Painting Faith: Li Gonglin and Northern Song Buddhist Culture 9004160612, 9789004160613

Despite Li Gonglin s (ca. 1049-1106) deep faith in Buddhism and the large number of recorded and extant Buddhist paintin

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Painting Faith: Li Gonglin and Northern Song Buddhist Culture
 9004160612, 9789004160613

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Painting Faith

Sinica Leidensia Edited by

Barend J. ter Haar In co-operation with

P.K. Bol, W.L. Idema, D.R. Knechtges, E.S. Rawski, E. Zürcher, H.T. Zurndorfer


Painting Faith Li Gonglin and Northern Song Buddhist Culture


An-yi Pan


On the cover: Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISSN 0169-9563 ISBN 978 90 04 16061 3 © Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

In memory of my father, Pan Shih-hua (1930–1999) and my mother-in-law, Adair M. Burlingham (1934–2006)

CONTENTS Acknowledgments ........................................................................ xi Abbreviations ............................................................................... xv List of Illustrations ...................................................................... xvii Diagrams ..................................................................................... xxiii Introduction ................................................................................. Chapter One Longmian Chan and the Foundation of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist Learning ............................................. Longmian Chan Circles: Institutional Environment and Cultural Ambiance ...................................................... Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan .................................................... Baiyun Shouduan ............................................................... Touzi Yiqing ....................................................................... Wuzu Fayan and Touzi Pucong ......................................... The Two Lis and Longmian Chan Circles: Early Contact and Lifelong Inuence ........................................................ Huayan, Chan, and Tiantai Pure Land Synthesis in the Longmian Chan Community ............................................. Huayan Philosophy and Longmian Chan Circles ............. Tiantai Pure Land in the Longmian Mountains Region .... Chapter Two Longmian Mountain Villa as Earthly Paradise .... The Mountain Villa as Part of the Longmian Chan Landscape ................................................................. Buildings in the Mountain Villa: Names, Designs, and Functions ...................................................................... Lodge of Establishing Virtue and the Country of Emptiness ........................................................................... Ink Chan Hall ..................................................................... Flower Garland Hall .......................................................... Hut of Secret Perfection ....................................................


15 21 21 25 30 32 34 40 40 48 59 61 65 65 69 73 75



Landscape: Abodes and Bodily Manifestations of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas .................................................. Raining Blossoms Cliff ....................................................... Necklace Cliff ..................................................................... Precious Blossom Cliff ........................................................ Avalokitetvara Cliff ............................................................. Peak of Accumulated Gems ............................................... Surpassing Gold Cliff ......................................................... Reassessing the Identity of Longmian Mountain Villa: an Earthly Paradise ..............................................................

82 82 83 88 88 90 91 94

Chapter Three Li Gonglin, an Early Chinese Chan Painter ..... Perceptions of Chan Painting ................................................. Foundation of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist Painting ...................... Dingxiang (Chan master portraits) ........................................ Li Gonglin and Chan Subjects ............................................... Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe ........................................................ A Monk Gazing at Fish: Portrait of Xuansha Shibei ....... Danxia Visits Layman Pang (Danxia fang Pang Jushi) ......... Avalokitetvara .....................................................................

97 97 106 106 115

Chapter Four Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture ........ Myths of the Lotus Society and Li Gonglin’s Interpretations ..................................................................... Nature as a Preferred Site for Buddhist Practice ................... The Genre of Three Worthies Not Included in the Society ...................................................................... Xie Lingyun on Horseback ................................................ Tao Yuanming in a Carrying Basket ................................. The Two Laughers, Huiyuan and the Daoist Lu Xiujing ... The Snake Expeller ............................................................ In the Society .......................................................................... Two Scenes of Appreciating Nature ...................................... Zhang Ye Viewing a Waterfall ........................................... Zong Bing and Tanshun Returning from a Walk in Nature ............................................................... Scenes of Buddhist Activities ................................................. The SÖtra-translation Scene ...................................................


115 133 136 146

176 178 180 181 185 191 194 198 198 198 202 205 210

contents The SÖtra-preaching Scene .................................................... The MañjutrÒ Image and the Buddhist Ritual Scene ........... Chapter Five White Lotus Society Picture and Li Gonglin’s Pure Land Faith ...................................................................... White Lotus Society Picture as a Diagram of the Bodhisattva Path ................................................................. Tao Yuanming and Xie Lingyun—Hongzhou Chan Ideology of the Bodhisattva Path ....................................... The Three Buddhist Scenes in White Lotus Society Picture and the Dunwu Jianxiu Bodhisattva Path ............................ Daosheng Represents Maitreya .......................................... MañjutrÒ Represents Himself ............................................. SÖtra-translation Scene: Completion of the Bodhisattva Path ............................................................. White Lotus Society Picture and Li Gonglin’s Pure Land Faith ........................................................................... Pre-Song Bodhisattva Pure Land Ideology ........................ Yongming Yanshou’s Wanshan tongguiji and Bodhisattva Pure Land Cultivation .................................................... Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society .................................... Yongming Yanshou, Xingchang, and Li Gonglin’s Pure Land Ideology ........................................................ Epilogue ....................................................................................... Appendix Three Extant Versions of White Lotus Society Picture ......................................................................... The Nanjing Hanging Scroll Version ................................ The Zhang Ji Version in the Liaoning Provincial Museum ........................................................................... The Shanghai Handscroll Version ..................................... Pictorial Design of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture ................................................................................. The 1081 Version Given to Li Chongyuan: Format and Composition ............................................................ Original Format and Composition of Li Gonglin’s 1081 White Lotus Society Picture ................................. Pictorial Design of the 1081 Version .................................

ix 210 213

229 230 236 247 247 249 256 262 267 269 276 280 283

289 289 297 303 306 307 312 317


contents Pictorial Arrangement of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture Prior to 1081 as Recorded by Li Desu .... Li Gonglin’s Late Depictions of the White Lotus Society as Revealed in the Zhang Ji Handscroll ........................

322 325

Glossary .......................................................................................


Bibliography .................................................................................


Index ............................................................................................


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many teachers, scholars, relatives, and friends have supported me throughout the preparation of this book. In particular I would like to thank Dr. Chu-tsing Li, Professor Emeritus of Chinese Art, for his tremendous help and encouragement during my career. Scholars at the University of Kansas deserve special thanks: Dr. Marsha Hauer, whose enthusiasm for my research, superb editing skills, and many pertinent suggestions kept me focused on issues related to Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture; Dr. Amy McNair, who read my draft and offered valuable advice; and Dr. Daniel B. Stevenson, who made suggestions and guided me to Buddhist sources. My deep appreciation goes to the late Mr. Wai-kam Ho (1924–2004). His keen insights and thorough knowledge of Chinese history, religion, philosophy, art, poetry, and culture have been invaluable—indeed irreplaceable. He and his wife, Dr. Wai-ching Ho, encouraged me throughout my career. Dr. Thomas Lawton, retired Senior Research Scholar at the Freer Gallery of Art, advised and encouraged me in the early stages of my writing, sent me several sets of photographs gratis, and offered continued support over the years. Dr. Robert Harrist, Jr. at Columbia University has continually offered assistance. Without his pioneering work on Li Gonglin’s life and art, my own research would not have been possible. Dr. Marilyn Gridley, Professor Emeritus at the University of Missouri, Kansas City, and Dr. Nancy Steinhardt, at University of Pennsylvania, read early drafts and provided helpful suggestions. I have beneted from generous nancial support from the American Oriental Society’s Louise Wallace Hackney Fellowship for the Study of Chinese Art, the Metropolitan Center for Far Eastern Art Studies, and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. Many scholars and museum staff members in Asia have provided invaluable help and expertise. In Taipei, staff at the Hongxi-Chang Foundation were extremely kind to me: Liao Kuei-ying, Associate Director, made arrangements for my research trip to China; Huang Hua-yuan, Shu P’ei-ch’i, Li Li-heng, and Yang Tun-yao provided additional support. At the National Palace Museum, Lin Po-t’ing,



Associate Director, allowed me to view rare paintings. Dr. Grace Yen at Academia Sinica kindly offered advice on my research. Drs. Shih Shouch’ien and Chen Pao-chen posed germane questions after I presented a portion of my manuscript at National Taiwan University. Scholars and museum staff in China were of great assistance. At the Liaoning Provincial Museum, Mr. Yang Renkai, Honorary Director, allowed me to view ancient paintings. Liu Jinku, Zhao Xiaohua, and Zhou Jie also offered invaluable help. At the Palace Museum in Beijing, Yang Xin, retired Associate Director, arranged for me to see Song-dynasty paintings. Yu Hui, Curator of Paintings and Calligraphy, offered assistance during the later stages of my research. Wang Liying was very generous with her time and made arrangements for me to conduct research at Chinese museums and institutions in Anhui. Professor Jin Weinuo, at Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing, hosted me at his home and offered helpful suggestions for my research. Though the Shanghai Museum was still under construction in 1995, the late Wang Qingzheng gave special permission for me to see paintings in the temporary storage area. Huang Fukang, Registrar, was extremely kind to accompany me for an entire day and show me many scrolls. Li Chaoyuan, Associate Director, provided assistance in securing copyrights. Staff at the Nanjing Museum offered assistance in viewing paintings. In Anhui province, Hu Xinmin, then Associate Director of the Anhui Provincial Museum, and staff at Cultural Relics Bureaus in Shucheng, Tongcheng and Qianshan, offered their help in taking me to ancient Buddhist sites on Mount Fu, Mount Touzi, Mount Baiyun, Mount Qian, and Mount Simian. In Japan, my thanks go to Mr. Nishigami Minoru, Curator of Chinese Paintings at the Kyoto National Museum, who showed me all paintings I had requested. From 1992 to the present, my friends in Tokyo, Misako and Kishu Sakamoto, offered tremendous help with lodging, and in recent years, helped secure copyrights from museums and cultural collections. Colleagues at Cornell University have been helpful, particularly Dr. Frederic J. Kotas, Associate Librarian, Wason East Asia Collection, who offered kind assistance. Ellen B. Avril, Chief Curator and Curator of Asian Art at the Herbert F. Johnson Museum of Art, has provided



humor and support throughout my career at Cornell, and permitted unlimited access to the Miss Qiu album of Guanyin paintings. Naomi Noble Richard, eagle-eyed editor, streamlined my manuscript and offered numerous articulate phrasings to explain the complexities of Chinese Buddhism. Finally, I thank my parents for many years of support. My second brother, James Pan, assisted with technical upgrades. Charles Burlingham, Jr., my father-in-law, has provided ceaseless help and humor over many years. Robin A. Burlingham, my wife, deserves recognition for her tolerance throughout the preparation of this manuscript. In addition to proofreading countless drafts and making valuable suggestions, her patience, compassion, and the many responsibilities she assumed during this period equal that of the Thousand-armed Thousand-eyed Guanyin. Our lovely sons Julian and Aidan have kindly slept through most nights, allowing me to focus on writing into the wee hours.


Sibu congkan 四部叢刊 Siku quanshu 四庫全書 Siku quanshu zhenben sanji 四庫全書珍本三集 TaishÔ shinshÖ daizÔkyÔ 大正新修大藏經 Xuzangjing 續藏經

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 1A. Ink Chan Hall, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, Palace Museum, Beijing (after Robert E. Harrist, Jr., Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China: Mountain Villa by Li Gonglin, pl. 1.10). Fig. 1B. Avalokitetvara Cliff, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1C. Surpassing Gold Cliff, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1D. Section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1E. Lodge of Fragrant Reeds, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1F. Lodge of Establishing Virtue, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, former Bernard Berenson Collection, Villa I Tatti, Settignano, Italy (after Laurance P. Roberts et. al., The Bernard Berenson Collection of Oriental Art at Villa I Tatti, p. 34). Fig. 1G. Hut of Secret Perfection, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1H. Raining Flower Cliff, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1I. Necklace Cliff, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1J. Precious Blossom Cliff, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 1K. Peak of Accumulated Gems, section of Longmian Mountain Villa, copy after Li Gonglin, Palace Museum, Beijing (after Robert E. Harrist, Jr., Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China: Mountain Villa by Li Gonglin, pl. 1.10).


list of illustrations

Fig. 2. Foguo Weibai (1057–1117), Guanyin of the South Seas, from his Wenshu zhinan tuzan. Fig. 3. Li Gonglin, section of Five Tribute Horses, present location unknown; formerly in the collection of Kikuchi and Yamamoto Teijiro collections, Japan (after Richard M. Barnhart, Li Kung-lin’s Classic of Filial Piety, Fig. 3a, p. 21). Fig. 4. Diagram of Qisong’s Picture of Transmitting Dharma, Authenticating the School and Designating Patriarchs, copied by the Japanese artist JÔen, MOA Museum of Art, Japan. Fig. 4A. Section of Qisong’s Picture of Transmitting Dharma, Authenticating the School and Designating Patriarchs, copied by the Japanese artist JÔen, MOA Museum of Art, Japan. Fig. 4B. Section of Qisong’s Picture of Transmitting Dharma, Authenticating the School and Designating Patriarchs, copied by the Japanese artist JÔen, MOA Museum of Art, Japan. Fig. 4C. Section of Qisong’s Picture of Transmitting Dharma, Authenticating the School and Designating Patriarchs, copied by the Japanese artist JÔen, MOA Museum of Art, Japan. Fig. 5. Portraits of the Six Patriarchs of the Bodhidharma School, copied by the Japanese monk JÔjin or his travel companion in China, KÔzanji, Kyoto, Japan. Fig. 6A. Section of Zhang Shengwen’s Long Roll of Buddhist Images, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 6B. Section of Zhang Shengwen’s Long Roll of Buddhist Images, National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. Fig. 7. Danxia Visits Layman Pang, composition derived from Li Gonglin’s original, formerly in the Kaikodo collection, now in a Japanese collection. Fig. 8. Twenty-four Manifestations of Guanyin, Dai TÔkyÖ Kinen Bunko, Japan. Fig. 9A. Miss Qiu, Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin. Acquired through the generosity of Judith Stoikov, the Rockwell Purchase Fund, and the Overton Museum Works of Art Fund. Courtesy of the Herbert F. Johnson Museum of Art, Cornell University.

list of illustrations


Fig. 9B. Miss Qiu, Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin. Acquired through the generosity of Judith Stoikov, the Rockwell Purchase Fund, and the Overton Museum Works of Art Fund. Courtesy of the Herbert F. Johnson Museum of Art, Cornell University. Fig. 10. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10A. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10B. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10C. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10D. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10E. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10F. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10G. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10H. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10I. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10J. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10K. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10L. Title strip of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10M. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10N. Section of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10O. Forged seal of Emperor Huizong on title strip of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum. Fig. 10P. Forged seal of Emperor Huizong on title strip of White Lotus Society Picture, unknown artist, after Li Gonglin’s original iconography, Nanjing Museum.


list of illustrations

Fig. 11A. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11B. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11C. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11D. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11E. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11F. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11G. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11H. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11I. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11J. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11K. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11L. Fan Dun’s inscriptions on Zhang Ji’s White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11L1. Detail of Fan Dun’s inscriptions on Zhang Ji’s White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11M. Zhao Lizhi’s colophon on Zhang Ji’s White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11M1. Detail of Zhao Lizhi’s colophon on Zhang Ji’s White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11N. Li Desu’s Record of White Lotus Society Picture, mounted with Zhang Ji’s White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11O. Zhang Ji, section of White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11P. Zhang Ji’s inscription on his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q1. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum.

list of illustrations


Fig. 11Q2. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q3. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q4. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q5. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q6. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q7. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q8. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q9. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q10. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q11. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 11Q12. Comparison of characters from two writings by Zhang Ji, mounted with his White Lotus Society Picture, Liaoning Provincial Museum. Fig. 12. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12A. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12B. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum.


list of illustrations

Fig. 12C. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12D. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12E. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12F. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12G. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12H. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12I. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12J. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12K. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12L. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12M. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12N. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12O. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12P. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12Q. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 12R. White Lotus Society Picture, unknown Southern Song artist, Shanghai Museum. Fig. 13. Zhao Lingzhi, colophon on Qiao Zhongchang’s Later Red Cliff Ode, Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City.





Diagram 1. Pure Land Hall design, based on Song descriptions.







Diagram 2. Pure Land Hall design, based on Song descriptions.

INTRODUCTION Among the most studied painters in premodern Chinese art is the eleventh-century literatus Li Gonglin 李公麟 (1049–1106). Articles, books, and dissertations abound, devoted to the various aspects of his life and paintings.1 Most scholars agree that he was a staunch Buddhist, but two major facets of this great and gifted artist remain unexplored: the nature of his Buddhist convictions, and of their effect on his art. This absence is indicative of a long, one-sided historiographical tradition in which all literati were categorized as exclusively Confucian, either righteous ofcials or high-minded hermits, as the conjunction of doctrine and circumstance indicated. This approach fails to acknowledge that society is a complex entity encompassing manifold trends, schools of thought, and religious practices, and that individuals often have multiple and transitory roles, motivations, and interests. They might combine exemplary morality with great practical sagacity in their ofcial capacities, yet privately be as superstitious as the common folk who sought salvation in various religions.2 Similarly, clergy as religious leaders expounded Buddhist teachings and assisted devotees toward Enlightenment, while as administrators of large religious institutions they employed Confucian-derived managerial methods. The Confucianist vision of history is reected in approaches to and thematic studies on Li Gonglin. Of the two standard ofcial documents on Li Gonglin, the Songshi 宋史 (Song History) and the Xuanhe huapu

1 For a comprehensive list of these writings, see Robert E. Harrist, Jr., “A Scholar’s Landscape: Shan-chuang t’u by Li Kung-lin” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton, 1989), n. 2, pp. 1–2. A number of studies have been published since then: Richard Barnhart, ed., Li Kunglin’s Classic of Filial Piety (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993); Elizabeth Brotherton, “Li Kung-lin and long handscroll illustrations of T’ao Ch’ien’s ‘Returning Home’ ” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton, 1992); and Harrist, “The Artist as Antiquarian: Li Kung-lin and His Study of Early Chinese Art,” Artibus Asiae, vol. LV (1995), 3/4, pp. 237–80. Most recently, Harrist has also published Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China: Mountain Villa by Li Gonglin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). 2 Examples of famous Confucian scholar-ofcials’ engagement with Buddhism can be found in collections of their writings, which were often excluded from their ofcial hagiographies. Some of their writings pertaining to their own religious beliefs were separated from their works by later compilers and subsequently lost, as in the case of Li Gonglin’s contemporary Yang Jie 楊傑. For Yang Jie’s participation in the Longmian Chan circle, see discussion in Chapter One.



宣和畫譜 (Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era), the former does not mention his Buddhist afnities.3 The Xuanhe huapu records the titles of 107 paintings ascribed to Li Gonglin in Emperor Huizong’s 徽宗 (r. 1101–1125) collection, of which fty were Buddhist in theme. Yet its biography of the painter neither explains why Huizong’s Daoistdominated court possessed so many Buddhist paintings by a single Confucian scholar-painter, nor connects these works with the painter’s Buddhist beliefs. The author(s) instead discuss at length Li Gonglin’s great knowledge of antiquity and his achievements and pivotal importance in literati painting, never once identifying the master as a Buddhist.4 The imperial catalogue compares Li’s illustration of the Avataμsaka SÖtra with an illustration of hells by the Tang-dynasty master Wu Daozi 吳道子 (act. ca. 710–760)5; even here, Li’s achievement in gure painting is emphasized while the signicance of his subject matter is ignored. The closest the catalogue comes to recognizing Li’s Buddhism is to cite the well-known story of Fayun Faxiu’s 法雲法秀 (1027–1090) warning to Li that, should he continue to paint horses, he would be reborn as one. According to this anecdote in the Xuanhe huapu, Li was so alarmed that he switched to exclusively Buddhist and Daoist subjects.6 Without explicitly denigrating Li Gonglin, the Xuanhe huapu conveys an impression of him as a superstitious ignoramus. Although many of Li’s contemporaries recorded the anecdote, none mention that he focused on Daoist iconography after Faxiu’s caveat. The Xuanhe huapu authors doctored the anecdote to reect Emperor Huizong’s partiality to Daoism. Private authors writing about Li Gonglin were less encumbered by the Confucianist or Daoist bias. The Southern Song historian Deng Chun 鄧椿 in his Huaji 畫繼 (Painting History, Continued, preface 1167), for example, while asserting Li Gonglin’s status as a Confucian scholarofcial and reiterating his qualities emphasized in the Xuanhe huapu, averred that the master

3 “Li Gonglin zhuan 李公麟傳 (Biography of Li Gonglin),” in Song shi 宋史 (Beijing: Zhonghua chubanshe, 1977), vol. 444, pp. 13125–26. 4 Xuanhe huapu, juan 7, in Huashi congshu 畫史叢書, ed. Yu Anlan 于安瀾 (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963), vol. 2, pp. 74–79. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., p. 75.



學佛悟道,深得微旨。7 studied Buddhism and awakened to the Way, and profoundly obtained its abstruse meaning.

Despite Deng Chun’s description, the Confucian perspective dominated twentieth-century Chinese and Western scholarship. An extreme view was presented by the contemporary scholar Shui Tianzhong 水天中, who condemned Li Gonglin’s participation in Chan Buddhism as having had a “negative effect (xiaoji yingxiang 消極影響)” on his art, while at the same time stating that 他還是學識淵博的儒者,這一點對他的生活方式和繪畫創作 道路有更大的影響。8 he was still an erudite Confucian, which had an even greater inuence on his lifestyle and artistic creativity.

Cao Shuming’s 曹樹銘 Confucianist stance likewise led him to judge Li Gonglin’s nonreligious paintings, specically those illustrating Confucian sages, worthies, and the Classics, as far superior to his religious paintings, so he addressed them rst in his article on the painter.9 In discussing Li Gonglin’s Buddhist painting, Cao argued that the story of Li Gonglin’s switch from painting horses to painting only Buddhist deities indicated belief in the Buddhist notion of 5#μ5Ê4#.10 From this Cao concluded:

7 Deng Chun, Huaji, juan 3, in Huashi congshu 畫史叢書, ed. Yu Anlan 于安瀾, vol. 1, p. 12. 8 Shui Tianzhong, “Li Gonglin he ta di shidai 李公麟和他的時代 (Li Gonglin and His Time),” in Zhongguo yishu yanjiuyuan shoujie yanjiusheng shuoshi xuewei lunwenji 中國藝 術研究院首屆研究生碩士學位論文集 (Anthology of Master’s Theses of the First Graduating Class of the Chinese Art Graduate Institute) (Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1985), p. 194. I am grateful to Robert E. Harrist, Jr., who provided me with a copy of this article. 9 Cao Shuming, “Li Gonglin zhi yanjiu 李公麟之研究 (Study of Li Gonglin),” in Dalu zazhi 大陸雜誌, vol. 40, nos. 7 and 8, p. 217. 10 Many Song texts, including the XHHP, relate that Li, after hearing Fayun Faxiu’s 法雲法秀 (1027–1090) warning that continuing to paint horses would bring about rebirth as a horse, painted only Buddhist deities (according to XHHP, both Buddhist and Daoist deities). Shui Tianzhong believes that Li Gonglin rst encountered Fayun Faxiu in the capital when Faxiu resided in Fayun Monastery 法雲寺 after its completion in 1084 (Shui, “Li Gonglin he ta di shidai,” p. 194). During Li’s coming of age, Faxiu had been a young monk active in the Longmian Mountains region, and associated with Li’s monk friends. When Li visited Wang Anshi in Nanjing sometime after 1076, Faxiu was also in the region. See discussion in Chapters One and Three.


introduction 龍眠之迷信殆與世之愚夫愚父並無二致。11 Longmian’s [Li Gonglin’s] superstition was virtually no different from that of the ignorant masses.

Over the past century, scholars in the United States have similarly emphasized Li’s Confucian bent. “It must above all be kept in mind that, though Buddhism had an enormous following among the masses, it ever remained an intellectual study with most of the literati,” asserted Agnes Meyer, pioneer of Western scholarship on Li Gonglin, adding that “[he] emphasizes it [Buddhism] so little and occidental critics have emphasized it so over-much.”12 Meyer simply denied that the actions of religious faith played any part in the lives of the Chinese elite class, and was unable to see the signicance of the large number of recorded Buddhist paintings by Li Gonglin. Of the four doctoral dissertations devoted to Li’s paintings, three are thematically Confucian, dealing primarily with his depiction of Confucian classics or illustrations elevating Confucian themes, ethics, and moral excellence.13 The master’s Buddhism is only examined in Robert E. Harrist, Jr.’s study of Li Gonglin’s Longmian Shanzhuang tu 龍眠山莊圖 (Picture of 12 Using the ample Buddhist activities and Longmian Mountain Villa).14 site names depicted in this handscroll and alluded to in Su Che’s 蘇 轍 (1039–1112) poems matching the sites in the villa, Harrist analyzed Li’s afliation with Chan. This Confucian bias in historiography has long been abandoned by sinologists in disciplines outside of art history. In recent years scholars have addressed the friendships between literati and Chan monks, and Buddhologists have presented case studies of Buddhist belief among the literati, and have examined the literati faith in the Pure Land. Robert Gimello’s study of Zhang Shangying 張商英, Beata Grant’s study of Su Shi, and Huang Chi-chiang’s study of Yang Jie 楊傑 form a body 11

Cao Shuming, “Li Gonglin zhi yanjiu,” p. 243. Meyer, Agnes, Chinese Painting as Reected in the Thought and Art of Li Lung-mien, 1070–1106 (New York: Dufeld and Co., 1923), pp. 33, 40. Meyer here refers to Fayun Faxiu’s warning. 13 Richard M. Barnhart, “Li Kung-lin’s Hsiao Ching T’u, Illustration of the Classic of Filial Piety” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton, 1967); Deborah Del Gais Muller, “Li Kung-lin’s Chiu-ko t’u: A Study of the ‘Nine Songs’ Handscrolls in the Sung and Yuan Dynasties” (Ph.D. diss., Yale, 1981); and most recently, Brotherton, “Li Kung-lin.” 14 Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” and Harrist, Painting and Private Life in EleventhCentury China. 12



of scholarship revealing literati Buddhist culture. A similarly wide-focus approach to Li Gonglin will more fully reveal the facets of this artist’s life. Scarcity of historical records and of original works impedes the study of Li Gonglin. Xuanhe huapu only records without documenting the anecdote of Faxiu’s warning to Li Gonglin. Nevertheless, scholars have never questioned its validity. Could it be that Li had never or rarely painted Buddhist paintings before Faxiu’s warning? We need only look at Ink Chan Hall, Li’s studio in his Longmian Mountain Villa, to discover that his studio was also his Buddha Hall (Fig. 1A). This suggests that he had been a Buddhist from very early on, so when he was old enough to build his own Mountain Villa, he imbued the property with Buddhist meanings. Three conclusions can be drawn: the Faxiu anecdote, even though widespread during the Northern Song, must be at least partly apocryphal; Li’s initial encounter with Faxiu must have predated their residencies in the capital; and nally, Li did not cease painting horses simply because of Faxiu’s warning. These facts remind us how biased early historiography caused misunderstanding of Li Gonglin among twentieth-century scholars. Li Gonglin became famous during his own lifetime and his paintings commanded prices no less than those of Wu Daozi. Naturally, copies and forgeries were produced and became highly desired. Some of these producers were proteers, some sincere admirers wishing to preserve the Li Gonglin tradition. Among them were Li’s indentured servants, his students, and his relatives who, being in proximity to the master, could familiarize themselves with Li’s painting styles, subjects, and iconographies. Some of their copies were indistinguishable from Li’s originals. Together with Li’s paintings, they formed the basis on which later generations perpetuated the “Li Gonglin tradition.” Among extant “Li Gonglin tradition” Buddhist paintings, some preserve the master’s original compositions and iconographies, and afford evidence of his Buddhist philosophy. Additionally, his iconographies have been preserved as rubbings and woodblock prints. Those formats may also preserve some original stylistic features, but more importantly, the iconographies and the inscriptions by Li Gonglin and later writers have become key sources for understanding Li’s Buddhist philosophy and later generations’ opinion of that philosophy. In this study those materials are combined with nontraditional art-historical documents to elucidate Li’s Buddhist faith and Buddhist art, hence its title: Painting Faith: Li Gonglin and Northern Song Buddhist Culture.



Chapter One seeks the origin, inception, and content of his faith: who most inuenced him, the essence of their Buddhist philosophies, and the ambience of the Buddhist environment they created. Were they an isolated regional group, or a renowned, inuential religious organization? What was their relationship with the local or regional intelligentsia? What roles did the Three Lis of Longmian, especially Li Gonglin and Li Chongyuan 李沖元, play in these circles? Song literature documents the Three Lis of Longmian: Li Gonglin, Li Chongyuan, and Li Desu 李德素 (Li Jie 李楶); they were active in the Longmian region, and later appeared together at literary gatherings in the capital. Regarding Buddhism, Li Gonglin and Chongyuan also formed a duo; Gonglin illustrated the scriptures, Chongyuan transcribed them. Thus, we have not only Three Lis, but also Two Lis of Longmian. How did this environment inuence Li Gonglin as a Buddhist and as a Buddhist painter? In other words, how can we trace Li Gonglin’s pictorial iconography to the Buddhist philosophy of this region? We must return to the Longmian Mountains region of modern-day Anhui province, where Li Gonglin came of age, to nd the answers. After the anti-Buddhist persecution of 845, Northern Buddhist architecture, art, and institutional structure suffered severe setbacks, particularly in the region of the two capitals. Throughout the late Tang and Five Dynasties periods, economic depression and warfare were prevalent. Chan virtually vanished in the north, both Shenxiu’s 神秀 Northern Chan and Shenhui’s 神會 Southern Chan. By contrast, in the modern-day Hunan and Jiangxi regions, far from the capitals, Chan traditions were preserved and continued to develop. Song Chan derived from this Southern system, with Linji paramount and the Yunmen tradition secondary. Caodong tradition was revived in the Longmian region during Li Gonglin’s coming of age, and became one of the main schools of Chan by the Southern Song. Though far from the Northern Song capital and not well documented in Buddhist history, the Longmian region was an important Buddhist center during the Northern Song. There, in the Longmian area, occurred a owering of the syncretism that had begun in the middle Tang; not only did Buddhism and Confucianism discover a mutual compatibility, but several major Buddhist schools such as Tiantai and Huayan all became integral to Longmian Chan. Its devotees upheld the One Vehicle Rounded Teaching principle and also followed the bodhisattva path to achieve Buddhahood. Compatibility between Buddhism and Confucianism formed the basis for a trusting, harmonious relationship.



Chapter One will demonstrate the activities of literati who, as local ofcials, supervised the local monasteries. Simultaneously they became disciples of the abbots of these monasteries. Among the leading Chan monks of the Longmian region were talented poets immersed in Confucianism, whose literary abilities enhanced Chan poetic traditions and attracted followers. They used Confucian managerial methods to govern monasteries, and established codes of moral conduct for monks, which neutralized anti-Buddhist sentiment. Rather than eclecticism, this practice of the Chan leaders is more accurately described as the assimilation of compatible Confucian values for self-strengthening and self-improvement. Growing up in this environment, Li Gonglin would naturally have been inuenced by both teachings without any sense of conict. Unfortunately, Confucian historiographers have refused to acknowledge the compatibility between Confucians and Buddhists, and modern historians’ accounts of Li Gonglin and his Buddhist art were all based on this bias. The writings and hagiographies of Chan leaders in Longmian exude this syncretism. They upheld key ontological principles such as the One Vehicle Rounded Teaching, while absorbing or devising differing theories and methods of practice. In them, we often see the inuence of the VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ (Diamond), VimalakÒrti-nideua (Discourse of VimalakÒrti), Saddharma-pu¸darÒka (Lotus), and Avataμsaka (Flower Garland) SÖtras. Because the “GandhavyÖha” section of the Avataμsaka SÖtra had been a popular model of Chan cultivation, Sudhana’s pilgrimage naturally became a subject of Northern Song Chan art. Monks around Li Gonglin practiced yunjiao 雲腳 (“cloud feet,” travel from monastery to monastery to consult enlightened monks) as a reenactment of Sudhana’s pilgrimage. The Huayan faith assimilated into Northern Song Chan offers insight into Li’s acceptance of the bodhisattva ideal. Northern Song Tiantai Pure Land centered on penance rituals. Through repentance, practitioners could increase bodhisattva wisdom to reach Sudden Enlightenment. Lay Buddhists such as Ma Liang 馬亮 and Yang Jie 楊傑 advocated Tiantai concepts and practices. Ma, who predated Li, had been the rst to advocate Tiantai Pure Land in Luzhou, adjacent to the Longmian region. Yang Jie was a distinguished member of the Longmian Chan community, and also a Confucian ofcial and poet, who traveled to Siming, present-day Ningpo region, and Hangzhou, centers of Tiantai. He had a profound inuence on the next generation, including Li Gonglin. Studying the friendships between literati and Chan monks offers a glimpse into the



lively culture of this region a millennium ago. We also discover that the region produced several Chan monks who became quite religiously and culturally inuential in the capital, and that Longmian Chan was also the source of several branches of Chan that developed during the Southern Song. Longmian Chan inherited many Tang-dynasty Chan traditions and literary styles (whose content became the sources for Li’s Chan paintings) and formed his syncretic outlook. Although Longmian Chan accommodated diverse methods of reaching the same goal, its Buddhist ontology was not eclectic. Eclecticism often compromises the original principle, whereas (Chan) Buddhism assimilated elements from other schools to enhance its selfidentity. This was Li Gonglin’s basic attitude toward life and art. Among his paintings, Longmian Mountain Villa was the most direct vehicle for this philosophy. Chapter Two focuses on this painting to analyze Li’s Buddhist faith. Robert E. Harrist, Jr. is the foremost scholar of this painting, and of Li’s faith. This chapter builds on Harrist’s foundation and on Chapter One’s discussion of Longmian Chan culture to parse the meanings of Longmian Mountain Villa. We discover that the villa was constructed as an earthly paradise, consisting of twenty scenic vistas, some containing buildings, and others consisting of modied natural scenery. By transforming the original scenery into “vistas,” Li could express his striving toward Enlightenment. Li’s imaginative names for these sites are imbued with religious meaning and reveal his mode of Buddhist cultivation. The sites thus become pointers to Li’s Buddhist faith. Su Shi and Su Che, Li’s friends, recognized the religious meanings of this painting. Su Shi composed a general colophon praising Li’s Buddhist paintings as true visualizations of the words of Buddha and bodhisattvas, and Su Che wrote a verse to match each of the twenty scenic vistas; their writings clearly demonstrate the painting’s religious content. The painting reveals the accuracy of Su Shi’s encomium, and Su Che’s twenty poems lend resonance to the individual vistas and highlight Li’s concern with Buddhist ontology, soteriology and the bodhisattva path, and his syncretic view of Chan, Huayan, and the Pure Land ritual practiced by Tiantai devotees. The villa itself was an important meeting ground for devotees of Longmian Chan, and a place where Li received and entertained both Buddhist and nonBuddhist visitors and invited them to rest and cultivate their minds. In this painting is a microcosm of Buddho-Confucian harmony. Since Li Gonglin was a Chan adherent, Chapter Three analyzes his



paintings through the perspective of Chan painting history. In doing so, it has been imperative to disregard Japanese Zen painting ideas, which imbue the yipin (“untrammeled”) painting style with Chan meanings and overstate the importance of yipin in the development of Chinese Chan painting. Southern Song- and Yuan-period Chan paintings include examples of the yipin style, but during the Northern Song, the literati were more ardent advocates of yipin than the Chan painters. Among the literati champions of yipin were Su Shi and Mi Fu 米芾 (1051–1107). Despite his close friendships with both men, Li never developed an interest in yipin; his reputation—then and now—rests on his realistic baimiao (ne line painting in ink, without color or wash) style. Figures and portraits were the principal categories of Buddhist painting. Chapter Three rst addresses Li’s portrait paintings. Portraiture gured largely in both ritual and casual aspects of Chan practice and life, so Li very probably discovered and developed his talent there. In China sculpture was an integral medium of religious art, and Li seems to have begun his study of sculpture early on, which would have helped him conceptualize the plasticity of living subjects. His reputation as a supreme portraitist preceded him to the capital. Throughout his life his usual role at literary gatherings was to paint a portrait of a key gure or gures at the gathering, after which other participants could write colophons either directly on the painting or to be mounted with it. These then functioned as mementos. Figures in landscape served for him to document his travels. He often used this format to record anecdotes heard along the way. But to Li, as a Buddhist, the most important use of his talent was to depict iconographies. Beginning in the Tang, certain schools of Buddhism, including Chan, had begun to formulate their patriarchal lineages. Chan practice differed from that of other schools, as encapsulated in the maxims “nonreliance on language” and “teaching outside of the doctrinal tradition.” Together, these meant not a total abandonment of language, but rather a native, creative Chinese way of cultivation in place of the doctrinal tradition, which relied primarily on sÖtras. To establish a Chan patriarchal lineage, Chan adherents invented the nianhua weixiao 拈花 微笑 story, which describes the transmission of the dharma from the Buddha directly to MahÊkÊtyapa, and from MahÊkÊtyapa to ¹nanda. From ¹nanda, according to Chan orthodoxy, this direct transmission of the dharma—from mind to mind—continued through the successive generations of Chan patriarchs to Huineng 慧能 (638–713), thus making Chan more “true” than the doctrinal school.



Complex political struggle marked the establishment of the Chan patriarchate during the seventh and eighth centuries. The Southern school triumphed, but experienced continuing internal struggles over the orthodox lineage, compounded by criticism from outside the Chan tradition. Challenges to the validity of the Chan patriarchate persisted during the Northern Song, so the renowned scholar-monk Mingjiao Qisong 明教契嵩 (1007–1072) wrote books and articles and designed pictorial iconographies to confute the critics. Beginning in the Tang, Chan had used pictorial depictions to legitimize its patriarchate; then as now, pictures were known to have persuasive power. Paintings of this sort bore various titles, but most common in this genre is the Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe. Three Song versions are preserved today through later copies; Li Gonglin created at least one scroll, of which not even later copies have survived. By analyzing the three preserved copies, however, we can understand the historical context that would have acted as one determinant of Li’s version. We can surmise that, given his Chan afliation, his painting of this subject was inspired by his interest in the historical Chan patriarchate. Li Gonglin was a pioneer of gongan 公案 painting, the third focus of this chapter. The practice of gongan derived from Chan’s new methods of teaching. The Chan maxim “nonreliance on language” had been misinterpreted as abandonment of written language, i.e., doctrinal scriptures. This misperception was fueled by the bizarre, irrational behaviors of eccentric Tang Chan masters. But “nonreliance on language” meant rejecting the doctrinal school’s reliance on sÖtras, which did not necessarily mean non-reliance on language per se. In fact, prior to the inception of this concept, many Chan patriarchs were so famous for their preaching of the La±kÊvatÊra SÖtra (Lengqie jing 楞伽 經) that they were called Lengqie masters. Even in the Platform SÖtra of the Sixth Patriarch (Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇經), important in the Southern school, the VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra ( Jin’gang banruo jing 金剛般若 經) gured prominently. The fth patriarch, Hongren 弘忍, for example, utilized this sÖtra to pass down his dharma secrets to the sixth patriarch, Huineng. Other sÖtras, such as the VimalakÒrti-nirdeua SÖtra, were also favored by Chan. The proper import of “nonreliance on language” was not to adhere literally to the sÖtra without comprehending its essential meaning. This principle signicantly advanced the sinicization of Buddhism, entailing as it did a lively style of preaching and selfcultivation, and inspiring a dialectic and poetry peculiar to Chan.



Since the Tang the Linji and Caodong schools had advocated selfcultivation through poetic expression, enhanced the potential for Buddho-Confucian syncretism, and intellectualized Chan even as they sinicized it. By the Northern Song there had accumulated a large body of Chan poems and dialogues from which Song Chan developed gongan and kanhua Chan 看話禪 (explained in Chapter Three). Li Gonglin’s Danxia Visits Layman Pang illustrated this genre. The extant Danxia Visits Layman Pang doubtless belongs stylistically to the Li Gonglin tradition, but comparing it with the development of the legend suggests that Li’s original iconography was altered to suit popular perceptions. The fourth section of Chapter Three outlines the development of Layman Pang legends in order to determine the earliest possible date of the extant iconography. Legends of Layman Pang had begun to expand in the early Southern Song, and by the late Southern Song an entire clan history had been “constructed.” From Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang we may reconstruct the original iconography. Li’s original iconography of Danxia Visits Layman Pang reveals connections with Longmian Chan, particularly in its use of songgu 頌古 and pingchang 評唱 styles of poetry, which developed into the kanhua Chan and can huatou 參話頭 styles of Chan cultivation during the Southern Song. These Chan poetic traditions will enhance understanding of Li’s iconography. Finally, Chapter Three will focus on Li Gonglin’s Guanyin images and faith. Ever since the fth-century translation of the Lotus SÖtra into Chinese, Guanyin had enjoyed unmatched popularity. During the Tang, when the sinicization of Buddhism accelerated, many bodhisattvas, including Guanyin, were domesticated, their residences shifted to China, and legends of their domestic manifestations recorded in Chinese literature. Guanyin also underwent a gender transformation. The diverse Guanyin personae were grouped in sets of varying number—thirty-two, thirty-three, fty-three, or fty-ve manifestations. Following Chinese contact with Christianity during the Ming dynasty, even Marian imagery entered the Guanyin cult. Here the discussion of Guanyin will be limited to the nature of the bodhisattva in Li Gonglin’s iconography and faith. Li painted White-robed Guanyin, and created the iconography of Long-scarf Guanyin (none extant), and designed a Guanyin Cliff at his Longmian Mountain Villa, all actions attesting his Guanyin faith. Li Gonglin’s faith, grounded in Chan and Huayan Buddhism, was not xed on any of the styles or names of Guanyin, but rather on



the essential religious meaning of this deity. Among Northern Song Chan and literati circles, it was important to interpret the meaning of Guanyin through the name Guanzizai (“visualize self-naturalness”), i.e., Guanyin as the guide to Mind cultivation. This was an expansion of the popular interpretation of Guanyin as one who hears the cries of the world, i.e., as described in the Lotus SÖtra. The form of Water Moon Guanyin, whose source may have been the Avataμsaka SÖtra, was an important milestone in the sinicization process. Sinicization also raised the status of Guanyin to equal that of MañjutrÒ. At rst, Guanyin was only one of the kalyʸamitra, but in later depictions Guanyin became the sole guide on the bodhisattva path, appearing in thirty-two transformations. When this particular iconographic set came into existence is unknown, but it must have coincided with the popularity of Huayan. As a devout Huayan adherent, it was natural for Li Gonglin to illustrate this iconography, and his paintings reected his understanding of key Buddhist ontology such as One Vehicle, Nonduality, innate Buddha-nature, and Mind-only Pure Land, while expressing syncretic characteristics. This pluralistic iconography was also abundant in his Longmian Mountain Villa. To reveal the centrality of bodhisattva faith in Li Gonglin’s practice, Chapters Four and Five focus on the concept of “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation,” as expressed in his White Lotus Society Picture. Of Li’s lost compositions, White Lotus Society Picture is the only one that can be fully reconstructed, thanks to detailed documentation by his close friends and relatives, including Li Chongyuan, Li Desu, and Zhang Ji 張激. Whereas Chapter Four analyzes the iconographic sources of Li Gonglin’s picture, Chapter Five analyzes bodhisattva Pure Land faith on the basis of Li’s iconographic design. The entire composition was divided between the pure and impure worlds (i.e., within the Society and outside it), with Tiger Stream as the boundary and Tiger Stream Bridge as the connection between them. According to the monk Huijiao’s 慧皎 (497–554) Hagiographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳), the monk Huiyuan sequestered himself in the mountains for thirty years, never crossing Tiger Stream to the outside world. Among later legends of the Lotus Society is the socalled Three Laughers of Tiger Stream, symbolizing the rapprochement among the Three Religions in China. The legend relates that when the Confucian scholar Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 and the Daoist Lu Xiujing 陸 修靜 were ending their visit to Huiyuan, Huiyuan accompanied them along their way, and, being deeply engaged in conversation, Huiyuan



forgot his self-imposed boundary and crossed over Tiger Stream Bridge. When the three realized it, they burst into laughter. The tale maintains Huiyuan’s tolerance of “heterodoxical religion,” thus casting him in a role more social than clerical. In White Lotus Society Picture Li Gonglin changed the Three Laughers to Two Laughers, Huiyuan and Lu Xiujing. Li paired Tao Yuanming and Xie Lingyun as exemplars of wrongful conduct on the bodhisattva path—Tao lacking faith, Xie “distracted” rather than focused—by placing them outside of the Society. The White Lotus Society became synonymous with Chinese Pure Land Buddhism. In 402 Huiyuan had led 123 followers in a vow before an AmitÊbha image to gain rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ (C: Jingtu 淨土: the Pure Land). This was considered the inception of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism, and Huiyuan its rst patriarch. His followers were later called the White Lotus Society (Bailian she 白蓮社). Li Gonglin must have had good reason to omit from his picture this key historical record of Chinese Pure Land’s inception. Through analyzing the three Buddhist scenes inside the Society, I conclude that Li’s iconography advocated the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” bodhisattva concept. I also demonstrate that as early as the Northern Wei, Chinese 15 and Pure Land practice had invariably focused on the bodhisattva path,13 beginning in the Tang had been fused with the concept of three stages of “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation.” Under this guiding principle, Chinese Buddhist masters advocated the “easy path,” i.e., seeking rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ to hasten nal Enlightenment, so cultivation of the bodhisattva path and seeking rebirth in the Pure Land were therefore mutually benecial. Chapter Five will match the three Buddhist scenes within the Society with the three steps in the “GandhavyÖha”: Daosheng 道生 (355–434) representing Maitreya, MañjutrÒ representing himself, and the sÖtra-translation scene embodying concepts represented by Samantabhadra. Taken as a whole, in White Lotus Society Picture Li Gonglin presented a solemn, terse iconography to express his bodhisattva philosophy, and in so doing he actually depicted the essence of sinicized Buddhism. His iconography therefore can be regarded as a microcosm of Chinese Pure Land.

15 This meant reliance on already enlightened beings, such as Guanyin, to expedite the journey to Enlightenment, hence the desire for rebirth in AmitÊbha’s Western Paradise.



While there are numerous later copies of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, the three discussed in this Appendix are the most important: a handscroll in the Shanghai Museum, a hanging scroll in the Nanjing Museum, and a handscroll in the Liaoning Provincial Museum. By comparing them with Li Chongyuan’s Record of “White Lotus Society Picture,” I prove that the Nanjing hanging scroll preserves the original composition that Li had painted for Li Chongyuan in 1081. The Shanghai handscroll version was transformed from a hanging scroll, similar to the Nanjing scroll, and although it preserves the original iconography, the scenes are jumbled. The Liaoning handscroll is a copy by Li’s nephew Zhang Ji 張激, who studied with the master after Li’s retirement, so it likely reects Li’s late approach. Pictorial evidence plus an inscription transcribed by Zhang Ji demonstrate that Li had begun to depict White Lotus Society iconography when young and living in the Longmian Mountains. The 1081 version for Li Chongyuan was Li’s second phase; the Zhang Ji copy represents Li’s third and nal phase of the subject. The three depictions shared the same iconography, suggesting that his perception of the Lotus Society had been formed early in his life, which in turn signies the lasting inuence of the Longmian Chan circle on him. In conclusion, we must rst adjust our perception of Li Gonglin as solely a Chan follower and recognize the syncretic nature of Song Chan, Huayan, Tiantai, and Pure Land. Despite minor doctrinal disputes, relations among the schools were largely amicable. Of this, the Longmian Mountains region where the artist had grown up affords an excellent example. Inuenced by this culturally rich Buddhist environment, Li Gonglin naturally developed a pluralistic vision, encompassing Huayan and Tiantai elements in his Longmian Mountain Villa, various Chan paintings, his innovative Guanyin iconographies, and his White Lotus Society Picture, all of which incorporated major ontological principles synthesized with widely held abstruse Buddhist ideas. These works unveil heretofore unknown aspects of Li Gonglin’s faith and art.


LONGMIAN CHAN AND THE FOUNDATION OF LI GONGLIN’S BUDDHIST LEARNING The link between a traditional Chinese artist’s work and his religious faith cannot always be established, as professional painters, religiously inclined or otherwise, painted to meet market demands, and even literati painters did not restrict themselves entirely to the preferred literati subject matter. For Li Gonglin, however, such links are attested in his own writings and paintings and in the writings of such contemporaries as Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅 (1045–1105), who called Li a “seasoned old Chan master.” His religious background, as laid out in this chapter, was grounded in regional traditions of Longmian, where a rich Chan environment mingled with other cultural praxes, creating a synergetic religious and intellectual ambience. Li Gonglin lived nearly two thirds of his life, particularly the rst twenty-nine years, in or near his hometown of Shucheng 舒城, in present-day Anhui 安徽 province. During his coming of age (i.e., the period from his teens to his early adulthood) the Longmian Mountain region witnessed an unprecedented surge of Chan Buddhist activity. Monks there were highly erudite in secular as well as religious matters and were also advocates of Confucian principles. They attracted elites to their literary gatherings and their Buddhist studies and practices. Longmian Chan was also nationally signicant because several masters trained in the region received major appointments in the capital. From around the beginning of the twelfth century, the Longmian region declined in religious signicance, but the inuence of Longmian Chan on “literary Chan (wenzi Chan 文字禪)” development during the Southern Song was especially profound. A study of this lively Buddhist environment enhances our understanding of Li Gonglin’s and his cousin Li Chongyuan’s Buddhist faith. This chapter focuses on the Longmian religious environment, rst examining Li Gonglin’s own words and depiction of his Longmian Villa, which yield important clues to his participation in clerical-literati circles. Biographies of the leading Chan clerics, their various activities that drew literati to them, and their achievements in Buddhist philosophy that granted


chapter one

them spiritual leadership of the local intelligentsia—these contextualize the cultural ambience of Longmian Chan. Syncretism was common in Song Buddhism, including Longmian Chan; a discussion of Huayan and Tiantai Pure Land traditions advocated by Longmian Chan members reveals the complex fusion that was the foundation of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist faith, and forms the point of departure for his Buddhist art. For the purpose of this study the Longmian Mountains region encompasses the area in which, according to literary and historical evidence, Li Gonglin and his cousin moved in clerical-literati circles. It extends between Shucheng in the north and the Yangzi River in the south (see Map). Bordering it on the west are the Longmian Mountains, where Li’s famous mountain retreat was situated. To the east lie Wuwei 無為 District and two important Buddhist mountains, Mount Fu 浮山 and Mount Touzi 投子山. In the southwest are Mounts Baiyun 白雲山 and Simian 四面山, two peaks in the Hengyue 衡嶽 (South Mountains) range. Each of these mountains held at least one Chan monastery (Huayan Monastery 華嚴寺 on Mount Fu, Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery 白雲海會禪院 on Mount Baiyun, Shengyin Chan Monastery 聖因禪寺 on Mount Touzi, and Simian Monastery 四面寺 on Mount Simian); together they made up a close network for cultural exchanges and religious pursuits. Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa, as we shall see, formed part of these interconnected Longmian Chan communities, which nurtured and strengthened his Buddhist faith. This mountainous Chan center supported a rich cultural environment for many famous Buddhist thinkers. Fayun Faxiu 法雲法秀 (1027–1090) came to the Longmian Mountains via Wuwei, and the renowned literatus-Buddhist Yang Jie 楊傑 ( jinshi 1059) was a Wuwei native. Both had been disciples of Tianyi Yihuai 天衣義懷 (993–1064).1 They arrived at Mount Fu to study under Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan 浮山圓鑑法 遠 (991–1067), the charismatic leader of the Longmian region, who

1 Guyue Daorong 古月道融, Conglin shengshi 叢林盛事 (1197; in XZJ 148), juan shang, pp. 28a, b; Puji 普濟, Wudeng huiyuan 五燈會元 (1252; Su Yuanlei 蘇淵雷 collated edition [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984]), 3 vols., pp. 1051–52. Puji recorded that Yang Jie in his late years followed Tianyi Yihuai (ibid., p. 1051). Yihuai passed away in 1064, however, and Yang Jie was still quite young when he received his jinshi degree in 1059. It is more plausible that Puji’s record was inaccurate, and that Yang Jie, like Faxiu, followed Yihuai in Wuwei. For Yihuai and Faxiu, also see Robert Gimello, “Marga and Culture: Learning, Letters, and Liberation in Northern Sung Ch’an,” in Paths to Liberation: The Marga and Its Transformations in Buddhist Thought, Robert Buswell and Robert Gimello, eds. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1992), p. 389.


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Sizhou (泗州)

Yangtze River

Luzhou (盧州) Ma Liang’s hometown

Shucheng (舒城) Li Gonglin’s hometown Mount Longmian (龍眠山) Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa

Wuwei (無為) Yang Jie’s hometown

Mount Touzi (投子山) Shengyin Chan Monastery (聖因禪院) Mount Fu (浮山) Huayan Monastery (華嚴寺) Mount Taiping (太平山) Taiping Monastery (太平寺) Mount Baiyun (白雲山) Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery (白雲海會禪寺) Mount Simian (四面山) Simian Monastery (四面寺 )

Chaohu Lake



ze R

gt Yan

Longmian Region during the Northern Song


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attracted a following of many other prominent Chan monks, such as Jingyin Jingzhao 淨因淨照 (1014–1093), Baiyun Shouduan 白雲守端 (1023–1072), Touzi Yiqing 投子義青 (1032–1083), and Wuzu Fayan 五祖法演 (?–1104). Their periods of activity in the Longmian region coincided with Li Gonglin’s coming of age. The most direct evidence of Li’s interest in Buddhism during this formative stage comes from his own accounts after he had left the Longmian region; in the capital Li wrote about and painted scenes from his early Longmian Buddhistoriented life to share with his colleagues, and his nostalgic attachment to his hometown can be best represented by a poem written during one of many literary gatherings at the Tongwen Guan 同文館 (Korean Relations Institute), to which he was assigned in the fall of 1087:2 . . . 雲出鳥還聊自償, 羽扇麈尾隨經囊。 龍眠乃是無何鄉, 朝遊不亂糜鹿行。 歸臥展圖觀驌驦, 憲貧頌古時歌商。3 倘佯興罷住雲房, 焚柏燒香究法王。. . . 亦說種松輞川口, 使我夢蝶栩栩忙。4 . . .

. . . When clouds rise [from valleys] and [weary] birds return, I somehow feel self-restitution, a zhuwei [fan] accompanies my sÖtra bag. The Longmian [Mountains] are indeed but a Country of Emptiness. At dawn we trek without disturbing herds of deer. Returning, we relax on couches to unroll scrolls of superior steeds. [Inspired by the ancient hermit Yuan] Xian, I hum tunes of the Shang dynasty. When all is well satised, I stay in the Cloud Room. There, burning cypress-chip incense, I delve into Buddhist dharma . . . And because we talk of planting pines at the Wangchuan [Villa] entrance, I am in a state of rapture as if dreaming I were a buttery . . .

By evoking the revered ancient poets Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) and Wang Wei 王維 (699–759), embodiments of lofty reclusion, Li


For a discussion of Tongwen Guan, see Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” pp. 32–33. The reference for this sentence is derived from the conversation between Confucius’ two disciples, Zigong 子貢 and Zisi 子思 (Yuan Xian 原憲); see Zizhi tongjian waiji 資治通鑑外紀, SKQS edition, juan 10, pp. 9a–b. 4 Deng Zhongchen 鄧忠臣 et al., comps., Tongwen changhe ji 同文唱和集, SKQS edition (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe), juan 10, pp. 3b–4a. Also see Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” p. 35, for a different translation. 3

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expresses his own penchant for eremitism.5 In alluding to the eremitism of Tao and Wang, Li Gonglin was consoling himself while in service at the capital and unable to return home. He also sought comfort in Buddhist sÖtras, which he seems to have carried with him at all times, revealing that they were an essential part of his life. His other interests included antiquity (Li was famous for his connoisseurship of arts of the Xia, Shang and Zhou periods), horse paintings (he had probably already begun to paint horses), and nature. His feathered zhuwei fan, furthermore, evoked the Six Dynasties qingtan 清談 (“Pure Talk”) tradition; in the light of Li’s fondness for Buddhist sÖtras and his delving into Buddhist dharma, the object also acquires religious implications. The zhuwei was a standard attribute of the layman VimalakÒrti in illustrations of the VimalakÒrti-niödeua SÖtra, which depict his debate with the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ on the true essence of nonduality. Li was known to have illustrated this sÖtra, and his Longmian Mountain Villa composition depicts a gentleman (likely himself ) wielding such a fan while speaking to a group of monks and scholars (Fig. 1C ). For Li Gonglin in service in the capital, the Longmian Mountains had become a nostalgic vision, which he called the wuhexiang 無何鄉 (Country of Emptiness), a term borrowed from Zhuangzi 莊子, the fourth-century BCE text, which describes a boundless ideal world of unbridled spiritual freedom.6 Li’s eagerness to return to this Country of Emptiness appears again in his evocation of Wang Wei’s Wangchuan Villa (a theme of eremitically inclined scholar-ofcials, symbolizing

5 Full of references to the past, this poem demonstrates Li Gonglin’s close knowledge of literary traditions; through literary images of antiquity, he revealed some of his aspirations. The rst quoted line, for instance, is derived from Tao Yuanming’s 陶淵明 Guiqulai fu 歸去來賦 (Rhapsody on Returning Home): 雲無心以出岫, The no-mind clouds arise from the valley, 鳥倦飛而知返。 weary birds know their way home. Tao Yuanming, Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集 (SKQS ), juan 4, p. 6a. “Planting pines at the Wangchuan . . . gate” refers to Wang Wei’s beloved villa. 6 This term appears twice in Zhuangzi. One instance is in the Xiaoyaoyou 逍遙遊: “今子有大樹,患其無用,何不樹之於無何有之鄉,廣漠大野,彷徨乎寢臥其下。 Sir, you have a big tree, but you worry about its uselessness. Why not plant it in the Country of Emptiness where the elds stretch boundlessly, and you can wander and lie beneath it?” The other is Yingdiwang 應帝王: “予方將與造物者遊,人厭則又乘乎 莽眇之鳥,以出六極之外,而遊無何有之鄉。I am about to travel with the Creator, but if someone dislikes the idea, I will ride on the elusive bird to reach beyond the Six Directions [Heaven, Earth, and the Four Directions] so I may travel in the Country of Emptiness.” See Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐, ed., Xinyi Zhuangzi duben 新譯莊子讀本 (Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1985), pp. 54, 120.


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the lofty reclusion associated with that famous poet-painter of the Tang dynasty), combined with his reference to the buttery of which Zhuangzi had dreamed.7 These ancient literary referents characterize Li’s idealization of eremitism, which was combined with the pursuit of Buddhism and unfettered spirituality, or Enlightenment. Li used not only words but also his painter’s brush to describe his early passion for Buddhism at home. In 1085, after ve years of service in regional posts, he was summoned back to the capital. There he painted his famous Longmian Mountain Villa to highlight his life in the mountains and show it to his friends. In this long handscroll, preserved in several later copies, many halls, studios, and vistas in his villa and its environs bore names such as Huayan Hall (Huayan Tang 華嚴堂), Ink Chan Hall (Mochan Tang 墨禪堂, Fig. 1A), and Avalokitetvara Cliff (Guanyin Yan 觀音巖, Fig. 1B), imbuing the villa with an unmistakably Buddhist aura. His vivid depiction of clerical-literati gatherings on his property (Figs. 1C, 1D), and of two gures, presumably himself and Li Chongyuan, acquiring merit by illustrating and/or copying Buddhist sÖtras in Ink Chan Hall, further demonstrate the importance to him of this aspect of his early life (Fig. 1A).8 Li Gonglin’s audience for this painting was well aware of the master’s intent. Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101), for example, in inscribing Li’s Longmian Mountain Villa, praised Li’s Buddhist paintings as true revelations of the words of the Buddha and bodhisattvas.9 Likewise, of Su Che’s set of twenty poems corresponding to the number of sites at Li’s mountain villa, many are strongly Chan-avored, indicating through their metaphors keen awareness that Li had made his villa into a rebus of his beliefs.10 Li Gonglin’s writings and paintings, as well as the Su brothers’ inscription and poems on the painting, unanimously point to a rich and active Buddhist-oriented environment around the painter’s residence, replete with meditation, sÖtra study, illustration and copying of Buddhist texts, and participation in clergy-literati gatherings. To provide the socio-religious background Ibid., Qiwu lun 齊物論, p. 67. Robert E. Harrist, Jr. was the rst to make the connection between the pictorial image and the Two Lis’ dedication to sÖtra-copying and illustration. See Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” p. 221; and Harrist, “The Hermit of Long-mien, A Biography of Li Kung-lin,” Li Kung-lin’s Classic of Filial Piety, ed. Richard Barnhart (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), pp. 37–38. A full account and analysis of Buddhist meaning in the Longmian Villa is the focus of Chapter Two of this book. 9 Su Shi, Dongpo quanji 東坡全集 (SKQS ), juan 23, pp. 10a, b. 10 For a thorough analysis of Su Che’s poems on Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa, see Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” and Chapter Two of this book. 7 8

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of this environment, let us consider the major clerics of this region, the cultural circles around them, and their direct and indirect links to Li Gonglin and his cousin. Longmian Chan Circles: Institutional Environment and Cultural Ambiance Tradition has it that the dominant Northern Song Chan lineages were the Huanglong lineage of the Linji school 臨濟宗黃龍派 and the Yunmen school 雲門宗; the Caodong school 曹洞宗 had declined in popularity and would not recover till the Southern Song.11 In the Longmian region during Li Gonglin’s time, however, the Yangqi lineage 楊岐派 of the Linji school and the Caodong school not only did not fade, but rose to equal the Yunmen school in inuence. Clerics of these two branches of Chan attracted monks and literati as disciples, making the region as vital as any of the major contemporaneous Buddhist centers around the empire. By the beginning of the Southern Song many of the leading Chan masters could trace their lineages back to two monks active in the Longmian area, Baiyun Shouduan and Touzi Yiqing, with whom Li Gonglin was acquainted. Both monks were indebted to their teacher Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan. Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan 浮山圓鑒法遠 The Linji monk Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan was a native of Zhengzhou 鄭州 in present-day Henan province.12 Before coming to Mount Fu, Fayuan visited the Caodong master Dayang Jingxuan 大陽警玄 (943– 1027) in Xiangyang 襄陽 during the Tianxi 天禧 era (1017–1021).13 Jingxuan wished to transmit the Caodong lineage to Fayuan, but Fayuan declined on grounds that he was already the dharma heir of Yexian Master Xing 葉縣省禪師. Fayuan promised Jingxuan that he would

11 See discussions by Abe ChÔichi 阿部肇一, “Oryu-ha no hatten (At the Rinzai Sect in Sung Dynasty),” Komazawa shikaku 駒澤史學, no. 10 (Nov. 1937), pp. 32–37; and Beata Grant, Mount Lu Revisited: Buddhism in the Life and Writings of Su Shih (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), p. 14. 12 Puji 普濟, Wudeng huiyuan 五燈會元 (1252; Su Yuanlei 蘇淵雷 collated edition [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984]), 3 vols., p. 715. 13 Nianchang 念常, Fozu lidai tongzai 佛祖歷代通載 (T. 49), juan 18, pp. 665a, b; and Zhongwen Xiaoying 仲溫曉瑩 (?–1116), Yunwo jitan 雲臥紀譚 (ca. 1179; in XZJ 148), juan shang, pp. 12c–13a.


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instead help him nd a suitable candidate, thus planting a seed for a Caodong revival in the Longmian region.14 Fayuan came to the Longmian area in the Tiansheng 天聖 era (1023–1032) and remained there till his death forty years later, residing in Suzhou 蘇州 only from 1053 to 1054.15 He tried several times to retire to reclusion, but he was much in demand for the abbacy of Huayan Monastery 華嚴寺 on Mount Fu, roughly forty kilometers southeast of the Longmian Mountains. Fayuan’s charisma, literary ability, and understanding of government affairs won him respect from even the most outspoken anti-Buddhist, the Confucian scholar Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072), as well as from the Confucians Fan Zhongyan 范仲淹 (989–1052) and Li Zunxu 李遵勖 (988–1038), son-in-law of Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (r. 997–1022).16 From closer to Mount Fu (as noted above), Fayun Faxiu and Yang Jie came to study with him. In 1065 Yang Jie composed “Record of the Cavern of Virtuous Reclusion (Yinxianyanji 隱賢巖記),” extolling Fayuan’s merit in rebuilding and revitalizing Huayan Monastery on Mount Fu, which had decayed during the Five Dynasties. Yang Jie’s brother copied this work into regular script, and this in turn, sponsored by the monk Xiyue 希岳, was carved into the cliff wall adjacent to Huayan Monastery in 1068.17 The Song dynasty witnessed the completion of the Chan institutional system, and Fayuan took part in that effort. His managerial style

14 Upon Fayuan’s promise, Jingxuan entrusted him with the Caodong fayao 法要 (dharma-priciples), his ceremonial robe, and a portrait of himself, which Fayuan brought to Mount Fu. In keeping with the current trend, Fayuan inscribed his poem on the portrait of Jingxuan before transmitting it and the robe to Touzi Yiqing, whom Fayuan had chosen to continue the Caodong doctrine. See Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲 (1089–1163), Dahui zongmen wuku 大慧宗門武庫 (1186; in XZJ 142), p. 461b. 15 Fayuan was asked by Fan Zhongyan to reside at Tianping Monastery 天平寺 in Suzhou. See Jue’an 覺岸, Shishi jigu lue 釋氏稽古略 (T. 49), juan 4, p. 868c. 16 See Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲 (1089–1163), Dahui zongmen wuku 大慧宗門武庫 (1186; in XZJ 142), p. 951c for Fayuan and Li Zunxu; also Puji, Wudeng huiyuan 五 燈會元 (1252, Su Yuanlei 蘇淵雷 collated edition [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984]), 3 vols., p. 715; for Fayuan’s understanding of government affairs, and his friendship with Ouyang Xiu and Fan Zhongyan, see Jue’an, Shishi jigu lue (T. 49), juan 4, p. 868c. According to Abe ChÔichi’s study, Ouyang Xiu’s meeting with Fayuan must have occurred in the mid-1040s, when Ouyang was serving in Chuzhou 滁州 in presentday Anhui province (Abe ChÔichi, ChÖgoku ZenshÖ shi no kenkyÖ 中國禪宗史の研究 (Research into the History of the Chinese Chan School), (Tokyo: Kenbun shuppansha, 1986), p. 300, and p. 306, n. 5). 17 I visited Mount Fu in the summer of 1995 and found this inscription. To my knowledge, the inscription has not been published in either ancient or modern texts.

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demonstrated his inclination to synthesize Chan with Confucianism. Fayuan’s reliance on Confucian philosophy to strengthen Chan’s appeal to men who prided themselves on their Confucian ethics reduced, if not eliminated, the tension resulting from fundamental differences between these two schools; it established Chan as an estimable, even venerable, religious institution. Fayuan required his disciples to respect their masters and to choose friends mindfully, advised them to undertake toilsome services around the monasteries, and reminded them of the dangers of calculating benets and disadvantages in trivial matters.18 Combining concepts derived from the Confucian Classic Mencius (Mengzi 孟子) with Chan concepts of cultivation of the Mind, Fayuan urged his successor at Huayan Monastery, Fushan Xiaoyun 浮山曉雲, to persist in his practice of Chan:19 夫天地間,誠有易生之物。使一日暴之,十日寒之,亦未見有能生 者。無上妙道,昭昭然在於心目之間,故不難見。要在志之堅、行 之力,坐立可待。20 Between Heaven and Earth, there are indeed things that are easy to grow. But if they are exposed to the sun for one day, then cold for ten days, I would not expect them to grow. The Supreme Wonderful Way is clearly in our minds’ eye, so it is not difcult to perceive it. The key is in persistent will and rigorous practice. Then we can expect accomplishment in no time.

Fayuan maintained that effective management of monasteries, which entailed authority over disciples, was achieved through governing by virtue (daode 道德) and etiquette (liyi 禮儀). Fayuan told his disciple (and Li Gonglin’s friend) Jingyin Jingzhao his three requisites for abbacy: benevolence (ren 仁); brightness (ming 明), meaning awareness of circumstances and perspicacity in judgments; and courage ( yong 勇) in making difcult and risky decisions.21 Finally, he insisted that an abbot must have the discernment to recognize and assist wise and virtuous disciples, and to dismiss the unprincipled for the well-being of the 5#¸)*#.22 Fayuan’s

Dahui Zonggao, Chanlin baoxun 禪林寶訓 (1174–1189; in T. 48), juan 1, p. 1018a. The passage is derived from the Gaozi chapter 告子篇 of Mengzi 孟子. See Xie Bingying 謝冰瑩 et al., eds., Xinyi Sishu duben 新譯四書讀本 (New Translation of the Four Books) (Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1986), p. 449. 20 Dahui Zonggao, Chanlin baoxun 禪林寶訓 (1174–1189, in T. 48), juan 1, p. 1018a. 21 Ibid., pp. 1018a, b. 22 Ibid., p. 1018b. 18



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messages indicate his intent to integrate Confucian learning and ethics fully into Chan managerial principles, which coincided with the trend to Buddhist-Confucian syncretism and reected his wish to obviate ofcial oversight of monastic morality. Why Fayuan was initially dispatched to the Longmian region is not known; it may have been a government initiative to boost morale in demoralized monasteries. This initiative had been operative since the beginning of the dynasty, under Emperors Taizu 太祖 (r. 960–975) and Taizong 太宗 (r. 976–996).23 A native of Luzhou 廬州 District, adjacent to the Longmian Mountains region, the renowned literatus-Buddhist Ma Liang 馬亮 (959–1031) was thrice appointed prefect of his hometown between 1017 and 1024.24 Soon after he returned to court he was promoted to the post of Aide to the Imperial Secretary (Shangshu Youcheng 尙書右丞). Precisely what he had witnessed during his tenure in Luzhou and elsewhere is unknown, but in 1024 Ma Liang warned Emperor Renzong 仁宗 (r. 1022–1062) of the widespread problem of bogus monks hiding in monasteries. He remonstrated that the number of monks in each district be strictly limited to the established government quota, and that candidates with criminal records be ineligible to sit for the required ordination examination.25 For a devout Buddhist

23 For a detailed study of these two emperors’ policies to control the quality and quantity of Buddhist monks, see Chi-chiang Huang, “Imperial Rulership and Buddhism in the Early Northern Song,” in Imperial Rulership and Cultural Change in Traditional China, Frederick P. Brandauer and Chun-chieh Huang, eds. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994), pp. 145–87. 24 The capital of Luzhou was located in Hefei, capital of present-day Anhui province. For the area governed by the Luzhou district, see Tan Qixiang, ed., Zhongguo lishi ditu ji 中國歷史地圖集 (Beijing: Zhongyang minzu xueyuan chubanshe: Xinhua shudian Beijing faxingsuo, 1988), vol. 6, pp. 24–25. 25 The sentence paraphrases Chi-chiang Huang’s translation. Chi-chiang Huang, “Elite and Clergy in Northern Sung Hang-chou: A Convergence of Interest,” in Peter N. Gregory and Daniel A. Getz, Jr., eds., Buddhism in the Sung, (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), p. 302. Huang indicates that Ma Liang was in Luzhou when he memorialized Emperor Renzong, but by then Ma Liang had been transferred back to the capital with the ofcial title Shangshu Youcheng Jixianyuan Xueshi 尚書右丞集賢 院學士 (Right Assistant Director of the Imperial Secretariat). See Song huiyao gao 宋會 要稿, juan 200 (Dao Shi 道釋, juan 1), p. 25a. For details of the various posts Ma held, see Wu Tingxie 吳廷燮, Bei Song jingfu nianbiao 北宋經撫年表 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984), pp. 256–57, 284–87, 298, 322–23, 329, 341–42, 351, 375. According to this compilation, in 1016 Ma was appointed prefect of Hangzhou, but was transferred to Luzhou the next year. In 1018 he was replaced there, and in 1020, transferred back to Luzhou, only to be replaced the following year. In 1022 Ma Liang was brought back to Luzhou for the third and last time. The next record is his memorial to Emperor Renzong in 1024, when he served as Right Assistant Director of the Imperial Secretariat. Also see Ma’s biography in Songshi, juan 298, pp. 9916–9917.

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such as Ma Liang to criticize monasteries, the abuses must have been alarming and, as we shall see, not all monasteries in the Longmian region were immune. Under these circumstances, Fayuan would have incorporated Confucian principles into his Chan preaching in order to raise both the morality and the moral reputations of Chan monasteries and thereby to allay government mistrust. Contemporaneous documents portray Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan as an austere religious leader, concerned with improving the Chan institution. But Chan also had its more relaxed, lively, dynamic aspects, especially in its interaction with literati. Records of this harmonious relationship in the Longmian region are better preserved in the stories of two of Fayuan’s most important disciples, Baiyun Shouduan and Touzi Yiqing. Baiyun Shouduan 白雲守端 As a young monk of the Yangqi lineage, residing on Mount Lu, Baiyun Shouduan enjoyed tremendous popularity and a large following.26 In 1063, following Fayuan, he came to the Longmian region and eventually ascended to the abbotship of Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery 白雲海 會禪院.27 There he continued to attract not only local intelligentsia but also his old friends from Mount Lu, among whom Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正 and Yang Jie were the most prominent. They often visited Shouduan together, and when they came the Chan master would conduct shangtang 上堂 (“ascend to the dharma chair” in the Lecture Hall) preaching sessions with them, even at night. On several occasions they had lively discussions that lasted until daybreak. One night Yang Jie, at that time an ofcial of the nearby Huangmei 黃梅 District, arrived at Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery, so Shouduan gathered his disciples in the Lecture Hall, ascended his dharma chair, and declared in the presence of Yang Jie that since ancient times, innumerable people had attempted to expound li (理 “noumenon”) and shi (事 “phenomenon”), and even to attain Chan Enlightenment, but that to nd an “insider” was “as difcult as snapping the moon from the sky.” 28 Shouduan then glanced at Yang Jie and composed a poem:

26 Leian Zhengshou 雷安正受, Jiatai pudeng lu 嘉泰普燈錄 (XZJ 137), juan 4, p. 47c; [author not recorded], Xu chuandeng lu 續傳燈錄 (T. 51), juan 13, pp. 547b–48a. 27 Leian Zhengshou, ibid.; and Wang Zi’s 王孜 preface to Baiyun Duan heshang yulu 白雲端和尚語錄 (compiled by Shouduan’s disciple Chuning 處凝; in XZJ 120), p. 200c. 28 Shiming 師明, Xu guzunsu yuyao 續古尊宿語要 (XZJ 118), juan 3, p. 476c.


chapter one 如在東溪日, 花開葉落時; 幾擬將黃金, 鑄作鐘子期。29

This occasion reminds me of my days at the East Brook, When owers bloomed and leaves fell; I almost used gold To cast an image of Zhong Ziqi.

Zhong Ziqi of the Warring States Period was the only one who could appreciate the qin master Boya’s 伯牙 music, so after Zhong’s passing Boya cut the strings from his qin. Shouduan’s poem alludes to his and Yang Jie’s long acquaintance and to Yang’s potential to grasp Buddhist Truth. In a poem recording the same event Yang Jie portrayed himself as a drunk (unenlightened being), implying his desire for Shouduan’s guidance: 買得青山不用錢, 金沙門外草綿綿; 黃梅老令醉欲倒, 擬借白雲今夜眠。30

Buying a green mountain I needed no money. Soft grass outside the Jinsha Gate stretches far away. The old prefect of Huangmei [myself ] is fallingdown drunk. He wishes to borrow the White Cloud [Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery] for tonight’s sleep.

Yet after a long night of posing gongan for Yang Jie to apprehend, Shouduan expressed a markedly different impression of Yang in a poem excerpted here: 夜涼堂上坐, 忽聞人叫喚。 黃梅楊長官, 來到白雲畔。 久聞竊我宗, 未得當面斷。 一夜燈火前, 行過舊公案。 所犯一一招, 也要眾人看。 鼻直觀骨高, 一箇沒量漢。31

29 30 31

On a cool night sitting in the hall, I suddenly heard a person calling upon me. It was ofcer Yang from Huangmei, Who had arrived at the shore of Baiyun. I had long since heard that he has stolen [i.e., grasped the essence of ] Chan, But not yet had a chance to make a face-to-face judgment. [So] over a night in front of the burning light, We went through old gongan. I made him confess all his mistakes, And I made everyone take a close look at him. His nose was straight and cheekbone high, Yet [he was] a cowardly fellow.

Ibid. Yang Jie, Wuwei ji 無為集 (SKQS edition, vol. 1099), juan 7, p. 11a. Shiming, Xu guzunsu yuyao (XZJ 118), juan 3, p. 476d.

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Their poetic exchanges reveal that poetry had become an integral part of monastic life. For the literati, poetry had long been an essential form of communication; clerics also made poetry their leisure pursuit as well as a medium of Chan dialectics. To earn the respect of their lay followers, Chan monks had to be both good writers and scholars of literature.32 Shouduan too often had to divide his time between training disciples and polishing his literary skills: . . . 月好還邀客, 華開亦詠詩。 訓徒朝有則, 鍊句夜忘疲。. . . 33

. . . When the moonlight is lovely, I invite guests; When owers blossom, I also recite poetry. Regularly training disciples in morning; Polishing sentences at night [so much that] I forget fatigue . . . .

Poetry also played a major role in propagating the Chan dictum buli wenzi 不立文字. Though this phase may be understood as “not relying on written or spoken words,” in its original anti-doctrinal context it meant not to rely on doctrinal texts, because the “superior” Chan teaching was transmitted “directly” from the historical Buddha sÊkyamuni. In lieu of doctrinal texts, poetry became a crucial medium for communicating Chan ideas. The use of poetic expression in Chan training originated in the Linji and Caodong schools, when their founders began to use indirect means to awaken disciples’ understanding of the correlation between li and shi, and between self and externality. Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价 (807–869), the founder of Caodong Chan, devised the wuwei pianzheng 五位偏正 (“Five Juxtaposing Opposites”) method. Partly inuenced by the traditional Chinese yinyang 陰陽 theory, wuwei pianzheng was considered an expedient means for teaching Buddhist reality. Combining pian (偏, representing yang, phenomenon, movement, functionality, forms, differentiation, contradiction, unenlightenment, and mortality) and zheng (正, representing yin, noumenon, quietude, substantiality, emptiness, equality, the absolute, the original Enlightenment, thusness, and 0+48ʸ#) into one seeming oxymoron, wuwei pianzheng is an

32 In addition to his preaching and literary exchanges with scholars, Shouduan was also fond of songgu 頌古 poetry. Shouduan’s achievement in this form is preserved in two sets of songgu: one includes 92 poems (Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi yulu 白雲守端禪 師語錄 [XZJ 120], juan xia, pp. 192a–200a); the other includes 110 (Renyong 仁勇, Chuning 處凝, et al., eds., Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu 白雲守端禪師廣錄 [XZJ 137], juan 4, pp. 218c–25a). 33 Leian Zhengshou, Jiatai pudeng lu (XZJ 137), juan 27, p. 205a; Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu (XZJ 137), juan 4, pp. 215b, c.


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apothegm expressing that in Buddhist reality there is neither contradiction nor differentiation between the two; the truth is Oneness. It was in Record of Discourses (Yulu 語錄) of his disciple Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂 (840–901) that poetic expression was rst used for testing students. Disciples were asked to write one or more poems to show their level of Chan cultivation. These poems were then analyzed according to the concepts of pian and zheng. Two similar and increasingly popular systems devised by the Linji tradition’s founder, Linji Yixuan 臨濟義玄 (d. 867), were termed the siliaojian 四料揀 (“Four Expedient Methods”) and sibinzhu 四賓主 (“Four Hosts and Guests”). They also relied on poetic expressions based on the dual contradictions of ren 人 (“self, internality”) versus jing 境 (“externality”) and bin 賓 (“guest”) versus zhu 主 (host), respectively, to explore the correlation between subjectivity (the self ) and objectivity (“externality”). Both Caodong and Linji methods were accepted as valid Chan training techniques in the Longmian region. Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan’s teaching treatise, “The Nine Belts (Levels) of Fushan (Fushan jiudai 浮山九帶),” incorporated the “Five Steps of Dongshan (Dongshan wuwei 洞山五位).34 He also composed poems to convey the meaning of wuwei 35 and match Yixuan’s sibinzhu.36 Likewise, sections of Baiyun Shouduan’s and Touzi Yiqing’s Yulu were devoted to poetic expressions expounding Caodong wuwei and Linji siliaojian and sibinzhu.37 Two parallel developments contributing to the popularity of poetry in Chan circles during the Song were the songgu 頌古 and pingchang 評唱 poetry traditions, wherein Chan masters would compose short poems to match sets of gongan. Current scholarship on songgu poetry focuses on Yuanwu Keqin’s 圓悟克勤 (1063–1135) Biyanlu 碧巖錄 and, to a lesser extent, on Wansong Xingxiu’s 萬松行秀 (1166–1246) Congronglu 從容錄. These works belonged to the pingchang (評唱 “singing commentary”) format derived from songgu poetry, wherein the original gongan and the songgu poems appear rst, followed by the pingchang. It became a format in which Chan masters could rework older poems and pay

34 Zhizhao 智昭, Rentian yanmu 人天眼目 (T. 48), juan 2, p. 309a. For another example of Fayuan’s use of the Caodong method, see Foguo Yuanwu Keqin Chanshi Biyunlu 佛國 圓悟克勤禪師碧巖錄 (T. 48), juan 5, pp. 180 a, b. 35 Zhizhao, Rentian yanmu (T. 48), juan 3, pp. 315a, b. 36 Ibid., juan 1, pp. 303b, c. 37 Renyong 仁勇, Chuning 處凝, et al., eds. , Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu (XZJ 137), juan 4, pp. 105d–6a. Zijue 自覺 et al., ed., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu 投子義青禪 師語錄 (XZJ 124), juan shang, pp. 229a–30a.

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homage to their predecessors, very similar to the he 和 (“harmonizing” or “matching”) poems in secular poetic tradition. In these writings Chan masters evoked the philosophy embedded in Chan poems of the Tang and Five Dynasties. These two authors and their pingchang compilations were connected through their lineages to the Longmian Chan circle, a major center of the songgu tradition. Yuanwu Keqin was a dharma heir of Wuzu Fayan, who in turn had been a dharma heir of Baiyun Shouduan. Wansong Xingxiu was a dharma heir of Hongzhi Zhengjue 宏智正覺 (1091–1157), who was a dharma heir of Furong Daokai 芙蓉道楷 (1043–1118), who in turn was a dharma heir of Touzi Yiqing. Both Baiyun Shouduan and Touzi Yiqing were ardent promoters of songgu poetry. One hundred of Yiqing’s songgu poems were compiled into the second fascicle of his Yulu,38 and his songgu poems formed the foundation on which the Yuan-dynasty monk Conglun 從倫 developed his pingchang compilation Linquan laoren pingchang Touzi 39 Qing heshang songgu kongguji 林泉老人評唱投子青和尚頌古空谷集. More than one hundred of Baiyun Shouduan’s songgu poems are still extant.40 Whether from the perspective of lineage or of Chan use of poetry in training, Longmian Chan was crucial to songgu development during the Northern Song dynasty. Baiyun Shouduan also contributed to institutionalization of Chan, writing Regulations in Ancestral Halls (Zutang gangji 祖堂綱記) in 1070 to regulate the displaying of Chan portraits in ancestral halls. Like his master Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, Shouduan approached the institutionalization of Chan through synthesis with Confucianism. Using the principle of Mengzi as quoted by Fayuan, Baiyun Shouduan, in a letter to his lay disciple Guo Xiangzheng, discussed how the success of the Way depends on people who practice it: “The ancients say if one works on it, it will persist; but if one abandons it, it will die. It is not due to the Way’s abandoning people, but rather that people distance themselves from the Way.”41 In a conversation with Yang Jie, Shouduan similarly promoted personal responsibility: “If a plan cannot be carried out, I would rather not talk about it. If an action cannot be made public, I would rather not carry it out. When speaking, one must consider the consequences. Before each action, one must rst assess 38 39 40 41

Zijue 自覺 et al., ed., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan xia, pp. 232b–38a. This work is included in XZJ 117, pp. 531–639. Chuning 處凝 ed., Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi yulu (XZJ 120), juan xia, pp. 192a–200a. Dahui Zonggao, Chanlin baoxun 禪林寶訓 (T. 48), juan 1, p. 1019c.


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the potential negative aspects. Therefore ancient sages were cautious in their speech and conduct. Their words were not just to reveal the li, but also to inspire as yet unenlightened students; their behaviors were not just for self-perfection, but also were intended to inuence as yet unaccomplished students.”42 Touzi Yiqing 投子義青 Touzi Yiqing, a native of Shandong 山東, became a monk at age seven. As a youth Yiqing was already famous for his profound grasp of the Avata“saka SÖtra, earning the nickname Qing Huayan 青華嚴 (Qing Avataμsaka).43 He came to practice Chan under Fayuan in 1060, and four years later Fayuan transmitted the Caodong lineage to him.44 This succession marked the beginning of Yiqing’s brilliant career as the Caodong school revivalist in the eleventh century. Yiqing then spent ten years on Mount Lu, where he rst concentrated on studying sÖtras at Huiri Monastery 慧日寺.45 Yiqing’s endeavor, in which he was by no means alone, contradicts the conventional wisdom that the Chan school disregarded textual study.46 Following Fayuan’s advice, Yiqing resided at Fayun Faxiu’s Qixian Monastery 棲賢寺 for an undetermined period. There he was accused by a fellow monk of laziness, of doing nothing but eating and sleeping.47 As a Caodong master, Yiqing was supposed to observe the Caodong method of long hours of meditation in order to linian zizhao 離念自照 (“depart from concepts and reect from within oneself ”). The accuser seems not to have understood that Yiqing was posing as a Linji monk, whose Hongzhou Chan-derived doctrine averred that any daily activity, conducted mindfully, could be seen as a form of meditation.48 Yiqing’s “unorthodox” 42

Ibid. Zijue 自覺 et al., ed., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan xia, pp. 242a–43a. 44 For Yiqing’s hagiography, see Huihong 慧洪, Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (SKQS edition, vol. 1052), juan 17, pp. 3b–5b. For modern scholarship on Yiqing, see Ui Hakuju 宇井伯壽, ZenshÖ shi kenkyÖ 禪宗史研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1943), vol. 3, pp. 407–20; and Ishii ShÖdÔ 石井修道, SÔdai ZenshÖshi no kenkyÖ 宋代禪宗史 の研究 (Tokyo: DaitÔ shuppansha, 1987), pp. 209–34. 45 Huihong 慧洪, Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (SKQS edition, vol. 1052), juan 17, p. 4b. 46 In addition to Yiqing, Xiuyong and Faxiu are known to have studied sÖtras. Touzi Xiuyong owned a set of 4+2+¢#-#. 47 Puji 普濟, Wudeng huiyuan 五燈會元 (1252, Su Yuanlei 蘇淵雷 collated edition [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984], 3 vols., juan 14, pp. 875–76). 48 This aspect of Linji Chan was derived from Hongzhou Chan. 43

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behavior again indicates that the dharma principles particular to a given Chan lineage, upheld by that lineage during the ceremony of lineal succession and expounded in various yulu, probably did not faithfully reect daily monastic practices, because these monks of different lineages often lived and practiced under the same roof, were instructed by the same master, and adhered to the same schedule. In emphasizing such unorthodox behavior, Yiqing’s hagiographer was demonstrating that Yiqing had transcended the ordinary and possessed enlightened nature. In 1073, one year after Shouduan’s death, Touzi Yiqing was invited by Yang Jie, then the prefect of Shuzhou 舒州, to assume the abbacy of Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery, thus ending his ten years of itinerancy. He stayed on until 1080, then moved his seat to Shengyin Chan Monastery on Mount Touzi. Unlike Shouduan, who wrote about his unalloyed pleasure in literary scholarship and the writing of poetry, Yiqing expressed conicted feelings: . . . 雖然所業空, 免被才情役。 忝曾學參禪, 叨以習文義。 . . . 49

. . . Though I am in the business of Emptiness, I cannot avoid being enslaved by my talents. I have practiced Chan, but instead am preoccupied with literary content . . . .

Frequent literary gatherings, seen by Shouduan and Yiqing as social obligations, did demand a substantial amount of their time. But, as is plain from their writings, both were fond of poetry and enthusiastic about literary gatherings and Chan dialogues with literati. The extent of these two groups’ literary communication is further suggested by Yang Jie’s presenting Shouduan with a copy of his poetry compendium (shiji 詩集); after reading it, Shouduan commented, “Wuweizi’s [Yang Jie’s] poems are both contemporary and ancient. At rst they are clear, then they become subtle. Does he only have a thorough grasp of Guofeng 國風? He reaches out to bridge Buddhism.”50 As noted above, poetry was an essential part of Chan training, and these two Chan masters relished it so much that they composed hundreds of Chan songgu poems.

Zijue 自覺 et al., ed., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan shang, p. 230b. Renyong 仁勇, Chuning 處凝, et al., eds., Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu (XZJ 137), juan 3, p. 216c. The surviving section of Yang Jie’s Wuweiji 無為集 contains no reference to Buddhism, the unfortunate result of deliberate omissions by later compilers, which caused this important component of Yang Jie’s life and work to be lost forever. 49 50


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Assigned to prefectural posts, literati, many of them devout Buddhists, were also in charge of monastic affairs, and in dealing with clerics strove to balance private relationships with ofcial responsibilities. In his capacity as the prefect of Shuzhou, Yang Jie appointed Touzi Yiqing abbot of Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery on Mount Baiyun. In his inaugural ceremony there, and again at Shengyin Chan Monastery on Mount Touzi, Yiqing offered up incense (nianxiang 拈香) and deferentially prayed for the emperor’s longevity, for the emperor’s reign to shine as bright as the sun and moon, and to be as peaceful and prosperous as those of the ancient sage-kings Yao, Shun, Yu, and Tang. In another round of incense offering, he expressed gratitude for the prefectural ofcials’ participation in the ceremonies.51 Through these politic ceremonial gestures, Yiqing assured ofcials that the clergy understood Buddhism’s place in society, an appeasement tactic similar to the early Northern Song monk Zanning purportedly referring to Emperor Taizu as the “present-day Buddha.”52 Yiqing’s ceremonial gestures, along with the merging of Confucian ethics with Chan discipline by Fayuan and Shouduan, established a harmonious and stable environment wherein monks maintained a courteous ofcial relationship with Confucians and observed the social (and legal) boundaries of Buddhism in society. Such deference fostered amicable engagement at literary gatherings, poetic and artistic exchanges, sessions of antiques appreciation, Chan dialogues, and other religious pursuits. These unofcial contacts acculturated participants in both groups and created the ambience called literati Buddhism, in which Chan masters might mock their superiors, as in Baiyun Shouduan’s poem mocking Yang Jie, cited above. Wuzu Fayan 五祖法演 and Touzi Pucong 投子普聰 Two other important contemporaries of Li Gonglin and Chongyuan were the Linji monk Wuzu Fayan, who also came under the tutelage of Fayuan on Mount Fu, and Touzi Pucong. When Fayuan was too old to train more disciples, he advised Fayan to practice Chan under Shouduan; Fayan subsequently became Shouduan’s dharma heir.53

51 Zijue 自覺 et al., ed., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu, juan shang (XZJ 124), pp. 222c, 227a. Wuzu Fayan used similar language in his inaugural essays. 52 For discussion of the validity of this story, see Albert Welter, “A Buddhist Response to the Confucian Revival: Tsan-ning and the Debate over Wen in the Early Sung,” in Gregory and Getz, eds., Buddhism in the Sung, p. 31. 53 Puji, Wudeng huiyuan 五燈會元 (1252; Su Yuanlei 蘇淵雷 collated edition [Beijing:

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The careers of Wuzu Fayan and Touzi Pucong in the Longmian area offer evidence that the serious problems witnessed by Ma Liang persisted, and explain why monks such as Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan and Baiyun Shouduan repeatedly emphasized Confucian morality and ethics within the Chan community in the Longmian region. Once Wuzu Fayan was slandered by rumors that he had consumed liquor and meat and had fornicated with village women. The rumors had apparently spread throughout Haihui Chan Monastery, and Shouduan was ready to expel Fayan. After realizing that Fayan had been defamed, Shouduan promoted him to chief monk (shouzuo 首座) at Haihui, and later to abbot of Simian Monastery 四面寺, an annex of Haihui Chan Monastery.54 In 1080, after Yiqing moved his seat to Mount Touzi, Fayan was chosen to preside over Haihui Chan Monastery.55 Because of the slander he had suffered, Fayan was especially disdainful of competition and the worldly attractions of fame and wealth: 今叢林學道之士,聲名不揚,匪為人之所信者,蓋為梵行不清白, 為人不諦當。輒或茍求名聞利養,乃廣衒其華飾,遂為識者所譏。56 The reason that students of the Way in today’s Buddhist communities suffer from notoriety and are distrusted by people is that we have profaned our 5#¸)*# practice and have not been righteous. Those who chase after fame or are tempted by prot show off in the most ostentatious manner, [and] are ridiculed by wise men.

Fayan reminded his disciples: 衲子守心城,奉戒律。日夜思之,朝夕行之。行無越思,思無越行。 有其始而成其終,猶耕者之有畔,其過鮮矣。57 We monks must guard our Minds and obey precepts, contemplate and observe them day and night. Our conduct should not exceed our thoughts, and vice versa. Those who persevere from beginning to end, like farmers who have boundaries between elds, will seldom make mistakes.

The dark side of the Longmian Chan circle appears again in the story of abbot Touzi Pucong of Shengyin Chan Monastery. Not much is known about this monk except that he was an octogenarian when he

Zhonghua shuju, 1984], 3 vols., pp. 1239–46); Xu chuandeng lu 續傳燈錄 (T. 51), juan 20, p. 601c. 54 Dahui Zonggao, Dahui zongmen wuku (XZJ 142), pp. 472c, d. 55 Puji, Wudeng Huiyuan, pp. 1239–46. 56 Dahui Zonggao, Chanlin baoxun (T. 48), juan 1, pp. 1018b, c. 57 Ibid.


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became abbot. During his term a murder occurred in the monastery, for which he assumed the blame and was imprisoned. Not until Yang Jie learned about this miscarriage of justice and intervened was Pucong released.58 Obviously, the immorality Ma Liang had warned of a few decades earlier had not been expunged. Misconduct was probably rare, however, and did not threaten the institutional integrity of Longmian Chan; intelligentsia such as Yang Jie, Guo Xiangzheng, Li Gonglin, and Li Chongyuan, while retaining their lay status, remained devotees of Buddhism for their entire lives. The Two Lis and Longmian Chan Circles: Early Contact and Lifelong Influence Li Gonglin and Li Chongyuan were considerably junior to Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan (Li was eighteen when Fayuan passed away), but as members of the local gentry, they knew of him, referred to him in their writings, and were acquainted with ve of his famous disciples: Baiyun Shouduan, Touzi Yiqing, Wuzu Fayan, Fayun Faxiu, and Jingyin Jingzhao.59 Given Fayuan’s inuential local pivotal role, ties between the two Lis and Fayuan’s disciples, and the Lis’ knowledge of Longmian Chan development, they were likely to have participated in Fayuan’s gatherings or even to have sought guidance from the elder monk. If so, this participation was among their earliest contacts with Buddhism, enabling them to learn the personal integrity Fayuan required of his own disciples as well as the Linji and Caodong Chan ideas that he taught. Further contact with Longmian Chan was established through Guo Xiangzheng.60 Guo had been Shouduan’s disciple for more than


Xu chuandeng lu (T. 51), juan 14, p. 563b. See discussions below in this chapter. 60 In a much-recorded incident of 1076 Guo Xiangzheng, supposedly enraged after being slandered by Wang Anshi at the imperial court, went to the Longmian Mountains to visit Li Gonglin (Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” p. 18.). The historicity of this incident was questioned by the Qing-dynasty compilers of the Siku quanshu, who found no acrimony in Guo Xiangzheng’s posthumous eulogy for Wang. (See the Tiyao 提要 [Synopsis] of Guo’s Qingshan ji 青山集 [SKQS edition, vol. 1116], pp. 3b–4a). Meanwhile Li Gonglin, a generation younger than Guo, lived most of this time at home prior to 1076. When Shouduan became the abbot of Chengtian 承天 and Yuantong 圓通 monasteries, Guo was Prefect of Jiangzhou 江州, which had the Lushan region under its direct jurisdiction. Since Guo was a Prefect, he must have passed the jinshi before then. He therefore was at least one generation older than Li Gonglin. (See Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu [XZJ 137], juan 2, p. 210d; and Puji, 59

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twenty years, while he and Shouduan were both at Mount Lu.61 When Shouduan moved to Shuzhou 舒州 in 1063, Guo often accompanied Yang Jie to visit and participate in literary gatherings and practice Chan under the master.62 The friendship between Guo Xiangzheng and the two Lis seems to have sprung from their participation in gatherings at Shouduan’s Haihui Chan Monastery in the nine years between 1063 and 1072. In addition to his friendship with Baiyun Shouduan, Guo Xiangzheng developed close ties with monks from Shengyin Chan Monastery on Mount Touzi just a few kilometers southeast of the Longmian Mountains. Among them, the Yunmen master Touzi Xiuyong 投子修顒 was the most prominent. Hailed for his grasp of the Avata“saka SÖtra, Xiuyong was nicknamed Yong Huayan 顒華嚴 (Yong Avataμsaka) early in his career.63 Guo Xiangzheng was then an ofcial in Tongcheng 桐城, south of Mount Touzi, where he apparently did little more than spend time with Touzi Xiuyong and Touzi Huiyun 投子惠雲. They often traveled together to Mount Fu to visit monks such as Fushan Honglian 浮山洪璉, and to the Longmian Mountains.64 Guo Xiangzheng described his joyful encounter with these Chan masters in a poem, excerpted here: . . . 嗟予平生慕佛學, 空洞忘機造玄理。 暫來福地神愈清,

. . . Alas! All my life I have admired Buddhism, In Emptiness, without any scheme in mind, I visit the Wonderful Principle. Coming to this auspicious land, my spirit has already felt pure,

Wudeng huiyuan, p. 1249] for the same passage, in which Shouduan mentions that he had known Guo for twenty years.) Therefore there seems to have been little chance for Guo and Li to become acquainted, unless Guo had been in the Longmian region before and had known Li Gonglin through his local contacts. 61 Puji, ibid. 62 Because of Shouduan’s and Guo’s close relationship, Guo was documented as Shouduan’s lay dharma heir ( fasi 法嗣). See Puji, Wudeng Huiyuan, pp. 1249–50. 63 Xu chuandeng lu (T. 51), juan 14, pp. 555c–56b; Zhongwen Xiaoying 仲溫曉瑩, Luohu yelu 羅湖野錄 (XZJ 142), p. 484c; and Foguo Weibai 佛國惟白, Jianzhong jingguo chuandeng lu 建中靖國傳燈錄 (1101; in XZJ 136), juan 16, pp. 117c–18b. 64 These activities can be inferred from titles of two poems Guo composed during this period. See Guo Xiangzheng, Qingshan ji 青山集 (SKQS edition, vol. 1116), juan 13, pp. 8a–9a (“Chongjiuri tong Xiuyong, Huiyun er Chanshi you Fushan fang Honglian zhanglao, 重九日同修顒, 惠雲二禪師遊浮山訪洪璉長老”), and 9a, b (“Longmian xing liubie Xiuyong Chanshi 龍眠行留別修顒禪師”).


chapter one 況接高禪揮麈尾。. . . 今朝更結名山遊, 寶閣珠樓同踐履。 . . . 了達無生無不生, 一聲猿嘯清風裡。65

And moreover, [I] received [instructions] from eminent Chan [Masters, who] wield zhuwei fans . . . This morning we gathered to trek to famous mountains, Together we visit treasured pagodas and pearl towers . . . Having understood that in non-origination nothing does not exist, A gibbon howled into the pure wind.

Guo’s profound enthusiasm for Buddhism, its preaching of Emptiness, and nature as a setting for Buddhist pilgrim activities echo the ambience in Li Gonglin’s poem and depiction of his Longmian Villa. In all likelihood, when Guo and his monk friends traveled to the Longmian Mountains, Li’s residence was among their destinations; they may well be among the lay men and monks gathered in Li’s villa, as seen in copies of his Longmian Mountain Villa. A nature-lover and devout Buddhist, Li probably joined Guo Xiangzheng to pay reciprocal homage to these aforementioned monks on their nearby mountains. Because of their common faith, friendship, and Guo’s extended stay in the Longmian region, it was natural for Guo to visit Li Gonglin, and his 1076 visit to the Longmian Villa, whether triggered by a political event or not, was likely preceded and followed by many unrecorded visits. Yang Jie, Li Gonglin, and Li Chongyuan could have begun their friendship with Touzi Yiqing as early as the early 1060s when Yiqing was training under Fayuan. By the time Yiqing returned to the Longmian region as successor to Shouduan at Haihui Chan Monastery, the two Lis had been participating in the Haihui gatherings for some time and were probably senior enough to command respect in the group. The cousins were so close to Yiqing that, one year after Yiqing’s death, Li Chongyuan was privileged to compose the preface for Yiqing’s Yulu.66 Li Chongyuan’s preface is replete with Caodong jargon and local Buddhist historical allusions. One sentence specically mentions the transmission of Caodong lineage from Fayuan to Yiqing: 攜歸金谷巖中,


Bring [the Caodong teachings] back to Golden Valley Cavern [on Mount Fu],

Guo Xiangzheng, Qingshan ji, pp. 8a–9a. The whole text is preserved in Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan shang, p. 222a. 66

li gonglin’s buddhist learning 分付白雲老子。67


and transmit [them] to the old fellow of White Cloud.

Golden Valley Cavern, where Fayuan was said to have retired, is a narrow cave-like space surrounded by precipitous rock walls on Mount Fu. In referring to this site, Li Chongyuan indicated that Fayuan brought the Caodong teachings back to the Longmian area, and later transmitted them to Yiqing, whose rst important appointment in the area was the abbacy of Haihui Chan Monastery on Mount Baiyun (“White Cloud”). Li Gonglin wrote “Record of Golden Valley Cavern ( Jinguyanji 金谷巖記),” one sentence of which was preserved in the local gazetteer Tongcheng Xianzhi 桐城縣誌: 攜歸金谷洞中, 晏坐白雲巖下。68

Bring [Caodong teachings] back to the Golden Valley Cavern, Sit in quietude under White Cloud Cavern.

The rst phrase is nearly identical to Li Chongyuan’s. In the second, rather than directly mentioning Yiqing, Li Gonglin used the term yanzuo 晏坐 (“sit in quietude,” i.e., sit in meditation), alluding to the quintessential Caodong Chan meditation method. Both Lis’ passages demonstrate knowledge of the Longmian Buddhist environment. Their friendship with Yiqing probably intensied during the six years from 1073 to 1079, before Li Gonglin went to the capital. In 1080, on the way to his newly assigned position in Nankangjun, south of Shuzhou, Li Gonglin, accompanied by Huang Tingjian, stopped at home. He traveled to various monasteries in the region and probably visited Yiqing,69 who had moved to Mount Touzi in the same year. Staying in contact with Yiqing and the group during this period was not difcult, because Nankangjun was near Gonglin’s hometown, and he could visit his mountain villa.70 In 1083 Yiqing died, and in approximately


Ibid. See juan 84 of Shanchuan dian 山川典 of Gujin tushu jicheng 古今圖書集成 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, reprint 1934), p. 22c. 69 Li Gonglin painted a portrait of Huang sitting on a large boulder called Qingniushi 青牛石 (Blue Ox Rock), in the Shangu 山谷 area, a valley behind the Sanzu Monastery 三祖寺, south of the Longmian Mountains, in present-day Qianshan County 潛山縣, Anhui province. Also see Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape,” pp. 26–27, for a discussion of this event. 70 Harrist (“A Scholar’s Landscape,” p. 23) has pointed out that Li Gonglin purchased the land for his Longmian villa in 1078 and left for the capital the following year. It is unlikely that the villa could have been completed in such a short time, yet entirely possible that he returned there often from nearby Nankangjun to supervise the construction of his villa and visit friends. 68


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that same year, Li was transferred to Changhuan 長洹 in presentday Henan province,71 much farther away, from which a visit home would have been far less convenient, though not impossible. The early 1080s, therefore, saw the last extensive communication between them. Wuzu Fayan maintained close ties with his dharma brother ( faxiong 法兄) Guo Xiangzheng. Their friendship lasted long after Shouduan had passed away and Fayan had moved to Wuzu Monastery 五祖寺 in Qizhou 蘄州, present-day Hubei province. Fayan would compose poems to commemorate Guo’s visit(s).72 Fayan was also acquainted with Li Chongyuan, and in a poem to him he wrote: 寄盡千張紙, 徒須心手勞, 人情如太華, 爭以道情高。73

Even if I sent all one thousand pieces of paper, It is only to labor my mind and hands; Human bonds are like [Mount] Taihua, We should endeavor to elevate our beloved Way.

Fayan seems to suggest that Li Chongyuan had written to him frequently; his reply encouraged Li Chongyuan to focus on the pursuit of the Way. The two Lis were lifelong partners in pursuit of Buddhism. According to the limited documentation on Li Gonglin, they were often together, so whomever Chongyuan knew was most likely also befriended by Gonglin, especially the monks. The cousins’ friendship with Fayan may also be inferred, from Fayan’s practice of Chan under Fayuan and Shouduan, whose circles included the Lis’ close acquaintances such as Guo Xiangzheng, Yang Jie, and Faxiu. The monks discussed above were those whose periods of activity coincided with the cousins’ early eremitic lives in the Longmian Mountains. The monks Jingyin Jingzhao and Fayun Faxiu rst studied under Fayuan in the Longmian area and later had outstanding careers in the capital. Li Gonglin had probably met them at home, and when he went to the capital their close friendship continued. Li’s interactions with them were related to his artistic activities and will be discussed in the context of his portrait painting and sculpting skills in Chapter Three. Records of monks and literati active in the Longmian Mountains during Li Gonglin’s coming of age, and of those with whom he maintained close friendships while serving in the capital, show a rich network of interaction between literati and monastic circles. Among


Barnhart, “Li Kung-lin’s Hsiao Ching T’u, Illustration of the Classic of Filial Piety” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton, 1967), pp. 218–19. 72 Wuzu Fayan Chanshi yulu (T. 47), juan xia, pp. 668b, c. 73 Ibid., p. 668c.

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the personae were Chan monks well versed in literary learning who incorporated Confucian ethics and metaphysics into their preaching, and literati deeply interested in Buddhism who sought these monks as their spiritual teachers. Some connections between Li Gonglin and these monks are circumstantial at best, due to centuries of indifference to his Buddhist afliation and the consequent loss of much valuable information. Nonetheless, Li’s own words and illustration of his villa supplement evidence of his direct participation in these groups. Moreover, his relationships with Li Chongyuan, Guo Xiangzheng, Huang Tingjian, Touzi Yiqing, Jingyin Jingzhao, Fayun Faxiu, and their connections in the close-knit Longmian monastic communities have helped us reconstruct the religious environment and cultural ambience of the Longmian region (see chart below), where Buddhism ourished and rst engaged Li Gonglin and his cousin. Chart 1

Relationships among Longmian Personages

Fayuan 法遠

Dharma master of Shouduan 守端, Yiqing 義青, Jingzhao 淨照, Fayan 法演, Fushan Xiaoyun 浮山曉雲, Touzi Xiuyong 投子修顒 Acquainted with Faxiu 法秀, Yang Jie 楊傑, Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修, Fan Zhongyan, 范仲淹, Li Zunxu 李遵勖

Shouduan 守端

Dharma heir of Fayuan 法遠 Dharma brother of Yiqing 義青 Dharma master of Fayan 法演, Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正 Acquainted with Yang Jie 楊傑, Li Gonglin 李公麟

Yiqing 義青

Dharma heir of Dayang Jingxuan 大陽警玄 (via Fayuan 法遠) Dharma brother of Shouduan 守端 Dharma master of Touzi Kai 投子楷, Touzi Honglian 投子洪璉, Touzi Yuan 投子淵, Touzi Huiyun 投子惠雲 Acquainted with Yang Jie 楊傑, Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正, Li Chongyuan 李沖元, Li Gonglin 李公麟, Faxiu 法秀

Faxiu 法秀

Dharma heir of Tianyi Yihuai 天衣義懷 (came to Longmian to study with Fayuan 法遠) Acquainted with Shouduan 守端, Yiqing 義青, Jingzhao 淨照, Fayan 法演, Yang Jie 楊傑, Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正, Li Chongyuan 李沖元, Wang Shen 王詵, Wang Anshi 王安石, Li Gonglin 李 公 麟, Su Shi 蘇軾, Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅, Li Desu 李德素


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Fayan 法演

Dharma heir of Shouduan 守端 (studied as an acolyte with Fayuan 法遠) Dharma brother of Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正 Acquainted with Fayuan 法遠, Yiqing 義青, Jingzhao 淨照, Yang Jie 楊傑, Li Chongyuan 李沖元, Li Gonglin 李公麟

Jingzhao 淨照

Dharma heir of Fayuan 法遠 Acquainted with Li Chongyuan 李沖元, Li Gonglin 李公麟, Su Shi 蘇軾, Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅, Li Desu 李德素, Wen Tong 文同

Yang Jie 楊傑

Dharma heir of Tianyi Yihuai 天衣義懷 (came to Longmian to study with Fayuan 法遠) Acquainted with Shouduan 守端, Yiqing 義青, Jingzhao 淨照, Fayan 法演, Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正, Li Chongyuan 李沖元, Li Gonglin 李公麟, Wang Zhonghui 王仲回

Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正

Dharma heir of Shouduan 守端 Dharma brother of Fayan 法演 Acquainted with Yiqing 義青, Yang Jie 楊傑, Li Gonglin 李公麟, Touzi Xiuyong 投子修顒, Touzi Honglian 投子洪璉, Touzi Huiyun 投子惠雲, Wang Anshi 王安石

Touzi Pucong 投子普聰

Saved by Yang Jie 楊傑 from imprisonment on false murder charge

Huayan, Chan, and Tiantai Pure Land Synthesis in the Longmian Chan Community Huayan Philosophy and Longmian Chan Circles Since the Tang, sinicized Buddhism had taken many forms, of which Chan emerged as one of the most inuential. Chan and other schools such as Tiantai and Huayan, though differing in their approaches, all advocated the MahÊyÊna bodhisattva path to Enlightnment and shared a few fundamental principles and methods of practice, such as the One Vehicle, universal Buddha-nature, and the essential nonhindrance between noumenon and phenomenon. The Hongzhou Chan motto “nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be enlightened” epitomized

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the principles of indestructible Buddha-nature and Buddhist ontology, whereas Tiantai and Huayan emphasized cultivation that encompasses mindfulness and also ritual in order to attain the comprehension of nondifferentiation between the Mind, the Buddha, and sentient beings. Song Tiantai strongly advocated Pure Land visualization to reach this goal. Longmian Chan commingled Yunmen, Linji, and Caodong, as well as Tiantai Pure Land and Huayan practices. The rst Chan monk to do so was Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, who valued the admixture of Huayan philosophy in Chan teaching and whose monastery on Mount Fu was named Huayan. In his famous “Nine Belts of Mount Fu,” the Chan master excerpted passages from both the Avata“saka SÖtra and the Lotus SÖtra and declared them essential to Chan. In this treatise Fayuan also cited the Tiantai One Vehicle ( yicheng 一乘) philosophy as evidence of the “superiority” of the MahÊyÊna tradition over two “lesser vehicles” of Buddhism,74 reiterating the Chinese Buddhist view of MahÊyÊna as expressed throughout centuries of panjiao 判教 (“doctrinal classication”) discussions. The examination qualifying his disciple Touzi Yiqing (nicknamed Qing Huayan)75 for ordination was based on the Lotus SÖtra. Yiqing passed the examination at age fteen, at a time when the average age for passing this examination was twenty. Yiqing’s precocious achievement indicates his native talent and his capacity for Tiantai philosophy from an early age. As a religious principle, Longmian Chan steadfastly upheld the One Vehicle, Rounded Teaching. Using Fayuan’s “Nine Belts of Mount Fu” as an example, in the rst and most important “belt” (level), Fayuan expounded: 夫真實之理,證成法身。照用之功,作為報土。76 In absolute true noumenon, the Buddha experientially achieves the [existence] of dharmakÊya. [Yet] in his practical functioning, he manifests himself as the Land of Reward (Pure Land).

