Organizing for Social Change: Midwest Academy : Manual for Activists [3 ed.] 092976594X, 9780929765945

Table of contents :
Cover......Page 1
Front Matter ......Page 2
Dedication ......Page 5
Contents ......Page 6
Preface ......Page 7
Acknowledgements ......Page 9
PART I: Direct Action Organizing......Page 10
1 2001 Edition Introduction ......Page 11
2 The Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing ......Page 17
3 Choosing an Issue ......Page 31
4 Developing a Strategy ......Page 39
5 A Guide to Tactics ......Page 57
6 Organizing Models: The Underlying Structure of Organizations ......Page 71
7 Designing Actions ......Page 79
PART II: Organizing Skills ......Page 89
8 Holding Accountability Sessions ......Page 90
9 Building and Joining Coalitions ......Page 108
10 Recruiting ......Page 118
11 Developing Leadership......Page 126
12 Planning and Facilitating Meetings ......Page 136
13 Being a Great Public Speaker ......Page 148
14 Using the Media ......Page 164
15 Designing and Leading a Workshop ......Page 180
16 Working with Community Organization Boards ......Page 190
17 Working with Religious Organizations ......Page 200
18 Working With Local Unions, Central Labor Councils and Building and Construction Trades Councils......Page 212
19 Building Labor-Community Partnerships ......Page 228
20 Tactical Investigations ......Page 240
PART III: Support for Organization ......Page 283
21 Grassroots Fundraising ......Page 284
22 Controlling Your Work: Administrative Systems ......Page 295
23 Supervision ......Page 305
24 Financial and Legal Matters ......Page 325
25 Working for the Long Haul ......Page 344
26 You Mean You're Not Getting Rich? Economics in the New Millennium ......Page 351
PART IV: Selected Resources ......Page 383
Resources for Organizing ......Page 384
Songs ......Page 403
Index ......Page 414

Citation preview

ORGANIZING FOR

SOCIAL CHANGE MIDWEST ACADEMY MANUAL FOR ACTIVISTS

Kim Bobo

Jackie Kendall

SEVEN LOCKS PRESS Santa Ana, California Minneapolis, Minnesota Washington, D.C.

Steve Max

© 1 991 , 1 996,200 1 Midwest Academy

First edition 199 1 Third edition 200 1

All rights reserved.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Bobo, Kimberley A. Organizing for Social Change: Midwest Academy manual for activistsl Kim Bobo, Jackie Kendall, Steve Max. -3rd ed. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-929765-94-X 1 . Direct action-Handbooks, manuals, etc. L Kendall, Jackie. II. Max, Steve.III.

Midwest Academy. IV. Title.

JC328.3.B632 2001 322.4'3'068-dc2 1 200 1020331

Manufactured in the United States of America Cover design by Kirschner -

Caroff Design, Inc., New York, NY

Seven Locks Press is a formerly Washington-based book publisher of non-fiction works on social, polit­ ical, and cultural issues. It takes its name from a series of lift locks on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. Seven Locks Press relocated to California in 1 994. For more information, call or write: Seven Locks Press P.O. Box 25689 Santa Ana, CA 92799 800-354-5348

Let me give you a word on the philosophy of reform. The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims have been born of earnest struggle. The conflict has been exciting, agitating, all absorbing, and for the time being putting all other tumults to silence. It must do this or it does nothing. If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agi­ tation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. This struggle may be a moral one; or it may be a physical one; or it may be both moral and phys­ ical; but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will. Find out just what people will submit to, and you have found the exact amount of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them; and these will continue until they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. -Frederick Douglass Letter to an abolitionist associate, 1849

Dedication This book is dedicated to the founder of the Midwest Academy, Heather Booth. Heather wrote the fIrst Academy curriculum. Others have contributed to the training over the years, but the single most useful tool has been the Strategy Chart. Because the Midwest Academy Strategy Chart is so useful and so much used, we thought it important to emphasize here the role Heather Booth played in developing it. In the years before the Academy started, the conventional organizing wisdom was that leaders could be entrusted to plan tactics, but overall campaign strategy could come only from professional organiz­ ers. This division, the development of strategy by organizers and of tactics by leaders, had a basis in reality. By virtue of long experience, many organizers had gained an implicit understanding of the ele­ ments of strategy and how to apply them, but they were unable to make that understanding clear enough to transfer it to leaders. The Strategy Chart solved that problem. It made strategy planning explicit. The steps became obvious, and all could participate on an equal basis. Use of the chart not only continues to lead to better strategy, but it is a great equalizer and democratizer within citizen organizations. Thank you, Heather, for your wisdom, leadership, and vision.

Contents Preface

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

ix

.

Acknowledgments ................................................. xi

Part I: Di rect Action Organizin g 1.

2001 Edition Introduction

2.

.

.

.

.

4.

Developing a Strategy

5.

A Guide to Tactics

6.

Organizing Models: The Underlying Structure of Organizations ..............

7.

Designing Actions

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

..

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. . .. .

.

.

.

.

.

Choosing an Issue. . .

.

.

.

3.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

T he Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

2

. 8 .

.

22

. 30

.

.

48

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

70

Part II: Organizing Ski l ls 8.

Holding Accountability Sessions .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

9.

Building and Joining Coalitions

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. . .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

10.

Recruiting

11.

Developing Leadership .

12.

Planning and Facilitating Meetings

13.

Being a Great Public Speaker

14.

Using the Media .

15.

Designing and Leading a Workshop

16.

Working with Community Organization Boards

.

17.

Working with Religious Organizations

.

18.

Working With Local Unions, Central Labor Councils and

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

19.

Building Labor-Community Partnerships

20.

Tactical Investigations

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

..

