Oral Literature for Children : Rethinking Orality, Literacy, Performance, and Documentation Practices [1 ed.] 9789401208888, 9789042036178

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Oral Literature for Children

C

ROSS ULTURES

Readings in Post / Colonial Literatures and Cultures in English

154 SERIES EDITORS

Gordon Collier (Giessen)

Bénédicte Ledent (Liège) CO-FOUNDING EDITOR Hena

Maes–Jelinek

Geoffrey Davis (Aachen)

Oral Literature for Children Rethinking Orality, Literacy, Performance, and Documentation Practices

Aaron Mushengyezi

Amsterdam - New York, NY 2013

Cover Image Paul Ssendagire, The Educator (2007; woodcut, 26cmx34cm) Private collection Cover design: Inge Baeten The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements of “ISO 9706:1994, Information and documentation - Paper for documents - Requirements for permanence”. ISBN: 978-90-420-3617-8 E-Book ISBN: 978-94-012-0888-8 © Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam – New York, NY 2013 Printed in The Netherlands

To my mother, who performed tales, rhymes, and riddles to us and taught us to treasure them, and to the memory of my father

Table of Contents

List of Figures Preface Acknowledgements Introduction 1

Oral Forms for Children: Audience, Form, and Social Relevance

ix xi xv xvii 1

2 “Let Me Tell You a Story, Let Me Tell You a Story!” On Text Structure and Narrative Strategies

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3 From Tape to the Page

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4 On the Translation Process

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Afterword

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Appendix: Texts A: Runyankore–Rukiga Riddles B: Runyarwanda–Rufumbira Riddles C: Luganda Riddles D: Runyankore–Rukiga Children’s Songs E: Runyarwanda–Rufumbira Children’s Songs F: Luganda Children’s Songs G: Runyankore–Rukiga Folktales H: Runyarwanda–Rufumbira Folktales I: Luganda Folktales

113 123 130 132 176 187 211 250 282

Informants for Oral Narrative and Interviews Works Cited Index

293 295 301

List of Figures

Figure 1:

The Study Areas in Uganda

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Figure 2:

Counties and Districts of Buganda Region

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Figure 3:

Counties and Districts of South-Western Region

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Figure 4:

Long-Horned Ankole Cattle Introduced by the Bacwezi

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Figure 5:

Children Performing “Kaneemu” in Radio Star F M Studios, Kampala

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Erika John Katakuza during an interview in Rushere, Kiruhura District

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Isirairi Katuka Gesticulates During a Riddling Session in Kikatsi, Nyabushozi

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Debora Kyeyune Performs Ebikokyo in Lukomera, Luweero

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Yoweri Kyeishe Explains the Value of Tales in an Interview at His Home in Burimbi, Nyabushozi

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Maureen Ayinza Tells a Story on “Young Stars” Children’s Program, Radio Star F M , Kampala

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Kabudensia Rugerinyangye Narrating Umugani

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Figure 6: Figure 7: Figure 8: Figure 9: Figure 10: Figure 11:

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in various areas of central and south-western Uganda from 2004 to 2005. During these visits, I recorded oral performances and carried out interviews with several people in Ankole, Buganda, and Kigezi regions. The object of my fieldwork in several parts of Buganda, Ankole, and Kigezi was to collect oral forms such as riddles, folktales, and children’s rhymes which, in the cultures where they are performed, are considered to be texts for children. The label ‘texts for children’ is, of course, applied broadly here, because these oral forms are enjoyed by a crossover audience, unlike, for example, ebyevugo epics of the Banyankore or imbalu circumcision songs of the Bagisu, which are performed exclusively by and for adults. Moreover, for oral material that was recorded mostly in arranged rather than natural settings, we have to rely on the typology of genre used in the culture, on the prefatory explanations provided by the narrators, and on the analysis of their form and content for evidence. In this work, I document and analyse the archive of material collected. I situate the texts in the context of the Ugandan oral culture for children and discuss their formal elements, the duality of the audience in whose presence they are performed, the narrative strategies used during the telling, and the social relevance of the texts in the home and school culture today. I also explain the strategies I used to collect, transcribe, and translate the texts. The archive of riddles, folktales, and rhymes in Luganda, Runyankore–Rukiga, and Rufumbira–Runyarwanda languages, along with English translations, appears in the Appendix near the end of this book. My field visits covered the areas of Wakiso, Luweero, Masaka and Nakasongola in the central region of Buganda; Rushere, Kikatsi, Rwanda– Orweera, Biharwe and Mbarara in Ankole; and Kisoro in Kigezi. During the visits, I recorded performances and had in-depth discussions with eminent sages such as Isirairi Katuka, Yoweri Kyeishe, and Amosi Baingi who have a HIS BOOK IS THE CULMINATION OF MY FIELDWORK

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wealth of knowledge about the oral culture. Other informants I recorded were mainly teachers who are familiar with the place of children’s oral culture in schools; Aida Rubabinda and Debora Ddamba Kyeyune are both retired primary-school teachers while Gertrude Musisi is headmistress of Lukomera primary school in Luweero, one of the towns I visited in central Uganda. On 7 May 2005 I participated in a children’s weekly programme, “Young Stars,” on Radio Star F M hosted by Eseza Kazinga and Harriet Nakanjako. On this show, children are invited to tell stories and perform various traditional rhymes and games. They also interview guests and talk about other children’s activities going on in town. I was able to record stories, riddles, and rhymes performed by children including Stewart Niwagaba, Maureen Ainza, Philip Jordan Matovu, Jane Nabukenya, Wilson Senfuka, Joseph Kasubi, Florence Nakitto, and Tony Kigonya. In each of the three regions I visited, I identified two research assistants to work with during tape recordings in the field. For Buganda region, I worked with Alice Kulabigwo and Grace Bakyaita. Douglas Aijuka and Allyce Tumwesigye assisted me in the region of Ankole, while for Kisoro I worked with Gladys Mbabazi and Susan Mahoro. Altogether, we generated an archive of 514 items: 85 narratives, 182 children’s songs, and 247 riddles. About three-quarters of this archive can be categorized into two: texts recorded, transcribed, and translated entirely by me, and texts I recorded and transcribed with the help of my research assistants. My assistants were mainly helpful during the recording process itself, or in transcribing the tapes. After recording the oral material on audio tape, I transcribed many of the texts and in some cases my research assistants did the initial transcription work. I then checked their transcripts against the tape recording to ensure that the texts were as faithful to the original as possible. In all cases, I translated all the texts included in the book. However, not all of the texts recorded by my research assistants were useful. For example, in places such as Kisoro and parts of Masaka where I was unable to work with them directly, they did not record some of the stories on tape, which would have been by far the most reliable method. A number of stories were recorded by dictation, and this was problematic because it was not easy to capture in writing everything the narrator said. I have therefore excluded such texts from the selection. In choosing the materials to use in this book, I have included only the texts I recorded on my own, and the texts I recorded together with my assistants. The names of the collectors and tellers

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and their location, as well as the date of collection, are provided in headnotes to the texts. Although I have followed some techniques employed by folklorists and anthropologists in presenting these materials, the texts are not necessarily referenced to existing folklore or anthropological collections and bibliographies. Instead, I employ methods of literary interpretation based on close reading and content analysis. A A R O N M U S H E N G Y E Z I , Ph.D. I I A S , Accra, Ghana

Acknowledgements

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A M E R I C A N C O U N C I L of Learned Societies for giving me an African Humanities Program postdoctoral grant that enabled me to spend a much needed Residency at the International Institute for the Advanced Study of Cultures, Institutions and Economic Enterprise (I I A S ) in Accra, Ghana, in order to revise, update, and publish the original manuscript. Special thanks also to the Ford Foundation’s International Fellowships Program, which provided a doctoral fellowship that enabled me to collect this material in Uganda. I also thank Professors Margaret R. Higonnet and Katharine Capshaw Smith at the University of Connecticut, and Lee Haring, Professor Emeritus of English at Brooklyn College of the City University of New York, all of whom provided tremendous scholarly advice when I was working on this research project. Several scholars at Makerere University in Uganda were also very helpful during fieldwork: Dr Susan N. Kiguli was very resourceful when I was recording local performers in Lukomera, her home town; Professor Manuel Muranga, Professor Livingstone Walusimbi, and Mwalimu Austin Bukenya provided invaluable advice on transcription and translation issues in Runyankore–Rukiga and Luganda; while Dr Sarah Namulondo, Mr Erika J. Katakuza, and Miss Florence Bayiga helped in checking the translated texts. I am grateful to all of them. Special thanks to respondents Isirairi Katuka, Yoweri Kyeishe, Erika J. Katakuza, Amosi Baingi, Aida Rubabinda, Eriya Kyamanianga, Joy Kamatenesi, Siriva Tinkamanyire, Kabudensia Rugerinyange, Patience Rubabinda Mushengyezi, Debora Ddamba Kyeyune, Gertrude Musisi, Joyce Kiguli, Alice Kulabigwo, Eseza Kazinga, Harriet Nakanjako, Goretti Kyomuhendo, Violet Barungi, and Rose Rwakasisi, who were available for interviews. Thanks also to my research assistants Alice Kulabigwo, Allyce Tumwesigye, Grace Bakyaita, Douglas Aijuka, Gladys Mbabazi, and Susan Mahoro. I am greatly indebted to all of them. Mr George Magawa of the Department of Geography at Makerere assisted in preparing AM GRATEFUL TO THE

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maps for the study areas, and I thank him for allowing me to reproduce them in this book. Finally, I owe this work to family and friends for their love and inspiration, and especially to my beloved wife, Patience, who has been true to her name through it all. Thank you for believing in me.

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U G A N D A , the bulk of oral literature texts for children remain uncollected. Over the last decade local publishers, often in conjunction with Uganda’s Ministry of Education, have worked to publish some folktales and use them as instructional materials in primary schools. For example, Fountain published the “Our Heritage” series of tales from different regions of Uganda as storybooks for young readers.1 For the most part, writers who were familiar with the oral culture retold the tales in English but no effort was made to provide the original texts in the local languages as well. Such efforts to publish stories for children drawn out of their oral tradition thus underlie their cultural and national value. In order to contextualize my own work of collecting oral materials for children, I will first survey the historiography of collecting in Uganda and then situate the texts I collected in a broader geographical, historical, and socio-cultural setting. I will begin by focusing briefly on the work of Ugandan collectors and relate it to that of European missionaries who worked in Uganda over the twentieth century.

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Examples include James Tumusiime’s The Ungrateful Mother (1993); Rose Rwakasisi’s The Old Woman and the Shell (1994); Mary Karooro Okurut’s The Adventurous Sisters (1993), and Dominic M. Jjuko’s How Lion Became King (1993). More recent folktale collections were a product of a Rockefeller funded Minds Across Africa School Clubs (M A A S C ) children’s literature project in which several traditional tales were published by Makerere University. The project produced thirty-five titles – including Florence Nattebere’s Clever Cat and the Rats (2001), Henry Kisakye’s Little Goat’s Trick (2001) and Henry Nuwagira’s Why Lion Hates Other Animals (2001) – with stories drawn from different Ugandan cultures. Some of the storybooks, however, were simply creative works exploring diverse themes ranging from hygiene and nutrition to disability.

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Collecting in Uganda: An Overview Early efforts by Ugandans who sought to preserve oral culture can be traced to the beginning of the twentieth century. Unfortunately, there is a dearth of information on their works, most of which are out of print. The little that we know is based on texts that were reproduced in English translations by Europeans. For example, in 1902 a Luganda tale originally narrated by Tefiro Kisosonkole was translated by Reverend Ernest Millar and published under the title, “On the Slaughter-Place of Namugongo, Uganda”2 No information is available on the original version. The first seminal work was perhaps Engero za Baganda, a collection of some fifty-four folktales published by the Katikiro (Prime Minister) of Buganda, Sir Apollo Kaggwa, in 1927. Some of the tales in this book were translated into English by the Reverend Rosetta Gage Baskerville, a missionary who worked in Uganda at the beginning of the twentieth century. While Kisosonkole and Kaggwa’s tales were only Luganda versions, Hosea Akiki Nyabongo’s collections, Africa Answers Back published in 1936 and Winds and Lights: African Fairy Tales which followed in 1939, were both English translations only.3 Winds and Lights retells Rutooro stories for children: the tales are said to have been narrated to children by wise men in the palace of Tooro. Nyabongo later published another collection of Rutooro legends and myths translated into English. Similarly, Musa Mushanga’s Runyankore tales, which appeared in Transition in 1964,4 were English translations; only his later book, Folk Tales from Ankole (1969), included twentytwo tales in Runyankore, along with English translations. Works such as Mordecai Kaizi’s Ebikokko Eby’Edda mu Buganda (1948), and Ssebato Bafuma a collection of eighty folktales by Edward A. K. Segganyi, Erasmus K. Kizito and Jechoada K.S. Mukalazi first published in 1959, included only folktales in Luganda with explanations of new words at the end, as did Engero Amakumi Abiri Mu Ebbiri published in 1960 by Ekibiina Ky’Olulimi Oluganda, the Luganda Language Association. The book is a collection of twenty-two Luganda folktales that were a product of a writing competition organized by the 2

The story is cited in Man 2 (1902) 135–136, and Scheub 229. Prince Hosea Akiki Nyabongo, son of Omukama Daudi Kyebambe Kasagama of Tooro and one of the most educated Africans of his time, was closely associated with Pan-African activists such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Jomo Kenyatta. 4 See Musa T. Mushanga, “Folk Tales from Ankole,” Transition 13 (March-April 1964) 22–24. 3

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association in 1958. Tuula Tufume (1964) by Jackson Kaswa also records thirty-two folktales, legends and myths in Luganda language. The book includes notes at the end to explain new words and lessons leaned from the tales. Kesi Nganwa’s Runyankore Emitwarize ya Wakami (1951), on the other hand, detailed hare trickster tales from Ankole in the Runyankore language. Livingstone Walusimbi and Phoebe Mukasa’s Ebitontome Eby’Edda – a collection of Luganda rhymes published in 1966 – similarly did not include English translations of the children’s play songs. It was perhaps E.K. Magala’s Engero Zikuwoomera? (1961) which incorporated for the first time tales from various Ugandan cultures, although he does not identify the cultures from which all the stories are taken.5 Most of the local language texts that have appeared in the latter decades mostly followed similar methodologies as the early writers. Such texts included Festo Karwemera’s Shutama Nkuteekyerereze, a collection of nineteen Runyankore–Rukiga folktales, including several proverbs and sayings; Benedikito Mubangizi’s Nkuganire and Nkutebeze series of Runyankore–Rukiga tales, and Nkuzanire series of children’s songs; and Margaret Mary Mabiiho’s collection of Runyoro folktales, Enganikyo Otasemereriire Kufeerwa, which have appeared over the last four decades. Harriet Masembe, Engero Zaffe, a collection of 170 Luganda folktales in the original language published in 1996, is perhaps the biggest single publication of folktales in Luganda since Apollo Kaggwa’s Engero za Baganda in 1927. Masembe recorded the tales over a period of four years mainly through organizing storytelling competitions in Buganda with the help of district cultural officers in Masaka, Mubende, Mukono, and Mpigi, and the Ministry of Culture and Women in Development. Apart from these, it was only J.C. Ssekamwa’s, Ebosoko n’ Engero Ez’ Amakulu Amakusike (1995) that was written ostensibly for use in the teaching of Luganda at Ordinary and Advanced Levels in secondary schools. It analyses 56 Luganda folktales mainly drawn from Buganda tradition, some are renderings of Aesop’s fables, and some, according to the author says, were his own creation. The author also discusses some intricate meanings in the proverbs and sayings used in the tales. The tales are in the local language with

5

There were other works such F.X. Mbaziira’s Tuula Tuwaye: Ekitabo Ky’Ebitontome (1970), which is credited as the first major collection of Luganda tonguetwisters for children; however, this genre lies outside the scope of this study.

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explanations of the meanings behind them, and the book also includes exercises for students of Luganda. Apart from Musa Mushanga’s Folk Tales from Ankole, none of these authors made an effort to document texts in the original language along with a faithful translation. The context in which the writers published was, of course, different from what it is today. Books published in indigenous Ugandan languages had no market, and this might have discouraged publishers. Today, the growth of the Ugandan publishing industry makes publishing bilingual texts possible, and the government policy of teaching local languages in schools has also created a need for such texts. Besides these works, other field studies have been done on both Ugandan and other African cultures, employing different methodologies. For example, Jane Nandwa and Austin Bukenya’s African Oral Literature for Schools (1983), a product of their fieldwork in Uganda and Kenya, includes examples of narratives and poetic forms (both in the original and in translation) along with discussion questions for use in the classroom. Studies such as Okot Benge’s “Gender Representation in Acoli Oral Poetry” (1994) and Abasi Kiyimba’s “Gender Stereotypes in the Folktales and Proverbs of the Baganda” (2001) explore gender-specific themes, specifically the portrayal of female and male characters in Acoli and Baganda oral culture respectively. They raise questions on the problematics of propagating such stereotypical images of women in particular in modern Ugandan culture where the discourse on gender now occupies public space. However, these studies do not address the question of gender equity and how it relates to issues of collecting and translation in children’s oral literature today. Many of the stories I collected (the “Njabala” tale is a good example) depict women characters negatively. In other stories girls are presented as objects of male voyeurism, their only value being to be married off in exchange for cows and goats. The Nshemere story from Ankole narrated to me by Siriva Tinkamanyire depicts a village beauty who is all too grateful to give herself away to a man she barely knows. Gender imbalances are still evident in Ugandan society, but people now recognize that these practices are oppressive. Reflecting on the work by Ugandans helps us to put in proper context collections by missionaries who worked in Uganda. Harold Scheub’s African Oral Narratives, Proverbs, Riddles, Poetry and Song (1977) provides a help-

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ful bibliographical guide to some of these works.6 Most notable are Rosetta Gage Baskerville’s collections of Baganda narratives, The Flame Tree and Other Folk-Lore Stories from Uganda (1900), The King of the Snakes and Other Folk-Lore Stories from Uganda (1922), and Leopard and the Goat and Other Animal Stories from Uganda (1927). Additionally, she published seven pastoral letters and a translation of the New Testament into Luganda. A British Anglican missionary born in Lahore, India, who later lived and worked in Uganda, Baskerville (alias Mrs George Harvey Knyfton Baskerville) published some of the earliest tales from Uganda specifically targeting a child audience. Her King of the Snakes is dedicated to “All the little children I loved in Uganda” and Flame Tree to “My charming nephews and nieces.” While a number of stories in these books translate or retell Sir Apollo Kaggwa’s Luganda tales in Engero za Buganda, others were “picked up during some years in the country – from old wives sitting over their cooking-pots in smoky kitchens” and “porters round the camp fire at night, and from that charming mixed multitude which made up ‘the good old days’.”7 All the stories are in English translation and are, in some sense, contextualized for her British reader’s convenience. For example, in the story “The Cheats of Kijongo” in King of the Snakes, she interrupts the narrative by adding a detailed account about the art of trapping and eating ants. This contextual information is clearly not part of the story, and she could have supplied it in a note. In addition, the stories do not include Luganda versions, for these may not have been necessary for her British readers. Most of the published collections from the early to mid-twentieth century followed a methodology similar to that used by Baskerville. I have already cited Ernest Millar’s translation of Tefiro Kisosonkole’s “On the Slaughterplace of Namugongo, Uganda” published in 1902. The original Luganda version is not included with the text. Similarly, in the 1930s F.L. Williams’ articles published in the Uganda Journal cited some Runyankore riddles in English translation only,8 while Alice Werner’s Myths and Legends of the

6

See Harold Scheub, African Oral Narratives, Proverbs, Riddles, Poetry and Song (Boston M A : G.K Hall, 1977). 7 Rosetta G.H. Baskerville, The King of the Snakes and Other Folk-Lore Stories from Uganda (London: Sheldon; New York & Toronto: Macmillan, 1922): iv. 8 In “The Inauguration of the Omugabe of Ankole to Office,” Uganda Journal 4 (1936–37) 300–312, F.L. Williams cites five Ankole riddles, while in “Hima Cattle

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Bantu (1933), a survey of several narratives of the Bantu speaking peoples of eastern, central, and southern Africa, includes some narratives of the Baganda, Bahima–Banyankore, and Banyarwanda. The stories are summarized or retold in English translation. The same can be said of Susan Feldman’s African Myths and Tales (1963), which includes one tale from Buganda; Godfrey Brown’s Luganda tale, The Chief of the Night (1970); or Paul Radin’s African Folktales (1952), which includes two Luganda folktales. Henry Morris’s The Heroic Recitations of the Bahima of Ankole (1964) was probably the first effort by a European collector in Uganda to record oral texts in the original language and English. He also provides detailed information on the structure of Runyankore heroic recitations, ebyevugo, and on their performance context. His study of the recitations is well documented with interlinear translations in English. Morris’s work laid the foundations for other scholars such as Fr. Marius Cisternino, whose Proverbs of Kigezi and Ankole, published in 1987, is a well-documented parallel translation of Runyankore–Rukiga proverbs into English. The only weakness of Cisternino’s work is that he translated some of the proverbs without paying close attention to their cultural context. Although the present study focuses specifically on collecting in Uganda, it also draws on techniques used by other scholars who have studied African oral forms from other cultures. For example, Robert Sutherland Rattray’s Hausa Folk-Lore: Customs, Proverbs, Etc (1913) was one of the early attempts to collect African forms and provide interlinear translations into English. A British District Commissioner in Nigeria and renowned anthropologist, Rattray was quite fluent in several African languages, including Chinyanja, Mǀle, Twi, and Hausa. Drawing on his previous research on Chinyanja folklore, Rattray worked with Hausa MƗlami scribes in Nigeria, and after acquiring a working knowledge of Hausa, he was able to record some of their folklore forms verbatim (in both Arabic and Roman script) and later translated them into English. “The advantage of such a system [of collecting],” Rattray notes, “is that the original text will help the student of the language to appreciate its structure and idioms, in a way that the best grammars could hardly do.”9 Rattray’s greatest contribution to orature research lay in his em(Part 2),” Uganda Journal 6 (1938-39): 87–117, he cites twenty-five riddles, all in English translation only. 9 Robert Sutherland Rattray, coll. & tr., Hausa Folk-Lore, Customs, Proverbs, etc., preface by R.R. Marett (1913; New York: Negro U P , 1969): xi.

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phasis on the importance of a collector’s being able to work between the source text and the English version rather than relying purely on informants. Subsequent studies of African orature built on and refined Rattray’s approach. William Bascom’s Ifa Divination (1969) was the culmination of his three decades of research among the Yorùbá. Bascom used his mastery of Yorùbá language and orthography to record Ifa divination ceremonies, songs and rituals on several visits to the towns of Ifè, Meko, Ôyø, Abeokuta, and Ibadan between 1937 and 1965. Using an ethnographic method involving participant observation made it possible for him to become immersed in the traditions of his subjects. So immersed was he in the culture that Bascom was presented with two extraordinary bronze masks by the Oni of Ifè and subsequently initiated into the Yorùbá Ogboni secret society.10 In his method, Bascom recommends that the original African text be presented along with a faithful, literal interlinear translation in English because “without the African text it may be impossible to say how accurate the translation is, how much a tale has been reworked or rewritten, or even whether or not it is only a summary.”11 I adopt this Bascom technique of presenting texts in the original language and with a faithful translation, but I do not present my collection using his three-part model with interlinear translations. The Bascom model has been used by fieldworkers including Henry F. Morris, Ruth Finnegan, Marion Kilson, and Harold Scheub. Finnegan’s Limba Stories and Storytelling (1967) translates Limba tales as well as a few proverbs and riddles from Sierra Leone. She relied partly on her Limba assistants to record and translate the tales, leaving her English translations as literal as possible, to “preserve something of the flavour of the original, while at the same time not rendering them unintelligible to an English reader.”12 Some of the stories are word-for-word translations, but for the rest of the stories the Limba originals are not appended. I have also relied on Scheub’s participatory approach of recording stories in the field and interpreting them in their performance context through dia10

Philip M. Peek & Kwesi Yankah, ed. African Folklore: An Encyclopedia (New York & London: Routledge, 2004): 19. Bascom later returned the bronze masks to the Oni of Ife; however, he honoured his pledge of secrecy to the Ogboni society by not publishing whatever he learnt from the organization. 11 William Bascom, “Folklore Research in Africa,” Journal of American Folklore 77/303 (January–March 1964): 12. 12 Ruth Finnegan, Limba Stories and Storytelling (Oxford: Oxford U P , 1967): 107.

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logue with respondents. In Story (1998), he worked with elderly and young storytellers in South Africa, Swaziland, and Zimbabwe between 1968 and 1976. Scheub wanted to understand the Xhosa and Zulu art of storytelling, particularly the way stories are constructed, and what message children get out of them. He saw story as a medium through which people come to terms with their lives, and their past, and as a means by which their experience and their history is “constantly being revisited and retold.”13 In The World and the Word (1992), a collection of stories and commentaries by Nongenile Masithathu Zenani, Scheub taped and filmed Zenani’s repertoire of tales as they were narrated to him without interfering with her words. He also uses headnotes for each tale to provide contextual information on the recording. I have used some of Scheub’s techniques for recording the texts, although I have devised a different code for presenting contextual information. Where necessary, I use a footnote to provide additional information. In analysing my collection, I draw on the work of collectors such as Dennis Tedlock, although I did not use his format of documenting tonal variations and mood; instead, I rely on parenthetical descriptions in the text, and on notes, to provide additional contextual details. In addition, I agree with Gordon Innes,14 Charles Bird, and Isidore Okpewho’s view that a translated text is, in many ways, a “stand-in” for the original and the translator a creative intermediary between the teller and the reader. In transcribing and translating my collection, I attempt to remain faithful to the source text but also to enrich the target-language, as I illustrate in Chapters 4 and 5.

Genres of Oral Literature for Children In this study, I focus primarily on three genres of oral texts for children – riddles, folktales, and children’s songs – drawn from three Ugandan cultures: Baganda, Banyankore–Bakiga, and Bafumbira–Banyarwanda. By ‘texts for children’ I refer to those oral forms which, in the native cultures where they are performed, fit into three categories: (a) Texts typically performed by children for children. Such texts usually accompany activities such as games, counting, or learning other basic concepts. 13

Harold Scheub, Story (Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1998): 21. See, for instance, Gordon Innes, Sunjata: Three Mandinka Versions (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1974). 14

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(b) Texts performed by adults for children – either to entertain them, pacify them when they cry, or lull them to sleep. (c) Texts performed for a crossover audience. both adult and child, because they are considered appropriate for children. Riddles and folktales fit this category. In view of the fact that genre classifications for these texts in the Western tradition are different from those used in African societies, I will rely on the Ugandan taxonomy. The first category I address is that of riddles, known as ebishakuzo (sing. ekishakuzo)15 among the Banyankore–Bakiga, ebikokyo (sing. ekikokyo) among the Baganda, and ibisakuzo (sing. igisakuzo) among the Banyarwanda–Bafumbira speakers. The second category is described as ‘songs for little children’ or obweshongoro bw’abaana (sing. akeshongoro k’abaana) by the Banyankore–Bakiga, although Erika Katakuza prefers the term ebikwaate (sing. ekikwaate).16 Among the Baganda, they are called obuyimba bw’abaana (sing. akayimba k’abaana), while the Banyarwanda-Bafumbira use the term uturirimbo tw’abaana (sing. akaririmbo k’abaana) to designate this category. The third category of text I discuss is folktale or ebigano (sing. ekigano) in Runyankore–Rukiga, and enfumo17 in Luganda. Banyarwanda–Bafumbira speakers use the same term, imigani (sing. umugani), to denote both tales and proverbs; the latter category (recited exclusively by adults) is not included in the scope of this study. This typology of genre may be a good way to identify texts for children – obuyimba bw’abaana (songs for children) – but a lot also depends on the context of performance. For example, children’s songs are typically performed by a child audience but they are enjoyed by both adults and children. Activities such as storytelling or riddling, as we noted earlier, are not gazetted; they are interconnected and inevitably intersect adult and child audiences. Play songs and counting rhymes performed by children are often preceded by a storytelling or riddling session in which adults and children participate. In order to understand this fluid dynamic between performer and audience, I will be discussing the performance contexts in which these oral forms were

15

Sometimes they are also called ebiito (sing. ekiito) in Runyankore, but the term is less commonly used than ebishakuzo. 16 Erika John Katakuza, personal interview, 1 January 2007. 17 Enfumo generally denotes tales with song, while those without song are referred to as engero.

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collected. Most of the forms I collected in Uganda were recited under ‘artificial’ rather than ‘natural’ conditions but a teller such as Isirairi Katuka or Debora Ddamba Kyeyune negotiated this artificial setting by pretending the adults present were their faux-child audience as they sang songs or posed riddles. In addition, the prefatory conversations I had with the performers, the conventional traits of riddling or performing a counting rhyme, as well as my childhood experience with these songs, offered an alternative guide. I shall address these issues in detail in chapters two and three. These different genres of oral texts for children, of course, have traditionally been used for manifold purposes in Uganda. First, they act as an echo system for cherished values, norms, and beliefs of a people that have been handed down across generations. For example, when we were growing up our parents told us folktales or recited a proverb with authority to impart a moral lesson and caution us against antisocial behaviour. This is still the case today. The Baganda story of Njabala, the lazy girl who brought shame to her parents before in-laws, for example, might be recounted in Buganda to teach children the value of hard work (See Appendix: Luganda Folktales). An only child, Njabala grows up without doing any domestic chores. Njabala’s parents pass away soon after she gets married but she does not know how to cook, clean up or work in the garden. Instead, she cries whenever she needs help and when she does, her mother’s ghost appears and helps her with gardening, cooking, and any other activity she is doing. Her husband is suspicious of her behaviour and decides to eavesdrop on her to see whether she is the one who does all the work. One day as she is working in the garden, Njabala cries out to her mother – as she always does when she needs her help – and her mother’s ghost appears and starts tilling the land. Her husband emerges out of his hiding, drives away the ghost, and throws Njabala out of the home. The story soon spreads all over the villages and the lazy Njabala is scorned and shunned by all men, never to remarry. Njabala thus becomes a metaphor for laziness, and her tale teaches anecdotally what laziness can do to destroy a young person’s life and marriage. Laziness is scorned in all cultures, but in predominantly farming communities in Buganda physical labour (the value of ‘tilling the land’) is a prerequisite for survival. Njabala is also evidently a product of poor upbringing because she is pampered by her parents who hardly teach her basic life skills. They do not prepare her for survival in the real world of struggle. The Njabala tale is obviously problematic for the way it polices gender conformity. Girls are socialized into what is considered appropriate behaviour in the society and, in Njabala’s case, good behaviour in-

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cludes hard work and submission to her husband. Despite the tale’s stereotypical portrayal of the female transgressor, in the Ugandan cultural context it is interpreted conservatively; emphasis is placed on its instructional value and the premium it puts on hard work. In addition to argument through such didactic stories as “Njabala,” people recite proverbs with finality to settle a dispute or to caution a young person on their irresponsible behaviour. ‘Nyantagambirwa akarya erisho rye’, a Munyankore elder might say to a stubborn young man: he who does not listen to advice eats his own eye. According to Yoweri Kyeishe18 and Erika Katakuza,19 the proverb is based on the tale of Nyatagambirwa who wanted to go to a party in the sky but was warned against the idea. When he got to the sky he was told to remove his eye and cook it along with the eyes of the other people who had attended the party. While cooking the eyes, Nyantagambirwa removed one eye and ate it, hoping to get a second helping later at meal time. When it was time to feast, everybody reclaimed his or her eye and put it back in its socket. When Nyantagambirwa was asked to remove his eye from the pot like the others had done, he was embarrassed to realize that he had eaten his eye out of ignorance of party traditions in the sky. Nyatagambirwa who ate his own eye became the talk of town. Since then, the tale has served to warn young people to listen to their parents, because if they don not they will suffer the consequences of their stupid action. The message is clear. In fact, sometimes parents need not resort to punishment all the time; they might use, for example, the ‘Tungu, Tungu’ rhyme to make children sit still and be quiet.20 Owing to this central role of oral culture in child education in Uganda, rhymes such as ‘Mbare, Mbare’21 or ‘Keneemu’ (see Appendix, sections E and F) are often used in schools to introduce lessons on numbers, the alphabet, to teach numeracy skills to children as well as encourage them to socialize. Children sing ‘Kaneemu’ while counting each other’s outstretched legs and this personalizes the learning process and by repetition embeds numbers in memory. A child memorizes the numbers through counting his or her friend’s legs over and over again. When children played ‘Kaneemu’ on Radio 18

Yoweri Kyeishe, personal interview, 13 June 2010. Erika John Katakuza, personal interview, 13 June 2010. 20 See Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Children’s Songs. In the Tungu, Tungu game children place their hands on top of each other’s and sing an ‘oath of silence’. The one who breaks the ‘oath’ becomes a ‘witch’. 21 Kaneemu translates as ‘Little-One’, while Mbare, Mbare means ‘I count, I count’. 19

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Star F M ’s “Young Stars” programme in Kampala, thirteen-year-old Wilson Senfuka had to count seven pairs of legs seven times before ‘the loser’ (who becomes omusegge or jackal) could be decided.22 This idea of memorization is important for children’s learning because they understand mental concepts better when they relate them to actual objects in the material world. Thus when children learn a concept that is accompanied by an activity, or related to a material object such as a toy, the material signifier helps to concretize the concept itself. The accompanying game or learning aid becomes a stand-in for the idea itself. In view of this relationship between oral culture and child education in Uganda, issues pertaining to the social, aesthetic, and instructional value of traditional oral forms thus become prominent in our discussion. In their research on the use of oral literature in Ugandan and Kenyan schools, Jane Nandwa and Austin Bukenya have emphasized that although the process of education has been traditionally performed at home in part through oral narratives, riddles, songs, and proverbs, the classroom is in many ways increasingly becoming a new arena where learning activities take place, where children are taught acceptable norms of society.23 Can these tales on their own influence children’s conduct? Of course, other disciplinary measures in form of rewards or punishments still have to be used by parents and teachers. The point is that, as children absorb this oral culture, it becomes a part of their moral code as members of a particular society. Considering Nandwa and Bukenya’s ideas on tales as a tool for shaping moral values helps us to reflect on Scheub’s position on the importance of storytelling in a child’s identity formation process, self-realization and in their awareness of the world around them, their culture and history. “Story,” Scheub observes, “is a major means of gaining access to the past, of remembering it, assessing it.”24 By offering a window into the past, tales become a

22

“Kaneemu” was performed by Wilson Senfuka, Stewart Niwagaba, Philip Jordan Matovu, Joseph Kasubi, Maureen Ayinza, Jane Nabukenya, Tony Kigonya and Florence Nakitto on Radio Star F M , Kampala, 7 May 2005. Senfuka obviously already knew how to count numbers, but there were children much younger than he was in the group. The ‘loser’ (the person who has only one leg folded at the end of the game) becomes ‘omusege’ and starts hunting down others to ‘eat’ them! 23 Jane Nandwa & Austin Bukenya, African Oral Literature for Schools (Nairobi: Longman Kenya, 1983): 9. 24 Scheub, Story, 21.

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mirror into people’s cultures. They become “a means whereby people come to terms with their lives, their past; a way of understanding their relationship within the context of their culture.”25 For example, how do stories project adult attitudes towards childhood, or gender perceptions of the past? How did certain traditional practices (for example, women kneeling before men in Buganda, circumcision as a rite of passage among the Bugisu, or cattle-rustling in Karamoja) come about? The Baganda regard kneeling to be an act of cultural etiquette as people exchange greetings. The Bagisu believe that circumcision, a custom traced back to their ancestors, is the only rite of passage by which a boy can be recognized as a man in the culture. These norms have been handed down through narratives which, as Scheub argues, thus become a means by which that past is constantly retold, assessed, and sometimes even contested by society today. Oral forms, however, also continue to generate interest not only for the cultural values and history they embody, but also because of the sense of pleasure we derive from them. I will illustrate this point by drawing on a story I recorded in Lukomera, Luweeero, which was narrated by Debora Kyeyune (See Appendix: Luganda Folktales). In the Kyeyune story, Frog and Snake go to visit the latter’s in-laws, and when the food is served Snake keeps telling Frog to go back and wash his scaly hands until they are clean. Meanwhile, he eats all the food alone. During another visit to Frog’s in-laws, he retaliates by insisting that Snake sit straight in his chair before he eats. Snake, of course, fails to sit straight and by the time he realizes it is a trick all the food is finished. Snake learns a lesson: that even though he is stronger than Frog, he is not any wiser than his friends are and he therefore ought to treat them with respect. We also see what greed can do to destroy friendship. The message is presented with a humorous twist in the story. As we laugh at the two animals we also laugh at ourselves because we can clearly see that Frog and Snake are allegories of human greed and treachery. Through its employment of wit, humour, and sarcasm the storytelling event affords us moments of laughter and relaxation even as it teaches us important lessons in life. As Okpewho puts it, in a storytelling event “the audience on the whole is being exposed to an aesthetic experience, in the sense that the stories performed […] give them pleasure and relaxation.”26 25

Scheub, Story, 21. Isidore Okpewho, African Oral Literature: Backgrounds, Character, and Continuity (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1992): 108. 26

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The “aesthetic experience” Okpewho refers to is derived from formal elements as well. Max Lüthi has observed that in addition to the social and instructional role these texts “have played and continue to play in society – in the family […] in the kindergarten or the schools, on radio and television or in books,” oral forms generate interest in themselves.27 The structural patterns in which the oral texts unfold, the formulas, the rhetorical and narrative strategies employed by the tellers, all fascinate children and adults alike. Traditional texts thus provide these different ways of viewing and understanding the world.

Preserving Oral Forms in Different Media Therefore, in view of this central role they play in child education, these oral forms need to be preserved in print, on tape, C D , and other media. Many Ugandan communities still have limited access to modern mass media and people still rely on indigenous media to communicate among themselves as well. While it is, of course, important to continue the roll-out of modern technologies and connect all locals to the global world, we also need to document oral cultures because they deserve to be preserved in their own right. This need to document oral texts for children is more evident in schools in Uganda, where texts such as counting rhymes and games are still used orally to introduce numeracy skills to kindergarteners and to encourage them to socialize. Literacy and its technologies of writing, audio-tape recorders, video /film, television, and the internet (secondary orality) are all ways to preserve the oral text, in some cases along with aspects of its performance context. Without these technologies, the spoken word ultimately becomes evanescent: the kalimagezi,28 custodians of the ‘oral records’, may suffer from memory-loss, and will die sooner or later. In our modern information age, there may not be a young person willing to take over the arduous task of memorizing information and continuing the traditional process of transmitting it orally when we could easily store it on the computer. Also, communities have become more cosmopolitan than before owing to linguistic and cross-cultural mixing, intermarriage, and mass migration to urban centres. Linguistic and cultural hetero27

Max Lüthi, The Fairytale as Art Form and Portrait of Man, tr. Jon Erickson (Das Volksmärchen als Dichtung: Ästhetik und Anthropologie, 1975; Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1984): ix. 28 Kalimagezi is a Luganda word for a wise man or woman.

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geneity is now a common phenomenon among young people, and with the spread of literacy people no longer communicate as they used to in the past. The times when elders sat with children around the fireplace and told them stories are long gone. Collecting and recording this oral archive in other media will not only help preserve it but will also make it available for children to read in book form, and that carries forward an oral heritage. Uganda’s new bilingual education policy, where local languages and English are used in primary-school instruction, seems to be guided by this need to preserve oral culture. In the current formal education institutions in Uganda, this coexistence between the oral and the written is evident in the classroom environment where the oral text is turned into words on the page to encourage literacy. Counting rhymes and games continue to be used orally to introduce numeracy skills to children and to encourage socialization. The Uganda Government White Paper on Education adopted in 1992 particularly seeks to integrate this need to teach children basic literacy and numeracy skills in schools through their mother tongue and culture at an early stage. The White Paper provides, in part, that in rural areas “the medium of instruction from P.1 to P.4 will be the relevant local languages” (Uganda Government 19). It states: The relevant area language will also be taught as a subject in primary schools; this applies to both rural and urban areas. However, students may or may not offer this subject for P L E examination. U N E B will, nevertheless, provide for examination in all the five main Ugandan languages (Luo, Runyakitara, Luganda, Ateso / Akarimojong and Lugbara) in P L E for those who study any of these languages as a subject of examination.29

It is apparent that a shift to local language instruction is being seen as a faster way to achieve functional literacy for both adults and the young in rural areas where these languages are predominantly spoken. The White Paper thus provides for the establishment of a National Advisory Board on Languages and revitalization of District Language Committees “to assist in the development of Uganda languages,”30 to decide on “which language should be used in basic literacy programme for adults” and “assist in developing local languages 29

Uganda Government, Government White Paper on the Education Policy Review Commission Report (Kampala, April 1992):19. P L E is the acronym for Primary Leaving Examinations; U N E B stands for Uganda National Examinations Board. 30 Uganda Government, Government White Paper on the Education Policy Review Commission Report, 17

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especially for basic literacy and post-basic literacy purposes.”31 The White Paper, however, provides for the continued use of English as the chief medium of instruction from P.5 to P.8, as well as in urban areas throughout the primary cycle and from secondary school onwards.32 A greater emphasis will at the same time be placed on the use of Kiswahili as the language with greater potential for fostering regional integration through the East African Community (E A C ), a federation currently made up of Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi. In order for this objective of encouraging both adult and child literacy programmes through local languages to be achieved, it is imperative that oral texts in which these languages have traditionally been expressed – folktales, children’s rhymes, songs, riddles, proverbs, and sayings – be collected and published in print and other media, and, more importantly, through bilingual translations across other local languages such as Kiswahili and English. With the recent introduction of Universal Secondary Education (U S E ) and its strong emphasis on the teaching of Kiswahili and English at secondary-school level, the Ministry of Education (M O E ) and the National Curriculum Development Centre (N C D C ) will have to address this as a matter of priority.

Oral Texts and the Performance Context Performance-centred scholars have stressed the importance of analysing verbal texts in their performance contexts. In her recent comparative study of the oral poetry and popular song traditions in Uganda and South Africa, Susan Kiguli has emphasized the importance of studying the contextual and sociohistorical information as integral to understanding the dynamic nature of performance and the performers themselves. Oral performance, Kiguli argues, “can only be understood by taking account of the historical, social, psychological, and even physical surroundings in which it occurs.” By providing the socio-historical background on how different oral performance traditions have developed, we are able to have “a broader view of how they are conceptualized in their specific communities.”33 Kiguli’s concern about contextualizing 31

Government White Paper, 19–20. Government White Paper, 19–20. 33 Susan N. Kiguli, “Oral Poetry and Popular Song in Post-Apartheid South Africa and Post-Civil War Uganda: A Comparative Study of Contemporary Performance” (doctoral dissertation, University of Leeds, 2004): 52. 32

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oral performance study echoes that of previous scholars and fieldworkers such as Richard Bauman, Harold Scheub, and Isidore Okpewho. Bauman, for instance, views oral performance as a human activity whose form, meaning, and function are “rooted in culturally defined scenes or events.”34 He focuses on the entire act of storytelling and not just the text, in the interrelationship between what he calls the events recounted (narrated events), the narrated text, and the situation in which the text is told (the narrative event).35 Okpewho sees the context of an oral text as a product of the artist’s repertory of skills, the physical setting, and the purpose or function of the oral performance to society.36 As far as possible, this book embraces a performance-centered approach that privileges the interrelationship between the oral text and its context. The performance setting provides the geographical, social, and cultural milieu in which these oral texts can be better understood. For example, motifs of a cattle culture and an agricultural life-style (references to milk pots and bananas, for example) dominate in many of the texts I collected. Explaining these motifs aids our understanding of the people’s way of life, their social structure, and their world-view.

F I G U R E 1. The Study Areas in Uganda (by permission of George Magawa, Department of Geography, Makerere University) 34

Richard Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event: Contextual Studies of Oral Narrative (Cambridge & New York: Cambridge U P , 1986): 3. 35 Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event, 2. 36 Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 106.

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F I G U R E 2. Counties and Districts of Buganda Region (by permission of George Magawa, Department of Geography, Makerere University).

F I G U R E 3. Counties and Districts of South-Western Region (by permission of George Magawa, Department of Geography, Makerere University).

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(a) Geographical Location The regions of Buganda, Ankole,37 and Kigezi where I carried out this field research straddle parts of central, southern, and south-western Uganda (see Figs. 1–3). This area forms the major catchment area for the Nile River and the great lakes of East Africa – Lake Victoria38 and Kyoga in the central basin, and Albert, George, and Tanganyika in the western Rift Valley. Most of the region is a vast plateau with an altitude ranging from 1,000 metres (3,333 feet) in the central plain to 2,300 metres (7,000 feet) above sea level in the south-western highlands.39 The region experiences moderate temperatures ranging from 18 to 30C (64–86F), with fertile soils and annual average rainfall exceeding 1,000 mm (about 40 inches).40 The moderate climate favours the growing of diverse crops such as coffee, bananas, potatoes, beans, maize, and groundnuts, and the rearing of cattle, goats, and sheep. This predominantly farming life-style accounts for the agricultural motifs which, as I will demonstrate later, permeate much of the people’s folklore. (b) Socio-Historical Context While this study area is populated by several ethnic groups, its history points to a shared linguistic and cultural heritage. Several factors explain this cultural intercourse. First, the regions of Buganda, Ankole, and Kigezi are predominantly inhabited by Bantu peoples who speak mutually intelligible dialects. The Baganda in central Uganda speak Luganda, a dialect closely related to that of their eastern neighbours, the Basoga. The Runyankore–Rukiga dialect (which is spoken in Ankole and Kigezi, as well as in the Byumba and Ruhengyeri regions of neighbouring Rwanda) is highly correlative with the Runyoro and Rutooro dialects spoken in western Uganda.41 Ruhaya (or Kihaya), another Bantu dialect spoken in the Bukoba region of Tanzania, is also

37

The name ‘Ankole’ is a corruption of ‘Nkore’ by the British and Baganda chiefs who first came to the kingdom of Nkore in the nineteenth century. 38 Renamed Lake Victoria by the British, the lake was originally known as Nalubaale. 39 Jan Knappert, East Africa: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda (New Delhi: Vikas, 1987): 209, 213. 40 Knappert, East Africa: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, 204. 41 Paul Ngologoza, Kigezi and its People (Kampala: Fountain, 1998): 16.

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closely related to the so-called Four Rs.42 Moreover, Runyarwanda and Rufumbira, dialects of the same language,43 are spoken predominantly in the border areas of Kisoro, Ntungamo, and parts of Mbarara in Uganda, as well as in neighbouring Rwanda. These dialects are also closely related to those spoken by the Hangaza, Ha, and Shubi of north-western Tanzania, the Banyamulenge in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Barundi in Burundi.44 Besides language, these Bantu peoples share similar social structures such as clans or enganda (sing. oruganda), and ebika (sing. ekika). Each clan traces its lineage to a common ancestor and has its unique omiziro (pl. emiziro) or totem that distinguishes it from other clans, as well as a taboo that binds its members. In Buganda, each clan also has a secondary totem called akabbiro. The omiziro is often an animal or object; for example, in Ankole ente ngobe (a black cow with white stripes) is the totem for the Abagahe clan, while ekihirira (an item burnt in a house) is the totem for the Abashambo.45 The clans are patrilineal and exogamous, with strict sanctions prohibiting intermarriage between their members. In a sense, a clan is viewed as an extended family and all members regard each other as brothers and sisters regardless of how far removed they actually are in terms of family ties. The social structure in Buganda is even more hierarchical, presided over by the Kabaka46 (King) as the titular head of all fifty-six clans. Each of these is headed by Omutaka w’Akasolya (Clan Head) who presides over other substructures of 42

The Runyankore, Rukiga, Runyoro, and Rutooro dialects are also called ‘Runyakitara’, an umbrella name coined by linguists at Makerere University’s Institute of Languages. With lexical similarity of up to 96%, they are considered dialects of one language; for example, Runyankore has 84% to 94% lexical similarity with Rukiga and 75% to 86% with Runyoro and Rutooro. See Ethnologue: Languages of the World, ed. Raymond G. Gordon, Jr. (Dallas T X : S I L International, 15th ed. 2005) 212. 43 Ngologoza refers to speakers of both dialects as ‘Banyarwanda’; according to him, the name ‘Bafumbira’ refers specifically to Banyarwanda speakers who inhabit the area of Bufumbira in Kigezi. See Ngologoza, 17, 31. 44 For example, Luganda has 71% to 86% lexical similarity with Lusoga and 68% with Lugwere, while Runyarwanda, Kirundi, Kihangaza, and Ha have up to 85% similarity. See Ethnologue, ed. Gordon, Jr., 199, 210. 45 See, for example, Roscoe, Banyankole, 9–10. 46 The Kabaka is also called Ssabasajja (Chief-Of-All-Men), Bba Ffe (Our Husband), Magulu-Nyondo (One-With-Legs-Like-Hammers), Musota (Snake), and other titles.

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the clan known as Essiga, Omutuba, Olunyiriri, Oluggya, and, finally, Enju or family as the basic unit. It is important to underline this concept of family as it is perceived in the culture, because it pervades the narratives I collected. For example, in the Kyeishe story (See Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Folktales) the two stepbrothers are simply referred to as ‘brothers’ because the concept of ‘stepbrother’ or ‘cousin’ is fuzzy in these cultures. Children refer to their paternal uncles as ‘my younger father’ (taata-omuto in Buganda and tata-ento in Ankole), or ‘our father’ (data-wacu) among Banyarwanda–Bafumbira people. Interestingly, the paternal aunt occupies a ‘masculine’ space in these cultures; in Ankole she is called tata-enkazi (my female-father). Her ‘masculinization’ can be attributed partly to her influential power in matters concerning marriage and sex education within the extended family. A survey of this cultural interrelationship among the peoples of central, western, and south-western Uganda thus points us both to a common heritage the region once shared under its ancient empires and to migrations and intermarriages that have taken place over the last centuries. The historians Gideon Were and Derek Wilson assert that the entire region was originally dominated by the Batembuzi Empire under King Ishaza (or Isaza), one of the most influential rulers who controlled parts of Ankole, Bunyoro, Buganda, and Karagwe in the pre-Bacwezi era.47 With the collapse of the Batembuzi state, the entire area – including modern Rwanda, Burundi, and northern Tanzania – was taken over by the Bacwezi, a pastoral group that probably migrated from the region of Ethiopia and Somalia.48 Although popular legend has projected them as ‘superhuman’ beings, archaeological excavations carried out in the 1950s in the area around Bigo bya Mugyenyi, their former capital, are “consistent with a pastoral cul-

47

Traditional mythology traces their origins to Ruhanga (or Creator) and his brother Nkya, who existed in the pre-Bacwezi era. See Gideon S. Were & Derek A. Wilson, East Africa through a Thousand Years (New York: Africana, 1968): 44–45. 48 According to Samwiri R. Karugire, the Bacwezi were semi-legendary people, not because they did not exist but because they are believed to have accomplished many superhuman achievements during their rule. They were later worshipped as deities until the colonial era. Under the influence of Christianity, popular belief in Bacwezi deities gradually waned, but they still have a considerable following especially around the areas of Bigo bya Mugyenyi (their former capital) and Ntutsi in Ankole. See S.R. Karugire, A Political History of Uganda (Nairobi & London: Heinemann, 1980): 3–4.

