 112 n. 30

67ff., political and social develop- 84 Vanni, Andrea, triptych (no. 114), ments, 59, 64, 68, 87, 88, 166ff. Balducci, Matteo, Stigmatization 170 | ——-, Archivio di Stato, Caleffo of St. Catherine (no. 406), 121 ———, §. Agostino, Simone Martini, dell’Assunta, Niccold di Ser Sozzo n. 65 altarpiece, 45 n. 128

Tegliacci, Assumption of the Vir- Bartolo di Fredi: parts of an ale —, S. Bonda, 86 gin, 22, 54, 160ff. - tarpiece (nos. 97-101), 170, Ado- ———-, S. Domenico, Vanni, Andrea, —————, Cappella del Campo, 80 ration of the Magi (no, 104), St. Catherine of Siena, 113 n. 33

————, Casa di S. Caterina 46 n. 131 ———~-, S. Donato, Vanni, Andrea, Crucifix, 117 Bartolo di Fredi—Follower, Coro- Madonna del Latte, 23, Fig. 24

Fungai, Bernardino, Stigmatiza- nation of the Virgin (no. 58), © ———, S. Francesco

tion of St. Catherine, 121 n. 65 43 n. 124 Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, Madonna

Pacchia, Girolamo del, Stigmatiza- Bulgarini, Bartolommeo, Assump- del Latte, 147, 157, Fig. 155

tion of St. Catherine, 121 n. 65 tion of the Virgin (no. 61), 21 Lorenzetti, Pietro, Resurrection,

————-, Duomo, 80 n. 28, 22 34 n. 84, 98 n. 104

Nicola Pisano, pulpit, Last Judg- Domenico di Bartolo, Madonna Vanni, Andrea, Madonna, 170

ment, 76 n. 10 of Humility, 140, Fig. 141 ———, S, Maria del Carmine, Mas-

Paolo di Giovanni Fei, Madonna Duccio—Follower, triptych, Coro- ter of the Siena Duomo Sacristy,

of Humility, 1394 n. 7 nation of the Virgin (no. 35), Assumption of the Virgin, 21 n.

stained-glass window, Assumption 43 mn. 121 28, 22 n. 34 | of the Virgin, 22 n. 32 Giacomo di Mino del Pellicciaio, | ———, S, Maria delle Grazie, 80 ————, Duomo, facade, reliefs, late triptych (no. 145), Head of St. ——, S, Onofrio, 80 1gth cent.: Expulsion of Joachim Anthony, 46, 83, 166, 170, Fig. §———,S, Pietro Ovile, Sienese Mas-

from the Temple, 29, Meeting at 61 ter, 15th cent., Annunciation, 22

the Golden Gate, 25, n. 45, Presen- Giovanni di Paolo: Last Judg- Nn. 34 tation of the Virgin, 28 n. 54 ment (no. 172), 77, Presentation ———-, §. Stefano, Vanni, Andrea, -———, Duomo, Opera del Duomo of the Virgin (no. 211), 28 n. 58 altarpiece, 170 Duccio, Madonna in Majesty: 131, Guido da Siena—Follower, Fran- _ Signa, Oratorio di S, Lorenzo, Flor-

Annunciation of the Death of ciscan Scenes (no. 4), Stigmatiza- entine Master c. 1380, Martyrdom

the Virgin, 150 n. 79, Christ’ tion of St. Francis, 110ff., Fig. of St. Sebastian, 78 n. 21

Teaching in the Temple, 56, 115 Signorelli, Luca, 113 n. 36, 154 n. Deposition, 49, Fig. 67, Holy Guido da Siena—Follower, Fran- 103

Women at the Sepulchre, 38, ciscan Scenes (no. 5), Stigmati- Simon de Langres, 93 n. 95, 99 Last Supper, 55, Pact of Judas, zation of St, Francis, 119 n. 58 nN. 12 55, Fig. 77, Pentecost, 33, Pres- Guido da Siena-Follower, altar- Simone dei Crocefissi, 109 n. 22, entation in the Temple, 19 n. piece, St. Francis and Scenes . 15, 135 n. 11, 153, Figs. 134, 163

24, Resurrection of Lazarus, 31 (no. 313), 119 n. 58 Simone Martini, 7, 12 n. 10, 22 n.