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Building and Construction Trades Councils

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.. .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. . .

.

.

. ..

.

..

. ..

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

172

.

.

.

.

.

.

182

. ...

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. .

..

. . 128

.

.

.

118

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 110

.

.

.

100

.

.

.

82

..

.

.

.

. 156 .

. . .. .

140

.

.

192

.

.

.

.

204

.

.

.

.

220

.

.

.

.

232

.

.

.

.

276

.

.

288

.

.

.

298

.

.

.

.

318

.

.

.

.

.

338

.

.

.

. .

Part III: Su pport for Organization .

.

.

2 1.

Grassroots Fundraising

22.

Controlling Your Work: Administrative Systems

23.

Supervision

24.

Financial and Legal Matters

25.

Working for the Long Haul

26.

You Mean You're Not Getting Rich? Economics in the New Millennium

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

..

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

..

.

.

.

.

.

. .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.. . .

.

. 346 .

Part IV: Selected Resou rces Resources for Organizing . . .. .

Songs

.

.

.

.

.

.

..

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. . .. .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. . .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

380

. '" ................................................ 399

Index .................................................... "

.......... 410

Preface Inspired by years of organizing in the student,

Today, the Academy continues to provide train­

Labor, women's, and civil rights movements, and

ing to these multi-issue, statewide organizations

funded by a back-pay award in an unfair labor

(now part of a national organization-US Action)

practice

the

as well as to numerous other groups, ranging

Midwest Academy in 1973. With Steve Max, the

from students to senior citizens and from neigh­

Academy's first trainer and current

borhood to national organizations.

suit,

Heather

Booth

founded

Training

Director, Heather developed a curriculum to pass

The common thread connecting all of the

on the lessons learned in these movements, pro­

Academy's work is the value placed on develop­

vide organizers with a political and economic

ing individuals so that they can build powerful

context, and teach the skills necessary for effec­

organizations that work for a more just society.

tive organizing.

In our training sessions it is inspiring to watch a

The Academy was founded on three princi­

low-income mother working on school issues in

ples. For people to organize effectively for social

rural Virginia share her experiences and expertise

and economic justice, they must

with

an

environmental

researcher

from

1 . Win real improvements in people's lives

Washington, D.C., and a housing organizer from

2. Get a sense of their own power

Chicago or to hear a New York student deep in conversation with a senior citizen from New

3. Alter the relations of power

Orleans and a trade unionist from Los Angeles. The Academy's program was premised on

The point is not that diverse people get to know

building a network across many different kinds of

each other but that in doing so, they realize that

organizations in which activists could share their

their problems, though different, have common

experiences, develop relationships, and shape a

causes and common solutions. They begin to see

vision not bound by the limitations of any one form

the connections between their issues and the eco­

of organizing.

nomic and political system. They recognize that

In its

early years, the Academy trained many

what unites them is greater than what divides

leaders of the women's movement. Here they

them and that indeed trying to divide them is a

found a place where they could be reinforced as

main tactic of their opponents.

organizers. As word of the training spread, both

The vision for which we work must be broad

experienced and would-be organizers came, bring­

enough to make small victories significant. As

ing a diversity to each session that has allowed

people participate in our organizations and gain

activists from all parts of the country to benefit

power, self-confidence, and dignity, they must

from each other's experience.

also share a common vision of a country and

Over the years, the Academy has been instru­ mental

in

helping

to

build

world in which they would like to live. The

statewide

issues on which we organize today may not lead

citizen action organizations in many states.

directly to the achievement of that vision, but building up the power of citizen organizations is

Preface

ix

a necessary step. People can't begin to envision

Paul Booth, Ron Charity, Barry Greever, and

basic social change when the means to achieve it

Karen Thomas, we have conducted thousands of

are lacking. W henever changes for the better

training sessions. We have had the distinct pleas­

occur, it is fundamentally because people have

ure of working with some of the best organizers

taken charge of their own lives, transforming

in the country. So many have come through the

society as well as themselves.

Academy and gone on to organize and direct

Although much progress has been made, a

today's major progressive institutions. All have

great deal more remains to be done. Money and

contributed something of themselves to make the

private special interests dominate the way laws

Midwest Academy one of the best progressive

are made. Voter participation is at its lowest in

organizer training centers in the United States.

the history of the United States, indicating a lack

As you read this book, keep in mind that the

of trust in the political process. Yet in the midst

"steps," the "lists," and the "charts" are tools to

of this, we see where people have organized and

help us do a better job. Coupled with a shared

won. The Academy has been a part of many of

progressive vision and values that foster commu­

these efforts, training and building organizations

nity, these tools help us develop the strategic

and networks, learning and passing on knowl­

framework for successful citizens' organizations

edge to others.

and active participation in a democracy. Use the

It has been my privilege to direct the Midwest

manual well, and organize!

Academy since 1982. Under the leadership of Heather Booth and Steve Max, and with trainers

Jackie Kendall

including David Hunt, Judy Hertz, Juan Carlos

Executive Director

Ruiz, John Cameron, Kim Bobo, Alicia Y barra ,

x

Organizing for Social Change

Acknowledgments Sneiderman, Delores

This manual draws on the experience ofmany

Travis,

Charles

Vestal,

organizers . Many ofthe concepts, principles, and

Therese Volini, David West,and Marc Wetherhom.

charts were fIrst developed by Heather Booth,

It was a pleasure to work with the staff of

the

Midwest

Academy's

founder

and

Seven Locks Press. Wynne Cougill and Roberta

first

Shepherd's meticulous editing greatly improved

Executive Director .

the book's readability. For the third edition we

We are also indebted to Steve Askin and Jane Tactical

would like to thank Bud Sperry for his assistance .