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ture such as the Bacwezi are said to have possessed.”49 At this ancient citadel, archaeological evidence has attested to the existence of pastoral states that had a royal enclosure, orurembo, consisting of a series of ditches. Similar enclosures existed in Karagwe (Tanzania) and Rwanda until the end of the nineteenth century.50 Nineteenth-century European anthropologists suggested that the pastoral Hima (or Bahima) and Tutsi sub-groups of the Banyankore and Banyarwanda ruling dynasties in the former kingdoms of Ankole and Rwanda were descendants of these Bacwezi. Some have suggested that they are of Greek, Portuguese, Egyptian, Galla or Ethiopian stock.51 For example, Sir Albert Cook remarked about the Bahima that they showed “extraordinary likeness to the old Egyptian mummies,” while Alfred Tucker described a Muhima as “a man the very image, you would say, of Ramses I I .”52 The Bacwezi dynasty declined following the Luo invasion from the Sudan and a series of calamities such as small pox, cattle diseases, and famine that struck the region. Not least was the sudden death of Bihogo, the darling cow which belonged to one of the princes. The soothsayer interpreted this as a bad omen, and thereafter the Bacwezi are said to have disappeared.53 While the empires of the Bacwezi and the Batembuzi ended about five centuries ago, they left a significant cultural impact on the region’s folklore today. For example, the mystery still associated with their rule figures in the riddles and stories. The two riddles I cite below underpin popular belief in Ankole that anything associated with Bacwezi had magical powers, and that Bacwezi spirits still haunt the region of south-western Uganda.54 In a riddle posed by Aida Rubabinda, the beads of Ishaza’s wife are portrayed as an extraordinary spectacle: Enkwanzi za muka Ishaza ku ishoba tishoboroka – Eshagama omu mate The beads for Ishaza’s wife once entangled can never be disentangled – Blood mixed with milk. [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. AR (Rushere, Ankole, 1 August 2005)] 49

Karugire, A Political History of Uganda, 4. Were & Wilson, East Africa through a Thousand Years, 47. 51 East Africa through a Thousand Years, 45. 52 Martin Doornbos, Not All the King’s Men: Inequality as a Political Instrument in Ankole (The Hague: Mouton, 1978): 77, 202. 53 Were & Wilson, East Africa through a Thousand Years, 48. 54 For instance, it is common for herdsmen in Ankole to claim they ‘saw’ Bacwezi dressed in white robes as they grazed their cattle. 50

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Ishaza, as explained above, was one of the most influential kings who controlled parts of Ankole. According to Erika Katakuza, Ishaza, who was the king of Bunyoro, married the daughter of Ruyonga, the king of Nkore, and gave birth to Isimbwa, who is said to have been the first Mucwezi king.55 Katakuza further explains: That is why they say in that riddle that ‘The beads for Ishaza’s wife once entangled can never be disentangled,’ because she was a queen and in the olden days people used beads to show their wealth – having enough wealth to be able to buy beads for giving to your wife. Therefore, Ishaza’a wife was very famous; it seems she was very beautiful.56

Katakuza’s explanation helps us to understand the mystery and power that was associated with Ishaza and his reign, and that is why his wife’s beads are projected as a novelty. The solution to the riddle thus lies in unravelling the metaphor of the unusual: once milk is mixed with blood, the two are inseparable. In another riddle by Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye (see Appendix: Runyarwanda–Rufumbira Riddles), Ruhinda, one of the Bacwezi kings, is similarly associated with mysterious powers commonly attributed to the Bacwezi age: Abambari ba Ruhinda bambariye inzogera ikuzimu – Ibinyobwa Ruhinda’s guards adorned themselves with anklets in the underworld – Groundnuts. [Rec: AM, GM and SM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Kikunika, 1 August 2005)]

The riddle plays on the myth that the Bacwezi ‘disappeared’ into the underworld, which I alluded to earlier. The puzzle is thus based on a physical attribute: a groundnut plant carrying pods below the ground is likened to a soldier adorned with anklets. 55

Erika John Katakuza suggested in an interview of 13 June 2010 that, since Ishaza’s son, Isimbwa, is said to have been a Mucwezi, Ishaza must have been a Muchwezi as well. 56 This is a translation of Erika John Katakuza’s interview of 13 June 2010 in Runyankore, in which he stated: Nikyo barikugirira omu kiito ekyo ngu, ‘Enkwanzi za muka Ishaza ku ishoba tishoboroka’, ahabwokuba akaba ari omukamakazi kandi enkwanzi aba kare nimwo babaire borekyera obutungi bwabo – kugira ebintu bingi by’okubaasa kugura enkwanzi nyingi z’okuheereza omukazi wawe. Nahabwekyo, akaba naraanganwa muka Ishaza; noshusha oti akaba ari murungi.

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In addition, pastoral motifs (milk pots, gourds, or ghee) associated with the long-horned cattle they introduced into the region are common. Still a possession cherished by the pastoral peoples of Ankole, Buganda, and Rwanda, these cows figure in many stories.

F I G U R E 4. Long-horned Ankole cattle introduced by the Bacwezi (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi)

However, the Luo (or Lwo) invasion in the fifteenth century had an even greater influence on the region’s politics and culture. The stronger Luo– Babito from the Bahr-el-Ghazal provinces of southern Sudan founded the empire of Bunyoro–Kitara.57 The coming of these new migrants led to another cultural mix as they adopted most of the Bantu traditions. It also led to the emergence of the new kingdoms of Bunyoro, Buganda, Ankole, and Karagwe in the former Bacwezi Empire. Before the coming of the British, the Bunyoro kingdom enjoyed a dominant position in the region, raiding her neighbours and maintaining a particularly strained relationship with Buganda, the archrival, in spite of the blood relations that existed between the ruling dynasties of Buganda and Bunyoro.58 This balance of power was to change later at the beginning of the twentieth century when Buganda collaborated with the British to fight Bunyoro, leading to the exile of their powerful king, Omukama Kabalega, to the Seychelles. The British subsequently used the Baganda chiefs to spread their rule to Bunyoro, Ankole, and the rest of the country. The 57

Karugire, A Political History of Uganda, 2–3. Were & Wilson, East Africa through a Thousand Years, 52. Isingoma Mpuga Rukidi, who founded the Luo–Babito dynasty of Bunyoro–Kitara, was the brother of Kimera, the third king of Buganda. See Were & Wilson, 52, and M.S.M. Semakula Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda (London: Longman, 1971): 36–39. 58

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most notable among such chiefs was Semei Kakungulu, who was enlisted to spread British influence in eastern and northern Uganda.59 Buganda’s collaboration with the British colonial government gave her an advantage over her neighbours. The kingdom benefitted from infrastructural development in the form of schools, hospitals, and roads, industries, and agricultural plantations. Consequently, there was a mass exodus of migrant workers from Ankole, Kigezi, and other regions to Buganda to work in the factories in Kampala or on coffee, sugarcane, and tea estates. These migrations over several decades made Buganda the most ethnically diverse region in Uganda, leading to further intermarriage and the hybridization of languages and cultures that is evident in the region today. This historical and cultural intersection, therefore, helps our study and understanding of the region’s orature. The material culture, the cultural and linguistic intercourse, and the traditional stereotypes of one group by another pervade the world of the tales, rhymes, and riddles that I collected. The old rivalries between the Baganda and Banyoro, for example, are still present in the stereotypes they create of the other in their stories and riddles today. The Baganda will always associate anything of poor quality with Bunyoro – for example, they refer to a poor breed of chicken as ‘enkoko enyoro’ (a Nyoro chicken). The motifs of cattle, milk, and crops such as bananas and millet also dominate the tales, riddles, and songs, pointing to a shared way of life and a predominantly pastoral culture (particularly in Ankole) and an agricultural life-style (in Buganda and Kigezi) that still exists in these regions. To conclude, a study of Ugandan oral forms for children needs to recognize several factors. First, although these oral texts for young people have preoccupied collectors in Uganda since the dawn of the last century, the value of bilingual translations has been largely ignored. Second, the current national goals for bilingual education in schools underlie, in part, the perceived cultural and national value of these texts as a repertoire for cultural values, moral dicta, and histories cherished by society. Third, to understand the interrelationship between these oral forms and their social and instructional relevance both in the domestic arena and in formal education in Uganda, it is important to situate them in a broader geographical, historical, and socio-cultural setting.

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See, for example, East Africa through a Thousand Years, 166–68.

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Oral Texts for Children Audience Dynamics, Form, and Social Value

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R A L T E X T S F O R C H I L D R E N often have a fluid audience and serve a social and instructional role in society. Since texts for children are often performed for a crossover audience, we have to look at their social and instructional value for evidence. In view of the fact that these texts have been used for instructional purposes in the informal and formal education system, I will focus on their content, the explanations provided by my informants in the field, the setting in which the texts are performed, as well as on the children’s activities which they accompany. In the Introduction, I described the categories of oral texts I collected and the typology of genre I used to categorize them. When we are dealing with oral material from different cultures, we must recognize that each tradition has its unique way of categorizing its oral literature. In his essay “Folklore in African Society,” Dan Ben-Amos cautions against importing genre categorizations used in the Western tradition when analysing texts from other cultures. He argues:

For the demarcation of genres to be culturally communicable, they need to be conceived and perceived as distinct verbal entities; such a recognition has to be linguistically expressed, and validated both by the text itself and the social context of its performance.1

Ben-Amos wants us to be aware of the different ways in which each culture categorizes its oral forms and how such taxonomy functions in the specific linguistic and performance context. In some cultures, emphasis is often more on the functional value of the oral form than on its formal elements, and in 1

Dan Ben-Amos, “Introduction: Folklore in African Society,” in Forms of Folklore in Africa: Narrative, Poetic, Gnomic, Dramatic, ed. Bernth Lindfors (Austin: U of Texas P , 1977): 2.

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many cases there may not be special terms to describe each category of text. Moreover, as we shall observe below, performance boundaries for some genres of oral literature may not always be clear-cut.

Genre in Relation to Audience Dynamics Genre classification in the Ugandan oral tradition is quite problematical. First, in some cultures a single taxonomic term may be used to describe several genres. For example, umugani (a story, or proverb) in the Banyarwanda– Bafumbira tradition is a fluid concept that must be understood in a given performance context. The Baganda categorize tales with song and those without song separately: the former are called enfumo and the latter engero, not to be confused with engero ensonge (proverbs). The label engero is generally applied to all stories, whether fairytales, folktales, or fable. By contrast, the Banyankore refer to all tales as ebigano and use the label ebitebyo to describe other narratives such as myths and legends. Second, some categories of text do not exist in certain cultures.2 In addition, the categorization of children’s songs in Ugandan oral culture differs greatly from that in the Western tradition, where rhymes are often divided into extrinsic categories based on their form and function – lullabies: gentle tunes used to lull babies to sleep; counting-out rhymes and games; and short nonsense narratives.3 Jan Brunvand identifies sub-genres such as play rhymes (the little songs that “begin a baby’s social life with such highly amusing (to infants) activities as bouncing, finger and toe counting, and ticking to the accompaniment of chants”), “game rhymes,” and “jump-rope rhymes.”4 He broadly classifies these under “functional songs.”5 Thus the

2

While the Banyankore and Banyarwanda–Bafumbira recite ebyevugo (sing. ekyevugo) and ibyivugo (sing. ikyivugo) – an epic form in which specially skilled performers called abevugi (or abivuzi in Runyarwanda–Rufumbira) dramatize past heroic feats in war or notable events such as famine – the Baganda do not. However, the latter have ebitontome (sing. ekitontome), a related form of recitation often composed about a specific theme. 3 Carole H. Carpenter, “Nursery Rhymes,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Children’s Literature, vol. 3, ed. Jack Zipes (New York: Oxford U P , 2006): 180. 4 Jan Harold Brundvand, The Study of American Folklore (New York: W.W. Norton, 1978): 63–65. 5 Brundvand, The Study of American Folklore, 137–44.

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emphasis in the classification is on what children do as they perform these texts (the performance situation). These subdivisions of children’s songs are recognizable in the Ugandan oral cultures I have studied, but there are no special terms to describe them. Erika Katakuza agrees, for example, that while the Banyankore have different songs for children – lullabies, play songs, and counting rhymes – they do not have special terms to describe each of them. The rhymes are all collectively referred to as obweshongoro bw’abaana (children’s songs) or ebikwate, although lullabies are often referred to as ebiziniriro.6 While riddles and rhymes are closely associated with a child audience, performance context boundaries may not be clear-cut. Children participate in riddling sessions, singing rhymes and storytelling, but for gazetted rituals such as okwalula abalongo (twin ceremonies) in Buganda or imbalu (circumcision ceremonies) in Bugishu, they are excluded. In okwalula abalongo ceremonies, for example, the language used by adult performers is overtly sexual; for riddles and songs, even when they address a sexualized theme, the language is generally layered in metaphors which, it is assumed, only adults may decipher. Imbalu ceremonies involve penile cutting and they are therefore not considered appropriate for young children to attend. Other performances are enjoyed by a crossover audience of adults and children. Thus, one way in which to classify texts for children in these cultures is to look at the audience dynamic. Two questions have to be considered: do children participate in the performance either on their own or along with adults? What is the purpose of telling: is it aimed at entertaining and teaching a lesson to children? The texts I collected broadly fit this category. Due to this fluidity of audience, some oral texts employ layered language with meaning that is at once literal and figurative. When the texts are performed to a mixed audience, how they are interpreted by children and adults varies, due to the layered language present in many of the texts. The Runyankore children’s song “Oteekire ki, Nyina Mpengyere” (See Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Children’s Songs) demonstrates how layered language functions in children’s texts. It was sung by Eriya Kyamanianga to a mixed audi6

Interview with Erika John Katakuza, Rushere, Nyabushozi, 1 January 2007. Katakuza suggested that the term ebikwaate is also often used to refer to children’s songs. In another interview, on 13 June 2010, however, Katakuza explained that the word ebikwate is borrowed from Luganda – the correct Runyankore word (which is now out of use) for such poetic forms is ebijeengo (sing. ekijeengo).

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ence of children and adults at his home in Rwanda–Orwera village in Nyabushozi: Oteekire Ki, Nyina Mpengyere? Oteekire ki, nyina Mpengyere? Nteekire enyungu y’empengyere Tompaho shi, nyina Mpengyere? Ha, obwaijo nkakuha Ngarukye nkuhe? Abaana bahati Bataine kashoni Bagambire ishebo Anteere akacumu Kandenzye aha rugo Kanteere omu rushaka Entuha zishekye! Nyeheere ekyeeko kyangye Nyezirikye byanfubiire Aisi, oruntu ka rwancwa omugongo! Aisi, oruntu ka rwancwa amanyaanya!

What Are You Cooking, Mpengyere’s Mother? What are you cooking, Mpengyere’s mother I am cooking maize grains in a pot Will you give me some, Mpengyere’s mother? Ha, the other day I gave you Now I give you again? Children of today Who are shameless Will tell their father He will spear me And it [the spear] will throw me over the hedge Crested cranes will laugh! Give me my girdle Let me dress up, things have turned against me Oh, the thing has broken my back! Oh, the thing has broken my hips! [Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. EK (Rwanda–Orwera, Ankole, 17 July 2005)]

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5

Although the audience for this rhyme is mixed and the text has an underlying adult theme, my Banyankore informants categorize it as a children’s text. We can point to the playful tone of the speaker as a hint. A hungry child is asking Mpengyere’s mother for some food. However, as the dialogue progresses, the replies from Mpengyere’s mother are layered with sexualized metaphors, giving a humorous twist to the symbolism of the “maize grains in a pot” which Mpengyere’s mother is “cooking.” The line “Will you give me some, Mpengyere’s mother?” then seems to be analogous to a sexual request. We can infer from the last four lines – “Give me my girdle / Let me dress up, things have turned against me / Oh, the thing has broken my back! / Oh, the thing has broken my hips!” – that there is an underlying reference to a sexual act between the speaker and Mpengyere’s mother. Her reference to “Children of today / Who are shameless / Will tell their father / He will spear me / And it [the spear] will thrown me over the hedge” brings to the fore her sense of guilt about what she has been doing with the speaker. She is aware of the risk of transgressing marital boundaries (hence, the fear of being thrown over “the hedge”: i.e. divorced). If the children come to know of it and tell their father, Mpengyere’s mother will be cast out of the home and society will scorn her. However, while adults in the audience recognize this underlying shade of meaning in the song, children may take it for granted. Depending on their age it is also possible, of course, that children may recognize the transgressive message in this song. When we sang this song as young children, we were not aware of its sexualized language; this only came about when we were much older. When it was sung by my adult performer to the mixed audience, he emphasized the theme of generosity (Mpengyere’s mother refuses to give food to the child) and the fact that children are being warned against rumour-mongering. Thus, the moral lesson derived from the song by children and adults may be quite different. Moreover, the time when riddling and storytelling activities take place also allows for both children and adults to enjoy them. Typically, riddling and storytelling sessions take place in the evenings after the day’s work. Perhaps singing rhymes may be the exception since children often engage in these whenever they are playing. On the contrary, riddling and storytelling during daytime has always been discouraged; the Banyarwanda, for instance, have taboos that forbid people to tell stories during the day. If they do, it is believed, they will turn into lizards.7 This sanction seems to have been put in 7

Kabudensia Rugyerinyange, personal interview, 16 August 2004.

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place to encourage people to work. The time after the evening meal is usually more convenient; people gather together to share stories and play games before retiring to bed. Riddling is often a prelude to storytelling, but riddles can also be exchanged during storytelling intermissions. Children might begin by playing hide-and-seek and other games, along with singing play songs and counting rhymes. But as the night gets darker, parents will discourage them from playing outdoors. Once they gather indoors, they might start exchanging riddles, which adults soon join in before the entire activity culminates in storytelling and perhaps in the reciting of epic performances by abevugi or abivuzi.8 However, riddles, rhymes, and folktales are told by everyone – children, women, and men – whether skilled or unskilled in the art, although specially talented tellers always attract more attention and respect in the community.

Interest in Form and ‘Oral Style’ In order to understand oral forms for children better, therefore, they should be studied in their performance context. Richard Dorson emphasizes that we should not to divorce texts from their narrators and narrative context; that is, divorcing them “from the folk artists who alone give them life” in their real performance situations.9 In analysing narrative form, we must be aware that context (in terms of the varying degrees of casualness and formality) affects oral performance in real situations. The question of casualness and formality is quite important when it comes to recording oral forms in a natural or in an arranged context. For example, some of the recordings I did with Alice Kulabigwo do not exhibit the kind of enthusiasm and casualness that is apparent in similar recordings I had with Debora Ddamba Kyeyune and a group of women in the village of Lukomera. Kulabigwo was formal in her performances because she was performing only to me as her “audience.” Similarly, Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye was more at ease whenever I recorded her performances in the presence of a large and familiar audience because they kept chipping in as she told stories. This was not the case when she was narrating to me alone; she tended to be more

8

The terms ‘abevugi’ (in Runyankore–Rukiga) and ‘abivuzi’ (in Rufumbira– Runyarwanda) refer to people who perform recitations or epics. 9 Richard Dorson, African Folklore (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1972): 99.

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conscious of the recorder and would ask me, for example, whether she should repeat a line. John Ball has emphasized – as have folklorists such as Bauman after him – the significance of focusing on this interdependence between the teller, story, narrative style, and audience, and on the cultural context in which it is performed.10 Okpewho sees this interdependence in terms of a tripartite scheme: the artist’s personality, the scene of performance and the social or cultural environment all define the context of the oral text.11 Artist’s personality Context of performance

Scene of performance Social or cultural environment

By the artist’s personality he means the background, experience, and training that a teller brings to the telling and that shape a “personal style.” By the scene Okpewho means the totality of physical factors that influence the failure or success of performance – the resources available to the artist, including instruments and participants. The social or cultural environment refers to the main purpose or function served by the oral performance to the society as a whole, whether it be for entertainment or instruction, or as a rite of passage. Interest in the study of form and narrative style in oral texts continues to dominate literary and folklore studies, for the oral text is in many ways in constant flux, eluding our attempt to fully master it; it does not always show a stable form even when it is told by the same person over and over again. Bauman illustrates this element of constant narrative variation in his analysis of Ed Bell’s multiple versions of the story “The Big Tree” told in 1971 and 1982. Variations in Bell’s narrative, Bauman observed, had to do with the individual style of the narrator as well as the narrative context and the way it “dictated a measure of economy in telling stories.”12 As Bell himself observed, only when the weather turned bad was there ample time for elaborate storytelling, for “those people down there [in Indianola, Texas] wouldn’t stand there and

10

Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event, 78. See also William H. Hensen, “From Field to Library,” Folk-Lore 63 (1952): 152–57. 11 Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 105–106. 12 Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event, 102.

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listen very long. […] They was wantin’ to go fishin’ or do something a lot o’ the time.”13 Thus the differences in the form and style in Ed Bell’s stories are evidently rooted in “the shifting contexts of his storytelling.”14 Albert Lord and Milman Parry came to a similar conclusion in their studies of the style of epic song among the South Slavic guslars of Yugoslavia. When a singer had to adopt his performance to an audience at a coffeehouse, for example, the setting imposed limits on the elaborateness of the text, while in a situation organized solely for the artists to show their talent, the epic singers took advantage of the moment to embroider their texts and make them longer.15 I will demonstrate this interplay of the text form and structure, the teller’s style and the prevailing performance environment, by drawing on the examples of riddles and children’s songs that I collected.

Children’s Play Songs The form and social function of children’s songs (and folktales) in Ugandan child culture are interrelated. They depend on the aesthetic qualities of the texts and the stylistic elements employed during performance – opening and closing formulas, interjections, sound, and structural patterning, or dramatization. These aesthetic qualities, and the narrative strategies of the tellers, enhance the message during the performance situation. Most of the children’s songs I collected are characteristically terse artefacts that often – but not always – appear to have little logical coherence or topical depth. They are mainly sung to facilitate children’s play and socialization. A closer look at these ebikwaate reveals, first, an oral form that unfolds as disjointed fragments, as the counting song “Z’emwe, Zeibiri” below illustrates (see also Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Children’s Songs). The fragmented nature of the songs is evident in the way the persona is trying to make sense of the world: Z’emwe, zeibiri Kuzaara Kariga nezaara 13

Ones, twos Giving birth A sheep is giving birth

Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event, 102. Story, Performance, and Event, 105. 15 Albert Lord, “Homer’s Originality: Dictated Texts,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 84 (1953): 124–34; Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event, 105–106. 14

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Kituri A hole Kitookye A banana Baari They were [in] Kituri A hole Buwa! Buwa! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. PRM (Wakiso, 1 August 2005)]

Listening to this counting song, the audience may visualize mere fragments of images with no coherence. A sheep, we are told, is giving birth but it is not clear, for example, what the “hole” here refers to; perhaps it is a metaphor for the sheep’s birth canal. We see no logical pattern as we shift from counting ones and twos, to a sheep giving birth, a “hole” and a “banana,” and finally to the last line, where we hear a sound imitating a dog barking. The rhyme shows elements of linguistic borrowing: the word kituri originates in Luganda, indicating linguistic hybridity that has taken place as the oral texts travel. The kitookye image here does not serve as a sexual image either, since it does not have any phallic innuendos in its semantic field in the local culture. If our objective is to look for logical or structural meaning in this song, we probably would not find any, but its internally generated oral effects are certainly appealing. The play on the consonant sounds in “z’emwe,” “zeibiri,” “kuzaara,” and “nezaara” in the first three lines, for example, creates a ‘buzzing’ sound in the ear, while the “ku-,” “ka-,” and “ki-” sounds in lines two to five establishes a musical beat that accompanies the counting game, making it pleasurable to sing. Children’s rhymes, of course, are enjoyed not so much because of the meaning or message they communicate as because of the social activities children engage in as they perform them. As my respondent explained, “Z’emwe” is sung by children as they count each other’s legs, and in addition to facilitating play it helps them to memorize numbers: For this one you stretch legs and they [children] sing. The one on whom the song ends folds one leg. You continue folding, and the first one to fold both legs becomes the winner and he or she leaves the game. You continue like that. The loser is the one who has one leg that is not folded.16

16

Patience Rubabinda Mushengyezi, personal interview, 1 August 2005. I reproduce the original transcript in Runyankore: Aho nimugorora amaguru, nibeshongora. Ou ekyeshongoro kirikuhweraho nakuba okuguru kumwe. Nimugumizamu nimukuba, ori kubanza kukuba

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Thus, in addition to the obvious function of aiding counting, the song also enables children to play and laugh at the ‘loser’, who looks forward to winning in the next round of counting in order to brag about his or her accomplishment. Another counting song, “Tungu, Tungu” (see Appendix: Runyarwanda– Rufumbira Children’s Songs), may be used by adults to make children sit still and be quiet when they are making noise. When playing “Tungu, Tungu,” each child has to make sure that he or she keeps quiet for as long as possible in order to be the winner. Children place their hands on top of each other’s and sing together, as follows: Tungu, tungu Tungu, tungu Nta magingo There is no time Ntarira He / She does not cry Uwabucwa yabumira The one who breaks them swallows them Uwavuga yarigita The one who talks will vanish Miru! Swallow! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Kikunika, 16 August 2004)]

As children sing this rhyme they rock hands back and forth as they swear a pledge of silence, and when they say “miru!” they all keep quiet. The one who breaks the oath of silence and laughs is the loser and is called all kinds of names. The game is repeated, and while it is going on there is relative quiet in the house. Only the penultimate line of the rhyme, “The one who talks vanishes,” and the last word, “Swallow!” (signifying the ‘swallowing of words’ – that is, keeping quiet) relate to what the game is all about. The rest are disjointed phrases that do not have structural or semantic coherence. The sound patterns in this song, however, are an important element that enhances play and enjoyment. The sound “tungu, tungu” that accompanies the amusing action of the rocking of hands reinforces the participatory element of the game. The final chant “miru!” accompanying the action of dissolving the ‘pyramid of hands’ that has been assembled prepares children for the game of silence that follows the song. Singing also dramatizes information, as when one child says the letters of the alphabet while the other gives a response to each in a dialogue that becomes a mnemonic game. For example, in a Luganda counting game, amaguru gombi naba yabasinga naruga omu omuzaano. Nimugumizamu mutyo. Orikushemba n’owatsigara aine okuguru kumwe kutakubire.”

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“Kaneemu” (see Appendix: F), which children played for me on “Young Stars” (a children’s show on Star F M Radio), the children sit in a straight line with their legs outstretched. One child uses a stick to count off their legs from one to ten while singing.17 Singing is a pleasurable way for children to learn because it aids information recall. It becomes easy for children to remember numbers by singing “Kaneemu” as they count off their legs or hands: Kaneemu Little-One18 Kanabbiri Little-Two Kafumba-Mwanyi Cook-Of-Coffee-Beans Katta-Kkonkome Killer-Of-An-Agama-Lizard Malangajja Lazy-And-Pampered-One Kanakwaale ofumba otya Little partridge, how do you cook Ku lugyo? On a potsherd? Ku luti? On a big piece of wood? Bw’osa bw’onegula As you grind and tip over Mbalebale, kkumi liweze! I count and I count, it is ten! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. DDK (Lukomera, Buganda, 8 June 2005)]

F I G U R E 5. Children performing “Kaneemu” in Radio Star F M Studios, Kampala, 5 May 2005 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi)

When Debora Ddamba Kyeyune performed “Kaneemu” in Lukomera, she explained how the game is played: 17

Owing to space limitations in the radio studios, the children could not sit on the floor, so they played “Kaneemu” while counting off on their hands instead. 18 The real sense of some words here is not easy to capture in English.

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K Y E Y U N E : You see, they [children] sit down, counting legs; that is how they learn how to count […] And when it comes to ten, she folds [one leg]. Now, these legs […] (she taps her legs), the one who folds off both legs, that one leaves the game until they remain few, few, few. Now, and this one who remains there with only one [leg] folded, she is the one who starts tapping others, while she is singing that rhyme like the other one did – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Well, and the other one who has folded two legs – K Y E Y U N E : – [the one with] two legs [folded], for her she leaves and goes over there […] for her she is the winner and she goes over there to play.19

As Kyeyune explains in this interview, children take turns to count off the others’ legs as they play “Kaneemu.” It is an elimination game. Every time a tenth count falls on a child’s leg, he or she folds it. The child who is able to fold both his or her legs first becomes the winner. The game goes on until one child remains with only one leg folded, and he or she becomes the ‘loser’ in the game. According to Maria Nakakande, the ‘loser’ in the game is often teased by the others and called names like ‘Kisembo’ (The-Last-One).20 Kyeyune, however, thinks it is not a good idea to call the last child names because this might discourage him or her from participating in the game next time. Once the first round is over, another child (often the loser) takes over the counting. As the children count off their legs and act out different roles in the game, the numbers become easy to memorize. But the game also encourages children to socialize as they learn to count numbers. The learning process is thus incorporated into song and play. We have observed that children’s songs such as “Kaneemu,” “Tungu, Tungu,” and “Z’emwe” that I have referred to above have a nonsense aspect 19

Debora Ddamba Kyeyune, personal interview, 8 June 2005. I reproduce here a transcript of our interview in Luganda: K Y E Y U N E : Anti awo nga [abaana] batudde, bakyabala amagulu; awo bayigirawo okubala… Era ekkumi weliwerera, nga afunyako. Kakati, amagulu gano… [she taps her legs], afunyako amagulu gombi, nga oyo ye avamu nga mugenda musigalamu abatono, abatono, abatono. Kakati, era ono anasigalawo nga ye afunyeko kumu y’atandika ate okukuba bane, nagenda ayimba akayimba ako nga oli – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Kati nga afunyizako amagulu abiri – K Y E Y U N E : – abiri, ye nga avaamu nga adda eri…ye nga olwo awangudde, ye nga adda eri nga yezanyira. 20 Maria Victoria Nakakande, “The Games of the Baganda: Their Educative and Recreational Value” (doctoral dissertation, Makerere University, 2002): 35.

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to them, inasmuch as the words do not seem to make sense semantically or structurally. Children’s rhymes, of course, do not have to make sense; their beauty and value lie more in their acoustic patterning, internal rhythm, and the children’s activity that they accompany. I asked Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye why many children’s rhymes do not make sense semantically. She explained that the issue is not so much the meaning of the words in the songs as it is about enabling children to learn something through play: “Well, they [rhymes] are things which [children] simply do from memory, for playing games, but they do not necessarily have specific meaning like that,” she observed.21 As this informant explains, learning numbers requires memorization, and the rhythmic nature of the rhyme makes it easy for children to commit it to memory. For example, the alliteration and assonance created by internal rhyme in “Kaneemu” (as we see in the repeated vowel and consonant sounds) give it acoustic beauty that makes the counting process pleasurable and memorable for children. Note, for instance, the use of alliteration in the repeated /a: / sound in “kaneemu,” “kanabbiri,” “kafumba mwanyi.” While these counting songs may appear as fragments, their value lies in the way they combine play with instruction. This element is evident in the counting songs I have cited so far, which combine song and games with counting numbers. Others, such as “Wampologoma, Sawa Meka?” and “Iyi Ni Mee,” combine play with counting and telling the time (See Appendix: E and F). “Iyi Ni Mee” uses naming as a technique for teaching children body parts and their function. Kabudensia explained that as children sing this rhyme, they begin by counting off their fingers (from the little finger to the thumb), naming them as they go, and then proceed to describe facial features: Iyi ni Mee Mukuru wa Mee Insumba-Zose Inkubita-Rukoko Kagufi-Nyirazo Kananwa Nyamweera Munwa Nyirakurongi Zuru Nyirakumyiira

21

This is Mee Elder brother of Mee Tallest-Of-Them-All One-Who-Beats-The-Cream Short-One-And-Master-Of-Them-All Chin The-Clean-One22 Mouth Nyirakurongi Nose The-One-That-Has-Mucus

Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye, personal interview, 1 August 2005. This is a translation of her original words in Runyarwanda: “Mbese, n’ibintu byabo [abaana] bikorera gusa mu mitwe yabo, by’ ibikino, bitarimu amakuru ngo araho.” 22 “Kananwa Nyamweera” can also be translated as ‘Chin The-White-One’.

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Zisho Nyirakureeba Eye The-One-That-Sees Gahanga Nyiraridondi Face Nyiraridondi Sunzu rya Mutaari Forehead of Mutaari Karugu, ntugapfe! Back-Of-The-Neck, never die! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Kikunika, 1 August 2005)]

Children count off each of their fingers beginning with the little finger, and as they do so they name them according to their physical size. The middle finger is referred to as ‘Tallest-Of-Them-All’ because of its sheer length, and the thumb’s distinct position (short, stout, separated from the rest) qualifies it to be ‘Master-Of-Them-All’. Children then go on to touch the other parts (the mouth, nose, ear, etc.) while describing what their function is on the body – in a sense, it is a kind of basic biology lesson. Through fun and games, children playing “Iyi Ni Mee” are, in some ways, being taught the functions of human anatomy, and along with this an element of body hygiene can be introduced (wipe your nose, The-One-That-Has-Mucus).

Riddles and Riddling While children’s songs are performed exclusively by children, riddles can be categorized among texts that are clearly a crossover form. We have noted that while they may be posed by children to an exclusively child audience, riddles are often enjoyed by adults and children as a prelude to another activity, such as storytelling. The riddles I recorded with most of my respondents, for example, came as an intermission between stories or as a prelude to a storytelling session. A riddle can be defined as a word puzzle that challenges a person to decipher the literal or figurative meaning behind a given statement. Isidore Okpewho defines it as “a verbal puzzle in which a statement is posed in challenge and another statement is offered in response to the hidden meaning or the form of the challenge.”23 Okpewho’s definition sums up the formal structure of the riddle: it has a simple form, perhaps similar to that of a proverb, which consists of two parts: a main statement (which I will call the ‘stem’) and a completion statement. These two parts of riddle are often described in terms of a ‘question’ and ‘answer’24 (although not all riddles are presented as 23

Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 239. Charles T. Scott, Persian and Arabic Riddles: A Language-Centered Approach to Genre Definition (The Hague: Mouton, 1965). 24

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questions), as ‘precedent’ and ‘sequent’,25 or in terms of the parties involved in the riddling process.26 The stem presents a problem or paradox for the audience to solve; the completion statement provides a solution to the problem posed in the main statement. The stem of the riddle often provides a clue to help the audience figure out the answer a poser expects. The Ankole riddle below illustrates the relationship between the stem and the main statement: Main statement: Completion statement:

Ngira enju yangye tegira muryango I have a house that does not have a door Eihuri An egg

This riddle presents a puzzle for the audience to unravel: how is it possible for someone to live in a house without a door? What kind of house could it be? The clue to solving the riddle lies in imagining a habited space without an entrance to it. That makes the “house” unique. The audience is expected to imagine all possible ‘closed’ objects that are (paradoxically) inhabited by living things, for example, a chick in a closed egg. Yoweri Kyeishe, an elder and an expert in the oral culture of the Banyankore whom I interviewed in Burimbi village, Kiruhura District, in south-western Uganda, agrees that the key to resolving this riddle lies in recognizing that there is someone that lives in that house. There is life in it. The question in resolving this paradox, Kyeishe argues, should be: if there is a house without a door, how did a living thing enter into it?27 Such conflicts in the stem of the riddle are common in African riddles. Ian Hamnett, for example, observed some Sotho riddles that are based on the conflict between desert Bushmen and possession of water: ‘Since you are a Bushman, where did you get that water from? – A water-melon.’28 The presence of water (life) in a desert is as contradictory as finding a living thing (a chick) in a house with no door (an egg shell).

25

Jeannette Harries, “Pattern and Choice in Berber Weaving and Poetry,” in Forms of Folklore in Africa: Narrative, Poetic, Gnomic, Dramatic, ed. Bernth Lindfors (Austin: U of Texas P , 1977): 175–87. 26 Okpewho, African Oral Literature. 27 Yoweri Kyeishe in a personal interview of 13 June 2010. 28 Ian Hamnett, “Ambiguity, Classification and Change: The Function of Riddles,” Man, New Series 2 (1967): 386.

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However, there can only be one correct answer or a set of answers to a riddle. I asked Katakuza, another expert in Ankole oral culture, from Rushere in Kiruhura District, why an orange or a ball cannot be acceptable as an answer to the above example. He argued his point by using the example of the riddle ‘Enkwanzi za muka Ishaza ku ishoba tishoboroka – Eshagama omu mate’ (‘The beads for Ishaza’s wife once they are entangled can never be disentangled – blood mixed with milk’): Things to do with people’s culture remain as they were stated. They cannot be changed. Now, wouldn’t people be saying ‘The beads of Museveni’s wife once they are entangled can never be disentangled’?29 No, you cannot. It remains as ‘Ishaza’s wife…’ When you change it you ruin the whole idea… Or like these proverbs we were talking about: if they posed it in a certain way [in the past], leave it that way. Those of you who will pose your proverbs in future, those proverbs will be added to those that already exist, but let those ones [of the past] remain in their original form. Now, if someone said ‘it is an egg’ it will remain an egg.30

F I G U R E 6. Erika John Katakuza during an interview in Rushere, Kiruhura District, 13 June 2010 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi) 29

Katakuza is referring to Uganda’s current First Lady, Mrs Janet Kataha Museveni. Erika Katakuza, personal interview, 13 June 2010. This is a translation of the original transcript in Runyankore: Ebintu ebikwatiraine n’emitwarize y’abantu biguma nk’oku byagambirwe. Tibihindurwa. Mbwenu shi, bakabaire batagizire ngu ‘Enkwanzi za muka Museveni ku ishoba tishoboroka’? Ngaha, torikukibaasa. Nikiguma kiri ‘muka Ishaza…’ Ku orikukihindura noba washisha ekintu kyona… Nari nk’ezi enfumu ezi twaba nitugamba: ku barabe bagicwire omu muringo ogwo [kare], girekyemu omu muringo ogwo. Aba bwanyuma ku muricwa ezanyu nazo ziryashanga ezi [eza kare], kwonka zigume omu muringo ogu zacwirwemu. Mbwenu, oriya ku arabe yagizire ngu ‘n’eihuri’ riryaguma riri ihuri. 30

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What Katakuza is emphasizing here is that the coding of riddles to specific answers is an issue that is culturally determined and therefore cannot be challenged. In addition, he suggests that this coding process guarantees the stability of riddling as discourse and the cultural authority of the riddle poser. Köngäs Maranda31 and Lee Haring observe that the coding of several answers to the same riddle is seldom accidental; it results from what Haring calls the “applicability and fertility of certain metaphors.”32 Through these metaphors, several compatible logical sets and truisms are coded, and all members of a culture are expected to be familiar with them. The process of riddling thus involves “a quick scanning of the coded messages to ‘discover’ the answer rather than of an intellectual effort to ‘invent’ a novel answer.”33 Even though this is true, the riddle poser still reserves the right to reject an answer or sets of answers that on the surface might appear to be correct. In the above example, a pumpkin, or water melon could all be possible solutions to the riddle, but the coding of the answer to a riddle is so fixed by tradition and reinforced by the riddle poser’s authority that it is not subject to debate. Reflecting on Maranda and Haring’s insights into the coding of answers to riddles helps us to understand the responses of my respondents, Debora Kyeyune and Gertrude Musisi, during a riddling session in Lukomera, Luweero District. Responding to Kyeyune’s riddle, ‘Nina mukazi wange, bwava waggulu taddayo – Akakoola k’omutuba’ (‘I have a wife, when she comes down she does not go back – A leaf from a mutuba tree’), I asked why the answer has to be ‘a leaf from a mutuba tree’ and nothing else. I argued that ‘rain’ is also a plausible answer to the riddle. Musisi reasoned that there can only be one answer “that has more meaning” than others. Moreover, she argued, there is always that thing (such as a mutuba tree) which children see in their local environment on a daily basis. The children are thus able to observe: “When the leaf falls down, it has fallen down and it will not go back.”34 31

Elli Köngäs Maranda, “ ‘ A Tree Grows’: Transformations of a Riddle Metaphor,” in Structural Models in Folklore and Transformational Essays, ed. Elli Köngäs Maranda & Pierre Maranda (The Hague: Mouton, 1971): 116–39. 32 Lee Haring, “On Knowing the Answer,” Journal of American Folklore 87/345 (July–September 1974): 199. 33 Elli Köngäs Maranda, “The Logic of Riddles,” in Structural Analysis of Oral Tradition, ed. Pierre Maranda & Elli Köngäs Maranda (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P , 1971): 196. 34 Gertrude Musisi, personal interview, 8 June 2005.

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This example demonstrates that if a poser expects only a certain answer that relates to the local environment, it is because that answer shows that the audience knows something about their culture and their world. The mutuba tree is grown in many homesteads in Buganda and everyone observes it as it sheds leaves seasonally; it is a material signifier with which the audience is familiar. The ability to decipher the “right answer,” as Haring has observed, acts as “a password for admission to the group for those who know,”35 or those considered knowledgeable in the tradition. Moreover, this riddle poser’s prerogative – that is, the right to determine what answer is satisfactory to him or her – also helps to avoid controversy. The audience must be ready to play according to the poser’s rules of the game.

Riddling in the Banyankore, Banyarwanda–Bafumbira, and Baganda Culture Riddling sessions in these cultures typically begin with a fixed formula or head, but the procedure differs from one region to another. A riddle poser in Ankole begins by uttering the stock phrase, ‘Shaku shaku!’,36 to which the audience replies, ‘Shambagira!’ (Waddle through the marshes!). The Banyarwanda–Bafumbira, on the other hand, open with ‘Sakwe sakwe!’,37 which invites the reply ‘Soma’ (Read).38 Among the Baganda, the chant ‘“Koi koi!’ announces the beginning of a riddle, and is followed by the response ‘Lya’ (Eat). This opening head is useful for inviting the audience, establishing rapport with them, and opening the channels of communication. After uttering this stock phrase calling for attention, the person then poses a riddle. When someone in the audience solves the riddle, the poser may issue another one, or the person who has given the correct answer may pose the next riddle. Among the Banyankore, solving the riddle is called ‘okukyiita’ 35

Haring, “On Knowing the Answer,” 207. Shaku shaku is simply a stock phrase to attract attention; it does not seem to have any specific meaning in Runyankore. 37 Sakwe sakwe is another stock phrase that does not seem to have a specific meaning. Clearly, it is not derived from the verb gusaakuza (to pose a riddle), which is not to be confused with gusakuza (to shout). 38 The word soma means both ‘read’ and ‘kiss’. It would appear that ‘read’, which I use in my translation, is the implied meaning here, since the audience is inviting the poser to ‘read’ (‘present’) the riddle to them. 36

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(‘to kill it’). If the audience fails to ‘kill it’, they will say “enyana yaawe” (‘[have] your calf’); or the one who posed the riddle might say ‘mp’enyana yangye’ (‘give me my calf’). The poser then gives the correct answer and the audience may ask him or her to explicate the meaning or clarify the relationship between the answer and the puzzle, if the answer is not clear. Besides obvious similarities in the formula used, riddling in Banyankore and Banyarwanda culture is dominated by pastoral motifs. The only difference is that while the Banyankore say ‘enyana yaawe’ when they fail to solve the riddle, the latter will say ‘kyende’ (‘take it’). Alternatively, they can say ‘ngikyo!’ (‘there it is!’). In other words, if they cannot solve a riddle they ‘give it back’ to its ‘owner’ to unravel its meaning. A Muganda poser instead demands ‘a village’ (ekyaalo) as a ‘levy’ for the audience’s failure to solve the riddle. The use of cultural determinants such as ‘give me my calf’ or ‘take it’ not only helps to index the ongoing social interaction but also structures the signification of the event narrated (in the riddle) in social reality. These devices help to locate the riddling event within other events in society that shape its meaning.39 In other words, the metanarrative devices (‘I have a wife’ or ‘kill it’) locate the riddling performance in its specific cultural setting. For example, the device ‘kill it’ seems to relate to hunting activities in Buganda and Ankole where one person flushes an animal out of the bush while others wait with spears to kill it. The demand for a village, Susan Kiguli explains, hails from traditional Baganda reward culture where the Kabaka (king) rewards his subjects with land and chiefdom for their loyalty, bravery, and other heroic deeds.40 The riddle poser’s demand for a village thus stems from that kingly tradition of rewarding people for their hard work. The Munyankore’s demand for a cow before he or she solves a riddle can be similarly understood in the cultural sense in which cattle are cherished as a major source of wealth and prestige in Ankole tradition. Among the Baganda, however, a more elaborate procedure follows when the audience fails to solve the riddle. The poser must clearly put forward a condition by saying, ‘mumpe ekyaalo’ (‘you give me a village’). That is, he or she demands a village in order to preside over it as ‘Chief’. The poser might 39

Richard Bauman & Charles L. Briggs, “Poetics and Performance as Critical Perspectives on Language and Social Life,” Annual Review of Anthropology 19 (1990): 69. 40 Susan Kiguli, in an interview of 30 June 2010.

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even, for various reasons, reject a village that the audience has offered. The audience might say ‘Tukuwadde Kasubi!’ (‘We have given you Kasubi!’), or whatever village they may choose. Once the village is offered, the poser may, as I will demonstrate below, use the opportunity to comment on certain social or moral issues for his audience to take note of before he or she gives the correct answer. The riddling session in these cultures thus follows a defined formula, with audience and poser changing roles in the process. The process through which the poser and audience exchange roles is not necessarily defined, however; the poser may simply hand over to another once he or she has run out of riddles. While riddling follows an established formula, possesses a linear structure, and employs several metanarrative devices, understanding how riddles function depends also on the specific setting (scene) of performance, the audience, and the artist’s style. Thus, riddles that are posed to an exclusively adult audience may differ in content and in the complexity of metaphors used compared to those posed for a child or crossover audience. In the example below, the riddle is very poetic and figurative, weaving in several layers of meaning, perhaps because it deals with an adult theme. The riddling session demonstrates that the artist’s skill as well as his or her perception of the social function of the performance will shape the audience dynamics; it may also enhance the complexity of the subject-matter. A master-teller, Katuka exemplified the control of the performer over the audience by engaging Aijuka (my assistant) and me as if we were children, playing with the questions we asked. The setting is his home in Kikatsi, Nyabushozi, in Kiruhura District: KATUKA: MUSHENGYEZI: KATUKA: MUSHENGYEZI: KATUKA: AIJUKA: KATUKA: MUSHENGYEZI: KATUKA: MUSHENGYEZI: KATUKA:

(Omu iraka rikye) Ahu enkyerere ihisize ziri, hariho encweera Ahu enkyerere – ? Eee. Enkyerere nimuzimanya? Ez’omwishwa? Eee. (Naagambira Aijuka) Iwe enkyerere nozimanya? Ninzimanya…ziriya ezirikutukura… (Naagambira nyowe) Iwe? Eee, tukaziryaho. Ahu enkyerere – ? Ee? Oti ahu enkyerere ziri – ? Ee, nti ahu enkyerere [ihisize] ziri hariho encweera

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AIJUKA: KATUKA:

AIJUKA: KATUKA:

(Yaasheka.) Kandi kanoshomesa Makerere! (Baasheka.) Manya ebiito, aho nkaba ninyenda kubagambira ku aba…ku Abarikwiragura baabaire baine Saayansa… (Tibyahururwa gye.) Kandi tarikukunda kukyiita; nimujaayana nimubisherura, owakigwaho nakiita. Owakigwaho ati… (Ateera enkome.) Mukyanga, ngigyo enyana… Iwe okaasaayansa ota, ahari ekyo kintu? Omushomesa yakikuteera aha rubaaho ati (obwo naahandiika omu mwaanya), ati ahu enkyerere ihisize ziri hariho encwera? Enyana yaawe, Isirairi! N’omugurusi oshweire omukazi muto! Omukazi muto – (yaasheka) omukazi muto n’enkyerere ihiisize! N’obu orikuzirya encweera nekwiita! Ee? Encweera egi nekwiita! Amakuru? Nigo ago…!

Translation: (In a faint voice) Where ripe berries are, there is a cobra MUSHENGYEZI: Where ripe berries – ? KATUKA: Eee. Berries, do you know them? MUSHENGYEZI: The ones in the bush? KATUKA: Eee. (To Aijuka) Do you know berries? MUSHENGYEZI: I know them…the ones which are red… KATUKA: (To me) You? MUSHENGYEZI: Eee, we used to eat them. Where ripe berries – ? KATUKA: Eh? MUSHENGYEZI: You said where ripe berries are – ? KATUKA: Ee, I said where [ripe] berries are, there is a cobra M U S H E N G Y E Z I & A I J U K A : Hmm – KATUKA:

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Kill it!41 (Laughter). …Why don’t you first give it a thought? (Laughs.) You said you teach at Makerere! (Laughter.) You see riddles, I wanted to tell you that…that black people had science… (Not clear.) And he would not want to kill [solve] it right away; you would struggle, trying to find them [answers]. The one who finally figures it out kills it. The one who figures it out… (Clicks his fingers.) If you fail, there goes a cow… You, what would be your scientific view, about that thing? A teacher puts it for you on the board and says that (writes in space), that where ripe berries are there is a cobra? AIJUKA: Your calf, Isirairi! KATUKA: It is an old man who has married a young wife! A young wife – (laughter) a young wife is ripe berries! You eat them but the cobra will kill you! Eh? That cobra will kill you! AIJUKA: Meaning? KATUKA: That is it…! [Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. IK (Kikatsi, Ankole, 16 July 2005)] KATUKA:

The riddle relates to a seasonal activity, that of picking berries in Ankole. Enkyerere grow wild in the woods, and when they ripen children like to go out and pick them, but as they do, they have to beware of snakes in the bushes, which might bite them. On the literal level, the riddle therefore sounds a warning to children to be careful as they scamper through the bush. Katuka’s reluctance to discuss the deeper meaning of the metaphors ‘ripe berries’ and ‘cobra’ is in part because he is deliberately treating us as his faux-child audience in this performance; for young people, he suggests, this literal meaning is sufficient. However, his last comments, ‘Omukazi muto n’enkyerere ihisize! N’obu orikuzirya encweera nekwiita!’ (‘A young wife is ripe berries! You eat them but the cobra will kill you! / ‘That is it...’) also points to another layer of meaning in this riddle, which he knows is obvious to adults. On a deeper level, however, we could interpret ‘ripe berries’ and ‘a cobra’ as the metaphorical female genitalia and male phallus. The attraction of a

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F I G U R E 7. Isirairi Katuka gesticulates during a riddling session in Kikatsi, Nyabushozi, 16 July 2005 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi)

cobra to ripe berries is thus analogous to sexual desire – the sweetness of ripe berries which attracts a cobra becomes a metonym of the sexual desire that draws the old man to a young girl. That these ‘ripe berries’ (a metaphor of seduction) and ‘a cobra’ (a venomous creature) are associated with danger points to the risks such a love relationship portends. The old man may fail to satisfy the young woman’s sexual desire and she will ultimately abandon him. In the local cultural context, the riddle can also be understood as a social comment on cross-generation love where such relationships are frowned upon as inappropriate. Katuka’s reluctance to discuss the sexualized metaphors, therefore, also suggests that he considers the caution to youngsters sufficient: they ought to avoid such love relationships. For him, the social function (or purpose) of the performance should be our focus. On the structural level, the use of formulaic features is apparent. The posing of the riddle is followed by a series of back-and-forth exchanges that are marked by cultural determinants (‘your calf’, ‘kill it’). These help to locate the riddle in its cultural context, and to set up riddling as a competitive game of wits in which the poser earns a ‘calf’ for his or her effort. The idea of earning a cow is a significant cultural marker in the pastoral community of Ankole where, as noted above, their long-horned cattle are a prize asset, and the size of one’s herd is regarded as a major indicator of one’s wealth. However, not all Ankole riddling sessions are as elaborate as this. Katuka’s special skills as a kalimagezi and his personality (he is funny and engaging) enrich the riddling moment. He teases us as his imagined child audience (‘Kill

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it!’, ‘Do you know berries?’ he writes in space). Since riddles are puzzles for exercising the mind and unravelling the meaning and relationship between metaphors used, Katuka will not give it away easily without provoking his audience to probe deeper. In fact, riddle posers hardly ever explicate the meaning behind images and the layered language used (Katuka refuses to, despite our persistent probing) because, as this example of ‘ripe berries’ and ‘a cobra’ shows, the metaphors often have an underlying theme that only adults are supposed to be privy to. If children were part of the audience, adults would not expect them to understand the meaning behind such extended metaphors. When we were growing up, we always posed these layered riddles to other children but we tended to take the imagery literally until we were old enough to decipher their deeper sexual innuendos. Do children always understand this double play on language? They may not be able to at a young age, but as they progress into puberty their sexual curiosity undoubtedly leads them into exploring this grey, ‘transgressive zone.’ Donald Simmons’ study of the Ibibio riddles, for example, showed that youngsters often use riddling as a ‘licence’ to amuse themselves with erotic phrases that might be taboo to them in ordinary speech.42 The opportunity to pry into the transgressive thus becomes another source of pleasure for children. For Okpewho, being able to “speak about things which are not considered decent in ordinary circumstances” is one way children release emotional and social tension.43 The use of imagery to draw logical comparisons is also a common feature of Banyarwanda–Bafumbira riddles, as the following example demonstrates. However, unlike the Katuka example the Kabudensia recording had a mixed audience of adults and children. The content of the riddles here also varied in response to the performance context and the audience present: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: BUTARE: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: 42 43

Sakwe sakwe! Soma! Nkubise urushyi rurumiira (Ntibyumvikana neza) Ibara ry’inka Ahaa, nuuko N’ibara ry’inka? Eee. Sakwe sakwe! Soma!

Donald C. Simmons, “Erotic Ibibio Tone Riddles,” Man 56.78 (June 1956): 82. Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 246.

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Oral Texts for Children KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: MUNYANEZA: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: MUNYANEZA: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA:

MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA:

Abambari ba Ruhinda bambariye inzogyera ikuzimu Ibinyobwa Ahaa. Sakwe sakwe! Soma! Ikinyamutaritari kiratona ibwami Igishyimbo Aa-a Ikinyabwoya Aa-a. Ikigorogori Ikigorigori? Eee Eee Sakwe sakwe! Soma! Imisozi irava imyuuna Abaahizi Eee Abaahizi? Eee, abaahizi Ubwo se abaahizi n’imisozi iva imyuuna bihuriye he? Nuuko ngo mbese kuko imi…imi – nigisakuzo nyine ngo imisozi irava imyuuna, kuko mbese ari abantu benshi bayuzuyeho – Baaza bakurikiranye – Eee… Sakwe sakwe! Soma! Rutamu-rwa-Nturumbutsi kwirukana so yaramurutaga? (Amajwi menshi) Hmm. N’igitagangurwa… N’uruyuki! Uruyuki? […] Harya iyo kikunaniye uvuga ngo iki? Ngo – […] Uravuga ngo kyende! Kyende? Eee, kyende. Eee. Aha Sakwe sakwe! Soma! Mpagaze aha mbona Kimenyi arasomera igisate

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i Gisaka Ee, kyende! Umurabyo!