Fayuan states that dharmakÊya is the embodiment of Buddhist totality, the conceptual representation of the Buddha, and has the exibility


Zhizhao, Rentian yanmu (XZJ 113), juan 2, p. 308c. Xuanji 玄極, Xu chuandeng lu 續傳燈錄 (T. 51), juan 14, pp. 555c–56b; Zhongwen Xiaoying, Luohu yelu (XZJ 142), p. 484c; Foguo Weibai, Jianzhong jingguo chuandeng lu (1101, in XZJ 136), juan 16, pp. 117c–18b; and Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), pp. 242a–43a. 76 Zhizhao, Rentian yanmu (T. 48), juan 2, p. 308b. 75


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to respond to causal conditions. In so stating, Fayuan refers to the core Chinese Buddhist philosophy of noncontradiction and nonduality between li 理 (noumenon) and shi 事 (phenomenon), the mutual interdependency and interpenetrability of the two. In this ultimate existence, one equals the multitude and vice versa; there is neither existence ( you 有), nor emptiness (wu 無). All is in the state of thusness. Guo Xiangzheng’s poem quoted previously echoes the same idea. Fayuan cited the Avata“saka SÖtra to strengthen his assertion: 如來不出世,亦無有涅槃。77 TathÊgata does not appear in the world; [therefore] there is no such thing as 0+48ʸ#.

After spelling out this principle, Fayuan proclaimed the absolute tathÊ gatagarbha (Buddha-nature) in all beings by quoting another passage from the Avata“saka SÖtra: 華嚴一經以法界為體量,佛與眾生共一體性。本無修證,本無得失。 無煩惱可斷,無菩提可求。人與非人,性相平等。78 The Avata“saka SÖtra considers dharmadhÊtu as its theoretical substance (tiliang), in which the Buddha and sentient beings share the same nature. Therefore, originally, nothing needs to be cultivated or proven, and nothing will be gained or lost [through cultivation]. No afictions need to be eliminated, no bodhi needs to be sought. The nature of a person and nonperson is equal.

Fayuan’s incorporation of Huayan into Chan preaching on One Vehicle, Rounded Teaching and Buddha-nature may have been responsible for widespread study of Huayan in the Longmian Chan community, and seems to have inspired others to study under him. The cognomen “Huayan” was applied to dharma heirs Touzi Xiuyong and Touzi Yiqing for their deep understanding of this sÖtra.79 Huayan and Chan synthesis in the Longmian region is further embodied in the life story of Touzi Yiqing. After he was ordained at age sixteen, Yiqing rst focused on studying Exposition of the Bright Gate to the Knowledge of Universal Phenomena (Baifa mingmenlun 百法明門論), a text concerning the rst stage of the bodhisattva path. This text 77

Ibid. Ibid., p. 308c. 79 Xuanji, Xu chuandeng lu (T. 51), juan 14, pp. 555c–56b; Zhongwen Xiaoying, Luohu yelu (XZJ 142), p. 484c; Foguo Weibai, Jianzhong jingguo chuandeng lu, juan 16, pp. 117c–18b; and Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), pp. 242a–43a. 78

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did not satisfy him, so he went to the capital, where he studied the Avata“saka SÖtra for ve years. It was recorded that he so penetrated the depth of the sÖtra that he quickly became a lecturer on it. The story recounts that he apprehended Chan while preaching a gÊthÊ from the sÖtra (excerpted here): 即心自性,不由他悟。80 It is the nature of Mind, so one need not seek Enlightenment elsewhere.

At that moment, Yiqing suddenly became enlightened, and exclaimed: 法離文字,寧可講乎?81 Dharma transcends language, so how can it be spoken?

He became a monk of the Southern school of Chan. It is unclear what transpired in Yiqing’s life to impel him from the gÊthÊ in the Avata“saka SÖtra to Chan; like the paramount Chan epigrams buli wenzi (不立文字 “nonreliance on written or spoken word”) and jiaowai biechuan (教外別傳 “teaching outside the doctrinal tradition), such “leap of faith” anecdotes had entered into Chan hagiographies.82 Yiqing often quoted directly from the Avata“saka SÖtra in his preaching of Mind and Buddha-nature, and among his concepts derived from the Huayan school was the liuzhong yinyuan 六種因緣 (“Six Conditional Causations”), the six characteristics found in everything—whole and parts, unity and diversity, perfection and imperfection. This taught in the context of yixiang 一相 (the “One Phenomenon,” i.e., the “Only Truth”), which propounds that Buddha and sentient beings share the same nature: 此六相唯是一相,總佛別心,同法異念,成僧壞情,全一佛之所 印。83 These six phenomena actually are only One Phenomenon. Its totality is the Buddha, but it may be separated into parts by our Minds. It is the same dharma, but is manifested differently in our thoughts. So, it is capable of making one a monk, and it is capable of blighting one with emotions. Yet all of these phenomena are the illuminations of the One Buddha.

80 81 82 83

Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan xia, p. 238b. Ibid. Puji, Wudeng huiyuan, juan 14, p. 875. Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), p. 241d.


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Like Fayuan, Yiqing adopted his preaching directly from the liuxiang yi 六相義 (Meanings of the Six Phenomena) of early Huayan master Zhiyan 智儼 (602–668),84 aimed at expounding the nature of noncontradictions and the merging and interdependency of li and shi. All phenomena are just the One Phenomenon, and the Buddha and sentient beings share the same nature. Another instance of the integration of Chan and Huayan can be seen in a dialogue between Fayun Faxiu and his rst master, Tianyi Yihuai. Once Faxiu was asked by Yihuai about the essence of the Avata“saka SÖtra, to which Faxiu replied that it was dharmadhÊtu. Asked about the essence of dharmadhÊtu, Faxiu replied that it was Mind. Yihuai pressed him further, asking what the essence of Mind was, and Faxiu could not answer. Yihuai taught him to practice “introspection (zikan 自看).”85 Yihuai perhaps intended to push Faxiu to recognize that the self, Mind, and the Buddha were inseparable, a crucial point preached in the Avata“saka SÖtra, which became the focus of Fayuan’s and Yiqing’s philosophy. Huayan inuence on Chan can also be seen in the bodhisattva path preached in the “GandhavyÖha” section of the Avata“saka SÖtra. The “GandhavyÖha” relates the young Sudhana’s pilgrimage to visit ftythree kalyʸamitra (shanzhishi 善知識), as an extended metaphor for a devotee’s spiritual journey on this path. This section was especially popular in Chan circles during the Song; the renowned Chan master Foguo Weibai 佛國惟白 (1057–1117) illustrated it, as did Li Gonglin. Here a summary of the pilgrimage highlights the inuence of the Huayan bodhisattva path on the construction of Chan hagiographies. Although generally believed to have consisted of ten stages, the bodhisattva path preached in the Avata“saka SÖtra has been perceived as having three major steps. Sudhana rst encounters Maitreya, who reassures the child of his tathÊgatagarbha. Maitreya then instructs Sudhana to consult MañjutrÒ, the Bodhisattva of Buddhist wisdom. The subsequent journey to visit fty-three kalyʸamitra, inspired by MañjutrÒ, led Sudhana

84 Ibid. For Zhiyan, see Kimura Kiyotaka 木村清孝, Shoki chÖgoku kegon shisÔ no kenkyÖ 初期中國華嚴思想の研究 (Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1977), pp. 396–98 (re the attribution to Zhiyan of a work on the concept of liuxiang), and pp. 547–54 (re Zhiyan’s own use of this concept). 85 Guyue Daorong, Conglin shengshi (1197, in XZJ 148), juan shang, pp. 28b, c; and Foguo Weibai, Jianzhong jingguo chuandeng lu 建中靖國傳燈錄 (1101; in XZJ 136), juan 10, pp. 78a–79c. Also see Gimello, “Marga and Culture,” pp. 388–90, for a discussion of the same passage.

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to nal attainment of Buddhist wisdom when he met Samantabhadra, embodiment of the Effect of Buddha ( foguo 佛果). Zongmi (780–841) synthesized this three-tiered bodhisattva path with the Heze Chan 荷澤禪 dunwu jianxiu 頓悟漸修 (“Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation”) schema of the bodhisattva path, in which a practitioner must be inspired by a kalyʸamitra (the most important of whom is MañjutrÒ) to reach faxin (發心 mental initiation). Thereafter the practitioner begins another level of religious experience—the ten stages of the bodhisattva path, during which he gradually casts off attachments until he nally obtains Enlightenment, thus becoming a Buddha. Adapting the concepts of shijue 始覺 (Initial Enlightenment) and benjue 本覺 (Original Enlightenment) from the Dacheng qixinlun 大乘起信論, Zongmi taught that faxin had to be a dunwu (“Sudden Enlightenment”) experience marking the shijue, and the nal attainment of Buddhahood signied the merging of shijue and benjue; the process in between was Gradual Cultivation.86 Many Song-dynasty Chan hagiographies were based on this threetiered bodhisattva-path format. Customarily an acolyte would go through a process of yunjiao 雲腳 (lit., “cloud feet”), youyun 游雲 (lit., “traveling like clouds”), or youfang 游方 (lit., “travel to all directions”) to consult Chan masters until he found a good match. He would reach “Sudden Enlightenment” under the instruction of his master. Then the “enlightened” young monk would begin another long process of yunjiao, traveling from monastery to monastery to seek guidance from other enlightened teachers. This second journey, or pilgrimage, equaled Sudhana’s experience and Zongmi’s Gradual Cultivation to narrow the gap between the “Initial” and the “Original Enlightenment.” When the two were nally indistinguishable, the monk had become a Chan master—a living Buddha. Using Touzi Yiqing’s hagiography as an example, Yiqing’s rst action as a young Chan monk was to visit various Chan masters, among them Changlu Fu 長蘆福禪師 and Jiangshan Yuan 蔣山元禪師. Finding a compatible master in Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, he studied on Mount Fu and reached his initial Enlightenment there. After three years of study with Fayuan, Yiqing purportedly still could not comprehend a

86 For a discussion of this process in relation to Li Gonglin’s depiction of the White Lotus Society, see Chapter Five, where I also summarize Peter Gregory’s study on Zongmi’s view of the bodhisattva path.


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gongan assigned to him by his master. One day Fayuan asked Yiqing to explain it. As Yiqing opened his mouth to speak, Fayuan covered Yiqing’s mouth with his hands; at that moment, according to Chan texts, Yiqing experienced a sudden chill and an allover sweat. This incident is noted as the moment of Yiqing’s “great Enlightenment” (dawu 大悟). Perhaps Fayuan’s action reminded Yiqing of the very reason that he became a Chan monk: “dharma transcends language.” Three additional years of special training, during which Fayuan transmitted Caodong doctrine to Yiqing, enabled Yiqing to become the dharma heir of Dayang Jingxuan and eventually the Caodong revivalist of the eleventh century. He then traveled to Mount Lu, where for ten years he rst focused on studying sÖtras and then visited the various monasteries; this course of action was equivalent to Gradual Cultivation in the Huayan scheme of the bodhisattva path. Finally, as a Chan master and a living Buddha, Yiqing, invited by Yang Jie, returned to the Longmian Mountains to assume abbacies at Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery and later at Shengyin Chan Monastery. The details in Yiqing’s hagiography cannot be veried, but the presentation of his life experience exemplies the degree to which the Song Chan community had adopted Huayan dunwu jianxiu bodhisattva practice and combined it with the “GandhavyÖha.” The nal stage of the bodhisattva path is marked by the attainment of Emptiness, the religious goal that permeated Longmian Chan literature. In his aforementioned remark about being preoccupied with literary gatherings, Touzi Yiqing indicated that his primary business was kong 空 (“Emptiness”). Baiyun Shouduan, during a shangtang 上堂 preaching session, used a poem by the Tang-dynasty Buddhist layman Pang Yun 龐蘊 (ca. 740–808) to compare this goal to attaining the secular jinshi degree: 十方同聚會, 箇箇學無為。 此是選佛場, 心空及第歸。

People from ten directions congregate here. Each of us studies nonaction. This is a Buddha-selecting place. [Whoever obtains] Mind-emptiness brings the degree home [with him].87

87 Northern Song Chan literature indicates that when Danxia Tianran was a layman, he wanted to pursue a career as a government ofcial. On his way to the capital to take the jinshi examination, he encountered a monk who asked him if it was better to be an ofcial than a Buddha. Danxia decided to become a monk. This poem was said to have been written by the layman Pang Yun (see discussion in Chapter Three).

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Examples of Huayan-Chan synthesis in the Longmian region abound, but those mentioned here sufce to demonstrate the philosophical and practical nature of the training. Immersing himself in this Chan environment, Li Gonglin naturally embraced the elements of Huayan that it contained. Naming an important hall in his Mountain Villa “Huayan” and naming his studio “Ink Chan Hall” demonstrates the syncretic nature of his Buddhism. His enthusiasm for Huayan is further attested by his numerous illustrations of the Avata“saka SÖtra, six sets in Emperor Huizong’s 徽宗 collection alone, outnumbering his other secular and religious painting subjects as recorded in Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era (Xuanhe huapu).88 Some sets were painted after he and Chongyuan had gone to the capital; they devoted much of their free time in seclusion, illustrating and transcribing the Avata“saka SÖtra.89 One set depicting Sudhana’s pilgrimage was purchased by Lady Jiang 蔣 and donated to Guanghui Monastery 廣慧寺 during the Southern Song.90 Several other illustrations of individual deities from this sÖtra were collected and circulated among his friends. A pair of bodhisattvas, Guanyin 觀音 and Deyun 德雲, both Sudhana’s kalyʸamitra, were owned by Cai Zhao 蔡肇, his colleague at the Korean Relations Institute. Su Che wrote to express interest in them as well.91 A painting titled The Heavenly Nymph (Tiannü 天女), one of Sudhana’s kalyʸamitra, was long cherished by Huang Tingjian, who later bequeathed it to Yu Qinglao 俞清老, a devout Buddhist in Wang Anshi’s circle.92 Li Gonglin demonstrated the importance to him of the Avata“saka SÖtra in his nal devotional effort, a commitment to nish a set of illustrations of the eighty-fascicle version, the largest Chinese translation of that scripture, when he was repeatedly hindered by paralyzed hands and failing health.93 Li Chongyuan transcribed the sÖtra text.94 When physical dysfunction prevented Gonglin from completing the task, he

For Shouduan’s citation of this poem, see Baiyun Shouduan, Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu (XZJ 137), juan 2, p. 211c. 88 Xuanhe huapu, vol. 2, juan 7, p. 76. 89 Lu Dian 陸佃, Taoshan ji 陶山集 (SKQS), juan 2, p. 18b. 90 Lou Yao 樓鑰, Gongkui ji 攻媿集 (SKQS ), juan 105, p. 16b. 91 Su Che, Luancheng ji 欒城集 (SKQS ), juan 15, p. 20a. 92 Huang Tingjian, Shangu ji 山谷集 (SKQS ), juan 27, pp. 8b–9a. 93 Ye Mengde 葉夢得, Bishu luhua 避暑錄話 (SKQS edition, vol. 863), juan xia, pp. 31b–32a. 94 Ibid.


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began to buy back his own paintings.95 The works he was most eager to recover likely included his illustrations of this sÖtra, which he could substitute for those he was physically unable to paint. In addition to creating these artworks directly inspired by the Avata“saka SÖtra, Li Gonglin painted at least one portrait of Li Tongxuan 李通玄 (635 or 646–730 or 740),96 the prominent Tang-dynasty Huayan exegete, who during the Northern Song was rediscovered from virtual obscurity and whose expositions and commentaries on the Avata“saka SÖtra were reissued by Juefan Huihong 覺範惠洪 (1071–1128) and Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1121).97 A portrait sculpture of Li Tongxuan was also erected on Mount Wutai 五台山 near the place where his texts were discovered, attesting his posthumous elevation. As a Huayan adherent, Li Gonglin would have been gratied by this development; his portrait of Li Tongxuan indicates that he actively promoted the cult of the Tang exegete and was familiar with the newly discovered texts. Tiantai Pure Land in the Longmian Mountains Region A practice comparable to Huayan’s schema of the bodhisattva path was prescribed by Tiantai Pure Land. This Tiantai method descended from the emphasis placed by Tang masters and the Five Dynastiesearly Northern Song monk Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904–975) on zhengzhu hexing 正助合行 ( joint primary and auxiliary practice), with nianfo (visualization and invocation) as the primary and the bodhisattva myriad conduct (including the six pÊramitÊs of bodhisattvas) as the auxiliary practice. At the same time, while upholding the Pure Land principles as One Vehicle and Mind-only, Song Tiantai masters recognized that in the Latter Days of the Law (mofa, epoch of degeneration), relying on the power of AmitÊbha was essential on the bodhisattva path because rebirth in this Buddha’s SukhÊvatÒ ensured a nonretrogressive, expedient path on the bodhisattva journey to Enlightenment. Tiantai in the Hangzhou-Siming (present-day Ningbo) area, through


Ibid. For a detailed study of Li Tongxuan, see Robert Gimello, “Li T’ung-hsuan and the Practical Dimensions of Hua-yen,” in Studies in Ch’an and Hua-yen, Robert Gimello and Peter Gregory, eds. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983), pp. 325 and n. 8. 97 Ge Shengzhong 葛勝仲, Danyang ji 丹陽集 (SKQS edition, vol. 1127), juan 22, pp. 25a, b. For a detailed study of Li Tongxuan, see Gimello, “Li T’ung-hsuan,” pp. 321–89. The resurgence of Li Tongxuan’s importance during the Northern Song owed much to Huihong and Zhang Shangying. 96

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the advocacy of preeminent masters Siming Zhili 四明知禮 (960–1028) and Ciyun Zunshi 慈雲遵式 (967–1032), incorporated nianfo into penance rituals, whose practice they regarded as essential to bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation for monks and dedicated lay Buddhists. Tiantai was widely accepted in the Longmian region; in addition to textual evidence of Longmian Chan masters’ use of Tiantai ideas in preaching, Shouduan once served as abbot of Zhengdao Chan Monastery (Zhengdao Chanyuan 證道禪院) on Mount Fahua 法華, the latter being the Chinese name for Tiantai-principle scripture. The practice of Tiantai Pure Land penance ritual was probably also rooted in the Longmian region. Chengtian Monastery 承天寺 in Shuzhou, where Baiyun Shouduan was once an abbot, included a Chanfatang (懺法堂 Hall of Penance Rituals), indicating that Shouduan encouraged Tiantai penance ritual practices popular in the Siming area.98 A discussion of Tiantai Pure Land in the Huayan-inspired Longmian Chan environment must rst begin with the Tiantai-Huayan differentiation sharpened by Siming Zhili. A generation before Li Gonglin, Siming Zhili launched attacks on Tiantai monks who sought afnity between Tiantai and Huayan philosophies. The dispute centered on whether the nature of sentient beings is intrinsically wholly pure or part pure and part evil. The Huayan school advocated intrinsic purity: only causal delement hindered sentient beings from becoming Buddhas. Zhili used the Tiantai principle yinian sanqian 一念三千 (“in one thought encompassing three thousand worlds with all their forms and existences”) to argue that both purity and evil are intrinsic to beings (xingju 性具), including the Buddha. In other words, though a Buddha is capable of repressing the evil in his nature, that does not mean that he is intrinsically pure, nor does it mean that evil is a permanent or denitive state of sentient existence. Zhili’s criticism resulted in a Tiantai schism; those aligned with Zhili were considered the shanjia (山家 “home mountain,” i.e., genuine, orthodox) Tiantai masters, whereas those who criticized him or were criticized by him were considered the shanwai (山外 “outside the mountain,” i.e., outside the “mainstream;” heterodox). Although shanjia Tiantai masters have been considered superior since Zhili’s time, in a 1999 study Chi-wah Chan has pointed out that this

98 For Shouduan’s Recorded Sayings while on Mount Fahua, see Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu (XZJ 120), juan 1, pp. 204d–8a. For the Chanfatang in Chengtian Monastery, see ibid., p. 202c.


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perception resulted from the shanjia dominance during the Southern Song, which enabled them to shape Tiantai history in their favor.99 Despite Siming Zhili’s assertion that Huayan and Tiantai were “difcult to merge and reconcile (nanyi hehui 難以合會),” there is ample evidence to suggest that Tiantai philosophy and its Pure Land ideology were known, well accepted, and extensively practiced in the Longmian Chan community. Tiantai Pure Land had even begun to take root near the Longmian region twenty years before Li Gonglin’s birth. Far from the Hangzhou-Siming epicenter of Tiantai Pure Land Buddhism, Longmian and its adjacent district Luzhou produced two key Tiantai Pure Land lay enthusiasts, Ma Liang and Yang Jie. Following Ma Liang’s term of ofce in Hangzhou, where he befriended Ciyun Zunshi, who wrote Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen 往生淨土決疑 行願二門 (Two Teachings for Resolving Doubts and Establishing the Practice and Vow to be Reborn in the Pure Land), for him, Ma Liang, a native of Luzhou, was governor of his hometown between 1017 and 1024. As governor, Ma had charge of local monastic affairs and thus must have been actively engaged in monastic circles. A devout Tiantai Pure Land follower, Ma naturally would have promoted its ideology and practice, helping to popularize Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen and Tiantai penance rituals in the Longmian-Luzhou region. After his time the Ma family continued to be prominent in this region,100 and several generations of his descendants earnestly practiced Tiantai Pure Land. Ma Liang’s grandson Ma Yu 馬迂, about the same age as Li Gonglin, was introduced to the popular Tiantai Pure Land text Jingtu shiyilun 淨土十疑論 (Exposition on Ten Doubts about the Pure Land, attrib. Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗, 538–597). The monk Guangchu 廣初 introduced Ma Yu to this text during the Yuanfeng 元豐 era (1079– 1085). He followed it with the practice of Mind-cultivation, employing, for his primary practice two methods that Zunshi had recommended to his grandfather Ma Liang in Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen.101


This discussion is derived from Chi-wah Chan, “Chih-li (960-1028) and the Crisis of T’ien-t’ai Buddhism in the Early Sung,” in Buddhism in the Sung, ed. Peter N. Gregory and Daniel A. Getz, Jr. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), pp. 409–41. 100 The Ma family ancestral shrine was renovated in 1182. See Han Yuanji 韓元吉, “Luzhou chongjian Bao Ma Ergong Citang ji 盧州重建包馬二公祠堂記 (Renovation of the Ancestral Shines of the Bao and Ma Families of Luzhou),” in Han Yuanji, Nanjian Jiayigao 南澗甲乙稿 (SKQS), juan 15, pp. 34a–37b. 101 Huang Ce 黃策, “Ma Shilang wangsheng ji 馬侍郎往生記,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei 樂邦文類 (T. 47), juan 3, p. 190b. Also see Zhipan 志磐, Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀 (T. 49), juan 27, p. 283a.

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Among his auxiliary practices was fangsheng 放生 (releasing captive animals back to nature). In this he had been partly inuenced by a version of the White Lotus Society Picture shown to him by Wang Gu 王古 (eleventh c.), along with popular Pure Land texts.102 Though several of Li Gonglin’s contemporaries had illustrated the Lotus Society, none of these illustrations had achieved quite the same fame as Li Gonglin’s, and furthermore, Li’s iconography is the only known composition of this subject to have been included in Buddhist canonical literature. Given his fame and that he and Ma Yu lived in adjacent districts, and given that Li Gonglin, Yang Jie, and Wang Gu were acquaintances (Yang wrote the preface for Wang’s Pure Land text Zhizhi Jingtu jueyi 直指淨 土決疑集 [Collection of Works Pointing Directly to Clear Doubts about Pure Land]), the version of White Lotus Society Picture shown to Ma could have been an original or a copy of Li’s original. As will be elucidated in Chapter Five, Ma’s response to that version of White Lotus Society Picture was the same as that of others who viewed Zhang Ji’s copy of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. If Ma viewed the original or a copy of it, his bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation is yet another example of how Li’s contemporaries responded to his iconographic design in accordance with bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation protocol.103 Ma Yu favored intoning &*Ê4#¸Ò104 another popular Tiantai Pure Land practice. Likewise, Ma Yu’s son Ma Yongyi 馬永逸 followed Ciyun Zunshi’s ten-invocation method, engaged in the sixteen visualizations often practiced as part of penance rituals, and incorporated mudrÊs into his Pure Land practice; Yongyi’s wife practiced similarly, focusing on the less demanding invocation nianfo instead of visualization nianfo.105 Although the Ma family’s local stature and enthusiasm for Tiantai Pure Land practice must have helped the spread of Tiantai Pure Land ideology, Yang Jie was probably most directly responsible for impassioning the youth of Li Gonglin’s Longmian Chan circle to adopt Tiantai Pure Land Buddhism. Yang Jie was more renowned nationally; he also had longer-lasting inuence in the Longmian region. As early as the

102 Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, p. 190b. He emphasized some of the practices that Yongming Yanshou had already advocated, which had become immensely popular in southern China during the Northern Song. 103 The Tiantai connection to Li’s White Lotus Society Picture will be laid out in detail in Chapter Five; his Tiantai Pure Land practice will be examined in the context of his Mountain Villa in Chapter Two. 104 Huang Ce, “Ma Shilang wangsheng ji,” p. 190b. 105 Ibid. Also see Zhipan, Fozu tongji (T. 49), juan 27, p. 283a.


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1060s he had been an eager participant in the Chan master Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan’s circle, and in 1065 he composed the essay “Record of the Cavern of Virtuous Reclusion” in praise of Fayuan. He continued to be active in the Longmian Chan circle after Fayuan’s passing, when Baiyun Shouduan rose to that master’s prominence. He and Guo Xiangzheng were two of the most active elite members of Shouduan’s circle at Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery. As prefect of Shuzhou, Yang saved Touzi Pucong from being wrongfully jailed, and appointed Touzi Yiqing in 1073 to succeed the deceased Shouduan as abbot of Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery. In 1077, to fulll the period of mourning for his father’s death, Yang Jie once again returned home to Longmian, taking some local posts in order to fulll his lial duty of caring for his mother. How long he stayed is unknown, but even after leaving he made frequent visits home and continued to inspire the youth of the Longmian region.106 Yang Jie’s activity in the Longmian region, at intervals from the 1050s to the mid-1080s, coincided with Li Gonglin’s youth, coming of age, and early adult reclusive years, before his departure to the Song capital in 1079. Li’s 1080 appointment to Nankangjun, just south of Mount Lu, afforded him frequent opportunities to return home to see friends and supervise the construction of his beloved mountain villa. During this period Li and Yang Jie joined the same Chan-literati circles; with his seniority and knowledge of Tiantai Pure Land, Yang would have inspired Li as he had inspired others. Revered as the most devout lay Pure Land adherent of his time, Yang Jie had begun Mind-only Pure Land practice early in life, during his encounter with Tianyi Yihuai. Notwithstanding coming from the Chan tradition, Yang Jie also respected doctrinal approaches, which led him to befriend Tiantai Pure Land masters, among them Fabao Congya 法寶從雅 (dharma heir of Haiyue Huibian 海月慧辯), Shenwu Chuqian 神悟處謙 (dharma heir of Shenzhao Benru 神照本如), and the Lü master Lingzhi Yuanzhao 靈芝元照 (1048–1116).107 He praised the monk Jingsi 淨思 as Yumituo 喻彌陀 (“One who comprehends AmitÊbha”) because Jingsi, whose secular surname was Yu 喻 (“to comprehend”), excelled in painting AmitÊbha images.108 Yang Jie “Da Song Guangzhou Wang Sishi zhuan 大宋光州王司士傳,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, p. 195c. 107 Zhipan, Fozu tongji (T. 49), juan 11, p. 212a; Ibid., juan 13, p. 218a. Also see Nianchang 念常, Fozu lidai tongzai 佛祖歷代通載 (T. 49), juan 19, p. 681a. 108 Jue’an 覺岸, Shishi jigu lue 釋氏稽古略 (T. 49), juan 4, p. 889c. Wang Rixiu 王日修, 106

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composed many prefaces for Tiantai Pure Land texts, among them the Jingtu shiyilun 淨土十疑論 and the now lost Zhizhi Jingtu jueyiji 直指淨土 決疑集 by the layman Wang Gu 王古 who had shown a White Lotus Society Picture to Ma Yu, and Yongming Yanshou’s Zongjing lu 宗鏡錄 (Records of Chan-mirror).109 Yang Jie also composed dedications to commemorate the completion of AmitÊbha statues and AmitÊbha Halls, many of them at shanjia monasteries located in the Siming area.110 A direct connection or exchange between Longmian Chan and Siming Tiantai Pure Land circles was possible through Yang Jie, and may help to explain why Shouduan’s Chengtian Monastery included a Chanfa tang (penance ritual hall). Yang Jie’s Pure Land philosophy echoed the One Vehicle Rounded Teaching that upheld the absolute reality of sentient beings’ innate Buddha-nature and, at the same time, reliance on the grace of AmitÊbha Buddha during mofa. Yang Jie thus promoted the concept of tafang jingtu 他方淨土 (“Pure Land located elsewhere”) by contrasting the suffering, limited lifespans, and endless cycles of 5#“5Ê4# in SahÊlokadhÊtu to birth in SukhÊvatÒ, with its promise of boundless lifespans, eternal joy, the eventual attainment of the patience of nonorigination, and nonhindrance.111 Belief in tafang jingtu led Yang to dispute Chan buxiu buzheng 不修不證 (“nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be Enlightened”); this he expressed as pity for three kinds of people who desist from seeking birth in SukhÊvatÒ: those who believe that they have surpassed the Buddha and the patriarchs of their own schools; those who believe that since Pure Land is everywhere, there is no need to seek birth in SukhÊvatÒ; and those who believe that SukhÊvatÒ is the realm of saints and therefore ordinary beings are not qualied to be

Longshu zengguang jingtuwen 龍舒增廣淨土文 (T. 47), juan 2, pp. 258c–59a. Zhipan, Fozu tongji (T. 49), juan 46, p. 417b. 109 For preface to Jingtu shiyilun, see T. 47, pp. 77a–b. For preface to Zongjinglu, see T. 48, pp. 415a–b; and Nianchang, Fozu lidai tongzai (T. 49), juan 18, p. 658b. For preface to Zhizhi Jingtu jueyiji, see Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, p. 253b. Huang Qijiang, 黃啟江 “Bei Song shiqi liang Zhe di Mituo xinyang 北宋時期兩浙的彌陀 信仰 (AmitÊbha Faith in the Zhejiang Region during the Northern Song),” in Gugong xueshu jikan 故宮學術季刊, vol. 14, no. 1 (1996), p. 30. 110 Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, p. 184b. For example, he wrote the “Mituo baogeji 彌陀寶閣記” for Fabao Congya’s Pure Land cloister and the “Jingci qibao Mituoxiang ji 淨慈七寶彌陀像記” for Fazhen Shouyi’s 法真守一 Pure Land daochang 道場 (“ritual site”). 111 Yang Jie, “Tiantai Jingtu shiyilun xu 天台淨土十疑論序,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 2, p. 170c.


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born there.112 Yang’s activism was akin to the Confucian emphasis of Fayuan, Shouduan and Fayan on personal responsibility. The rst two objects of his “pity” (i.e., criticism) embodied Chan claims that were typically ridiculed as arrogant by the doctrinal school. The third contradicted the universal salvation principle propagated by Shandao 善導 (613–681) and post-Shandao Pure Land masters, according to which all nine grades of birth had access to the “expedient bodhisattva path” preached in the Visualization SÖtra, and merely the ten-invocation nianfo at the moment of death would save even the worst sinners, those who had committed the ve rebellious crimes and slandered the dharma. There can be little doubt that, although he studied Chan, Yang Jie disputed Chan nihilism. While emphasizing the need to seek refuge in SukhÊvatÒ, Yang Jie also cited Huayan nondifferentiation between Mind, Buddha, and sentient beings, as well as the Tiantai Commentary on the “Visualization SÖtra” (Tiantai Guanjing shu 天台觀經疏), purportedly authored by Tiantai Zhiyi, to explicate the eighth visualization as a means of accentuating Mind-only Pure Land: 彌陀光明遍照法界,念佛眾生攝取不捨。聖凡一體,機感相應。諸 佛心內眾生塵塵極樂,眾生心中淨土念念彌陀。113 AmitÊbha’s glow permeates dharmadhÊtu, interacting with and receiving nianfo devotees. Saints and ordinary beings share the same body; [the Buddha] waits for the “proper moment” to “correspond mutually” with sentient beings. Sentient beings in all Buddhas reside in layer upon layer of SukhÊvatÒ, and the Pure Lands in all sentient beings are never for a moment without AmitÊbha.

His preface to Wang Gu’s Zhizhi Jingtu jueyiji is reminiscent of the Tang master Feixi’s 飛錫 use of water and moon analogies to explicate Mind-only Pure Land: 大願聖人,從淨土來,來實無來。深心凡夫,往淨土去,去實無 去。彼不來此,此不往彼,而其聖凡會遇,兩得交際者何也?彌陀 光明,如大圓月,遍照十方。水清而靜,則月現全體,非月趣水而 遽來。水濁而動,則月無定光,非月捨水而遽去。在水則有清濁動 靜,在月則無取捨去來。114

112 Yang Jie, “Zhizhi Jingtu jueyiji xu 直指淨土決疑集序,” in Zongxiao, ibid., pp. 171c–72b. 113 Yang Jie, “Tiantai Jingtu shiyilun xu,” in Zongxiao, ibid., p. 171a. 114 Yang Jie, “Zhizhi Jingtu jueyiji xu,” in Zongxiao, ibid., p. 171c.

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The Saint with great compassion (AmitÊbha) comes from Pure Land—in reality does not come. The notion that deep-faith ordinary beings go to Pure Land—in reality they do not go [to Pure Land]. He (AmitÊbha) does not come here, and we do not go there. Then, what is the meaning of the meeting and interaction between the Saint and ordinary beings? The luminescence of AmitÊbha is like a full moon that reaches ten directions. When the water is pure and tranquil, the moon reveals itself in its entirety. This is not because the moon is interested in the water so it comes suddenly. In turbid, murky water the moon cannot settle its reection. This is not because the moon abandons the water and departs suddenly. The qualities of water are pure or murky, unsettled or tranquil. But the moon does not have favorites or dislikes, nor does it come and go.

Yang Jie advocated both invocation and visualization nianfo,115 noting that invocation nianfo would lead one to birth in SukhÊvatÒ,116 and stating that “should one single-mindedly practice visualization to control one’s scattered Mind, coupled with relying on AmitÊbha’s vow, one would be reborn into SukhÊvatÒ.” According to Yang Jie, “This is what NÊgÊrjuna called the easy path, because of its dependency on the power of the Buddha (tali 他力).”117 For his nianfo practice, Yang Jie would carry with him, even while traveling, an AmitÊbha image that he painted.118 If the nianfo was his primary practice, then practice and advocacy of the six pÊramitÊs of bodhisattva conduct (charity 布施, patience under insult 忍辱, diligence 精進, meditation 禪定, and wisdom, i.e., the power to discern the Truth 智慧) and the three Minds (the perfect sincere Mind 誠信心, the profound resolution in faith 深心, and the resolve to dedicate one’s merits to others 迴向心) must have been his auxiliary bodhisattva cultivation. Yang Jie noted that these acts enable one to achieve the highest grade of the highest-level rebirth (shangpin shangsheng 上品上生).119 Yang Jie was so revered as a Pure Land Buddhist that he was considered to have attained that level of birth—one of the few people so extolled in Song Pure Land texts.120 Yang Jie appears to have educated his younger Longmian companions in the same One Vehicle and nondifferentiation principles. During a


Yang Jie, “Tiantai Jingtu shiyilun xu,” in Zongxiao, ibid., p. 171a. Zhizhao, Rentian yanmu (XZJ 148), p. 63b. 117 “Da Song Wuweizi Yang Tixing zhuan 大宋無為子楊提刑傳,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, pp. 195b–c. 118 Ibid., p. 195c. 119 Yang Jie, “Tiantai Jingtu shiyilun xu,” in Zongxiao, ibid., juan 2, p. 171a. 120 Huang Ce 黃策, “Jingwang Yueguo furen wangshengji 荊王越國夫人往生記,” in Zongxiao, ibid., juan 3, p. 190a. 116


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gathering in 1086 Yang Jie posed a question to Wang Zhonghui 王仲回: “SÖtras instruct people to nian (invoke) AmitÊbha’s name so as to attain birth in SukhÊvatÒ, but Chan patriarchs say Mind is Pure Land, and therefore there is no need to seek birth in the Western Paradise. What is the difference?” Knowing Yang’s view on Pure Land, Wang Zhonghui responded using Linji’s Four Expedient Methods (siliaojian) to express a Pure Land view of the Rounded Teaching: 實際理地,無佛無眾生,無樂無苦,無壽無夭,又何淨穢之 有?、、、此以理奪事也。然而,處此界者,是眾生乎?是佛乎? 若是佛境,則非眾生;又何苦樂壽夭淨穢之有哉?試自忖思,或未 出眾生之境,則安可不信教典,至心念彌陀,而求淨土哉?、、、 於無念中起念,於無生中求生,此以事奪理也。故維摩經曰:「雖 知諸佛及與眾生空,而常修淨土,教化於群生。」121 In the true li realm there is neither the Buddha nor sentient beings, neither happiness nor suffering, neither longevity nor short life, [so] how can there be a distinction between purity and impurity? . . . This explanation is in favor of the li over the shi. But are beings in this mundane realm sentient beings or Buddhas? If this is the Buddha realm, then the beings [in it] are not sentient beings. But why, then, are there so many distinctions [in this realm] between suffering and happiness, between longevity and short life, and between purity and impurity? I have pondered this question and have come to believe that this realm has not departed from the realm of sentient beings. So, how can beings not have faith in sÖtras, not sincerely nian AmitÊbha to seek birth in SukhÊvatÒ? . . . [The reality is that we need to] have our nian arise from nonthought, and our desire to seek rebirth from nonorigination. This explanation favors shi over li. That is why the VimalakÒrti-niödeua SÖtra expounds: “Though we know that the Buddha and sentient beings are intrinsically ‘empty,’ we still need to cultivate Pure Land and transform sentient beings consistently.”

As Wang Zhonghui put it, “nonthought” and “nonorigination” are the ultimate goal, but to reach that goal requires cultivation, and cultivation depends on nianfo and tali. Quoting the VimalakÒrti-niödeua SÖtra, he further expressed the importance of the MahÊyÊna pursuit of wisdom (cultivating Pure Land) and compassion (transforming sentient beings). These had been fundamentals of doctrinal Pure Land since the Sui and Tang. Had Wang Zhonghui cleaved to the typical Hongzhou Chan buxiu buzheng 不修不證 (“nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be Enlightened”) formulation (which seems to have been a trap laid

121 “Da Song Guangzhou Wang Sishi zhuan 大宋光州王司士傳,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, p. 195c.

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by Yang Jie), or emphasized either phenomenon or noumenon at the expense of the other, Yang Jie would have ridiculed him. Through this example, one can imagine Yang Jie’s effort to instill Tiantai Pure Land ideology and an appreciation of doctrine in the minds of young Longmian Chan Buddhists. This was a task of no great difculty, because the Longmian Chan community was already well steeped in the One Vehicle nondifferentiation principle and had already embraced other schools of thought. As we shall see in Chapter Two, Li Gonglin also adopted Tiantai Pure Land practice and built a penance ritual hut for himself. This chapter, in seeking to trace the source of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist faith, has demonstrated that his home region was a major Chan center in the Northern Song, and has proved the two Lis’ contacts with Chan circles. We now know that Li Gonglin’s Buddhism did not begin with sporadic contacts with Chan monks in the capital, but with encounters starting early in his youth. This enables us to contextualize Li’s “Country of Emptiness” (wuhexiang) label for the Longmian region and his repeated depictions of literati-clergy gatherings at his Mountain Villa. In order to understand Li Gonglin’s Buddhist paintings, the discussion has focused on interactions between literati and clergy. We have noted that scholar-ofcials had charge of local monastic affairs, but that in the Longmian region most scholar-ofcials actually assumed subordinate roles, regarding these Chan monks as their spiritual teachers, while the Chan monks, in turn, showed a politic deference toward the scholar-ofcials, making for a harmonious relationship. As literary and artistic activities ourished, Li Gonglin continued his training in realistic Buddhist gure painting. Chapter Three will demonstrate that literati and clergy in the Longmian Chan circle practiced the art of portrait painting, and such portraits became vehicles for poetic expression. Since Li Gonglin had become famous for his portrait painting even before arriving in the capital, the development of his talent and achievement must be investigated in this local environment. More importantly, Chan portraiture signied the sinicization of Buddhism. Along with Chan portraiture, anecdotes of Chan personages emerged, which were then fashioned into gongan and other teaching tools; their evolution pushed Chinese poetry to a new level and provided Buddhist painting with newly sinicized models. Li Gonglin favored this new enhancement of Chan visual culture, which had emerged as an independent painting genre during the Northern Song. Other major inuences on Li Gonglin were the syncretic religious views of the Longmian Chan


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community. The community’s prevailing modes of thought hinged on the One Vehicle Rounded Teaching, nondifferentiation principle, and Buddha-nature, and its methods of the bodhisattva path followed the dunwu jianxiu three-tiered formation as it occurred in both Tiantai and Huayan during the Song. These Buddhist ontological concepts came together to form the basis on which Li Gonglin intellectualized and philosophized Buddhist painting and conceptualized his Mountain Villa as an earthly paradise.


LONGMIAN MOUNTAIN VILLA AS EARTHLY PARADISE China’s long history of garden culture reached its zenith during the Song. Meng Yuanlao 孟元老, author of Records of Dreaming of Hua [Xu] in the Eastern Capital (Dongjing meng Hua lu 東京夢華錄, 1147), described the pressure of garden obsession on the land: “There are nothing but pleasure parks on the outskirts of the metropolis. And for one hundred li, there is absolutely no vacant land.”1 Scholars attribute the proliferation of garden culture in part to the booming Song (primarily Northern Song) economy, which generated great prosperity and material wealth, and sparked widespread enthusiasm among the new merchant class for possessing their own private gardens. The passion for garden culture in particular was inspired in large part by emulation: the imperial family spent the extra tax revenue from the boom on their own pleasure parks, and they bestowed some of these properties on favored ofcials.2 James M. Hargett has established a hierarchy of gardens, which he calls pleasure parks, largely corresponding to the social status of their owners: imperial gardens, gardens of high-ranking ofcials and eunuchs, of Buddhist monasteries and Daoist abbeys (which traditionally maintained gardens), and of commoners (presumably including wealthy merchants).3 In his study of Sima Guang’s 司馬光 (1019–1086) Garden for Solitary Enjoyment (Dule Yuan 獨樂園), Robert E. Harrist, Jr. has demonstrated the causal relationship between literati garden culture and the garden’s function in times of political turmoil.4 Intense factional disputes between the New Party and the Old Party produced rapid power shifts between the two parties, which were determined by the preferences of emperors or their regencies. The state of political instability must have

1 Translation follows James M. Hargett, “The Pleasure Parks of Kaifeng and Lin’an During the Song (960–1279),” Chinese Culture, vol. XXX, no. 1 (March 1989), p. 61. 2 Ibid., p. 68. 3 Ibid., p. 62. 4 Robert E. Harrist, Jr., “Site Names and Their Meanings in the Garden of Solitary Enjoyment,” Journal of Garden History, vol. 13, no. 4 (October–December 1993), pp. 199–212.


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fueled the trend to locate suitable retreats in proximity to the power center, there to await the opportunity to regain power. Literati sought to create a kind of garden with which they could most comfortably and estimably identify. By evoking classical phrases from prose and poetry by ancient worthies and meritorious historical gures, gardens, like paintings, became a medium in which literati might express their ideologies, associate themselves with traditions, reveal their aspirations, and allude to Confucian thought, morality, and eremitism. In that sense, gardens not only represented their owners’ preferred public personae, but could also become personally autobiographical. These autobiographical nuances are revealed in the textual origins and metaphors of selected site names. Although Li Gonglin’s Longmian Mountain Villa (Longmian Shanzhuang 龍眠山莊, hereafter referred to as the Mountain Villa) can be considered part of this Song obsession with garden culture, it differed greatly from the literati gardens in Kaifeng and Luoyang, the two Northern Song capitals. Every square foot of the enclosed gardens in the two capitals was carefully landscaped; strolling in them, literati could temporarily withdraw from the hubbub of the metropolis and from political irritants. Li’s Mountain Villa was not a small walled enclosure within or adjacent to a bustling city; rather, it was situated in the Longmian Mountains, far from any major political vortex. Based on Li’s depictions, its layout followed the natural topography of Longmian, with at land adjoining the foothills cultivated for rice farming, and the mountainous areas conceived as scenic vistas with religious signicance. Thus, the Villa served the economic, recreational, and spiritual needs of its owner. Li seems not to have been motivated to build Mountain Villa by political skirmishes taking place in the distant capital; he had, in fact, started building it no later than the early 1070s, years before he took an ofcial position. It was likely several years before the mid1070s that he selected and prepared the property. Li’s names for his Villa and the sites within it further demonstrate that he did not follow the conventions practiced by his peers in the two capitals. Unlike Sima Guang’s Garden for Solitary Enjoyment, derived from Mencius (Mengzi ) and referring to its owner’s political ideology,5 Longmian Mountain Villa simply names its location. Even though Li and his close associates drew connections between Li’s villa and the



longmian mountain villa as earthly paradise


Wangchuan Villa of the Tang poet Wang Wei,6 these connections were limited and apolitical: both villa names indicated their locations, both included approximately twenty sites, and the site names proclaim their owners’ profound love of nature. Wang Wei’s site names mostly did not contain specic connotations, whereas Li’s often incorporated signicant religious meanings. The associations Li and his peers made between the Longmian Mountain Villa and the Wangchuan Villa were cultural, historical, and intellectual, demonstrating appreciation for the literati eremitic tradition.7 Crucial to deciphering Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa is its heretofore unexplored connection to the local Longmian Buddhist culture and to Li Gonglin’s Buddhist-centered eremitic life. The distinctive syncretic characteristics of Longmian Chan and Li’s relationship with its major participants, discussed in Chapter One, serve as the foundation for this chapter’s approach to Mountain Villa. The plethora of Buddhist references in the scroll, when their textual origins and iconographic metaphors are deciphered, will reveal the Mountain Villa as nothing less than an earthly paradise.8 The Mountain Villa as Part of the Longmian Chan Landscape Aside from his brief stay in the capital in 1070, when he competed in and passed the jinshi examination, Li seems to have spent his rst twenty-nine years in his hometown, including nearly a decade of reclusion (i.e., avoidance of public ofce) immediately after he passed the jinshi. Subsequently, during his twenty-one years of ofcial service, from 1079 to 1100, he held two positions near Shucheng—in Nankangjun 南康軍 (1080–ca. 1083) and Sizhou 泗州 (1097–1100)—both within convenient visiting distance from home (see map in Chapter One). His

6 Li Gonglin’s nostalgic poem written during a literary gathering at the Tongwen Guan (discussed in Chapter One) is one example of how he aligned with ancient literary tradition to evoke eremitism. 7 Harrist astutely placed Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa in this context by comparing it with Wang Wei’s Wangchuan Villa and Lu Hong’s Thatched Hut. See Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China. 8 The term “paradise garden” has been used by Lothar Ledderose; see Ledderose, “The Earthly Paradise: Religious Elements in Chinese Landscape Art,” in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian F. Murck (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 165–83. I dene “earthly paradise” as it applies to Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa somewhat differently from Ledderose. See discussion in this chapter.


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retirement in 1101, moreover, afforded him ve to six more years in his Longmian Mountain Villa. He had visited major Buddhist centers such as Nanjing 南京 and Zhejiang 浙江, but never cared to settle there, even at the request of friends (Wang Anshi had asked him to take a position in Nanjing so that they could be near each other). Li Gonglin’s introduction to Buddhism, and the religious inspirations that fostered his creation of the literati-Buddhist painting tradition, therefore, came from the Longmian Chan milieu where he spent nearly three-quarters of his life. In his conception of the Mountain Villa, the effect of the Longmian religious tradition on him is evident. As recounted in Chapter One, this region was rich in Chan Buddhist culture and was a major Chan center during the Northern Song. Almost all of the surrounding mountains were inhabited by eminent Chan masters: Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan on Mount Fu, Touzi Xiuyong, Touzi Honglian, Touzi Huiyun, and Touzi Yiqing on Mount Touzi, Baiyun Shouduan on Mount Baiyun, and Wuzu Fayan on Mount Simian and later on Mount Baiyun, to name just a few. On these mountains they traveled and held their abbacies in monasteries, where they developed scholar-elite followings. Buddhist mountain culture was thus a typical feature of the Longmian region. By establishing themselves in the Longmian Mountains, Li Gonglin and Li Chongyuan became part of the local Chan Buddhist landscape. Precisely when Li Gonglin acquired the land for his villa is uncertain, but Harrist points out that Guo Xiangzheng visited Li and his cousin in 1076 and noted that they were “already well established in the mountains.”9 Guo witnessed the cousins, in Harrist’s words, “wearing furs of auspicious colors and riding about the mountain on oxen.”10 Guo Xiangzheng’s observation adds an additional avor of eccentricity to Li Gonglin’s early eremitic years in the Longmian region. In any case, given the time needed to select an auspicious property, then plan and construct the complex, the Lis probably settled in the Longmian Mountains no later than the early 1070s.11 There Li


Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 61. Ibid. 11 The early Ming writer Song Lian 宋濂 (1310–1381) saw a version of Longmian Mountain Villa, which included a preface purportedly by Li Gonglin. In this preface, quoted by Song Lian, Li stated that he bought the land between the tenth year of Xining (1077) and the rst year of Yuanfeng (1078). Song Lian explained that Li wrote the preface in the twelfth month of 1077 (tenth year of Xining), when a decree had been issued to change the reign name to Yuanfeng in the following year, though at the time 10

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Gonglin studied Buddhist law, imagined himself as VimalakÒrti, traveled in the mountains, studied antiquity, appreciated and painted horses, painted portraits, illustrated Buddhist scriptures and Chan stories, and transcribed sÖtras. He regarded the Longmian region as the Country of Emptiness (wuhexiang 無何鄉),12 an ancient term derived from Zhuangzi 莊子, meaning a boundless, ideal, worry-free world whose residents enjoy unfettered spiritual freedom.13 Guo Xiangzheng’s poem, excerpted in Chapter One, echoes Li’s description. Notwithstanding the appellation “Country of Emptiness,” Guo’s visit to the Longmian Mountains accompanied by local monks, and Li’s own depiction of clergy-literati gatherings there, indicate that the Villa was not an isolated retreat, but a renowned Longmian Buddhist landmark and favorite destination of the Longmian Chan circle. In 1085, after ve years of service outside the capital, Li was summoned back.14 He painted the famous work Longmian Mountain Villa (Longmian Shanzhuang tu) to record and to show his friends, the brothers Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101) and Su Che 蘇轍 (1039–1112), his home region and his lifestyle there. The composition of Longmian Mountain Villa is preserved in several copies, as recounted in Harrist’s intensive study.15 Many of the names that Li assigned to halls, studios, and vistas of his villa reveal profound Buddhist feeling. His vivid depictions of clergy-literati gatherings on his property and of his own merit-building act of illustrating and copying Buddhist sÖtras are further proof of this important aspect of his early eremitic life.16 Su Shi’s poetic colophon

it was still the Xining reign. This situation made it difcult for Li Gonglin to determine the date, so he wrote “Yuanfeng jihao 元豐紀號,” instead of “Yuanfeng yuannian 元豐元年.” This date would move Li’s Longmian Mountain Villa forward by a few years. We know, however, that Li painted his Longmian Mountain Villa after 1087. If he painted Longmian Mountain Villa and wrote the preface then, he would not have had to be as sensitive about his wording of the reign name as if he had created the painting in late 1077. In all likelihood, this preface was a forgery. For Song Lian’s original, see Song Lian, Song Wenxian Gong quanji 宋文憲公全集 (SKQS), juan 13, pp. 41b–43a. 12 Deng Zhongchen鄧忠臣 et al., comps., Tongwen changhe ji 同文唱和集 (SKQS edition, Shanghai, vol. 1344), juan 10, pp. 3b–4a. Also see Harrist, “A Scholar’s Landscape: Shan-chuang t’u by Li Kung-lin” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton, 1989), p. 35, for a different translation. 13 See discussion in Chapter One. 14 We know that Li Gonglin was sent to Nankangjun in present-day Jiangxi province, in 1080, and probably stayed there for two years. Where he served between the end of his tenure and 1085, when he was summoned back to the capital, is unknown. 15 For discussion of these versions of Longmian Mountain Villa, see Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, pp. 113–17. 16 Harrist was the rst to link the pictorial image to the two Lis’ copying and


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praises Li’s Buddhist paintings as true illuminations of the words of Buddha and bodhisattvas. Su Che’s twenty Buddhistic poems corresponding to the sites at Li’s Mountain Villa suggest that Su Che also understood Li’s beliefs and sought to communicate them to Li as well as other readers through his choice of poetic terms and metaphors describing the villa. Not only Li’s writings and paintings, but also his friends’ poems on his Longmian Mountain Villa, evoke a richly Buddhist environment. Partly built and partly imagined from natural geological formations, this environment provides important clues to the effect of Li’s early introduction and lifelong dedication to Buddhism, and of his membership in the spirit-stirring clergy-literati circles in and around the Longmian Mountains. Li Gonglin’s site names for his Mountain Villa demonstrate his intent to have his beloved home represent his Buddhist faith and provide him and his companions with a retreat for Buddhist cultivation. These site names illuminate the degree of Buddhist devotion that moved Li Gonglin to conceive his residence as an earthly paradise. Of the built structures of Mountain Villa, Harrist has identied six, and out of these six he has pinpointed three whose names bear Buddhist connotations. Ink Chan Hall (Mochan Tang 墨禪堂, Fig. 1A), Flower Garland Hall (Huayan Tang 華嚴堂), and Lodge of Fragrant Reeds (Xiangmao Guan 薌茅館, Fig. 1E), the last of which was described by Su Che as a “pure room ( jingwu 淨屋)”; Harrist explains that this site refers to “the grass on which the Buddha was said to have been sitting when he attained enlightenment.”17 A room such as this was most likely set up for religious practice, which required the devotees rst to bathe for purication, a procedure that Su Che metaphorically urged Li Gonglin to follow faithfully.18 I propose an additional two built structures with signicant Buddhist connotations, adding to Harrist’s list the Lodge of Establishing Virtue ( Jiande Guan 建德館) and Hut of Secret Perfection (Miquan An 秘全菴).

illustration of sÖtras. See Harrist, “The Hermit of Lung-mien: A Biography of Li Kung-lin,” in Li Kung-lin’s Classic of Filial Piety, ed. Richard M. Barnhart (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), p. 37. 17 Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 36. 18 See Harrist’s translation, ibid.

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Buildings in the Mountain Villa: Names, Designs, and Functions Lodge of Establishing Virtue and the Country of Emptiness This was the main compound used by the Li family as their residence. Li’s depiction of Lodge of Establishing Virtue (Fig. 1F ) offers a bird’seye view of an ancient Chinese walled compound, similar in layout to palaces and temples of the Western Zhou, i.e., aligned with the four cardinal directions and bisected by a north-south axis, with the main structures symmetrically arranged. Unusually, a rectangular lotus pond stretches the full width of the front of the compound. The lotus pond, an essential component of the Western Paradise described in Pure Land sÖtras, has been a key feature in representations of the Western Paradise since pre-Tang times. To enter the Lodge of Establishing Virtue through the front gate, one crossed a short bridge. As Li Gonglin portrayed them, the location and placement of the Lodge of Establishing Virtue met the requirements of sound geomancy, and the lotus pond may have been an ingenious device to transform his residence into a simulacrum of the Western Paradise. Lotus ponds in depictions of the Western Paradise are typically located in the lower portion of the pictorial space and sometimes extend from both ends to the back. Placed so, the pond is closest to viewers of the picture, so devotees wishing to gain rebirth in the Western Paradise would feel the proximity of AmitÊbha Buddha, who sits in front of his palace facing the pond. The lotus pond is simultaneously a boundary between pure and impure, and also the medium through which devotees could transmigrate to the Pure Land. A Liang-dynasty (502–557) bas-relief found at Wanfo Monastery (Wanfosi 萬佛寺) in present-day Sichuan province shows a lotus pond between what appears to be a monastery and the outside world,19 with a bridge over the pond connecting the two. On the grounds of the monastery monks are lined up in echelon in two rows, facing each other. The vanishing point, which becomes the focal point, features a seated Buddha gure anked by two more rows of monks. The Wanfo bas-relief could be a pictorial rendition of an earthly Western Paradise, particularly given

19 For an illustration, see Lin Shuzhong 林樹中, ed. Wei Jin Nanbei chao diaosu/Zhongguo meishu quanji 魏晉南北朝雕塑/中國美術全集 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1988), pl. 63.


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its triangular composition, focal point at the Buddha, and lotus pond separating the land into pure and impure realms—all fundamental visual effects in illustrations of the Western Paradise. Precisely because of these characteristics, this scene is generally accepted as among the earliest depictions of the Western Paradise.20 Compounds simulating the Western Paradise were very fashionable among Buddhists during the Song. In Tiantai monasteries, Pure Land halls with lotus ponds and also penance ritual quarters were constructed from the eleventh century on, a practice that lasted for several centuries.21 Yang Jie’s Tiantai monk-friend Congya, for example, built a complex that included visualization quarters on either side of a lotus pond. The design of Congya’s Pure Land complex is unknown, but the Japanese copy of a Song-dynasty illustration of the Visualization SÖtra (Guan Wuliangshoufo jing 觀無量壽佛經) suggests how such Pure Land Halls might have appeared—with the Buddha Hall at the center facing a lotus pond, and with multiple Visualization Halls anking the pond.22 Devout lay Buddhists during the Song similarly incorporated lotus ponds into their gardens as sites for religious cultivation and reminders of the Western Paradise.23 To analyze Li Gonglin’s Lodge of Establishing Virtue in this earthly Pure Land context, we shift perspectives from the bird’s-eye view to the ground plane as the building would be seen and occupied by the artist and his visitors (Fig. 1F ). The lotus pond then increases in size, separating us from the building and becoming the boundary between pure and impure. From this perspective the centrally located two-story building at the rear of the Lodge of Establishing Virtue would then stand out as the tallest structure, and the visual experience of the entire compound would resemble the Western Paradise as depicted ever since the Tang.

20 See Angela F. Howard, cat. no. 124, in China, Dawn of a Golden Age, 200–750 AD, ed. James C.Y. Watt (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), p. 220. 21 A summary of the phenomenon is offered later in this chapter. This author presented a paper on this topic at College Art Association, 2002, Philadelphia. Subsequent communications with Professor Daniel B. Stevenson of the University of Kansas revealed that Professor Stevenson had completed an in-depth study of the same topic. He kindly offered me a draft of his paper. 22 For an illustration, see Hamashima Masaji 濱島正士, ed., JÔdokyÔ 淨土教 (Tokyo: ShinchÔsha, 1989), p. 64. 23 In addition to Li Gonglin, numerous examples can be found in Song Pure Land texts. Chapter Five excerpts a poem by the Southern Song Pure Land Buddhist Ping Ji, indicating that he also had a lotus pond in his garden as a reminder of the Western Paradise. See discussion in Chapter Five.

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Li Gonglin clearly marked this two-story structure as special, by virtue of its central location and by making it the only structure whose eaves are visible even in a bird’s-eye view—in reality an impossibility. In an unpublished paper the late Wai-kam Ho demonstrated that the viewing angle in Chinese architectural paintings signies the importance of a given building in a compound, and by extension the status of the person associated with this building: the higher the status, the lower the view point. This principle was carefully observed in many Dunhuang Western Paradise illustrations, where the palace with upturned eaves at the center of the composition always serves as the backdrop for AmitÊbha. Compositional devices and architectural elements in the depiction of Lodge of Establishing Virtue demonstrate this building’s afnity with the conventional perception of the Western Paradise. Whether Li Gonglin had placed a Buddha image in that two-story structure is unknown, but given his deep faith, the popularity of illustrations of the Pure Land, and the proliferation of Pure Land practice, which inspired the creating of simulated Pure Land environments, it is entirely plausible that his residence, with the lotus pond in front and the dominant two-story building behind, suggested the Western Paradise to Buddhist-minded visitors, especially Pure Land adherents. Textual origins and metaphors of its name further the Buddhist identity of the Lodge of Establishing Virtue. Like the name Country of Emptiness for the Longmian region,24 Li took the name Establishing Virtue ( Jiande) also from Zhuangzi.25 In the “Mountain Forest (Shanmu 山木)” chapter of Zhuangzi, Xiong Yiliao 熊宜僚 realizes that the ofcial Lu Hou’s 魯侯 worried expression reects his worldly concerns. Xiong suggests that Lu Hou “cleanse his Mind by deserting his desires, and by doing so he can roam in the ‘people-less wilderness’,” emblem of unfettered freedom.26 Xiong names an ideal place called Jiande in Nanyue 南越, whose people are ‘dim-witted’ and simple; they are seldom selsh or greedy. They work hard but do not know to save for the future; they are generous, but never ask for favors in return. They do not understand


See discussion in Chapter One. Harrist was the rst to note this connection, in “The Hermit of Lung-mien: A Biography of Li Kung-lin,” in Richard M. Barnhart, ed. Li Kung-lin’s Classic of Filial Piety (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), p. 36. 26 Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐 collated edition, Xinyi Zhuangzi duben 新譯莊子讀本 (Taipei: Sanmin chubanshe, 1985), p. 231. 25


chapter two the purpose of righteousness, or courtesy (politeness). They simply act in accordance with their nature, which coincides with the Way. They are happy when living, and peaceful after death.27

The characteristics of Jiande that Li Gonglin yearned for—simplicity, generosity, innocence, unpretentiousness, and, most importantly, transcending the anxieties of the living and the resentments often attributed to the dead—were the values also emphasized in MahÊyÊna bodhisattva cultivation. They are perhaps comparable to Mazu Daoyi’s 馬祖道一 (709–788) Hongzhou Chan 洪州禪 “naturalness and naïveté (tianzhen ziran 天真自然)” and “Ordinary Mind ( pingchangxin 平常心)” bodhisattva cultivation. “Ordinary Mind” was a term coined by the fth Huayan patriarch Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (780–841), an important Tang-dynasty Chan-Huayan syncretist, to explain the essence of Mazu Daoyi’s philosophy: 道不用修,但莫污染。何為污染?但有生死心、造作趨向,皆是污 染。若欲直會其道,平常心是道。何謂平常心?無造作、無取捨、 無斷常、無凡無聖。經云:非凡夫行、非聖賢行,是菩薩行。」只 今行、住、作、臥,應機接物,盡是道。道即法界。28 One need not practice the Way, but just do not allow contamination. What is contamination? If the thought of birth and death occurs, or pretentiousness, [or] ingratiation, it is contamination. If one wishes to comprehend the Way directly, then Ordinary Mind is the Way. What is Ordinary Mind? [In it] there is no pretentiousness, no attachment nor rejection, no annihilation nor permanence, no commoners nor saints. A sÖtra said: “It is not the path of commoners, nor the path of saints; it is the path of bodhisattvas.” Everyday walking, living, sitting, sleeping, and responses to things are the Way. The Way is dharmadhÊtu [“dharma realm,” uncaused and immutable].

Zongmi characterized Daoyi’s Ordinary Mind as tianzhen ziran and renyun zizai (任運自在, “freely living out one’s own destiny”); he even identied those who possessed these qualities as jietuo ren 解脫人 (“liberated beings”).29


Ibid. The original text is in Mazu Daoyi Chanshi yulu 馬祖道一禪師語錄 (XZJ 119), p. 406c. Also see discussion in Pan Guiming 潘桂明, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng 中國禪宗思想歷程 (Beijing: Jinri Zhongguo chubanshe, 1992), p. 230. 29 We cannot conrm whether Daoyi actually incorporated these ideas into his preaching, but they correspond to his fundamental approach to bodhisattvahood. Given Zongmi’s inuential view of Chan history, these terms and the religious concepts derived from them were regarded as axioms of Hongzhou Chan during Li Gonglin’s time. 28

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“Ordinary Mind” had by Song times become a familiar Hongzhou idiom, frequently cited by Longmian Chan masters to admonish their followers and enacted by such masters to demonstrate their enlightened Minds.30 Immersed in the rich Chan environment, Li Gonglin would have been conversant with Hongzhou ideologies. His unusual habit of “wearing furs of auspicious colors and riding about the mountain on oxen”31 might have been intended to demonstrate his liberated spirit. And his use of a term from Zhuangzi to express a concept in Hongzhou Chan further exemplies Li Gonglin’s deliberate use of the Chinese Classics to express his Buddhist Mind. His Longmian companions would have easily understood and appreciated his choice. The Lodge of Establishing Virtue in the Mountain Villa thus carries a dual connotation: its architectural design simulates the Western Paradise, and its name signies Li Gonglin’s Buddhist aspiration. Ink Chan Hall (Mochan Tang 墨禪堂) Ink Chan Hall was Li Gonglin’s studio (Fig. 1A). According to Su Che, Li began the Mountain Villa painting with the sixteen sites, running from west to east (from Lodge of Establishing Virtue to Suspended Cloud Bank at the end of the road), then continued the handscroll with the site lying south of the river.32 Pictorial handscrolls are read from right to left; modern viewers associate right with east and left with west, making the draft handscroll version seem to reverse the actual sequence of sites in Li’s villa. Directional anomalies did not seem to inhibit premodern Chinese painters. Copies of Gu Kaizhi’s 顧凱之 (344–ca. 406) Nymph of the Luo River, for instance, show the prince Cao Zhi 曹植 and the nymph departing in the same direction, yet the original text indicates that Cao went eastward toward home, while the nymph went west. This directional reversal makes conceptualizing the actual landscape of the Mountain Villa a challenge, for which digital experimental reversal of the scroll is not a help.33 Since in the draft For an example of its use by Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, see Zhizhao 智昭, Rentian Yanmu 人天眼目 (XZJ 113), juan 2, p. 310a. For another example, see Touzi Yiqing, who acted like a liberated being while on Mount Lu (discussed in Chapter One). 31 Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 61. 32 Su Che 蘇轍, “Ti Li Gonglin Shanzhuangtu ershi shou 題李公麟山莊圖二十首,” in Luancheng ji 欒城集 (SKQS ), juan 16, pp. 10a–12b. 33 Reversing the painting with digital technology reverses the landscape sequence, but in the process it also reverses each scene. It is unknown why Li Gonglin in the nal version switched to individual scenes alternating with corresponding poems, but 30


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version Ink Chan Hall appears toward the end of the handscroll, in actuality it was probably located to the south, close to the end of what must have been a circular sequence.34 Thus, Ink Chan Hall was likely just south of Lodge of Establishing Virtue. This can be conrmed by the nal version, in which individual scenes alternate with corresponding poems, showing this studio placed next to the Lodge of Establishing Virtue.35 Having one’s studio near one’s residence would be logical and convenient. Harrist has pointed out that Ink Chan Hall “is the only building not drawn in a schematic aerial view or in a miniaturized scale.”36 Given Li Gonglin’s identity as a painter, this zoomed-in view of his place for painting and calligraphy is tting. Prominently showing a desk (an 案) in the studio south of Lodge of Establishing Virtue may also have been Li Gonglin’s way of calling attention to the favorable geomancy of his estate. Completing an auspicious site such as Li Gonglin’s Lodge of Establishing Virtue37 would require an auxiliary mountain called a “desk mountain” (anshan 案山). Behind this requirement lay an anthropomorphic conception of the building site: the Lodge of Establishing Virtue was to be conceived as a person, the screen mountain north of the Lodge as the back of the “person” ’s armchair, protecting “him” from northerly winds, and the desk mountain south of Jiande and supporting Ink Chan Hall functioning as a “desk” for the “person.” Judging from Li Gonglin’s depiction of the monk walking uphill to visit the two Lis, Ink Chan Hall is located in a mountain or on a hill, which serves, geomantically, as the “desk mountain” south of Lodge of Establishing Virtue. The studio resembles a worship hall, its furnishings consisting of a hanging scroll of a Buddha and an altar on which two vases containing owers and two “pure bottles” (S: -7¸Ó+-Ê; C: jingping 淨瓶) ank

perhaps he had recognized the difculty entailed by portraying the sites of his villa in reverse direction. 34 Between Ink Chan Hall and Magpie Stream (Que Yuan 鵲源) is an inscription indicating that these sites were located near the entrance to the Mountain Villa. Placing Ink Chan Hall toward the end of the handscroll version and indicating its location near the entrance show that the sequence of sites must have followed a loop. 35 For discrepancies between the appearance of this site in different versions of Longmian Mountain Villa, see Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, pp. 34, 43–45. 36 Ibid., p. 44. 37 Ibid., p. 95.

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an incense burner. Harrist has suggested that the two men sitting at the prominent table in front of the altar are most likely Li Gonglin and Li Chongyuan, two cousins and lifelong Buddhist companions who cooperated in illustrating and transcribing the Avataμsaka SÖtra.38 The Buddhist ambience of his studio suggests that Li Gonglin viewed painting as an act of religious cultivation. Painting functioned thus in two ways: copying and illustrating Buddhist scriptures was, and still is, considered an essential part of bodhisattva cultivation and a meritorious act that assists devotees in accumulating good karma; and the act of painting—transforming phenomena into representational forms—from the Buddhist perspective is a philosophical undertaking. Su Che’s poem on Ink Chan Hall draws on this latter aspect and focuses on the correlation between art and the principle of noumenon (li 理): 此心初無住,

From the beginning his Mind does not cling [to phenomena,] 每與物俱禪。 [But,] like all phenomena, it is in the state of chan. 如何一丸墨, Is that how he transforms a pellet of ink 舒卷化山川。 Into mountains and rivers on unrolled scrolls?39

Su Che’s poem echoes the inscription his brother added after viewing Longmian Mountain Villa. Su Shi praises the painting for matching the intentions of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, as if the painting and the words from Buddhist scriptures had come from the same person, implying Li Gonglin’s profound understanding of Huayan philosophy.40 Following this praise, Su Shi assessed Li’s state of mind: 居士之在山也,不留於一物,故其神與萬物交,其智與百工通。 雖 然有道有藝,有道而無藝。則物雖形於心,不形於手。41 When in the mountains, the hermit did not cling even to one thing; so his spirit communicated with myriad things and his wisdom corresponded with one hundred craftsmen. Though there is the Way and the craftsmanship, [really] there is only the Way, not the craftsmanship. Thus things were shaped from his Mind, not formed by his hands.


Ibid., p. 44. My translation is modied from Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 45. 40 Su Shi, Dongpo quanji 東坡全集 (SKQS ), juan 23, pp. 10a–b. 41 Ibid. 39


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The idiom buliu 不留 connotes the Buddhist concept wuzhu 無住 (“nonattachment,” “nonabiding”). The idiom appears in Su Che’s poem on Ink Chan Hall, and the concept is prominent in the VajracchedikÊprajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra ( Jin’gang banruo jing 金剛般若經, SÖtra of the Greater Perfection of Wisdom) favored by Huayan and Chan Buddhists.42 According to the Tang-dynasty Huayan master Chengguan (738–838), “only after one is no longer clinging to any dharma can one lodge oneself in prajñÊpÊramitÊ.”43 He further explained the religious signicance of this attainment: . . . 非一向住,故成無住。猶如船師非一向在此岸住,亦非一向在彼 岸住。故成無住,運載眾生。 . . . 大悲,故常處生死等者。 . . . 大智, 故常處涅褩,是俱住義。 . . . 大悲,故不住涅槃。大智,故不住生 死,即二俱不住。 . . . Not dwelling in a place is a means of achieving wuzhu. This is like a ferryman [the Buddha] who does not always stay at this shore, nor does he permanently live on the other shore. Thus, he achieves wuzhu, and carries sentient beings [through the sea of suffering]. Because of his great compassion, he persistently remains in the realm of mortals; because of his great wisdom, he is permanently lodged in 0+48ʸ#. This is the meaning of juzhu (“dual attachment”). Because his great compassion does not reside in 0+48ʸ#, and his great wisdom does not reside in the realm of mortals, this is the meaning of erjubuzhu (“double nonattachment”).44

Here Chengguan has summarized the goal of MahÊyÊna Buddhism— that bodhisattvas should strive to attain prajñÊpÊramitÊ and reach 0+48ʸ#, while exercising their compassion to save sentient beings. Li Gonglin illustrated the VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra at least twice and Su Shi also wrote a colophon to a transcribed VajracchedikÊprajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra text.45 The Su brothers and Li understood the sÖtra and communicated using its idiom, and by extension its ontological concepts. According to Buddhist teaching, in the state of wuzhu one transcends the conicts and contradictions between noumenon (li 理)

The Tang-dynasty Huayan master Chengguan 澄觀 (738–838), for example, quoted from this sÖtra to explain the importance of wuzhu in Huayan teaching. Chengguan 澄觀, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishuyanyichao 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔, (T. 36), juan 24, p. 184a. The main phrase related to this concept in this sÖtra is: “One’s mind should rise from the state of nonabiding (應無所住而生其心).” 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid., p. 426a. 45 Su Shi, “Jin’gang jing bawei 金剛經跋尾”, in Su Shi, Dongpo quanji (SKQS), juan 93, pp. 25b–26a. 42

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and its various manifestations—phenomena (shi 事, or “thing” in Su Shi’s inscription). Su Shi’s inscription clearly secularized this concept to explain that Li Gonglin had attained Buddhist wisdom—i.e., he had grasped the meaning of nondifferentiation between li and shi (lishi wuai 理事無礙) and fusion of li and shi (lishi xiangrong 理事相融); nding no contradictions between noumena, or principle, and the phenomenal world, he was able to master craftsmanship (i.e., to represent phenomena), yet not be affected or constrained by it. Su Shi even relinquished his bias against form-likeness (xingsi 形似), and instead declared that Li Gonglin’s attainment of wuzhu enabled him to “correspond with one hundred craftsmen” (a profession Su normally spurned). Su Che described Li Gonglin’s artistic endeavor as imbued with the same state of mind, a most tting encomium for an artist who named his studio Ink Chan Hall—a place where the art of painting was a form of spiritual cultivation. Flower Garland Hall (Huayan Tang 華嚴堂) Having searched for Flower Garland Hall and the Gallery of CloudyGrain Fragrance (Yunxiang Ge 雲薌閣) in Li Gonglin’s various versions of Longmian Mountain Villa, Harrist wrote that they “cannot be located with certainty in the extant copies, but they probably are among the small thatched buildings enclosed by fences that appear near the Lodge of Establishing Virtue or near the path through the mountains shown at the opening of the Beijing scroll.”46 Flower Garland is a clear Huayan reference. Huayan was pervasive and popular in the Longmian region, and Longmian Chan monks made wide use of it in their preaching. As an expression of his faith in Huayan doctrine, Li Gonglin illustrated the Huayan SÖtra and took the name for a building on the grounds of his villa. Su Che’s poem on the Flower Garland Hall continues to correlate Li’s act of painting and Buddhist ontology: 佛口如瀾翻, 初無一正定; 畫作正定看, 於何是佛性 ?

46 47

The Buddha’s mouth rolls like waves, In origin there doesn’t seem to be a single right concentration; If painting can be seen as a form of right concentration, What then is Buddha-nature?47

Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, pp. 34–35. Translation modied from Harrist, ibid., p. 35.


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Zhengding (S: Samyak-samÊdhi, last stage of bazhengdao 八正道, the Eightfold Path) is “right abstraction or concentration, so that the Mind becomes vacant and receptive.”48 In other words, right concentration allows the devotee to enter into the awless and pure state of meditation. Buddha-nature (tathÊgatagarbha), on the other hand, is the core of MahÊyÊna teaching: Buddha-nature is innate in all sentient beings, and through vows and following the bodhisattva precepts sentient beings could regain their Buddha-nature, i.e., achieve Enlightenment. In his poem on Ink Chan Hall, Su Che averred that it was Li’s “nonabiding,” or nonattachment (wuzhu), which permitted him to recognize the fusion of noumenon and phenomenon. In that pure state of mind Li was able, with a “pellet of ink,” to evoke the shapes of mountains and rivers on paper, an ability paralleling the ability to comprehend identity between “original void (benwu 本無)” and its myriad manifestations in “the three thousand worlds (sanqian daqian shijie 三千大千世界)” and between “one and a multitude (yi ji duo 一即多).” The same concept informs Su’s poem on the Hut of Secret Perfection, in which Su declares that in the Rounded Teaching, the noumenon cannot be affected by the phenomenon: 世道自破碎, 全理未常違。

Worldly ways break down by themselves; But the perfect noumenon (li) will not be permanently violated.49

Likewise, in the poem written for Flower Garland Hall, Su Che states, in the form of a question, that Li’s act of painting is a form of right concentration, which in turn is the natural state of his Buddha-nature. He questioned if the act of painting itself is a form of zhengding, what then is Buddha-nature? Su Che’s poem further emphasized that Li based his painting practice on fusion of noumenon and phenomenon. Indeed, to paint is to represent phenomena (tangible and intangible, visible and invisible alike) in visual forms. In the Buddhist sense, all phenomena are the myriad manifestations of the indestructible noumenon, and manifestations, no matter how they are visualized, do not distort the noumenon or vice versa. Su Shi was contemptuous of realistic paintings by court and professional painters, but admiring of Li’s equally

48 William Soothill and Lewis Hodous, comps., A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1937), p. 192. 49 Translation modied from Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 37.

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realistic paintings. He rationalized this seeming contradiction by applying Buddhist philosophy to Li’s art: Li grasped the fusion of noumenon and phenomenon; therefore his realistic paintings (phenomena) did not distort the noumenon (the principle embedded in forms). Hut of Secret Perfection (Miquan An 秘全菴) Hut of Secret Perfection (Fig. 1G) is the innermost building in Li Gonglin’s villa, located between Chamber of Perching Clouds (Qiyun Shi 棲雲室) and Cave of Extending Blossoms (Yanhua Dong 延華洞). Hidden from view by a slope and trees (as travelers are on the path north of the river), Hut of Secret Perfection’s secluded location suggests Li’s intention to separate it from the dusty world. The entire Mountain Villa was situated deep in the mountains, but even so the mundane routines of daily life and interruptions of people around him might have made Mind cultivation difcult. There appears to be no path that could lead a traveler to this area, and if Li depicted it faithfully, one would have had to climb up a waist-high terrace to reach the step in front of its entrance. He planted pine saplings all around it, which when full grown would have concealed this area from the outside world, even from the bird’s-eye view from the opposite shore that is accorded to viewers of the scroll. Hut of Secret Perfection is a two-room thatched compound; the oblong front and circular back chamber are linked by a short covered corridor. It is likely that Li Gonglin would have called this site an an 菴 (“hut”) based on the rear chamber, whose style follows the traditional Buddhist an; this, according to Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽, compiled by the Song dynasty monk Daocheng 道誠, was “a thatched rounded room. . . . monks and laymen of the West often stay in an for self-cultivation.”50 An were also used by Chinese recluses, such as Tao Yan 陶琰 51 (dates unknown) and Tao Qian 陶潛 (365–427), but the styles of their an are not known. The rounded Buddhist an, however, frequently appears in Dunhuang murals dating from Tang to Song. An typically denotes a religious retreat made of straw and remote from the main monastic compound. Dome-shaped with a tight knob at the top and usually very small, an an accommodates only one meditator. In Picture of Mount Wutai (Wutai shan tu 五臺山圖, Dunhuang Cave 61) dated 50 51

Daocheng, Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (T. 54), p. 263b. Ibid.


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to the Five Dynasties, are numerous an—three at the foothills of the Eastern Terrace (Dongtai 東台), each with a single occupant, the middle occupant wearing a ofcial’s cap.52 On another part of the mountain the monk Zifu 資福 is meditating inside his an.53 Compared with these simple Buddhist an, Li Gonglin’s is far more elaborate; its walls were probably made of mud mixed with rice straw or of plaster, although the roof is thatched. A corridor connects his an with the rectangular front chamber. Judging from its name, style, and location—in a secluded area far from the main residence, Lodge of Establishing Virtue—Hut of Secret Perfection was no doubt designed for Buddhist meditative cultivation, but why did Li Gonglin need two rooms? How did two rooms further the hut’s function in Li Gonglin’s cultivation? What more can we learn about Li Gonglin’s Buddhist practice from this two-chambered thatched structure? As discussed previously, the Longmian Mountains were, like the distant coastal Siming and Hangzhou areas, the scene of Tiantai Pure Land Buddhism. In addition to the Ma family and Baiyun Shouduan, Yang Jie was a most fervent proselytizer of Tiantai Pure Land, and his inuence upon young Longmian Buddhists was profound, as seen in his dialogue with Wang Zhonghui.54 Li Gonglin’s two-chambered an may have been the fruit of Yang Jie’s effort to propagate Tiantai Pure Land practice. Owing to the advocacy of Siming Zhili 四明知禮 (960–1028) and Ciyun Zunshi 慈雲遵式 (967–1032), Tiantai Pure Land during the Song was famous for employing penance rituals as the primary bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation. The Fahua sanmei chanyuanyi 法華三昧懺願儀 (Penance Ritual Manual of “Fahua sanmei”) and Ciyun Zunshi’s revised manual Wangsheng Jingtu chanyuanyi 往生淨土懺願儀 (completed in 1015) became enormously popular among clergy and their dedicated lay followers. Both manuals required a two-chambered structure for the practice, which embraces the principle of nondifferentiation between noumenon and phenomenon. In both manuals the ten procedures are grouped into two parts. According to Siming Zhili, the rst nine procedures (lighting

52 For an illustration, see Xia Nai 夏鼐, ed. Zhongguo shiku: Dunhuang Mogaoku 中國 石窟: 敦煌莫高窟, vol. 5 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1987), pl. 61. 53 For an illustration, see ibid., pl. 63. 54 In this dialogue Wang used Chan rhetoric to assert the nondifferentiation and noncontradiction between Mind-Only Pure Land and Pure Land located elsewhere (tafang jingtu 他方淨土). See discussion in Chapter One.

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incense, intoning praises, worshipping deities, repentance, and vows to practice the bodhisattva path) were considered “cultivation based on phenomena (shixiu 事修)” and the last, visualization practice, was considered “cultivation based on the noumenon (lixiu 理修).” For the rst nine procedures, the front chamber of the ritual site (the rectangular room in Li Gonglin’s Hut of Secret Perfection) should be adorned either with a copy of the Lotus SÖtra or with a canopied statue of AmitÊbha on an altar; the back chamber (the round an in Li’s Hut of Secret Perfection) is left simple and unadorned for visualization practice.55 In the back chamber the only item allowed by penance ritual rule was a “rope bed” (shengchuang 繩床)—a roped seat on which a meditation mat was placed. Though Daochuo had emphasized penance rituals in Pure Land cultivation, precisely when the building of these two-chambered penance quarters began and who initiated this tradition are still unclear. Evidence suggests, however, that it began during the Northern Song. During the Japanese monk ShunjÔ’s 俊 (ShunjÔbÔ ChÔgen, 1166–1227) stay in China from 1199 to 1211, he noticed the widespread use of Tiantai penance rituals in bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation. A few years after his return to Japan, ShunjÔ completed a visualization compound modeled after Song examples, and in 1215 he composed the essay titled “TÔrin Shichiroku KandÔ 東林十六觀堂 (The Hall of Sixteen Visualizations of Donglin [Tradition],” in which he indicated that the two-chamber huts were begun by Siming Zhili and Ciyun Zunshi.56 ShunjÔ was probably right: since the two masters had written manuals for these penance rituals and were ardent advocates of their practice, it stands to reason that they would have followed their own ritual requirements in setting up their ritual sites. According to the Southern Song monk Zongxiao’s 宗曉 Lebang wenlei 樂邦文類 (Anthologies of the Joyous Nation), an early example of this style of penance ritual hut can be traced to Ciyun Zunshi, who built the Hut for Visualizing the Setting Sun (Riguan An 日觀庵) in 1020 at Tianzhu Monastery 天竺寺, and wrote Riguanming 日觀銘 (To Commemorate the An for Visualizing the Setting Sun) to celebrate its completion.57 55 Stevenson, Daniel B., “The ‘Hall For Sixteen Contemplations’ as a Distinctive Institution for Pure Land Practice in Tiantai Monasteries of the Song (960–1027),” forthcoming. I am grateful to Professor Stevenson for providing me with a draft of this paper after learning of my interest in this topic. 56 ShunjÔ 俊 , “TÔrin Shichiroku KandÔ東林十六觀堂,” reprinted in Ishida Mitsuyuki 石田充之, ed., ShunjÔ Risshi 俊 律師 (Kyoto: Hosokan, 1973), p. 404. 57 Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 5, p. 215b.


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The next generation of Tiantai monks began to forgo isolated twochamber ritual spaces in favor of multiple visualization quarters in settings resembling the Western Paradise as they imagined it, placing them adjacent to lotus ponds. Yang Jie composed a commemorative essay in early 1086 for the completion of an AmitÊbha Hall (Mituo Baoge 彌陀寶閣) for Congya’s monastery in Qiantang 錢塘 (presentday Hangzhou).58 This hall, housing an image of AmitÊbha surrounded by bodhisattvas representing the nine grades of birth and a set of Tripi¢aka, was adjacent to a lotus pond and anked by visualization quarters on either side of the pond (Diagram 1).59 Though Yang Jie did not specify the number of visualization quarters, the Japanese painting composition based on a Song-dynasty illustration of the Visualization SÖtra may approximate the ground plan of this hall. Another Song-dynasty Tiantai monk, Jieran 介然, was said to have built the rst complete set of quarters for the sixteen visualizations, at Yanqing Monastery 延慶寺 in Siming 四明.60 This extensive seven-year endeavor, completed in 1100, yielded more than sixty such quarters, attesting the enormous popularity of the Fahua sanmei penance ritual as a form of bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation. At the center of this compound were the Sixteen Visualizations quarters and a main Buddha Hall. Whether they were arranged as Congya’s Pure Land Hall had been—visualization quarters adjacent to a lotus pond—is unknown. The term huan 環 (“surrounding”) in the commemorative essay written by the Northern Song literatus-Buddhist Chen Guan 陳瓘 (dates unknown), however, suggests that these Sixteen Visualizations quarters could have surrounded the main Buddha Hall, separated from it by the lotus pond (Diagram 2). Building massive Pure Land Halls, complete with visualization quarters surrounding lotus ponds, continued to be popular during the Southern Song, and ShunjÔ was so impressed by this bodhisattva practice that he was determined to build one upon returning to Japan. Penance-and-visualization an might be a single structure used for one person’s penance ritual practice, isolated from the main part of the monastery for quietude, as exemplied by Ciyun Zunshi’s Hut for Visualizing the Setting Sun. Or, as in Congya’s and Jieran’s massive Pure

58 59 60

Ibid., p. 184c. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 185a–86a.

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Land Halls, they might be designed for communal practice. This latter style of architecture incorporated penance ritual and visualization in a simulated Western Paradise. Even multiple an were set as isolated units, affording the privacy necessary for introspection. Li Gonglin’s Hut of Secret Perfection, located far from all other buildings in his Mountain Villa and in the most secluded setting, echoes the Hut for Visualizing the Setting Sun used by Ciyun Zunshi. Installing a Tiantai-style penance ritual an on his property demonstrates Li’s commitment to Tiantai methods of bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, and the extent of Yang Jie’s inuence on him. To understand Li Gonglin’s faith in Tiantai Pure Land cultivation, let us briey consider MahÊyÊna bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation and how it is conceptualized in Tiantai Pure Land practice. Since the Six Dynasties it had been popularly believed that the present world had entered mofa. Cultivating bodhisattva virtue on one’s own was difcult; the most expedient method was seeking rebirth in the Pure Land. In the presence of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, devotees in the Pure Land would enjoy a non-retrogressive state, advancing until they were able to help others. As bodhisattvas, they could then leave the Pure Land for impure lands, whose inhabitants they helped along the bodhisattva path and whose impurities could not affect them. This course of seeking one’s own Enlightenment while saving all others fullled the MahÊyÊna ideal of compassion. Many Chinese Pure Land Buddhist masters from Shandao 善導 (613–681) on had advocated the joint cultivation of nianfo 念佛 (visualization and invocation) as primary practice and bodhisattva conduct as auxiliary. Another Tang master, Feixi 飛錫 (eighth c.), then altered the terminology of primary practice to lixiu 理修 (cultivation based on noumenon) and of auxiliary practice to shixiu 事修 (cultivation based on phenomena). Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904–975) quoted VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra regarding the two ways of entering the True Reality—liru 理入 (entering through reliance on noumenon) and shiru 事入 (entering through reliance on phenomena). Yanshou averred that, should one uphold noumenon but ignore phenomena, one is not likely to ascend to the realm of unfettered freedom; therefore, following of the bodhisattva path must rely on both.61 Yanshou designated visualization nianfo as the sole primary practice, with invocation nianfo


Yongming Yanshou, Wanshan tongguiji 萬善同歸集 (T. 48), juan 1, p. 958c.


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as the most important auxiliary practice. His theory and practice were extremely inuential during the Song. Tiantai penance rituals, adopting this principle, divided the procedures into two parts, whose practice required the two-chamber an. We know that Li Gonglin relied on Tiantai methods of visualization practice, as indicated by Zhao Lingzhi in his colophon attached to the Zhang Ji version. The Tiantai master Siming Zhili viewed visualization in general as a devotee’s dependency on the grace of the Buddha, and believed specically that the Sixteen Visualizations preached in the Visualization SÖtra are means of dependency on good causes and on the wonderful expedient method of the Buddha.62 Following the Tiantai principle of One Mind Three Insights ( yixin sanguan 一心三觀), Siming Zhili advised that before one has grasped the Rounded Principle one should rely on jia (“phenomena”) to progress along the path.63 Having progressed, one would transform the phenomena described in the sÖtra into one’s Mind-produced phenomena, thus relying on One Mind Three Insights to illuminate the innate Pure Land in one’s Mind’s nature.64 In essence, according to Zhili, the Sixteen Visualizations practice relies on shi to realize li.65 Particularly the beginner, who has not the faintest idea about One Mind Three Insights, temporarily relies on phenomena (visualizing the setting sun and the pure water, for example). After one has grasped the principle, one visualizes the ground and trees in SukhÊvatÒ, and gradually works one’s way to the throne, and then to the body of the Buddha. Eventually, one comprehends that one’s nature is the same as the nature of the Buddha whom one has been visualizing. This state of mind would be reached during the eighth visualization, “Visualization on the Three Saints of the West.” As the title suggests, it preaches visualizing the Three Saints of the Western Paradise, but the phrase “this Mind is the Buddha, this Mind produces the Buddha (shixin shifo, shixin zuofo 是心是佛,是心作佛),” attracted the attention of pre-Song and Song Chan, Huayan, Tiantai, and Pure Land masters, who used it to explain tathÊgatagarbha and Mind-only Pure Land. Among them was Siming Zhili. Zhili explained that the dharmakÊya of all Bud-

62 Siming Zhili 四明知禮, Guanjing rongxinjie 觀經融心解, in Zongxiao, Siming Zunzhe jiaoxinglu 四明尊者教行錄 (T. 46), juan 2, p. 867b. 63 Ibid. 64 Siming Zhili, Guan Wuliangshoufojingshu miaozongchao 觀無量壽佛經疏妙宗鈔 (T. 37), juan 6, p. 230a. 65 Ibid., juan 4, p. 217b.

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dhas arose from Mind-contemplation (xinxiang 心想), and in order to contemplate the dharmakÊya one rst had to “discern the principle (guanli 觀理).”66 The “principle” was the innate “original Enlightenment” of sentient beings. One had to know that the “original Enlightenment” was inherent in the bodies of all Buddhas in dharmadhÊtu. But because Buddhas had reached Enlightenment, all their efforts were dedicated to assisting sentient beings to attain their own “original Enlightenment.” If the process of revealing our “initial Enlightenment” was effective, our “original Enlightenment” would become apparent. The sÖtra therefore states that dharmakÊya arises from Mind-contemplation.67 Siming Zhili explained that though all sentient beings possessed tathÊgatagarbha, delusion caused them to turn their backs on the Truth. Thus their Buddha-bodies had departed. If they regained comprehension through visualizations, the Buddha-bodies would enter into their enlightened Minds. This was described in Tiantai Guanjingshu 天台觀 經疏 (attributed to Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗, 538–597), as “the Buddha responded to our Enlightenment by entering into us ( jieru xiangying 解 入相應).” Zhili concluded that in the practice of Mind-contemplation, devotees were not simply visualizing on their own Buddha-nature “in darkness.” Rather, they were relying on an external Buddha (AmitÊbha) to reveal their original Buddha-nature.68 Based on the Tiantai method of Pure Land cultivation, we may draw a few conclusions about Li Gonglin’s bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation. As seen in the construction of his Hut of Secret Perfection for penance ritual and visualization, he must have observed the principle of joint cultivation. Practicing Tiantai penance ritual is extremely demanding. Monks require one to three years to complete it. For laymen such as Li Gonglin, seven or twenty-one days would not have been unusual. Reclusion was doubtless essential, thus the signicance of building penance ritual an. Li probably spent substantial time in isolation in his Hut of Secret Perfection to cultivate his Buddha-nature. When not engaged in penance ritual practice, Li must have observed bodhisattva precepts, according to which transcribing and illustrating sÖtras, offering incense and owers to the Buddha image in his studio, intoning praises, and many other activities, constituted his auxiliary

66 67 68

Ibid., p. 219c. Ibid., p. 220a. Ibid.


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practice. Li’s eating habits are unknown, but he was probably a vegetarian. Probably he also bought animals and released them back to nature. This, along with a vegetarian diet, was advocated by Tiantai masters, and was extremely popular during the Song as a meritorious deed. Li’s combined efforts matched his intention to adhere to the principle of nonabiding and to the principle of nonduality between phenomenon and noumenon. Su Shi and Su Che expressed the same principles in composing their inscriptions on Li Gonglin’s Longmian Mountain Villa. Landscape: Abodes and Bodily Manifestations of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas Following the Hut of Secret Perfection, travelers would not pass another building until they came upon Ink Chan Hall toward the end of their journey. Buddhist concepts continued to inform Li Gonglin’s depictions of natural scenery and selections of site names inspired by it, and also Su Che’s matching poems about these sites. Raining Blossoms Cliff (Yuhua Yan 雨華巖) Raining Blossoms Cliff (Fig. 1H ) is located in a cavernous area where a circle of stones arranged at the base of a waterfall briey retains the water before it continues through a channel down the mountain. Here three scholars, possibly the Three Lis of Longmian, have gathered. Two sit on at stones; one of them cools his feet in the water. This place is a refuge from the heat and humidity of summer.69 Transforming this site of quietude into Raining Blossoms Cliff, a servant boy stands at the top of the cliff to the right of the pool and shakes a tree to make leaves and blossoms fall from above. The gure directly in the path of falling owers is most likely Li himself. Su Che’s poem on this scene draws directly from the reference to Raining Blossoms and provides a further glimpse into Li’s meditative effort to achieve the state of nonabiding: 巖花不可攀, 翔蕊久未墬。

Cliff owers cannot be picked, Petals oat long without dropping.

69 This author visited the Longmian region in the summer and autumn of 1995, and experienced the intense heat and humidity in person.

longmian mountain villa as earthly paradise 忽下幽人前, 知子觀空坐。


Suddenly they descend before the hermit, Knowing you are seated visualizing Emptiness.70

The site name was derived from a story in the VimalakÒrti-nirdeua SÖtra in which Buddha’s disciple sÊriputra was perturbed because a goddess had scattered owers (hua 花, a pun on dharma [法, now pronounced fa, but a near-homonym during the Song]) on disciples and bodhisattvas alike, but only those that landed on disciples, including sÊriputra, clung to their garments. The owers that clung to them symbolized the illusions to which they still clung.71 This story was intended to demonstrate that MahÊyÊna, which emphasized bodhisattva cultivation, was superior to the two other Vehicles (shengwen 聲聞 and yuanjue 緣覺). Su Che’s poem refers to this story and to Li’s search for the Buddhist Truth of Emptiness, which in this sÖtra is termed nonduality (buer 不二), through visualization. Thus Li Gonglin transformed a corner of the Mountain Villa into the imagined site of debate between MañjutrÒ and VimalakÒrti. But Li Gonglin’s depiction of this scene centers not on the dramatic narrative seen in traditional sÖtra illustrations at Dunhuang, but on the ontological symbolism of quiescence. For both Su and Li the scene’s message was “Achieve nonduality,” conveyed through two levels of indirection: the falling blossoms symbolizing the story of sÊriputra, which in turn symbolizes the inability of a Lesser Vehicle to rid its devotees of illusions. Necklace Cliff (Yingluo Yan 瓔珞巖) Besides imagining Buddhist ontological concepts onto sites of his Mountain Villa, Li Gonglin actually planned the villa as an earthly Pure Land, wherein the landscape became both the abode and the bodily manifestations of Buddhas and bodhisattvas. The Lodge of Establishing Virtue was intended to simulate the Western Paradise; Li further imagined a waterfall as the necklace of a deity (Fig. 1I ), hence the Necklace Cliff (Yingluo Yan 瓔珞巖), about which Su Che wrote: 70 Translation modied from Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 35. 71 For discussion of a painting illustrating this scene, attributed to Wang Zhenpeng 王振鵬, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, see catalogue entry by Marsha (Weidner) Hauer in Latter Days of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism 850–1850, ed. Marsha Weidner (Lawrence, Kansas, and Honolulu: Spencer Museum of Art and University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), cat. no. 43 (pp. 349–54).


chapter two 泉流逢石缺, 脈散成寶網。 水神瓔珞看, 山是如來想。

In the ssures spring water meets, Its scattered veins form a precious net. This water spirit can be seen as a necklace [of a bodhisattva], Mountains can be contemplated as TathÊgata.72

Su Che describes a site perhaps in part natural and in part imagined by the painter. Or perhaps Li Gonglin depicted the waterfall as it appeared in a particularly water-abundant or drought-ridden year. In any case, by so depicting and naming this site in his villa, he indicated, as reected in Su Che’s poem, that inanimate objects and phenomena in nature such as water and mountains can be anthropomorphized as Buddhist deities. The Chinese have long been fascinated with mountains-and-water, identifying mountains in particular as abodes of spirits or divine beings and symbols of immortality. Daoism and Buddhism further appropriated mountains as abodes of specic deities, such as the four mountains designated as abodes of four great bodhisattvas.73 Here, Li, as interpreted by Su Che, went beyond designating a physical domain as the abode of a deity, to identifying a natural phenomenon as a Buddhist deity, which assumes as axiomatic that even inanimate phenomena also possess Buddha-nature ( feiqing foxing 非情佛性 or wuqing foxing 無情佛性). Buddhists believe that the animate ( youqing 有情), human beings and animals alike, can eventually achieve Buddhahood. As jÊtaka tales attest, sÊkyamuni experienced many births as various animals and human beings, in whose lifetimes he performed meritorious deeds leading to his nal life as a prince, during which he achieved Enlightenment and became the Buddha. Whether the inanimate could also achieve Buddhahood, as Li Gonglin believed, had been argued for centuries prior to the Northern Song among doctrinal and Chan circles. Debates on whether the inanimate could possess Buddha-nature mostly occurred during the Tang dynasty. The Sui-Tang dynasty monk Jizang 吉藏 (549–623) seems to have been the pioneer advocate of the notion that the inanimate—“grass and trees”—also possess Buddhanature.74 Within the Chan tradition Niutou Farong 牛頭法融 (594–657),


Modied from Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 37. These are Mount Wutai as the abode of MañjutrÒ (C. Wenshu 文殊), Mount Emei as the abode of Samantabhadra (C. Puxian 普賢), Mount Jiuhua as the abode of KÉitigarbha (C. Dizang 地藏), and Mount Putuo as the abode of Avalokitetvara. 74 Jizang 吉藏, Dacheng xuanlun 大乘玄論 (T. 45), juan 3, p. 40c. 73

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probably inspired by Jizang, afrmed that “inanimate grass and trees are intrinsically suited for practicing the Way (草木無情,本來合道。).”75 Farong’s famous “Green bamboo are all dharmakÊya, thriving yellow owers are all prajñÊpÊramitÊ (青青翠竹,盡是法身。郁郁黃華,無非般若。)” became the Chan motto in this debate. Disbelievers in this idea included Heze Shenhui 荷澤神會 (684–758), who maintained that Buddha-nature was limited to the animate and cited the +48ʸ# SÖtra as saying, “Those without Buddha-nature are inanimate!”76 Shenhui further afrmed that claiming green bamboo and yellow owers to be identical with dharmakÊya and prajñÊpÊramitÊ is heterodoxical.77 Tang Hongzhou Chan followers generally rejected Niutou Chan ideas, including the Buddha-nature of “grass and trees.” Mazu Daoyi’s disciple Dazhu Huihai 大珠慧海 (ca. 709–788), for instance, argued: 法身無像,應翠竹以成形;般若無知,對黃花而顯像。非彼黃花翠 竹而有般若法身。 . . . 黃花若是般若,般若其同無情,翠竹若是法 身,法身即同草木。78 Because dharmakÊya is formless, it responds in the shape of green bamboo; because prajñÊpÊramitÊ is nondiscriminative wisdom, it reveals itself in yellow owers. This is not to say that yellow owers and green bamboo possess dharmakÊya and prajñÊpÊramitÊ . . . If yellow owers are prajñÊpÊramitÊ, then prajñÊpÊramitÊ would be inanimate; if green bamboo are dharmakÊya, then dharmakÊya would be the same as grass and trees.

Caodong Chan, on the other hand, was more receptive of the Niutou Chan view on this issue. Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价 (807–869) in his “SamÊdhi Song of the Precious Mirror (Baojing sanmei ge 寶鏡三昧歌)” incorporated the Huayan concept of fusion, and stated the “inanimate preaches dharma” gongan to justify the Tiantai view that “the inanimate possesses Buddha-nature (wuqing youxing 無情有性).”79 Among the doctrinal schools, the debate was carried on as a facet of the competition between Huayan and Tiantai. Jingxi Zhanran 荊 溪湛然 (711–782) criticized the two Huayan masters Fazang 法藏 (643–712) and Chengguan 澄觀 (738–838) for their assertion that the

75 Pan Guiming 潘桂明, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng 中國禪宗思想歷程 (Beijing: Jinri Zhongguo chubanshe, 1992), p. 202. 76 Ibid., p. 162. 77 Ibid. 78 Daoyuan, Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄 (T. 51), juan 28, p. 44b. 79 Dongshan Liangjie, “Baojing sanmei ge 寶鏡三昧歌,” (T. 47), p. 515a.


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inanimate do not possess Buddha-nature.80 Fazang had cited the +48ʸ# SÖtra to explain why in Three Vehicles teaching the inanimate do not possess Buddha-nature, but then had argued the contrary, based on Rounded Teaching, that even the inanimate possess Buddha-nature.81 Zhanran cited Fazang selectively for the purpose of demonstrating Tiantai superiority. Zhanran argued, based on MÊdhyamika teaching, that if we explain Buddha-nature by way of the three Buddha bodies, we must accept that dharmakÊya is pervasive, including residing in the inanimate. In terms of shi and li, Zhanran argued, according to li there are no distinctions between animate and inanimate.82 In essence, Zhanran’s argument was not so different from the Rounded Teaching, which formed the basis of the Huayan masters’ similar opinion. Into the Song, the Tiantai view that the inanimate possess Buddha-nature was continued in Siming Zhili’s preaching. Zhili explained that the notion of the inanimate possessing dharma-nature but not the capacity to realize it was “expedient teaching (quanjiao 權教)”: the Buddha simplied his preaching for the sake of sentient beings, but in truth even the inanimate could achieve Buddhahood.83 By this time the Chan community had largely accepted the notion that the inanimate also possessed Buddha-nature and the potential to achieve Buddhahood. Many among Gonglin’s monk-friends at home incorporated wuqing foxing into their preaching and poetry. Baiyun Shouduan discarded the earlier Hongzhou Chan conviction and proclaimed during a preaching session: 情與無情盡向柱杖頭上,作大獅子吼,演說摩訶大般若。84 Both animate and inanimate congregate at the head of my staff to utter the great lion’s roar and preach the great prajñÊpÊramitÊ.

His disciple Wuzu Fayan, when residing in Taiping Monastery 太平寺, preached to his own disciples: 山河大地是佛,草木叢林是佛。若也未識這個舌頭,只成小脫空自 謾去。85

80 Chengguan, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishu yanyichao 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 (T. 37), juan 37, pp. 280a, b. 81 Fazang 法藏, Huayanjing tanxuanji 華嚴經探玄記 (T. 35), juan 16, pp. 405c–6a. 82 Jingxi Zhanran, Zhiguan puxing chuanhong jue 止觀輔行傳弘訣 (T. 46), juan 1–2, pp. 151c–52a. 83 Zongxiao, Siming Zunzhe jiaoxing lu 四明尊者教行錄 (T. 46), juan 4, p. 890b. 84 Chuning 處凝 et al., eds., Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi yulu (XZJ 120), juan shang, p. 191a. 85 Cailiang 才良 et al., eds., Fayan Chanshi yulu (T. 47), juan zhong, p. 652b.

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Mountains, rivers, and the earth are Buddhas; weeds, woods, and bushes are Buddhas. If you have not understood my tongue, you will only achieve the lesser liberation and scorn yourself.

As a Caodong patriarch, Touzi Yiqing 投子義青 (1032–1083) was comfortable using traditional Caodong wuqing vocabulary in his preaching and poetry, most notably evoking “the stone maiden (shinü 石女)” and “the wooden man (muren 木人).”86 In a poem inscribed on a portrait of Yang Jie, Yiqing similarly wrote, “Where the goldnches chirp, wooden chickens y (金鶯啼處木雞飛).”87 There could be no clearer statement that, between animate and inanimate, there was neither distinction nor difference. The inanimate personages “stone maiden” and “wooden man” also appear in Li Chongyuan’s preface to Touzi Yiqing’s Yulu, attesting Chongyuan’s familiarity with this Longmian Chan idiom and his understanding of the Caodong feiqing foxing concept.88 In light of this background, the name Necklace Cliff hints at Li’s belief in the wuqing foxing concept. Su Che’s poem on this site takes up the same concept: a many-branched waterfall (i.e., water) is the necklace of a bodhisattva, and mountains can be contemplated as manifestations of TathÊgata. The two men must also have thought of Su Shi’s famous gÊthÊ, in which mountains and rivers on Mount Lu are Buddhist deities:89 溪聲便是長廣舌, 山色豈非清靜身; 夜來八萬四千偈, 他日如何舉似人 ? 90

The murmuring brook is the Buddha’s long, broad tongue, And is not the shapely mountain the Body of Purity? Through the night I listen to eighty-four thousand gÊthÊs, When dawn breaks, how will I explain it to others?

86 Zijue 自覺 et al., eds., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan xia, pp. 237c–d, 240d–41a. For discussion of the signicance of shinü and muren in Caodong preaching, see Ishii ShÖdÔ石井修道, SÔdai ZenshÖshi no kenkyÖ宋代禪宗史の研究 (Tokyo: DaitÔ shuppansha, 1978), p. 223. 87 Zijue 自覺 et al., eds., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu (XZJ 124), juan shang, p. 232a. 88 Li Chongyuan, “Shuzhou Touzi Qing Chanshi yulu xu 舒州投子青禪師語錄 序,” (XZJ 124), p. 222a. 89 For discussion of the circumstance under which Su Shi wrote this poem, see Beata Grant, Mount Lu Revisited; Buddhism in the Life and Writings of Su Shih (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), p. 125. Upper case supplied in stanza 2. 90 Su Shi, “Zeng Donglin Zong Zhanglao (贈東林總長老 Presented to Abbot Zong of Donglin)”. Translation follows Grant, Mount Lu Revisited, p. 125.


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As a MahÊyÊna bodhisattva practitioner, Li embraced the Rounded Teaching principle of Huayan and the MÊdhyamika principle of Tiantai. These principles resolved the animate-inanimate duality. Bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation likewise afrms feiqing foxing, because Pure Land sÖtras state that in the Western Paradise are precious trees capable of preaching the dharma. Precious Blossom Cliff (Baohua Yan 寶華巖) Beyond the waterfall imagined as an adornment of a Buddhist deity (and by extension the mountain as the deity), stands the rock formation that Li Gonglin named Precious Blossom Cliff (Fig. 1J ). Harrist has suggested that baohua could refer to “heavenly canopies, the Buddha’s throne, or the owers on which bodhisattvas stand.”91 Judging from its shape and position—a semicircular cliff wall—Li Gonglin most likely imagined this natural formation as the canopy of a Buddhist deity. He painted it as a backdrop for three literati engaged in characteristic literati activities. One is reading; one seemingly lost in thoughts, whether Buddhist or mundane, that he is about to write; the third supervises two servants who are gathering wild greens, which, according to Su Che’s poem, will be cooked in a newly discovered Shang-dynasty ding tripod.92 In any case, imagining a natural rock cliff as the canopy of a Buddhist deity further attested his belief in feiqing foxing, and the idea of naming a site as the backdrop of a Buddhist deity further enhanced the Pure Land aura of the Mountain Villa. Avalokiteuvara Cliff (Guanyin Yan 觀音巖) Li Gonglin could hardly evoke the Pure Land more unequivocally than by naming a site in his villa as the abode of Avalokitetvara (Fig. 1B). Su Che’s poem on this site reads: 依崖開翠屏, 臨潭置苔石。 有所獨無人, 君心得不得 ?

91 92 93

Leaning against the cliff opens an emerald screen, Next to the deep pool he [Li] arranges a mossy rock. A location, but without a person [on the rock], Does your Mind comprehend this?93

Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 42. For an evocative description and analysis of this scene, see ibid. Translation modied from Harrist, ibid.

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Su Che rst describes the site, matching Li Gonglin’s depiction as seen in several copies of Longmian Mountain Villa, except for turning Li’s stone bench into a mossy rock. A mossy rock between a cliff and water is reminiscent of Song depictions of Avalokitetvara’s Potalaka. With the orescence of Chan and of the Huayan “GandhavyÖha,” this style of Guanyin became pervasive. The renowned Chan master Foguo Weibai 佛國惟白 (1057–1117) illustrated the South Sea Guanyin in his Wenshu zhinan tuzan 文殊指南圖贊, derived from the “GandhavyÖha,” and his depiction of Potalaka is similar to Li Gonglin’s environmental arrangement—a body of water, a seat (rock or bench), and a cliff as backdrop (Fig. 2). This setting became standard for depictions of both WaterMoon and White-robed Guanyin in paintings and sculptures, and was followed by such later painters as Muxi 牧溪 (act. mid-thirteenth c.). A contemporary of Foguo Weibai and an ardent believer in and illustrator of the Avataμsaka SÖtra, Li Gonglin was surely aware of the way that Potalaka had been pictorialized. He simulated the setting in his villa, but why did he leave the site unoccupied? Su Che devoted the last two sentences of his poem to the unoccupied rock (bench), implying that Li purposely left the bench empty to see if visitors to his villa and viewers of this scroll could comprehend his intention. The signicance of Avalokitetvara may be deduced from his recorded painting of a manifestation of the deity and his rare recorded inscription on that painting. On this image of Avalokita-ivara (Guanzizai pusa 觀自在菩薩), the painter refuted the common misconception of xiang 相: 世以破坐為自在。自在在心,不在相。94 The world regards casual postures as the manifestation of zizai [“naturalness,” “non-pretentiousness”], but [I believe] zizai resides in one’s Mind, not in the xiang [“images,” “external phenomena”].

That zizai resides within is a consistent theme of his Mountain Villa, and echoes his friend Wuzu Fayan’s comment on portrait paintings: 以相取相, 都成虛妄。 以真求真, 轉見不親。95

If one beholds phenomena from an image, What one sees is baseless and false. If one seeks truth from a portrait, One is farther away from it.

94 Deng Chun, Huaji 畫繼 (in Yu Anlan, ed., Huashi congshu [Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1960], juan 3, p. 13a. 95 Cailiang 才良 et al., eds., Fayan Chanshi yulu (T. 47), juan 3, p. 666b.