Investigations chapter have made it an extraordi­

The enthusiasm of our past and present publishers,

nary tool for online research. Thanks go to the

James Morris and Jim Riordan, encouraged us

many people who commented on all or parts of the

throughout its writing.

Hunter,

whose

revisions

of

the

manual and helped strengthen this and past edi­

We thank all of you who have read and rec­

tions: Jean Allison, Ira Arlook, Heather Booth,

ommended this manual to activists around the

Regina Botterill, Harry Boyt, Robert Brandon,

world. Portions ofthe book have been translated

Stephen Coats, Rochelle Davis, Mark Dyen, Joan

into several languages.

Paul

Finally, we would like to express our appreci­

Lawrence, Joy Marshall, Judy Maslen, Kim Max,

ation to all the fIne community organizers and

Lynn Max, Amy Neill, Donna Parson, Shelby

activists we have worked with over the years,

Pera, Trelinda Pitchford, John Pomerantz, Jamie

particularly our training session participants .

Pullen,

We've learned organizing from those with whom

Flanagan,

Judy

Allan

Hertz,

Jerry

St . John,

Kendall,

Barbara

Samson,

Kim Simmons, Arlette Slachmuylder, Marilyn

we've worked.

Acknowledgments

xi

PART I Direct Action Organizing

1 T

he new millennium began well. First there was New Year's Eve itself, when, for the first time in history, people the world over

participated in one grand televised celebration that added a new dimension to the word "globalization." Then came a series of remarkable events. The

Seattle demonstration against the World Trade Organization, while it marked the end of the 1990s, was very much part of the spirit of a new era in which people of many political persua­ sions, from militant trade unionists to militant vegetarians, made common cause against a com­ mon enemy. In South Carolina, mass action for civil rights re-emerged in the victorious demon­ strations to remove the Confederate flag that had been flying above the State Capitol. During this time, demonstrations and sit-ins and fasts were taking place on many college campuses to end the purchase of school-logo garments made in s weatshops or by child labor, and to support jan­ itors and cafeteria workers seeking living wages. Tens of tbousands of janitors and building serv­ ice union members took to the streets of the West Coast, the Midwest, and the East Coast demanding

Becoming a N ational Majority Movement

union contracts. The new wave of union organizing drives is of great long-term importance. These efforts to organize low-wage service workers often

About This Book

2

have broad community and religious support

Organizing for Social Change

2001 Edition Introduction

through

organizations

such

as

the

National

national political arena, either by forcing elected officials and their parties to confront the issues or

Interfaith Committee for Worker Justice. In response to a series of brutal racist murders

by posing an electoral alternative. Three factors

of unarmed citizens by the New York City Police,

seem to be slowing the development of a more uni­

people of all races, incomes, and ages and from all

fied social movement.

parts of the city participated in marches, prayer

First, the language of globalization, while it has

vigils, and demonstrations. The events organized

its unifying and mobilizing aspects, can also be dis­

by college and high-school students were among

empowering. If we are now held captive to a global

the most dramatic. These events coincided with

economy, then what good is national government,

successful campaigns by anti-death-penalty groups

and is struggling to gain power over it still worth­

to win moratoria on executions.

while? In reality, the question now is no different

Also during this time, senior citizen organiza­

than it was at the dawn of the commercial revolu­

tions and groups such as USAction began

tion: will government be made an ally of working

organizing nationally and state by state to

people or continue to be an arm of international and

demand prescription drug coverage for those

domestic corporate power? Globalization compli­

who find that they must choose between buying

cates the matter but does not fundamentally change

medicine and buying food.

our need to organize for control of the democratic

All of these activities show that we are enter­ ing a period when, for many people, perceived

political structure. Second, the '90s was a decade in which pro­

self-interest is moving from narrow issues that

gressive

bring immediate benefits to broader conceptions

particularity of social struggle rather than its uni­

of human rights and environmental concerns.

versality. Among the powerless, each group tended

people

tended

to

emphasize

the

to focus on the history and sources of its own partic­

Becomi ng a National Majority Movement

ular oppression rather than looking for ways to coalesce and create majorities. We have seen healthy signs that this is changing, and more people are rec­

What has been missing, so far, is the emergence

ognizing that social struggle can be both particular

of a strategy to move this new energy into the

and universal at the same time. One need not choose.

2001 Edition I ntroduction

3

T he third and most important factor is that

fierce opposition, Eugene Victor Debs was already

much of the new momentum is not based in

organizing and would eventually assume the lead­

national organizations that can sit down and nego­

ership of growing national trade union and socialist

tiate a common strategy. Notable exceptions

movements. In the Western states the seeds of pop­

include the role of the AFL-CIO (American

ulism, which influenced Debs, were being sown.

Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial

Tum-of-the-century populism, socialism, and trade

Organizations) in the Seattle demonstrations and

unionism shared a common language of economic

the NAACP (National Association for

democracy, and the movements often connected.

the

Advancement of Colored People) in South

4

Many of the generation that had organized with

Carolina, but generally speaking, a major organiz­

Debs lived

ing job needs to be done. The Web and e-mail are

Industrial Organizations in the 1 930s. The CIO

fine tools for mobilization, but they can't substitute

strengthened the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt

for building actual self-conscious organizational

and helped to ensure the passage of legislation for

structures that can join together to carry out a cam­

the right to organize, the minimum wage, social

paign to win changes in public policy.

security, unemployment compensation, and the

to

see the success of the Congress of

In 1 99 1 the introduction to the first edition of

eight-hour workday. The stalwarts of the 1 930s

this book noted, and it is worth repeating here, that

generation taught and inspired civil rights workers

we Americans have an unbroken history of organ­

in the 1 950s, as well as activists of the movements

izing for social, economic, and political justice.