Translation: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: BUTARE: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: MUNYANEZA: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: AUDIENCE: KABUDENSIA: MUNYANEZA: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA:

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Sakwe sakwe! Read! I slapped it and the mark stuck [Not very clear] The colour patterns on a cow Ahaa; that is it It is the colour patterns on a cow? Eee. Sakwe sakwe! Read! Ruhinda’s44 servants wore ornaments on their feet while they were underground Groundnuts Ahaa. Sakwe sakwe! Read! The Kinyamutaritari45 is the favourite one in the palace A bean Aa-a A caterpillar Aa-a. A maize cob A maize cob? Eee Eee Sakwe sakwe! Read! Hills are bleeding through the nose People cutting grass Eee People cutting grass? Eee, people cutting grass So people cutting grass and hills bleeding through the nose, how are they connected? It is that way, like that, perhaps because a

Ruhinda was one of the kings who ruled Nkore during the Bacwezi era. The name “Kinyamutaritari” does not seem to have any specific meaning in this riddle. 45

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hill…hill – it is a riddle of course that hills are bleeding through the nose, perhaps because the people are very many on the hills – MUSHENGYEZI: Following each other – KABUDENSIA: Eee… Sakwe sakwe! AUDIENCE: Read! KABUDENSIA: The-Brown-One-Son-Of-Nturumbutsi when he chased your father, was he stronger than him? AUDIENCE: [Mumbling voices] Hmm – It is a spider… KABUDENSIA: It is a bee MUSHENGYEZI: A bee? […] So when you fail to solve it, what do you say? KABUDENSIA: That – […] You say that take it! MUSHENGYEZI: Take it? KABUDENSIA: Eee, take it. Eee. MUSHENGYEZI: Aha KABUDENSIA: Sakwe sakwe! AUDIENCE: Read! KABUDENSIA: I stood here and saw Kimenyi46 drinking while eating a slice of millet bread in Gisaka47 AUDIENCE: Ee, take it! KABUDENSIA: Lightning! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Kikunika, 1 August 2005)]

One obvious difference between the Katuka and Kabudensia examples is that, in the latter, the metaphors used are not layered; they are mostly based on similitude. For example, in ‘I slapped it and the mark stuck – The colour patterns on a cow’ or ‘Ruhinda’s servants wore ornaments on their feet while they were underground – Groundnuts’, the relationship between the puzzle and the answer is straightforward. The riddles are mainly based on observing similarities between phenomena: colour patterns on a cow’s body look like a piece of painting, while traditional Banyarwanda anklets are shaped like groundnut pods. The cultural determinants used (cows, groundnuts, maize cobs) are also commonplace, and this allows the children present to participate in solving and posing riddles as well. 46

Kimenyi is a person’s name. Gisaka suggests a name of a place, probably in Rwanda. The notion of arasomera (from the verb gusomera) denotes the action of eating and drinking all at the same time; which is perhaps related to the simultaneous flashing of lightning followed by thunder. The English translation does not capture this dramatic sense of the original. 47

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However, the use of catachresis as a structuring device strains the relationship between the problem posed in one riddle (hills bleeding through the nose) and the answer (people cutting grass), thus making it more arbitrary and complex to unravel. In other words, the notion of hills bleeding through the nose and the action of human beings cutting grass do not seem to have anything in common on the symbolic and semantic level. Since riddles are framed by tradition, however, we do not always expect them to express a logical relationship or argument. The Kabudensia example also demonstrates a point I made earlier regarding the coding of the riddle problem or puzzle to the answer. Each riddle may only have one answer (or a set of answers) but only the poser can decide whether the answer is right or wrong, no matter how sensible it may be. Indeed, posers rarely expect the audience to query their answer unless it is contrary to the expected stock responses in the culture. The audience is supposed to take the answer for granted. Questioning the connection between the riddle’s main statement (‘Hills are bleeding through the nose’) and completion statement (‘People cutting grass’) destabilizes the performance, as the poser is then forced to imagine a possible explanation. Thus, neither Katuka nor Kabudensia in the above examples seemed prepared to account for the answers they gave for their riddles.

The Serial Form of Riddle In the two examples I have cited above, I have focused mainly on the way the performance context and audience affects the riddling procedures and layering of imagery used. In the example below, I focus more specifically on the serial form of riddle and the way metanarrative devices function. The riddle session was at the home of Joyce Kiguli in Lukomera, Luweero. The audience included a group of four women – Debora Ddamba Kyeyune, Gertrude Musisi, Joyce Kiguli, and Susan Nalugwa Kiguli.48 That the audience was exclusively female was only coincidental, but to compensate for the ‘artificiality’ of the session, Kyeyune did two things; first, she pretended we were her faux-child audience in this performance, and second, she punctuated rid-

48

Dr Susan Nalugwa Kiguli is an expert in oral performance and lectures at Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda. She accompanied me on this field trip to Lukomera, the village where she was born, on 8 June 2005.

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dling with explanatory comments as a way to re-create what a riddling session involving children would be like: KYEYUNE: AUDIENCE: KYEYUNE: MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE:

MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE: MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE: S. KIGULI: KYEYUNE:

MUSISI: AUDIENCE: MUSISI: MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE: AUDIENCE: KYEYUNE: MUSISI: KYEYUNE:

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Koi koi! Lya! Nina mukazi wange: omukadde agudde n’amaziina ge Omukadde agize ki – ? Omukadde agudde n’amaziina ge. (Bonna basirika). … Era nga omukyala bwe yagambye, bwe wataba akitta ku njuyi zombi nga beyawuddenu, nga balina okumpa ekyaalo – Oo-oh! Eee Kati tukuwe ekyaalo? Kati – ee, mumpe ekyaalo Lukomera! Ahaa. Kakati bwe mbeera mu Lukomera omwo, nga nze Mwami waamu affuga abantu bonna abalimu, nga mbalabira ku mukazi wange oyo omukadde agudde n’amaziina ge: essanja ku kitooke! (Bonna baseka). Koi koi! Lya! Gobbo ne Gobbo. (Kasirise). Gobbo ne – Ebigere by’ente ku lwazzi Eee (bonna baseka). Akisse! Eee… (Bonna baseka). […] Koi koi! Lya! Nina mukazi wange: Kasitamire-Enkuluggu (Tekiwulikika bulungi) Akasaka ku kyoto Ee, nyabo, okisse! Kakati oyo akisse, bw’abeera ne kyansi49 nga bamuwa ng’agira…nga naye aleeta. Naye bwolaba nga abaana batono abaleetamu, nga babiri, n’abalala bawe kyansi bagezeeko okukola ki – okuleeta. […]

Kyansi is an indigenized version of the English word ‘chance’. Such linguistic mixing is common in ordinary Baganda conversation. The correct Luganda word should be omukisa. Another typical example is ansa (from English: ‘answer’) used below, instead of the correct but longer word eky’okuddamu.

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Koi koi! Lya! Nina mukazi wange, yalima omusiri munene nnyo-oo, naye yateekamu enkoomi bbiri enene Naluvule! Bwe mbeera ku Naluvule okwo nga era nze Mwami wakwo affuga, nga nze nkuuma abantu bange abo bonna bonna, n’obubbi babuleke! (Akikaatiriza; bonna nasekka bakuba mungalo). Nga mbalabira mukazi wange oyo – (tekiwulikika bulungi; bonna era basekka), nga mbalabirako… (asekka) nga mbalabirako… omukyala wange oyo eyalima omusiri munene nnyo naye yateekamu enkoomi bbiri: yateekamu enjuba n’omwezi – ee, eggulu, ly’eggulu, ee. Yatekako omwezi n’enjuba!

Translation: KYEYUNE: AUDIENCE: KYEYUNE: MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE:

MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE: MUSHENGYEZI: KYEYUNE: S. KIGULI: KYEYUNE:

MUSISI: AUDIENCE: MUSISI: MUSHENGYEZI:

Koi koi! Eat! I have a wife: an old woman has fallen with her rags An old woman has done what – ? An old woman has fallen with her rags. (Silence from audience.) … And like that lady said, if no one on either side kills it, then they have to give me a village. O-oh! Eee So now we give you a village? Now – ee, give me a village Lukomera! Ahaa. Now when I live in Lukomera, and I am the Village Chief ruling over all the people living there, and behold my wife, an old woman who has fallen with her rags: it is dry leaves on a banana tree! (Laughter.) Koi koi! Eat! Gobbo and Gobbo. (Silence.) Gobbo and – Cattle hooves on a rock

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Oral Texts for Children Eee (Laughter.) He has killed it! Eee… (Laughter). […] Koi koi! AUDIENCE: Eat! KYEYUNE: I have a wife: One-Who-Squats-On-The-Edge MUSISI: (Not clear) A small cooking pot on the hearth stones. KYEYUNE: Eee, madam, you have killed it! Now the one who kills it, he or she gets an opportunity and they give him or her and…and he or she also poses [a riddle]. But if you see that only few children pose [riddles], perhaps only two, give others an opportunity and they try to do what – to pose [a riddle]. […] KYEYUNE: Koi koi! AUDIENCE: Eat! KYEYUNE: I have a wife, she cultivated a huge garden and put in two big fires MUSHENGYEZI: Naluvule! KYEYUNE: If I live in Naluvule and I am its Chief, and I am the one in charge of the security of all the people, so that they stop stealing! (Said with strong emphasis; laughter and clapping of hands.) And behold my wife – (inaudible comment; more laughter), and I behold…(laughs) and I behold…my wife who cultivated a huge garden and put two big fires: she put in the sun and moon – ee, the sky, it is the sky, ee. She put in the moon and the sun! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. DDK (Lukomera, Luweero, 8 June 2005)] KYEYUNE:

F I G U R E 8. Debora Ddamba Kyeyune poses Ebikokyo in Lukomera, Luweero, 8 June 2005 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi)

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Riddling in Buganda, as this example demonstrates, follows a formulaic pattern with an opening head (‘koi koi’, ‘eat’) and involves the use of metanarrative devices (‘I have a wife’ or ‘kill it’). The opening formulas are useful for inviting the audience, teasing the mind, closing the loop of communication, as well as making the session intimate and entertaining. Metanarrative devices index the performance in its specific cultural setting; thus ‘kill it,’ for example, seems, as indicated earlier, to relate to hunting activities in Buganda where one person flushes an animal out of the bush while others wait with spears to kill it. As Bauman and Briggs have noted, procedures of turn-taking and performer–audience interaction are important for establishing social relations.50 This audience–performer interaction gives the riddling procedure a defined serial form, from beginning to the end. The poser and audience have several conditions they must fulfil before the final resolution of the puzzle. Once the riddle is posed, the audience must resolve it or the poser will demand that he or she be offered a village (‘mumpe ekyalo’), or the audience may concede by making the offer themselves. Once the village is offered, the poser has to state what he or she plans to accomplish for the community as ‘Chief’ before finally unravelling the puzzle, which is usually personified as a ‘wife’. The coding of the puzzle and the answer are often based on physical attributes (an old woman’s rags and dry banana leaves are both old and tattered) or on onomatopoeic qualities. In the riddle ‘I have a wife: One-Who-Squats-On-TheEdge’ a cooking pot sitting precariously on hearthstones echoes that of a woman who squats on the edge of something. The ‘gobo-gobo’ sound simulates the sound made by cattle hooves treading on a rock surface. Meaning is achieved through an appeal to the audience’s familiarity with the social environment of herding cattle (in the latter example) and cultivating bananas, a typical life-style for people in Buganda. In addition to entertaining, riddling is also a comment on the socio-political order.51 The poser often takes advantage of his or her authority as performer (‘Village Chief’) to critique social reality or propose a ‘solution’ to the people’s predicament, through some kind of willing suspension of belief. When she is offered Naluvule village as a condition for solving the riddle, Kyeyune assumes the position of ‘Chief’ and promises to address the problem of petty

50 51

Bauman & Briggs, “Poetics and Performance,” 63. “Poetics and Performance.”

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theft in the area.52 The perpetrators of such vices, it is hoped, might be in the audience, and that kind of chastisement might make them check their behaviour. Of the three Ugandan cultures I have studied, this aspect of riddling, where the larger community resonance is highlighted, is unique to the Baganda. Kallen and Eastman, however, found a related structure of riddling among the Swahili people of East Africa. A creative ‘town-story’ is woven around the town ‘offered’ to the poser, and is used to embed the riddle answer.53 The on-the-spot story, Okpewho argues, becomes a riddle poser’s way to further show off his or her “creative virtuosity” to the baffled audience.54 In the Baganda example, however, the ‘town-story’ is not so much a story as a critique of a prevailing social issue in the community that resonates with the general populace.

Types of Riddle The three examples above illustrate different categories of riddle in Ugandan culture. In one category, meaning is based on onomatopoeic sound patterning of the words in the main statement. The audience unravels the meaning of the riddle by associating a concept with a sound in their environment. As Ruth Finnegan observed from her study of Limba oral literature, in such onomatopoeic riddles “some analogy of sound, nature, or situation is usually suggested which must then be correctly identified by the listener.”55 For this acoustic analogy to be possible, the sound must, as much as possible, resonate with the local and cultural milieu in order for the audience to be able to unravel meaning in the riddle. For example: Burugutu-burugutu! – Embeba omu muguta Burugutu-burugutu!56 – A rat in a cowhide

52

I established that the village of Naluvule had a problem of petty thieves at the time of recording, as mentioned by Kyeyune in the riddle. 53 Jeffrey L. Kallen & Carol M. Eastman, “ ‘ I Went to Mombasa / There I Met an Old Man’: Structure and Meaning in Swahili Riddles,” Journal of American Folklore 92/386 (September–December 1979): 422. 54 Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 243. 55 Finnegan, Limba Stories, 41. 56 Burugutu-burugutu imitates the scuttling sound made by a rat running on a cowhide.

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This riddle depicts the sound made by a rat crawling under a cowhide. Ankole is a predominantly farming region famous for its long-horned cattle, and the riddle captures that moment in history when the people used cowhides as clothing, for sitting, and even for sleeping on. At night it would be easy to hear a rat scuttling around or nibbling at the hide. It sounded something like ‘burugutu-burugutu’. A similar Runyarwanda–Rufumbira riddle invokes two responses: Ibuguti-ibuguti! – Impyisi ibugutana umuguta – Umusore ubugutana ingabo Ibuguti-ibuguti!57 – A hyena running off with a cowhide – A young fighter marching with a shield

In the first response, the audience is able to imagine the sound made by a hyena as it scampers off with a dry cowhide, or a young warrior marching with full armour to the battle front in the olden days. The audience draws inferences from their cultural environment in order to figure out what concept relates to the sound. In some onomatopoeic riddles, the relationship between the puzzle and the answer is directly stated using direct speech; that is, in terms of something allegedly ‘said’ by an animal or thing. This use of direct speech, scholars have observed, is a stylistic device that enables performers to draw on “multiple speech events, voices, and points of view.”58 It is, in a sense, a way of negotiating meaning beyond the performance itself. In the examples below, an animal or object is personified and given speech attributes as a way to relate a familiar sound it makes to a social reality: (a) Kati ‘po’ kati ‘peregesho’! – Akuuku aha rugusyo It says ‘po’ and it says ‘peregesho’! – A grain on a roasting potsherd (b) Kati ǥpa’ kati ǥhwi’! – Agaca mu nkoko It says ‘pa’ and it says ‘hwi’! – A kite amidst chicken

Here, the relationship is based on a synonym – a more direct attribute to what someone or something does. For instance, a grain being roasted on a fire gives off a popping sound (‘it says “po” ’ ) and a sizzling sound (‘it says “pere57

Ibuguti-ibuguti renders the sound made by a dry cowhide as it is being dragged by a hyena, or by a warrior marching to war. 58 Bauman & Briggs, “Poetics and Performance,” 70.

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gesho”’ ). In the second riddle the sudden swift action by a kite as it snatches and flies away with a chicken is well captured by the dramatic ‘pa’ and ‘hwi’ sound it makes in the process. Both riddles thus have a visual and acoustic effect. By building mental images using sound, children are able to relate acoustic signifiers in their material world to linguistic concepts. In my interview with Gertrude Musisi and Debora Kyeyune, they both pointed out that helping to develop children’s imaginative abilities is one of the key instructional qualities of riddling. Musisi explains: Riddles help them [children] to develop critical thinking skills […] in the sense that, something happens while a child is observing and so he or she learns it there and then. They also help broaden a child’s imagination.59

There is thus a sense in which these riddles invite children, as Musisi observes, to start engaging with abstract ideas, a critical skill they need as they get into the world of formal education. I will now focus on another category of riddle that tests the audience’s power of observation of nature. Meaning is derived from close observation of nature and the way natural phenomena mirror human behaviour. The riddles usually capture the cause and effect relationship between things, and the ironies and paradoxes of life. The Kabudensia riddle ‘Karakuriza karakuruta wa duuri we! – Uruyuki’ (It is making you cry as if it is older than you, you despicable one! – A bee) (See Appendix: B), is a humorous, witty comment on the irony of a man crying after being stung by a bee. Human beings are the most advanced creatures but they can be chased by a tiny insect! Riddles also capture the amusing situations that confront us daily. Others draw on the similarities and differences between concepts, or comment on the internal conflicts that influence human actions. Sometimes, inanimate objects and animals are personified in a riddle and used as allegories of humans and human actions. They portray human qualities such as laziness, aggression, dignity, or wit. This tendency towards personification has been identified by Okpewho as a common anthropocentric element in some riddles of the Kikuyu and Kamba people of Kenya, particularly those depicting animal life.60 Nandwa and Bu59

Gertrude Musisi, personal interview, 8 June 2005. The interview was conducted in Luganda; here is the original transcript of her words: “Ebikokyo ebyo bibayamba [abaana] mu kulowooza…kwekugamba, nga kijja ate nga omwana abeera akiraba n’aba nga akiyigira awo nakitegeera. Ate n’okugaziya obwongo.” 60 Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 249.

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kenya agree that the success of these oral forms “lies in the way they symbolize human qualities”; the animals, they argue, “are made to behave as we would behave if we were situated as they are.”61 For example, the meaning in this Ankole riddle is based on this sense in which natural phenomena are seen as a mirror of human conduct: Ogambire nyoko arekye kuguma naaraba omu kibuga kyangye natongana! – Ekijunjure Tell your mother to stop passing through my compound while quarrelling! – A beetle

Here, a buzzing beetle is used as a stand-in for a recognizable human behaviour: quarrelling. That is, a beetle makes a buzzing noise as it flies around, much as human beings ‘buzz’ (make a lot of noise) when they quarrel. The dialogic tone (apparent in ‘Tell your mother…’) contributes to making the riddle interactive and funny. The comparison between two phenomena is sometimes directly expressed by using a simile, as in the following riddles: (a) Ekyatangire omujungu kujwaara enkufiira, n’enki? – Ekituzi The thing that was first to wear a hat before the white man did, what is it? – A mushroom (b) Amashushane – Eiju n’esaano – Entanga n’ekyoozi – Ekibingo n’ekikwiijo The Look-alikes – Ash and flour – A watermelon and pumpkin – A reed and sugarcane (c) Nina mukazi wange atambula azina – Ekisaanyi I have a wife who walks while dancing – A caterpillar (d) Nina mukazi wange agenda nkya adda lwaggulo – Oluggi I have a wife who goes in the morning and returns in the evening – A door

These riddles are based on physically recognizable attributes. The relationship between the two concepts is based on a simile: in (a) a mushroom cap resembles a hat, and since bowler hats are associated with European explorers who first came to Africa, the riddle plays on this piece of history to establish simil61

Nandwa & Bukenya, African Oral Literature for Schools, 51.

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itude. In (b) white ash looks pretty much like flour, as does a watermelon and pumpkin, a sugarcane, and reed. Similarly, the rhythmic way in which a caterpillar moves in (c) is compared to the gyrating movement of the Muganda woman’s body as she walks. The physical similarity here is quite clear, but what is the relation between a door in (d) and a woman who goes in the morning and returns in the evening? I put this question to Kyeyune: There is a difference; it is not like our modern doors. That door was called a mobile door. A mobile door. That is to say, whenever… they opened it, they would take it [the door] to the other side… they would put it back in the evening. Often it would be made out of things like… maybe reeds or… banana fibre. Now, they would put a stick at the back [and] it is that stick which would enter this way [in the sides] and the door would be firm. Now, when they removed it [the stick], they would then put the door aside. They would only close [the door] when going to sleep. . . 62

Kyeyune is explaining the way the traditional door worked: it was mobile and had no hinges. Once they removed the stick that held it in place, they would then drag it to one side in the morning. The house would remain open the whole day; nobody worried about thieves at that time. They would then pull the door back in the evening before retiring to bed. The riddler, of course, assumes that the audience is familiar with the way these doors worked in the olden days. This context helps us to understand the idea of a wife who goes off in the morning and comes back in the evening. Even with our modern doors, the idea of its ‘going’ in one direction and ‘returning’ when you shut it follows the same principle in the riddle. A similar Baganda riddle captures the same idea: Nina mukazi wange gyava taddayo – Akakoola k’oku mutuba My wife wherever she comes from she does not go back – A leaf of a mutuba tree. 62

Debora Ddamba Kyeyune, personal interview, 8 June 2005. This is the transcript of the original interview in Luganda: Kulikko enjawulo; si z’enziji zafe kati zetulina. Olujji luli baluyitanga olujji lwa mukulule. Olujji lwa mukulule. Kwekugamba, bwe…balugulawo, anti bakitwala eri… [audience interjects] ahaa, bakitekawo lwaggulo. Oluusi basibanga mu binankani…oba mu mmuli oba… [audience interjects] n’ebyayi. Kakati, emabega eno nebatekako ekiti. Kakati, ekiti ekyo kyekiyingira enno [demonstrates] nelunyweera. Kakati, bwebakigyayo, nebaluzza eno ebbali. Baggalawo buggazi nga bagenda kwebaka…

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Unlike a door that goes to and fro, a leaf falls from a tree never to go back. The listener’s power of observation is put to the test here. Here are two other similar examples: (a) Nina mukazi wange yazimba ennyumba tekuli mulyango – Eggi I have a wife who built a house that has no door – An egg (b) Nina mukazi wange yazimba ennyumba ya mpagi emu – Akatiko I have a wife who built a house and it has only one pole – A mushroom

In these examples, the observed similarities between a house without a door and an egg, or a mushroom and a house with one pole, is striking. Obviously, several other cases of ‘look-alikes’ may be acceptable, but again the riddle poser may accept or reject alternative answers. In all these riddles the audience should be able to observe, draw parallels, and understand the relationships between different concepts, a key skill in learning. Susan Kiguli observes: I think these riddles…first of all it shows that people have been observing their environment, they observe things. Now, someone watches things and the things they observe they are able to remember them, talk about them and think critically about them. Now, it is like telling a child, “observe, see where you are…” […] It shows you that the things around us also have value… So a person conjures up that kind of imagery, saying that someone goes in the morning and comes back in the evening, and you learn that houses in the old days used to be like this. . .63

Kiguli’s point is that riddling functions as at once a creative and imaginative process that makes children become aware of their local environment. By critically observing the world around them, talking about it and reflecting on it, children are able to compare different phenomena, to learn from their history and the cultural experiences of other people. 63

Susan Nalugwa Kiguli, personal interview, 8 June 2005. The original transcript in Luganda went as follows: Nze ndowooza ebikokyo bino…okusooka kiraga nti abantu babadde batunula gye babeera, balaba ebintu. Kati nalaba ebintu ate era ebintu ebyo byalaba nasobola okubijjukira, n’okubigerako, nokubirowoozako. Kati kiringa ekigamba omwana nti, ‘tunula, laba wooli.’ […] Naye kikulaga nti ebyo ebintu ebibeera wano naffe nabyo byamugaso… Kale omuntu naleeta ekifananyi ng’ekyo, nti agenda kumakya adda lwaggulo, nomanya nti enyumba z’edda zalinga bweziti…

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The Social Function of Children’s Forms There are several examples of children’s oral forms I collected that certainly tell a ‘story’ and make serious comment on social issues in society. The Luganda song below, “Amagezi G’omunafu” (See Appendix: Luganda Rhymes), is a good example. When Kulabigwo performed this song to me at her home in Kazo, she emphasized that it is sung to warn children against laziness and children in Buganda often use it to mock their peers who are malingering in order to avoid doing domestic chores: Amagezi g’omunafu ngamanyi Agera zikokolima nti, “Nfa!” Bw’alaba buwungeera nti, “Mponye!” Olusembeza etooke ng’abega Embega abega mwenda zenyinni Okusokomera amatole nti nkoko! Ebbuto okuleeguka nti zzike Bw’amala okwebunduguza nti, “Nfa!” Ng’omunogera eddaggala anywe Lyonna aliyiwa wansi ng’azina! Bw’alaba zikokolima nti, “Enjoka! Enjoka zinampitamu ba nnyabo!” Bw’olaba okusonooka nti kkovu Nga aserengeta okulima eteekule Okukutamya omugongo nti nfudu Atema wano na wali nti, “Enjoka! Enjoka zinampitamu nze ndabye!” Nga akalakata akasimu agende Akalimiro akanaaba bubi nti, “Nfa!” Ekikuunta gye kibadde ku bbali Nga omutwe agubuutikira gwonna! Bbundu ne Bundulira, Bbundu Balibuuza ani? Bbundu ne Bundulira, Bbundu Balibuuza ani?

The Tricks of the Lazy One I know the tricks of the Lazy One When the roosters are crowing he says, ‘I am dying!’ On seeing it is evening time he says, ‘I am well!’ When they bring banana bread closer he serves himself Nine helpings exactly is what he serves himself

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He gobbles chunks of food like a hen The tummy swells like a gorilla’s After bolting it down he says, ‘I am dying!’ Then you pick herbs for him to drink He pours it all down and dances! When the roosters crow he says, ‘Tapeworms! Tapeworms are about to come out, my dears!’ When you see the way he crawls he is like a snail And he goes down to the garden to dig He bends his back like a tortoise He digs here and there and says, ‘Tapeworms! Tapeworms are about to come out, poor me!’ He scratches his hoe preparing to leave The dirt on his feet he poorly cleans it off saying, ‘I am dying!’ The beddings are on his side And he completely covers his head! Bbundu and Bundulira, Bbundu64 Whom will they ask? Bbundu and Bundulira, Bbundu Whom will they ask? [Rec: AM and AK; tr. AM; perf. AK (Kazo, Buganda, 30 June 2005)]

This song treats the theme of laziness systematically and consistently through its use of humour to ridicule lazy people who malinger in order to avoid work. The persona decries an individual who pretends to be sick every time there is work to be done: he claims to be ‘dying’ at dawn and is ‘healed’ at dusk. When they bring food he ‘serves himself / Nine helpings,’ a social chastisement of people who want to live off the sweat of others. As in the example of Njabala, the premium put on hard work (physical labour) is prominent. The similes used to ridicule the Lazy One are quite harsh: he ‘stuffs himself with chunks of food like a hen / The tummy swells like a baboon’s.’ The metaphor of a stuffed up hen portrays his sluggishness. He does not walk but ‘crawls’ like a snail and when he goes to the garden to dig his back is compared to that of a tortoise. The diction used is poetically charged to portray his laziness and greed. For example, the adjective ‘okusokomera’ captures the way he is gulping or bolting down chunks of food in the same manner a hungry hen pecks at pieces of food. This is related to the word ‘okwebunduguza’ which has to do with overeating, or being over-stuffed with food. The use of the adverb 64

Bundu and Bundulira are probably names of people.

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‘okusonooka’ to describe his slow movement vividly captures the very manner in which a snail moves, an extreme hyperbole when related to a human being. The similes used thus create a ridiculous image of the Lazy One in the child’s mind. As Rebecca Nalunga observes, after listening to this rhyme children can literally ‘see’ and ‘identify’ a lazy person when they meet one, and this is meant to make them ridicule laziness and value hard work.65 ‘Amagezi G’omunafu’ thus combines play with moral instruction in a deliberate manner. Folktales have a stronger moral emphasis than perhaps songs or riddles. In fact, in all the folktales I collected the moral tends to drive the plot of the narrative in a highly predictable manner. Take, for instance, the Banyankore tale, “Kabananukye” (See Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Folktales). The story depicts a young girl who is forbidden by her parents to go out of the house. When other children persuade her to go out with them to collect grass, she is taken by a monster. Efforts to rescue her fail until an old, disabled man attacks the beast, kills it, and brings back Kabananukye along with everything the monster had eaten. When Kabananukye’s parents tell her “You should never go out. You should stay inside the house,” we immediately question the wisdom of extreme parental protection that forbids a child from playing with peers. Equally, when able-bodied people in the village fear attacking the beast and an old, disabled man dares to fight it, we can already predict that he will prevail because the physical strength of the young men must be challenged in order for the wisdom and experience of the old to triumph. Young people may have the strength to do anything, the story reminds them, but they ought to listen to the counsel of their elders. In the same way, the orphan child in the “Bwengye” folktale (see Appendix: Runyarwanda–Rufumbira Folktales) must prevail over the odds stacked against him right from his birth: his mother dies when he is young; he and his grandmother survive a severe drought, and he survives several attempts by the hyena to eat him after Bwengye is sold to the beast by his grandmother. In the end, he triumphs over all trials, becomes rich, marries the king’s daughter, and they live happily ever after. Wisdom and virtue (which his name Bwengye truly embodies) ultimately triumph over evil. Common to many folktales in my collection is this focus on a moral, often embodied in the protagonist, to drive the plot forward. Other characters (such 65

Rebecca Nalunga, “Poetic Qualities of Children’s Play Songs among the Baganda” (doctoral dissertation, Makerere University, 2003): 19.

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as Bwengye’s grandmother or Kabananukye’s mother and father – they are rarely given names) are only mentioned to elevate the hero or heroine’s moral character in the story and prepare us for a happy ending. In view of their emphasis on moral values and because they in many ways embody a people’s norms and traditions, folktales have been used in Ugandan cultures for didactic purposes. Nandwa and Bukenya emphasize that tales have something to say about a society: its beliefs, its customs and accepted norms, whether it be the society’s attitude towards “ogres swallowing people or the little hare tricking the bigger animals.”66 For Okpewho, the stories are one way by which a society “seeks to safeguard its outlooks and interests and thus to establish securely an identity which they can cherish for as long as possible, in the face of the vicissitudes of history.”67 Violet Barungi, who has published several folktale adaptations in her storybooks, agrees that traditional tales help to “teach [children] about their traditional customs, values and manners,” and by bridging the gap between the past and present, these stories give children “a glimpse of what life was like in the past.”68 While all cultures transmit their norms and values through stories, we can identify individual differences in Ugandan tales that are culturally specific. The Baganda and Banyankore still use stories, proverbs, and songs to impart to the young the society’s values, history, and traditions, as well as general truths about life. Eseza Kazinga, a popular presenter of children’s programmes on Radio Star F M and Wavah Broadcasting Service (W B S ) television, observes that traditional tales are useful for educating, entertaining, and shaping children’s moral conduct through control mechanisms, such as taboos, that impose sanctions against antisocial behaviour.69 The teller Yoweri Kyeishe from Burimbi in Nyabushozi also agrees that from these stories children learn basic lessons about life: “children would learn from these [stories], some folktales were for… [teaching] children about respect – for children to respect their parents. They would also teach [the value of] charity.”70 To illustrate this point, Kyeishe told the story of a man

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Nandwa & Bukenya, African Oral Literature for Schools, 8. Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 110. 68 Violet R. Barungi, personal interview, 11 May 2005. 69 Eseza Kazinga, personal interview, 5 May 2005. 70 Yoweri Kyeishe, personal interview, 15 July 2006. This is a translation of his original comment in Runyankore: “Abaana bakaba babyegamu, ebimwe ebigano 67

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who marries two wives and they both have sons (See Appendix: G for full transcript). The elder wife plots to kill the younger wife’s son so that her son inherits all the property. She keeps sending her son with poison to give to his stepbrother but because he loves him, he keeps pouring the poison away instead. Every time his mother asks him whether his stepbrother is dead, the boy claims the poison doesn’t work. His mother then makes the concoction even stronger, but the boy still pours it away on his way. One day, the young men go to battle and the elder wife’s son is wounded. His stepbrother hides him in the bushes and nurses him. The people back home are told that the boy had been killed on the battlefield. One morning, they see the boy carrying his wounded stepbrother on his back. The wounded boy remembers how he had saved his stepbrother’s life by not giving him poison and he breaks down and cries. By saving his life, he had now saved his. The moral of the story, according to Kyeishe, is the value of brotherly love that transcends petty rivalries, as well as the danger posed by jealousy and hatred to the family and the community. For Kyeishe, the key issue in these stories is the desire by adults to impart universal values of respect, charity, kindness, and hard work to children. Such values are, of course, evident in folktales from other cultures around the world because they define the very essence of human existence.

F I G U R E 9. Yoweri Kyeishe explains the value of tales in an interview at his home in Rushere, Nyabushozi, 15 July 2005 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi) bikaba biri ebya…eby’abaana kitiina – eby’abaana kutiina abazaire baabo. Byegyesa okukundana.”

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In Ugandan cultures, these values are often expressed through other oral forms. Sometimes proverbs are used to communicate, in a cryptic manner, a moral that would otherwise be expressed in a long anecdote or story. For example, when my research assistant and I went to interview Isirairi Katuka at his home in Kikatsi, Kiruhura District, he was at first reluctant to give us an appointment, saying he was very busy. However, because he knew my colleague Aijuka very well, he eventually agreed to our request but his reply came in form of a tacit proverb: “ ‘ Kwonka niiwe’ eshambanisa omurweire!” (‘ “ But it is only you” makes a sick person have sex!’). After a round of laughter at what we thought was a funny and witty analogy between our research mission and courting someone for sex, Katuka explained: That proverb means, she is sick and matters of coming together she cannot do them, and yet she cannot afford [to deny] the person who has come… Have you understood? ‘ “ But it is only you” makes a sick person have sex!’71

Katuka succinctly conveyed the message that he was very busy but because he knew one of us, and in view of the research we were doing, he was willing to help us. Just as the song “Amagezi G’omunafu” (I Know The Tricks of the Lazy One) stresses the values of hard work and the dangers of laziness, many stories in this collection challenge vices, follies, or wrong attitudes. They invite people to reorient their view of the world when the tiny animals (hare, tortoise, chameleon) challenge the might of the strong ones (elephant, hyena, leopard) with their wisdom, or when the beautiful or favourite children turn out to be less virtuous and less successful in life because of their pride. This is not to say, however, that no small animals are guilty of evil schemes, or that adults rely solely on stories and proverbs to shape children’s conduct. Even as they use these forms to teach good conduct, they also enforce discipline through regular forms of punishment and reward both at home and at school. a

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Isirairi Katuka, personal interview, 16 July 2005. In Runyankore, Katuka said: “Enfumu egyo amakuru gaayo, arwaire enshonga ez’okuterana tarikuzikora, kwonka haija ou atari kubaasa [kwangira] [Laughter]. Wakyetegyereza? ‘Kwonka niiwe’ eshambanisa omurweire!”

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Using Oral Forms in Education Oral texts have always been an integral element in children’s education in Uganda, both in the domestic realm and at school after the advent of formal education. In the traditional setting, the process of education has always been the responsibility of the parents and elders to instruct and guide the young, a life-long process, regulated according to the age group and gender of the child. Songs such as “Nenkunkuna” (see Appendix: F), “Tiiwe Wantsigireho” (Appendix: D) or “Icara, Icara Hagati” (Appendix: E), for example, helped to socialize children into their respective gender roles in preparation for future marriage. “Nenkunkuna” is typically sung by children aged five to twelve as a re-enactment of a marital conflict. One child (the ‘husband’) becomes the lead soloist while one girl in the group (the ‘wife’) repeats the refrain. Sometimes the whole group repeats the refrain together on behalf of the ‘wife’: Nenkunkuna Nenkunkuna Ng’ekiriga Ekiriga ekito Kyewatira Kyefumbira Ssebo Kabaka Omukazi gwe wampa Afumba ewunye Afumba mbisi Tanjalira Tolaba enjala! Tolaba engalo! Mpayo omulala

Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba!

I Stoop I stoop Like a young sheep A little lamb It peels its own food It cooks its own food Your Majesty, the King The woman you gave me She burns the food She serves half-cooked food She never makes my bed

Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! You are lying! You are lying! You are lying!

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Don’t you see my fingernails! You are lying! Don’t you see my hands! You are lying! Give me another one You are lying! [Rec: AM and AK; tr. AM; perf. AK (Kazo, Buganda, 30 June 2005.

The song depicts a frustrated and downcast lover (he “stoops” like a “lamb”) whose marriage is not working. The ‘wife’ is not fulfilling her traditional responsibilities of cooking, or laying the bed. The ‘wife’ has clearly destabilized the gender space defined for her by the “husband” and tradition, by stepping out of the confines of domesticity and challenging his masculinity as evident in her repeated refrain, “You are lying!” The man lays down his reasons before the king as to why he should be allowed to divorce his wife and marry another one: she does not make his bed, cooks burnt food, serves half-cooked meals, and now he has to cook his own meals. As children play these roles, they are being socialized into their future husband-wife responsibilities in the Baganda culture as well as being educated in the procedures of resolving family problems – it is important to seek mediation by the elders and authorities in the community. Although the ‘wife’ may be portrayed as a ‘failure’ in her cultural role as a Muganda woman, the song also opens up for debate issues of domesticity, and male and female space: that is to say, unless the man is ready to change his sexist perception of his wife as a ‘domestic slave,’ marrying another wife is not a solution. Similarly, the play songs “Tiiwe Wantsigireho?” (Is it Not You Who Left Me?) and “Icara, Icara Hagati” (Sit, Sit at the Centre) introduce to the children the issue of choosing a partner. In “Icara, Icara Hagati,” for example, one child sits in the middle as the others sing and then he or she suddenly arises to choose the one he or she loves most. The two then come to the centre and start dancing (celebrating their love in public). In “Tiiwe Wantsigireho” (see Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Children’s Songs) the lover is complaining about her partner who has deserted her. As a result, she has decided to find someone else: Tiiwe Wantsigireho? Tiiwe wantsigireho Okaza omuri bariya? Nanye tindikukwenda Reka nyerondere owangye! O-o kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki

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Is It Not You Who Left Me? Is it not you who left me And went to the other group? I also do not want you anymore Let me look for another lover! O-oh kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki Let me look for another lover! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. PRM (Wakiso, 1 August 2005)]

The song raises one universal truth about love: the fact that it can go sour anytime and when things do not work out one of the partners has the freedom and choice to find another lover. But the question of fidelity is also brought to the fore. Clearly, the speaker has been betrayed by her lover who has deserted her and sought love elsewhere. Her accusation is therefore valid and so is her decision to leave him. The message in the song is conveyed through a playful tone using the idiophone “Kii-kiriki-kiriki” that a child sings as she dances to mocks her former ‘lover.’ In the above examples, I have focused mainly on the way oral forms are used in the informal (domestic) arena. With the introduction of formal education in Uganda, this repertoire of texts drawn from the child culture has been deployed in the school system for teaching various life skills or to emphasize the value of literacy in a modern world (See “Nakeera Nkya” – Appendix: F) and “Data, Mpa Isente” – Appendix: E). For example, the texts have been linked directly to classroom situations where children learn vocabulary through song (See “Mfit’ Inka Yangye” – Appendix: E). In “Nakeera Nkya” a lead soloist narrates his or her experience about going to school and learning new skills in mathematics and writing. A group of children hum repeatedly in chorus to establish a musical beat to the song. The soloist’s words emphasize the value of getting an education as a prerequisite for a child’s bright future: Nakeera Nkya Nakeera nkya, nakeera nkya, nakeera nkya Nakeera nkya nennaaba entumbwe Nengenda ku sukuulu72 okusoma 72

Hm! Hm! Hm!

Sukuulu: a pun on the English word ‘school’. The usual Luganda word is essomero.

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ORAL LITERATURE Ku sukuulu waliyo ebisanyusa Waliyo okubala n’okuwandiika Oyo omuwala atamanyi kuwandiika Nebwasiba sikaati ye eyo tanyuma Oyo omulenzi atamanyi kuwandiika Nebwasiba empale ye eyo tanyuma Wololo, wololo, wololo! Wololo, wololo, wololo!

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Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm!

I Woke Up Early Morning I woke up early morning, I woke up early morning, I woke early morning Hm! I woke up early morning and washed my calf Hm! I went to school to study Hm! At school there are many interesting things Hm! There is mathematics and writing Hm! The girl who does not know how to write Hm! Even if she fastens her skirt she does not look smart Hm! The boy who does not know how to write Hm! Even if he fastens his trousers he does not look smart Hm! Wololo, wololo, wololo!73 Hm! Wololo, wololo, wololo! Hm! [Rec: AM and AK; tr. AM; perf. AK (Kazo, Buganda, 30 June 2005)]

The song celebrates the value of formal education. It associates the school culture with a better life: “At school there are many interesting things.” The diction used depicts a child who does not go to school as one to be pitied in modern society: even if he or she dresses well, he or she cannot be respected. The repeated chant “wololo,” a signal for danger or catastrophe in the Baganda culture, effectively heightens this sense of ‘doom’ that awaits an illiterate child in the modern world. In “Data, Mpa Isente” children sing about the importance of literacy. A child may sing it alone or a group may sing it together at home or at school as they underscore the value of modern learning – particularly being able to solve mathematical problems and speak English: Data, Mpa Isente Data, mpa isente ngende kw’ishuri Data, mpa isente ngende kw’ishuri 73

“Wololo” is a Luganda chant signalling danger or doom – in this case, the fate that awaits children who do not go to school.

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Kwiga Uruzungu hamwe no Kubara Kwiga Uruzungu hamwe no Kubara Iyo mbaye ndaho na bagyenzi bangye Iyo mbaye ndaho na bagyenzi bangye Bavuga Uruzungu maze nkayoberwa Bavuga Uruzungu maze nkayoberwa Maze nababaza bo bagaseka Maze nababaza bo bagaseka Mfatwa n’agahinda kakenda kunyicha! Mfatwa n’agahinda kakenda kunyicha!

Father, Give Me Money Father, give me money and I will go to school Father, give me money and I will go to school To learn English and Mathematics To learn English and Mathematics When I am with my friends When I am with my friends They speak English and I get confused They speak English and I get confused When I ask them they laugh at me When I ask them they laugh at me I feel deep sorrow and it almost kills me! I feel deep sorrow and it almost kills me! [Rec: AM, GM and SM; tr. AM; perf. GM and SM (Kampala, 29 July 2005)]

The child persona laments his or her inability to go to school because of lack of tuition. The child has not had an opportunity to get an education and this has made her a misfit among peers: “They speak English and I get confused / When I ask them they laugh at me.” Inability to speak this global language has alienated him or her from the educated class. The repeated lines thus heighten the persona’s emotions of remorse and shame, and draw pity from the audience. In conclusion, we have noted in this chapter that oral forms for children generally have a fluid audience. While some of them (riddles and rhymes, for example) are often performed exclusively for children, performance boundaries are not always clear cut. Children’s songs are performed exclusively by children, but riddles may be posed by children to an exclusively child audience, or by adults and children to a mixed audience as a prelude to storytelling. Due to this fluidity of audience, oral texts have layered language and

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how they are interpreted by children and adults therefore varies. In order to classify texts for children in these cultures we have to consider whether children participate in the performance, and the purpose of telling: that is, whether they aim to entertain or to teach a moral lesson. We have also observed that the form and social function of children’s texts are interrelated. Their aesthetic qualities and the stylistic elements used by tellers enhance the message during the performance situation. In analyzing these texts, it is therefore important to focus on their content, the setting in which they are performed, and the learning activities they accompany. As children perform these texts, they learn numbers, the alphabet, or telling the time, and they are also socialized into the value system of their society both at home and at school. We have also observed that in riddling specifically, coding of riddles to specific answers is as much an issue that is culturally determined as it is a matter of power. The riddler’s power to determine the correct answer within the provisions of the culture helps to guarantee the stability of riddling as discourse and to protect traditional knowledge. The use of metanarrative devices used in riddling further help to index the ongoing social interaction and to structure riddling to social reality. Understanding riddling as a discourse in these Ugandan cultures thus depends as much on unravelling the way the established formulas function as on the way the metanarrative devices and other language devices relate to the nature of audience and to the prevailing social realities in the community at the time of the performance.

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—On Text Structure and Narrative Strategies

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and the narrative strategies used by the tellers in the field correspond to the aesthetics of orality, and the mechanics of performance. While tellers rely on predefined formulas, their narrative strategies also vary individually. The structures of oral texts provide the mnemonic elements that help during retelling. In fact, it is because of these mnemonic qualities that oral texts have survived for centuries even though they are not written. Oral performers draw on these mnemonic devices – opening and closing formulas, sound patterning, repetitive structures, dramatizing information through song, narration or role play, or relating concepts to environmental signifiers – as a narrative strategy for recalling information, for structuring the plot of the narrative, or for getting the audience involved in the performance. HE STRUCTURES OF ORAL TEXTS

Opening and Closing Formulas While children’s songs and games lack stock phrases used to signal opening and closure, folktales narrators whom I recorded not only drew on their creative skills but also on an arsenal of such stock devices in the tradition to enrich the narrative. This creative ability largely depends on the narrator’s skill or age: stories told by my child narrators such as Ayinza, for example, did not employ the dramatic and vivacious narrative epithets that we see in stories told by adults such as Katuka or Kyeyune. They also used mainly conventional Luganda formulas such as ‘Awo olwatuka’ (Once upon a time) or ‘Nange awo we nalabira’ (And for me that is what I saw). Tales narrated by

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children thus tend to be, as Finnegan observed, less complex and sketchier, mostly summaries that emphasize the basic plot of the narrative.1

F I G U R E 10. Maureen Ayinza tells a story on “Young Stars” children’s programme, Radio Star F M , Kampala. 7 May, 2005 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi)

Storytelling in the Buganda oral tradition typically begins with the stock phrase: Awo olwatuka, nga wabawo omusajja ng’awasa mukazi we, nebazaala abaana baabwe… Once upon a time, there was a man and he married his [sic] wife, and they gave birth to their children…

Some narrators – as can be seen in the story “Wazike ne Nakato” (see Appendix: Luganda Folktales) – begin with the more creative ‘Olwatuka nga mbalabira…’ (Once upon a time I saw on your behalf…). This is a good way for the narrator to establish rapport and credibility with the audience: that is to say, the narrator went to the world of the folktale as a messenger of the listener and hence what he or she is reporting ought to be trusted! To re-establish this audience connection, the narrator signs off with these words: Nange awo we nalabira. Zajja zingubyagubya zankubira wa… [gundi], yankuba luyi mu maaso; singa telyali ddagala ly’Abazungu singa naffa dda! 1

Finnegan, Limba Stories, 70.

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And for me that is what I saw. I came back weighed down by problems, which forced me to go to… [mentions a name], who slapped me in the face; if it was not for the Whiteman’s medicine I would be dead!

This closing formula, like the others my narrators used, is very effective because of the way it evokes sympathy from the audience toward the narrator for his or her courage and perseverance in the difficulties he or she ‘encountered’ in the other world in order to get a story to tell us. The tale inevitably ends with applause to the narrator. In tales involving humans we are always introduced to a stable family setup with a man marrying ‘his’ wife and they inevitably have to have ‘their’ children, boys and girls, for the stability of the family to be maintained. The absence of any of these elements often leads to destabilization of the family. The tales tend to end with a predictable closing formula, with the narrator typically signing off with ‘Kale nange awo we nalabira…’ (And for me that is what I saw…). By signalling that that is what he or she saw, the narrator extricates himself or herself from the fantasy world of the story and this gives some emotional release to the audience. This momentary escape from the fantasy world, as Okpewho points out, provides temporary respite to the audience as the non-human world helps to “lift the minds of both performer and audience away from the limitations of human life to a world of blissful wish fulfilment.”2 The story gives them an opportunity to forget for a while their daily pressures as they sojourn into the world where everything is possible, where wishes can be attained by waving a magic wand. Banyankore and Banyarwanda–Bafumbira narrators use opening and closing formulas that are even more elaborate. When she narrated the story of “Nyabwangu na Nyabucureezi” (see Appendix: H for full story), Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye, for example, begun (as she did in most of her stories) with some sort of poetic proclamation: Harabaye harakaba, hapfuye imbwa n’imbeba hasigara inka n’abantu. Ubuca bwarika ku mango umuyaga urabwarurira, nyiramusambi asabagirira inanga. Ngiye guca omugani wa Nyabucurezi na Nyabwangu. Bari abaana babyawe n’abagore babiri. Nyabucurezi akaba umwana w’inyungwakazi, Nyabwangu akaba uw’inkundwakazi. . . There was and there will always be, what died were dogs and rats and what remained are cows and human beings. Kites laid eggs on cliffs and the wind hatched their eggs, a kite played music, a crane danced to the harp. 2

Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 109.

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I am going to tell the story of Nyabucureezi and Nyabwangu. They were children born to two women. Nyabucureezi was a child of the less favoured wife, Nyabwangu was of the favourite one. . . [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Buruuli, Nakasongola, 1 August 2005)]

F I G U R E 11. Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye narrating umugani, 1 August 2005 (photo by Aaron Mushengyezi)

This prelude to the story proper is mystifying to the listener. It introduces a fantasy world of unusual happenings. This orientation invites the audience into a mystery world where everything seems to be unstable: kites play music and cranes dance; the world of humans and animals is fluid. It is a world where anything can and does happen (Nyabucureezi the child of the less favoured wife, for example, becomes successful in the end and brings wealth to her family) but we expect human beings (and cows – a major source of wealth and livelihood for this teller’s community) to prevail in the end. The narrator signs off the story with, “Sigye wahera, hahera ibyo kwa Nyabwangu!” (It is not me who has ended, it is everything to do with Nyabwangu!), in a sense to signal the end of the tale and our re-entry into the world of reality. The opening formula used by my Banyarwanda–Bafumbira narrators such as Kabudensia differed greatly from those of the Banyankore. In the Ankole tradition, storytelling proceeds according to a fixed narrative structure in which both narrator and audience have fixed formulas. The narrator typically opens with a stock phrase to which the audience must respond before the story begins: NARRATOR: ABANTU:

Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere!

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Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere!3

In formalized participation, the audience then keeps responding to the story by repeating the stock phrase ‘Tebere!’ as a discourse marker every time the narrator pauses. For example, when Rwomushana narrated the “Kabananukye” story (see Appendix: G) her tale was punctuated with the repetition of the refrain ‘tebere’ from the audience: RWOMUSHANA: ABANTU: RWOMUSHANA: ABANTU: RWOMUSHANA: ABANTU: RWOMUSHANA: ABANTU: RWOMUSHANA: ABANTU: RWOMUSHANA: ABANTU:

Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere! Hakaba haruho omushaija Tebere! yashwera omukazi we. Tebere! Batuura, batuura. Tebere! Bamara emyaka mingi Tebere! batari kuzaara, omukazi akaba ari engumba. Tebere! [N’ebindi]

Translation: Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere! There was once a man Tebere! and he married a wife. Tebere! They lived, and they lived. Tebere! They spent many years Tebere! without getting a child, the woman was barren. Tebere! [The story continues…] [Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. NR (Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005)] RWOMUSHANA: AUDIENCE: RWOMUSHANA: AUDIENCE: RWOMUSHANA: AUDIENCE: RWOMUSHANA: AUDIENCE: RWOMUSHANA: AUDIENCE: RWOMUSHANA: AUDIENCE:

This fixed, formulaic narrative style makes storytelling sessions among the Banyankore interactive. The audience and the teller have fixed roles and this makes telling a shared experience. They are active participants in the entire 3

‘Tebere’ is a stock word for calling the audience’s attention.

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process as they repeat a stock response, sing refrains along with the narrator, interject, sigh or ask questions as the story evolves. Having a fixed response also keeps listeners alert, although it can also be monotonous and boring. For this reason, not all Banyankore storytellers tell stories in this manner. Katuka and Kyeishe did not use this fixed formulaic style. While Banyankore storytellers use the same opening formula, they have the liberty to creatively vary their closing formulas for each story, using a signature ending that marks their ‘personal style’. Rwomushana, for example, simply concludes her stories with: ‘Ku ntsiga bateeka obugyenyi boona bashemereirwe, nyija kukuganira!’ (‘After they had prepared a feast and all were very happy, I came to tell you the story!’). By contrast, Tinkamanyire, the storyteller from Rugazi in Mbarara, varies his closing formulas a great deal. For example, he concludes the story of Nshemere (see Appendix: G) as follows: Nanye ku ntsiga bakwaata omuhanda baaza owa nyamushaija, nkwaata omuhanda ndaba omu rutookye rwa [marimi] rucweeka ebishansha, nyambuka ntyo ntsiga obugyenyi bwataaha! And when I left them on the way to the man’s home, I went through my maternal uncle’s banana plantation and it became dry banana leaves, I went up, and so I left when the wedding party was still going on! [Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. ST (Rugazi-Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005)]

In the story “Kabarungi” he ends by saying: Nanye ku ntsiga orutaro rwahwa Kabarungi yahona okufa, nanye ngabwa nindugayo ntsiga nyineeka yatsigara n’omuhara, omukazi yataaha. And when the conflict was over and Kabarungi survived death, it was time for me to leave, so I left the man with his daughter, and the woman went to her home. [Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. ST (Rugazi-Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005)]

Other narrators simply end with a disclaimer, ‘Tinye naheera, haheera omugane’ (‘It is not me who has ended, it is the folktale’), as a signal to the audience to disengage from the fantasy world of the folktale. Therefore, opening and closing formulas are an effective narrative device used by tellers to invite the listeners to the surreal world of the tale and, at the end of the story, to transition them back into the real world. As Bauman puts it, these narrative devices serve to “bridge the gap between story time and the

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present, that is, the time of the narrated event and the time of the telling.”4 The narrator often emerges from the story as this ‘superhuman’ sort of figure who can easily navigate the mysterious world where monsters eat humans, observe and take part in what is going on, and yet return to ‘our world’ unharmed.