Nn. 73 Lorenzetti, Pietro—Follower, Tri- 34, 45 n. 128, 46, 49, 54, 55, 57>

Lorenzetti, Pietro, Birth of the umph of Death (no. 92), 75 Goff., 123, 132 n. 3, 139, 1418,

Virgin, 22 n. 34, 61 n. 5 n. 4 143ff., 145, 147, 148 n. 63; 150, 150

————, Duomo, Sacristy, Master of Lorenzo Monaco, Madonna of Hu- n. 76, 154 n. 103, 156, 158, 172,

the Siena Duomo Sacristy, fres- mility, 139 n. 30 176, Figs. 75, 130

coes: Birth of the Virgin, 22 n. 34, Luca di Tommé: polyptych (no. Simone Martini—Followers, 21 n. Presentation of the Virgin in the 586), Madonna, 87, 123, Fig. 119, 28, 41, 43 N. 121, 104 N, 29, 132 N.

Temple, 28 n. 58 Marriage of St. Catherine of 30, 113, 193ff., 147 n. 61, 149 nL

—————-, Ospedale della Scala, 86, 88, Alexandria (no. 594), 112 n. go, 69 and 71, 155, 171, Figs. 22, 128,

125 polyptych of St. Anne (no. 109), 133

Chapel, Cristofano di Bindoccio 166, 170 Specchio di vera penitenza, see Pasand Meo da Pietro, frescoes, 122 Luca di Tommé and Niccold di savanti, Jacopo

n. 69 Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, polyptych Speculum humanae salvationis, 109

Facade (formerly), Lorenzetti, (no. 51), 166, 169, 170 Nn. 23, 151, 154 n. 102

Ambrogio and Pietro, Scenes Master of the Pieta, Marriage of | Spinello Aretino, 34 n. 84, 57, 172 from the Life of the Virgin, 20, St. Catherine of Alexandria (no. Spinello Aretino—Followers, 39 n.

28, 131 186), 112 n. 30 109, 192 N. 1, 138 n. 23

——_——-, Palazzo Pubblico Niccold di Buonaccorso—Follow- Spiritual Franciscans, 81, 87, goff.,

Lorenzetti, Ambrogio: Bad Gov- er, altarpiece (no. 163): As- 144 Nn. 50

ernment, 94, Fig. 74 (Avarice, sumption of the Virgin, 22 n. Stars as symbols, 154 n. 101 and 103 5o n. 147, Cruelty, 51, Tyranny, 30, Crucifixion, -122, Fig. 124 Stefaneschi, Cardinal Gaetano, 114,

53, Fig. 74), Good Government, Paolo di Giovanni Fei, Birth of 133 51, 94, 157, Fig. 109 (Caritas, the Virgin (no. 116), 22 n. 34 Stefaneschi Master, see Master of 114, Fig. 109, Peace, 51, 157, Se- Sienese Master, c. 1215, retable the Stefaneschi Altarpiece

I92 ,

curity, 157) (no. 1), gn. 2 Stefani, Marchionne di Coppo,

INDEX Chronicle, 65 n. 24, 69 n. 42, 70 Tommaso di Guelfaccio, 92 Master, Madonna of Humility

Nn. 47 Tommaso Pisano, 124 n. 76 (no. 15), 141 n. 38 er), 8 della miseria umana, 84 Follower, Coronation of the Vir-

Stefano (Florentine Trecento paint- Torini, Agnolo, Breve raccoglimento ———, Museo Provincial, Duccio—

Stefano da Verona, 140 Tornaquinci Family, 72, 79 gin (no. 125), 150 n. 75

Stia, Pieve di S. Maria, Florentine Torre di Palme, S, Maria a Mare, ———, S. Salvador, Spanish Master, Master, late igth cent., Madonna, Venetian Master, 14th cent., Ma- late 14th cent., Madonna of Hu-