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Both men punned on xiang (which can mean both phenomena and illusion) in reference to the Buddhist teaching of illusion and intrinsic Emptiness. To Li Gonglin, “zizai resides in one’s Mind” referred to a state of Enlightenment not constrained or confused by phenomenal forms. In this context, it seems that he intentionally left his garden bench (or mossy rock) unoccupied to test whether visitors to his villa recognized the dichotomy between “Self-Mind” and the external phenomenal world, and that the unoccupied bench or rock was indeed the abode of Guanyin. Seeking zizai further reminds us of the signicance of the site name for his main residence: Lodge of Establishing Virtue. In Zhuangzi, “Establishing Virtue,” was an imagined city-state peopled entirely with unpretentious and unschooled persons of innate virtue who lived in accordance with their destiny. Such “naturalness” was integral to Chan. In naming the sites in his Mountain Villa, Li intellectualized nature by locating it within the context of Buddhist ontology, thereby turning the sites into a statement of his faith and a multidimensional gongan for his visitors to apprehend. Peak of Accumulated Gems (Baoji Feng 寶積峰) Harrist notes that the Peak of Accumulated Gems (Fig. 1K ) is the only “major site identied by a cartouche for which Su Che wrote no poem.”96 The reason, he surmises, is that this peak lay outside Li Gonglin’s property.97 If so, Li must have had reason to include this site in his painting. Resembling Bryce Canyon in Utah, the fractured sedimentary rock that makes up Li’s Peak of Accumulated Gems appears like a carefully piled-up pyramid of boulders. We do not know the location of the Peak of Accumulated Gems, or even whether the Longmian area contains such a rock formation. The actual site of Longmian Mountain Villa has not been located, and this author’s 1995 research trip to the region turned up geological formations entirely different from those in Bryce Canyon. To create this painted scene, Li must have reimagined the natural scenery to suit the site name and its implications. The term baoji (“accumulated gems”) is both a category of the Tripi¢aka and part of the title of an important “sÖtra”—the Da Baojijing 大寶積經 (Great SÖtra of Accumulated Gems). 96 97

Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 43. Ibid.

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Rather than a sÖtra in the traditional sense, the Da Baojijing is more accurately described as a composite text, consisting of sections of sÖtras as translated by monks who lived from the Eastern Han (such as Jiaye Moteng 迦葉摩騰 and Zhufalan 竺法蘭, supposedly the rst Indian monks to have gone to China to propagate Buddhism in the rst century C.E.) into the Tang (such as Xuanzang 玄奘 [ca. 602–664] and Bodhiruci 菩提流支 [act. 693–713]). The text, in 120 fascicles, compiled in 713 by Bodhiruci, includes descriptions of forty-nine congregations, or gatherings, between the Buddha and his disciples and bodhisattvas, which took place in various locations. Thus the title of this “sÖtra” matches its put-together contents, which in turn matches Li’s organized pile of gem-like rocks. The match between the name of the text and the name and look of the painted site is probably not coincidence. Bodhiruci also wrote Exposition on the Great SÖtra of Accumulated Gems (Da Baojijing lun 大寶積經論) which explains the term baoji in the title: 大乘法寶中,一切諸法差別義攝取故。所有大乘法寶中,諸法差別相 者,彼盡攝取義故。名曰寶積。一聚、二積、三陰、四合和。98 Because this text indiscriminately takes in all dharma with imperfect meanings, and because it absorbs from all treasures of MahÊyÊna, including those emphasizing differentiations, that is why this sÖtra is named Accumulated Gems. First, it gathers, second, it accumulates, third, it protects, and fourth, it unites and synthesizes.

Unlike certain sÖtras that were intended only for MahÊyÊna bodhisattva practitioners and even condemn the two “Lesser” Vehicles, the SÖtra of Accumulated Gems accepts all Three Vehicles, encourages lay devotees (zaijia pusa 在家菩薩) to embark on the bodhisattva path, and instructs them on their conduct during cultivation.99 Had Li not accepted its teaching, he is not likely to have incorporated a site named after it into the iconography of his villa. Surpassing Gold Cliff (Shengjin Yan 勝金巖) Albeit some of Li’s site names have no Buddhist connotations, the activities shown taking place in those sites were Buddhist-related; the gathering at Surpassing Gold Cliff is one example (Fig. 1C). Li’s

98 99

Bodhiruci, Da Baojijing lun 大寶積經論 (T. 26), p. 204a. See, for example, T. 11, pp. 16a, b.


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depiction comprises nine men in scholars’ caps, two monks, and a servant boy. The scholar at extreme right, partly facing other members of the assembly, is most likely lecturing. His feather fan recalls Li’s description of himself carrying a zhuwei feather fan to travel in the Longmian Mountains. Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa was a favorite destination of the Longmian Chan circle—Guo Xiangzheng and most likely Yang Jie, Baiyun Shouduan, Touzi Yiqing, Wuzu Fayuan, Touzi Xiuyong, Touzi Honglian, Touzi Huiyun, and others.100 On the at terrace backed by Surpassing Gold Cliff, some part of this imposing roster have gathered. Gatherings in the mountains between Confucian scholars and Buddhist clerics reected a long Chinese tradition beginning in the Eastern Jin (317–420) and Six Dynasties (228–589). Pioneers of the tradition included Zhidun 支遁 (314–366) and Xu Xun 許詢 (4th c.), who at Kuaiji 會稽, in present-day Zhejiang province, simulated the debate between VimalakÒrti and MañjutrÒ, and Huiyuan (334–416), who preached the saving power of AmitÊbha to a large number of followers in the vicinity of Mount Lu in present-day Jiangxi province. In later Chinese Buddhist history Huiyuan’s endeavor was particularly cited as proof of the early harmonious relationship between erudite monks and intelligentsia. Huiyuan’s Donglin Monastery became a center of Buddhist learning and study of Confucian Classics. By the late Tang, the Six Dynasties Daoist Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (ca. 406–477) was incorporated into the Donglin tradition to bolster the legend of “the harmony of the three creeds” in Huiyuan’s circle. “The Three Laughers,” a painting genre developed during the Five Dynasties, included Huiyuan, Tao Yuanming, and Lu Xiujing and showed the monk Huiyuan as foremost in the effort to effect rapprochement between the Three Religions. During the Song the harmony between Confucianism and Buddhism was even stronger and more pervasive. Recent studies by Robert Gimello have demonstrated that Confucian scholars such as Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1121) were proponents of Huayan philosophy, and Buddhist monks such as Fayun Faxiu (1027–1090) garnered the support of many renowned scholars in the capital, including Li Gonglin. The social mingling of monks and literati gave rise to the painting genre


See discussion in Chapter One on Li Gonglin and the Longmian Chan circle.

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called “Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden.”101 Beata Grant has also examined the interactions between Su Shi and many Chan monks, while Chi-chiang Huang has demonstrated the Pure Land faith and monastic associations of many Song Confucian scholars.102 This author’s study of the Longmian Chan circle in Chapter One showed Chan monks not only relying heavily on Confucian principles in ordering and managing the monasteries, but also joining Confucian scholars in literary gatherings and religious pursuits. What happened in Longmian was actually a microcosm of the prevailing trend during the Song. Huiyuan’s followers on Mount Lu were famous for appreciating scenic beauty, for their penchant for traveling in nature, and for their concept of nature as a sacred site where Buddha and bodhisattvas assist devotees toward Enlightenment. An ardent proponent of practicing Buddhism in nature,103 Zong Bing 宗炳 (375–443), a nature lover and Huiyuan’s faithful follower, in his Essay on Illuminating Buddhism (Ming fo lun 明佛論) mentioned this precise point: 史遷之述五帝也,皆云生而神靈。 . . . 懿淵疏通,其智如神。既以類 大乘菩薩化現而生者也。居軒轅之丘,登崆峒、陟三岱。104 The historian [Sima] Qian recorded the Five Emperors, saying that they were all born with divine nature. . . . Their virtues were profound and widely known, and their wisdom was as bright as that of gods. This is

101 Robert Gimello, “Marga and Culture: Learning, Letters, and Liberation in Northern Sung Ch’an,” in Paths to Liberation: The Marga and Its Transformations in Buddhist Thought, ed. Robert Buswell and Robert Gimello (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1992), p. 384. 102 Huang Qijiang [Chi-chiang Huang] 黃啟江, “Bei Song shiqi liang Zhe di Mituo xinyang 北宋時期兩浙的彌陀信仰 (AmitÊbha Faith in the Zhejiang region during the Northern Song),” Gugong xueshu jikan 故宮學術季刊, vol. 14, no. 1 (1996), pp. 1–38. 103 Luo Zongqiang, Xuanxue yu Wei Jin shiren xintai 玄學與魏晉士人心態 (Pure Talk and the Mentality of the Wei and Jin Gentry Class) (Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1992), pp. 346–56. This popular aspect of the gentry lifestyle ourished in the Zhejiang and Jiangxi areas. In Zhejiang the most famous example was the relationship between the monk Zhidun and Xu Xun. They traveled in Kuaiji and their debates on the VimalakÒrtinirdeua SÖtra, emulating the layman VimalakÒrti and bodhisattva MañjutrÒ, drew huge crowds. Zhidun and Xu’s companionship became a popular painting subject during the Ming dynasty; one such work by Lan Ying 藍瑛 is in the Cleveland Museum of Art (see Wai-kam Ho, et al., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City, and The Cleveland Museum of Art [Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art and Indiana University Press, 1980], cat. no. 196, p. 253). In Jiangxi this practice was led by Huiyuan. The poem by Zhang Ye quoted in Chapter Four, for example, was written to match “You Lushan (Traveling in Mount Lu)” by Huiyuan (T. 51), juan 4, pp. 1042b–c. 104 Zong Bing, Mingfo lun, in Hongming ji (T. 52), juan 2, p. 12b.


chapter two similar to those MahÊyÊna bodhisattvas who manifest themselves [in this world]; they live in the hills of Xuanyuan, climb Kongtong, and ascend the Sandai [Mountains].

Here Zong combined Chinese myth and legend with the Buddhist concept of metamorphosis, believing that Buddhas and bodhisattvas manifest themselves in mountains to transform sentient beings. In the same essay he expressed admiration for Huiyuan as a Buddhist saint who manifested himself in the mountains to guide people, transforming Mount Lu into a holy site or a Pure Land to which Zong Bing was drawn.105 In their view of nature’s function in religious practice, Li Gonglin and Zong Bing had much in common. Li transformed the earthly world into an idealized Buddhist realm, alluding to Buddhist deities and philosophy in the site names at his Mountain Villa. Li’s threefold Buddhist faith (Chan, Huayan and Tiantai) emphasized paying homage to and consulting kalyʸamitra (benecial and enlightened friends; shanyou 善友). In his youth and after retirement Li traversed the Longmian region with fellow Buddhists to visit nearby monasteries and practice Buddhism in nature. He must have admired the preeminent monks in his hometown and possibly identied those living in the mountains as Buddhist saints and bodhisattvas altruistically helping others toward salvation. Reassessing the Identity of Longmian Mountain Villa: an Earthly Paradise While Confucian scholars in the Song capitals were building their walled gardens, associating garden site names with Confucian worthies, morality and ideologies, and engaging or attempting to engage in worldly affairs as prescribed by Confucian ideology, Li Gonglin built his Mountain Villa far from the city and from the business of government, not as a political sanctuary but as a Buddhist sanctuary. Li delayed his government service for almost ten years in order to devote his energy to Buddhist learning and to construct his villa according to his religious beliefs and practice. Given these major differences, it is important to address the identity and meaning of Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa to


Ibid., p. 16a.

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himself, to the Three Lis of Longmian, and to their companions in the region. Many site names in the Villa are intentional conundrums, directed at visitors. Lodge of Establishing Virtue ( Jiande Guan), for example, would require visitors rst to identify its literary source, then its connotations, and nally to recognize the association with MahÊyÊna bodhisattva naturalness and unpretentiousness, as epitomized by Hongzhou Chan. Thus intellectualizing and ontologizing sites in his villa paralleled the Chan gongan teaching method ourishing in the Longmian region; it also drew visitors into dialogue. These sites—their names, functions, and appearances—also transformed the Mountain Villa not only into a version of the Western Paradise, and a place for preaching and practicing universal compassion, but also into the abodes or the very manifestations of Buddhist deities. Li Gonglin transformed his property into an earthly paradise. His villa, imagined as the earthly paradise, was lled with esteemed Chan masters and the Tiantai Pure Land advocates he admired. He most likely regarded them, as had Zong Bing of the Six Dynasties, as bodhisattvas who manifested themselves in this world to assist sentient beings, including himself. He and the Mountain Villa he created were profoundly inuenced by the Longmian Chan community, with its interweaving of Huayan and Tiantai Pure Land beliefs. The terms “natural garden” and “paradise garden,” discussed by Lothar Ledderose, can be applied to Li Gonglin’s melding of nature and faith.106 His villa was designed in accordance with the natural scene and reected the naturalness and unpretentiousness of his religious principles. Ever since Pure Land cultivation became popular in the Tang, Chinese Buddhists began to create ritual sites suited to their practices, a trend that culminated in the Song. Li’s villa, with its multiple Pure Land references, can be considered a Pure Land garden. As a MahÊyÊna bodhisattva practitioner, Li followed the teachings of nonduality, nonabiding, and nondifferentiation. To cultivate his bodhisattva virtue, he relied on the Tiantai method, which required him to construct his ritual site, Hut of Secret Perfection, as a two-chambered structure for the joint cultivation of primary (visualization) and auxiliary (all other

106 Ledderose, “The Earthly Paradise: Religious Elements in Chinese Landscape Art,” pp. 165–83.


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nine procedures) practices. In addition to these obvious connections to his penance ritual, we should also consider broader aspects of Li’s bodhisattva life. The Five Dynasties and early Northern Song monk Yongming Yanshou emphasized a list of bodhisattva precepts, which included invoking the name of AmitÊbha; studying and propagating MahÊyÊna doctrines; listening to, reciting, preaching, and copying scriptures; circumambulating Buddhist images; offering incense and owers; chanting and intoning praises; lighting candles; helping sick animals; releasing captive animals back to nature; observing a regular schedule of practice; cultivating Pure Land by following bodhisattva conduct and vowing to be reborn in SukhÊvatÒ; creating and installing Buddhist images; building monasteries; releasing servants to become monks and nuns; providing food and housing to clergy; offering private land as ower and fruit gardens for use in rituals and worship; observing lial piety; seeking guidance from kalyʸamitra; practicing penance rituals; and self-immolation (which Yanshou considered essential for clergy). Derived from MahÊyÊna sÖtras, these deeds formed a structure of morality and routine practice for clergy and lay devotees and captured the interest and support of lay society. Yanshou’s list was enormously popular and earnestly followed by Song-dynasty Buddhists. We do not know whether Li Gonglin practiced all of its precepts, but many of his activities accorded with required bodhisattva conduct and he no doubt was scrupulously careful not to violate any principle. This attitude had tremendous impact on his personality development and his chosen lifestyle. As Harrist has shown, Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa inherited rich traditions of literati and eremitic culture in China. This chapter has demonstrated how his Mountain Villa was also the product of local Longmian Chan inuence. Examining Longmian Mountain Villa from this perspective, we may understand the effect of the Longmian Chan circle on the artist and his subsequent transformation of his property into a Buddhist Pure Land that embodied key Buddhist ontological concepts in his faith and religious practices. His Buddhist sanctuary was his Pure Land.


LI GONGLIN, AN EARLY CHINESE CHAN PAINTER Perceptions of Chan Painting Murals on the walls of monasteries in the two Tang capitals, Chang’an and Luoyang, and at major Buddhist pilgrimage sites such as Dunhuang, represented a pinnacle in Chinese Buddhist painting. Beginning in the Tang and continuing into the Song, with Chan widely popular and penetratingly inuential in Chinese society, and with Buddhism becoming ever more sinicized, Buddhist art began to diversify. Chan history and literature engendered a major departure from traditional Buddhist art, while Chan-doctrinal syncretism opened a wide spectrum of new possibilities. Chan subjects coexisted with traditional sÖtra illustrations, doctrinal pantheons, and numerous freshly sinicized Buddhist deities, marking a new chapter in Chinese Buddhist art history. The rich Chan environment that nourished Li Gonglin’s spirit also inuenced his artistic direction and stimulated him to investigate Chan subjects and become a pioneer in Chan art. Yet many problems beset the study of Li’s Chan art. First, Chan subjects were not considered an independent category of Buddhist art during the Northern Song, and Chan art was scorned by the inuential connoisseurs and critics of the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties.1 Consequently, Li Gonglin’s Chan oeuvre has hitherto not been properly acknowledged. Later collectors, inuenced by Southern Song and Yuan contempt, avoided Chan paintings. Chan art lay moribund until Japanese Zen art became popular in the West in the early twentieth century and stimulated inquiry into its Chinese origins. Second, due to the predominance of literati art in both past and present art-historical research, religious art in general was seldom judged on its own aesthetic merits and historical signicance.

1 The Yuan-dynasty art critic Xia Wenyan’s Tuhui baojian, for example, criticized Muxi’s (often but incorrectly: Muqi) works as “coarse, ugly and lacking of ancient methods. They are not for elegant enjoyment. (粗惡無古法,誠非雅玩。),” and noted that Liang Kai’s surviving works were “all done with coarse strokes called abbreviated brush (皆草草,謂之減筆).” See Xia Wenyan 夏文彥, Tuhui baojian 圖繪寶鑑 in Huashi congshu, ed. Yu Anlan (Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1962), juan 4, pp. 99, 104.


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The negative comments cited in the Introduction about Li Gonglin’s Buddhism are but a few out of many. Third, the syncretism between Chan and other schools of Buddhism (as in the Longmian Chan environment), and the intermingling of their philosophies and scriptures, blur the boundaries and scope of Chan art. We are further hindered by the paucity of material evidence; as Jan Fontein has lamented: “Our vision of the early Ch’an art, however, is bound to remain unclear, for we can only base our judgment on the few isolated works of art which chance has preserved for us.”2 Those few reliable works referred to by Fontein are Southern Song in date and origin. No original Chinese painting depicting Chan subject matter and predating the Southern Song is known to have survived.3 The absence of extant original Chan paintings of Northern Song date deprives us of the chance to discern Chan aesthetic proclivities. We then compound these irremediable deciencies by thinking about Chan painting in Japanese Zen terms, thereby overemphasizing the relationships between Chan painting and yipin 逸品 (“untrammeled” style) painting (which evolved into wangliang hua 魍魎畫, “apparitional painting”). All these hindrances have given rise to a host of perceptions that somehow bound the denition, function, purpose, philosophical meaning, and subject matter of Chan painting to the yipin style. Li Gonglin’s role in early Chan visual culture would be difcult to study without rst dispelling these misperceptions. Scholars are nominally aware that several painting styles of equal importance were employed by painters focusing on Chan subjects, but for most scholars this awareness has been submerged by the popularity of the post-1600 Zen painting phenomenon.4 Furthermore, while cautioning students not to overemphasize the yipin style in Chan art, they often contradict their own admonitions by imputing to the yipin style the function, spirituality, meaning, and distinctive modes of expression of Chan painting, thus relegating Chan paintings in other styles

2 Jan Fontein and Money L. Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970), p. XXII. 3 I disagree with some scholars’ assessment that one painting by Guanxiu and another by Shike are early examples of Chan art. See discussion later in this chapter. Danxia fang Pang Jushi (Danxia Visits the Layman Pang), formerly in the Kaikodo collection (now in a Japanese collection), is attributed to Li Gonglin. See discussion later in this chapter. 4 Stephen Addiss has remarked on the linking of Zen painting with the yipin style as a post-1600 phenomenon. For further discussion, see Addiss, The Art of Zen, Painting and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks, 1600–1925 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1989), p. 18.

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to secondary importance. This would be valid had Northern Song Chinese Chan painters and their audience also perceived Chan art in the same way, but they did not. Helmut Brinker notes: It is certain that there is no such thing as a unied Zen style of painting: there are no generally valid formal guidelines, nor is there an established iconographic canon for artists to draw upon; and even the identication of the spontaneous, suggestive, and abbreviated ink painting practiced in China since the thirteenth century and in Japan since the fourteenth with ‘Zen painting’ is too simple and one-sided, not to say misleading.5

But Brinker also wrote: The Zen quest for spiritual enlightenment is adequately expressed in a simple, unassuming composition of two stalky bare trees and a wagtail perched alert on a weathered rock. The concept of religious insight as revealed in all natural manifestations appears to have dictated the artist’s immediacy in the spare, expressive rendering of his subject with a few dry, broadly rounded brushstrokes.6

In Two Birds and Autumn Willows attributed to Liang Kai in the Beijing Palace Museum,7 the simple, unassuming composition, the abbreviated, rounded, spontaneously swift brush idiom, ink monochrome and ambiguous, evocative atmosphere—characteristics of yipin style—together can, according to Brinker, create a painting capable of conveying religious insights. Fontein writes: To work in ink monochrome rather than in colors would seem to be in keeping with the [Chan] spirit of simplicity, and to reduce the many colors of the phenomenal world to the values of gray and black was a method which certainly had an essential afnity with [Chan] ideas.8

But he issued this caveat: It has been taken for granted too often that the search for enlightenment and the desire for artistic expression can be equated, and that the attainment of enlightenment and artistic inspiration are experiences of a similar kind.9

5 Helmut Brinker, Zen in the Art of Painting, trans. George Campbell (London, and New York: Arkana, 1987), p. 20. 6 Ibid., p. 42. 7 For an illustration, see FuXinian 傅熹年, ed. Liang Song huihua: Zhongguo meishu quanji 兩宋繪畫/中國美術全集, vol. 2 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), plates 66–67. 8 Fontein and Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, p. XXII. 9 Ibid., p. XIX.


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James Cahill writes: The fact that the rise to popularity of the new painting styles, including the rough manners of brushwork and ink monochrome, was contemporary with the popularization of [Chan,] may be responsible for the oftenencountered exaggerations of the closeness of relationship between the two movements. [Chan] was no more responsible for ink monochrome painting than it was for [Chan;] the new styles were [not only] employed by [Chan] artists, but also (and earlier) by Confucian literati, [ Daoist] recluses, and the masters of landscape about whose broader beliefs we know nothing at all. There is no reason to suppose that [Shike] was personally committed to [Chan;] he painted [ Daoist,] orthodox Buddhist and secular subjects as well.10

Yet on another occasion, in examining Two Patriarchs Harmonizing Their Minds attributed to Shike, Cahill asserted: This manner of painting matches literary descriptions of [Shike’s] style, and belongs to the [ yipin] tradition in its violent rejection of orthodox ne-line-and-color-wash technique. With its air of spontaneity, it suited the needs of [Chan,] and the future development of [Chan] painting lay chiey in successive transformations of the “untrammeled” styles.11

Echoing Brinker’s statement, Cahill further argued that the use of jianbi 減筆 (abbreviated brush method) was necessary for revealing Chan’s “single reality,” “which cannot be conveyed by translating [it] into intellectual concepts of ordinary discourse.” Therefore, a Chan painter “typically denes his subject only at a few key points, leaving the rest ambiguous, suggestive rather than descriptive.”12 The Japanese scholar Kinoshita Masao 木下正雄 similarly argues that yipin style painting was integral to Chan painting, and that this style is the opposite of the “orthodox school” in China.13 He further 10

James Cahill, Chinese Painting (Switzerland: Skira, 1960), p. 47. Ibid. 12 Ibid., pp. 96–98. The full citation of the passage quoted in the main text is as follows: “The Ch’an painter’s awareness of a single reality underlying the seemingly disjunct phenomena of nature is communicated with the same immediacy as the truths of the Ch’an doctrine, which cannot be conveyed by translating them into intellectual concepts of ordinary discourse and expecting the listener to translate them back into something like the original impulse. The Ch’an artist typically denes his subject only at a few key points, leaving the rest ambiguous, suggestive rather than descriptive. The viewer completes the image, as the Ch’an novice pieces out by intuition the cryptic utterance of the master.” 13 ChÖji Tadashi 橫田忠司. “JÔrai zenshÖ kaiga no nagare 請來禪宗繪畫の流 れ (Schools of imported Chan painting),” in Kinoshita Masao 木下政雄, ed., ZenshÖ 11

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asserts that the wangliang hua style embodies a departure from the standard (realism) toward the simplied and untrammeled, and that the yi (“untrammeled”) is necessarily related to Zen ontology.14 Dietrich Seckel states: Since a Zen work, in contrast to the art of other Buddhist schools, has its function not in cult, ritual and ceremonial veneration, it is meant to transmit the “spirit” and the tradition of [sÊkyamuni]’s and the great masters’ message, to give a stimulus, encouragement, adhortation, sometimes a shock—and this change of function requires a specic iconography and suitable stylistic forms.15

Seeing Chan as a rebellion against traditional Buddhism, Seckel echoes the views of Cahill, Brinker, Fontein, and Kinoshita, that Chan “had necessarily to develop a largely different set or system of artistic methods, techniques, forms and styles” inspired mainly by “non-Buddhist, unorthodox art.” Thus, “in contrast to classic Buddhist art, [Chan art] became an expression or confession of personal spiritual experience.”16 Likewise, when discussing Guanxiu’s use of the yipin style, Fontein asserts: “It is quite conceivable . . . that a [Chan] artist, reared in an atmosphere where the authority of the canonical texts of Buddhism was emphatically rejected, would adopt a method of painting which deliberately deviated from the classical precept of ‘delity to the object in portraying forms’.”17 Some extant Southern Song and Yuan Chan paintings seem to exemplify the theory that Chan painting style expressed Chan rejection of “orthodox” tradition. But this modern theory assumes that, from the Southern Song on (or from the Five Dynasties on, according to Fontein)18 the yipin style was consciously employed by Chan painters as the style specically suitable for echoing Chan ideologies. This assumption is problematic. As James Cahill has eloquently demonstrated in his

no bijutsu: Bokuseki to ZenshÖ kaiga 禪宗の美術: 墨跡と禪宗繪畫. Tokyo: GakushÖ kenkyÖsha, p. 165. 14 Ibid., p. 168. 15 Dietrich Seckel, “Zen Art,” in Zen in China, Japan, East Asian Art: Papers of the International Symposium on Zen, Zurich University, 16.–18.11.1982, ed. H. Brinker, R.P. Kramers, and C. Ouwehand (Berne, Frankfurt am Main, and New York: Peter Lang, 1982), p. 106. 16 Ibid., p. 104. 17 Fontein and Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, p. XIX. 18 Ibid.


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discussion of Shike, the identities and motivations of many painters cannot be determined, regardless of the temptation to “read the minds” of the artists. Shimada ShÖjirÔ 島田修二郎 has indicated that literati as well as Chan painters favored the yipin style; furthermore, several “Chan styles” coexisted (non-yipin style works were not necessarily less signicant than those in yipin style); and nally, Chan masters themselves do not seem to have been biased against non-yipin style paintings. The renowned Southern Song Chan master Wuzhun Shifan 無準師範 (1177–1249) inscribed a professionally produced, realistic portrait of himself for his Japanese disciple Enni Ben’en,19 and also inscribed an yipin style painting of a man riding on a donkey,20 now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Had the yipin style been considered so deeply imbued with Chan spirituality as many twentieth-century art historians assume, Wuzhun Shifan would probably have had his formal portrait painted in that style to reveal his sectarian identity, especially since the gift of the painting to Enni signied transmission of his lineage. Part of the myth about Chan painting was derived from Chan slogans: no dependency on “written words (wenzi 文字),” transmission of the teaching outside the doctrinal tradition, iconoclasm, and, frequently described in early Chan texts, the eccentricity of Chan masters. In reality, however, Chan never abandoned scriptures, the use of wenzi, or traditional Buddhist icons. Chan favored certain sÖtras, relied on certain poetic forms for training, and in Chan monasteries the Buddha Hall continued to be a major architectural component. Chan was at the same time establishing rules and regulations that entailed rigorous practices of many years’ duration. In other words, eccentricity existed largely as a concept in Chan pursuit of reality. Mistaking the slogans for a monolithic Chan reality paved the way for the misperception that the advent of yipin style in Chan art was a historical necessity born of Chan’s unique and profound method of Enlightenment. During the Tang, when Chan painters rst produced paintings, they had to do not with Chan spirituality (discussed below), but with internal power struggles. During the Northern Song, when Chan painting became popular, yipin style painting was practiced as much (or more) by the literati as by Chan Buddhists. Li Gonglin, a devoted painter of Chan 19 For an illustration, see Fong, Wen C. Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy 8th to 14th Century (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), g. 151. 20 For an illustration, see ibid., pl. 76.

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subjects, was incapable of limiting himself to the expression of, in Cahill’s words, a “single [Chan] reality.” Li’s “orthodox” ne-line baimiao style in Five Tribute Horses and his color-wash technique in Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan both represented his oeuvre. The seeds of these misperceptions seem to have been unwittingly sown by Shimada ShÖjirÔ, whose early twentieth-century study of the yipin style and its later manifestation, wangliang hua, inspired subsequent scholarship. Shimada’s pioneering research revealed that the rst mention of yipin style appeared in a Tang classication text on calligraphy: Li Sizhen’s 李嗣真 (?–696) Shu houpin 書後品 dened yipin calligraphy as “a superlative, innate talent which could not be obtained [with study or practice],” and described “transcendental yipin” as transcending the ordinary classication of three classes and nine grades.21 Likewise, Zhu Jingxuan 朱景玄 (rst half of ninth c.) in his Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名 畫錄 (Record of Famous Paintings of the Tang Dynasty) noted that yipin artists could not be conned within the bounds of ordinary technique.22 To highlight the uniqueness of yipin, Shimada distinguished it from more conventional, or “orthodox” aesthetics as embodied in the Six Laws of Xie He suggesting that yipin painters had abandoned three of the Six Laws: “bone method in use of brush (骨法用筆),” “delity to the object in portraying forms (應物象形),” and “conformity to [category] in applying colors ( 隨類賦彩).”23 This comparison set up the binary contrast between “realism” and “expressionism,” to borrow Western art terminology, and yipin was understood as the “unorthodox” rebellion against the “orthodox” and as the eccentrics’ abandonment of conventional norms. Fontein, Cahill, Brinker, Kinoshita, and Seckel all adopted this juxtaposition in their analyses. The eccentricity of these “unorthodox” artists is made more bizarre by their method of execution. Shimada’s discussion reveals that the early yipin painter Wang Mo 王墨 (act. 806–820) would get drunk on liquor before splattering ink on the painting surface. This sudden, explosive method demonstrates unbridled freedom and spontaneity, and releases seemingly uncontrollable, impulsive creative energy. Wang even used his own hair for a paintbrush, and smeared ink with his hand. Nearly

21 Shimada ShÖjirÔ, “Concerning the I-p’in Style of Painting,” trans. from Japanese by James Cahill, Oriental Art, vol. 7, no. 2 (Summer 1961), p. 66. 22 Ibid., p. 67. 23 Ibid., pp. 70, 73.


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everything he did was out of the ordinary.24 His student surnamed Gu 顧 had similar creative impulses,25 except for Gu’s last-minute touchingup to turn accidental, spontaneous, abstract forms into suggestive, representational ones. What Wang and Gu did must have been exciting to observe, equaling the Tang painter Wu Daozi’s public performance of his murals. This unorthodox, eccentric method of painting was practiced by painters of various social and religious backgrounds during the Northern Song, and, ironically, it was scholar-painters such as Su Shi and Mi Fu 米芾 (1051–1107) who more earnestly adopted the yipin style. Mi even “produced an untrammeled spirit by using sugar-cane stalks.”26 During the middle and late Northern and early Southern Song the yipin style became widespread among painters both with and without Buddhist afliations: Liu Jing 劉涇, Yang Jie 楊傑, Zuo Jian 左建, Zhang Yi 張翼, Liu Yongnian 劉永年, Gan Fengzi 甘風子, Jiao Xi 焦錫, Li Jia 李甲, and Chen Chang 陳常 were all said to have become famous for yipin style painting.27 A few points must be made about Yang Jie. At least two Northern Song artists, both scholar-ofcials, shared the name Yang Jie. The one most frequently discussed by art historians came from Wuwei to the Longmian region (both within present-day Anhui province). A devout Buddhist who had adopted Chan and Tiantai Pure Land practices, he was older than Li Gonglin and a strong inuence on him.28 The other, less famous, Yang Jie was known for yipin style painting. He was native to Sichuan and seems to have passed most of his life there.29 At Mount Baoding in Sichuan a set of sculptures representing the Chan subject of ten oxen was supposed to have been based on his pictorial design.30 If the yipin style alone is an insufcient determinant of early Chan art, how then to dene early Chan art? Fontein, Hickman, and Brinker have suggested its subject matter as the criterion. What constitutes viable,


Ibid., p. 68. Ibid., p. 69. Also see Fontein and Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, p. XIX. 26 Shimada, “Concerning the I-p’in Style of Painting,” p. 24. Also see Cahill, Chinese Painting, p. 91. 27 Shimada, ibid., pp. 24–25. 28 See discussion on Yang Jie in Chapter One. 29 Deng Chun 鄧椿, Huaji 畫繼 (Yu Anlan, ed., Huashi congshu [Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1962], juan 6), p. 45. 30 Henrik Sørensen, “A Study of the ‘Ox-herding theme’ as sculptures at Mt. Baoding in Dazu County, Sichuan,” Artibus Asiae, vol. LI, no. 3/4 (1991), p. 214. 25

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accepted, and “authentic” Chan subject matter, however, is a question whose answers range widely. Most scholars in the West have adopted the Japanese answer: Chan painting ranges from the most traditional Buddhist pantheon, including the historical Buddha sÊkyamuni, bodhisattvas (including White-robed Guanyin), and arhats, to Chan eccentrics such as Budai, the Three Sages of Mount Tiantai, and the Four Sleepers, to typical literati subjects such as bamboo and orchid, to the most mundane objects such as fruits and vegetables.31 Assuming that these subjects can be considered Chan, such inclusiveness demonstrates the uidity between Chan, doctrinal, and secular literati circles, reecting the commingling of Chan with doctrinal and Confucian traditions. We should therefore recognize that a Chan painting could be oriented toward subject or ideology, or both at once, yet remain unbound by strict, narrowly dened sectarian ideology. Li Gonglin’s illustration of the Avata“saka SÖtra, though obviously an act of Huayan piety, was also Chan in nature by virtue of the quest for Enlightenment modeled in Sudhana’s pilgrimage. In the same spirit, the Chan master Foguo Weibai coupled his illustrated version of Sudhana’s pilgrimage with gÊthÊ-style poetic praises (discussed below). Li Gonglin’s choice of Chan subjects was governed by his personal interest in Buddhist ontology. The Longmian literary environment included Chan masters who were highly talented literati, engaging in literary gatherings and exchanges with such renowned scholar-ofcials as Ouyang Xiu, Li Zunxu, Yang Jie, and Guo Xiangzheng, and continuing the Chan tradition of using poetry in training disciples. Baiyun Shouduan and Touzi Yiqing devoted considerable effort to developing several Chan poetic forms, especially songgu 頌古. In their respective yulu are collections of hundreds of such poems, derived from Tang Chan dialogues and gongan; Li Gonglin used some of these locally favored subjects in his paintings. Chan-doctrinal syncretism ensured that Chan would never completely abandon Buddhist scripture. Chan adherents in fact upheld and preferred certain scriptures. Some of Li Gonglin’s illustrations of Buddhist scriptures can therefore be considered and examined in the Chan context, while others show ontology common to both Chan and doctrinal traditions. The precise number of Chan paintings he produced is unknown, but records show that he painted

31 See, for example, Brinker’s discussion in the chapter “Zen Iconography: Themes and Genres,” in his Zen in the Art of Painting, pp. 46–144.


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more than any of his contemporaries, including portraits of Chan masters Foyin Liaoyuan, Jingyin Jingzhao, and Fayun Faxiu; Chan encounter paintings (the specic content and number of works are not recorded); gongan (Danxia Visits Layman Pang); events in Chan history (Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe), new forms of Buddhist deities (Guanyin, Straw-robed MañjutrÒ), illustrations of sÖtras favored by Chan adherents (VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra [ Jin’gang banruo jing 金剛般若經], VimalakÒrti-nirdeua SÖtra), and famous Tang Chan personalities (Xuansha Gazing at Fish). Most of these are known today only as recorded titles, with the exceptions of Danxia Visits Layman Pang (preserved in a later copy), Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin (ve extant copies), and White Lotus Society Picture (the focus of Chapters Four and Five). Due to the paucity of visual materials, discussing Li Gonglin’s Chan art from a strictly formalistic perspective is exceedingly difcult, if not impossible. Here I shall focus on a few paintings of Chan subjects and their intricate historical content, namely Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe, Xuansha Gazing at Fish, and Danxia Visits Layman Pang. I shall attempt to identify within them elements of history and of the Longmian Chan environment, and to identify issues that Li had to reconcile when he depicted them. This discussion cannot be achieved without rst recognizing Li’s talent in portraiture, the source of his expertise in gural art, which was the foundation of his Buddhist oeuvre. The syncretic nature of Longmian Chan, which precludes strict denition of Chan painting subjects, also needs to be addressed. I thus devote the last section of this chapter to Li’s depictions of Avalokitetvara, and demonstrate that this deity had become Li Gonglin’s guardian of Mind-cultivation. Foundation of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist Painting Dingxiang 頂像 (Chan master portraits) Beginning in the Tang, portraits of Buddhist masters had proliferated in monasteries of the various schools, including Tiantai, Faxiang 法相, Mi 密, and Lü 律.32 Besides Buddhist sages (shengseng 聖僧) who

32 Thomas Lawton, Chinese Figure Painting (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution), 1973, p. 165. The ninth-century art historian Zhang Yanyuan recorded that a group

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were worshipped, lay devotees who advanced the religious cause and members of legendary groups were also included in their respective special halls. An image hall was devoted to the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society at Donglin Monastery (rebuilt as a Chan establishment after the 845 persecution of Buddhism) north of Mount Lu; during the Northern Song, the monastery acquired a portrait of the Huayan exegete Li Tongxuan, when Li Tongxuan’s posthumous reputation was rising due to “miraculous” discoveries of several of his writings on the Avata“saka SÖtra.33 As in the doctrinal schools, so too in Chan the number of artistic themes was increasing, both reecting and contributing to the sinicization of Buddhism. As stated by Wen C. Fong, extant portraits of Song Buddhist monks suggest that such portraits fell into two categories: one was the formal portrait, showing a solemn Chan master wearing full ecclesiastical vestments and seated on an armchair, usually on silk and meticulously delineated and detailed in color; and the other the informal portrait of the subject at leisure, usually on paper and executed in simplied, spontaneous monochrome ink outlines.34 Judging by their artistic forms and styles, the formal portraits tended—though not exclusively—to be portrait of the Seven Patriarchs of the Fahua School was done by the famed horse painter Han Gan 韓幹 (eighth c.) in the Qianfu Monastery 千福寺, and that the monk Feixi 飛錫 (eighth c.) had composed and inscribed a hymn on it. (Zhang Yanyuan, Lidai minghua ji, vol. 3, p. 44). A certain Li Chongchang 李重昌 was noted to have painted Cien’s 慈恩 portrait in the Sanzangyuan 三藏院. Besides those Buddhist saints (shengseng 聖僧) who were worshiped, lay devotees who advanced the cause of the religion, and personalities in legendary groups were also included in their respective special halls. In Donglin Monastery, for instance, a portrait of the Huayan advocate Li Tongxuan was noted by Chen Shunyu, and beginning in the Five Dynasties, an Image Hall was specically devoted to the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society. For details on the Image Hall, see the monk-poet Qiji 齊己 (act. 881), “Ti Donglin shiba gaoxian zhentang 題東林十八高賢真堂 (Inscribing the Image Hall of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of Donglin),” in Qiji, Bailianji 白蓮集 (SBCK edition) (Shanghai: Hanfen lou, 1929), juan 7, p. 1a. The same poem can be found in Li Diaoyuan 李調元 and He Guangqing 何光清, collators, Quan Wudai shi 全五代詩 (Anthology of Five Dynasties Poetry) (reprint, Sichuan: Xinhua shudian, 1992), juan 96, p. 1931. From two of Qiji’s poems we learn that Zong Bing 宗炳 was not yet included in the standard list of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society in the Five Dynasties, indicating that when Zong was nally chosen, another name must have been dropped because there were only eighteen members in the Society. For these two poems, see Li and He, Anthology of Five Dynasties Poetry, pp. 1864, 1979. 33 Robert Gimello, “Li T’ung-hsuan and the Practical Dimensions of Hua-yen,” in Studies in Ch’an and Hua-yen, ed. Robert Gimello and Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983), pp. 321–89. 34 Wen Fong, Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 8th to 14th Century (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), pp. 349–51.


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professionally produced, either by independent workshops or by professional monk painters. The informal type ( yipin style and otherwise) seems to have been produced in the course of personal encounters or during Chan literary gatherings. The Longmian region Chan circle created both formal and informal portraits. As Chan ideology became increasingly popular and Chan institutions proliferated during the Song dynasty, formal portraits of Chan masters came to be iconized in rituals. Chan master portraits were held to personify the masters themselves during lineage transmissions and funerals.35 Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, for instance, passed down the Caodong lineage to Touzi Yiqing, along with Dayang Jingxuan’s preaching robe and a portrait of Jingxuan, on which Yiqing later wrote an inscription.36 Display of Chan master portraits became so popular that a great variety of arrangements came into being. To reverse this trend, Baiyun Shouduan in 1070 composed the essay “Regulations in Ancestral Halls (Zutang gangji 祖堂綱紀)” in an attempt to standardize the locations of patriarch portraits in Image Halls.37 Shouduan’s chief concern was to locate the three most important portraits on their proper walls: Bodhidharma in the center of the main (north) wall; Baizhang Huaihai 百丈懷海 (749–814), believed to have been the rst to codify the regulations for Chan monasteries, on the west wall; and the monastery’s founding master on the east wall.38 To what extent Shouduan’s rules were carried out nationwide is uncertain, but he most likely was able to implement his ideas fully in the Longmian region while he was abbot there. As a participant in Shouduan’s Chan circle, Li Gonglin could not have ignored the importance of portraiture in Chan religious practice. Painting and inscribing informal portraits (which might come to serve formal functions) also became a popular leisure artistic pursuit within the Longmian Chan circle. In Baiyun Shouduan’s Haihui Chan Monastery, for example, his disciple the monk Zi 茲 painted Shouduan’s portrait

35 This function has recently been questioned by religious historians, but in Songdynasty Chan yulu we nd concrete evidence to sustain this theory long held by art historians. 36 Zijue 自覺 et al., ed., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu 投子義青禪師語錄 (XZJ 124), juan shang, p. 231c. 37 Renyong 仁勇, Chuning 處凝 et al., eds., “Zutang gangji,” in Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu 白`雲守端禪師廣錄 (XZJ 120), juan 2, p. 209b. 38 Ibid.

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for a fellow monk, Ning 凝, on which Shouduan inscribed a poem.39 Wuzu Fayan often inscribed poems on portraits, as on several portraits of Baiyun Shouduan and of himself.40 Touzi Yiqing, a talented poet, was also fond of painting portraits, and had once depicted his fellow monk Shuian 水菴.41 He also composed and inscribed poems on portraits of his masters and monastic seniors, such as Dayang Jingxuan (whom he had never met but whose Caodong lineage was passed down to him via Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan), Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, Touzi Xiuyong, and his fellow monks and close lay associates such as Touzi Kai 投子 楷, Touzi Yuan 投子淵 and Yang Jie.42 Yang Jie too was known for his Buddhist paintings, which were representational gure paintings, and he carried with him at all times an AmitÊbha he had painted so that he could practice Pure Land Buddhism even when traveling. The formal and informal uses of Chan master portraits in the Longmian region—in ritual, worship, proof of lineage, gift-giving, and exchange among literati—provided ample opportunity for Li Gonglin to explore his talent. Discovery of this talent and subsequent encouragement by senior religious leaders would have helped establish his status as a painter among his literati and monk friends. As noted above, the two Lis frequently collaborated in illustrating and transcribing Buddhist texts and stories, with Gonglin apparently always the illustrator and Chongyuan the calligrapher. When Li Chongyuan was requested to compose the preface to Touzi Yiqing’s yulu (a signal honor, acknowledging their closeness), it is plausible that Gonglin was asked to paint the portrait (that was customarily included in a Chan yulu). In Touzi Yiqing’s yulu, his portrait was attached not at the end, as was traditional, but at the end of the rst fascicle, on which Yang Jie wrote a eulogy.43 Li Gonglin’s ability in capturing formal likeness won him a great reputation. By the time he arrived in Bianjing, the capital, Li was already famous for portrait painting. Even before they became acquainted, Huang Tingjian had requested from Li an imagined portrait of the Tang


Ibid., p. 216d. Shiming 師明, Xu guzunsu yuyao 續古尊宿語要 (XZJ 118), juan 3, p. 486d. 41 Jingshan 淨善, Chanlin baoxun 禪林寶訓 (T. 48), juan 4, p. 1035b. 42 Zijue 自覺 et al., eds., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu 投子義青禪師語錄 (XZJ 124), juan shang, p. 231b. 43 Ibid., p. 231c. 40


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poet Wang Wei.44 So realistic were his works that people feared that a horse’s spirit would be “stolen” if Li painted it, and believed that by looking at one of his landscape paintings the viewer would be able to “walk in” that mountain as if he had seen it in a dream or recognized it from a former life.45 Records indicate similar reactions to his portrait paintings. When Li visited Wang Anshi during Wang’s retirement, he painted Wang’s portrait on the wall of the Zhaowen Studio 昭文齋 in the Dinglin’an 定林庵 (Dinglin Temple) that had been sponsored by Wang. According to Lu You’s 陸游 (1125–1210) recollection of his grandfather Lu Dian’s 陸佃 (1042–1102) description of the portrait it was so vivid that even after Wang’s death, when a monk opened the Zhaowen Studio for important guests, they would be startled by the likeness.46 An equal testimony to Li Gonglin’s skill in representational likeness are the ve grooms in Five Tribute Horses (Fig. 3). Over the course of his career Li Gonglin used his ability to capture the spirit of Buddhist deities, commemorate events, pay respect to friends, and express his Buddhist devotion. His talent in portrait painting won him many friends. During the furious political antagonism between the New and Old parties of the Northern Song, Li chose not to use his talent for self-advancement; rather, he sometimes made portraits as expressions of deep friendship with persons of differing political opinion, and with those already suffering political persecution.47 Li Gonglin painted many of his contemporaries, including Huang Tingjian on the famous Blue Ox Rock (Qingniushi 青牛石) in the Shangu 山谷 area in Qianshan 潛山 not far from Li’s hometown. The two friends had arrived there in 1081 while traveling together to Li’s new ofcial post in Nankangjun south of Mount Lu. He also painted a portrait of Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞 riding in an ox cart.48 A decade earlier, in 1072, Chen had opposed, and therefore not carried out, Wang Anshi’s reform, “Green Sprouts Regulation (qingmiaofa 青苗法),” and so had volunteered to be transferred to a lesser position in Nankangjun.49 While stationed

Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅, Shangu ji 山谷集 (SKQS edition), juan 14, pp. 3a, b. Su Shi 蘇軾, Dongpo quanji 東坡全集 (SKQS ), juan 93, p. 10a, b. 46 Lu You 陸游, Weinan wenji 渭南文集 (SKQS ), juan 44, p. 7b. 47 An-yi Pan, “Painting and Friendship, Political and Private Life: The Case of Li Gonglin,” Journal of Sung-Yuan Studies, vol. 30 (2000), pp. 97–113. 48 Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞, Duguan ji 都官集 (SKQS zhenben sanji 四庫全書珍本三集, vol. 237), juan 12, pp. 15b–17a. 49 Both Chen Shunyu, Duguan ji 都官集 ( juan 12, p. 15b) and Li Chang’s 李常 preface 44 45

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there, Chen took a sixty-day trip with the hermit Liu Ningzhi 劉凝之 in an ox cart around the Mount Lu area, keeping a diary that he later published under the title Record of Mount Lu (Lushanji 廬山記).50 Li Gonglin also painted portraits of Su Shi and Wang Anshi numerous times, sometimes in individual portraits, sometimes with another sitter, and sometimes in an anecdotal setting. In the capital Li Gonglin kept in close contact with monks who had previously lived in the Longmian region, including Jingyin Jingzhao and Fayun Faxiu. After becoming a Yunmen master and dharma heir of Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan, Jingyin Jingzhao had gone to the capital, where he enjoyed the favor and esteem of two consecutive emperors, Yingzong 英宗 (r. 1063–1067) and Shenzong 神宗 (r. 1067–1085).51 In addition to having close political ties to the imperial court, Jingyin Jingzhao also garnered the backing of elite scholars, mostly from Su Shi’s circle. Once he purposely painted the west wall of his private quarters ( fangzhang 方丈) white and invited the famous bamboo painter Wen Tong 文同 (1018–1079) to “brush ink bamboo” on the wall. His aim was to “let guests see it so their Minds will become pure and calm,” which proves that, for Jingzhao, “bamboo preaches the dharma.”52 An art lover, Jingzhao used painting as a subliminal teaching medium, and bamboo—prime metaphor for the literati—had also become a Buddhist symbol of purity. Jingyin Jingzhao’s participation in literati circles and his appreciation of literati art is another example of intimate connection between Chan and Confucian scholar circles, extending to their shared artistic pursuits. In late 1088, one day prior to the winter solstice, Su Shi attended a gathering with Jingzhao, the Three Lis of Longmian (Gonglin, Chongyuan, and Desu 德素), Huang Tingjian, and three other guests.53 There Li Gonglin painted a portrait of Jingzhao (considered the spiritual leader of the group), as was his custom on such occasions. Su Shi composed a poem on the portrait, and Huang Tingjian added a poem

to Chen’s Lushan ji 廬山記 record that Chen went to Nankang in 1072; Nankang fuzhi 南康府志 ( juan 13, p. 2a) gives the date as 1070. 50 This text is preserved in T. 51. 51 Juefan Huihong 覺範惠洪, Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (SKQS edition), juan 26, pp. 3a–5a. 52 Ibid., p. 4b. 53 Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅, Shangu tiba 山谷題跋 (in Yishu congbian, diyiji 藝術叢 編, 第一集, ed. Yang Jialuo 楊家駱 (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1962), vol. 9, pp. 96b–97a.


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that he had previously inscribed on a different portrait of the monk.54 For the Three Lis their meeting with Jingzhao in the capital had special meaning because their long-lasting afliation had begun twenty-ve years earlier in the Longmian region. Another longtime Longmian Chan monk friend of Li Gonglin’s was Fayun Faxiu, the central gure in the assemblage of literati in Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden (Xiyuan yaji 西園雅集), purportedly created by Li Gonglin. The “gathering” was most likely a semi-ctitious assertion of Faxiu’s preeminent stature among Northern Song elites in the capital; his assembled friends were in reality scattered among ofcial posts throughout the empire.55 After leaving the Longmian Mountains and spending some time on Mount Lu, Fayun Faxiu was invited by Wang Anshi to preside over Jiangshan Monastery 蔣山寺 in Nanjing; though Wang and Faxiu did not get along, the monk remained in the region for some time.56 Li Gonglin visited Wang during the latter’s retirement, and there he could also be reunited with Faxiu.57 In the sixth month of the fourth year of Yuanyou 元佑 (1089) Li Gonglin visited his old friend Lu Dian, one of Wang Anshi’s protégés. While reminiscing about the days when they visited the retired Wang Anshi in Nanjing, as a gesture of friendship Li Gonglin painted a portrait of Wang Anshi for Lu. In this more relaxed rendering, Wang is riding on a donkey and Fayun Faxiu is chasing after Wang. Depicting Fayun Faxiu in such a manner on the one hand reected the delicate relationship between Wang and Faxiu; on the other hand, it was perhaps a chance for the painter to tease Faxiu for his notoriously bad temper, imposing personality, and rude teaching methods, because Faxiu had constituted himself morals teacher among his lay followers and was not shy about ridiculing them. He often advised them in accordance with the Buddhist cosmology of retribution, and specically urged Li Gonglin to depict images of Avalokitetvara in repentance for the “sin” of paint-


Ibid. Ellen Johnston Laing’s dissertation, “Scholars and Sages: A Study in Chinese Figure Painting” (Ann Arbor: University Microlms, 1968); Robert Gimello, “Marga and Culture: Learning, Letters, and Liberation in Northern Sung Ch’an,” in Paths to Liberation: The Marga and Its Transformations in Buddhist Thought, ed. Robert Buswell and Robert Gimello (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1992). 56 Gimello, “Marga and Culture,” p. 390. 57 For Li Gonglin’s relationship with Wang Anshi, see Robert E. Harrist, Jr., “A Scholar’s Landscape: Shan-chuang t’u by Li Kung-lin” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton, 1989), p. 20. 55

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ing too many horses (so much for Chan iconoclasm!).58 Li Gonglin did paint many Avalokitetvara paintings and became quite famous for this subject, but was reluctant to relinquish horse painting, which also won him a high reputation. Faxiu also reviled Huang Tingjian for writing in “seductive language ( yanyu 豔語),” to which Huang jokingly asked if he, too, would be born as a horse in his next life.59 Huang Tingjian did not necessarily disbelieve in Buddhist retribution. Rather, he was most likely chiding Faxiu for his notoriously bad temper, which the late Northern Song Linji monk Juefan Huihong 覺範惠洪 (1071–1128) aptly described: . . . 面目嚴冷,怒氣潠人,平生以罵為佛事。60 . . . he had a severe, cold expression. [ His imposing] rage [gives the impression that] he would spit [water] at people. In his life he regarded cursing as the business of Buddhism.

Once, while waiting for Faxiu, Wang Shen 王詵 (ca. 1048–ca. 1103), the son-in-law of Emperor Yingzong, decided to paint an ink bamboo on the wall of Faxiu’s West Chamber (Xixuan 西軒). Because he was painting and could not bow when Faxiu came in, the master wiped out the painting after Wang had left.61 Unlike Jingzhao, who found painting apt for religious cultivation, the arrogant and ill-tempered Faxiu was willing to destroy a work of art only because the painter appeared to have slighted him. Notwithstanding such untoward behavior, Faxiu was a patron of art, perhaps out of the necessity to decorate the Great Hall in Fayun Chan Monastery 法雲禪寺, where in 1084 he had been appointed by Emperor Shenzong as the inaugural abbot.62 Two years after Faxiu’s arrival, the Great Hall of Fayun Chan Monastery was nally completed. Participating in the installation and decoration of the interior of this Great Hall were Faxiu’s circle of scholar-ofcial friends. Su Shi contributed the inscription for the monastery’s great bell, while Li Gonglin sculpted the Buddha image for the hall.63 Through the centuries Li


Juefan Huihong, Chanlin sengbao zhuan (SKQS edition), juan 26, p. 7b. Ibid. 60 Ibid., pp. 7b–8a. 61 Ibid. 62 Gimello, “Marga and Culture,” p. 390. 63 For Su Shi, see ibid., and p. 427, n. 69; For Li Gonglin’s sculpture, see Huang Tingjian, “Fayunsi jintongxiang ming 法雲寺金銅像銘,” in Yuzhang Huang xiansheng wenji 豫章黃先生文集 (SBCK edition), juan 13, pp. 25a, b. 59


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Gonglin’s talent for sculpture has been ignored, perhaps due largely to the traditional denigration of sculpture as mere craftsmanship. It was not recognized that Li Gonglin’s ability in portraiture must have owed something to his gift for three-dimensional art. Li’s Buddha image was cast in bronze by the metalsmith Zhai Yong 翟用. Incised on this image was an inscription drafted by Huang Tingjian.64 Besides Chan monks with Longmian connections, Li Gonglin befriended other monks during his travels, one being the renowned Foyin Liaoyuan 佛印了元 (1032–1098). Their friendship probably developed out of Su Shi’s introduction; Li painted paired portraits of the two.65 Su Shi and Foyin Liaoyuan probably met in 1079, when Su traveled on the Huai and Yangzi rivers to his newly assigned position in Huzhou 湖州 (present-day Zhejiang province).66 These two portraits by Li Gonglin were inscribed by Su Shi’s brother Su Che, and were kept on Jinshan 金山, an island on the Yangzi, where Foyin Liaoyuan had been an abbot.67 Li Gonglin probably visited Foyin Liaoyuan on the island again in 1082, in the course of a trip to Zhejiang to visit friends. Later, when Foyin Liaoyuan was at Yunju Monastery 雲居寺, Li Gonglin painted another portrait of him.68 In this individual portrait of the Chan master Li Gonglin responded to Foyin Liaoyuan’s request to depict him as the Buddha sÊkyamuni in the “holding a ower and smiling (nianhua weixiao 拈花微笑 )” episode. Foyin Liaoyuan inscribed this poem on the painting: 李公天上石麒麟, Mr. Li is a stone qilin of Heaven, 傳得雲居道者真; [who] properly transmitted the true image of the Yunju monk [me].


Huang Tingjian, ibid. For Foyin’s hagiography, see Huihong, Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (SKQS edition), and an English summary by Beata Grant, Mount Lu Revisited: Buddhism in the Life and Writings of Su Shi (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), pp. 101–103. 66 Grant, Mount Lu Revisited, p. 101. Also see Juefan Huihong, Chanlin sengbao zhuan, juan 29, p. 9a, which records that Su met Foyin Liaoyuan at Guizong Monastery 歸宗寺, in Huangzhou. 67 Zhishun Zhenjiang zhi 至順鎮江志 (Taipei: Wencheng chubanshe, 1975), vol. 21, p. 1148. In 1332 the paired portraits were remounted and given to the changzhu 常住 of the monastery for preservation. 68 Yunju Monastery, also known as Zhenru Monastery 真如寺, was in present-day Jiangxi province; on the trip he also visited Mi Fu and painted Shanyin tu 山陰圖. See Zhou Mi 周密, Yunyan guoyan lu 雲煙過眼錄 (SKQS ), juan 1, pp. 12b–13b. 65

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不為拈華明大事, If this smile is not for illuminating the great event of [sÊkyamuni] holding a ower, 等閒開口笑何人? then at whom does he idly open his mouth to laugh?69

The Chan myth of the Buddha “holding a ower and smiling” had become by the Northern Song a common tale whereby Chan claimed its transmission directly from sÊkyamuni through a silent (nonverbal) communication. Foyin Liaoyuan’s request may have been a humorous allusion to the Chan belief that Chan masters were living Buddhas. In real life, too, Foyin liked to smile. Huihong recorded that even in the moment before his death, Foyin smiled at a guest in approval of the guest’s words.70 Li Gonglin and Chan Subjects The Longmian Chan Buddhist environment, rich in literary and artistic activities in which Li participated, exerted decisive inuence on the direction of his religious convictions and his Buddhist art. Li Gonglin used his talent in portraiture to depict subjects such as events in Chan history, Chan-specic pedagogy, and the Chan interpretation of Buddhist ontology, as well as to express Longmian Chan interests and to illuminate sÖtras favored in Chan circles. Except for Danxia Visits Layman Pang and Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin, the following examples are known only through records. Lacking visuals, the discussion will focus largely on the historical and religious background that Li Gonglin would have had to keep in mind when creating these paintings, and how that background might have determined his envisioning of Chan iconography. First let us consider Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe, coincidentally the earliest subject depicted in Chan art; it developed during the Tang, when Buddhist master portraits had become popular among other schools of Buddhism. Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe As Fontein and Hickman have noted, the earliest Chan subject to appear as Chan art is the picture titled Picture of Transmitting the

69 70

Juefan Huihong, Chanlin sengbao zhuan, juan 29, pp. 12b–13a. Ibid.


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Dharma and Bestowing the Robe (chuanfa shouyi tu 傳法授衣圖).71 Chan transmission and succession had been and continued to be roiled by internal controversy and external challenge. Even during the Northern Song disputes over Chan historical lineage from sÊkyamuni to Huineng remained unresolved. In his Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe, Li Gonglin would have had to skirt or reconcile the quarrels. The phrase “transmitting the dharma and bestowing the robe” is deceptively simple; it means that a Buddhist master selects one among his disciples to become his dharma heir and bestows his robe upon this disciple as proof of the dharma transmission. In this transaction the robe of a master was synonymous with the dharma as well as the physical manifestation of legitimate transmission. Beneath this seemingly straightforward ritual ran the controversy between Northern and Southern Chan, each claiming the mantle of Chan orthodoxy. Southern Chan bolstered its claim in part by asserting that it possessed Bodhidharma’s robe. After winning its claim of orthodoxy, Southern Chan created a series of stories that traced its own tradition back to the Buddha, much as possession of an “authentic relic” of the Buddha reinforced its possessor’s direct inheritance of the dharma. According to the most crucial of these stories, at a gathering at Vulture Peak the Buddha held up a ower and smiled. Because only his chief disciple, MahÊkÊtyapa, understood the meaning of the gesture, the Buddha decided to transmit his dharma to, and bestow his robe on, MahÊkÊtyapa. From this anecdote, which originated in China, developed the nianhua weixiao story, according to which the singular lineage transmission of Chan was begun by sÊkyamuni in India, as was the tradition of transmitting the robe.72 Thereafter in Chan history the robe of a patriarch assumed vast signicance as the physical proof of dharma transmission. According to a Southern Chan construct, MahÊkÊtyapa transmitted the dharma and passed on the Buddha’s robe to ¹nanda, and ¹nanda to the next generation. This singular transmission process continued for twentyeight generations in India, and for ve more generations in China after Bodhidharma arrived there, until the time of the sixth Chinese Chan patriarch, Huineng (638–713).


Fontein and Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, pp. XVI–XVII. Qisong, Chuanfa zhengzong dingzu tu 傳法正宗定祖圖 (T. 51), p. 769b. Also see Daoyuan 道元, Jingde chuandenglu 景德傳燈錄 (T. 51), juan 1, 205c. 72

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


Much of the Northern Chan-Southern Chan dispute naturally focused on the bestowal of the robe, for that was crucial to their respective claims of legitimacy. According to Daoyuan’s 道元 Jingde-era Records of the Transmission of the Lamp ( Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄, compiled 1004), when Bodhidharma established Chan in China, he worried that his transmission of words alone to a Chinese disciple would not gain much credence, so he bestowed his robe on the second Chinese patriarch, Huike 慧可, as proof of dharma transmission and of the validity of Huike’s teaching.73 Bodhidharma “predicted,” however, that two hundred years after his death the dharma would be widespread and there would be no need to continue passing down his robe.74 He also predicted that the robe would in the end cause the dharma heir’s life to be threatened. The next ve transmissions of dharma were completed with passing of a robe,75 but sources do not always make clear whether it was Bodhidharma’s or the residing patriarch’s that was passed on. Based on the sixth patriarch Huineng’s hagiography, it is likely that both were passed down.76 Yet, according to many Southern Chan accounts, the fth patriarch, Hongren, told his successor Huineng that this tradition had to end because too many disciples were claiming succession and ghting over their masters’ robes to establish their own legitimacy in the lineage. It is said that, to avoid trouble, Huineng received Hongren’s robe by night and immediately ed to the south.77 In 712 he announced to his disciples that although he had received Hongren’s robe, he would transmit only the dharma in the belief that every one of them was mature and capable of carrying on the mission of transmitting the dharma.78 This story from Huineng’s hagiography echoes Bodhidharma’s “prediction.” When Huineng died, the robe that had been passed down from Bodhidharma was said to have been kept in Huineng’s pagoda. In 760 Emperor Suzong 肅宗 (r. 757–762) ordered Huineng’s robe and alms bowl brought to the imperial palace for worship.79 It was said that in 765, Emperor Daizong 代宗 (r. 762–779) dreamt that Huineng requested the return of his robe to his monastery. This “request” was granted, and the emperor instructed monks in 73 74 75 76 77 78 79

Daoyuan, Jingde chuandenglu (T. 51), juan 3, p. 219c. Ibid. Ibid., juan 3, 4, pp. 220c–21a, 221c, 222b, 223a. Ibid., juan 5, pp. 236b–237a. Ibid., juan 4, p. 223a. Ibid., juan 5, p. 236b. Ibid., p. 236c.


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the monastery to guard its safety. Huineng’s hagiography claims that the robe was stolen four times since its return, yet each time it was recovered not far from the monastery.80 In short, these stories of passing down the patriarch’s robe to a selected disciple signies a uniquely Chan method of singular, linear, direct transmission; this is historically inaccurate, inherently problematic, and inevitably became a source of conict among later Chan ecclesiastics. Bodhidharma’s “prediction” of the widespread popularity of Chan and his “instruction” not to continue this tradition two hundred years after his death were invented to foreshadow the development of Chan and to offer a resolution to the disputes.81 Given this historical background, Li Gonglin’s painting of transmitting and bestowing, recorded in the Northern Song imperial catalogue Xuanhe huapu, should be understood as addressing the legitimacy of lineage, transmission, authority, and orthodoxy. This subject was important to Northern as well as Southern Chan from early on, as it had been fashioned into stories included in the Platform SÖtra, in Huineng’s hagiography, and in various texts pertaining to the Northern Chan tradition. From the late seventh to the early eighth century the competition for patriarchal succession was at its most intense. Northern Chan enjoyed strong political support and patronage in the two-capital region encompassing Chang’an and Luoyang, and had expanded to the entire northern Central Plain, prompting polemical attacks by Southern monks. The centenarian Shenxiu’s 神秀 (606–706) disciple Puji 普寂 (651–739), who together with his master and followers were considered Northern Chan in later Chan history, established a Seven Patriarchs Hall on Mount Song 嵩山 in present-day Henan province and erected a stele to commemorate this event. Many high ofcials reafrmed Northern Chan lineage. Li Yong’s 李邕 “Stele of Songyue Monastery (Songyuesi bei 嵩岳寺碑),” for example, outlined the transmission of Chan in China as follows: Bodhidharma to Huike 慧可, Huike to Sengcan 僧璨, Sengcan to Daoxin 道信, Daoxin to


Ibid., pp. 236c–37a. Though according to ofcial Chan tradition, the bestowal of the robe as proof of transmission had ended in Huineng’s time, it most likely continued. Evidence comes from the Longmian Mountains region during Li Gonglin’s time. When Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan transmitted the Caodong lineage to Yiqing, for example, he passed down Dayang Jingxuan’s robe, along with a portrait of Dayang and other items, to Yiqing, signifying Yiqing’s succession in Caodong Chan. 81 Another example can be seen in advice from the fth patriarch Hongren to the sixth patriarch Huineng, recorded in Daoyuan, Jingde chuandenglu (T. 51), juan 3, p. 223a.

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


Hongren 弘忍, Hongren to Shenxiu 神秀, and Shenxiu to Puji 普寂. Li’s “Stele for the Pagoda of the Chan Master of Great Brightness (Dazhao Chanshi taming 大照禪師塔銘)” records Puji’s own words proclaiming himself the seventh patriarch of Chan, while Yan Tingzhi’s 嚴挺之 “Stele of the Chan Master of Great Wisdom (Dazhi Chanshi beiming 大智禪師碑銘)” and Yang Yu’s 羊愉 “Record of the Pagoda of Master Jingxian ( Jingxian Dashi shentaji 景賢大師身塔記)” both declared that Puji and Yifu 義福 shared the title of the seventh patriarch. On the basis of the seven patriarchs lineage, Wang Jin 王縉 extended the lineage of seven patriarchs to nine in his “Stele of Chan Master Dazheng (Dazheng Chanshi bei 大證禪師碑)” in which he maintained the singular, linear transmission by adding the transmission from Puji to Guangde 廣德 to Dazheng 大證 (Tanzhen 曇真), the ninth patriarch.82 Tang ofcials recorded a clear Chan transmission from Bodhidharma down to Dazheng, suggesting that Northern Chan was well recognized and supported institutionally.83 Most likely the widespread popularity of the idea of Chan transmission engendered interest in pictorial and/or sculptural depiction of Northern Chan patriarchs; after all, the Patriarchs Hall would have needed images to occupy it. During the famous debate of 732 between champions of Northern and Southern Chan at Huatai 華臺, present-day Henan province, Shenhui 神會 (684–758), Huineng’s disciple, condemned the Shenxiu lineage for preaching “Gradual Enlightenment,” and stressed that Bodhidharma’s robe had been passed down to Huineng, hence Southern Chan’s orthodoxy. Southern Chan also began to formulate its own version of the Chan patriarchate. While not disputing the rst ve Chinese patriarchs, from Bodhidharma to Hongren, Southern Chan inserted in the Platform SÖtra an account of Hongren’s transmitting the dharma to Huineng. By that account, when the time came to pass the torch, Hongren publicly announced that he would have the painter Lu Zhen 盧珍 illustrate the Lengqie jing 楞伽經 (La«kÊvatÊra SÖtra) and paint the Fifth Patriarch Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe. Lu Zhen had already inspected the wall,84 which meant that Hongren

82 Pan Guiming 潘桂明, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng 中國禪宗思想歷程 (Beijing: Jinri Zhongguo chubanshe, 1992), pp. 89–100. 83 Dazheng is the posthumous title of the monk whose monastic name was Tanzhen. 84 Platform SÖtra (Nanzong dunjiao zuishang Dacheng mohe banruo boluomijing liuzu Huineng Dashi yu Shaozhou Dafansi shifa tanjing 南宗頓教最上大乘摩訶般若波羅蜜經六祖惠能


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had to make up his mind shortly. As a means of determining the next patriarch, Hongren asked each of his disciples to compose a gÊthÊ to demonstrate his Enlightenment. According to this Southern Chan construct, Shenxiu 神秀, Hongren’s most revered disciple, responded in verse: 身是菩提樹, 心如明鏡臺; 時時勤佛拭, 莫使有塵埃。85

Body is the Bodhi Tree, Mind is like a bright mirror on a stand. Diligently wipe it all the time, And allow no dust to cling.

Hongren was said to have commented: “Your gÊthÊ only reaches the gate…but has not entered it.”86 The illiterate Huineng, who was not ordained at the time and had for eight months been assigned to pedal the hammer-mill, overheard a novice chanting this gÊthÊ. The novice explained to Huineng the test for the transmission and the rules set for gÊthÊ composition. Huineng then asked the novice to guide him to the southern corridor (nanlang 南廊), where he composed two gÊthÊs, which others transcribed on the wall for him: 菩提本無樹, 明鏡亦無臺; 佛性常清淨, 何處有塵埃?87

Originally, Bodhi is not a tree, Nor does the bright mirror have a stand. Buddha-nature is eternally pure, So where is the dust to cling?

心是菩提樹, 身為明鏡臺; 明鏡本清淨, 何處惹塵埃?88

Mind is bodhi tree, Body is the mirror on a stand. The bright mirror is originally pure, Where does it attract dust?


Huineng’s two gÊthÊs clearly surpassed Shenxiu’s in illuminating the ontological essence of Buddha-nature. Recognizing Huineng’s potential, but also his low status and the likely reaction if he openly designated Huineng his successor, Hongren pretended that those two gÊthÊs were not good enough either. But that night he secretly summoned Huineng and preached the VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra to him, whereupon 大師於韶州大梵寺施法壇經) (T. 48), p. 237b. Also see Fontein and Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, pp. XVI–XVII. 85 Platform SÖtra (T. 48), p. 237c. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid., p. 238a. 88 Ibid.

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


Huineng reached Enlightenment. Still in secret, Hongren then transmitted his dharma and bestowed upon Huineng his robe, acknowledging him as the sixth patriarch. Fearing that Huineng would be murdered, Hongren then told him to depart the monastery immediately and not to preach for three years.89 This story again echoes Bodhidharma’s “prediction.” The story ends without saying whether the intended picture of Hongren transmitting his dharma and bestowing the robe was ever executed, but it augurs the Southern Chan intention to override Northern Chan patriarchal history through fabricated stories and the creation of images. The next mention of a painting with Chan transmission and bestowal as its theme also comes from Southern Chan, initiated by Huineng’s disciple Shenhui 神會 (684–758).90 After the debate of 732 Southern Chan gained a foothold in the north. In 745, through the recommendation of the ofcial Song Ding 宋鼎, Shenhui was summoned to the capital, where the emperor sponsored the Chan quarter in Heze Monastery for him. Penetrating Northern Chan territory emboldened Shenhui to continue challenging and eventually to replace the Northern Chan patriarchal lineage. In reaction to Puji’s Seven Patriarchs Hall, Shenhui set up an Ancestral Hall of Huineng at Heze Monastery and invited the poet Wang Wei 王維 (701–761) to compose the commemorative text for it. He also asked Song Ding to compose the text of the “Stele of Great Tang Master Huineng of Caoxi (Tang Caoxi Neng Dashi bei 唐曹溪能大師碑)” which was erected in Xingzhou 邢州 in present-day Hebei province. According to Song Hagiographies of Eminent Monks (Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳), within the Ancestral Hall of Huineng Shenhui composed a preface tracing the Chan transmission from India through the rst six Chinese patriarchs. He had the six Chinese patriarchs’ portraits painted, perhaps in album format with a preface composed by the ofcial Fang Guan 房琯.91 How many Indian patriarchs Shenhui included in his preface is unknown, but his was perhaps among the rst written lineages of Chan patriarchs from India to China, and he was probably the rst to use portraiture to legitimize the Southern Chan patriarchate.


Ibid., pp. 238a–b. Regarding Shenhui’s dates, see Pan Guiming, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng, p. 154. 91 “Huineng zhuan 慧能傳,” in Zanning 贊寧, Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (T. 50), juan 8, p. 755b. 90


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At the time Shenhui commissioned the pictorial genealogy of Southern Chan in the Ancestral Hall of Huineng at Heze Monastery, his contemporaries Lu Lengjia 盧楞伽 (act. 730–760) and Chen Hong 陳閎 (act. ca. 714–750) each also depicted six Chinese patriarchs.92 Since the Northern-Southern Chan dispute was at its hottest and no clear winner had yet emerged in the early eighth century, it is hard to say whether Lu and Chen painted the Northern or the Southern Chan patriarchate. But given that Northern Chan by then recognized more than six patriarchs, and that by the Song, when the paintings were recorded, Southern Chan, with only six patriarchs, had become the undisputed orthodoxy, Lu Lengjia’s and Chen Hong’s paintings are likely to have depicted the Southern Chan lineage. Otherwise they would have been altered or discarded. In this context, the Southern Song copy of Lu Lengjia’s Six Arhats in the Beijing Palace Museum may be informative. The title and inscriptions describe this scroll as a depiction of six arhats. The Qingdynasty antiques dealer and art adviser Wu Qizhen 吳其貞, however, suggested that this work might be Picture of Six Patriarchs.93 Wu Qizhen perhaps saw the similarities between this work and other depictions of the Southern Chan patriarchate. The rst four “arhats” sit on high armchairs similar to those in formal Chan portraiture; all of them are accompanied by attendants, and a few of them are worshipped by other gures.94 The positions of the gures reect their relative status, and are reminiscent of three versions of “transmitting the dharma and bestowing the robe” pictures dated to the Northern Song and the Dali Kingdom (937–1253; see discussion below), in which the patriarchs are by far the largest gures to show their higher status, and their dharma heirs either stand or kneel in front of them. If this scroll was derived from Lu’s original Six Patriarchs, the fourth section, depicting the fteenth arhat, may actually depict the sixth patriarch, Huineng.95 It was 92 Fontein and Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, p. XVII. For Lu Lengjia, see Xuanhe huapu, juan 2, pp. 17–18. For Chen Hong, see his painting under this title in Xuanhe huapu, juan 5, p. 57. 93 Wu Qizhen 吳其貞, Shuhuaji 書畫記 (reprint Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1963), juan 5, p. 586. 94 Tang depictions of arhats were mostly sixteen in number. Eighteen arhats most likely were the original sixteen plus one subduing a tiger and another subduing a dragon. Both are included in the current version, and both arhats are sitting on rocks. They seem to be additions to the original scroll. 95 For an illustration, see Zhongguo lidai huihua: Gugong Bowuyuan canghuaji. (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1978), pp. 64–65.

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said of Huineng that in the rst month of 676, at Faxing Monastery, he overheard two monks discussing whether a uttering banner was moving of itself or moved by the wind. Huineng, who was still a layman but had inherited the dharma and the robe, settled the argument by pointing out that neither wind nor banner would have moved if their Minds had not moved. Abbot Yinzong 印宗 overheard and was impressed, so the next morning he inquired about Huineng’s meaning. Hearing Huineng’s exposition, Yinzong realized that he must have received training from an unusual master. Huineng then revealed that he was the dharma heir of Hongren. Yinzong announced to his disciples that Huineng was a living bodhisattva, and asked him to show Hongren’s robe to his disciples. Shortly thereafter, on the fteenth day of that month, Huineng was ordained and tonsured.96 The “arhat” sits cross-legged on an elaborately decorated, colorful armchair, with his shoes resting on a small footstool. To his left is a small black table supporting a ku¸ÓikÊ and a sÖtra box. To his right stands a layman in black, holding a banner commonly seen in Buddhist painting, which is being lifted lightly by wind or Mind. Yet even if this painting was derived from an original by Lu Lengjia, and even if the original was a depiction of Six Patriarchs, the current scroll has been so altered from Lu’s original that the original sequence and identities of these patriarchs, with the exception of Huineng, cannot be determined. By the Northern Song the Chan patriarchate genre as dened by Southern Chan had become the dominant model, and its popularity in art may have partially sprung from renewed dispute over problematic Chan genealogy in India and following the sixth patriarch in China. According to the famed scholar-monk Qisong 契嵩 (1007–1072), the Chan patriarchate based on the text Transmissions of the Treasury of the Buddha’s Teaching (Fu fazang zhuan 付法藏傳) erroneously counted twentyfour patriarchs in India.97 Qisong argued that the tradition of twentyeight Indian patriarchs, derived from Chan classics, predated Fu fazang zhuan, and must therefore be more accurate.98 Qisong composed two texts and painted a picture: Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School (Chuanfa zhengzong ji 傳法正宗記), Exposition of Transmitting the

96 97 98

Daoyuan, Jingde Chuandenglu (T. 51), juan 5, pp. 235b–c. Qisong, Chuanfa zhengzong dingzu tu (T. 51), p. 768a. Ibid.


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Dharma, Authenticating the School (Chuanfa zhengzong lun 傳法正宗論), and Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs (Chuanfa zhengzong dingzu tu 傳法正宗定祖圖); their purpose was to reiterate and conrm Chan legitimacy and its correct lineage from the Buddha to the generation after the sixth patriarch, when Chan succession transformed from singular and linear to multiple transmissions. This trilogy was submitted to the emperor in 1061 and was included as part of the Tripi¢aka in the following year (1062). Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, a lengthy text detailing Qisong’s argument, was made available to the public (carved on a stele) by the Wanshou Chan Monastery (Wanshou Chanyuan 萬壽禪院) two years later, in 1064.99 Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs, a painting by Qisong illustrating “successions of Chan patriarchs,”100 was recorded as having been preserved in a stone carving at the same time.101 Qisong’s original Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs, most likely a panel, was painted on specially prepared Wu 吳 silk (silk from Suzhou).102 Corresponding and more convincing evidence derives from a schematic diagram or sketch of Qisong’s picture plus copies of its details, all made in 1154 by the Japanese painter JÔen 定圓 (Figs. 4–4C ).103 The sketch, similar to an illustration of the Visualization SÖtra, is divided into several horizontal bands. Like an illustration of the Visualization SÖtra, where AmitÊbha at the top center is anked by his two chief bodhisattvas and other lesser deities in his retinue, the upper center of the 1154 sketch shows a

99 For a copy of the engraved version, see Tripi¢aka, “Iconography 圖像,” vol. 10, p. 1433. For the printed version, see Qisong, Chuanfa zhengzong ji 傳法正宗記 (T. 51), juan 6, p. 716a. 100 Qisong, ibid., p. 715b. 101 For a copy of the incised version, see Tripi¢aka, “Iconography,” vol. 10, p. 1433. This version, preserved in Japan, indicates that a certain He Fu 何復 of Kunshan 崑山 donated money to have it incised. 102 In their respective essays to the emperor both Qisong and the ofcial Wang Su 王素 referred to the unit of the work as “one surface ( yi mian一面)”, as distinct from the handscroll format usually referred to as juan 卷 or hanging scroll usually referred to as zhou 軸. Tripi¢aka, “Iconography” 10, p. 1431. 103 The Japanese sketch-copy, preserved in the Hakone Museum of Art, is in handscroll format, which, following the Tang style, has pictures at the top and text at the bottom in each section. The entire scroll shows the continuous patriarchal succession, summarizing the more complicated Chuanfa zhengzong ji into an easily readable pictorial representation.

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depiction of the Buddha anked by his two chief disciples MahÊkÊtyapa and ¹nanda, the two consecutive Chan patriarchs after the Buddha. Below the main pictorial plane in illustrations of the Visualization SÖtra are usually depictions of the nine grades of birth. In the 1154 sketch, this area is much larger, in order to accommodate the thirty-three patriarchs from MahÊkÊtyapa to Huineng. The uppermost tier in this larger area consists of three pictures showing three transmissions: from the rst patriarch to the fourth patriarch. Each shows the patriarch seated on an armchair, while the dharma heir kneels on a mat in front of him (Fig. 4A). Below each illustration is a brief text explaining the picture. In the tiers below, this format—illustration above, text below—is maintained, except that each tier contains six transmissions. The sixth and last tier begins with Bodhidharma, the twenty-eighth Indian and rst Chinese patriarch (Fig. 4B) and ends with Huineng, the thirty-third patriarch (Fig. 4C ). Illustrations of the Visualization SÖtra present the Buddha and attendants situated in the Western Paradise as the central scene. This scene is anked by vertical strips, on one side vignettes from the introductory legend (the story of AjÊtatatru’s violence against his parents), and on the other side images of the rst thirteen visualizations. On either side of the 1154 sketch are two groups of ve Chan disciples of various eras, selected by Qisong. These ten disciples are also shown with image above and text below. At the lower center of an illustration of the Visualization SÖtra is usually a commemorative essay detailing the painting’s patronage and the patron’s reason(s). The 1154 sketch indicates that Qisong placed his essay to the emperor in a nearly corresponding area, spanning the entire lowest section of the composition. The six Chinese Chan patriarchs are not specially depicted in this composition, nor are they numbered separately from one to six. Instead, Qisong placed them in the bottom tier and numbered them in continuous sequence with previous patriarchs—with Bodhidharma as the twenty-eighth patriarch, Huike the twenty-ninth, Sengcan the thirtieth, Daoxin the thirty-rst, Hongren the thirty-second, and Huineng the thirty-third. Qisong’s patent intent was to confute the disbelievers in Chan legitimacy. In Qisong’s conguration, Huineng is shown to have had ve dharma heirs: Guangzhai Huizhong 光宅慧忠, Qingyuan Xingsi 清原行思, Nanyue Huairang 南岳懷讓, Shaoyang Fahai 邵陽法海, and the Indian monk Gupta ( Jueduo Sanzang 堀多三藏) (Fig. 4C ). This scene of multiple successors in one generation apparently indicates that the


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pattern of singular, linear transmission typically described through Huineng’s time in Southern Chan texts was no longer operative. In Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, Qisong copied a passage from Huineng’s hagiography that signaled Huineng’s intent to change: Huineng purportedly announced that though he had received the dharma, robe, and alms bowl from the Great Master Hongren, he would preach the dharma but not bestow the robe or the alms bowl, because his disciples were all mature in their faith.104 The robe as proof of transmission was therefore no longer necessary. This story encapsulates the Southern Chan interpretation of the widespread popularity of Chan “predicted” by Bodhidharma. Qisong does not indicate why these particular ve were singled out from Huineng’s forty-three disciples, but the Buddha was said to have preached to ve disciples after his Enlightenment—a popular story often featured in illustrations of the hagiography of the Buddha. Chan followers would have perceived Huineng the patriarch as comparable to the enlightened Buddha. Also in Record of Transmitting Dharma, Authenticating the School, Qisong singles out three of the ve for hagiographical emphasis: Qingyuan Xingsi 清原 行思 (?–740), Nanyue Huairang 南岳懷讓 (677–744), and Guangzhai Huizhong 光宅慧忠 (eighth c.).105 The signicance of this selection and of its occurrence in two texts will be addressed later in this chapter. Two other extant versions of Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe differ on Huineng’s dharma heirs. The rst version, simply titled Portraits of the Six Patriarchs of the Bodhidharma School 達摩宗六祖影 (Fig. 5 ) in KÔzanji 高山寺, Kyoto, was copied either by the Japanese monk JÔjin 成尋 or by his travel companion in China, most likely another Japanese monk.106 JÔjin, who traveled in China in the early 1070s, borrowed a painted album titled Folding Album of Six Patriarchs of the Bodhidharma School (達摩六祖模摺) while staying at Chuanfayuan 傳法院 in Luoyang on the twenty-eighth day of the rst month of the sixth year of the Xining era (1073). The next day he sent back to Japan two copies, presumably identical in composition and iconography; the likely purpose of making two copies was to increase the chance of survival of the original iconography. At the lower left of the KÔzanji copy is an inscription reading “rst year 104

Qisong, Chuanfa zhengzong ji (T. 51), juan 6, p. 748a. Ibid., juan 7, pp. 749c–50a 106 An attendant in the KÔzanji 高山寺 version is closer to Japanese than to Chinesestyle gure painting. 105

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of Zhihe 志和,” which dates the Chinese original to 1054, predating Qisong’s picture by seven years. Fontein is probably correct to assume that the copyist had transformed the original folded album format, with each leaf containing one patriarch, into the current composition on two joined pieces of paper, with the six patriarchs and their dharma heirs arranged in separate clusters from upper right to lower left of the pictorial space. This change in format was most likely necessitated by the limited amount of paper that JÔjin (or his companion) could carry; they must have made do with whatever was available. The six patriarchs in the KÔzanji version are the standard Southern Chan succession, but Huineng is shown with only one dharma heir, Nanyue Huairang. Standing next to Nanyue Huairang is a monk partially identied by three characters, Jiangxi Dao (江西道). Why the copyist wrote only three characters is unknown, but the original most likely referred to Mazu Daoyi 馬祖道一 of Jiangxi 江西 (discussed below in this chapter). Thus the 1054 Chinese original of this copy, in marked contrast to Qisong’s picture showing Huineng with ve dharma heirs, seems to be claiming that the linear and singular Chan transmission continued after Huineng. The transmission question is further complicated by the third surviving version, dated to 1240. It forms part of a work preserved in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, known as the Long Roll of Buddhist Images by the Nanzhao Dali Kingdom painter Zhang Shengwen 張勝溫, which includes a section devoted to the Chan patriarchate. Zhang Shengwen’s depiction also begins with the Buddha, here encircled by a round nimbus within a lotus ower (Fig. 6A). Following the Buddha come portraits of MahÊkÊtyapa and ¹nanda, and directly after ¹nanda, Bodhidharma. The Long Roll continues with every patriarch thereafter down to the seventh, Shenhui. Zhang Shengwen rendered each of these patriarchs from Bodhidharma to Huineng seated on armchairs, accompanied by their smaller-scale dharma heirs, either worshipping or bowing respectfully before them (Fig. 6B). Zhang’s depiction of Shenhui as the seventh patriarch in this painting points to an intriguing conict. Shenhui had been instrumental in consolidating Southern Chan and formulating the Southern Chan tradition. Without Shenhui, there would have been no Southern Chan tradition, nor would Huineng have achieved posthumous preeminence in later Chinese Chan history. Chinese Chan, and for that matter all East Asian Chan (Son, Zen) traditions, would be completely different. Shenhui was even posthumously recognized as the Seventh Patriarch of Chan by the Tang emperor


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Dezong 德宗 (r. 779–804) in 786. But he was omitted from the two Northern Song versions—Qisong’s transmission picture of 1061 and the 1054 version by an unidentied Chinese painter (both exist today in copies)—in favor either of multiple transmissions or of a linear, singular transmission through Nanyue Huairang. Li Gonglin would have had to resolve these contradictions when he painted his version of Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe. To sort out the discrepancies between Chan successions after Huineng, as reected in the three extant Chan patriarch paintings, I begin with the Zhang Shengwen version and the circumstances under which Shenhui was considered seventh patriarch. I then analyze why Shenhui was omitted from Qisong’s multiple transmission, given his instrumental contributions and high status in Chan texts. Lastly, I examine the version dated to 1054, the earliest of the three, to discern why another illustration of linear, singular transmission xed on Huairang instead of Shenhui as seventh patriarch. Shenhui’s status as the seventh Chan patriarch, like the rise of Chan as a school of Buddhism, was intricately connected to Tang politics. According to Abe ChÔichi’s 阿部肇一 study, in order to consolidate her power bases, Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (624–705; r. 690–705) sponsored Buddhism as a counter check to the inuence of Daoism, which had grown under sponsorship of previous Tang emperors. She even sought new forms of Buddhism to sponsor, in order to strengthen loyalty. To that end she invited two of Hongren’s disciples, Shenxiu and Huineng, to the capital; because only Shenxiu responded to the call, the Shenxiu lineage was poised to gain imperial patronage.107 The previously discussed stele texts by high ofcials regarding Shenxiu’s lineage demonstrate the popularity of Shenxiu Chan during the late seventh and early eighth centuries. The Shenxiu lineage would naturally have been recognized as orthodox, and the patriarchal line would have been passed down among Shenxiu’s dharma heirs.108 In his Yuanjuejing dashuchao 圓覺經大疏抄, Zongmi, the self-proclaimed fth-generation dharma heir of Shenhui, noted the popularity of Shenxiu Chan in the capital twenty years after Huineng’s passing.109

107 Abe ChÔichi, ChÖgoku zenshÖshi no kenkyÖ 中國禪宗史の研究 (Tokyo: Seishin shohÔ), 1963, p. 50. 108 Ibid., pp. 50–51. 109 Re Zongmi’s claim, see Peter N. Gregory, Tsung-mi and the Sinication of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 35–36, 48–49. Zongmi, Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu 禪源諸詮集都序 (T. 48), juan shang-2, p. 403c.

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According to Abe ChÔichi Northern and Southern Chan (as they later came to be known) were afliated respectively with two political factions, with Wang Ju 王琚 (657–746), an important ofcial during Emperor Xuanzong’s reign, supporting Guangzhai Huizhong and Heze Shenhui, and his opponent Zhang Shuo 張說 sponsoring Puji 普 寂 and Yifu 義福.110 According to Song Hagiographies of Eminent Monks, when Shenhui was invited to preside over Longxing Monastery 龍興 寺 in Chang’an in 720, he began to tip the balance toward Huineng Chan.111 Abe believes that Shenhui’s challenge to Shenxiu’s disciples Puji and Yifu was backed by Wang Ju and Emperor Xuanzong as a way to eradicate Wu Zetian’s inuence.112 In 732, during the famous debate in Huatai in present-day Henan province, Shenhui challenged the legitimacy of Shenxiu Chan’s lineage by claiming that Bodhidharma’s robe had been passed down to Huineng. Though that argument carried conviction, it was rather Shenhui’s efforts in securing funds to put down the An Lushan rebellion (756–763) that brought imperial patronage his way. After the rebellion had been put down, Emperor Suzong sponsored the building of a Chan quarter in the capital’s Heze Monastery (Hezesi 荷澤寺) for Shenhui, who erected there an Image Hall of Huineng, the precursor of “Ancestral Halls (zutang 祖堂)” in Southern Chan tradition. During his tenure there, Shenhui consolidated Bodhidharma’s status and succeeded in having Huineng’s robe worshipped in the imperial court.113 In 786, thirty-four years after his death, Shenhui was posthumously granted the title of seventh Chan patriarch by Emperor Dezong.114 But Shenhui’s ofcially recognized patriarch status is not mentioned in three major Song Buddhist texts: Zanning’s Song Hagiographies of Eminent Monks, Daoyuan’s Jingde-era Record of Transmission of the Lamp, and Qisong’s Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School. There are at least two reasons for this omission: though Shenhui’s Heze Chan had won ofcial patronage and had enjoyed popularity in the capital region for some time, it vanished by the late Tang. According


Abe ChÔichi, ChÖgoku zenshÖshi no kenkyÖ, pp. 50–64. Ibid., p. 55. Ui Kakuju believes that the two disciples of Huineng resided in the same monastery at different times. See Ui Kakuju, ZenshÖshi kenkyÖ禪宗史研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1935–1943), vol. 2, p. 286. 112 Abe ChÔichi, ChÖgoku zenshÖshi no kenkyÖ, p. 59. 113 Zanning, Song gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 8, p. 755b. 114 Pan Guiming, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng, p. 178. 111


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to Abe ChÔichi, after the persecution of Buddhism in 845 northern China suffered an acute economic depression, which also contributed to the disappearance of both Heze and Shenxiu Chan; replacing them were Chan traditions active in the south in the Hubei and Jiangxi regions.115 According to the scholar Ui Kakuju 宇井壽伯, Shenhui’s branch expanded during the 760s and reached its zenith in the early ninth century. Even during the persecution (corresponding chronologically to the fth generation of Heze), there were still twenty names of Heze dharma heirs recorded. By the sixth generation, however, there was only Yuanshao 圓紹, and after his disciple Huiai 惠靄 during the late Tang, Heze Chan essentially vanished.116 After Heze Chan had petered out, its historical signicance also diminished, as later Chan writers from other lineages promoted only their own lines. In Daoyuan’s Transmission of the Lamp, Heze Shenhui is the last mentioned of Huineng’s disciples.117 The hagiography briey notes his effort in dening Southern Chan, but without approbation. It mentions a few ofcial recognitions, posthumous titles, a pagoda dedicated to him, and a monastery built on the site of the pagoda, but makes no reference to his patriarchal status and lists no disciples. Qisong likewise discussed Shenhui among Huineng’s important disciples but placed his name last.118 Shenhui’s hagiography in the Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School mentions that he went north to declare that Chan had bifurcated into Northern and Southern traditions, and that he had written “Exposition on Illuminating Chan (Xianzong lun 顯宗論)” to elevate Southern Chan, but does not praise him or mention his patriarchal status. Qisong lists eighteen of Shenhui’s disciples but includes no detail about them or about further dissemination of Heze Chan. Both Daoyuan and Qisong emphasized Nanyue Huairang and Qingyuan Xingsi and generations of their dharma heirs.119 Chan historical records such as Zongmi’s Yuanjuejing dashuchao 圓覺 經大疏抄 ascribe Shenxiu Chan’s undoing to Shenhui. But to admit Shenhui’s patriarchal status would have been to admit the continuation of linear, singular transmission ideology, thus diminishing Huineng’s 115

Abe ChÔichi, ChÖgoku zenshÖshi no kenkyÖ, pp. 100–104. Ui Kakuju, ZenshÖshi kenkyÖ, vol. 1, p. 268 (chart). 117 Daoyuan, Jingde Chuandenglu (T. 51), juan 5, pp. 245a–b. 118 Qisong, Chuanfa zhengzong ji (T. 51), juan 7, pp. 750c–51a. 119 Daoyuan, for example, devoted juan 7 to juan 12 to four generations of Nanyue Huairang’s lineage, and devoted juan 14 to juan 26 to nine generations of Qingyuan Xingsi’s lineage. 116

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other disciples and their dharma heirs to heads of auxiliary lineages. Zongmi had no problem with Shenhui’s patriarchy, being the self-proclaimed fth generation of the Heze tradition. But Song-dynasty Chan, largely derived from the lineages of Nanyue Huairang and Qingyuan Xingsi, could not accept Shenhui’s status as seventh patriarch. For the iconography of Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs to be presented to the emperor, Qisong made some adjustments to rationalize his choice. Among the ve disciples he chose to be Huineng’s most important heirs was the Indian monk Gupta (Fig. 4C ). It seems that he was included as an authority from the founding nation of Buddhism in order to bolster the legitimacy of Huineng’s teaching; at least, this is the focal point of Gupta’s hagiography. It is recorded that after he reached Enlightenment under Huineng, Gupta went north and there met a meditating monk on Mount Wutai. Gupta asked why he was meditating, and the monk replied that he was visualizing “tranquility.” Gupta asked, “Who is visualizing and what is the meaning of tranquility?” The monk asked the meaning of such a question, to which Gupta replied, “Why aren’t you visualizing and calming yourself ?” Seeing the monk’s puzzled expression, Gupta nally asked who his master was. It turned out to be the “infamous” Shenxiu. Gupta then pointed out that even the dimmest people in India would not have fallen into this trap, so he advised this monk to go south and follow Huineng immediately.120 Nanyang Huizhong seems to have been the replacement for Shenhui in the picture. Both were Huineng’s disciples, and at different times both were sponsored by Wang Ju at Longxing Monastery. After the An Lushan rebellion Shenhui enjoyed generous patronage from Emperor Suzong, who invited him to the imperial palace and (as noted above) ordered the Chan quarter within Heze Monastery built for him.121 Shenhui’s dominance lasted for the rest of his life. To succeed him, Nanyang Huizhong was invited to the capital. There he presided over Qianfu Monastery 千福寺 and then Guangzhai Monastery 光宅寺 (therefore he was also known as Guangzhai Huizhong). Until his death Huizhong was an inuential Southern Chan gure in the two-capital region of northern China. According to Song Hagiographies of Eminent

120 121

Daoyuan, Jingde Chuandenglu (T. 51), juan 5, p. 237a. Zanning, Song Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 8, p. 757a.


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Monks, he acquired more than ten thousand followers.122 Qisong commented far more favorably on Huizhong than on Shenhui.123 As for Huineng’s three other dharma heirs included by Qisong in Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs, Shaoyang Fahai does not gure prominently in Song Chan texts. Rather, he was important as the scribe for Huineng’s Platform SÖtra.124 Qisong was apparently determined to deny Shenhui the status of seventh patriarch. Qingyuan Xingsi and Nanyue Huairang were crucial to later Chan development. From Huairang’s lineage sprang the Linji 臨濟 and Weiyang 潙仰 schools, and from Xingsi’s lineage sprang the Caodong 曹洞, Yunmen 雲門 and Fayan 法眼 schools. Among the ve schools of Chan, Linji dominated during the Song, Yunmen trailed behind, and Caodong was revived during the eleventh century in the Longmian region. Qisong himself was a Yunmen lineage Chan master, but as a scholar and historian preparing documents for the emperor, he maintained the doctrine of multiple transmissions, hence the ofcially recognized version of Chan history. The 1054 illustration from which JÔjin (or his travel companion) made his copy would not have been accepted by Qisong. By depicting Nanyue Huairang as the sole dharma heir of Huineng, the painter of the original 1054 version supported not only the continuation of linear, singular transmission, but also the Linji lineage, and the importance of Mazu Daoyi, whose inuence emerged most forcefully via the Linji tradition. (The Weiyang school had essentially vanished by the early Song.) As a Yunmen master, Qisong probably would have been hard pressed to accept this interpretation. If he had had to choose one from Huineng’s numerous heirs, it probably would have been Qingyuan Xingsi. The Nanzhao Dali Kingdom painter Zhang Shengwen probably based his Long Roll of Buddhist Images on an old Tang iconography that included Shenhui. Zhang was not concerned with “accuracy,” nor did he include Indian patriarchs, whose number was a point of contention among Chinese Buddhists that Qisong had to address. As for


Ibid., juan 9, p. 963b. Qisong, Chuanfa zhengzong ji (T. 51), juan 7, p. 749c. 124 Fahai’s name appears as the scribe in several versions of the Platform SÖtra, and his preface to the Platform SÖtra can be found in juan 915 of Quan Tangwen 全唐文. 123

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Huineng’s dharma heir, Zhang Shengwen was probably unaware that in Song China his iconography would have been controversial.125 Of Li Gonglin’s Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe, neither the picture itself nor any record of its iconography has survived to our time. Conjecturally, he probably would have selected either of the two Chinese approaches: Huineng followed by multiple transmissions, as proposed by Qisong, or Huineng followed by a single lineage of dharma heirs, as in the 1054 version by an unidentied artist. The Longmian Chan environment was dominated by Linji but welcomed monks of other schools (they were often trained in the same monastery, by the same master, and followed identical religious codes and regiments). Li Gonglin befriended Linji masters Baiyun Shouduan and Wuzu Fayan, Caodong master Touzi Yiqing, and Yunmen masters Fayun Faxiu and Jingyin Jingzhao; he painted a portrait of the Tang Chan master Xuansha Shibei 玄沙師備 (835–908), whose lineage evolved into the Fayan school. In his friendships Li seems to have taken no account of sectarian or political afliation. A Monk Gazing at Fish (Guanyu seng 觀魚僧): Portrait of Xuansha Shibei Li Gonglin may have shown more signs of inuence from the Chan preachings of local monks in his depiction of the ninth-century Chan master Xuansha Shibei gazing at sh, a work he painted between 1085 and 1088 at the Tongwen Guan. Xuansha’s life story and preaching were favorite hortatory subjects used of Baiyun Shouduan and Touzi Yiqing in their shangtang preaching sessions and their songgu poetry.126 Xuansha had enjoyed shing in his youth, but when he turned thirty he suddenly aspired to lead a monastic life, so he gave up his skiff to follow the Chan master Lingxun 靈訓 and become a monk. As an acolyte he was known to devote much time to meditation instead of

125 For an alternate interpretation, see Wen C. Fong, James C.Y. Watt, with contributions by Richard M. Barnhart, et al., Possessing the Past: Treasures from the National Palace Museum, Taipei (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996), p. 217. Also see Matsumoto Moritaka, “Chang Sheng-wen’s Long Roll of Buddhist Images: A Reconstruction and Iconography” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1976), pp. 157–65. 126 Chuning 處凝 et al., eds., Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi yulu 白雲守端禪師語錄 (XZJ 120), pp. 196a, 197a–c, 206c, 207b, 220c, 223a; Zijue 自覺 et al., eds., Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu 投子義青禪師語錄 (XZJ 124), pp. 226a, 234d.


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the more customary traveling to temples to consult senior masters.127 When questioned about this by his master Xuefeng Yicun 雪峰義存 (822–908), Xuansha replied: 達摩不來東土,二祖不往西天。128 Bodhidharma did not come to the East, The second patriarch did not go to the West.

In so saying, Xuansha was maintaining that Chan was meant to be practiced alone and Truth to be sought within oneself, and that he intended to break with the common Chan practice modeled after Sudhana’s pilgrimage. Within the same condence he preached: 佛道閒曠,無有塗程,無門為解脫之門,無見為道人之見。. . . 必須 面對塵境,如枯木寒灰,但臨時運用,不失其宜;如鏡照像,不亂 光輝;如鳥飛空,不雜空色。所以無十方影像,三界絕其行蹤。不 墮往來機,不住中間相。. . .129 The Way of Buddhism is vast, and there is no denite path. The gate of Nothingness is the gate of salvation. The opinion of Nothingness is the opinion of students of the Way. . . . One must face up to the dusty world [with determination], as if one has turned into dry wood and cold ashes. But one must be exible and react appropriately to situations, as a mirror reects images but does not lose it brightness, and as ying birds do not muddle the sky color. In doing this, there are no more shadowy phenomena in the ten directions and the three realms disappear altogether without a trace. One will no longer fall into everyday causes, nor abide in the intermediate phenomena. . . .

Xuansha’s Chan method resembles the Caodong concept of meditation to “depart from perceptions and reect from within oneself.” He emphasized that students of meditation must be still as “dry wood and cold ashes 枯木寒灰,” a phrase commonly used to describe the long, solitary hours of Caodong meditation (linian zizhao 離念自照), and the source of Li Gonglin’s and Su Shi’s cooperation on this painting. Su rst painted a dry tree, and Li Gonglin added the monk by a river gazing at sh swimming in the shadow of the tree. Huang Tingjian titled the painting Xuansha Fears the Shadow (Xuansha weiying tu 玄沙畏影 圖).130 This combination of the dry tree and Xuansha aptly illustrates

127 Puji 普濟, Wudeng huiyuan 五燈會元, juan 7, p. 391, and Juefan Huihong, Chanlin sengbao zhuan (SKQS edition), juan 4, pp. 1a–6a. 128 Puji, Wudeng huiyuan, juan 7, p. 392. 129 Juefan Huihong, Chanlin sengbao zhuan (SKQS edition), juan 4, pp. 1b–2a. 130 Huang Tingjian, Shangu ji 山谷集/Shangu nianpu 山谷年譜 (SKQS ), juan 23, p. 2b.

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


Xuansha’s “Dry Wood Chan” idea of Chan practice. The painting also allowed one element of Su Shi’s famous secular motif, the “three friends” (dry wood, bamboo, and rock), to serve as a religiously oriented pictorial allusion. Chan monks too resorted to secular tropes for religious purposes; the master Jingzhao incorporated bamboo, secular symbol of unshakable integrity, into his preaching. In addition to the title, Huang Tingjian inscribed a poem on the painting that evoked the sentiment in the title and revealed a strong desire to renounce worldly attachment, yet worried that past misdeeds had haunted Xuansha: 橫波一網腥城市, A single net traversing the waves makes the city smell shy. 日暮江空煙水寒; At dusk the river is empty, vaporous water turns cold. 當時萬事心已死, Though his Mind has been dead to myriad matters, 猶恐魚作故時看。 Still he fears the sh will gaze at him, remembering former times.131

The air of apprehension and guilt Huang articulated in this poem contradicts Xuansha’s own condence about his Chan practice. What and whom was Huang trying to address? To this end we may consider why Li Gonglin would depict Xuansha, who had given up his skiff but would go back to the river to gaze at sh in a tree’s shadow. Does this imply unsettled emotions in the painter’s own mind? Xuansha at the age of thirty gave up this worldly pleasure of shing with never a sign of regret afterward. Li Gonglin at the time was approaching forty, which a Confucian maxim characterizes as the “age of no confusion (sishi er buhuo 四十而不惑).” Was Li Gonglin torn between pursuing a career in ofcialdom and renouncing worldly affairs to become a monk? He was unable to relinquish his antique possessions, among other mundane interests. David Palumbo-Liu characterizes this poem as showing “selfawareness and the limits of will”;132 Huang Tingjian seems to have captured Li Gonglin at a crossroads, when Li chose Xuansha’s calm determination to express by contrast his own confused wavering. Only his close associates could have been privy to his state of mind.


Huang Tingjian, ibid., juan 5, p. 8a. Translation after David Palumbo-Liu, with modications (David Palumbo-Liu, The Poetics of Appropriation: The Literary Theory and Practice of Huang Tingjian [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993], p. 141). 132 Palumbo-Liu, ibid., p. 141.


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Danxia Visits Layman Pang (Danxia fang Pang Jushi 丹霞訪龐居士) Emphasis on teaching outside the doctrinal tradition made Chan an entirely Chinese style of Buddhism, the only school that used literary devices and gongan in its teachings, and drew on these for themes and subjects to be expressed in poetry and painting.133 Li Gonglin seems to have been among the rst to create paintings inspired by gongan and other Chan literature, and among his Chan paintings collected by Emperor Huizong was one titled Chan Encounter Painting (Chanhui tu 禪會圖) and another titled Danxia Visits Layman Pang.134 The former is a generic title describing a meeting (encounter), usually between a Chan master and a Confucian scholar. Such stories abound in Chan literature, and had become a fully developed Chan painting genre by the Southern Song. Extant works are mostly by Southern Song academic painters or in their styles, such as Dialogue between Yaoshan and Li Ao (Yaoshan Li Ao wenda tu 薬山李翱問答圖), attributed to Ma Gongxian 馬公顯 and in the collection of Nanzenji 南禪寺, Kyoto, and Wenyan and Fayan (Yunmen Dashi Qingliang Fayan tu 雲門大師清 涼法眼圖) in the collection of TenryÖji 天龍寺, Kyoto. Although the Xuanhe huapu’s record of his Chan Encounter Painting is too vague to suggest its content, Li’s Danxia Visits Layman Pang was derived from a story (or stories) included in the Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang (Pang Jushi yulu 龐居士語錄) that later was (or were) made into gongan. References to Layman Pang appear in the earliest Chan text, Records of Ancestral Halls (Zutang ji 祖堂集), published in 953 under the Southern Tang. In Zutang ji Pang’s hagiography merits individual treatment, indicating his status as an important Chan personage.135 He and Danxia Tianran had been companions since youth, when both aspired to take government examinations together in order to ascend to ofcialdom.136 Headed for the examination site, the two friends passed through the Hannan 漢南 region, where they borrowed a place for the night’s sleep. That night a miraculous encounter with a wise man led them 133

It is sometimes difcult to distinguish “pictures of Chan encounters” (Chanhui tu) and “pictures of signicant Chan moments” (Chanji tu) from illustrations of gongan, simply because stories of Chan encounters often contained special content that can be considered chanji, thus becoming gongan for Chan teaching and inspiration for songgu poems. 134 Xuanhe huapu, juan 7, p. 79. 135 Jing 靜 and Yun 筠, eds., Zutang ji 祖堂集 (published 953) (Kyoto: ChÖbun shuppansha, 1974), juan 15, pp. 295–96. 136 See Danxia’s hagiography in Jing 靜 and Yun 筠, eds., Zutang ji, juan 4, p. 79.

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to abandon thoughts of ofcialdom in favor of practicing Chan with Mazu Daoyi, whereupon Mazu Daoyi advised Danxia to visit Shitou Xiqian 石頭希遷 (700–790). After a year or two of study with Shitou, he was tonsured and ordained.137 Pang Yun followed Danxia to Shitou’s tutelage, but Pang’s hagiography in Records of Ancestral Halls indicates that he shortly returned to Mazu Daoyi. Pang Yun remained a layman, but he reached Enlightenment under Mazu Daoyi. It is said that on that day Pang Yun borrowed a brush and a piece of paper to compose this gÊthÊ:138 十方同一會, 各各學無為。 此是選佛場, 心空及第歸。139

People from ten directions congregate together, Each of us studies “non action.” This is a Buddha-selecting site, [ Whoever] reaches Mind-emptiness takes home the degree.

This poem obviously alludes to his and Danxia’s earlier aspiration to seek ofcialdom. Ever after, this gÊthÊ remained in common use in Chan circles—a claim that their monasteries were sites for training and selecting Buddhas. Li Gonglin’s close monk friend Baiyun Shouduan, for instance, cited this poem with slight variation in his own teaching.140 Pang Yun and Danxia maintained a lifelong friendship, which became the basis for many Chan stories in Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang and other Chan texts. Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang comprises Pang’s meetings and dialogues with Chan masters; seven of these are with Danxia, more than with any other master. In some of the seven dialogues Pang’s daughter plays a major role; she is not identied in Zutang ji, but appears as Lingzhao 靈照 in Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang and Daoyuan’s Transmission of the Lamp (1004).141 In ve of the seven


See Danxia’s hagiography in ibid. See Pang Yun’s hagiography in ibid., juan 15, p. 295. 139 See Pang Yun’s hagiography in ibid. 140 Renyong 仁勇, Chuning 處凝, et al., eds., Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu (XZJ 120), juan 2, p. 211c. 141 For the seven encounters between Danxia and Layman Pang, see Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang in XZJ 120, pp. 55a–82a. For a translation of these episodes, see Ruth Fuller Sasaki, Yoshitaka Iriya, and Dana R. Fraser, trans., A Man of Zen: The Recorded Sayings of Layman P’ang ( New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1971), pp. 51–55. Note that the translated version contains an eighth episode, which is not in the original text in XZJ 120, nor is it discussed in Iriya Yoshitaka’s annotated edition. See Iriya Yoshitaka 入矢 義高, HÔ Koji goroku 龐居士語錄, in Zen no goroku 禪の語錄, vol. 7 ( Tokyo: Chikuma shobÔ, 1973), pp. 44–68; Daoyuan, Jingde chuandeng lu, juan 8, pp. 263c. 138


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episodes, it is Danxia who visits Layman Pang; the fth and seventh episodes do not indicate who visited whom. Li Gonglin’s original illustration of Danxia Visits Layman Pang has long disappeared, but one short handscroll painting of the subject, recently surfaced, has been attributed to the master (Fig. 7).142 Neither the painting nor the paper mounted with it bears any seal or inscription prior to the early Ming. One colophon by the monk Puqia 溥洽 (1348–1426) and another by the renowned Ming literatus-painter Yao Shou 姚綬 (1423–1495) were written on different dates at the request of two different owners of the painting.143 Knowing that Li Gonglin’s painting of the same subject had been collected by Emperor Huizong, Puqia in his 1398 colophon rationalized his authentication of this handscroll as a genuine Li Gonglin by asserting that, even though the seals of the Xuanhe era were no longer on the painting, seasoned connoisseurs would have no trouble identifying the painter.144 The opening and closing borders of the current composition are tight, resulting from minor trimming of the original composition. This in no way suggests that the trimming(s) bore impressions of seals of Emperor Huizong. Even if they had, the authenticity of such seals could never be veried. The handscroll shares some stylistic characteristics with copies of Li Gonglin’s Returning Home, Mountain Villa, and the Nanjing Museum version of White Lotus Society Picture, and stylistically resembles the Southern Song monk-painter Fanlong’s scroll The Eighteen Arhats in the Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. It can be safely placed in the Li Gonglin tradition. Puqia’s colophon mainly concerns the identity of gures in the painting: . . . 東白冏上人藏丹霞訪龐居士圖,若夫婦、父子之席地坐談。女之 迎客,客之問候。從者之持笠撰杖…。145 . . . in Danxia Visits Layman Pang owned by master Jiong of Dongbai, [there are gures] such as the couple and the father and son talking while sitting on a mat on the oor. [ It depicts moments] such as the daughter

142 This short handscroll was at Kaikodo Gallery, New York City, and recently sold to a collection in Japan. See Kaikodo Journal III, Spring 1997, p. 60f. For an illustration, see cat. no. 3, p. 61. 143 For their colophons, see ibid., p. 63. 144 Ibid. 145 Ibid. For an alternate translation, see ibid., p. 60.