Rhetorical Devices and Discourse Markers All the narrators I recorded used several rhetorical devices and discourse markers, whether consciously or unconsciously, to punctuate their stories. The most obvious function of these devices is that they serve as connectors: for example, the Banyankore narrators use words and phrases such as Mbwenu (Now /So /Well) or Mbwenu ntakusiibizeyo (Now /So without delaying you), to connect ideas or indicate pauses in the story. Other common discourse markers they used are Ntyo/Atyo (And so I/And so he or she) as in the above example when Tinkamanyire says, “ntyo ntsiga obugyenyi bwataaha” (and so I left when the wedding party was still on) or “Ntyo nyambuka, nikwo kwiija nintaaha owangye” (And so I went up, and that is how I came back to my home). Sometimes these devices serve a purely aesthetic function as well. They embellish the storytelling moment by signalling what Finnegan might call “moments of sociability,”5 and also serve a dialogic purpose of keeping the audience engaged in the story. Phrases such as ‘Nuuko’ (So), ‘Mbese’ (Well) used by my Banyarwanda narrators, or ‘Munange’ (My dear) by Baganda tellers are good examples. Often they indicate points of hesitation or ‘erasure’ as the narrator reconstitutes the narrative plot. They are equivalent to those moments of hesitation when the writer uses an eraser or delete button on the computer keyboard to reconstruct his or her sentence or thought process. Sometimes my narrators simply uttered an affable hum (‘U-hm’) as they sat up in their chair and recollected their thoughts or looked through the door to see what was going on outside. Moreover, rhetorical devices and time markers used by the tellers need not be taken literally; they do not constitute what sociolinguists call ‘presentational politeness.’ When a Munyankore narrator says ‘wanyetegyereza?’ (have you understood?), he or she does not expect me to use what literary pragmatics term the ‘cooperative principle’ in order to respond appropriately 4 5

Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event, 91. Finnegan, Limba Stories, 65.

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to the speech act through a reply (‘Yes, I understand’) or action. Neither do time markers in the story necessarily indicate definite time spans – for example, ‘bukyeye’ (at daybreak /the following day), ‘mugitondo’ (in the morning), ‘enkeera’ (early the next day) or ‘ku hahweireho ebiro’ (after some days had passed). On the contrary, time markers seem to be a compressive tool by the narrator to control the plot, or a way to engage the audience’s willing suspension of disbelief in the credibility of the teller and his or her story. There are also moments when the teller’s use of rhetorical devices invites the audience to interject and fill in the storyline using completion statements. This worked well whenever there were elderly, seasoned storytellers in the audience. They used their rhetorical skills to embroider the flow of discourse – asking the teller questions, seeking clarifications, completing the narrator’s sentence or thought, or offering a possible explanation for the character’s behaviour. These interjections made the storytelling session more engaging and interesting. I will use two excerpts, one from a story narrated by Kyeishe and another by Kabudensia, to briefly illustrate how the use of rhetorical devices by the audience helps to clarify the narrated event or to embroider the narrative flow. In this excerpt from the story “Nyabwangu na Nyabucureezi” told by Kabudensia (see Appendix: H), I interjected to seek clarification on some confusing details (such as when she says the King lived inside “a big pole” and one day it “cracked” and it went where Nyabwangu was sleeping), or sometimes as a way to liven up the telling moment:

MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA: MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA:

MUSHENGYEZI: KABUDENSIA:

Noneho buriira. Umwami inkingi irabaruka isanga Nyabucurezi aho aryamye – Inkingi ariko nk’izo bashyira mu nzu? Ee. Niyo yabagamu se? Ee, niyo yataahagamu. Mu nkingi? Mu nkingi nini. Nuuko irabaruka – Irabaruka isanga uriya mukobwa aho aryamye. Umwami atyo ati, “Nawe sanga uriya.” Kabindibirima yaragiraga ihene. Ashatse Nyabwangu – Umwami ashatse – Nyabucurezi. Nyabucurezi nyakwanga amata y’ihene, nyakwanga ibyahi by’ihene; usasiwe igisuna, yanyoye amata y’inka. Umwami asanze uwo. Abaye umugore w’Umwami...

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Translation: It was dark. The King’s pole cracked and it went where Nyabucurezi was sleeping – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Poles like the ones used to support a house? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : He lived inside it? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, that is where he lived. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Inside the pole? K A B U D E N S I A : Inside the big pole. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : And so it cracked – K A B U D E N S I A : It cracked and it went where that girl was sleeping. The King said, “You go where the other one is.” Kabindibirima looked after goats. He married Nyabwangu – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : And the King married – K A B U D E N S I A : Nyabucurezi. Nyabucurezi, the one that refused goat milk, the one that refused goat hides; the one who was given soft sleeping mats, and drank cow milk. The King went to that one. She became the King’s wife… [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Buruuli, Nakasongola, I August 2005)]

My interjections in this story help to clear up some surprising details: did the King actually live in “a pole,” a regular pole used for building, or is the narrator using the “pole” as a cultural metaphor? What does she mean when she says the King’s pole “burst” and it went where the girl was sleeping? The narrator, of course, avoids delving into the sexual symbolism used here (‘The King went to that one’ – ‘went’ here being an allusion to a sexual act with the girl) but her explanation adds meaning to the story. My engagement with Kabudensia thus serves the curiosity of other members of the audience (who, like me, were perhaps confused), and adds meaning to the narrated event. In the Kyeishe story, “Omwana Owatambire Mukuruwe Owahutaire” the interventions by his wife in the narrative event similarly help to structure the story and to embroider the storytelling moment. The telling takes place at his home in Burimbi, Nyabushozi, after dinner. The audience includes Aijuka and me, and two other adults (see Appendix: Runyankore-Rukiga Folktales for the full story): KYEISHE: MRS KYEISHE: KYEISHE: MRS KYEISHE:

… Aza nawe omu kishaka. Agumamu nawe. Mukuruwe? Omurumuna. Agumamu na mukuruwe –

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– agumamu na mukuruwe. Mbwenu arugaho amu…aha kiro eky’aka… [nayoreka engaro ibiri] amuta aha mabega. Aija amuheekire nakururuka, namukurura, amuremire-ee. Mbwenu, aha kiro kya kashatu bareeba yareetwa nk’aho eruguru omw’ishaazi-ii, amuheekire. [Abantu baagamba ebigambo kwonka tibyahurirwa gye]. Mbwenu, ku amureeba, nyina ogwo kihutaara – oriya ou yabaire aheereza omubazi ngu aguheereze ogu [abantu baagamba ebigambo kwonka tibyahurirwa gye], ogu oizire aheekire mukuruwe, akaanga akagwaata – mbwenu kuyamurebire ati “Ai bambe!” Ati “Nkagaata garikaatika!” Ati “nkagasheesha garikasheesheka!” Amanya ngu kuri yamuheire amarogo akaffa – M R S K Y E I S H E : akaffa – KYESHE: – ogwo omutabani – M R S K Y E I S H E : – akaba ataine kireeberera – KYEISHE: – akaba naija kuffa agwa omu kishaka. M R S K Y E I S H E : Akaba naija kuffa kubi. KYEISHE:

Translation: KYEISHE: MRS KYEISHE: KYEISHE: MRS KYEISHE: KYEISHE:

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… And so he took him into the bush. He stayed with him. His elder brother?6 The younger brother. He stayed with his elder brother – – he stayed with his elder brother. Now, later he…after these days… [flashes two fingers] he carried him on his shoulders. He came carrying him on his back, trudging on, dragging him, too heavy for him to carry. So, on the third day they suddenly saw him emerge, like from there on the upper side of the cattle kraal, carrying him on his back. [Inaudible voices from audience.] So, when she saw him, the mother of the wounded one – the one she used to give poison to give to this one, this one who came carrying his elder brother, and he refused and poured it [the poison] – so when she saw him she said,

Mrs Kyeishe is referring to the stepbrother here. The concept of ‘stepbrother’ is alien to Ankole culture, where a stepbrother or stepsister is referred to as a brother or sister. It is common to hear someone referring to a stepbrother as ‘Mukuru wangye / Murumuna wangye owa tata-ento’ (My elder brother / My younger brother on my uncle’s side).

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“Oh dear!” and she said, “I poured it, may it get poured all over!” and she said, “I splashed it, may it get splashed all over!” She realized that if he had given him poison and he died – M R S K Y E I S H E : – and he died – KYEISHE: – her son – M R S K Y E I S H E : – he would have no one to take care of him – KYEISHE: – he would have died in the bush. M R S K Y E I S H E : He would have died a miserable death. [Rec: AM and DK; tr. AM; perf. YK (Rushere, Nyabushozi, 15 July 2005)]

The exchanges between Mr Kyeishe and his wife nicely punctuate the narrative flow. She employs several rhetorical devices to assist Kyeishe by posing questions (for example, “His elder brother?” to which he responds “The younger brother”), repeating and affirming the teller’s statements (as when he says: “She realized that if he had given him poison and he died – ” and she repeats “ – and he died – ”), or completing the narrator’s thought (she interjects: “ – he would have no one to take care of him – ” and he says “ – he would have died in the bush”). Mrs Kyeishe is actively engaged in the story as a co-narrator, and the entire storytelling session becomes a shared experience between teller and audience.

Sound Patterning and Repetitive Structures The musicality and formulaic qualities of children’s texts also merit discussion. In children’s songs, the acoustic beauty lies first in the alliteration and onomatopoeic qualities that give them rhythm and musicality. It becomes easy to sing them. Anything that is musical easily appeals to our sense of pleasure and enjoyment and becomes easier to recall to memory. That is why we can recall those rhymes we learnt many years ago when we were young. Memorability enables oral forms to survive from one generation to another. I earlier gave an example of the Runyankore–Rukiga song “Z’emwe, Zeibiri” where the play on the consonant sounds in words such as “z’emwe”, “zeibiri,” “kuzaara,” and “kariga nezaara” creates a musical beat that makes the song pleasurable to sing, and easy to remember. Sound patterning in children’s songs and in folktales is also enhanced by repetitive structures, which take various forms. Often, one or several lines are repeated throughout the text resulting in a consistent structural pattern. The repetitive structures act as aides-mémoire. In children’s songs, a word or

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phrase may be consistently repeated in each line or stanza throughout the text as a way to frame its structural patterning. In the song “Kamusherengure” (See also Appendix: D) performed by Isirairi Katuka at his home in Kikatsi, the repetition of the name Kamusherengure underlies the song’s dialogic structure, its playful tone and aesthetic appeal. Its playful tone and dialogic structure was clearly brought out as Katuka simulated voices of two children dialoguing with each other through a question-and-answer format. Since the rhyme re-enacts an exchange between children, it is not so much a logical dialogue as it is a funny and easy to memorize song to facilitate play: Kamusherengure Kamusherengure, ninza owangye Kamusherengure, owanyu okora ki? Kamusherengure, kaite abaana! Kamusherengure, omwana akakora ki? Kamusherengure, kwiiha ameino Kamusherengure, ameino gaaki? Kamusherengure, sheka ndoreho Kamusherengure, ha ha! Kamusherengure, ho ho!

Kamusherengure Kamusherengure, I am going to my home Kamusherengure, at your home what do you do? Kamusherengure, go kill your children! Kamusherengure, what did the child do? Kamusherengure, pulling out teeth Kamusherengure, teeth for what? Kamusherengure, laugh and I see Kamusherengure, ha ha! Kamusherengure, ho ho! [Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. IK (Kikatsi, Ankole, 7.16.05)]

Kamusherengure’s name is deliberately repeated throughout the song to sustain musicality in each line. The persona keeps questioning Kamusherengure and it appears as if his friend is not given an opportunity to answer back. But on closer look, and after listening to Katuka perform this rhyme, his tonal variation seems to suggest that some of the questions and comments may in fact be attributed to Kamusherengure himself, as some form of response to or rebuttal of the persona’s comments. The persona asks him a question and Kamusherengure replies, often by asking an unrelated question. The question-

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and-answer structural format through which both speakers give unrelated answers provoke laughter at the end. The narrator’s stylistic repetition of the name Kamusherengure in the dialogue seems to serves a purely aesthetic and mnemonic function here. Repetition may also feature in form of an iterative trope where a word is carried over to the beginning of the next line. The repeated words help to further enhance the musicality and memorability of the song as children perform it. The rhymes “Natema Akati Karara” and “Kayondo Ekimulobera Okuzina” (Appendix: F) demonstrate this: Natema Akati Karara Natema akati karara Karara nikaza Igara Igara owa Ntambiko7 Ntambiko yampa akasyo Akasyo nakaha abagyesi Abagyesi bampa oruro Oruro naruha enkoko Enkoko yampa eihuri Eihuri nariha abaana Abaana bampa engyeya Engyeya nagiha omukama Omukama yampa Kasa Kasa nagishweza omukazi Omukazi yanzarira omwana Omwana namweta Mugaruru Mugaruru y’agarura ebya ishe na ishenkuru

I Cut a Stick and It Wandered I cut a stick and it wandered It wandered towards Igara Igara at Ntambiko’s home Ntambiko gave me a knife The knife I gave to the harvesters The harvesters gave me millet Millet I gave to a hen The hen gave me an egg The egg I gave to children 7

In other versions of the rhyme, they say ‘Igara owa Ruhweijoro’ (Igara at Ruhweijoro’s home).

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The children gave me a colobus monkey The colobus monkey I gave to the king The king gave me a grey calf The grey calf I used as bride price for my wife My wife bore me a child The child I named him Mugarura8 Mugarura rescued his father and grandfather’s property [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. AR (Rushere, Ankole, 16 August 2005)]

The aesthetic value of this song lies in its internal rhythm created by run-on lines. The last word in each line (for example, “Igara,” “Ntambiko,” “akasyo,” “abagyesi”) is consistently carried over to the beginning of the next line. Repetition here achieves two things: first, it enhances the musicality of the rhyme, and second, the repeated words act as a narrative prompt to the performer, as aides-mémoire to what follows in each line. When we were growing up, it was always easy to recall the words in the rhyme because once we sang the first two lines, it became possible to guess what the subsequent lines of the rhyme were. In folktales, one of the ways in which structural patterning occurs is through repetition of refrains or using recurring narrative patterns or phrases that underlie the main theme of the story. For example, in the “Bwengye” story (see Appendix: H) the plot unfolds according to a predictable repetitive structure driven by the nagging fear that Bwengye, who has been offered to hyena by his grandmother in exchange for beans, will fall into the trap she and hyena have set. Every time they agree on a plan to capture the boy, he survives the plot out of sheer divine intervention. The hyena comes back to his grandmother to complain that she lied to him; they set up another trap; Bwengye survives again – and the same narrative pattern is re-enacted over and over. In the end, his grandmother falls victim to her own plot and is eaten by the hyena. In other stories such as “Kabananukye” or “Orukooko” (see Appendix: G) we note the use of repetitive narrative structure and refrains that recur as the plot unfolds. The refrains serve to hold together the tale’s internal structure and theme. For example, in the “Kabananukye” story we see a community effort to save a child who has been ‘abducted’ by a monster and forced into ‘marriage.’ The tale underlines the fact that a marriage is a graduated process 8

The name “Mugarura” means ‘The One Who Brings Back’ or ‘The One Who Restores’.

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into which young people are initiated at the appropriate age, with parental consent, and since the monster has violated these basic cultural norms, its self-proclaimed ‘marriage’ to a minor cannot be condoned by the community. The tale also destabilizes the notion of power insofar as the weak and the vulnerable in society (the disabled old man) conduct a successful rescue effort where the mighty (her father and uncles) have failed. Kabananukye Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere!9 Hakaba haruho omushaija yashwera omukazi we. Batuura, batuura. Bamara emyaka mingi batarikuzaara; omukazi akaba ari engumba. Baguma aho, baaza omu bafumu baraguza. Omukazi yabura kuzaara. Ku yabaire ari aho yazaara omwaana. Omwishiki bamweeta Kabananukye. Akaba ari murungi munonga, munonga. Owabaire amureeba weena amukunda. Kuyabaire aribata aheeru, ebigyere bye birungi munonga byoona bibumbwamu eshagama, eyenda kushohora. Ishe na nyina bamugira bati, “Otarishohora. Ogume omunju.” Ku yabaire ari aho, haija abaana bagyenzi be bazaanira aheru. Bazaana, bazaana, bateera akapiira na karigobe. Beeta Kabananukye bati, “Ija tuzaane.” Ayanga. Na nyentsya nikwo batyo. Bakaija n’obupiira bwingi bazaana, nawe akwatsibwa atyo ashohora, bazaana. Omuri eryo iguru, basharaho kuza kwiiha obunyatsi nawe aikiriza bagyenda nawe kwonka bamuzibira kwiha obunyatsi bamugira ngu, “Iwe otaiha obunyatsi. Nituza kukwihira.” Batyo baiha obunyatsi, nawe Kabananukye bamwihira, batyo bakoma ebiba by’obunyatsi. Haza batandika kweteenga nk’oku babaire bakora buriijo. Omwe ati, “Nyowe ninyenda ngu ku ndaze kuhika omuka nshangye bagoyire oburo n’enyama.” Ondijo ati, “Nyowe ninyenda ngu ndaze kuhika omuka nshangye Maama arungire eshabwe, atekire n’ebitakuri.” Batyo bagumizamu nibeteenga. Ku babaire bariyo nibeteenga haija orukooko rugira ruti, “Imwe baana mwe, ninyenda omukazi w’okushweera!” Rubareeba, rubareeba, rubareeba. Aha muheru, ku ruza kutoorana, rutoorana Kabananukye owabaire ari murungi munonga. Abaana batyo bagyenda nibairukanga bagambira abazaire ba Kabananukye ku orukooko rwamutwara kumushweera. Nyina ati, “Hoona omwaana wangye, kandi obwo niwe nyine wenka!” Atyo aihayo eicumu n’omuhoro airuka. Ku aba yahika omu muhanda, orukooko rumureeba rutyo rweshongora, ruti: 9

The audience repeats ‘tebere’ at every breath-stop in the narration.

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Iwe nyin’omwaana, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwiita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwaate enkoni ozagurure! Nyamiyonga tibiri Omukazi ku ahurira orukooko atiina. Ati, “Oru rukooko ka niruza kunyita!” Atyo anaga amacumu n’omuhoro airuka agarukayo. Agambira ab’omuka ati, “Ekinareeba oku,” ati, “mbwenu we Kabananukye namuhwa amatsiko!” Ishe ati, “Hoona omwaana wangye!” Nawe aronda ebye ebirwaniso atyo aza kurwanisa orukooko. Orukooko ku rwamurebiire hangahari, rutyo rweshongora, ruti: Iwe ishe omwaana, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwiita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurure! Nyamiyonga tibiri Ishe wa Kabananukye ati, “Nobeiha,” ati, “mpaka nkwitsire!” Ateera ebigyere bibiri omu maisho. Orukooko rwemerera omu kibuga rugaruka rweshongora, ruti: Iwe ishe omwaana, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwiita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurure! Nyamiyonga tibiri Ku ruheeza atiina ati, “Naafa!” Agyenda agarukayo ahuruza abanyaruganda. Boona ba ishento baija kurwanisa orukooko. Orukooko ruguma nirweshongora, boona baguma nibarugayo, nibarugayo, okuhitsya boona obu barugireyo bakaremwa. Hati boona bagira ngu, “Mbwenu ogu mwaana we,” ngu, “orukooko rwamutwaara!” Kwonka omuka yaabo hakaba harimu akagurusi k’akamuga karikugyendesa ekibunu. Akamuga katyo kagira kati, “Hoona omwaana waitu oru-

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“Let Me Tell You a Story!” kooko rwamutwaara, mwena mwazayo ngu mwaremwa?” Katyo kagira kati, “Mundondere amacumu, n’emihoro, n’enkoni, mubityaze, nze kumuronda. Ku ndaafe, nfe!” Katyo akamuga kagyenda. Ku kaba nikateembateemba, orukooko rutyo rukareeba rweshongora, ruti: Iwe kamuga we, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwiita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurure! Nyamiyonga tibiri Akamuga kati, “Mbwenu nyowe kanafiire kare.” Kati, “reka ngumizemu tureebe.” Orukooko kurureeba akamuga kayanga karwiizira, rutyo rugaruka rweshongora, ruti: Iwe Kamuga we, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwiita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurure! Nyamiyonga tibiri Akamuga kagumizamu kaaza omunju ya nyarukooko, kataaha omu kishengye. Ku kataaha omu kishengye kareeba Kabananukye. Orukooko rutetema. Ku rutetema, akamuga kakwata omuhoro karutema, karucumita n’eicumu. Ku ruba niruza kufa, ruti, “Oshare aha kaara kahera oihemu byoona ebi nariire!” Akamuga katyo kashara aha kaara kahera kaihamu ente, embuzi, abazaana, n’ebintu bingi. Katyo karucumita orukooko rufa. Akamuga katyo kebembeza ago matungo na Kabananukye. Ab’owaabo kubabaire bari aho, bareeba orushozi rwazaara abantu, rwazaara ente, rwazaara embuzi, n’ebindi bintu bingi. Batyo bareeba na Kabananukye n’akamuga kamukuratiire! Ku ntsiga bateeka obugyenyi boona bashemereirwe, nyija kukuganira.

Translation: Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere! There was once a man and he married a wife. They lived, and they lived. They spent many years without getting a child; the woman was barren. They

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stayed there like that; they went to consult medicine men. The woman failed to give birth. Then one day she gave birth to a child. The girl was named Kabananukye. Kabananukye was very, very beautiful. Whoever saw her loved her. Whenever she stepped outside, her beautiful feet would swell and blood would almost come out of her veins. Her father and mother said to her, “You should never go out. You should stay inside the house.” One time, children came and played outside her home. They played and they played, and they played football and karigobe, and they called her and said, “Kabananukye, come and we play.” But at home they had told her never to go out. She refused. And the following day they came back. And they called her again. They came with many balls, and they played and they played. Then all of a sudden, she decided to go out and play with them. While they were playing they said, “Let us go and collect some grass.” And she also agreed and they went with her. When they reached there they said to her, “You should not gather the grass. We shall gather for you.” So they gathered [grass] and after they had gathered [grass] for her, they tied [the grass] and after tying they put the grass there. Then they started making wishes like the always did. One of them said, “My wish is that when I reach home I find when they have prepared millet and beef.” Another one said, “For me my wish is that when I get home I find my mother has prepared eshabwe sauce and sweet potatoes.” And so they continued making their wishes like that. And while they were making wishes, a beast came. It said, “You children, I want a woman to marry!” It looked at them, and it looked at them, and it looked at them. Finally, when it decided to pick one of them, it picked Kabananukye, the one who was the most beautiful. When it took her, the children went running and they told her father and mother, saying a beast came looking for a girl to marry and it took her. The mother cried, “My child, and moreover she is the only child I have!” So she got a spear, and she got a machete and she ran. She ran and on her way, the beast saw her and when it saw her it started singing, like this: You mother of the child, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri10 You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? 10

Nyamiyonga is a person’s name, but the phrase ‘Nyamiyonga tibiri’ is simply used to achieve musicality in the refrain.

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“Let Me Tell You a Story!” Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and go away! Nyamiyonga tibiri When the woman heard the song, she said, “This beast is going to kill me!” The machete and spears that she had she left them there and ran. When she reached home she said, “What I have seen over there,” she said, “I have already lost all hope about Kabananukye!” “My child!” The father exclaimed. And he also looked for his weapons, he looked for spears and he looked for machetes and he ran. When it saw him at a distance, it started singing, like this: You father of the child, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and go away! Nyamiyonga tibiri The father of Kabananukye said, “No, that is a lie!” he said, “Not until I kill you!” And he moved two steps in front. Then the beast stood in the courtyard and again it started singing, saying: You father of the child, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and go away! Nyamiyonga tibiri When it finished singing he thought, “I am dead!” He went back and mobilized all the relatives. All the uncles went to fight the beast. The beast kept singing again, and they all kept going back, and they kept going back [home], until they all went back and gave up. And they all said, “As for that child,” they said, “the beast has taken her!” In that home there was a small, disabled old man who crawled around the house. The disabled man said, “So our child has been taken by the beast, and you all say you went and tried and you failed?” And he said, “Get me spears and sharpen them, and look for machetes and sticks, and I will go and look for her. If I die, let me die!”

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So the disabled old man went. And he went and he went. As he was ascending the hill, the beast saw him. And it started singing, like this: You disabled man, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri The disabled old man said, “As for me I died a long time ago.” And he kept going and kept going. When he kept going, the beast stood outside and it sang: You disabled man, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri The disabled old man refused [to stop] and he kept going. And the disabled man went and entered the bedroom. When he entered the bedroom he saw Kabananukye. The beast started trembling. When it started trembling, he got a machete, cut the beast, and stabbed it with his spear. When it was about to die, it said, “Cut my little finger and remove all the things I have ever eaten!” He cut it and when he cut it he brought out cows, brought out goats, and brought out servants, and many other things. And after the things came out, he stabbed it and it died. After it had died he took Kabananukye and the cows and servants, and goats led the way. Suddenly, the people at home saw the hill giving birth to people, and cows, and goats and Kabananukye. And the disabled old man was following behind them. When they were feasting and happy, I left and came to tell you the story. [Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. NR (Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005)]

In “Kabananukye” we see a consistent repetition of the line “Nyamiyonga tibiri” in the refrain sung by the monster. This element of repetition enhances the text’s external structure as well as its acoustic appeal. The line becomes the ‘chorus’ for the audience to join in and sing with the narrator. Several phrases are also repeated: “It looked at them, and it looked at them, and it looked at them,” or “And he also looked for his weapons, he looked for

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spears, and he looked for machetes, and he ran.” The repetition here serves to heighten action and tension in the story as evil is confronted so that social justice may prevail. We are able to visualize the fear on the children’s faces, or the frantic actions of the mother and father as they look for their weapons. In the “Orukooko” story below, a repetitive structure is similarly used as a device for underlining the value and stability of family. Through Warukuba, Warugwe, Warucuncu and Wakame’s action of killing a monster that is threatening to devour their mother, we also see the role of young people in taking caring of their parents when they grow older. Orukooko Eira naira, hakaba hariho akakaikuru akabaire kaine abaana baako bana: Warukuba, Warugwe, Warucuncu na Wakame. Boona kakaba katura nabo omunju emwe. Abaana baako aba bakaba bakatsigaho baza kuhiiga. Eizooba rimwe ku kabaire kari konka omu kaju kaako, haija orukooko rwakabuuza nirutongyerera nirugira ruti: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkuneere orye gatakahozire!” Nikwo akakaikuru kureeta bakanenera, kaarya, orukooko nikwo kugyenda. Abaana ku bagarukire, nyinabo yabagambira ekyabaho boona bashoberwa n’okwerarikirira kwingi kwonka ku baheza babirugaho. Eizooba eryakuratsireho bagaruka bagyenda. Orukooko narwo rugaruka rukora nka butoosha. Rutyo rwiija rweeta: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga

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Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rugaruka rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire!” Abaana ku bagarukire, kagaruka kabagambira ekyabaho ogundi murundi. Nikwo kusharaho kutsiga Wakame omuka kwenda ngu areebe ekirikuteganisa nyinabo. Orukooko rugaruka bwanyima y’abandi kugyenda. Wakame ayeshereka omunju, orukooko rutandika rubuuza akakaikuru nka butoosha. Wakame agyenda nairuka agambira bagyenzi be kuyareeba orukooko ruri ruhango. Eizooba eryakuratsireho batsigaho Warucuncu ngu arurwanise. Batyo bagyenda baza kuhiiga nka butoosha. Nabwo nka butoosha orukooko rugaruka rweeta: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rugaruka rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire!” Warucuncu ayeshereka areeba rwaija, areeba ebi rurikukora. Na Warucuncu arutiina, ayiruka agarukayo agambira abandi ku atarikubasa orukooko. Boona bashoberwa. Ogundi murundi Warukuba aba niwe yatsigara omuka. Ebindi ku byabaire byaheza kugyenda, narwo nikwo kwiija rutandika kubuuza akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rugaruka rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire. Ku kabaire katandika kureeta entemere, Warukuba agurukayo arubarukira arutera, rucuura ruti, “Nsaasiira, oshare akaara kahera oihemu eby’orikwenda

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byona!” Warukuba yabiihamu, yaheeza yagaruka yayerenga, yarubarukira yaruteera, yarwiita. Ku natsigire barwiita, bagaigahara, baza omu busingye, nanye nti, “Reka nyije mbaganire!”

Translation: Long, long ago, there was an old woman and she had her four children: Warukuba, Warugwe, Warucuncu, and Wakame.11 All of them stayed with her in the same house. Her children would leave her and go to hunt. One day while she was alone in her tiny house, there came a monster and it asked her while chanting like this: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

And so it said to her, “All right, bring your basket and I bite off a piece for you before [the food] gets cold.” Then the old woman brought [the basket] and they gave her a piece, she ate and the monster went. When the children returned their mother told them what had happened and all of them were surprised and very worried but after a while they forgot about it. The following day they went away again. The monster also came back and did as usual. And it came and started calling: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: 11

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

The names here refer to animal characters – Warugwe (Leopard), Warucuncu (Lion), Wakame (Hare), except Warukuba (Thunder), and they echo the children’s character. Thus Wakame (the clever one) is the first to stay at home to investigate what was troubling their mother, while Warukuba (the brave one with the power of thunder) finally dares to attack and kill the monster.

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And once again it said to her, “All right, bring your basket and I bite off a piece for you before [the food] gets cold.” When the children returned, she told them what had happened for the second time. So they decided to leave Wakame at home so that he finds out what was giving their mother a hard time. After the others had gone, the monster came back. Wakame hid in the house, and the monster started asking the old woman as usual. When he realized the monster was huge, Wakame ran and told his brothers. The following day they left behind Warucuncu to fight it, and so they went to hunt as usual. As it did every day, the monster started singing: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

And so it said to her once again, “All right, bring your basket and I will bite off a piece for you to eat before [the food] gets cold!” Warucuncu hid and saw it come, and he saw what it was doing. Warucuncu was also scared; he ran back to tell the others that he could not fight the monster. They were all worried. Another time, it was Warukuba’s turn to stay at home. When the others had gone away, it [the monster] came and started asking the old woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

And so it said to her once again, “All right, bring your basket and I bite off a piece for you before [the food] gets cold.” While she was bringing the basket, Warukuba sprung up and attacked it, and hit it, and it started crying and saying, “Forgive me, cut off my last finger and remove whatever you want!”

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Warukuba removed whatever he wanted and again he attacked it, and hit it and it died. And after they had killed it, and became rich, and lived in peace, I said, “Let me come here and tell you this story!” [Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. AT (Ruharo, Ankole, 18 June 2005)]

In “Orukooko,” we see a predictable structure: the children go to hunt; the old woman is left alone; a monster appears; it goes through a question and answer session with the old woman; then the same structure unfolds at the next encounter between the monster and the old woman. The plot follows a repetitive pattern until the end when the monster is killed and all that it had eaten recovered. As in “Kabananukye” the refrains in “Orukooko” are predictable, and they are sung at regular intervals to punctuate similar episodes. They provide a break from the narrative detail, and the audience anticipates them and invariably joins in with the narrator in the song. Finally, another aspect through which repetition of certain words or phrases occurs is when the narrator is trying to create comparatives and superlatives. For example, in the interview with Kyeyune that I cited earlier she says “musigalamu abatono, abatono, abatono” (they remain few, few, few). In English comparatives and superlatives are normally created by infixing or affixing a morpheme at the end of the adverb or adjective, for example, “few, fewer, fewest.” The structure of some African languages such as Luganda thus makes this internal rhythm inevitable.

Using Environmental Signifiers In addition to using repetition and sound patterning, some texts such as the Luganda counting rhyme “Emu” performed by Alice Kulabigwo (see Appendix: F) relate concepts to environmental signifiers. This rhyme is not so much about semantic sense as it is about achieving musicality so that children can sing it as they play. Children memorize the numbers one to ten by relating them to familiar objects in their local environment: Emu Bbiri Ssatu Nnya Taano Mukaaga 12

– Emugga12 – Bbiringanya – Saatuula – Ennyanya – Tannadda – Muka gundi

In other versions of the song, the word ‘emiwula’ is used instead of ‘emugga’.

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– Musavuwaza – Munanuula – Olwendo – Ku muti guli!

Translation: One – [At] a well Two – Eggplant Three – I did not sit Four – Tomatoes Five – She/he has not come back Six – Someone’s wife Seven – One that exaggerates13 Eight – One that elongates Nine – A calabash Ten – On that tree! [Rec: AM and AK; tr. AM; perf. AK (Kazo, Buganda, 6.30.05)]

The beauty of the rhyme and its mnemonic effect lie in the matching of the number with a word that rhymes with it regardless of the meaning produced, for example, emu / emugga, bbiri / biringanya, ssatu / saatuula. Children perform it while counting off stones, beans, or sticks. The acoustic pattern produced makes it easy for the child to memorize the numerals. That way, information retrieval becomes easy, more so because the objects mentioned in the rhyme are familiar in the child’s local environment – a well, a calabash, tomatoes, or a tree. Attaching words and ideas to events or familiar environmental signifiers that are ever-present referents aids recall, an important aspect of storytelling. The events and objects in the environment then become stand-ins for the concept. These referents give the otherwise evanescent oral text its concreteness. The object is there both as a representation of an idea but also, in some ways, as the idea itself. In that sense, oral cultures, as Walter Ong observes, are homeostatic, for words acquire meaning from their “actual habitat, which is not, as in a dictionary, simply other words, but includes also gestures, vocal inflections, facial expression, and the entire human, existential setting in which the real, spoken word always occurs.”14 Environmental signifiers thus become useful tools for information recall. 13

“Musavuwaza” also literally translates as ‘One that fattens’. Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (1982; London & New York: Routledge, 2002): 46–47. 14

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To sum up, therefore, we have noted that although narrators rely on several stock formulas their narrative strategies also vary individually. While Banyankore and Baganda storytellers, for example, use the same opening formulas, they also creatively use a signature closing for each story as a mark of their personal style. Opening and closing formulas are a useful tool for establishing rapport and credibility with the audience and to signal closure at the end of the narration as the narrator extricates himself or herself from the fantasy world of the tale. The structures of oral texts, which I have outlined above, are also useful as mnemonic elements in the telling process. Tellers inevitably draw on these structures for recalling information, or for structuring the narrative plot. In addition, we have also noted that narrators use several rhetorical devices and discourse markers to punctuate the narrative plot, to signal moments of sociability during the storytelling event, and for dialogic purposes. The formulaic and repetitive structures of these oral texts also give them rhythm and musicality, and act as aides-mémoire. In folktales, repetition of refrains or recurring narrative patterns often underlines the main theme of the story. Finally, familiar events and environmental signifiers are also an important aspect of telling because they are ever-present referents that aid information recall. The events and objects in the local environment are used as stand-ins for the concepts and they give the evanescent oral text its concreteness.

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T

From Tape to the Page

that verbal material is reproducible in written form. The challenge when dealing with the oral record is that it must be reproduced as it is said in its original context; it cannot simply be reported or paraphrased. In other words, the transcript ought to document faithfully what is recorded on tape, video, C D , M P 3, and such other sound recording devices. That is the most difficult part. Nowadays, modern digital sound recorders that make it easier to reproduce sound are available, albeit costly. Modern equipment notwithstanding, reproducing a verbal text along with the aura of the moment – the context, the mood, tone, gesture, and other nonverbal elements of communication – remains problematical. Elizabeth Fine attributes this problem to the ephemeral nature of verbal art performances: “Even when we have audio and video or film recordings to preserve them, the sounds and images are fluid – they will not hold still for analysis.”1 The oral text in many ways remains evanescent, eluding the collector’s efforts to fully arrest it in print. From my field experience, recording and transcribing information from tape to the page is an arduous task. My research assistants and I had taped over a dozen audio tapes in three languages and at the end of it all we had to transfer the oral material to paper. Working with three Ugandan languages (Luganda, Runyankore–Rukiga and Runyarwanda–Rufumbira) was not a problem for me, as I speak all three fluently, as well as four other Bantu languages spoken in central and south-western Uganda. The research assistants I worked with in each study area are also native speakers of the local languages there and therefore had no problem transcribing into the local alphabet.

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RANSCRIBERS OFTEN PRESUME

Elizabeth Fine, The Folklore Text: From Performance to Print (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1984): 1.

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The process of transcription involved sitting for long hours, playing and replaying the tape to capture every word. We soon discovered that a few sections of our audio tapes were not well recorded, so it took painstaking replay to capture the words. Where the words are not clear, I had to indicate this on the transcript, as is evident from some excerpts I have used in Chapter 2. When research assistants participate in recording and transcription, the collector must give them specific instructions. For example, they need to remember important details such as asking respondents to provide information about themselves at the start of each session, including name, location, date and time of the meeting, details about the audience and even the text they are going to perform. Taking detailed notes on the above points is always useful, especially as the collector can easily be carried away with the narration and forgot to ask the teller to announce his or her personal information on tape. While reviewing the tapes, I found it helpful to consult my field notes in order to reconcile the information on the recording with the transcript. But not all research assistants are going to do a good job in transcribing the tapes. In my case, some texts were not transcribed verbatim as I had wanted; instead, some details were edited or paraphrased. Sometimes my assistants inserted explanatory details in the tale to elucidate some concepts in the local culture. This was certainly not part of the text itself, though the information did, of course, prove useful as footnotes. The challenge for every transcriber, then, is always to narrow the everpresent gap between the oral text and the transcript. Many scholars have proposed various strategies for doing this, but whether their techniques have achieved transparency in their transcripts remains an issue for debate.

The Tedlock Method In an effort to narrow this tape-to-page gap, Dennis Tedlock proposed an “oral poetics” by which he sought to provide a praxis for documenting oral texts.2 Studies of this subject had been undertaken in the early 1960s by the school pioneered by Dell Hymes.3 Hymes advocated a “proper and detailed 2

Dennis Tedlock, The Spoken Word and the Work of Interpretation (Philadelphia:

U of Pennsylvania P , 1983): 31–61; see also Tedlock, “Toward an Oral Poetics,” New

Literary History 8.3 (Spring 1977): 507–19, and “On the Translation of Style in Oral Narrative,” Journal of American Folklore 84/331 (January–March 1971): 114–33. 3 Dell Hymes, “The Ethnography of Speaking,” in Anthropology and Human Behavior, ed. Thomas Gladwin & William C. Sturtevant (Washington D C : Anthro-

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documentation of the social and other contexts of speech.”4 In 1964, Tedlock began his field research among the Native American communities of Shiwin’a (Zuni) in New Mexico, and the Quiché5 speakers of Momostenango in Guatemala in 1975, studying oral tales of the local people and their art of storytelling.6 He not only learned the local languages but also made an effort to understand the performance tradition of these peoples.7 Tedlock compared his own performable transcriptions of the stories from tape-recording to visible text and made some adjustments to the original scripts; some of the stories were kept in the original conversational matrix of the tellers and their audience. In the process of reproducing these stories through transcription and translation, Tedlock began to take note of what he calls the “direct confrontation between what I have learned from storytellers and the norms of academic writing” when he cast one of his talks about performance in the form of a script.8 In short, he saw a disconnect between the way stories are told in their real contexts and the way they are reproduced in print. He suggested that one of the errors made by scholars such as Dell Hymes was that their transcriptions did not capture the real speech behaviour of the tellers. The peculiarities of oral style were often edited out, thus producing what Okpewho calls “perfunctory translations of the tales which they collected, in the belief that content or message was more important in these matters than style.”9 In his method, therefore, Tedlock wanted to transcribe “performable texts” that were as close as possible to the oral narrative tradition of the Shiwin’a and Quiché communities he worked with. For example, in the Shiwin’a tale pological Society of Washington, 1962): 13–53. 4 Okpewho, Oral Performance, 117. See also E. Ojo Arewa & Alan Dundes, “Proverbs and the Ethnography of Speaking Folklore,” American Anthropologist 66.6 (1964): 70–85, and Richard Bauman & Joel Sherzer, Explorations in the Ethnography of Speaking (New York: Cambridge UP, 1974). 5 Quiché is a Mayan dialect spoken by half a million people. See Tedlock, Spoken Word, 14. 6 Tedlock, Spoken Word, 14. 7 Tedlock formulated a guide to the notation and pronunciation of Shiwin’a and Quiché words. See Tedlock, Spoken Word, 20–22. 8 Spoken Word, 16, 109–23. 9 Oral Performance, 115. Okpewho criticizes D.T. Niane’s transcription of Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali, which, he argues, reads more like a neatly edited novel than a recorded oral narrative. See Okpewho, African Oral Literature, 296.

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“The Girl and the Protector,” he employs different typographical techniques to transcribe the text. He uses uppercase letters to indicate words spoken in a high tone and parenthesized italics to signal words uttered in a soft tone, or gestures. For vocal inflection, he employs chant split lines to signal “an interval of about three-half tones between them”; drawn-out repeated letters and held vowels followed by long dashes to show how long “it would take to say the words occupying an equal amount of space”; and spilling letters to indicate what he calls a glissando.10 To indicate breath stops in the narration, Tedlock introduces line breaks (as used in poetry), arguing that “spoken narratives are better understood as ‘dramatic poetry’ than as an analogue of our written prose fiction.”11 The basis of his argument is that oral narration uses emotionally charged language between the narrator and audience, and it is therefore inadequate to record it by using prose. Transcription techniques that attempt to capture tonal variation and voice inflection have been adapted variously by other collectors. For example, Okpewho uses capitalization and stage directions in his transcriptions of oral narratives by Charles “Boy” Simayi, but in others texts he does not.12 In their transcription of Sunjata,13 an African epic performed with music, Gordon Innes and Bakari Sidibe also employ techniques of capitalization and stage directions. In Indian Ocean Folktales (2002),14 Lee Haring recontextualizes the stories and breaks up the lines to suit his purposes. In Nandwa and Bukenya’s collection, brackets indicate repeated lines in a song – in the story “The Four Sisters: A Gusii Ogre Tale,” for example, the song is recorded thus: Baria makore igena ri’Agamba motaigweti [repeated twice] Gose Masagisa abeyekire Inani magongo buna monto? Those who are at the stone at Agamba [repeated twice] Don’t you hear that the Masagisa has carried an ogre on her back like a human being?15 10

Tedlock, Spoken Word, 20. Spoken Word, 55. 12 Oral Performance, 119. See, for instance, Okpewho’s transcription of this tale in Oral Performance, 127–35. 13 See Gordon Innes & Bakari Sidibe, Sunjata (Harmondsworth & New York: Penguin, 1999). 14 Lee Haring, Indian Ocean Folktales (Velachery, India: National Folklore Support Centre, 2002). 15 Nandwa & Bukenya, African Oral Literature for Schools, 65. 11

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Instead of writing the repeated lines separately, Nandwa and Bukenya report the repetition in parenthesis. They also try to reproduce sounds, as when the croaking of the frog is imitated as “N’grooooo!” in the story “Why the Frog Croaks.”16 The stories are recorded in flowing prose; repetitive phrases typical of oral speech are edited to form flowing sentences. This is perhaps because their project aimed at producing a textbook for use in teaching English in schools and thus had to be edited further to meet official educational requirements.

Transcription Techniques I applied only a few of Tedlock’s techniques in my transcriptions, but I found his use of lineation helpful for determining verses and line breaks in the songs, and breath stops in the narratives. I also used the idea of stage directions to differentiate the transcriber’s words from those of the narrator. Where I interrupt the narrative to indicate, for example, the tone, the mood, or the audience’s side comments, I put my words in brackets. I find it a better strategy to explain to the reader, in brackets, what is happening during the telling process than to attempt to transcribe the ‘untranscribable’. For example, in the Kyeishe story below, I use comments in brackets to describe to the reader such extra details as may not be captured in textual form. Since narrative strategies vary with each genre in any community, not all methods may be helpful in documenting certain texts. For example, some verbal texts are highly dramatic and emotively charged when accompanied by music or dance17 that enhance their poetic impact. Such texts need to be recorded to indicate verse breaks. But I also concur with Pepper Clark and Okpewho that for texts narrated in ordinary, everyday speech with no musical accompaniment, this technique may be unnecessary.18 I therefore recorded in the ordinary language of conversation all the stories I collected. I used versification only when transcribing songs. 16

African Oral Literature for Schools, 80. The ebyevugo and ibyivugo, for example, are accompanied with rhythmic hand and foot movements by the performer and are accentuated at every breath stop by chants of ‘Ee-ee!’ or ‘Yebare!’ (‘Thank you!’) by the audience. 18 John Pepper Clark–Bekederemo, for instance, argues that he recorded The Ozidi Saga in prose style rather than in verse because it was narrated in everyday speech with no musical accompaniment. 17

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Even for poetic texts, however, determining line breaks and stanzas requires certain principles to guide transcriptions, such as the following, which I myself followed: (a)

(b)

(c)

A breath stop in a chant or song signals a line break, while a full pause might indicate the end of a stanza. In transcribing narratives, breath stops or pauses are indicated by commas, semi-colons or full stops. When a lead soloist is answered by a repeated refrain, then the refrain indicates a line break. For example, in the “Nakeera Nkya” rhyme the audience’s chant “Hm!” marks off the end of each line. However, when a refrain comes after several lines, then I use it to mark the end of a stanza (See, for example, “Tiiwe Wantsigireho” or “Omuri Nkore Nimanya Ekirimu” – Appendix: Runyankore-Rukiga Children’s Songs). In oral texts with a dialogic structure (for example, “Wampologoma, Sawa Meka?”) the words chanted or sung by performer and audience are presented as different lines in the verse (See Appendix: Luganda Children’s Songs). In narratives, I have relied on dialogue between narrator and audience, or transitional markers in the oral culture – such as Mbwenu (So /Well/Now), Atyo (And so he /she; And like that), None /Noneho (Now /So), Nuuko (Well), or Munange (My dear) – to determine paragraph breaks. To illustrate, in the Luganda story “Wakikere ne Wamusota” (see Appendix: Luganda Folktales) I use dialogue between Frog and Snake and the discourse marker ‘Munange’ to delineate paragraphs: …Agenda okudda omulundi omulala nga emmere yonna eweddewo; nga ebya ssava byona biweddewo. Wakikere nagamba, “Iyii!” Oli namugamba, “Naawe oluddeyo! Kakati nolwayo, emmere eweddewo!” Munnange nga babeera awo… …When he came the second time all the food was finished; the sumptuous meal was all finished. “Iyii!” Frog sighed. The other said to him, “You are so slow! You delayed, now all the food is finished!” My dear, they sat there for a while… [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. DDK (Lukomera, Luweero, 6.8.05)]

In a sense, I have ‘imposed’ the mechanics of writing on the oral text for structural purposes. The dialogic structure, as I presented it here, helps to

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show the unravelling of the plot when Snake tricks Frog by telling him to keep washing his dirty hands until they are clean while the former keeps eating. (d)

(e)

Repetitious lines mark line breaks. See, for example, the Runyankore rhyme “Mp’enkoni”: “Mp’enkoni engarama zaizire / Zaizire nizicunda ebinwa / Ebinwa ebya Rutendegyere / Rutendegyere enkuba emuteere…” (See Appendix: D). In this example, when the last word in one line is carried over to the beginning of the next through an iterative trope, I use that to determine line breaks. Repeated lines are recorded as separate verses (See, for example, “Data, Mpa Isente” – See Appendix: E): “Data, mpa isente ngyende kw’ishuri / Data, mpa isente ngyende kw’ishuri”).

Transcription of the Oral Communicative Moment The transcription process does not limit itself to words on the tape. It also takes into account the entire oral communicative moment: interjections by the audience, the collector’s probing questions, the laughter, gesticulations, and, as far as is possible, other paralinguistic elements that punctuate the entire speech act. A collector may not be able to capture all these things in a session, but it is helpful to readers if he or she captures as much of the moment as possible because such information aids their understanding and analysis of the text once it stands alone on the page. In order to demonstrate how a transcriber’s interventions in the text help the reader to understand the communication moment better, I will comment on the following transcript of the Kyeishe story, which I briefly referred to earlier in Chapter 2. My comments as transcriber are designated in parentheses. The telling takes place at the informant’s home in Burimbi village, Rushere, after the evening meal, and the audience includes four adults (see Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Folktales for the full text): Omwana Owatambiire Mukuruwe Owahutaire Omushaija akaba aine abakazi babiri. Abakazi abo ba…bazaa… ow’okubanza yazaara owana w’omwoojo. N’owakabiri nawe yaija yazaara omwana w’omwoojo. [Hariho ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu; Kyeishe yakora omw’iraka]. Mbwenu kwonka oriya omukazi omukuru akaba ayenda ngu omwoojo ow’omukazi omuto affe atakaahungura ebintu n’oriya omutabani. [Hariho ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu]. Akiza owa nyina, nyina amuhabura

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amarogo g’okwija kwiita [Ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu byagumizamu; Kyeishe yahunama] omwana ogwo. Kwonka kandi we akaba aine rukundo, aine embabazi. [Ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu byagumizamu]. Mbwenu, nyina azaho amu… amuhabura ati – [Hariho ebyayehonda omu kiyungu]. M R S K Y E I S H E [Tiyahurira gye; amucw’ ekirimi]: Owabaire aine rukundo, nooha? K Y E I S H E [akora omw’iraka]: N’omukazi. Kwonka nyina we akaba amuhabura ngu aronde omubazi aguheereze ou ari muka-ishe, affe, reero ente aije omutabani azihungure wenka. We omukazi akaba atakiine, kwonka kiinwe nyina omukazi. Mbwenu amufuutira omubazi – M R S K Y E I S H E [ashoboorora ebitayetegyerezibwa]: – Mbwenu nyinenkuru w’omwana niwe wabaire akiine. K Y E I S H E : Eee. Amufutira omubazi gwokuhereza ou ari muka-ishe ngu affe. Agureeta. Amuragirira n’oku aragumuhe. [Hariho ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu]. Mbwenu ku yabaire ahik’aho, akiba naija yahika omu muhanda, agureeba, agwaata. [Hariho ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu; Kyeishe yahunama]. Aija ataaha. Akimara omwanya yazayo, ati [obwo nagamba narahukiriza, omw’iraka ry’ahaiguru] “okagumuha?” Oni ati, “Un-huuh.” Ati, “Akaffa?” Oni ati, “Ariho!” Ati, ati…, “Iwe mwana neihano, akagunywa?” Ati, “Unh-unh,” ati, “toragumuhaire gye!” Mbwenu amukorera, amufutira, amugirira oku… ati, “Torikugumuha!” [Ati,] “Naafa!” Omukazi akiija yahika omu muhanda yareeba omwana, hmm, [nayorekyereza n’emikono] agwata. Okuhitsya obu yagizire omukazi, nyina, ati “omwana neihano andemire!” Mbwenu bwanyima baza aha rutaro; kandi orutaro manya ti rwa hati. Barwaana – M R S K Y E I S H E : – Abo bari abaana? K Y E I S H E : Abaana abo bari abashaija, bari abatsigazi. Baza omu rutaro – obwo noshusha oti nibwo babaire nibeeta obweemi – barwaana. Ku barwaana, oriya ou… ou nyina… ou nyinenkuru yabaire ahabura ngu baite omurumuna, bamuhutaaza yahutaara. Bamucumita. Ku bamucumita [Omukyara Kyeishe n’agambira omu biho], yagwa, ku yagwa omurumuna yaija yamubandaguzaho yamutasya omu kishaka. [Omukyara Kyeishe n’agambira omu biho, aine ou arikugamba nawe. Kyeishe akora omw’iraka]. Kwonka bariya engabo

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From Tape to Page ezabaire niirwana, bakehereera oriya yagwa, bamwiita. [Amaraka agatarikuhurirwa]. Engabo itabaaruka itaaha. Ku zitandika nihik’aho bababuuza. Ngu, “Tukareeba nanka nibamucumita yagwa.” Ngu, “Noshusha oti akaffa,” ngu “noshusha oti n’omurumuna nawe bakamwiita!” Ngu, “Tukabaherera obwo.” Kunu we ataaha nawe omu kishaka. M R S K Y E I S H E [omucw’ ekirimi]: Baagira bata? Onsaasire – […]

The Boy Who Saved His Wounded Stepbrother’s Life A man had two wives. Those wives were…were…the first one gave birth to a son. And the second one also gave birth to a son. [A clanging sound in the kitchen; Kyeishe raises his voice]. Now, but the elder wife wanted the son of the younger wife to die so that he does not inherit the property with the stepbrother. [A bang in the kitchen]. Whenever he went to his mother’s house, his mother would advise him on what poison would kill [more clanging noises; Kyeishe pauses] that child. But for him he had love, he was kind. [More clanging noises]. Now, his mother would…finally she advised him and said – [Louder noise from the kitchen]. M R S K Y E I S H E [Cannot hear clearly; interrupts]: The one who had love, who was it? K Y E I S H E [raises his voice]: It is the woman. But her mother would advise her to look for poison and give it to the stepson, and he dies, so that her son would inherit the cows alone. The woman did not have it [jealousy], but the woman’s mother had it. So she prepared a poisonous potion – M R S K Y E I S H E [clarifies the mix-up]: So the child’s grandmother is the one who had it [jealousy] – K Y E I S H E : Eee. She prepared a potion to give to her stepson so that he dies. She brought it. She explained how he would give it to him. [A clanging sound from the kitchen]. Now, every time he would reach there, on his way, he would look at it [the poison], and he would pour it. [Noise in the kitchen; Kyeishe pauses]. Then he would come back home. After some time he would go there, and she would ask him, saying [speaks very fast, in a high-pitched tone], “Did you give it to him?” He said, “Un-huuh.” And she said, “Did he die?” He said, “He is alive!” She said…she said, “You child, this is terrible, did he drink it?” She said, “Unh-unh,” and she said, “you did not give it to him in the right way!” So she

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did it again for him, prepared the potion, and explained how to…and she said, “You did not give it to him!” [He said to himself,] “I am dead!” Whenever [the boy] went and saw the other child on his way, hmm, [motions his hands] he would pour it [the poison]. Then one day he told the woman, his mother, and said, “That child is amazing, I have failed to trick him!” Now, after some time they went to fight in a war – you see, war is not something that has started today. They fought – M R S K Y E I S H E : The other children? K Y E I S H E : Those children, they were men, they were young men. They went to war – that is what they used to call obweemi – and they fought. When they fought in war, the other one…whose grandmother was advising that they kill his stepbrother, they injured him. They speared him. When they speared him [inaudible comment from Mrs Kyeishe], he fell, and when he fell the stepbrother came, grabbed him and put him in a bush. [Mrs Kyeishe, inaudible, talks to someone. Kyeishe raises his voice]. But the other warriors who were fighting, they saw him fall down, dead. [Inaudible voices]. The warriors returned home. As soon as they got there they asked them. They said, “We saw so-and-so when he was wounded and he fell down.” And they said, “It seems he died”; and they added, “it seems even his younger brother [stepbrother] was also killed!” They said, “That is when we last saw them.” They did not know he was with him in the bush. M R S K Y E I S H E [interjects]: What did they say? I beg your pardon – [Rec: AM and DK; tr. AM; perf. YK (Burimbi, Nyabushozi, 15 July 2005

The domestic circumstances of the telling and the close relationship between Kyeishe and his wife influence the narration. Verbal and non-verbal elements punctuate the entire oral communicative moment and the manner in which the telling evolves. For instance, Kyeishe’s wife keeps interjecting, “Baagira bata? Onsaasire – ” (‘What did they say? I beg your pardon – ‘), making her husband repeat himself several times, thus creating a back-and-forth movement in the narrative plot. She is not paying full attention, as she is distracted by clanging noises emanating from the kitchen. Mrs Kyeishe’s attention is divided between giving instructions to the cook and listening to her husband’s story. Additionally, the distractive clanging noise in the kitchen (someone is preparing tea for the guests) interrupts the flow of the narrative. At one point, Kyeishe raises his voice and speaks faster in reply, an indication of his impatience with the distracting noise. One way to explain this disruption in the

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narrative process is by drawing on the concept of noise in communication theory. Noise, as Claude Shannon and Warren Weaver observed, is a key dysfunctional factor in the communication process because it interferes with the message flow from sender to receiver.19 Shannon and Weaver’s theory of communication, of course, does not address the specifics of a live performance, and assumes that meaning is stable and the message itself unproblematical, but their concept helps us to understand how the noise from the kitchen affects the storytelling moment. For example, Kyeishe gets distracted, raising his voice to keep up with the noise. He also gets mixed up; for a while we are not sure who was preparing the poison and who she was giving it to – the stepmother or the grandmother? As a result, Mrs Kyeishe keeps interjecting and asking questions to seek clarification (‘The one who had love, who was it?’). Transcribing all that is going on during this storytelling session helps the reader to re-create the oral communicative moment. It is therefore necessary for the transcriber to try as much as possible to provide all these contextual details where applicable. Giving the reader details of the nuances of the moment, the tonal variations, the sounds and voices is necessary because I believe all these affect the flow of the story and the way the reader understands it. When a transcription provides us with as much contextual information as it can, we are in a better position to ‘flesh out’ the words on the page. Once detached from their communicative moment, words on the page have to speak for themselves. They stand alone, deprived of their social and cultural context. If a tape recording, as, indeed, Graham Furniss has argued, can be seen in some sense as words ‘taken out of context’ – inasmuch as they are extracted from a specific social and historical moment and space – then a transcription is a step further removed from that real moment. The recorded speech act, much like the printed text, “has the potential to evoke feelings, reactions, meanings, as had the original performance /reading”;20 however, once repeated later to a new audience in a new situation, it may not necessarily evoke the same emotions or reactions as before. Referring to his trans19

Quoted in Denis McQuail & Sven Windahl, Communication Models for the Study of Mass Communications (London & New York: Longman, 1981): 12, and John Fiske, Introduction to Communication Studies (London & New York: Routledge, 1990): 6– 10. 20 Graham Furniss, Orality: The Power of the Spoken Word (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004): 72.