48 n. 139 donna of Humility, 136 n. 18 mility, 141 n. 38

Stigmatization, see Catherine of Si- Torriti, Jacopo, 19 n. 24, 43 Nn. 122, Vallombrosa, Monastery, 84, 91, 166

ena, St.; Francis of Assisi, St. 44ff., Fig. 55 Van der Goes, Hugo, 124 n. 74

Stimigliano (Tiber Valley), S. Maria Tortosa, S. Matteo, Barnaba da Mo- Van der Weyden, Roger, 143, 156

in Vescovio, frescoes, late 13th dena, Madonna del Latte, 147 n. n. 107

cent.: Crucifixion, 150 n. 77, Res- 61 Van Eyck, Jan, 143, 156 n. 107

urrection, 38 n. 104 Toulouse, Bibliotheque Municipale, | Vanni, Andrea, 7, 23, 31, 46, 47,

Stockholm, Private Collection, Ja- MS 91, Missal, 1362, Trinity, 35 n. 53, 64, 77, 83, oz, 113 n. 33, 166,

copo di Cione—Circle, Man of 87 170, Figs. 24, 62, 127

Sorrows, 124 n. 76 ——-, Musée St. Raymond, textile, Vanni, Lippo, 34 n. 84, 39 n. 110,

Strasbourg, Cathedral, 1igth cent., 1gth cent., Stigmatization of St. 54, 56

sculpture, Vices, 50 Francis, 119 n. 54 Vasari, Giorgio, Lives, "8if., 95, 172

———, Musée des Beaux-Arts, Flor- ———, S. Sernin, repainted fresco, n. 1, 175 ff.

entine Master, late 14th cent., Ma- Marriage of St. Catherine of Alex- Vecchietta, Lorenzo, 21 n. 28, 40 n.

donna of Humility (no. 7689) 138 andria, 108 115

n. 25 Traini, Francesco, 74ff., 76,77 n.16, | Venice, Accademia, Giovanni da BoStrozzi Family, 72 83, 95, 98 n. g, 10:1ff., 104 n. 29, logna, Panel, Madonna of Humilsuckling as symbol, 116 113 N. 34, 123, 171, 172, Figs. 85, ity (no. 17), 135 Mm. 11, 140, 144

Sudarium, 35ff., 37 n. 97, 38, Figs. 87 n. 51, Fig. 154

45-46; see also Christ, Holy Face Traini, Francesco—Follower, 39 n. ————-, Ca d’Oro, Giovanni di Nicsumptuary laws, 52 107 colé, Madonna of Humility, 135, sun as symbol, 154 n. gg and 103 Trecento novelle, see Sacchetti, 136 n. 14, Fig. 192

Sutri, Duomo, Roman Master, early Franco ————, S. Marco, mosaic, Pentecost, igth cent., Christ Enthroned, 9, Tree of Life, 19 n. 24, 31 n. 73, 43 33 24, Fig. 3 N. 121,Tree149 n. 93 Venus, 157 of Virtues, 153, Fig. 162 Verdiana, St., 168 n. 4 Trieste, Museo Civico, Venetian Verona, Museo Civico

Master, ¢c. 1325, altarpiece, Suda- North Italian Master, ¢. 1340-1348,

Taddeo di Bartolo, 51 n. 154 rium, 36, 38, Fig. 45 Marriage of St. Catherine of Tavelli da Tossignano, Giovanni, Trinity, 13, 34ff., 45, 119, 152, Figs. Alexandria, 108 n. 17

86 n. 64 9, 50 Stefano da Verona, Madonna of

Temperance, 115, 158 Triumph of Death, 14, 74f., 83, 92, Humility, 140

Terenzano, S, Lorenzo, Duccio—Fol- 98 n. g, 101, 123, 171, Figs. 85-86 Turone, Coronation of the Virgin,

lower, Assumption of the Virgin, Turin, Pinacoteca, Angelico, Fra, 150 N. 75

22 n. 32 Madonna of Humility, 140 n. 33 ——~, S. Anastasia, Venetian Mas-

Thomas Aquinas, St.: 27, 51, 51 n. Turone, 150 n. 75 ter, 14th cent., Madonna of Hu148, g8ff., 103, 104 n. 29, 114 1. Tuscania, S. Pietro, Fresco, 14th mility, 136

38, 1751f., Apotheosis, see Chris- cent., Madonna del Latte, 147 n. Veronica, see Sudarium

tian Learning, Celebrating Mass, 61 . Vesperbild, 127, 145ff.