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greeting the guest, the guest asking after [the layman,] and an attendant holding a plaited hat and a walking staff. . . .146

Puqia implies that the three gures inside the house are Pang Yun, his wife, and son, while his daughter and Master Danxia stand outside. Yao Shou also believed this to be a work by Li Gonglin, and in his colophon he focuses on the story unfolding outside the fence: 幅中時來訪龐者, 袈裟乃是丹霞師。 方其相見言與否? 一乘直指非吾知。147

In the painting, the person in monk’s garb who comes to visit Pang is Master Danxia. Do they speak with words upon meeting? This is the One Vehicle direct teaching, about which I am quite ignorant.

Yao Shou’s inscription emphasizes inexpressible ontological meaning, which is related to the Song kanhua Chan tradition (discussed below). A few mature trees bracket the scene in this painting; between them, a woven fence separates the Pang residence from the level ground outside. A gate in the fence stands half-open. Inside, as Puqia noted, Layman Pang, his wife, and son sit on a mat on the oor of their thatched house. The post-and-beam construction of this rustic, simple dwelling uses tree trunks with bark and sections of main branches intact. The wall plaster is missing in some places, revealing the inner wall structure—and poverty. This scene aptly illustrates Layman Pang’s living conditions as documented in Records of Ancestral Halls and in Transmission of the Lamp.148 Pang himself had also written several gÊthÊs describing his poor living conditions, in which he rejoiced as the environment conducive to pursuing Buddhist emptiness: 余家久住山, 早已離城市, 草屋有三間。. . .149 空空無處坐。 家內空空空, 空空無有貨。


My family has long lived in mountains, We have long departed the city. Three thatched houses, Empty, empty, no place to sit down. Empty, empty, and empty inside the house, Empty, empty, there are no goods.

Translation modied from ibid., p. 60. Ibid., p. 63. For an alternate translation, see ibid., p. 60. 148 Jing 靜 and Yun 筠, eds., Zutang ji, juan 15, p. 295; Daoyuan, Jingde chuandeng lu, juan 8, p. 263c. Both texts note that Pang lived in a small house (xiaoshe 小舍). 149 Pang Jushi yulu 龐居士語錄 (XZJ 120), p. 62b. 147


chapter three 日在空裡行, 日沒空裡臥。. . .150

Active in emptiness during the day, Sleeping in an empty house after the sun has set.

The nine occurrences of “emptiness” here carry both simple observation and religious meaning. Returning to the painting, just outside the fence stands a woman, her folded hands held low and concealed in her sleeves. Facing her is the monk Danxia, mouth open in speech and hands raised in a gesture of greeting. His pose appears to match Puqia’s colophon indicating that Danxia is inquiring about the Layman. A basket on the ground in front of the woman identies her as Lingzhao 靈照 (to be discussed shortly). The portrait of the entire Pang family described in Puqia’s colophon is complete. Lingzhao and Danxia outside the fence surely identify this handscroll as the rst of the seven encounters between Danxia and Layman Pang in Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang. The story goes that Danxia came to visit the Layman. As soon as he reached the gate, he saw Lingzhao holding a basket of greens and asked her if the Layman was at home (zai 在). Lingzhao put down the basket and politely folded her hands, but stood silent (the scene outside the fence depicts this moment). Danxia asked again. Lingzhao picked up the basket and walked away, whereupon Danxia left. Shortly after, when the Layman returned, Lingzhao told him what had happened, yet the Layman asked her if Danxia was still “there (zai 在).” “Left,” she replied, to which he said, “Red earth smears milk (chitu tu niuni[ru] 赤土塗牛你[乳]).”151 An outsider to Chan is easily perplexed by the irrational, nonsensical actions and responses of these characters, but stories of this kind were specically applied in Chan teachings on the inexpressible nature of Buddhist Truth, and were intended to stun disciples’ worldly consciousness and logic in order to open them to Enlightenment. This method was prevalent among many Chan schools, specically among Caodong and Linji monks in the Longmian region during Li Gonglin’s time; it evolved into the can huatou 參話頭 (“meditate on the clue”) tradition promoted by the Chan master Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲 (1089–1163).152


Ibid., p. 64b. This section exists as a separate story in Daoyuan’s Jingde chuandeng lu (T. 51), juan 14, p. 310c. For a full translation of this dialogue, see Sasaki, Iriya, and Fraser, eds., A Man of Zen, esp. p. 51. 152 In kanhua Chan, the Chan to be contemplated (can, “meditated upon”) is hidden in the huatou (“clue” or “riddle”). For discussion of kanhua Chan, see Wei Daoru 魏道儒, 151

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


In each gongan of this type is a key word or phrase, the clue (huatou 話頭), and students of Chan were supposed to delve into its meaning. In this particular story the huatou was the word zai 在, “Existence.” Danxia’s inquiry as to whether Layman Pang was at home, zai, was meant to hide the riddle. Students who could gure this out could then understand the reason Lingzhao responded to Danxia’s questions with a series of seemingly irrelevant actions, because to the Chan adherent the Buddhist truth cannot be expressed or explained with words. The second riddle in this story occurred when the Layman asked his daughter whether Danxia was still around. Her direct, rational response to the question, “Left,” prompted his riposte of “red earth smears milk.” Pang was talking nonsense simply to emphasize that dharma cannot be expressed in words. We can thus appreciate Yao Shou’s focus on the subtle distinction between verbal and nonverbal expression. By the same measure, Pang Yun’s “Empty, empty, empty” in the gÊthÊ quoted above indicates that as early as his own time, the Chinese Chan tradition had already developed a poetic device in which to imbed Buddhist meaning, similar to the Indian tradition of chanting the forty-two Siddham characters as a way to open the Mind to Buddhist truth. In Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang the original story of the rst encounter between Danxia and Layman Pang has two scenes. The handscroll strays from the original encounter story by showing Lingzhao in the same pictorial frame with the rest of the Pang family, when Pang Yun was not supposed to be at home and his wife and son played no part in this gongan. The painter thereby deemphasized the gongan episode in favor of the more secular appeal of popular stories about Layman Pang amid his family. Whether Li Gonglin would have done so is not easy to answer. Literary evidence suggests, however, that the fascination with Pang Yun and his family developed only toward the late Southern Song. It continued into the Yuan with many embellished legends. This trend culminated in the production of the Yuan drama “Layman Pang Accidentally Unleashed Debts to be Paid in Future Births (Pang Jushi wufang laishengzhai 龐居士誤放來生債),” attributed to the obscure playwright Liu Junxi 劉君錫. In Li Gonglin’s time the dual sources for Layman Pang’s hagiography were Records of Ancestral Halls and Transmission of the Lamp. In addition,

Songdai Chanzong wenhua 宋代禪宗文化 (Henan: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1993), pp. 105–35.


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the title of a collection of his three hundred gÊthÊs is recorded in Old Tang History ( Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書), and the title of his Recorded Sayings in one juan was recorded in the Song History (Songshi 宋史).153 Both were available during the Northern Song, and are included in the Ming edition of Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang, the earliest known version. The Ming edition of Recorded Sayings is in three juan—the rst containing the original Recorded Sayings, the second and third juan comprising Pang’s gÊthÊs. These original materials, which were separate texts during the Song, contain no direct hagiographical mention of Pang’s family other than a daughter who was identied as Lingzhao in Recorded Sayings and Transmission of the Lamp. Pang Po 龐婆 (“Woman Pang”), who appears once in Recorded Sayings with the daughter Lingzhao, most likely refers to Pang’s wife.154 Elsewhere among the three hundred gÊthÊs, Pang often used the terms “father and son(s)” or refers to them, but the gÊthÊs seldom reveal whether he was referring to his own family. The only exception is the gÊthÊ in which Pang mentions one Pang Da 龐大 (literally, “Big Pang”).155 Following a family name, da usually means eldest son, which implies that Pang had more than one child. A more famous gÊthÊ—one in which Pang wrote that his entire family, including son (or sons—the term zi does not specify singular or plural) and daughter, was so engaged in pursuit of Enlightenment that they had given up establishing their respective families.156 These subtle references were crucial to later, embellished legends about the Pang family. The embellishments seem not to have begun in the Northern Song, when Li Gonglin created his Danxia Visits Layman Pang, however; contemporaneous writers such as Su Shi compared Pang Yun with VimalakÒrti (a comparison rst made by Daoyuan in Transmission of the Lamp in 1004);157 Juefan Huihong 覺範惠洪 (1071–1128) and

153 Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 and Song Qi 宋祁, eds., Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), juan 49, p. 1531; Tuotuo 脫脫, ed., Songshi 宋史, juan 205, p. 5186. 154 Pang Jushi yulu (XZJ 120), p. 61a. 155 Ibid., p. 64b. 156 Ibid., p. 55a; Daoyuan, Jingde chuandeng lu (1004, T. 51), juan 8, p. 263b. In the Ming edition of Recorded Sayings are gÊthÊs including a term referring to “father-son,” but whether these appearances were just poetic rhetoric or actually meant that Pang had a son is hard to say. A person named Pang Da 龐大 (“elder [son] Pang”) is mentioned once (Pang Jushi yulu, p. 64b). 157 Su Shi 蘇軾, Dongpo quanji 東坡全集 (SKQS ), juan 11, p. 3a; Wu Zhizhen 吳之振, Song shichao 宋詩鈔 (SKQS ), juan 21, p. 12b.

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


Qin Guan 秦觀 (1049–1100; a disciple of Su Shi) praised his Chan wisdom, and Huang Tingjian compared him with famed Tang Chan masters.158 Lingzhao was occasionally mentioned in Northern Song writings, such as a poem by Peng Ruli 彭汝礪 (1042–1095).159 The general perception of Pang Yun presented by Li Gonglin’s contemporaries adheres closely to standard hagiographical texts such as Records of Ancestral Halls and Transmission of the Lamp, in which Lingzhao was the only family member ever mentioned. It is not impossible that Li Gonglin could have extracted separate and subtle hagiographic information from these texts and formed a composite iconography including Danxia’s aborted visit and the family unit, but in so doing he would have altered the entire meaning of the gongan, calling into question whether the current scroll can be considered a gongan illustration. The story of Pang’s family of four appeared after Li Gonglin’s time. The early Southern Song writer Chao Gongwu 晁公武 (1105–1180) in his Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 (Records of Study of the Jun Studio) was the rst to state unequivocally that both Pang and his wife studied Buddhism (but no mention of a family of four as it appeared in later legends).160 The monk Faying’s 法應 Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji 禪宗 頌古聯珠通集 (compiled in 1175) mentioned that Pang cast his family wealth into Xi River (Xijiang 西江) and his daughter sold handmade bamboo skimmers for a living.161 A century later, toward the end of the Southern Song, more legends of the Pang family began to take shape; the monk Baotan’s 寶曇 Da Guangmingzang 大光明藏 (Treasure of Great Brightness; published 1265) noted how rare it was to have four Buddhas from the same (Pang) family.162 The monk Benjue’s 本覺 Shishi tongjian 釋氏通鑑 (preface 1270) contains a similar story with further embellishments, giving Pang an aristocratic background and his son the name Genghuo 耕獲 (meaning “obtained through tilling the soil”—implying that Pang farmed his own elds). The story relates

158 Qin Guan 秦觀, Huaihai ji/houji 淮海集/後集 (SKQS ), juan 3, p. 2a; Juefan Huihong, Shimen wenzi chan 石門文字禪 (SKQS ), juan 3, p. 14a, and juan 19, pp. 29a, b. 159 Peng Ruli 彭汝礪, Poyang ji 鄱陽集 (SKQS ), juan 3, p. 4a. 160 Chao Gongwu 晁公武, Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 (Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1967 reprint), juan 16, p. 24a. 161 Faying’s 法應 Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji 禪宗頌古聯珠通集 (XZJ 115) mentions that Pang sank his family wealth in the Xiang River and his daughter sold bamboo skimmers for living. The Yuan-dynasty monk Puhui 普會 added to the original text, ibid., juan 14, p. 81c. 162 Baotan 寶曇, Da Guangming zang 大光明藏 (XZJ 137), juan zhong, p. 419a.


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that Pang’s father had been Governor of Hengyang (Hengyang Cishi 衡陽刺使) and that Pang decided to sink his large inherited wealth to the bottom of Lake Dongting 洞庭. When asked why he did not give it away as a means of accumulating karma, the Layman replied that such altruistic actions would have consequences that would further hinder liberation. Afterward, the Layman lived a poor and simple life, supporting his family with his handmade bamboo skimmers, sold by his daughter at the market.163 Regarding the legend of Pang sinking his family wealth in a lake, the scholar Iriya Yoshitaka 入矢義高 has noted that it was probably constructed to match Pang Yun’s status with that of VimalakÒrti. According to the VimalakÒrti-nirdeua SÖtra, VimalakÒrti possessed immeasurable wealth and was the most virtuous among all laymen.164 Thus, according to Iriya, Pang Yun had to be perceived as a wealthy and worthy man who was also capable of detaching himself from worldly possessions.165 Literary sources suggest that the story of Layman Pang drowning his family wealth was a later cultural product, reafrming Daoyuan’s and Su Shi’s analogy between Layman Pang and VimalakÒrti. Into the Yuan dynasty legends of Layman Pang and his family continued to expand. Tao Zongyi’s 陶宗儀 (act. fourteenth c.) Chuogeng lu 輟耕錄 (Records of Ceasing to Farm), for instance, noted that in his day greedy people were ironically called “Layman Pang,” because Pang was so troubled by his wealth that he drowned it.166 Even so, Tao noted that the story about Pang and his family was probably fabricated.167 Notwithstanding Tao’s awareness of Pang apocrypha, the fascination with Pang and his family continued to grow, and culminated in the late Yuan drama Layman Pang Accidentally Unleashed Debts to be Paid in Future Births, attributed to the obscure dramatist Liu Junxi.168 In this work Pang’s wife is identied as being from the Xiao family 蕭氏, the daughter’s name remains Lingzhao, whereas the son’s name is changed

Benjue 本覺, Shishi tongjian 釋氏通鑑 (XZJ 131), juan 9, pp. 473d–74a. Iriya Yoshitaka, HÔ Koji goroku 龐居士語錄, pp. 213–14. 165 Ibid., p. 214. 166 Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀, Chuogeng lu 輟耕錄, in Zhongguo xueshu mingzhu diliuji, Dushu zajicongkan dierji, dijiuce 中國學術名著第六輯,讀書劄記叢刊第二集,第九冊, ed. Yang Jialuo (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1963 reprint), p. 273. 167 Ibid. 168 See Wang Xueqi 王學奇, ed., Yuanquxuan jiaozhu 元曲選校注 (Hebei: Jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 885–930. Also see Luo Jintang 羅錦堂, Xiancun Yuanren zaju benshikao 現存元人雜劇本事考 (Taipei: s.n., 1959), pp. 290–91. 163 164

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from Genghuo 耕獲 in Benjue’s Shishi tongjian to the more aristocratic and class-appropriate Fengmao 鳳毛 (Phoenix Feather). The change of name indicates that it lacked a classical source; in other words, the son and his name(s) were later fabrications subject to still further alterations. In this drama this son did not have to work, whereas in the earlier legend, Genghuo died in the eld upon hearing from his mother of his father’s death. The drama was an elaborated version of the story recounted by Tao Zongyi, centered on how Layman Pang had been burdened by his wealth despite trying to use it for the good of others. Once he loaned some silver to a certain Li Xiaoxian 李孝先. Li lost the money in business, and as he was passing the courthouse one day he saw debtors being tortured by the judge’s orders. Li was so frightened that he fell ill. Pang, hearing about it, lamented that he had intended a good deed but had ended up hurting Li Xiaoxian. He then burnt all of their loan agreements and gave Li more money. Later, as Layman Pang was passing his stable, he overheard a conversation between a horse and a mule revealing that because they had owed Layman Pang money in their previous lives, they were there to pay it back. Shocked by this revelation, Pang instructed his son and daughter to free all of their animals, and he then burnt his house, crops and all remaining loan documents. His frantic reaction culminated in using several large boats to carry his enormous wealth and sink it into the sea (not, as in the earlier version, into Lake Dongting or West River). The entire family then moved to Mount Lumen 鹿門 where Layman Pang made bamboo skimmers for living and his daughter sold them in front of Yunju Monastery (Yunjusi 雲居寺), where Danxia was currently the abbot. In this drama, however, Danxia appears as a bogus monk who tries to seduce Lingzhao; a Ming-dynasty woodcut print illustrates this episode. The drama ends with the four Pangs recognized as reincarnations of deities, Pang as Pi¸Óola, his wife as a banner-holding female attendant (zhifan luoshanü 執幡羅剎女), his son as Sudhana, and his daughter Lingzhao as Guanyin of the South Sea. A few demarcations in the formulations of legends of Layman Pang and his family may indicate when the iconography of the current scroll Danxia Visits Layman Pang could have been created. During Li Gonglin’s time, embellishments to the Pang family legends had not yet begun. Even Chao Gongwu’s Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書誌 contains none of the embellished details that would appear in Fayin’s Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji 禪宗頌古聯珠通集 (comp. 1175), in which a wealthy


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Pang abandons his family lucre in the Xi River.169 Toward the end of the Southern Song, in both Baotan’s and Benjue’s writings, the four members of the Pang family are clearly mentioned and Pang’s family background is further elaborated. Though the Yuan writer Tao Zongyi doubted the authenticity of the story, he also noted that Pang had become a popular cultural gure, whose legend was part of people’s daily lives, and the fascination with Pang culminated in the Yuan drama discussed above. Given the incremental embellishing of legends about Pang, and that all four Pangs were rst mentioned by name in Benjue’s writing, prefaced in 1270, it is likely that the legends of Layman Pang had already been developed and circulated to the point that Benjue felt they merited inclusion in his writing. These legends had taken on lives of their own, and their lack of authenticity did not outweigh the fascination with and desire for more details and drama. It is thus possible that this extant illustration of Danxia Visits Layman Pang was geared to popular consumption of Layman Pang’s legends. Since Li Gonglin’s paintings were much in demand, and he had painted the subject, a later painter familiar with Li’s style could easily be persuaded to create a version in the Li style but including Layman Pang’s whole family to suit the current market demand. Conversely, Li Gonglin’s original iconography could not have included specic details of Pang’s legends that had come into being after his time. Perhaps the painter of the extant version replaced the second part of Li’s original illustration of the “Danxia visits Layman Pang” gongan, i.e., Layman Pang’s conversation with Lingzhao alone, with the complete Pang “family portrait.” Based on iconography, the most likely time for the production of this scroll was circa 1270; the monk Puqia was among the many who accepted such legends as facts. Avalokiteuvara Prominent in Li Gonglin’s faith and art was Avalokitetvara. In his Mountain Villa, a cliff fronting water sufced to remind him of Guanyin’s Chinese home, so that he named the scene Guanyin Yan (Guanyin

169 Pang’s sinking his wealth had appeared about a century earlier. Faying’s 法應 Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji 禪宗頌古聯珠通集 (compiled 1175) mentioned that Pang abandoned his family wealth in Xiang River and his daughter sold bamboo skimmers for living. Faying, Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji ( XZJ 115, comp. 1175). The Yuan-dynasty monk Puhui made an addition to the original text, ibid., juan 14, p. 81c.

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Cliff ). In paintings his baimiao-style Avalokitetvara enjoyed a special status in the history of Avalokitetvara iconography (particularly favored by literati and Chan circles), equal to that of the gure paintings by the Tang master Wu Daozi. But relating his paintings of Avalokitetvara with specic aspects of his Buddhist faith presents challenges, foremost among which is the failure of available records to specify what iconographic types of Avalokitetvara he depicted. The deity’s vast popularity in China engendered manifold iconographic variety and divers functions in formal liturgy and in folk Buddhist beliefs, which culminated during the Five Dynasties and the Northern Song. Chün-fang Yü’s extensive researches have contributed to our understanding of the complex evolution of the Avalokitetvara cult. The coexistence of many different Avalokitetvara iconographies in both canonical and folk beliefs, and the ritual and cultural meanings specic to each, further complicate our understanding of the artist’s faith and art centered on this deity. This section discusses only three iconographic forms of Avalokitetvara: White-robed Guanyin 白衣觀音 (Li Gonglin’s baimiao Avalokitetvara helped spark the popularity of this form during the Song and Yuan); Water Moon Guanyin 水月觀音 (whose iconography is derived from Huayan tradition); and Guanzizai Bodhisattva 觀自在菩薩 (many translations of Avalokitetvara exist, but this one, which is expressed in Li Gonglin’s Guanyin Yan vista in his Mountain Villa and in his inscription on an Avalokitetvara painting, imbued the divinity with additional meaning). Although many scholars have suggested a connection between the early phase of White-robed Guanyin and the Tantric goddess White Tara, Chün-fang Yü believes that the deity’s popular ascendance owed much to the imagination and creativity of the Chinese faithful.170 Yü discusses the popularity of White-robed Guanyin among literati and Chan believers, and how the White-robed Guanyin became a common painting subject among these social circles during the Song and Yuan.171 She also suggests that White-robed Guanyin represents the emptiness concept preached in the Heart SÖtra and symbolizes serenity during Chan meditation, thus becoming a favored deity among both monks and lay Buddhists.172 Cornelius Chang and other scholars have 170 Yü, Chün-fang, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteuvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), pp. 250–51. 171 Ibid., p. 251. 172 Ibid., p. 127.


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noted the difculties in distinguishing White-robed Guanyin from Water Moon Guanyin.173 Chang observes that the names of fourteen of the thirty-three traditional transformations of Avalokitetvara convey only brief descriptions of the deities’ postures and the attributes held in their hands, and nothing relating to meaning or function. Under these circumstances, a Water Moon Guanyin in baimiao style could easily be mistaken for White-robed Guanyin, and vice versa. Yü rst argued that White-robed Guanyin was female and Water Moon Guanyin was decidedly male, but acknowledges that over time Avalokitetvara did generally acquire a more feminine appearance,174 making strict iconographic identication of extant examples in art chancy at best. Citing a Yuan-dynasty Avalokitetvara hanging scroll in the collection of the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, Yü points out that the deity (sitting on a rock symbolizing Potalaka in the South Sea) is encircled by the glow of the full moon—making it an unmistakable Water Moon Guanyin.175 Yet it also wears a white hood, potentially identifying it as a White-robed Guanyin.176 Identication is further impeded by its mysterious translucent blue outer robe. Yü and Chang demonstrate the difculties in distinguishing these two types of Avalokitetvara, particularly the baimiao style popularized by Li Gonglin and even more so in black-and-white printed images, the form in which, for the most part, Buddhist iconographies circulated among the masses. Compounding this confusion is the variant Guanzizai Bodhisattva, which Yü translates as “Perceiving Master.” She argues that in the history of this cult, this infrequent translation of Avalokitetvara as “Guanzizai Bodhisattva” is vastly outnumbered by the translations “Guanyin” and “Guanshiyin”.177 Since the Sui dynasty, however, Guanzizai Bodhisattva had embodied a highly specied religious meaning that is essential to deciphering Li Gonglin’s Avalokitetvara faith. Guanzizai Bodhisattva diverged from the traditional roles of divine helper toward paradise and savior from earthly distress played by Guanyin and Guanshiyin, signifying instead an internalized self-cultivation. This distinction illuminates the subtler role of the deity for Li, and is one 173 Chang, Cornelius, “A Study of the Paintings of the Water-Moon Kuan-yin” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1971), p. 117. 174 Yü, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteuvara, p. 232. 175 The late scholar Wai-kam Ho identied this deity as Water Moon Guanyin during a conversation with this author. 176 Yü, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteuvara, p. 251. 177 Ibid., p. 14.

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key to interpreting his depictions and his Mountain Villa as expressions of his Buddhist faith. Avalokitetvara rst became popular in China after KumÊrajÒva’s translation of the Lotus SÖtra in 406. The twenty-fth fascicle of this text, the “Universal Gateway (Guanshiyin pusa pumenpin 觀世音菩薩普 門品),” describes Avalokitetvara as savior of those who called his name from worldly perils, whether disaster at sea, robbery on land, re, or snakebite—hence the translation Guanyin or Guanshiyin, “He Who Heeds the Sounds of the World.” Early Avalokitetvara iconography derived from this section of the Lotus SÖtra focused on the bodhisattva’s supernatural power, most often depicting the deity at the center, surrounded by scenes of disasters described in the sÖtra. In each disaster vignette the deity manifests himself as a savior of the faithful in the external, phenomenal world. When MahÊyÊna Buddhism was rst introduced to China, this iconography gave the impression of a deity who would respond directly and in person to the needs of potential converts, making Avalokitetvara (representing MahÊyÊna compassion) vastly appealing. Avalokitetvara iconography also sprang from the Avata“saka SÖtra, the Heart SÖtra, numerous Tantric scriptures translated during the Tang, the AmitÊbha cult, and folk beliefs. Though Tantric texts often employ the Chinese name Guanzizai, it is because most of these texts were translated after the Buddhist pilgrim and translator Xuanzang 玄奘 (ca. 602–664) advocated this translation. The function of Avalokitetvara in Tantric texts, however, sometimes differed from that emphasized by Li Gonglin and the doctrinal circle. In the AmitÊbha cult Avalokitetvara is largely identied as Guanyin or Guanshiyin and is paired with MahÊsthÊmaprÊpta as the two most important attending bodhisattvas of AmitÊbha. Guanyin was even perceived as the successor of AmitÊbha when that deity should cease to be. Though the Avata“saka and Lotus sÖtras were translated at roughly the same time,178 the latter scripture enjoyed greater immediate popularity, as evidenced by the huge number of Lotus SÖtra-inspired Buddhist stelae and images of Avalokitetvara produced during the Northern and Southern dynasties. The Avata“saka SÖtra, by contrast, rose to prominence during the Tang, as Huayan became a leading school of Buddhism. With the popularity of the preaching of the bodhisattva path,

178 The Lotus SÖtra was translated by KumÊrajÒva in 406, the Avata“saka SÖtra by Buddhabhadra, between 418 and 420.


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the “GandhavyÖha” section of the Avata“saka SÖtra became the focus of study for many Buddhists, as it “recounted” Sudhana’s pilgrimage to fty-three kalyʸamitras (including Avalokitetvara) before he reached Samantabhadra (Puxian 普賢), who symbolized the Effect of Buddha (see Chapter Five). Since the “GandhavyÖha” preaches cultivation of Mind, the vivid descriptions of Sudhana’s visits to fty-three kalyʸamitras in “actual places” were likely to have been metaphoric, yet they enticed artists and the faithful to imagine the physical appearance of Avalokitetvara’s island home. Xuanzang had searched for and visited a place so identied on his journey in India.179 In the Tang translation of the Avata“saka SÖtra, Sudhana’s visit to Avalokitetvara, the twenty-eighth kalyʸamitra, included the following description: 善男子,於此南方,有山名補怛洛迦,彼有菩薩名觀自在。汝詣 彼問︰“云何學菩薩行、修菩薩道?”即說頌曰: 海上有山多聖賢, 眾寶所成極清靜。 華果樹林皆遍滿, 泉流池沼悉具足。 勇猛丈夫觀自在, 為利眾生住此山。 汝應往問諸功德, 彼當示汝大方便。 爾時善財童子一心思惟彼居士…漸次遊行,至於彼山,處處求覓此 大菩薩。見其西面巖谷之中,泉流縈映,樹林蓊鬱,香草柔軟。… 觀自在菩薩,於金剛寶石上,結跏趺坐。無量菩薩,皆坐寶石, 恭敬圍繞,而為宣說大慈悲法。180 Good man, south of here is a mountain named Potalaka, where the bodhisattva Guanzizai resides. You go now to inquire: “How best to learn the bodhisattva conduct, and cultivate the path of bodhisattva?” The gÊthÊ praises: There is a mountain in the sea, full of sages and the virtuous; It is made of innumerable gems, pure and tranquil. Filled with owers and fruit tree forests, There are abundant springs, streams, and ponds. The brave one, Guanzizai, For the benet of sentient beings, resides in this mountain. You should go and inquire about all virtues and deeds.

Xuanzang 玄奘, Da Tang Xiyuji 大唐西域記 (T. 51), juan 10, p. 932a. sikÉÊnanda 實叉難陀, trans. (695–704), Avata“saka SÖtra (T. 10), juan 68, p. 366c. 179


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He should expound the great expedient ways to you. At this moment Sudhana wholeheartedly contemplates this sage. . . . He journeys gradually toward that mountain to seek this great bodhisattva everywhere. On its west side, in a valley of a cliff, where undulating streams [shine like a] mirror, the forest is luxuriant, and fragrant grass soft, the bodhisattva Guanzizai sits cross-legged on a vajra-gem rock. Innumerable bodhisattvas encircling [ Him] also sit on gem rocks. Together they expound the dharma of great compassion [to Sudhana].

The most signicant part of this physical description of Potalaka, which inspired later development of Potalaka Avalokitetvara iconography, comprises the secluded valley adjacent to a cliff, the abundance of crystal-clear water (springs, streams, and ponds), and luxuriant vegetation, amid which sits Guanzizai in a cross-legged posture on a vajra-gem rock. There is no record indicating when Avalokitetvara on Potalaka rst captured the imagination of Chinese artists, but evidence suggests the mid-eighth century (after the Tang translation of the Avata“saka SÖtra by sikÉÊnanda, ca. 700) coinciding with the inception of the Water Moon Guanyin cult. According to the Tang art historian Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 (act. mid-ninth c.), the famed gure painter Zhou Fang 周昉 (act. mid-eighth-early ninth c.) rst created the Water Moon Guanyin iconography. Zhang describes Zhou’s painting at Shengguang Monastery (Shengguangsi 勝光寺): 周昉畫水月觀自在菩薩掩障,菩薩圓光及竹,並是劉整成色。181 Zhou Fang painted the Water Moon Guanzizai bodhisattva on a screen. The rounded glow of the bodhisattva and the bamboo are all colored in by Liu Zheng.

Zhou Fang’s original iconography is no longer extant, but the fullmoon disc and bamboo of his screen became the prototype for later Water Moon Guanyin in depictions of Potalaka. Several Five Dynasties examples from Dunhuang suggest the lasting legacy of Zhou Fang’s iconographic design. The example from the Pelliot collection at the Musée Guimet,182 dated to 943, shows the Water Moon Guanyin seated on a gem-like rock before owing water, left foot resting on a

181 Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠, Lidai minghuaji 歷代名畫記, in Huashi congshu 畫史叢 書, ed. Yu Anlan 于安瀾 (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963), juan 3, p. 46 and juan 10, p. 123. 182 For an illustration, see Giès, Jacques, and Monique Cohen, eds. Serindia, Land of Buddha: Ten Centuries of Art on the Silk Road. (Paris: Musée Guimet, 1995), cat. no. 268, p. 373.


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lotus ower, right resting on his left knee in a relaxed royal ease pose. Behind him is a palm-like grove. Judging from the adjacent bamboo shoots, these plants most likely are bamboos, perhaps painted by a local Dunhuang artist unfamiliar with bamboo.183 Behind the deity is the full moon disc, one emblem of Water Moon Guanyin. Though the painting does not seem to contain a cliff, other elements of Potalaka described in the Avata“saka SÖtra are present. Later depictions of Avalokitetvara on Potalaka in China, Korea, and Japan, in polychrome or ink monochrome—although they might eliminate the full moon glow, move the vajra gems into the pond, add corals and other shapes or colors of gems, add a cliff and a waterfall behind the bodhisattva, add Sudhana and the dragon maiden, add a blue or a white bird, and show a more realistic bamboo grove—are all derived from the same basic iconographic and compositional design. Scholars have taken these depictions of Avalokitetvara to be based on the description in the “GandhavyÖha,”184 but a recent study by Yamamoto YÔko 山本陽子 challenges this view, pointing out that the deity’s environmental setting is not uncommon in earlier paintings of Chinese recluses and Immortals. In addition, Chinese recluses are often shown amid pines and bamboo, whereas the sÖtra mentions many kinds of owers and plants but does not specify bamboo (a key Potalaka motif in East Asian paintings). From this, Yamamoto concludes that the iconography is based on indigenous repertoire.185 Yamamoto’s analysis is sound, but creating new and sinicized Buddhist iconographies based on preexisting and contemporaneous secular images was commonplace. This phenomenon reects a tendency among Chinese artists to “domesticate”—to sinicize—Buddhism. Using the Northern Song Chan monk Foguo Weibai’s 佛國惟白 (1057–1117) Pictorial Praises of the Guidance of MañjuurÒ (Wenshu zhinan tuzan 文殊指南圖贊) as an example, its woodblock print illustration of Sudhana’s pilgrimage to Avalokitetvara (Fig. 2) shows the bodhisattva in a Chinese garden setting, sitting in three-quarter view on a rock above the water; the backdrop is

183 Yamamoto YÔko 山本陽子, “The Formation of the ‘Moon and Water’ Guanyin 水月觀音圖の成立に一考察,” Bijutsushi 美術史 ( Journal of the Japanese Art History Society, 125), juan 38, no. 1 (1989/3), p. 29, and p. 37, n. 6. 184 The rst scholar to make this proposal was Matsumoto Eiichi 松本榮一. See his “Suigetsu Kannon zukÔ 水月觀音圖考,” Kokka 國華, vol. 36 (no. 8), 1926, pp. 208–11. 185 Yamamoto, “The Formation of the ‘Moon and Water’ Guanyin,” pp. 28–38.

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a Lake Tai garden rock framed by bamboo plants. A portion of Foguo Weibai’s praise reads: 善財童子第二十八詣補陀(本經作怛)落迦山參觀自在菩薩。諸菩 薩眾各坐寶石,猶如滿月,共演慈音,說離怖畏。. . .186 Sudhana’s twenty-eighth visit is to Potalaka to consult with Guanzizai bodhisattva, where many bodhisattvas sit on their respective gem seats, forming a full-moon [shape]. With compassionate voices, together they expound departure from fear . . .

Foguo Weibai’s words hint that Potalaka Guanzizai is, in fact, Water Moon Guanyin. Chün-fang Yü has noted the absence of scriptural origin for Water Moon Guanyin or White-robed Guanyin. Her reading of the obscure Dunhuang text Moonlight-in-Water Guanyin Bodhisattva SÖtra Spoken by the Buddha (Foshuo Shuiyueguang Guanyin Pusa jing 佛說水月光觀 音菩薩經) reveals connections to the Thousand Hand SÖtra (Qianshoujing 千手經) and to Invocation of the Great Compassionate One (Dabei Qiqing 大悲祈請). It also associates both these latter texts with the Thousandhanded Thousand-eyed Guanyin. The 943 Guimet painting, which is the earliest appearance of Water Moon Guanyin at Dunhuang, is part of a larger composition of the Thousand-handed Thousand-eyed Guanyin. On these bases, Yü concurs with the view long held by art historians that Water Moon Guanyin “might be taken as a variant name for Thousandhanded” Guanyin.187 The question remains unresolved; when Zhou Fang rst created the iconography, between the mid-eighth and early ninth centuries, nearly two centuries prior to the Guimet painting, he painted the Water Moon Guanyin as an independent icon on a screen in a hall. Records from the late Tang through the Song dynasties also reveal that in paintings (by Fan Qiong 范瓊, Zhang Nanben 張南本, Wang Ai 王靄, Huang Jucai 黃居寀, and Wu Zongyuan 武宗元) Water Moon Guanyin was presented as an independent deity; only in Zuo Quan’s 左全 depiction in the MañjutrÒ Hall of Da Shengci Monastery 大聖 慈寺 in Sichuan was Water Moon Guanyin part of a composition that included a Thousand-handed Thousand-eyed Guanyin.188 The origin of

Foguo Weibai 佛國惟白, Wenshu zhinan tuzan 文殊指南圖讚 (T. 45), p. 799c. Yü, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteuvara, p. 234. 188 Huang Xiufu 黃休復, Yizhou minghualu 益州名畫錄, Huashi congshu 畫史叢書, ed. Yu Anlan 于安瀾 (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963), juan shang, p. 8. For Fan Qiong’s 范瓊 depiction, see ibid., p. 2; for Zhang Nanben’s depiction, see Cao Xuequan 曹學佺, Shuzhong guangji 蜀中廣記 (SKQS ), juan 106, p. 9; for Wang Yi’s depiction, see Liu Daochun 劉道醇, Songchao minghua ping 宋朝名畫評 (SKQS ), juan 1, 186 187


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Water Moon Guanyin iconography thus demands further scrutiny. An analysis combining the original text from the Avata“saka SÖtra, Foguo Weibai’s writing, and the description of Zhou Fang’s Water Moon Guanzizai may shed new light on this old question. While describing Potalaka as the island home of Avalokitetvara, the Avata“saka SÖtra notes the innumerable bodhisattvas encircling Avalokitetvara, who together expound the dharma of great compassion to Sudhana. Thus Potalaka was not occupied exclusively by Avalokitetvara, but he was the paramount deity there, a common situation in descriptions of Buddhist realms. In art, these secondary deities could be situated in nature accompanying the main deity or they could be reduced in size and encircle the edge of the main deity’s halo. Foguo Weibai clearly believed that they formed a full-moon shape on Potalaka, and so too did Zhang Yanyuan describe Zhou Fang’s depiction, which situated Water Moon Guanzizai in an environment that became the prototype for later depictions of Avalokitetvara on Potalaka. Could it be that, like Foguo Weibai, Zhou Fang was inspired by the “GandhavyÖha,” and transformed innumerable bodhisattvas seated around Avalokitetvara into a full-moon shape in Potalaka—hence the beginning of Water Moon Guanyin? Could it be that the Water Moon Guanyin originated in the Avata“saka SÖtra, and its connection to the Thousand-handed Thousand-eyed Guanyin composition was a later attempt, particularly popular in the Dunhuang and Shu regions, to associate this Tantric deity with Potalaka? Foguo Weibai’s printed illustration of Avalokitetvara further demonstrates the difculty in identifying Water Moon Guanyin. His praise implies that the illustration shows Water Moon Guanzizai on Potalaka, but in the print there is no full moon encircling the deity.189 The deity in a oating teardrop-shaped mandorla suggests the assembly is in process. The absence of lunar imagery was not uncommon among Water Moon Guanyin paintings, however. Another Water Moon Guanyin painting in the Musée Guimet, dating from the late Tang to the Five

p. 2b; for Huang Jucai’s 黃居寀 depiction, see Xuanhe huapu, in Huashi congshu, ed. Yu Anlan (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963), juan 17, p. 196; for Wu Zongyuan’s 武宗元 depiction, see Liu Daochun, Songchao minghua ping (SKQS ), juan 1, p. 6a, b. 189 In Fig. 2, the tear-drop shape contains a deity emerging next to the Guanyin. This iconography, however, may indicate that the assembly is in process.

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Dynasties,190 shows the Guanyin with a halo too small to be a full moon encircling the deity. Further complexities can be seen in some Guanzizai Pusa iconography. Guanzizai is the translation of Avalokitetvara used in the Tang translation of the Avata“saka SÖtra, in Zhang Yanyuan’s description of Zhou Fang’s Water Moon Guanzizai, and in Foguo Weibai’s writing. Chün-fang Yü has argued that this was just a translation of the Sanskrit Avalokitetvara, but, as we shall see, Guanzizai sometimes exists independent of Guanyin, and the Chinese name Guanzizai suited the internal cultivation practice emphasized by the elite and by Chan Buddhists. An Eleven-headed Avalokitetvara dated to the tenth century (Fig. 8) shows twenty-four manifestations, among which the two most important are identied in the text below as Guanzizai and Water Moon. They are near mirror images; both are encircled in moon-like discs and sit on rock formations commonly associated with Potalaka. In this illustration, Guanzizai exists independently and shares equal status with other manifestations. Both images are printed in black and white, and resemble ink monochromes of White-robed Guanyin. Together with Foguo Weibai’s woodblock print rendition, they could be identied (or misidentied) as White-robed Guanyin. To explain why Guanzizai was often associated with internal cultivation, I shall examine the deity’s preaching in the Heart SÖtra and the special meanings that Chinese Buddhist masters assigned to Guanzizai; only then can the meaning of Avalokitetvara in Li’s faith be properly deciphered. Though possibly apocryphal, the Heart SÖtra was an important scripture in Chinese Buddhist history.191 KumÊrajÒva (ca. 343–ca. 413) had translated this sÖtra, and multiple translations by different Buddhist monks during the Tang dynasty denitively marked its upsurge in popularity. Regarded as the scripture most concisely summarizing the MahÊyÊna preaching of Emptiness, the Heart SÖtra features Guanzizai Pusa (觀自在菩薩) as its primary deity and practitioner of the profound prajñÊpÊramitÊ: Guanzizai, in the course of pursuing attainment of profound Wisdom ( prajñÊpÊramitÊ), realized that the Five Constitutions of Beings are empty by nature, and thereupon preached this realization to sÊriputra: 190 For an illustration, see Giès, Jacques, and Monique Cohen, eds. Serindia, Land of Buddha: Ten Centuries of Art on the Silk Road (Paris: Musée Guimet, 1995), cat. no. 211. 191 Nattier, Jan, “The Heart SÖtra: A Chinese Apocryphal Text?” in The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, vol. 15, no. 2 (1992), pp. 153–223.


chapter three 色不異空,空不異色;色即是空,空即是色。192 Form is no different from Emptiness. Emptiness is no different from Form. Form is Emptiness, and Emptiness is Form.

After setting this basis for recognition of nonduality, Guanzizai preached that the same can be said of feeling, perception, volition, and recognition, namely, if form equals emptiness, everything and everything mirrored upon one’s Mind and everything conceived in one’s Mind is intrinsically empty. In MahÊyÊna ideology, when a bodhisattva pursues the attainment of prajñÊpÊramitÊ, “there is no world of vision, no world of Mind or recognition,” and “he lives on without a clouded Mind, without fear, and departs from perversion and imagination to reach the ultimate nirvʸa.”193 In turning from the external, phenomenal world (rÖpa or lakÉa¸a) to the inner self (Mind, the theme of this sÖtra), one comes to realize that Mind is the source of all illusion and suffering. The salvation offered by MahÊyÊna philosophy is the realization of Emptiness. This wisdom offered in the Heart SÖtra resembles the principle of nonabiding taught in the VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra, where the goal is to understand the causes and effects of the notion of abiding (wozhi 我執), and reach the ultimate realization of non-self (wuwo 無我). Guanzizai’s role in the Heart SÖtra differs entirely from his role in the Lotus SÖtra, where this bodhisattva heeds calls for help and becomes the savior of human beings. In the Heart SÖtra he focuses on prajñÊpÊramitÊ, an inward cultivation that departs from fear and perversion to reach Enlightenment. In this role Guanzizai matches the description in Foguo Weibai’s praise, quoted above, reecting a new trend among more educated Buddhists, including Chan and literati Buddhists. Guanzizai’s role in the Heart SÖtra—guiding devotees in turning inward to realize that Emptiness is all—also enhanced and broadened the meaning and function of Avalokitetvara, coincident with the growing acceptance during the Sui and Tang of the principle of nondifferentiation between phenomenon and noumenon. How did Guanzizai assume this symbolism in China? The name Guanshiyin 觀世音 for Avalokitetvara rst appears in the Chinese translation of the Lotus SÖtra by KumÊrajÒva in 406. KumÊrajÒva’s disciple Sengzhao 僧肇 recorded his master’s denition of Guanshiyin and noted that

192 193

Xuanzang, trans., Banruo boluomiduo xinjing 般若波羅蜜多心經 (T. 8), p. 848c. Ibid.

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the deity’s name could also be translated as Guanzizai, but he did not apply special meaning to the latter.194 The Liang-dynasty (502–557) monk Guangzhaisi Fayun 光宅寺法雲 connected the name Guanshiyin to the principle-cum-practice of trividha-dvÊra (sanye 三業): Guanshiyin can have four names: the rst is Guanshiyinzhengyan 觀 世音正言, he, the bodhisattva who hears the voices of the world to save [sentient beings]. The second is Guanshiyinshen 觀世音身, he, the bodhisattva who contemplates sentient beings’ deeds to save [them]. The third is Guanshiyi 觀世意, he, the bodhisattva who contemplates sentient beings’ thoughts and intentions to save [them]. The fourth is Guanshiye 觀世業, the bodhisattva who encompasses all three qualities.195

In Fayun’s denition, Guanshiyin not only responds to calls for help from those in bodily peril, but also contemplates the words, actions, and intentions or thoughts of sentient beings in order to guide them along the bodhisattva path. This view of Avalokitetvara expanded on that in the “Universal Gateway,” in which Avalokitetvara is described only as a savior from bodily harm. The late Sui-early Tang monk Jizang 吉藏 (549–623) also accepted the four-name translation-denition of Avalokitetvara, and was probably the rst to attempt to unify and simplify the various translated names of Avalokitetvara as Guanzizai 觀自在: 別有經云「觀自在菩薩」此名備含三業,於名義最勝。196 There are other sÖtras that call this bodhisattva Guanzizai [the bodhisattva who contemplates self-naturalness]; this name encompasses all three trividha-dvÊra, and has the most profound meaning of all.

Despite all previous attempts to translate the name of Avalokitetvara and dene the multiple translations, Xuanzang, one of the translators of the Heart SÖtra, believed: 「阿縛盧枳低溼伐羅」,唐言觀自在。若分文散音,即「阿縛盧枳 多」譯曰"觀",「伊溼伐羅」譯曰“自在”,舊譯“光世音”或“觀 世音”或“觀世自在”皆訛謬。197 The name Avalokitetvara in Chinese is Guanzizai. If the syllables are divided, Avalokita means “to contemplate (Guan)” and ivara means “self-

194 195 196 197

Sengzhao, Zhu Weimojie jing 註維摩詰經 (T. 38), juan 1, p. 331a. Fayun, Fahuajing yiji 法華經義記 (T. 33), juan 8, p. 678a. Jizang, Fahua yishu 法華義疏 (T. 34), juan 12, p. 624c. Xuanzang, Datang xiyuji (T. 51), juan 3, p. 883b.


chapter three naturalness (zizai ).” All previous translations, whether “Guangshiyin,” “Guanshiyin,” or “Guanshizizai,” are wrong.

Based on phonology, Xuanzang denied all but his own translation, Guanzizai, which gradually became commonly accepted. Xuanzang apparently imbued Guanzizai with special meaning—“he who contemplates his self-nature.” His Korean disciple Wonch’uk 圓測 (613–696) extended this notion by adding: In accordance with old translations, [the bodhisattva] is named Guanshiyin, [ because he] contemplates those who call upon his name from the various parts of the world, i.e., the mukha-dvÊra, so that he can save them from various perils. Therefore he is named Guanshiyin. But this does not reveal that the deity can also contemplate the kÊya and manas, the other two dvÊra. Now this Heart SÖtra calls [the bodhisattva] Guanzizai because he can internally realize the two Emptinesses, and externally contemplate the trividha-dvÊra. He does not depend on external effects, but can rest in his destiny freely. That is why he is called Guanzizai.198

Wonch’uk is thus calling “hearing the cries [of the world]” an “external effect” and stating that the “two Emptinesses” to be “realized internally” are the total nonexistence of self and dharma.199 Wonch’uk’s view reinforced that of Jizang and of his master Xuanzang—Guanzizai is the best translation of Avalokitetvara since it encompasses both internal and external cultivations and the noncontradiction between noumenon and phenomenon. The internal cultivation represented by Guanzizai was emphasized by the Chan school as the essential teaching of the VajracchedikÊprajñÊpÊramitÊ, VimalakÒrti-niödeua, Heart and Avata“saka sÖtras. It was also the focal point of highly intellectualized Buddhist ontology, as studied by the literati of the two Song capitals and by their Longmian-region peers, including Li Gonglin. This background allows us to probe the meaning and function of Avalokitetvara in Li’s faith. In Chapter Two, while discussing the Guanyin Yan in Li’s Mountain Villa, I noted that whereas Li designated this site as the abode of Avalokitetvara by placing a bench in front of a cliff wall facing a stream (clearly to evoke the deity’s abode on Potalaka), he did not install an image of the deity. The last two lines of Su Che’s poem on this site speak of the painter’s intent:

198 199

Wonch’uk, Banruo boluomiduo xinjingzan 般若波羅密多心經贊 (T. 33), p. 534b. Ibid.

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“A location, but without a person; does your Mind comprehend this?”200 Li himself inscribed on his painted image of a Long-scarf Guanyin (Changdai Guanyin 長帶觀音) an echo of this principle: “The world regards royal-ease posture as the manifestation of zizai [self-naturalness, nonpretentiousness], but [ I think] zizai resides in one’s Mind, not in the xiang [ image, external phenomenon].”201 Whether calling the deity Guanyin or Guanzizai, Li Gonglin emphasized MahÊyÊna “internal realization”; he did not identify Avalokitetvara with external functions or with appearance. To him, Avalokitetvara was an inspiration for introspective cultivation of perfect Enlightenment. It is reasonable to assume that he also adhered to the noncontradiction principle and accepted Avalokitetvara as the external revelation of MahÊyÊna compassion, while still clearly emphasizing the more ontological, abstract aspects of Guanyin symbolism popular among Chan and literati. This elite propensity for seeking spiritual emancipation, nonduality, and Enlightenment necessitated Guanzizai Bodhisattva. In this regard, Guanzizai’s qualities and function, regardless of the name applied to him, became in later Chinese Buddhism the embodiment of the ontology preached in the Heart SÖtra and in many other ideas and texts favored by Chan. Li Gonglin’s Guanyin Yan site in his Mountain Villa, by being intentionally left unoccupied, and his inscription on a Long-scarf Guanyin, an iconography he was credited with creating, deemphasized the image of the deity and emphasized internal self- or Mind-cultivation. Li Gonglin’s devotion to Guanzizai may be seen as reecting this newly intense propensity, and he was probably among the rst Chinese painters to have used ideas in the Heart SÖtra to redene the meaning of Avalokitetvara, long a popular deity, as the name in Chinese translation underwent transformations that would dene the deity’s later religious roles. In Chan and literati circles Guanyin’s symbolism became prevalent, as did Li Gonglin’s depictions of this bodhisattva. Li Gonglin’s Guanyin images were widely copied and forged. The most accomplished forgers were people around him, who had ample opportunities to observe him painting. These paintings were then passed on, often as Li Gonglin’s originals. The boy Zhao Guang 趙廣, Li’s 200 Su Che 蘇轍, “Ti Li Gonglin Shanzhuangtu ershi shou (題李公麟山莊圖二十 首,” in Luancheng ji 欒城集 (SKQS ), juan 16, p. 12a. My translation is modied from Harrist, Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China, p. 41. 201 Deng Chun 鄧椿, Huaji 畫繼, juan 3, p. 13.


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indentured servant, for example, learned painting by preparing the studio for his master. It was said during the Northern Song that the quality of Zhao’s horse paintings matched those by Li Gonglin. During the chaotic transition between the Northern and the Southern Song Zhao was captured by bandits who demanded that he paint portraits of women they had captured and threatened to cut off his right thumb should he refuse. Zhao steadfastly refused, and paid the price. Little did the bandits know that Zhao was a left-handed painter. After his release Zhao painted only Guanyin for the rest of his life, perhaps to express his gratitude for having survived the torment. Lu You 陸遊 (1125–1210), grandson of Li Gonglin’s close friend Lu Dian, who documented this anecdote in his Laoxuean biji 老學庵筆記, noted that most of the Guanyin paintings collected by scholars of his time (early Southern Song) were actually painted by Zhao Guang.202 Given his grandfather’s friendship with Li Gonglin, Lu You probably knew Zhao Guang. Whether Li Gonglin had used Zhao Guang as his “substitute brush” is unknown, but for an indentured servant to prot from artistic skills obtained during servitude seems perfectly reasonable, particularly after his master had passed away. Zhao Guang and other painters privileged to have learned from Li Gonglin make authenticating Li Gonglin’s works difcult, but they also laid the foundation for the Li Gonglin tradition for later generations. Li Gonglin’s Guanyin images became so well known that later writers commenting on Guanyin images would often refer to Li. The monk Yuechuang 月窗 (dates unknown) presented a painting titled White-robed Guanyin to the ofcial Yu Liangneng 喻良能 (1120–?), who in his colophon noted that Li Gonglin had long passed away and wondered how Yuechuang was able to capture the artistic spirit of Li Gonglin.203 So famous was Li Gonglin’s artistic interpretation of Guanyin that his depictions were incised onto stone steles. Thus publicly displayed, Li’s Guanyin iconographies were viewed and rubbings made for perpetuity and for dissemination. The Song-dynasty author Jia Xuanweng 家鉉翁 ( jinshi 1229) in his Zetang ji 則堂集 recorded that Li Gonglin’s Four-armed Guanyin was incised on a stone stele, and that a rubbing of it had been mounted with a colophon by Chao Yongzhi 晁詠之, brother of Chao Buzhi 晁補之 (1051–1110).204 Instead of recording

202 203 204

Lu You 陸游, Laoxuean biji 老學庵筆記, (SKQS ), juan 2, p. 4b. Yu Liangneng 喻良能, Xiangshan ji香山集 (SKQS ), juan 4, pp. 10b–11a. Jia Xuanweng, Zetang ji 則堂集 (SKQS edition), juan 4, pp. 9b–10b.

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


Chao’s colophon, Jia summarized a conversation between himself and the collector surnamed Chen, centered on the principles of “oneness” and “one equals multitude” and vice versa. Chen rst stated that the bodhisattva Guanyin, without departing from his seat, was still able to be in all places; whether he had two, four, or eighty-four thousand arms, whether he had two, four, or eighty-four thousand eyes, he could manifest himself and appear in any place without hindrance. Chen then asked Jia if he had comprehended this concept, to which Jia, perhaps being politely humble, replied that he had not. Chen further expounded, and Jia summarized: 蓋百、千、萬、億者,原乎一者也;原乎一者,原乎心者也。目之 視、耳之聽、手之持、足之行、所以宰制萬微。動與理Ƒ心實為之 也。是故、一可以周乎萬萬,不離乎此一,斯乃心體流行之妙。隨 寓著見,非由外至者也。. . . 是知菩薩清淨寶目、母陀羅手,所以充 滿法界、無在不在、皆心體之發達。. . . 205 One hundred, one thousand, ten thousand, and one hundred million [all ] originate from One; originating from One means originating from Mind. What our eyes see, our ears hear, our hands hold, our feet walk on, Mind controls all their minute subtleties. Movements and Ƒ206 are in fact the actions of Mind. Therefore, One is capable of encompassing a multitude of circumstances without departing from here—this is the wondrousness of Mind. It can manifest in accordance with circumstances, and it is not affected by externality. . . . Therefore we know that the pure and precious eyes and hands of the bodhisattva permeate dharmadhÊtu through the Mind’s power.

References to the ve sensory organs (the medium between a being and his external world), bodily actions, and their relations to Mind are without doubt derived from the Heart SÖtra; these references also resemble Li Gonglin’s focus on Mind. Oneness, which originates from Mind, is a Chinese MahÊyÊna concept that reached its fullest development and greatest inuence in Tang-dynasty Huayan teachings,207 and Huayan was an important part of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist learning within the Longmian Chan circle. Li Gonglin’s Guanyin was transferred to woodblock prints as well for mass distribution; his Long-scarf Guanyin seated in the royalease posture, on which he inscribed “self-naturalness resides in one’s Mind, not in images (phenomena),” was chosen by the Chan monk

205 206 207

Ibid. The original character is missing. See discussion in Chapter Five.


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Datong Shanben 大通善本 (1035–1109)208 to be woodblock printed for propagation. Accompanying this printed image was a colophon by the prominent Song-dynasty Jiangxi-school poet Chen Shidao 陳師道 (1053–1101): . . . 三江九河, 為一大海。 非一非異, 清濁何在? 兩目兩手, 而萬千萬。 吾儕小人, 左右異便。 願我眾生, 從聞反原。 盡十方界, 一觀世音。209

. . . Three brooks and nine rivers, Congregate into a big sea. They are neither the same nor different, What then is the distinction between purity and turbidity? [The deity’s] two eyes and two hands, Can multiply to tens of thousands and tens of millions. We, the insignicant, Distinguish right from left. I wish all sentient beings would Return to the origin upon hearing this. Throughout realms of all ten directions, There is only one Guanshiyin.

Chen Shidao’s colophon echoes the conversation between Jia Xuanweng and the collector surnamed Chen regarding the omnipresence of Guanyin, and its origination within oneself. The similarity of these pronouncements was not simply coincidence; it reected a major religious interpretive trend that viewed internal cultivation as crucial on the bodhisattva path (which is why the interpretation of Avalokitetvara as Guanzizai became increasingly important among Chan and literati Buddhists). The Lotus SÖtra’s preaching of Guanyin’s omnipresence in any perilous situation and supernatural salvic power was now interpreted as a phenomenon of the Mind—the root of the Oneness principle. The rise of this interpretation during the Tang was part of the sinicization of Buddhism, which made the bodhisattva path the overarching goal among all Chinese schools of Buddhism. The regional manifestations of Guanyin emerging at the time were all being subjected to further reinterpretations. Jia Xuanweng’s record, Chen Shidao’s colophon, and Li Gonglin’s two statements, visual and literary, testify that Chinese Buddhists had begun to regard the multiple manifestations of Guanyin as part of the Mind’s activities, thus transforming external phenomena

208 For Datong Shanben, see Chi-chiang Huang, “Northern Song Layman Yang Jie and Buddhism—Supplment to Yang’s Hagiography in Song Shi (Bei Song jushi Yang Jie yu Fojiao—jianbu Songshi Yang Jie benzhuan zhi que 北宋居士楊傑與佛教— 兼補《宋史》楊傑本傳之缺),” Hanxue yanjiu 漢學研究, juan 21 (1), 2003/6, p. 262. 209 Chen Shidao, Houshan ji 後山集 (SKQS ), juan 17, pp. 4b–5a.

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into the internal Mind-cultivation emphasized especially by bodhisattva practitioners. Li’s Huayan faith seems to have inspired him to imbue Guanyin with a new role: sole guide on the bodhisattva path, the role played by MañjutrÒ in the “GandhavyÖha.” In his depiction of a series of thirtytwo manifestations of Guanyin, accompanied by matching gÊthÊ-style poems, Guanyin becomes the only kalyʸamitra. Thirty-two differed from the thirty-three in the “Universal Gateway” section of the Lotus SÖtra, and Li’s accompanying gÊthÊ poems were modeled after short gÊthÊs that accompany illustrations of Sudhana’s pilgrimage created during the Northern Song, as seen in Foguo Weibai’s Wenshu zhinan tuzan. Sudhana appears in a majority of the thirty-two Guanyin manifestations, whose gÊthÊs express instructions clearly intended for Sudhana in pursuit of bodhisattvahood, instead of the promises of salvation from perils made in the “Universal Gateway.” Li Gonglin’s original Manifestations of Guanyin and Praises (Guanyinxiang bingsong 觀音像并頌), like some of his other Guanyin paintings, was transferred onto stone steles, which became models for later depictions. At least ve versions of this work dated to the Ming dynasty are extant: (1) One complete set of thirty-two images, preserved in the Beijing Library, comprises rubbings made from incised stone slabs; (2) The Ming-dynasty painter Du Jin 杜菫 (act. 1465–1505) produced one painted version, copied from a painting of which twenty-eight leaves are preserved in the Tokyo National Museum; (3) Xing Cijing 邢慈靜 (dates unknown), younger sister of the famous calligrapher Xing Tong 邢桐 (1551–1612), produced another painted version titled Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva (Guanshiyin pusa sanshier yingshen 觀世音菩薩三 十二應身), whose twenty-four extant leaves are in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei; (4) the famed gure painter Ding Yunpeng 丁雲鵬 (1547–1628) made yet another painted version (Thirtytwo Manifestations of Guanyin, Guanyin sanshier xiang 觀音三十二相), which was then carved onto woodblocks, thirty of which are preserved in the Anhui Provincial Museum; (5) Miss Qiu 仇氏 (dates unknown), daughter of Qiu Ying 仇英 (late fteenth-mid-sixteenth c.), painted the fth version, of which the twenty-four extant leaves are preserved in the Herbert F. Johnson Museum, Cornell University.210

210 For the Beijing Library version, see Ji Yaping 冀亞平, ed., Beijing Tushuguan cang huaxiang tuoben huibian 北京圖書館藏畫像拓本匯編 (Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1993) (in 10 juan), juan 9, pp. 179–210. For the Du Jin version, see Suzuki Kei 鈴木敬, ChÖgoku kaiga sÔgÔ zuroku 中國書畫總合圖錄, (Tokyo: TÔkyÔ Daigaku shuppankai,


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Of the ve sets, the Beijing Library rubbings bear a rubbed signature of Li Gonglin, suggesting that the pictorial slabs were derived from an original design by the master.211 The Ming-dynasty scholar Wang Shizhen 王世貞 (1526–1590) mentioned seeing a rubbing version, which he titled Shancai can Guanshiyin sanshierbian shiben 善財參觀世音三十二 變石本 (Stone Rubbing Version of Sudhana’s Pilgrimage to Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanshiyin); its superb quality led Wang to think that it must have been taken from stones carved directly from Li Gonglin’s original.212 It is not clear whether Wang Shizhen was verifying a signature by judging the style, or examining the style to determine attribution; the latter would mean that the version he saw lacked the rubbed Li Gonglin signature. If the rubbing did bear a signature, it was probably made from the Beijing Library version or from one identical to it. Du Jin 杜堇 (fteenth-sixteenth c.), who copied his version from a painting in Xiang Yuanbian’s 項元汴 (1525–1590) collection, claimed that the painting on which he based his version was by Li Gonglin.213 Both Du’s and Miss Qiu’s versions have as their frontispiece a transcription of the Heart SÖtra; Du Jin transcribed the sÖtra text for his own album, Tu Long 屠隆 (1543–1605) inscribed on Miss Qiu’s album.214 We do not know on what model Miss Qiu based her depiction. Peter Way, the dealer who sold Miss Qiu’s album to the Johnson Museum, suggests that the two seals on its rst leaf, reading “Xiang-Li shi zhencang 項李氏珍藏 (Treasured and collected by Xiang-Li),” and “Taohuayuan li renjia 桃花園裏人家 (Residence of the Peach Blossom Garden),”

1982–1983), vol. 3, JM1–110. For Xing Cijing’s version, see Lee Yu-min, Guanyin tezhan 觀音特展 (Visions of Compassion: Images of Kuan-yin in Chinese Art, Catalogue to a Special Exhibition of Works from the National Palace Museum Collection, trans. Donald E. Brix), (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 2000), cat. no. 12, texts: pp. 195–98. For Ding Yunpeng’s version, see Mingdai muke Guanyin huapu 明代木刻觀音畫譜 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1997), pp. 111–42. The recently acquired Johnson Museum album was previously in the Dubosc collection. This work was on view in the exhibition Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists, 1300 –1912, and partially published in the exhibition catalogue. See Marsha Weidner and Ellen Johnston Laing, eds., Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists, 1300 –1912 (Indianapolis and New York: Indianapolis Museum of Art and Rizzoli, 1988), cat. no. 3, pp. 70–72. 211 Ji Yaping, ed., Beijing Tushuguan cang huaxiang tuoben huibian, juan 9, p. 210. 212 Wang Shizhen 王世貞, Yanzhou sibugao, xugao 弇州四部稿/續稿 (SKQS ), juan 171, pp. 2a–b. 213 Du’s colophon is reproduced in Suzuki, ChÖgoku kaiga sÔgÔ zuroku, vol. 3, JM 1–110, 16/16. 214 This transcription is preserved with the Johnson Museum version.

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indicate that this album was in Xiang Yuanbian’s wife’s collection.215 Way therefore suggests that, when Qiu Ying lived with the Xiang family toward the end of his life, so too did his daughter Miss Qiu.216 This hypothetical scenario led Way to surmise that Du Jin and Miss Qiu must have copied the same original album painted by Li Gonglin, in Xiang Yuanbian’s collection.217 Two distinctive modes of calligraphy, lishu 隸書 and kaishu 楷書, appear in four of the ve extant versions. The Qiu and Beijing Library versions are in an identical style of lishu; Du’s and Xing’s are both in kaishu mode. (In the woodblocks copied from Ding Yunpeng’s version, the poems were altered.) Furthermore, the relative placement of texts and images in the Du and Xing albums is very similar (only three units differ). This would suggest that these two painters probably copied the same or two closely related ones. Contra Peter Way’s surmise, Miss Qiu probably based her album on a model similar to the Beijing Library rubbings, and her work later entered the collection of Xiang’s wife. The multiple claims of connection to Li Gonglin attest to his lasting legacy. Du Jin humbly conceded that his copy could not match even the level of a lineal branch of this Northern Song master.218 Whether or not the album Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin in Xiang Yuanbian’s collection on which Du based his depiction was Li Gonglin’s original, and whether or not the Beijing Library version consists of rubbings based on carvings of Li Gonglin’s original, these multiple claims bespeak an important cultural phenomenon—Ming painters were well aware of a Li Gonglin tradition (chuanpai 傳派) and continued to transmit it by copying. Regardless of how many layers removed they are from Li Gonglin’s original, these ve Ming versions, created at different times and from different sources, share many iconographic features. Despite some not-uncommon errors in transcribing the original poems, these images and gÊthÊ poems are crucial to discerning how Li had used Guanyin for his bodhisattva cultivation. The connection made by Wang Shizhen between the rubbing that he saw and described and Sudhana’s pilgrimage ts a majority of the images in the rubbing, including one of Sudhana paying homage

215 Peter Way has provided his 41-page unpublished research paper to the museum. This information is derived from pp. 1–2 of Way’s paper. 216 Ibid., p. 3. 217 Ibid., p. 7. 218 Suzuki, ChÖgoku kaiga sÔgÔ zuroku, vol. 3, JM 1–110, 16/16.


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to Guanyin that resembles illustrations of the same episode in the “GandhavyÖha” and in later depictions of Guanyin on Potalaka, painted in China, Korea, and Japan. Among Northern Song painters who might have combined thirty-two manifestations of Guanyin with Sudhana, Li Gonglin is the most likely candidate. By employing both of these tropes, the painter has shifted the identity of the deity from the Lotus SÖtra’s savior from mundane perils to a kalyʸamitra questing for Enlightenment and also to the not unrelated internal impulse to self-cultivation. Li Gonglin had invested in this theme. Although only the Beijing Library rubbings comprise all thirty-two leaves, the combination of Du Jin’s, Miss Qiu’s, and Xing Cijing’s versions provides the original thirty-two manifestations and their matching gÊthÊ poems. The rst leaf in Miss Qiu’s version claries the Chanavored bodhisattva concept (Fig. 9A):219 師獵得麇, 師農得粟。220 善財亡法, 禮菩薩足。 菩薩不言, 前瞻後矚。 汝自問取, 白雲青竹。221

If one practiced hunting, one would obtain deer, If one learned farming, one would obtain grains. Without proper methods, Sudhana Pays homage at the foot of the bodhisattva. The bodhisattva does not speak even a word, He looks to the front and to the back. [He says to Sudhana,] “You go by yourself to ask White clouds and green bamboos.”

The rst two lines state that one must invest effort to achieve intended effects. The next four lines address the inappropriateness of relying on


The order of images differs among these ve versions. This leaf appears rst in the Qiu, Du, Beijing Library and Ding albums, but sixth in Xing’s album. The three painted versions and the Beijing Library rubbing set preserve Li’s original poems, but the Ding Yunpeng woodblocks only preserve some semblance of Li’s iconography, accompanying it with altered poems. Of the calligraphy in the ve sets, only the Qiu and Beijing Library version are in Han-dynasty lishu 隸書 mode. Since the carved stone slabs from which the Beijing Library rubbings were taken most likely faithfully transcribed the original design for the purpose of preservation, the Qiu painting is probably the closest of the four to the original. In the Du and Xing albums the arrangement is identical with three exceptions (Xing 13/Du 17, Xing 22/Du 21, and Xing 23/Du 15), and both versions are inscribed with kaishu 楷書 calligraphy, suggesting that these two albums were not modeled after the Beijing Library rubbings, but shared another common model (or had two similar models). 220 The character su 粟 (“grain”) is written as li 栗 (“chestnut”) in the Qiu version, but both the Du and Xing versions use the more logical character li. 221 Note that these versions exhibit different orders; except for the Xing depiction, the four other versions have this leaf as the rst.

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externality—the deity’s looking around to make sure that he was the one being worshiped, questioning the usefulness of Sudhana’s action. The last two lines then direct Sudhana to ask of white clouds and green bamboos. A Song Chan Buddhist would understand this gÊthÊ expression of self and Buddhahood, which permeates both animated and inanimated spheres. Li Gonglin expressed the same belief in his Mountain Villa, wherein he imaged the pattern created by the cascade of a waterfall as the necklace of a bodhisattva and a semicircular rock cliff as the canopy over a Buddha.222 In the “GandhavyÖha,” MañjutrÒ and Samantabhadra bound Sudhana’s pilgrimage; when one reached Samantabhadra, one had completed the bodhisattva path and reached Enlightenment. Before then, however, MañjutrÒ was perceived as the most important of some fty other kalyʸamitra.223 The entire “GandhavyÖha” was thus called “the guidance of MañjutrÒ.” By painting thirty-two manifestations of Guanyin in this album, Li Gonglin was proposing that Guanyin could serve the same role, and in one leaf he referred to this model of bodhisattva preaching: 萬象森羅, 文殊悟竅。 一但晴空, 普賢心妙。 具足大惠, 如青蓮花。 皭然皎然, 泥而不滓。224

Of the majestic and myriad phenomena, MañjutrÒ holds the aperture to Enlightenment. Once the sky is clear, One reaches the wondrous Mind of Samantabhadra. When completing the Great Wisdom, One will be like the blue lotus ower. Pure it is, Emerging from mud, but unaffected by sediment.

In the corresponding image Guanyin relaxes on a lotus leaf and gazes at a white bird perched on a bamboo sprig in a vase oating on the water. This is a feminine form of Guanyin, exuding sensuous grace: she rests her head on her right hand, her left arm across her chest. Her left leg crosses over her right, toes touching the leaf ’s surface, while her pendent right foot rests on an oversized lotus ower (Fig. 9B ). Her selfnaturalness and relaxed posture contrast with the reactive uttering of the bird to balance itself on the unstable vase tipping and bobbing in the water and in danger of shattering against the nearby rock. Beyond Guanyin’s compassion, certain themes dominate throughout the album: 222 223 224

See discussion in Chapter Two. See discussion in Chapter Five. Qiu 10; Du 17; Xing 13; Beijing 17.


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Guanyin as inspiration to Sudhana;225 Guanyin as the guide on the bodhisattva path;226 Buddha-nature;227 forms are indeed illusions;228 Mind and self-naturalness (zizai 自在);229 the importance of internal cultivation;230 Sudden Enlightenment;231 nonduality;232 abstinence;233 Buddha-nature in inanimate things;234 and Mind-only Pure Land.235 As discussed in Chapter Two, these were concepts of Buddhist ontology that Li Gonglin learned in the Longmian region and used as the design principle of his Mountain Villa. Li Gonglin accepted the recent transformations and diversications of Guanyin and employed them to express his bodhisattva faith. In this set of Guanyin images, he included Fish-basket Guanyin and Lingzhao. The former emphasized Guanyin’s compassion, while the latter expressed the concept of Emptiness. In the nal analysis, the Guanyin of Li Gonglin’s Buddhist faith was a conation of Chan and Huayan teachings, and represented to him the totality of the idea of bodhisattvas. Out of this totality, he modeled his Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin after the structure of Sudhana’s pilgrimage in the “GandhavyÖha”: the bodhisattva as kalyʸamitra. His other Guanyin images, whether simply titled Guanyin, or Long-scarf Guanyin, or the Guanyin Cliff in his Longmian Mountain Villa, which lacked an image of Guanyin, were all intended to convey the concept of Mind and of contemplation on self-naturalness. These concepts were the central ideas of Buddhist ontology and also the ultimate goals of cultivation. Therefore self-naturalness, which comprehends the whole, subsumes all shapes, postures, and names of Guanyin: Guanzizai. It should be unnecessary to say that in Li Gonglin’s Chan paintings it is not only the subjects and their referents that mean, but also the style. Formal analysis enables us to discern how the painter’s style connects with his iconography to create meaning. This, however, calls into ques-


Qiu 2, 14; Du 5, 8, 13, 26; Xing 2, 11. Qiu 3, 4; Du 6, 9; Xing 4, 16. 227 Qiu 5, 6, 13, 16, 17, 21; Du 2, 7, 10, 14, 18, 19, 22, 25, 27; Xing 1, 5, 8, 14, 20, 21. 228 Du 19, 24; Xing 7. 229 Qiu 17; Du 2, 18, 19, 22; Xing 1, 8, 23. 230 Qiu 7, 11, 18, 23; Du 4, 20; Xing 3, 17, 18, 19. 231 Qiu 8, 10, 12; Du 3, 11, 17; Xing 13, 15. 232 Qiu 15, 24; Du 21, 28; Xing 22. 233 Qiu 9; Xing 9. 234 Qiu 20; Du 16; Xing 24. 235 Du 12; Xing 10. 226

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tion prevailing current views on Chan painting history. The Japanese Zen art-historical perspective is reasonably useful for the study of Chinese painting subjects, but in this perspective the correlation between formalistic style and Chan ideas remains controversial. Chan painting style was not limited to yipin. Li’s baimiao paintings, and Chan subjects in other styles by court and professional painters, all gured importantly in religious functions and in “living Chan” culture. Japanese scholars have included under the rubric “Zen painting” almost all painting subjects that reect an attitude of “living Chan (shenghuo Chan 生活禪).” There is evidence that this idea had matured during the Northern Song. Su Che, in his description of Ink Chan Hall in Li’s Mountain Villa, described Li’s temperament while still living in the mountains: “From the beginning his Mind does not cling to phenomena, but like all phenomena it is in the state of chan. Is that how he transforms a pellet of ink into mountains and rivers on unrolled scrolls?” Devout Buddhists such as Li Gonglin who had accepted the wuqing foxing idea could easily integrate all elements in nature into their Buddhist practice. The study of Li’s Longmian Mountain Villa in Chapter Two demonstrates his intent to construct an earthly Pure Land in which natural elements such as grass and trees were perceived as Buddhist deities. The “living Chan” idea must have been widespread among Buddhists at that time. Li Gonglin was not alone in his endeavor; constructing earthly Pure Lands in which to coordinate Buddhist practice was already commonplace. The close communication between literati and Chan monks fostered a special “living Chan” cultural and artistic ambience, such as Jingyin Jingzhao’s invitation to Wen Tong to “brush ink bamboo” on his wall, claiming that bamboo could “preach the dharma” for him. Such events demonstrate the dissolving differences between Chan and literati cultures, and how ink bamboo was incorporated into the scope of Chan painting. Faxiu’s exhorting Li Gonglin to focus more on Buddhist painting demonstrates that Chan had never discarded traditional Buddhist icons. But the content of Chan painting had been broadened to include an array of new subjects: those inspired by Chan literature, the Three Purities (pine, bamboo, and plum blossom), Su Shi’s dry tree, bamboo alone, grasses and trees, even rocks. Li Gonglin’s Buddhist paintings must be examined from this perspective. Many external inuences govern the growth of an artist. A decisive inuence on Li Gonglin was the Longmian environment. The formal and informal use of portrait paintings and portrait sculptures in Chan monasteries must have suggested to the young Li Gonglin the role


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he played in future literati gatherings, painting the portrait on which other participants would write colophons. His skill in portraiture in turn established a solid foundation on which he developed his Buddhist paintings. Living in this richly religious environment, he fullled social obligations through art. He painted the ten disciples of the Buddha for use in Su Shi’s wife’s funeral, and sculpted an image of the Buddha for Faxiu’s monastery. He also created works to express with scholarly precision and personal intuition his vision of Buddhist ontology and methods of cultivation. Combined with his new iconographies derived from Chan literature and philosophy, his Buddhist paintings opened a new chapter in Chinese Buddhist art. His interest in Chan history inspired him to take on the subject of transmitting dharma and bestowing the robe. As related in this chapter, during the Tang the various schools, including Chan, vied to establish their patriarchal lineages. Chan, uniquely, based its claim to orthodoxy on lineal, singular, direct transmission from the Buddha. Chan further invented the nianhua weixiao story to establish its foundation distinct from those of the doctrinal schools. During the Song this Chan transmission history was questioned by critics of the school, arousing Qisong to compose texts and create pictorial iconography for submission to the emperor and inclusion in the Tripi¢aka, in order to afrm Chan orthodoxy and squelch criticism. Qisong followed Daoyuan’s formulation: that after the sixth patriarch Chan had evolved into a multiple-transmission institution, expressed as “one ower opens up to ve petals ( yihua kai wuye 一花開五葉),” referring to the ve schools of Chan in the late Tang. Contra the “ve petals,” the 1054 version of Portraits of Six Patriarchs of the Bodhidharma School, which the Japanese monk JÔjin (or his companion) copied, demonstrated that even during the Northern Song some Chan believers still advocated the singular-transmission tradition. This was perhaps encouraged by the predominance of the Linji school, as revealed in the iconography of the 1054 painting, according to which the sixth patriarch transmitted the dharma solely to Nanyue Huairang, who in turn transmitted it solely to Mazu Daoyi. These two iconographies—“ve petals” versus singular transmission—demonstrate that during the Northern Song, even within the Chan circle, disputes arose over patriarchal lineage. There were even doubts about the entirety of Chan historiography. Growing up in this environment, Li Gonglin’s choice of “transmitting the dharma, bestowing the robe” as a subject indicated that he

li gonglin, an early chinese chan painter


understood the controversy; by designing his own iconography Li in effect joined the debate. Li Gonglin’s attention to history demonstrated his keen observation and personal interpretation of historical records, and fostered his ability to extract from complex historical scenarios the most poignant artistic expression or moment of a story. His contemporaries admired this talent. The recognition of this artistic trait leads us to question the extant copy of Danxia Visits Layman Pang. As this chapter has shown, the “family portrait” of Layman Pang inside the fence reected the new interpretation of Pang in popular culture that appeared in the late Southern Song: it is unrelated to Chan preaching or philosophy and incongruent with the scene outside the fence where Danxia and Lingzhao engage in “conversation.” The iconography is unlikely to have been created by Li Gonglin, and moreover the legend of Layman Pang’s family was not to evolve for at least a century after Li’s time. Although the style belongs to the Li Gonglin tradition, the iconography was altered in accordance with later Layman Pang legends. Based on Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang, Li’s original iconography most likely followed the rst of seven encounters between Danxia and Layman Pang, in which Lingzhao was the main actor. Her “conversation” with Danxia conveyed the notion that dharma could not be expressed through language (the scene unfolding outside the fence), but her error in using language to respond to her father’s question prompted Layman Pang’s irrational response to her (this scene has been replaced by the “family portrait”). Both parts of the story demonstrate Chan emphasis on the irrelevance of language in Buddhist cultivation. This iconography expressing profound Chan philosophy and connecting the rst and second parts of the existing Chan story based on existing Chan texts, thus completing the gongan, was more likely to have been Li Gonglin’s original. Although Li’s Buddhist faith was grounded in Chan, it also encompassed Huayan and Tiantai Pure Land. The common thread among these three traditions was the prominence they accorded to bodhisattva practice. He depicted the Avata“saka SÖtra and borrowed from its “GandhavyÖha” section to create his thirty-two manifestations of Guanyin as the bodhisattva who advocates and guides Sudhana’s pilgrimage, and likewise embodies Buddha-nature, Mind-only Pure Land, and other important MahÊyÊna principles, matching the meanings with which he had imbued his Longmian Mountain Villa. We can thus be


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certain that Li Gonglin advocated the synthesis of diverse MahÊyÊna Buddhist ideologies. He was inspired by concurrent trends in Buddhism, and his Chan paintings and design of the Longmian Mountain Villa are testament to his polytheism.


LI GONGLIN’S WHITE LOTUS SOCIETY PICTURE Except for a few non-Buddhist paintings, Li Gonglin’s original works have all vanished, leaving us no actual examples from which to study the relationship between his Buddhist art and his ardent religious thought. Chapter Two’s discussion of his Longmian Mountain Villa demonstrates how even faithful copies of a Li Gonglin original permit fruitful study. Paintings discussed in Chapter Three included those documented and inscribed by his contemporaries and those recorded in the Xuanhe huapu. Later records tend to be embellished and therefore inaccurate; without images to verify their statements, the reliability of these later writings is harder to determine. Even the iconographic content and design of Danxia Visits Layman Pang, stylistically comparable to the Southern Song Li Gonglin tradition, were the product of the post-Li Gonglin era. This painting’s existence demonstrates the popularity of Li Gonglin’s works, but the painting itself is not a trustworthy copy of Li’s work. Even during Li’s lifetime his students had already begun forging his works for sale. The demand for his work did not diminish with his passing; new iconographies in the Li Gonglin style circulated on the market and were passed down in history. Among works attributed to Li Gonglin or modeled after his original, White Lotus Society Picture, like Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin, preserves Li Gonglin’s iconographic design, allowing another rare opportunity to study his Buddhist beliefs though visual imagery. Li Gonglin painted many versions of White Lotus Society Picture, in both handscroll and hanging-scroll formats, which appear to have shared one iconographic design. Among many extant copied versions, three are closely related to Li Gonglin’s originals. One was painted in 1081 for his cousin, lifelong companion, and coreligionist Li Chongyuan 李沖元. This hanging-scroll composition (92 × 53.8 cm) is preserved in a late Ming or early Qing copy in the Nanjing Museum (Fig. 10). A Southern Song artist transformed the 1081 composition into a handscroll (28.1 × 459 cm), now in the Shanghai Museum (Fig. 12). The third version, also a handscroll (34.9 × 849 cm), is a copy by the painter’s nephew Zhang Ji 張激 (act. late eleventh-early twelfth c.), and is now in the


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Liaoning Provincial Museum (Figs. 11A–11K ). The nal two chapters of this book focus on this painting subject to analyze Li’s artistic renditions of his Pure Land faith. Beyond these three paintings, this study relies on Record of the “Lotus Society Picture” by Li Gonglin’s brother Li Desu 李德素 and another account, identically titled, by his cousin Chongyuan. Li Desu’s Record, written sometime between 1075 and 1109, is now preserved in an 1109 transcription by Zhang Ji and describes the iconography of one of the lost early versions of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, painted when the artist was in his twenties.1 Li Chongyuan composed his Record within a month of receiving the 1081 version.2 Both Records are invaluable not only because they are accounts of Li Gonglin’s depictions written by his family members who had directly witnessed his undertaking, but also because their very detailed descriptions of the paintings, especially in Li Chongyuan’s Record, are the most reliable written accounts of Li Gonglin’s original designs. Probably during Li Gonglin’s own lifetime, and certainly from 1109, collectors, Buddhist and Confucian alike, searched for these Records and mounted copies of them with different versions of White Lotus Society Picture. The Southern Song author Lou Yao 樓鑰 (also pronounced Lou Yue; 1137–1213) attested that Chongyuan’s Record had been mounted with both handscroll and hanging-scroll versions of the picture. By the late Ming and early Qing Chongyuan’s Record had become the more popular of the two, and was often paired with hanging-scroll versions of White Lotus Society Picture. These two Records were additionally distributed through printed books; Li Desu’s was included in the Southern Song monk Zongxiao’s 宗曉 (1151–1214) compilation Lebang yigao 樂邦遺稿 (Anthology of Preserved Pure Land Literature), and Li Chongyuan’s was included in a later edition of the “Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus

1 Precisely when Li Desu completed his Record of Lotus Society Picture cannot be ascertained, but its content suggests a date between 1075 and 1109. In this Record Li Desu mentioned Chen Shunyu’s 陳舜俞 “Lianshe shiba gaoxian zhuan 蓮社十八高賢 傳 (Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society),” which was included in Chen’s Lushan ji with a 1075 preface by Li Chang 李常 (T. 51, p. 1024c). The 1109 date is derived from the date of Zhang Ji’s rst inscription. 2 For the full text of this Record, see Gao Shiqi 高士奇 (1654–1704), Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu 江村書畫銷夏錄 ( JCSHXXL, preface 1693, Baoyitang reprint, date unknown), vol. 3, pp. 29b–30a.

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Society,” along with a woodblock-printed version of White Lotus Society Picture.3 These endeavors attest not only the great and lasting popularity of the legends and religious signicance of the Lotus Society, but also the contributions of the so-called Three Lis of Longmian (Longmian San Li 龍眠三李) to this phenomenon.4 Li Gonglin’s perception of the Lotus Society was formulated in his early years, and changed very little throughout his life, as indicated by his one basic iconographic design, reworked in various styles and formats. By extension, his iconographic design reects the characteristics and tenets of the Longmian Chan circle and their inuence on him. Analyses of Li Gonglin’s iconographic design in this chapter set the foundation for further investigation into his Pure Land faith. In each of these depictions the master arranged the gures in nine groups, three outside and six inside Donglin Monastery’s boundary, Tiger Stream (Huxi 虎溪) (Fig. 10). In the three outside groups Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (Fig. 10A), Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (Fig. 10B), and Huiyuan (Fig. 10C ) are key gures. The former two should be considered as a pair in order to understand their contrasting signicance in Li’s depiction; the latter, Huiyuan, is shown conversing with the Daoist Lu Xiujing 陸修靜, symbolizing Huiyuan’s inclusiveness toward other schools of thought. Crossing the boundary into the monastery grounds, one rst encounters two foreign members, Buddhabhadra (C: Fotuobatuoluo 佛 陀跋陀羅) and Buddhayatas (C: Fotuoyeshe 佛陀耶舍), conversing (Figs. 10D, E ). Behind and above them on a raised platform are three gures, Zhou Xuzhi 周續之 and the monks Daobing 道昺 and Tanchang 曇常, performing a Buddhist ritual before an icon of the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ (Fig. 10F ). To the left of this scene ve gures—Liu Yimin 劉遺民, Zhang Quan 張詮, Huirui 慧叡, Huichi 慧持, and Huiyong 慧永—are grouped around a stone table; the scene is labeled “SÖtratranslation Platform,” although the men are not translating a sÖtra (Fig. 10G ). Next to this group the solitary Zhang Ye 張野 gazes at a waterfall (Fig. 10H ). The upper register of the painting consists of two scenes. One shows the monk Daosheng 道生 seated on a raised platform and preaching to an audience of ve. Three among them can be identied:


For Li Desu’s Record, see Zongxiao, Lebang yigao (T. 47), pp. 235c–236a; for Li Chongyuan’s Record, see XZJ 135, pp. 18a–20a. 4 For discussion of the Three Lis of Longmian, see Harrist (1989), p. 17.


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Lei Cizong 雷次宗, Daojing 道敬, and Tanshen 曇詵 (Fig. 10I ). The other scene shows Tanshun 曇順 traveling with Zong Bing 宗炳 (Fig. 10J ). My research into and interpretation of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture is based on these nine groups of worthies. Myths of the Lotus Society and Li Gonglin’s Interpretations When Li Gonglin rst set out to create his White Lotus Society Picture, he was confronted with several inherent conundrums in the quasi-historical nature of the Lotus Society phenomenon. The composition of the Eighteen Noble Worthies was formulated over a long time spanning the Tang to the early Song, and each succeeding generation of Lotus Society enthusiasts augmented the Society’s signicance with additional layers of meaning. Until the Northern Song there had been no consensus version of the Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society. Besides numerous orally transmitted legends, Five Dynasties versions of the Hagiographies were available, and the Northern Song monk Huaiwu 懷悟 worked on another version, which was modied by Li Gonglin’s contemporary Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞. Another group of worthies, not included in the Society ( feisheyuan 非社員), was formulated during the late Five Dynasties and Northern Song; it comprised some three or four men who either were rejected by Huiyuan or refused to join him. Developing during the Song dynasty concurrently with the legends of Worthies Included and Worthies Not Included in the Society were the popular Pure Land Buddhist societies. They almost invariably took the Eastern Jin-dynasty “original” Lotus Society as their model, though their societies’ nomenclature and their practices differed drastically at times from Huiyuan’s banzhou sanmei nianfo. The religious signicance of the Lotus Society phenomenon also prompted Northern Song Pure Land enthusiasts to various and diverse pictorial interpretations of Huiyuan’s original gathering. Due to these accretions, it was hard to nd one single pictorial interpretation of the Lotus Society that could satisfy Pure Land adherents of diverse congregations with divergent viewpoints. Chao Buzhi 晁補之 (1053–1110), for example, Li’s colleague in the Tongwen Guan 同文館, criticized Li Gonglin’s work as too brief and sketchy, and therefore painted a version of his own, to which he added more gures, many more animals, and temple halls, which were lacking entirely in Li

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Gonglin’s original.5 Chao’s own design has been lost and his description of it is brief and does not lend itself to compositional reconstruction, let alone comparison with copies of Li Gonglin’s works. Chao seems to have been more interested in the superhuman qualities inherent in the hagiographies of Lotus Society members; he added a tiger, for instance, to accompany Huiyong 慧永, showing the monk’s power to tame the wild beast.6 Though reputed to be a capable painter, Chao did not paint this painting himself.7 Instead he hired the professional painter Meng Zhongning 孟仲寧 to paint it based on Chao’s specications for iconography and style.8 Unlike Chao’s design, which was lost and was not clearly described, Li Gonglin’s original composition of the same subject can be reconstructed, owing to the two detailed Records of the Lotus Society Picture by Li Chongyuan and Li Desu, and Zhang Ji’s copy of White Lotus Society Picture in the Liaoning Museum. Together, the two Records and Zhang Ji’s painting reveal three stages of Li Gonglin’s depiction of the subject. Li Desu’s Record describes one early version that was painted before Li Gonglin left for the capital in 1079, and hence its iconography best exemplies the inuence of the Longmian Mountains Buddhist communities upon him. The second stage is represented by Li Gonglin’s 1081 version that he gave to Li Chongyuan, completed within a month after he had arrived in his new post in Nankangjun 南康軍, south of Mount Lu. The composition of this hanging-scroll version is preserved in a painting in the Nanjing Museum. The Liaoning handscroll version by Zhang Ji was based on one original completed very close to or even during Li Gonglin’s retirement years, and therefore represents his late approach to the subject. Li’s three original paintings spanned three decades and differed in format and style, but they followed a single iconographic design. Whatever the criticism from his peers, his view of the Lotus Society remained constant.

5 Chao Buzhi 晁補之, Jile ji 雞肋集 (SBCK edition) (Shanghai: Shangwu Publisher, 1929), juan 30, p. 10a. 6 Ibid., pp. 9a, b. 7 For a biographical summary of Chao’s artistic talent, see Yu Jianhua, ed., Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian 中國美術家人名辭典 (Taipei: Wenshizhe Publishing Co., 1978), p. 732c. One painting spuriously attributed to him depicts Laozi, founder of Daoism, riding on an ox. For a reproduction of this painting, see Masterpieces of Chinese Figure Painting in the National Palace Museum ( Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1973), pl. 15. 8 Chao Buzhi, Jile ji, juan 30, p. 10b.


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The variety and complexity of Lotus Society legends and their socioreligious content might have made pictorial interpretation difcult, but it also offered painters a unique opportunity to imbue their paintings with their own religious philosophies. At times Li Gonglin departed from the original content of Lotus Society legends, making his interpretation a personal statement of his Pure Land faith. A textual and historical understanding of Li Gonglin’s interpretation is fundamental in deciphering the meaning of his White Lotus Society Picture. Here I consider each of the nine scenes in the picture, noting details of the acclaimed Donglin tradition, then Li Gonglin’s variations on that tradition so that we may more fully comprehend the iconographic structure and the messages the painter wished to convey. As noted above, the nine scenes in Li’s White Lotus Society Picture can be divided into inside and outside the Donglin Monastery grounds. The scenes inside the monastery grounds and therefore inside the Society can be grouped into three themes: three scenes with direct reference to Buddhist practice, one scene of two foreign monks conversing, and two scenes evoking the signicance of nature in Buddhist practice. Nature as a Preferred Site for Buddhist Practice When describing one of Li Gonglin’s early depictions of the Lotus Society, Li Desu noted: 「白蓮社圖」,熙寧中,龍眠李公麟伯時居山時所作也。即雲、松、 泉、石遂為道場,不以屋室礙所見也。 White Lotus Society Picture was illustrated by Li Gonglin, Boshi, of Longmian during the Xining era [1068–1077], when he lived in the mountains. [ In this picture] the site for practicing [Buddhism] is immersed in clouds, pines, streams, and rocks, unobscured by architecture.9

Li Gonglin placed the Eighteen Noble Worthies in this natural setting only minimally modied by human intervention, and we may surmise that “unobscured by architecture” meant that he did without buildings in the painting. The three existing versions verify this supposition, all presenting a tranquil and elegantly simple depiction and an attitude of seeking harmony with nature. Li Gonglin’s choice of landscape rather than architectural setting as a preferred site for Buddhist practice did not


For Li Desu’s Record, see Zongxiao, Lebang yigao (T. 47), pp. 235c–36a.

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correspond to the description offered by the Liang-dynasty monk Huijiao 慧皎 (497–554), but is evocative of Huiyuan’s aesthetic principles. 遠創造精舍,洞盡山美;卻負香爐之峰,傍帶瀑布之壑。乃石壘基, 即松裁構。清泉環階,白雲滿室。復於寺內,別置禪林。森樹煙凝, 石徑苔合。凡在瞻履,皆神清而氣肅也。10 When Huiyuan constructed the monastery, he exhausted the natural beauty of the mountain. With Xianglu Peak as the backdrop, and near the waterfall valley, he laid rocks for the foundation and cut pines for the structure. A pure stream encircles the steps; white clouds ll the rooms. He also established a meditation quarter in the monastery. Mists condense in the lush forest and moss gathers between path stones. [Everywhere] within one’s sight, the atmosphere is pure and solemn.

Whether Huijiao’s description reects Huiyuan’s personal vision is difcult to determine, but these words had become a manifesto of Huiyuan’s endeavor to seek harmony with nature. In conceptualizing the layout of Donglin Monastery, Huiyuan was perceived to have focused on integrating architecture into the surrounding scenic beauty. Li Gonglin eliminated architectural elements altogether and depicted thick mists and clouds and a waterfall cascading down, owing through the lotus pond to the winding Tiger Stream. A pelt-covered stone seat in a misty grove next to Zong Bing and Tanshun, and two more next to the lotus pond, seem to evoke Huiyuan’s emphasis on meditation (Figs. 11D, 11I ).11 By setting the Lotus Society gathering in a beautiful landscape, Li Gonglin conveyed two points: rst, his allusions to the proper textual origins, which demonstrated his erudition and, at the same time, his subtlety; second, his preference for landscape as a site for Buddhist practice. The analysis of Longmian Mountain Villa in Chapter Two has shown how Li Gonglin transformed his property into a Buddhist Pure Land. Poems by his Longmian Buddhist companions such as Guo Xiangzheng and Baiyun Shouduan, and by Li himself, as well as his depiction of his Mountain Villa, are clear manifestations of the Longmian Mountains approach to seeking harmony and practicing Buddhism in nature. Li Gonglin had identied himself as a lover of nature from

Huijiao 慧皎, Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (T. 50), juan 6, p. 358a. Huiyuan’s Pure Land practice was based on seeing AmitÊbha Buddha in meditation. See AndÔ Toshio, “Rozan Eon no Zen shisÔ 廬山慧遠の禪思想 (Hui-yuan’s Thinking with Respect to DhyÊna)” in, Eon kenkyÖ 慧遠研究, ed. Kimura Eiichi, vol. 2 (Kyoto: KyÔto Daigaku, 1962), pp. 250–85. 10 11


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early on, a state of mind that caused him to affect an eremitic lifestyle even as he lived amid the busy streets of Bianjing. The Genre of Three Worthies Not Included in the Society Li’s historical referencing as a means of self-revelation is another leading characteristic of his White Lotus Society Picture. With this in mind, we shall now visit the nine groups of Worthies inside and outside the Lotus Society, starting from the scenes beyond Tiger Stream Bridge, where we encounter three worthies not included in the Society: Xie Lingyun, Tao Yuanming, and Lu Xiujing. Xie Lingyun, Tao Yuanming, and Lu Xiujing are all documented in Chen Shunyu’s Record of Mount Lu, but Chen did not accord them special emphasis or regard them as a group. Chao Buzhi, in reworking Li’s original design, depicted four personages outside Tiger Stream, calling them “gentlemen without memberships to the Society ( fei shezhong shi 非社中士).”12 Instead of beginning the composition as Li Gonglin did with the two wanderers Xie Lingyun and Tao Yuanming, and Huiyuan conversing with Lu Xiujing by Tiger Stream Bridge, Chao depicted the “Three Laughers of Tiger Stream (Huxi sanxiao 虎溪三 笑),” namely Huiyuan, Tao Yuanming, and Lu Xiujing parting at the bridge.13 Another nonmember in Chao’s depiction is the ofcial Yin Zhongkan 殷仲堪 (act. late fourth c.-early fth c.), most likely the gure on horseback.14 The identity of the fourth gure in Chao’s depiction is unknown, and whether Chao had included Huiyuan, who is physically outside the Society in the painting, as one of the four is unclear. While this scenario would have been improbable because Huiyuan was the “founder” and “leader” of the Lotus Society, in this case Chao would have replaced Xie Lingyun with Yin Zhongkan.15 These historical gures were all perceived to have been associated, however tenuously, with Huiyuan, but the discrepancy between Li’s three and Chao’s four 12

Chao Buzhi, Jile ji, juan 30, pp. 9a–10b. During the Five Dynasties, the Three Laughers was a popular genre that symbolized the rapprochement of the Three Religions. See my discussion on the formation of this subject in “The Emergence and Ideology of the Three Laughers and Its Derivative, the Two Laughers,” in Smith, Judith G., ed. Tradition and Transformation: Studies in Chinese Art in Honor of Chu-tsing Li (Lawrence, Kansas, and Seattle: Spencer Museum of Art and University of Washington Press, 2006), pp. 111–135. 14 Chao Buzhi, Jile ji, juan 30, p. 10a. 15 The term feishezhongshi implies those gentlemen who, for different reasons, did not join the Society. This could not have included Huiyuan, the founder of the Society. 13

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indicates that the “outsider” group was still being formulated in the late eleventh century. Chen Shunyu, probably unaware of the emergence into legend of such a group, did not mention them as such. Slightly prior to the time of Li Gonglin, the famous monk Mingjiao Qisong 明教契嵩 (1007–1072) traveled to Donglin Monastery, where he visited Huiyuan’s Image Hall (Yingtang 影堂). To commemorate his visit and to honor Huiyuan, Qisong composed a poem that he inscribed on the walls of the Image Hall. He praised Master Huiyuan’s decisions tendering or refusing membership in the Lotus Society to men from different schools of thought, namely Confucian and Daoist.16 These legends were all known to the Donglin circle long before Qisong’s time, but his summary became the basis in later times of the category of Worthies Not Included in the Society. The three that Li Gonglin depicted were all accounted for in Qisong’s writing, whereas Chao Buzhi’s four did not fully match. Li’s composition conformed to the Donglin tradition idealized by Qisong. Beginning in the Southern Song dynasty however, all versions of the Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society mentioned a category called “Worthies Who Did Not Join the Society” (Burushe zhuxian zhuan 不入社諸賢傳), which always numbered three men. Though the three sometimes differ from Li Gonglin’s selection, the painter’s placement of three gures beyond Tiger Stream Bridge must have either reected a greater consensus of opinion or made a stronger visual impression on later compilers than Chao Buzhi’s design of four.17 With this in mind, we now venture into Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture to visit Huiyuan, the Three Worthies Who Did Not Join the Society, and their respective attendants. Xie Lingyun on Horseback (Fig. 10A) In the Donglin Lotus Society legend as recorded by Chen Shunyu, Xie Lingyun (385–443) was described as:

16 Qisong, “Ti Yuangong yingtang bi 題遠公影堂壁 (Inscribing the wall of Master [Hui-]yuan’s Image Hall),” in Tanjin wenji 鐔津文集 (T. 52), pp. 719a, b. Another nearly identical version of this text, titled “Donglin yingtang liushi 東林影堂六事 (Six Events of Donglin Image Hall),” is in Zhipan 志磐, Fozu tongji 佛祖統計 (T. 49), juan 27, pp. 271a–b. 17 The three “outsiders” are Tao Yuanming, Xie Lingyun, and Fan Ning. See Zhipan, Fozu tongji (T. 49), juan 26, pp. 269c–70a. Another example can be found in Donglin shiba gaoxianzhuan 東林十八高賢傳 (XZJ 135, author unknown), pp. 9a–b.


chapter four 負才傲物,少所推崇。一見(遠公),肅然心服;即寺鑿池為臺, 翻『涅槃經』。求入淨社,師以心雜止之。18 . . . talented but arrogant. He respected few people. But once he met Master Yuan, he respected him wholeheartedly. Therefore he dug [two] ponds and [used the soil from them to] build a platform to translate the Nirvʸa SÖtra. He asked to join the “Pure Society,” [ but] Master [Huiyuan] rejected him on grounds that his mind was too distracted.

In reality Xie was not only a devout Buddhist, famous for his participation in translating and promoting newly introduced sÖtras, but also a devoted follower of Huiyuan. In the Six Dynasties and the early Tang period he was not perceived as having been rejected by Huiyuan. The renowned Pure Land masters Jiacai 迦才 (rst half of seventh c.) and Feixi 飛錫 (mid-eighth c.), for example, both noted that Xie Lingyun was among those who in 402 vowed with Huiyuan before an AmitÊbha image to practice banzhou sanmei nianfo.19 After Huiyuan’s passing, Xie composed a commemorative essay, showing his respect for the master.20 Key to the later perception that Xie Lingyun was rejected is the term xinza 心雜 (“distracted mind”), which aptly sums up Xie’s personality and life philosophy. Born into one of the two most prominent families of the Eastern Jin dynasty and a grandson of the nobleman Xie An 謝安 (320–385), Lingyun inherited the title Marquis of Kangle (Kangle hou 康樂侯) from his grandfather.21 He was talented, spoiled, unruly, and rebellious22—and also exceptionally self-condent. But his haughty and overbearing manner blighted his personal relationships, and hence his

18 Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞, Lushan ji 廬山記 (T. 51), juan 3, p. 1039b. A similar passage in the same work ( juan 1, 1028a) reads: “In the past, Xie Lingyun was insolent because of his talent. Since his youth he respected few people. Once he met Master Yuan, he totally submitted to him. Thereupon he translated the Nirvʸa SÖtra at the monastery. Thus he dug lotus ponds [and used the excavated earth] to build a platform, and planted white lotus owers in them. He named this platform the ‘sÖtra-translation platform’.” 19 Tang Yongtong 湯用彤, Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi 漢魏兩晉南北朝佛 教史 (Buddhist History of the Han, Wei, the Two Jins, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties) (Taipei: Shangwu chubanshe, 1991; originally published 1938), p. 371. Tang noted that Xie went to Mount Lu eleven years after the vow. For Jiacai, see Jiacai 迦才, “Jingtu lunxu 淨土論序” in his Jingtu lun 淨土論 (T. 47), p. 83b; for Feixi, see Feixi 飛錫, Nianfo sanmei baowang lun 念佛三昧寶王論 (T. 47), p. 140b. 20 Xie Lingyun, “Shi Huiyuan zhu 釋慧遠誅,” in Daoxuan 道宣, Guang Hongmingji 廣弘明集 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991), juan 23, p. 276b. 21 Li Yanshou 李延壽, Nanshi 南史 (History of the Southern Dynasties) (Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1979), juan 19, pp. 538–46. 22 Ibid.

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career: he was never given favorable ofcial assignments.23 In the end, political enmities cost him his life.24 The History of the Southern Dynasties (Nanshi 南史) recapitulates: 靈運才名,江左獨振,而猖獗不已,自致覆亡。人各有才,茲言乃 信,惜乎!25 Lingyun’s talent was peerless in the Jiangzuo region; his unruliness, however, led to his own demise. The proverb “people have [limits in] their talents” is so true. What a pity!

The Donglin perception of Xie Lingyun, which came into being during the late Tang and Five Dynasties, deliberately overlooked Xie’s Buddhist faith and personal relationship with Huiyuan in favor of his notoriously haughty personality. Why would Lotus Society enthusiasts active at Donglin Monastery have adopted such a partial view of Xie’s life, leading them to alter a historical fact, and why did Li Gonglin accede to this revisionist history? Finally, how is this “misrepresentation” manifested in the picture, and how should it be understood in the larger context of Li Gonglin’s iconographic program? Xie Lingyun is the only gure mounted on a horse, symbolizing his elevated social status compared with others in the painting. His Buddhism is indicated by the album-format sÖtra he holds respectfully and the two bundles of sÖtra fascicles carried by his servant boy.26 The abundance of sÖtras shows that Li was well aware of Xie’s devotion to Buddhist scriptures and of his role in Six Dynasties Buddhist history. The most intriguing element in Li’s depiction, related to Xie’s personality and role in the Lotus Society tradition, is the curved-stem parasol held over Xie by another servant behind him. Li Chongyuan in Record of Lotus Society Picture refers to this parasol as the quli 曲笠, a term derived from Liu Yiqing’s 劉義慶 (402–444) famous New Tales of the World (Shishuo xinyu 世說新語): 謝靈運好載曲柄笠,孔隱士 [淳之] 謂曰:「卿欲希心高遠,何不能 遺曲蓋之貌?」謝答曰:「將不畏影者,未能忘懷。」27


Ibid. Ibid. 25 Ibid., p. 546. 26 For the full text of this Record, see Gao Shiqi 高士奇 (1654–1704), Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu 江村書畫銷夏錄 (preface 1693, Baoyitang reprint, n.d.), juan 3, pp. 29b–30a. 27 Xu Zhen’e, Shishuo xinyu jiaojian 世說新語教箋 (Collated and Annotated “New Tales of the World” ) (Beijing: Zhonghua chubanshe, 1984), p. 89. 24


chapter four Xie Lingyun preferred to use a curved-stem parasol. The hermit Kong [Chunzhi] asked him: “Sir, if you wish to be aloof, why can’t you leave behind the affectation of a curved-[stem] parasol?” Xie replied: “He who is not afraid of [ his own] shadow cannot be completely unfettered.”

This passage alludes to the “Fisherman” Chapter (Yufupian 漁父篇) of Zhuangzi 莊子: 孔子、、、再拜而起曰:「丘再逐於魯,削跡於衛,伐樹於宋,圍 於陳蔡。丘不知所失,而離此四謗者何也?」客悽然變容曰:「甚 矣、子之難悟也!人有畏影惡跡而去之走者,舉足愈數而跡愈多, 走愈疾而影不離身,自以尚遲,疾走不休,絕力而死。不知處陰以 休影,處靜以息跡,愚亦甚矣!子審仁義之間,察同異之際,觀動 靜之變;適受與之度,理好惡之情,和喜怒之節,而幾於不免矣。 謹修而身,慎守其真,還以物與人,則無所累矣。今不修之身而求 之人,不亦外乎!28 Confucius . . . bowed again and stood up, saying: “I was exiled twice from the state of Lu, escaped from the state of Wei, was defeated in the state of Song, and surrounded in the state of Chencai. I did not know what misconduct I had committed to have brought about these four insults.” “Why?” The [sherman] guest was saddened and spoke worriedly: “Alas! You are really obstinately adhering to misconceptions. There are those afraid of shadows and traces, so they run away from them. But the more they run, the more traces they leave behind, the faster they walk, the faster their shadows follow. They think they are walking too slowly, so they speed up relentlessly until they exhaust themselves to death. They do not know [the method of ] staying in shade to elude shadows, remaining still to evade traces. They are really dim-witted. Sir, you comprehend benevolence and righteousness, distinguish differences, observe the transformations resulting from actions, adapt the etiquette of giving and receiving, manage the motions of liking and despising, harmonize joy and anger. But still you cannot evade troubles. You should scrupulously cultivate your character and preserve your true nature. Be sure things and people are treated accordingly. Then you will have no worries. Now you do not cultivate yourself, but only request others [to do so]. Aren’t you asking too much from externality?”

Confucius is portrayed here as a man struggling in external worldly affairs, so the wise sherman advises him to seek truth by looking inward. This dichotomy between worries caused by external phenomena and internal peace brought about by self-cultivation parallels the Buddhist concept of the innate purity and Buddha-nature (tathÊgatagarbha) within

28 Huang Jinhong, Xinyi Zhuangzi duben 新譯莊子讀本 (new translation of Zhuangzi ) (Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1985), pp. 355–56.

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each sentient being that is concealed by illusion and delement. Only after one is able to see the world as illusory will one realize one’s true inner potential. Li Gonglin’s depiction of Xie Lingyun shaded by a curved-stem parasol therefore refers to the dialogue between Xie and Kong, to Xie’s brandishing of his great knowledge of the Classics in philosophical debates and to Xie’s failure to transmute mere knowledge into understanding and thence action. Xie probably never in his life believed in self-restraint or introspection, or sought answers from within. The intellectual capacity was there; the inclination to follow it into insight was not. Simply with the curved-stem parasol, Li underscored this paradox in Xie’s life, which led to his violent demise and to his diminished status in later Lotus Society tradition. At the same time, Xie’s appearance in the rst scene of White Lotus Society Picture stressed the importance of self will and discipline required for the austerities of Buddhist practice. Li Gonglin incorporated this legend into the iconographic program of his White Lotus Society Picture, the better to reveal his view of the bodhisattva path. In order to interpret Xie Lingyun’s “distracted mind” pictorially, the painter guratively “quoted” from an ancient text that alluded to a yet older Classical work. The curved-stem parasol subtly implied Xie’s personal defects. Li Gonglin’s peers had all undergone rigorous Classical training similar to his own, and would probably have taken great intellectual pleasure in following the pictorial allusion to its two literary sources. In this study we have seen that Li Gonglin frequently utilized references from Daoist texts to elucidate Buddhist ideas: he placed a “Hall of Establishing Virtue” in his Mountain Villa to denote a bodhisattvic state of mind, he borrowed the term “Country of Emptiness” to describe his homeland while he was serving in the capital, and here he alluded to “shadow”—and the concomitant idea of remaining stilly in the shade—to evoke Mind-cultivation. Tao Yuanming in a Carrying Basket (Fig. 10B) In his Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society, part of the Record of Mount Lu, Chen Shunyu only mentions Tao Yuanming as one of the Three Hermits of Xunyang (Xunyang sanyin 潯陽三隱).29


Chen Shunyu, Lushanji (T. 51), juan 3, p. 1040a.


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Elsewhere in Chen’s Record of Mount Lu, Tao is mentioned twice more, as one of the “Three Laughers of Tiger Stream” and in relation to the scenic site Tao Rock (Taoshi 陶石), believed to have been Tao’s favorite drinking spot.30 Why did Li Gonglin extract Tao from the popular “Three Laughers” genre and render him as a solitary gure in a basket carried by two porters? Li Chongyuan’s Record of “Lotus Society Picture” states that this scene depicts Tao Yuanming turning away from Huiyuan’s Lotus Society. This was a description sufcient for their like-minded friends but too vague for other contemporary readers and viewers: what event is depicted in the painting? What was the relationship between Tao Yuanming and Huiyuan? Why does Tao turn away? Had he in fact joined the Society? The Southern Song monk Zhipan recounted the same story in greater detail: 嘗往來廬山,使一門生二兒舁籃輿以行,時遠法師與諸賢結蓮社, 以書招淵明,淵明曰:「若許飲,則往。」許之,遂造焉;忽攢眉 而去。31 [ Tao] often went back and forth to Mount Lu, [and] he had one of his disciples and two sons carry [ him in] a carrying basket. At that time, Master Yuan formed the Lotus Society with many Worthies, and he invited Yuanming by letter. Yuanming replied, “Only if I am allowed to drink will I go.” [ Master Yuan] approved it. Thereafter, Yuanming came to visit, but upon a sudden discontent he turned around and left.