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lations of Mandinka epics, Gordon Innes acknowledges the difficulties of reproducing emotions from tape to print: I have become increasingly aware that although it is possible to translate the narrative part – the account of events – reasonably satisfactorily, I am failing to convey to the English reader the emotive force of the formulae.21 .

He observes that while annotation may help the reader to “understand why certain formulae have powerful emotional overtones for a Mandinka listener […] it cannot enable the reader to share the Mandinka listener’s response.”22 I agree with Innes that what we can infer from the words on the page depends entirely on what the collector has provided us with in terms of text, unless we have the privilege of accessing the tape recordings again. Having underlined the value of providing contextual information, the nuances of the moment, the mood, tone, and side comments, I should perhaps also add that while these are useful for scholarly analysis, we cannot expect a transcript to evoke the same emotional response in the English reader as that in the native listener /reader. After all, for the academic reader who desires to go beyond the words on the page, who is interested in investigating the interplay between the teller, audience, and storytelling context, the original tape recording is always available. The challenge for the collector is to try to bridge the gap between what actually happened during the recording and the way it is represented on paper later. Transcribing vocal modulation, for example, can present another challenge. How do we record accented sounds for emotional appeal? If we were to focus on the emotional appeal of the Kyeishe story, we would probably transcribe this excerpt as follows: Mbwenu, arugaho aha kiro eky’aka… [nayoreka engaro ibiri] amuta aha mabega. Aija amuhekire nakururuka, namukurura, amuremire-e-e. Mbwenu, aha kiro kya kashatu bareeba yareetwa nk’aho eruguru omwishaazi-i-i, amuheekire. [Bagambira omu biho, abantu baatangaara]. Now, later he, on this…day [flashes two fingers] he put him on his shoulders. He came carrying him on his back, trudging on, dragging him, too-o-o h-e-e-aa-vy for him to carry. So, on the third day they suddenly saw him emerge…

21

Gordon Innes, “Formulae in Mandinka Epic: The Problem of Translation,” in The Oral Performance in Africa, ed. Isidore Okpewho (Ibadan: Spectrum, 1990): 107. 22 Innes, “Formulae in Mandinka Epic: The Problem of Translation,” 107–108.

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like from there on the upper side of the cattle kr-a-a-al, carrying him on his back.

In this excerpt, I have tried to capture the emotional appeal for experimental purposes. I say ‘experimental’ because I am aware of the practical difficulties of attempting to present a text in this way (too-o-o h-e-e-a-a-vy). Kyeishe uses word-end stresses (“amuremire-e-e”) to evoke the intensity of the character’s action. The word stresses I am talking about here are, I think, different from the kind of high-pitched lines Tedlock uses to represent Zuni chanted lines in his transcription of, say, “The Talk.”23 The above speech mannerism I am referring to is typical of many Bantu speakers. For example, to capture the intensity of someone’s crying, a Bantu speaker from Ankole will say, “Yariraa-a-a” (She cri-i-e-ed) where ordinarily an English speaker might say, “She cried and cried.” I repeat the stressed vowel sound at the end of the word to bring out the emotion that goes with speech. The point I am making, however, is that to capture such tone and mood variations in the narrative presents a problem for the transcriber, more so when it comes to translating such emotions into English. Equally problematical is the question of rendering fast-paced speech, as when the narrator is trying to indicate urgency or tension in the story. When Kyeishe is reporting the mother’s anxiety at her son’s failure to poison his stepbrother, he turns to me and speaks in a very fast, high-pitched tone: Akimara omwanya yazayo, ati [obwo nagamba narahukiriza, omw’iraka ry’ahaiguru] “okagumuha?” Oni ati, “Un-huuh.” Ati, “Akaffa?” Oni ati, “Ariho!” Ati, ati…, “Iwe mwana neihano, akagunywa?” Ati, “Unh-unh,” ati, “toragumuhaire gye!” Mbwenu amukorera, amufutira, amugirira oku… ati, “Torikugumuha!” After some time he would go there, and she would ask him, saying [speaks very fast, in a high-pitched tone], “Did you give it to him?” He said, “Un-huuh.” And she said, “Did he die?” He said, “He is alive!” She said… she said, “You child, this is terrible, did he drink it?” She said, “Unh-unh,” and she said, “you did not give it to him in the right way!” So she 23

Tedlock, Spoken Word, 109–23.

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did it again for him, prepared the potion, and explained how to… and she said, “You did not give it to him!”

I have reported this speech style using stage directions. In the same way, I report gestures that accompany such emotions. For example, when a Munyankore narrator wants to indicate a time sequence or day of the week, he often flashes his fingers, leaving the audience to fill in the gaps. Thus Kyeishe says, “aha kiro eky’aka… [nayoreka engaro ibiri] amuta aha mabega” (‘on this… day [he flashes two fingers] he put him on his shoulders’). The audience is expected to follow the cooperative principle and reply, “ekyakabiri” (‘on the second day’). In my transcriptions, I describe these ‘untranscribables’ in brackets.

Transcription and Standardization Another question that arose during transcription was how to deal with regional variations (or accents) in the way a language such as Runyankore or Runyarwanda is spoken. How does a collector treat the way speakers in different locales pronounce certain words? And what about speakers that clearly have a lisp, or an individual problem vocalizing certain sounds? Does the collector use standard orthography so that the text transcends the speech mannerisms of the narrator? Some field researchers have argued against standardization, suggesting that the collector instead record the oral material “in the exact form in which it was captured.”24 Okpewho regards standardization as “a form of transliteration (almost a translation, in fact) and should really be somebody else’s job, not immediately that of the person who collected the material in the first place.”25 He uses the example of his field work in Igbo to justify his assertion: Indeed, if the example of Igbo (in which I have mostly worked) is anything to go by, the standardized medium is a language that you find only in books written only for conscious instruction (e.g. the Igbo Bible and primers); nobody speaks it. Oral literature is a living speech act, not a compromise decided upon by a committee juggling with the alphabet or an orthography .26

24

Okpewho, Oral Performance, 348. Oral Performance, 348. 26 Oral Performance, 348. 25

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Okpewho’s argument, of course, has merit. The beauty of verbal art lies partly in the oral style of each individual teller. My interaction with Katuka, Kyeishe, Baingi, Kabudensia or Kyeyune reveals that each teller has his or her unique way of telling stories: they employ different rhetorical devices, discourse markers, and other narrative devices. I discussed some of these in Chapter 3. But Okpewho’s example is also extreme. If indeed nobody ordinarily ever speaks the version of Igbo used in Bibles and primers, there is no point using it to transcribe texts in the first place. That general situation differs from that of a teller who, for example, deviates from standard Runyankore used by ordinary speakers. One of my young narrators, Elizabeth Murungi, for example, pronounced the Runyankore name “Kangaho” as “Kangawo” or said “enanga yeye” instead of the correct “enanga ye” (his /her harp). Other errors might simply result from mix-ups in the narration, such as when Rwomushana begins a story by confusing a marriage and the birth of the children (see Appendix: Runyankore–Rukiga Folktales): …Hakaba ahariho omushaija yazaara [yashweera] omukazi we, bazaara omwana. Bazaara omwana w’omwishiki… …There was a man and he gave birth to [married] a wife, they gave birth to a child. They gave birth to a girl child.…

I have italicized the error in this example. Here, the audience obviously knew that Rwomushana meant to say the opposite (the man married a wife and they gave birth to a child). How does a transcription deal with such errors? I think there are two possible ways. In the “Kangawo” example, the collector might maintain words as Murungi pronounced them as a stylistic marker of a young person’s speech mannerisms. If the transcription targets a child reader, at a later stage of publishing the material in book form one might decide to correct such words so that children can learn the correct grammar or pronunciation. In the Rwomushana case, which is an obvious mix-up in narration, I think it is useful to the reader that the transcriber state in brackets or through a footnote what the teller actually meant to say. To conclude, it is fair to say that not everything collectors observe in the field or capture on tape can be replicated on paper; in fact, as Kenneth Goldstein has observed, the collector is “incapable” of doing so.27 Goldstein is concerned about the inevitable conflict between what the collector sees (or 27

Kenneth Goldstein, A Guide for Field Workers in Folklore (Hatboro P A : American Folklore Society / Folklore Associates, 1964): 95.

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hears) in an actual storytelling situation and how it is finally presented: the collector is often – consciously or unconsciously – tempted to report or to analyse rather than reproduce the observed phenomena to the reader. The temptation to report or analyse is not the only problem. The presence of what I call ‘untranscribables’ that evade reproduction is another issue. Constraints imposed by the medium of writing imply that certain elements of the oral text might not be captured in print, and it may only be prudent to ‘report’ some of them. Such limitations in the channel capacity of the print medium, Elizabeth Fine observes, “make it impractical to record all of the signals of a performance.”28 The problem of ‘reporting’, of course, is that the printed text carries an imprint of the collector’s own words rather than the ‘exact’ form of the live performance. We might then say, as Fine notes, that if the printed text bears paraphrases of the performance, it does not recreate the performance in the written medium.29 But that kind of ‘full record’, even as Fine herself acknowledges, is undoubtedly unattainable no matter how much we want to produce “as complete and close a record as possible.”30 The transcript remains imperfect. In the end, a transcription must of necessity carry the collector’s imprint and, as I have illustrated, it is at best a mediated record of the original performance. I see a transcript evolving, in many ways, in a ‘record-reportrecord’ procedure; the collector attempts to plug in the evanescent aspects of the communicative moment that evade an audio tape but could be captured better with, say, an audio-visual recording. What is important is that in the presentation of the transcript on paper, the collector clearly delineate how he or she has interpolated descriptive information into the original oral performance. This is what I try to achieve in my transcripts.

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Elizabeth Fine, The Folklore Text: From Performance to Print (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1984): 95. 29 Fine, The Folklore Text, 94. 30 The Folklore Text, 95.

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across languages is always imbued with manifold semiotic constraints. Cultural signifiers differ from one language system to another and some may not be easy to translate. There are also lexical and semantic choices, acoustic and structural patterns, as well as grammatical rules that have a strong bearing on what can be translated, and how. Since languages do not have a similar grammar, the process of sharing meaning is not always obvious. Zohar Shavit has rightly pointed out that translation not only transfers meaning from one language to another but also transports textual models across linguistic systems: RANSLATION AS A PROCESS OF SHARING INFORMATION

The final product of the act of translation is the result of the relationship between a source system and a target system, a relationship that is itself determined by a certain hierarchy of semiotic constraints.1

These semiotic constraints may be imposed, for example, by translating from an adult system to a children’s, or they could result from culture-specific signifiers, syntactical or semantic differences. They could also be on the level of vocabulary. In Chapter 2, for instance, I cited the Runyankore riddle ‘Kati “po” kati “peregesho!” ’ (It says “po” and it says “peregesho!”’ ), whose answer is ‘Akuuku aharugusyo’ (A grain on a roasting potsherd), which refers specifically to the Ankole traditional method of threshing millet after harvest. This background knowledge of roasting millet in a pot becomes necessary for our understanding of the synonym used in the riddle: the grain being roasted on fire gives off a popping sound (hence ‘it says “po”!’). Meaning here is produced by relating the linguistic concept to the material world of the Ban1

Zohar Shavit, The Poetics of Children’s Literature (Athens: U of Georgia P ,

1986): 111.

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yankore. I equally maintained in my translations culture-specific Runyankore and Luganda stock phrases such as shaku shaku or koi koi because they have no English equivalents. The polysemous Runyarwanda–Rufumbira riddling response soma can be translated as ‘read’ or ‘kiss’, but in the end my decision to use ‘read’ was almost arbitrary. I relied on the riddling context: the audience is inviting the riddler to ‘read’ or present the riddle to them. In fact, Kabudensia, my informant, did not think the words sakwe and soma need be interpreted in any particular way, since they serve in this case as simply riddling formulas. As I pointed out above, in the case where certain concepts relate directly to a specific cultural environment, the process of transferring meaning becomes even more problematical. This view of translation as a ‘transfer’ process was not originally confined to the study of language only. According to Manuel Muranga, it also entailed “the transfer of something concrete from one place to another,” hence the theological idea of a human soul being translated from “one state or realm of existence to another.”2 In many languages, the concept of translation is indeed expressed in this concrete sense, hence the German notion of übersetzen (to put across) and übertragen (to carry across), or okuhindura and okukyusa (to change; to turn) in Runyankore and Luganda respectively.3 In all these examples, the focus is both on the external and the internal change that takes place as meaning is transferred across languages and cultures. The process of transferring meaning must be seen to be taking place, even to a non-native speaker of the source language. When an idiophone or a repetitive structure is used in the original text and not in the translation, a reader will easily notice the discrepancy. The question of typology then comes to the fore: both the original text in the source language and the translated version must be presented alongside each other, the latter reflecting the external and internal structure of the former. In order to achieve transparency, a translation should attempt, as far as possible, to capture both the spirit and meaning of the original text. However, the 2

Muranga cites the example of Enoch and Elijah in the Old Testament, who were ‘translated’ from earth to heaven, the latter in a whirlwind (2 Kings 2:11). Hence the idea of “convey[ing] to heaven, originally without death” (Manuel Muranga, “Translation as a Means of Developing and Enriching the Target Language,” Makerere Papers in Languages and Linguistics 1.2 [1992]: 3). 3 Muranga, “Translation as a Means of Developing and Enriching the Target Language,” 3.

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task of achieving transparency is daunting. Translators of African language texts have grappled with this issue with different levels of success. A survey of the efforts of those who have, in different ways, made their contribution to preserving African oral forms in English reveals roughly three categories of texts that have been produced. The first category is that of translations that have focused mainly on the story (or the message) rather than the medium, form or style. Such texts could be described as ‘functional’ translations because they focus on presenting the content, often in summary form, rather than on reproducing the narrative style of the teller. Okpewho would include in this category Robert Sutherland Rattray’s Ashanti folktale collections and Henry Junod’s Thonga tales.4 However, for all their shortcomings, Rattray’s collections ought to be given due credit. Rattray had a working knowledge of Chinyanja, Mǀle, Twi, and Hausa, and was able to record some Hausa tales verbatim (in both the Arabic and the Roman script) and translate them into English in Hausa Folk-Lore: Customs, Proverbs, Etc (1913).5 He had a colloquial knowledge of Hausa but he acknowledges the value of presenting both the original and translation because “the original text will help the student of the language to appreciate its structure and idioms.”6 The second category of texts, which Okpewho calls “tasteless” and “mannered” translations,7 are so preoccupied with “transparency” for its own sake that they ruin the real sense of the original. To illustrate a “tasteless” translation, he cites Daniel Biebuyck’s Hero and Chief, where the Nyanga phrase meaning ‘Where are you going?’ is rendered as “Where is it close?”8 Okpewho’s concern about such a translation is that it betrays the meaning of the source-language text. At the other extreme end are those translators such as John William Johnson who, according to Okpewho, sought to recapture poetic qualities in the African text Sunjata in the elevated diction of European poetry by producing phrases such as “the one whose 4

Okpewho, Oral Performance, 112. Okpewho is referring to texts such as Akan– Ashanti Folktales, tr. Robert Sutherland Rattray (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930), or Ashanti Proverbs (The Primitive Ethics of a Savage People), tr. Robert Sutherland Rattray (Oxford: Clarendon, 1916). 5 Robert Sutherland Rattray, coll. & tr. Hausa Folk-Lore, Customs, Proverbs, etc., preface by R.R. Marett (1913; New York: Negro U P , 1969). 6 Rattray, Hausa Folk-Lore, xi. 7 Okpewho, Oral Performance, 112–13. 8 Oral Performance, 112–13.

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knife into it fits” or “it will next Friday be” (113).9 He contends that such “mannered” translations fail to re-create the oral flavour of the original and the speech style of the people where the tale was collected, and they thus fail to ‘indigenize’ the translation. The third category includes translations where choices have to be made between a ‘literal’ and a more ‘free’ translation, especially in situations where the meaning and sense of the target language might be compromised, or when translating poetic forms. I will illustrate this sense in which meaning and sense may be compromised by referring to the example I cited earlier in Chapter 2 regarding what Isirairi Katuka said when we failed to solve his riddle, ‘Ahu enkyerere ihisize ziri, hariho encwera’ (Where ripe berries are, there is a cobra): Kyite! [Asheka]. …Tobanza okasheruraho? [Asheka]. … Kill it! [Laughter]. … Why don’t you first give it a thought? [Laughs]. …

If my goal was to merely produce a ‘transparent’ (but tasteless) English translation of Katuka’s statement, it would be: ‘Kill it! …Why don’t you first search around a little bit?’ But the sentence ‘Why don’t you first search around a little bit?’ would be tasteless: it hardly makes sense to a reader, since it does not capture the underlying Runyankore sense in Katuka’s words. When Katuka uses the phrase “okusheruraho” (from the verb okusherura, to search, to look for), he is metaphorically referring to a process of cogitation by which the meaning of the riddle is to be unravelled (‘killing’ the riddle). He is provoking us to ‘search’ or look deeper into the meaning behind the imagery used. In such cases where meaning would be compromised, I opt for a free translation that captures the teller’s intended meaning. Drawing on the Katuka example helps us to underline the fact that a translation ought to focus on the way the source language works to produce meaning. Even though a translated text is, in many ways, a ‘stand-in’ for the original and not the original itself, the translator’s role is to understand the cultural context of the original text and do his or her best to re-create it. I agree with Horst Frenz that a translator must be seen as a creative intermediary between the teller (or writer) and the reader: It is clear that the translator must bring sympathy and understanding to the work he is to translate. He must be the original author’s most intimate, most 9

Oral Performance, 113. See The Epic of Sun-Jata According to Magan Sisoko, ed. John W. Johnson (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1979).

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exact, in short, his best reader. But he must do more than read. He must attempt to see what the author saw, to hear what he heard, to dig into his own life in order to experience anew what the author experienced. No nation sees even a simple incident in the same way as another and thus a translator has to express a phrase, an event, a situation as it should be said in his own language […] The translator must be creative, a maker; at the same time, he must submit to the reality of the writer whom he is translating.”10

Frenz is talking specifically about a translator of a written text, but his point about the translator being a “maker” and creative interlocutor who, through his or her good understanding of the source text and its context, skilfully recaptures it for the reader applies as well to oral materials. By recapturing the source text and its context, the translator thereby initiates a dialogue between the reader and the author or teller of the original language text. Therefore, transparency in a translation is inevitably always bound up with the whole question of style and meaning and the way they are reproduced from one cultural context to another. To reproduce the original meaning and form of the text, the translator must make deliberate choices and adopt special strategies in order to achieve his or her goals.

My Goals in Translation One of my goals in the translations was to focus on textual and semantic equivalence. Roger Bell agrees that the goal of translation is to find textual equivalence across languages: the transformation of a text originally in one language into an equivalent text in a different language retaining, as far as is possible, the content of the message and the formal features and functional roles of the original text.11

I think that at the heart of translation lies this need to present in the target language the words and ideas expressed in the source language while “preserving semantic and stylistic equivalences.”12 Because languages differ in their

10

Horst Frenz, “The Art of Translation,” in Comparative Literature: Method and Perspective, ed. Newton P. Stalknecht & Horst Frenz (Carbondale: Southern Illinois U P , 1973): 119–20. 11 Roger Bell, Translation and Translating: Theory and Practice (London & New York: Longman, 1991): xv. 12 Bell, Translation and Translating: Theory and Practice, 5.

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codes, or grammar, to shift from one text to another is to alter these rules and codes.13 As I illustrate below, there is always bound to be an element of ‘loss’ in the process as a translator works between different language systems. If equivalence is to be achieved, then, what are the strategies of doing so? Whatever the strategy, the semantic field of each word ought to be properly understood in order to get the right sense in which it is used (its communicative value) and the kind of audience involved in the speech act. Whenever a choice has to be made between a literal (word-for-word) or free (meaning-formeaning) translation, Bell thinks that the translator can never win: Pick the first [literal translation] and the translator is criticized for the ‘ugliness’ of a faithful translation; pick the second [free translation] and there is criticism of the ‘inaccuracy’ of a ‘beautiful’ translation. Either way it seems, the translator cannot win, even though we recognize that the crucial variable is the purpose for which the translation is being made, not some inherent characteristic of the text itself.14

Every strategy, as Bell observes, has its advantages and limitations, but the purpose of the translation should be the guiding principle. In my translations, I aim to present a faithful translation without compromising the real sense of the original. The purpose of the translation was equally significant a factor to consider because one of my goals is to present bilingual texts that address Uganda’s current curriculum needs in schools. I therefore present the source language text immediately followed by the English version. William Bascom recommends that the oral text be recorded in the original African language, with “a literal interlinear translation, and a free but nevertheless faithful translation.” Without the African text, he argues, “it may be impossible to say how accurate the translation is, how much a tale has been reworked or rewritten, or even whether or not it is only a summary.”15 In sum, Bascom proposes the following: (a) There should be an oral recording followed by a verbatim transcription of the whole text (in the original language).

13

Bell, Translation and Translating: Theory and Practice, 6. Translation and Translating: Theory and Practice, 7 (emphasis in the original). 15 William Bascom, “Folklore Research in Africa,” Journal of American Folklore 77/303 (January–March 1964): 12. 14

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(b) The translator should provide an interlinear translation that is as literal as possible – that is, it should reflect the oral style of the source text. The difference between the ‘oral style’ and the ‘literal style’ of the two texts should be apparent. (c) After this, the translator can provide a free but faithful version of the text. In this Bascom model, the translator is free to choose how far he or she can go with the revision of the translated text to suit what they consider acceptable to their audience as long as the original material is available on tape and other forms. Although I borrow his principle of presenting the original Ugandan language text along with a faithful translation, I have not followed Bascom’s three-part model in my translations. For example, I do not present literal interlinear texts in the original Ugandan languages and in English; instead, I present the original text followed by the English translation so that the reader chooses which version to read without interruption.

Techniques of Translation I will now focus briefly on some techniques I employed in order to achieve transparency in my translations. On the level of diction, I maintained both in the source- and target-language texts words that are culture-specific or unique to the local environment. For example, I did not translate words such as omutuba in the Luganda riddle ‘Nina mukazi wange, bwava waggulu taddayo – Akakoola k’omutuba’ (I have a wife, when she comes from up she does not go back – A leaf from the omutuba tree) (see Appendix: C) because the omutuba tree is unique to the local environment. By rendering it in that way, I aim to point to the uniqueness of this ‘woman’ that is the subject of the riddle. In other words, the riddler is not asking for a leaf from any kind of tree but one that is recognizable in the local setting. In the story of “Bwengye” (see Appendix: H), I maintain in the translation words such as umurebe (a special gong used to decorate a darling cow in the herd) and ingata (a head support made out of grass or banana leaves and used for carrying loads on the head), instead of using the descriptive English phrase. In some cases, I use a note where necessary to add contextual information to a specific source-language concept used in the translated text. In addition, maintaining unique words and idiophones that are specific to the local culture also serves an aesthetic function in the English translation. In

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“Kaggwa, Kaggwa” (see Appendix: F) the use of the adverb “vuluba” captures the dramatic bursting of the pus-filled boil: Kyetondeke Kitooke Bbaale Kituulituuli, vuluba! The usurper Kitooke Bbaale The pus-filled boil will burst vuluba!

By using the word vuluba in the English version, dramatization is achieved more vividly than if I had used a descriptive phrase in English. I apply the same aesthetic principle to idiophones as well. In the rhyme, ‘Tiiwe Wantsigireho?’ (‘Is it Not You Who Left Me?’), for example, I maintain the idiophone “kii-kiriki-kiriki” because it serves an aesthetic rather than a semantic function in the song (see Appendix: D). Its aesthetic beauty transfers to the English version as well. Similarly, in “Nakeera Nkya” (I Woke up Early Morning), I maintain the repeated chant “wololo, wololo, wololo” in the English version because of its emotive and cultural function in Luganda: it expresses the calamity that will befall a child who does not go to school in today’s world (See Appendix: F). Transferring such culture-specific words and idiophones to the English translation does not affect its meaning. Instead, the words in some sense enrich the target language text. Enrichment of one language by another is, of course, an historical phenomenon and, as Muranga observes, it is a positive process by which a language grows through a “qualitative increase in its lexical material or vocabulary through adoption of new words of foreign language origin.”16 He cites, for example, the Luganda words emotoka (motor car), maapu (map) or esaati (shirt) that have been borrowed from English; the Runyankore–Rukiga words orupapura (paper), ultimately from Latin papyrus and Greek papyros via English, and ekitabo (book), originally Arabic via Swahili kitabu.17 Therefore, lexical borrowing through translation or linguistic and cultural intercourse ultimately benefits language growth, as illustrated by the modern use of the Swahili word safari in English (originally from the Arabic safar, journey). In translating culture-specific words, I sometimes give in brackets the English equivalent of the term being referred to in the culture of the source 16

Muranga, “Translation as a Means of Developing and Enriching the Target Language,” 3–4. 17 “Translation as a Means of Developing and Enriching the Target Language,” 3– 4, 20.

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language, especially where I think it helps to clear up confusion on the semantic level. For example, I pointed out in Chapter 1 that words such as ‘stepbrother’, ‘stepmother’ or ‘cousin’ do not exist in Ugandan languages such as Runyankore because the Banyankore people’s definition of family (and family relationships) is different. For them, the concept of ‘brother’ and ‘stepbrother’ is fluid; it applies to a biological brother as well as to a son of one’s paternal uncle.18 In the story I cited above, Mr and Mrs Kyeishe refer to the stepbrothers as mukuru we (his elder brother) and omurumuna (his younger brother). The notion of brotherhood applies to the entire extended family. This may be confusing to a non-native reader for whom the word ‘brother’ may have a more restricted meaning. Another technique I employed was to maintain the ‘oral flavour’ of the source-language text. One way to do this was to preserve the speech habits of the narrators and the repetitive structure characteristic of oral narration. In the story “Kabarungi,” Rwomushana uses run-on sentences as a storytelling technique, as does Rubabinda in this excerpt from “Nyamushagi” (see Appendix: G): Mbwenu izooba rimwe ku yabaire ari aho ari omu kibuga kye nagyendagyenda, yareeba akaatika k’ensimbi. […] Mbwenu areeba insimbi; kwonka areeba akaatika k’ensimbi. Mbwenu ahurira iraka eririkumugira ngu, “Omukaatika k’ensimbi aka oryaija kwihamu omwaana.” Hati akaatika k’ensimbi akatwaara akata omunju ye. Mbwenu omunju ye ku yakateiremu hagwa enjura nyingi, nyingi munonga. Enjura yaagwa. Mbwenu enjura ku yagiire kutsya, yashanga aine omwaana w’omwoojo! And so one day while she was walking around her kraal she suddenly saw a broken shell. […] So she saw the shell, she saw the broken shell. And she heard a voice saying to her, “Out of this broken shell you will get a child.” Well, she took the broken shell and put it in the house. So when she put it in the house it rained heavily, very heavy rain. It rained. When the rain stopped, she found she had a baby boy! [Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. AR (Nshwere, Nyabushozi, 8.16.04)] 18

The Banyankore have no specific word for ‘stepbrother’, so they have to use the descriptive phrase mukuru we owa ishento (literally, ‘his brother [the son] of his uncle’) if they want to specify what kind of ‘brother’ they are talking about. Similarly, a stepmother is muka-tata (my father’s wife) or muka-ishe (his / her father’s wife), which is a description of relationship rather than a title. Consider also the Luganda phrase Maama omuto (young mother). The concept of ‘stepbrother’ is the same among the Bunyarwanda–Bufumbira and the Baganda.

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The story unravels through a repetitive style, with overlapping sentences. For example, ‘Well, she took the broken shell and put it in the house. So when she put it in the house it rained heavily, very heavy rain. It rained. When the rain stopped….’ The narrator builds on the previous idea of the broken shell as a technique for moving the plot forward. Rubabinda’s repetitive style may be regarded as ‘sloppy’ in the English version but it is a useful aide-mémoire for storytelling in oral culture, which I have tried to preserve. It gives the reader a sense of the oral flavour of the original.

Translating Traditional Oral Forms: The Last Word Having outlined the techniques I employed to translate the texts, I will conclude by briefly highlighting some salient issues that emerge from translating elements of the oral text to the written. First, the oral text is primarily meant for the ear and not for the eye; it is performed to be heard. Oral texts for children, in particular, are always accompanied by an activity: counting numbers, dancing, making faces, or playing a game. These non-verbal elements can best be captured by filming. During fieldwork, I relied on a tape recorder and observation, and therefore at the time of translation I depended on the sound recording and the transcript. In this transfer process from the recording to transcribing text and to translation, some elements of the oral text (gestures or voice inflection) are inevitably lost. For example, when Kiguli is narrating the story of Hare and Elephant (see Appendix: Luganda Folktales), her comment “Naye Wakaima olina olugezigezi; wantama! Ee! Kakati olaba bwogenda okutuletera Wampologoma okutunyigira?” (‘Hare, you are such a wiseacre; I am sick of you! Ee! Do you realize that you are going to make Lion angry at us?’) is addressed to the audience as the imaginary ‘Hare’. The words ‘I am sick of you! Ee!’ are uttered in a high-pitched tone and dramatized with gestures to convey elephant’s anger. All these non-verbal elements that Kiguli uses are not carried over into the translation. Manuel Muranga captures this dilemma very well when he says that folktales are creations of mood and atmosphere and these depend on how the story is told, especially the paralinguistic features: tone, voice inflection, hums, including musicality [which] are lost [in translation].19

19

Manuel J.K. Muranga, personal interview, 26 July 2005.

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That some elements of tone, mood, and atmosphere are lost is, of course, not surprising, since translating oral texts involves transferring them from their oral communicative moment to another realm of fixed visual codes. The second issue that arises from translating oral forms is that of musicality in the source text, an important aspect of these children’s songs. The rhythm of the original text, of course, may not carry over into the translation because of differences in the syllabic structure of the two languages. This excerpt from the Luganda counting rhyme “Emu, Emuga” (see Appendix: F) which I referred to earlier, for example, demonstrates the way the deliberate alliteration in the Luganda version is undermined by translation: Emu Bbiri Ssatu

emugga bbiriƾƾanya ssatuula …

One Two Three

at the well eggplant I did not sit …

The structure of this counting song is built on deliberate use of sound in the first word to derive the morphology of the next word (which I have italicized in this example): emu / emuga; bbiri / bbiringanya; ssatu / ssatuula; and so on. The morphological process here is deliberately constructed because both words in the set make sense: for example, bbiri and bbiriƾƾanya. This musical quality is, of course, undermined in the translation process. Referring to these intricacies of maintaining rhythmic flow in his discussion of hymn translation, Muranga notes: If [the translator] wants to maintain the rhythm of the original, he is obliged to translate not only the words but also the elements of the musical beat. Now this is where the task becomes both linguistically and theologically challenging. The reason for this challenge is simple enough: No two languages could possibly have the same number of words with the same number of syllables and the same type of denotations and connotations for one and the same thought and semantic unit.20

20

Manuel J.K. Muranga, “ ‘ O Sacred Head Surrounded’: Paul Gerhardt’s Easter Hymn and its Fortunes Outside its Home and Time in 17th Century Germany: An Essay on Gains and Losses in Hymn Translation,” Journal of African Religion and Philosophy 2.1 (1991): 37.

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The challenge posed by translating rhythm, Muranga argues, is that a word in the source-language text may not have the same number of syllables as that of its equivalent in the target-language text. He uses the example of a monosyllabic word, ‘head’. Translated into Runyankore and Luganda, it becomes omutwe; in Russian it becomes golova (trisyllabic), in Latin caput (bisyllabic), and in German Haupt and Kopf (monosyllabic). Thus, in the above counting song the deliberate rhythmic beat in each line and the aesthetic beauty created by the internal rhythm of the original cannot carry over into the English version. Nevertheless, as Goretti Kyomuhendo observes, while some elements of orality may be lost in translation, “it is better to translate than not to translate at all.”21 In the end, however, the gains that accrue from translating oral texts are tremendous. Okello Ogwang has rightly pointed out that “it is easy to follow the traditional notion of translation as loss [but] you cannot have some gain without some loss.”22 While we may lament the ‘untranslatable’ losses an oral text suffers, we must also recognize the benefits that come with preserving evanescent oral forms that have been traditionally handed down by word of mouth. I have argued in this study that there is always a problem when a society’s cultural repertoire is entrusted solely to ‘verbal encyclopedias’ who eventually die.23 Besides the obvious problem of information loss, a more pertinent issue is that of continuity. Amosi Baingi, one of my respondents from Rushere, rightly pointed out that the new school culture has gradually replaced the oral tradition, and young people no longer have time to sit with elders in order to learn the storytelling art from them: I think the root of the problem is failure to sit with elders. You young people go to school, you spend all your time there. You go in the morning, and all you know are the things that take place over there [at school]… For me, an old person told me a folktale, I learned it, and I stayed close to him. But for you, you are in school.24 21

Goretti Kyomuhendo, personal interview, 24 May 2005. Ernest Okello Ogwang, personal interview, 5 July 2005. 23 Isirairi Katuka, the skilled kalimagezi from Kikatsi in Ankole whom I interviewed during my field research, passed on in 2008. 24 Amosi Baingi, personal interview, 15 July 2005. I reproduce a transcript of his original words in Runyankore: Mbwenu nyowe ningira ngu kikaruga omu kutashutama n’abakuru. Mushoma, mutaaha kuriya. Ogyenda omukasheshe, mbwenu iwe okwaata ebya kuriya… 22

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The school system, Baingi argues, does not allow for the young generation to interact with the old so that the oral tradition is passed on, but, as I have pointed out elsewhere, today, unlike in the past, there may not even be younger people willing “to take [the elder’s] place and take on the massive task of memory involved in transmitting the stored information orally.”25 Besides the obvious problem posed by the generation gap, memory-loss, or death, there are other drawbacks. With a globalized world comes linguistic mixing and cultural heterogeneity, now a common phenomenon among young Ugandans. Formal education is also changing the way people communicate in Uganda using the new media, and because of this change there is need to document oral texts through bilingual translations in text and audiovisual forms. Translation affords us the opportunity to achieve this goal.

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Ekigano nyowe nkakiganirwa omukuru, nakyetegyereza, naguma aho muri haihi. Iwe mbwenu iwe, ori aha ishomero.” 25 Aaron Mushengyezi, “Rethinking Indigenous Media: Rituals, ‘Talking’ Drums and Orality as Forms of Public Communication in Uganda,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 16.1 (June 2003): 115.

Afterword

T

some key questions such as, what happens when we transcribe and translate an oral text? How do we transfer components of the oral text (sound patterns, gestures, facial expression, or voice inflection) to the page? What are the challenges of translating oral forms targeting specifically a child audience, and what choices ought to be made in the process? My analysis has focused on these questions with a view to providing possible ways of rethinking the whole debate about orality and literacy as modes of representation: the generic interrelationship between the oral and the written text, and how the two can enter into dialogue with each other through transcription and translation of children’s literature. In sum, this study does not agree with scholarship that attempts to set up hierarchies between the oral and the written text. Studies by Ong and others have tended to show orality and literacy as mutually exclusive phenomena, the former representing a bygone age and the latter the modern. There is, of course, a sense in which oral transmission of information is associated with the old way people communicated with each other before the advent of the print revolution. As I have demonstrated, in Ugandan tradition oral forms have always been handed down from generation to generation by the kalimagezi, and this tradition still goes on in the communities. The mediation of modern technology does not mean that oral communication as a process of information exchange has ceased. The work of scholars such as Finnegan, Okpewho, and Furniss, which I have referred to, demonstrates that orality is still one of the ways in which human beings continue to interact even today. In fact, secondary orality (modern mass media such as television and the internet that utilize both verbal and written codes) that is in use today illustrates that technological innovations have not necessarily rendered orality extinct; instead, they have augmented rather than replaced traditional ways human beings have always used to communicate with each other. We can watch television and simultaneously call or text in to ask a question or voice HIS STUDY HAS ATTEMPTED TO ADDRESS

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our opinion. Literacy and its technologies thus aid our need for oral interaction. However, these technologies, as I have argued, are necessary tools for preserving the otherwise evanescent oral text that has hitherto remained in the ‘custody’ of our mortal sages such as Katuka, Kyeishe, and Kabudensia. The stark reality is that there are oral records which have perished forever because they were never documented. The only way to ensure that these texts outlive these kalimagezi is to collect and preserve them in print, on tape, C D , or other such media. Transcription and translation, this study notes, are effective ways by which to archive these oral forms for children and use them to promote literacy and numeracy skills in predominantly oral communities. Through transcription, the collector is able to capture oral texts in other forms – audio, written, visual, and digital. With the new technologies available, the task is not as arduous as it has been. Only funds limit how much a collector can, and is, able to accomplish using whichever technology is available to him or her. Once the information is recorded, a lot can be done with it. It can be stored on audio tape, or digitally on C D , or in video format and easily accessed on demand. It can then be retrieved and used for instructional or entertainment purposes, or shared instantaneously over web pages. Nevertheless, not every aspect of oral performance can be reproduced through transcription and translation. As I have argued, once a folktale, riddle or rhyme is performed not every element of the oral communication moment can necessarily be reproduced in another linguistic and cultural setting. In the process of transferring these language and cultural codes through translation, Shavit has argued, certain elements of the source text present problems in the target language.1 There are attendant codes that present semiotic and systemic constraints in different languages and cultures – for example, aspects of paralinguistic communication. I have highlighted examples of these semiotic or systemic constraints that I encountered in the transcription and translation process, or what I have described as ‘untranscribables’ and ‘untranslatables’. Moreover, when the translation process involves transferring information specifically targeting children, other constraints in the adult polysystem have to be negotiated. A text that enters the children’s literature system has to be adapted to the needs of the children – or, rather, what the adults have assumed those needs to be. I agree with Shavit’s observation that the translator, for 1

Shavit, The Poetics of Children’s Literature, 111.

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example, may have to “manipulate the text in various ways by changing, enlarging, or abridging it or by adding to it.”2 The translation targeting children, Shavit continues, has to be adjusted “to make it appropriate and useful to the child, in accordance with what society regards (at a certain point in time) as educationally ‘good for the child’.”3 By what is “appropriate” and educationally “good for the child,” I think Shavit is referring to the importance of adjusting – at a later stage of book publishing – the vocabulary level, diction, sentence structure, or narrative style, in order for the text to suit what society considers an appropriate book for a child. Regulating what children read is still evident in every society, and is the major guiding principle that influences most of these editorial practices. Even though adult perceptions of children and childhood have been changing over the last century, didacticism is still seen as a key element in children’s books in many cultures, not least in Uganda. Children’s books continue to be viewed, in the main, as tools of instruction. Although Shavit argues that the need to make a text more comprehensible to a child nowadays predominates, I do not think it is subservient to the former. A children’s book ought to balance these important principles of comprehension and instruction. So, where we do we go from here? Obviously, there are issues beyond the scope of this study that will need further investigation. I have pointed out, for example, that while the technologies of literacy help in preserving the oral text, certain elements of the oral are inevitably lost in print. Some characteristics of the oral text and the performance strategies used by the tellers elude the pen. In the case of the Bantu languages spoken in Buganda, Ankole, and Kigezi that had not evolved an indigenous alphabet at the time of colonization, recording the oral texts in the Roman alphabet presents more challenges. In order to overcome some of its limitations, there is perhaps a need to add new characters or modify existing textual codes, in the same way as the inverted ‘G’ (ƾ) has been added to the Lugandan alphabet to cater for a silent ‘ng’ sound – as in the word eƾƾali (crane). There is also a need to investigate further the question of using picture codes as translation: i.e. to examine how images may be used to compensate for the visual and verbal aspects of telling that are lost in translation. Finnegan agrees that visuals such as drawings or photographs can be used to “supplement verbal transcriptions, particularly […] in conveying an impression of 2 3

Shavit, The Poetics of Children’s Literature, 112. The Poetics of Children’s Literature, 113.

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immediacy and individual personality.”4 Her work, however, does not address key questions in this dialectic. For example, how do illustrations augment the performance aspect of a children’s text? How does the image–text relationship play out in illustrated children’s books? Other works such as W.J.T. Mitchell’s Picture Theory address aspects of these questions.5 These and related questions lie beyond the scope of this study, but they will no doubt require further investigation.

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4

Finnegan, Oral Traditions, 203. W.J.T. Mitchell, Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation (Chicago: U of Chicago P , 1994). 5

Appendix: Texts

A: R U N Y A N K O R E –R U K I G A R I D D L E S Rec: AM and DA1; tr: AM; perf. IK2 (Kikatsi, Ankole, 16 July 2005). By permission of Isirairi Katuka 1. Ahi enkyerere ihisize ziri hariho encweera – Omugurusi oshweire omukazi

muto Where there are ripe berries there is a cobra – An old man married to a young girl 2. Ka wabaire ori omutonzi notonda, ori omuhangi nohanga, akati k’omunyanja kakoomeraki? – Omwaana w’omufumu kufa You were a carver who carves things, a creator who creates things; then why did the tree in the middle of the lake dry up? – The death of a healer’s child 3. Footoora ab’orikufootoora nyowe torinfootoora! – Enjojo neribata eibaare Crush whomever you want to crush but you will never crush me! – An elephant stepping on a stone

Rec: AM; tr: AM; perf. AR3 (Rushere, Ankole, 1 Aug. 2005). By permission of Aida Rubabinda. 4. Enkwanzi za muka Ishaza ku ishoba tishoboroka – Eshagama omu mate

Once the beads for Ishaza’s wife they are entangled they can never be disentangled – Blood mixed with milk 5. Akainika omukama

– Akashekye omu maarwa 1

Douglas Aijuka, my assistant collector, worked with me in the field to record and transcribe these texts. He is a native of Rwanda–Orwera in Ankole. 2 Isirairi Katuka, performer and expert in Ankole oral tradition. 3 Aida Rubabinda, performer; she is a retired primary-school teacher resident in Nshwere, Nyabushozi.

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– Akabaare omu nkaito – Akasyo omu ishokye – Ekisasi ky’enju – That which makes a king stoop – A straw in beer – A stone in a shoe – A shaving blade in the hair – The door shade of a hut 6. Nyekoreire ensi ntahatsi eiguru – Enjara n’eiriho

I am carrying the earth while holding heaven in my palm – Hunger and thirst 7. Tanga orwondo, rwataaha kyeeri – Omugurusi naaza kuteera ekiro

Stop the mud, it has moved across the land – An old man looking for sex in the night 8. Rugaba ashendekyereize Nyamuhanga – Omukazi w’enda oshendekereize ondijo The Provider is escorting the Creator – A pregnant woman escorting another 9. Rugaba abumbatiire Nyamuhanga – Omukazi oine enda

The Provider is hugging the Creator – A pregnant woman 10. Kuri zabaire enjoka zikaaturiire – Embazi z’enju

Had they been snakes they would have eaten us – The rafters of a house 11. Amaarwa gahiire owa rwata! – Enkoni nungi omu mahwa

Beer has been brewed at the idiot’s home! – A nice stick growing in a thorny bush

Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. PRM (Wakiso, Buganda, 10 May 2005). By permission of Patience Rubabinda Mushengyezi. 12. Kaatsiba twahwa – Akahanda kaza omu kitara

It has closed and we are going to perish – A footpath to the granary 13. Nyabukono-Bukye Nyankubito-Igumire – Ekiteeko

The One-With-Small-Hands is the One-With-Strong-Resolve – A milk pot holder 14. Owa Ntimba nibayomba

– Eshande omu rutookye – Enjura omu rutookye At Ntimba’s home they are shouting – Weaverbirds in a banana plantation – Rain in a banana plantation

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Rec: AM and AT4; tr. AM; perf. ST5 (Rugazi, Ankole, 10 June 2005). By permission of Siriva Tinkamanyire. 1. Zagashumira tizaganywa – Orucwamba

They descended into it [water] but they never drank it – Couch grass 2. Entemere za nyina Bamba zingana zoona – Ensi n’eiguru

The baskets of Bamba’s mother are of equal size – Heaven and earth 3. Karibugyengyi n’obugyengyi bwaako

– Ente kutwara amate egacurikire etagaate – Ente eri kwiragura kukamwa amate gari kweera – Empungu kuguruka etakwatiriire – Enjoka kugyenda etaine maguru – Eihwa kwiiha erindi – Eshihera kushitama aha icumu ritagicumite The precarious one does things in an amazing manner – A cow carries milk upside down [in its udder] without spilling it – A black cow produces white milk – An eagle flies without holding onto anything – A snake has no legs but it moves – A thorn being used to remove another one [from one’s sole] – A fly sits on top of a spear without getting pierced

Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. JK (Rwanda-Orwera, Ankole, 17 July 2005). By permission of Joy Kamatenesi. 1. Ekyatangire Omujungu kujwara enkufiira, n’enki? – Ekituzi

The first thing to wear a hat before the Whiteman did; what is it? – A mushroom 2. Ngira enju yangye tegira muryango – Eihuri

I have a house that has no door – An egg 3. Maguru-Ana eshutamiire Maguru-Ana ategyereize Maguru-Ana –

Enjangu eshutami aha meeza etegyereize embeba Four-Legged is sitting on Four-Legged and is waiting for Four-Legged – A cat sitting on a table waiting for a rat 4. Nyine abaishiki bangye babiri banaabire entumbwe – Emitumba eshariire

I have two daughters who have washed their legs – Pruned banana stems 4

Allyce Tumwesigye, my assistant collector and performer. She worked with me in recording and transcribing these riddles. 5 Siriva Tinkamanyire, performer. He lives in Rugazi, Mbarara.

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5. Nkaziika tatazaara yaija ankuratiire! – Eiju rya kashenda

I buried my father-in-law and he came following me! – White ash 6. Nkatema omuti gwangye naza Buganda nashanga gutakoomaga – Eteija

I cut my tree and went to Buganda, and when I returned it had not yet dried – Eteija weed 7. Ogambire nyoko arekye kuguma naraba omu kibuga kyangye natongana –

Ekijunjure Tell your mother to stop passing through my compound while quarrelling – A beetle 8. Ngira omuguha gwangye tokagushenyera enku okagwijuzya – Omuhanda

I have a rope and no matter how much firewood you collect you cannot fill it up – A road 9. Naruga aheeru ninkareeba ku nahika omunju kabura! – Eitungo

I was seeing it when I came from outside, but when I entered the house it vanished! – Wealth 10. Ekikiza ebintu byoona embabazi – Omutumba gw’ekitookye: ku

orikutema ekitookye n’omutumba nagwo n’ogutema The thing that is most kind – A banana stem: when you cut a bunch of bananas you also cut its mother stem 11. Amashushane

– Ekibingo n’ekikwijo – Ekyozi n’entanga – Omutumba n’ekizirakoma The look-alikes – A reed and sugarcane – A pumpkin and water melon – A banana and wild plantain 12. Ngira akate kangye Gaaju karaitsire Nkore – Orurimi

I have a small cow Gaaju6 that has destroyed Nkore – The tongue 13. Yezirikye nkutume okuzimu – Omuganda gw’enju

Fasten your belt and I will send you on an errand to the underworld – A pole used to build a house 14. Nondeeba ngu nkuhe? – Emihengyere y’enju

You are looking at me so that I give you? – Holes in the walls of a house7 15. Rutabuzibwa-Makuru yaraba aha – Embwa

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Gaaju is a name given to a brown cow. The riddle captures the idea that when you look at holes in a wall they look like the eyes of someone staring back at you. 7

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The-One-That-Is-Never-Asked-The-News has passed here – A dog 16. Nyakahanga tetsya rume – Obunyindo bw’embwa 17. The little valley always has dew – A dog’s nostrils 18. Twafundikira twayebwa kamwe

– Enyindo – Omwiina gw’embeba – Enyungu y’etaabe We have closed all [openings] except one – A nose – A rat hole – A tobacco pipe 19. Tata aba mukye baitu aikarira sho – Obuterezi

My father is small but he throws down your father – A slippery surface 20. Akashaija Butegye kabingire sho – Enjoki

The small man Butegye is chasing your father – A bee 21. Omushaija Rukara yamara amate – Ekyanzi

The [dark] man Rukara has finished all the milk – A milk pot8 22. Eki Omukama atagamba – Empitirizo

What the king never says – A needle 23. Kyatukanga tikyaturya – Ekinyonyi ky’aha muhanda

It scared us but it didn’t eat us – A bird along the path 24. Kaafura enyanja kari kakye – Enkamyo omu mate 25. It has saturated the entire lake, yet it is a small drop – Cultured milk 26. Kankiteekateekye – Eriisho ry’enkanga

Let me think about it – A guinea fowl’s eye 27. Kati “po” kati “peregesho”! – Enkuuku aha rugusyo

It says “po” and it says “peregesho”! – Grains on a roasting potsherd 28. Burugutu-burugutu! – Embeba omu muguta

Burugutu-burugutu! – A rat in a cowhide 29. Nakuteera akatarikweeba – Akahoro k’oyeraariize

I have hit you with something you will never forget – The leftover food you kept overnight 30. Ekishaka kyateera enduru omuhanda gwatagurira – Omuriro omu kishaka

The bush is sounding the alarm and the path is dancing – Fire in a bush 31. Zagashumira tizaganywa – Encwamba

They descended into it [water] but they did not drink it – Couch grass

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Among the Banyakore, milk is traditionally kept in a wooden pot called ekyanzi.