of the 1 960s, and are now part of the senior citi­

T he generation following the men and women who

zens' movement Many of those who first joined

had been inspired by the words of Tom Paine, and

the movements for peace and social justice during

who had fought alongside George Washington,

the turbulent sixties went on to become the leaders

made up abolitionist and feminist organizations

of the movements of the next three decades and are

that worked to extend the liberties of the American

now mobilizing women; environmentalists; People

Revolution to the whole population. Often, those

of Color; Labor activists; citizen action activists;

two movements were intertwined and mutually

industrial, social, and agricultural workers; citizens

supportive.Feminist leaders such as Lucretia Mott,

with disabilities; and people struggling for peace,

Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, and Susan B.

disarmament, social and economic justice, educa­

Anthony and abolitionist leaders like Frederick

tion, health, family issues, and the revitalization of

Douglass, Sojourner Truth, Harriet 'lUbman,

the electoral system. Today, many of the children

William Lloyd Garrison, James Birney, and Sarah

of the activists of the sixties are leaders of the

and Angelina Grimke now occupy separate chap­

antiglobalization and antisweatshop movements.

ters of the history books. But in life they knew each

As the 1 980s unfolded, a powerful grassroots

other, worked together, and shared the same plat­

Right Wmg movement emerged. Cloaking itself in

forms, debates, and sense of mission.

the legitimacy of religion and the flag while carry­

After the Civil War, the veterans of Gettysburg

ing out the political program of multinational

and newly arrived immigrants worked as long as

corporations, this movement challenged us for the

sixteen hours a day in the country's factories,

loyalty of Middle America. At the same time,

mines, and mills. Hundreds of thousands of them

many of the progressive forces fragmented, and

joined the 1 886 nationwide strike for the eight­

some moved away from majority themes to issues

hour workday. As their movement rose and faced

that addressed the needs of more limited con-

Organizing for Social Change

stituencies, again posing the old problem of how to

country." There is no sense of seizing the moment

defend particular interests while fighting collec­

to accomplish something really splendid. If

tively for common goals.

Liberalism is abdicating leadership, then it is cre­

Today, it is clear that the Right Wing economic

ating an opening for a new progressive movement.

policies have failed. "Getting government off our

The Right still holds one advantage, however.

backs" and "freeing business to do its job" merely

The Right thinks in tenus of ideology while

intensify the loss of our industries and fanns and

we progressives think in tenus of issues. The

their replacement with new low-wage jobs. While

Right Wing ideology holds that government is

the Right destroys environmental protection, a tide

bad and ought to be done away with to the great­

of toxic chemicals, nuclear waste, pesticides,

est extent possible. This leads to a simple,

sewage, and garbage ruins the quality of life in

easy-to-understand program:

communities across the country. Deregulation of

1. Cut the federal budget.

the airlines leads to higher fares, worse service, and

2. Cut the taxes that finance the budget.

unsafe flights. Deregulated banks collapse in huge

3. Privatize government functions.

numbers and require massive bailouts with public

(Vouchers)

money. Unbridled unregulated greed on Wall

4 . Deregulate. (Utilities)

Street brings on an orgy of speculation. Our lead­

5. Foster states' rights legal challenges.

ing corporations are allowed to become truly

(School prayer)

transnational, and while they flood our markets with foreign products, they are not required to put

Within this framework Right Wing groups and

back into this economy what they take out. Poverty

individuals can take on whatever issues they like. It

goes

all leads to reducing government and, coinciden­

unabated.

Homelessness,

hunger,

and

inequality rise. Drugs and crime reach epidemic

tally, leaving corporate power uncontested.

levels, and indications are that the government

Progressives, on the other hand, have no sin­

itself has cooperated with international drug deal­

gle overriding objective. Instead, thousands of

ers to promote its foreign policy and even to

non-profit groups compete with each other.

finance unofficial wars.

Some fight for funding for education, others for

The paragraphs above were written as a com­

healthcare; electric-car research; clean air, clean

mentary on the 1980s, and it appears that little

water, and toxic material removal; national

changed in the decade that followed. Yet we now

forests; recycling; renewable energy; early child­

stand at the start of the new millennium with far

hood education; affordable housing; college

brighter prospects.

scholarships; public transportation; social secu­

The tide of the ultra-Right has run out, at least

rity;

Medicaid; Alzheimer's research;

heart

for now, leaving disarray and disillusionment

research; cancer research; research on AIDS,

among many of its followers. While the Right

blindness, deafness, arthritis, and developmental

searches for its next opening, official Liberalism is

disabilities; preservation of endangered species;

just coasting on the high economy. It has no par­

law enforcement; and much more. We advocate

ticular plan or direction other than speeding free

for the rights of women, Mlican Amelicans,

trade and deregulation. No talk is heard of a pend­

L atinos, gays, workers, Jews, people with dis­

ing New Deal or a Great Society. No one is being

abilities, Asians, seniors, Arabs, the poor, the

asked to consider "what you can do for your

2001 Edition I ntroduction

5

adopted, the undocumented, the unskilled, the

About This Book

underpaid, children, the unemployed, the sexu­ ally harassed, or those in prison. These are fine

This is a handbook on the fundamentals of

things to do, necessary things to do. We are not

direct action organizing. Direct action implies a

suggesting that anyone stop doing them. Indeed,

majority strategy. Much of its power derives from

this book is about how to do them better. We are

the fear haunting all elected officials that they will

saying only that a series of issues is not a social

be defeated at the polls by angry citizens, or a cor­

program. They may be the building blocks of a

poration's fear that it will face massive consumer

program, but even taken all together, they are not

pressure. This means that direct action works best

a program.

with issues that a majority of the population would

W hen we compare the program of the Right

or

at

least

not

actively

oppose.