This story supplements Li Chongyuan’s brief and cryptic explanation, implying that liquor was not ordinarily permitted in the Lotus Society. In actuality, abstemiousness was neither the “society rule” nor the reason for Tao’s refusal to join, because Tao’s drinking partner Zhang Ye was among Huiyuan’s closest lay followers and was included among the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society. The story of Tao’s refusal to join Huiyuan was a fabrication, most likely derived from those two characters’ most prominent personal traits. Huiyuan was esteemed for his careful adherence to Buddhist precepts, exemplied in the nal days of his life when his disciples coaxed him to take rice wine, perhaps as an analgesic or for medicinal purposes. Huiyuan instead instructed them to consult the sÖtras to see whether drinking would accord with the precepts.32 By contrast, Tao Yuanming’s passion for liquor surpassed

30 31 32

Ibid., juan 1, p. 1028a. Zhipan, Fozu tongji 佛祖統計 (T. 49), juan 26, pp. 269–70a. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 16, p. 361b.

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his love of life. In three eulogies for himself, drafted toward the end of his life, appear sentences such as: “I regret when I was alive, I did not get to drink enough,” and “In the past I had no wine to drink. Now I only brood on an empty cup.”33 Tao’s legendary rejection of Huiyuan’s invitation epitomizes the awkward relationship between Tao Yuanming and the Donglin circle, but mistakes its likely cause. The early twentieth-century historian Tang Yongtong 湯用彤 has pointed out that though they were contemporaries, Huiyuan was thirty years Tao’s senior, and although Tao had befriended some prominent lay members of Huiyuan’s group, his poems and letters to them never suggest acquaintance with Huiyuan or any other cleric on Mount Lu. Based on these two facts, Tang naturally found the supposed encounter between Huiyuan and Tao Yuanming “hard to believe.”34 Personal discord between the two men was probably only a necessary legend on which to base Tao’s equally legendary refusal of Huiyuan’s invitation to join his Pure Land Society. What transpired between Tao Yuanming and the Mount Lu circle gures as well in Tao’s correspondence with Liu Yimin 劉遺民, one of the Three Hermits of Xunyang (Xunyang sanyin 潯陽三隱) and a favorite disciple of Huiyuan. At the beginning of his poem “He Liu Chaisang 和劉柴桑 (Matching a Poem by Liu Chaisang [ Yimin]),” Tao proffers an explanation of his refusal to participate in Huiyuan’s circle: 山林久見招, 胡事乃躊躇。 直為親舊故, 未忍言索居。35

You have long called upon me from the mountain. Why am I still hesitating? For the sake of my parents, I dare not mention the solitary lifestyle . . .

Adducing the Confucian concept of lial piety, which requires children to stay close to and care for aging parents, seems a plausible enough excuse, but only until we compare it with Tao’s attitude toward caring for his family as recorded in Jin History ( Jinshu 晉書):


Translations follow A.R. Davis, T’ao Yuan-ming (AD 365–427): His Works and Their Meaning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), vol. 1, Translation and Commentary, p. 173. 34 Tang Yongtong, Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi, p. 370. 35 Sun Junxi, Tao Yuanming ji jiaozhu 陶淵明集校注 (Collated and Annotated Anthology of Tao Yuanming) (Henan: Zhongzhou guji, 1986), pp. 50–51. Sun suggests that this poem was written in 409, and that Liu’s invitation was apparently meant to help Tao, whose home had suffered a re the previous year. For another suggestion regarding the date of this poem, see Davis, T’ao Yuan-ming, pp. 65–66.


chapter four 不營生業,家務悉委之兒僕。 [ Tao] never cared about making a living. He entrusted all the household affairs to his sons and servant.36

He was indeed such a poor manager of his own family nances that in later life he had to beg for food.37 Commentators on Tao’s poem have interpreted Liu Yimin’s call to join him either as Liu’s personal invitation or as Liu conveying the invitation of Huiyuan.38 The latter scenario would be more or less congruent with Zhipan’s account that Huiyuan invited Tao Yuanming by letter. Whoever issued the invitation, since Liu Yimin the recluse was also Liu the Buddhist disciple of Huiyuan, had Tao Yuanming chosen to accept, he could have joined or become very close to Huiyuan.39 Furthermore, considering how short the distance between Tao Yuanming’s residence and the foothills of Mount Lu (where Donglin Monastery was located), and how frequent his trips between them, he could have joined the Society and still gone home to fulll his lial duties as necessary. He seldom mentioned the faith in his poems. Occasionally he used the term sa“sÊra, yet his poems reveal skepticism toward the concept of Buddhist retribution.40 Most probably, Tao refused Liu Yimin’s invitation out of unwillingness to practice Buddhism or adhere to its precepts. That would explain why he befriended many of Huiyuan’s lay disciples but remained distant toward the religious circle.


Jinshu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), juan 49, p. 2462. Tao wrote a poem “Qishi 乞食 (Begging for Food).” For an annotated study and translation of this poem, see Davis, T’ao Yuan-ming, pp. 55–56. 38 Sun Junxi, Tao Yuanming ji jiaozhu, pp. 50–51; Tang Manxian, Tao Yuanming ji jianzhu 陶淵明集箋注 (Brief Annotations on the Anthology of Tao Yuanming) ( Jiangxi: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1985), p. 82. 39 Tao’s reply to Liu’s invitation, too, must be viewed not only as personal communication, but also as Tao’s reaction to the Buddhist practice of the Donglin circle. Liu was probably Huiyuan’s favorite lay disciple, and on several occasions acted as spokesman for the circle, e.g., drafting the text of the vow of 402, and querying the monk Sengzhao about his “Banruo wuzhi lun 般若無知論.” In light of Liu’s role as a scribe in Huiyuan’s circle, his invitation to Tao Yuanming likely represented Huiyuan’s invitation as well. For discussion of Tao’s indifference to the Donglin circle, see also Charles Yim-tze Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition: The Quest for Cultural Identity (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, 1994), p. 222, n. 28. 40 One of Tao’s twenty “Yinjiu 飲酒 (Drinking Wine)” poems, for instance, states: “Accumulating good is said to lead to reward, yet Boyi and Shuji [starved to death] on West Hill. If good and evil nd no retribution, why vainly lay down such words?” Translation follows Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition, p. 71. 37

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In the Lotus Society legend, Tao’s decision to remain aloof, his celebrated high-mindedness, and his love for liquor were combined. When this story was formulated is unknown, but a poem titled “Revisiting Donglin Monastery (Zaiyou Donglinsi 再遊東林寺)” by the famous Five Dynasties monk-painter Guanxiu 貫休 (832–912) suggests that by the tenth century this subject had become independent of the “Three Laughers” story: 愛陶長官醉兀兀, [ Huiyuan] loved Ofcial Tao, who is hopelessly drunk. 送陸道士行遲遲。 He saw off the Daoist Lu, a prolonged [farewell]. 賈酒過溪皆破戒, Buying liquor and crossing over the Bridge both broke rules. 斯何人斯師如斯? Who were they who made the master behave like this? 又送客不以貴賤,不過虎溪。而送陸修靜道士過虎溪數百步。今門 前有道士岡,送道士至此止也。 He never crossed Tiger Stream Bridge when seeing guests off, regardless of their status. But when seeing off the Daoist Lu Xiujing, he passed Tiger Stream by several hundred steps. Nowadays, the Daoist Hill is in front of the [monastery] gate. This was where [Huiyuan] stopped when seeing off the Daoist.41

Tao Yuanming’s fondness for liquor was not only a byword but had been extensively reported in all Southern Dynasties ofcial histories. The account in Jin History most closely parallels Li Gonglin’s pictorial design: 弘於元熙中刺臨川,甚欽遲之。後自造焉,潛稱疾不見。 . . . 弘每 令人候之,密知當往廬山,乃遣其故人龐通之等齎酒,先於要道邀 之。潛既遇酒,便飲酌野亭,欣然忘進。弘乃出與相見,遂歡晏窮 日。 . . . 弘要還州,問其所乘,答云:「素有腳疾,向乘籃輿,亦 足自返。」乃令一門生二兒共轝之至州。而言笑賞適,不覺其羨華 軒也。42 During the Yuanxi era [419–420] [ Wang] Hong was the prefect of Linchuan. He earnestly admired [ Tao Yuanming]. Later, when [ Wang] went to visit, Tao pleaded illness and refused to meet [ Wang]. . . [ Wang] Hong ordered people to wait [for Tao] so he would secretly know when Tao was going to Mount Lu; [ he] would send [ Tao’s] old acquaintance Pang Tongzhi and others to buy liquor and wait for him halfway. As soon

41 Li Tiaoyuan 李調元, Quan Wudai shi 全五代詩 (Sichuan: Bashu shushe, 1992), juan 55, p. 1132. 42 Gao Shiqi, Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu, juan 3, pp. 29b–30a.


chapter four as [ Tao] Qian saw liquor, he would drink at the roadside pavilion and willingly cancel the trip. [At that moment Wang] Hong would emerge to greet him, and they would drink happily together for the rest of the day. . . . When [ Wang] Hong invited him to go back to the district together, he asked Tao how he would travel. [ Tao] replied: “I have been hindered by a foot illness, so I always ride in a carrying basket. I think I can return by myself.” He then had one of his students and two sons carry him back to the prefecture. On the way, they enjoyed wonderful conversation. One can feel that [ Tao] never envied [ Wang Hong’s] ornate carriage.

In Li Gonglin’s depiction Tao rides in a basket carried by two porters. Li Chongyuan wrote that the front porter was Tao’s son, and the rear porter was his student.43 The third gure, carrying liquor in a gourd suspended from a staff, most likely is the other son mentioned in Jin History. Li Gonglin was known to admire Tao Yuanming and his handscroll illustrating Tao’s famous prose poem “Returning Home (Guiqulai 歸去來)” contains many images of the hermit-scholar, including an image showing Tao seated next to his carrying basket.44 Since Tao did not describe himself in “Returning Home,” Li Gonglin clearly had adopted the image from Jin History. In both the Returning Home and White Lotus Society paintings Li ttingly depicted Tao Yuanming with his carrying basket, alluding to the literary mentions of the hermit’s drinking life. In White Lotus Society Picture, by showing Tao turning away from the Society’s grounds, the painter denoted the Lotus Society legend of Tao rejecting Huiyuan’s invitation. In the context of White Lotus Society Picture, Tao Yuanming must be understood as the antithesis of Xie Lingyun. Xie clung to worldly desires for power and fame, whereas Tao struggled throughout his life to be free of ofcialdom. This fundamental difference in life philosophy resulted from their opposite personalities and affected their relative status in history in several ways. In literary history, Tao won greater respect for his naive spontaneity (tianzhen ziran 天真自然) than did Xie Lingyun for his linguistic exquisiteness ( jinggong 精工).45 Tao’s quality of


Gao Shiqi, Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu, juan 3, pp. 29b–30a. Moreover, he alluded to Tao in the rst two sentences of his poem written at Tongwen Guan, a subtle literary gesture emulating Tao’s high-mindedness and longing for freedom from ofcialdom. 45 The Southern Song critic Yan Yu 嚴羽, for instance, compared the two men’s works: “The reason Xie is inferior to Tao is that [ Xie] Kangle’s poems are exquisite, whereas [Tao] Yuanming’s are plain and natural.” See Yan Yu, Canglang shihua 滄浪詩話 (SKQS, vol. 419), p. 13a. 44

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unfettered mind was earnestly emulated by literati during the Tang and Song.46 Riding in his carrying basket, Tao Yuanming thus epitomizes the unworldly gentleman and true hermit, while Xie Lingyun on horseback, sheltered by a curved-stem parasol, is the image of arrogance, hindered by his “distracted mind.” Yet it may be simplistic to conclude that, in White Lotus Society Picture, the two represent a juxtaposition between unworldliness and worldliness, with the painter applauding the rst and deploring the second. As discussed in Chapter Five, the carefree, unfettered Tao of the Lotus Society legend may have been a creation of Chan domination of the Donglin circle in the post-persecution era. “Carefree and unfettered” t the Hongzhou Chan “nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be enlightened” model of bodhisattva cultivation, and made Tao the epitome of the Hongzhou Chan paragon—what Zongmi called the “liberated being.” Pure Land bodhisattva cultivation teaching, however, vehemently reproved Hongzhou Chan’s “nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be enlightened,” and instead advocated the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” method of the bodhisattva path (exemplied in the dialogue between Yang Jie and Wang Zhonghui). Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture expressed the latter ideology. Therefore in White Lotus Society Picture Tao, as the epitome of the wrong way to bodhisattvahood, actually served as a warning rather than a paragon. The Two Laughers, Huiyuan and the Daoist Lu Xiujing (Figs. 10C, 11B) Since Li Gonglin paired Tao Yuanming with Xie Lingyun, the “Three Laughers,” legendary symbol of the rapprochement of the Three Religions, perforce became the “Two Laughers” in his White Lotus Society Picture.47 Whether three or two, this legend probably derived from later monks’ emulation of Huiyuan’s purported refusal to enter the world outside Donglin Monastery. That story came from Huiyuan’s hagiography in Huijiao’s Hagiographies of Eminent Monks, in which the Liang-dynasty monk recorded that in his thirty years of residence at Donglin Monastery, Huiyuan never set foot beyond Tiger Stream into the “dusty” world.48 Nowhere in this early text do we nd reference to 46

Among them Su Shi and Chao Buzhi, whose sobriquet was “Guilaizi.” In reality, when Huiyuan passed away Lu Xiujing was only a teenager living in Wuxing, in present-day Zhejiang province. They could not have met. See Tang Yongtong, Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi, p. 370. 48 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, p. 361a. 47


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Tao and Lu. In “Farewell to a Donglin Monastery Monk (Bie Donglin si seng 別東林寺僧),” the Tang poet Li Bai 李白 (701–762) wrote: 東林送別處, 月出白猿啼; 笑別廬山遠, 何煩過虎溪?49

At the parting place of Donglin Monastery, The moon rose and white gibbons howled; Laughing and bidding farewell to [ Master] Yuan of Mount Lu, Why bother crossing Tiger Stream?

The title suggests that Li Bai was not referring to Huiyuan, but rather writing to one of his monk-acquaintances at Donglin Monastery who had accompanied him during his visit there. This poem leaves unclear whether the Three or Two Laughers story had taken shape, but it does include the “punch line” of that story—laughing (xiao 笑) at Tiger Stream. By the Five Dynasties, when the monk Guanxiu wrote his poem (cited previously), the “Two Laughers” story had become independent of the Three. Therefore, both the “Three” and “Two Laughers” stories must have been shaped between the second half of the eighth and the tenth century. Both stories continued to be popular during the Five Dynasties and the Northern Song. Li Gonglin’s friend Su Shi wrote a colophon on the Five Dynasties monk-painter Shike’s 石恪 (tenth c.) illustration of the “Three Laughers.”50 The Xuanhe huapu records that the Five Dynasties painter Qiu Wenbo 丘文播 painted the Three Laughers Picture.51 The Tiantai monk Gushan Zhiyuan 孤山 智圓 (976–1022) composed an inscription on another painting of the same subject.52 Another literatus, Wang Shipeng 王十朋 (1112–1171), evoked in a poem the rapprochement of the Three Religions represented by the “Three Laughers”: 淵明、修靜不設禪, 孔老門中各自賢; 送別虎溪三笑後,

Yuanming and Xiujing did not practice Chan; They were worthies within the gates of Confucius and Laozi. After the three laughingly said farewell at Tiger Stream,

Li Bai 李白, Li Taibai quanji 李太白全集, Li Bai ji jiaozhu 李白集校注, annotated and collated by Zhu Jincheng 朱金城 and Qu Tuiyuan 瞿蛻園 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980), p. 930. 50 Su Shi, Dongpo quanji (SKQS edition, vol. 1108), juan 94, p. 16b. 51 Xuanhe huapu, juan 6, p. 66. 52 Gushan Zhiyuan, Xianju bian 閑居編 (XZJ 101), juan 16, p. 50a. 49

li gonglin’s white lotus society picture 白雲流水兩悽然。53


White clouds and owing waters were both sorrowful.

Even the “Two Laughers” embodied rapprochement, and were often paired with other stories, as in the Northern Song dynasty Lü master Zanning’s 贊寧 (919–1101) praise of Huiyuan and his teacher Daoan 道安: 為僧莫若道安,安與習鑿齒交游,崇儒也。為僧莫若慧遠,遠送陸 修靜過虎溪,重道也。余慕二僧,好儒重道。54 Being a monk, one cannot be better than Daoan. [ Dao]an’s befriending Xi Zaochi was respectful of Confucianism. Being a monk, one cannot be better than Huiyuan. [ Hui ]yuan’s seeing off Lu Xiujing beyond the Tiger Stream [ Bridge] was respectful of Daoism. I admire these two monks, [one who is] fond of Confucianism and [one who] respects Daoism.

Zanning’s praise for Chinese Buddhism’s historical inclusiveness of rival schools of thought was echoed by Qisong’s, whose admiration of Huiyuan’s six virtues included particularly the one related to the “Two Laughers”: “though Lu Xiujing was a scholar of a heretical religion, [Huiyuan’s] seeing him off beyond Tiger Stream Bridge [meant] that Huiyuan did not reject [ Lu’s] speech merely because [Lu was a Daoist].”55 Both Zanning and Qisong were Buddhocentric; it was for Huiyuan the Buddhist to tolerate the ‘heterodoxical’ Daoist Lu in an indisputable hierarchy of the two religions. As a devout Buddhist, Li Gonglin seems to have accepted this attitude as well. In the three copies of his White Lotus Society Picture Huiyuan is conspicuously larger than Lu Xiujing. The monk pats the Daoist’s hands in an almost patronizing manner, gazing contentedly into space, while Lu looks up reverently at Huiyuan. Lu’s boy servant holds his master’s staff and looks back at them, enhancing the sentiment of prolonged parting and echoing Guanxiu’s poem.

53 This poem, titled “Donglin Monastery ( Donglinsi),” is preserved in Jiujiang fuzhi 九江府志 ( Jiujiang gazetteer) (Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1975), vol. 49, pp. 39a, b. 54 Zanning 贊寧, Da Song sengshi lue 大宋僧史略 (Brief History of Monks Compiled in the Great Song) (T. 45), p. 255. 55 Qisong, “Ti Yuangong yingtang bi ( Inscribing the Wall of Master [ Hui-]yuan’s Image Hall,)” Tanjin wenji (T. 52), pp. 719a, b.


chapter four The Snake Expeller (Figs. 10C, 11B)

Standing behind Huiyuan in the “Two Laughers” scene is a bearded man identied by Li Chongyuan as the Snake Catcher (Bushe xingzhe 補蛇行者), and by Li Desu as the Snake Expeller (Qushe xingzhe 驅蛇 行者).56 Chongyuan indicated only that he was an attendant of Huiyuan. This obscure gure most likely derived from a middle-to-lower Yangzi-region river spirit whose cult was centered around present-day Lake Poyang 鄱陽湖, just east of Mount Lu.57 As the belief systems in this region were absorbed by Daoism and Buddhism, these local spirits were often portrayed as pythons subdued by Daoists or converted to Buddhism.58 To the best of this author’s knowledge, the Donglin legend of the Snake Expeller rst appeared in one of Guanxiu’s poems, indicating a Five Dynasties or even earlier origin.59 A passage in Chen Shunyu’s Record of Mount Lu conrms that the Snake Expeller had been merged into the Lotus Society legend as Huiyuan’s follower, the same identity assigned to him by Li Chongyuan.60 Although in Lotus Society legends the Snake Expeller was merely an attendant or follower of Huiyuan, Li Gonglin seems to have endowed him with greater signicance by positioning him at the entrance to the Lotus Society, Tiger Stream Bridge. Standing there, he holds a ku¸ÓikÊ and a white towel, suggesting ritual cleansing. But what does he cleanse? A snake parable frequently found in Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties Buddhist literature can stand as a metaphor for misappre-


For Li Desu’s Record, see Zongxiao, Lebang yigao (T. 47), pp. 235c–36a. This region adjoining the Yangzi River was a vital entrepôt connecting central China with the southern provinces during the Six Dynasties. It was believed that the wind was governed by river, lake, or mountain spirits, for whom shrines were erected. The large numbers of travelers passing through singly and in groups worshipped these spirits to ensure safe journeys. For a discussion of local river-spirit cults, see Miyakawa Hisayuki, “Local Cults around Mount Lu at the Time of Sun En’s Rebellion” in Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese Religion, ed. Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1972), pp. 83–101. 58 Ibid., pp. 91–97. 59 Li Tiaoyuan, Quan Wudai shi, p. 1132. 60 Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞, Lushanji 廬山記 (T. 51), juan 1, p. 1030b. The translation of the original text is: “In front of Fengding Monastery is the pond where the Snake Expeller’s cow used to drink. When Master [Hui]yuan rst lived in this mountain, there were lots of snakes and reptiles. Nobody knew who this follower was, but he accompanied Master Yuan, and was good at expelling snakes; he exterminated the snakes. So he is given the nickname Snake-Expeller Servant. He farmed at the peak, where there is a ‘Field of the Snake-Expeller Servant’.” 57

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hending duality and the totality of prajñÊpÊramitÊ and tathÊgatagarbha. Let us examine this parable. The basic parable concerns a man who, in the darkness of night, mistook a rope (or, in a variant version of the story, a vine) for a snake, which led the man into the mistakes of conceptualizing duality and differentiating li 理 (noumenon) and shi 事 (phenomenon), as pointed out by Jizang.61 In illuminating the tathÊgatagarbha concept, Jizang cited a famous passage from the Avata“saka SÖtra addressing the unity of cognitive Mind (xin 心), the Buddha (Fo 佛), and sentient beings (zhongsheng 眾生). In the snake-and-rope parable Jizang points out that since all three perceptions are derived from the single source of Mind, to “mistake” a rope for a snake is to miss the point completely because in Truth there is no difference between the two.62 To Jizang, this kind of misconception, arising from one’s false Mind, was a form of contamination, symbolized by the snake. But if the false Mind that differentiates and conceptualizes does not arise, the innite purity symbolized by the rope will not be contaminated.63 Like Jizang, his contemporary Jingyingsi Huiyuan 淨影寺慧遠 (523–592) in expounding nonduality points out that the snake and the rope are the nondistinguishable principle of totality; to differentiate between them is to misunderstand. Likewise, our mortal bodies and tathÊgatagarbha do not form a duality; they are the same entity.64 To elaborate on the last point, Jingyingsi Huiyuan referred to a sÖtra: upon achieving Buddhahood, a sentient being will nd no distinction between the mortal body and nirvʸa, just as there is no distinction between the rope and the snake.65 In Huayan philosophy the snake-and-rope parable was most often used to signify the misconception that arises from “dependency” ( yi 依). Chengguan 澄觀 (738–838) pointed out that sentient beings “depend on externality” ( yita 依他) as reality, but this is “delusion” (diandao 顛 倒): they have seized on illusory objects as reality, that is, they have grasped the “snake.”66 In expounding the concept “formlessness” (C: wuxiang

Jizang 吉藏, Shengman baoku 勝鬘寶窟 (T. 37), p. 77a. Ibid., p. 82b. 63 Ibid., p. 86a. 64 Huiyuan 慧遠, Daban Niepan jingyi ji 大般涅槃經義記 (T. 37), juan 4, p. 702c. 65 Huiyuan 慧遠, Dacheng yizhang 大乘義章 (T. 44), juan 18, p. 828b. Also see ibid., juan 1, p. 479b, for a less elaborate explanation. 66 Chengguan 澄觀, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishu yanyichao 廣佛華嚴經隨疏演 義鈔 (T. 36), juan 43, pp. 329b, c. 61 62


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無相, S: animitta), Fazang dened it as nondifferentiation between “form” (xiang 相) and “nonform” ( feixiang 非相). Then he brought to bear the snake-and-rope parable: the rope, being an externality, is illusory, but mistaking it for a snake is delusional; while yet unenlightened, one cannot but “depend on,” i.e., assume the reality of, the rope, but one must not mistake it for a snake.67 The Tang Faxiang school founder Guiji 窺基 (632–682), in his writing on the Heart SÖtra, echoed a similar view in a gÊthÊ: 於繩起蛇覺, 見繩了義無。 證見彼分時, 知如蛇智亂。68

False conception arises upon seeing the rope, After seeing the rope, one understands there is no meaning in such distinction. Seeing and believing that they are separate entities Is like possessing the chaotic wisdom of [perceiving the rope as] a snake.

Guiji went as far as to add a component to this parable: hemp (ma 麻).69 In this new conguration the “snake” is an illusion born of human fear. The snake did not exist in actuality; it was merely a rope. This is called “to exist only in phenomenon, not in noumenon (qingyou liwu 情有理 無).”70 The rope too is illusory, being nothing but braided hemp. Only the hemp can be perceived to exist, and any elaboration is illusion.71 This parable establishes a philosophical structure from “contaminated (ran 染)” to “pure ( jing 淨)” and from “distress and illusion ( youlou, 有漏)” to “passionless purity as a cause for attaining nirvʸa (wulou, 無漏),” and preaches nondifferentiation between one and multitude, and between sentient beings and Buddhas.72 Guiji used the snake to represent the illusion generated during pursuit of the MahÊyÊna concept of prajñÊpÊramitÊ, and the generator of that illusion being none other than self, i.e., one’s own Mind. Snake parables remained important among Five Dynasties and Song Buddhists; the famed Yongming Yanshou used them in his much

Fazang 法藏, Huayanjing yihai baimen 華嚴經義海百門 (T. 45), p. 627c. Guiji 窺基, Banruo boluomiduoxinjing youzan 般若波羅蜜多心經幽讚 (T. 33), juan shang, p. 527b. 69 For Guiji’s original, see Guiji, Dacheng fayuan yilin zhang (T. 45), juan 1, p. 259a. For modern scholarship on this issue, see Nagao Gajin 長尾雅人, “The Theory of the Three Aspects (Tri-Suabhaua) and its Allegories (upamÊ),” TÔhÔ gakuhÔ 東方學報, vol. 11, no. 4 ( Jan. 1941), pp. 47–84. 70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 67 68

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acclaimed work Zongjinglu 宗鏡錄, in which he pointed out that the “snake” derived from rope is merely the product of one’s false Mind and therefore does not exist. Understanding this was a step toward Enlightenment.73 TathÊgatagarbha and prajñÊpÊramitÊ were concepts of primary importance in Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. These Sui, Tang, and Song Buddhist masters had taught the annihilation of illusion, for which the fundamental texts were to be found in the Avata“saka and Heart SÖtras, both of which were familiar to Li Gonglin. In White Lotus Society Picture the Snake Expeller, subordinate to Huiyuan, stands at the entrance to Donglin Monastery, the threshold between the illusory world and the realm of Buddhist purity. With a ku¸ÓikÊ in one hand and a white towel in the other, he became a metaphorical expunger of illusions, superseding his original, literal role as a mere catcher or expeller of snakes. Li Gonglin’s arrangement of personages outside the Lotus Society reects his faithfulness to the Donglin tradition as expressed in Qisong’s writing on Huiyuan’s virtues. Separately and together, the rst three groupings reveal a multi-tiered meaning. Xie Lingyun, with his “distracted mind,” had been rejected from the Society but would come to visit. Tao Yuanming, symbolizing the liberated being, was invited to join but turned back, discontented. Juxtaposing these two worthies created a polarity denoting the importance of unpretentiousness and “internal freedom,” which the Donglin tradition devised to amplify Hongzhou Chan ideology. But these two Worthies also served to exemplify two types of human foibles that must be cleansed away before entering into the Lotus Society. To underscore this point further, the painter enhanced the importance of the Snake Expeller, originally merely Huiyuan’s attendant. In White Lotus Society Picture he became an eradicator of illusions at the threshold of Donglin Monastery, using the pure water from a ku¸ÓikÊ and a white towel to cleanse the faithful before they entered the Society. Lu Xiujing and Huiyuan conversing beyond Tiger Stream reect Huiyuan’s inclusiveness toward non-Buddhist schools of thought, and by extension the painter’s approval of the synthesis of the Three Religions. Yet the superiority of Buddhism

73 Yongming Yanshou, Zongjing lu (T. 48), juan 85, p. 882c. A similar view is expressed in ibid. (T. 48) juan 66, p. 786c.


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to Daoism is unmistakable in this scene, as is the hint at the painter’s religious preference. In the Society Two Scenes of Appreciating Nature Li Gonglin’s early eremitic life in the Longmian Mountains region had nourished his enduring passion for nature. Following Huijiao’s description of the original Donglin Monastery’s scenic beauty, Li envisioned and depicted a sacred natural setting as the most suitable place for practicing Buddhism. Naturally he would include scenes to illuminate the bond between human destiny and nature: the solitary Zhang Ye gazing at a waterfall, and Zong Bing and Tanshun returning from an excursion. Zhang Ye Viewing a Waterfall (Figs. 10H, 11J, 11K ) Zhang Ye belonged both to Tao Yuanming’s drinking crowd and to Huiyuan’s Pure Land circle.74 In White Lotus Society Picture Zhang sits by a riverbank contemplating a waterfall. With his robe untied and chest and feet indelicately exposed, he resembles both an image of Tao Yuanming in Li’s illustration of Returning Home and the unconstrained, free-spirited Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, particularly Ruan Ji 阮藉 (210–263) as depicted in a tomb mural discovered in Xishanqiao 西善橋, Nanjing.75 In his philosophy and his way of life Zhang most particularly resembles Tao. Figures sitting by the water’s edge to view clouds or waterfalls were a common theme in Song painting, one that probably originated in the poems of Tao Yuanming.76 Tao used clouds (or sky) and water (or rivers) as images of unconstraint; in “Returning to Country Life (Guiyuan


For Zhang Ye’s participation in Huiyuan’s circle, see Huiyuan’s “Letter to Liu Yimin (Yu Liu Yimin shu)”: “At the time [when Liu Yimin arrived], hermits such as Zong Bing, Zhang Ye, Zhou Xuzhi, and Lei Cizong, were all present.” (Daoxuan, Guang Hongming ji, [ T. 52], juan 27, p. 304a). 75 For an illustration, see James C.Y. Watt, ed. China: Dawn of a Golden Age, 200 –750 A.D. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), cat. no. 113, pp. 206–207. 76 For a different hypothesis, see Robert E. Harrist, Jr., “Watching Clouds Rise: A Tang Dynasty Couplet and Its Illustration in Song Painting,” The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, vol. 78, no. 7 (1991), pp. 301–23.

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tianju 歸園田居)” the fettered bird and the pond sh are the poet himself, miserable in his socially approved ofcial career: 少無適俗韻, 性本愛丘山。 誤落塵網中, 一去十三年。

Since youth I have not tted the worldly tune, My nature loved mountains and hills. By mistake I fell into the dusty net, And was gone for thirteen years.

羈鳥戀舊林, 池魚思故淵。、、、

The fettered bird yearns for the old woods; The pond sh longs for its former deep . . .77

Passing through Qu’e 曲阿, on his way to another posting, Tao wrote: 我行豈不遙, 登降千里餘。 目倦川塗異,

Isn’t my journey a distant one? I’ve climbed up and down for over a thousand li. My eyes grow weary of the strange rivers and roads; 心念山澤居。 My heart yearns to dwell amid hills and vales. 望雲慚歸鳥, Gazing at the clouds, I feel mortied by the high-ying birds; 臨水愧游魚。、、、 Looking down at the waters, I feel shamed by the gliding sh . . .78

Clouds and waters, symbols of Tao’s eremitic ideal and innate nature, were at the same time the very real setting in which he longed to live, yet he remained for long inside the “dusty net,” compelled by social expectation to betray his nature. Those high-ying birds and gliding sh embody the poet’s nature, which, in Kwong’s words, “returns to intensify his dejection by shaming him with silent admonition.”79 It was only after his nal renunciation of public service that Tao found lasting inner peace, writing in his magnum opus Returning Home: 策扶老以流憩, 時矯首而暇觀。 雲無心以出岫,


Staff in hand, I stroll or stop to rest, At times raising my head and gazing afar. Clouds aimlessly move out from the peaks;

Translation follows Charles Yim-tze Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition: The Quest for Cultural Identity (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), p. 30. Some versions have either ten or thirty years in the second stanza of the poem. The correct number of years is thirteen. See Sun Junxi, Tao Yuanming ji jiaozhu (Collated and Annotated Anthology of Tao Yuanming) (Henan: Zhongzhou guji, 1986), p. 41. 78 Translation follows Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition, p. 27. The title of this poem is “Shi zuo zhenjun canjun jing Qu’e 始作鎮軍參軍經曲阿 (Passing Through Qu’e at the Beginning of My Service as Adjunct to the Army General).” 79 Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition, pp. 27–28.


chapter four 鳥倦飛而之還。 景翳翳以將入, 撫孤松而盤桓。

Birds weary of ying know the way home. The sun is dimming, about to sink; Stroking a lone pine, I linger on.80

Li Gonglin’s illustration of this scene, as seen in the Freer copied version,81 shows Tao standing on an articial mountain in a garden setting, a bamboo staff in one hand. He leans lightly against a tall pine, symbol of gentlemanly virtue (his Guiqulai states that he was stroking the pine). Behind him, tiny black birds y toward swirling clouds emerging from distant mountains. This scene captures Tao’s forte as a eld-and-garden poet (tianyuan shiren 田園詩人), one who has nally returned to his own garden. In a metaphoric sense the foreground image of Tao is the physical form of the poet, while the birds signify his subconscious self. Here the clouds, together with the birds, reect Tao’s fulllment in his eremitic life—a fulllment that permeates the nal stanza of Returning Home: 登東皋以舒嘯, 臨清流而賦詩。 聊乘化以歸盡, 樂夫天命復奚疑?

Climbing the Eastern Hill to let out long shouts, Sitting by a pure stream to compose poems; In accord with my destiny, I return to extinction. Rejoicing in heaven’s ordinance, what more doubt can there be?82

Li Gonglin drew on this imagery in depicting Tao Yuanming by the water’s edge contemplating clouds swirling about the distant shore.83 This depiction embodies not only the literary Tao seeking poetic ideas (the second stanza), but also the philosophical Tao being absolutely unfettered to live life as he was intended (the third stanza). Here the natural motifs connote none of the fear, anxiety, or disturbance as they did when Tao passed through Qu’e. He and his subconscious are united, without the company of birds and sh, and he peacefully gathers poetic thoughts. His repeated pairings of clouds, water, birds, and sh in these writings afrmed his identity and place in the universe, rst longed for, nally achieved. Tao Yuanming’s philosophy of eremitism had become a major theme of his era, representing Jin-dynasty gentlemen’s fondness for seeking


Translation follows Kwong, ibid., p. 113. For an illustration, see Lawton, Thomas. Chinese Figure Painting (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1973), cat. 4, section 4, p. 41. 82 Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集 (SKQS ), juan 5, pp. 4b–6a. 83 For an illustration, see Fong, Wen C., Beyond Representation, g. 117. 81

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accord with their own destiny in nature, and their self-justication in ignoring the call to perform Confucian social duties. Tao Yuanming’s ideas and his Returning Home had thus been immortalized by generations of admirers; since the Tang, scholar-ofcials had alluded to his ideas through emulations of Returning Home, particularly the motifs of clouds and birds. Li Gonglin’s poem written in the capital, analyzed in Chapter One, contains a reference to the weary birds from “Returning Home,” and by evoking words of the ancient sage-hermit, Li expressed his wish to return to Longmian, the Country of Emptiness. Returning to White Lotus Society Picture, it may have been Zhang Ye’s philosophy, so similar to that of Tao Yuanming, that prompted Li Gonglin to depict Zhang in this manner. A rare extant poem expresses that philosophy: 覿嶺混太象, 望崖莫由檢。 器遠蘊其天, 超步不階漸。 朅來越重垠, 一舉拔塵染。 遼朗中大盼, 迴豁遐瞻慊。 乘此櫖瑩心, 可以忘遺玷。 曠風被幽宅, 妖塗故死減。

I gaze at the peaks, confused by their huge image, I look at the crags, bewildered by their steepness. Their power is so great that it hides the heavens, They rise on high, Soaring up wall after wall. In a single vault they cast off all dust and stains, I can see clearly for a long way, my glances reach the sky, I penetrate the distance. Through this I can express my joyful feelings, And so forget the faults that I still have. My mysterious dwelling wears an air of loneliness, By taking this weird path death is diminished.84

Many parallels exist between Zhang’s and Tao’s writings, and between Li Gonglin’s depictions of these two gentlemen. Does the image of Zhang Ye by the water’s edge in White Lotus Society Picture represent only himself, or is he also an idealized icon of Tao’s eremitic principles? Among popular Song-dynasty images of Tao Yuanming was one of Tao washing his feet. Li Gonglin and Su Shi jointly painted this subject.85


This poem is included in Chen Shunyu’s Lushan ji (T. 51), juan 4, p. 1042c. The poem was written to match Huiyuan’s “You Lushan 遊廬山 ( Traveling in Mount Lu),” which is also included in Lushan ji (T. 51), juan 4, pp. 1042b–c. Modied from translation by J.D. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Works of the Chinese Nature Poet, Hsieh Ling-yün ( 385–433), Duke of K ’ang-lo, 2 vols. (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1967), vol. 1, p. 101. 85 Chen Bangyan 陳邦彥, ed., Yuding lidai tihuashi 御定歷代題畫詩, Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 中國書畫全書, ed. Lu Fusheng 盧輔聖, vol. 9 (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua, 1996), p. 252b.


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A letter of introduction by the Northern Song literatus-statesman and devout Buddhist Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1121) for the Daoist Jian Gongchen 謇拱辰 to the renowned Chan Master Donglin Changzong 東林常總 (1025–1091) pictures the Daoist reenacting Tao in retirement: 成都道士,、、、將泛九江入廬山,結茅於錦繡之谷,長嘯與香爐 之頂。扶陶石以遙想,揖遠溪以濯足。86 The Daoist from Chengdu . . . is about to cross Jiujiang to Mount Lu and build a thatched hut in Jinxiu Valley, and will let out long shouts on Xianglu Peak. He will touch the Tao Rock to contemplate [this ancient virtue], and wash his feet in Yuan Stream.

Zhang Shangying clearly refers to the popular Tao Rock on Mount Lu and to the closing stanzas of Tao’s Returning Home, and integrates them with the Donglin environment. The notion of the Daoist Jian’s intention to wash his feet in Yuan Stream (i.e., Huiyuan’s Tiger Stream) echoes the image in White Lotus Society Picture of Zhang Ye cooling his feet in Tiger Stream, and suggests embrace of Tao’s ideology of high-minded reclusion and the reenactment of Tao’s life by members of the Donglin circle. Translated pictorially in Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, Zhang Ye comfortably relaxing by a waterfall becomes the proxy for that aspect of Tao and represents the Jin-dynasty principle of being true to one’s self and seeking accord with nature, which Tao Yuanming came to embody for such later poets and artists as Wang Wei and Li Gonglin. Zong Bing and Tanshun Returning from a Walk in Nature (Figs. 10J, 11D) The second scene in Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture whose theme is man’s relation with nature shows us the literatus Zong Bing and the monk Tanshun, just returning from a walk on the mountain. Not much is known about Tanshun save for a brief hagiographical note under Daozu’s entry in Huijiao’s Hagiographies of Eminent Monks: 少受業什公,後還師遠。南蠻校尉劉遵於江陵立竹林寺,請經始。 遠遣徙焉。87

86 This passage is found in at least two sources giving different dates: Fozu lidai tongzai 佛祖歷代通載 (T. 49, juan 19, p. 672a) dates this letter to 1087; Shishi jigu lue 釋氏稽 古略 (T. 49, juan 4, p. 874b) dates it to 1081. 87 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, p. 363a.

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When he was young he received instruction from [Huiyuan, then] KumÊrajÒva, then returned to follow Master Yuan. When the Commandant Liu Zun of Nanman established Zhulin Monastery in Jiangling, he invited [Huiyuan] to perform the initiation sermon. [Master] Yuan sent [ Tanshun instead] to reside there.

If this record is accurate, Tanshun’s stays on Mount Lu were brief and fragmentary. Coincidentally, Zong Bing (375–443) also spent only about fty days with Huiyuan, probably because his family refused to let him lead a reclusive Buddhist life.88 When Tanshun was on Mount Lu is unknown, but Zong Bing’s visit occurred either in 402 when the group vow in front of the AmitÊbha image took place, or in 408. Given their short stays at Donglin Monastery, it is doubtful whether these two ever met on the mountain. Li probably grouped them together because Zong Bing was from Jiangling, where Tanshun had assumed the abbacy of Zhulin Monastery. Since the number of Worthies in the Society and their identities had been codied by the beginning of the Northern Song, all had to be tted into the picture, and this grouping had at least some semblance of geographic logic. Zong Bing’s fondness for nature is aptly portrayed in this scene; he was well known for his landscape-painting treatise Preface to Painting Landscape (Hua shanshui xu 畫山水序), which was permeated with Buddhist signicance.89 His passion for landscape painting came from a love of nature so intense that he refused many imperial summonses to serve. Often when he traveled in mountains he “forgot” to return home, and in old age, unable to travel, he covered the walls of his house in Jiangling with landscape paintings. He wrote: “[I] would like to strum the qin [zither] to make mountains echo [my] music.”90 This scene of a monk and a scholar traveling together in nature reects another popular Jin-dynasty genre, that of Buddhist clerics

88 There are two conicting dates for Zong Bing’s visit to Mount Lu. Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan records the trip as occurring in 402, whereas Songshu and Nanshi both record it as after 408. Kimata Tokuo 木全德雄 argued that the 408 date was more plausible. See Kimata, “Eon to SÔ Bin o megutte 慧遠と宗炳をめぐって (Concerning Hui-yüan and Tsung Ping),” in Eon kenkyÖ, ed. Kimura Eiichi, vol. 2 (Kyoto: KyÔto daigaku, 1962), p. 297. 89 For an excellent study of this topic, see Susan Bush, “Tsung Ping’s Essay on Painting Landscape and the ‘Landscape Buddhism’ of Mount Lu” in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 132–64. 90 Song shu 宋書 (Song History) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), juan 93, pp. 278–79.


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and members of the secular elite enjoying and seeking truth in nature together.91 Zong Bing was an ardent advocate of practicing Buddhism in nature, as expressed in his Essay on Illuminating Buddhism (Ming fo lun 明佛論): 史遷之述五帝也,皆云生而神靈。 . . . 懿淵疏通,其智如神。既以類 大乘菩薩化現而生者也。居軒轅之丘,登崆峒、陟三岱。92 The historian [ Sima] Qian recorded the Five Emperors, saying that they were all born with divine nature. . . . Their virtues were profound and widely known, and their wisdom was as bright as gods. This is similar to those MahÊyÊna bodhisattvas who manifest themselves [in this world]. [ The bodhisattvas] lived in the hills of Xuanyuan, climbed Kongtong, and ascended the Sandai [Mountains].

Here Zong combined Chinese myth and legend with the Buddhist concept of metamorphosis, following the belief, common in Chinese Buddhism, that Buddhas and bodhisattvas manifest themselves in mountains to transform sentient beings. In the same essay he expressed his admiration for Huiyuan, calling him a Buddhist sage who manifested himself in the mountains to guide people, transforming Mount Lu into a holy site or Pure Land to which Zong Bing was drawn.93 Regarding nature’s function in religious practice, Li Gonglin and Zong Bing thought much alike. Li transformed the earthbound world into an idealized Buddhist realm or paradise, alluding to Buddhist deities and philosophy in the site names of his Mountain Villa. Li’s tripartite faith (Chan, Huayan, and Tiantai) emphasized homage to and consultation with kalyʸamitra (benecial and enlightened friends, shanyou 善友). In his youth and after retirement Li Gonglin traversed the

91 Luo Zongqiang, Xuanxue yu Wei Jin shiren xintai 玄學與魏晉士人心態 (Pure Talk and the Mentality of the Wei and Jin Gentry Class) (Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1992), pp. 346–56. This popular gentry lifestyle ourished in the Zhejiang and Jiangxi areas. In Zhejiang the most famous pair comprised the monk Zhidun and Xu Xun. They traveled in Kuaiji and their debates on the VimalakÒrti-nirdeua SÖtra, emulating the layman VimalakÒrti and the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ, drew huge crowds. Zhidun and Xu’s companionship became a popular painting subject during the Ming dynasty; one such work by Lan Ying is preserved in the Cleveland Museum of Art (see Wai-kam Ho, et al., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City, and The Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art and Indiana University Press, 1980), cat. no. 196, p. 253. In Jiangxi this practice was led by Huiyuan. The poem by Zhang Ye quoted above, for example, was written to match “You Lushan (Traveling in Mount Lu)” (T. 51), juan 4, pp. 1042b–c, by Huiyuan. 92 Zong Bing, Ming fo lun, in Hongming ji (T. 52), juan 2, p. 12b. 93 Ibid., p. 16a.

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Longmian region with fellow Buddhists to visit nearby monasteries and practice Buddhism in nature. He must have admired the preeminent monks in his hometown, and possibly identied them as Buddhist sages and bodhisattvas living in the mountains, altruistically helping others toward salvation. Thus, by depicting Zong Bing and Tanshun traveling in nature, Li Gonglin used a popular Jin-dynasty tradition to allude to his own view of nature as the best place for practicing Buddhism. It is an allusion made all the more subtle—here and in Zhang Ye’s contemplation of a waterfall—by the omission of any direct reference to Buddhist practice. Scenes of Buddhist Activities Such references are represented in the painting by the three adjacent scenes: sÖtra translation, Daosheng preaching, and the ritual for MañjutrÒ. SÖtra-translation Scene (Figs. 10G, 11H) In discussing Xie Lingyun as a Worthy not permitted in the Lotus Society, I cited Chen Shunyu’s Record of Mount Lu, according to which Xie had sponsored two lotus ponds and had designated the excavated earth for use in building the Nirvʸa SÖtra “translation platform”—in fact, a sort of desk. In his White Lotus Society Picture, Li Gonglin placed the sÖtra-translation platform next to a lotus pond and depicted Xie Lingyun outside of the Society, thus acknowledging both Donglin legends of Xie Lingyun: that he built the platform and to that extent was instrumental in translating this sÖtra, and that he was rejected by Huiyuan due to his “distracted mind.” A nature lover himself, Xie created many gardens in places where he lived in southern China, but no contemporaneous evidence indicates that he was responsible for the lotus ponds or the platform at Donglin Monastery. His many lavish landscaping efforts gave rise to legends of the ponds and the platform, and to different sources alleging different sites for the platform. As early as the Sui dynasty (589–618), stories were circulating of Xie’s creating not two but three lotus ponds at Donglin Monastery. The monk Guanding 灌頂 (561–632) followed his master Tiantai Zhiyi to Mount Lu and saw them for himself.94 His writings, however, make


See the Sui-dynasty monk Guanding’s 灌頂 Guoqing bailu 國清百錄, which records


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no mention of any sÖtra-translation platform. In 767 the renowned statesman and calligrapher Yan Zhenqing 顏真卿 (709–785) traveled to Donglin, where he greatly admired Sanskrit palm-leaf sÖtras from which Xie had made a translation.95 Yan Zhenqing’s writings of the period point out, however, that the translation platform was located at a nearby Baoying Monastery 寶應寺.96 It is quite likely that the legend of Xie translating the Nirvʸa SÖtra at Donglin Monastery had not yet been established, or Yan would have noted the discrepancy. No evidence exists to indicate whether the palm-leaf sÖtras admired by Yan Zhenqing indeed comprised the Nirvʸa SÖtra. At any rate, the key elements for later creation of the sÖtra-translation platform story—Xie Lingyun’s Sanskrit palm-leaf sÖtras and the lotus ponds—were already at Donglin Monastery by the late eighth century. In the ninth century Bai Juyi 白居易 composed the poem “SÖtratranslation platform (Fanjingtai 翻經台),” in which he referred to Donglin Monastery, indicating that this legend had already been established there. Subsequent authors associated with Donglin Monastery treated the Nirvʸa SÖtra and “sÖtra-translation platform” as part of Lotus Society history.97 three lotus ponds at Donglin Monastery, purportedly dug by Xie Lingyun (T. 46, p. 805a). 95 Yan Zhenqing 顏真卿, Yan Lugong wenji 顏魯公文集 (SBCK ), juan 11, p. 7a. 96 These sÖtra leaves were reported to have survived into the Northern Song (Chen Shunyu, Lushan ji, juan 1, p. 1030a). Evidence indicates that the legend of Xie Lingyun’s “sÖtra-translation platform” originated at Baoying Monastery, in the vicinity of Donglin. In his Fuzhou Baoyingsi Luzang yuan jietan ji (Record of the Ordination Platform in the SÖtra Repository of Baoying Monastery in Fuzhou), Yan Zhenqing described such a site: “In the third year of Dali [768] I became the prefect of Fuzhou. Four li southeast [of the city] lie the remains of the steps and doors [of the place] where Xie Lingyun, the administrator of Linchuan of the Song, translated the Da niepan jing (Great Nirvʸa SÖtra).” (Yan Zhenqing, Yan Lugong ji 顏魯公集 [SKQS ], juan 13, pp. 5a–8a.) There Yan also composed the essay “Fuzhou Baoyingsi ‘Fanjingtai’ ji 撫州寶應寺翻經臺記 (Record of the ‘SÖtra-Translation Platform’ at Baoying Monastery in Fuzhou)” to commemorate the vegetarian feast celebrating the complete renovation of the platform: “There is a ‘sÖtra-translation platform’ four li southeast of Fuzhou City. It was so named because Mr. Xie, [Liu] Song [-dynasty] Marquis of Kangle, translated the Nirvʸa SÖtra there at the beginning of the Yuanjia era” (Yan Zhenqing, Yan Lugong ji [SKQS ], juan 14, pp. 11b–13b). For Yan Zhenqing, active in circles at both monasteries, to write at length and repeatedly about the “sÖtra-translation platform” at Baoying Monastery indicates that the tradition of such a platform was prevalent at Baoying but not at Donglin. If so, the Donglin version of the story probably developed later from the few sÖtra leaves from which, purportedly, Xie Lingyun made his translation. 97 The Tang monk-poet Jiaoran 皎然 (730–799), for instance, in a poem commemorating the monk Zang Shangren’s departure for Mount Wutai, wrote: “He is about to become a hermit like Liu [ Yimin]/To translate the [ Nirvʸa SÖtra], like Mr.

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Li Gonglin was probably aware of some, if not all, of these discrepancies and the ex post facto locating of the “sÖtra-translation platform” at Donglin Monastery. At the same time he was stuck with yet another legend, closer to his own time at Donglin Monastery, of Xie Lingyun’s rejection by Huiyuan and exclusion from the Society. But nowhere in the Donglin tradition can we nd references to others using the sÖtratranslation platform, so Li Gonglin’s pictorial representation of ve Worthies seated around the platform examining the scrolls unrolled on the table was entirely his own interpolation of materials from other historical sources into the Donglin Lotus Society legend. To understand Li Gonglin’s depiction, let us rst consider the history of the Nirvʸa SÖtra in China. This sÖtra was introduced by Faxian 法顯 (ca. 337–422) in 417 and rst translated by Faxian or by Buddhabhadra, one of the Worthies of the Lotus Society, between 417 and 418 in Nanjing.98 Because this translation was made in the south, it was

Xie/Having this virtuous master/Our dharma will withstand the test of time./We should seek happiness with tranquil Minds. Then our souls will not be distressed/Even at his parting. He will visit the Huaquan [mystical spring on Mount Kunlun] alone when the autumn breeze enters Yanmen” ( Jiaoran, Jiaoran ji 皎然集 [SBCK ], juan 5, p. 5b). Although Zang Shangren was going to Mount Wutai, Jiaoran’s poem refers to Huiyuan’s Mount Lu Lotus Society and to the legend of Xie Lingyun translating the Nirvʸa SÖtra. The poet was reminding his lay friends of the inevitability of sa“sÊra and the true meaning of nirvʸa. The rst line compares Zang Shangren to Liu Yimin and his diligent practice, while the second refers to the Nirvʸa SÖtra in the Donglin tradition. This kind of literary anachronism, placing a gure of a later period into the Lotus Society, can also be seen in Huang Tao’s 黃滔 ( jinshi 895) poem “You Donglinsi 遊東林寺 (Traveling to Donglin Monastery),” in Li Tiaoyuan, Quan Wudai shi (Sichuan: Bashu shushe), juan 84, p. 1684. In light of Jiaoran’s and Huang Tao’s writings, the legend of Xie Lingyun at Donglin Monastery seems to have been fully developed by the ninth century and well integrated with other aspects of Lotus Society legends in literature. 98 Early texts disagree on the translator of the “southern version” of the Nirvʸa SÖtra. Sengyou 僧佑, Chu sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 includes a “Liujuan Nihuan jing houji 六卷涅槃經後記 (Epilogue of the Six-juan Nirvʸa SÖtra)” indicating that Buddhabhadra preached in Chinese the Sanskrit original that Faxian had brought back. Buddhabhadra’s Chinese preaching was recorded by the monk Baoyun 寶雲 (T. 55, juan 8, p. 60b). Buddhabhadra’s hagiography in Chu sanzang jiji (T. 55, juan 13, pp. 103c–104a) and in Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50, p. 335c) indicates that he translated the sÖtra. Faxian’s hagiography in these two sources, however, records Faxian 法顯 as the translator (T. 55, p. 112b; T. 50, p. 338b). For discussions of this issue and of Faxian’s hagiography, see ItÔ Giken, Shina bukkyÔ seishi (History of Chinese Buddhism) (Yamaguchi-ken: Ketashita gaguryo, 1924), p. 380; Sakaino KÔyÔ, Shina bukkyÔ seishi (Detailed history of Chinese Buddhism) (Tokyo: Sakaino KÔyÔ Hakushi ikÔ kankÔkai, 1925), pp. 517–19; Fuse KÔgaku, Nehanshu no kenkyÖ (Study of the Nehan School ), 2 vols. (Tokyo: Kokusho kankÔkai, 1942), vol. 1, pp. 79–81; and Kamata Shigeo, ChÖgoku bukkyÔ shi (History of Chinese Buddhism) (Tokyo: TÔkyÔ daigaku, 1984), p. 66.


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known as the “southern version” (nanben 南本, known as Daban nihuan jing 大般泥洹經), in contrast to the later “northern version” (beiben 北本, known as Daban niepan jing 大般涅槃經), which was brought to Guzang 姑藏 (present-day Wuwei 武威, in Gansu 甘肅 Province), and translated by DharmakÉema (385–433) in 421. Xie Lingyun is known to have promoted this sÖtra by collaborating with such monks as Huiyan 慧嚴 (dates unknown) and Huiguan 慧觀 (363–443) in collating the “southern version” according to the “northern version” after the latter was introduced to the south.99 Xie’s endeavor contradicts the Donglin legend in at least three ways. First, Xie did not translate the Nirvʸa SÖtra, but merely revised it based on two previous translations. Second, he was only one of many who collaborated on the project. Third, the “northern version” was introduced to the south in 430, more than ten years after Huiyuan’s death.100 For Xie Lingyun to have “translated” this sÖtra upon his rst, admiring, encounter with Huiyuan, as the Donglin legend claimed, was simply impossible. Populating this scene presented Li with another problem. The other major participants in the revision, namely Huiguan and Huiyan, were also not members of the Lotus Society, so they did not belong in the scene either. Li Gonglin could have eliminated the platform or placed the Kashmiri monk Buddhabhadra, possibly the translator of the “southern version” of the sÖtra, in this scene. Instead he chose to depict a group of ve Chinese monks and scholars. Li’s choice suggests the special importance of the Nirvʸa SÖtra to Chinese Buddhists. Immediately on its arrival in China in the Six Dynasties, it (along with prajñÊ) had dominated and set the tone of much of Buddhist discussion. In addition to the collating revision project in which Xie Lingyun participated, at least forty exegeses and commentaries on the sÖtra were produced immediately following its two translations. Li Gonglin’s depiction of three monks and two lay practitioners, in Li Chongyuan’s words “writing commentaries and collating the [ Nirvʸa] SÖtra,” symbolically captured this complex joint effort by both Chinese Buddhist monks and laymen to which Xie Lingyun, Huiguan, and Huiyan had actually contributed. Moreover, the selection of Huirui as the leader in this group, seated in the center facing viewers, provides a key to Li Gonglin’s objective.

99 100

Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, pp. 367b–68b. Huiyuan died in 416 or 417.

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Like several other Worthies discussed so far, Huirui’s relationship with the Donglin circle was temporary. After returning from India he went to Mount Lu, but when KumÊrajÒva arrived in Chang’an in 401, Huirui, Daosheng, Huiyan, and Huiguan went north to follow him.101 Later Huirui returned to the south, staying at Wuyi Monastery 烏衣寺 in Nanjing, but is not recorded as having returned to Mount Lu.102 Thus, he could not have been a member during the 402 vow. By virtue of seniority in the Society and personal relationships with Huiyuan, either of the two other monks in this group, Huichi and Huiyong, was far more qualied than Huirui to lead the collating project. Huichi and Huiyuan were brothers; together they had studied under Daoan, and together they arrived at Mount Lu.103 Huichi was also the shangshou 上首 (“chief disciple”) among the three thousand participants in Huiyuan’s circle.104 Similarly, Huiyong’s friendship with Huiyuan can be traced back to their tutelage under Daoan. Originally they had planned to build a monastery together on Mount Luofu 羅浮山 in present-day Guangdong Province. Since Daoan asked Huiyuan to stay, Huiyong headed south alone. As he was passing through Xunyang 潯陽 (in present-day Jiangxi Province), Tao Yuanming’s great uncle Tao Fan 陶範 (mid-fourth c.) asked Huiyong to stay, so he settled at Xilin Monastery 西林寺, north of Mount Lu.105 Later, when Huiyuan rst arrived in the area, he stayed at Xilin Monastery. The number of his followers increased so dramatically, however, that Huiyong asked Huan Yin 桓尹 (mid-fourth c.) to build Donglin Monastery for Huiyuan about one kilometer east of Xilin Monastery.106 Li Gonglin completely ignored these matters of seniority and personal relationships in favor of heightening viewers’ awareness of the philosophy preached in the Nirvʸa SÖtra. He made Huirui the leader of the group because Huirui’s contribution to the history of the Nirvʸa SÖtra far surpassed that of the two long-time Donglin seniors. Because he had been to India and was an expert in Sanskrit, Huirui had helped Xie Lingyun write Fourteen Phonetic Pronunciations and their Meanings (Shisi yinxun 十四音訓). This gave Xie high credentials for his participation 101 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50) juan 6, p. 336c; Sengyou, Chu sanzang jiji (T. 55), juan 15, p. 110c. 102 Sengyou, ibid. 103 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, p. 361b. 104 Ibid. 105 Ibid., p. 362a. 106 Ibid., pp. 358a–b.


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in the revision project.107 More importantly, as soon as the “southern version” translation of the Nirvʸa SÖtra appeared, Chinese Buddhists questioned its authenticity and argued over its denition of Buddhanature (tathÊgatagarbha). The monk Daosheng insisted that icchantika also possess Buddha-nature. Huirui wrote “On Clearing Doubts (Yuyi lun 喻疑論)” to support Daosheng.108 To conform to the Donglin legend that Xie Lingyun was excluded from the Society, Li Gonglin could have eliminated the sÖtra-“translation” altogether from his iconographic design, but instead he emphasized communality of the Chinese effort to grasp the teaching of the Nirvʸa SÖtra. Huirui, whom Li made leader of the group, was not only Xie’s teacher but also an acquaintance of Huiyan and Huiguan. More importantly, Huirui was one of the few early proponents of the notion that all sentient beings possess tathÊgatagarbha, the view shared by Daosheng, who is the preacher in the next scene. The SÖtra-preaching Scene (Figs. 10I, 11E, 11F) This scene occurs in a cavern, on a raised terrace secured by rocks piled up at its edge. Daosheng sits on a daybed-style platform of the type commonly seen in Song-dynasty copies of early Chinese paintings.109 He holds a zhuwei fan and leans on an armrest. Five gures sit around him on the ground: the scholar Lei Cizong is in the center, anked by the monks Daojing and Tanshen, while a disciple and a boy servant are seated to the left of the platform. Li Desu’s Record of White Lotus Society Picture made no attempt to identify this scene, while Li Chongyuan wrote only that it was a sermon without naming the sÖtra


Ibid., juan 7, p. 367b. This text is preserved in the fth volume of Sengyou, Chu sanzang jiji (T. 55), lu 錄 (records), juan xia-5, pp. 41b–42c. Tang Yongtong has suggested that this work was written soon after the southern version was translated, because it mentions only the latter. Tang also convincingly argued that Huirui was supporting Daosheng for his interpretation that even icchantika possess foxing (Tang Yongtong, Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi [Buddhist History of the Han, Wei, the Two Jins, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties] ( Taipei: Shangwu chubanshe, 1991 [originally published in 1938], p. 618). For Daosheng’s view, see discussion later in this chapter. 109 For example, Emperor Xuan of the Chen dynasty in the Thirteen Emperors scroll and the ve scholars in Scholars of the Northern Qi Collating Texts, attributed to the Northern Qi court painter Yang Zihua 楊子華, sit on the same style daybeds. Both scrolls are preserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. For discussion of the Thirteen Emperors scroll, see Wu Hung, “The Origins of Chinese Painting,” in Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, ed. Richard M. Barnhart (Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 42–43. 108

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that was its subject.110 In order to understand this scene, it is necessary to consider the debate on the scope of tathÊgatagarbha engendered by the translations of the Nirvʸa SÖtra. DharmakÉema’s “northern version” dened it thus: 我者即是如來藏義,一切眾生悉有佛性,即是我義。111 The meaning of self is Rulai zang [ Buddha-nature]. All sentient beings possess Buddha-nature, and that is the meaning of self.

If all sentient beings possess Buddha-nature, then all can potentially achieve Buddhahood. The “southern version,” which preceded the “northern version” by twelve or thirteen years, was less generous (or less optimistic) about the universality of Buddha-nature: 一切眾生皆有佛性在於身中,無量煩惱悉除滅已,佛便明顯;除一 闡提。112 All sentient beings possess Buddha-nature; when all afictions have been exterminated, their Buddha-nature will become apparent, except for icchantika.

Icchantika, according to the “southern version,” comprise the negligent and lazy, disbelievers in and slanderers of the dharma, those who violate precepts and commit evil deeds, and those trapped in the endless cycle of sa“sÊra.113 Before the “northern version” was introduced to the south, the notion that icchantika did not possess tathÊgatagarbha was shared by the majority of southern Buddhists. Against this mainstream interpretation, Daosheng argued: 闡提是含生之類,何得獨無佛性,蓋此經度未盡耳。114 Icchantika are also living beings. Why do they alone not possess Buddhanature? It must be because the preaching of this sÖtra is incomplete.

110 In several cases, both Li Desu’s and Li Chongyuan’s descriptions are vague. Perhaps the Lotus Society was clearly understood in their circles, so they felt no need to record details. 111 DharmakÉema, trans., Daban niepanjing 大般涅槃經 (T. 12), juan 7, p. 407b. 112 Faxian, trans., Daban nihuanjing 大般泥洹經 (T. 12), juan 4, p. 881b. 113 T. 12, pp. 393b, 418c, 419b, 554b, 873c, 892c. 114 Text cited from Tang Yongtong, Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi, p. 649. According to Tang, this text is preserved in Japan.


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Daosheng’s interpretation of this issue was bold. During a public censure in which he was severely reprimanded and exiled from Nanjing’s monastic communities, he purportedly said: 若我所說,反於經義者,請與現身,即表癘疾。若與實相不相違背 者,願捨壽之時,據獅子座。 If what I said contradicts the meaning of the sÖtra, I should be aficted with ulcers immediately. But if it does not contradict the Absolute Reality, I shall wish to ascend the lion throne at the moment of passing.115

Then he left to reside temporarily on Tiger Hill (Huqiu 虎丘) near Suzhou 蘇州, afterward going on to Mount Lu.116 Then the “northern version” of the Nirvʸa SÖtra arrived in Nanjing, according to which even icchantika possessed tathÊgatagarbha, just as Daosheng had said they must.117 Immediately after receiving this new version, Daosheng began to preach it on Mount Lu. As Huijiao vividly recounted, the dramatic and triumphant ending of Daosheng’s life occurred while he was preaching the Nirvʸa SÖtra: 以宋元嘉十一年冬十一月庚子,於廬山精舍昇于法座。神色開朗,德 音俊發,論議數番,窮理盡妙。觀聽之眾,莫不悟悅。去席將畢,忽 見麈尾紛然而墬。端坐正容,隱几而卒。顏色不異,似若入定。道俗 嗟駭,遠近悲泣。於是京邑諸僧,內漸自疚,追而信服。118 On gengzi of the eleventh month of the eleventh year of Yuanjia [434], he ascended the dharma throne at the monastery on Mount Lu. His spirit was brilliant, and his voice swift. After several discussions, he exhausted the essence of the sÖtra. His audience comprehended it with joy. As he was about to nish preaching, suddenly [someone] saw him drop his zhuwei. He was sitting upright with a solemn expression. He passed away while leaning on the armrest. His expression was as if he were in meditation. Clerics and lay people from near and far were saddened, and mortied monks in the capital blamed themselves. They now believe in and admire him.

Daosheng’s last sermon on a “dharma throne” fullled his own hopeful prediction that at death he would “ascend the lion throne,” i.e., reach Enlightenment. Li Gonglin’s depiction of Daosheng, clearly based on Huijiao’s description, captures this triumphant pinnacle of his career. The three advanced hearers sit on the ground in silent concentra115 116 117 118

Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, p. 366c. Ibid., p. 361a. Ibid., p. 361a. Ibid.

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tion, while the one young acolyte scratches his head, a gesture of incomprehension at the profundity of Daosheng’s philosophy. Viewers who knew the hagiography could appreciate the inspired sermon and anticipate Daosheng dropping his zhuwei fan. In a sense, the scene is comparable to depictions of sÊkyamuni’s parinirvʸa, in which the MahÊyÊna bodhisattvas calmly observe, the arhats show a composed grief, and the unenlightened lament inconsolably because they cannot conceive of nirvʸa. Both the “sÖtra-translating team” and Daosheng are focused on the Nirvʸa SÖtra, and Li Gonglin deliberately centered both scenes on the two among the Eighteen Noble Worthies who had actually championed this sÖtra and had upheld the universality of tathÊgatagarbha. Together these two scenes represent one of the two iconographic foundations of Li’s White Lotus Society Picture: the concept that all sentient beings possess tathÊgatagarbha, i.e., the seed of Buddha. The other iconographic foundation is the essence of tathÊgatagarbha itself, the intrinsic nature of Emptiness, embodied in the MañjutrÒ ritual scene. The MañjuurÒ Image and the Buddhist Ritual Scene (Figs. 10F, 11G) The Donglin Lotus Society legends include none concerning a MañjutrÒ image or how it was related to Huiyuan’s religious practice. Li Gonglin’s depiction of a ritual performed before an image of the bodhisattva should thus be understood as another of the painter’s interpolations based on earlier historical records pertaining to Huiyuan. The MañjutrÒ cult in China is associated with Mount Wutai 五台山 in Shanxi Province, yet it also had a long and prior history on Mount Lu, and many of its legends were interwoven with the rising cult of Huiyuan.119 According to some Liang-dynasty Buddhist records, such as Huijiao’s Hagiographies of Eminent Monks, this Mount Lu cult began during the time of Tao Yuanming’s great-grandfather Tao Kan 陶侃: 昔潯陽陶侃,經鎮廣州。有漁人於海中見神光,每夕豔發,經旬彌 盛。怪以白侃。侃往詳視,乃是阿育王像。即接歸,以送武昌寒溪 寺。寺主僧珍,嘗往夏口,夜夢寺遭火,而此像屋獨有龍神圍繞。 珍覺馳還寺,寺既焚盡,唯像屋存焉。侃後移鎮,以像有威靈,遣

119 Yin Jin’an 殷晉安, an acquaintance of Tao Yuanming active in the Mount Lu region, wrote “Zan Wenshu (Elegy to MañjutrÒ),” which suggests the popularity of the MañjutrÒ cult in the region (see Daoxuan, Guang Hongming ji [ T. 52], juan 15, pp. 198c–99b).


chapter four 使迎接。數十人舉之至水,及上船,船又覆沒。使者懼而反之,竟 不能獲。侃幼出雄武,素薄信情,故荊楚之間,為之謠曰: 陶惟雄劍, 像以神標; 雲翔泥宿, 邈何遙遙。 可以誠至, 難以力招。 及遠創寺既成,祈心奉請,乃飄然自輕,往還無梗。方知遠之神感, 證在風諺矣。於是率眾行道,昏曉不絕。120 In the past Tao Kan of Xunyang was stationed in Guangzhou. Fishermen there spotted a divine light within the sea. It gleamed every evening, and its brightness increased after ten days. Amazed, they reported the phenomenon to Tao. Tao went to inspect. It was an image from the Indian kingdom of Atoka. Tao had it retrieved and sent to Hanxi Monastery in Wuchang. Once the abbot, Zhen, went to Xiakou. That night he dreamt that a re had broken out at the monastery, and the Image Hall alone was encircled by divine dragons.121 Zhen rushed back. The whole monastery was ruined except for the Image Hall. After [ Tao] Kan was transferred [to another place], he sent people to bring the image along with him because of its divine power. Dozens of people [carried] it to the river. But as soon as they got it onto the boat, the boat sank. People were shaken. They tried to recover it, but failed. [ Tao] Kan had been virile and brave since his youth, but he lacked sincerity. So a folk song was popular in the Jing and Chu regions: “Tao is only manly, But the image is the symbol of divinity. Floating clouds may be nearby, But how remote they are indeed. You can reach [the image] through sincerity, But cannot obtain it by force.” After [ Hui]yuan had completed building his monastery, he prayerfully invited [the image], and it became so light that it oated in the air; one could move it around without hindrance. Then people realized that [ Hui]yuan’s divine inspiration had already been predicted in the folk song. Thereafter [ Huiyuan] led the masses to practice dharma day and night without stopping.


Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, p. 358c. Dragons surrounding the MañjutrÒ image in a time of peril recall the dragons protecting the sacred ding, thwarting the First Emperor’s attempt to claim it. See Wu Hung, The Wuliang Shrine: The Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), pp. 95–96. 121

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Huijiao did not specify which deity this image represented, but his contemporary Baochang 寶唱 and later authors noted that it was MañjutrÒ.122 This curious story signies Huiyuan’s rise to eminence in Chinese Buddhism. The story of a sunken MañjutrÒ surfacing to bear witness to Huiyuan’s virtue resembles the indigenous story of the ancient bronze ding tripod that attested possession of the heavenly mandate to rule, and the thwarting of the (evil) First Qin Emperor’s attempt to haul the ding from the water in order to legitimize his own rule.123 Huijiao’s hagiography of Huiyuan must also have been inuenced by current beliefs in other efcacious qualities of ding tripods, most notably Sun Rouzhi’s 孫柔之 Catalogue of Good Omens (Ruiying ji 瑞應記), as translated by Wu Hung: “The Divine Tripod. It is the spirit of both substance and decoration. It knows the auspicious and the inauspicious and what continues and what perishes. It can be heavy or light; it can be at rest or in motion. . . . The divine tripod appears when a ruler rises and disappears when a ruler falls.”124 Here the ding not only symbolizes the virtue and heavenly mandate of a ruler, but also acquires it’s own consciousness. It determines its own weight according to circumstance, it moves around according to its own wishes, and its appearance and disappearance symbolize the rise and fall of a ruler or the beginning and end of an era, very much like the image in the Tao Kan story. A parallel tradition also existed in India, of an object that indicated the rise and fall of an era. When King Dabhanemi rst ruled his country, for example, a dharma wheel surfaced and the nation enjoyed great prosperity. Then the wheel began to sink back into the earth. By the time the wheel disappeared out of sight, Dabhanemi had transferred power to his son. With the transfer of power, this wheel did not resurface. Dabhanemi’s son had to earn the reappearance of the wheel through his own virtue.125 Similarly, the MañjutrÒ image emerging for Huiyuan demonstrated the ourishing of Huiyuan’s reputation for virtue in the Southern Dynasties Buddhist communities. In time the MañjutrÒ image on Mount Lu developed its own protective power as the guardian of Donglin Monastery and the entire Mount Lu area. During the chaos of the late Southern Dynasties,

Baochang 寶唱, Mingseng chuanchao 名僧傳抄 (XZJ 134), p. 15a. Wu, The Wuliang Shrine, pp. 58–59. 124 Ibid. 125 See John Strong, The Legend of King Auoka (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), p. 47. 122 123


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Tiantai Zhiyi ed Nanjing. One night a monk appeared in his dream to inform him that the MañjutrÒ image at Donglin Monastery would protect him. Trusting the dream, he went to Donglin Monastery. There he saw Huiyuan’s portrait, whereupon he realized that it was Huiyuan who had appeared in his dream. In this tale Huiyuan is perceived as a proponent of the MañjutrÒ cult, a devotee of the deity’s protective power.126 Shortly thereafter, many monasteries in the south were burnt to ruins, but not those on Mount Lu, which were believed to have been protected by the Donglin MañjutrÒ.127 According to legends, bandits feared the deity’s power and would not dare approach the mountain.128 Other monasteries on Mount Lu began to replicate this image for protective purposes.129 The MañjutrÒ cult on Mount Lu seems to have declined as the Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ cult rose. About the time Yan Zhenqing was active among the Donglin circle, the monk Fazhao 法照 was practicing Pure Land Buddhism at Donglin Monastery. Fazhao then went to the Nanyue Mountains 南嶽 to follow the monk Chengyuan 承遠 (712–804). A series of miraculous visions led him to Mount Wutai in 780, where he was “instructed” by MañjutrÒ to practice recitation of AmitÊbha’s name (invocation nianfo).130 That Huiyuan did not appear in Fazhao’s dreams, that Fazhao did not return to Donglin to continue practicing Pure Land, and that Fazhao was inspired by MañjutrÒ on Mount Wutai, all suggest that by the late eighth century the MañjutrÒ cult on Mount Lu had been superseded by the same cult on Mount Wutai. During the anti-Buddhist persecution of 845, two Donglin monks hid the image in the mountain, fearing its destruction by zealots. Returning for it after the persecution ended, they could not nd it anywhere,

126 Huiyuan seems to have been perceived as the rst to advocate MañjutrÒ as a tutelary deity. Several centuries later Amoghavajra (705–774) seconded the idea, and MañjutrÒ was made protector of the Tang empire. 127 Daoxuan, Xu Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 17, p. 566a. For another record of this story, see Guanding, Sui Tiantai zhizhe dashi biezhuan 隋天台智者大師別傳 (Additional Hagiography of the Tiantai Great Master Zhiyi ) (T. 50), p. 194c. Zhiyi’s disciple Puming was said to have performed a Guanyin chanfa 觀音懺法 (Avalokitetvara Ritual of Repentance) in front of the Donglin MañjutrÒ image (Daoxuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan [ T. 50], juan 19, p. 186a). 128 Daoxuan, Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu (T. 52), juan zhong, pp. 417b, c. 129 Daoxuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 29, p. 698c. 130 Tsukamoto ZenryÖ 塚本善隆, TÔ chÖki no JÔdokyÔ 唐中期の淨土教 (Pure Land Buddhism of the Middle Tang) (KyÔto: TÔho bunka gakuin KyÔto kenkyÖsho, 1933), pp. 140–64.

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yet the deity’s halo could be spotted in the sky.131 Thus the long-lived MañjutrÒ cult on Mount Lu came to an end. This story may have been fabricated to conceal the image’s destruction during the persecution. However it happened, the image had disappeared and probably no one of the Song period, including Li Gonglin, had seen the actual Donglin MañjutrÒ or knew how it had looked. Song Buddhists therefore often looked to the Mount Wutai-style MañjutrÒ for inspiration. The renowned Pure Land master Xingchang 省常, for instance, had a Mount Wutai-style MañjutrÒ made for his monastery, Zhaoqingsi 昭慶寺, near West Lake in Hangzhou.132 The style and ritual content of Li Gonglin’s depiction likewise suggest that the artist also relied on the Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ style. Images of the Mount Wutai-style MañjutrÒ were distributed and its iconography was imitated all across East Asia, as far west as Dunhuang and as far east as Japan.133 Two surviving Tang-dynasty MañjutrÒ images are in situ on Mount Wutai; there exists a group of woodcut prints and drawings noted by inscription or identied through iconography as the “Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ (Wutai Shan Wenshu 五台山文殊).” These include two prints in Japan, one brought back from China by the Japanese monk ChÔnen 奝然 in 987 and kept in SeiryÔji 清涼寺134 and the other a Kamakura-period (1185–1333) Japanese print preserved at Daigoji 醍醐寺.135 Numerous identical tenth- and eleventh-century woodblock prints are in the British Museum,136 and a late ninth-century ink-outline drawing with similar iconography is in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris.137 Both European examples came from Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞, Lushanji 廬山記 (T. 51), juan 1, p. 1028b. Yuanzong wenlei 圓宗文類 (XZJ 103), juan 22, p. 427c. 133 One important example of this “Mount Wutai-style MañjutrÒ” is in situ at Dunhuang Cave 220 (dated to 925). The present discussion is directed at understanding the stylistic sources of the MañjutrÒ images depicted in the three extant versions of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. Wai-kam Ho noted the widespread popularity of the “karma robe” in an unpublished article, “A Five Dynasties Dated (951–953) Group of Esoteric Buddhist Paintings from Tz’u-sheng-ssu, Wen-hsien, Northern Honan Province.” I am grateful to the late Mr. Ho, who shared many insights and provided me with a draft of his article. 134 For an illustration, see Birnbaum, Raoul. Studies on the Mysteries of MañjuurÒ: A Group of East Asian Ma¸Óalas and their Traditional Symbolism (Boulder, Colo.: Society for the Study of Chinese Religions, 1983), pl. 1, p. 20. 135 For an illustration, see ibid., pl. 3. 136 For an example, see Whiteld, Roderick, and Anne Ferrer. Caves of the Thousand Buddhas: Chinese Art from the Silk Road (New York: George Braziller, Inc., 1990), pl. 86. Identical prints are preserved in the Beijing Library. 137 For an illustration, see Fig. 45 in my dissertation. 131 132


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Dunhuang. These works collectively share many characteristics with Li Gonglin’s depictions of MañjutrÒ as represented in the three copied versions. First, the British Museum and the Daigoji prints share the halo and mandorla styles of the Shanghai and Nanjing versions. All are plain circles bordered by ame-like curls. Second, all but one of these Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ gures hold ruyi 如意 scepters in their right hands, as does the MañjutrÒ in all three versions of White Lotus Society Picture. Third, the Paris MañjutrÒ wears an elaborate crown containing three nirmʸabuddha (huafo 化佛, “metamorphosed Buddha”) motifs. The three-quarter view of Li Gonglin’s depiction of MañjutrÒ, as preserved in the Zhang Ji version, shows six huafo, but judging from the angle of the crown, the artist was implying a huafo hidden from view on the far side, making seven in total (Fig. 11O).138 MañjutrÒ has been described in sÖtras as the teacher and parents (both father and mother) of all Buddhas, but to this author’s knowledge no one sÖtra specically links seven Buddhas (presumably the Seven Buddhas of the Past) to MañjutrÒ.139 If the seven Buddhas in MañjutrÒ’s crown in the

138 Bodhisattvas wearing huafo crowns are generally identied as Avalokitetvara. This deeply rooted perception has led some modern scholars to identify the Foguang Monastery MañjutrÒ (dated to 857), a rare specimen in situ on Mount Wutai, as an Avalokitetvara. Nonetheless, at least two Tantric scriptures translated during the Tang require that MañjutrÒ be depicted wearing the wufoji baoguan 五佛髻寶冠 (She Dabiluzhe’na chengfo shenbian jiachijing ru lianhua taizang haihui beisheng manchaluo guangda niansong yigui gongyang fangbianhui 攝大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經入蓮華胎藏海會悲生曼荼羅廣大 念誦儀軌供養方便會 (T. 18, p. 73a) and (T. 18, p. 101a). This term can mean either ve huafo-bearing topknots representing the crown, or a crown consisting of ve huafobearing topknots. Among extant Japanese MañjutrÒ images of the Kamakura period, both versions can be seen. In addition to these two references to huafo in MañjutrÒ’s crown, another sÖtra requires that ve topknots of the eight-topknotted MañjutrÒ (baji Wenshu) be placed at the front above the forehead, one on top of the head, and one on each side of the face, with a huafo topping each of these eight knots. (Dasheng miaojixiang pusa mimi bazituoluoni xiuxing manchaluo cidi yigui 大勝妙吉祥菩薩秘密八字陀羅 尼修行曼茶羅次第儀軌 [ T. 20], p. 785b). Huafo are shown in the crown of MañjutrÒ as early as the Tang dynasty, as in the 857 Foguang Monastery MañjutrÒ. The huafo crown remained a distinctive feature of Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ images even as late as the Ming dynasty, e.g., an example dated to the Jurchen Jin dynasty (1115–1234) in situ at Foguang Monastery 佛光寺, and a Ming-dynasty MañjutrÒ at Shuxiang Monastery 殊像寺 in Shanxi. Conversely, the Chinese example in the British Museum print not only lacks the kind of hair, huafo crown, and attributes required in the sÖtras, but was the iconographic type for two other distinctive forms of MañjutrÒ, the Five-character MañjutrÒ (Wuzi Wenshu 五字文殊) and the Eight-character MañjutrÒ (Bazi Wenshu 八字 文殊). Furthermore, most extant MañjutrÒ statues on Mount Wutai bear only one huafo at the front of their crowns, and the Paris outline drawing has a triple huafo crown; none matches either the ve- or eight-topknotted MañjutrÒ iconography. 139 Shimomatsu TÔru 下松徹, “Monju bÔsatsu: sono katachi to shinkÔ,” in Koya-san

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Liaoning version were in fact intended to represent this group of deities, Li Gonglin was probably alluding to the Chan notion of MañjutrÒ as the patriarch (zushi 祖師) of the Seven Buddhas of the Past, echoing the inscription on the SeiryÔji image.140 Such a concept would not have been obscure, as it had been popularized in Song Chan preaching and subsequently recorded in various Chan yulu.141 Li Gonglin might have been inuenced to depict this form of MañjutrÒ by the Longmian Chan community during his retirement. Fourth, the gures in the British Museum and Daigoji prints are dressed similarly—their shoulders are covered by “cloud shoulders ( yunjian 雲肩, a mantelet in the shape of a stylized cloud),” and their sleeves have elaborate rufes at the elbows. These motifs are shared by the MañjutrÒ images in both the Liaoning and Nanjing versions. Lastly, the spirals on the chest of the Liaoning Museum version are derived from Tang MañjutrÒ sculptures in situ on Mount Wutai, possibly disseminated through woodcut prints such as the British Museum example.142 To summarize: these similarities (other than the ruyi scepter, a common attribute of MañjutrÒ seen in many Wei- to Tang-dynasty images), including the costume style and the spiral motifs on MañjutrÒ’s chest, all derived from the Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ style. These stylistic features became the prototype for many later Chinese and Kamakura-period Japanese MañjutrÒ statues. Li Gonglin’s depictions of MañjutrÒ clearly reect strong inuence of the Mount Wutai tradition, which can be traced back at least to the eighth century.

daigaku mikkyÔ bunka kenkyÖsho kiyÔ 高野山大學密教文化研究紀要, vol. 8 (December 1994), p. 50. 140 My hypothesis is derived from the following passage: “文殊是七佛祖師,亦云 是婆娑世界第一主首菩薩 (MañjutrÒ is the patriarch of the Seven Buddhas and the chief of all bodhisattvas).” This passage is from the second chapter of Guzunsu yulu 古尊宿語錄 (XZJ 118), juan 2, pp. 86d–87a, under the heading of the renowned Tangdynasty Chan master Baizhang Huaihai 百丈懷海, who during the Song was credited with having established the Chan monastic code. One of Baizhang’s followers in the Northern Song was Baiyun Shouduan, who was also a mentor to Li Gonglin. 141 A few examples can be found in Wansong laoren pingchang Tiantong heshang songgu congronganlu (T. 48), juan 1, p. 228a; Foguo Yuanwu Chanshi Biyanlu (T. 48), juan 9, pp. 210a, b; Dahui Pujue Chanshi yulu (T. 47), juan 14, p. 871c; and Mian Heshang yulu (T. 47), p. 965b. 142 Two Tang prototypes bearing the same motif are the MañjutrÒ images in Nanchan (782) and Foguang (857) Monasteries. For images of these two sculptures, see Shanxi Fojiao caisu (Buddhist Sculpture of Shanxi Province) (Beijing: Zhongguo Fojiao wenhua yanjiusuo, 1991), plates 75–76.


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Though no longer a stronghold of Tantrism, Mount Wutai continued to attract Buddhist adherents during the late Tang, Five Dynasties, and Northern Song. Miraculous “sightings” by pilgrims recorded MañjutrÒ in the guise of an old man or a child.143 The discovery in the Northern Song of Li Tongxuan’s exegesis and commentaries on the Avata“saka SÖtra heightened the importance of Mount Wutai among Huayan adherents. As a Huayan devotee and painter of a “portrait” of Li Tongxuan, Li Gonglin could not have been unaware of the Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ cult, and his depiction of MañjutrÒ showed a strong connection to the MañjutrÒ images on Mount Wutai. In the Zhang Ji version of White Lotus Society Picture, the monk Tanchang kneels in front of MañjutrÒ. He holds a long-handled censer in his right hand, and makes a mudrÊ with his left hand, palm up, thumb touching the middle nger. According to Li Chongyuan, he chants in Sanskrit while gazing intently at MañjutrÒ. On Tanchang’s left, Daobing folds his hands in a mudrÊ of interlocking ngers. The two monks’ actions—forming mudrÊs, burning incense, and chanting in Sanskrit—indicate they are practicing a Tantric-related ritual reecting the amalgamation of religious practices in post-Tang Chinese Buddhism. Tanchang’s Sanskrit chanting is akin to Buddhist dhÊra¸Ò, magical formulae or incantations written in Chinese characters whose pronunciation approximates Sanskrit phonemes. The point of this way of transcribing was to maintain the secrecy of the incantations, and hence their supernatural efcacy. DhÊra¸Ò are also included in many Mount Wutai-style MañjutrÒ woodblock prints, such as those in the British Museum and in SeiryÔji in Japan. These dhÊra¸Ò are of two types: the Wenshu shili tongzhen pusa wuzi xin zhenyan 文殊師利童真菩 薩五字心真言 (hereafter, Five-character DhÊra¸Ò) and the Wenshu shili daweide fabaozang xin tuoluoni 文殊師利大威德法寶藏心陀羅尼 (hereafter, Eight-character DhÊra¸Ò). The wide currency of dhÊra¸Ò, and the identication of Tanchang’s chant as Sanskrit attest the prevalence of the cult of dhÊra¸Ò recitation among Tang and Song Buddhists across a broad spectrum of congregations. We cannot know exactly what is being chanted by Tanchang, but we can contextualize the overall importance of dhÊra¸Ò in Chinese Buddhist

143 Tales of this sort can be found in Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳 (T. 51), such as the tale of “Wuzhuo Heshang ruhua Banruosi 無著和尚入化般若寺,” juan zhong, pp. 1111b–12c.

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preaching of the bodhisattva path. The most important and complete set of dhÊra¸Ò known, emphasized, and practiced in China was the “Method of the Siddham Forty-two Characters (Xitan sishierzi men 悉曇四十二字門),” of which the Five-character DhÊra¸Ò in the British Museum woodcut print is an excerpted form.144 The Dapin banruo jing 大品般若經 (S: MahÊprajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra, translated by KumÊrajÒva) explains each of the forty-two characters, and claims that the “Forty-two Characters” set is the most effective of all dhÊra¸Ò.145 They are represented by forty-two phonemes, or syllables, of the Siddham Sanskrit alphabet, and were regarded as the basis of all dhÊra¸Ò. The Indian Buddhist NÊgÊrjuna (act. ca. 150 CE) held that all these phonemes were the basis of all names and terms in all languages, and the basis of all meaning as well. He considered them to be innately and powerfully sacred, and asserted that a practitioner who recited these phonemes could thereby understand their sacred signicance.146 Many sÖtras and their Chinese commentaries point out that a, the rst of the forty-two phonemes, denotes “non-form (bushengxiang 不生相)” and “patience of nonorigination (wusheng faren 無生法忍),” which is the fundamental tenet of the “thusness,” i.e., absolute reality (S. bhÖtatathatÊ; C: zhenru 真如), and the embodiment of nirvʸa. This understanding of a had a profound impact on Chinese Buddhist culture, and particularly on the practice of the bodhisattva path.147 The rst patriarch of the Tiantai tradition, Tiantai Zhiyi, used this concept to support his “Rounded Teaching ( yuanjiao 圓教)” philosophy, stating that the bodhisattva vow and the recitation of a are equivalent, and that one who pronounces either already understands and obtains the truth of all dharma.148 This

144 This is also called “Sishierzi men (Method of the Forty-two Characters)” or “Sishierzi men tuoluoni (Forty-two Character DhÊra¸Ò),” i.e., using the meanings of the forty-two Sanskrit syllables to expound dhÊra¸Ò. For possible origin(s) of this set of phonemes, see Wang Bangwei 王邦維, “A Discussion of the 42 Syllabary (Sishierzi men kaolun 四 十二字門考論),” in Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal (Zhonghua Foxue xuebao 中華佛學學報), no. 12 (1999/7), pp. 17–24. 145 Xuanzang, trans., Dabanruo boluomiduojing 大般若波羅蜜多經 (T. 7), juan 415, pp. 81c–82b. 146 NÊgÊrjuna, Da zhidulun 大智度論, trans. KumÊrajÒva (T. 25), juan 48, p. 408b. 147 subhakarasi“ha and Yixing 一行, trans., Da Biluzhe’na chengfo shenbian jiachijing 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經 (T. 18), juan 2, p. 17b; Xuanzang, trans., Dabanruo boluomiduojing (T. 7), juan 415, pp. 81c–82b; NÊgÊrjuna, Da zhidulun, trans. KumÊrajÒva (T. 25), juan 48, pp. 408a, b; and the Sui-dynasty monk Jiaxiang Jizang’s 嘉祥吉藏 Dacheng xuanlun 大乘玄論 (T. 45), juan 1, p. 19a. 148 Tiantai Zhiyi, Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi 妙法蓮花經玄義 (T. 33), juan 5 shang, pp. 735a–b.


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reected NÊgÊrjuna’s preaching that “the Initial Enlightenment equals the Original Enlightenment.” A resurgent practice of dhÊra¸Ò among Tiantai Pure Land Buddhists during the second half of the eleventh century emerged out of Tiantai-Tantric syncretism. This adaptation of the Siddham Forty-two-Character DhÊra¸Ò as manifestation of the bodhisattva path was even more earnestly applied in the Huayan tradition. In the fty-seventh fascicle of the rst translated version of the Avata“saka SÖtra, by Buddhabhadra, we already see the importance in the Huayan tradition of reciting the forty-two characters: 善男子,我如是唱入諸解脫根本字時,以此四十二般若波羅蜜門為 首,入無量無數般若波羅蜜門。149 Good men, when I thus chant the words of all roots of deliverance, I regard this method of forty-two prajñÊ as the best. It [enables one to] enter the gate of innite prajñÊpÊramitÊ.

The seventy-sixth fascicle of the Tang translation of the same sÖtra, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴經, even includes a Forty-twoCharacter DhÊra¸Ò and names it “The Method of Visualization on the Forty-two Characters (Sishierzi guanmen 四十二字觀門).” The sÖtra states: “This method of words enables one to enter into the emptiness of dharma.”150 The Siddham Forty-two-Character DhÊra¸Ò is again highlighted in the “GandhavyÖha” section of the sÖtra, in which Sudhana, on MañjutrÒ’s advice, embarks on the bodhisattva path and visits an enlightened teacher named Shanzhi Zhongyi 善知眾藝 (He Who Well Comprehends All Methods), who informed Sudhana that when one chants the Forty-two-Character DhÊra¸Ò one has already entered into the marvelous gate of prajñÊpÊramitÊ. This echoes Tiantai Zhiyi’s preaching based on NÊgÊrjuna’s theory. Because of its prominence in the sÖtra and its relevance to the attainment of prajñÊpÊramitÊ, the Forty-two Character DhÊra¸Ò was likewise used by Huayan exegetes in their preaching of the bodhisattva path. Jizang (549–623) averred that the nature of Buddhist dharma is wusheng 無生 (nonorigination), which is embodied in the Siddham

149 Buddhabhadra, trans., Dafangguangfo Huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴經 (T. 9), juan 57, p. 766a. 150 sikÉÊnanda, trans., Dafangguangfo Huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴經 (T. 10), juan 76, pp. 418b, c.

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a, which encompasses the rest of the dhÊra¸Ò.151 Jizang’s view reects Tiantai Zhiyi’s use of the Forty-two Characters, and also the Huayan emphasis on the essential unity and interdependence of cause ( yin 因) and effects ( guo 果) and of phenomenon (shi ) and noumenon (li ). In the Tang and Song dynasties this view continued to be widely held by Huayan adherents. Two Tang Huayan exegetes, Li Tongxuan and Chengguan, used this framework to emphasize the efcacy of the bodhisattva path. Li Tongxuan, for instance, wrote that, according to the Avata“saka SÖtra, once one chants a, one enters the gate of prajñÊpÊramitÊ and thereby obtains the power of bodhisattvas and enters into the realm of wuchabie 無差別 (nondifferentiation).152 Chengguan wrote that all forty-two characters preach prajñÊpÊramitÊ because through these characters one enters into the wisdom of wuxiang 無相 (formlessness).153 Chengguan further argued, based on the Wenshu wuzi jing (Five-Character MañjuurÒ SÖtra), that if one accepted and practiced (shouchi 受持) this dhÊra¸Ò, one would comprehend that all dharma is equal, and immediately obtain prajñÊpÊramitÊ.154 Chengguan also drew a parallel between the Siddham Forty-two-Character DhÊra¸Ò and the passage in the “Fanxingpin 梵行品” of the Avata“saka SÖtra to indicate that the chanting of the rst character a (meaning wusheng 無生, “nonorigination” in Chinese) was equal to the mental initiation of sentient beings in pursuit of the bodhisattva path, and pointed to the “sudden” efcacy of this word in awakening sentient beings to the intrinsically empty nature of Mind.155 Chengguan’s importance in this endeavor is further indicated by his effort to combine the Tantric practices expounded in the Five-character MañjuurÒ SÖtra (Wuzi Wenshu jing 五字文殊經) with the Vairocana SÖtra preaching of zixiang guan 字相觀 (“meditation on characters”), a synthesis of Buddhist practice typical of the post-Tang era.156 These Sui and Tang masters invariably perceived the chanting of a as a crucial practice of the Rounded Teaching. They emphasized


Jiaxiang Jizang, Dacheng xuanlun (T. 45), juan 1, p. 19a. Li Tongxuan 李通玄, Xin Huayanjinglun 新華嚴經論 (T. 36), juan 40, p. 1004a; and the same author’s Luelun xin Huayanjing xiuxing cidi jueyilun 略論新華嚴經修行次 第決疑論 (T. 36), juan 4 xia, p. 1047c. 153 Chengguan, Dafangguangfo Huayanjingshu (T. 35), juan 59, p. 953a; and the same author’s Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishu yanyichao (T. 36), juan 3, p. 21b; juan 85, p. 670a; juan 89, p. 692a. 154 Chengguan, Dafangguangfo Huayanjingshu (T. 35), juan 59, p. 953a. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid.; ibid., juan 89, p. 687c. 152


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NÊgÊrjuna’s theory that the Initial Enlightenment (shijue), obtained when chanting a, is no different from Original Enlightenment (benjue). Both Chengguan and Li Tongxuan were acclaimed by Song-dynasty Buddhist communities. Zhang Shangying, for instance, pointed out that both masters’ exegeses and commentaries were among the most popular and were followed by students of Buddhism.157 The “GandhavyÖha,” containing the preaching of the Forty-two-Character DhÊra¸Ò, continued to be popular into the Northern Song. The renowned Chan monk Foguo Weibai acknowledged the pervasive popularity of the Forty-two character DhÊra¸Ò in his gÊthÊ-style poetic rendering of the “GandhavyÖha.”158 Given Li Gonglin’s faith in both Huayan and Tiantai practices, and his interest in Buddhist ontology, it is hard to imagine that he was unaware of the relationship between the symbolism of the Siddham Forty-two Characters and the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” scheme of the bodhisattva path most popular during the Tang and Song periods. Based on the MañjutrÒ ritual scene alone, we cannot be sure that Li’s depiction of chanting dhÊra¸Ò before the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ represented a specic set of dhÊra¸Ò. Yet by taking these three scenes inside the Society (Daosheng preaching, MañjutrÒ ritual, and sÖtra translation) as a group, according to the Zhang Ji and Nanjing Museum copied versions, we realize that the rst emphasizes Buddha-nature, the last emphasizes nirvʸa, and in between is MañjutrÒ, who symbolizes Buddhist wisdom. As Chapter Five will show, this arrangement simulates the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” scheme of the bodhisattva path that Li Gonglin followed. Two Foreign Monks Conversing (Figs. 10D, 10E, 11H) Li Gonglin isolated the only two foreign members, Buddhabhadra and Buddhayatas, from the Chinese members, and depicted them conversing with each other. Their gestures reveal neither philosophical nor religious signicance. Their respective relationships with Huiyuan render their memberships in the Society problematic. Buddhabhadra arrived at Mount Lu to visit Huiyuan between 410 and 411; there, at Huiyuan’s request, he translated the Xiuxing fangbian chan jing 修行方便禪經.159 He 157 See Zhang’s preface to Foguo Weibai’s illustration of the Pilgrimage of Sudhana, “Foguo Chanshi Wenshu zhinan tuzan,” in T. 45, p. 793a. 158 Foguo Weibai, Wenshu Zhinan tuzan (T. 45), pp. 803c–4a. 159 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 2, p. 335b.

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left for Jiangling in 412, thence to the Southern Dynasties Liu Song capital Jiankang 建康 (present-day Nanjing), where he oversaw many important translation projects, such as the Avata“saka SÖtra and possibly the Nirvʸa SÖtra.160 In all respects his stay on Mount Lu was brief and unrelated to the gathering of Huiyuan’s Pure Land group; in any case, he arrived nearly a decade after the initial vow in front of the AmitÊbha image to follow banzhou sanmei nianfo Pure Land practice.161 Buddhayatas never went to Mount Lu and never met Huiyuan.162 Buddhabhadra and Buddhayatas shared two qualities that may have contributed to their inclusion among the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society. During the Jin and Six Dynasties, Chang’an was the center of sÖtra translation, owing to KumÊrajÒva’s leadership, but as he could not understand many concepts, he consulted Buddhabhadra and Buddhayatas.163 For example, he had in hand for some time the important MahÊyÊna DauabhÖmikÊ SÖtra (Shizhu jing 十住經), devoted to the preaching of the bodhisattva path, but could not comprehend it, so eventually he relied on Buddhayatas’ help. For this help, Buddhayatas was regarded as KumÊrajÒva’s teacher.164 Thus the inclusion of these two monks in the Society may have been intended to reect Huiyuan’s diligent search for new sÖtras and his communication with KumÊrajÒva in the north.165 In addition, both monks were famous for their translations of dhyÊna and vinaya texts, two types of scripture strongly emphasized


Ibid. Chen Shunyu’s Biographies recorded that Buddhabhadra left Mount Lu in the fourteenth year of the Yixi era (418), about six years later than stated in Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan. Perhaps this delay would allow for Buddhabhadra’s membership. The Tang monk Feixi’s Nianfo sanmei baowang lun noted that Huiyuan was instructed by Buddhabhadra in his practice of nianfo sanmei (T. 47, p. 140b). Huiyuan’s practice had begun no later than 402, however, long before Buddhabhadra had arrived at Mount Lu. 162 Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan indicates that he went to Chang’an and later left for home. Another Kashmiri monk, Sa“ghadeva, was more qualied to be included in the Society. He came to the mountain in 392 and translated several meditation sÖtras at Huiyuan’s request. See AndÔ Toshio, “Rozan Eon no Zen shisÔ (Hui-yuan’s Thinking with Respect to DhyÊna),” in Eon kenkyÖ, ed. Kimura Eiichi, vol. 2 (Kyoto: KyÔtÔ Daigaku, 1962), p. 253. 163 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 2, pp. 334b, 335a. 164 Ibid., p. 334b. 165 For Huiyuan and KumÊrajÒva, see Kimura Eiichi, ed., Eon kenkyÖ: Ibunhen (Studies of Huiyuan: Texts and Translations) (Kyoto: KyÔtÔ Daigaku, Jimbun kenkyÖsho [ Research Institute for Humanistic Studies], 1960); and Barbara E. Reed, “The Problem of the ‘DharmakÊya’ as seen by Huiyuan and KumÊrajÒva” (Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 1982). 161


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by Huiyuan.166 Their presence in the Society therefore may also signify Huiyuan’s endeavor in following meditation practice and observing precepts according to vinaya requirements. Moreover, foreign membership lent prestige to Huiyuan’s status as a religious leader, paralleling how the Indian monk Gupta was conceived by Qisong as one of Huiyuan’s ve chief disciples (see discussion in Chapter Three). Li Gonglin’s depiction was unencumbered by these historical considerations. He showed the foreign monks apart from other (Chinese) members, and the entire iconographic structure of the picture emphasized tathÊgatagarbha, prajñÊpÊramitÊ, and nirvʸa instead of vinaya and dhyÊna. Even in the sÖtra-translation scene, where one would expect the potential translator Buddhabhadra to appear, Li depicted Chinese monks and lay devotees writing exegeses and commentaries, and Chinese monks leading the preaching and Buddhist ritual scenes. Li seems to have deliberately isolated the two Kashmiri monks, perhaps emphasizing Chinese condence in propagating the essential concepts of tathÊgatagarbha, prajñÊpÊramitÊ, and nirvʸa in MahÊyÊna Buddhism. In conguring his White Lotus Society Picture, Li Gonglin largely conformed to the Donglin tradition, but he relied on many additional literary, religious and historical sources to convey his ideas. Many of these references were not identied by Li Chongyuan or Li Desu, perhaps because their intended audience was well versed in the same sources and citing them would have seemed superuous. The nine scenes of White Lotus Society Picture reveal Li’s strategic interpretation of the subject. Ignoring the rapprochement between the Three Religions, Li Gonglin removed Tao Yuanming from the Three Laughers trio and instead paired his carefree and completely unfettered attitude with Xie Lingyun’s “distracted mind” to reveal two human character aws. Though Huiyuan was the head of the Lotus Society, his role in the painting was no more than to accommodate the Daoist Lu Xiujing. His attendant, the Snake Expeller, assumes a far more signicant religious and spiritual role as the symbolic guardian of the Society who rids people of illusions before they enter the monastery. Li Gonglin also balanced his dual fondness for nature and Buddhism in the two scenes of nature appreciation, where nature is perceived as not only the best place for Buddhist practice, but also the place wherein human beings could come to terms with destiny. The three


Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan (T. 50), juan 6, pp. 357c–61b.

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scenes of Buddhist activities emphasized three important preachings: Buddha-nature (tathÊgatagarbha), Buddhist wisdom ( prajñÊpÊramitÊ), and nirvʸa. Placing the Chinese as “leaders” of the three Buddhist activities while sidelining the foreign members shows Li Gonglin’s condence in his countrymen from the fth century to comprehend these essential MahÊyÊna Buddhist philosophies. How these scenes work as a wellplanned continuum to represent Li Gonglin’s Pure Land faith is the focus of Chapter Five.


WHITE LOTUS SOCIETY PICTURE AND LI GONGLIN’S PURE LAND FAITH Chapter Four identified two distinctive elements in the dramatis personae of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. Huiyuan’s marginalized Buddhist identity in the painting reected the Song inclination to revere the Eastern Jin master both as a Pure Land patriarch and as a symbol of the rapprochement among the Three Religions. The legend that epitomized this rapprochement—the Three Laughers of Tiger Stream, with Huiyuan as its principal gure—originated in the Donglin Chan circle. A painting of the White Lotus Society, made during the Song period, was charged with historical and religious signicance, and referred specically to Pure Land Buddhism. Because AmitÊbha Buddha is the primary icon of worship in Pure Land Buddhism, Huiyuan’s and his followers’ vow before an image of AmitÊbha to practice banzhou sanmei nianfo 般舟三昧念佛, in hopes of being born into this Buddha’s Western Paradise, was viewed as the dawn of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism. Yet the one icon that Li Gonglin included in his White Lotus Society Picture is not AmitÊbha but the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ. In depicting MañjutrÒ in a Pure Land setting, Li revealed a Buddhist ideology unfamiliar to the contemporary spectator, which cannot be fully comprehended without recognizing that the scenes inside and outside the Society work in a continuum to illustrate the three-tiered “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation (dunwu jianxiu 頓悟漸修)” scheme of the bodhisattva path, which was the most prevalent form of practice among Huayan, Chan, and Tiantai Buddhists during the Tang and Song. This three-tiered scheme encompasses the three steps of achieving Buddhahood—(1) recognition of one’s innate tathÊgatagarbha, (2) vow (mental initiation) to embark on and practice the bodhisattva path, and (3) the nal attainment of Buddhahood—embedded in the three Buddhist scenes inside the Lotus Society. The three steps correspond, respectively, to (1) Daosheng preaching, (2) MañjutrÒ worship, and (3) sÖtra translation. The pair of Tao Yuanming and Xie Lingyun outside the Society connotes ideology and conduct reproved by advocates of


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the doctrinal bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, thus presenting a clear contrast in the painting between purity (inside) and impurity (outside). The guardian at the threshold between the two is the illusion-catcher, the Snake Expeller. This reading of White Lotus Society Picture challenges its interpretation as a Pure Land document, since current scholarship tends to identify Chinese Pure Land Buddhism solely with the AmitÊbha cult, and to exclude practices not directly related to worshiping, visualizing, or intoning the name of AmitÊbha. Consequently, the traditional Chinese view of Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904–975) and Xingchang 省常 (959–1020) as Pure Land masters has been called into question by modern scholars. If Pure Land entails AmitÊbha, Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture is also excluded from the Pure Land genre—the painter having replaced AmitÊbha with MañjutrÒ. The latter part of this chapter will demonstrate that what Li Gonglin depicted matched the fundamental Chinese MahÊyÊna bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation ideology as it had existed ever since the Northern Wei. It will also reveal how Yongming Yanshou’s teachings contributed to the Song redenition of this Pure Land practice and to its intense popularity as reected in Xingchang’s achievement and in Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. White Lotus Society Picture as a Diagram of the Bodhisattva Path The bodhisattva path is the most important component of MahÊyÊna ideology. It embodies the unity of great compassion (dabei 大悲) and great wisdom (dazhi 大智)—a unity essential to attaining Buddhahood while assisting all sentient beings in reaching the same goal. Chinese Buddhists adopted this concept out of the conviction of MahÊyÊna superiority over the Two Vehicles (Ercheng 二乘). Though the concept of the bodhisattva path had been introduced to China early in the Common Era in several translated sÖtras, it was the Avata“saka SÖtra, translated for the rst time in the fth century, and retranslated during the Tang dynasty, that offered the most comprehensive delineation of this ideology. As discussed in previous chapters, the Avata“saka SÖtra and Huayan ontology played a vital role in Li Gonglin’s Buddhist faith, and MañjutrÒ is a major deity in this sÖtra. MañjutrÒ in lieu of AmitÊbha in White Lotus Society Picture ts the context of the bodhisattva path

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preached in the Avata“saka SÖtra and the context of Song Buddhism as well. In that historical context, the iconographic design is the foundation of Li Gonglin’s Pure Land faith. The Avata“saka SÖtra, like the second translation of the Nirvʸa SÖtra, unconditionally recognizes the innate tathÊgatagarbha in each sentient being, and the method it prescribes for actualizing this true and original nature is the bodhisattva path. With the boy Sudhana as an exemplar, the “GandhavyÖha” section of the Avata“saka SÖtra most vividly demonstrates the spiritual journey of a practitioner on the bodhisattva path. At the outset, Sudhana visits Maitreya, who has completed the bodhisattva path and awaits a future return to this world as the next Buddha. Sudhana’s visit with Maitreya is the sÖtra’s pledge of the appearance of TathÊgata. Sudhana is inspired by Maitreya, who assures the child of his own tathÊgatagarbha by identifying Sudhana as fozi 佛子 (“son of TathÊgata”). By so identifying Sudhana, the exemplary follower of the bodhisattva path, Maitreya reinforces the belief that all sentient beings possess tathÊgatagarbha and can become Buddhas. Therefore the visit with Maitreya at the beginning of the “GandhavyÖha” reveals the effectual power (guode 果德; lit., the “Virtue of the Effect”) of Buddha, allowing the faithful to preview their attainable Buddhahood. Maitreya instructs Sudhana: 善男子、汝今往詣文殊師利,問云何菩薩學菩薩行。、、、善男子、 文殊是汝善知識;能令汝生如來家。長養善根,積聚功德、、、汝 先所見諸善知識、修菩薩行,滿足大願,得諸法門,皆由文殊師利 威神力故。1 Good man, you go now to visit MañjutrÒ, and ask him what a bodhisattva is, and learn the bodhisattva path. . . . Good man, MañjutrÒ is your virtuous teacher, he can render you born into the family of TathÊgata, make you forever cultivate your good roots, accumulate good karma. . . . All the virtuous teachers you have encountered previously, when practicing the bodhisattva path to fulll their great wishes and obtain various dharma, relied on MañjutrÒ’s divine power.

Sudhana’s visit to MañjutrÒ symbolizes the beginning of the bodhisattva path, marked by a momentous faxin 發心 (“mental initiation”) and followed by a pilgrimage to consult fty-three kalyʸamitra (“noble friends”). Each one expounds an aspect of Buddhist truth to him. In the process

Buddhabhadra, trans., Dafangguangfo Huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴經 (T. 9), juan 60, p. 783b. 1


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Sudhana deepens his Buddhist wisdom and advances on the stages of the bodhisattva path. Because MañjutrÒ is the bodhisattva of Buddhist wisdom, because he is viewed as the teacher and mother (or parents, in Chan tradition) of all Buddhas, and because in the “GandhavyÖha” he is credited with having inspired all of Sudhana’s kalyʸamitra, he is regarded as representing all the kalyʸamitra of Sudhana’s entire pilgrimage. After meeting with these kalyʸamitra, Sudhana encounters MañjutrÒ once more, and through him meets Samantabhadra, signifying completion of the bodhisattva path and attainment of Buddhahood. Thus, in the Huayan tradition the entire process of the bodhisattva path is represented by three bodhisattvas—Maitreya, MañjutrÒ, and Samantabhadra. The religious scheme is summarized in the chart below: Samantabhadra 普賢: Realm of Effects 果地 Full Enlightenment 証覺 Realm of Causes 因地 Sa“sÊra MañjutrÒ 文殊: Inspires sentient beings’ resolve to follow the MahÊyÊna bodhisattva path ( faxin 發心, Sudden Enlightenment) Guides sentient beings in their spiritual journey to Buddhahood Maitreya 彌勒: Helps sentient beings identify with their tathÊgatagarbha Sentient beings 眾生 (including icchantika), unenlightened but imbued with intrinsic tathÊgatagarbha

The three Buddhist scenes in White Lotus Society Picture correspond to this lineal progression of sentient beings’ spiritual journey. This three-tiered “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” scheme of the bodhisattva path as it developed up to Li Gonglin’s time forms the template against which to decipher Li’s iconography. Below I offer a summary of Peter Gregory’s excellent study of Sudden and Gradual teaching in the doctrinal context, on which the development of the three-tiered dunwu jianxiu bodhisattva path was partly based.2 The origin of Huayan doctrinal classication can be traced back to the time of Huiyuan, when the Avata“saka SÖtra was introduced 2 This discussion is a summary of Peter Gregory’s excellent study of the Huayan panjiao 判教 tradition, Tsung-mi and the Sinication of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), esp. the fth chapter.