11, 56, 99 n. 11, Fig. 168, Christian Tyranny, representation of, 53 Via Veritatis, 23, g5ff., 99, 101ff., 102

Learning, 94 n. 1, 96, 100ff., 104, ; N. 20, 104, Fig. 94

72, 183 48 Cioni—Follower, Marriage of St.

Summa Theologica, 149 n. 68 and Ugolino da Siena, 39, 168 n. 4, Fig. Vicchio di Rimaggio, S. Lorenzo,

Thomas of Canterbury, St.: 175, “Ugolino Lorenzetti,” see Bulgarini, Catherine of Alexandria, 112 n.

Martyrdom, 175 n. 4 Bartolommeo 30

Three Maries at the Tomb, see Holy Unchastity, 51 ff. Vices, soff., 71ff.; see also Avarice; Women at the Sepulchre Urban V, Pope, 87, 91, 103, 166 Cruelty; etc.

Tino di Camaino, 25 n. 45, 28 n. Urbino, Palazzo Ducale, Baronzio da Vico Y'Abate, S. Michele Arcangelo,

57, 116, 151, Fig. 110 Rimini, altarpiece, Adoration of Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, Madonna,

Tintoretto, 165 the Magi, 149 n. 70 45 Mm. 130

Titian, go n. 115, 139, 165 usury, 72if. Villani, Filippo, Chronicle, 69ff., 69 Tolomei, Matteo, 92 n. go Utrecht, Archiepiscopal Museum, n. 46

Tommasino da Foligno, 78 Guido da Siena, Christ Mounting Villani, Giovanni, Chronicle, 50 n. Tommaso da Celano, see Francis of the Cross, 129, Fig. 122 147, 52ff., Go n. 1, 62ff., 63, 64 n.

Assisi, St., legends 17, 64ff., 70 n. 47, 73, 75 n. 6, 80

Tommaso da Modena, 136 n. 17 Vainglory, 49, 51ff., 71, Figs. 69, 7: Villani, Matteo, Chronicle, 61 n. 10, Tommaso del Garbo, Consiglio con- Valence, Musée, Master of the Fa- 65ff., 65 n. 24, 67, 69 n. 45-46, 70

tro la pistolenza, 75 n. 5 and 8 briano Altarpiece, Coronation of n. 47, 75 n. 6, 78ff., 80 n. 36, 83

Tommaso della Fonte, Fra, 89, n. 81, the Virgin, St. Sebastian, 77 n. 19 Nn. 50, 92

105 Valencia, Museo Diocesano, Spanish Virgil, 5 193

INDEX Virgin Mary: Annunciate, 149 m 71, War of Eight Saints, 85, 103, 167 Madonna of Humility, 31, 42,

as Apocalyptic Woman, 153ff., Washington, National Gallery 138ff., Fig. 140

Commended by Christ to St. John Andrea di Bartolo, Madonna of Quercia, Jacopo della—Attributed (see Ghrist Commendinug Virgin Humility, 22 n. 34, 134, Fig. 131 to, Madonna of Humility, 139

to St. John), as Intercessor (see Angelico, Fra—Follower, Madon- n. 32

Deésis; Maria Mediatrix), Life, na of Humility, 140 n. 32 Riminese Master, 14th cent., Ado20ff., 22 n. 34, 60 (see also An- “Associate of Luca di Tommé,” ration of the Magi, 149 n. 70

nunciation; Annunciation of the Conversion of St. Paul (no. 319), Way to Calvary, 31, 36, 48, 54ff.,