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32. Tanga sho; yagwa omu iziba! – Orucwamba

Stop your father; he is falling into the well! – Couch grass 33. Zakuuka nizeera ebirengye – Ebifunjo

They came out of the water with white feet – Papyrus reeds 34. Omuraingwa omu nte ze

– Oruhabyo omu rutookye – Ekishaabo omu byanzi The tall one among his cows – A harvesting knife in a banana plantation – A gourd among milk pots 35. Kitanga eyontsya egarami – Orubengo

My grey goat suckles when it is upside down – A grinding stone 36. Obunyatsi bwa Nyamugongo ku buba bwagwiire tibwimuka – Eibere

ry’omukaikuru Once the grass on Nyamugongo [hill] falls it cannot rise again – The breast of an old woman 37. Enkurungu nungi ekaruga Buraaya – Akagyere k’omwerere

A good round stone came from Europe – A baby’s foot 38. Nkashuuma Kamutashuumwa naatemba Kamutatembwa amaizi naagataha

Kamukyerengye – Amaarwa omu rushekye I descended Kamutashumwa and ascended Kamutatembwa9 and I collected water from Kamukyerengye – Beer [flowing] through a straw 39. Naaba ninza kukuha amajuta kwonka entsimbo yanza hare – Okwezi

I was about to give you some ghee but the gourd is too far away – The moon 40. Otantuma okuzimu; ndugireyo nyomwebazyo! – Ekyana ky’omutumba

Do not send me to the underworld; I just returned from there yesterday – A banana shoot 41. Nondibata nkuheme? – Omuriro

Will you step on me and I insult you? – Fire 42. Rwesiga-Bugomi akombeka omu irembo ry’Omukama – Enkyebebe

He-That-Believes-In-Rebellion built in the King’s compound – Red ants 43. Kiri mahuuga kiri magabo10 – Omukazi murungi kwiba

She has brown stripes and she has black spots – A beautiful woman caught stealing 9

The name “Kamutashumwa” suggests a slope that is hard to descend, and “Kamutatembwa” a hill that is difficult to climb. 10 Mahuuga is a striped brown cow, and Magabo a spotted black cow.

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44. Rutahigwa mwene Rukooza – Eibaare

The-Unchallengeable-One Son of Rukooza – A stone 45. Reka nyashame nkumire! – Orwina

Let me open my mouth and swallow you! – A pit 46. Ngira akati kangye Rugaba na Nyamuhanga bakatangatanganaho – Ente

ibiri kwontsya enyena emwe I have a small stick and Rugaba and Nyamuhanga compete to get to it – Two cows that are suckling one calf 47. Kacwa-Mishango etaha omu mabaare geera – Orurimi omu maino

Kashara-Mishango lives amidst white stones – The tongue between the teeth 48. Zaasetuka zaatsiga Nyarwezingazinga omu karugu – Emboha

They went to graze and left Nyarwezinga in the inner room – A string used when milking cows 49. Zaasetuka zaatsiga omuzigu omuka – Ekirasho

They went out to graze and left an enemy at home – An arrow 50. Oburyo bwayo n’ahi ebarukiire – Empogora

Its right side is where it has burst – A roasted banana 51. Kyashami nikyenda kundya! – Ekiju kitarimu nyoko

It has opened its mouth wide and it wants to swallow me! – A house without your mother 52. Maawe na nyoko bafaki?

– Omushaija omwe – Akongo k’omu rubibi What are my mother and your mother fighting over? – One man – A pumpkin on the garden boundary 53. Nsiiba ningyenda, ndaara ningyenda – Amaizi g’omugyera

I move all day, I move all night – Water in a river 54. Tentebera tuhuumure – Enogo aha mumiro

Slide down and we relax – A piece of millet bread sliding down the throat 55. Nyamukumba nzinira hamwe – Omutumba gw’ekitookye

I Nyamukumba dance from one spot – A banana plant 56. Nyamuheeka, mpeekyera abaana – Ekitanda

You-Who-Carries-Things-On-Your-Back, carry my children – A bed 57. Nkatema akati kaazaara amahuri munaana – Omukazi kuzaara aboojo

n’abaishiki I cut a stick and it produced eight eggs – A woman giving birth to boys and girls

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58. Ruhuuzimu omu misoorooza – Oruyongoyongo

Ruhuzimwa in the marshes – A flamingo 59. Rutahigwa mwene Rutyootyooza – Enyawawa

The-Unchallengeable-One Son of The-Talkative-One – The ibis 60. Ngira ente yangye Ndongore n’omuhara Ndongore; ku nkama ekyanzi

kiijura, kuunywa nyanga kwiguta – Omubirizi I have my cow Ndongore and its calf Ndongore; when I milk it the milk pot gets full, but when I drink I am never satisfied – A sour shrub 61. Ngira omuti gwangye tiguragaza ibabi – Omukazi w’engumba

I have a tree that never sheds a leaf – A barren woman 62. Nkatema omuti gwangye aba Buganda bagwota amataagi – Ekigambo

ky’Omukama I cut my tree and people in Buganda made a bonfire from its branches – The king’s word 63. Omukama akantuma eki ntaribona

– Eihembe ry’embwa – Omuzi gw’eibaare The king sent me for something I will never find – The horn of a dog – The root of a stone 64. Endahi teririra mu kibira – Omwana omunda

The wild goose does not coo in the forest – A baby [does not cry] in the womb 65. Ngira amate gangye ngata omu kiteeko11 ntemba n’enjara yangye –

Omwojo na munyaanya I have milk that I keep in a milk pot holder and retire to bed hungry – A boy with his sister 66. Akantu k’owa Timbamaarwa kakagatimba, kagareeba, kaza kuganywa

kagatiina. Kati, “Eshi obu n’obusaasi nabwo!” – Ekyinyi kya munyanyoko The little thing at Timbamaarwa’s home stirred up [the water], looked at it, and wanted to drink it, but it was afraid. Then it said, “Oh, this is painful!” – Your sister’s private parts 67. Engaro za shwenkuru nizishaba enyama – Ekishogashoga

Your grandfather’s hands are begging for meat – [The leaves of] a castor oil tree 68. Wandeeba ngu nkuhe ki? – Ekinyenyeezi

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Ekiteeko is a traditionally woven milk pot-holder.

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You looked at me so that I give you what? – A meteorite 69. Eihuri rya Nyamurunga ku ryeteera omu kibuga ahansi, enganda

zitaataana – Ekijumeero ky’ente When Nyamurunga’s egg falls down in the compound, clans become divided – A cow mooing 70. Omugufu omu nte ze – Empikye omu mushojwa

The short one among his cows – An anthill in the midst of couch grass 71. Akaayera nseeri

– Akaika k’abatabaazi The white thing [on the hill] across from here – Smoke produced by warriors’ fire 72. Eky’omuhima atamanya aha nte – Okutwara kw’ente

What a herdsman does not know about cows – How cows get pregnant 73. Obuyaayo bwaraba aha

– Enjoki itarimu mukama – Ente zitarimu nimi – Abashaija bataine mukama The tiny pieces of firewood have passed here – Bees without a king – Cows without a bull – Men without a king 74. Akanimi kangye Rugaju ku kaajugiire enyima y’omugongo, kazibira

Omugabe kutemba – Empazi When my small bull Rugaju mooed behind the hill, the King could not retire [to his bed] – Red ants 75. Kasa eti “po” kagaju eti “reka!” – Eihwa kwiiha erindi

The grey one [cow] says “po” and the brown one [cow] says “stop it!” – Using a thorn to remove another [from your foot] 76. Ngira ekyanzi kyangye ku nkikamiramu tikiijura – Omushweino

I have a milk pot which I cannot fill whenever I milk it – A hole 77. Ensi ekasya yatsiga orukoba rwa muka Ishaza – Omuhanda

The earth burned and what was left was the belt of Ishaza’s wife – A footpath 78. Emburara ya Rwanda ku egwa teimuka – Obwoya bw’ente

When the emburara grass of Rwanda lies down it does not rise again – The hair of a cow 79. Nkaruga omu kibira nkwaitse ekicuncu omureju – Empango

I came out of the forest holding a lion by its mane – An axe 80. Ruhandiika akwaitse Ruremeera – Enyomyo y’enju

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The One-That-Is-Standing is holding the One-That-Is-Heavy – A pole in a hut 81. Zakuuka zatsiga Kiremba aha bwaato – Kanyamunyu aha bwaato

They came out of the water and left Kiremba12 at the water trough – The Kanyamunyu bird at the water trough 82. Ngira abaishiki bangye bashatu, omwe kw’arugaho tindya – Amihigikizo

I have three daughters, when one goes away I do not eat – Cooking stones 83. Rutabama akaribata Rutabama – Enjojo okuribata ibare etaryaate

Rutabama stepped on Rutabama – An elephant steps on a stone but does not break it 84. Obu turi aha twena tukaine – Akanyangarara k’omungaro

All of us who are here have it – A line through the palm 85. Obu turi aha tujunzire ebibunu – Ebibunu by’emiganda

All of us who are here have rotten buttocks – The [rotten] ends of building poles 86. Nyarwezingazinga eyezingiire omu karugu – Emboha

The Flexible-One is curled up in the inner room – A rope13 87. Kacwamishango ataaha omu mabaare geera – Orurimi omu maino

The-One-Who-Settles-Cases lives in the middle of white stones – A tongue between the teeth 88. Nakataaka, nakataakurura, nakatsiga n’oburungi bwako – Ekikongorero

ky’ekicoori I decorated it, undecorated it, and left it beautiful as ever – A corn cob 89. Zikooma zabura kisheenya – Amahembe g’ente

The [firewood] dried up but did not get anyone to collect it – A cow’s horns 90. Rubambira-Muryango, muhara wa Ruzootora – Omurabyo

The-One-Who-Stands-In-The-Doorway, Ruzotora’s daughter – Lightning 91. Munuguru na Munuguru bari ahaifo nibanigurana – Enkuba n’eibaare

Munuguru and Munuguru are strangling each other down there – Thunder and a rock 92. Kankuteere nkwetangaarikire, ndi muhara w’oha? – Okuteera entsibo

Let me hit you and duck you; whose daughter am I? – Tripping your foot

B: R U N Y A R W A N D A –R U F U M B I R I R I D D L E S

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Kiremba is a name given to a brown or black cow with white stripes. Emboha is a rope used to secure a cow’s hind legs when it is being milked.

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Rec: AM, GM and SM14; tr. AM; perf. KR15 (Kikunika, Nakasongola, Mar-Aug. 2005 and 22 June 2010). By permission of Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye. 1. Mugongo-Mugari, mpekera abana – Uburiri

You-That-Have-A-Wide-Back, carry my children – A Bed 2. Shira amazinda ngutume ikuzimu – Agacaca mw’iriba

Be courageous, I want to send you to the underworld – Couch grass in the well 3. Intara za Nyirabangana zingana zose – Isi n’ijuru

The winnowing trays of Nyirabagara are of equal size – Heaven and Earth 4. Ndi kagufi nahina so – Akanzu

I am short but I can bend your father – A short gate at the back of the house 5. Nkubise urushyi rurumira – Ibara ry’inka

I slapped it and my hand left a permanent mark – The spots on a cow 6. Abambari16 ba Ruhinda bambariye inzogera ikuzimu – Ibinyobwa

Ruhinda’s guards adorned themselves with anklets in the underworld – Groundnuts 7. Rutamu rwa Nturumbutsi ajya kwirukana so yaramurutaga? – Uruyuki

Nturumbutsi’s spotted he-goat which chased your father, was it stronger than him? – A bee 8. Mpagaze aha mbona Kimenyi17 arasomera igisate i Gisaka – Umurabyo

I stood here and saw Kimenyi eating a slice [of millet bread] with milk in Gisaka– Lightening 9. Mpagaze aha mpaga amatama nti, “Amata yabashumba yabuze!” –

Umwumano w’ishashi I stood here and popped out my cheeks, and said, “There is no milk for the shepherds!” – A pregnant heifer 10. Mpagaze aha ndeba Ruganzu amenyo abiri – Ibikingi by’amarembo

14

Gladys Mbabazi and Susan Mahoro, my assistants, recorded some of these texts. Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye, performer and housewife in Kikunika, Buruuli, Nakasongola District. 16 Abambari were people who guarded the king in the palace. Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye; personal interview, 22 June 2010. 17 According to Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye, Kimenyi kya Bazimya ba Ruregeya was the king of Gisaka in pre-colonial Rwanda. 15

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I stood here and looked at Ruganzu’s only two teeth – The pillars at the gate 11. Kiti “tiku” kiti “timburi” kya musore urwana intambara! – Igisemburo mu

gisururu It says “tiku” and it says “timburi” and it is that young man who is at war! – Banana wine mixed with sorghum malt 12. Nagutera icy’utazi cy’utabonye – Ubusore bwa so n’ubukumi bwa nyoko

I can throw at you that which you neither know nor ever saw – Your father and mother’s youthful days 13. Zaturuka mw’irembo wamenya iriza n’impete? – Ifundi

If they walked through the gates, would you tell which one has given birth once or twice? – The ifundi birds 14. Kubita ruhushi tujye gukwa nyoko – Ikyugu

Bring the rough-skinned one and we will go to pay your mother’s bride price – A gecko 15. Ibuguti-ibuguti!

– Impyisi ibugutana umuguta – Umusore ubugutana ingabo Ibuguti-ibuguti! – A hyena running off with a hide – A young fighter marching with a shield 16. Kashira amanga karakanyagwa!

– Akobo kavun’ imbyeyi – Agacumu kic’ inkurikirane How fearless it is, that terrible one! – The pit that injures a cow – The spear that kills siblings 17. K’uba kundengo ntumenye amagambo y’ibwami? – Agasongero k’inzu

You live high up, but why don’t you know the news from the king’s palace? –The rooftop of a house 18. Nyiramakangaza ngo mutahe – Imbeho ku rugi

Nyiramakangaza sent you greetings – A cold breeze through the door 19. Nshoye umweru nkura gaju – Umutsima w’uburo

I took a white cow to the water and it came back brown – Millet bread 20. Nyoko na mama bapfuye iki? – Akayuzi ko mu rubibi

Your mother and my mother, what were they fighting over? – The pumpkin growing at the farm boundary 21. Nteye akabuye mu nkike ya ruguru kagaruka mu nkike yepfo kavuga

amanzenze – Amazimwe y’urugari

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I threw a stone into the upper corner of the courtyard and it zoomed back into the lower corner – Community gossip 22. Nijye uzinduka cyane nasanze urupfu rutunga amasaro – Urume

I am an early riser, so I found death kneading beads together – Dew 23. Nzindutse cyane nsanga kwa Rwabukoco bakocagurana

– Imbwa mu magufwa – Ubunnyo bw’ impfizi I woke up early and found people at Rwabukoco’s house hitting each other – A dog cracking bones – A bull’s anus 24. Kujya mu Bajiji war’Umujiji?

– Umugina mu rufunzo – Umwiswa mw’ Isusa Why did you live among the Bajiji people when you are not a Mujiji? – An anthill in a swamp – A mwishwa plant amidst the isusa shrubs 25. Fata akebo mfate akandi tujye gusoroma intagwira – Ubwoya bw’ inka

Get a basket and I will get one and let us go and pick that which we cannot get enough of – A cow’s hair 26. Sakuza nuwo muri hamwe aho! – Ururimi

Riddle with the person near you! – Your tongue 27. Fata impitirizo nfate iyindi tujye kubarira icyananiranye – Imitutu yo mu

nzira Get a needle and I will get one and we will sew that which has defeated everyone – Cracks in the middle of a footpath 28. Shoreza tujy’iyo

– Amaazi mu murama – Inkari mu murama Sneeze and we go in there – Water in [the hollow part of] a murama tree – Urine in [the hollow part of] a murama tree 29. Ko so afite uruhara nkagira urundi, inzoga y’ibwami izikorerwa na nde? –

Igihaza Your father has a bald head and I have one, who will carry the beer to the king’s palace? – A pumpkin 30. Karakuriza karakuruta, wa duri we! – Uruyuki

It is making you cry as if it is older than you, you despicable one! – A bee 31. Mvuye hanze ndeba umuntu, ngeze munzu arabura – Agasongero k’inzu

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I came from outside looking at a person, but upon entering the house he/she disappeared – The rooftop of a hut 32. Mfite abakobwa batatu iyo umwe adahari turaburaara – Amashyiga

I have three girls, when one is not around we do not eat – Cooking stones 33. Urandeba ngo ndaguha?

– Imyenge y’inzu – Igicucu You look at me thinking I will give you? – The holes in the wall of a house – A shadow 34. Umwami antumye icyo ntazabona – Imizi y’urutare

The King has sent me for something I will never get – The roots of a rock 35. Bantumye icyo ntazabona – Amenyo y’ inkoko

They have sent me for something I will never get – A hen’s teeth 36. Karatabaguza – Akabwa mu ntabire

It runs helter-skelter – A dog in a freshly tilled garden 37. Jy’inyuma y’inzu bagufunde ibirozi – Ibiboga bigaze

Go behind the house and they will stuff you with witchcraft – Sauce that has gone bad 38. Jya kur’uriya musozi bagufatireyo – Imifatango

Go to that mountain and they will arrest you – Thorn trees 39. Kati “pa” kati “hwi!” – Agaca mu nkoko

It says “pa” and it says “hwi!” – An eagle amidst chickens 40. Nikoreye isi nshyira hasi ijuru – Inyota n’inzara

I am carrying the earth after putting down the sky – Thirst and hunger 41. Dukinge, turashize! – Inzira ijya mu kijyega

Let us close, we are going to perish! – The path to a granary 42. Rurema abumbatiye Imana – Umugore ufite inda

The creator has embraced God – A pregnant woman 43. Icy’inka zifuza

– Amenyo yo haruguru – Kuvuga nk’abantu The thing that cows desire – The upper teeth – To talk like human beings 44. Inzoga zahiye kwa Runtu – Inkwi mu matovu

Beer is ready at Runtu’s home – Fire wood amidst thorns 45. Mfite inzu yanjye ntigira urugi – Ijyi

I have a house that has no door – An egg

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46. Rubabura-Mbavu yavuye i Bugande – Inkuba

The-One-That-Scotches-The-Ribs came from Buganda – Thunder 47. Icy’umumaro kyavuye Buraya – Ikaramu

The most important thing that came from Europe – A pen 48. Ko wari utari umwami, mu bami ukoram’ iki? – Isekuru mu Bahima

You are not a king, what are you doing among kings? – A mortar among the Bahima 49. Inkware ntiririra mu kigunda – Umwana munda

A guinea fowl does not cry from a bush – A child inside the womb 50. Mfite abakobwa bange iyo babyina sinamenya umukuru n’umuto – Imvura

I have my daughters and when they are dancing I cannot tell who is old or young – Rain 51. N’igiki kyabanje gukora inzira? – Ibimonyo

What was the first thing to create a path? – Ants 52. Ubutunguru bubiri bwambutse ingezi – Amaso yawe

Two onions have crossed the river – Your eyes 53. N’igiki kyatanze umuzungu kwambara itayi? – Ikiyoni

What was the first thing to wear a tie before the Whiteman did? – A crow 54. Ziravugira i Nyamirama – Inshunzi mu kyansi

They are sounding in Nyamirama – Milk flowing in a milk pot 55. Zirahindira i Karagwe – Inzuho mu mbangara18

They are buzzing in Karagwe – Calabashes among broken shards of gourds 56. Zirashooka urutonde – Amaraso ku murundi

They are moving to the watering well in one formation – Blood flowing down the leg 57. Ruganzu araguye n’ingabo ze – Igitoki

Ruganzu has fallen along with his troops – A banana 58. Nyiramunini Mugwa-Mpinga – Umuduha

The-Big-One [is] Mugwa-Mpinga – A cactus tree 59. Nshikuje umubugubugu Ubugesera burahubangabana – Inzara y’umusore

I grabbed a stick and the Ubugesera region was destabilized – A young man who is hungry 60. Mvuye hejuru nkomanganya intoki ngeze hasi nti, “Sinzasubirayo,

ndakambura data!” – Akababi I came down while clapping my fingers and when I got to the ground I said, “If I ever go back, let me go strip my father naked!” – A small leaf 18

Imbangara are pots with large openings.

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61. Nzindutse kare cyane nsanga kwa Bukoco bakyugariye – Ubunyo

bw’impfizi I woke up early and found the gates of Bukoco’s home still closed – A bull’s anus 62. Karaziguriza – akazizi k’amata

It is giving off a nice aroma – The sweet smell of milk 63. Karashubeera – Akotsi k’abatabazi

It is drifting up in the sky – Smoke from a fire made by warriors 64. Imisozi irashya Rukuba ntishye – Inzira

Hills are burning but Rukuba is not burning – A path 65. Zagarika amahembe nti wamenya iyo nyoko yakowe – Ingara z’iminyinya

If they raise their horns you wouldn’t be able to tell which cow was given as bride price for your mother – Pods from the minyinya trees 66. Sogokuru Sagakambwe yapfuye apfuna ivu – Inopfu

When my grandfather Sagakambwe died he was sneezing ash out of his nose – The top flower on a sorghum plant that has not fully grown into grains 67. Sogokuru Sagakambwe yapfanye ibihigi byinsi! – Imitobotobo

My grandfather Sagakambwe died with many talismans – The imitibotobo shrubs 68. Nciye mw’ ishyamba rimpa umwezi – Ibarizo ry’ingoma

I passed through the forest and it gave me a moon – A place where they make drums 69. Nkiza ibyo bitoki bya so birekye kunsaba inyama! – Ibibabi

by’ibibonobono Stop your father’s large fingers that are begging me for meat! – Leaves of the bibonobono trees 70. Kirarimbana umugaga, kiri ku mugambi wo gutabara – Ikinyabwoya

It is smartly dressed and it is proud, it is on a mission to wedge war – A caterpillar 71. Kiti “tikuri” kiti “pi” – Igitimbiri kyituye mu kijyega

It says “tikuri” and it says “pi” – A large basket that has fallen into the granary 72. Nambutse uruzi ndangay’ innyo – Umuguta

I crossed the stream with my anus exposed – A cowhide 73. Nyangufi arasekura uburo – Inda mu ruhara

Nyangufi is pounding millet grains – Lice on a bald head 74. Fata agakoni nange mfate akandi tujye guhura ubutanoga – Ubwoya

bw’ihene

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Get a stick and I will get another and we will go to thresh that which cannot be crushed – A goat’s hair 75. Nagutera icy’utazi cy’utabonye – Ubusore bwa so n’ubukumi bwa nyoko

I can hit you with that which you do not know and have never seen – Your father and mother’s youthful times 76. Rugamba araguye n’ingabo ze – Igitoki

Rugamba has fallen with his soldiers – A banana stem 77. Nyiramunini mugwa-mpinga – Umuduha

Nyiramunini the one that falls on top of the hill – A cactus tree 78. Rukara ari hejuru y’urupfu – Iryato mu nyanja

Rukara is atop death – A boat in a lake 79. Nagutera igondigondi, nagutera ishingashinga, nagutera inyabune ya

butano – Injishi y’igisabo I can hit you with the thing that bends and bends; I can hit you with the thing that stands and stands erect; I can hit you with a four-cord string with five strands – A gourd-holder 80. Gy’inyuma y’inzu ukubitwe n’inkuba – Gusanga nyokobukwe yiyuhagira

Go behind the house and you will be struck by thunder – Finding your mother-in-law bathing 81. Ka kwica, ka kugarika, akambari ka matena – Agahwa mu rwondo

It can kill you, it can throw you on your back, it is the small warrior of the matena bird – A thorn in the mud 82. Abana bange barara bahagaze bwacya bakaryama – Imyugariro

My children stand all night and they sleep in the morning – Logs used to barricade the gate of a cattle kraal 83. Agacwende kange kari kure mba ngukoreyemo – Ukwezi

My small gourd where I keep ghee is far away; I would have scooped some for you – A moon 84. Nyabugenge n’ubugenge bwayo:

– Inka y’umukara gukamawa amata yera – Inka gucurik’ icebe ntimen’ amata – Inzoka kugenda idafite amaguru The precarious one does things in an amazing manner: – A black cow produces white milk – A cow carries its udder upside down but it does not spill the milk – A snake moves when it does not have legs

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C: L UG A N D A R I D D L E S Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. GMu19 (Lukomera, Luweero, 8 June 2005). By permission of Gertrude Musisi. 1. Gobbo ne Gobbo – Ebigere by’ente ku lwaazi

Gobbo and Gobbo – Cattle hooves on a rock 2. Nina mukazi wange agenda nkya adda ggulo – Oluggi

My wife goes out in the morning and returns in the evening – A door 3. Nina mukazi wange, bamubikira kwa musana akaaba kwa nkuba – Ekisasi

I have a wife, she is informed of someone’s death when it is sunny but she cries when it is rainy

Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. DDK20 (Lukomera, Luweero, 8 June 2005). 21 By permission of Debora Ddamba Kyeyune. 4. Omukadde agudde n’amaziina ge – Essanja ku kitooke

An old woman has fallen with her rags – Dry leaves on a banana tree 5. Nina mukazi wange: Kasitamire-Enkuluggu – Akasaka ku kyooto

I have a wife: One-Who-Seats-On-The-Edge – A small cooking pot [sitting] on hearth stones 6. Nina mukazi wange, bwava waggulu taddayo – Akakoola k’omutuba

I have a wife, when she comes from above she does not go back – A leaf from omutuba tree 7. Kwaata empiso nange nkwaate empiso tugende tutuunge ekyalema abakulu okutuunga – Olwaatikka lw’ettaka Get a needle and I will also get a needle so that we can go and sew that which the elders failed to sew – A crack in the ground 8. Nina mukazi wange, yalima omusiri munene nnyo, naye yateekamu

enkoomi bbiri nene – Enjuba n’omweezi I have a wife, she cultivated a very large garden and she put in two big bonfires – The moon and the sun 9. Kankubye nekeewaana – Akakonge k’oku kkubo

It hit me and boasted about it – A small stump along the footpath 10. Kabaka ali mu maggwa naye tegamufumita – Olulimi 19

Gertrude Musisi, performer; she is also headmistress of Lukomera Primary School. 20 Debora Ddamba Kyeyune, performer, and retired primary school teacher. 21 Alice Kulabigwo and Grace Bakyaita, my assistant collectors, helped me in recording these riddles.

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The king is among thorns but they cannot pierce him – A tongue 11. Nina mukazi wange atambula azina – Ekisaanyi

I have a wife who walks while dancing – A caterpillar 12. Kaakulumbala kalippa – Akabeere k’omusajja ku kifuba

It sticks out tiny, hard and stunted – A man’s breast on the chest 13. Nanoonya nembulwa – Ensonda y’eggulu

I searched and did not find – The horizon of the sky 14. Weyambule nkulye! – Eryenvu

Undress and I will eat you! – A banana 15. Bagizimba bangi naye nsulamu bwoomu – Entaana

Many people build it but I reside in it alone – A grave 16. Yita emitala nange mpite emitala – Omusipi (mu kiwato)

Pass the other side and I will pass the other side – A belt (around the waist) 17. Kya kyeewuunyo! – Ente enzirugavu okuvaamu amata ameeru

It is amazing! – A black cow producing white milk 18. Akasajja kampi kakuuma waka – Ekkufulu ku luggi

The short man protects the home – A door lock 19. Buli avaayo alina ekkooti enjeru – Enswa

Every one who comes out has a white jacket – White ants 20. Wuluttu-wuluttu – Amazzi g’oku lutimpa

Wuluttu-wuluttu – Water running off a cocoyam leaf 21. Nina amasowaani gange genkanankana – Eggulu n’ensi

I have plates that are of equal size – Heaven and earth 22. Munda ggumba, wakati nnyana, ku ngulu maggwa – Ffene

On the inside it is bones, in the middle meat, on top thorns – Jackfruit 23. Nkutte omubbi nansooka ku Polisi – Ffene: bw’omuwanula waggulu

ng’aggwa ng’akusooka wansi I arrested a thief and he got to the Police station before I did – When you pick Jackfruit, it falls to the ground before you climb down 24. Kabi ddiba, kabi nyama, kalungi mucuuzi – Ekikajjo

The skin is bad, the meat is bad, the soup is good – Sugarcane 25. Ddondi asokoola Ddondi – Munyeera mu ggumba

Ddondi is eating up Ddondi – Maggots in a bone 26. Nina mukazi wange, yaluka emikeeka mingi naye tagituulako – Ensujju

I have a wife, she made many mats but she does not sit on them – A pumpkin 27. Nina mukazi wange, yazimba ennyumba ya mpagi kumi, emiryango

munaana – Engalo I have a wife, she built a house with ten poles and eight doors – Fingers

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28. Serengeta wammanga awo osangeyo abaserikale bakukwaate – Ssere

Go down there and the soldiers you find there will arrest you – The black jack weed 29. Kantunuulidde naye sijja kukawa – Akatuli k’oku bbaati

It is looking at me but I will not give it anything – A hole in the roof 30. Nina mukazi wange yazimba ennyumba tekuli mulyango – Eggi

I have a wife, she built a house that has no door – An egg 31. Nina mukazi wange, yazimba ennyumba ya mpagi emu – Akatiko

I have a wife, she built a house with one pole supporting it – A mushroom 32. Nina mukazi wange gyava atunulayo ne gyagenda atunulayo – Olusekese

lw’enku I have a wife, she faces where she is coming from and at the same time faces where she is going – A bundle of firewood 33. Muti ki gwe bayita omuti naye nga teguzimba? – Muti22 gwa sabbuni

What tree is called a tree when it cannot be used for building? – A bar of soap

D: R U N Y A N K O R E –R U K I G A C HI L D R E N ’ S S O N G S Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. AR (Rushere, Ankole, 16 August 2005). By permission of Aida Rubabinda. 1. Mp’enkoni, Mp’enkoni Mp’enkoni, mp’enkoni, mp’enkoni! Mp’enkoni engarama zaizire Zaizire nizicunda ebinwa Ebinwa bya rutendegyere Rutendengyere enkuba emuteere! Emuteerere haiguru mpariya Mpariya hariyo orwitire Orwitire runywana n’enkura Enkura eshoroma etegire Etegire akaara k’embogo Akaara k’embogo karimu omwonyo Omwonyo gwaruga Isharara

22

The Luganda word ‘omuti’ (tree) is also used to refer to a ‘bar’ of soap, hence the double play on meaning here.

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Appendix: Texts Isharara omunda y’engoma Y’engoma, y’engoma, y’engoma!

Give Me a Stick, Give Me a Stick Give me a stick, give me a stick, give me a stick! Give me a stick the invaders have come They have come swinging their big lips The big lips that are dangling Dangling, may lightening strike him! Strike him from the sky over there There where there is abundance Abundance is friendly with a rhinoceros A rhinoceros picks vegetables while ready Ready for a buffalo’s hoof A buffalo’s hoof is salty The salt from Isharara Isharara deep in the kingdom In the kingdom, in the kingdom, in the kingdom!

2. Naatema Akati Kaarara Naatema akati kaarara Kaarara nikaz’ Igara Igara owa Ntambiko Ntambiko yampa akasyo Akasyo naakaha abagyesi Abagyesi bampa oruro Oruro naruha Warukoko Warukoko yampa eihuri Eihuri nariha abaana Abaana bamp’ engyeya Engyeya nagih’ omukama Omukama yampa kasa Kasa nagishweza omukazi Omukazi yanzarira omwana Omwana namweta Mugarura Mugarura y’agarura ebya ishe na ishenkuru

I Cut a Stick and it Wandered I cut a stick and it wandered It wandered towards Igara Igara at Ntambiko’s home

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Ntambiko gave me a knife The knife I gave to the harvesters The harvesters gave me a millet grain The millet grain I gave to the big hen The big hen gave me an egg The egg I gave to children The children gave me a colobus monkey The colobus monkey I gave to the king The king gave me a grey calf The grey calf I used as bride price for my wife My wife bore me a child The child I named him Mugarura Mugarura rescued his father and grandfather’s property

3. Kweezi, Kweezi, Kweezi! Kwezi, kwezi, kwezi! Kwezi nyamuraingwa Teera ente itaahe Zebemberwe oha? Kiiza naarira Narizibwa ki? Narizibwa entanga ye Yaginaga hi? Yaginaga aha rugo Orugo rwa Ibanga Kyamukuutakuuta Kyamunaga hariya

Moon, Moon, Moon! Moon, moon, moon! Moon the tall one Take the cows home Who will lead them? Kiiza is crying Why is he crying? He is crying for his wild pumpkin Where did he throw it? He threw it in the kraal The kraal of Ibanga It scrubbed and scrubbed him And it threw him over there

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4. Mpa Akacumu Nkwaate Mp’akacumu nkwate Mpa akakoni ngyerekye Ntaahe Nyarubanga Nze kureeba Kyangwe N’omuhara Ngwengwe Nshangye batarimu Ntsibure Rubamba Ntsibure Rugondo Nzite omw’ ishaazi Erasingye endi Ngigurire omurebe N’amajugo gaagwo

Give Me a Spear to Hold Give me a spear to hold Give me a walking stick as well I will go to Nyarubanga To see Kyangwe And his daughter Ngengwe If I do not find them there I will untie Rubamba I will untie Rugondo I will put them in the milking area Whichever wins I will buy it an omurebe gong With matching bracelets

5. Kiisha-Mutuutu Kiishamutuutu Wateerw’ oha? Ni muka-taata Yakutura ki? Yantura okubeiha Beiha tureebe Timanya kubeiha Nogira ngu niinye? Manya ni Kibeebe Kya Bamutaranzya Yaija n’empango

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Yayenda kunkonda Nanye namukonda Twena twashaasha Tu tu tu, tu tu tu!

Kiishamutuutu Kiishamutuutu Who has beaten you? It is my step-mother Why did she beat you? Because I tell lies Tell me a lie I do not know how to tell lies You think it is me? It is Kibeebe Child of Bamutaranzya He came with an axe He wanted to cut me And I also cut him We both felt pain Tu tu tu, tu tu tu!

Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. IK (Kikatsi, Ankole, 16 July 2005). By permission of Isirairi Katuka. 1. Kamusherengure, ninza owangye Kamusherengure, ninza owangye Kamusherengure, owanyu okora ki? Kamusherengure, kaite omwana! Kamusherengure, omwana akakora ki? Kamusherengure, kwiha amaino Kamusherengure, amaino gaaki? Kamusherengure, sheka ndoreho Kamusherengure, ha ha! Kamusherengure, ho ho!

Kamusherengure, I am Going to My Home Kamusherengure, I am going home Kamusherengure, at your home what do you do? Kamusherengure, go and kill your child! Kamusherengure, what did the child do?

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Kamusherengure, pulling out teeth Kamusherengure, teeth for what? Kamusherengure, laugh and I see Kamusherengure, ha ha! Kamusherengure, ho ho!

Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. EK23 (Rwanda-Orwera, Ankole, 17 July 2005). By permission of Eriya Kyamanianga. 1. Oteekire Ki, Nyina Mpengyere Oteekire ki, nyina Mpengyere? Nteekire enyungu y’empengyere Tompaho shi, nyina Mpengyere? Ha, obwaijo nkakuha Ngarukye nkuhe? Abaana bahati Bataine kashoni Bagambire ishebo Anteere akacumu Kandenzye aha rugo Kanteere omu rushaka Entuha zinshekyerere! Nyeheere ekyeeko kyangye Nyezirikye byanfubiire Aisi, oruntu ka rwancwa omugongo! Aisi, oruntu ka rwancwa amanyanya!

What Are You Cooking, Mpengyere’s Mother? What are you cooking, Mpengyere’s mother? I am cooking maize grains in a pot Will you give me some, Mpengyere’s mother? Ha, the other day I gave you Now I give you again? Children of today Who are shameless Will tell their father He will spear me And it will throw me over the hedge Cranes will laugh at me! 23

Eriya Kyamanianga, performer; he is a farmer in Rwanda–Orwera, Nyabushozi.

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ORAL LITERATURE

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Give me my girdle Let me dress up, things have turned against me Oh, the thing has broken my back! Oh, the thing has broken my hips!

Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. AT24 (Ruharo, Ankole, May-Aug. 2005). By permission of Allyce Tumwesigye. 1. Iwe Mwaana we Kakyerere Iwe mwana we Kakyerere Ndeeter’ akariro Akaawe kaza hi? Akangye kaaraara Kukaaza kuraara Waaba ogiire hi? Naaba ntaahire Kuza kwenda ki? Kwenda akatookye Kaine mboga ki? N’enyabutongo Okaziiha nkahi? Omunda y’eibaare Eibaare rya nkahi? Rya Nyarubanga Kakyerere ee-ee Kakyerere!

You, Little One, Kakyerere You, little one, Kakyerere Bring me fire Where have you put yours? It went off When it was going off Where had you gone? I had gone home To do what? To bring a little bunch of bananas What is the sauce? It is green vegetables Where did you get them from? 24

Allyce Tumwesigye performed these rhymes.

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Appendix: Texts Under the stone Which stone? The stone at Nyarubanga Kakyerere ee-ee Kakyerere!

2. Ekikooko Kyaitu Ekikooko kyeitu Ekikooko kyeitu Kyine oruhu Kyine oruhu Mwije tukibambe Mwije tukibambe N’emambo N’emambo

Our Animal Our animal Our animal It has a skin It has a skin Come let us spread its skin Come let us spread its skin With sharp sticks With sharp sticks

3. Kamuzinzi Yania Aho Kamuzinzi yania aho Abakwe nibamureeba! Bateer’ ente munaana Eya mwenda bagigarurayo

Kamuzinzi Has Defecated There Kamuzinzi has defecated there When his in-laws are watching! They had brought eight cows Now they have taken back the ninth

4. Kanyantsi, nseera ngyende Kanyantsi, nseera ngyende Owaitu bantumire omuriro

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Ogw’ enki? Ogw’ okutekyesa ebyokurya Eby’ enki? Eby’ okwigutsa abaana

Kanyantsi, Grind for Me and I Go Kanyantsi, grind for me and I will go They have sent me for fire Fire for what? For cooking food Food for what? Food for feeding children

5. Kumba Ningyenda Kumba ningyenda Mpurira ninshaasha Ninshaasha amara omunda Beitu shi ka n’ekintu Eky’amaisho g’enkyende

Ningyenda Ninshaasha Amara omunda Ka n’ekintu G’enkyende!

When I am Walking When I am walking I feel pain I feel pain in the intestines It must be something Something with eyes of a monkey

I am walking I feel pain In the intestines Something Of a monkey!

6. Oyonkye Nkusherekye, Katerebembe Oyonkye nkusherekye, Katerebembe Oyonkye nkusherekye, Kanyamishwaro Ndootsire omuhiigo guri Bukanga Nibenda kukwita, Katerebembe Ekibwa ky’abahiigi kinuukanuuka Ekikoni ky’ abahiigi kicwa omugongo Oyonkye nkusherekye, Katerebembe Oyonkye nkusherekye, Kanyamishwaro Nkusherekye omu katsinde, munywani wangye Nkusherekye omu ibaare, Mujugirangoma

CHILDREN

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Appendix: Texts Ku ndiba nafiire, Katerebembe Omurombe gukushwekye, Kanyamishwaro Enkyebebe ikubumbe, munywani wangye Orye obunyatsi nk’ ente, Mujugirangoma Oyonkye nkusherekye, Katerebembe Oyonkye nkusherekye, Kanyamishwaro

Feed and I Will Hide You, Katerebembe Feed and I will hide you, Katerebembe Feed and I will hide you, Kanyamishwaro I dreamt of a hunting expedition in Bukanga They wanted to kill you, Katerebembe The hunters’ fat dog sniffs and sniffs The hunters’ big club breaks the back Feed and I hide you, Katerebembe Feed and I hide you, Kanyamishwaro I will hide you in thick grass, my friend I will hide you in the rock, Mujugirangoma When I am long dead, Katerebembe The dew will cover you, Kanyamishwaro The ants will build over you, my friend And you will eat grass like cows, Mujugirangoma Feed and I will hide you, Katerebembe Feed and I will hide you, Kanyamishwaro

7. Reeba Nyina Nshengye Reeba nyina Nshengye Yaaza omu kishengye Kwihayo enkarangye Ku araakuhe oyangye Tunene ezangye

See Nshengye’s Mother See Nshengye’s mother She has gone to the room To bring fried corn When she gives, you do not accept We shall eat mine

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8. Ruhondeeza, Ruhondeeza! Ruhondeeza, Ruhondeeza! Imuka tuze kwega Omu kwega harimu bingi Okushoma n’okuhandiika Okubara n’okuhandiika Okubara n’Orujungu Obuta oburwanisa endwara Obworo hamwe n’obutamanya

Sluggard, Sluggard! Sluggard, Sluggard! Wake up and we will go to school There are many good things in education Reading and writing Mathematics and writing Mathematics and English The bows and arrows to fight disease Poverty and illiteracy

9. Osa Aga Magingo Aseera Ki? Osa aga magingo aseera ki? Aseera omwana narira Aseera kitanga nejuga Abaana bangye nibarira Kaahwa bagibagire yahwi!

The One Grinding at this Time Grinds for What? The one grinding at this time grinds for what? She grinds for a crying child She grinds for a bleeting grey goat My children are crying It is finished and slaughtered yahwi!

10.

Waninini Waninini karengyer’ aho! Kanyonyi kacumita Kacumita omwana Omwana w’omushaija Tiritiri nooha?

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Appendix: Texts Ka ni Mbabazi Muhara w’omwami Kinyonyi ky’omwishwa

Waninini May you disappear over there! The bird has pierced Pierced a child A man’s child Who runs very fast? It is Mbabazi Daughter of the chief Bird of the wilderness

11.

Kamwe, Nkako Kamwe, nkako Nkabweijana Nikwo mbara Mbara omugoye Gureegire Gwa nyakeiha Nkeiha enkonya Ngwejegyeire Rwakibanda Toora ikumi Ikumi ryawe!

One, There It Is One, there it is I am alone That is how I count I count the rope A rope that is tightened Of the nyakeiha type I uprooted banana stumps Rwakibanda Have ten Your ten!

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144 12.

ORAL LITERATURE Po, Po, Ntema Ki?

Po, po! Ntema ki? Ntema akati Kari Rumba Kari Rwanda Ntwara ki? Ntwara Kiiza Kyamarumba Po, po!

Po, Po! What do I cut? Po, po! What do I cut? I cut a stick It is in Rumba It is in Rwanda What do I take? I take Kiiza Kyamarumba Po, po!

13.

Toora Toora Ntoore ki? Akakumba Ndabe hi? Omu rutookye Enjoka yamwo? Bakagiita Bakagiitisa ki? Obuta bwangye Okabwiha hi? Owa Rwangande Okaryayo ki? Akoonyo Kanura kata? Nuri, nuri! Nk’amashereka ga nyoko!

Get This Get this Get what?

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Appendix: Texts Porridge Where should I pass? In the banana plantation Wasn’t there a snake? It was killed Killed with what? My bow and arrow Where did you get it? From Rwangande’s home What did you eat there? A pinch of salt How does it taste? Nuri, nuri! Like your mother’s breast milk!

14.

Tiiwe Warahiire? Tiiwe warahiire Ngu omukazi wawe taiba? Bamukwata naiba enanansi Enanansi nungi y’Enfaransa!

Did You Not Swear? Did you not swear That your wife never steals? She was caught stealing a pineapple A good quality French pineapple!

15.

Kakaikuru, Nokora Ki? Kakaikuru, nokora ki? Kakaikuru, nokora ki? Ka ninsa ninkaranga Ka ninsa ninkaranga Oburo bw’ abagyenyi Oburo bw’ abagyenyi Abandi bazira ente n’embogo Abandi bazira ente n’embogo Nyowe nzira omuhiigo Nyowe nzira omuhiigo

Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm

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Old Woman, What Are You Doing? Old woman, what are you doing? Old woman, what are you doing? I am grinding and roasting I am grinding and roasting Millet for the visitors Millet for the visitors For some, cows and buffalos are taboos For some, cows and buffalos are taboos But for me hunting is a taboo But for me hunting is a taboo

16.

Omukazi Akahing’ Oburo Omukazi akahing’ oburo Omukazi akahing’ oburo Ai nunu n’eihano, omukazi akahing’ oburo Omuhara yabugoya Omuhara yabugoya Akahinga oburo omuhara yabugoya Omuhara aine akaana kye Akaana kaine endogoya Endogoya eine kapa Kapa ein’ embeba Embeba ein’ eigufa Eigufa riine omushokooro Omushokooro nibagurya Omushokooro gunura Omushokooro gunura Ai nunu n’eihano, omushokooro gunura!

The Woman Grew Millet The woman grew millet The woman grew millet Oh dear, it is wonderful, the woman grew millet The daughter prepared it The daughter prepared it She grew millet and the daughter prepared it The daughter has a baby The child has a donkey The donkey has a cat

Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm Hm

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Appendix: Texts The cat has a rat The rat has a bone The bone has bone marrow The bone marrow is eaten Bone marrow is delicious The marrow tastes nice Oh dear, it is wonderful, bone marrow is delicious!

17.

Reeba Enkombe Reeba enkombe, ee-ee Enkombe ya Rwanda, ee-ee Enkombe y’amaisho marungi Nagambira taata ngu ankwatire enkombe Yaaza kugikwata bya kabuutu byayereera Nagambira maama kunkwatira enkombe Yaaza kugikwata ebishato byayereera Nyowe naaza kugikwata Yaguruka yayereera Naza kugikanga Yeija enkuratiire Enkombe y’amaisho marungi

See the Dove See the dove, ee-ee The dove from Rwanda, ee-ee The dove with beautiful eyes I told my father to catch the dove for me He tried catching it and his jacket was swaying in the air I told my mother to catch the dove for me She tried catching it and her skirt was swaying in the air I tried catching it But it flew away I tried scaring it away It came following me The dove with beautiful eyes

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148 18.

ORAL LITERATURE Kosiya Akaba Ari Muto

Kosiya akaba ari muto Akaba ari muto, akaba ari muto Kosiya akaba ari muto Ira na ira Nyina we yamugambira Yamugambira, yamugambira Nyina we yamugambira ira na ira ‘Otariraba omu rutookye Omu rutookye, omu rutookye Otariraba omu rutookye!’ Ira na ira Kosiya we yarurabamu Yarabamu, yarurabamu Kosiya we yarurabamu Ira na ira Ekiti kyamucumita Kyamucumita, kyamucumita Ekiti kyamucumita Ira na ira Nyina we yakimwihamu Yakimwihamu, yakimwihamu Nyina we yakimwihamu Ira na ira Ati, ‘Kosiya nkakugambira Nkakugambira, nkakugambira.’ Ati, ‘Kosiya nkakugambira!’ Ira na ira ‘Otaryanga kuhaburwa Kuhaburwa, kuhaburwa Otaryanga kuhaburwa!’ Ira na ira

Hosea Was Young Hosea was young He was young, young Hosea was young Long, long ago

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Appendix: Texts His mother told him Told him, told him His mother told him Long, long ago ‘Never pass through the banana plantation The banana plantation, the banana plantation Never pass through the banana plantation!’ Long, long ago Hosea passed through Passed through, passed through Hosea passed through Long, long ago A stick pierced him Pierced him, pierced him A stick pierced him Long, long ago His mother removed it Removed it, removed it His mother removed it Long, long ago ‘Hosea I warned you, I warned you, I warned you Hosea I warned you!’ Long, long ago ‘Always listen to advice Advice, advice Always listen to advice!’ Long, long ago

19.

Swiswi, Tukaza Omu Kibira Swiswi, tukaza omu kibira Swiswi, kurondayo ebirabyo Swiswi, ebirabyo birungi Swiswi, ebishemeza abaana Swiswi, twashangayo obunyonyi Swiswi, nibweshongora nkaitwe Swiswi, nibugira buti: Swiswi, jogori, jogori, jogori! Swiswi, jogori, jogori, jogori!

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Swiswi, We Went to the Bush Swiswi, we went to the forest Swiswi, to look for flowers Swiswi, nice flowers Swiswi, which children like Swiswi, we found there little birds Swiswi, singing like us Swiswi, they were saying: Swiswi, jogori, jogori, jogori! Swiswi, jogori, jogori, jogori!

20.

Kahunzire Ka Maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Abandi baaza kuhinga, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire yaaza omu baara, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Abandi baaza kuriisa, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire yaaza omu maarwa, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Abandi baaza omu iramizo, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire yaza omu mandwa, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire ka maawe

Kahunzire, Child of My Mother Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire child of my mother Others went to the garden, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire went to the bar, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire child of my mother Others went to graze the cows, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire went to drink, Kahunzire child of my mother Others went to church, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire went to consult witches, Kahunzire child of my mother

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Appendix: Texts Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire child of my mother Kahunzire, Kahunzire, Kahunzire child of my mother

21.

Mwimukye Twakiire Obwegyese Mwimukye twakiire obwegyese omu Uganda Kanigwo musingye buzima gw’entunguuka Tukwate akacumu, ekaramu na ekitabo Turwanise obutamanya, obworo n’endwara Eihanga ryeitu rimurinkane

Let Us Rise Up and Embrace Education Let us rise up and embrace education in Uganda It is the sure foundation for development Let us get a pen, pencil and book And fight illiteracy, poverty and disease Our country will shine

22.

Abantu ba Kare Abantu ba kare obweira Bakaba beetana Beerundaana Batandika kutebya Bateera engoma Bataagurira

People of Olden Days People of olden days Used get together They loved each other They would tell stories They would play drums And dance

23.

Ija, Ija, Tindiija, Maregyeya Ija, ija Tindiija, Maregyeya Ija, ija Tindiija, Maregyeya Naatemba aha iguru nk’okwo, Maregyeya Nahingahingayo enkoore, Maregyeya

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Naanyuukanyuukamu Fanta, Maregyeya Nagitwarira Omukama, Maregyeya Naashanga naabara rwenda, Maregyeya Orwa rukumi arubyamiire, Maregyeya

Come, Come, I Shall Never Come, Maregyeya Come, come I shall never come, Maregyeya Come, come I shall never come, Maregyeya I climbed up there, Maregyeya I grew peas up there, Maregyeya I have prepared Fanta juice out of it, Maregyeya I took it to the King, Maregyeya I found him counting nine hundred, Maregyeya And he slept on the one thousandth one, Maregyeya

24.

Tindirarayo Tindiraarayo obuseeri bwa Nyamiirima enyima Tindiraarayo Naiwe Vitari nokaraarayo enyima Tindiraarayo Naiwe Baryomunyena nokaraarayo enyima! Tindiraarayo

I Will Never Sleep There I will never sleep there across from Nyamirima I will never sleep there May you sleep behind there, Vitali! I will never sleep there May you sleep behind there, Baryomunyena! I will never sleep there

25.

Orubango Rwa Rwanzingo Orubango rwa Rwanzingo Emanzi yaita enuuma Omushaija Rwanzingo Emanzi yeita enuma Mumujwekye orucwamba Engundu etamurenga

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Appendix: Texts

Rwanzingo’s Spear Rwenzingo’s spear The warrior has killed an antelope That man Rwanzingo The warrior has killed an antelope Adorn him with couch grass So that the bull does not jump over him

26.

Baitu Ekirya Enkoore za Maama Kiba ki? Baitu ekirya enkoore za maama kiba ki? Ka niinye nzirya Ka niinye nzirya, Rutetema-Rwamabondo Kanyije nzirye, Rutetema-Rwamabondo Nshangwa nzirya, Rutetema-Rwamabondo

What Eats My Mother’s Beans? What eats my mother’s beans? I am the one that eats them I am the one that eats them, Rutetema-Rwamabondo Let me come and eat them, Rutetema-Rwamabondo I have always eaten them, Rutetema-Rwamabondo

27.

Kanu, Kanu, Twaraara hi? Kanu, Kanu, twaraara hi? Kanu, Kanu, omu miti ebiri Kanu, Kanu, twaryamu ki? Kanu, Kanu, obutomangwa Kanu, Kanu, bwashaarira Kanu, Kanu, shaarira offe! Kanu, Kanu, kaitwe amacumu! Kanu, Kanu, amarera-ngabo Toora eicumu, Rwandare Orwane n’Abakookoro

Kanu, Kanu, Where Shall We Sleep? Kanu, Kanu, where shall we sleep? Kanu, Kanu, in the two trees Kanu, Kanu, what shall we eat? Kanu, Kanu, wild berries Kanu, Kanu, they are bitter

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Kanu, Kanu, bitter and you die! Kanu, Kanu, may you die by a spear! Kanu, Kanu, hold the shield Get a spear, Rwandare And fight the Abakookoro

28.

Entuha Egyenda Neinama Entuha engyenda neinama Obwaijo ekenda kunshama Nkirize ekyana ky’enshama Nataaha omwa Kabundama Nashanga omwana nakama Nyinento akwaitse naganywa Ku nshuma ahaifo ninshaba Nshanga omwana narira Akiriize ekiboho ky’enyama Ku mukwataho anduma Nkahurira byoona byantama Nkahurira byoona byantama Nataaha owaitu Rweinama

The Crested Crane Walks With a Stoop The crested crane walks with a stoop The other day it wanted to peck at me I was carrying the young one of an antelope I hid at Kabundama’s home I found a child milking His aunt was drinking the milk Then I walked down while praying I found a child crying He was carrying a bundle of meat When I touched him he bit me I was very disgusted I was very disgusted I went home in Rweinama

29.