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to China. Huiguan 慧觀 (363–443), a participant in the revision of the Nirvʸa SÖtra, classied Buddha’s teachings into two general types: the “Sudden (dun 頓),” which included the Avata“saka SÖtra, and the “Gradual ( jian 漸).” According to Gregory, the dunjiao 頓教 (“Sudden Teaching”), directed to the most advanced bodhisattvas, revealed absolute reality directly and fully, whereas jianjiao 漸教 (“Gradual Teaching”) was imparted to less spiritually advanced beings in ve stages.3 Later, the Dilun 地論 master Huiguang 慧光 (468–537) classied Buddhist scriptures into jian, dun, and yuan 圓 (“Rounded”) teachings; the latter two categories were propagated in the Avata“saka SÖtra.4 Huiguang’s classication was adopted by the early Huayan master Zhiyan 智儼 (602–668). Fazang 法藏 (643–712), however, identied the Avata“saka SÖtra solely with the Rounded Teaching, on which basis later Huayan masters claimed the Avata“saka SÖtra’s superiority over other scriptures. Fazang’s interpretation of the “Sudden Teaching” was particularly important in opening a new way to comprehend the meaning of this term. According to Gregory, Fazang’s understanding of “Sudden Teaching” was based mainly on two texts, the Dacheng qixin lun 大乘 起信論 and the VimalakÒrti-niödeua SÖtra. He viewed “Sudden Teaching” as zhenru liyan 真如離言 (“thusness that transcends words”), and used the debate between VimalakÒrti and thirty-two bodhisattvas from the VimalakÒrti-niödeua SÖtra to demonstrate that whereas those thirty-two bodhisattvas “spoke (shuo 說)” the dharma of nonduality, VimalakÒrti’s silence “revealed (xian 顯)” it.5 Close though his understanding of “Sudden Teaching” was to the Chan notion of “Sudden Enlightenment,” Fazang never used the Chan term or referred to the Chan tradition,6 because the dispute within Chan over Sudden versus Gradual had not yet emerged. Fazang’s understanding of the inexpressible nature of “Sudden Teaching” became controversial. The rst to question his interpretation was his own student, the Tang monk Huiyuan 慧苑 (ca. 673–743) of Jingfa Monastery ( Jingfasi 靜法寺), who criticized his master’s scheme of doctrinal classication: 當知此並忘詮顯理,何復將此立為能詮?若此,是教能詮何理?若言 以教離言,故與理不別者,終圓二教豈不離言?若許離言,總應名

3 4 5 6

Ibid., p. 113. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 138–39. Ibid., p. 141.


chapter five 頓,何有五教?若謂雖說離言,不得言說者,終圓二教亦應名頓, 以皆離言不得言故。7 You should know that this [Sudden Teaching] abandons the use of language to reveal the truth. How, then, can it be established as [a teaching that] can be expressed in words? If it is a teaching, then what truth does it express? If one were to say that the teaching is not separate from the truth because it transcends words, then surely it must be true that the advanced and perfect teachings [also] transcend words. But if one admits that [teachings that] transcend words must always be called “Sudden,” then why are there ve teachings? If one were to claim that, even though it is [a teaching that] expounds the transcendence of words, it still does not exclude the use of words, then the advanced (zhong 終) and perfect ( yuan 圓) teachings should also be called “Sudden” because they transcend words while not excluding the use of words.8

In repudiating the later Huiyuan’s criticism of Fazang, Chengguan 澄觀 (738–838) was the rst to adduce the Chan preaching of “Sudden Enlightenment (dunwu 頓悟),” which advocated the non-use of language, in support of Fazang’s “Sudden Teaching.”9 After Chengguan, Zongmi 宗密 (780–841) further proposed that the content preached in Chan was no different from that taught by the doctrinal schools; Chan, however, emphasized the method of practice to realize dharma.10 It is clear that Chengguan lived in a time when Northern and Southern Chan disputes were at their most intense (the Huatai debate had occurred ve years prior to his birth). Zongmi ourished during the emergence of Chan as one of the most inuential Buddhist schools in China, and was the self-proclaimed fth generation in the lineage of Heze Shenhui, the architect of Southern school dunwu ideology.11 Many Buddhists, in pursuit of Enlightenment, ignored the division between the doctrinal schools and Chan; they studied the texts and followed the practices of both.12 Zongmi’s associating himself with the Heze Chan tradition had a direct inuence on his

7 Huiyuan 慧苑, Xu Huayanjing lueshu kandingji 續華嚴經略疏刊定記 (XZJ 5), juan 1, p. 12a. 8 Translation follows Gregory, Tsung-mi and the Sinication of Buddhism, p. 142. 9 Ibid., p. 146. 10 Ibid., p. 148. 11 Re Zongmi’s claim, see Peter N. Gregory, Tsung-mi and the Sinication of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 35–36, 48–49. Zongmi, Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu 禪源諸詮集都序 (T. 48), juan shang–2, p. 403c. 12 See Takamine RyÔshÖ 高峰了州, Kegon to zen to no tsuro 華嚴と禪との通路 (Nara: Nanbu bukkyÔ kenkyÖkai, 1956).

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“Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” method of the bodhisattva path. Based on the “GandhavyÖha” and on the Dacheng qixinlun preaching of “Initial Enlightenment equals Original Enlightenment,” Zongmi divided the ten stages of the bodhisattva path into three levels. The rst, solely identied with dunwu (“Sudden Enlightenment”), was an experience that reversed the direction of one’s own karma.13 In this stage one must be inspired by a kalyʸamitra to realize the intrinsically enlightened nature of one’s Mind (benjue 本覺). To paraphrase Gregory, Zongmi pointed out that only after a person has suddenly awakened to his true nature does he begin to eliminate the residual effects of his past adversarial causes (guoqu yuan 過去緣).14 The second level in Zongmi’s scheme is shijue 始覺, the experiential Enlightenment, which encompasses the next eight stages of the bodhisattva path, beginning with faxin 發心 (“mental initiation,” i.e., resolve to attain Enlightenment), and ending with linian 離念 (“departure from thought”), in which one eliminates deluded thoughts and realizes that the true nature of Mind is eternal.15 This level of Zongmi’s scheme is the jianxiu 漸修 (“Gradual Cultivation”) part of the bodhisattva path. With the nal attainment of Buddhahood (zhengwu chengfo 証悟成佛), the third level, one returns to the origin of Mind and realizes that there is no distinction among the stages of the Enlightenment process.16 Comparing this with other methods of Chan Enlightenment, Zongmi explained that only a few extraordinary masters, such as Niutou Farong 牛頭法融, were capable of achieving “Sudden Enlightenment and Sudden Cultivation (dunwu dunxiu 頓悟頓修).”17 The less advanced are deluded by the phenomenal world, which is produced from their false perceptions. Thus they engender feelings of love and hatred, the notion of mortality (shengsi 生死, “life and death”), and pain and illnesses, from all of which they suffer. Consequently they are trapped in the cycle of sa“sÊra. The way out of sa“sÊra is to follow the bodhisattva path to reach Original Enlightenment, which is the tranquil and void realm of nirvʸa.

13 14 15 16 17

Gregory, Tsung-mi and the Sinication of Buddhism, p. 203. Ibid., p. 150. Ibid., pp. 201–02. Ibid., p. 202. Zongmi, Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu 禪源諸詮集都序 (T. 48), juan xia-1, p. 408a.


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As is apparent, Zongmi’s notion of the three-tiered dunwu jianxiu bodhisattva path varied slightly from the description in the sÖtra and in the writings of other Huayan masters. These minor discrepancies may permit different interpretations. In the following discussion I shall explain White Lotus Society Picture based solely on clues in the painting, which follows the sÖtra and the majority of Tang Huayan masters. We start from outside Tiger Stream Bridge, with the scenes of Tao Yuanming and Xie Lingyun, which encode the antitheses of doctrinal bodhisattva Pure Land ideology. Tao Yuanming and Xie Lingyun—Hongzhou Chan Ideology of the Bodhisattva Path The Donglin legends portrayed Xie Lingyun as the antithesis of Tao Yuanming. As this dichotomy was being created, history was revised so as to reect the Hongzhou Chan 洪州禪 concept of the bodhisattva path. The actual Xie earnestly studied Buddhist sÖtras, a virtue that Li clearly acknowledged in his depiction. Yet in the Donglin tradition, even after Xie had shown his desire to join the Society by digging lotus ponds and “translating” the Nirvʸa SÖtra there, he was still rejected on grounds that his mind was distracted (his distraction symbolized in the painting by the curved-stem parasol carried by his servant, and his rejection by his placement outside of the Lotus Society). Conversely, Tao Yuanming was neither interested in Buddhism nor an adherent of its precepts. Yet he was highly sought after by the Donglin community and was subsequently portrayed as invited to join the Society, but declining, even after Huiyuan exempted him from the prohibition against alcohol. In the picture the free-spirited Tao is a drunkard being carried away from the Society in a basket by a son and disciple. He is about to cross the path of Xie Lingyun, who seems reluctant to leave (Figs. 10A, 10B). The term Hongzhou Chan refers to the Chan tradition founded by Mazu Daoyi 馬祖道一 (709–788) in Hongzhou 洪州 (present-day Nanchang 南昌, Jiangxi 江西 province), near Mount Lu, the epicenter of the Lotus Society. Daoyi’s Chan thought can be summarized by the term pingchangxin 平常心 (“Ordinary Mind”). Based on this principle, Daoyi fostered a new approach, or perhaps more accurately, a nonapproach, to the bodhisattva path: 道不用修,但莫污染。何為污染?但有生死心、造作趨向,皆是污 染。若欲直會其道,平常心是道。何謂平常心?無造作、無取捨、

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無斷常、無凡無聖。經云:非凡夫行、非聖賢行,是菩薩行。」只 今行、住、作、臥,應機接物,盡是道。道即法界。18 One need not practice the Way; just do not allow contamination. What is contamination? If the thought of birth and death occurs, or pretentiousness, [or] ingratiation, it is contamination. If one wishes to comprehend the Way directly, then Ordinary Mind is the Way. What is Ordinary Mind? [In it] there is no pretentiousness, no attachment nor rejection, no annihilation nor permanence, no commoners nor saints. A sÖtra said: “It is not the path of commoners, nor the path of saints; it is the path of bodhisattvas.” Everyday walking, living, sitting, sleeping, and responding to things are the Way. The Way is dharmadhÊtu.

Daoyi’s Ordinary Mind rejected all methods based on scriptures, and argued that simply living one’s life was tantamount to practicing the bodhisattva path. This assertion disregarded myriad doctrinal practices such as studying sÖtras, meditating, and worshiping Buddhas as viable means of religious devotion. For Hongzhou followers, these were external norms and constraints; instead, one traversed the bodhisattva path by the method of noncultivation (buxiu 不修). Zongmi characterized Daoyi’s pingchangxin as tianzhen ziran 天真自然 (naïve and unpretentious revelation of one’s nature) and renyun zizai 任運自在 (freely living out one’s own destiny); he even identied those who possessed these qualities as jietuo ren 解脫人 (“liberated beings”), signifying a synthesis of Chan and Daoist concepts in the same way that Daoyi equated Dao (“the Way”) with dharmadhÊtu ( fajie 法界).19 Parallel to Daoyi’s concept of pingchangxin is his view that good and evil conduct alike were manifestations of one’s tathÊgatagarbha.20 Zongmi documented this aspect of Hongzhou Chan:

The original text is in Mazu Daoyi Chanshi yulu 馬祖道一禪師語錄 (XZJ 119), p. 406c. Also see discussion in Pan Guiming 潘桂明, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng 中國禪宗思想歷程 (Beijing: Jinri Zhongguo chubanshe, 1992), p. 230. 19 There is no way to conrm whether Daoyi himself incorporated these terms into his philosophy and preaching, but they correspond to his fundamental approach to bodhisattvahood. So important was Zongmi’s view of Chan history that these terms and the religious concepts derived from them were regarded as norms of Hongzhou Chan during Li Gonglin’s time. 20 Other sÖtras, such as the Adushiwang jing 阿闍世王經 and the Yangjue moluo jing 央崛魔羅經, take a similar view of good and evil conduct, but Daoyi’s denition of tathÊgatagarbha was inspired by the concept of shan bushan yin 善不善因 (“good and evil causes”) in Lengqie jing 愣伽經, which accepts both good and evil deeds as equally important components of tathÊgatagarbha. See Pan, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng 中國禪宗思想歷程, p. 304. 18


chapter five 洪州意者,起心動念,彈指動目,所作所為,皆是佛性。、、、貪、 嗔、癡;造善、造惡,受樂、受苦,此皆佛性。21 The meaning of Hongzhou [Chan] is that any arising of Mind and thought, the icking of [one’s] ngers, the moving of [one’s] eyes, any conduct and behavior is [the manifestation of] tathÊgatagarbha. . . . Greed, anger, ignorance, committing good or vicious deeds, receiving happiness and suffering are all [manifestations of one’s] tathÊgatagarbha.

Having identied evil deeds as well as good as the revelation of one’s tathÊgatagarbha, Daoyi began to formulate unconventional teaching methods: kicking, hitting, and shouting at his disciples to jolt them into awakening to the truth. These methods endure in some forms in Zen training today.22 Daoyi’s eccentric methods opened the door to even more bizarre behaviors and language by Chan masters. Linji Yixuan 臨濟義玄 (?–867), the founder of the Linji School of Chan, for example, boldly exhorted: 道流,、、、逢佛殺佛,逢祖殺祖,逢羅漢殺羅漢,父母殺父母, 逢親眷殺親眷,始得解脫。23 Practitioners . . . when you encounter a Buddha, kill him; when you encounter your [dharma] master, kill him; when you encounter an arhat, kill him; when you encounter your parents, kill them; and when you encounter your relatives, kill them. Then you can be liberated.

It is inconceivable that Yixuan was actually encouraging his disciples to commit murder; his unrestrained language was a shock tactic, designed to impress hearers to an extreme degree with the concept of Ordinary Mind. Another famous example of Ordinary Mind, Danxia 丹霞 (738–823) burning a wooden statue of Buddha to keep warm in winter, was certainly profanation to conventional views. Yet among Chan circles this story became a favored painting subject, alluding to the immateriality of phenomena.24 In Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture the images of Xie Lingyun on horseback reverently holding a sÖtra and his attendant

21 The original text is in Zongmi’s Chanmen shizi chengxitu 禪門師資承襲圖, quoted from Kamata Shigeo 鎌田茂雄, ShÖmitsu kyÔgaku no shisÔshi teki kenkyÖ 宗密教學の思 想史的研究 (Tokyo: TÔkyÔ Daigaku shuppansha, 1975), pp. 350–51. 22 Pan, Zhongguo Chanzong sixiang licheng, pp. 223–40. 23 Ibid., p. 304. Daoyi’s ideology was absorbed by the succeeding Linji school of Chan 臨濟宗, founded by Linji Yixuan. The inuence of Hongzhou Chan extended into the Northern Song in the form of Linji Chan. 24 Puji, Wudeng Huiyuan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984), juan 5, p. 262.

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carrying bundles of sÖtras are clear indications of Xie’s devotion to Buddhism. Li’s depiction, however, was intended not merely to commend Xie’s study of sÖtras, but also to show up Xie’s reliance on (and pride in) his skill in debate rather than on cultivating his Mind and conduct. Xie’s need to draw attention to himself, moreover, exemplied the “pretentiousness” reproved by Hongzhou Chan, and the “contamination” deplored in Daoyi’s philosophy. In the Lotus Society legends Xie Lingyun was rejected by reason of his “distracted mind” (xinza 心雜), which was one form of Daoyi’s “contamination.” It is no wonder that, even after Xie had shown his sincerity by digging ponds to plant lotus owers and using the excavated earth to build a platform for “translating” the Nirvʸa SÖtra, Huiyuan still “rejected” him for membership in the Lotus Society. Xie’s counterpart at the beginning of the painting, Tao Yuanming, was by contrast a paragon of Hongzhou ideology. Following Daoyi’s precepts of pingchangxin and Dao buyongxiu 道不用修 (“no need to practice the Way”) and their correlate that the actions of everyday life were means of practicing the Way, one no longer had to live and act consciously according to conventional religious principles. In this light, Tao’s spontaneous lifestyle was a perfect manifestation of Hongzhou Chan ideology. Since irrational behaviors could be considered the true revelation of one’s tathÊgatagarbha, Tao’s alcoholism, and the ofcial Song History’s description of him as a drunkard imbibing by the roadside pavilion (the source for Li Gonglin’s depiction), may be interpreted as the unpretentious revelation of his true nature, i.e. tianzhen ziran. This description of Tao epitomized what Zongmi termed a “liberated being” ( jietuo ren). Such Hongzhou Chan characteristics were instrumental in the formation of the legend that Huiyuan invited Tao Yuanming to join the Society. Huiyuan’s supposed willingness to violate Buddhist precepts by allowing Tao to drink implies that the Donglin community accepted the Hongzhou principle that irrational (in this case, drunken) behavior was a mark of a liberated being. Tao Yuanming’s “rejection” of Huiyuan’s invitation augmented the Hongzhou Chan notion that liberated beings show total disregard for the sa±gha and its precepts. The geographic proximity of Hongzhou to Mount Lu and the pervasive Hongzhou Chan inuence there during the late Tang, when the Donglin circle, dominated by Chan clerics, was formulating its ideology, were directly responsible for superimposing these stories on Tao Yuanming and Xie Lingyun. Destroyed during the persecution of Buddhism in 845, Donglin Monastery was rebuilt as a Chan establishment and


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continued thus into the Song, with Su Shi’s friend Donglin Changzong 東林常總 (1025–1091) as its most distinguished abbot. Thus Hongzhou Chan ideas rst formed in the late Tang could easily be transmitted into the eleventh century. Li Gonglin’s hometown was not far from Hongzhou or from Mount Lu, and the Hongzhou Chan legacy was equally evident in the Longmian region during the eleventh century. Linji, the dominant lineage there, was the most pervasive Chan branch directly descended from the Hongzhou tradition. With the exception of Touzi Yiqing 投子義青 (Caodong branch), and Jingyin Jingzhao 淨因 淨照 and Fayun Faxiu 法雲法秀 (both Yunmen branch), the majority of eminent monks in the Longmian region, such as Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan 浮山圓鑑法遠, Baiyun Shouduan 白雲守端, and most of their disciples, belonged to the Linji branch. The extent to which Hongzhou Chan inuenced this Song Chan community is apparent in the recorded story of Touzi Yiqing. After his Sudden Enlightenment, Yiqing went to Mount Lu to visit Faxiu at his Qixian Monastery (Qixiansi 棲賢寺). There, he was accused of laziness—doing nothing but sleeping throughout the day. As a Caodong patriarch, Yiqing was supposed to follow that school’s emphasis on meditation, but he behaved instead like a Hongzhou “liberated being.” Whether factual or apocryphal, this record demonstrates how Hongzhou philosophical concepts had found their way into the formulation of Song Chan Buddhist literature. Li Gonglin’s early contacts with Longmian Chan masters provided ample opportunities to learn about Hongzhou concepts. In addition to recognizing Li Gonglin’s knowledge of Hongzhou Chan, Huayan, and Tiantai Pure Land, and identifying the sources of his iconographic design, it is important to decipher the meanings of the images derived from these sources in White Lotus Society Picture. Accepting Hongzhou Chan ideology as part of White Lotus Society Picture’s iconographic design creates certain contradictions. The differing views held by the Chan and doctrinal traditions on bodhisattva cultivation engendered centuries of heated debates on the usefulness of myriad practices, on nianfo, and on rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ. Since the Tang dynasty the Chan tradition had been split into the Southern and Northern schools, characterized respectively by Sudden and Gradual approaches to Enlightenment. Mazu Daoyi’s “nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be enlightened” approach represented a further sinicization that took original Buddhist philosophy into new and uncharted territory. Nevertheless, since its inception Hongzhou Chan exerted such a strong

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inuence that three out of ve major Chan lineages formulated during the late Tang were derived from Hongzhou tradition. But Hongzhou’s popularity was not unalloyed. For its heterodoxy Hongzhou Chan drew criticism from such prominent masters as Guifeng Zongmi and Yongming Yanshou.25 Yang Jie also disapproved of Hongzhou Chan (see discussion in Chapter One). In addition, Daoyi’s buxiu buzheng method of the bodhisattva path contradicted the dunwu jianxiu scheme, which the Song Huayan, Chan, and Tiantai Pure Land communities closely emulated. If the three Buddhist scenes in White Lotus Society Picture represent the three-tiered dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path, the Hongzhou buxiu buzheng ideology at the beginning of the scroll would certainly present an iconographic incongruity and ideological clash. Given Longmian Chan’s embrace of doctrinal tradition, particularly Huayan and Tiantai Pure Land, Yang Jie’s inuence, and Li Gonglin’s reliance on all three traditions for his own Buddhist practice, we must question whether the intoxicated Tao Yuanming at the beginning of White Lotus Society Picture functions as a positive or negative paradigm.26 Putting this issue into a socio-religious context, I further examine Song doctrinal exhortation on Chan rejection of Pure Land, and Tao Yuanming’s “Returning Home,” originally an expression of Tao’s longing for unfettered freedom from Confucian social constraints, which had taken on a Pure Land meaning by reimagining that the “home” to return to was SukhÊvatÒ. Zongxiao’s 宗曉 Lebang wenlei 樂邦文類 contains a passage criticizing Chan master Longya Dun 龍牙遁; from this text, translated below, we sense bitter disputes between the doctrinal and Chan traditions, revealed in caustic verses: 傳燈錄記龍牙遁禪師頌曰: The Lamp History documents master Dun of Longya’s poem: 成佛人稀念佛多, 念來歲久却成魔。

Scarcely do people attain Buddhahood, but there are many nianfo practitioners. Long-term practice turns them into demons.

25 For Zongmi’s criticism of Hongzhou Chan, see Gregory, Tsung-mi and the Sinication of Buddhism, p. 79. For Yanshou, see discussion later in this chapter. 26 For Tang Chan rejection of myriad practices and nianfo, and doctrinal rebuttals, see David Chappell, “From Dispute to Dual Cultivation, Pure Land Response to Ch’an Critics,” in Traditions of Meditation in Chinese Buddhism, ed. Peter Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1986), pp. 63–97.


chapter five 君今欲得自成佛, 無念之心不校多。

If you wish to become a self-educated Buddha, Sir, You should not think the Mind of “nonthought” is excessive.

多見禪人常舉此頌,以障念佛之人。蓋彼專以空寂為宗,遂將念佛 為著相者。殊不知勝天王般若有所謂:『以無所念而修念佛。』是 豈有著相之病乎?謹和一頌,以破其惑云: I often encounter Chan followers who quote this poem to criticize nianfo practitioners; they only draw on the idea of “emptiness and tranquility,” thus mistaking nianfo for clinging to phenomena. But they do not know that Shengtianwang banruojing preaches “use nonthought to practice nianfo.” Is nianfo really a defect of clinging to phenomena? I write the following matching poem to resolve their confusion: 念佛人多成佛多, 誰云歲久却成魔? 清珠濁水喻親切, 喚不迴頭爭奈何?27

Many people nianfo and many attain Buddhahood, Who claims that long-term nianfo causes people to evolve into demons? The Pure Dew (the Buddha) and murky water (sentient beings) can become intimate, But what can you do when you cannot convince them [Chan followers] to change their minds?

Longmian Buddhists versed in Chan ideas still preferred to integrate them with Pure Land ideology and disparaged the extreme Chan view. Yang Jie, for example, identied three pretexts for rejecting Pure Land practice: (1) distorting (by enlargement) the meaning of tathÊgatagarbha to argue that, since tathÊgatagarbha is universally innate, all persons already surpass the Buddha and the patriarchs and therefore need not seek rebirth in the Western Paradise; (2) arguing that since Pure Land is Mind-only, the Western Paradise exists throughout, obviating the need to go there; and (3) arguing that sentient beings are ipso facto unqualied for rebirth in the Western Paradise and therefore the attempt to be reborn there is a waste of time. Yang exhorted the wielders of such pretexts for not practicing nianfo to reconsider.28 Yang’s connection to Longmian Chan, his simultaneous espousal of doctrinal Pure Land ideas, his practice of Mind-only Pure Land, and his seniority to

27 “Ping Longya Chanshi song 評龍牙禪師頌,” preserved in Zongxiao, Lebang yigao 樂邦遺稿 (T. 47), juan shang, p. 237c. 28 Yang Jie, “Zhizhi Jingtu jueyilun xu 直指淨土決疑論序,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei 樂邦文類 (T. 47), juan 2, p.172a.

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his friend Li Gonglin all suggest that he would have inuenced Li as he did Wang Zhonghui.29 Li Gonglin’s adoption of Tiantai Pure Land penance ritual bespeaks his own harmonized beliefs and Yang Jie’s inuence upon him. In the Longmian region this syncretism continued into the Southern Song. The lay Buddhist Wang Rixiu 王日修 composed “Exhorting Chan Practitioners (Quan can Chanzhe 勸參禪者),” in which he urged them to incorporate the bodhisattva path into their practice: 參禪大悟,遂脫生死輪迴,固為上矣。然至此者,百無二三。若修 西方,則直出輪迴,而生死自如,萬無一漏。故予欲勸僧家上根器 者,參禪之外,每日以頃刻之暇修西方。若參禪大悟遂超脫輪迴, 尚去佛地極遠。更往見阿彌陀佛,展禮致敬,有何不可?若未得大 悟,而壽數忽盡,且徑往西方,見佛聞法,何患其不大悟也。若不 修西方,不免隨業緣去,. . . 誠可畏者。. . .30 Cultivating Chan to reach Sudden Enlightenment so as to depart from sa“sÊra is indeed a superior method, but fewer than two or three out of one hundred can achieve [that goal] by this method. Cultivating the Western Paradise enables anyone to depart from sa“sÊra directly; one can determine one’s own destiny—there is no exception. So I exhort superior clerics: in addition to following Chan, spend a few moments each day cultivating the Western Paradise. [While] relying on Chan to attain Sudden Enlightenment and depart from sa“sÊra, [one] is still a vast distance from the Buddha Land. So what is wrong with meeting and worshipping AmitÊbha? Those who have not attained Sudden Enlightenment and those whose lives could end abruptly, if they go to the Western Paradise to meet with and listen to the dharma preached by AmitÊbha, they need not worry about not attaining Sudden Enlightenment. If one does not cultivate the Western Paradise, one will inevitably be caught in the perpetual cycle of sa“sÊra. . . . It is indeed worrisome.

Here Wang Rixiu echoes Zongmi’s caution that dunwu dunxiu is difcult, and that dunwu jianxiu combined with faith in AmitÊbha is the sure and accessible path to salvation. Even superior beings, capable of attaining Sudden Enlightenment in this realm, still must practice Gradual Cultivation in SukhÊvatÒ. As for lesser folk, they can achieve both dunwu and jianxiu in SukhÊvatÒ.

29 See Chapter One for discussion of Yang Jie’s inuence on doctrinal Pure Land ideology in the Longmian Mountains region. 30 Wang Rixiu 王日修, Longshu zengguang jingtuwen 龍舒增廣淨土文 (T. 47), juan 6, p. 270c.


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So important was faith in AmitÊbha to devout Buddhists in the Tang that such Pure Land masters as Feixi and Fazhao began to envision SukhÊvatÒ as their “home”; the yearning to depart from sa“sÊra and return “home” (via transmigration) was second nature to them. Ciyun Zunshi (967–1032), in Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen, compared TathÊgata’s longing to help sentient beings with mothers’ longing for their children,31 and in Wangsheng Jingtu chanyuanyi (his revision of the former text) asked devotees to think of Buddhas as their fathers and SukhÊvatÒ as their “home nation (benguo 本國).”32 This analogy and these terms imply Zunshi’s attempt to forge a kinship between devotees and AmitÊbha, similar to the kinship implied by Maitreya when he called Sudhana “son of TathÊgata” in the Avata“saka SÖtra. Li Gonglin’s contemporary, the Tiantai master Zhaan Youyan 樝菴有嚴 (1021–1101), wrote the poem “Nostalgia for my Homeland, SukhÊvatÒ (Huai Anyang guxiangshi 懷安養故鄉詩).”33 Inspired by Zhaan Youyan, Beishan Kemin 北山可旻 followed with “Nostalgia for the Western [Paradise] (Huai Xifang shi 懷西方詩),”34 in which his rst stanza, “Home is in the direction of the setting sun ( Jia zai tianya luori bian 家在天涯落日邊)” identied “home” as SukhÊvatÒ. The same poem refers to the rst of the sixteen visualizations as described in the Visualization SÖtra. This yearning to “return home” naturally inspired Buddhists to rework Tao Yuanming’s magnum opus, “Returning Home,” as a Pure Land prose poem; whereas Tao had imagined “home” as freedom from Confucian restraints, Song Buddhists reimagined it as the Pure Land. Zhuoan Jiedu 拙庵戒度 did just that in “Zhuihe Yuanming ‘Guiqulaici’ 追和淵明歸去來辭,”35 and Ping Ji 憑檝 in “He Yuanming ‘Guiqulaixi’ 和淵明歸去來兮,” excerpted below: 歸去來兮﹗ 蓮社已開, 胡不歸? 念吾年日就衰邁, 況世態之堪悲。 想東林之遺跡,


Returning! The Lotus Society has been formed, Why not return? I lament my aging and weakening life And the sad prospect of the world. I think of the Donglin legacy

Ciyun Zunshi, Wangsheng Jingtujueyi xingyuan ermen (T. 47), p. 146b. Ciyun Zunshi, Wangsheng Jingtuchanyuanyi (T. 47), pp. 491a, 492c. 33 Zhaan Youyan, “Huai Anyang guxiangshi 懷安養故鄉詩” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 5, pp. 223b–c. 34 Beishan Kemin 北山可旻, “Huai Xifang shi 懷西方詩,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 5, p. 223c. 35 Zhuoan Jiedu 拙庵戒度, “Zhuihe Yuanming ‘Guiqulaici’ 追和淵明歸去來辭,” in Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 5, p. 226b. 32

li gonglin ’s pure land faith 有先賢之可追。 趁餘生之尚在, 悔六十之前非。. . . 顧瞻前路, 歸心若奔。 入慈悲室, 登解脫門。 萬境俱寂, 一真獨存。. . . 望西方以修觀, 祈速睹於慈顏。 入念佛之三昧, 覺身心之輕安。 超九蓮之上品, 閉六趣之幽關。. . . 俟此報之云盡, 指極樂而徑還。. . . 歸去來兮﹗ 唯淨土之可遊。 念閻浮之濁惡, 捨此土而何求?. . . 與上善人同會, 有補處為朋儔。 人生如夢, 能得幾時? 胡為名利之縈留, 此報看盡兮將焉之? 浮世皆幻境, 樂土真佳期。 布蓮種於池內, 長念佛以培耔。 冀臨終時而佛迎, 垂敘別而留詩。


Where there are ancient Worthies to be followed. Cherishing my remaining life, I repent for the sins of the previous sixty years. . . . Looking forward at the road ahead, My yearning to return is like a rushing [current]. Entering into the compassionate room [of AmitÊbha], I ascend to the gate of liberation. Myriad realms become tranquil, Only the One Truth exists. . . . Looking toward the west I practice visualization, And hope soon to see His benevolent face. Entering into nianfo sanmei, I feel my Mind and body uplifted and at peace. Ascending to the upper level of nine grades of birth, I close off reentry to the six realms of incarnation. . . . As soon as I reach the end of my infra body, I will return straight to Pure Land. . . . Returning! Only Pure Land is worthy of traveling in. I dread the impurity and evil of the JambudvÒpa. Beyond Pure Land, where else can one seek refuge? . . . Join the superior kalyʸamitra in the same assembly, befriending all the Buddhas-to-be [in SukhÊvatÒ]. Life is but a dream. How much longer can it last? Why linger for fame and wealth, What can we do after our infra existence? JambudvÒpa is nothing but an illusive realm, Whereas the Blissful Land is truly a place to long for. Planting lotus owers in the pond, I constantly practice nianfo to cultivate the seed [of transmigration]. I hope at the moment of my passing the Buddha will come to welcome me; Saying farewell, I leave behind this poem.


chapter five 從此地地增進, 決證菩提何用疑?36

Thereupon, I will advance on the stages of [the bodhisattva path]. Can there be further doubts about my resolve to enlighten my bodhi?

Ping Ji’s writing is typical for Song Pure Land Buddhists, who revered the Lotus Society as the paragon of Pure Land organizations; yet their methodological connection with Huiyuan was not through his banzhou sanmei nianfo, but through the concept of nianfo sanmei, and they most often adopted the Visualization SÖtra for their nianfo sanmei practice. More importantly, although seeking rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ, Song Pure Land Buddhists made clear that their ultimate goal was attaining Buddhahood. SukhÊvatÒ to them was the nonretrogressive realm where they would encounter and befriend kalyʸamitra and listen to dharma preached by the Buddha, and where they would advance on the bodhisattva path. Seeing Chan in this late Northern and early Southern Song context, in which the Lotus Society was revered, Pure Land ideology ourished, and the “home” to which Tao Yuanming returned was transmuted into SukhÊvatÒ, allows us further insight into the image of Tao Yuanming at the beginning of White Lotus Society Picture. The historical memory of Tao created by the Donglin Chan circle as well as by Tao’s own rejection of Buddhism, t Hongzhou Chan’s buxiu buzheng ideology. Yet in the context of Song Pure Land Buddhism, Tao’s rejection of Huiyuan’s invitation was tantamount to rejecting the assistance of kalyʸamitra, and by extension, rejecting tali (the power of the Buddha). In addition, his alcoholism without doubt violated Buddhist precepts and was disrespectful of myriad bodhisattva practices. Tao Yuanming’s actions and his historical image as created by the Donglin circle must have seemed, during the Song, the antithesis of doctrinal bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation. Li Gonglin embraced this doctrinal Pure Land view and he paired Tao with Xie Lingyun as exemplars of two extremes of delement. Xie’s clinging to worldly fame and desire, and Tao’s desiring absolute unconstraint and rejecting both the precepts and the assistance of sa±gha and kalyʸamitra, are two forms of false dependency reproved by the doctrinal tradition. According to the doctrinal

36 “Ping Longya Chanshi song 評龍牙禪師頌,” preserved in Zongxiao, Lebang yigao 樂邦遺稿 (T. 47), juan shang, p. 237c.

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paradigm, during mofa (the Latter Days of the Law) these two kinds of culpable personalities had no hope of attaining Buddhahood. The Snake Expeller stands between them and the Lotus Society to highlight the importance of right dependency. The Three Buddhist Scenes in White Lotus Society Picture and the DUNWU JIANXIU Bodhisattva Path This brings us to the core of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, inside the Society: how do the three Buddhist scenes, each dominated by either an historic personage or a Buddhist deity, represent the three great bodhisattvas in the “GandhavyÖha” and thereby delineate the three-tiered dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path? Daosheng Represents Maitreya The introduction of this chapter discussed Maitreya and his role in the “GandhavyÖha.” Maitreya is the rst kalyʸamitra Sudhana encounters on his journey, and his appearance at the beginning of the “GandhavyÖha” guarantees the appearance of TathÊgata. He represents the Effect of Buddha (i.e., the achievement of Buddhahood), and inspires Sudhana to recognize his innate tathÊgatagarbha. For Daosheng to be equivalent to Maitreya, he had to possess the quality of an Enlightened being, morally and sacrally equal, at least symbolically, to Maitreya, and he had to believe ardently that tathÊgatagarbha is the innate nature of all sentient beings, exemplied by Maitreya’s bestowal on Sudhana of the epithet “son of TathÊgata.” To signify his equivalence to Maitreya, he had to be shown rst in a handscroll format or as the predominant gure among the three Buddhist activity scenes in a hanging-scroll format. In the sequence of the three Buddhist activity scenes Daosheng appears rst in the Liaoning handscroll (Fig. 11E). The intimate handscroll format requires that the viewer unroll it section by section, which is conducive to conveying a sense of narrative progression. For the three Buddhist activity scenes to represent the three-tiered bodhisattva path, they must appear in correct sequence, as they do in the Liaoning handscroll. Daosheng appears rst, followed by the MañjutrÒ ritual scene and then the sÖtra translation scene (Figs. 11G and 11H). In a hanging scroll format, represented by the Nanjing version (Fig. 10), there is no clear sequence of appearance, because a viewer can take in the entire


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composition at once. More apparent is compositional dominance, i.e., that which attracts the viewer’s attention rst. The three Buddhist activity scenes in this copied version form an obtuse triangle, with Daosheng at its apex in the upper central area of the composition. This is the location usually reserved for the “host mountains” of the so-called monumental style of landscape painting prevalent during the Northern Song. In that sense, the three Buddhist activity scenes become the focus of the entire composition, with Daosheng its summit. Li Chongyuan had in fact described the sequence of scenes from the top down, following the footsteps of Zong Bing and Tanshun, where viewers come into contact with these three scenes, beginning with Daosheng preaching.37 As discussed in Chapter Four, Li Gonglin’s depiction refers to a specific event relating to the Nirvʸa SÖtra and its preaching of tathÊgatagarbha, as documented in Huijiao’s Hagiographies of Eminent Monks. When this sÖtra was rst introduced to China in its southern translation, it attributed tathÊgatagarbha to everyone except for icchantika, and so the southern Buddhist communities centered in Nanjing understood it. Daosheng openly challenged this reading, asserting that the translation was incomplete and that the original sÖtra actually attributed tathÊgatagarbha to icchantika. A few monks supported Daosheng, but the majority of his peers rejected his prediction, and he was reprimanded and exiled from the Nanjing Buddhist community. On the eve of his exile Daosheng declared that if his prediction was correct, he would at the moment of passing “ascend the lion throne,” i.e., reach Enlightenment. When the northern translation of the Nirvʸa SÖtra appeared in the south some years later, Daosheng was justied and his detractors were awed at his unmatched foresight. Having received the new and more accurate translation, Daosheng began to preach its philosophy on Mount Lu. During his last sermon, he was said to have held a zhuwei fan, which he dropped at the moment of his passing. In White Lotus Society Picture Daosheng sits on a daybed-style platform, holding a zhuwei fan. According to Li Chongyuan, he is preaching. Moreover, the pictorial elements match the Hagiographies’ account of

37 Li Chongyuan’s inscription is transcribed and mounted with the Nanjing and Shanghai Museum versions. For a good reproduction of the transcription, see Great Classics: Collection of Ancient Chinese Painting and Calligraphy from the Palace Museum and the Shanghai Museum (Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 2005), cat. no. 54, pp. 410–11.

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the nal moment of Daosheng’s life: he has “ascended the lion throne” and is about to fulll his own presage of becoming a Buddha. This scene exudes the same kind of psychological tension as the parinirvʸa, in which bodhisattvas, understanding the joy of extinction, remain calm while arhats are overcome by grief at the loss of their beloved teacher. In Li Gonglin’s depiction the four Worthies surrounding Daosheng’s “throne” are calmly attentive, while the boy attendant scratches his head in bewilderment. All elements of Daosheng’s vignette in White Lotus Society Picture attest that he is an enlightened being. Daosheng was the pioneer and most important proponent of the principle that even icchantika possess tathÊgatagarbha. In this signicant role he matches Maitreya at the beginning of the “GandhavyÖha” when the deity calls Sudhana “son of TathÊgata” to inspire Sudhana’s faith in his own tathÊgatagarbha. All clues in White Lotus Society Picture identify Daosheng as equivalent to Maitreya, the rst of the three major kalyʸamitra of the Huayan bodhisattva path. MañjuurÒ Represents Himself MañjutrÒ obviously represents himself, but in Huayan bodhisattva ideology he is specically and crucially a kalyʸamitra, the role he most vividly exemplies in the account of Sudhana’s journey. Sudhana’s visit to MañjutrÒ signies the rst two consecutive stages on the bodhisattva path: faxin 發心 (“mental initiation”), also called the “Initial Enlightenment (shijue 始覺),” which occurs in the form of a “Sudden Enlightenment (dunwu 頓悟);” the second, a Gradual stage, is jianxiu 漸修 (“Gradual Cultivation”), in which Sudhana makes a pilgrimage to fty-three kalyʸamitra, at whose conclusion his “Initial Enlightenment” and his “Original Enlightenment” are one. Paralleling this belief is the xinman faxin (信滿發心) concept, rst of the three kinds of faxin, expounded in Dacheng qixinlun. This inuential uÊstra, attributed to AtvaghoÉa, explains that sentient beings, because of their ability to observe and learn, and the power of their good roots (shan’genli 善根力) to believe in retribution, should begin practicing the ten virtues (shishan 十善) and pursue the supreme bodhi, to encounter Buddhas. They worship Buddhas and cultivate themselves with condence. After ten thousand kalpas, their faith nally matures (xinman 信滿). Buddhas and bodhisattvas can therefore teach them to faxin, or use the sentient beings’ own great compassion to faxin on their own, or because they


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have resolved to protect the dharma during mofa, they can faxin on their own merits.38 Faxin is the momentous entrance onto the bodhisattva path, and notwithstanding the assertion in Dacheng qixinlun that sentient beings can achieve it on their own, the Huayan tradition requires a kalyʸamitra’s assistance. Fazang stated that faith (xin 信) is difcult to achieve, meaning that, contrary to Dacheng qixinlun, a devotee’s will alone is insufcient to ensure faith in Buddhism. Therefore one must rely on kalyʸamitra.39 He explained: 求法之初,非信不求,非欲不能。忍苦求法。由內起信欲,是故外 能親近善友,為得法方便也。40 At the beginning of pursuing dharma, one who does not believe in it will not search for it. Without this urge [faith], one will not be able to endure the hardship of learning the dharma. Desire for faith comes from within, enabling one to seek out the company of kalyʸamitra. This is the expedient means of obtaining dharma.

In his commentary on the “GandhavyÖha” Chengguan also cautioned that, although a person may fervently wish to carry out Buddhist disciplines, one who does not seek the guidance of kalyʸamitra will not accomplish his goal.41 Kalyʸamitra, according to Chengguan, can help sentient beings to obtain faith and not revert to the past evil path.42 Here Chengguan reminded practitioners of one of the perils at this initiation stage of practice: that at any given moment one can retrogress to the realm of cause and effect, or sa“sÊra. Whereas Dacheng qixinlun asserts that any Buddha or bodhisattva can guide sentient beings, or alternatively, at the crucial moment of faxin, trusts sentient beings of great compassion to accomplish it on their own, the Avata“saka SÖtra specically designates the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ as the faxin kalyʸamitra. Excepting Zongmi, the majority of Huayan and Chan Buddhist masters adopted this view. Commenting on the “GandhavyÖha,” Zhiyan wrote:

38 39 40 41 42

AtvaghoÉa, Dacheng qixinlun 大乘起信論 (T. 32), p. 580b. Fazang, Huayanjing tanxuanji (T. 35), juan 7, p. 240a, and juan 17, p. 424c. Ibid. (T. 35) juan 9, p. 282b. Chengguan, Dafangguangfo huayanjing shu (T. 35), juan 51, p. 890c. Chengguan, Dafangguangfo huayanjing suishu yanyichao (T. 36), juan 29, p. 220c.

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善財從文殊所,發心求善知識。. . .43 From MañjutrÒ’s place, Sudhana vows (faxin) to seek assistance from kalyʸamitra. . . .

Fazang echoed Zhiyan in Huayanjing guanmai yiji 華嚴經關脈義記: 初見文殊,即明善財信以[心]之始。44 [Sudhana’s] initial encounter with MañjutrÒ was for the purpose of awakening his faith.

In his Huayanjing tanxuanji Fazang also called MañjutrÒ “the inceptional cause capable of initiating a practitioner’s Enlightenment (Wenshu zuo kaijue zhi chuyuan 文殊作開覺之初緣).”45 Likewise, Chengguan: “Because MañjutrÒ resides over [the gate of] faith, Sudhana reached his mental initiation upon meeting MañjutrÒ.”46 In several texts Li Tongxuan made clear that MañjutrÒ inspires in sentient beings their “Initial Enlightenment” ( faxin).47 He particularly wished to reveal MañjutrÒ as inspirational teacher, metaphorically presiding over the entrance to the bodhisattva path, called the Effect of Faith (xinguo 信果), to enlighten sentient beings.48 Yongming Yanshou was inuenced on this question by Li Tongxuan, and when explaining a passage from Li Tongxuan’s Exposition on the Avata“saka SÖtra stated that “our wonderful wisdom of liberation comes from MañjutrÒ,” and “because all Buddhas began their faith from him, MañjutrÒ is the Mother of Buddhas of Ten Directions.” In addition, Yanshou called MañjutrÒ a child bodhisattva, reasoning that both mother and child connote the beginning of faith, which is congruent with this bodhisattva’s role as faxin kalyʸamitra.49 The examples presented above are a few of many that demonstrate MañjutrÒ’s usual identication in the Huayan tradition as the faxin kalyʸamitra. But this view was by no means unanimous. Passionate about the Chan approach to the bodhisattva path, and having studied all Chan traditions and written extensively on them, Zongmi had a different view of the faxin kalyʸamitra. In his Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu 禪源諸詮集都序, Zongmi more than once stated that a kalyʸamitra,

43 44 45 46 47 48 49

Zhiyan, Huayan yicheng shixuanmen (T. 45), p. 518a. Fazang, Huayanjing guanmaiyiji 華嚴經關脈義記 (T. 45), p. 662a. Fazang, Huayanjing tanxuanji (T. 35), juan 18, p. 451a. Chengguan, Dafangguangfo huayanjing suishu yanyichao (T. 36), juan 34, p. 261a. Li Tongxuan, Xin Huayanjing lun (T. 36), juan 1, pp. 721a, b. Ibid., juan 20, p. 856a. Yongming Yanshou, Zongjinglu, (T. 48), juan 19, p. 519b.


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not necessarily MañjutrÒ, can galvanize sentient beings to faxin and thus start them on their journey along the bodhisattva path:50 諸法如夢,諸聖同說。故妄念本寂,塵境本空。空寂之心,靈知不 昧。即此空寂之知,是汝真性。任迷任悟,心本自知。不藉緣生, 不因境起。知之一字,眾妙之門。由無始迷之故,妄執身心,為我 起貪嗔等念。若得善友開示,頓悟空寂之知。知且無念無形,誰為 我相人相。覺諸相空,心自無念。念起即覺,覺之即無。修行妙 門,唯在此也。51 The various dharma are like dreams. Many saints say the same thing. Thus our misleading thoughts are originally tranquil and the dusty realm is originally empty. The Mind beyond disturbance is the never ignorant divine wisdom. This empty and tranquil wisdom is your true nature. Whether in infatuation or in Enlightenment, the Mind possesses wisdom, and it does not rely on secondary causes to be born, nor does it rely on realms of primary causes to rise. Wisdom is the gate of myriad wonderful methods. But from the beginning, sentient beings are infatuated, so they falsely cling to their bodies, Minds, and thoughts of self, which leads to greed and short tempers. If they can be inspired by a kalyʸamitra to become suddenly enlightened to their empty and tranquil wisdom—which is without thought and without form—then who will again cling to the notion of self or a person? After they have understood that various forms are empty, their Minds will be without thoughts. When this thought arises, they reach Enlightenment. After Enlightenment, there are no more wonderful methods of cultivation; all is in this [Mind].

Zongmi’s language, particularly his emphasis on Mind-emptiness, indicates his thorough embrace of Chan, and he had in fact already proclaimed his own membership in the Heze Shenhui lineage. By Zongmi’s time Chan was rmly established in China as a vital religious tradition that held its doctrines to have been directly transmitted from the historical Buddha sÊkyamuni, and its masters to be enlightened beings, or living Buddhas. In Chan monasteries jiangtang 講堂 (“lecture halls”) were set up to facilitate these enlightened masters’ transmission of the “true teachings” of sÊkyamuni, teachings that demystied some ontological aspects of Buddhism and approved people’s seeking out kalyʸamitra in their immediate, mundane environments. Li Gonglin’s iconographic arrangement suggests that he followed the more “orthodox” view propounded by the doctrinal tradition. In White Lotus Society Picture MañjutrÒ is the deity being worshipped by the two

50 51

Zongmi, Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu (T. 48), juan xia–2, pp. 409c–10a. Ibid., pp. 402c–03a.

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monks Daobing and Tanchang and by the layman Zhou Xuzhi (Figs. 10F, 11G). In Chapter Four we discussed how this ritual explicates the dhÊra¸Ò recitation practice popular during the Tang and Song. As we have seen, the aspect of this practice most notably emphasized by ancient Buddhist masters was the concept of “nondifferentiation between the Initial and Original Enlightenments,” obtained, as preached in the Dacheng qixinlun, at the moment of faxin. That concept denotes that the rst Sanskrit character of the Siddham Forty-two Characters, a, encompasses the combined meanings of all the remaining characters. Translated into Huayan Rounded Teaching philosophy, a symbolizes Initial Enlightenment at which one has already transcended all the stages of the bodhisattva path. In the Huayan tradition of the bodhisattva path, devotees grasp the signicance of a through reliance on MañjutrÒ, who inspires their Initial Sudden Enlightenment. For this reason, the Huayan tradition regarded MañjutrÒ as the faxin kalyʸamitra. Li Gonglin’s depiction of the bodhisattva MañjutrÒ as the object of a dhÊra¸Ò recitation denotes the deity’s signicance at this juncture of the bodhisattva path. MañjutrÒ also symbolizes the entire process of the bodhisattva path. When introducing the “GandhavyÖha,” I noted that three bodhisattvas, Maitreya (represented by Daosheng in the painting), MañjutrÒ, and Samantabhadra, represent the Huayan bodhisattva path. Following Maitreya’s exhortation, Sudhana visited MañjutrÒ, who inspired him to faxin, and thereupon embark on the journey to consult fty-three kalyʸamitra—the much-celebrated pilgrimage of Sudhana. In the writings of Buddhist masters from the Tang through the Song, however, Sudhana’s pilgrimage is often condensed and represented by just two bodhisattvas, MañjutrÒ and Samantabhadra. In these condensations, MañjutrÒ becomes the sole kalyʸamitra along the path, from the faxin stage until Sudhana encounters Samantabhadra, whose appearance signies the completion of the bodhisattva path. So important was MañjutrÒ in this role that in the Song dynasty the “GandhavyÖha” became known as Wenshu zhinan 文殊指南 (“MañjutrÒ’s Guidance”). The Chan master Foguo Weibai (1057–1117), for instance, composed gÊthÊs on the “GandhavyÖha” and painted illustrations of it, which he mounted in an album titled Wenshu zhinan tuzan (Illustrated Praises of MañjuurÒ’s Guidance). Li Gonglin certainly understood MañjutrÒ’s crucial role on the bodhisattva path, for he had also illustrated the “GandhavyÖha” and had illustrated the entire Avata“saka SÖtra at least six times. In White Lotus Society Picture his depiction of MañjutrÒ alone to represent the


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second phase of the bodhisattva path was congruent with the deity’s religious signicance on the bodhisattva path as perceived by followers of the Huayan bodhisattva path in the eleventh century. To comprehend how MañjutrÒ came to be perceived as sole kalyʸamitra on the bodhisattva path, let us consider MañjutrÒ and Samantabhadra as a pair. Realizing that the bodhisattva path is a process of Mind-cultivation aimed at attaining Buddhahood, Tang and Song masters often did not consider these two bodhisattvas as deities, but rather as the two poles of a practitioner’s inward state, i.e., the practitioner’s current state of Mind, and his Original Enlightenment. These two bodhisattvas represent opposite yet complementary Huayan concepts. For example, when MañjutrÒ represents the yin 因 (“cause”), Samantabhadra represents the guo 果 (“effect”); when MañjutrÒ is considered as the manifestation of prajñÊ, Samantabhadra is the manifestation of dharmadhÊtu. It was within this context of Mind-cultivation that Buddhist masters discussed MañjutrÒ’s and Samantabhadra’s functions on the bodhisattva path. When preaching dharmadhÊtu, Zhiyan explained: 今且就此華嚴一部經宗,通明法界緣起,不過自體因之與果 . . . 修體 窮位滿,即普賢是也。所言果者,謂自體究竟,寂滅果圓。、、、是 故隱於文殊,獨言普賢也。亦可文殊據其始終,通明緣起。52 Today I will use this principal [of all the sÖtras,] the Avata“saka SÖtra, to explain that the causal arising of dharmadhÊtu is none other than the relation between cause and effect within oneself. . . . When one advances to the utmost stage [of the bodhisattva path], one becomes Samantabhadra. What I mean by the Effect is that, at the end of self-cultivation, one reaches the perfect reality of cessation [nirvʸa]. . . . [The entire process] is concealed in MañjutrÒ, so people only mention Samantabhadra [who represents the Effect]. But one can also regard MañjutrÒ as present from the beginning to the end [of the bodhisattva path] to elucidate the process of causal arising [of dharmadhÊtu].

Fazang similarly described these two bodhisattvas as a means of entering dharmadhÊtu: 此五十五會二主統收,初文殊至後文殊,位屬般若門,後普賢一位屬 法界門。非般若無以入法界,是故善財創見於文殊。非入法界無以顯 般若,是故善財終見於普賢。是故二人寄二位,以明入法界。53

52 53

Zhiyan, Huayan yicheng shixuanmen (T. 45), pp. 514a, b. Fazang, Tanxuanji (T. 35), p. 451a.

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These fty-ve meetings are comprehensively encompassed by two masters. From beginning up to the last, [that master] is MañjutrÒ who pertains to the gate of prajñÊ. The last is Samantabhadra, who belongs to the gate of dharmadhÊtu. Without prajñÊ there is no way to enter dharmadhÊtu. That is why Sudhana was rst inspired by MañjutrÒ. Without entering dharmadhÊtu, there is no way to manifest innate prajñÊ. That is why Sudhana encountered Samantabhadra at the end. For this reason the two [bodhisattvas] are present in the two positions [of prajñÊ and dharmadhÊtu] to illuminate the meaning of the “GandhavyÖha.”

Zhiyan and Fazang generalized the Huayan view of the bodhisattva teaching; they recognized that the goal of the bodhisattva path is to enter dharmadhÊtu, represented by Samantabhadra. Because Samantabhadra represents dharmadhÊtu in the Avata“saka SÖtra, in Huayan tradition the bodhisattva path is called the Puxianxing 普賢行 (“the practice of Samantabhadra”). In this context, Samantabhadra represents the Effect of having traversed the bodhisattva path, which can be understood as dharmadhÊtu or nirvʸa, the totality of Buddhist philosophy, and MañjutrÒ represents the means practitioners rely on to embark on the bodhisattva path. That is why Zhiyan emphasized that from the beginning up to the end of the path, the presiding divinity was MañjutrÒ, and Fazang stressed that MañjutrÒ represents the gate of prajñÊ. When one reaches Final Enlightenment, prajñÊ and dharmadhÊtu become nondifferentiable, and one is united with one’s Original Enlightenment, a condition of existence comparable to nirvʸa. The entire process is an inward Mindcultivation. Fazang summarized the “GandhavyÖha” by saying: 心境圓證,即初從文殊會至普賢會也。54 [The process of] perfecting an enlightened Mind is to encounter MañjutrÒ at the beginning and all the way, until meeting with Samantabhadra [at the end].

In these juxtapositions, MañjutrÒ becomes the signier (nengzheng 能證, the capacity of prajñÊ to prove dharmadhÊtu), whereas Samantabhadra is the signied (suozheng 所證, dharmadhÊtu). This ontological scheme was widely adopted by Huayan masters to explain the Huayan bodhisattva path. In Fazang’s words: 普賢當法界門,是所入也。文殊當般若門,是能入也。表其入法界 故 . . . 故標上首。55

54 55

Fazang, Huayanjing guanmai yiji (T. 45), p. 657b. Fazang, Huayanjing tanxuanji (T. 35), juan 18, p. 441c.


chapter five Samantabhadra is the gate of dharmadhÊtu—that which is to be entered, while MañjutrÒ symbolizes the gate of prajñÊ—that by which one enters dharmadhÊtu. . . . So they are the chief bodhisattvas.

Chengguan, who shared this view, wrote that MañjutrÒ and Samantabhadra together reveal the luminosity of Vairocana, the Universal Buddha.56 In this respect, MañjutrÒ represents the doctrinal emphasis on myriad practices, which are taught to Sudhana by the fty-three kalyʸamitra, and which enable one to depart from delement and realize one’s Original Enlightenment. In White Lotus Society Picture, the focus in the MañjutrÒ ritual scene on reciting dhÊra¸Ò refers to the crucial “nondifferentiation between Initial and Original Enlightenment,” which corresponds to the Huayan idea that the faxin/dunwu stage must be initiated by MañjutrÒ. In addition, MañjutrÒ, who as the Bodhisattva of Wisdom inspired all past Buddhas and bodhisattvas, is perceived as representing all kalyʸamitra on Sudhana’s journey (the Gradual Cultivation part of the dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path). This scene and the preceding scene of Daosheng preaching, equivalent to Maitreya’s role in the “GandhavyÖha,” symbolize the rst two of the three stages of the Huayan scheme of the bodhisattva path. SÖtra-translation Scene: Completion of the Bodhisattva Path In the absence of Samantabhadra from the Lotus Society legend, Li Gonglin used the sÖtra-translation scene to represent the nal stage of the three-tiered bodhisattva path. The platform on which the Nirvʸa SÖtra was “translated,” according to Donglin legend, was built by Xie Lingyun, using the earth from the two lotus ponds he had dug. By making Huirui, Daosheng’s supporter in the dispute over the text of the Nirvʸa SÖtra, the principal gure in this group, Li was emphasizing the Chinese contribution to its correct interpretation; this is conrmed in Li Chongyuan’s inscription. It was therefore the ontological meaning of nirvʸa, rather than merely the name of this sÖtra, for which this scene was a metaphor. To represent the nal stage of the bodhisattva path, the sÖtra-translation scene must allude to several key ideas. It must convey the same substantive meaning and degree of importance as Samantabhadra on 56 Chengguan, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing shu (T. 35), juan 4, p. 526b. For another example, see ibid. (T. 35), juan 49, p. 872b.

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the bodhisattva path; it must represent the ultimate state of Enlightenment, the completion of the bodhisattva path and Buddhist totality as Samantabhadra does; and following the Rounded Teaching principles, it must signify that Enlightenment, completion of the path, and totality are comprehended in the Original Enlightenment of sentient beings. MañjutrÒ and Samantabhadra encompass the entirety of the bodhisattva path, and in the context of Mind-cultivation are regarded as religious concepts and goals. In this capacity Samantabhadra is the equivalent of dharmadhÊtu (according to Fazang) and the equivalent of nirvʸa (according to Zhiyan). DharmadhÊtu and nirvʸa are also equivalent. As Sengzhao explained, Buddhist reality “has many names, [which] all mean the same in the end. Different masters named it dharmatÊ (‘dharma-nature’), dharmakÊya (‘dharma-body,’ the embodiment of Truth and Law), bhÖtatathatÊ (‘thusness’), reality, void, Buddha-nature, nirvʸa, dharmadhÊtu, or even ‘this moment’ or tathÊgatagarbha. There are innumerable names, but they are all derivatives of the One Truth and bear the same meaning.”57 In his discussion of the “GandhavyÖha,” Fazang employed prajñÊ and dharmadhÊtu as a pair of interdependent concepts representing Cause and Effect, respectively, on the bodhisattva path. Jizang before him had dened them as two different facets of the three virtues of nirvʸa: “When manifested in the world, nirvʸa is prajñÊ, which permeates all realms. When in the state of immovability (budong 不動), it is total cessation, which having departed from all bondage, has reached liberation; and this traceable [path has led to the] absolute reality [which] is dharmadhÊtu.”58 By equating nirvʸa with dharmadhÊtu and liberation, Jizang indicated that this state of consciousness represents the nal stage of the bodhisattva path. Fazang likewise saw parinirvʸa as equivalent to wusheng 無生 (“nonorigination”) and jijing 寂靜 (“absolute tranquility”), which, he asserted, could only be attained in the tenth (nal) stage of the bodhisattva path.59 Chengguan similarly expounded: 大涅槃蓋眾聖歸宗,冥會之所。寂寥無為,而廣大悉備。形名絕 朕,識智難思。60


Sengzhao, Baozanglun (T. 45), p. 150a. Jizang, Dacheng xuanlun 大乘玄論 (T. 45), juan 4, p. 52b. 59 Fazang, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing jinshizizhang 大方廣佛華嚴經金師子章 (T. 45), pp. 668a–70c. For the relationship among wusheng, jijing, and nirvʸa, see Fazang, Huayanjing tanxuanji (T. 35), juan 5, p. 202a. 60 Chengguan, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing shu (T. 35), juan 50, p. 884a. 58


chapter five Parinirvʸa is the ultimate goal of all saints and the realm where their profound spirits match. It is tranquil, without action, vast, and all-encompassing. It is beyond shapes and names, and it is difcult to comprehend by means of cognitive wisdom.

These doctrinal masters not only expressed the vast range of nirvʸa’s meanings, but, more importantly, afrmed that nirvʸa is the ultimate state of Buddhist reality, which in the preaching of the bodhisattva path is dharmadhÊtu and is represented by Samantabhadra. The Chan community also believed nirvʸa to be the ultimate state of Enlightenment; but Chan masters, in the vernacular preaching style, typically coupled nirvʸa with the Hongzhou Chan principle of buxiu buzheng. The Tang-dynasty Chan master Huizhao 慧照 wrote: 菩提、涅槃,如繫驢橛。何以如此?只為道流不達三祇劫空,所以 有此障礙。若是真正道人,終不如是。但能隨緣消舊業,任運著衣 裳。要行即行,要坐即坐。無一念心,希求佛果。61 Bodhi and nirvʸa are like poles for tying up donkeys [like you]. How so? Because you have not reached the comprehension that the three asa±khyeyas (the period necessary for a bodhisattva to become a Buddha) are nothing but empty, you are hindered. For true practitioners of the Way it is different. They can eliminate residual effects by simply acting accordingly, such as putting on clothes as they wish. When they want to walk, they walk. When they want to sit, they sit. [In them,] there is not even a thought of seeking the Effect of Buddha.

This Hongzhou rhetoric continued into the Song. Recognizing that the thought of becoming a Buddha is itself attachment, pretentiousness, and contamination, Li Gonglin’s younger contemporary, the famed Southern Song Chan monk Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲 (1089–1163) wrote: 顛倒想生,生死續。顛倒想滅,生死絕。生死絕處涅槃空,涅槃空 處眼中屑。涅槃既空,喚甚作眼中屑? 白雲乍可來青嶂, 明月難教下碧天。62 If one has a perverse notion of life, mortality will persist. If one has a perverse notion of extinction, mortality will cease to exist. Where mortality ceases to exist, nirvʸa should become empty. But the emptiness of nirvʸa is still a speck of dust in your eye. If nirvʸa is empty, what is the

61 Huiran 慧然, Zhenzhou Linji Huizhao Chanshi yulu 鎮州臨濟慧照禪師語錄 (T. 47), p. 497c. 62 Yunwen 蘊聞, Dahui Pujue Chanshi yulu 大慧普覺禪師語錄 (T. 47), juan 2, p. 816a.

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speck of dust in your eye? White clouds can suddenly come to the blue cliff, But it is difcult to teach the bright moon to descend from the azure sky.

Yuanwu Keqin 圓悟克勤 (1063–1135), whose lineage can be traced back to the Longmian Mountains region, summarized Hongzhou ideology: 更喚甚作生死、菩提、涅槃、煩惱?不如饑來喫飯,困來打眠.。63 Why bother with mortality, bodhi, nirvʸa, and afiction? It is no better than eating when you are hungry and sleeping when you are tired.

To these Chan masters, any arising of the thought of cultivation was a form of contamination, or, to borrow Dahui’s phrase, “a speck of dust in your eye.” Their preaching was no doubt derived from Mazu Daoyi and Linji Yixuan, but, like many doctrinal masters, they still viewed nirvʸa as the ultimate goal of the bodhisattva path. In the Rounded Teaching discourse, nirvʸa is nothing other than a sentient being’s original enlightened nature. This original nature, Zhiyan explained, is emptiness, prajñÊpÊramitÊ, tathÊgatagarbha and parinirvʸa, among other Buddhist concepts.64 Yanshou, who shared this view, stated that “both self and nirvʸa are intrinsically empty,” because “sentient beings are in fact nirvʸa, so there is nothing to be extinguished.”65 Under these circumstances, a group of kalyʸamitra seems superuous, yet as Chengguan explained: “Sentient beings innately possess [tathÊgatagarbha]. But because of afictions, they cannot see it. Their befuddled wisdom hinders their bodhi, while their afictions hinder their nirvʸa. When these two obstacles are eliminated, bodhi and nirvʸa will be simultaneously and suddenly revealed.”66 According to the Buddhist teaching of Mind, afiction and befuddled wisdom need not exist. Rather, they are caused, in Zongmi’s words, by people’s insistence on believing that the phenomenal world they see and feel is true and real. From this false belief they begin to differentiate, and thus develop the notion of past, present, and future,

63 Shaolong 紹隆 et al., eds., Yuanwu Foguo Chanshi yulu 圓悟佛國禪師語錄 (T. 47), juan 16, p. 787b. 64 Zhiyan 智嚴, Huayan wushiyao wenda 華嚴五十要問答 (T. 45), p. 534b. 65 Yongming Yanshou, Zongjinglu (T. 48), juan 20, p. 527a, and (T. 48) juan 60, p. 757c. 66 Chengguan, Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishu yanyichao (T. 36), juan 20, p. 156b.


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which inevitably entails mortality; once believing in the reality of the phenomenal world, one is trapped in sa“sÊra. Afiction is actually selfinicted awed karma. It is no wonder that many Buddhist masters, such as Fazang, and Yongming Yanshou after him, traced the source of afiction and befuddled wisdom to Mind: 由於塵相,念念遷變,即是生死。由觀塵相,生滅相盡,空無有實, 即涅槃。由塵相大小,皆是妄心分別,即是煩惱。由塵相體本空寂, 緣慮自盡,即是菩提。67 Phenomena in the dusty world that change so ever constantly are the manifestation of mortality. But if one can visualize that arising and extinction cease to exist, then the reality resides in emptiness; it is nirvʸa. Dusty phenomena, large and small, are caused by differentiation in one’s culpable Mind; that is afiction. Because dusty phenomena are originally empty and tranquil, all worries can self-extinguish; that is bodhi.

This passage recalls the concept of dependency, which, if applied to the phenomenal world, leads to failure on the bodhisattva path, but if applied to kalyʸamitra, leads to achievement. These two masters noted that “when one turns in the right direction, it is nirvʸa.” To them the right direction is Mind-only, and they conrmed the notion of selfnature as Mind by citing the Nirvʸa SÖtra: “TathÊgatagarbha is neither pure nor impure. Pure and impure is Mind-only. Therefore, beyond Mind, there is no other method.” They also relied on the Avata“saka SÖtra to explicate “Mind creates all TathÊgatas.”68 Yanshou further explained that “the nature of TathÊgata is the nature of sentient beings; the nature of sentient beings equals all dharma, and all dharma is the nature of Mind.”69 In short, as part of inner cultivation to recover one’s original enlightened nature, nirvʸa, like Samantabhadra, had become not only the ultimate state of Enlightenment, but also part of innate human Buddha-nature. In this respect, following the scenes of Daosheng preaching and the MañjutrÒ ritual, the sÖtra-translation scene, referring as it does to the ontological concept of nirvʸa, by association

67 Fazang, Xiu Huayan aozhi wangjin huanyuanguan 修華嚴奧旨妄盡還源觀 (T. 45), p. 638a. Yongming Yanshou, Zongjinglu (T. 48), juan 9, p. 462b. Also see Fazang, Jinshizizhang yunjian leijie 金師子章雲間類解 (T. 45), p. 666c; and see Sengzhao 僧肇, “Niepan wuminglun 涅槃無名論,” in Zhaolun 肇論 (T. 45), pp. 157a–b. 68 Zhiyan 智嚴, Huayan yicheng shixuanmen 華嚴一乘十玄門 (T. 45), p. 518b. For Yanshou, see Zongjinglu, (T. 48), juan 29, p. 587b. 69 Yongming Yanshou, Zongjinglu (T. 48), juan 31, pp. 598b–c.

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and denition represents the nal stage of the Huayan bodhisattva path in White Lotus Society Picture. We have now identied the iconography of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. To illustrate the Huayan three-tiered dunwu jianxiu bodhisattva path in this painting, Li Gonglin made two major adjustments: replacing AmitÊbha with MañjutrÒ, and diminishing Huiyuan’s status as a religious leader relative to Daosheng and the Snake Expeller. These changes allowed the key iconographic elements to hinge largely on Mind-cultivation. Starting outside the Society, Xie Lingyun presents a pretentious, distracted, deled mind, and Tao Yuanming is the epitome of overcondence and total rejection of sa±gha, myriad practices, and reliance on kalyʸamitra. Both Mind-sets precluded success on the bodhisattva path, and were reproved by the doctrinal tradition, which held that during mofa, bodhisattva practitioners must rely on kalyʸamitra and on AmitÊbha Buddha and carry out myriad practices to advance on the bodhisattva path. The Snake Expeller, derived from the Buddhist concept of sanxing (“three natures”), becomes the expunger of illusions; in this situation he keeps away from the sacred precincts of the Lotus Society the two kinds of misperception and delement represented by Tao and Xie. With ku¸ÓikÊ in one hand and white towel in the other, he stands ready to cleanse away misconceptions caused by Xie’s deled mind and Tao’s befuddled wisdom. In the three Buddhist activity scenes inside the Society Li Gonglin illustrates the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” ideology. These three scenes correspond in symbolic status and function to the three major bodhisattvas in the “GandhavyÖha.” Daosheng was the rst Chinese master to recognize the scope of tathÊgatagarbha before the term and its implications were properly rendered in Chinese. His status equals that of Maitreya, whose role as the rst kalyʸamitra is to inspire Sudhana with the knowledge that he and all sentient beings possess tathÊgatagarbha. In addition to his principal role as the faxin (Sudden Enlightenment) kalyʸamitra, MañjutrÒ also represented all kalyʸamitra on the bodhisattva path (Gradual Cultivation). As the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, the teacher of all Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and kalyʸamitra whom Sudhana would encounter on his pilgrimage, and possessor of the capacity to assist sentient beings in their quest for Enlightenment, MañjutrÒ enjoyed great popular appeal. His and Samantabhadra’s physical beings became identied with ontological concepts and religious goals. MañjutrÒ represented the causal force, guiding sentient beings through the arduous journey and leading them to encounter Samantabhadra,


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the Effect of Buddha, or dharmadhÊtu. Samantabhadra was invested with a host of Buddhist concepts, including nirvʸa, to express the totality of One Truth. Following the scenes of Daosheng preaching and the ritual before MañjutrÒ, the nirvʸa concept in the sÖtra-translation scene equals the completion of the bodhisattva path. White Lotus Society Picture and Li Gonglin’s Pure Land Faith In Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture the bodhisattva path iconography is imbued with Pure Land meaning. Explicating that meaning runs up against the epistemological divide between ancient Chinese Buddhists and contemporary Western scholarship, which tends to think of Pure Land as a school (zong 宗) devoted to worshiping AmitÊbha. As adopted by the two Southern Song Tiantai monks who dened the Pure Land lineage, the term zong differed from its meaning for other Chinese Buddhist schools. AmitÊbha Pure Land had been a trope (or method, famen 法門) of MahÊyÊna bodhisattva teaching from as early as the Eastern Jin period. Starting in the Northern Wei period, this method began to build on NÊgÊrjuna’s “easy path” ( yixing dao 易行道) concept, i.e., during mofa, bodhisattva cultivation must be hastened by reliance on an expedient means—AmitÊbha—in order to lead to Enlightenment. Thus, in Chinese Pure Land Buddhism the AmitÊbha cult is inextricably coupled with the MahÊyÊna bodhisattva path. Furthermore, the One Vehicle is the Buddha Vehicle, i.e., the one teaching that comprehends and transcends all others as the means to supreme Enlightenment, developed during the Tang and Five Dynasties, was merged with bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation teaching, which set the foundation for Song Pure Land practice. To understand the Pure Land content of Li Gonglin’s depiction, one must take into account this historical background. Recent scholarship in the West has overfocused on the AmitÊbha cult—a misguided view that has led to a revisionist tendency to redene Chinese Pure Land history. In consequence, it has neglected the CauseEffect relationship between AmitÊbha and bodhisattva cultivation. In the days of mofa, one had to depend on AmitÊbha (Cause) to help one along the bodhisattva cultivation path to Buddhahood. Two prominent examples of revisionism are studies on the monks Yongming Yanshou (Five Dynasties-early Northern Song) and Xingchang (Northern Song). Yongming Yanshou’s Myriad Good Deeds with a Common Goal (Wanshan tong-

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guiji, 萬善同歸集) has historically been considered the most important Pure Land text of the Tang-Song transition. But in The Meaning of Myriad Good Deeds, A Study of Yung-ming Yen-shou and the Wan-shan t’ungkuei chi, Albert Welter states that “all but three out of fteen Pure Land references in the WSTKC are found in [ juan] one. This suggests that the WSTKC’s reputation as a Pure Land text is probably based on the reading of the rst [ juan] alone. A closer examination will bear out this assertion.”70 Welter also concludes that “the making of [Yanshou] into a Pure Land master and the forming of his image as a [Chan]-Pure Land synthesizer were relatively late developments historically. None of the early chronicles of [Yanshou]’s biography, by those who knew of him personally, indicate that [Yanshou] had any special interest in Pure Land practice or [Chan]-Pure Land synthesis. The records show that [Yanshou]’s association with the Pure Land and his identity as a Pure Land master developed strictly in accordance with the aspiration of later Pure Land adherents.”71 The notion that Yanshou had no special interest in Pure Land is untenable. Welter based his assertion on the narrow denition of Pure Land as AmitÊbha cult, so he considered only those passages directly identifying AmitÊbha and/or his SukhÊvatÒ as Pure Land. As this study will demonstrate, except for part of the third juan, a lengthy discussion on Buddho-Confucian relations, the entire Wanshan tongguiji expounds MahÊyÊna bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation ideology. Xingchang founded the rst documented Song-dynasty Pure Land society, basing it on Huiyuan’s White Lotus Society but calling it Pure Conduct Society ( Jingxing she 淨行社) after a section of the Avata“saka SÖtra. Daniel A. Getz asserts: “With regard to religious intent, [Xingchang]’s position as a Pure Land patriarch would suggest that he and his society were fervently devoted to the Buddha AmitÊbha and were single-mindedly seeking rebirth in his Pure Land. The sources, however, present a more complicated picture.”72 Getz notes Xingchang’s dedication to Huayan tradition, his carving of a Vairocana image as

70 Albert Welter, The Meaning of Myriad Good Deeds: A Study of Yung-ming Yen-shou and the Wan-shan t’ung-kuei chi (New York and San Francisco: Peter Lang Publishing, 1993), p. 152. 71 Ibid., p. 172. 72 Daniel A. Getz, “T’ien-t’ai Pure Land Societies and the Creation of the Pure Land Patriarchate,” in Buddhism in the Sung, ed. Peter Gregory and Daniel A. Getz (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), p. 488.


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the focus of the assembly’s worship, his copying and distributing of the “Jingxing pin 淨行品 (Pure Conduct)” section of the Avata“saka SÖtra in preparation for the founding of the society, and his prociency in the Awakening of Faith (Dacheng qixinlun 大乘起信論), a central text in the Huayan and Tiantai traditions ascribed to AtvaghoÉa (act. second c. CE). Getz concludes that “there is nothing in his textual orientation to indicate that [Xingchang] had the kind of consuming dedication to AmitÊbha and his Pure Land that one would expect of a Pure Land patriarch.”73 In this revisionist perspective Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture would be excluded from the Pure Land genre, as it lacks direct reference to AmitÊbha faith. It would be excluded despite its subject matter, the legendary gathering of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society led by the eminent Eastern Jin-dynasty monk Huiyuan, who had been posthumously revered since the middle Tang as the founder of Chinese Pure Land practice.74 Similarly, Yanshou would be excluded from among Pure Land masters, though his Wanshan tongguiji had been hailed as an important Pure Land work, as would Xingchang, although by the Southern Song he was considered the fth (or seventh) patriarch of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism.75 Most Pure Land organizations during the Song, including Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society, proudly drew inspiration from Huiyuan’s Lotus Society, particularly from the Eighteen Noble Worthies, whom Li Gonglin depicted. How could these long-respected paragons of Pure Land Buddhist history suddenly lose their Pure Land meaning and status in our contemporary perspective? How could AmitÊbha worship alone encompass the entirety of Pure Land Buddhism, as twentieth-century revisionists have asserted? How was the ideology of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism formulated, and what were its characteristics? In what ways did Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture echo this religious ideology? To glimpse the complexity of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism we turn to two colophons written during and slightly after Li Gonglin’s time and mounted with the Zhang Ji copied version. After viewing one ver-


Ibid., p. 489. For detailed discussion of Song Pure Land organizations, see Huang Qijiang [Chi-chiang Huang] 黃啟江, “Bei Song shiqi liang Zhe de Mituo xinyang 北宋時期 兩浙的彌陀信仰,” Gugong xueshu jikan 故宮學術季刊, vol. 14, no. 2 (1996); and Getz, “T’ien-tai Pure Land Societies and the Creation of the Pure Land Patriarchate.” 75 Zongxiao, Lebang wenlei (T. 47), juan 3, p. 193b. 74

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sion of the painting, Zhao Lingzhi 趙令畤 (eleventh c.), the painter’s acquaintance, wrote: 僕老矣!自捐廢來十餘年,世味日淺。每以『觀經』、『淨土決疑』 二者,入心染神。期盡此報身,必生皮[彼]國。白友中以龍眠李伯時 作白蓮社圖、、、因書大都,冀與勝友共膺升濟也。76 I am old! In more than a decade since my retirement, day after day I lose taste for the world. I follow the Visualization SÖtra and the Jingtu jueyi ([Treatise] on Resolving Doubts about Pure Land) to cultivate my Mind and deepen my spirit. I hope after the termination of my infra [reward body], I will be born into [AmitÊbha’s] nation. Among my White [Lotus Society] friends, Li Boshi of Longmian painted White Lotus Society Picture. . . . Therefore I summarize its content and hope to achieve Enlightenment with them.

In this short text Zhao points out: that Li Gonglin was among his Pure Land compatriots; their practice was Tiantai-oriented, shown by their reliance on two important Tiantai Pure Land texts—the Visualization SÖtra and Jingtu jueyi (abbreviated title of Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen 往生淨土決疑行願二門, authored by Ciyun Zunshi for Ma Liang 馬亮); they focused on Mind-cultivation and aimed at reaching Enlightenment. To Zhao Lingzhi, the lack of an AmitÊbha image in the painting did not detract from its Pure Land identity; he, too, wished to be rewarded with rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ. As Zhao suggests, there is a direct relation between Enlightenment and SukhÊvatÒ (the AmitÊbha cult). This symbiosis (unexplained, presumably because it would have been understood by his contemporary audience) describes a Pure Land Buddhism more complex than a cult of AmitÊbha.


For the complete text of the colophon, see Fig. 11M. The missing part of the text, immediately after the title of the painting, Bailianshe tu (White Lotus Society Picture), I represent as [、、、]. This is the most vexing part of the documentation. It is likely that the missing characters contained information regarding Zhang Ji, the painter of this copied version. This author believes that even without these characters, the meaning of Zhao’s colophon is still intact. The term shengji 升濟 is derived from Wang Dan’s 王坦 ( Jin 晉 dynasty) biography in Jinshu, meaning “ascend to become shenming 神明 (divine beings).” Here it is better translated as “enlightened beings”. See Zhongwen dacidian (Taipei: Chinese Culture University, 1990, eighth edition), vol. 2, p. 209a.


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Such complexity is further revealed in a colophon by Fan Dun 范惇, apparently the early Southern Song owner of the Zhang Ji copied version: 向來大道豈多歧?心法端從像法非。達士不生人我相,故能合會與 同歸。77 How can there be multiple stray paths on the Great Way? One only needs to follow the method of Mind instead of relying on the method of phenomena. [Yet] in superior gentlemen the distinction between self and others does not arise; therefore they can synthesize all methods to reach the same goal.

Fan wrote his colophon in 1135, two years prior to acquiring Zhao’s colophon, which he then mounted with the handscroll. Writing independently about the same painting, Fan and Zhao both concluded that Mind was a major theme of the White Lotus Society Picture, Zhao stating that his and Li Gonglin’s practice aimed at attaining Enlightenment, Fan that in an awakened Mind the contradiction between internality and externality vanished. The content of Fan’s colophon amounts to lishi shuangxiu 理事雙修 ( joint cultivation of noumenon and phenomenon) and xiangrong xiangji 相融相及 (mutual blending and interaction), the teaching of the One Vehicle Buddhist principle prevalent in Tang and Song Buddhism. This principle was considered by Chinese Buddhists to be the most excellent method of Pure Land, the method that ideally should be practiced by bodhisattvas. Fan’s second Pure Land reference may be inferred from the term tonggui 同歸— having or reaching the same goal. Its Pure Land context began with Jizang, who rst used the term wanshan (“myriad good deeds”) to describe the nature of myriad bodhisattva conducts (wanxing 萬行). Shandao of the Tang used this term in the bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation context, and Feixi after him coined the title Wanshan tonggui for the last segment of his Pure Land text Nianfo sanmei baowanglun 念佛三昧寶王論, this expressly asserting that myriad good deeds all have the same goal on the bodhisattva path. Yanshou then used these four characters as the title of his magnum opus, Wanshan tongguiji, which states that bodhisattva Pure Land practice must not exclude any noumenal or phenomenal methods, including icon worship and seeking rebirth in Pure Land of a Buddha, so long as these actions benet oneself and enhance all sentient beings’ chances for salvation.


For the original text, see Fig. 11L.

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The question, therefore, is not whether Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture is a Pure Land painting, but what kind of Pure Land ideology it represents. Why did Fan Dun and Zhao Lingzhi lay more emphasis on Mind-cultivation and the bodhisattva path than on AmitÊbha worship? Zhao Lingzhi hinted at a symbiosis between seeking AmitÊbha’s SukhÊvatÒ and seeking Enlightenment, but what role did AmitÊbha play in this and how did it relate to the process of the dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path? Answers to these questions will clarify Northern Song Pure Land theory and practice, the foundation of Li Gonglin’s Pure Land faith and his depiction of the White Lotus Society. Pre-Song Bodhisattva Pure Land Ideology The ontological foundation of Chinese bodhisattva Pure Land practice can be traced to NÊgÊrjuna’s (act. ca. 150 CE) “easy path” ( yixingdao 易行道), expounded in his Shizhu biposhalun 十住毘婆沙論: 佛法有無量門,如世間道有難有易。、、、菩薩道亦如是,或有勤 行精進,或有以信方便易行,疾至阿惟越致。78 Dharma possesses limitless methods, just as in this world there are easy and difcult paths. . . . The same is also true for the bodhisattva path. There are those who practice diligently [on their own to advance themselves (the difcult path)]; there are also those who rely on their faith [in enlightened beings] as the expedient means and the easy path to reach avaivartika (nonretrogression) swiftly.

NÊgÊrjuna was speaking in the context of bodhisattva cultivation, and by “relying on faith in enlightened beings to attain avaivartika,” he meant invoking their names.79 For NÊgÊrjuna, the preeminent object of invocation was AmitÊbha, either alone or as the representative of all Buddhist deities. “Should a devotee be mindful of AmitÊbha and invoke His name, he will attain the unexcelled and complete Enlightenment; we ought to devote ourselves to this Buddha.”80 On this foundation of the easy path, the complex variables of Chinese Pure Land ontology and soteriology developed in combination with the One Vehicle principle. During the period feared by contemporaries 78 This was a commentary on the “Shidipin 十地品” chapter on ten stages of the bodhisattva path of the Avata“saka SÖtra. See NÊgÊrjuna, Shizhu biposhalun (T. 26), juan 5, p. 41b. 79 NÊgÊrjuna, Shizhu biposhalun (T. 26), juan 5, p. 42c. 80 Ibid., p. 42b.


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as mofa, when bodhisattva cultivation was believed to be especially difcult, the Northern Wei monk Tanluan 曇鸞 (476–542) preached and popularized the easy path of relying on tali, the salvic power of the Buddha, to get to SukhÊvatÒ, and then to nirvʸa. Daochuo 道綽, seventh-century Pure Land master, identied invocation nianfo, repentance, and myriad good deeds as three methods of bodhisattva cultivation during mofa and singled out invocation as the “essential path ( yaolu 要路)” among myriad bodhisattva practices. His preaching laid the groundwork for Shandao’s 善導 advocacy of joint cultivation of the primary (both invocation and visualization nianfo), auxiliary, and miscellaneous practices (all other myriad bodhisattva deeds). Chan criticism of the doctrinal approach to Pure Land during the Tang triggered generations of doctrinal masters’ rebuttals. Tiantai gradually asserted itself during this process, and by the late Tang it had appropriated Xuanzhong Monastery Pure Land ideology (represented by Tanluan, Daochuo and Shandao). This process began with Cimin Huiri 慈愍慧日, whose Cibeiji 慈悲集 reacted against Chan criticism; yet he maintained that nianfo sanmei and myriad bodhisattva practices were essential methods of bodhisattva cultivation. Feixi’s 飛錫 Nianfo sanmei baowanglun 念佛三昧寶王論 incorporated the easy path and tali into his tathÊgatagarbha, Mind-only Pure Land, and lishi shuangxiu 理事雙修 (joint cultivation of noumenon and phenomenon) expositions. To emphasize AmitÊbha worship, Feixi called this Buddha the “current Buddha” and devoted the second juan of his text to AmitÊbha worship. This meant that even during mofa, there was still a Buddha devotees could rely on. After Shandao, Feixi reinterpreted the primary and auxiliary practices as the joint practice of noumenon and phenomenon, emphasizing the One Vehicle non-hindrance principle, used Tiantai One Mind Three Insights to articulate visualization practice, and redened nianfo as relying on li (noumenon) and myriad practices as relying on shi (phenomena). Two Tiantai Pure Land texts ascribed to Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗 (538–497), the founder of that school of Buddhism, further attested Tiantai interest in Pure Land Buddhism. Jingtu shiyilun 淨土十疑論 used NÊgÊrjuna’s easy path to preach AmitÊbha worship as part of the bodhisattva vocation, emphasizing the nonhindrance principle while addressing reliance on tali and joint cultivation practice. Tiantai Guanjingshu 天台觀經疏, following Shandao to identify the Visualization SÖtra’s preaching of MahÊyÊna Sudden Teaching, focused on expounding Mind-cultivation, and like Feixi, used One Mind Three

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Insights to explain visualization. By the late Tang, Tiantai had infused NÊgÊrjuna’s easy path, Xuanzhong Monastery (Xuanzhongsi 玄中寺) Pure Land tali, and joint cultivation methods with Tiantai One Mind Three Insights. While nianfo was their primary practice, Pure Land Buddhists equally emphasized auxiliary bodhisattva practices; hence, Feixi’s phrase “myriad good deeds have the same goal (wanshan tonggui 萬善同歸).” Yongming Yanshou’s Wanshan tongguiji and Bodhisattva Pure Land Cultivation Yongming Yanshou’s impact on Song Tiantai Pure Land was far-reaching. He synthesized pre-Song Pure Land ideology and combined it with the One Vehicle nonhindrance teaching to defend the validity of myriad bodhisattva practices. Most importantly, he advocated “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” as part of bodhisattva Pure Land teaching. He also preached that joint primary and auxiliary cultivation was the fundamental principle of the Fahua sanmei penance ritual performed to achieve rebirth in AmitÊbha’s Pure Land. Yongming Yanshou felt keenly that AmitÊbha worship and bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation were inseparable, so his exposition of Pure Land focused on the correlation between Mind and Buddhahood as an element in bodhisattva cultivation that AmitÊbha expedited. Jizang and Shandao had already used the term “myriad good deeds (wanshan 萬善)” to refer to “myriad practices (wanxing 萬行)” of bodhisattvas; Yanshou borrowed the phrase coined by Feixi, “myriad good deeds have the same goal (wanshan tonggui),” for the title of his magnum opus, Wanshan tongguiji (Collection of Myriad Good Deeds Having the Same Goal). The title and the content of his work reveal Yanshou’s connections to past Pure Land masters. Yanshou shifted the focus of Tiantai from One Mind Three Insights and the Middle Way to other Tiantai concepts and also to Huayan doctrines. Into the vocabulary of bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation he incorporated Tiantai xingju 性具 (“Buddha nature includes both good and evil”) theories and penance rituals, and the Huayan dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path and doctrine of nondifferentiation between noumenon and phenomenon.81 The resulting ontology protected the doctrinal school against Chan criticism.


Yongming Yanshou, Wanshan tongguiji 萬善同歸集 (T. 48), juan 1, pp. 958a–b.


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Yanshou considered Mind to be the central theme of bodhisattva philosophy and the source of all bodhisattva conducts.82 Unlike Chan nihilism, Yanshou’s Mind-only did not deny the necessity of seeking the assistance of an external Buddha, or the efcacy of all forms of Buddhist cultivation. Like Zongmi, Yanshou esteemed dunwu dunxiu (“Sudden Enlightenment-Sudden Cultivation”) as the way to Enlightenment for the most superior beings. But he held that most people, including Chan adherents, did not possess superior capacity, so if they wished to achieve pure results, they must perform worthy deeds.83 The “myriad dharma are Mind-only, so [devotees embarked on the bodhisattva path] should earnestly practice all methods of liberation. They should not stupidly, stubbornly cling to the perception of ‘emptiness’ to the extent that it affects cultivation of their true nature;”84 and, “Dharma only preaches myriad practices starting from Mind; it does not say that noncultivation is valid. Further, since myriad dharma are Mind, what harm does it do, then, to cultivate Mind?”85 Citing Zongmi, Yanshou cautioned that superior beings, capable of reaching dunwu dunxiu, have cultivated bodhisattva virtues for many cycles of lives, so that what seems a Sudden and total Enlightenment has in fact resulted from eons of unseen Gradual practice.86 Employing Tiantai xingju philosophy, Yanshou explained that realization of one’s tathÊgatagarbha and performance of myriad good deeds are elements of bodhisattva cultivation, and that, according to noumenon, both Buddhas and ordinary beings contain good and evil. In cultivation lies the difference. One who cultivates goodness will eventually reach Enlightenment. To do evil deeds is to be trapped indenitely in the cycle of birth and death.87 Thus, though all sentient beings possess indestructible tathÊgatagarbha, those who accumulate evil karma will never realize their tathÊgatagarbha.88 Myriad good deeds are thus an essential element of Gradual Cultivation,89 as Yanshou explained:

82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89

Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid. Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

p. 958b. p. 969a. pp. 958a–c. juan 3, p. 987c. juan 2, p. 976b. juan 3, p. 984a. p. 987b–c.

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初發心時,便成正覺。然後登地,次第修證。若未悟而修,非真修 也。惟此頓悟漸修,既合佛乘,不違圓旨。90 When a bodhisattva rst sets forth his vow, he has already attained Enlightenment. Then he ascends to the “above” stages of the bodhisattva path [the stages following the vow], to cultivate and achieve each of them. Cultivation without rst reaching “Sudden Enlightenment” is not true cultivation. Only the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” method matches the Buddhist Rounded principle.

This statement is rmly grounded in two concepts: “nondifferentiation between Initial and Original Enlightenments,” and “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation.” Both concepts are implied by the MañjutrÒ ritual scene in White Lotus Society Picture. Yanshou considered compassion the primary impetus to embark on the bodhisattva path.91 He taught two paths—wisdom and compassion—and the Buddha preached both: “Though bodhisattvas consider all phenomena to be intrinsically empty, they do not abandon sentient beings,” and conversely, “though bodhisattvas pity sentient beings, they do not abandon the principle that all things are intrinsically empty.”92 He quoted Jingtu shiyilun (attributed to Zhiyi) on the fulllment of compassion, the reason for seeking birth in SukhÊvatÒ, which is “so that one can attain the patience of nonorigination and return to the realm of life and death to educate and transform suffering sentient beings.”93 Quoting Da Zhidulun, he declared: 若不成就眾生,淨佛國土,不能得無上道。94 If [a bodhisattva] does not transform sentient beings [to their Buddhahood], and does not purify [his own] Buddha Land, he will not attain the Supreme Way.

Yanshou lamented that, although people have faith in Buddhism, they lack strength, their views are shallow, their minds are unsettled, and they are inuenced by their surroundings.95 Quoting Dacheng qixinlun, he noted that beginners on the bodhisattva path often give up in the face of difculty, but because the Buddha has invincible expedient methods

90 91 92 93 94 95

Ibid., Ibid., Ibid. Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

p. 987c. juan 2, p. 977a. juan 1, p. 966c. p. 960b. p. 966c.


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to protect their faith, beginners who single-mindedly depend on nianfo as the cause of rebirth into the Pure Land will be reborn in the Pure Land and forever depart from evil ways.96 He reminded Buddhists to dedicate their karma to wishing for rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ; there they would be in the presence of AmitÊbha, and could rely on AmitÊbha’s unassailable causes (i.e., means) to help them achieve the strength of patience (renli 忍力, i.e., the level of Enlightenment) that precludes retrogression.97 If they observed the dharmakÊya and practiced earnestly, they would attain patience of nonorigination.98 Yanshou warned that while one must adhere to the noumenon as the foundation for practice,99 one who misinterprets nonaction (wuxing 無行) to mean not performing the myriad bodhisattva practices will not obtain virtuous dharma.100 To him, the myriad bodhisattva practices were the sambhÊra (ziliang 資糧; supplies for the body and soul—food, almsgiving, wisdom) for entering sainthood, and all practices were the Buddha’s way of assisting bodhisattvas along the path.101 Yanshou argued that should one only uphold noumenon but ignore phenomenon, one is not likely to ascend to the realm of unfettered freedom; therefore bodhisattvas must rely on both noumenon and phenomenon to attain Buddhahood.102 According to Yanshou, practice of the sixteen visualizations achieved a high rebirth, whereas invocation could only lift sentient beings to a lower-level birth.103 He considered visualization to be primary (liru practice) and invocation to be the highest auxiliary (shiru practice) method.104 In Wanshan tongguiji and Zongjinglu Yanshou emphasized visualization


Ibid. Ibid. 98 Ibid. 99 Ibid., juan 1, p. 959b. 100 Ibid. 101 Ibid., p. 958c. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid., juan 2, p. 968c. 104 Shandao of the Tang had regarded nianfo as primary practice, and other myriad deeds as auxiliary and miscellaneous practices of bodhisattva cultivation. Feixi then changed the terminology of primary practice to lixiu 理修 (cultivation based on noumenon) and auxiliary to shixiu 事修 (cultivation based on phenomenon). Yongming Yanshou quoted the VajracchedikÊ-prajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra (Jin’gang banruo jing 金剛般若經) to state that there are two ways of entering into the True Reality—liru 理入 (entering through reliance on noumenon) and shiru 事入 (entering through reliance on phenomenon). Yanshou traced this scheme of bodhisattva cultivation to Tiantai Zhiyi, demonstrating his effort to illuminate the Tiantai Pure Land tradition further. 97

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because “beginners had not learned how to xate their Minds (xixin 繫心), how can they meditate except on phenomena?”105 Contra Chan, which demanded meditation without an object, Yanshou advocated facing West and visualizing the realm of SukhÊvatÒ.106 This method was drawn from the eighth visualization of the Visualization SÖtra. Responding to Chan adherents who misinterpreted “Mind is the Buddha” as obviating the need to seek the Buddha outside of oneself, he explained: “Should one’s own motive force be sufcient, one need not rely on external stimuli. But if one’s own power is inadequate, one must rely on the grace of the Buddha.”107 He used the divisions between MahÊyÊna bodhisattva practice and other Buddhist traditions in the doctrinal classication debate to warn those, particularly Chan adherents, who relied on nothing but themselves: “Those who seek liberation by denying forms ( feise 非色)—that is, believe only in the noumenon—are of the level of srÊvaka and Pratyeka-buddha.” He explained that because they cling to one aspect of the dharma, they fall into the realm of Two Vehicles.108 In Zongjinglu Yanshou described the two basic methods of visualization (guanmen 觀門). The rst, directly visualizing the “Nature of Mind (xinxing 心性),” was only possible for the most superior among superior beings (shangshanggenren 上上根人).109 The second method, which Yanshou preferred,110 relying on an external realm as the object of visualization assimilates one’s Mind into the realm that has entered into one’s Mind-contemplation; this is an expedient means derived from the phenomenal world, but it is nonetheless produced by Mind, Yanshou argued.111 The bodies of all Buddhas are dharmakÊya, capable of entering into the Minds of sentient beings. When one contemplates the Buddha, one’s Mind immediately comprehends the thirty-two lakÉa¸as and eighty noble physical characteristics, and that is the meaning of “this Mind produces Buddha; this Mind is Buddha.”112 The ultimate

105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112

Wanshan tongguiji, juan 1, p. 961b. Ibid. Ibid., p. 961c. Ibid. Yongming Yanshou, Zongjinglu 宗鏡錄 (T. 48), juan 36, p. 623b. Ibid., p. 623c. Ibid., pp. 623b–c. Ibid., juan 16, p. 501c.


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goal of visualization is to realize that self-nature is Buddha, that there is no difference between Mind, self, and the Buddha.113 Quoting Tiantai Zhiyi, Yanshou stated that one should “not abandon methods other than visualization, because all dharma are benecial causes (means) on the bodhisattva path.” He believed that myriad good deeds are innate (wanshan benyou 萬善本有) in sentient beings, and that tathÊgatagarbha is the primary source of myriad good deeds. Thus, to omit even minor good deeds is to extinguish one’s own seed of Buddha. Conversely, even such triing acts as invocation nianfo, exclamations of praise, and sketching Buddhist images with one’s ngernails are like “piling up sand, which will eventually turn into a pagoda”—a metaphorical way of saying that a person who accumulates good karma, however gradually, will eventually attain Buddhahood.114 Yanshou reminded Buddhists that good deeds are not an end in themselves; they must dedicate the merits attained through these good deeds toward advancement along the path to bodhi.115 This view was consistent with Yanshou’s adaptation of the dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path. Yanshou considered myriad good deeds to be “Gradual Cultivation”; they encompassed such acts as invoking the name of AmitÊbha; studying and propagating MahÊyÊna doctrines; listening to, reciting, preaching, and copying scriptures; circumambulating Buddhist images; offering incense and owers; chanting and intoning praise; lighting candles; helping sick animals; releasing captive animals back to nature; observing a regular schedule of practice; vowing to cultivate Pure Land; creating and installing Buddhist images; building monasteries; releasing servants to become monks and nuns; providing food and housing to clergy; offering private land as ower and fruit gardens for use in rituals and worship; observing lial piety; seeking guidance from kalyʸamitra; setting forth the great vow (i.e., taking the great vow to follow the bodhisattva path); self-immolation (which he considered essential for clergy); and practicing penance rituals. Of these myriad practices, penance rituals became the most prevalent during the Song. Penance had been important in Tiantai tradition, but it was rst advocated by Daochuo of the Xuanzong Monastery Pure Land tradition between the Sui and Tang dynasties. Feixi in his Nianfo

113 114 115

Ibid. Yongming Yanshou, Wanshan tongguiji 萬善同歸集 (T. 48), juan 2, p. 976a. Ibid., juan 1, p. 962c, and juan 2, p. 978a.

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sanmei baowanglun did not mention penance rituals in AmitÊbha practice. Tiantai Guanjingshu, being a visualization text, did not mention penance rituals, nor did the eclectic Jingtu shiyilun. In Yanshou’s Wanshan tongguiji we see the resurgence of the importance of penance ritual as one of the more important bodhisattva practices. In that text the Fahua sanmei chanyi 法華三昧懺儀 penance ritual is described as being incorporated into AmitÊbha worship. Yanshou believed that penance rituals were a means of ridding oneself of bad karma so as to reach Sudden Enlightenment.116 Since the Mind that had just begun to follow the Rounded Teaching was far from the patience of nonorigination (achieved at the seventh stage of the path), beginners must purify and decorate a ritual site (daochang 道場) for practicing six times daily the ve penances of their six sinful senses (wuchanhui liugenzui 五懺悔六根罪).117 This was the Fahua sanmei penance ritual. Among all the myriad auxiliary practices, penance rituals were the most effective, because they eliminated serious hindrances.118 Siming Zhili (960–1028) dened the visualization component of penance ritual as primary practice and the rest of the ritual as auxiliary, and referred to the two practices conjointly as zhengzhu hexing 正助合行 (“joint primary and auxiliary practice”), a term Yanshou used as one of the ten meanings of wanshan tonggui.119 Between Yanshou’s views and Li Gonglin’s Pure Land faith, there are many parallels. We know with certainty that Li Gonglin followed Tiantai Pure Land because of his connection with Yang Jie, that it was mentioned in Zhao Lingzhi’s colophon, and that he built the Hut of Secret Perfection in his Mountain Villa for penance ritual practice. Moreover, Li’s White Lotus Society Picture hinges on the “Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation” scheme of the bodhisattva path, the bedrock of Yanshou’s bodhisattva Pure Land discourse. Li adhered to many of the auxiliary practices required of bodhisattva practitioners as outlined by Yanshou.


Ibid., juan 2, p. 965b. Ibid., juan 1, p. 961b. 118 Ibid., juan 2, p. 965b. 119 The ve penances of six sinful senses, six times daily, was the focus of auxiliary practice, whereas visualization was the primary practice. This trend seems to have begun no later than Yanshou’s time, for he noted that carrying out this practice was observing the non-hindrance principle and, with the assistance of the Buddha, devotees would reach the rst stage (chuzhu 初住) of the bodhisattva path upon rebirth to SukhÊvatÒ. Ibid., p. 961b. 117


chapter five Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society

Did Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society also engage in bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, and was it a Pure Land organization? Inspired by Huiyuan’s composing “Nianfo sanmei shixu 念佛三昧詩序 (Preface to the Collection of Poems on Nianfo sanmei),” Xingchang sent poems inviting prominent ofcials in the capital to join his society; a majority of them responded favorably and with great enthusiasm.120 Based on this information, it is unclear whether Xingchang’s motive for founding the Society was at all religious. Daniel A. Getz wondered “what, if any, role Pure Land devotion and aspiration played within [Xingchang’s] society.”121 And if his intention was religious, was AmitÊbha the object of his (and his Society’s) devotion? During the Southern Song, two separate accounts of Pure Land partriarchates extolled Xingchang as the fth or seventh Pure Land patriarch. But the name Xingchang gave to his group, the Pure Conduct Society, was derived from the Avata“saka SÖtra and was not directly related to AmitÊbha worship. These contradictions suggest that, during the Song, the symbolism of Huiyuan’s White Lotus Society was complex. Huiyuan’s charisma inspired later formation of social groups whose incentive may have been in part Pure Land piety. Even if it was, however, their practices had little in common with Huiyuan’s banzhou sanmei nianfo, as in the case of Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society. Xingchang was inspired by the “Jingxing pin 淨行品” section of the Avata“saka SÖtra. In preparation for the establishment of his Society, Xingchang pierced his ngers to draw blood, which he used, mixed with ink, to transcribe the “Jingxing pin.”122 Before writing each character, Xingchang would circumambulate the sÖtra three times, then prostrate himself before it and invoke the Buddha’s name.123 He also printed one 120 Ding Wei 丁謂, “Xihu jieshe shixu 西湖結社詩序,” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, Yuanzong wenlei 圓宗文類 (XZJ 103), juan 22, pp. 426c–d. 121 Getz, “T’ien-t’ai Pure Land Societies and the Creation of the Pure Land Patriarchate,” p. 485. 122 Song Bai 宋白, “Da Song Hangzhou Xihu Zhaoqingsi jieshe beiming bingxu 大宋杭州西湖昭慶寺結社碑銘并序 (Stele and Preface Commemorating the Founding of the Society at Zhaoqing Monastery, West Lake, Hangzhou, of the Great Song),” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, Yuanzong wenlei (XZJ 103), juan 22, pp. 426d–27d. 123 Ibid. Also see Qian Yi 錢易, “Xihu Zhaoqingsi jie Jingxingsheji zongxu 西湖 昭慶寺結淨行社集總序 (General Preface to the Compilation of the Founding of the Jingxing Society at Zhaoqing Monastery, West Lake),” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, ibid., pp. 425d–26b. Also see Su Yijian 蘇易簡, “Shi Huayanjing Jingxingpin

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thousand copies of the “Jingxing pin” to be distributed among his followers.124 Since these devotional acts would hardly have been performed for the founding of a mere literary-social group, they attest Xingchang’s fervent religious motivation. Xingchang also chose a wooden statue of Vairocana—the principal deity in the Avata“saka SÖtra—for worship in the Society.125 During the dedication ceremony Xingchang, in allusion to the number of AmitÊbha’s assembly, led eighty monks and the one thousand lay followers who had presumably received the one thousand printed copies of the “Jingxing pin,” to vow: 始從今日,發菩提心。窮未來際,行菩薩行。願盡此報已,生安養 國。頓入法界,圓悟無生。修習十種波羅蜜,多親近無數善知識。 身光偏照,令諸有情,得念佛三昧。. . . 我今立此願,普為眾生,眾 生不可盡,我願亦如是偉哉!126 Starting today, we set forth the vow to initiate our bodhi-Minds, and to cultivate the bodhisattva path forever. We wish, at the end of our present life, to be reborn into SukhÊvatÒ, where we would suddenly enter into dharmadhÊtu and be perfectly enlightened to nonorigination. We would cultivate the ten kinds of pÊramitÊ, and be close to innumerable kalyʸamitra. The glow of our bodies would pervasively illuminate to assist sentient beings in attaining their nianfo sanmei. . . . Today we make this vow for all sentient beings. Because there are innumerable sentient beings, our vow is thus great!

The Pure Conduct Society vow was a bodhisattva vow: in it the members undertook to practice the bodhisattva path, to rely on AmitÊbha (wishing rebirth into SukhÊvatÒ) as the expedient means, to cultivate jointly the primary (nianfo sanmei ) and the auxiliary practices (ten pÊramitÊ), to seek self-perfection in attaining nonorigination (their own Enlightenment), and to fulll MahÊyÊna compassion (their vow to assist sentient beings in attaining nianfo sanmei). These acts are the fundamentals of MahÊyÊna bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, to which Chinese doctrinal Buddhists had committed themselves since the Sui dynasty. Thus parsing the vow makes clear that the Pure Conduct Society was xu 施華嚴經淨行品序 (Preface to the Printing of the ‘Pure Conduct’ Chapter of the Avata“saka SÖtra,” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, ibid., pp. 426b–c. 124 Song Bai, “Da Song Hangzhou Xihu Zhaoqingsi jieshe beiming bingxu,” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, ibid., pp. 426d–27d. 125 Ibid. Also see Qian Yi, “Xihu Zhaoqingsi jie Jingxingsheji zongxu,” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, ibid., pp. 425d–26b. 126 Song Bai, “Da Song Hangzhou Xihu Zhaoqingsi jieshe beiming bingxu,” in the Korean monk Yitian 義天, ibid., pp. 426d–27d.


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a Pure Land organization devoted to bodhisattva cultivation and attaining Buddhahood; the society’s worshiping of Vairocana, who represents Buddhist totality, matched the members’ aspiration. AmitÊbha was not their goal but their means to achieve their goal. Xingchang’s inclusion in the Pure Land patriarchate as dened by Tiantai, though his practice was not Tiantai, indicates the inclusiveness of Tiantai, as represented by Zongxiao and Zhipan, the two compilers of hagiographies of Pure Land patriarchs. It also reects the general consensus at the time that Pure Land afliation was determined less by sectarian afliation and scriptural origins of practice than by bodhisattva cultivation and MahÊyÊna One Vehicle ideology. This syncretism between Huayan and Tiantai Pure Land has already been seen in Yanshou’s blending of the Huayan dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path in Pure Land cultivation with Tiantai xingju, joint cultivation, visualization, and the Fahua sanmei penance ritual. The multifaceted nature of Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society raises interesting questions concerning Huiyuan’s cult during the Song dynasty. During the Tang two separate Huiyuan cults developed. One, created in the Donglin circle, revered Huiyuan as a symbol of rapprochement among the Three Religions, and the other, arising among Tiantai adherents, revered Huiyuan as the founder of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism based on his bodhisattva vow to reside in SukhÊvatÒ and his banzhou sanmei nianfo, which they regarded as the inception of nianfo sanmei practice. These two facets of the Huiyuan cult converged in the Northern Song, with slight emphasis on Huiyuan as symbol of the rapprochement among the Three Religions. This emphasis reected the ameliorating relations between Confucianism and Buddhism; Northern Song clergy were sensitive to the value of good relations. Qisong’s (1007–1072) six examples of Huiyuan befriending or rejecting Confucians and Daoists, written during his visit to Huiyuan’s Image Hall at Donglin Monastery, and Gushan Zhiyuan’s 孤山智圓 (976–1022) Zhongyongzi 中庸子, were just two famous examples of that sensitivity. And Xingchang emulating Huiyuan’s White Lotus Society gathering by composing poetic invitations to ofcials from the capital reveals his effort to create a harmonious relationship with his Confucian counterparts. As to the responses of those inuential men who accepted Xingchang’s invitation: Given the distance between Bianjing and Hangzhou, these men would have known that their chances of attending the ceremony of the vow—much less subsequent routine gatherings—would be slim. Most probably they knew that both invitation and acceptance were symbolic gestures of

li gonglin ’s pure land faith


conciliation. Likewise, Xingchang must have known that they knew, but their nonattendance did not lessen the prestige their names lent to his Pure Conduct Society. Nor did their memberships compromise the religious integrity of his Pure Conduct Society; his preparations and the great vow reveal his sincerity, dedication, and determination to propagate bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation. The Pure Land elements of the Huiyuan cult derived from the endeavor of Tang-period Tiantai Buddhists to formulate their Pure Land ideology. Tiantai appropriated the Xuanzhong Pure Land tali and easy path methods, while recognizing Huiyuan as the rst to make a bodhisattva vow and advocate AmitÊbha worship. They ignored Tanluan, who introduced NÊgÊrjuna’s “easy path” method to the Chinese, and Daochuo, who rst formulated the proper bodhisattva practice during mofa and emphasized penance ritual, in favor of Shandao, who emphasized both the joint cultivation method and visualization techniques, including banzhou sanmei nianfo. Yet even at this formative stage, Tiantai Buddhists had no intention of promoting Huiyuan’s banzhou sanmei practice. Instead they located their afliation with Huiyuan in nianfo sanmei, which could be any kind of nianfo practice. Feixi’s Nianfo sanmei baowanglun, for instance, advocated both invocation and visualization nianfo, and he utilized the Visualization SÖtra to promote Tiantai One Mind Three Insights. The same is true in other Tiantai Pure Land texts, such as Tiantai Guanjingshu, produced during this time. Even though Xingchang’s vow does not explicitly include the practice of nianfo, that practice was a major concern of the Pure Conduct Society. The Avata“saka SÖtra, the scripture on which Xingchang relied, advocates nianfo as the most important method of bodhisattva cultivation. Sudhana’s pilgrimage reects this ideology; Gongdeyun biqiu 功德雲比丘, his rst kalyʸamitra after departing from MañjutrÒ’s residence, taught him only nianfo sanmei out of all the myriad practices. The joint cultivation method prevalent during the Tang and Song mandated nianfo as the primary bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, and rebirth into SukhÊvatÒ as the expedient path to Buddhahood. Without nianfo, one could not be reborn in SukhÊvatÒ, and one’s practice could not be considered bodhisattva practice. But Xingchang and his followers desired to be reborn there, and they also vowed to assist sentient beings in obtaining their nianfo sanmei. We can therefore assume that Xingchang led his followers in proper nianfo practice; otherwise, he would not have been revered as a Pure Land patriarch. Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society embodied both emphases of the Huiyuan cult


chapter five

during the Northern Song: on the one hand, Huiyuan as a symbol of creedal rapprochement induced members of the Confucian elite to join a Buddhist society; on the other hand, Xingchang’s and the Society’s practice followed the prevalent bodhisattva joint Pure Land cultivation of primary and auxiliary methods. Even though Song nianfo had little in common with Huiyuan’s banzhou sanmei method, the two were connected by the notion that he had initiated the nianfo sanmei practice. Li Gonglin’s iconographic design in White Lotus Society Picture parallels the Song development of the Huiyuan cult and Xingchang’s practice. The Huiyuan who stands at the entrance to the Society bidding farewell to the Daoist Lu Xiujing, and who invited Tao Yuanming to join the Society, was an immediately recognizable symbol of rapprochement among the Three Religions. He is isolated, however, from the Society’s religious activities—neither a participant nor an onlooker at Daosheng preaching, the MañjutrÒ ritual, or the “translating” of the Nirvʸa SÖtra, which together illustrate the three-tiered dunwu jianxiu scheme of the bodhisattva path. Like Xingchang’s vow, which made no explicit mention of AmitÊbha, Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture made no explicit reference to Huiyuan’s vow of 402 before an AmitÊbha image. Nonetheless, Li was a follower of bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation; therefore neither his iconographic design nor his practice lacked nianfo sanmei. That is why Li Gonglin’s Pure Land compatriot Zhao Lingzhi could appropriately inscribe White Lotus Society Picture with his wish for rebirth into SukhÊvatÒ as the way station to Enlightenment, even though no AmitÊbha image is in the painting. In the context of Tang and Song Pure Land Buddhism, Zhao’s inscription expresses his intent to follow the bodhisattva path by means of joint cultivation of visualization nianfo and myriad good deeds to attain rebirth in SukhÊvatÒ, where he would continue on this path until he reached the patience of nonorigination. Thereafter he would return to SahÊlokadhÊtu to actualize the MahÊyÊna ideal of compassion. The vow taken by Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society expressed the same pattern of intention: the bodhisattva path to SukhÊvatÒ, thence to Enlightenment, and thereafter to assist all sentient beings along the same way. Yongming Yanshou, Xingchang, and Li Gonglin’s Pure Land Ideology Returning to Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, we rst identied its iconographic program as the three-stage “Sudden Enlightenment

li gonglin ’s pure land faith


followed by Gradual Cultivation” scheme of the bodhisattva path. Since the painting lacked an AmitÊbha image, its Pure Land content could only be deciphered by discarding the current exclusive identication of Pure Land with AmitÊbha worship and restoring the concept of Chinese bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, whose essence consists of the One Vehicle principle merged with the principle of tali. Ancient Chinese Buddhist masters never discussed the AmitÊbha cult outside the context of bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation, and the bodhisattva path was their main focus of practice to attain Buddhahood. This we have seen by analyzing in detail Yongming Yanshou’s Wangshan tongguiji and Xingchang’s writings concerning his Pure Conduct Society. Li Gonglin’s focus on the three-stage bodhisattva path likewise expressed contemporaneous Pure Land ontology and practice. Notwithstanding the absence of an AmitÊbha image in the painting, this was evident to Zhao Lingzhi and Fan Dun, whose colophons name nonhindrance practice and the ultimate goals of Enlightenment and Buddhahood, while also evincing a longing to be reborn in SukhÊvatÒ. Their Pure Land Buddhism, like Li’s, was not identied solely with AmitÊbha worship. Only after detailed comparison of Li’s painting and their colophons with Yongming Yanshou’s Wangshan tongguiji and Xingchang’s Pure Conduct Society can we begin to appreciate the complexity of Northern Song Pure Land Buddhism.