Nonetheless, most of this book's guidelines for

looking at two totally different approaches to

thinking and acting strategically and its recom­

organizing and to the larger process of social

mendations on organizing skills are also useful

change. Of course, we understand that certain

for working on other, less popular, justice issues.

values underlie our issues, but we don't organize

We focus on direct action because we believe it

to promote the values; we promote the issues,

is the best method for building local activist­

and in so doing we are less than we could be if

based membership organizations as well as

we did both.

larger state and national coalitions.

Today, everyone understands the meaning of

Direct action is not the only form, or the only

slogans such as "shrink government;' "get govern­

"correct" form, of organizing. Electoral, union,

ment off our backs;' "fight bureaucracy" "states'

social service, public interest, advocacy, educa­

rights," "federal interference;' and the like. The

tional, and legal organizing all play a role in

Right has gotten them into the popular conscious­

advancing progressive goals. The principles of

ness.

justice,"

direct action have applications in many other

"environmental justice," or "equality" are more

kinds of organizing, particularly electoral cam­

poorly understood if they are heard at all. Although

paigns, advocacy, and union organizing.

Phrases

such

as

"economic

we are close to it, we are not y et expressing what

We have no illusions that community-based

we are for in a way that presents a broad social

organizations alone are sufficient to win lasting

vision uniting the many strands of our organizing

social change, no matter how strong or numerous

work. We need a vision with a name that everyone

they become. However, citizen organizations and

knows and a definition that everyone understands.

electoral coalitions, statewide or national, need

We have yet to develop the organization or politi­

community-based strength and vitality at their

cal party that people will join to promote the whole

roots if they are truly to represent their base and

vision, not just its individual parts. These are the

be able to win victories.

tasks for the new millennium.

6

support

to the issues of the progressives, we are clearly

This book will use broadly applicable examples

Let us therefore resolve to focus on what

from different types of direct action organizations

unites us, to tum outward, to build broadly, to

and issues. Readers who don't see their particular

make ourselves the voice of the majority, and to

type of organization or issue mentioned should not

always consider how what we are doing today

assume that our approach does not apply to them.

leads to the next steps.

The sections on strategy, including criteria for

Organizing for Social Change

choosing issues and mapping issue campaigns, can

life. You can treat this volume like a cookbook

be directly applied to a wide range of constituen­

and go directly to the chapter that has the recipe

cies, issues, and organizations from the localto the

for whatever you are doing at the moment. We

national level.

urge you not to do this, though, because you will

We treat issue organizing and elections as part

miss the two underlying themes of the book:

of a single process. Although many organizations

First, all aspects of organizing are related, mak­

do

not endorse candidates, an election i s

ing an organization the sum total of what it

nonetheless part of the poli tical environmen t i n

actually does, not of what you intended it to be at

which a n issue campaign takes place.

the start, and second, the real goals of organizing

From this manual you will learn a systematic

go beyond the immediate issues; they are to build

approach tothe techniques of organizing, of build­

the unity and power of all who want control over

ing and using power, and of creating lasting

their own lives.

institutions that are both self-defense organizations and avenues for citizen participation in public

2001 Edition I ntroduction

August 20, 2000

7

2 H

oW many times have you heard an organizer say something like "People around here are so apathetic, no one

wants to do anything." Yet if you walk around the

block, you will find that everyone is out industri­ ously doing what they need to do. Most are hard at work or going to school. A few are searching

Understanding Self-Interest

for deposit cans or hustling. Hardly any are apa­ thetically sitting around waiting for good things

The Importance of Relationships

to come to them. If organizers encounter people who seem apathetic, it is because we haven't

How Direct Action Differs from Other Types of Organizing

been able to convince them that organizing is one way to get what they need. In fact, we usually don't know what they need because we don't

The Three Principles of Direct Action

understand their self-interest. For that reason, this chapter on the fundamentals of organizing starts with a discussion of self-interest.

How a Direct Action Organizing Issue Campaign Works The Use of Power in an Issue Campaign

Understanding Self-Interest An underlying assumption behind direct action organizing is that you, the leader or organizer, are working with people who are primarily motivated

A Tactical Guide to Power

by self-interest. That is, they are making the effort to organize in order to get something out of it for

The Stages of an Issue Campaign

themselves, their families, or their community. The concept of self-interest also includes motivation by

Tricks the Other Side Uses

8

a sense of moral justice or by an ideology that

Organizing for Social Change

The Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing leads people to want to help the poor or to seek

children.

Self-interest, then, applies to what

opportunities to fight racism, curb the power of

makes people feel good about themselves, as

transnational corporations, or protect the environ­

well as to what materially benefits them. More broadly still, many people feel a need to

ment, among many other things. Self-interest is one of the most important and

take on the responsibilities of citizenship and to

misunderstood concepts in direct action organiz­

play a role in shaping public affairs. People want

ing. It is sometimes thought of in the most

interaction with the larger community and often

narrow sense: people want more "stuff" and will

enjoy working

organize to get it (often to get it away from some­

good. Sometimes self-interest is a desire to work

one else). But self-interest is actually a much

with people of a different race or culture in order

broader concept. The word "interest" comes

to broaden one's own perspective or to combat

from the Latin

which means "to be

prejudice. Other people may be drawn to an

among." (There is a similar word in Spanish.) So,

international project, such as fighting foreign

self-interest is self among others. That is, where

sweatshops, because they want to make a global

do my needs fit into those of the larger society?

difference.

inter esse,

collectively for the common

The concept of self-interest applies to an indi­

The point here is not to make a list of all the

vidual's material needs, such as better housing,

forms of self-interest and particularly not to imply

education, healthcare, or wages, but it also

that all of them apply to everyone. As an organizer,

applies to the need for friends, for respect, for

you can assume

recognition, for being useful, for feeling impor­

interest that isn't actually expressed to you by that

tant, or for feeling part of a larger community.