Rutangura Akombeka aha Muti Muraingwa Rutangura akombeka aha muti muraingwa Enjura ku yagwire Rutangura yaagwa Omushana gujwa, amaizi gayoma

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Appendix: Texts Rutangura yagarukayo yaza kwombeka Ku yahikire owabo yagoya oburo Yayeta abakamwana n’abantu boona Shaha mukaaga zahika, twaza kunena! Ebitookye, n’obushaza n’ebitakuri Ekiribwa kyabura emboga Mukimpe, nkinyaate Nyegaramire aha kitanda kya nyokwenkuru

Spider Built on a Tall Tree Spider built on a tall tree When it rained spider fell down The sun shone and water dried up Spider went back to build When he reached home he prepared millet He invited his daughters-in-law and all people It is midday, we are going to eat! Bananas, peas and sweet potatoes There is not enough sauce to eat the sweet potato Give it to me, I will eat it without sauce And I will lie on grandmother’s bed

30.

Himbuuka Nyoko Yaizire Himbuuka, nyoko yaizire Yareeta omwate gw’oburo Himbuuka, nyoko yaizire Yareeta entongo y’enyama Himbuuka, nyoko yaizire Yareeta orwabya rw’enkuru Himbuuka, nyoko yaizire Yareeta ekyanzi ky’amate Himbuuka, nyoko yaizire Yareeta eshande y’omuti Himbuuka, nyoko yaizire Yareeta obwoki bw’enjoki

Come Back to Life, Your Mother Has Come Come back to life, your mother has come She has brought you a slice of millet Come back to life, your mother has come She has brought you a piece of meat

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Come back to life, your mother has come She has brought you a bowl of dry beef Come back to life, your mother has come She has brought you a pot of milk Come back to life, your mother has come She has brought you sweet banana juice Come back to life, your mother has come She has brought you honey

31.

Nyamuconco, Obayo Oguma? Nyamuconco, obayo oguma? Nyamuconco, obayo oguma? Omutwe Okuguru Omugongo Enyindo Omukono Amaisho Amatu

Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi!

Nyamuconco, are you all right? Nyamuconco, are you all right? Nyamuconco, are you all right? The head The leg The back The nose The arm The eyes The ears

32.

Itwe Turi Entaama Nto Itwe turi entaama nto Nitumanya kubara Tubara nitugamba ngu Emwe, ibiri, ishatu, ina Itaano, mukaaga, mushanju, munaana Mwenda na ikumi Turi obunyonyi bwa Mukama Nitumanya kubara

Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi! Ayi!

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Appendix: Texts Kubara n’okushoma ngu Emwe, ibiri, ishatu, ina Itaano, mukaaga, mushaju, munaana Mwenda na ikumi

We Are Little Lambs We are little lambs We know how to count We count while saying One, two, three, four Five, six, seven, eight Nine and ten We are God’s little birds We know how to count and read One, two, three, four Five, six, seven, eight Nine and ten

33.

Omwishiki Akataaha Omu Nju ya Wakame Omwishiki akataaha omu nju ya Wakame Amaisho gye gakareeba ki? Entebe mpango Entebe nkye Akatebe kakye munonga Yabara ati: emwe, ibiri, ishatu

A Girl Entered Hare’s House A girl entered hare’s house What did her eyes see? A large chair A small chair A very tiny chair And she counted: one, two, three

34.

Akaara Kamwe Akaara kamwe Obwara bubiri Obwara bushatu Obwara buna Obwara butaano

kamwe! bubiri! bushatu! buna! butaano!

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Obwara mukaaga Obwara mushanju Obwara munaana Obwara mwenda Obwara ikumi

mukaaga! mushanju! munaana! mwenda! ikumi!

One Little Finger One little finger Two little fingers Three little fingers Four little fingers Five little fingers Six little fingers Seven little fingers Eight little fingers Nine little fingers Ten little fingers

35.

one! two! three! four! five! six! seven! eight! nine! ten!

Nooha Owaibire Omuyembe Nooha owaibire omuyembe omu muti? Owa ikumi niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa mwenda niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa munaana niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa mushanju niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa mukaaga niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa kataano niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa kana niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe Tiinye! Nooha?

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Appendix: Texts Owa kashatu niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Owa kabiri niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Ow’okubanza niwe yagwibire Nyowe? Iwe! Tiinye! Nooha? Tihariho omur’itwe owagwibire

Who Stole the Mango? Who stole the mango from the tree? The tenth is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The ninth is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The eight is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The seventh is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The sixth is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The fifth is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The fourth is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The third is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The second is the one who stole the mango Me? You! Not me! Who did it? The tenth is the one who stole the mango

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Me? You! Not me! Who did it? None of us stole it

36.

Omukazi Tereza Omukazi Tereza Mpata, Mpata Akahinga ebinyobwa Yabitwaara aha ishomero Yaayegayo enyuguta Enyuguta itaano A – Abaana E – Enkoko I – Itaano O – Omuntu U – Uganda

The Woman Theresa Mpata, Mpata The woman Theresa Mpata, Mpata She grew groundnuts And took them to school She learnt five vowels A – Abaana (Children) E – Enkoko (Hen) I – Itaano (Five) O – Omuntu (Person) U – Uganda

37.

Waninini Waninini Karengyer’ aho! Kanyonyi kachumita Kachumita omwana Omwana w’omushaija Tiriti nawe Ka ni Mbabazi Kinyonyi ky’omwishwa

Waninini Waninini May you disappear over there!

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Appendix: Texts The bird that pierces It pierces a child A man’s child And Tiriti also It is Mbabazi The bird of the wilderness

38.

Kamwe, Nkako Kamwe, nkako Nkabweijana Ninkwo mbara Mbara omugoye Gureegire Gwa nyakeiha Nkaiha enkonya Ngwejegyeire Rwakibanda Toora ikumi Ikumi ryawe

One, There It Is One, there it is I am alone That is how I count I count the rope One that is tightened I uprooted banana stumps While I was sleeping Rwakibanda Have ten Your ten

39.

Nooha Owanyampa? Nooha owanyampa? Ogu niwe yanyampa Aa-a nibamubeiherera Ogu niwe yanyampa! Nooha owayata amate? Ogu niwe yagaata

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Aa-a nibamubeiherera Ogu niiwe yagaata

Who Farted? Who farted? This is the one that farted Un-un, they are accusing him falsely This is the one that farted! Who spilled the milk? This is the one that spilled the milk Un-un, they are accusing him falsely This is the one that spilled the milk!

40.

Wakame Wakame! Wakame! Wakame ezara bungahi? Buna! Ak’okubanza katwarw’ oha? Matu! Aka kabiri katwarw’ oha? Rwenshwa! Aka kashatu katwarw’ oha? Matu! Aka kana katwarw’ oha? Rwenshwa!

Hare! Hare! Hare! Hare! How many does she produce? Four! The first one who takes it? Matu! The second one who takes it? Rwenshwa! The third one who takes it? Matu! The fourth one who takes it? Rwenshwa!

41.

Akakye n’akaraingwa Akakye n’akaraingwa Akeereere karungi Reeba nkako kaija Kaija nikakura Kaija nikakura

The Small One and the Tall One The small one and the tall one The beautiful little baby There she comes

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Appendix: Texts She is growing up She is growing up

42.

Oruyongoyongo Oruyongoyongo Orwa Kabale Orweesher’ente Enyena ikaraara Ente ikataaha Oriyo, oriyo, oriyo? Ego, ndiyo!

The Grey Heron The grey heron From Kabale The one that takes cattle to the water The calves go without water The cows go home Are you there, are you there, are you there? Yes, I am there!

43.

Kuuku Kuuku-kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku

kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku Rwakafende teeka obushaza n’enjagaata kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku Rwakafende teeka empaate n’emberengye kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku

Kuuku Kuuku-kuuku Kuuku kuuku-kuuku Kuuku kuuku-kuuku

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Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku Kuuku

44.

Rwakafende cook peas and bananas kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku Rwakafende prepare bitter bananas and roasted corn kuuku-kuuku kuuku-kuuku

Taata, Mp’Esente Taata, mp’esente ngyende aha ishomero Taata, mp’esente ngyende aha ishomero Nyegye Orujungu hamwe n’Okubara Kumba ndiisize nyine bagyenzi bangye Bagamba Orujungu haza nyowe nshoberwa Taata, mp’esente ngyende aha ishomero Nyegye Orujungu hamwe n’Okubara Kumba ndiisize nyine bagyenzi bangye Bagamba Orujungu haza nyowe nshoberwa Haza nkibabuuza nabo beeshekyera Nanye ngir’ obusaasi

Father, Give Me Money Father, give me money and I go to school Father, give me money and I go to school To learn English and Mathematics When I look after cows with my friends They speak English and I get confused Father, give me money and I go to school To learn English and Mathematics When I look after cows with my friends They speak English and I get confused And when I ask them they laugh And I feel hurt

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45.

Muzaire, Kwata Akati Oriise Muzaire, kwata enkoni oriise Owangye siniya akagimara kare Omurimo naakora obwa Dokita Muzaire, kwata enkoni oriise Empare ojwaare madabada Owangye seniya akagimara kare Omurimo naakora obwa Dokita Muzaire, kwata enkoni oriise Owangye siniya akagimara kare Omurimo naakora obwa Dokita Eby’amaarwa obirugyeho Okwate enkoni oriise Empare ojwaare madabada Owangye siniya akagimara kare Omurimo naakora obwa Dokita

Parent, Get a Stick and Graze the Cows Parent, get a stick and graze the cows My child completed secondary school long ago She works as a Doctor Parent, get a stick and graze the cows Wear loose trousers My child completed secondary school long ago She works as a Doctor Parent, get a stick and graze the cows My child completed secondary school long ago She works as a Doctor Forget about drinking Get a stick and graze the cows Wear loose trousers My child completed secondary school long ago He/she works as a Doctor

46.

Kengyeya, Munywani Wangye Kengyeya, munywani wangye, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya, mwaana wangye, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya tanywa maarwa, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya, munywani wangye, omu kabira k’engyeya

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Abazaire muzaare, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya, munywani wangye, omu kabira k’engyeya Engar’ igamba, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya, munywani wangye, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya, Kengyeya, Ruhanga wangye, omu kabira k’engyeya Kengyeya, engaro igamba, omu kabira k’engyeya

Kengyeya, My Friend Kengyeya, my friend, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya, my child, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya does not drink, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya, my friend, in the forest full of engyeya Parents bear children, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya, my friend, in the forest full of engyeya Hands talk, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya, my friend, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya, Kengyeya, my God, in the forest full of engyeya Kengyeya, hands talk, in the forest full of engyeya

47.

Ensi Eri Aha Nziga Neyetoroora Ensi eri aha nziga neeyetooroora Nimwije tugyende nayo etatutsiga Omwana w’eriigyenda otagiire mu ishomero Aryafa n’enaku Ensi, ensi, eri aha nziga neeyetooroora Omwaana w’eriigyenda otagiire mu ishomero Akeegayo Orujungu aryafa n’enaku Ensi, ensi, eri aha nziga neeyetooroora Nimwije tugyende nayo etatutsiga!

The Earth is Revolving on its Wheels The earth is revolving on its wheels Come, let us move with it A child who has not gone to school nowadays Will die unhappy The earth, the earth, is revolving on its wheels A child who has not gone to school nowadays To learn English will die unhappy The earth, the earth, is revolving on its wheels Come, let us move with it!

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48.

Komire Okamushanga hi? Komire okamushanga hi? Komire omu kabira Yaarahira ati: ‘Tindirya nkoko!’ Yaaguruka yaagitema omutwe Omwana ati: ‘Enkoko enura Okukira n’ekipapa kyayo!’

Where Did You Find Komire? Where did you find Komire? Komire in the small forest She swore: ‘I will never eat chicken!’ Then later she cut off its head The child said: ‘Chicken is delicious Especially its wing!’

Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. PRM (Wakiso, 1 August 2005). By permission of Patience Rubabinda Mushengyezi. 1. Omuri Nkore Nimanya Ekirimu Omuri Nkore nimanya ekirimu Omuri Nkore nimanya ekirimu Harimu ekibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi Omu kibira nimanya ekirimu Omu kibira nimanya ekirimu Harimu omuti Omuti omu kibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi Aha muti nimanya ekiriho Aha muti nimanya ekiriho Harih’ eitaagi Eitaagi aha muti Omuti omu kibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi Aha itaagi nimanya ekiriho Aha itaagi nimanya ekiriho

167

168 Hariho eibaabi Eibaabi aha itaagi Eitaagi aha muti Omuti omu kibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi Aha ibabi nimanya ekiriho Aha ibabi nimanya ekiriho Hariho ekyashuri Ekyashuri aha ibabi Eibabi aha itaagi Eitaagi aha muti Omuti omu kibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi Omu kyashuri nimanya ekirimu Omu kyashuri nimanya ekirimu Harimu eihuri Eihuri omu kyashuri Ekyashuri aha ibabi Eibabi aha itaagi Eitaagi aha muti Omuti omu kibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi Omu ihuri nimanya ekirimu Omu ihuri nimanya ekirimu Harimu akanyoyi Akanyonyi omu ihuri Eihuri omu kyashuri Ekyashuri aha ibaabi Eibabi aha itaagi Eitaagi aha muti Omuti omu kibira Ekibira omuri Nkore Ekibira kirungi

In Nkore I Know What is there In Nkore I know what is there In Nkore I know what is there

ORAL LITERATURE

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Appendix: Texts There is a forest A forest in Nkore A beautiful forest In the forest I know what is there In the forest I know what is there There is a tree A tree in the forest The forest in Nkore A beautiful forest On the tree I know what is there On the tree I know what is there There is a branch A branch on the tree The tree in the forest The forest in Nkore A beautiful forest On the branch I know what is there On the branch I know what is there There is a leaf A leaf on the branch The branch on the tree The tree in the forest The forest in Nkore A beautiful forest On the leaf I know what is there On the leaf I know what is there There is a nest A nest on the leaf The leaf on the branch The branch on the tree The tree in the forest The forest in Nkore A beautiful forest In the nest I know what is there In the nest I know what is there There is an egg An egg in the nest The nest on the leaf The leaf on the branch The branch on the tree

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The tree in the forest The forest in Nkore A beautiful forest In the egg I know what is there In the egg I know what is there There is a little bird A little bird in the egg The egg in the nest The nest on the leaf The leaf on the branch The branch on the tree The tree in the forest The forest in Nkore A beautiful forest

2. Twizire Kushoroma Ebinyobwa Twizire kushoroma ebinyoobwa, ebinyoobwa, ebinyoobwa, Twizire kushoroma ebinyoobwa omu kasheeshe kare munonga Mwaija nimuronda oha, nimuronda oha, nimuronda oha? Mwaija nimuronda oha omu kasheeshe kare munonga? Ni [eiziina ry’omwana] mumutuhe, mumutuhe, mumutuhe Ni [eiziina ry’omwana] mumutuhe omu kasheeshe kare munonga. Reeba ngugu mumutware, mumutware, mumutware Reeba ngugu mumutware omu kasheeshe kare munonga Twizire kushoroma ebinyoobwa, ebinyoobwa, ebinyoobwa Twizire kushoroma ebinyoobwa omu kasheeshe kare munonga Mwaija nimuronda oha, nimuronda oha, nimuronda oha? Mwaija nimuronda oha omu kasheeshe kare munonga? Ni [eiziina ry’omwana] mumutuhe, mumutuhe, mumutuhe Ni [eiziina ry’omwana] mumutuhe omu kasheeshe kare munonga Reeba ngugu mumutware, mumutware, mumutware Reeba ngugu mumutware omu kasheeshe kare munonga

We Have Come to Harvest Groundnuts We have come to harvest groundnuts, groundnuts, groundnuts We have come to harvest groundnuts very early in the morning Who are you looking for, looking for, looking for? Who are you looking for very early in the morning?

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Appendix: Texts It is [child’s name], give him to us, give him to us, give him to us It is [child’s name], give him to us very early in the morning He is right here, take him, take him, take him He is right here, take him, very early in the morning We have come to harvest groundnuts, groundnuts, groundnuts We have come to harvest groundnuts very early in the morning Who are you looking for, looking for, looking for? Who are you looking for very early in the morning? It is [child’s name], give him to us, give him to us, give him to us It is [child’s name], give him to us very early in the morning He is right here, take him, take him, take him He is right here, take him, very early in the morning

3. Z’emwe, Z’eibiri Z’emwe, z’eibiri Kuzaara Kariga n’ezaara Kituri, kitookye Bari omu kituri Buwa!

Ones, Twos Ones, twos Giving birth Little lamb is giving birth A hole, a banana They were in a hole Buwa!

4. Tukaba Nitugyenda Tukaba nitugyenda Nituza kushoma Turi obwana bw’entare Nituza kushoma O-oo Omuganda yareeba emare Yasinga amaizi yagimira Cha, cha!

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We Were Walking We were walking Going to school We were lions’ cubs Going to school O-oh a Muganda saw a lungfish He dived into the water and swallowed it up Cha, cha!

5. Embeba Ibiri Embeba Ibiri Zikairuka Zabugana omukazi Yazicwa emikira Abaana basheka! Embeba Ibiri Zikairuka Zabugana omukazi Yaziha omubazi Gwazicwa emikira Abaana basheka!

omukazi emikira

omukazi omubazi emikira

Two Rats Rats Two rats They ran They met a woman She cut off their tails The children laughed! Rats Two rats They ran They met a woman She gave them poison It cut off their tails The children laughed!

a woman tails

a woman poison tails

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6. Tiiwe Wantsigireho? Tiiwe wantsigireho Okaza omuri bariya? Naanye tindikukwenda Reka nyerondere owangye! O-oo kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki Reka nyerondere owangye!

Was It Not You Who Left Me? Was it not you who left me And went to the other group? I also do not want you anymore Let me look for my lover! O-oh kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki Kii-kiriki-kiriki Let me look for my lover!

7. Shutama, Shutama Ahagati Shutama, shutama ahagati Oreebe itwe abaana Oimukye juba-juba Oronde ou orikwenda Mwembi mwiije ahagati Nimuzinazina muti Muteereteere omungaro Ahabw’amashemereerwa!

Sit, Sit at the Centre Sit, sit at the centre And look at the children Rise up at once And pick the one you love Both of you come to the center Dancing and dancing like this Clapping and clapping your hands Because you are happy!

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8. Twabugana Orwooma Twabugana orwoma Nirwegyendesa Omujungu yaruteera embundu Atarumanyire Obuganga bwamukwata amaisho Ati, ‘Ndekura!’ Musiibe gye, bazaire twataaha Eshaaha zaitu zaahika ez’okutaaha Twagarukayo!

We Met a Piece of Metal We met a piece of metal Moving by itself A white man shot at it with a gun By mistake Gun powder got into his eyes And he said, ‘Leave me alone!’ Have a good day, parents, we are going home It is time for us to go home We are going back!

Rec: AM and DA; tr. AM; perf. JK (Rwanda-Orwera, Ankole, 17 July 2005). By permission of Joy Kamatenesi. 1. Nuunu N’omwerere Nuunu n’omwerere Nuunu n’omwerere Nuunu n’owa taata Nuunu n’owa maama Okambeer’ omwerere, weeza Okambeer’ omwerere, obyame Reka ente itaahe, nangwa Okambeer’ omwerere, obyame

Nuunu is a Child Nuunu is a child Nuunu is a child Nuunu is her father’s child Nuunu is her mother’s child You became a good child, for sure

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Appendix: Texts You became a good child, go to sleep Let the cows come home, actually You became a good child, go to sleep

2. Tinkujumire, Mwaana Wangye Tinkujumire, mwana wangye, tinkujumire Tinkujumire muteere akaarira, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, Byangoneka, tunkujumire Eka ya sho eb’empemuzi, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, tu tu tu, tinkujumire Eka yasho eb’empemuzi, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, munywani wangye, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, mwana wangye, tinkujumire Eka yasho eb’empemuzi, tinkujumire Ishenkazi ab’erya buzima, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, mwana wangye, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, mwana wangye, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, tu tu tu, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, Byangoneka, tinkujumire Tinkujumire, muteere-akaarira, tinkujumire Tinkunagire, mwana wangye, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, Byangoneka, tinkunagire Eka yasho eb’empemuzi, tinkunagire Ishenkazi ab’erya buzima, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, mwana wangye, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, muteere-akaarira, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, munywani wangye, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, tu tu tu, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, munywani wangye, tinkunagire Eka yasho eb’empemuzi, tinkunagire Ishenkazi muteere-akaarira, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, mwana wangye, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, tu tu tu, tinkunagire Tinkunagire, muteere-akaarira, tinkunagire

I Did Not Insult You, My Child I did not insult you, my child, I did not insult you I did not insult you, hit-her-and-she-cries, I did not insult you I did not insult you, Byangoneka, I did not insult you

175

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Your father’s home is a disgrace, I did not insult you I did not insult you, tu tu tu, I did not insult you Your father’s home is a disgrace, I did not insult you I did not insult you, my friend, I did not insult you I did not insult you, my child, I did not insult you Your father’s home is a disgrace, I did not insult you His aunt is the real issue, I did not insult you I did not insult you, my child, I did not insult you I did not insult you, my child, I did not insult you I did not insult you, tu tu tu, I did not insult you I did not insult you, Byangoneka, I did not insult you I did not insult you, hit-her-and-she-cries, I did not insult you I did not abandon you, my child, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, Byangoneka, I did not abandon you Your father’s home is a disgrace, I did not insult you His aunt is the real issue, I didn’t insult you I did not abandon you, my child, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, hit-her-and-she-cries, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, my friend, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, tu tu tu, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, my friend, I did not abandon you Your father’s home is a disgrace, I did not abandon you His aunt hit-her-and-she-cries, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, my friend, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, tu tu tu, I did not abandon you I did not abandon you, hit-her-and-she-cries, I did not abandon you.

E: R U N Y A R W A N D A –R UF U M B I R A C HI L D R E N ’ S S O N G S Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Kikunika16 August 2004 and 1 January 2005). By permission of Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye. 1. Tungu Tungu Tungu tungu Nta magingo Ntarira Uwabuca yabumira Uwavuga yarigita! Miru!

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Tungu Tungu Tungu tungu There is no time He does not cry The one who breaks them will swallow them The one who talks will vanish! Swallow!

2. So Ninde? So ninde? Gira so Tunga Gira so Jyejye Gira so Mahina Gira so Byavu Gira so Bagabo Gira so irindi Gira so rigate Gira so gatebe Gira so ntsimbo Gira so bakwe Gira so ndaro Gira so kimizi Gira so masuka Gira so myobo Gira so nyaga Gira so gahene

Ni Kazitunga Tunga-Jyejye Jyejye-Mahina Mahina-Byavu Byavu-Bagabo Bigabo, irindi? Rindi irigate Rigat’ agatebe Gatebe ntsimbo Ntsimbo y’abakwe Bakw’ indaaro Ndaro-kimizi Kimiz’ amasuka! Masuka myobo Myobo y’inyaga Nyag’ agahene Gahen’ amaraso!

Who Is Your Father? Who is your father? May you have a father, Tunga May you have a father, Jyejye May you have a father, Mahina May you have a father, Byavu May you have a father, Bagabo May you have a father, the other one May you have a father, lick May you have a father, little chair May you have a father, ghee gourd May you have a father, in-laws May you have a father, little hut

He is Kazitunga Tunga-Jyejye Jyejye-Mahina Mahina-Byavu Byavu-Bagabo Bagabo, the other one? Let the other one lick it Lick the little chair Little chair with a ghee gourd Ghee gourd for the in-laws In-laws in a little round hut Little-hut-that-swallows

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May you have a father, one-that-swallows May you have a father, hoes May you have a father, holes May you have a father, nyaga May you have a father, little goat

3. Iyi Ni Mee Iyi ni Mee Mukuru wa Mee Insumba-Zose Inkubita-Rukoko Kagufi-Nyirazo Rutugu rutwara inka n’ingabo Kananwa Nyamwera Munwa Nyirakurongi Zuru Nyirakumyira Jisho Nyirakureba Gahanga Nyiraridondi Sunzu rya Mutari Karugu, ntugapfe!

This Is Mee This is Mee Elder brother of Mee Tallest-Of-Them-All One-Who-Beats-The-Cream Short-One-And-Master-Of-Them-All Shoulder that carries a cow and shield Chin The-Clean-One Mouth Nyirakurongi Nose The-One-Who-Has-Mucus Eye The-One-Who-Sees Face Nyiraridondi Forehead of Mutari Back-Of-The-Neck, never die!

4. Icara, Icara Hagati Icara, icara hagati Urebarebe abana

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It has swallowed hoes! One-that-pours in holes Holes for inyaga Raid a little goat Go expose your bloody anus!

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179

Haguruka vubavuba Okuremu uw’ ushaka Mwembi muze hagati Mubyine, mubyine mutya Mutere, mutere mu mashyi Kubw’ umunezero!

Sit, Sit at the Centre Sit, sit at the centre And look at the children Rise up at once And pick the one you love Both of you come to the centre Dancing and dancing like this Clapping and clapping your hands Because you are happy!

Rec: AM, GMb and SM25; tr. AM; perf. GMb and SM (Kampala, 29 July 2005). By permission of Gladys Mbabazi and Susan Mahoro. 1. Data na Mama Barankunda Data na Mama barankunda Bampa ibyokurya nkanezerwa Bampa umusururu nkarushaho Ndashima Imana yabampaye

My Father and Mother Love Me My father and mother love me When they give me food I become happy When they add on porridge I rejoice I thank God who gave them to me

2. Data, Mpa Isente Data, mp’ isente ngende kw’ ishuri Data, mp’ isente ngende kw’ ishuri Kwiga Uruzungu hamwe no Kubara Kwiga Uruzungu hamwe no Kubara 25

Gladys Mbabazi and Susan Mahoro performed these rhymes and also assisted me in transcribing them.

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Iyo mbaye nd’aho na bagenzi bangye Iyo mbaye nd’aho na bagenzi bangye Bavuga Uruzungu maze nkayoberwa Bavuga Uruzungu maze nkayoberwa Maze nababaza bo bagaseka Maze nababaza bo bagaseka Mfatwa n’agahinda kakenda kunyica! Mfatwa n’agahinda kakenda kunyica!

Father, Give Me Money Father, give me money and I go to school Father, give me money and I go to school To learn English and Mathematics To learn English and Mathematics When I am with my friends When I am with my friends They speak English and I get confused They speak English and I get confused When I ask them they laugh at me When I ask them they laugh at me I feel sorrow and it almost kills me! I feel sorrow and it almost kills me!

3. Mbyuka Mu gitondo Kare, Kare Mbyuka mu gitondo kare, kare Niruka njya kw’ ishuri Ku nzir’ ijya kw’ ishuri Haritseho akanyoni Ka kanyoni kagarutse Kambwira amagambo meza: ‘Kund’ Imana, kunda abantu Wumvire so na nyoko.’

I Wake Up Very, Very Early in the Morning I wake up very, very early in the morning And I run to school On the way to school There is a bird’s nest The bird tells me nice words: ‘Love God, love people Obey you father and mother.’

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4. Nyoko Ariyo? Nyoko ariyo? Yagiye he? Guhing’ iki? Kabuto ki? Uzampaho? Kuber’ iki? Cyo rahira

Ntawe Guhinga Akabuto Mabungo Oya Ntacyo N’impamo y’ Imana!

Is Your Mother at Home? Is your mother at home? Where has she gone? To dig what? What seeds? Will you give me some? Why? You swear

No To dig Some seeds Potatoes No Nothing It is God’s secret!

5. Umukobwa Maribaya Umukobwa Maribaya Bari baje kumusaba Umukobwa ntarakura Kyeretse mu kwezi kwa kane Nyirazuba arakaza Urukweto, urukweto, urukweto Agasonga, agasonga karandya Karandya mu rubavu Ayi, ayi, ayi, ayi!

Eee Maribaya Eee Maribaya Eee Maribaya

The Girl Maribaya The girl Maribaya They had come to ask for her hand in marriage The girl is still young May be in April May the sunshine come The large shoe, the large shoe, the large shoe Pain, I feel pain Ayi, ayi, ayi, ayi!

Eee Maribaya Eee Maribaya Eee Maribaya

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6. Urugero Rwiza Rw’abana Bato Urugero rwiza rw’abana bato N’ukudatukana, ntibenderanye Hariho bamwe bamara kwiga Ntibatahe iwabo gufasha ababyeyi Nyamara twebwe abana turishimye Mu misozi inkoko ziri kubika Koko-koo-kooo!

The Best Model for Young Children The best model for young children Are those who do not insult or fight each other There are children who go home after school And they do not help their parents But for us children we are happy In the hills roosters are crowing Koko-koo-kooo!

7. Akana Keza Gakunda Ishuri Akana keza gakund’ ishuri Akana keza gakund’ ishuri Akana keza gakund’ ishuri Naho ikijibwe gikunda kwota Naho ikijibwe gikunda kwota Naho ikijibwe gikunda kwota Kwota ni kubi Kwota ni kubi Mwese ni muze tujye kwiga gusoma

A Good Child Loves School A good child loves school A good child loves school A good child loves school But the stupid one loves keeping warm on the fire But the stupid one loves keeping warm on the fire But the stupid one loves keeping warm on the fire Keeping warm on the fire is bad Keeping warm on the fire is bad Come all of you, let us go to and learn how to read

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Appendix: Texts

8. Injangwe Irarira Injangwe irarira, irarira Injangwe irarira Irarizwa n’iki? Ishaka ikyokurya, ikyokurya, ikyokurya Ishaka ikyokurya Ikyokurya kiza Irashaka kury’iki, kury’iki, kury’iki? Irashaka kury’iki? Kurya imbeba Ndashaka imbeba, imbeba, imbeba Ndashaka imbeba Imbeba nziza Iruka uyifate, uyifate, uyifate Iruka uyifate Uyifate uyirye

The Cat is Mewing The cat is mewing, mewing, mewing The cat is mewing Mewing for what? It wants something to eat, something to eat, something to eat It wants something to eat Something delicious What does it want to eat, to eat, to eat? What does it want to eat? To eat a rat I want a rat, a rat, a rat I want to eat a rat A good rat Run and catch it, catch it, catch it Run and catch it Catch it and eat it

9. Cyera Nkiri Mutoya Cyera nkiri mutoya, mama yajyaga abwira ati: ‘Ibyo wifuza byose, senga uzabibona.’ Mwana hashiz’ iminsi mikyeya Mama yitaby’ Iyamuremye Mama wacu wo mwumva siwe warose ambonye

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ORAL LITERATURE

S’ukunyica yaranyishe Ahubwo yaranyikoreye

Long Ago When I Was Still Young Long ago when I was still young My mother used to say to me: ‘Whatever dream you have, pray and you will get it.’ My dear, after a few days My mother went to be with the Creator My stepmother you hear of was anxious to see me She did not only kill me She also carried me away

10.

Tuzaba Banini Kandi Barebare Tuzaba banini kandi barebare Ubwo tuzakura tuzishima Kyera abo batugayaga kandi bakaduseka Tuzabanyuraho tur’ abakire

We Shall Become Big and Tall We shall become big and tall When we grow up we shall be happy Those who looked down on us and laughed at us We shall surpass them when we become rich

11.

Abo Bana Batajya Kw’ ishuri Abo bana batajya Kw’ ishuri gusoma Tuzabikoreza amabuye Twebwe tur’abakire

Children Who Do Not Go to School Children who do not go To school to study We shall make them carry stones When we are rich

12.

Mfit’ Inka Yangye Mfit’ inka yangye – cow N’inyana yayo – calf

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Appendix: Texts Nyikama amata – milk Nkayajana ku cyuma – dairy Bakamp’isente – money Nkazijyana kw’ ishuri – school Nkaziha umwigisha – teacher Akamp’ ubwenge – knowledge Nkarwany’ ubujiji – ignorance

I Have My Cow I have my cow – cow It has its calf – calf I milk it – milk I take the milk to the dairy – dairy They give me money – money I take the money to school – school I give it to the teacher – teacher She gives me knowledge – knowledge And I fight ignorance – ignorance

13.

Wa Mukobwa Nigisha Wa mukobwa nigisha, nigisha, nigisha Yar’afite intama ye yarayikundaga Bukeye ijya kwishuri Bukeye ijya kwishuri Bose abana baraseka bati: ‘Dore, dore, ishyano ryadutse!’

The Girl I Teach The girl I teach, I teach, I teach She had a sheep she loved One morning it went to school One morning it went to school All the children laughed and said: ‘See, see, calamity has befallen us!’

14.

Haguruka, Munyeshuri, Haguruka! Haguruka, munyeshuri, haguruka! Fata ibitabo ugende kwishuri Ikaramu niyo suka yawe Igitabo niwo murima wawe

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ORAL LITERATURE

Arise, School Child, Arise! Arise, school child, arise! Get your books and go to school The pen is your hoe The book is your garden

15.

Shaka Inshuti Ah’ Ugiye Hose Shaka inshuti ah’ ugiye hose Shaka inshuti ah’ ugiye hose Ah’ugiye hose Ah’ugiye hose Shaka inshuti ah’ ugiye hose Mukundane Mukundane Aho mugiye hose Aho mugiye hose Wumve uri murugo Wumve uri murugo Aho mugiye hose Wumve uri murugo ah’ ugiye hose

Make New Friends Wherever You Go Make new friends wherever you go Make new friends wherever you go Wherever you go Wherever you go Make new friends where ever you go Love one another Love one another Wherever you go Wherever you go Feel at home Feel at home Wherever you go Feel at home wherever you go

16.

Nyogokuru Avuga Ibintu Bishekeje Nyogokuru avuga ibintu bishekeje Abahungu muvugirize Abakobwa muririmbe

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Appendix: Texts Niko numvise avuga Nti byari nk’ejo Abahungu muvugirize, hwi, hwi, hwi! Abakobwa muririmbe, tala, tala, tala!

My Grandmother Says Funny Things My grandmother says funny things Boys, you whistle Girls, you sing That was what I heard her say It was not like yesterday Boys can whistle, hwi, hwi, hwi! But girls can sing, tala, tala, tala!

F: L U G A N D A C H I L D R E N ’ S S O N G S Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. DDK (Lukomera, Buganda, 8 June 2005). By permission of Debora Ddamba Kyeyune. 1. Kaggwa, Kaggwa Kaggwa, Kaggwa Kaggwa yalayira Nti ekiri mu ggulu Bwe kiribwatuka Ensi erikankana Omwaana omuto Aliyita nnyina Omukulu nayita engozi Emu, emu Zaali bbiri okuzaala Akaliga ani yakazaala? Kyetondeke Kitooke Bbaale Kituulituuli, vuluba!

Kaggwa, Kaggwa Kaggwa, Kaggwa Kaggwa swore That what is in heaven When it explodes The earth will quake

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The child Will call its mother And the elder will call for a swaddling cloth One, one It took two to give birth Who gave birth to the little sheep? The usurper Kitooke Bbaale The pus filled boil will burst, vuluba!

2. Kaneemu, Kanabbiri Kaneemu Kanabbiri26 Kafumba-Mwanyi Katta-Kkonkome Malangajja Kannakkwale ofumba otya Ku lugyo? Ku luti? Bw’osa bw’onegula Mbalebale, ekkumi liryo!

Little-One, Little-Two Little-One Little-Two Cook-Of-Coffee-Beans Killer-Of-An-Agama-Lizard Lazy-And-Careless-One Little partridge, how do you cook On a potsherd? On a big piece of wood? As you grind and tip over I count and I count, it is ten!

3. Ffe Tuli Embaata Ento Ffe tuli embaata ento Tetumanyi kubala Tubala nga tuddamu

26

According to Alice Kulabigwo in an interview of 21 July 2010, the diminutive ‘ka’ here indicates that the thing being counted is small.

a

Appendix: Texts Emu, bbiri Ssatu, nnya Ttaano, mukaaga Musanvu, munaana Mwenda ne kkumi Genda ogambe ssenga Genda ogambe ssenga Genda ogambe ssenga Nti embata ye effudde Yaffa jjo saawa musanvu Yaffa jjo saawa musanvu Yaffa jjo saawa musanvu Nga bwetakulira Yaleka obwaana musanvu Yaleka obwaana musanvu Yaleka obwaana musanvu Nga bwetakulira Bambi nga bulabye Bambi nga bulabye Bambi nga bulabye Okwetakulira

We Are Little Ducklings We are little ducklings We do not know how to count We count and count again One, two Three, four Five, six Seven, eight Nine and ten Go and tell aunt Go and tell aunt Go and tell aunt That her duck is dead! It died yesterday at one o’clock It died yesterday at one o’clock It died yesterday at one o’clock And ducklings scratch the ground on their own! It left seven ducklings It left seven ducklings

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ORAL LITERATURE

It left seven ducklings And ducklings scratch the ground on their own! Oh poor ducklings Oh poor ducklings Oh poor ducklings And ducklings scratch the ground on their own!

4. Lwali Lumu Taata ne Maama Lwali lumu taata ne maama Nembaleka nga bewuunya Neƾƾenda ku ssomero Okuyiga eby’amagezi Kyokka Katonda mukulu nnyo, simutenda! Kyokka Katonda mukulu nnyo, simutenda!

One Day My Mother and Father One day my mother and father I left them amazed I went to school To learn the things of the wise But God is great, I will praise Him! But God is great, I will praise Him!

5. Saawa Emu Nga Tunywa ka Kyayi Saawa emu nga tunywa ka kyayi Saawa bbiri ne tugenda okusoma Maama wange yangamba bwati: ‘Ofukamira nobuuza abagenyi.’ Oo, ondabira nnyo ssenga Nti anti akutumidde Tasobodde kujja Obudde buyise Kyokka ayagala abaana abato Abaweza emyaka ena Gumu, ebiri, esatu, ena! Gmu, ebiri, esatu, ena!

Seven O’clock We Have Some Tea Seven o’clock we have tea Eight o’clock we go to school

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CHILDREN

a

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Appendix: Texts My mother said to me: ‘Kneel when you great visitors.’ Oh, my regards to your paternal aunt Tell her that aunt sent greetings She is unable to come It is late But she dearly loves little children Who are four years old One, two, three, four! One, two, three, four!

6. Ssekitulege, Ssekitulege Ssekitulege, Ssekitulege Amazzi g’enyama Gamubambula omumwa Olumugambako Nasongoza omumwa Ng’atalifumbirwa Ng’atalitwalibwa

Ssekitulege, Ssekitulege Ssekitulege, Ssekitulege Beef soup Scalded his mouth When someone says something to her She sulks As though she will never get married As though she will never be taken

7. Nabbubi Yazimba ku Muti Omuwanvu Nabbubi yazimba ku muti omuwanvu Enkuba yatonnya nabbubi yaggwa Tuzze okulamusa Ssabasajja Kabaka Emmanga mu Kampala kumpi ne Nakivubo Emotoka zisiimba enyiriri zaazo Musajja Mugoowa asimbula ekiziyiza Naawe boyi-motoka jjawo ekigingi Bbe zwi! Bbe zwi! Netwejjawo!

191

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ORAL LITERATURE

FOR

CHILDREN

Spider Built on a Tall Tree Spider built on a tall tree When it rained spider fell down We have come to hail His Majesty the King Down in Kampala near Nakivubo Cars are lined up The Goan man is releasing the brakes And you, turn boy, remove the parking-stop It flies zwi! It flies zwi! And off we go!

Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. GMu (Lukomera, Buganda, 8 June 2005). By permission of Gertrude Musisi. 1. Twajja Tuli Mbuzi Twajja tuli mbuzi Kati tugunjuse Bazadde mwebale Okutuweerera Mwali mutugaya Tujja kusoma nnyo Tutuuke n’ewala Eyo mu siniya

We Came Ignorant As Goats We came ignorant as goats Now we are literate Thank you, parents For paying our tuition You despised us But we shall study hard And advance even further Up to secondary school

2. Swiswi, Twagenda Mu Kibira Swiswi, twagenda mu kibira Swiswi, okunogayo ebibala Swiswi, twali tubinoga Swiswi, netulengera essajja Swiswi, lyali ddene nnyo Swiswi, ate nga ggwanvu

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193

Appendix: Texts Swiswi, nelitugoba emisinde Swiswi, netukaaba n’emaziga Swiswi, mwesilikire abaana Swiswi, sijja kubalya!

Swiswi, We Went to the Forest Swiswi, we went to the forest Swiswi, to pick fruits Swiswi, as we were picking them Swiswi, we saw a giant Swiswi, he was very big Swiswi, and he was tall Swiswi, he chased us Swiswi, and we cried Swiswi, do not cry, children Swiswi, I will not eat you!

Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. SNK (Lukomera, Buganda, 8 June 2005). By permission of Susan Nalugwa Kiguli. 1. Wampologoma, Sawa Meka? Omwana asooka: Wampologoma saawa meka? Omwana owokubiri: Oyagala saawa? Omwana asooka: Ee! Omwana owokubiri: Saawa eyange? Omwana asooka: Ee! Omwana owokubiri: Gye nagula olwenda? Omwana asooka: Ee! Omwana owokubiri: Saawa emu Omwana asooka: Wampologoma saawa meka? [Oluyimba baluddamu enfunda eziwera, ng’abaana bwe babala okutuuka ku kkumi]

What Time Is It, Lion? First child: Second child: First child: Second child: First child: Second child: First child:

What time is it, Lion? You want a watch? Yes! My watch? Yes! Which I bought at nine hundred? Yes!

194

ORAL LITERATURE

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CHILDREN

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Second child: It is seven o’clock27 First child: What time is it, Lion? [The song is repeated several times, as the children count up to ten]

Rec: AM and AK; tr. AM; perf. AK28 (Kazo, Buganda30 June 2005). By permission of Alice Kulabigwo. 1. Emu, Emuga Emu Bbiri Ssatu Nnya Ttaano Mukaaga Musanvu Munaana Mwenda Kkumi

– – – – – – – – – –

emugga bbiriƾƾanya ssaatuula ennyaanya tanadda29 muka-gundi musavuwaza munanuula olwendo ku muti guli!

– – – – – – – – – –

at the well eggplant I did not sit a tomato she has not come back someone’s wife the one that exaggerates the one that pulls out of shape a calabash on that tree!

One, At the Well One Two Three Four Five Six Seven Eight Nine Ten

2. Ddola, Ddosa Nnali njokya gonja Kitange nava eri

27

‘It is seven o’clock’ or ‘It is one hour’. The phrase could also mean ‘It is one watch / clock’. 28 Alice Kulabigwo, my assistant collector, performed these rhymes. 29 Sometimes the word ‘tonoga’ is also used. Alice Kulabigwo, personal interview, 21 July 2010.

a

Appendix: Texts Nankuba omuggo Ne gunsiriikiriza Nenfuluma ebweeru Ne mpita Bayita Bayita nagaana Busungu bwa Muyima Busookera ku mutwe Ne bubuna omubiri Mala okulya eyidde Simala kulya eyidde Katungulu anadda? Katungulu tadde Ddola, Ddosa, Ddola, Ddumba! Ddola, Ddosa, Ddola, Ddumba!

Ddola, Ddosa As I roasted plantains My father came at me And hit me with a stick Which silenced me for a while And I went outside Called out to Bayita Bayita refused A Muyima’s anger Starts in his head Then it spreads all over the body First eat ready food I will not eat ready food first Will Katungulu return? Katungulu will not return Ddola, Ddosa, Ddola, Ddumba! Ddola, Ddosa, Ddola, Ddumba!

3. Kamukamu Kamukamu Kannabbiri Siku mbala Mbala mugoyo Ziri, ziri Ziri nkima Nnalubanga

195

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ORAL LITERATURE

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CHILDREN

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ƽƾoma evuga Mbalebale Kumi liweze!

One by One One by one Little-two Not with this counting I count mashed potatoes with beans30 Those, those Those are monkeys Nnalubanga A drumbeat I keep counting It is ten!

4. Engo Ezaala Enkuba etonnya Omusana gwaka Engo ezaala Ezaalira ku lwaazi Tukube ebinzaali Tubyanike ku lwaazi

A Leopard is Giving Birth It is raining It is shining A leopard is giving birth It is giving birth on a rock We should make curry powder And spread it over the rock

5. Ssossolye Omukulu Ssossolye omukulu Ggwe wali omugezi Noddira abaana Nossa mu jjinja

30

kko! kko! kko! kko!

Omugoyo is a traditional Baganda dish consisting of a paste made of sweet potatoes and beans.

a

197

Appendix: Texts Nakakonkonera N’omutwe oguluma Njagala kugenda Njagala kugenda

kko! kko! kko! kko kko kko!

Old Woodpecker Old Woodpecker You were the wise one Who took your children And put them in a rock I have knocked for a long time With a painful headache I want to go I want to go

kko! kko! kko! kko! kko! kko! kko! kko, kko, kko!

6. Ssiiti, Nalonda Ssiiti Ssiiti, nalonda Ssiiti Nalonda munnange Ssiiti, nalonda asinga Omuwala ow’essomero Ssiiti, nalonda Ssiiti Nalonda munnange Ssiiti, nalonda asinga Omuwala ow’essomero

Ssiiti, I Chose Ssiiti Ssiiti, I chose Ssiiti31 I chose my dear one Ssiiti, I chose the best one A schoolgirl Ssiiti, I chose Ssiiti I chose my dear one Ssiiti, I chose the best one A schoolgirl

31

Ssiiti, according to Alice Kulabigwo in an interview of 21 July 2010, is a type of creeping plant that looks beautiful. The woman here is likened to the plant, a suggestion that she is beautiful.

198

ORAL LITERATURE

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7. Nsimasima Bbali Nsimasima bbali Nsimasima bbali Abaana y’enkumu Abatakkuta mmere Gguno nno gw’abaana Gguno nno gwa mwami

Kansimule ekijja-lumonde32 Kansimule ekijja-lumonde Kansimule ekijja-lumonde Kansimule ekijja-lumonde Kansimule ekijja-lumonde Kansimule ekijja-lumonde

I am Digging and Digging on the Side I am digging and digging on the side I am digging and digging on the side The children are very many They are insatiable This one is for the children This one is for my husband

Let me dig out sweet potatoes Let me dig out sweet potatoes Let me dig out sweet potatoes Let me dig out sweet potatoes Let me dig out sweet potatoes Let me dig out sweet potatoes

8. Kappa Egobagoba Kappa egobagoba Kappa egoba emmese Kappa egobagoba Kappa egoba emmese

The Cat is Chasing and Chasing The cat is chasing and chasing The cat is chasing a rat The cat is chasing and chasing The cat is chasing a rat

9. Nenkunkuna Nenkunkuna Ng’ekiriga Ekiriga ekito Kyewaatira Kyefumbira Ssebo Kabaka 32

Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja!

In Luganda, okusimula indicates digging using a stick; the first harvest of sweet potatoes is done using a stick and not a hoe, because most of it would not be fully grown. The phrase ‘Kansimule ekijja-lumonde’ therefore suggests the act of digging out the sweet potatoes using a stick. Alice Kulabigwo, interview, 21 July 2010.

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199

Appendix: Texts Omukazi gwe wampa Afumba ewunye Afumba mbisi Tanjalira Tanaaza Tolaba njala! Tolaba ngalo! Mpayo omulala

Malijja! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba! Olimba!

I Stoop I stoop Like a sheep A little lamb It peels its own food It cooks its own food Your Majesty the King The woman you gave me She burns the food She serves half-cooked food She never makes my bed She never bathes me Don’t you see my nails! Don’t you see my fingers! Give me another one

10.

Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! Malijja! You are lying! You are lying! You are lying! You are lying! You are lying! You are lying! You are lying!

Kyewologo, Kyewologo Kyewologo, Kyewologo Kyewologo, Kyewologo Akatooke k’omulukande Olaba kazimbya obutama Nga kaagala kusalibwa33

Kaali ka munte Kaali ka munte Kaali ka munte Kaali ka munte Kaali ka munte

Kyewologo, Kyewologo Kyewologo, Kyewologo Kyewologo, Kyewologo A banana plant in an abandoned plantation If its cheeks are swollen It needs to be harvested 33

It lived among cows It lived among cows It lived among cows It lived among cows It lived among cows

Other versions say ‘Nga kaagala kusalirwa’ (It needs to be pruned) or ‘Nga kaagala kutemebwa’ (It needs to be cut).

200

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ORAL LITERATURE

Tuula, Tuula Wakati Tuula, tuula wakati Otunuulire abaana Golokoka mangu ago Ojje olonde oyo gwolonze Alonzeyo mugandawe Alonzeyo mugandawe Alonzeyo mugandawe Ggwe balya naye bbando!

Sit, Sit at the Centre Sit, sit at the centre And look at the children Get up at once And pick the one you want to pick She has picked her sister She has picked her sister She has picked her sister With whom she eats maize meal!

12.

Ekibbobbo Ekibbobbo Ekibbobbo Jangu okinone Jangu okinone Ddayo, ddayo Akanzaali Akanzaali Jangu okalabe Jangu okalabe Ddayo, ddayo

Kiri mu nyumba Kiri mu nyumba Kiri mu nyumba Kiri mu nyumba Kiri mu nnyumba Kali mu kkooti Kali mu kkooti Kaluwa, kaluwa? Kaluwa, kaluwa? Kali mu kkooti

A Worn-Out Basket A worn-out basket A worn-out basket Come for it Come for it Go back, go back The curry powder

It is in the house It is in the house It is in the house It is in the house It is in the house It is in the coat

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The curry powder Come and see it Come and see it Go back, go back

13.

201

Appendix: Texts It is in the coat Where is it, where is it? Where is it, where is it? It is in the coat

Wambaata, Olagako wa? Wambaata, olagako wa? Ngenda ku nnyanja Ye ggwe onotuuka? Lwaki situuke? Nkulaba toyanguwa Kyenva siyanguwa Anti ndi munene Mpozzi onobuuka Bbe uu uu uu uu uu uu uu!

Duck, Where Are You Going? Duck, where are you going? I am going to the lake But will you get there? Why won’t I get there? I see you are not fast The reason I am not fast Is because I am big Maybe you will jump Like this, uu uu uu uu uu uu uu!

14.

Omuliro Guli ku Lusozi Omuliro guli ku lusozi Tudduke nnyo, gudduke Tudduke nnyo, gudduke Tudduke nnyo, gudduke Guzikidde, pa!

There is Fire on the Hill There is fire on the hill Let us run fast, let it run Let us run fast, let it run Let us run fast, let it run It has gone out, pa!

202 15.

ORAL LITERATURE

FOR

Nagenda e Buddu Nagenda e Buddu nendyayo enkejje Lwaki tewaleetako? Nali ndetako akabwa nekazirya Lwaki tewakakuba? Nali nkakuba nekebbika ekiswa Lwaki tewakisima? Nali nkisima obukuba nebutonya Lwaki tewabweggama? Nali mbweggama, obugoma nebuvuga Lwaki tewazinamu? Nali nzinamu obuwala nebuseka Lwaki tewabukuba? Nali mbukuba Kabaka nandaba Lwaki tewamudduka? Nali mudduka omugongo bbe kkutu kkutu Omugongo bbe kkutu! Omugongo bbe kkutu kkutu Omugongo bbe kkutu!

I Went to Buddu I went to Buddu and ate sprats Why didn’t you bring some? I was bringing some, but a little dog ate them Why didn’t you beat it? As I was beating it, it ducked into an anthill Why didn’t you dig it up? As I was digging it up it started drizzling Why didn’t you take shelter? As I was taking shelter, drums sounded Why didn’t you dance? As I was dancing some girls laughed Why didn’t you beat them? As I was beating them the King saw me Why didn’t you run away from him? As I was running away from him the back gave way kuttu kuttu The back gave way kkutu! The back gave way kkutu kkutu My back gave way kkutu!

CHILDREN

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Appendix: Texts

16.

Omutwe Gumbobba Omutwe gumbobba Omutwe gumbobba Ne gunzija ku kitanda Ne gunkuba mu ddiiro Ne gunsabya ku mangada Mpa ku mangada Sijja kumukuwa Sijja kumukuwa Genda ompawaabire ewa Diisi e Bukalasa Genda ompawaabire ewa Diisi e Bukalasa Enkya tunawoza Enkya tunawoza Ewa Diisi e Bukalasa!

I Have a Throbbing Headache I have a throbbing headache I have a throbbing headache! It forces me off my bed And lands me in the living room It made me ask for tangerines Give me some tangerines I will not give you any I will not give you any! Go and report me to the D.C.’s office in Bukalasa Go and report me to the D.C.’s office in Bukalasa Tomorrow we shall argue the case Tomorrow we shall argue the case At the D.C.’s office in Bukalasa

17.

Ow’omutwe Omumwe Ow’omutwe omumwe Ow’omutwe omumwe Ye yalidde ekibe Ye yabbye amagi gange agaabadde mu kyooto Ye yalidde ekibe Bwe yabadde akirya ne kimumwa omutwe Ani yamulabye? Nze namulabye

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CHILDREN

Lwaki tewamukubye? Anti nabadde mutya

The One with a Shaved Head The one with a shaved head The one with a shaved head He is the one who ate the fox He is the one who stole my eggs that were in the fireplace He is the one who ate the fox As he was eating it, it shaved his head Who saw him? I saw him Why didn’t you beat him? Because I was afraid of him

18.