EPILOGUE Our study began with the pluralistic environment in which Li Gonglin developed his Buddhist faith, and in which participants moved effortlessly between Buddhist and Confucian-literati spheres. The syncretism between Buddhism and Confucianism, which began in the middle Tang, became the foundation and source of Song philosophy. It not only accelerated the sinicization of Buddhism, but also transformed Confucianism, giving rise to Neo-Confucianism. Past studies of Li Gonglin’s paintings have emphasized their Confucian and deemphasized their Buddhist inspiration, hindering a full appreciation of Li’s “painting faith.” Sinicized Buddhism consisted of MahÊyÊna ideology, domesticated in its expression and in its methods of cultivation. All the above syntheses and syncretisms informed Li Gonglin’s painting ethos. Therefore, to understand Li’s Buddhist works, it is not enough to know the Buddhist pantheon and sÖtra illustrations; we must also recognize the pluralisms of his religious environment and the principles that had emerged from the integration of these pluralisms. Moreover, syncretism was operative among the various Buddhist schools emerging in China since the Tang, and its effect can be seen in the characteristics of Longmian Chan. During the Northern Song the Longmian Mountains were a Chan center, yet the inuences of Huayan, Tiantai, and Tiantai Pure Land practice were pervasive there. Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan’s arrival marked the beginning of the rise of Longmian Chan, and his inclusive policy set the tone for the Buddhist environment in which Li Gonglin was cultivated. Fayuan and three generations of his disciples synthesized Huayan and Tiantai thought with Chan and dened the essence of Buddhist ontology. In this region monks of different schools lived, cultivated, and trained in the same monasteries. Emulating Sudhana, they made pilgrimages to other monasteries to consult enlightened teachers, their kalyʸamitra. Among the duties of literati-ofcials was supervision of Buddhist clergy; many literati who served in the Longmian region were devout Buddhists, and many had become the disciples of Chan monks in the region. For Chan monks, literary and poetic abilities were important foundations for self-cultivation and also their medium of social intercourse with the literati. Yang Jie and Guo Xiangzheng, both literati



ofcials, were the most prominent literati-Buddhists in the Longmian region during the eleventh century. They traveled between regional monasteries and participated in literati gatherings and Chan cultivation. Ma Liang’s and Yang Jie’s Tiantai Pure Land beliefs sparked the development of Longmian Pure Land. The longevity of Pure Land in the Longmian region is borne out by the Pure Land faith of Ma Liang’s descendants and by that of Wang Zhonghui, Li Gonglin in the late Northern Song, and Wang Rixiu in the Southern Song. In this Buddhist environment Li’s Mountain Villa became a center for gatherings of Confucian scholars and Chan monks, and his depictions in Longmian Mountain Villa of traveling, tea-drinking, visiting, and congregating are all vivid illustrations of the convivial atmosphere. In their inscriptions on Li’s Longmian Mountain Villa, his good friends Su Shi and Su Che characterize and extol his Buddhist faith. Su Shi deemed Li’s painting equal in religious content to the words of Buddhas and bodhisattvas. Su Che’s twenty poems describe individual scenes in the painting, and in so doing expound details of Li’s Buddhist faith. In choosing site and structure names, Li construed his Longmian Mountain Villa as an earthly Pure Land. His guiding principle was the MahÊyÊna bodhisattva path, and he adopted current ideas from the most popular sÖtras and methods of cultivation of his time. Through textual associations, the Peak of Accumulated Gems hinted at the importance of lay cultivation of the bodhisattva path. The layout of the Hall of Establishing Virtue, with the lotus pond in front of it, visually called to mind depictions of the Western Paradise. Huayan Hall explicitly proclaimed his Huayan faith; Ink Chan Hall was a venue for the art of painting, religious cultivation, and merit accumulation. The entire mountain was imagined and constructed as a simulacrum of Buddhist deities and their abodes: Necklace Cliff presented a many-stranded waterfall adorning an imagined bodhisattva; Precious Blossom Cliff alluded to the canopy sheltering an imagined bodhisattva or Buddha, and also to the Buddha-nature even of inanimate objects. The twochambered layout of the Hut of Secret Perfection reveals Li Gonglin’s conduct of Tiantai Pure Land penance rituals, which were considered expedient means on the bodhisattva path. The goal of this cultivation can be summarized as “nonduality” (merging, or interpenetration, of noumenon and phenomenon), an idea that Li Gonglin expressed in Raining Blossoms Cliff. The Longmian Mountain Villa was the symbol not only of Li’s self-identity but of the religious beliefs current in the



entire Longmian Mountains area. A site modeled after the Western Paradise and imagined as the manifestation and abode of Buddhist deities can ttingly be called an earthly paradise. Li’s motivations for making pictures imbued with Buddhist beliefs varied: some works fullled social obligations, such as his Ten Disciples, for use in the funeral of Su Shi’s wife; others were created to accumulate merit, such as his multiple collaborations with Li Chongyuan as illustrator of the Avata“saka SÖtra. Even in his late years hobbled by illness, Li still pushed to completion another set of illustrations of this Huayan text—a direct expression of the piety that earlier moved him to name his studio Ink Chan Hall and to arrange its interior like a Buddha Hall. Li Gonglin also painted Chan subjects, Guanyin, and the White Lotus Society to express his own Buddhist principles. He was among the earliest literati painters of Chan painting subjects, including Chan encounters, which became a popular genre during the Southern Song. He was also interested in giving visual expression to Chan history and gongan. Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe was the earliest Chan subject to be painted. Since the Tang monks of both the Northern and Southern schools had created their own versions of transmitting the dharma (and bestowing the robe, as dened by Southern Chan adherents) in attempts to assert orthodoxy, thus attesting that the Chan school had fully grasped the power of image as a means to consolidate legitimacy. The three extant copied versions of the Song-dynasty Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe are all different, revealing that the ascendancy of Southern Chan had not entirely precluded disputes over lineage succession. Li Gonglin’s painting of this subject (of which neither copy nor description survives) may have been his way to register his own opinion. Gongan, those Chan devices aimed at transcending cognition, were directly related to Chan use of poetry and cryptic expression of ideas and intentions, and to kanhua Chan. Two prominent Chan monks of the Longmian region, Baiyun Shouduan and Touzi Yiqing, were well versed in these practices. The environment seems to have suggested to Li Gonglin such Chan-infused painting subjects as Danxia Visits Layman Pang. Although the extant version preserves Li Gonglin’s baimiao tradition, its iconography deemphasizes gongan by alluding to much later legends of Layman Pang—legends with which Li could hardly have been familiar. Later painters were given to adopting Li’s style and iconography for Chan and other Buddhist subjects, which betokens



Li’s importance in Chan painting history. Those works that faithfully preserve his style and iconography have been the basis for studying his Buddhist thought. The ve extant sets of Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin, created by different artists at different times, preserve Li’s baimiao tradition, and poems accompanying the paintings are all identical, indicating a single source.1 Since Li’s disciples forged his paintings for prot, one may wonder whether the iconography of these ve sets was derived from Li’s own design. The similarities between these ve sets and Longmian Mountain Villa may help provide an afrmative answer to that question. In both works are multiple scenes expressing the bodhisattva path, syncretic principles, and key ontological concepts (Buddha-nature, Mind, self-naturalism, internal cultivation, Sudden Enlightenment, nonduality, the Buddha-nature of inanimate things, and Mind-only Pure Land). Internal cultivation was a key element in Li Gonglin’s faith in Guanyin, and we know in two other expressions of it: his inscription “self-naturalness resides in one’s Mind, not in phenomena,” and his Guanyin Cliff, home of an absent deity. In these Guanyin paintings and in his Guanyin Cliff emulating Potalaka, Li transformed Guanyin from the deity’s role in the Lotus SÖtra as savior of human beings from mundane perils to a kalyʸamitra on the bodhisattva path. Li included Sudhana in the Thirty-two Transformations of Guanyin, and because Guanyin was the only kalyʸamitra in this album, he equated Guanyin with MañjutrÒ, as MañjutrÒ was considered the most important kalyʸamitra in the Huayan tradition. Profound understanding of Huayan, belief in the bodhisattva path, and commitment to self-cultivation infuse these paintings, making Li Gonglin the most likely creator of the original. He expressed the same ideas in his White Lotus Society Picture; in the multiple versions painted throughout his life, the iconographies were nearly identical. Instead of depicting Huiyuan’s vow in front of an AmitÊbha image in 402, Li designed this painting as a diagram of Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation on the bodhisattva path. Colophons by his friend Zhao Lingzhi and by Fan Dun, the latter an early Southern Song owner of this painting, both praise Li Gonglin’s interpretation. Zhao calls Li Gonglin his Bai you (“White [Lotus Society] friend”), and it is he who informs us of the specics of

1 The Ding Yunpeng woodcut version was the only one on which the original accompanying poems were altered.



Li’s Pure Land cultivation. Li and Zhao both relied on the Visualization SÖtra and on Clearing Doubts on the Pure Land, which were key Tiantai Pure Land texts during the Song. Siming Zhili had written a commentary on the former text, which imparted an important method of lixiu in penance rituals, and Li must have relied on this text when practicing in his Hut of Secret Perfection. Clearing Doubts on the Pure Land, written by Ciyun Zunshi for Ma Liang, had also become an important text for lay bodhisattva practitioners. Li Gonglin’s life, beliefs, and art were inseparable. To him, painting that expressed beliefs was a means of accumulating merit and of transmitting and communicating Buddhist ideas. Through studying his painting ethos we come to realize that his Buddhist iconography was the expression of his bodhisattva faith. Only someone with faith as deep as Li Gonglin’s would combine belief with imagination to create his home as an earthly paradise, build a penance hut for personal use, illustrate multiple copies of the Avata“saka SÖtra, develop new directions in Chan painting, and express the bodhisattva concept of Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation through Thirty-two Transformations of Guanyin and White Lotus Society Picture. The “Yaodian 堯典” section of Shangshu 尚書 mentioned that poetry is a vehicle expressing aspirations, and for Li Gonglin, painting was such a vehicle. Painting was his most sincere form of self-expression, and as Su Shi observed, “Through painting, Li Gonglin transmitted the words of Buddhas and bodhisattvas.” In that statement lies the quintessence of Li’s painting ethos.


THREE EXTANT VERSIONS OF WHITE LOTUS SOCIETY PICTURE This appendix concerns issues derived from three important copied versions of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture in Chinese museums: the Liaoning Provincial Museum, the Nanjing Museum, and the Shanghai Museum. The Liaoning painting was copied by Li’s nephew Zhang Ji. Both the Nanjing and Shanghai paintings are mounted with a transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record of Lotus Society Picture. This scenario requires further investigation into the original format of the particular painting created in 1081 for Li Chongyuan. I rst consider the styles and dating of these three works, then argue that even though the Shanghai painting is dated earlier, the Nanjing painting preserves Li Gonglin’s 1081 composition and iconography. In analyzing these three paintings and two Records of Lotus Society Picture by Li Chongyuan and Le Desu I argue that over three decades of depicting this topic Li Gonglin followed a consistent iconography. This indicates that the meaning and representation of the White Lotus Society had been rmly rooted during Li’s formative years in the Longmian Mountains, and that he altered only the format and style in successive depictions of this subject. The Nanjing Hanging Scroll Version The Nanjing version (92 × 53.8 cm) is the most widely published among three extant hanging scroll versions of White Lotus Society Picture (Fig. 10).1 Mounted above the painting is a transcription of Li

1 Two additional versions were formerly in the C.C. Wang collection, New York, and the National Palace Museum, Taipei, respectively. The C.C. Wang version is signed with Qiu Ying’s signature, and according to Stephen Little, it is one of Qiu Ying’s early works (See Stephen Little, “The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying,” Artibus Asiae, vol. 46 1/2 [1985], pp. 44; This author has not personally examined this painting). The Taipei version is signed with both Wen Zhengming and Qiu Ying’s names, but it is a much later copy based on the version on which the two Ming painters collaborated.



Chongyuan’s Record of Lotus Society Picture. While the painting has long been considered by Chinese scholars as a Southern Song pastiche, it is painted on the dubious “Song” surface of two joined pieces of silk of equal width, apparently darkened with dye, perhaps purposely damaged, then repaired.2 Mounted above the painting are two darkened but undamaged narrow silk strips, one horizontal and the other vertical, featuring an imitation of the Northern Song Emperor Huizong’s 徽宗 (r. 1101–1125) famous shoujin 瘦金 (“slender gold”)-style calligraphy: “Li Gonglin Lianshe tu 李公麟蓮社圖 (Li Gonglin, Lotus Society Picture)” (Fig. 10L), and three forged collector’s seals of Huizong: a pictograph of double dragons, a “Xuanhe 宣和,” and a “Zhenghe 政和” (Figs. 10O, 10P).3 Quite obviously the Nanjing painter intended to create a “Song” painting using all possible physical characteristics, and by embellishing the mounting with spurious “Huizong” writing and seals, the painter and/or mounter meant to “prove” that the painting had been

For documentation of the Taipei version, see Midian zhulin 祕殿珠林 (1744, Taipei National Palace Museum reprint, 1971), p. 263. 2 This painting has been published as a Southern Song pastiche in at least two Chinese publications: Nanjing Bowuyuan canghua ji 南京博物院藏畫集 (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1981), pl. 5; and Zhongguo meishu quanji, huihuabian, Song 中國美術 全集,繪畫編、宋 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), vol. 1, pl. 33. 3 Though Chinese mounters commonly preserved valuable evidence or famous personages’ writings from older mountings and incorporated them into new mountings, such as on A Pheasant and Sparrows by Dry Jujube Shrubs, attributed to Huang Jucai 黃居寀 (b. 933–after 993), in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, which bears a vertical calligraphy by Emperor Huizong authenticating the work. For Chang Linsheng’s discussion of the mounting of this painting, see “The National Palace Museum: A History of the Collection,” in Fong Wen and James C.Y. Watt, eds., Possessing the Past: Treasures from the National Palace Museum, Taipei (New York and Taipei: Metropolitan Museum of Art and National Palace Museum, 1996), p. 5. For a good example of Huizong’s calligraphy, see his Qianzi wen 千字文 (Thousand-character Essay) for Tong Guan 童貫 in the Shanghai Museum (reproduced in Åsaka shiritsu bijutsukan zÔ, Shanhai hakubutsukan zÔ ChÖgoku shoga meihin zuroku 大阪市立美術館藏上海博物館藏中 國書畫名品圖錄, Osaka: Åsaka shiritsu bijutsukan, 1994, cat. no. 14). The authentic “double-dragon” pictographic seal, the “Xuanhe,” and the “Zhenghe” seals appear together on other extant works. The rst and second are usually together at the beginning, and the third at the end of the work. For an example, see impressions of these three seals on a Tang-dynasty traced copy of Wang Xizhi’s 王羲之 Xingrangtie 行穰帖 (reproduced in Nakata YÖjirÔ and Fu Shen, eds., Åbei shuzÔ ChÖgoku hÔsho meiseki shÖ 歐米收藏中國法書名蹟集 [Masterpieces of Chinese Calligraphy in American and European Collections], vol. 1 [Tokyo: ChÖÔkÔron-sha, 1981], pl. 2). The emperor’s writing and his seals on the Nanjing version, when compared with extant works known to be by Huizong, are obvious forgeries of poor quality.

three extant versions


in Huizong’s collection and was validated by him. Oddly, this painting was not recorded in the Xuanhe huapu. As for the date of the Nanjing painting, some scholars have suggested that it could have been modeled after the late-Ming gure painter Cui Zizhong’s 崔子忠 (ca. 1590s–1644) copy of White Lotus Society Picture.4 This observation was probably based on overall similarities in landscape elements, particularly rocks depicted with large at areas of graded ink wash with stiff, angular ink-outline contours, as seen in Cui’s Xu Jingxuan Moving His Family in the Cleveland Museum of Art.5 Whether or not the Nanjing version was based on a version possibly painted by Cui Zizhong, I believe the most revealing evidence is the gural styles for which Cui was most famous. One of Cui Zizhong’s strengths was his stylistic references to what he and other contemporaries such as Chen Hongshou 陳洪綬 (1598–1652) believed to be the “ancient [pre-Song]” models.6 Among those ancient models, one from whom Cui derived his distinctive gural style, as Julia Andrews has pointed out, was the tenth-century Southern Tang gure painter Zhou Wenju 周文矩 (act. 961–975) and his idiosyncratic “trembling drapery” brush expression.7 A comparison of the Songdynasty copy of Zhou Wenju’s Southern Tang Emperor Playing Weiqi 8 with the gures in Cui’s Xu Jingxuan shows his deep indebtedness in drapery style to this Five Dynasties master. Figures in the Nanjing painting, however, retain no trace of this inuence. Historical documents further attest that Cui rarely, if ever, adopted post-Tang gure painting styles (including Li Gonglin’s), and his surviving works demonstrate little inuence other than the stylized Zhou Wenju “trembling drapery.”9 It is therefore unlikely that if Cui indeed painted a version 4 This information was provided to me by the staff at the Nanjing Museum during my visit there in August 1995. 5 For an illustration, see Wai-kam Ho, ed., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, cat. no. 209, p. 274. 6 Andrews, Julia, “The Signicance of Style and Subject Matter in the Painting of Cui Zizhong” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1984), pp. 18–19. For a pioneering study of these two painters, see Wai-kam Ho, “Nan-Ch’en Pei-Ts’ui 南陳北崔 (Ch’en of the South and Ts’ui of the North),” Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, vol. 49 (1962), no. 1, pp. 2–11. 7 Andrews, “The Signicance of Style and Subject Matter in the Painting of Cui Zizhong,” p. 25. 8 For an illustration, see Thomas Lawton, Chinese Figure Painting, cat. no. 3, pp. 34–35. 9 Qian Qianyi 錢謙益, Liechao shiji 列朝詩集 (rst ed. 1649), vol. 42, p. 714b; also



of White Lotus Society Picture, he would have made an exception in depicting naturalistic drapery folds similar to the Nanjing version’s, or that the Nanjing painter would imitate Cui’s landscape style but use a different gure style. Cui Zizhong had been active in the north, but contrary to the presumed northern model for the Nanjing painting, documentation and extant works dating from the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries point to the Suzhou area, where copying hanging scroll versions of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture and mounting them with transcriptions of Li Chongyuan’s Record of Lotus Society Picture had been common practice since the sixteenth century. In addition to the Nanjing painting, there were at least seven similar versions made during that time, three of which are extant. In Chart One (p. 293) I have compiled information from these eight versions to demonstrate how the Nanjing version of White Lotus Society Picture ts into this particular group of White Lotus Society Pictures copied during the late Ming and early Qing periods. Although not all the data on these paintings were recorded, when they were they reveal many intriguing similarities. When artists were mentioned, they were usually Wen Zhengming and/or his circle of friends. Among them, Qiu Ying (ca. 1495–1552/3), who painted three versions and collaborated with Wen Zhengming on a fourth, was the most prolic. Five out of eight were said to have had a transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record mounted above them, and among those, four transcriptions were said to have been copied by Wen Zhengming in either regular or clerical styles. All eight were colored, and seven were painted on silk. Four are recorded as having gold characters written next to members of the White Lotus Society for identication. Finally, the sizes of these paintings, approximately 2.8 × 1.7 Chinese feet, and transcriptions of Li Chongyuan’s Record, approximately 0.9 × 1.8

see Andrews’ translation of the text in “The Signicance of Style and Subject Matter in the Painting of Cui Zizhong,” p. 19.


three extant versions Chart One1011121314151617 A


Nanjing version 10 ?11




Golden Silk characters X Golden Silk characters 1520 Golden Silk characters





White paper Y (*K) Silk (*K) Y

2'7" × 1'5.5"


2'7" × 1'5.5"

9" × 3'4"

Gold ake paper (*L)


2'9" × 1'8.2"

8.7" × 1'8.2”

Wen Zhengming Pan Peng12 Wen Zhengming Qiu Ying13 Qiu Ying14

1520 X

Paper X


2'8.3" × 1'7.3" N/A







Qiu Ying15 Qiu Ying16 ?17


X Silk X Silk Golden Silk characters


X X 2'9" × 1'8"

N/A N/A 2'9" × 1'8"

Gold ake paper (*L) X X Paper (X)

A: Artist(s) D: date of execution N: names of members of the Lotus Society written next to the gure Mp: medium of painting MR: medium for Li Chongyuan’s Record C: colored Sp: size of painting in traditional Chinese measurements18 SR: size of Li Chongyuan’s Record in traditional Chinese measurements *K & *L: transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record of Lotus Society Picture by Wen Zhengming; K (kaishu 楷書): regular script; L (lishu 隸書): clerical script X: not recorded N/A: not applicable ?: anonymous Y: yes

10 Gao Shiqi 高士奇, Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu 江村書畫銷夏錄 (Baoyi tang reprint, date unknown), p. 22a. 11 Wu Sheng 吳升, Daguanlu 大觀錄, (1920 reprint), juan 12, pp. 25a–27b. 12 Shiqu baoji chubian 石渠寶笈初編 (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971 reprint), p. 138. 13 Midian zhulin, Shiqu baoji, xubian, p. 263. 14 Shiqu baoji, chubian, p. 140. 15 Ibid. 16 Formerly in the C.C. Wang collection; see Little, “The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying,” pl. 37. 17 Shiqu baoji, chubian, p. 146. 18 To avoid miscalculations during conversion, I have used only traditional Chinese measurements in this chart.



Chinese feet, are remarkably close; minor differences are likely due to trimming during mounting and remounting.19 Based on these compelling data, we may infer three interconnected scenarios. First, though few of these paintings are still extant and their authenticities are dubious, the Ming-dynasty trend of copying Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture seems to have begun in the early sixteenth century, initiated by such prominent painters as Wen Zhengming and Qiu Ying. Originals or early copies of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture must have been available, either from the painters’ own collections or in those of their friends. Their copies, in turn, became the prototypes for many later copies documented in early Qing sources. Second, based on the compelling similarities between these paintings, we may imagine not only the enormous fame of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, driven either by secular demand or religious fervor, but also the possibility of workshop production. In any case, the similarities between the Nanjing painting and other versions indicate that it was produced at around the same time as, or slightly later than, the other seven in Chart One, in the vicinity of Suzhou. Most signicantly, it was the hanging scroll format of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, often paired with Li Chongyuan’s Record, that became the most recognized representative of Li Gonglin’s original during the late Ming and into the early Qing. Among the three Ming painters who were recorded as having copied Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture, the versatile Qiu Ying most likely provided a prototype for the Nanjing version (Fig. 10).20 One hanging scroll version of the White Lotus Society Picture in the C. C. Wang collection bears Qiu’s signature, “Qiu Ying Shifu zhi 仇英實父製 (Made by Qiu Ying, Shifu),” in the lower right corner.21 Though its composition is very similar to the Nanjing version, details vary. The piled-up stone bank around the earthen platform for MañjutrÒ’s altar, for instance, is much higher and has more layers of stones in the C.C. Wang version than in the Nanjing version; the lotus pond in the C.C. Wang version

19 The sole exception is recorded in Wu Sheng’s Daguan lu 大觀錄, in which the width of Wen Zhengming’s transcription was more than twice that of the painting. This was most likely an error on Wu Sheng’s part. 20 Stephen Little has suggested that the Nanjing handscroll “may be a work by Qiu Ying himself (Little, “The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying,” p. 44).” This author examined the painting in person and believes that it is likely based on one copied by Qiu Ying. 21 Little, ibid.

three extant versions


is not connected to the pool beneath the waterfall, nor does its water ow to Tiger Stream, as seen in the Nanjing version; to the left of the pond is only one stone stool instead of two; and the Nanjing version’s boy servant holding a towel behind Zhang Ye is replaced in the C.C. Wang version by another playing with a crane. Perhaps the crane was substituted for the deer at the lower left of the Nanjing version’s lotus pond, since both animals symbolize longevity.22 Regardless of these discrepancies in pictorial design, their similar stylistic features are linked to other works by Qiu Ying. In the Nanjing and C.C. Wang versions, rocks lining Tiger Stream are done in overlapping V-shaped plates, shaded at the edges and corners so lighter areas appear as convex forms, and attened at the top where the ground begins. Behind MañjutrÒ, rocks in both paintings are furrowed in the same patterns. In Qiu Ying’s Relaxing in a Forest Pavilion,23 tree branches are abruptly severed, bearing a striking resemblance to those of the tree above Xie Lingyun in the Nanjing version (Fig. 10M ). The sharp downward angle and bowed trunk of an overhanging tree at the center right of the Nanjing version (Fig. 10N ) echoes one of the same shape depicted in reverse in the lower left portion of Relaxing in a Forest Pavilion. The gure poses and style of the Nanjing version are much closer to Qiu Ying’s oeuvre than to Cui Zizhong’s, particularly in one of Qiu Ying’s most famous gure paintings depicting the Yuan-dynasty literati painter Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 (1254–1322) transcribing the Heart SÖtra (Xinjing 心經) for the monk Gong Shangren 恭上人 in exchange for tea.24 In this painting, Zhao and the monk are seated facing each other across a long stone table, with scrolls of paper, one unrolled in front of Zhao Mengfu, and an ink stick resting on an ink stone, ready for use. Monk Gong leans forward and Zhao Mengfu turns his head to look in another direction, resembling postures of Liu Yimin and the

22 The left edge of the former C.C. Wang collection painting is trimmed considerably, and the gure of Zhang Ye must have been cut off. 23 For an illustration, see Wupaihua jiushi nian zhan 吳派畫九十年展 (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1975), cat. no. 93, pp. 102–103. 24 Two versions of this painting are extant, one in the Cleveland Museum of Art, the other in the National Palace Museum, Taipei. The Taipei version, the original, is reputed to be ner, yet the Cleveland version is also a ne painting. For discussion of these two versions, see Little, “The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying,” pp. 53–58. For an illustration, see Wai-kam Ho, ed., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, cat. no. 165, pp. 204–05.



monk Huichi in the sÖtra-translating scene in the Nanjing version (Fig. 10G), suggesting that Qiu Ying might have been inspired by this scene he once copied. The gure of Buddhayatas in the Nanjing version and Monk Gong have similar cranial contours and eye shapes, their mouths are slightly open, and the minimal shading of their crisply pointed drapery folds shows further stylistic afnities (Fig. 10D). Zhao Mengfu and Buddhabhadra both smile impishly, and the contours of their noses are virtually identical (Fig. 10E). Zhou Yushun 周于舜 (1523–1555), who commissioned this painting, specically requested that Qiu Ying depict it in the “Li Gonglin style.”25 What might have inuenced his perception of the “Li Gonglin style” were the ideas of Qiu’s contemporary, the art critic He Liangjun 何良俊 (1506–73). In He’s view of gure painting, Li Gonglin inherited his style from the Six Dynasties master Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (ca. 344–ca. 406), in contrast to the Wu Daozi 吳道子 (act. ca. 710–760) tradition followed by court painters: 夫畫家各有傳派,不相混淆;如人物,其白描有 二種。趙松雪 出於李龍眠,李龍眠出於顧愷之,此所謂『鐵線描』。馬和之、馬 遠則出於吳道子,其所謂『蘭葉描』也;其法固自不同。26 Painters have their own lineages, which cannot be confused. In gure painting, there are two categories of baimiao style. Zhao Songxue [Mengfu] derived his style from Li Longmian [Gonglin], and Li Longmian derived his style from Gu Kaizhi; this is the so-called “iron-wire” outline [tradition]. As for Ma Hezhi and Ma Yuan, they derived their styles from Wu Daozi, and this is the so-called “orchid-leaf ” outline [tradition]. Their methods are fundamentally different.

Based on our modern-day understanding of Li Gonglin’s gure painting, this assertion is naïve, but in Qiu Ying’s time the “iron-wire” outline tradition was earnestly regarded as the standard of the “Li Gonglin style.” Thus it is entirely logical that Qiu Ying chose the “iron-wire” 25 See catalogue entry on this painting in Wai-kam Ho, ed., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, cat. no. 165, pp. 204–06; and James Cahill’s discussion in “Types of ArtistPatron Transactions in Chinese Painting,” in Li, Chu-tsing, ed., Artists and Patrons: Some Social and Economic Aspects of Chinese Painting (Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas and University of Washington Press, 1989), p. 14. For original texts referring to this commission, see Wang Shimao 王世懋 and Wen Jia’s 文嘉 colophons mounted with the Cleveland version, reproduced in Little, “The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying,” plates 49b, 50. 26 He Liangjun 何良俊, Siyouzhai hualun 四友齋畫論, in Meishu congshu 美術叢書, in Huang Binhong 黃賓虹 and Deng Shi 鄧實, comps., vol. 3, no. 3 (Taipei: Guangwen chubanshe, 1963), pp. 38–39.


three extant versions

brush idiom to paint for Zhou Yushun, and that the Nanjing version, which was most likely based on Qiu Ying’s copy of another painting by Li Gonglin, also shared stylistic characteristics with Zhao Mengfu Writing the Heart SÖtra in Exchange for Tea. In short, textual and physical evidence, as well as stylistic features, indicate that the Nanjing version is not a Southern Song pastiche, but likely a product of a late-Ming or early-Qing workshop in the Suzhou area. Though inuenced by Qiu Ying’s painting style, the Nanjing painter intended to create a “Song” work to increase its market value. The Zhang Ji Version in the Liaoning Provincial Museum Among all extant versions of White Lotus Society Picture, the Liaoning handscroll (34.9 × 849 cm) is the earliest and nest. The painting is now missing the rst two scenes, which were separated from the scroll no later than the seventeenth century, while the remainder consists of scenes corresponding to the Shanghai and Nanjing versions in slightly different sequences.27 Mounted with the scroll are several controversial yet intriguing late Northern and early Southern Song documents, including a transcription of Li Desu’s Record of Lotus Society Picture, inscriptions and colophons by Fan Dun 范惇, Zhang Ji, and Zhao Lingzhi 趙令畤 (1061–1134), among others.28 Chart Two lists the six most important texts from right to left (A to E) as they would appear on a Chinese handscroll: Chart Two E



B1 & B2

Zhang Ji’s Zhao Lingzhi’s Zhang Ji’s Fan Dun’s 1st 2nd inscription colophon 1st inscription inscription (1159); (1116) (1109) 2nd inscription (1161)

A Zhang Ji’s transcription of Li Desu’s Record (1109)

27 This scroll was last remounted during the Qing-dynasty collector Liang Qingbiao’s ownership. His seals are the only ones stamped on the seam at the beginning and end of the painting. 28 Other colophons are by Jing Tang 京鏜, Zhao Bumian 趙不湎, Sun Chang 孫昌, Wang Bi 王珌, Lü Zhuan 呂篆, and Liu Yangting 劉揚庭. Since these colophons are later and less relevant to this study, they will not be discussed.



During the late Ming and early Qing periods, the Liaoning version was owned by the famous writer, bibliographer, historian and Buddhist Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 (1582–1664).29 It was subsequently in the renowned collector Liang Qingbiao’s 梁清標 (1620–1691) possession before entering the Qianlong 乾隆 emperor’s (r. 1737–1795) collection in the early eighteenth century, where it was recorded as an original work by Li Gonglin in the imperial catalogue Midian zhulin 秘殿珠林 (1744).30 This attribution was not challenged until the mid-twentieth century when Yang Renkai 楊仁愷 re-attributed the Liaoning version to Li Gonglin’s nephew Zhang Ji.31 James Cahill, while agreeing that the painting dates to Zhang Ji’s period, believes the attribution is “somewhat speculative.”32 Both Wai-kam Ho 何惠鑑 and Zhao Xiaohua 趙曉華 support the Zhang Ji attribution, but Yang Renkai, after re-examining the inscriptions and colophons, suggests that though his rst attribution to Zhang Ji was not entirely impossible, the scroll could also have been painted by Li Gonglin himself.33 With the painting’s style and date rmly grounded in the early twelfth century, the issue of the painter’s identity depends on the authenticity of documentations attached to the painting and how they reveal its history. In a 1962 publication, Yang Renkai argued that these writings were

29 Half of a seal, reading Jianhouren ƑƑƑ [illegible] (籛後人ƑƑƑ), appears at the lower left corner of the end of the painting. While the compilers of the Midian zhulin, xubian 秘殿珠林續編 (Taipei reprint, 1971, p. 73) identied this as a Song-dynasty seal, Jianhouren was actually a sobriquet of Qian Qianyi 錢謙益. I am grateful to Wai-kam Ho for his suggestions, which led me to this identication of the seal. 30 Midian zhulin, xubian, ibid. The painting also bears many seals of the Qianlong emperor. 31 Yang Renkai 楊仁愷, ed., Liaoningsheng bowuguan canghua ji 遼寧省博物館藏畫集 (Painting Collection of the Liaoning Provincial Museum) (Beijing: Wenwu Publisher, 1962), vol. 1, Introduction, p. 2. 32 Cahill, James, Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings: T’ang, Sung, and Yüan, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), pp. 54–55. 33 Ho, Wai-kam 何惠鑑, “Danyan jushi Zhang Cheng kaolue, binglun ‘Mo Zhou Wenju Gongzhong tujuan’ ba hou zhi ‘Junsima yin’ ji chita weiyin 澹巖居士張澂考 略並論《摹周文矩宮中圖卷》跋後之“軍司馬印”及其它偽印 (On Zhang Cheng and the Imitation of Zhou Wenju’s “In the Palace).” Shanghai bowuguan jikan 上海博 物館集刊 ( Journal of the Shanghai Museum) 4 (1987), p. 39; Zhao Xiaohua 趙曉華, “Liaoningsheng bowuguan cang ‘Bailianshe tu’ juan zuozhe kao 遼寧省博物館藏'白蓮社圖'卷 作者考,” in Wenwu 文物 (1991, vol. 7), pp. 72–80; Yang Renkai, Guobao chenfu lu 國 寶沉浮錄 (The Disappearance and Reemergence of National Treasures) (Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1991), p. 115.

three extant versions


actually transcribed by Fan Dun.34 This conclusion was drawn primarily from the following punctuation of Fan Dun’s 1161 colophon: 後二年,再得張、趙二公跋尾,書于後 (Fig. 11L)。35

Instead of reading baweishu 跋尾書 as one term, Yang read the character shu 書 as the verb “write.” Thus punctuated, the sentence would mean: “Two years later [1161] I re-obtained Messrs Zhang and Zhao’s colophons, [which I will] transcribe after [my own].” This reading would have been more convincing had these calligraphies matched one another artistically, stylistically and contextually, but they do not. Let us rst compare Fan Dun’s two inscriptions with Zhao Lingzhi’s (Figs. 11L and 11M). Overall, Fan Dun’s brush skill and character structure are inferior to Zhao Lingzhi’s. Zhao’s strokes are smoother and more graceful, while Fan Dun’s are stiff and hesitant. If we compare the last horizontal stroke of Fan Dun’s characters dao 道, and da 達 (Fig. 11L1 ) with the same stroke in many of Zhao Lingzhi’s characters, such as zhi 之, yong 永, and yi 遺, (Fig. 11M1) the gap in artistry is clear. Had Fan Dun actually copied Zhao’s colophon, he should have at least achieved the same level of writing skill in his own colophons. Additional examples of Zhao Lingzhi’s calligraphy can help verify the authenticity of Zhao’s colophon after the Liaoning version. For example, the 1123 colophon for Qiao Zhongchang’s Later Red Cliff Ode (Fig. 13), and the Liaoning colophon, though written with varying brush rmness, show consistent stylistic similarities, artistic quality, and inuences from Su Shi and his circle, most notably Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅, and can be easily distinguished from Fan Dun’s writing.36 The Li Desu Record of White Lotus Society Picture (Fig. 11N ) and Fan Dun’s two inscriptions are on the rst section of paper mounted immediately after the Liaoning painting, separated from other inscriptions


Yang Renkai, ed., Liaoningsheng bowuguan canghua ji, vol. 1 (1962). My punctuation and translation are as follows: “後二年,再得張、趙二公跋尾 書于後。 Two years later [1161], I re-obtained Messrs Zhang and Zhao’s colophons, which [I append] after [my inscription].” 36 To this author’s knowledge, two other examples of Zhao Lingzhi’s writing are extant. One is an 1132 colophon written for and appended to the famous Tang-dynasty monk-calligrapher Huaisu’s 懷素 (ca. 735–ca. 799) Autobiographical Essay. While the other piece is an undated letter to Zhao Lingzhi’s friend Zhongyi 仲儀, its style places it around the same time as the colophon for Huaisu’s essay. Both pieces are preserved in the National Palace Museum, Taipei. For Zhao’s biographical source, see Songren zhuanji ziliao suoyin 宋人傳記資料索引 (Biographical Index of Song Personages) (Taipei: Dingwen chubanshe, 1976), vol. 4, pp. 34–36. 35



and colophons, indicating that when Fan Dun acquired this scroll around 1159 the Record was already attached to the painting. Fan then added his own two inscriptions on the same piece of paper. Although it is signed with Li Desu’s name, the authenticity of this Record is still debatable.37 To determine its writer, we must consider Zhang Ji’s rst inscription: 余嘗畫其圖,而未得此記。大觀三年正旦,贛川陽行先居士自國錄告 假,歸玉岩舊隱,見過廬陵。云道由匡山,得記以歸。借余傳之。伯 時、德素皆諸舅也,行先游從之舊。喜得之以證圖畫云。 投子張激書 (Fig. 11P) I have painted that [ White Lotus Society] Picture, but did not obtain this Record. On New Year’s Day of the third year of the Daguan era [1109], the layman Yang Xingxian of Ganchuan was on leave from his post at the Directorate of Education. On his way back to his old reclusion at the Jade Cliff, he met me in Luling.38 [He] told me that he went by Mount Lu, [where he] obtained [this] Record to bring home. [He] loaned it to me for transcribing. [Li] Boshi [Gonglin] and [Li] Desu were my uncles, and were Xingxian’s old acquaintances. He said that he was happy to [have] obtained this [Record] to verify [my] painting. Written by Zhang Ji of Touzi

In this inscription, Zhang never mentioned that Yang Xingxian acquired Li Desu’s original; even if Yang had acquired it, he only “loaned it” to Zhang for a transcription. The Zhang Ji inscriptions and the Record share many stylistic qualities. Characters from both pieces demonstrate remarkable afnities in structure: the lower part of su 素 and the mi 糸 radical of luo 羅 are written as ovoid gure-eights (Fig. 11Q1); the downward outer strokes of shi 石 and yan 岩 usually begin one third from the left end of the horizontal stroke, but here they are joined at the corner like the radical han 厂 and are out to the lower left (Fig. 11Q2); the gu 古 portion of the characters ju 居 and ju 踞 are stylized as the li 立 character, and the bottom horizontal strokes extend beyond their square boundaries in the same fashion, while the lower right vertical strokes continue on an axis slightly to the left of the top right vertical strokes (Fig. 11Q3); the squat qi 其 characters have Xs inside instead

37 Zhao Xiaohua argues that it is Li Desu’s original writing, while Yang Renkai proposes that it was transcribed by Zhang Ji. See Zhao Xiaohua, Liaoningsheng bowuguan cang ‘Bailianshe tu’ juan zuozhe kao, pp. 77–78; and Yang Renkai, Guobao chenfu lu, p. 114. 38 Zhao Xiaohua has convincingly argued that Zhang Ji was the prefect of Luling during the Daguan era. See Zhao Xiaohua, Liaoningsheng bowuguan cang ‘Bailianshe tu’ juan zuozhe kao, p. 79.

three extant versions


of two horizontal bars (Fig. 11Q4). Both documents share particular mannerisms as well: in er 而 (Fig. 11Q5), the two inner vertical strokes are joined by a horizontal bar; ye 也 has a small hook at the junction of the left horizontal and vertical lines (Fig. 11Q6); and while the lower inner squares of tu 圖 are usually concentric, he simply joined them to the bottom of the outer square (Fig. 11Q7). Finally, when writing the lower horizontal yi 一-shaped stroke, Zhang Ji used a clearly dened triangular right end tapering to a point in the characters sheng 生, san 三, and nian 年 (Fig. 11Q8); yet when the same type of stroke is at a forty-ve degree angle it becomes tentative, softer, accid, more rounded, as in da 大 and wai 外 (Fig. 11Q9), zhi 之 and yi 以 (Fig. 11Q10), yin 隱 and hui 惠 (Fig. 11Q11), and zhi 執 and jian 見 (Fig. 11Q12). Based on these stylistic afnities and the content of Zhang Ji’s inscription, there seems little doubt that the Record and the colophon were both written by Zhang Ji. With the authenticity issue of the documents resolved, it is now possible to trace the history of the Liaoning version of White Lotus Society Picture from the late Northern to early Southern Song period. This painting must have been completed before 1109, and it was in Zhang Ji’s possession. No colophons or inscriptions seemed to have been attached until that year, when Yang Xingxian acquired Li Desu’s Record (possibly a transcribed version), which he loaned to Zhang Ji so Zhang could make another transcription. Zhang then mounted his own transcription of the Record with the painting. Instead of noting after the transcription that he had copied the text, Zhang wrote a detailed account in his rst inscription of how he came to know Li Desu’s Record. It was not until seven years later, in 1116, that Zhao Lingzhi wrote another colophon on the paper mounted after the scroll. Based on Zhang’s second inscription written in the winter of the same year, we know that the scroll had been in his possession the entire time.39 Finally he gave it to an otherwise unknown Zhao Yuanshu 趙元叔 later in the winter of that year. We do not know how long Zhao Yuanshu possessed this scroll, but by 1159, when Fan Dun wrote his rst inscription, only Zhang Ji’s transcription of Li Desu’s Record remained attached to it, and all other documentation had been removed. Fan Dun must have

39 This inscription reads: “是年冬,傳此本於趙元叔。投子山叟、張激書. In the winter of the same year [1116], I transmit this version to Zhao Yuanshu. Written by Zhang Ji, the old fellow of Mount Touzi.”



known about the missing pieces, however, so after he obtained Zhang Ji and Zhao Lingzhi’s writings two years later in 1161, he reunited them with the scroll. Zhang Ji never explicitly stated that he actually painted this painting, but instead used the terms hua qitu 畫其圖 (“painted that picture”) and chuan ciben 傳此本 (“transmit this version”) in his two inscriptions. Qitu in Zhang’s rst sentence of his rst inscription gives the misleading impression that he was referring to a different picture. Nonetheless, qitu and ciji 此記 (“this Record”) are used in parallel syntactic structure. As demonstrated above, the Record was originally composed by Li Desu and was transcribed by Zhang Ji. Therefore, qitu here must also imply an earlier version of White Lotus Society Picture by another painter which had been copied by Zhang Ji, and Zhang must have painted the painting prior to his transcription of the Record. In addition, toward the end of this inscription, Li Gonglin was mentioned in another sentence with Li Desu and Yang Xingxian. While the latter two gures can be tied directly to Li Desu’s Record, Zhang Ji’s reason for specically mentioning Li Gonglin here, I argue, was to indicate that Li was the originator of White Lotus Society Picture, i.e., his “qitu” refers to a Li Gonglin original. Accordingly, ciben (“this version”) in the second inscription must only mean a copied version of Li Gonglin’s original, and since both inscriptions were by Zhang Ji, qitu and ciben must refer to the same work, i.e., Zhang Ji’s copy. The question, then, is why did Zhang Ji consistently use such ambiguous terms if he himself painted the Liaoning handscroll? Two logical explanations can help us understand this situation. One is that Zhang Ji’s inscription was intended for either himself or his inner circle, who knew very well the missing contextual links. The second is that Zhang Ji regarded himself as merely the transmitter of his famous uncle Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture tradition. In this context, Zhang’s vague and indirect use of qitu and ciben is both appropriate and respectful of the picture’s creator. The same humble tone is evident throughout his inscriptions. In the latter part of the rst inscription where he wrote about copying Li Desu’s Record, he was only chuan 傳 (transmitting) it. Likewise, in the second inscription, Zhang Ji chuan ciben (“transmitted this version”) to Zhao Yuanshu. Chuan connotes Zhang’s sense of mission to promote his uncle’s White Lotus Society Picture. In other words, through chuanyi moxie 傳移模寫 (transmission by way of imitation) of Li Gonglin’s original pictorial design and chuanchao 傳抄 (transcribing) Li Desu’s Record, Zhang Ji sought to preserve and

three extant versions


transmit his uncle’s artistic and religious legacy for posterity. It is within this context, combined with all other textual and stylistic evidence in these calligraphic works, that I attribute the Liaoning version of White Lotus Society Picture to Zhang Ji. According to Zhang’s signatures with localized monikers to his inscriptions, his area of activity was centered around the Longmian Mountains.40 Wai-kam Ho convincingly argued that Zhang Ji and his brother Zhang Cheng 張澂 followed and studied with their uncle Li Gonglin during the master’s retirement years (1101–1106).41 Zhang Ji’s copy of White Lotus Society Picture therefore not only reects certain aspects of Li Gonglin’s approach toward gure painting during the last years of his life, but was also likely created under the direct supervision of the master himself. Finally, Zhang Ji’s humble attitude and his excellent painting skill further assures us that he had faithfully preserved both the iconographic and artistic integrity of his uncle’s White Lotus Society Picture. The Shanghai Handscroll Version Like the Nanjing hanging scroll version, the Shanghai handscroll version is mounted with a copy of Li Chongyuan’s Record of Lotus Society Picture that dates to 1081. While the Shanghai version does not preserve Li Gonglin’s 1081 composition as faithfully as the Nanjing version (see discussion below), it is nonetheless dated much closer to the master’s time. In this long handscroll (459.5 × 28. cm), gures are depicted with thin, even “iron-wire” ink outlines without color. The painter paid much attention to the structure and volume of rocks at the beginning, emphasizing their angular, linear qualities with semi-dry modulated brushstrokes, then painstakingly built surface texture with many layers of drier strokes on top of a layer of light ink wash to create solid, substantial forms (Figs. 12P, 12Q ). In contrast to the rugged rocks, water

40 Zhang Ji signed Touzi Zhang Ji 投子張激 (Zhang Ji of Touzi) on one inscription, and Touzishan sou 投子山叟 (the old fellow of Mount Touzi) on the other. Touzi refers to the general area about three miles southeast of the Longmian Mountains. Mount Touzi was especially important in the Caodong school of Chan Buddhism during Li Gonglin’s time, and Li himself was acquainted with some of the important monks there. See discussion in Chapter One. 41 Ho, “Danyan jushi Zhang Cheng kaolue, binglun ‘Mo Zhou Wenju Gongzhong tujuan’ ba hou zhi ‘Junsima yin’ ji chita weiyin,” pp. 38–39.



rushing beneath Tiger Stream Bridge is depicted with lighter, more uid strokes (Figs. 12E, 12F ). The painter shows an ability to capture the water’s force with concentrated, controlled spacing of lines, close together under the bridge, farther apart to show water rushing around rocks, curving gently before it breaks into curls of spray. Toward the end of the scroll, however, his brushwork becomes dull, predictable, indifferent. The last scene, Zhang Ye cooling his feet, for example, shows a cliff wall stify outlined with thickening and narrowing repetitive strokes and a layer of light wash. A large part of the left cliff is untouched, without texture or volume, while the waterfall is rendered with straight, monotonous, evenly spaced thin lines (Fig. 12O). Paralleling the decline in landscape quality, gures in the Shanghai version tend to be ner at the beginning than those appearing later in the scroll. Tao Yuanming, the key gure of this scroll, for instance, appears as a handsome, stubbornly uncompromised hermit (Fig. 12C), whereas Tanshun, who traverses with Zong Bing in the later portion of the scroll, does not even have an anatomically accurate facial structure, appearing comically deformed at best (Fig. 12M). The Shanghai version has not commanded as much scholarly attention, perhaps because published reproductions were too small or only included the less rened sections.42 According to its seventeenth-century owner Gao Shiqi 高士奇 (1645–1704), however, this scroll bears two Yuan-dynasty collector’s seals and a Chen Qixi 陳緝熙 (d. 1471) collector’s seal Congshu Tang wenji yin 叢書堂文籍印 (Seal of the Literary Collection of Congshu Hall).43 Chen Qixi was actually Chen Jian 42 This scroll has been published twice: Lidai renwuhua xuanji 歷代人物畫選集 (Figure Painting of the Dynasties) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1959), pl. 18; and more recently in Zhongguo gudai shuhua tulu 中國古代書畫圖錄 (Illustrated Catalogue of Selected Works of Ancient Chinese Painting and Calligraphy) (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1987), vol. 2, cat. no. 0–131. 43 Gao Shiqi 高士奇, Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu 江村書畫銷夏錄, vol. 3, p. 28a. While the Yuan-dynasty seals have not been identied due to surface erosion and tearing of the opening section of the painting, the latter is one of many Chen Qixi 陳緝熙 seals stamped on the Shanghai scroll and the transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record of Lotus Society Picture (originally attached to the painting but now mounted with another version of White Lotus Society Picture in the Freer Gallery of Art). Scholars generally agree that the Freer version is a work by the sixteenth-century painter You Qiu 尤求 (Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters: T ’ang, Sung, and Yüan, p. 116; and Thomas Lawton, personal communication). In addition to several authentic Chen Qixi seals on the transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record originally mounted with the Shanghai version, the Freer painting also bears many forged Chen Qixi seals at the opening section. This issue is too complex to be covered in this study. Note that the mounting of the Freer painting was fabricated based entirely on Gao Shiqi’s record, cited above.

three extant versions


陳鑑, a lesser-known Ming-dynasty collector who placed second in the 1448 jinshi examination, but whose ofcial career ended abruptly when he was beheaded, along with several others, in 1471.44 The terminus ante quem for the Shanghai version, therefore, must be that year. For a more precise date, I shall rely on stylistic comparisons. As mentioned previously, the Shanghai version painter emphasized linear qualities, and used gradations of semi-dry dragged ink lines to build up angular forms and surface texture of rocks (Fig. 12A), closely resembling the sloping hillocks and rocky outcroppings in Li Gonglin’s Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan of the Tang in the Palace Museum, Beijing.45 Similar techniques can be seen in Qiao Zhongchang’s 喬仲常 Later Red Cliff Ode in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art.46 Dry twigs above the tree foliage in both Pasturing Horses and the Shanghai version share the same curving “V” shape, protruding above the leafy branches and bifurcating in graceful arcs (Fig. 12A). Thinning and thickening rhythms of these spare branches, their curving angles and pointed tips, suggest that the Shanghai painter probably followed either an original or an excellent copy of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture in a style very close to Pasturing Horses.

I am grateful to Thomas Lawton for kindly providing me with photographs of the Freer version of White Lotus Society Picture. 44 Chen Qixi was a lesser-known collector of the Ming dynasty. In the renowned Ming-dynasty ofcial Peng Shi’s 彭時 Peng Wenxiangong biji 彭文憲公筆記, he mentioned that he received the jinshi degree the same year (1448) along with Chen Qixi. In the Ming Qing jinshi timing beilu suoyin 明清進士題名碑錄索引 (Index to the Record of Ming and Qing-dynasty Jinshi Grantees), however, no such name is listed. Among the ve grantees surnamed Chen for that year, Chen Jian is listed as the second to Peng Shi (Zhu Baojiong 朱保炯 and Xie Rulin 謝汝霖, eds., Ming Qing jinshi timing beilu suoyin [Shanghai: Guji chubanshe, 1980], vol. 3, p. 2449). A Chen Jian seal, Gusu Chen Jian jiacang qingwan 姑蘇陳鑑家藏清玩, is also used in both the Shanghai painting and Li Chongyuan's Record now mounted with the Freer version. Based on the relative position of the Chan Jian seal to other Chen Qixi seals, Chen Jian and Chen Qixi appear to be the same person. Coincidentally, two individuals named Chen Jian were recorded in the Ming shi 明史 (Ming History); the other was an envoy to Korea and no relation to the one in this study. For other examples of Chen Jian’s collector’s seals, see Gugong lidai fashu quanji 故宮歷代法書全集 (Taipei: Gugong bowuyuan, 1977), vol. 11, pp. 28–29. See also Ming shi, vol. 163, p. 4227. 45 For an illustration of Li Gonglin’s Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan of the Tang, see Chinese National Treasures of Painting and Calligraphy from the Jin, Tang, Song, and Yuan Dynasties. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2002, cat. no. 36 (particularly the tree on pp. 348–349). 46 For an illustration, see Fu Xinian 傅熹年, ed. Liang Song huihua: Zhongguo meishu quanji 兩宋繪畫/中國美術全集, vol. 3 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), plate 52–4, p. 141.



Other sections of the Shanghai version resemble different styles of known Song examples of Li Gonglin’s tradition. Where Zong Bing and Tanshun traverse, the painter used overly modulated ink outlines with dark points to indicate dense, jagged boulders and crevices (Fig. 12M ). The large rock below Tanshun resembles in technique and style the Taihu garden rock in the seventeenth chapter of Illustration of the Classic of Filial Piety attributed to Li Gonglin, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art;47 both are outlined with a modulated dark line, tallest points at the center, second-tallest points at the right, the left edges delineated in cascading, scalloped strokes. The trees surrounding a pelt-covered stone are outlined in sharp downward strokes, hooked to indicate knots or bumps in the bark, a technique also used to delineate trees in the seventh chapter of Illustration of the Classic of Filial Piety.48 In both paintings, spaces between the white, unpainted roots are done as dark semi-ovals, while foliage is visible only as horizontal bands of leaves perpendicular to the trunks. The shift in painting style from Pasturing Horses to Illustrations of the Classic of Filial Piety indicates that the Shanghai version painter was probably more familiar with the latter style, but was trying to imitate a painting in the former style. When he followed his model carefully, he was able to capture the essence of the original style of Li Gonglin’s 1081 version (see discussion below). For unknown reasons, he seems to have nished the painting in a rush, thereby revealing the style more familiar to him. In sum, the Shanghai version’s stylistic afnities with Li Gonglin’s work, and Song paintings in Li’s stylistic tradition, indicate that the Shanghai handscroll is most probably a Southern Song copy of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture. Pictorial Design of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture The two Records of Lotus Society Picture by Li Gonglin’s relatives and the versions of White Lotus Society Picture in the three Chinese museums show three stages of Li Gonglin’s depiction of the White Lotus Society. Li Desu’s Record describes one early version that was painted before Li

47 For an illustration, see Richart M. Barnhart, ed., Li Kung-lin’s ‘Classic of Filial Piety,’ pl. 14, p. 149. 48 For an illustration, see ibid., pl. 4, p. 107.

three extant versions


Gonglin left for the capital in 1079, and hence its iconography best exemplies the inuence of the Longmian Mountains Buddhist communities upon him. The second stage is represented by the 1081 version given to Li Chongyuan, which was completed within a month after the painter arrived in his new post in Nankangjun 南康軍, south of Mount Lu. The Liaoning handscroll version by Zhang Ji was completed very close to or even during Li Gonglin’s last years, and therefore represents his late approach to this subject. In over three decades of depicting the White Lotus Society, Li Gonglin could have modied his design when he experienced new revelations of the subject; the Records and images, however, show that his depictions followed a single iconographic design that he reworked in different formats and styles. This phenomenon is signicant because it demonstrates the consistency of the painter’s religious thought expressed therein. In this section I explain my theory of a single iconographic design in multiple depictions by rst reconstructing the format and composition of the 1081 version. The Nanjing hanging scroll and Shanghai handscroll both have a transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record mounted with the painting, among many other striking similarities; thus each purports to preserve the 1081 original given to Chongyuan. To demonstrate that the Nanjing version best preserves that particular composition, I shall compare these two paintings and check their pictorial elements against Chongyuan’s Record. Then I will compare the Nanjing scroll with Li Desu’s textual account of the earlier stage and the Zhang Ji handscroll, representing the later stage, to show Li Gonglin’s uniform iconographic design for his White Lotus Society Picture. The 1081 Version Given to Li Chongyuan: Format and Composition To investigate the original format and iconographic design of the 1081 White Lotus Society Picture, I shall rst compare the Shanghai and Nanjing paintings scene by scene. In the opening section of the Shanghai handscroll (Fig. 12), a diagonal waterway divides the land into a near and far shore, mirroring the bottom tier of the Nanjing painting (Fig. 10). Two large boulders frame the imminent encounter between Xie Lingyun on horseback and Tao Yuanming riding in his carrying basket. In both paintings, the gures are separated by a large pine that curves sedately to the right, with downward-pointing boughs and



dry branches, while behind Tao is a young, slender deciduous tree in front of an old, gnarled one encircled with vines (Figs. 10M, 12A). Xie Lingyun rides a “pacing” horse, its tail bound up in a knot (Figs. 10A, 12B). His owing sleeve has the same fold at the elbow in both paintings. Seen from the back, his servant boy with a double-bun hairstyle carries bundles of sÖtra fascicles in the same pose in both scrolls, though his head is turned away at a sharper angle in the Shanghai scroll. Another servant boy carries a curved-stem parasol, his eyes xed on it to ensure that his master is fully shaded; his pose and expression are the same in the two pictures. Tao Yuanming, in the two corresponding scenes, wears the same type of robe and rides in his woven basket slung over a pole shouldered by two porters (Figs. 10B, 12C). In each case the leading porter, squinting, with bazimei 八字眉 (“eyebrows resembling the character for ‘eight’ ”), holds the pole with both hands, while the rear porter holds the pole with only his right hand, his left swinging by his side. Behind the rear porter the young wine-carrier with a double-bun hairstyle holds over his right shoulder a long, crooked staff with a hulu 葫蘆 wine gourd tied to it. Farther along the upward-curving road is the third group of gures. Above Huiyuan and Lu Xiujing in the Nanjing version, the tree growing out of a cliff extends at the same location and angle as the corresponding tree growing out of a boulder in the Shanghai scroll (Figs. 10N, 12R). As in the rst two scenes, the relative positions and proportions of Huiyuan and Lu Xiujing in the two paintings are very close (Figs. 10C, 12D). Patterns and drapery folds on Huiyuan’s robe suggest that these two paintings could have derived from a single pictorial source. The lower edge of Huiyuan’s right sleeve falls in two large ripples with similar internal curvilinear folds. The back of his robe, each patch bordered with darker fabric, is in nearly the same conguration in both paintings, even down to the three pleats at the back hem and the point hanging in front from the bulk of fabric draped over his left arm. Lu Xiujing’s servant, retreating meekly to the right, holds his master’s long walking staff; his pose and hairstyle are consistent in both works. Behind Huiyuan in both paintings, the stocky, barefoot Snake Expeller holds a ku¸ÓikÊ in his right hand and a towel over his left arm, in identical poses.49

49 This gure, the Snake Catcher (identied by Li Desu as the Snake Expeller), is fully bearded in the Nanjing scroll, but has a wispy moustache, goatee and long sideburns in the Shanghai scroll.

three extant versions


Proceeding to the left in the Shanghai handscroll, one arrives at Tiger Stream (Figs. 12, 12E and 12F ). As in the Nanjing version, a pair of neatly trimmed triangular pines are “planted” on the far side of the bridge (Fig. 10). The bridge forms a shallow arch, supported by a carved structure over a small torrent in both paintings, with nials at the corners.50 After the bridge in the Shanghai handscroll, a cliff thrusts beyond the top edge and forms a natural screen, physically and symbolically preventing the outside world from peeking into Donglin Monastery (Figs. 12, 12G and 12H). The same cliff appears at the right edge of the hanging scroll, where it likewise serves as the backdrop for the MañjutrÒ altar. The diagonal multi-layered rocky outcropping and trees with clouds hovering above at the right edge of this scene in both paintings again demonstrate a remarkable afnity (Figs. 10, 12G). The group of three engaged in a Buddhist ritual is also quite similar (Figs. 10F, 12H), with parallels including Daobing’s gesture of interlocking ngers, the longhandled censer held by Tanchang, and the sÖtra held by Zhou Xuzhi. Zhou turns his face toward Daobing and Tanchang in an attitude of concentration, and in prole his nose, facial hair, and outline of his cap are close in style and design. Even the placement of the tail of Zhou’s feline pelt is identical in the two works (Figs. 10F, 12H). The MañjutrÒ platforms also have the same structure, with the top and bottom tiers extending beyond the middle tier on all sides.51 Both lions are captured in an energetic stride, “pacing” forward, leading with their right forepaws, their curled, “ame”-pattern tails oating out behind them. The two MañjutrÒ gures, seated cross-legged and turned in three-quarter poses to the viewer, are mounted on the lions’ backs on lotus thrones supported on the saddles by decorated tubes with enlarged ends.52 The plain circular haloes, bordered by stylized ame

50 Despite this similarity, the Nanjing painter added a low guardrail on either side of the bridge, while in the Shanghai version this feature was rendered as reinforcement border stones. Though the boulder in mid-stream, visible between the pines in the Nanjing version, is missing from the Shanghai version, these scenes in both paintings share many similarities. 51 Though they share the same structure, the Shanghai version’s is elaborately decorated with a lotus petal pattern on the bottom register, phoenix and oral designs in the middle, and pearl-like bosses at the top. The at surface is embellished with many painstakingly drawn amoeboid patterns, whereas the Nanjing version’s is plain. Differences in details in these corresponding scenes could have resulted from multiple copies that gradually lost, or augmented, the original design. 52 The metal tube supports are also seen in a late tenth-century woodblock print of MañjutrÒ mounted on a lion, conforming to a Northern Song pictorial, and possibly



motifs, and mandorlas below, are also nearly identical. Both deities grasp the handle of a ruyi 如意 scepter in their right hands resting on their right knees, and hold up the head of the ruyi with their left. The Nanjing MañjutrÒ wears triangular yunjian 雲肩 (“cloud shoulders”), and both deities’ sleeves are rufed. Continuing on to the left in the Shanghai scroll are the White Lotus Society’s two foreign members seated on rocks and conversing (Fig. 12I ). In both cases their physiognomies, hirsute bodies, and robes covering only their left shoulders convey their exotic origins. Their poses, ruyi scepters, and shortened monk’s staffs are identical in the two versions (Figs. 10D, E).53 Both paintings feature a lotus pond connected by narrow, winding channels to other water sources at the upper and lower left corners (Figs. 10, 12). Two stone stools covered with feline pelts are placed at the left side of the pond. A deer approaches to drink from the channel. Its delicate hoof posture, oviform body, and stiff tail are, again, identical (Figs. 10M, 12J). To the left in the Shanghai handscroll, behind two bamboo plants and a straight cliff wall (absent in the Nanjing version), is a group of servants brewing tea, resembling the corresponding gures of the Nanjing painting in pose, dress, hairstyle, activities they perform, and implements they hold (Figs. 10K, 12K ). The brewer uses chopsticks to stir the tea, the re-tender pokes at the ame, and the teacup-carrier holds a tray. In the Shanghai version, main and supporting gures around the sÖtra-translation table are arranged as in the Nanjing version (Figs. 10G, 12L), with parallels in their activities, implements they hold, and postures.54 However, two stone bridges are placed below the sÖtratranslating scene in the Shanghai version alone.

sculptural, convention. This print was discovered inside the wooden Udayana Buddha at SeiryÔji 清涼寺 in Japan. The image was brought back from Shengchan Monastery 聖禪寺 outside the Xihua Gate 西華門 in the Northern Song capital Bianjing by the monk ChÔnen 奝然 in 987. 53 Their robe patterns differ: in the Shanghai version they are mostly plain, with a dragon-like animal on the lower part of Buddhayatas’s garment instead of the typical square patchwork robe worn by the monks in the Nanjing version. 54 The boy attendant squatting down to draw water from a canal at the lower right appears in the Nanjing version at the far left, below Zhang Ye.

three extant versions


Beyond these bridges in the Shanghai version is yet another steep rocky cliff covered by a thick band of cloud (Fig. 12). Behind it, a vertical boulder abruptly turns downward at a forty-ve degree angle. To its left is another pile of jagged cubical rocks, topped by a grove of ve trees and a stone meditation stool in the clearing. Emerging from this rocky terrain are the two travelers returning to the Society (Fig. 12M). While Zong Bing climbs upward, his body half visible through a cavern, Tanshun descends from the slope. Zong carries a staff in his right hand and holds up his robe hem with his left to facilitate walking. Tanshun also carries a staff in his right hand, but his left swings freely as he walks. Again, the corresponding landscape settings, gures, and their draperies in the Nanjing version are identical (Fig. 10J). To the left is the penultimate gure scene of Daosheng preaching in a cavern, surrounded by Lei Cizong, Daojing, Tanshen, a disciple reverently holding a sÖtra fascicle, and a boy servant scratching his head quizzically (Fig. 12N). Once more, their relative positions, faces, gestures, poses, and drapery folds, are very similar in both paintings, even down to the number of patches on Daojing’s robe, the direction of the tail of Lei Cizong’s pelt, and the small stand supporting a censer to Daosheng’s left (Fig. 10I ). In the nal section of the Shanghai painting, at the deep pool, the portly Zhang Ye gazes leisurely at a waterfall, legs crossed at the ankles, toetips touching the water, attended by a boy holding a towel, identical with the corresponding scene in the Nanjing version (Figs. 10H, 12O). Even his pelt is drawn with the same shape in both paintings (though spotted in the Shanghai and striped in the Nanjing version), with a long tapering tail extending away from the river. It is understandable that for Li Gonglin to express a unied interpretation of his subject, he needed to use the same gure groupings, the same number of scenes, and the same activities. The Liaoning version is a case in point. These remarkable similarities between the Shanghai and Nanjing versions of White Lotus Society Picture, however, raise questions concerning the relationship of these two copies. From a creative standpoint, it is unlikely that a painter of Li Gonglin’s caliber would simply repeat the same environmental congurations, depiction and placement of gures, motifs, and even drapery patterns to the point of triteness, compromising his artistic integrity. A creator with ideas in mind does not simply copy his own work but is capable of capturing the same iconographic meaning in different compositions. In other words, it is improbable that these two paintings were based on



different models. The many identical parts in the two versions suggest that, though they were painted several hundred years apart and their formats differ, they must have come from a single pictorial source. Original Format and Composition of Li Gonglin’s 1081 White Lotus Society Picture Compositional and textual evidence indicate that the 1081 version was a hanging scroll. I shall explain how the Shanghai version was derived from a composition very likely identical to the Nanjing version. Through a comparison with Li Chongyuan’s Record, I will then assess how the Nanjing version preserved Li Gonglin’s original design. Many pictorial ambiguities exist in the Shanghai composition. First, in the opening section, it would have been more logical to switch Xie Lingyun and Tao Yuanming’s positions and depict the landscape in a more linear, instead of curvilinear, fashion so that not only the motion of Tao’s departure and Xie’s arrival at the Society could be better indicated, but also the progression of the story would coincide with the direction Chinese handscrolls are unrolled, such as in the opening section of Qiao Zhongchang’s 喬仲常 (act. rst half of twelfth c.) Later Red Cliff Ode where the land is separated by a diagonal waterway, connected by a bridge, but the gure of Su Shi 蘇軾 (1036–1101) walks to the left with his companions.55 The Shanghai painter seems to have adopted the scene directly from a vertical format identical to the Nanjing painting whose composition reads from the bottom up in a cuvilinear sequence, and compels the viewer to proceed in a reversed, circuitous, awkward route. Secondly, the Shanghai version painter depicted boulders or cliffs cropped by the upper edge of the paper in four places. Though the rocks are a spatial device typical in handscroll formats, the depictions of these rock formations are either inconsistent with the rest of the scroll or contradict Li Chongyuan’s description. The rst case is the large boulder behind Lu Xiujing (Fig. 12) that does not match Li Chongyuan’s description of a “cliff.” In the second case, the rock formation to the left of Tiger Stream Bridge, the left side is depicted with many varied, detailed, dened forms, whereas the forms on the right side are abbreviated (Fig. 12). The straight cliff wall to the

55 For an illustration, see Fu Xinian 傅熹年, ed. Liang Song huihua: Zhongguo meishu quanji 兩宋繪畫/中國美術全集, vol. 3 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), plate 52–1, p. 138.

three extant versions


right of the tea-brewing scene, the third case, differs dramatically in both style and type from rock formations in the rest of the scroll (Fig. 12) The Nanjing version does not include—and Li Chongyuan’s Record does not mention—bamboo. In the fourth case, below Zong Bing and Tanshun, a huge boulder slopes at a forty-ve degree angle from upper right to lower left (Fig. 12), yet the right side of this boulder extends straight up into a band of clouds, without a physical transition between these two adjacent parts. This sudden and unnatural formation indicates that the painter likely did not have proper knowledge of nature, a point that prompts us to question whether this could have been Li Gonglin’s original design.56 Coincidentally, three of these sections correspond to the right edge of the Nanjing version (behind Lu Xiujing, MañjutrÒ’s altar, and the Zong Bing and Tanshun traveling scene) and the forth being the scene of three boy servants brewing tea. It seems that in the process of transforming a hanging scroll to a handscroll, the Shanghai version painter removed the tea-brewing scene from its original location behind the MañjutrÒ altar and added a simple straight cliff and bamboo as a divider, whereas in all three other cases where there is neither a top nor a right side, the painter had to create his own pictorial elements to t the new format, which resulted in these stylistic and elemental incongruities. The Southern Song author Lou Yao’s 樓鑰 (1137–1213) account strengthens evidence that the 1081 version was a hanging scroll. In his colophon for a handscroll version of White Lotus Society Picture in Zhu Shuzhi’s 朱叔止 (ofcial of the Qingyuan 慶元 1195–1200 and Jiatai 嘉泰 1201–04 eras) collection, Lou noted: 余得『蓮社圖』,高三尺、橫二尺,筆力精勁,五采煥發、妙絕一 世,龍眠真筆也。此為橫軸,大略相似,時有不同。元中之記云: 『童子蹲而汲水者一人』,而有二。書『猿一獐一』,而猿亦有二; 則鹿也。元中書甚工,既非其親書,疑別為一圖作記。余所藏童子 汲水及猿皆一,而獐亦鹿也。龍眠為此圖妙意非一。自知愛重,或 縱或橫,意必有數本,恨未能盡見也。此卷謝康樂不為長鬣,捕蛇 翁亦欠樸惷之狀,必有能辨之者。57

56 Li Gonglin was not only a very skillful painter with great sensitivity toward his environment, but also an ardent nature-goer who could not live without it even for one day (Xuanhe huapu, vol. 7, p. 75). Li Gonglin’s Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan of the Tang in the Palace Museum, Beijing, is a good example of his naturalistic depiction. 57 Lou Yao, Gongkuei ji 攻瑰集 (SKQS edition, vol. 1153), juan 72, pp. 19b–20a.


appendix I obtained [a version of] Lotus Society Picture, which is three [Chinese] feet high, and two [Chinese] feet wide. The brushwork is rened and strong, while the colors are brilliant; it is second-to-none in the world, and it belongs to Longmian’s true brush. This version [owned by Zhu Shuzhi] is a handscroll. Overall they are similar, but there are areas which differ. Yuanzhong’s Record states: 『There is one boy attendant who squats down to draw water』, but [in Zhu’s handscroll] there are two. [Yuanzhong] wrote:『One gibbon and one zhang [Lat. Moschus chinloo].』 However, there are also two gibbons [in Zhu’s version]. A zhang is [equivalent to] a deer.58 Yuanzhong’s calligraphy is exquisite. This is not from his original hand, and I suspect that the Record was written for a different [version of the] painting. The [Lotus Society Picture] in my collection contains one boy attendant drawing water, and one gibbon. The zhang [in my version] is also [portrayed] as a deer. Longmian had various ingenious ideas when creating this picture. He loved it so much that I think he must have [ painted] several versions of hanging scrolls and handscrolls. It is a pity that I have not been able to view them all. In this version [belonging to Zhu Shuzhi], Xie Kangle does not have long whiskers, nor does the Snake Catcher bear the expression of modesty. There must be people who can discern these [differences].

Based on his study of White Lotus Society Picture in his collection and his reading of Li Chongyuan’s Record, Lou implied that the Record was written for a painting similar to the hanging scroll he owned. Lou’s version was colored and measured three by two Chinese feet, very close in size and proportion to the Nanjing version and seven other late-Ming and early-Qing versions listed in Chart One of this appendix, suggesting that his hanging scroll or similar ones had been used as the prototype of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture for Ming and Qing artists to copy. Lou’s observations on the similarities between his version and the Record were mainly drawn from the same numbers and types of animals appearing in both the document and the picture. This evidence, while important, is insufcient to prove that Li Gonglin’s 1081 version was a hanging scroll. To support Lou’s observation, I turn to Li Chongyuan’s description of the landscape setting in the 1081 White Lotus Society Picture:

58 For information about this animal, see Zhongwen daicidian 中文大辭典 (Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Chinese Language) (Taipei: Chinese Culture University, 1973), pp. 16937–38.

three extant versions


此圖初為石路與清流激湍,縈帶曲折。踰石橋,溪迴路轉,石巖一; 又繚而上,石巖一。二巖之間有方石池,種白蓮花。巖之傍有石梯, 度山迤邐而去,不知所窮。當圖窮處,橫為長雲,蔽覆樹腰、巖頂, 其高、深、遠、近,蓋莫得而見也。傍石池有高崖懸泉,下瀦為潭, 支流貫池。下注大溪,激石而湍浪者虎溪也。59 This painting begins with a stone path, which curves and winds along the pure torrential [Tiger] Stream. Across the stone [Tiger Stream] Bridge, the stream winds and the road turns [toward] a cavern. The road winds further upward [toward] another cavern. Between these two caverns is a square stone pond, planted with white lotus owers. By the caverns are stone steps meandering up into the mountain, seemingly not knowing where [the path] will end. Where the picture stops, clouds oat horizontally and become elongated, blocking tree girths and tops of caverns, so the height, depth, and far and near distance cannot be easily discerned. Next to the pond is a steep cliff, where a tumbling waterfall cascades down to form a deep pool. The pool’s tributary [guides water] to ll the [lotus] pond and continues pouring downward into the larger Tiger Stream, where torrential rapids strike boulders.

Three points discerned from Li Chongyuan’s Record support Lou Yao’s observation. First, when using directional terms, Li Chongyuan preferred the characters shang 上 (“ascend”) and xia 下 (“descend”). The viewer may follow these directional terms after passing Tiger Stream Bridge and turning toward a cavern. Li Chongyuan guides us to “ascend” toward another cavern. When the water ows from the lotus pond into Tiger Stream, he used xia (descend) to indicate that the stream is located below the pond in the picture.60 Had the original format been a handscroll, we would have expected to proceed to the left, following the direction a Chinese handscroll is unrolled. Elsewhere in the Record, Li Chongyuan indicated that the sÖtra translation scene was located “above” the lotus pond, a characteristic to which only the Nanjing version corresponds.61 Second, according to Li Chongyuan’s description, the pond was the geographical center of the painting:

59 Gao Shiqi 高士奇, Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu 江村書畫銷夏錄 (Baoyi tang reprint, date unknown), juan 3, pp. 28b–29a. 60 The term xiazhu 下注 is generally used to describe the way water pours from a higher to a lower location, and less to indicate relative positions. Taken collectively with other passages in this Record, however, the term indicates the position of the lotus pond in relation to Tiger Stream. 61 See below for discussion of this passage from Li Chongyuan’s Record. In the Shanghai handscroll the same scene is to the left of the lotus pond.



“Between these two caverns is a square stone pond.” Since we know that one cavern was higher than the other, they must have been depicted above and to one side of the pond. Chongyuan wrote, “next to the pond is a steep cliff, where a tumbling waterfall cascades down to form a deep pool.” This scene should occupy the third side of the lotus pond, where water from the “deep pool” would ow through the lotus pond, then into Tiger Stream below at the side nearest the viewer. Not surprisingly, in the Nanjing version these four scenes occur at the four sides of the pond and correspond to the sequence Li Chongyuan described in his Record. Matching this description with the Shanghai version, however, is simply impossible. Not only are the four scenes far from the Shanghai version’s lotus pond, but their relative positions are lateral, not vertical. Furthermore, none of the connections between the lotus pond and other water sources mentioned by Li Chongyuan can be identied in the Shanghai version. The ditch providing water to the pond comes from an unspecied source to the right of the tea-brewing scene, instead of from the large waterfall at the end of the Shanghai scroll, as described by Chongyuan (Fig. 12). He distinctly pointed out that water drained from the lotus pond into “the larger Tiger Stream, where torrential rapids strike boulders.” But in the Shanghai version, that scene is placed three scenes away from where the Record indicated, below Tiger Stream Bridge (Fig. 12). Finally, in the third line of his description, Chongyuan wrote “where the picture stops.” A composition will only “stop” at the end of a handscroll, whereas the top and bottom edges of a hanging scroll are always visible, allowing one to explore to the upper limit of a picture, then wander down again. This leads us to the last point, the circulating energy seen in the Nanjing version (Fig. 10) which corresponds precisely to the ow in Chongyuan’s description: following Xie Lingyun and entering the picture from the lower left corner, meandering upward, encountering two caverns, reaching the top border covered by a thick band of cloud, then following the ow of the waterfall descending to the middle section, connecting to the lotus pond which drains into Tiger Stream, then leaving the picture from where we entered. In sum, though the Shanghai handscroll is mounted with a transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record, it does not always bear a direct relationship with the document. The Nanjing hanging scroll, on the other hand, corresponds best both with the types and numbers of animals mentioned in Lou Yao’s colophon and with the environmental

three extant versions


settings outlined in Li Chongyuan’s Record, leading me to conclude that the latter is closest to Li Gonglin’s 1081 picture.62 Pictorial Design of the 1081 Version To show how closely the Nanjing version has preserved Li Gonglin’s 1081 design, I shall compare the nine scenes in the Nanjing painting with Li Chongyuan’s descriptions of the scroll. In the passage cited above describing the overall environmental setting, Chongyuan emulated the Northern Song painters who created a circulating ow of energy and motion in their landscape, and guided the viewers around the picture, beginning and ending in the lower left corner.63 But when describing the activities of each individual scene he began from the top: 1) 巖之外遊行而來者二人,一人登嶺出半身者、宗炳也。一人躡石 磴而下者、曇順也。 Two people travel from outside a cavern toward [the Society]. The one climbing up the peak, half his body visible, is Zong Bing, whereas the one descending from stone steps is Tanshun (Fig. 10J).

In the Nanjing painting this scene appears in the upper right corner. The bearded man with a black cap is clearly Zong Bing, while Tanshun, whose name has been written above him as “Tanheng 曇恆,” walks in front with a staff (Fig. 10J).64 2) 巖中為經筵會講者六人,一人踞床憑几揮麈尾而講說者、道生 也。一人持羽扇,目注懸猿而意在深聽者、雷次宗也。一人合掌坐 於床下者、道敬也。一人相向而坐者,曇詵也。一人持經卷,跪聽 於其後。童子一,舒足搔首,有倦聽之意。 In the cavern six people congregate for the exposition [of a sÖtra].65 The one occupying a [raised] bed, leaning on an armrest, wielding his zhuwei while preaching, is Daosheng. Lei Cizong holds a feather fan while


Lou Yao specied one gibbon, one deer-like zhang, and one boy attendant squatting down to draw water. The Nanjing version matches this description exactly. 63 One can compare the movement in this painting with that in the Northern Song hanging scroll Solitary Temple amid Clearing Peaks in the Li Cheng style, preserved in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City. 64 Trying to match Li Chongyuan’s description of the sequence is futile; this scene, for instance, is third from the last in the Shanghai painting, and there is no sequential relationship between Chongyuan’s text and the painting. 65 The term jingyan 經筵 refers to a place for expounding the Confucian classics by ofcial interpreters. Chongyuan’s use of this term here indicates the authority of Daosheng’s interpretation of a certain sÖtra.


appendix [turning his head to] gaze at a gibbon hanging [on a tree], and listens carefully [to Daosheng’s sermon]. The person, palms pressed together [in reverence], sitting below the bed, is Daojing. Tanshen sits facing him, and another person kneels [and] listens [to the sermon] behind him while holding a sÖtra fascicle. An attendant boy stretches his leg and scratches his head as if he is already tired of listening (Fig. 10I ).

Each gure’s relative position and posture in the Nanjing painting corresponds to Li Chongyuan’s description. Daojing’s hand gesture happens to be on a damaged part of the silk and cannot be discerned, whereas the same gure in the Shanghai version is clearly placing his hands together in prayer (Fig. 12N ). Given the close relationship between these two compositions, Daojing in the Nanjing version is probably making the same gesture. 3) 蓮池之上,環石臺坐而箋經校義者五人,石上列香爐、筆、 研(硯)之具。一人憑石而坐者、劉程之也。一人手開經軸倚石而 回視者、張詮也。一人正坐,俯而閱經者、惠叡也。一人回坐,拱 手傍視而沉思者、惠持也。一人持如意而指經者,惠永也。一人捧 經笈,與童子持如意立其後。又童子跪而司火,持鋏向爐而吹。一 人俯爐而方烹。捧茶盤而立者一人,傍有石置茶器。 Above the lotus pond, ve people sit around a stone platform to write commentaries and collate a sÖtra.66 On the stone are a censer, a brush, and an inkstone. The one seated, leaning on the stone, is Liu Chengzhi. Zhang Quan unrolls a sÖtra fascicle while leaning on the stone and turning to look back. Huirui sits straight and lowers his head to read a sÖtra. Huichi folds his hands in an arch and sits facing away [from the platform] in contemplation. Huiyong uses a ruyi [scepter] to point at the sÖtra. A man holding sÖtra fascicles and the other boy attendant with a ruyi stand behind them. Another boy attendant kneels down, controls the ame with tongs, and blows into the brazier. Another boy attendant looks down at the top of the stove and brews [tea]. One person holds a tea tray and stands [nearby]. Next [to them] are some tea utensils placed on a rock (Figs. 10G, 10K ).

This scene above the lotus pond is further important evidence that the 1081 version was a hanging scroll. Starting from the lower right of the stone table and proceeding counter-clockwise, we see that gures described in the text correspond not only to their sequence of appearance but also to their activities and postures in the Nanjing painting.

66 Chongyuan described this scene slightly differently from Desu, who termed it a sÖtra-translation scene.

three extant versions


4) 又一巖,中有文殊金像,環坐其下為佛事者三人;一執爐跪而 歌唄者、曇常也。一人坐而擎拳者、道昺也。一人執經卷而坐者, 周續之也。 Another cavern houses a golden MañjutrÒ image. Below and surrounding the image are three people performing a Buddhist ritual. Tanchang kneels down, holds a censer, and chants a [Sanskrit-style] hymn. The one who sits and forms mudrÊs is Daobing, and the one seated holding a sÖtra fascicle is Zhou Xuzhi (Fig. 10F ).67

In the painting the central gure, Tanchang, whose name is written as “Daobing 道昺,” holds a censer and raises his head to look up at the MañjutrÒ image while he chants. To his left is Daobing whose name is written as “Tanshun 曇順.” He folds his hands in a mudrÊ of interlocking ngers. Zhou Xuzhi, seated to Tanchang’s right, holds a sÖtra fascicle in front of his chest. 5) 臨溪偶坐者二人、皆梵僧。一人袒肩持短錫、[佛馱] 跋陀羅也。 一人舉如意據膝而坐者、[佛陀] 耶舍也。童子一,卷 [捲] 髮胡面, 持羽扇立其後。 The two sitting facing each other by the stream are foreign monks. The one whose shoulder is exposed and who holds a short monk’s staff is [Buddha]bhadra, whereas the one holding a ruyi with his [other] hand on his knee is [Buddha]yatas. An attendant boy with curly hair and a foreign face holds a feather fan and stands behind them (Figs. 10, 10D and 10E ).

The foreign attendant in the Nanjing scroll is, unfortunately, on another damaged part of the painting. The two main gures’ postures and implements, however, match Li Chongyuan’s textual account. 6) 一人露頂坦腹,仰觀懸泉,坐而濯足者,張野也。童子持巾立其 側。又蹲而汲者一人。 Zhang Ye’s head and belly are exposed, he raises [his head] to gaze at a waterfall, and sits to wash his feet. A boy attendant holds a towel and waits at his side. Another boy squats down to draw water [from the canal] (Fig. 10H ).

In the painting, Zhang Ye’s cap is tossed behind him on the ground. He sits on a pelt, gazing at the direction of the waterfall, while his

67 The term qingquan 擎拳 (to form mudrÊ[s]) can be interpreted as singular or plural. In the Song, there were numerous records documenting the formation of mudrÊs in Pure Land practice, particularly among the Tiantai school. This may present a case of Tiantai appropriation of Tantric practice.



feet are crossed at the ankles, toetips touching the water. His attendant holds a towel and waits behind; below, the squatting attendant scoops water from the canal. After this scene, the viewer passes Tiger Stream Bridge and leaves the boundary of Donglin Monastery: 7) 石橋之傍,峭壁崛起。前有僧與道士相捉而笑者,遠公送陸道 士過虎溪也。一人貌怪雄視,捉巾、瓶而立者、捕蛇翁也。童子負 杖卻立而待一人。 Next to the stone bridge, the precipitous cliff rises up. In front of it are a Buddhist monk and a Daoist priest clasping each other’s hands and laughing. [It depicts the story of ] Master Yuan seeing off Daoist Lu and crossing over Tiger Stream [Bridge]. A person with strange features and an imposing look, holding a towel and a [ku¸ÓikÊ] bottle, standing by, is the Snake Catcher. A boy attendant carrying a staff is waiting [for his master Lu Xiujing] (Fig. 10 and 10C ).

This scene is framed by a cliff behind Lu Xiujing and Tiger Stream Bridge behind Huiyuan. The sentiment of a prolonged departure is implied by the two men clasping each other’s hands and by Lu’s attendant, who looks back, perhaps wondering what has taken his master so long. The Snake Catcher, standing behind Huiyuan, is apparently the master’s assistant. 8) 乘籃輿者、淵明之迴去也。淵明有足疾,嘗以竹籃為輿,其子與 門生肩之。前者若欲憩而不得,後者若甘負而忘倦,蓋門人與其子 也。童子負酒觚從之。 Sitting in the basket is [Tao] Yuanming, who turns away [from entering the Society]. Yuanming had a foot illness [so] he relied on a bamboo basket as a means of transportation. His son and a pupil carried [it] on their shoulders. The one in front looks as if he wanted to rest but did not have a chance, while the one in back looks as if he enjoyed carrying [Tao Yuanming] so much that he forgot his fatigue. They are his pupil and son. A boy attendant carrying a wine gourd follows them (Fig. 10B).

In the painting Tao Yuanming, with a demeanor of lofty steadfastness, rides in his woven basket tied to a pole shouldered by two porters. The leading porter supports the pole with both hands and his right shoulder, while his back is slightly hunched, implying fatigue. The rear porter also uses his right shoulder to support the pole, but only his left hand to hold it in place, while he steps forward energetically and swings his right arm. Behind the rear porter is the third attendant who carries Tao’s wine gourd. 9) 一人持貝葉騎而方來者、謝靈運也。傍一人持曲笠。童子負笈前 騎而行。

three extant versions


The person who just arrived is Xie Lingyun on horseback, holding a palm leaf [of a Sanskrit sÖtra]. Nearby is a servant holding a curvedstem parasol, while a boy attendant carrying bundles [of sÖtra fascicles] walks in front of the horse (Fig. 10A).

The placement of Xie Lingyun in the lower left corner, the starting point of the Nanjing hanging scroll, matches Li Chongyuan’s description of Xie’s arrival. The servant behind him holds a parasol which curves at the upper portion of the stem before it spreads out to support the fabric cover. Another attendant walks in front of Xie’s horse and carries his master’s sÖtras in bundles. The above comparisons between Li Chongyuan’s Record and the Nanjing hanging scroll show that they correspond not only in their environmental settings but also in the minute details of gures’ activities, postures, and even the things they hold. With such a remarkable match, despite a nearly six-hundred-year time lapse between Li Chongyuan’s Record and the execution of the Nanjing version in the late Ming or early Qing, one may suspect that the painter could have recreated Li Gonglin’s original composition based on the Record. While this assumption is not impossible, in the case of the Nanjing version it is highly unlikely. Though pictorially it matches Li Chongyuan’s description in minute detail, three gures were misidentied, which presumably would not have happened if the artist had used the text as his guide. Li Chongyuan wrote that Zong Bing travels with Tanshun in the rst scene, though the golden characters read “Tanheng,” and that the main performer in the Buddhist ritual scene was Tanchang, yet Daobing’s name is written next to him, whereas, Daobing, who according to Li Chongyuan was forming mudrÊs, was misidentied as “Tanshun.” “Tanheng” and “Tanchang” actually refer to the same person, but since the character heng 恆 was also the given name of the Northern Song Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (r. 998–1023), for reasons of reverence and to comply with the law against appropriating an imperial name, it was usually substituted with chang 常, having roughly the same meaning, “perseverance.”68 This is the case for all written versions of Tanheng’s name dated to the Song period and many later copies (including the transcription mounted with the Nanjing version).69 Had the Nanjing

68 Chen Yuan 陳垣, Shiwei juli 史諱舉例, in Chen Yuan, Ligeng shuwu congke 勵耕書 屋叢刻 (Beiping [Beijing]: Furen University, 1937), han 2, vol. 9, pp. 9a, b. 69 See the Zhao Lingzhi colophon and Zhang Ji’s transcription of Li Desu’s Record, both mounted with the Liaoning version of White Lotus Society Picture.



version painter recreated White Lotus Society Picture based on the transcription of Li Chongyuan’s Record mounted above it, we would expect him to have followed closely all details therein because the painter deliberately emulated a Song work in every material element of this painting. It is thus more likely that the Nanjing version was modeled on a later, close copy of Li Gonglin’s 1081 composition, on which the mislocating of names and altering of Tanheng’s name had already been made. When the painting was completed, the painter or the mounter simply followed convention and mounted a version of Li Chongyuan’s Record above it without regard to inconsistencies. Discrepancies in the identication of gures aside, the Nanjing hanging scroll preserves the original format, composition and gure arrangement of Li Gonglin’s 1081 painting as documented in Li Chongyuan’s Record. Further corroboration of my theory of a single iconographic design for Li’s White Lotus Society Picture will rely on comparisons of the Nanjing version with the early and late stages of depiction. Pictorial Arrangement of Li Gonglin’s White Lotus Society Picture Prior to 1081 as Recorded by Li Desu According to Li Desu, in an early version of the picture, Li Gonglin arranged the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society and the so-called three non-members Xie Lingyun, Tao Yuanming, and Lu Xiujing in nine groups. The Nanjing scroll matches the description in Li Desu’s text thematically and sequentially: (1) 挈經乘馬以入者,謝康樂、靈運也。70 The man entering on horseback holding a sÖtra is Xie Kangle, Lingyun (Figs. 10 and 10A).

Xie Lingyun rides his horse from the lower left corner of the picture plane into the painting, the reins in his right hand, respectfully holding up a sÖtra with his left. (2) 藍輿而出,隨以酒者,陶淵明也。 The man coming out [from the Society] in a basket followed by [an attendant carrying] wine is Tao Yuanming (Figs. 10 and 10B).

70 For Li Desu’s entire text, see Zhang Ji’s transcription. Passages quoted hereafter are excerpted from this version. Though there are also many similarities between the Shanghai handscroll and Li Desu’s Record, the scene sequence differs considerably.

three extant versions


The painting shows Tao riding in a basket carried by two porters; another servant carries a hulu wine gourd suspended from a stick. (3) 捉手相遇而笑談者,社主法師惠遠與簡寂先生陸修靜也。 Clasping each other’s hands upon meeting and engaging in laughing conversation are the head of the Society, Master Huiyuan, and Mr. Jianji, Lu Xiujing (Figs. 10 and 10C).

To the left, the tonsured monk Huiyuan is depicted larger to show his dominance over the Daoist Lu Xiujing, who looks up at him and listens attentively. Accompanied by their attendants, these two gures stand next to Tiger Stream Bridge, beyond which the activities of the remaining seventeen members take place: (4) 坐石而相對者,罽賓佛馱耶舍尊者與佛馱跋(陀)羅尊者也。71 Sitting on rocks facing each other are the venerable Kashmiri monks Buddhayatas and Buddhabhadra (Figs. 10 and 10D, E ).

This scene depicts the only foreign members of the White Lotus Society. Gold calligraphy identies the red-robed gure as Buddhabhadra and the blue-robed one as Buddhayatas. A low earthen platform bordered by stacked oval rocks provides the background, while a huge rocky outcropping extends from right to left, forming a natural canopy. The fth scene described in the text takes place on this platform: (5) 設獅子金像而讚佛事者,雁門周續之、道祖,與法師曇常、法 師道昺也。 Those who set up a golden lion image and laud it in a Buddhist ritual are Zhou Xuzhi of Yanmen, Daozu, and Buddhist Masters Tanchang and Daobing (Figs. 10 and 10F ).

The “golden lion image” refers to the MañjutrÒ statue mounted on a lion, placed at the center of the earthen platform. Daobing holds a long-handled censer in his right hand; his left hand is hidden from view. To his left is Tanchang, folding his hands in a mudrÊ with interlocking ngers. Facing him is Zhou Xuzhi wearing a black cap, respectfully holding a sÖtra fascicle with both hands in front of his chest. (6) 圍坐於石臺而翻經者,彭城劉遺民、仲思;南洋張望 [詮]、季 碩;西林釋覺寂大師惠永與法師惠持、惠睿[叡]也。72

The Zhang Ji transcription omitted the character tuo 陀. In Zhang Quan’s name, the character quan 詮 is miswritten as wang 望 in Zhang Ji’s transcription. The correct character should be written rui 叡, not rui 睿. 71 72


appendix Sitting around a stone platform and translating a Buddhist sÖtra are Liu Yimin, Zhongsi, of Pengcheng, Zhang Wang [Quan], Jishuo, of Nanyang, Huiyong, the Great Master Jueji of Xilin [Monastery], and Buddhist Masters Huichi and Huirui (Figs. 10 and 10G).

In the scroll these ve gures are seated in a semicircle around the stone table. Huirui, the central gure, is seated at the far end of the table facing the viewer. To the immediate right are Zhang Quan and Liu Yimin. To the left is Huiyong seated in front of Huichi. Huichi looks away from the group and draws the viewer’s eye to the seventh scene described in the text: (7) 觀流瀑而浣足者,南洋張墅 [野] 萊民也。 [The one] gazing at a waterfall while washing his feet is Zhang Shu [Ye], Laimin, of Nanyang (Figs. 10 and 10H).73

Unencumbered by social constraints, Zhang Ye relaxes in front of a deep pool, cooling his feet, gazing at a waterfall on the other shore, appreciating the sights and sounds of nature. (8) 踞胡床而憑几者,東林普濟大師竺道生也。坐獸皮而執白羽者, 豫章雷次宗、仲倫也。展法具而趺坐者,法師曇詵與法師道敬也。 Occupying a raised bed, leaning on an armrest, is Daosheng, the Master Puji of Donglin Monastery. Sitting on an animal pelt and holding a white feather [fan] is Lei Cizong, Zhonglun, of Yuzhang. Rolling out their niÉÒdana [cloth] and sitting cross-legged [on it] are the Buddhist Masters Tanshen and Daojing (Figs. 10 and 10I).

Daosheng, the monk in red, is on the raised platform in the center of this group. Facing him is Lei Cizong, gazing at a gibbon hanging on a branch behind him. (9) 策杖而行於山徑間者,法師曇順與南洋宗炳、少文也. The two carrying staffs and traveling on a mountain path are Buddhist Master Tanshun and Zong Bing, Shaowen, of Nanyang (Figs. 10 and 10J).

In the painting Tanshun and Zong Bing both use crooked walking staffs to cross the cavernous terrain. The smiling Tanshun leads the way, wearing monk’s robes with his robe suspended from a strap over one shoulder and hanging below his chest, while Zong Bing, lifting the


The character ye 野 is written as shu 墅 in Zhang Ji’s transcription.

three extant versions


hem of his scholar’s robe, solemnly emerges from a path deeper and higher in the rocks. After describing these nine scenes, Li Desu noted that in this early version his brother also included: 驅蛇行者、執經俗士與童行佛奴凡十七人。 A Snake Expeller, commoners holding sÖtras, attendants and Buddhist slaves, seventeen in all.

Though Desu did not elaborate on where or how these secondary gures were arranged in the picture, some of them can actually be identied in the Nanjing painting, and the number seventeen matches those appearing in the Nanjing scroll.74 In short, while there is no way to prove denitively that this early depiction described by Desu is fully identical to the Nanjing composition, the similarities in sequence of scenes and gure groupings indicate that Li Gonglin used virtually the same iconographic design for White Lotus Society Picture on at least two occasions separated by a number of years. Li Gonglin’s Late Depictions of the White Lotus Society as Revealed in the Zhang Ji Handscroll In two colophons attached to the Liaoning handscroll, Zhang Ji stated that he regarded himself as merely a transmitter of his uncle’s legacy. His consistently humble tone suggests that he did his best to preserve both the artistic and iconographic integrity of Li Gonglin’s original. Therefore when examining the Zhang Ji version (Figs. 11A–11K ), we may assume that it represents Li Gonglin’s late approach toward the White Lotus Society. The similarities and differences between this handscroll and the Nanjing hanging scroll indicate what, in Li Gonglin’s mind, was to remain constant and what could be altered. The Liaoning scroll has lost the rst two scenes and now starts from the third scene, in which Huiyuan bids farewell to Lu Xiujing

74 In the Nanjing hanging scroll, two gures accompany Xie Lingyun, three accompany Tao Yuanming, and two ank the third group of Huiyuan and Lu Xiujing. Inside the Society, the scene of foreign monks includes a foreign attendant, presumably the Buddhist slave that Li Desu mentioned. Three form a tea-brewing scene next to the sÖtra-translation scene, where two attendants stand behind. Below and behind Zhang Ye are two more attendants, and two more are in the Daosheng preaching scene. In total there are seventeen secondary gures in the Nanjing painting.



(Figs. 11A, 11B). The painter adopted a vision similar to the photographic technique of zooming in on selected scenes in a linear sequence, which allows viewers to enjoy them up close while unrolling the scroll. A great sense of naturalism here and throughout the painting distinguishes this scroll from previously discussed examples. Tight and neatly arranged, the landscape elements, later known as the Li-Guo tradition, are meticulously drawn to reveal their individual characteristics.75 Iconographically, this scene does not differ from other versions: Huiyuan clasps Lu Xiujing’s hands in delight at their meeting; his body is larger and his position higher, showing his relative importance; the Snake Catcher holds a ku¸ÓikÊ and a towel; and Lu Xiujing’s boy attendant turns his head to look back, the same as in the Nanjing version (Fig. 10). Proceeding to the left is Tiger Stream Bridge (Fig. 11C). According to Li Chongyuan’s Record, Li Gonglin painted a stone bridge for the 1081 version, whereas the Zhang Ji depiction has a wooden plank bridge supported by a framework of rough-hewn logs held together by milled, square-beam joints. In the Nanjing version, the two neatly pruned evergreen trees are planted unconventionally on the far side at either end (Fig. 10). In the Zhang Ji version, by contrast, the two deciduous trees are planted on either side of the entrance to the bridge in accordance with Chinese three-dimensional, symmetrical design principles. Using atmospheric effects, the painter made the rear tree appear farther away, with discrete foliage. After the bridge is a large, ghostly boulder and a few trees juxtaposed against the misty background, also in the Li-Guo tradition. To the left of the boulder are three trees, one dry, one deciduous, and one pine, forming a triangular space wherein Zong Bing converses with Tanshun as they walk to the left (Fig. 11D). In the Zhang Ji handscroll, the movement ows to the left, so placing this scene early in the scroll, close to the bridge (the entrance to the monastery), emphasizes the sentiment of “returning.” By contrast, the 1081 hanging scroll version provided a different compositional nuance. Li Gonglin used the motion of Zong Bing and Tanshun “returning” from their excursion from the upper right corner to guide viewers to the preaching Daosheng, which combines

75 Li Gonglin was a close associate of Wang Shen 王詵, who was famous in his literati circle for painting in the Li-Guo tradition. It is very likely that Li Gonglin learned this style though Wang or by his own observation while working in the capital. In either case, the Li-Guo elements as they appear in Zhang Ji’s copy of White Lotus Society Picture were most probably ltered through Li Gonglin.

three extant versions


with Xie Lingyun’s eagerness to enter the Society from the lower left corner to frame the lotus-pond-centered composition (Fig. 10). Two stone stools covered with pelts, by the lotus pond in both paintings, seem to anticipate the travelers’ arrival. Dividing this scene from the next in the Liaoning painting is another odd rock formation curving upward to the left and becoming a natural canopy for the Daosheng preaching scene (Fig. 11E). Instead of being depicted as communicating with his listeners, in both versions Daosheng remains silent. Perhaps to emphasize the profundity of Daosheng’s philosophy, Li Gonglin chose a scene of tranquility in which a young boy scratches his head in bewilderment, while other participants express deep contemplation, as though either contented with, or still trying to grasp the meaning of, Daosheng’s words. To the left of this scene are a few trees on a low rock. Thick, mysterious lingzhi 靈芝 (fungus of immortality) or ruyi-shaped clouds swallow the landscape (Fig. 11F ), adding a sense of supernaturalness, a pictorial pause anticipating the arrival of MañjutrÒ, the Bodhisattava of Wisdom (Fig. 11G). The deity bears a benevolent expression, while his dynamic lion mount appears alive. In front of the statue are three gures performing a Buddhist ritual, in poses closely related to those in the Nanjing version. Tanchang sits in the center, gazing at MañjutrÒ. The eye-contact between them best exemplies the painter’s ability to capture interpersonal communication. His right hand holds a handled censer, similar to the one in the Nanjing version, while his left hand makes a mudrÊ not seen in the Nanjing version. Daobing folds his hands in a mudrÊ, while Zhou Xuzhi, holding a sÖtra fascicle, is seated in deep contemplation on the other side of MañjutrÒ, facing the two monks. On the ground, behind and below them, is the tea-brewing scene. The relative positions of these three servants and their postures are identical in both versions. The only difference is that the kneeling boy in the Nanjing version controls the ame with a trident poker (Fig. 10K ), while the boy in Zhang Ji’s scroll blows air into the brazier through a pipe. To the left are Buddhabhadra, Buddhayatas, and their attendant (Fig. 11H ). The painter used the conventional Han Chinese depiction of exotic costumes on the two foreign members: a single piece of untailored cloth wrapped around the midsection and over the left shoulder, leaving the right shoulder and chest exposed. By emphasizing Buddhabhadra’s long arhat-like eyebrows, Buddhayatas’s thick curly beard, differing from the wispy goatees of Chinese scholars in the picture, and their



attendant’s exotic features, Zhang Ji distinguished this group from others in the picture, reecting Li Gonglin’s sensitivity toward appropriate depictions of the members’ “cultural origins.” In the Nanjing version, the foreign monks’ robes are the same as those of all other Chinese clerics in that painting, while their method of attire is foreign. Whether this depiction is Li Gonglin’s original design is difcult to know.76 In the sÖtra-translation scene, while the number of main gures and their relative positions remain the same as in the Nanjing version, their gestures vary considerably (Figs. 10G, 11H ). Zhang Quan, who sits behind Liu Yimin at the right of the stone table, does not hold a sÖtra. In the Nanjing version, Huichi, at the left of the table, looks away from the group, purposely guiding viewers to Zhang Ye, who sits behind him; in Zhang Ji’s painting he looks straight ahead. Huiyong in the Nanjing painting uses a ruyi scepter to point to a sÖtra, but Zhang Ji’s depiction shows the same monk holding a slender pointer. At the far end of the table is a ruyi used as a paperweight for Huirui’s scroll. Lastly, the Nanjing version shows the two attendants, one holding a bundle of sÖtra fascicles and the other a ruyi, standing behind Zhang Quan. In the Zhang Ji version, each holds a bundle of sÖtra fascicles while standing across the table from one another. Next to this group is the square stone-sided lotus pond (Fig. 11I ). Zhang Ji’s excellent draftsmanship once again reects Li Gonglin’s delicate rendering of elegant lotus leaves with undulating edges, pale velvety undersides, strong sinuous stems, and owers in all stages of bloom with supple petals oating in the breeze, while the water below reacts to the graceful swaying stems with subtle ripples and eddies. To the left of the pond are two low stone stools covered with soft, spotted leopard pelts which cushion the jagged hardness of rock (Fig. 11I ). Below them is an exquisitely rendered deer, tail switching, stepping timorously with tiny cloven hooves away from the water’s edge. In contrast to the attened pelts, its body is round at the girth and its fur follows the contours of its back to suggest living mass, more convincingly rendered than the deer in the Nanjing version. Behind it is a barefoot boy attendant squatting down to scoop water from the stream with a bowl, in the same posture as the attendant in the Nanjing painting.

76 The Buddhabhadra gure in the Shanghai scroll wears his robe the same way as the two foreign monks in the Zhang Ji version, whereas Buddhayatas seems to have an inner layer wrapped around his chest, seen between his robe and left arm.

three extant versions


Across the water is the last scene (Fig. 11J). Zhang Ye has loosened his robe, his cloth hat is slipping back, and he sits on a pelt, enjoying the view of a waterfall (Fig. 11K ). (In the Nanjing painting his cap lies on the ground behind him.) His feet are resting on a rock instead of touching the water as seen in the Nanjing version. The above comparisons demonstrate that although Li Gonglin preserved the main groups and their activites for iconographic purposes, he took modest liberties to exercise artistic variations and innovations. He organized the nine groups in different orders, often according to their compositional and format necessities. He switched secondary gures around, made the same gures in different versions hold different implements, and varied their poses. Through these adjustments he demonstrated his creativity. More importantly, the three stages of Li Gonglin’s depiction of the White Lotus Society discussed in this appendix reveal that the painter’s perception of the meaning of this iconic group had been xed during his early years while he was living at home, attesting to the profound and lasting inuence upon him of the Buddhist communities in the Longmian Mountains region. Consequently, he only needed one iconographic design for his many versions of White Lotus Society Picture.