person. One of the worst mistakes an organizer can

Self-interest generalized is often class interest.

make is to say, "This is an issue about which

Self-interest can mean the good feeling that

everyone must care" or "This is an issue about

comes from getting back at the landlord, stand­

which you must care because you are a

ing up to the boss, or knocking an unaccountable

(vegetarian, ballet dancer-fill in the blank)." It is

politician out of office. Self-interest also applies

risky enough to act on what the polls tell you peo­

across generational lines as people are motivated

ple care about. Caring is one thing; acting on it is

to fight for what helps their children or grand-

quite another. Understanding self-interest is the

nothing

The Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing

about a person's self­

___

9

key to getting people to take that step. Listening is

tain ways. Develop a reputation as someone

an essential way for an organizer to learn what

who refuses to talk negatively about other

people's self-interest truly is. One-on-one inter­

people and other organizations. (It's OK to

views are an excellent way to get to know the

talk negatively about the target of your cam­

values

paign; in fact, it's necessary.)

and

concerns

that

motivate

people.

However you do it, organizing is the process of finding out what people want as individuals and

Relationships between organization members

then helping them find collective ways of getting it.

are also critical. The long-term lesson that suc­ cessful

The Importance of Relationships

direct

action

and Labor organizing

teaches is that everyday people can make their own decisions, manage their own organizations,

The personal is political: Organizing is over­

and rely on each other to work for the common

whelmingly about personal relationships. It is

good and that they can do it across lines of race,

about changing the world and changing how

ethnicity, and gender. This is just the opposite of

individuals act together. The relationships organ­

the view that we must all be guided by the eco­

izers develop are their most important resource

nomic and intellectual elite. All too often, a bad

and forming relationships their most important

organizational experience reinforces the wrong

talent. To form good relationships, an organizer

lesson. Anyone who sets out to organize others

must like people. A good organizer is motivated

should remember that the political implications

by strong feelings of love and caring. This should

go far beyond the immediate issues.

not be forgotten because a good organizer is

All organizing, then, is based on relationships

motivated as well by strong feelings of outrage

and self-interest, broadly defined. With this

and anger at how people are treated. Forming

foundation, we will proceed to the ways in which

relationships with people is based on trust and

direct action organizing differs from other forms

respect. It is based on doing what you commit to

because not only is the personal political, the

do and being honest and straightforward in order

political is also political.

to advance the members' goals through building an organization. One's ability to build relationships reflects

How Direct Action Differs from Other Types of Organizing

one's basic values. In the long term, you will be known by your values. Characteristics that will enable you to build strong relationships include •

•

Different types of organizations are like dif­ ferent tools. Each tool is best suited to a

Caring about others. People around you can

particular task, although sometimes more than

tell if you really care about them or just view

one tool will do the job. The main types of citi­

them as a means to do your job.

zen organizations are shown in the chart:

Treating everyone respectfully, regardless of status or lack thereof. Those who are gracious only to the powerful will be noticed.

•

Judging not. ("Judge not that ye be not judged.") Give everyone the benefit of the doubt. Try to understand why people act cer-

10

Organizing for Sodal Change

Neither the advocacy organization

The

is necessarily made up of the peo­ ple who actually have the problem,

Challenges Existing Power Relationships

Accepts Existing Power Relationships

2 a

nor the public interest organization

Forms of Community Organizing

but it works on their behalf.

Direct Action. c

(') ....

CJ) Cl) jft

CJ) Cl)

z

a way to settle

negotiate a contract. During a strike, workers lose

day-to-day grievances. The ability to strike over

their wages and are ineligible for public benefits,

working conditions-a shop safety violation, for

such as unemployment insurance or food stamps

example-greatly enhances worker power and dig­

(unless they were previously eligible).

nity as well as the relevance of the union.

Under U.S. labor law, even though workers have the "right to strike," if the workers go out,

Building Partnerships

they can be permanently replaced. This right to strike and lose your job is one of the oddities of

Building partnersbips between Labor and com­

U.S. labor law. No other industrialized nation

munity groups is based on mutual self-interest. It is

allows companies to permanently replace strik­

not community folks helping Labor folks just to

ing workers.-Though it is technically legal in the

be nice or the other way around. Both Labor

United States, permanent replacement of striking

organizations and c ommunity groups benefit

workers is not ethical. Most religious bodies in

when workers are organized in the workplace to

the United States have publicly condemned the

advocate for family wages, benefits, and working

practice of permanently replacing striking work­

conditions. And community and Labor organiza­

ers because it upsets the balance of power

tions can grow with strong support from the

between employees and employers. The passage

other. Tbis statement, however, is too general to

B uilding Labor-Com m unity Partnerships

225

be the foundation of a working alliance. Self­

recently formed national organization USAction.

interest is specific as well as generaL Workers at

The SEIU, the American Federation of State,

a specific company may live in this neighbor­

County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME),

hood but not that one. They may belong to one

and the CWA also sit on the board of USAction.

congregation but not another. The situation may

Other unions are likely to join.

call for the support of a community group that speaks English or of one that speaks Chinese.