Death of the Virgin; Presentation 34 n. 84 o4ff., 127, 129, 130, 146, Figs. 38, of the Virgin in the Temple, etc.), Bulgarini, Bartolommeo, Madon- 75-76, 96

as Mater Omnium, 116 n. 40, na of Humility, 134 n. 7 Wedding at Cana, see Marriage at i51, Mystic Marriage to Christ, Cimabue—Follower, polyptych, 9 Cana

109, Fig. 99, Nursing Human n. 2 Wellesley (Mass.), Wellesley Col154, as Radix Sancta, 153, Fig. gn. 1 Guido da Siena—Follower, Christ

Souls, 152, as Queen of Heaven, Giotto and Follower, polyptych, lege, Farnsworth Art Museum, 163, Seven Joys and Seven Sor- Giovanni del Biondo, Annuncia- Mounting the Cross, 129 n. 89

rows, 145 tion, 168 n. 4 Westerloo, Mérode Collection, Mas-

Virgin Mary, see also Madonna and Giovanni di Niccold, Madonna of ter of Flémalle, Annunciation, 143

Child; Madonna della Culla; etc. Humility, 136 n. 14 wolf as symbol, 98, 98 n. 1

Virtues, 5off., 100, 114, 148, 153, Fig. Jacopo del Casentino, Presenta- Woman of the Apocalypse, see

169; see also Caritas; Humility; tion in the Temple, 19 n. 24 Apocalyptic Woman . . Masaccio Imitator, Madonna of Worcester (Mass.), Art Museum, Caetc.; see also Tree of Virtues wee . ore . . . Humility, 140 terino, Madonna of Humility, 136 Visconti of Milan, 61 he Fabri . 8 Vision of the8. Virgin, 16 Master of-Nuzi, the Fabriano Altarpiece n. 18, 140 . , ‘ 53: 193 153, andFig. Allegretto retable,

vistons inspired by paintings, 105ff., 53, 137 N. 20 Zara, S. Francesco, Ms 6, 13th cent., tint, 116ff., 152 n. 86 Niccold di Buonaccorso, Marriage Stigmatization of St. Francis (fol.

Vita nuova, see Dante of St. Catherine of Alexandria, 38), 119 n. 5g Vitale da Bologna, 135 n. 11, 150 23 Nn. 35 Zeitblom, Bartholomaeus, 37 n. 97

n. 75 Niccold di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, Zenobius, St., 15, 49, 5t, Fig. 70 tolo di Fredi, frescoes, g2 n. 89 120 renzetti, Ambrogio—Follower, Ho-

Volterra, Duomo (formerly), Bar- Madonna (no. 453), 169, Fig. Zug (Zurich), Abegg Collection, Lo-

Volto Santo, see Christ, Holy Face Orcagna and Jacopo di Cione, ly Face, 61 n. 4, 134 n. 7

SCHEDULE OF PHOTOGRAPHS

Unless listed below, all photographs are reproduced by courtesy of the museum : or collector specified in the list of reproductions. Alinari, Florence: Figs. 1, 2, 5, 8, 15, 26, 28, 33, 35, 36, 37, 41, 45) 47> 53> 55» , 56, 57, 58, 65, 67, 72, 75, 80, 86, 88, g2, 93, 97, 101, 102, 108, 110, 114, 129, 166.

Anderson, Rome: Figs. 14, 16, 23, 29, 38, 44, 51, 52, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81, 85, 87, 94, 96, 98, 103, 109, 111, 133, 141.

Bencini, Florence: Fig. 116. Brandi, U., Siena: Fig. 61.

Brogi, Florence: Figs. 6, 7, 10, 19, 27, 30, 31, 32, 34, 39, 54, 59, 60, 64, 69, 7% 79, 89, 91, 95 113, 134, 155, 168. Cipriani, Florence: Figs. 9, 71, 121.

: Fiorentini, Venice: Fig. 132.

Frick Art Reference Library, New York: Figs. 12, 17, 115, 119, 136, 154, 162. Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale, Rome: Figs. 3, 149, 163.