GLOSSARY Adushiwang jing an an Anhui anshan

阿闍世王經 案 菴 安徽 案山

Bai Juyi Baifa mingmenlun Bailian she Bailianji baimiao Baiyi Guanyin Baiyun Haihui Chansi Baiyun Shouduan Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu Baiyunshan Baizhang Huaihai Banruo boluomiduo xinjing youzan Banruo boluomiduo xinjingzan Banruo wuzhi lun banzhou sanmei nianfo Baochang Baohua Yan baoji Baoji Feng Baojing sanmei ge Baotan baotu Baoyingsi bazhengdao beiben Beishan Kemin benguo Benjue benjue

白居易 百法明門論 白蓮社 白蓮集 白描 白衣觀音 白雲海會禪寺 白雲守端 白雲守端禪師廣錄 白雲山 百丈懷海 般若波羅密多心經幽讚 般若波羅密多心經贊 般若無知論 般舟三昧念佛 寶唱 寶華巖 寶積 寶積峰 寶鏡三昧歌 寶曇 報土 寶應寺 八正道 北本 北山可旻 本國 本覺 本覺



benwu bin Bishu luhua Biyanlu Boya budong buer buli wenzi buliu Burushe zhuxian zhuan Bushe xingzhe bushengxiang bushi buxiu buxiu buzheng

本無 賓 避暑錄話 碧巖錄 伯牙 不動 不二 不立文字 不留 不入社諸賢傳 補蛇行者 不生相 布施 不修 不修不證

Cai Zhao can huatou Cao Shuming Cao Xuequan Cao Zhi Caodong zong Caoshan Benji Chan chanding Chanfatang Chang’an Changhuan Changlu Fu Chanshi changzhu Chanhui tu Chanlin baoxun Chanlin sengbao zhuan Chanmen shizi chengxitu Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji Chao Buzhi Chao Gongwu Chao Yongzhi Chen Chang

蔡肇 參話頭 曹樹銘 曹學佺 曹植 曹洞宗 曹山本寂 禪 禪定 懺法堂 長安 長洹 長蘆福禪師 常住 禪會圖 禪林寶訓 禪林僧寶傳 禪門師資承襲圖 禪源諸詮集都序 禪宗頌古聯珠通集 晁補之 晁公武 晁詠之 陳常



Chen Guan Chen Hong Chen Shidao Chen Shunyu Chengguan Chengtiansi chengxinxin chitu tu niuni[ru] Chu sanzang jiji Chuanfa Shouyi tu Chuanfa Yuan Chuanfa zhengzong dingzu tu Chuanfa zhengzong ji Chuanfa zhengzong lun chuanpai Chuning Chuogeng lu Chuzhou chuzhu Ciyun Zunshi Conglun Congronglu Cui Bai

陳瓘 陳閎 陳師道 陳舜俞 澄觀 承天寺 誠信心 赤土塗牛你[乳] 出三藏記集 傳法授衣圖 傳法院 傳法正宗定祖圖 傳法正宗記 傳法正宗論 傳派 處凝 輟耕錄 滁州 初住 慈雲遵式 從倫 從容錄 崔白

Da Baojijing Da Baojijing lun Da Biluzhena chengfo shenbian jiachijing Da Guangmingzang Da Shengcisi Da Song Hangzhou Xihu Zhaoqingsi jieshe beiming bingxu Da Tang Xiyuji Da zhidulun Daban niepan jing Daban nihuan jing Dabanruo boluomiduojing dabei Dabei Qiqing Dacheng qixinlun Dacheng xuanlun

大寶積經 大寶積經論 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經 大光明藏 大聖慈寺 大宋杭州西湖昭慶寺結社 碑銘并序 大唐西域記 大智度論 大般涅槃經 大般泥洹經 大般若波羅蜜多經 大悲 大悲祈請 大乘起信論 大乘玄論



Dafangguangfo Huayanjing Dafangguangfo Huayanjing jinshizizhang Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishu yanyichao Dahui Zonggao Daizong Damozong Liuzu ying Danxia Danxia fang Pang Jushi Daoan Daobing daochang Daocheng daode Daojing Daosheng Daoxin Daoyuan Dapin banruo jing Datong Shanben dawu Dayang Jingxuan Dazhao Chanshi tabei Dazheng Dazheng Chanshi bei dazhi Dazhi Chanshi beiming Dazhu Huihai Deng Chun Deng Zhongchen Deyun diandao Dinglin’an dingxiang Ding Wei Ding Yunpeng Dizang Dongjing meng Hua lu Donglin Changzong

大方廣佛華嚴經 大方廣佛華嚴經金師子章 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 大慧宗杲 代宗 達摩宗六祖影 丹霞 (Tianran Danxia 天然丹霞) 丹霞訪龐居士 道安 道昺 道場 道誠 道德 道敬 道生 道信 道元 大品般若經 大通善本 大悟 大陽警玄 大照禪師塔碑 大證 (Tanzhen 曇真) 大證禪師碑 大智 大智禪師碑銘 大珠慧海 鄧椿 鄧忠臣 德雲 顛倒 定林庵 頂像 丁謂 丁雲鵬 地藏 東京夢華錄 東林常總

glossary Donglinsi Dongpo quanji Dongshan Liangjie Dongshan wuwei Dongtai Dongting Duguan ji Du Jin Dule Yuan dun Dunhuang dunjiao dunwu dunwu jianxiu

東林寺 東坡全集 洞山良价 洞山五位 東台 洞庭 都官集 杜菫 獨樂園 頓 敦煌 頓教 頓悟 頓悟漸修

Ercheng erjubuzhu

二乘 二俱不住

fa Fabao Congya Fahua sanmei chanyuanyi Fahuajing yiji Fahuashan fajie famen Fan Qiong Fan Zhongyan Fang Guan fangsheng fangzhang Fanjingtai Fanlong fanxingpin fashen fasi Faxian Faxiang faxin faxiong Fayan zong

法 法寶從雅 法華三昧懺願儀 法華經義記 法華山 法界 法門 范瓊 范仲淹 房琯 放生 方丈 翻經臺 梵隆 梵行品 法身 法嗣 法顯 法相 發心 法兄 法眼宗




fayao Faying Fayun Chansi Fayun Faxiu Fayunsi jintongxiang ming Fazang Fazhen Shouyi fei shezhong shi feiqing foxing feise feisheyuan Feixi feixiang Fengmao Fo foguo Foguo Weibai Foshuo Shuiyueguang Guanyin Pusa jing Fotuobatuoluo Fotuoyeshe Foyin Liaoyuan fozi Fozu tongji Fu Fazang zhuan Furong Daokai Fushan Fushan Honglian Fushan jiudai Fushan Xiaoyun Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan

法要 法應 法雲禪寺 法雲法秀 法雲寺金銅像銘 法藏 法真守一 非社中士 非情佛性 非色 非社員 飛錫 非相 鳳毛 佛 佛果 佛國惟白 佛說水月光觀音菩薩經 佛陀跋陀羅 佛陀耶舍 佛印了元 佛子 佛祖統計 付法藏傳 芙蓉道楷 浮山 浮山洪璉 浮山九帶 浮山曉雲 浮山圓鑑法遠

Gan Fengzi Gansu Gao Shiqi Gaoseng zhuan Genghuo gongan Gongdeyun biqiu Gongkui ji Gu

甘風子 甘肅 高士奇 高僧傳 耕獲 公案 功德雲比丘 攻媿集 顧

glossary Gu Kaizhi guan Guan Wuliangshoufo jing Guan Wuliangshoufo jingshu miaozongchao Guanding Guangchu Guangde Guanghuisi Guangzhaisi Guangzhai Huizhong Guangzhaisi Fayun guanli guanmen Guanshiye Guanshiyi Guanshiyin Guanshiyin pusa pumenpin Guanshiyin pusa sanshier yingshen Guanshiyin zhengyan Guanshiyinshen Guanxiu Guanyin Guanyin sanshier xiang Guanyin Yan Guanyinxiang bingsong Guanyu seng Guanzizai Guanzizai pusa gufa yongbi Guifeng Zongmi Guiji Guiqulai fu Guiyuan tianju Guizongsi guo Guo Xi Guo Xiangzheng guode guodi Guofeng

337 顧愷之 觀 觀無量壽佛經 觀無量壽佛經疏妙宗鈔 灌頂 廣初 廣德 廣慧寺 光宅寺 光宅慧忠 光宅寺法雲 觀理 觀門 觀世業 觀世意 觀世音 觀世音菩薩普門品 觀世音菩薩三十二應身 觀世音正言 觀世音身 貫休 觀音 觀音三十二相 觀音巖 觀音像并頌 觀魚僧 觀自在 觀自在菩薩 骨法用筆 圭峰宗密 窺基 歸去來賦 歸園田居 歸宗寺 果 郭熙 郭祥正 果德 果地 國風



Guoqing bailu guoqu yuan Gushan Zhiyuan Guyue Daorong Guzang Guzunsu yulu

國清百錄 過去緣 孤山智圓 古月道融 姑藏 古尊宿語錄

Hangzhou Hannan He Fu He Guangqing He Liu Chaisang He Yuanming ‘Guiqulaixi’ Hengyang cishi Hengyue Heze Chan Heze Shenhui Hezesi Hongren Hongzhi Zhengjue Hongzhou Hongzhou Chan Houshan ji hua Hua shanshui xu huafo Huai Anyang guxiangshi Huai Xifang shi Huaihai ji, houji Huaiwu Huaji huan Huan Yin Huang Ce Huang Jucai Huang Tingjian Huang Xiufu Huanglongpai Huangmei Huashi congshu

杭州 漢南 何復 何光清 和劉柴桑 和淵明歸去來兮 衡陽刺使 衡嶽 荷澤禪 荷澤神會 荷澤寺 弘忍 宏智正覺 洪州 洪州禪 後山集 花 畫山水序 化佛 懷安養故鄉詩 懷西方詩 淮海集/後集 懷悟 畫繼 環 桓尹 黃策 黃居寀 黃庭堅 黃休復 黃龍派 黃梅 畫史叢書

glossary huatou Huayan Huayan Tang Huayan yicheng shixuanmen Huayanjing tanxuanji Huayansi Hubei Huiai Huichi Huiguan Huiguang Huijiao Huike Huineng Huirisi Huirui huixiangxin Huiyan Huiyong Huiyuan Huiyuan Huizhao Huizong Huqiu Huxi Huxi sanxiao Huzhou

話頭 華嚴 華嚴堂 華嚴一乘十玄門 華嚴經探玄記 華嚴寺 湖北 惠靄 慧持 慧觀 慧光 慧皎 慧可 慧能 慧日寺 慧叡 迴向心 慧嚴 慧永 慧遠 慧苑 慧照 徽宗 虎丘 虎溪 虎溪三笑 湖州

Jia Xuanweng Jiacai jian Jian Gongchen jianbi Jiande Guan Jiang Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu Jiangshan Yuan Chanshi Jiangshansi jiangtang Jiangxi

家鉉翁 迦才 漸 謇拱辰 減筆 建德館 蔣 江村書畫銷夏錄 蔣山元禪師 蔣山寺 講堂 江西


340 Jiangxi Dao Jiangzhou jianjiao Jiankang jianxiu Jiao Xi jiaowai biechuan Jiaxiang Jizang Jiaye Moteng Jieran jieru xiangying jietuo ren jijing Jile ji Jin Jin’gang banruojing Jin’gang jing bawei Jing jing jing Jingde chuandeng lu jinggong jingping Jingshan jingjin Jingsi Jingtu Jingtu shiyilun Jingu Yan Jinguyan ji jingwu Jingxi Zhanran Jingxian Dashi shentaji Jingyin Jingzhao Jingyingsi Huiyuan Jinshan Jinshizizhang yunjian leijie Jinshu Jiu Tangshu JÔjin

glossary 江西道 江州 漸教 建康 漸修 焦錫 教外別傳 嘉祥吉藏 迦葉摩騰 介然 解入相應 解脫人 寂靜 雞肋集 晉 金剛般若經 金剛經跋尾 靜 境 淨 景德傳燈錄 精工 淨瓶 淨善 精進 淨思 淨土 淨土十疑論 金谷巖 金谷巖記 淨屋 荊溪湛然 景賢大師身塔記 淨因淨照 淨影寺慧遠 金山 金師子章雲間類解 晉書 舊唐書 成尋

glossary juan Jue’an Jueduo Sanzang Juefan Huihong Junzhai dushu zhi juzhu

卷 覺岸 堀多三藏 覺範惠洪 郡齋讀書志 俱住

Kaifeng kaishu Kangle hou kanhua Chan kong KÔzanji Kuaiji kumu hanhui Kunshan

開封 楷書 康樂侯 看話禪 空 高山寺 會稽 枯木寒灰 崑山

Laoxuean biji Lebang wenlei Lebang yigao Lei Cizong Lei’an Zhengshou Lengqie jing li Li Bai Li Chang Li Chongyuan Li Desu Li Diaoyuan Li Gonglin Li Gonglin zhuan Li Jia Li Sizhen Li Tongxuan Li Xiaoxian Li Yong Li Zunxu Lianshe Lianshe shiba gaoxian zhuan Liaoning

老學庵筆記 樂邦文類 樂邦遺稿 雷次宗 雷安正受 楞伽經 理 李白 李常 李沖元 李德素 (Li Jie 李楶) 李調元 李公麟 李公麟傳 李甲 李嗣真 李通玄 李孝先 李邕 李遵勖 蓮社 蓮社十八高賢傳 遼寧




Lidai minghuaji Lingxun Lingzhao Lingzhi Yuanzhao linian linian zizhao Linji Yixuan Linjizong Linquan laoren pingchang Touzi Qing heshang songgu kongguji liru lishi wuai lishi xiangrong lishu Liu Daochun Liu Jing Liu Junxi Liu Ningzhi Liu Yimin Liu Yiqing Liu Yongnian liuxiang yi liuzhong yinyuan Liuzu tanjing lixiu liyi Longmian Longmian San Li Longmian Shanzhuang Longshu zengguang jingtuwen Longxingsi Longya Dun Lou Yao lu Lu Dian Lu Hou Lu Lengjia Lu Xiujing Lu You Lu Zhen

歷代名畫記 靈訓 靈照 靈芝元照 離念 離念自照 臨濟義玄 臨濟宗 林泉老人評唱投子青和尚頌 古空谷集 理入 理事無礙 理事相融 隸書 劉道醇 劉涇 劉君錫 劉凝之 劉遺民 劉義慶 劉永年 六相義 六種因緣 六祖壇經 理修 禮儀 龍眠 龍眠三李 龍眠山莊 龍舒增廣淨土文 龍興寺 龍牙遁 樓鑰 錄 陸佃 魯侯 盧楞伽 陸修靜 陸游 盧珍

glossary Luancheng ji Luofushan Luoyang Lushanji Luzhou lü Lü ma Ma Gongxian Ma Liang Ma Yongyi Ma Yu Mazu Daoyi Meng Yuanlao Meng Zhongning Mengzi Mi Mi Fu Mile ming Ming fo lun Mingjiao Qisong Mingseng chuanchao Miquan An Mituo Baoge Mochan Tang mofa muren Muxi

欒城集 羅浮山 洛陽 廬山記 廬州 律 律 麻 馬公顯 馬亮 馬永逸 馬迂 馬祖道一 孟元老 孟仲寧 孟子 密 米芾 彌勒 明 明佛論 明教契嵩 (Qisong 契嵩) 名僧傳抄 秘全菴 彌陀寶閣 墨禪堂 末法 木人 牧溪

nanben Nanchang Nanjing Nankang fuzhi Nankangjun nanlang Nanshi nanyi hehui Nanyue Nanyue Huairang

南本 南昌 南京 南康府志 南康軍 南廊 南史 難以合會 南越 南岳懷讓




Nanzhao Dali nian nian Nianchang nianfo nianfo Nianfo sanmei shixu nianhua weixiao nianxiang niepan Ning Ningbo Niutou Farong

南詔大理 念 唸 念常 念佛 唸佛 念佛三昧詩序 拈花微笑 拈香 涅槃 凝 寧波 牛頭法融

Ouyang Xiu


Pang Jushi wufang laishengzhai Pang Jushi yulu Pang Da Pang Po Pang Yun panjiao Peng Ruli pian Ping Ji Ping Longya Chanshi song pingchang pingchangxin Poyang ji Poyanghu Puhui Puji Puji Puqia Puxian

龐居士誤放來生債 龐居士語錄 龐大 龐婆 龐蘊 判教 彭汝礪 偏 憑檝 評龍牙禪師頌 評唱 平常心 鄱陽集 鄱陽湖 普會 普濟 普寂 溥洽 普賢

Qian Yi Qianfusi Qianshan

錢易 千福寺 潛山



Qianshanxian Qianshoujing Qiji qin Qin Guan Qing Huayan qingmiaofa Qingniushi Qingshan ji qingtan qingyou liwu Qingyuan Xingsi Qisong Qiu Ying Qiushi Qiwu lun Qixiansi Qiyun Shi Qizhou Quan can Chanzhe Quan Wudai shi quanjiao Qu’e Queyuan quli Qushe xingzhe

潛山縣 千手經 齊己 琴 秦觀 青華嚴 青苗法 青牛石 青山集 清談 情有理無 清原行思 契嵩 (Mingjiao Qisong 明教契嵩) 仇英 仇氏 齊物論 棲賢寺 棲雲室 蘄州 勸參禪者 全五代詩 權教 曲阿 鵲源 曲笠 驅蛇行者

ran ren ren renli renru renyun zizai Renzong Riguan’an Riguanming Ruan Ji Ruiying ji ruyi

染 仁 人 忍力 忍辱 任運自在 仁宗 日觀庵 日觀銘 阮藉 瑞應記 如意



sanqian daqian shijie sanye Sanzusi Sengcan Sengyou Sengzhao shan bushan yin Shancai can Guanshiyin sanshi’erbian shiben Shanchuan dian Shandao Shandong shangpin shangsheng shangshanggenren shangshou Shangshu Shangshu Youcheng shangtang Shangu Shangu ji Shangu tiba shanjia Shanmu shanwai shanyou Shanzhi Zhongyi shanzhishi Shanzhuang tu Shaolong Shaoyang Fahai shengchuang shengji Shengjin Yan shengseng Shenhui shenghuo chan shengsi shengwen Shengyin Chansi shenming

三千大千世界 三業 三祖寺 僧璨 僧佑 僧肇 善不善因 善財參觀世音三十二變石本 山川典 善導 山東 上品上生 上上根人 上首 尚書 尚書右丞 上堂 山谷 山谷集 山谷題跋 山家 山木 山外 善友 善知眾藝 善知識 山莊圖 紹隆 邵陽法海 繩床 升濟 勝金巖 聖僧 神會 (Heze Shenhui 荷澤神會) 生活禪 生死 聲聞 聖因禪寺 神明

glossary Shenwu Chuqian shenxin Shenxiu Shenzong shi Shi Huayan jing Jingxingpin xu Shi Huiyuan zhu Shi zuo zhenjun canjun jing Qu’e shiji shijue Shike Shimen wenzi chan Shiming shinü shiru Shishi tongjian Shishi yaolan Shishuo xinyu Shisi yinxun Shitou Xiqian shixin shifo, shixin zuofo shixiu shouchi shouzuo Shu houpin Shucheng Shuhua ji Shui’an Shuiyue Guanyin ShunjÔ Risshi shuo Shuzhong guangji Shuzhou Shuzhou Touzi Qing Chanshi yulu xu sibinzhu Sibu congkan Sichuan siliaojian Sima Guang Simianshan

347 神悟處謙 深心 神秀 神宗 事 施華嚴經淨行品序 釋慧遠誅 始作鎮軍參軍經曲阿 詩集 始覺 石恪 石門文字禪 師明 石女 事入 釋氏通鑑 釋氏要覽 世說新語 十四音訓 石頭希遷 是心是佛,是心作佛 事修 受持 首座 書後品 舒城 書畫記 水菴 水月觀音 俊 律師 說 蜀中廣記 舒州 舒州投子青禪師語錄序 四賓主 四部叢刊 四川 四料揀 司馬光 四面山



Simiansi Siming Siming Zhili Siming Zunzhe jiaoxinglu sishi er buhuo Sishierzi guanmen Sizhou Song Bai Song Ding Song gaoseng chuan Song Lian Song Qi Song shichao Songchao minghua ping songgu Songshi Songyuesi bei su Su Che Su Shi Su Yijian suilei fucai Sun Rouzhi Suzhou Suzong

四面寺 四明 四明知禮 四明尊者教行錄 四十而不惑 四十二字觀門 泗州 宋白 宋鼎 宋高僧傳 宋濂 宋祁 宋詩鈔 宋朝名畫評 頌古 宋史 嵩岳寺碑 粟 蘇轍 蘇軾 蘇易簡 隨類賦彩 孫柔之 蘇州 肅宗

tafang jingtu Taizong Taizu tali Tanchang Tang Caoxi Neng Dashi bei Tangchao minghua lu Tanshen Tanshun Tao Fan Tao Kan Tao Yan Tao Yuanming Tao Zongyi

他方淨土 太宗 太祖 他力 曇常 唐曹溪能大師碑 唐朝名畫錄 曇詵 曇順 陶範 陶侃 陶琰 陶淵明 (Tao Qian 陶潛) 陶宗儀


glossary Taohuayuan li renjia Taoshan ji Taoshi Ti Donglin shiba gaoxian zhentang tiannü Tianpingsi Tianran Danxia Tiansheng Tiantai Tiantai Guanjing shu Tiantai Zhiyi Tianxi Tianyi Yihuai tianyuan shiren tianzhen ziran Tianzhusi TÔji Tongcheng Tongcheng xianzhi Tongwen Guan TÔrin Shichiroku KandÔ Touzi Huiyun Touzi Kai Touzi Pucong Touzi Xiuyong Touzi Yiqing Touzi Yiqing Chanshi yulu Touzi Yuan Touzishan Tu Long Tuhui baojian Tuotuo

桃花園裏人家 陶山集 陶石 題東林十八高賢真堂 天女 天平寺 天然丹霞 (Danxia 丹霞) 天聖 天台 天台觀經疏 天台智顗 天禧 天衣義懷 田園詩人 天真自然 天竺寺 東寺 桐城 桐城縣誌 同文館 東林十六觀堂 投子惠雲 投子楷 投子普聰 投子修顒 投子義青 投子義青禪師語錄 投子淵 投子山 屠隆 圖繪寶鑑 脫脫

Wanfosi Wang Ai Wang Anshi Wang Dan Wang Gu Wang Jin Wang Ju

萬佛寺 王靄 王安石 王坦 王古 王縉 王琚



Wang Mo Wang Rixiu Wang Shen Wang Shipeng Wang Shizhen Wang Su Wang Wei Wang Zi Wangchuan wangliang hua Wangsheng Jingtu chanyuanyi Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen wanshan wanshan benyou wanshan tonggui Wanshan tongguiji Wanshou Chan Yuan Wansong Xingxiu wanxing Weinan wenji Weiyangzong Wen Tong Wenshu Wenshu shili daweide fabaozang xin tuoluoni Wenshu shili tongzhen pusa wuzi xin zhenyan Wenshu zhinan Wenshu zhinan tuzan wenzi wenzi Chan Wonch’uk wozhi wu Wu Daozi Wu Qizhen Wu Zetian Wu Zhizhen Wu Zongyuan wuchabie

王墨 王日修 王詵 王十朋 王世貞 王素 王維 王孜 輞川 魍魎畫 往生淨土懺願儀 往生淨土決疑行願二門 萬善 萬善本有 萬善同歸 萬善同歸集 萬壽禪院 萬松行秀 萬行 渭南文集 潙仰宗 文同 文殊 文殊師利大威德法寶藏心陀 羅尼 文殊師利童真菩薩五字心 真言 文殊指南 文殊指南圖贊 文字 文字禪 圓測 (Ch. Yuance) 我執 無 吳道子 吳其貞 武則天 吳之振 武宗元 無差別


glossary wuchanhui liugenzui Wudeng huiyuan wuhexiang wulou wuqing wuqing foxing wuqing shuofa wuqing youxing wusheng wusheng faren Wutaishan Wutaishan tu Wutaishan Wenshu Wuwei Wuwei Wuwei ji wuwei pianzheng wuwo wuxiang wuxing Wuyisi wuzhu Wuzhun Shifan Wuzhuo heshang ruhua Banruosi Wuzu Fayan Wuzusi

五懺悔六根罪 五燈會元 無何鄉 無漏 無情 無情佛性 無情說法 無情有性 無生 無生法忍 五台山 五臺山圖 五台山文殊 武威 無為 無為集 五位偏正 無我 無相 無行 烏衣寺 無住 無準師範 無著和尚入化般若寺 五祖法演 五祖寺

Xia Wenyan xian xiang Xiang Yuanbian Xiang-Lishi zhencang Xiangmao Guan Xiangshan ji Xiangyang Xianju bian Xianzong lun xiao xiaoji yingxiang xiaoshe

夏文彥 顯 相 項元汴 項李氏珍藏 薌茅館 香山集 襄陽 閑居編 顯宗論 笑 消極影響 小舍



Xiaoshi Xiaoyaoyou Xie An Xie Lingyun Xihu jieshe shixu Xihu Zhaoqingsi jie Jingxingsheji zongxu Xijiang Xilinsi xin xin Xin Tangshu Xing Cijing Xing Tong Xingchang xingju xingsi xinguo Xingzhou Xining xinxiang xinxing xinza Xiong Yiliao Xishanqiao Xitan sishierzi men Xiu Huayan aozhi wangjin huanyuanguan Xiuxing fangbian chan jing xixin Xixuan Xiyuan yaji Xiyue Xu guzunsu yuyao Xu Huayan jing lueshu kandingji Xu Xun Xuanhe Xuanhe huapu Xuansha Shibei Xuansha weiying tu Xuanzang

蕭氏 逍遙遊 謝安 謝靈運 西湖結社詩序 西湖昭慶寺結淨行社集總序 西江 西林寺 心 信 新唐書 邢慈靜 邢桐 省常 性具 形似 信果 邢州 熙寧 心想 心性 心雜 熊宜僚 西善橋 悉曇四十二字門 修華嚴奧旨妄盡還源觀 修行方便禪經 繫心 西軒 西園雅集 希岳 續古尊宿語要 續華嚴經略疏刊定記 許詢 宣和 宣和畫譜 玄沙師備 玄沙畏影圖 玄奘

glossary Xuefeng Yicun Xunyang Xunyang sanyin

雪峰義存 潯陽 潯陽三隱

Yan Tingzhi Yan Zhenqing Yang Jie Yang Yu Yangjue moluo jing Yangqipai Yanhuadong Yanqingsi yanyu Yanzhou sibugao, xugao yanzuo Yao Shou Yaodian yaolu Yaoshan Li Ao wenda tu Ye Mengde Yexian Xing Chanshi yi yi yi ji duo yicheng Yifu yihua kai wuye yimian yin Yin Zhongkan yindi Yingluo Yan yingtang yingwu xiangxing Yingzong yinian sanqian Yinxianyanji yipin yita yixiang

嚴挺之 顏真卿 楊傑 羊愉 央崛魔羅經 楊岐派 延華洞 延慶寺 豔語 弇州四部稿/續稿 晏坐 姚綬 堯典 要路 薬山李翱問答圖 葉夢得 葉縣省禪師 逸 依 一即多 一乘 義福 一花開五葉 一面 因 殷仲堪 因地 瓔珞巖 影堂 應物象形 英宗 一念三千 隱賢巖記 逸品 依他 一相


354 yixin sanguan Yizhou minghualu yong Yong Huayan Yongming Yanshou you youfang youlou youqing youyun Yu Yu Anlan Yu Liangneng Yu Qinglao yuan Yuanfeng Yuanfeng jihao Yuanfeng yuannian yuanjiao yuanjue Yuanjuejing dashuchao Yuantongsi Yuanwu Keqin Yuanyou Yuanzhao Yuanzong wenlei Yuechuang Yufupian Yuhua Yan Yulu Yumituo Yun yunjian yunjiao Yunjusi Yunmen Dashi Qingliang Fayan tu Yunmenzong Yunxiang Ge Yunyan guoyan lu Yuyi lun Yuzhang Huang xiansheng wenji

glossary 一心三觀 益州名畫錄 勇 顒華嚴 永明延壽 有 游方 有漏 有情 游雲 喻 于安瀾 喻良能 俞清老 圓 元豐 元豐紀號 元豐元年 圓教 緣覺 圓覺經大疏抄 圓通寺 圓悟克勤 元佑 圓紹 圓宗文類 月窗 漁父篇 雨華巖 語錄 喻彌陀 筠 雲肩 雲腳 雲居寺 雲門大師清涼法眼圖 雲門宗 雲薌閣 雲煙過眼錄 喻疑論 豫章黃先生文集

glossary zai zaijia pusa Zaiyou Donglinsi Zanning Zetang ji Zha’an Youyan Zhai Yong Zhang Ji Zhang Nanben Zhang Quan Zhang Shangying Zhang Shengwen Zhang Shuo Zhang Yanyuan Zhang Ye Zhang Yi Zhao Guang Zhaowenzhai Zhejiang zheng Zhengdao Chanyuan zhengding zhengjue zhengwu chengfo Zhengzhou zhengzhu hexing zhenru zhenru liyan Zhenrusi Zhenzong Zhidun zhifan luoshanü Zhiguan puxing chuanhong jue Zhihe zhihui Zhipan Zhishun Zhenjiang zhi Zhiyan Zhizhao Zhizhi Jingtu jueyiji Zhizhi Jingtu jueyilun xu

在 在家菩薩 再遊東林寺 贊寧 則堂集 樝菴有嚴 翟用 張激 張南本 張詮 張商英 張勝溫 張說 張彥遠 張野 張翼 趙廣 昭文齋 浙江 正 證道禪院 正定 証覺 証悟成佛 鄭州 正助合行 真如 真如離言 真如寺 真宗 支遁 執幡羅剎女 止觀輔行傳弘訣 志和 智慧 志磐 至順鎮江志 智儼 智昭 直指淨土決疑集 直指淨土決疑論序




Zhong Ziqi zhongsheng Zhongwen Xiaoying Zhongyongzi zhou Zhou Fang Zhou Mi Zhou Xuzhi zhu Zhu Jingxuan Zhu Weimojie jing Zhuangzi Zhufalan Zhuihe Yuanming ‘Guiqulaici’ Zhuoan Jiedu zhuwei Zi zi Zifu Zigong zikan ziliang Zisi zixiang guan zizai zong Zong Bing Zongjing lu Zongxiao Zuo Jian Zuo Quan zushi zutang Zutang gangji Zutang ji

鍾子期 眾生 仲溫曉瑩 中庸子 軸 周昉 周密 周續之 主 朱景玄 註維摩詰經 莊子 竺法蘭 追和淵明歸去來辭 拙庵戒度 麈尾 茲 子 資福 子貢 自看 資糧 子思 (Yuan Xian 原憲) 字相觀 自在 宗 宗炳 宗鏡錄 宗曉 左建 左全 祖師 祖堂 祖堂綱記 祖堂集

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INDEX a 221, 223, 224, 253 A Monk Gazing at Fish (see Xuansha Gazing at Fish [Xuansha weiying tu 玄沙畏影圖]) Adushiwang jing 阿闍世王經 237 (n. 20) AjÊtatatru 125 AmitÊbha 13, 13 (n. 15), 48, 52, 53, 53 (n. 48), 54, 55, 56, 65, 67, 77, 78, 81, 92, 93 (n. 102), 96, 109, 124, 149, 179 (n. 11), 182, 203, 216, 225, 229, 230, 243, 244, 245, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267, 268, 269, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 286 AmitÊbha Hall(s) (Mituo Baoge 彌陀寶閣) 53, 78 Amoghavajra (705–774) 216 (n. 126) an 案 70 an 菴 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81 An Lushan 安祿山 129, 131 ¹nanda 9, 116, 125, 127 Ancestral Hall(s) (see zutang 祖堂) Ancestral Hall of Huineng 121, 122, 129 Anhui 安徽 6, 15, 22 (n. 16), 24 (n. 24), 37 (n. 69), 104, 163 animitta (see wuxiang 無相) anshan 案山 70 anti-Buddhist persecution of 845 6, 216 arhat 105, 122, 122 (n. 94), 123, 213, 238, 249, 327 asa±khyeyas (the period necessary for a bodhisattva to become a Buddha) 258 Atoka 214 AtvaghoÉa 249, 250 (n. 38), 264 avaivartika (nonretrogression) 267 Avalokita (guan 觀) 157 Avalokita-ivara (Guanzizai pusa 觀自在菩薩) 89 Avalokitetvara (Guanyin 觀音) 11, 47, 84 (n. 73), 88, 89, 90, 106, 112, 113, 145, 146, 147, 147 (n. 170), 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 154 (n. 189), 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 166, 167, 168, 171, 218 (n. 138), 285, 286

Avalokitetvara Cliff (Guanyin Yan 觀音巖) 11, 20, 88, 146, 147, 158, 159, 168, 286 Avata“saka SÖtra 2, 7, 12, 13 (n. 15), 14, 30, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 71, 73, 84 (n. 73), 89, 105, 107, 149, 149 (n. 178), 150, 150 (n. 180), 151, 152, 154, 155, 158, 171, 195, 197, 220, 222, 222 (ns. 149, 150), 223, 225, 230, 231, 232, 233, 244, 250, 253, 254, 255, 260, 263, 264, 267 (n. 78), 276, 277, 277 (n. 123), 279, 285, 287 Bai Juyi 白居易 206 Bai you 白友 286 Baifa mingmenlun 百法明門論 (Exposition of the Bright Gate to the Knowledge of Universal Phenomena) 42 Bailian she 白蓮社 (See White Lotus Society) Bailian she tu 白蓮社圖 (Lianshe tu 蓮社圖; also see White Lotus Society Picture) 265 (n. 76) Bailianji 白蓮集 107 (n. 32) baimiao 白描 9, 103, 147, 148, 169, 285, 286, 296 Baiyi Guanyin 白衣觀音 (also see White-robed Guanyin) 11, 105 Baiyun Duan heshang yulu 白雲端和尚語錄 25 (n. 27) Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery (Baiyun Haihui Chansi 白雲海會禪寺) 16, 25, 26, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 46, 52, 108 Baiyun Shouduan 白雲守端 (1023–1072) 18, 21, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 35 (ns. 60, 62), 38, 40, 46, 47 (n. 87), 49, 49 (n. 98), 52, 53, 54, 62, 76, 86, 92, 105, 108, 109, 133, 137, 179, 219 (n. 146), 240, 285 Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi guanglu 白雲守端禪師廣錄 27 (ns. 32, 33), 28 (n. 37), 31 (n. 50), 34 (n. 60), 47 (n. 87), 49 (n. 98), 108 (n. 37), 137 (n. 140) Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi yulu 白雲守端禪師語錄 27 (n. 32), 28



(n. 37), 29 (n. 40), 86 (n. 84), 133 (n. 126) Baiyunshan 白雲山 (see Mount Baiyun) Baizhang Huaihai 百丈懷海 (749–814) 108, 219 (n. 140) Banruo boluomiduo xinjing 般若波羅蜜多心經 (also see Heart SÖtra) 156 (n. 192), 158 (n. 198) Banruo boluomiduo xinjing youzan 般若波羅密多心經幽讚 196 (n. 68) Banruo boluomiduo xinjingzan 般若波羅密 多心經贊 158 (n. 198) Banruo wuzhi lun 般若無知論 188 (n. 39) banzhou sanmei nianfo 般舟三昧念佛 176, 182, 225, 229, 246, 276, 278, 279, 280 Baochang 寶唱 215, 215 (n. 122) baohua 寶花 88 Baohua Yan 寶華巖 (also see Precious Blossom Cliff ) 88 baoji 寶積 90, 91 Baoji Feng 寶積峰 (also see Peak of Accumulated Gems) 90 Baojing sanmei ge 寶鏡三昧歌 85, 85 (n. 79) Baotan 寶曇 143, 143 (n. 162), 146 Baoying Monastery (Baoyingsi 寶應寺) 206, 206 (n. 96) Baoyun 寶雲 207 (n. 98) Baozanglun 寶藏論 257 (n. 57) bazhengdao 八正道 (Eight-fold Path) 74 Bazi Wenshu 八字文殊 (Eight-character MañjutrÒ) 218 (n. 138) bazimei 八字眉 308 beiben 北本 208 Beishan Kemin 北山可旻 244, 244 (n. 34) benguo 本國 244 Benjue 本覺 143, 144 (n. 163), 145, 146 benjue 本覺 (Original Enlightenment) 45, 81, 222, 224, 235, 255, 256, 257, 271 benwu 本無 74 bhÖtatathatÊ (zhenru 真如) 221, 257 Bianjing 汴京 109, 180, 278, 310 (n. 52) Bie Donglin si seng 別東林寺僧 (Farewell to a Donglin Monastery Monk) 192 bin 賓 28 Bishu luhua 避暑錄話 47 (n. 93) Biyanlu 碧巖錄 28, 219 (n. 141)

bodhi 42, 120, 246, 249, 258, 259, 260, 274, 277 Bodhidharma 108, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 125, 126, 127, 129, 134 Bodhiruci 菩提流支 (act. 693–713) 91, 91 (n. 98) bodhisattva path 6, 8, 12, 13, 40, 42, 44, 45, 45 (n. 86), 46, 48, 54, 58, 77, 79, 91, 149, 157, 162, 163, 167, 168, 191, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 229, 230, 231, 232, 235, 236, 237, 241, 243, 246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 266, 267, 267 (n. 78), 269, 270, 271, 274, 275, 275 (n. 119), 277, 278, 280, 281, 284, 286, 287 bodhisattva Pure Land cultivation 49, 51, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 88, 191, 230, 246, 262, 263, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272 (n. 104) , 273, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 Boya 伯牙 26 Budai 布袋 105 Buddha-nature (also foxing 佛性; also see TathÊgatagarbha) 12, 40, 41, 42, 43, 53, 58, 73, 74, 81, 84, 85, 86, 120, 168, 171, 184, 210, 211, 224, 227, 257, 260, 269, 284, 286 Buddhabhadra (Fotuobatuoluo 佛陀跋陀羅) 149 (n. 178), 175, 207, 207 (n. 98), 208, 222, 222 (n. 149), 224, 225, 225 (n. 161), 226, 231 (n. 1), 296, 319, 323, 327, 328 (n. 76) Buddhayatas (C: Fotuoyeshe 佛陀耶舍) 175, 224, 225, 296, 310 (n. 53), 319, 323, 327, 328 (n. 76) budong 不動 257 buer 不二 (nonduality) 83 buli wenzi 不立文字 27, 43 buliu 不留 72 Burushe zhuxian zhuan 不入社諸賢傳 (Worthies Who Did Not Join the Society) 181 Bushe xingzhe 補蛇行者 194 bushengxiang 不生相 221 buxiu 不修 237 buxiu buzheng 不修不證 (nothing to be cultivated, nothing to be Enlightened) 40, 53, 56, 191, 240, 241, 246, 258 Cai Zhao 蔡肇 47 Cailiang 才良 86 (n. 85), 89 (n. 95)

index Chamber of Perching Clouds (Qiyun Shi 棲雲室) 75 can huatou 參話頭 11, 140 Canglang shihua 滄浪詩話 190 (n. 45) Cao Xuequan 曹學佺 153 (n. 188) Cao Zhi 曹植 69 Caodong 曹洞 6, 11, 21, 22, 22 (n. 14), 27, 28, 28 (n. 34), 30, 34, 36, 37, 41, 46, 85, 87, 87 (n. 86), 108, 109, 118 (n. 80), 132, 133, 134, 140, 240, 303 (n. 40) Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂 (840–901) 28 Cave of Extending Blossoms (Yanhuadong 延華洞) 75 Chan 禪 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 62, 68, 71, 72, 76 (n. 54), 80, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 100 (n. 12), 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 118 (n. 80), 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 140, 141, 143, 147, 155, 156, 158, 159, 162, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 191, 204, 219, 219 (n. 140), 229, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237 (n. 19), 238, 238 (n. 23), 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 246, 250, 251, 252, 258, 259, 263, 268, 269, 270, 273, 283, 284, 285, 303 (n. 40) Chan Encounter Painting (also see Chanhui tu 禪會圖) 136, 136 (n. 133) Chan painting(s) 9, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 105, 106, 136, 168, 169, 172, 285, 286, 287 chanfa 懺法 (penance ritual) 7, 49, 50, 51, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 96, 243, 269, 274, 275, 279, 287 Chanfatang 懺法堂 (Hall of Penance Rituals, Penance Ritual Quarters) 49, 49 (n. 98), 53, 66, 77 Chang’an 長安 97, 129, 209, 225, 225 (n. 162) Changdai Guanyin 長帶觀音 (see Long-scarf Guanyin) Changhuan 長洹 38 Changlu Fu Chanshi 長蘆福禪師 45 changzhu 常住 114 (n. 67) Chanhui tu 禪會圖 (Chan Encounter Painting) 136, 136 (n. 133)


Chanji 禪機 136 (n. 133) Chanji tu 禪機圖 (Pictures of Signicant Chan Moments) 136 (n. 133) Chanlin baoxun 禪林寶訓 23 (ns. 18, 20), 29 (n. 41), 33 (n. 56), 109 (n. 41) Chanlin sengbao zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 30 (ns. 44, 45), 111 (n. 51), 113 (n. 58), 114 (ns. 65, 66), 115 (n. 69), 134 (ns. 127, 129) Chanmen shizi chengxitu 禪門師資承襲圖 238 (n. 21) Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu 禪源諸詮集都序 129 (n. 109), 235 (n. 17), 251, 252 (n. 50) Chanzong songgu lianzhu tongji 禪宗頌古聯珠通集 143, 143 (n. 161), 145 Chao Buzhi 晁補之 (1051–1110) 160, 161, 176, 177, 177 (ns. 5, 7, 8), 180, 180 (ns. 12, 14), 181, 191 (n. 46) Chao Gongwu 晁公武 143, 143 (n. 160), 145 Chao Yongzhi 晁詠之 160, 161 Chen 陳 161, 162 Chen Chang 陳常 104 Chen Guan 陳瓘 78 Chen Hong 陳閎 (ca. 714–750) 122, 122 (n. 92) Chen Hongshou 陳洪綬 (1598–1652) 291, 291 (n. 7) Chen Jian 陳鑑 (Chen Qixi 陳緝熙, d. 1471) 304, 304 (n. 43) Chen Shidao 陳師道 (1053–1101) 162, 162 (n. 209) Chen Shunyu 陳舜俞 107 (n. 32), 110, 110 (ns. 48, 49), 111, 111 (n. 49), 174 (n. 1), 176, 180, 181, 182 (n. 18), 185, 185 (n. 29), 186, 194, 194 (n. 60), 201 (n. 84), 205, 206 (n. 96), 217 (n. 131), 225 (n. 161) Chengguan 澄觀 (738–838) 72, 72 (n. 42), 85, 86 (n. 80), 195, 195 (n. 66), 223, 223 (ns. 153, 154), 224, 234, 250, 250 (ns. 41, 42), 251, 251 (n. 46), 256 (n. 56), 257, 257 (n. 60), 259, 259 (n. 66) Chengtian Monastery (Chengtiansi 承天寺) 34 (n. 60), 49, 49 (n. 98), 53 Chengyuan 承遠 216 chitu tu niuni[ru] 赤土塗牛你[乳] 140 ChÔnen 奝然 217, 310 (n. 52) Christianity 11 Chu 楚 214



Chu sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 207 (n. 98), 210 (n. 108) Chuanfa Shouyi tu 傳法授衣圖 (Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe) 10, 116 Chuanfa Yuan 傳法院 126 Chuanfa zhengzong dingzu tu 傳法正宗定 祖圖 (also see Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs) 116 (n. 72), 123 (n. 97), 124 Chuanfa zhengzong ji 傳法正宗記 (Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School) 123, 124 (ns. 99, 103), 126, 126 (n. 104), 129, 130, 130 (n. 118), 132 (n. 123) Chuanfa zhengzong lun 傳法正宗論 (Exposition of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School) 124 chuanpai 傳派 165 Chuning 處凝 25 (n. 27), 27 (n. 32), 28 (n. 37), 29 (n. 40), 31 (n. 50), 86 (n. 84), 108 (n. 37), 133 (n. 126), 137 (n. 140) Chuogeng lu 輟耕錄 (Records of Ceasing to Farm) 144, 144 (n. 162) chuzhu 初住 275 (n. 119) Cibeiji 慈悲集 268 Cien 慈恩 107 (n. 32) Cimin Huiri 慈愍慧日 268 Ciyun Zunshi 慈雲遵式 (967–1032) 49, 50, 51, 76, 77, 78, 79, 244, 244 (ns. 31, 32) , 265, 287 Conglin shengshi 叢林盛事 16 (n. 1), 44 (n. 85) Conglun 從倫 29 Congronglu 從容錄 28 Congshu Tang wenji yin 叢書堂文籍印 (Seal of the Literary Collection of Congshu Hall) 304 Congya (see Fabao Congya 法寶從雅) Country of Emptiness (also see wuhexiang 無何鄉) 18, 19, 19 (n. 6), 57, 63, 65, 67, 185, 201 Cui Zizhong 崔子忠 291, 291 (ns. 6, 7), 292, 292 (n. 9), 295 Da Baojijing 大寶積經 (Great SÖtra of Accumulated Gems) 90, 91, 91 (n. 98) Da Baojijing lun 大寶積經論 (Exposition on the Great SÖtra of Accumulated Gems 大寶積經論) 91, 91 (n. 98)

Da Biluzhena chengfo shenbian jiachijing 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經 221 (n. 147) Da Guangmingzang 大光明藏 (Treasure of Great Brightness) 143, 143 (n. 162) Da Shengci Monastery (Da Shengcisi 大聖慈寺) 153 Da Song Hangzhou Xihu Zhaoqingsi jieshe beiming bingxu 大宋杭州西湖 昭慶寺結社碑銘并序 276 (n. 122), 277 (ns. 124, 125, 126) Da Song sengshi lue 大宋僧史略 193 (n. 54) Da Tang Xiyuji 大唐西域記 150 (n. 179), 157 (n. 197) Da Zhidulun 大智度論 221 (ns. 146, 147), 271 Daban niepan jing 大般涅槃經 (also see Nirvʸa SÖtra) 208, 211 (n. 111) Daban niepan jingyi ji 大般涅槃經義記 195 (n. 64) Daban nihuan jing 大般泥洹經 (also see Nirvʸa SÖtra) 208, 211 (n. 112) Dabanruo boluomiduojing 大般若波羅蜜多 經 221 (ns. 145, 147) dabei 大悲 230 Dabei Qiqing 大悲祈請 153 Dabhanemi 215 Dacheng fayuan yilin zhang 大乘法苑義 林章 196 (n. 69) Dacheng qixinlun 大乘起信論 (Awakening of Faith) 45, 233, 235, 249, 250, 250 (n. 38), 253, 264, 271 Dacheng xuanlun 大乘玄論 84 (n. 74), 221 (n. 147), 223 (n. 151), 257 (n. 58) Dacheng yizhang 大乘義章 195 (n. 65) Dafangguangfo Huayanjing 大方廣佛華嚴 經 (also see Avata“saka SÖtra) 222, 222 (ns. 149, 150), 231 (n. 1) Dafangguangfo Huayanjing jinshizizhang 大方廣佛華嚴經金師子章 257 (n. 59) Dafangguangfo Huayanjingshu 大方廣佛華 嚴經疏 223 (ns. 153, 154), 250 (n. 41), 256 (n. 56), 257 (n. 60) Dafangguangfo Huayanjing suishu yanyichao 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 72 (n. 42), 86 (80), 195 (n. 66), 223 (n. 153), 250 (n. 42), 251 (n. 46), 259 (n. 66) Daguan 大觀 300, 300 (n. 38) Daguanlu 大觀錄 293 (n. 11), 294 (n. 19)

index Dahui Pujue Chanshi yulu 大慧普覺禪師 語錄 258 (n. 62) Dahui Zhuhai 大慧珠海 (ca. 709–788) 85 Dahui Zonggao大慧宗杲 (1089–1163) 22 (ns. 14, 16), 23 (ns. 18, 20), 29 (n. 41), 33 (ns. 54, 56), 140, 258, 259 Dahui zongmen wuku 大慧宗門武庫 22 (ns.14, 16), 33 (n. 54) Daigoji 醍醐寺 217, 218, 219 Daizong 代宗 (r. 763–779) 117 Dali Kingdom (937–1253) 122, 127, 132 Danxia 丹霞 (Danxia Tianran 丹霞天然) 46 (n. 87), 136, 136 (n. 136), 137, 137 (ns. 137, 141), 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 146, 171, 238 Danxia Tianran 丹霞天然 (see Danxia 丹霞) Danxia Visits Layman Pang (Danxia fang Pang Jushi 丹霞訪龐居士) 11, 98 (n. 3), 106, 115, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142, 145, 146, 171, 173 Danyang ji 丹陽集 48 (n. 97) Dao buyongxiu 道不用修 239 Daoan 道安 193, 198 (n. 74), 209 Daobing 道昺 175, 220, 253, 309, 319, 321, 323, 327 daochang 道場 275 Daocheng 道誠 75, 75 (n. 50) Daochuo 道綽 (seventh c.) 77, 208, 274, 279 daode 道德 23 Daojing 道敬 176, 210, 311, 318, 324 Daosheng 道生 13, 175, 205, 209, 210, 210 (n. 108), 212, 213, 224, 229, 247, 248, 249, 253, 256, 260, 261, 262, 280, 311, 317, 317 (n. 65), 318, 324, 325 (n. 74), 326, 327 Daoxin 道信 118, 125 Daoxuan 道宣 182 (n. 20), 216 (ns. 127, 128, 129) Daoyuan 道元 85 (n. 78), 116 (n. 72), 117, 117 (n. 73), 118 (n. 81), 123 (n. 96), 129, 130, 130 (ns. 117, 119), 131 (n. 120), 137, 140 (n. 151), 142, 144, 170 Daozu 道祖 202, 323 Dapin banruo jing 大品般若經 (also see MahÊprajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra) 221 Dasheng miaojixiang pusa mimi bazituoluoni xiuxing manchaluo cidi yigui 大勝妙吉祥


菩薩秘密八字陀羅尼修行曼茶羅次 第儀軌 218 (n. 138) Datong Shanben 大通善本 (1035–1109) 162, 162 (n. 208) dawu 大悟 (great Enlightenment) 46 Dayang Jingxuan 大陽警玄 (943–1027) 21, 22 (n. 14), 39, 46, 108, 109, 118 (n. 80) Dazhao Chanshi taming 大照禪師塔銘 (Stele for the Pagoda of the Chan Master of Great Brightness (Dazhao Chanshi tabei) 119 Dazheng 大證 (Tanzhen 曇真) 119, 119 (n. 83) Dazheng Chanshi bei 大證禪師碑 (Stele of Chan Master Dazheng) 119 dazhi 大智 230 Dazhi Chanshi beiming 大智禪師碑銘 (Stele of the Chan Master of Great Wisdom) 119 Dazhu Huihai 大珠慧海 (ca. 709–788) 85 Deng Chun 鄧椿 2, 3, 3 (n. 7), 89 (n. 94), 104 (n. 29), 159 (n. 201) Deng Zhongchen 鄧忠臣 18 (n. 4), 63 (n. 12) Deyun 德雲 47 Dezong 德宗 (r. 779–804) 128, 129 dhÊra¸Ò 51, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 253, 256 dharma 9, 18, 19, 21, 22, 25, 31, 32, 43, 86, 88, 116, 117, 123, 126, 170, 231, 246, 250, 252, 260, 267, 270, 272, 274 dharma heir (also see fasi 法嗣) 29, 32, 32 (n. 62), 39, 40 dharma-principles ( fayao 法要) 22, 31 dharmadhÊtu 42, 44, 54, 68, 81, 161, 237, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 262, 277 dharmakÊya 41, 81, 85, 86, 257, 272, 273 DharmakÉema (385–433) 208, 211, 211 (n. 111) dharmatÊ 257 dhyÊna 225, 226 Dialogue between Yaoshan and Li Ao (Yaoshan Li Ao wenda tu 薬山李翱問答圖) 136 diandao 顛 倒 195 Dilun 地論 233 ding 鼎 215 Ding Wei 丁謂 276 (n. 120)



Ding Yunpeng 丁雲鵬 (1547–1628) 163, 165, 166 (n. 219), 286 (n. 1) Dinglin’an 定林庵 110 dingxiang 頂像 106 Dizang 地藏 84 (n. 73) Dongbai 東白 138 Dongjing meng Hua lu 東京夢華錄 (Records of Dreaming of Hua[Xu] in the Eastern Capital) 59 Donglin (see Donglin Monastery) Donglin Changzong 東林常總 (1205–1091) 87 (n. 90), 202, 240 Donglin Monastery (Donglinsi 東林寺) 92, 107, 107 (n. 32), 175, 178, 179, 181, 183, 187, 188, 188 (n. 39) 189, 191, 192, 192 (n. 163), 194, 197, 198, 202, 203, 205, 206, 206 (ns. 94, 96), 207, 207 (n. 97), 208, 209, 210, 213, 215, 216, 216 (n. 127), 217, 226, 229, 236, 239, 244, 246, 256, 278, 309, 320, 324 Donglin Shiba Gaoxian 東林十八高賢 (see Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society) Donglin shiba gaoxianzhuan 東林十八高 賢傳 181 (n. 17) Donglin yingtang liushi 東林影堂六事 (Six Events of Donglin Image Hall) 181 (n. 16) Dongpo quanji 東坡全集 20 (n. 9), 71 (n. 40), 72 (n. 45), 142 (n. 157), 192 (n. 50) Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价 (807–869) 27, 85, 85 (n. 79) Dongshan wuwei 洞山五位 28 Dongtai 東台 (Eastern Terrace) 76 Dongting 洞庭 144, 145 Dry Wood Chan (also see Kumu Chan 枯木禪) 134, 135 Du Jin 杜菫 (act. 1465–1505) 163, 164, 165, 166, 166 (n. 219), 167 (n. 224) Duguan ji 都官集 110 (ns. 48, 49) Dule Yuan 獨樂園 (Garden for Solitary Enjoyment) 59, 60 dun 頓 233, 234 Dunhuang 敦煌 67, 75, 76 (n. 52), 83, 97, 151, 152, 153, 154, 217, 217 (n. 153), 218 dunjiao 頓教 233, 234, 268 dunwu 頓悟 (Sudden Enlightenment) 45, 168, 232, 233, 234, 235, 243, 249, 253, 256, 271, 275, 286 dunwu dunxiu 頓悟頓修 235, 243, 270

dunwu jianxiu 頓悟漸修 (Sudden Enlightenment followed by Gradual Cultivation) 12, 13, 45, 46, 58, 191, 224, 229, 232, 235, 236, 241, 243, 247, 256, 261, 267, 269, 270, 271, 274, 275, 278, 280, 286, 287 dvÊra 158 Eighteen Arhats 138 Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society (Donglin Shiba Gaoxian 東林十八高賢) 107, 107 (n. 32), 122 (n. 94), 174, 174 (n. 1), 176, 178, 181, 185, 186, 213, 225, 264, 322 Eleven-headed Avalokitetvara 155 Enni Ben’en 102 Ercheng 二乘 230 erjubuzhu 二俱不住 72 Exposition on Illuminating Chan (also see Xianzong lun 顯宗論) 130 Exposition on the Avata“saka SÖtra 251 fa 法 83 Fabao Congya 法寶從雅 52, 53 (n. 110), 66, 78 Fahua sanmei chanyuanyi 法華三昧懺願儀 76, 78, 269, 275, 278 Fahua yishu 法華義疏 157 (n. 196) Fahuajing yiji 法華經義記 157 (n. 195) Fahuashan 法華山 49 fajie 法界 237 famen 法門 262 Fan Dun 范惇 266, 267, 281, 286, 297, 299, 300, 301 Fan Ning 范寧 181 (n. 17) Fan Qiong 范瓊 153 Fan Zhongyan 范仲淹 (989–1052) 22, 39 Fang Guan 房琯 121 fangsheng 放生 51, 82 fangzhang 方丈 111 Fanjingtai 翻經臺 (also see SÖtra Translation Platform) 206, 206 (n. 96) Fanlong 梵隆 138 Fanxingpin 梵行品 223 fasi 法嗣 (dharma heir) 35 (n. 62), 117, 127, 132, 133 Faxian 法顯 207, 207 (n. 98), 211 (n. 112) Faxiang 法相 106, 196 faxin 發心 (mental initiation) 45, 231,

index 232, 235, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 256, 261 Faxing Monastery (Faxingsi 法性寺) 123 Fayan 法演 (see Wuzu Fayan 五祖法演) Fayan Chanshi yulu 法演禪師語錄 38 (n. 72), 86 (n. 85), 89 (n. 95) Fayan zong 法眼宗 132, 133 Faying 法應 143, 143 (n. 161), 145, 146 (n. 169) Fayuan (see Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan) Fayun Chan Monastery (Fayun Chansi 法雲禪寺) 3 (n. 10), 113 Fayun Faxiu 法雲法秀 (1027–1090) 2, 3 (n. 10), 4 (n. 12), 5, 16, 16 (n. 1), 22, 30, 30 (n. 46), 34, 38, 39, 44, 92, 106, 111, 112, 113, 133, 169, 170, 240 Fayunsi jintongxiang ming 法雲寺金銅像銘 113 (n. 63) Fazang 法藏 (643–712) 85, 86, 86 (n. 81), 196, 196 (n. 67), 233, 234, 250, 250 (n. 39), 251, 251 (ns. 44, 45), 254, 255, 255 (ns. 54, 55), 257, 257 (n. 59), 260, 260 (n. 67) Fazhao 法照 216, 244 Fazhen Shouyi 法真守一 53 (n. 110) fei shezhong shi 非社中士 180, 180 (n. 15) feiqing foxing 非情佛性 84, 87, 88 feise 非色 273 feisheyuan 非社員 176 Feixi 飛錫 54, 79, 107 (n. 32), 182, 182 (n. 19), 225 (n. 161), 244, 269, 272 (n. 104) , 274, 279 feixiang 非相 196 Fengmao 鳳毛 145 Fifth Patriarch Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe 119 Fish-basket Guanyin 168 Five Constitutions of Beings 155 Five Tribute Horses 110 Flower Garland Hall (Huayan Tang 華嚴堂) 20, 47, 64, 73, 74, 284 Foguang Monastery (Foguangsi 佛光寺) 218 (n. 138) foguo 佛果 (Effect of Buddha) 45, 262 Foguo Weibai 佛國惟白 (1057–1117) 35 (n. 63), 41 (n. 75), 42 (n. 79), 44, 44 (n. 85), 89, 105, 152, 153, 153 (n. 186), 154, 155, 156, 163, 224, 224 (ns. 157, 158), 253 Folding Album of Six Patriarchs of the


Bodhidharma School (Damo Liuzu mozhe 達摩六祖模摺) 126 Forty-two character DhÊra¸Ò 221, 221 (n. 144), 222, 223, 224, 253 Foshuo Shuiyueguang Guanyin Pusa jing 佛說水月光觀音菩薩經 153 Fotuobatuoluo 佛陀跋陀羅 (see Buddhabhadra) Fotuoyeshe 佛陀耶舍 (see Buddhayatas) Four-armed Guanyin 160 Four Expedient Methods (siliaojian 四料揀) 28, 56 Four Hosts and Guests (sibinzhu 四賓主) 28 Four Sleepers 105 foxing (see Budda-nature) Foyin Liaoyuan 佛印了元 (1032–1098) 106, 114, 114 (ns. 65, 66), 115 fozi 佛子 231 Fozu lidai tongzai 佛祖歷代通載 21 (n. 13), 52 (n. 107), 53 (n. 109), 202 (n. 86) Fozu tongji 佛祖統計 50 (n. 101), 51 (n. 105), 52 (n. 107), 181 (ns. 16, 17), 186 (n. 31) Fu Fazang zhuan 付法藏傳 (Transmissions of the Treasury of the Buddha’s Teaching) 123 Furong Daokai 芙蓉道楷 (1043–1118) 29 Fushan 浮山 (see Mount Fu) Fushan Honglian 浮山洪璉 35, 35 (n. 64) Fushan jiudai 浮山九帶 (also see Nine Belts of Fushan) 28, 41 Fushan Xiaoyun 浮山曉雲 23, 39 Fushan Yuanjian Fayuan 浮山圓鑑法遠 (991–1067) 16, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 52, 54, 62, 69 (n. 30), 108, 109, 111, 118 (n. 80), 240, 283 Gallery of Cloudy-Grain Fragrance (Yunxiang Ge 雲薌閣) 73 Gan Fengzi 甘風子 104 Ganchuan 贛川 300 GandhavyÖha (Rufajie pin 入法界品) 7, 13, 44, 46, 89, 150, 152, 154, 163, 166, 167, 168, 171, 222, 224, 231, 232, 235, 247, 249, 250, 253, 255, 256, 257, 261 Gansu 甘肅 208 Gao Shiqi 高士奇 174 (n. 2), 183



(n. 26), 189 (n. 42), 190 (n. 43), 293 (n. 10), 304, 304 (n. 43), 315 (n. 59) Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (see Hagiographies of Eminent Monks) gÊthÊ 43, 87, 105, 120, 137, 139, 141, 142, 142 (n. 156), 150, 163, 165, 166, 167, 196, 224, 228, 253 Ge Shengzhong 葛勝仲 48 (n. 97) Genghuo 耕獲 143, 145 Golden Valley Cavern ( Jingu Yan 金谷巖) 36, 37 Gong Shangren 恭上人 (Monk Gong) 295, 296 gongan 公案 10, 11, 26, 28, 46, 57, 85, 90, 95, 105, 106, 136, 136 (n. 133), 141, 143, 146, 171, 285 Gongdeyun biqiu 功德雲比丘 279 Gongkui ji 攻媿集 47 (n. 90), 313 (n. 57) Gradual Cultivation (also see jianxiu 漸修) 235, 243, 249 Gradual Enlightenment (see jianwu 漸悟) Gu 顧 104 Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (344–ca. 406) 69, 296 guan 觀 (see Avalokita) Guan Wuliangshoufo jing 觀無量壽佛經 (see Visualization SÖtra) Guan Wuliangshoufojingshu miaozongchao 觀無量壽佛經疏妙宗鈔 80 (n. 64) Guanding 灌頂 205, 205 (n. 94), 216 (n. 127) Guang Hongmingji 廣弘明集 182 (n. 20), 198 (n. 74) Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳 220 (n. 143) Guangchu 廣初 50 Guangde 廣德 119 Guanghuisi 廣慧寺 47 Guangshiyin 光世音 158 Guangzhai Huizhong 光宅慧忠 (eighth c.; also known as Nanyang Huizhong 南陽慧忠) 125, 126, 129, 131, 132 Guangzhai Monastery (Guangzhaisi 光宅寺) 131 Guangzhaisi Fayun 光宅寺法雲 157, 157 (n. 195) Guangzhou 廣州 214 Guanjing rongxinjie 觀經融心解 80 (n. 62) guanli 觀理 (discern the principle) 81 guanmen 觀門 273 Guanshiye 觀世業 157 Guanshiyi 觀世意 157

Guanshiyin 觀世音 148, 149, 156, 157, 158, 162 Guanshiyin pusa pumenpin 觀世音菩薩普 門品 (see Universal Gateway) Guanshiyin pusa sanshier yingshen 觀世音菩 薩三十二應身 163 Guanshiyin zhengyan 觀世音正言 157 Guanshiyinshen 觀世音身 157 Guanshizizai (觀世自在) 158 Guanxiu 貫休 98 (n. 3) 101, 189, 192, 193, 194 Guanyin 觀音 (also see Avalokitetvara) 11, 12, 13 (n. 15), 14, 47, 89, 90, 105, 145, 146, 148, 149, 154 (n. 199), 155, 159, 160, 161, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 285, 286 Guanyin 168 Guanyin chanfa 觀音懺法 (Avalokitetvara Ritual of Repentance) 216 (n. 127) Guanyin sanshier xiang 觀音三十二相 (see Manifestations of Guanyin and Praises) Guanyin Yan 觀音巖 (also see Avalokitetvara Cliff ) 11, 20, 88, 146, 147, 158, 168, 186 Guanyinxiang bingsong 觀音像并頌 (also see Manifestations of Guanyin and Praises) 163 Guanyu seng 觀魚僧 (see A Monk Gazing at Fish) Guanzizai 觀自在 12, 149, 150, 151, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 162, 168 Guanzizai bodhisattva (see Guanzizai pusa) Guanzizai pusa 觀自在菩薩 89, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 162, 168 Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (Zongmi, 780–841) 45, 45 (n. 86), 68, 68 (n. 29), 128, 128 (n. 109), 129 (n. 109), 130, 131, 191, 234, 234 (n. 11), 235, 235 (n. 17), 236, 237, 238 (n. 21), 239, 241, 241 (n. 25), 243, 250, 251, 252, 252 (n. 50), 259, 270 Guiji 窺基 (632–682) 196, 196 (ns. 68, 69) Guilaizi 歸來子 191 (n. 46) Guiqulai 歸去來 190, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 241, 244 Guiyuan tianju 歸園田居 198, 199 Guizong Monastery (Guizongsi 歸宗寺) 114 (n. 66) guo 果 223, 254, 257

index Guo Xiangzheng 郭祥正 25, 29, 34, 34 (n. 60), 35, 35 (ns. 60, 62, 64), 36, 36 (n. 65), 38, 39, 40, 42, 52, 62, 63, 92, 105, 179, 283 guode 果德 231 guodi 果地 232 Guofeng 國風 31 Guoqing bailu 國清百錄 205 (n. 94) guoqu yuan 過去緣 235 Gupta (see Jueduo Sanzang 堀多三藏) Gushan Zhiyuan 孤山智圓 (976–1022) 192, 192 (n. 52), 278 Guyue Daorong 古月道融 16 (n. 1), 44 (n. 85) Guzang 姑藏 208 Guzunsu yulu 古尊宿語錄 219 (n. 140) Hagiographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳) 12, 179 (n. 10), 186 (n. 32), 191, 191 (n. 48), 202, 202 (n. 87), 203 (n. 88), 207 (n. 98), 208 (n. 99), 209 (ns. 101, 103), 212 (n. 115) , 213, 214 (n. 120) , 224 (n. 159), 225 (ns. 161, 162, 163), 226 (n. 166), 248 Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society (see Lianshe shiba gaoxian zhuan 蓮社十八高賢傳) Haihui Chan Monastery (see Baiyun Haihui Chan Monastery) Haiyue Huibian 海月慧辯 52 Hall of Establishing Virtue (see Lodge of Establishing Virtue) Han Gan 韓幹 107 (n. 32) Han Yuanji 韓元吉 50 (n. 100) Hangzhou 杭州 7, 24 (n. 25), 48, 50, 76, 78, 217, 278 Hannan 漢南 136 Hanxi Monastery (Hanxisi 寒溪寺) 214 He Fu 何復 124 (n. 101) He Guangqing 何光清 He Liangjun 何良俊 (1506–1573) 296, 296 (n. 25) He Yuanming ‘Guiqulaixi’ 和淵明歸去 來兮 244 Heart SÖtra (Banruo boluomiduo xinjing 般若波羅蜜多心經) 147, 149, 155, 155 (n. 191), 156, 156 (n. 192), 157, 158, 159, 161, 164, 196, 197, 295 Hebei 河北 121 Henan 河南 38, 118, 119, 129 Hengyang 衡陽 144 Hengyang cishi 衡陽刺使 144


Hengyue (South Mountain) 衡嶽 16 Heze Chan 荷澤禪 45, 129, 130, 131, 234 Heze Monastery (Hezesi 荷澤寺) 121, 122, 129, 131 Heze Shenhui 荷澤神會 (684–758) 6, 85, 119, 121, 121 (n. 90), 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 234, 252 Hongren 弘忍 10, 117, 118 (n. 81), 119, 120, 121, 123, 125, 126, 128 Hongzhi Zhengjue 宏智正覺 (1091–1157) 29 Hongzhou 洪州 69, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 259 Hongzhou Chan 洪州禪 30, 30 (n. 48), 40, 56, 68, 68 (n. 29), 69, 85, 86, 95, 191, 197, 236, 237, 237 (n. 19), 238, 238 (n. 23), 239, 240, 241, 241 (n. 25), 246, 258 Houshan ji 後山集 162 (n. 209) hua 花 83 Hua shanshui xu 畫山水序 (Preface to Painting Landscape) 203 huafo 化佛 218, 218 (n. 138) Huai Anyang guxiangshi 懷安養故鄉詩 244, 244 (n. 33) Huai Xifang shi 懷西方詩 244, 244 (n. 34) Huaihai ji, houji 淮海集/後集 143 (n. 158) Huaiwu 懷悟 176 Huaji 畫繼 2, 3 (n. 7), 89 (n. 94), 104 (n. 29), 159 (n. 201) huan 環 78 Huan Yin 桓尹 209 Huang Ce 黃策 50 (n. 101), 51 (n. 104), 55 (n. 120) Huang Jucai 黃居寀 153, 154 (n. 188), 290 (n. 3) Huang Tao 黃滔 207 (n. 97) Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅 15, 37, 37 (n. 69), 39, 40, 47, 47 (n. 92), 109, 110, 110 (n. 44), 111, 111 (n. 53), 113, 113 (n. 63), 114, 114 (n. 64), 134, 134 (n. 130), 135, 135 (n. 131), 299 Huang Xiufu 黃休復 153 (n. 188) Huangmei 黃梅 25, 26 Huatai 華臺 119, 129, 234 huatou 話頭 140 (n. 152), 141 Huayan 華嚴 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 16, 40, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54, 58, 68, 71, 72, 73, 80, 86, 88, 89, 94, 95, 105, 107, 107 (n. 32), 147, 149, 161,



163, 168, 171, 195, 204, 220, 222, 223, 224, 229, 230, 232, 232 (n. 2), 233, 236, 240, 241, 249, 250, 251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 261, 263, 264, 269, 278, 283, 284, 285, 286 Huayan Monastery (Huayansi 華嚴寺) 16, 22, 23 Huayan SÖtra (see Avata“saka SÖtra) Huayan Tang 華嚴堂 (Huayan Hall, see Flower Garland Hall) Huayan wushiyao wenda 華嚴五十要問答 259 (n. 64) Huayan yicheng shixuanmen 華嚴一乘十 玄門 251 (n. 43), 254 (ns. 52, 53), 260 (n. 68) Huayanjing guanmaiyiji 華嚴經關脈義記 251, 251 (n. 44), 255 (n. 54) Huayanjing tanxuanji 華嚴經探玄記 86 (n. 81), 250 (n. 39), 251, 251 (n. 45), 255 (n. 55), 257 (n. 59) Huayanjing yihai baimen 華嚴經義海百門 196 (n. 67) Hubei 湖北 38, 130 Huiai 惠靄 130 Huichi 慧持 175, 209, 296, 318, 324, 328 Huiguan 慧觀 (363–443) 208, 209, 210, 233 Huiguang 慧光 (468–537) 233 Huihong (see Juefan Huihong 覺範惠洪) Huijiao 慧皎 (497–554) 12, 179, 179 (n. 10), 186 (n. 32), 191, 191 (n. 48), 198, 202, 202 (n. 87), 203 (n. 88), 207 (n. 98), 208 (n. 99), 209 (ns. 101, 103), 212, 212 (n. 115), 213, 214 (n. 120), 215, 224 (n. 159), 225 (ns. 161, 162, 163), 226 (n. 166), 248 Huike 慧可 117, 118, 125 Huineng 慧能 (638–713) 9, 116, 117, 118, 118 (ns. 80, 81), 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133 Huiran 慧然 258 (n. 61) Huiri Monastery (Huirisi 慧日寺) 30 Huirui 慧叡 175, 208, 209, 210, 210 (n. 108), 256, 318, 324, 328 Huiyan 慧嚴 208, 209, 210 Huiyong 慧永 175, 177, 209, 318, 324, 328 Huiyuan 慧遠 12, 13, 92, 93, 175, 176, 179, 179 (n. 11), 180, 180 (n. 15), 181, 182, 182 (n. 18) 183, 186, 187, 188, 188 (n. 39), 189, 190,

191, 191 (n. 47), 192, 193, 194, 194 (n. 60), 195 (n. 65), 197, 198, 198 (n. 74), 201 (n. 84), 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 208 (n. 100), 209, 213, 215, 216, 216 (n. 126), 224, 225, 225 (ns. 161, 165), 226, 229, 236, 239, 246, 263, 264, 276, 278, 279, 280, 308, 320, 323, 325, 325 (n. 74), 326 Huiyuan 慧苑 233, 234, 234 (n. 7), 246 Huizhao 慧照 258 Huizong 徽宗 (Emperor Huizong) 2, 47, 136, 138, 290, 290 (n. 3) hulu 葫蘆 308, 323 Huqiu 虎丘 212 Hut for Visualizing the Setting Sun (see Riguan’an 日觀庵) Hut of Secret Perfection (Miquan An 秘全菴) 57, 64, 74, 75, 77, 79, 81, 82, 95, 275, 284, 287 Huxi 虎溪 (also see Tiger Stream) 12, 173 Huxi qiao 虎溪橋 (see Tiger Stream Bridge) Huxi sanxiao 虎溪三笑 (also see Three Laughers of Tiger Stream) 180 Huzhou 湖州 114 icchantika 210, 210 (n. 108), 211, 212, 232, 248, 249 Illustration of the Classic of Filial Piety 306 Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era (see Xuanhe huapu 宣和畫譜) infra 265 Ink Chan Hall (Mochan Tang 墨禪堂) 5, 20, 47, 64, 69, 70, 70 (n. 34), 71, 72, 73, 74, 82, 169, 284, 285 Initial Enlightenment (also see shijue 始覺) 222, 224, 235, 249, 253, 256, 271 Invocation of the Great Compassionate One (Dabei Qiqing 大悲祈請) 153 ivara 157 JambudvÒpa 245 jÊtaka 84 Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶 感通錄 216 (n. 128) jia 假 80 Jia Xuanweng 家鉉翁 160, 160 (n. 204), 161, 162 Jiacai 迦才 182, 182 (n. 19) jian 漸 233

index Jian Gongchen 謇拱辰 202 jianbi 減筆 100 Jiande Guan 建德館 (see Lodge of Establishing Virtue) Jiang 蔣 (Lady Jiang) 47 Jiangcun shuhua xiaoxia lu 江村書畫銷 夏錄 174 (n. 2), 183 (n. 26), 189 (n. 42), 190 (n. 43), 293 (n. 10), 304 (n. 43), 315 (n. 59) Jiangling 江陵 203, 225 Jiangshan Monstery ( Jiangshansi 蔣山寺) 112 Jiangshan Yuan Chanshi 蔣山元禪師 45 jiangtang 講堂 252 Jiangxi 江西 63 (n. 14), 92, 114 (n. 68), 127, 130, 209, 236 Jiangxi Dao 江西道 127 Jiangzhou 江州 34 (n. 60) Jiangzuo 江左 183 Jianhouren 籛後人 298 (n. 29) jianjiao 漸教 233 Jiankang 建康 225 jianwu 漸悟 (Gradual Enlightenment) 119, 243 jianxiu 漸修 (Gradual Cultivation) 45, 46, 235, 249, 271, 274 Jianzhong jingguo chuandeng lu 建中靖國傳 燈錄 35 (n. 63), 41 (n. 75), 42 (n. 79), 44 (n. 85) Jiao Xi 焦錫 104 Jiaoran 皎然 206 (n. 97) Jiaoran ji 皎然集 207 (n. 97) jiaowai biechuan 教外別傳 43 Jiatai 嘉泰 313 Jiatai pudeng lu 嘉泰普燈錄 25 (n. 26), 27 (n. 33) Jiaxiang Jizang 嘉祥吉藏 (see Jizang) Jiaye Moteng 迦葉摩騰 91 Jieran 介然 78 jieru xiangying 解入相應 81 jietuo ren 解脫人 68, 237, 239, 240 jijing 寂靜 257 Jile ji 雞肋集 180 (ns. 12, 14) Jing 靜 136 (n. 135), 139 (n. 148) jing 境 28 jing 淨 196 Jing 荊 214 Jin’gang banruojing 金剛般若經 10, 72, 106, 272 (n. 104) Jin’gang jing bawei 金剛經跋尾 72 (n. 45) Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄 (Transmission of the Lamp) 85 (n. 78),


116 (n. 72), 117, 117 (n. 73), 118 (n. 81), 123 (n. 96), 129, 130, 130 (n. 117), 131 (n. 120), 137, 139, 140 (n. 151), 141, 142, 142 (n. 156), 143 Jingfa Monastery ( Jingfasi 靜法寺) 233 jinggong 精工 190 jingping 淨瓶 (see ku¸ÓikÊ) Jingshan 淨善 109 (n. 41) Jingsi 淨思 52 Jingtu 淨土 (see Pure Land) Jingtu jueyi 淨土決疑 ([Treatise] on Resolving Doubts about Pure Land; also see Wangsheng Jingtu jueyi xingyuan ermen 往生淨土決疑行願二門) 265, 287 Jingtu lun 淨土論 182 (n. 19) Jingtu shiyilun 淨土十疑論 (Exposition on Ten Doubts about the Pure Land) 50, 53, 53 (n. 109), 268, 271, 275 Jingu Yan 金谷巖 (see Golden Valley Cavern) Jinguyan ji 金谷巖記 (see Record of Golden Valley Cavern) Jingxian Dashi shentaji 景賢大師身 塔記 (Record of the Pagoda of Master Jingxian) 119 jingwu 淨屋 (also see pure room) 64 Jingxi Zhanran 荊溪湛然 (711–782) 85, 86, 86 (n. 82) Jingxian Dashi shentaji 景賢大師身 塔記 119 Jingxing pin 淨行品 264, 276, 277 Jingxing she 淨行社 (Pure Conduct Society) 263, 264, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 Jingyin Jingzhao 淨因淨照 (1014–1093) 18, 23, 34, 39, 40, 106, 111, 112, 113, 133, 135, 169, 240 Jingyingsi Huiyuan 淨影寺慧遠 (523–592) 195, 195 (n. 65) Jinshan 金山 (see Mount Jin) Jinshizizhang yunjian leijie 金師子章雲間 類解 260 (n. 67) Jinshu 晉書 187, 188 (n. 36), 189, 190 Jiong 冏 138 Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 142 Jizang 吉藏 (549–623) 84, 84 (n. 74), 85, 157, 157 (n. 196), 158, 195, 195 (n. 61), 222, 223, 223 (n. 151), 257, 257 (n. 58), 266, 269 JÔen 定圓 124 joint primary and auxiliary practice (also see zhengzhu hexing 正助合行)



79, 81, 95, 266, 268, 269, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280 JÔjin 成尋 126, 127, 132, 170 Jue’an 覺岸 22 (n. 15), 52 (n. 108) Jueduo Sanzang 堀多三藏 (Gupta) 125, 131, 226 Juefan Huihong 覺範惠洪 (1071–1128) 30 (ns. 44, 45), 48, 48 (n. 97), 111 (n. 51), 113, 113 (n. 58), 114 (n. 65), 115, 115 (n. 69), 134 (n. 129), 142, 143 (n. 158) Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 (Records of Study of the Jun Studio) 143, 143 (n. 160), 145 juzhu 俱住 72 Kaifeng 開封 60 kaishu 楷書 165, 293 kalpas 249 kalyʸamitra (shanzhishi 善知識, shanyou 善友) 12, 44, 45, 47, 94, 96, 150, 163, 166, 167, 168, 204, 231, 232, 235, 245, 246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 259, 260, 261, 274, 277, 279, 283, 286 Kangle hou 康樂侯 182 kanhua Chan 看話禪 11, 139, 140 (n. 152), 285 karma 71, 144, 231, 235, 260, 270 kÊya 158 Kong Chunzhi 孔淳之 184, 185 Korean Relations Institute (see Tongwen Guan 同文館) KÔzanji 高山寺 126, 126 (n. 106), 127 KÉitigarbha (Dizang 地藏) 84 (n. 73) Kuaiji 會稽 92 KumÊrajÒva (ca. 343–ca. 413) 149, 149 (n. 178), 155, 156, 203, 209, 221, 225, 225 (n. 165) Kumu Chan 枯木禪 (Dry Wood Chan) 134 ku¸ÓikÊ ( jingping 淨瓶) 70, 123, 197, 261, 308, 320 Kunshan 崑山 124 (n. 101) Kyoto 126, 136 Lady Jiang 蔣 47 Lake Poyang (see Poyanghu 鄱陽湖) Lake Tai 153, 306 LakÉa¸a 156, 273 Lan Ying 藍瑛 93 (n. 103) La±kÊvatÊra SÖtra (Lengqie jing 楞伽經) 10, 119, 237 (n. 20)

Laoxuean biji 老學庵筆記 160, 160 (n. 202) Later Red Cliff Ode 299, 305, 312 Latter Days of the Law (see mofa 末法) Layman Pang (see Pang Jushi 龐居士) Layman Pang Accidentally Unleashed Debts to Be Paid in Future Births (Pang Jushi wufang laishengzhai 龐居士誤放來生債) 141 Lebang wenlei 樂邦文類 (Anthologies of the Joyous Nation) 50 (n. 101), 51 (n. 102), 52 (n. 106), 53 (n. 109, 111), 55 (n. 117), 56 (n. 121), 77, 77 (n. 57), 178 (n. 9), 241, 242 (n. 28), 244 (n. 35), 264 (n. 75) Lebang yigao 樂邦遺稿 (Anthology of Preserved Pure Land Literature) 174, 175 (n. 3), 242 (n. 27), 246 (n. 36) Lei Cizong 雷次宗 176, 198 (n. 74), 210, 311, 317, 324 Lei’an Zhengshou 雷安正受 25 (ns. 26, 27), 27 (n. 33) Lengqie jing 楞伽經 (see La±kÊvatÊra SÖtra) Lesser Vehicle 83 li 理 (noumenon) 25, 27, 30, 42, 44, 56, 71, 72, 74, 76, 80, 86, 195, 223, 268 li 里 59 li 栗 166 (n. 220) Li Bai 李白 192, 192 (n. 49) Li Chang 李常 110, 174 (n. 1) Li Chongyuan 李沖元 6, 12, 15, 20, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 47, 62, 71, 87, 87 (n. 88), 109, 111, 173, 174, 175 (n. 3), 177, 183, 186, 194, 208, 210, 211 (n. 110), 220, 226, 248, 256, 285, 289, 290, 292, 293, 294, 303, 304 (n. 43), 307, 312, 313, 314, 315, 315 (n. 61), 316, 317, 317 (ns. 64, 65), 318, 318 (n. 66), 319, 321, 322, 326 Li Desu 李德素 (Li Jie 李楶) 6, 12, 39, 40, 111, 174, 174 (n. 1), 175 (n. 3), 177, 178, 178 (n. 9), 194, 210, 211 (n. 110), 226, 289, 297, 299, 300, 300 (n. 37), 301, 302, 306, 307, 318 (n. 66), 321 (n. 69), 322, 322 (n. 70), 325, 325 (n. 74) Li Diaoyuan 李調元 189 (n. 41) Li Gonglin 李公麟 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 32, 34, 34 (n. 60), 35, 35, (n. 60), 36, 37, 37 (ns. 69, 70), 38, 39, 40, 44, 45 (n. 86), 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58, 60, 61, 61 (ns. 6, 7),

index 62, 63, 63 (ns. 14, 16), 65, 66, 66 (n. 23), 67, 68 (n. 29), 69, 69 (n. 33), 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 88, 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 98 (n. 3), 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109, 110, 111, 112, 112 (n. 57), 113, 114, 115, 118, 118 (n. 80), 128, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 185, 186, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 217, 217 (n. 133), 218, 219, 219 (n. 140), 220, 224, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 236, 237 (n. 19), 238, 239, 240, 241, 243, 244, 246, 247, 248 (n. 37), 249, 252, 253, 256, 258, 261, 262, 264, 265, 266, 267, 275, 280, 281, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 289, 292, 294, 296, 297, 298, 300, 302, 303, 303 (n. 40), 305, 306, 307, 311, 312, 313, 313 (n. 56), 314, 317, 321, 322, 325, 326, 326 (n. 75), 327, 328, 329 Li Gonglin zhuan 李公麟傳 2 (n. 3) Li-Guo 李郭 326, 326 (n. 75) Li Jia 李甲 104 Li Sizhen 李嗣真 (?–696) 103 Li Taibai quanji 李太白全集 192 (n. 49) Li Tongxuan 李通玄 (635 or 646–730 or 740) 48, 48 (ns. 96, 97), 107, 107 (n. 32), 220, 223, 223 (n. 152), 224, 251, 251 (n. 47) Li Xiaoxian 李孝先 145 Li Yanshou 李延壽 182 (n. 21) Li Yong 李邕 118, 119 Li Zunxu 李遵勖 (988–1038) 22, 39, 105 Liang Kai 梁楷 97 (n. 1), 98 Liang Qingbiao 梁清標 (1620–1691) 298 Lianshe 蓮社 (see Lotus Society) Lianshe shiba gaoxian zhuan 蓮社十 八高賢傳 (Hagiographies of the Eighteen Noble Worthies of the Lotus Society) 174, 174 (n. 1), 176, 181, 185, 213 Lidai minghuaji 歷代名畫記 107 (n. 32), 151 (n. 181) Linchuan 臨川 189


Lingxun 靈訓 133 Lingzhao 靈照 137, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 168, 171 lingzhi 靈芝 327 Lingzhi Yuanzhao 靈芝元照 52 linian 離念 235 linian zizhao 離念自照 30, 134 Linjizong 臨濟宗 (Linji 臨濟) 6, 11, 21, 27, 28, 30, 30 (n. 48), 32, 34, 41, 56, 113, 132, 133, 140, 170, 238, 238 (n. 23), 240 Linji Yixuan 臨濟義玄 (d. 867) 28, 238, 238 (n. 23), 259 Linquan laoren pingchang Touzi Qing heshang songgu kongguji 林泉老人評唱投子青 和尚頌古空谷集 29 liru 理入 (entering based on noumenon) 79, 272, 272 (n. 104) lishi shuangxiu 理事雙修 ( joint cultivation of noumenon and phenomenon) 266, 268 lishi wuai 理事無礙 73 lishi xiangrong 理事相融 73 lishu 隸書 165, 293 literary Chan (wenzi Chan 文字禪) 15 Liu Chengzhi 劉程之 318 Liu Daochun 劉道醇 153 (n. 188), 154 (n. 188) Liu Jing 劉涇 104 Liu Junxi 劉君錫 141, 144 Liu Ningzhi 劉凝之 111 Liu Yimin 劉遺民 175, 187, 188, 188 (n. 39), 295, 324, 328 Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 183 Liu Yongnian 劉永年 104 Liu Zheng 劉整 151 Liu Zun 劉遵 203 liuxiang yi 六相義 (Meanings of Six Phenomena) 44 liuzhong yinyuan 六種因緣 (Six Conditional Causations) 43 Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇經 (see Platform SÖtra of the Sixth Patriarch) living Chan (see shenghuo chan 生活禪) lixiu 理修 (cultivation based on the noumenon) 76, 79, 272 (n. 104), 287 Lodge of Establishing Virtue ( Jiande Guan 建德館) 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 76, 83, 90, 95, 185, 284 Lodge of Fragrant Reeds (Xiangmao Guan 薌茅館) 64 Long-scarf Guanyin (Changdai Guanyin 長帶觀音) 11, 159, 161, 168



Long Roll of Buddhist Images 127, 132 Longmian Chan 1, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 21, 29, 33, 34, 40, 41, 42, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 57, 58, 61, 62, 69, 73, 87, 92, 93, 96, 98, 106, 108, 112, 115, 133, 161, 175, 177, 219, 240, 241, 242, 283, 307 Longmian Er Li 龍眠二李 (Two Lis of Longmian) 6, 95, 175, 175 (n. 4) Longmian Mountains region (Longmian region) 3 (n. 10), 6, 7, 8, 14, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24, 25, 28, 33, 35, 35 (n. 60), 36, 37, 37 (n. 69), 38, 39, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 57, 60, 62, 63, 64, 67, 73, 76, 82, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 104, 105, 108, 109, 111, 112, 118 (n. 80), 132, 140, 158, 168, 169, 178, 179, 198, 201, 205, 240, 243, 243 (n. 29), 259, 283, 284, 285, 289, 303, 303 (n. 40), 329 Longmian San Li 龍眠三李 (Three Lis of Longmian) 6, 82, 111, 112 Longmian Shanzhuang 龍眠山莊 (Longmian Mountain Villa, Mountain Villa) 5, 8, 11, 12, 15, 16, 36, 37 (n. 70), 47, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 69, 70 (n. 34), 75, 83, 88, 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 146, 147, 149, 158, 159, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 179, 185, 204, 275, 284 Longmian Shanzhuang tu 龍眠山莊圖 (Picture of Longmian Mountain Villa) 4, 5, 8, 19, 20, 36, 51 (n. 103), 61, 61 (n. 7), 62 (n. 11), 63, 63 (ns. 11, 15), 64, 69, 70 (n. 35), 71, 73, 82, 89, 96, 138, 173, 284, 286 Longshu zengguang jingtuwen 龍舒增廣淨 土文 53 (n. 108), 243 (n. 30) Longxing Monastery (Longxingsi 龍興寺) 129, 131 Longya Dun 龍牙遁 241 Lotus Society (Lianshe 蓮社) 12, 51, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 180 (n. 15), 181, 183, 185, 186, 189, 190, 191, 194, 197, 205, 206, 207, 210, 225 (n. 162), 226, 229, 236, 239, 244, 246, 247, 256, 261, 264 Lotus SÖtra (also see Saddharma-pu¸ÓarÒka SÖtra) 11, 12, 41, 77, 149, 149 (n. 178), 156, 162, 163, 166, 286 Lou Yao 樓鑰 47 (n. 90), 174, 313, 313 (n. 57), 314, 315, 316, 317 (n. 62) Lu Dian 陸佃 (1042–1102) 47 (n. 89), 110, 112, 160

Lu Hou 魯侯 67 Lu Lengjia 盧楞伽 (ca. 730–760) 122, 122 (n. 92), 123 Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (ca. 406–477) 12, 13, 92, 175, 180, 189, 191, 191 (n. 47), 192, 193, 197, 226, 280, 308, 312, 313, 320, 322, 323, 325, 325 (n. 74), 326 Lu You 陸游 (1124–1210) 110, 160, 160 (n. 202) Lu Zhen 盧珍 119 Lü 律 106 Luancheng ji 欒城集 47 (n. 91), 69 (n. 32), 159 (n. 200) Luelun xin Huayanjing xiuxing cidi jueyilun 略論新華嚴經修行次第決疑論 223 (n. 152) Luling 廬陵 300 Luohu yelu 羅湖野錄 35 (n. 63), 41 (n. 75), 42 (n. 79) Luoyang 洛陽 60, 97, 118, 126 Lushanji 廬山記 (Record of Mount Lu) 111, 111 (n. 49), 174 (n. 1), 180, 182 (n. 18), 185, 185 (n. 29), 186, 194, 194 (n. 60), 201 (n. 84), 205, 217 (n. 131) Luzhou 廬州 7, 24, 50 ma 麻 196 Ma Gongxian 馬公顯 136 Ma Hezhi 馬和之 296 Ma Liang 馬亮 (959–1031) 7, 24, 25, 33, 34, 50, 265, 284, 287 Ma Yongyi 馬永逸 51 Ma Yu 馬迂 50, 51, 53 Ma Yuan 馬遠 296 MÊdhyamika 86, 88 Magpie Stream (Queyuan 鵲源) 70 (n. 34) MahÊkÊtyapa 9, 116, 125, 127 MahÊprajñÊpÊramitÊ SÖtra (Dapin banruo jing 大品般若經) 221 MahÊsthÊmaprÊpta 149 MahÊyÊna 40, 41, 56, 68, 72, 74, 79, 83, 88, 91, 94, 95, 96, 149, 155, 156, 159, 161, 171, 172, 196, 213, 226, 227, 230, 232, 262, 263, 268, 273, 274, 277, 278, 280, 283, 284 MahÊyÊna DauabhÖmikÊ SÖtra (Shizhu jing 十住經) 225 Maitreya 13, 44, 231, 232, 244, 247, 249, 253, 256, 261 manas 158 Manifestations of Guanyin and Praises

index (Guanyinxiang bingsong 觀音像 并頌, also known as Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanyin) 106, 115, 163, 165, 168, 173, 286, 287 MañjutrÒ (Wenshu 文殊, bodhisattva of Buddhist wisdom) 12, 19, 44, 45, 83, 83 (n. 73), 92, 106, 163, 167, 175, 205, 213, 213 (n. 119), 214, 215, 216, 216 (ns. 126, 127), 217, 218, 218 (n. 138), 219, 219 (n. 142), 220, 222, 224, 229, 230, 231, 232, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 260, 261, 262, 271, 279, 280, 286, 294, 295, 309, 309 (n. 52), 310, 313, 319, 323, 327 MañjutrÒ Hall 153 Marian imagery 11 Mazu Daoyi 馬祖道一 (709–788) 68, 68 (n. 29), 85, 127, 132, 137, 170, 236, 237, 237 (ns. 19, 20), 238, 239, 240, 259 Mazu Daoyi Chanshi yulu 馬祖道一禪師 語錄 68, 237 (n. 18), 241 Meng Yuanlao 孟元老 59 Meng Zhongning 孟仲寧 177 Mengzi 孟子 23, 29, 60 Method of the Siddham Forty-two Characters (Xitan sishierzi men 悉曇四十二字門, also see Siddham Forty-two Characters, Siddham Forty-two Characters dhÊra¸Ò, Sishierzi guanmen 四十二字觀門, Sishierzi men 四十二字門) 221 Mi 密 106 Mi Fu 米芾 (1057–1107) 9, 104, 114 (n. 68) Midian zhulin 秘殿珠林 298 Midian zhulin, xubian 秘殿珠林續編 298 (ns. 29, 30) Ming fo lun 明佛論 (Essay on Illuminating Buddhism) 93, 93 (n. 104), 204, 204 (n. 92) Mingjiao Qisong 明教契嵩 (Qisong 契嵩) 10, 116 (n. 72), 123, 123 (n. 97), 124, 124 (ns. 99, 100), 125, 126, 126 (n. 104), 127, 128, 129, 130, 130 (n. 118), 131, 132, 132 (n. 123), 133, 170, 181, 181 (n. 16), 193, 193 (n. 55), 197, 226, 278 Mingseng chuanchao 名僧傳抄 215 (n. 122) Miquan An 秘全菴 (see Hut of Secret Perfection) Miss Qiu 仇氏 163, 164, 165, 166, 166 (n. 219), 167 (n. 224)


Mituo Baoge 彌陀寶閣 (also see AmitÊbha Hall) 53 (n. 110), 78 Mochan Tang 墨禪堂 (see Ink Chan Hall) mofa 末法 (Latter Days of the Law) 48, 53, 79, 247, 250, 261, 262, 268, 279 Moonlight-in-Water Guanyin Bodhisattva SÖtra Spoken by the Buddha (Foshuo Shuiyueguang Guanyin Pusa jing 佛說水 月光觀音菩薩經) 153 Mount Baiyun (Baiyunshan 白雲山) 16, 17, 32, 37, 62 Mount Baoding (Baodingshan 寶頂山) 104, 104 (n. 30) Mount Emei (Emeishan 峨嵋山) 84 (n. 73) Mount Fahua (Fahuashan 法華山) 49 Mount Fu (Fushan 浮山) 16, 21, 22, 32, 35, 36, 37, 41, 45, 62 Mount Jin ( Jinshan 金山) 114 Mount Jiuhua ( Jiuhuashan 九華山) 84 (n. 73) Mount Lu (Lushan 廬山) 25, 30, 35, 46, 52, 69 (n. 30), 87, 92, 93, 94, 107, 110, 111, 112, 177, 182 (n. 19), 186, 187, 188, 192, 194, 202, 203, 203 (n. 88), 204, 205, 209, 212, 213, 213 (n. 119), 215, 216, 217, 224, 225, 225 (n. 161), 236, 239, 240, 248, 300, 307 Mount Lumen (Lumenshan 鹿門山) 145 Mount Luofu (Luofushan 羅浮山) 209 Mount Putuo (Putuoshan 普陀山) 84 (n. 73) Mount Simian (Simianshan 四面山) 16, 62 Mount Song (Songshan 嵩山) 118 Mount Touzi (Touzishan 投子山) 16, 31, 32, 33, 35, 62, 303 (n. 40) Mountain Villa (see Longmian Shanzhuang) Mount Wutai (Wutaishan 五台山) 48, 84 (n. 73), 131, 213, 216, 217, 218 (n. 138), 219, 220 Mount Wutai MañjutrÒ (also see Wutaishan Wenshu 五台山文殊) 217, 217 (n. 133), 218, 218 (n. 138), 219, 220 mudrÊ(s) 51, 220, 319, 319 (n. 67), 321, 323, 327 mukha-dvÊra 158 muren 木人 87 Muxi 牧溪 89, 97 (n. 1)



NÊgÊrjuna 55, 221, 221 (n. 146), 222, 224, 262, 267, 267 (ns. 78, 79), 268, 269, 279 nanben 南本 208 Nanchang 南昌 236 Nanjian jiayigao 南澗甲乙稿 50 (n. 100) Nanjing 南京 3 (n. 10), 62, 112,138, 198, 207, 209, 212, 216, 225, 248 Nankangjun 南康軍 37, 37 (n. 70), 52, 61, 63 (n. 14), 110, 177, 307 nanlang 南廊 (southern corridor) 120 Nanman 南蠻 203 Nanshi 南史 182 (n. 21), 183 Nanyang Huizhong 南陽慧忠 (see Guangzhai Huizong 光宅慧忠) nanyi hehui 難以合會 (difcult to merge and reconcile) 50 Nanyue 南越 67 Nanyue Huairang 南嶽懷讓 (677–744) 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 130 (n. 119), 131, 132, 170 Nanyue Mountains 216 Nanzen Monastery (Nanzenji 南禪寺) 136 Nanzhao Dali 南詔大理 (see Dali Kingdom) Necklace Cliff (Yingluo Yan 瓔珞巖) 83, 87, 284 nengzheng 能證 255 Nianchang 念常 21 (n. 13), 52 (n. 107), 53 (n. 109) nianfo 念佛 48, 49, 51, 55, 79, 241, 242, 245, 268, 269, 272, 272 (n. 104), 279, 280 nianfo 唸佛 48, 49, 51, 54, 55, 56, 79, 216, 268, 269, 272, 274, 279 nianfo sanmei 245, 246, 268, 277, 278, 279, 280 Nianfo sanmei baowang lun 念佛三昧寶 王論 182 (n. 19), 225 (n. 161), 266, 268, 274, 279 Nianfo sanmei shixu 念佛三昧詩序 276 nianhua weixiao 拈花微笑 9, 114, 116, 170 nianxiang 拈香 32 niepan 涅槃 (see nirvʸa) Nine Belts of Fushan (Fushan jiudai 浮山九帶) 28, 41 Ning 凝 109 Ningbo 寧波 7, 48 nirmʸabuddha (huafo 化佛, metamorphosed Buddha) 218, 218 (n. 138) nirvʸa 27, 42, 72, 156, 195, 213, 221,

224, 226, 227, 231, 235, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 262, 268 Nirvʸa SÖtra 85, 86, 182, 182 (n. 18), 205, 206, 207, 207 (n. 98), 209, 210, 211, 211 (n. 111), 212, 213, 225, 233, 236, 239, 248, 256, 260, 280 Niutou Chan 牛頭禪 85 Niutou Farong 牛頭法融 (594–657) 84, 85, 235 nonduality 12, 19, 42, 82, 83, 95, 156, 159, 168, 195, 233, 284, 286 Nymph of the Luo River 69 One Mind Three Insights (also see yixin sanguan 一心三觀) 80, 268, 269, 279 One Phenomenon (yixiang 一相) 43, 44 One Vehicle ( yicheng 一乘) 6, 7, 12, 40, 41, 42, 48, 53, 55, 57, 58, 139, 262, 266, 267, 268, 269, 278, 281 Ordinary Mind (see pingchangxin 平常心) Original Enlightenment (see benjue 本覺) Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072) 22, 39, 105, 142 (n. 153) Pan Peng 293 Pang Da 龐大 142, 142 (n. 156) Pang Jushi 龐居士 (Pang Yun 龐蘊, also known as Layman Pang) 11, 46, 46 (n. 87), 136, 137, 137 (n. 141), 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 146 (n. 169), 171 Pang Jushi wufang laishengzhai 龐居士 誤放來生債 (also see Layman Pang Accidentally Unleashed Debts to Be Paid in Future Births) 141, 144 Pang Jushi yulu 龐居士語錄 (see Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang) Pang Po 龐婆 142 Pang Tongzhi 龐通之 189 Pang Yun 龐蘊 (ca. 740–808, see Pang Jushi) panjiao 判教 41, 232 (n. 2) pÊramitÊ 277 parinirvʸa 213, 249, 257, 258, 259 Pasturing Horses, after Wei Yan of the Tang 305, 306, 313 (n. 56) Peak of Accumulated Gems (Baoji Feng 寶積峰) 90, 284 penance ritual (see chanfa 懺法 ) Penance Ritual Quarter(s) 66, 77 Peng Ruli 彭汝礪 (1042–1095) 143, 143 (n. 159) Perceiving Master 148 pian 偏 27, 28

index Pictorial Praises of the Guidance of MañjuurÒ (see Wenshu zhinan tuzan 文殊指南圖贊) Picture of Mount Wutai (Wutaishan tu 五臺山圖) 75 Picture of Six Patriarchs 122 Picture of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School, and Designating Patriarchs (Chuanfa zhengzong dingzu tu 傳法正宗定祖圖) 116 (n. 72), 123 (n. 97), 124, 131, 132 Picture of Transmitting the Dharma and Bestowing the Robe (chuanfa shouyi tu 傳法授衣圖) 106, 115, 116, 126, 128, 133, 285 Pi¸Óola 145 Ping Ji 憑檝 66 (n. 23), 244, 246 Ping Longya Chanshi song 評龍牙禪 師頌 242 (n. 27) pingchang 評唱 11, 28, 29, pingchangxin 平常心 (Ordinary Mind) 68, 69, 236, 237, 238, 239 Platform SÖtra (Nanzong dunjiao zuishang Dacheng mohe banruo boluomijing liuzu Huineng Dashi yu Shaozhou Dafansi shifa tanjing 南宗頓教最上大乘摩訶般若波 羅蜜經六祖惠能大師於韶州大梵寺 施法壇經) 10, 118, 119, 119 (n. 84), 120 (n. 85), 132, 132 (n. 124) Portraits of the Six Patriarchs of the Bodhidharma School (Damozong Liuzu ying 達摩宗六祖影) 126, 170 Potalaka 89, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 158, 166, 286 Potalaka Guanzizai 153 Poyang ji 鄱陽集 143 (n. 159) Poyanghu 鄱陽湖 (Lake Poyang) 194 prajñÊ 208, 222, 254, 255, 256, 257 prajñÊpÊramitÊ 72, 85, 86, 155, 156, 195, 196, 197, 222, 223, 226, 227, 259 Pratyeka-buddha 273 Precious Blossom Cliff (Baohua Yan 寶華巖) 88, 284 Pucong 普聰 (see Touzi Pucong) Puhui 普會 143 (n. 161) Puji 普濟 16 (n. 1), 21 (n. 12), 22 (n. 16), 30 (n. 47), 32 (n. 53), 33 (n, 55), 34 (n. 60), 35 (ns. 61, 62), 43 (n. 82), 134 (ns. 127, 128), 238 (n. 24) Puji 普寂 (651–739) 118, 119, 121, 129 Puming 普明 216 (n. 127)


Puqia 溥洽 (1348–1426) 138, 139, 140, 146 Pure Land ( Jingtu 淨土, also see SukhÊvatÒ) 4, 7, 8, 12, 13, 14, 48, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 65, 66, 66 (n. 23), 76 (n. 54), 77, 79, 80, 83, 88, 93, 94, 95, 96, 109, 168, 169, 171, 175, 176, 178, 179, 179 (n. 11), 182, 187, 191, 198, 204, 216, 217, 225, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 236, 240, 241, 242, 243, 243 (n. 29), 244, 245, 246, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 284, 285, 286, 287, 319 (n. 67) Pure Land Hall(s) 66, 78, 79 pure room ( jingwu 淨屋) 64 Pure Society 182 Pure Talk (qingtan 清談) 19 Puxian 普賢 (see Samantabhadra) Puxianxing 普賢行 255 Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 291 (n. 9), 298, 298 (n. 29) Qian Yi 錢易 276 (n. 123), 277 (n. 125) Qianfu Monastery (Qianfusi 千福寺) 107 (n. 32), 131 Qianlong 乾隆 298, 298 (n. 30) Qianshan 潛山 110 Qianshanxian 潛山縣 37 (n. 69) Qiantang 錢塘 78 Qiao Zhongchang 喬仲常 299, 305, 312 Qiji 齊己 107 (n. 32) qin 琴 26, 203 Qin Guan 秦觀 (1049–1100) 143, 143 (n. 158) Qing Huayan 青華嚴 (Qing Avata“saka, Touzi Yiqing) 30, 41 qingmiaofa 青苗法 (Green Sprouts Regulation) 110 Qingniushi 青牛石 37 (n. 69), 110 Qingshan ji 青山集 34 (ns. 60, 64), 36 (n. 65) qingtan 清談 (see Pure Talk) qingyou liwu 情有理無 196 Qingyuan 慶元 313 Qingyuan Xingsi 清原行思 (?–740) 125, 126, 130, 130 (n. 119), 131, 132 Qishi 乞食 188 (n. 37) Qisong 契嵩 (see Mingjiao Qisong 明教契嵩) Qiu Wenbo 丘文播 192



Qiu Ying 仇英 (late fteenth–mid sixteenth c.) 163, 165, 289 (n. 1), 292, 293, 294, 294 (n. 20), 295, 296, 296 (n. 25), 297 Qiushi 仇氏 (see Miss Qiu) Qiwu lun 齊物論 20 (n. 7) Qixian Monastery (Qixiansi 棲賢寺) 30, 240 Qiyun Shi 棲雲室 (see Chamber of Perching Clouds) Qizhou 蘄州 38 Quan can Chanzhe 勸參禪者 243 Quan Wudai shi 全五代詩 quanjiao 權教 (expedient teaching) 86 Qu’e 曲阿 199, 200 Queyuan 鵲源 (see Magpie Stream) quli 曲笠 183 Qushe xingzhe 驅蛇行者 (Snake Expeller) 194, 194 (n. 60), 197, 226, 247 Raining Blossoms Cliff (Yuhua Yan 雨華巖) 82, 284 ran 染 196 Record of Discourses (Yulu 語錄) 28, 29, 31, 36, 87, 105, 108 (n. 35), 109, 219 Record of Golden Valley Cavern ( Jinguyan ji 金谷巖記) 37 Record of Mount Lu (see Lushanji 廬山記) Record of the Cavern of Virtuous Reclusion (Yinxianyanji 隱賢巖記) 22, 52 Record of the Lotus Society Picture 174, 174 (n. 1), 177, 178 (n. 9), 183, 186, 210, 289, 290, 292, 293, 294, 297, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304 (n. 43), 306, 307, 312, 313, 314, 315, 315 (ns. 60, 61), 316, 317, 321, 321 (n. 69), 322, 322 (n. 70), 326 Record of Transmitting the Dharma, Authenticating the School (see Chuanfa zhengzong ji 傳法正宗記) Recorded Sayings of Layman Pang (Pang Jushi yulu 龐居士語錄) 11, 136, 137, 137 (n. 141), 139 (n. 149), 140, 141, 142, 142 (ns. 154, 156), 171 Records of Ancestral Halls (Zutang ji 祖堂集) 136, 136 (ns. 135, 136), 137, 139, 139 (n. 148), 141, 143 Regulations in Ancestral Halls (Zutang gangji 祖堂綱記) 29, 108 Relaxing in a Forest Pavilion 295

renli 忍力 272 Rentian yanmu 人天眼目 28 (ns. 34, 35), 41 (ns. 74, 76), 55 (n. 116), 69 (n. 30) Renyong 仁勇 27 (n. 32), 28 (n. 37), 31 (n. 50), 108 (n. 37), 137 (n. 140) renyun zizai 任運自在 68, 237 Renzong 仁宗 (r. 1022–1062) 24 Returning Home (see Guiqulai fu 歸去來賦) Returning Home 138, 190 Riguan’an 日觀庵 (Hut for Visualizing the Setting Sun) 77, 78, 79 Riguanming 日觀銘 (To Commemorate the An for Visualizing the Setting Sun) 77 Rounded Teaching ( yuanjiao 圓教) 74, 86, 88, 221, 223, 233, 253, 257, 259, 275 Ruan Ji 阮藉 (210–263) 198 Ruiying ji 瑞應記 (Catalogue of Good Omens) 215 Rulai zang 如來藏 (also see TathÊgatagarbha) 211 rÖpa 156 ruyi 如意 218, 219, 310, 318, 319, 327, 328 Saddharma-pu¸ÓarÒka SÖtra (also see Lotus SÖtra) 7 SahÊlokadhÊtu 53, 280 sÊkyamuni 27, 84, 101, 105, 114, 115, 116, 213, 252 samÊdhi 85 SamÊdhi Song of the Precious Mirror (Baojing sanmei ge 寶鏡三昧歌) 85 Samantabhadra (Puxian 普賢) 13, 45, 84 (n. 73), 150, 167, 232, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 260, 261, 262 sambhÊra 272 Sa“ghadeva 225 (n. 162) sa“sÊra 3, 53, 188, 211, 232, 235, 243, 244, 250, 260 Samyak-samÊdhi (zhengding 正定) 74 sa±gha 23, 33, 239, 246, 261 sanqian daqian shijie 三千大千世界 74 sanxing 三性 261 Sanzangyuan 三藏院 107 (n. 32) Sanzusi 三祖寺 37 (n. 69) sÊriputra 83, 155 uÊstra 249 SeiryÔji 清涼寺 217, 219, 220, 310 (n. 52) Sengcan 僧璨 118, 125 Sengyou 僧佑 207 (n. 98), 209 (n. 102), 210 (n. 108)

index Sengzhao 僧肇 156, 157 (n. 194), 257, 257 (n. 57), 260 (n. 67) Seven Patriarchs Hall 118 Seven Patriarchs of the Fahua School 107 (n. 32), 121 Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove 198 shan bushan yin 善不善因 237 (n. 20) Shancai can Guanshiyin sanshi’erbian shiben 善財參觀世音三十二變石本 (also see Stone Rubbing Version of Sudhana’s Pilgrimage to Thirty-two Manifestations of Guanshiyin) 164 Shandao 善導 (613–681) 54, 79, 266, 268, 269, 272 (n. 104) Shandong 山東 30 shan’genli 善根力 249 shangpin shangsheng 上品上生 55 shangshanggenren 上上根人 273 shangshou 上首 209 Shangshu 尚書 287 Shangshu Youcheng 尚書右丞 (Aide to the Imperial Secretary) 24 shangtang 上堂 25, 46, 133 Shangu 山谷 37 (n. 69) Shangu ji 山谷集 47 (n. 92), 134 (n. 130) Shangu tiba 山谷題跋 111 (n. 53) shanjia 山家 (home mountain) 49, 50, 53 Shanmu 山木 67 shanwai 山外 (outside the mountain) 49 shanyou 善友 (see kalyʸamitra) Shanzhi Zhongyi 善知眾藝 222 shanzhishi 善知識 (see kalyʸamitra) Shanzhuang tu 山莊圖 (see Longmian Mountain Villa) Shaolong 紹隆 259 (n. 63) Shaoyang Fahai 邵陽法海 125, 132, 132 (n. 124) She Dabiluzhe’na chengfo shenbian jiachijing ru lianhua taizang haihui beisheng manchaluo guangda niansong yigui gongyang fangbianhui 攝大毘盧遮那成佛神變加 持經入蓮華胎藏海會悲生曼荼羅廣 大念誦儀軌供養方便會 218 (n. 138) Shengchan Monastery 聖禪寺 310 (n. 52) shengchuang 繩床 (rope bed) 77 Shengguang Monastery (Shengguangsi 勝光寺) 151 Shengjin Yan 勝金巖 (see Surpassing Gold Cliff )


shenghuo chan 生活禪 (living Chan) 169 Shengman baoku 勝鬘寶窟 195 (n. 61) shengseng 聖僧 106 shengsi 生死 235 Shengtianwang banruojing 勝天王般若經 242 shengwen 聲聞 83 Shengyin Chan Monastery (Shengyin Chansi 聖因禪寺) 16, 31, 32, 33, 35, 46 Shenhui 神會 (see Heze Shenhui 荷澤神會) Shenwu Chuqian 神悟處謙 52 Shenxiu 神秀 (606–706) 6, 118, 119, 120, 128, 129, 130, 131 Shenzhao Benru 神照本如 52 Shenzong 神宗 (1067–1085) 111 shi 事 (phenomenon) 25, 27, 42, 44, 56, 73, 76, 80, 86, 195, 223, 268 Shi Huayan jing Jingxingpin xu 施華嚴 經淨行品序 276 (n. 123) Shiba gaoxian zhuan 十八高賢傳 (see Lianshe shiba gaoxian zhuan 蓮社十八高賢傳) Shicha Nantuo 實叉難陀 (see sikÉÊnanda) Shidi pin 十地品 267 (n. 78) shijue 始覺 (Initial Enlightenment) 45, 81, 222, 224, 235, 249, 253, 256, 271 Shike 石恪 98 (n. 3), 100, 102, 192 Shimen wenzi chan 石門文字禪 143 (n. 158) Shiming 師明 25 (n. 28), 26 (n. 30), 109 (n. 40) shinü 石女 87 shiru 事入 (entering based on phenomena) 79, 272, 272 (n. 104) shishan 十善 249 Shishi jigu lue 釋氏稽古略 22 (n. 15), 52 (n. 108), 202 (n. 86) Shishi tongjian 釋氏通鑑 143, 144 (n. 163), 145 Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 75, 75 (n. 50) Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 183 Shisi yinxun 十四音訓 (Fourteen Phonetic Pronunciations and their Meanings) 209 Shitou Xiqian 石頭希遷 137 shixiu 事修 (cultivation according to phenomenon) 77, 79, 272 (n. 104) Shizhu biposhalun 十住毘婆沙論 267, 267 (ns. 78, 79) shouchi 受持 223 Shouduan 守端 (see Baiyun Shouduan) shoujin 瘦金 290



shouzuo 首座 33 Shu 蜀 154 Shu houpin 書後品 103 Shucheng 舒城 15, 16, 61 Shuhua ji 書畫記 122 (n. 93) Shui’an 水菴 109 Shuiyue Guanyin 水月觀音 (see Water Moon Guanyin) Shun 舜 32 ShunjÔ Risshi 俊 律師 (ShunjÔbÔ ChÔgen 1166–1227) 77, 77 (n. 56), 78 shuo 說 233 Shuxiang Monastery (Shuxiangsi 殊像寺) 218 (n. 138) Shuzhong guangji 蜀中廣記 153 (n. 188) Shuzhou 舒州 31, 32, 35, 37, 49, 52 sibinzhu 四賓主 (also see Four Hosts and Guests) 28 Sichuan 四川 65, 104, 153 Siddham 141, 221, 222 Siddham Forty-two-Characters 224, 253 Siddham Forty-two-Character DhÊra¸Ò 222, 223 sikÉÊnanda (Shicha Nantuo 實叉難陀) 150 (n. 180), 151, 222 (n. 150) siliaojian 四料揀 (see Four Expedient Methods) Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086) 59, 60 Sima Qian 司馬遷 204 Simian Chan Monastery (Simian Chansi 四面禪寺) 16, 33 Simian Monastery (see Simian Chan Monastery) Simianshan 四面山 (see Mount Simian) Siming 四明 7, 48, 49, 50, 53, 76, 78 Siming Zhili 四明知禮 (960–1028) 49, 50, 76, 77, 80, 80 (ns. 62, 64), 81, 86, 275, 287 Siming Zunzhe jiaoxinglu 四明尊者教行錄 80, 86 (n. 83) sishi er buhuo 四十而不惑 135 Sishierzi guanmen 四十二字觀門 (The Method of Visualization on the Forty-two Characters) 222 Sishierzi men 四十二字門 221 (n. 144) Sishierzi men tuoluoni (Forty-two Character DhÊra¸Ò ) 221 (n. 144), 222, 224 Six Arhats 122 six pÊramitÊs 55 Six Patriarchs 123

sixteen visualizations 57, 58, 80, 244, 272 Siyouzhai hualun 四友