ReIigion-Labor Groups

While effective partnerships are based on mutual

In fifty cities acros s the country, interfaith

self-interest, unions and religious and commu­

religion-Labor groups have formed to build part­

nity groups will know the others' self-intcrests if

nerships between the religious community and

they talk together and listen to each other.

the Labor community. Interfaith groups are structured in many different ways. Some groups,

What Kind of Partnership Do You Want?

such as the New York City Labor-Religion

Chapter 9 discusses building alliances. All the

Coalition, involve both religious and Labor lead­

guidelines in that chapter apply to building Labor

ers. Although called coalitions, they are usually

community and religion partnerships.

not formal coalitions of organizations but rather

Initially, you should have some sense of what sort of partnership you want. Do you want to

informal collections of active leaders from both the religious and Labor communities.

form a coalition, an organization of organiza­

Some groups, such as the Las Vegas Interfaith

tions? Or do you want an informal alliance that

Council for Worker Justice, are coalitions of con­

forms around particular issues? There is no

gregations, with a structured relationship with

"right" model, but it is helpful to know what you

the Labor leadership. Other groups, such as the

want to build because how you get there varies. A

Chicago Interfaith Committee on Worker Issues

variety of community-Labor partnerships exist

and Clergy and Laity United for Economic

around the country. Below is a brief description of

Justice in Los Angeles, are composed primarily

some of the various formations and their models.

of concerned religious leaders from a diversity of denominations and faiths but with a formal liai­

USAction and Other Sta tewide Citizen

son to the Central Labor Council. For the most

Action Orga nizations

up-to-date list of these groups, see the Web site

The organizations with the longest history of uniting Labor and community groups are the

of the National Interfaith Committee for Worker Justice at www.nicwj .org.

statewide citizen action organizations that began in the eighties and nineties as coalitions of com­

226

Jobs with Justice Groups

munity groups and unions. They work jointly on

Jobs with Justice is a coalition of Labor, reli­

legislative and public policies that unite every­

gious, and community groups that work to

one, such as universal healthcare, environmental

support worker issues. There are over thirty Jobs

policies, or insurance reform. In some states,

with Justice local coalitions around the country.

they work on issues of direct concern to Labor

When Jobs with Justice was formed, it focused

groups such as workers compensation, living

primarily on building support within and across

wage, or education. The groups mentioned

individual unions. In recent years, a great deal of

above, and many others, are members of thc

attention has been devoted to building stronger

Organizing for Social Change

ties with the religious commuuity and local

strengthened the organization's ties with the

neighborhood organizations.

Labor community.

Jobs with Justice spearheaded the develop­

Following the successful living wage cam­

ment of Workers Rights Boards. These boards

paign, BUILD constructed a partnership with

formally and publicly hear workers' cases.

AFSCME to address welfare reform issues and

Although the boards have no legal authority, they

other low-wage worker issues.

do hold moral authority and have helped improve

Other IAF affiliate organizations are building

conditions for many workers . For more informa­

partnerships with unions, recruiting them as

tion about forming a board, contact Jobs with

members, and seeking to replicate BUILD's suc­

Justice, (202) 434- 1 1 06.

cess in working with unions in ways that build the organization, build the unions, and strengthen the community at large.

ACORN

ACORN is a national membership organiza­ tion of people in lower income communities.

Immigrant Workers Cen ters

ACORN groups have developed ties with the

A couple dozen immigrant workers centers

S EIU because ACORN found many of its com­

around the country help workers understand their

munity members working in low-wage service

rights as workers and organize against abusive

jobs and recognized that to truly help its mem­

employers. Most of these workers centers have

bers, many of their workplaces needed to be

developed strong ties with the unions that organ­

unionized. Consequently, ACORN affi liates

ize in workplaces employing lots of immigrant

around the nation tend to have connections with

workers.

SEIU locals organizing home-care workers, hotel

As U.S . society becomes increasingly diverse,

workers, nursing home workers, or other low­

unions are challenged to organize and serve

wage service workers.

workers who speak many different languages and

ACORN has played leadership roles in about

bring many different cultural attitudes toward

half of the living wage campaigns, which have

unions. Immigrant workers centers have pro­

been terrifi c tools for building broad-based part­

vided a bridge between the workers and the

nerships

unions, helping both to understand one another.

between

Labor,

religious,

and

community organizations.

The best list of immigrant workers centers is distributed by the Phoenix Fund for Workers and

Industrial A reas Foundation

Communities, c/o The New World Foundation,

BUILD, the IAF affiliate in Baltimore, has developed one of the strongest religion-Labor

1 00 East 85th Street, New York, NY 1 0028, (2 1 2) 249- 1 023.

partnerships in the country. BUILD was formed as an organization of congregations in B altimore

Guidelines for Building Labor-Community

working together to improve conditions for the

Partnerships

congregation's members. After many years of organizing primarily within the religious com­ munity, the organization embarked on the nation's first living wage campaign, which inspired dozens of communities to follow suit in organizing similar campaigns. The campaign

Build Relationships Now. Don't wait until there is a crisis and you need a community-Labor part­ nership . Get to know people now. Figure out who in the community and who in Labor is interested in working together.

B u i lding Labor-Comm u nity Partnerships

2 27

Seek Broad Religious Diversity. All religions

ask you

support justice. All faith traditions believe work­

President of the local union or District Council

ers should be treated with respect and dignity.

involved, as well as the head of the Central Labor

But few religious leaders have direct experience

Council or the State Federation of Labor. If you

working with unions and intervening for justice

do not communicate initially with the official

in the workplace. Recruit Catholics, Protestants,

leadership, some suspicions and concerns may

Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, Evangelicals, and

be raised that could have been avoided.

anyone else with a large presence in your com­ munity. Do not allow stereotypes about various groups to hinder your broad outreach. Workers need the active involvement of all denominations and faiths.

Focus on Action, Not Structure. Organizations that come together around concrete needs of workers and concrete educational programs are better off than those that foeus lots of energy on internal structure. Although it is important to

Seek Broad Union Involvement. Some unions

understand your basic structure and to have some

have a great deal more experience working in

leadership structures, don't spend too much time

partnerships than others. Work with those who

on formal items, such as bylaws. Spend the bulk

are willing and able, but invite all the unions in

of your time and energy focusing on action and

the community to be involved.

education.