Lombardi, formerly Siena: Fig. 124. | Mas, Barcelona: Fig. 148. Soprintendenza, Florence: Figs. 66, 83, 84, 138, 145. Soprintendenza, Parma: Fig. 123. From J. Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katacomben Roms, Freiburg, 1903, pl. 22: Fig. 156.

| 194

INDEX SUPPLEMENT (1964) Allentown (Pa.), Allentown Art Mu- Jacopo di Cione, Madonna, 169 New York, Linsky, Jack, Collection,

seum, Giovanni del Biondo, Mar- Brussels, Van Gelder, Mme. M., Cioni~Follower, Holy Face, 35-

riage of Catherine of Alexandria, Collection (formerly Brussels, 38, Fig. 42

110, Fig. 106 Market), Andrea da Firenze—Fol- New York, Metropolitan Museum

Assisi, Perkins Collection (formerly lower, Four Saints, 47 n. 133 of Art, The Cloisters (formerly Lastra a Signa, Perkins, F. M., Chicago, Art Institute (formerly Westerloo, Mérode Collection),

Collection), Bartolo di Fredi—Fol- Chicago, Worcester Collection), Master of Flémalle, Annunciation,

lower, Madonna, 147 n. 61 Carlo da Camerino, Madonna of 143 Balmville (N.Y.), Tessie Jones Col- Humility, 137 n. 20. New York, Stoclet, P., Collection lection (formerly listed as being —_—Fiesole, Cathedral (formerly Fiesole, (formerly Brussels, Stoclet, A.,

in Newburgh, N.Y.), Nardo di Museo Bandini), Giovanni del Collection), Sienese Master, 14th Cione, Madonna, 42, Fig. 51 Biondo, Altarpiece, 43 n. 123 Century, Lamentation, 61 n. 6

Berlin-Dahlem, Museum Dahlem Florence, Gabinetto del Restauro New York, Wildenstein & Company

(formerly Hildesheim, Rémer- (formerly at Impruneta), Altar- (formerly Englewood, Platt ColMuseum), Giovanni del Biondo, piece, 26 n. 51, 29 Nn. 59, 30 lection), Paolo di Giovanni Fei, Man of Sorrows, 124 n. 76 | Florence, Palazzo Davanzati, No. Madonna of Humility, 134 n. 7 Berlin-Dahlem, Museum Dahlem 6113 (N.) (formerly Florence, Uf- New York, Wildenstein & Company (formerly Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich fizi, Storeroom), Cioni—Follower, (formerly New York, Market),

Museum) Madonna of Humility, 138 n. 25 Pacino di Bonaguida, Triptych,

Angelico, Fra—Follower, Last = Greenville (S.C.), Bob Jones Uni- 34 n. 82

Judgment, 77 n. 18 versity, Museum (formerly New Paris, Galerie Pardo (formerly New

Bellini, Giovanni, Resurrection, York, Market), Lorenzo di Nicco- York, Satinover Galleries), Or-

— 4o n. 115 10, Trinity, 35 n. 86 cagna—Follower, Madonna of HuDaddi, Bernardo—Follower, trip- Greenwich (Conn.), Hyland, T. S., mility, 138 n. 23

tych (no. 1064), 147 n. 62 Collection (formerly New York, Philadelphia, Museum of Art, No.

Duccio—Follower, Madonna (no. Duveen Brothers), Luca di Tom- 24.25.119 (formerly New York,

1710), 48 mn. 121 mé, triptych, Trinity and Resur- Barnard, G. G., Collection), Or-

Florentine Master, ¢. 1385, As- rection, 34ff., 38 n. 104, Fig. 50 cagna—Follower, Madonna of Hu-

sumption of the Virgin (no. Greenwich (Conn.), Hyland, T. S., mility, 138 n. 23

1089), 22 Nn. 33 Collection (formerly New York, Prague, Narodni Galerie (formerly

Gaddi, Taddeo: Pentecost, g2ft., Private Collection), Florentine Konopisté, Castle), Niccold di Fig. 40, triptych, 61 n. 6, 147, Master, early 14th century, reta- Tommaso, Coronation of the Vir-

Fig. 159 i, ble, Passion of Christ, 129, Fig. gin, 43 n. 126 ,

Mantegna, Presentation in the 118 Surrey, Polesden Lacey, National

Temple, 124 n. 74 : “ys - Trust (formerly London, Doug-

Master of Flémalie-Circe, Ma. Kansas City. Nelion, William Reck- 5") angion},Oreagna Follow donna of Humility, 142 n. 46, ‘ on. National Gallery), Niccold er, Madonna of Humility, 139 n. Master of the Straus Madonna “ Ser Sozo Tegilacct, Madonna, Utrecht. Archiepiscopal Museum (Florentine), Madonna of Hu- Lown 'B- p Bucknell Univer- (formerly Amsterdam, Kijzer-Lanz

143 . ¢ rae 26, 155 n. 106

mility, 139, Fig. 142 . (fe B a Ww: hi Na Collection), Rinuccini Master (?),

Master of the Straus Madonna sity asvnies Gio nee del Bi. Baronci triptych, 53

(Sienese), Annunciation (no. sada ory): ena . a Venice, Cini Collection . (formerly 1142), 21 n. 28, 141 1. 71 L fon British Mu 1] MS Y. Milan, Hoepli, U., Collection), Simone Martini—Follower, Ma- ondon, Dritisn Museum, ates Miniature, Bolognese, Resurrec-

donna of Humility, 41, 132 n. Thompson 13 (formerly London, tion, 38, n. 103 3, 199ff., 197, 155ff. Fig. 128 Yates Thompson, Henry, Collec: Venice, Cini Collection (formerly Zeitblom, Sudarium, 37 Nn. 97 tion), Taymouth Hours, 121 n. 64 Milan, Hoepli, U., Collection) Brussels, Feron-Stoclet Collection London, Chamberlain, W. B., Col- miniature, Bolognese, Resurrec(formerly Brussels, Stoclet, A., lection (formerly Sale, Christie's, tion, 38, n. 108

Collection) Feb. 25+ 1938, no. 2 '), Giovannt miniature, 13th century, Man of

Simone Martini—Follower, Virgin del Biondo, Virgin Annunciate, Sorrows, 124 n. 75

Annunciate, 149 n. 71 168 n. 4 (not, as listed in original Niccolo di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci, Vitale da Bologna (?), Coronation index, Jacopo di Cione) miniature, Resurrection, 39 n. of the Virgin, 150 n. 75 Munich, Haniel, Dr. Franz, Collec- 107

Brussels, Stoclet Collection (former- tion (formerly Berlin, Moll Col- Pacino di Bonaguida—Shop, mini-

ly Brussels, Stoclet, A., Collec- lection), Orcagna—Follower, Pres- ature, Martyrdom of St. Thom-

tion) entation in the Temple, 18 n. 22, as of Canterbury, 175 n. 4

Andrea di Bartolo, Madonna of 27, Fig. 18 ; Washington, National Gallery (for-

Humility, 134 n. 6 Naples, Museo di S. Martino (for- merly New York, Wildenstein &

Giovanni di Paolo: Marriage of merly Naples, S. Antonio), Nic- Company), Paolo di Giovanni St. Catherine of Siena, 113, cold di Tommaso, Triptych, 167, Fei, Presentation of the Virgin,

Fig. 104; St. Catherine of Siena 169 oo. 28, Fig. 165

Offering Christ Her Heart, New Haven, Yale University, Gal- Wiesbaden, Henckel Collection (for-

. 114, Fig. 112 lery of Fine Arts (formerly Ra- merly Frankfurt, Ad. Schaeffer Italian Master, late 1gth-early binowitz, Louis, Collection), Duc- Collection), Angelico, Fra—Fol-

tion, 149 n. 70 146 n. 58 n. 32

14th cent., Nativity and Adora- cio—Follower, Madonna del Latte, lower, Madonna of Humility, 140 195