Seek Broad Community Organization Involvement.

Wait to Formalize Leaders. If you plan to have a

A range of community organizations, including

formal coalition with elected officers, consider

organizing, advocacy, and more mainstream

waiting to confirm all the leaders until you have

social service agencies, may be interested in

a broad diversity of leaders from which to choose

worker issues.

and until you are sure who is really committed to

Seek Broad Racial Diversity. As Dr. Martin

the work.

Luther King Jr. said, "Sunday morning is the

Respect the Different Cultures and Internal

most segregated hour of the week." Indeed, the

Processes. Cultures are widely different between

religious community is even more divided by

unions and most religious or community organi­

race than by denomination. It is important to

zations. For example, community and religious

involve a broad diversity of people from the begin­

groups think in terms of what is good for the

ning. (Unions, interestingly, are now among the

community as a whole or for working people as

most diverse organizations in America)

a whole, but before taking into account such

Not Everyone Needs to Be Involved. Not all unions, community organizations, or religious groups are ready to work in partnerships . Don't wait for them indefinitely. Work with those who are able and willing.

Work Closely with Existing Labor Structures. Regardless of the structure of your organization, it is important to communicate directly with the official local elected Labor leadership, not just rank-and-file groups or individual members who

228

to become involved. Contact the

broader considerations, unions are required (by law) to represent tlie immediate financial inter­ ests of the specific individuals who are their dues-paying members. You don't have to fully understand all the differences, but recognize that they exist and must be respected.

Many union staff and leaders

come to

community-Labor partnerships very distrustful of "outsiders." This may be the result of past

Organizing for Social Change

experience or because cooperating in an alliance adds a whole new element to some union staff

•

Give everyone something concrete to do before the next meeting.

person's workload. For many years, unions oper­ ated in isolation from community groups and

A Good First Project

even found themselves publicly attacked and IS

criticized. Such words sound strange in light of

Sometimes a community-Labor group

recent antiglobalization and sweatshop cam­

formed because of a pending Labor problem. In

paigns, which continue to unite unions with so

such cases, it is obvious what the first project

many different groups. However, older trade

should be. In other situations, it is important to

unionists and members of progressive organiza­

select some initial projects that build relationships

tions

between the religious and Labor communities and

still

remember

when

they

were

occasionally divided, and unions were divided

broaden the base of involvement.

from each other, on issues regarding race, foreign

One good first project is to host a Labor in the

policy, and the environment, among others. Your

Pulpits program. This program recruits and

group may have to prove itself before you get

trains union people to speak in congregations

much cooperation from Labor. And if you have

over Labor Day weekend. Good materials are

concerns or questions about Labor, do not air

available to help you with this project from the

them publicly. Unions, like citizen organizations, are rightly unwilling to work with people who

National Interfaith Committee for Worker

publicly criticize them.

responsibility for recruiting the Labor speakers,

Justice. Usually, the Central Labor Council takes and the religious community recruits the congre­

Holding the First Meeting

gations and trains the speakers. In 1 998, over

The first meeting is important in setting the

thirty cities hosted Labor in the Pulpits pro­

right tone and direction. Sometimes groups

grams. Non-religious organizations can invite

decide to have a daylong community-Religion­

union speakers to their annual meetings and

Labor workshop on "Shared Values" as a means

other events.

of getting started and identifying interest. Others

Living wage campaigns have jump-started

decide to begin with an organizational and mis­

many community-Labor partnerships. The best

sion focus. Either way, the first meeting is

background on living wage campaigns is avail­

critical. The first meeting should model your val­

able from www.livingwagecampaign.org.

ues and commitments. It should •

Many groups are seeking ways to clean up

Involve diverse faith groups , community

U.S. sweatshops. In addition to being informed

groups, and unions.

consumers, groups may want to work with the

•

Be racially diverse.

local Department of Labor to develop or distrib­

•

Involve the central Labor leadership.

ute complaint forms and hold workshops in

•

Start with prayer or a unifying reading.

congregations informing workers of their rights

•

Involve everyone in discussions and plans.

in the workplace.

•

Avoid getting bogged down in boring matters.

•

Have a tight agenda with a good chair or

understand their rights. The Chicago Interfaith

moderator.

Committee on Worker Issues developed a Worker

Many groups develop programs to help workers

B u ilding Labor-Comm u nity Partnerships

229

Rights Manual explaining workers rights and

concerns. Usually, the delegation attempts to

how to complain to appropriate agencies. Both

meet with management. Sometimes they do

Department of Labor staff and union staff help

meet, and occasionally, the meeting in itself

lead the workshops so workers understand their

helps resolve problems. More often, the delega­

legal options and their organizing options . The

tion is denied a meeting with management.

manual is available in English, Spanish, and

Whether or not there is a meeting, if there seems

Polish. Workshops are being conducted by Labor

to be no commitment on the company's side to

leaders in congregations to inform workers of

addressing the workers' concerns, the delegation

their rights. For a copy of the manual or infor­

then writes a report of its fmdings and recom­

mation on workshops, send $3 to the Chicago

mendations. The report is then released publicly.

Interfaith Committee, 1 020 W. Bryn Mawr,

Whatever else citizen and religious organiza­ tions may achieve, it is hard to imagine

Chicago, IL 60660-4627. One good way to involve religious and com­

developing a more just society without creating

munity leaders in particularly difficult worker

more just economic relationships in the work­

issues is to form a fact-finding delegation. The

place.

delegation, composed of religious and commu­

critical for the twenty-fIrst century.

nity leaders, meet