Paulo Kaggwa Paulo Kaggwa Yali anog’ emwanyi Naseerera ku muti Ekkalamu n’emenyeka Samanyiira kufumbirwa mujega Essawa ye yiiyo ey’okugenda mu nnimiro

Paul Kaggwa Paul Kaggwa Was harvesting coffee He slipped from the tree And broke his pencil I am not used to being married to a fool It is time to go to the garden

19.

Omubiri Ku Nsi Omubiri ku nsi lye kkubo lya Walumbe Omubiri ku nsi lye kkubo lya Walumbe Oliragawa [erinnya ly’omuntu]? Olitambula ensi eno nogimalako? Olisanyusa Walumbe n’okudigida? Kyoba okola biveeko!

Biveeko! Atya? Genda mu ndongo!

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Appendix: Texts

The Earthly Body The earthly body is Death’s path The earthly body is Death’s path Where will you go [person’s name]? Will you roam this whole world? Will you please Death with dancing? Just do one thing, forget it!

20.

Forget it! How? Go to the dance!

Aluwa, Aluwa Omuto Sara Aluwa, aluwa omuto Sara? Aluwa, aluwa omuto Sara? Aluwa, aluwa omuto Sara? Agenze kulonda miyembe Alonda miyembe nga bwassa mu kibbo Alonda miyembe nga bwassa mu kibbo Alonda miyembe nga bwassa mu kibbo Atwalira maama alyeeko Balenzi mwe muve ku kyeejo Balenzi mwe muve ku kyeejo Balenzi mwe muve ku kyeejo Agenze kulonda miyembe

Where is She, Where is She, Young Sara? Where is she, where is she, young Sara? Where is she, where is she, young Sara? Where is she, where is she, young Sara? She has gone to pick mangoes She picks mangoes and puts them in the basket She picks mangoes and puts them in the basket She picks mangoes and puts them in the basket She is taking some to her mother to eat You boys stop being silly You boys stop being silly You boys stop being silly She has gone to pick mangoes

21.

Nakeera Nkya Nakeera nkya, nakeera nkya, nakeera nkya Nakeera nkya nennaaba entuumbwe Nengenda ku sukuulu okusoma

Hm! Hm! Hm!

206

ORAL LITERATURE

Ku sukuulu waliyo ebisanyusa Waliyo okubala n’okuwandiika Oyo omuwala atamanyi kuwandiika Nebwasiba sikaati ye eyo tanyuma namu Oyo omulenzi atamanyi kuwandiika Nebwasiba empale ye eyo tanyuma namu Wololo, wololo, wololo! Wololo, wololo, wololo!

FOR

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Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm!

I Woke Up Early Morning I woke up early morning, I woke up early morning, I woke early morning I woke up early morning and washed my calf I went to school to learn At school there are many interesting things There is mathematics and writing The girl who doesn’t know how to write Even if she wears her skirt she doesn’t look smart at all The boy who doesn’t know how to write Even if he wears his shorts he doesn’t look smart at all Wololo, wololo, wololo! Wololo, wololo, wololo!

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Muto, Muto Muto, muto, muto, muto! Nnakitereke Embuzi terandagga Musumba yagirandazza Enkuba etonnya Ttimba asibye amakata Obusolo buwanike emikira Ekyakubya omukadde amazzi atali muto munno! Ekintu kinnumye omukono Ekintu kinnumye okugulu Kko - kko, kko, kko! Kko - kkooti!

Little One, Little One Little one, little one, little one, little one! Nnakitereke A goat never dilly-dallies

Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm! Hm!

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Nabikwakwaye Nabikwakwaye! Nabikwakwaye! Nakugamba dda Lima lumonde, bw’otolima lumonde Bali kutunga Ku lutti, ku lutti, ku lutti! Nabikwakwaye! Nabikwakwaye! Jjangu olabe Jjangu olabe abatuwalaganyanga Kwe tusanguliza ettoomi! Kwe tusanguliza ettoomi! Yaffa Lukuku Yaffa Lukuku Ttoomi, ttoomi!

Wangi! Wangi! Wangi!

Wangi! Wangi!

Ttoomi! Ttoomi!

Nabikwakwaye Nabikwakwaye! Nabikwakwaye! I told you long ago Grow potatoes, if you don’t grow potatoes They will skewer you On a skewer, on a skewer, on a skewer! Nabikwakwaye! Nabikwakwaye! Come and see Come and see our enemies We wipe our muddy soles off them! We wipe our muddy soles off them! Lukuku died

Yes! Yes! Yes!

Yes! Yes!

Mud!

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Lukuku died Mud, mud!

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Kayondo Ekimulobera Okuzina Kayondo ekimulobera okuzina Emabega waliyo akaseffuluya Akaseffuluya kaalimu ensonzi Ensonzi zaamulumako ennyindo Ennyindo yamuleetera obulwadde Bulwadde bwamutwala ku kitanda Ekitanda kyamumalako ensimbi Ensimbi zamuleetera obubbi Obubbi bwamutuusa mu kkomera Ekkomera lyamumalamu amaanyi Owange, tusanyuka e Buganda

The Reason Kayondo Cannot Dance The reason Kayondo cannot dance There is a little saucepan at his back In the little saucepan there was a small mudfish The small mudfish bit off his nose The nose made him ill The illness forced him into hospital The hospital made him broke Being broke forced him to steal Stealing led him to prison Prison made him weak My dear, let us rejoice in Buganda hm!

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Kali Kati Kalungi Kali kati kalungi Kazanya nga kabuuka Kalinga omwezi Ogwakaboneka Nange ow’engabi nalayira Nti ndiffa n’owange omutiini Atambula adigidda Alinga omukila gw’ente

Mud!

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It Was a Nice Stick It was a nice stick Playing and jumping It was like a new moon That has just risen As for me of the Ngabi clan I swore That I will die with my dear teenager Who gyrates when she walks Like a cow’s tail

26.

Obulungi Bwa Wante Obulungi bwa wante Tebuteendeka wamma Bwe nnuunako ku ggumba Bwe nnumako ku ggumba Amaddu negawona Amata g’oku kyai Oyo abadde akolola Enkeera ng’awonye Oyo abadde akolola Enkeera ng’awonye

Cow’s Beauty Cow’s beauty Truly deserves praise When I ate the bone When I bite the bone My appetite is quenched Milk for making tea The one who has been coughing Is well the next day The one who has been coughing Is well the next day

27.

Amagezi G’omunafu Ngamanyi Amagezi g’omunafu ngamanyi Agera zikokolima nti, ‘Nfa!’ Bw’alaba buwungeera nti, ‘Mponye!’ Olusembeza etooke ng’abega Embega abega mwenda zenyinni

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Okusokomera amatole nti nkoko! Ebbuto okuleeguuka nti zzike Bw’amala okwebunduguza nti, ‘Nfa!’ Ng’omunogera eddaggala anywe Lyona aliyiwa wansi ng’azina! Bw’alaba zikokolima nti ‘Enjoka! Enjoka zinampitamu bannyabo!’ Bw’olaba okusoonooka nti kkovu Ng’aserengeta okulima eteekule Okukutamya omugongo nti nfudu Atema wano na wali nti, ‘Enjoka! Enjoka zinampitamu nze ndabye!’ Nga akalakata akasimu agende Akalimiro akanaaba bubi nti, ‘Nfa!’ Ekikunta gye kibadde ku bbali Ng’omutwe agubuutikira gwonna! Bbundu ne Bundulira, Bbundu Balibuuza ani? Bbundu ne Bundulira, Bbundu Balibuuza ani?

I Know the Tricks of the Lazy One I know the tricks of the Lazy One When the roosters crow he says, ‘I am dying!’ On seeing it is evening time he says, ‘I am healed!’ When they bring banana bread closer he serves himself Nine servings exactly is what he serves himself He stuffs himself with chunks of food like a chicken The tummy swells like a baboon’s After swallowing it all he says, ‘I am dying!’ Then you pick herbs for him to drink He pours it all down and dances! When the roosters crow he cries, ‘Tapeworms! Tapeworms will soon come out, ladies!’ When you see the way he crawls he is like a snail As one who goes down to cultivate what won’t grow He bends his back like a tortoise He digs here and there and cries, ‘Tapeworms! Tapeworms will soon come out, poor me!’ He scratches his hoe preparing to leave The dirt on his feet he poorly cleans it off saying, ‘I am dying!’

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Where the beddings are on the side He completely covers his head! Bbundu and Bundulira, Bbundu Whom will they ask? Bbundu and Bundulira, Bbundu Whom will they ask

G: R U N Y A N K O R E –R U K I G A F O L K T A L E S 1. Kabananukye Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. NR34 (Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005).35 By permission of Nice Rwomushana. Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere!36 Hakaba haruho omushaija yashwera omukazi we. Batuura, batuura. Bamara emyaka mingi batarikuzara; omukazi akaba ari engumba. Baguma aho; baaza omu bafumu baraguza. Omukazi yabura kuzaara. Ku yabaire ari aho yazaara omwaana. Omwishiki bamweeta Kabananukye. Akaba ari murungi munonga, munonga. Owabaire amureeba weena amukunda. Ku yabaire aribata aheeru, ebigyere bye birungi munonga byoona bibumbwamu eshagama, eyenda kushohora. Ishe na nyina bamugira bati, “Otarishohora. Ogume omunju.” Ku yabaire ari aho, haija abaana bagyenzi be bazanira aheeru. Bazaana, bazaana, bateera akapiira na karigobe. Beeta Kabananukye bati, “Ija tuzaane.” Ayanga. Na nyentsya nikwo batyo. Bakaija n’obupiira bwingi bazaana, nawe akwatsibwa atyo ashohora, bazaana. Omuri eryo iguru, basharaho kuza kwiha obunyatsi nawe aikiriza bagyenda nawe kwonka bamuzibira kwiha obunyatsi bamugira ngu, “Iwe otaiha obunyatsi. Nituza kukwihira.” Batyo baiha obunyatsi, nawe Kabananukye bamwihira, batyo bakoma ebiba by’obunyatsi. Haza batandika kwetenga nk’oku babaire bakora buriijo. Omwe ati, “Nyowe ninyenda ngu ku ndaze kuhika omuka nshangye bagoyire oburo n’enyama.” Ondijo ati, “Nyowe ninyenda ngu naza kuhika omuka nshangye maama arungire eshabwe, atekire n’ebitakuri.” Batyo bagumizamu nibetenga.

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Nice Rwomushana, performer. Allyce Tumwesigye assisted me in recording this folktale and transcribing it. 36 The audience repeats ‘tebere’ at every breath stop in the narration, as indicated in the transcript by a comma or period. 35

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Ku babaire bariyo nibetenga haija orukooko rugira ruti, “Imwe baana mwe, ninyenda omukazi w’okushwera!” Rubareeba, rubareeba, rubareeba. Aha muheru, ku ruza kutoorana, rutoorana Kabananukye owabaire ari murungi munonga. Abaana batyo bagyenda nibairukanga bagambira abazaire ba Kabananukye ku Orukooko rwamutwara kumushwera. Nyina ati, “Hoona omwaana wangye, kandi obwo niwe nyine wenka!” Atyo aihayo eicumu n’omuhoro airuka. Ku aba yahika omu muhanda, orukooko rumureeba rutyo rweshongora, ruti: Iwe nyin’omwaana, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurire! Nyamiyonga tibiri Omukazi ku ahurira orukooko, atiina. Ati, “Oru rukooko ka niruza kunyita!” Atyo anaga amacumu n’omuhoro airuka agarukayo. Agambira ab’omuka ati, “Ekinareeba oku,” ati, “mbwenu we Kabananukye namuhwa amatsiko!” Ishe ati, “Hoona omwaana wangye!” Nawe aronda ebye birwaniso atyo aza kurwanisa orukooko. Orukooko ku rwamurebire hangahari, rutyo rweshongora, ruti: Iwe ishe omwaana, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurire! Nyamiyonga tibiri Ishe wa Kabananukye ati, “Nobeiha,” ati, “mpaka nkwitsire!” Ateera ebigyere bibiri omumaisho. Orukooko rwemerera omu kibuga rugaruka rweshongora, ruti: Iwe ishe omwaana, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye?

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Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurire! Nyamiyonga tibiri Ku ruheza atiina, ati, “Naafa!” Agyenda agarukayo ahuruza abanyaruganda. Boona ba ishento baija kurwanisa orukooko. Orukooko ruguma nirweshongora, boona baguma nibarugayo, nibarugayo, okuhitsya boona obu barugireyo bakaremwa. Hati boona bagira ngu, “Mbwenu ogu mwaana we,” ngu, “orukooko rwamutwara!” Kwonka omuka yabo hakaba harimu akagurusi k’akamuga karikugyendesa ekibunu. Akamuga katyo kagira kati, “Hoona omwaana weitu orukooko rwamutwara, mwena mwazayo ngu mwaremwa?” Katyo kagira kati, “Mundondere amacumu, n’emihoro, n’enkoni, mubityaze nze kumuronda. Ku ndafe, nfe!” Katyo akamuga kagyenda. Ku kaba nikatembatemba, orukooko rutyo rukareeba rweshongora, ruti: Iwe kamuga we, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurire! Nyamiyonga tibiri Akamuga kati, “Mbwenu nyowe kanafiire kare,” kati, “reka ngumizemu tureebe.” Orukooko kurureeba akamuga kayanga karwizira, rutyo rugaruka rweshongora, ruti: Iwe Kamuga we, nooza hi? Nyamiyonga tibiri Oizire kwita orukooko? Nyamiyonga tibiri Orwatwaire Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Okwate enkoni ozagurire! Nyamiyonga tibiri Akamuga kagumizamu kaza omunju ya nyarukooko, kataaha omu kishengye. Ku kataaha omu kishengye kareeba Kabananukye. Orukooko rutetema. Ku rutetema, akamuga kakwata omuhoro karutema, karucumita n’eicumu. Ku ruba niruza kufa, ruti, “Oshare aha kaara kahera oihemu byoona ebi nariire!”

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Akamuga katyo kashara aha kaara kahera kaihamu ente, embuzi, abazaana, n’ebintu bingi. Katyo karucumita orukooko rufa. Akamuga katyo kebembeza ago matungo na Kabananukye. Ab’owaabo ku babaire bari aho, bareeba orushozi rwazaara abantu, rwazaara ente, rwazaara embuzi, n’ebindi bintu bingi. Batyo bareeba na Kabananukye n’akamuga kamukuratiire! Ku ntsiga bateeka obugyenyi boona bashemereirwe, nyija kukuganira.

Kabananukye Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere! There was once a man and he married a wife. They lived, and they lived. They spent many years without getting a child; the woman was barren. They stayed there; they went to consult medicine men. The woman failed to give birth. Then one day she gave birth to a child. The girl was named Kabananukye. Kabananukye was very, very beautiful. Whoever saw her loved her. So her father and mother…whenever she stepped outside [of the house], because of her beautiful, delicate feet, they would swell and blood would almost come out of her veins! They said to her, “You should never go out. You should stay inside the house.” One time, children came and played outside her home. They played and they played, and they played football and karigobe, and they called her and said, “Kabananukye, come and we will play.” But at home they had told her never to go out. She refused. And the following day they came back. And they called her again. They came with many balls, and they played and she too got interested and she went outside, and they played. Then all of a sudden, they decided to go and gather some grass and she also agreed and they went with her, but they stopped her from gathering grass saying, “You should not gather the grass. We shall gather it for you.” So they gathered [grass] and after they had gathered [grass] for her, they tied [the grass] and after tying they put the grass there. Then they started making wishes like they always did. One of them said, “My wish is that when I reach home I find they have prepared millet and beef.” Another one said, “For me my wish is that when I get home I find my mother has prepared eshabwe sauce and sweet potatoes.” And so they continued making their wishes like that. While they were making wishes, a beast came. It said, “You children, I want a woman to marry!” It looked at them, and it looked at them, and it looked at them. Finally, when it decided to pick one of them, it picked Kabananukye, the one who was the most beautiful.

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When it took her, the children went running and they told her father and mother, saying a beast came looking for a girl to marry and it took her. The mother cried, “My child, and the only child I have!” So she got a spear, and she got a machete and she ran. She ran and on her way, the beast saw her and when it saw her it started singing, like this: You, mother of the child, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri When the woman heard the song, she said, “This beast is going to kill me!” The machete and spears that she had she left there and ran. When she reached home she said, “What I have seen over there,” she said, “I have lost all hope for Kabananukye!” The father exclaimed, “My child!” And he also looked for his weapons, he looked for spears and he looked for machetes and he ran. When it saw him at a distance, it started singing, like this: You, father of the child, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri The father of Kabananukye said, “No, that is a lie!” he said, “Not until I kill you!” And he moved two steps forward. Then the beast stood in the courtyard and again it started singing. You, father of the child, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri

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When it finished singing, the man thought, “I am dead!” He went and summoned all his relatives. All the uncles came to kill the beast. The beast kept singing, and they all kept coming and coming, until they all came and they gave up. Then they all said, “As for that child,” they said, “the beast has taken her!” In that home there was a small, disabled old man who crawled around the house. The disabled man said, “So our child has been taken by the beast, and you all say you went and tried and you failed?” And he said, “Get me spears and sharpen them, and look for machetes and sticks, and I will go and look for her. If I die, let me die!” So the disabled old man went. And he went and he went. As he was ascending the hill, the beast saw him. And it started singing, like this: You, disabled man, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri The disabled old man said, “As for me I died a long time ago.” And he kept going and kept going. When he kept going, the beast stood outside and it sang: You disabled man, where are you going? Nyamiyonga tibiri You have come to kill the beast? Nyamiyonga tibiri The beast that took Kabananukye? Nyamiyonga tibiri Get your sticks and flee! Nyamiyonga tibiri The disabled old man refused [to stop] and he kept going. And the disabled man went and entered the bedroom. When he entered the bedroom he saw Kabananukye. The beast started trembling. When it started trembling, he got a machete, cut the beast, and stabbed it with his spear. When it was about to die, it said, “Cut my little finger and remove all the things I have ever eaten!” He cut it and when he cut it he brought out cows, brought out goats, and brought out servants, and many other things. And after the things came out, he stabbed it and it died. After it had died he took Kabananukye and the cows and servants, and goats led the way. Suddenly, the people at home saw the hill

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giving birth to people, and cows, and goats and Kabananukye. And the disabled old man was following behind them. When they were feasting and happy, I left and came to tell you the story.

2. Abaana Abanagirwe Ishebo Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere! Hakaba hariho omushaija yazaara [yashweera] omukazi we, bazaara omwaana. Bazaara omwana w’omwishiki. Bazaara ondijo w’omwoojo. Ku bahika babiri nyinabo yafa. Nyinabo ku yafiire ishebo yagyenda yaronda ondijo mukazi. Ku yagiire kumushweera yagira ati, “Nyowe waza kunshweera obanze obingye abaana baawe. Tindikubenda omuka omu!” Omushaija yashoberwa. Yagyenda yakwata abaana be bagyenda. Bagyenda hare munonga, okwo hare. Akaana kamwe kakaba kaine emyaka nk’ena akandi kaine nk’etaano. Kwonka omwoojo niwe yabaire ari mukuru arikukiza omwishiki obwengye. Ku bahikire omu muhanda, ishe yabagira ati, “Reka nze kunnya,” ati, “mugume aho nyowe reka nze kunnya.” Ku aheza kunnya acumitamu orugisha omu mazi. We aburaho. Abaana baguma nibagira ngu, “Taata, taata, rahuka tugyende!” Orugisha rugira, “Reka mbanze nnye!” Abaana bagaruka bagira, “Taata, taata, rahuka tugyende!” Orugisha rubagira, “Reka mbanze nnye!” Okuhitsya abaana obu bagiire kumuronda. Bashanga omuntu atariho. Abaana bashoberwa. Ahu barikuruga tibarikuhamanya; ahu barikuza tibarikuhamanya. Batambura, batamura, ku bahika okwo babugana embwa erisize ente, ebabuuza eti, “Imwe baana mwe, nimuza hi?” Abaana bazaho bagigambira ngu, “Twaba twiine taata ku tuhika yatunaga oku, titurikumanya ei turikuza kandi titurikumanya ahi turikuruga.” Embwa yabagira eti, “Naza kubatwaara owangye mugumeyo mborore; mugume nimureberera ebintu byangye okuhitsya obu murakure.” Bakaba bagyenzire nibakurakuramu. Embwa egira eti, “Iwe omwishiki ogume aha ogume n’otutekyera, kandi iwe omwoojo tugume nitugyenda nituriisa.” Omwishiki agumayo obwiire buba buraingwa. Embwa ehika omu bwiire bwayo bwa bukuru, ebeeta abaana ebata aho. Ebagira eti, “Kwonka nyowe ntaha n’omubazi gwangye, amasyo gangye abantu ku baija kugaiba babanza bateratera aha kantu aka.” Kakaba kahanikire ahaiguru kari nk’akatemere karimu akabazi. Eti, “Iwe oteretereho oti, abashuma ente niziza kubacumitacumita, bahungye.”

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Hati ku ahika obwiire ayegyesa omwishiki ayegyesa n’omutsigazi boona babireeba. Embwa ehika obwiire efa. Ku eheza kufa abaana baguma omunju bonka. Abashuma baguma nibaija abaana nibakora obukodyo obwo. Ku baguma nibakora obukodyo obwo, abashuma bashoberwa eki barakore. Bati aba baana baine bwengye ki kureeba ngu nibatunanka – ! Hati aha rubaju aho hakaba hariho akakaikuru aha rubaju rw’omuhanda. Kabagira kati, “Imwe nyowe ninyija kuzayo mbagire ngu tinyine ahu ndi, tinyine ah’okutuura, reero [ntahe] nabo, reero nitwiija kumanya obwengye, ab’ente barugyeho reero mutware ezo nte zabo.” Hati obwire ku buhika, akakaikuru kaija ku kahika aho kabagambira kati, “Nyowe tinyine [butaaho], tinyine ki, mbwenu nyowe naba ninshaba ngu ntuure naimwe.” Nabo tibaba babi bagira ngu batunga omuntu w’okutuura nawe. Baguma nawe. Obwire ku buhika nyekiro bakongootaho. Hati omukaikuru aigura orwigi. Ku aheza omukaikuru akantu kariya akaihaho, kariya akantu aku babaire bateire omu keibo. Ku buhika nyekiro, kariya akantu akakaikuru kakaihamu kakatwaara. Ku buhika nyekiro abantu baija kwiiba ente, baija baizire n’okwiita. Baimuka bateratera aha kaibo, ente zanga kubarwanisa. Bateratera aha kaibo; abashuma bataahamu. Bakwaata munyanya bamwiita. Omukaikuru agyenda. Babatwaara ahandi omu nsi endiijo; omwishiki bamuta omunju wenka ei babaire bamuteiremu. Ekaba erimu entemere nyingi z’oburo. Ente zijuga, zijuga, ziguma nizijuga. Omwishiki arira, ente zijuga, omwishiki arira, ente zijuga. Ente zanga kurya. Omwishiki aguma aho. Omwishiki aguma omu busaasi narira atarikurya, atarikunywa. Ku aba aryaho haija embeba nizironda oburo. Zishangamu omwishiki. Zimubuuza, “Baitu iwe mwishiki we, ka twiija aha tukashanga norira, tukaija aha tukashanga norira, hakabaho ki?” Azaho atebeza embeba ati, “Nkaba nyine munyanyazi,” ati, “abatemu bamutahirira,” ati, “bamwiita.” Ati, “Mbwenu obusaasi nyowe obu nyine ku ndiba ntarebire munyanyazi tindirya tindinywa!” Ziti, “Mbwenu twamukuretera notuha ki?” Oriya ati, “Kyona eki murikwenda ninkibaha.” Ziti, “Mbwenu nobaasa kutuha ente tukamukuretera?” Ati, “Ningibaha!” Abanza aziha entemere y’oburo zigyenda. Embeba egyenda egambira ntahi zayo eti, “Twatunga okwo omushako gw’oburo!” Hati embeba nizo zagyenzire zikarya oriya omushaija ahabw’okugira ngu bakamutsiga omunju. Embeba zamurya kuzamuherizeho zaija. Embeba egyenda eyeta ntahi zayo zona, zoona ezihumuz’aho. Eti, “Nitwenda ngu buri omwe weena eki yariire agire ata, akitanakye!”

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Embeba zoona, zoona, zoona ezariireho zitanaka, zitanaka, zitanaka. Kwonka embeba eyariire omutuma yabura. Kakaba katariho. Embeba omuntu zamukora yaaz’aho kwonka yaguma atarikwimuka. Akabeba bakaronda kabura, bakahiiga kabura. Ku babaire bari aho, bakareeba. Bakareeta. Ngu, “Iwe otanakye eki wariire!” Kati, “Nyowe tinyine eki nariire!” Bakateera, bakateera, bakateera, kati, “Nyowe tinyine eki nariire.” Bakateera, bakateera, ku karugaho katanaka omutima. Baguta omu muntu omutima ogwo. Ku baheza kugutamu, omuntu aimuka. Ku aheza kwimuka omwishiki ashemererwa. Ente ezabaire zangire kurya zirya. Obugyenyi butaaha. Ku ntsiga omwishiki yashemererwa na munyanya, n’ente zashemererwa, nti, “Reka nze kuganira aba Mbarara.”

The Children Who Were Abandoned by Their Father Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere! There was a man and he gave birth to [married] a wife, they gave birth to a child. They gave birth to a girl child. They gave birth to another, a boy. After she had given birth to two children the mother died. When their mother died their father went to look for another wife. When he was going to marry her she said, “Before I marry you, you have to send away those children. I do not want them here!” The man was in a dilemma. He went and got hold of his children and they went. They went very far, very far away. One of the little children was about four years old and the other was about five. But the boy was older and was wiser than the girl. On their way, their father said to them, “Let me go and defecate,” and he said, “stay there while I go to defecate.” When he finished, he put in a talisman. And he disappeared. The children kept saying, “Father, father, hurry up and we go!” The talisman replied, “Let me finish defecating!” The children said again, “Father, father, hurry up and we go!” The talisman replied, “Let me finish defecating!” In the end the children went to look for him. They found no one was there. The children were shocked. They did not know where they were coming from, they did not know where they were going. They walked, and they walked, and when they reached somewhere they met a dog looking after cows. It asked them, “Children, where are you going?”

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The children said to the dog, “We were with our father but on our way he abandoned us, and we do not know where we are going and we do not know where we are coming from.” The dog said to them, “I am going to take you to my home and you will stay with me. I will take care of you; you will take care of my property until you grow up.” The children grew older. The dog said, “I want the girl to stay here and cook for us, and as for the boy you will be going with me to look after cows.” The girl lived at home, and a long time passed. The dog grew old and one day it called the children. It said, “I have my little magic charm here; anyone who comes to steal my cows cannot take them unless they first tap and tap on this little thing.” It was in a small basket hanging up on the rafter. It said, “When you tap it and tap it like this, the cows will attack them and gore them, and gore them with their horns until they flee.” After some time he taught the girl and he taught the boy and they all saw what to do. Not long after, the dog died. When it died the children lived alone in the house. Thieves kept coming and the children played tricks on them. When they kept playing tricks on them, the thieves did not know what to do. They thought: how clever these children are that they can stop us from – ! Now, close by there was an old woman who lived down the road. She said to them, “I will go there and tell the children that I am homeless, I have no where to go, and then I will live with them. Then we shall make a plan; the owners of the cows will get out of the way and you will take their cows.” When the time came, the old woman came and she said to them, “I have nowhere to live, I do not have anything, so I am asking that I live with you.” They were kind to her and they thought they had got someone to live with. They lived with her. At night they [thieves] came and knocked on the door. The old woman opened the door. Then she removed the other little magic portion, the one that was in the small basket. At night she removed it and took it away. The thieves came to steal cows, and they came to kill. They came and entered, and tapped and tapped the small basket. They got hold of her brother and killed him. The old woman went away. They took her to a far away land; they put the girl in a house alone. In that house were many baskets full of millet. The cows kept mooing, and mooing and mooing! The girl cried, and the cows mooed, and the girl cried, and the cows mooed! The cows refused to graze. The girl stayed there. She mourned and cried, and she refused to eat or drink.

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While she was crying, rats came looking for millet. They found the girl in the house. They asked her, “Young girl, whenever we come here we find you crying, every time we come we find you crying, what happened?” She narrated the story to the rats saying, “I had a brother,” she said, “then murderers broke in,” she said, “and killed him.” And she said, “The pain that I have, I will never eat or drink anything unless I see my brother!” The rats said, “Suppose we bring him back to you, what will you give us?” She said, “Whatever you want I will give it to you.” They said, “Can you give us a cow and we will bring him back to you?” She replied, “I will give it to you!” She first gave them a basket full of millet and they went. The rats went and told other rats and said, “We have got a day’s meal of millet!” Now, the rats had gone and eaten the other young man when he was left dead in the house. The rats ate him and when they finished eating him they came. So the rat went and called all its friends, all of them, and assembled them there. Then it said, “We want everyone to vomit whatever he or she ate!” All the rats, all of them that had eaten something started vomiting, and they vomited and vomited. But the little rat that had eaten the heart did not show up. It was absent. The rats put together the human being again but he could not get up. They searched for the little rat but could not find it, and they hunted for it but could not find it. Suddenly, they saw the little rat. They brought it. They said, “You must vomit whatever you ate!” And it replied, “As for me, I never ate anything!” They beat it, and beat it, and beat it, but it said, “I did not eat anything!” They beat it, and beat it, and beat it, until it finally vomited the heart. They put the heart in the human being. When they put it there, the human being stood up. When he stood up, the girl was full of joy. The cows that had refused to graze started grazing. They had a party. When I left the girl and her brother happy, and the cows were ecstatic, I said, “Let me go and tell the story to the people of Mbarara.”

3. Nshemere Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. ST (Rugazi-Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005).37 By permission of Siriva Tinkamanyire. Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere! Hakaba hariho omushaija yagyenda yashwera, yashwera omkyara we. Batuura, batuura, bazaara abaana bashatu. Abaana bashatu abo bakaba bari 37

I worked with Allyce Tumwesigye to record and transcribe this folktale.

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abaishiki. Bakura baza aho. Mukuru wabo akaba nayetwa Nshemere. Hati, Nshemere ku yakuzire yatandika omurumo gw’okutaha amaizi ogu yabaire ayegyesiibwe nyina. Nyina akaba amanya okwegyesa abaana okukora emirimo. Mbwenu eizoba rimwe, omuka haijayo abashaija babuuza karumuna ka Nshemere nako kabagarukamu kati, “Nshemere yaza kutaha amaizi.” Omushaija akatuma ati, “Irooko omunyetere.” Akarumuna kagyenda haihi neiziba, obwo kari kweshongora kati: Nshemere! Nshemere! Nshemere, maama, Nshemere Akanyonyi, Ai! Omuka nibakweta Akanyonyi, Ai! Nooha orikunyeta? Akanyonyi, Ai! N’omushaija nk’abandi Akanyonyi, Ai! Ogyende omugambire Akanyonyi, Ai! Akashozi ak’owaitu Akanyonyi, Ai! Abanze akakuure Akanyonyi, Ai! Akarumuna kagaruka kati, “Ou wantumaho yayanga. Ngu akashozi k’owaitu obanze okakuure.” Omushaja agyenda areeba bataahi be ati, “Mwije mugire eki mwakwatsa.” Batyo nabo baija bamuha amaani, batyo akashozi bakatahirira n’amafuka gaabo, n’amashuruuru, bakatema. Akashozi ku kaheza kuhwa, omushaija agaruka agarukayo. Agaruka atuma akarumuna aku yabaire yatumire ati, “Irooko ogambire Nshemere oti eki yabaire nayenda kyahikirira.” Akarumuna nako kagaruka kakwata omuhanda n’ekyeshongoro kyako: Nshemere! Nshemere! Nshemere, maama, Nshemere Akanyonyi, Ai! Omuka nibakweeta Akanyonyi, Ai! Nooha orikunyeta Nshemere? Akanyonyi, Ai! N’omushaija nk’abandi Akanyonyi, Ai!

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Niwe orikukwenda Akanyonyi, Ai! Ogyende omugambire Nshemere Akanyonyi, Ai! Akashozi kaahwaho Akanyonyi, Ai! Nibwo ndikwiija Akanyonyi, Ai! Akaishiki kagyenda kati, “Nshemere yayanga.” Obwo karikugambira ogwo omushaija owaba natema akashozi. Omushaja ati, “Hoona wamugambira eki nakora?” Kati, “Ee,” kati, “namugambira.” Ati, “Kandi shi ku orabe wamugambira yayangira ki?” Ati, “Ogarukyeyo omugambire, shana tiyakwetegyereza.” Akarumuna kagaruka kagarukayo. Kagaruka keshongora nk’oku kaaba nikeshongora kare. Hati mukuru waako Nshemere niko kukabuuza ati, “Kwonka akashozi yakaihaho?” Oriya ati, “Ee, akashozi yakaihaho.” Oriya nawe agabwa atakiine ky’okukora atungama, aija ahika omuka. Ku ahika omuka, omushaija ati, “Ruhanga nayebare!” Nshemere ayebaza omushaija. Ati, “Ruhanga owakuhaire amagyezi g’okukora nk’eki,” ati, “nakusiima munonga.” Ati, “Oine oburyo. Mbwenu naza kwikiriza ontware tube hamwe.” Abazaire ba Nshemere berundaana babura eky’okukora. Bagira ngu, “Baitu omwishiki waitu tiyatutsigaho!” Bagira ngu, “Kwonka Nshemere eki yamushabire ku arabe yakihikiriza, nakamutwara!” Abazaire baronda enshagarizi, Nshemere bamurondera akatimba akajwara. Batyo boona bakwata omuhanda baza owa nyamushaija. Nanye ku ntsiga bakwata omuhanda baza owa nyamushaija, nkwata omuhanda ndaba omu rutookye rwa [marimi] rucweeka ebishansha, nyambuka ntyo ntsiga obugyenyi bwataaha!

Nshemere Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere! There once lived a man who married a wife. They lived and lived and they gave birth to three children. The three children were girls. They grew up. The eldest girl was called Nshemere. So, when Nshemere grew up, she started going to the well to fetch water, as her mother had trained her. Her mother knew how to train children to value hard work. One day, men came home asking [about Nshemere] and Nshemere’s young sister replied, “Nshemere has gone to the well to fetch water.” The man sent her saying, “Go and call her.”

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The younger sister went and stood near the well and started singing, like this: Nshemere! Nshemere! Nshemere, maama, Nshemere The little bird, Ai! At home they are calling you The little bird, Ai! Who is calling me? The little bird, Ai! He is a man like others The little bird, Ai! Go and tell him The little bird, Ai! The hill at our home The little bird, Ai! Let him first clear it The little bird, Ai! Nshemere’s young sister came back home and said, “The person you sent for has refused to come. She says you first go and clear the hill at our home!” The man went and talked to his friends saying, “Come and help me out.” They came and gave him a hand, got their hoes, pick axes, and they cleared the hill. When they finished clearing the hill the man went back. And again he sent the young sister saying, “Go and tell Nshemere that what she wanted has been accomplished.” The young sister went back and started singing her song: Nshemere! Nshemere! Nshemere, maama, Nshemere The little bird, Ai! At home they are calling you The little bird, Ai! Who is calling me Nshemere? The little bird, Ai! He is a man like others The little bird, Ai! He is the one who wants you The little bird, Ai! Go and tell him Nshemere The little bird, Ai! When that hill is all cleared The little bird, Ai!

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That is when I will come The little bird, Ai! The little girl went and said, “Nshemere has refused.” She was telling the man who had cleared the hill. The man said, “Did you really tell her what I have done?” She said, “Yes,” and she said, “I told her.” He said, “But if you told her why did she refuse?” And he said, “Go back and tell her, perhaps she did not understand.” The younger sister went back. And again she sang as she had sung before. Her elder sister, Nshemere, then asked her, saying, “But did he remove the hill?” The other said, “Yes, he cleared the hill.” The other had no other excuse so she got up, and went home. When she got home, the man said, “Thank God!” Nshemere also thanked the man. She said, “It is God who gave you wisdom to do something like this and I thank you very much. You have a clear plan. So, I have accepted that you take me and I live with you.” Nshemere’s parents gathered and they did not know what to do. They said, “Our daughter is leaving us!” They said, “But since he accomplished what Nshemere asked him to do, then he deserves to take her!” The parents looked for bridesmaids, they got a wedding gown for Nshemere and she dressed up. And they all went to the man’s home. And when I left them on the way to the man’s home, I went through my maternal uncle’s banana plantation and it became dry banana leaves, I went up, and so I left when the wedding party was still going on.

4. Omuti Ogwahindukire Omwishiki Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. ST (Rugazi-Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005).38 By permission of Siriva Tinkamanyire. Ira munonga hakaba hariho omushaija Bigambo, yagyenda yashweera omukazi we. Batuura, batuura. Kwonka eky’obusaasi tibazaara mwaana. Buri kaire bakaba nibashaba Ruhanga ngu akaabaha omwaana. Buri kaire baguma nibashaba. Bakaba baine ekibanja kihango kirimu n’emisiri mingi. Ahagati y’emisiri yabo hakaba harimu omuti murungi, omuti murungi munonga. Omuti ogwo gurikwaana ebijuma birungi munonga. Omu kasheshe kamwe ku baba nibaza omu misiri yabo nka burijo, ku baza kureeba bareeba omuti gwahindukamu omwishiki. Omwishiki atyo yagyenda nayehuta atungama ow’enju. Bamukuratsa amaisho. Ku aza omunju nabo bagyenda bamukuratiire. Bareeba yaihayo ekyeyererezo, ayererera. Az’aho 38

I worked with Allyce Tumwesigye during the process of recording and transcribing this folktale.

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ayeyerera, ayeyerera. Ku baza kuhurira bahurira yabeeta ati, “Taata!” Agambira n’omukazi we ati, “Maama!” Boona bagwerwa akagwe. Nabo bamweeta muhara wabo. Ku baba bakiri aho bari omu kushobangirirwa, ahabw’oburungi bw’ogwo mwishiki n’oku yabaire nashusha, ku hahweireho ebiro, becura omushaija. Ati, “Baitu, ka ninyenda omwishiki w’okushweera.” Bamugira ngu, “Baitu shi iwe nooha okugizire ngu twiine omwishiki w’okushweera?” Omushaija ati, “Nyowe nkirotsire!” Ngu, “Hoona shi iwe ku okirotsire naiwe wakita omu nkora, wamanya ngu buzima niko kiri?” Ati, “Ee,” ati, “nyowe buzima niko nkirotsire kandi buzima ninteekwa kushweera omuk’egi.” Abagira ngu bamushabe kyoona eki barikwenda kandi naza kukibahereza. Omushaija n’omukazi we nabo nikwo kuza aho bakarebera okutangaara. Ku barebire byab’ebyo bamugira ngu, “Mbwenu itwe eki turi kukushaba, nitwenda ngu otuhe abazaana abarikubasa kutuhwera ahabw’okuba noreeba twiine omwishiki waitu omwe niwe turi kutuura nawe.” Omushaija ati, “Mbwenu ekyo eki mwanshaba ninza kukikora. Mbwenu reka mbashabe mumpe ebiro bina, ngyende nyetebekanise nyije nkikore.” Omushaija agarukayo, ku aheza kugarukayo, amara ebiro. Ebiro bina ku bihika agaruka omu rugyendo rwe. Omu kwija ogwo murundi aija n’ebintu bingi. Agira abashaija batahi be, agira abazaana abu bamushabire, agira n’ente, n’embuzi, n’entaama, byoona abyebembeza. Ku babaire bari aho bamwetebekanisiize barikukimanya ngu omuka baine obugyenyi, bareeba ebintu nyamwingi byoona byareetwa aho, n’amasyo agu nagamba, aha muheru nikwo kuhika omunju. Nyineeka ati, “Twakwakiira.” Ati, “Niinye naakira.” Bareeba byoona ebi yabaire aine. Hati aho nyineka niho yagizire ati, “Abesiga Mukama, bakagira n’okugumisiriza tibahwa matsiko.” Omushaija kishweera akaba ari mutabani w’Omugabe kwonka ou babaire batari kumanya. Ku barebire ekitiinisa eki yaiziremu n’ebi babaire bamushabire, bakwata omwishiki ogwo bamumuhereza. Batyo bagyenda, batunga obushwere burungi, batunga n’okubagye, bazaara n’abaana bagira obuteeka burungi. Nanye ku natsigire eka yatebekana ei omwishiki yashweirwemu, narugayo ninyirukanga ndaba omu rutookye rwa [marimi] rwacweeka ebishansha!

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The Tree That Turned Into a Girl Long ago there was a man called Bigambo and he went and married a wife. They lived and lived. Unfortunately they did not have a child. Every time they prayed to God to give them a child. They prayed all the time. They had a large piece of land with gardens. In the middle of the gardens there was a beautiful tree, a very beautiful tree. That tree produced nice fruit. One morning when they were going to the garden as usual, they suddenly saw the tree turn into a girl. The girl walked very fast towards the house. They watched in disbelief as she went. When she entered the house they followed her. They saw her get a broom and she started sweeping. She swept and swept. Suddenly, they heard her calling. “Father!” she said. And she called his wife and she said, “Mother!” And they were astonished. They also called her their daughter. While they were still in shock, amazed by the girl’s beauty, a man appeared after a few days. He said, “I am looking for a girl to marry.” They said to him, “But who told you that we have a girl to give away in marriage?” The man said, “I dreamt about it!” They said, “So you dreamt about it and you decided to act on the dream and you believed it is really true?” He said, “Yes, that is truly what I dreamt and I know for sure that I will marry into this home.” He asked them to tell him whatever they wanted and he would give it to them. The man and his wife stood there, watching in disbelief. When they saw what had happened they said to him, “All we want you to do is give us servants to help us because as you can see we have our only daughter and she is the one we live with.” The man said, “I will do what you have asked. I request you to give me four days to go and get ready and I will come and do it.” The man went back, and when he went back, he spent four days and then set off on his journey. When he came the second time he brought a lot of things. He came along with other men, he brought servants they had asked him to bring, he brought cows and goats, and sheep; everything was there before him. While they were preparing to receive him, knowing they had a wedding at their home, they saw a lot of things being brought to their home including the animals I was talking about, and finally they arrived at their home. The head of the family said, “You are welcome.” The other said: “I am most honoured.”

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And they saw all that he had brought. At that moment the head of the household said, “Those who trust God and have perseverance, they always have hope.” The groom was the son of the King but they did not know him. When they saw the grandeur that surrounded him and all the things they had asked him to bring, they gave him their daughter. And so they went and they had a wonderful marriage, they had a good life, gave birth to children and had a wonderful life. And when their home had become stable, the one that the girl got married into, I came running and passed through my maternal uncle’s banana plantation and it turned into dry banana leaves!

5. Kabarungi Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. ST (Rugazi-Mbarara, Ankole, 10 June 2005).39 By permission of Siriva Tinkamanyire. Mbaganire, mbaganire! Tebere! Ira munonga hakaba hariho omushaija yagyenda yashwera omukazi we. Ku yamuhikize omuka bagyenda bazaara omwaana w’omwishiki. Yagyenda yaba murungi munonga, n’eiziina bamweeta Kabarungi. Kabarungi yakura, yakura. Eky’omugisha mubi, nyina yafa. Nyina ku yaherize kufa, Kabarungi yaguma na ishe. Obwire bwingi yaguma nahweera ishe kandi ishe nawe yaguma nawe nibahwerana, baguma bashemereirwe. Ku hahweireho obwire, omushaija yaremwa kutuura wenka nikwo kutandika kuronda omukazi ondiijo. Tiharahweire biro bingi, yashweera ondijo mukazi. Omukazi ou yasheire nawe yaija ari eihano. Izooba rimwe yayeta omwaana ou yashangireho, ogwo ou ari muka-ishe, yagaruka yayeta noowe, bombi yabatwaara yaza kubanabisa. Ku yabanabiise babonera, omuri ako kaire yatandika kubasiiga. Yakwaata omwaana owe yamusiiga amajuta g’ente marungi, kandi yagaruka yakwaata omwaana ou yabaire ari muka-ishe yamusiiga amasha g’ente. Yabata aha muhanda bagyenda. Ku baba bari omu muhanda nibagyenda, babugana abantu. Abantu bagira ngu, “Baitu agwo omwaana ka yaba aboneire ahabw’enki bamusiiga amasha?” Ngu, “Kandi oriya n’obu barabe bamusiiga kurungi, kwonka taboneire nk’ogu.” Omukazi atyo kyamukora kubi yagira ekiniga. Ku yagira ekiniga yagyenda yahika omuka. Ku yahika omuka yagira ati, “Iwe mwaana we, nkute hi?”

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Allyce Tumwesigye assisted me in recording and transcribing this folktale.

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Yasharamu kumwiita. Ku yabaire ari omu kutebekanisa ngu amwiite, yaronda omusyo gwe. Omuri ako kaire haretwaho ishe w’omwishiki. Nikwo atyo yamuyabuzaho ogwo omukazi. Ati, “Kandi shi Kabarungi kanarira yaaba ata?” Ogwo muka-ishe ati, “Omwaana tindikumanya oku ari!” Atyo omukazi asyooka omu nju ayekiika ahaifo n’omusyo gwe ogwa rurara, omwaana amukiika enyuma y’ekiti ahu ishe yabaire atari kureeba, ati, “Reka nyije nkwiite!” Ku yabaire naza kumwiita ahaiziba hagabwa nihareetwaho abakazi ababaire baizire kutaha amaizi. Bamukwata. Ngu, “Waba nooza kukora ki?” Bamukwata bamukiza amaani. Ku aheza kwamura, na ishe w’omwaana nawe asimuka arugayo, ati, “Baitu shi n’enki?” Muka-ishe nikwo kumugira ati, “Nyowe omwaana k’andemire,” ati, “nyowe reka mwiheho,” ati, “ambereire ekindi!” Aha muheru, abakazi bakwaata ogwo omukazi owabaire naza kushara omwaana, na ishe nawe amukwata ogwo omukazi we owabaire nayenda kwiita omwaana we, batyo bamurwanisa. Omushaija abinga omukazi we, ati, “Ruga omu maka gangye ngume n’omwaana wangye,” ati, “nkatunga obusingye ahabw’okuba omwaana wangye okashanga ndi kutuura nawe!” Nanye ku ntsiga orutaro rwahwa Kabarungi yahona okufa, nanye ngabwa nindugayo ntsiga nyineeka yatsigara n’omuhara, omukazi yataaha.

Kabarungi Let me tell you a story, let me tell you a story! Tebere! Long ago there was a man and he married a wife. He brought her home and they later on gave birth to a daughter. The girl was very beautiful and they named her Kabarungi. Kabarungi grew up, and grew up. Unfortunately, her mother died. When her mother died, Kabarungi lived with her father. Most of the time she would help her father with work and they kept helping each other and they lived a happy life. After some time the man found it hard to live alone, so he started looking for another wife to marry. Not many days passed, and he married another wife. The wife he married was a terrible woman. One day, she called her step-daughter and she called her daughter, and she went to bathe both of them. After bathing them, she smeared her daughter with nice cattle ghee, and then she smeared her step-daughter with cow dung. She took them out for a walk.

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As they walked down the road, they met people. People started saying, “That child is very beautiful, why did they smear her with cow dung?” And they said, “The other one, even though she is smeared with ghee, she is not as beautiful as this one.” And so the woman was very angry. When she became angry she went home. When she got home she said, “You child, where will I put you?” She decided to kill her. As she prepared to kill her, she looked for a knife. At that time, the girl’s father came. He immediately snatched her away from the woman. He said, “Kabarungi is crying, what happened to her?” The woman said, “I do not know what has happened to that child!” And like that the woman dashed out of the house and hid, with her machete, and she took the child behind the tree where her father would not see, and she said, “I am going to kill you!” When she was about to kill her there came a group of women from the well. They held her, and they said, “What were you planning to do?” They overpowered her and held her down. When she screamed, the child’s father also awoke and came, and he said, “What is the matter?” The child’s stepmother said, “This child has become too difficult for me to control and I have to get rid of her,” and she said, “she has become something else!” In the end, the women got hold of this woman who wanted to kill the child, the father also got hold of this woman who wanted to kill his child, and so they all fought her. The man threw out his wife and said, “Get out of my home and leave me with my child,” and he said, “perhaps I can have some peace again because you found me with this child!” And when the conflict was over and Kabarungi survived death, it was time for me to leave, so I left the man with his daughter, and the woman went to her home.

6. Orukooko Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. AT (Ruharo, Ankole, 18 June 2005).40 By permission of Allyce Tumwesigye. Eira naira, hakaba hariho akakaikuru akabaire kaine abaana baako bana: Warukuba, Warugwe, Warucuncu na Wakame. Boona kakaba katura nabo omunju emwe. Abaana baako aba bakaba bakatsigaho baza kuhiiga. Eizooba rimwe ku kabaire kari konka omu kaju kako, haija orukooko rwakabuuza nirutongyerera nirugira ruti: 40

I worked with Allyce Tumwesigye to record and transcribe the folktale.

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Appendix: Texts Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire!” Nikwo akakaikuru kureeta bakanenera, karya orukooko nikwo kugyenda. Abaana ku bagarukire, nyinabo yabagambira ekyabaho boona bashoberwa n’okwerarikirira kwingi kwonka ku baheza babirugaho. Eizooba eryakuratsireho bagaruka bagyenda. Orukooko narwo rugaruka rukora nka butoosha. Rutyo rwija rweeta: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rugaruka rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire!” Abaana ku bagarukire, kagaruka kabagambira ekyabaho ogundi murundi. Nikwo kusharaho kutsiga Wakame omuka kwenda ngu areebe ekirikuteganisa nyinabo. Orukooko rugaruka bwanyima y’abandi kugyenda. Wakame ayeshereka omunju, orukooko rutandika rubuuza akakaikuru nka butoosha. Wakame agyenda nairuka agambira bagyenzi be kuyareeba orukooko ruri ruhango. Eizooba eryakuratsireho batsigaho Warucuncu ngu arurwanise. Batyo bagyenda baza kuhiiga nka butoosha. Nabwo nka butoosha orukooko rugaruka rweeta: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga

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Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rugaruka rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire!” Warucuncu ayeshereka areeba rwaija, areeba ebi rurikukora. Na Warucuncu arutiina, airuka agarukayo agambira abandi ku atarikubasa orukooko. Boona bashoberwa. Ogundi murundi Warukuba aba niwe yatsigara omuka. Ebindi ku byabaire byaheza kugyenda, narwo nikwo kwija rutandika kubuuza akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru: Orukooko: Akakaikuru:

Wakame, Wakame! Agiire kuhiiga Warucuncu, Warucuncu! Agiire kuhiiga Warugwe, Warugwe! Agiire kuhiiga Warukuba, Warukuba! Agiire kuhiiga

Rutyo rugaruka rumugira ruti, “Tyo reeta entemere yaawe nkunenere orye gatakahozire. Ku kabaire katandika kureeta entemere, Warukuba agurukayo arubarukira aruteera, rucura ruti, “Nsaasira, oshare akaara kahera oihemu eby’orikwenda byoona!” Warukuba yabiihamu, yaheza yagaruka yayerenga, yarubarukira yaruteera, yarwiita. Ku natsigire barwiita, bagaigahara, baza omu busingye, nanye nti, “Reka nyije mbaganire!”

The Monster Long, long ago, there was an old woman and she had her four children: Wakame, Warucuncu, Warugwe, and Warukuba. All of them stayed with her in the same house. Her children would leave her and go to hunt. One day while she was alone in her tiny house, there came a monster and it asked her while chanting like this: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

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And so, it said to her, “All right, bring your basket and I will bite off a piece for you to eat before [the food] gets cold!” Then the old woman brought [the basket], they gave her a piece, and she ate and the monster went. When the children came back their mother told them what had happened and all of them were surprised and very worried but after a while they forgot about it. The following day, they went away again. The monster also came back and did as usual. And it came and started calling: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

And once again it said to her, “All right, bring your basket and I will bite off a piece for you to eat before [the food] gets cold!” When the children returned, she told them what had happened for the second time. So they decided to leave Wakame at home so that he would find out what was giving their mother a hard time. After the others had gone, the monster came back. Wakame hid in the house, and the monster started asking the old woman as usual. When he realized the monster was huge, Wakame ran and told his brothers. The following day, they left behind Warucuncu to fight it, and so they went to hunt as usual. As it did every day, the monster started singing: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

And so, it said to her once again, “All right, bring your basket and I will bite off a piece for you to eat before [the food] gets cold!” Warucuncu hid and saw it coming, and he saw what it was doing. Warucuncu was also scared; he ran back to tell the others that he could not fight the monster. They were all worried.

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Another time, it was Warukuba’s turn to stay at home. When the others had gone away, it [the monster] came and started asking the old woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman: Monster: Old Woman:

Wakame, Wakame! He went to hunt Warucuncu, Warucuncu! He went to hunt Warugwe, Warugwe! He went to hunt Warukuba, Warukuba! He went to hunt

And so, it said to her once again, “All right, bring your basket and I will bite off a piece for you to eat before [the food] gets cold!” While she was bringing the basket, Warukuba sprang up and attacked it, and hit it, and it started crying and saying, “Forgive me, cut off my last finger and remove whatever you want!” Warukuba removed whatever he wanted and again he attacked it, and hit it and it died. And after they had killed it, and became rich and lived in peace, I said, “Let me come here and tell you this story!”

7. Enyanga Kugambirwa Teyanga Kubona Rec: AM and AT; tr. AM; perf. AT (Ruharo, Ankole, 18 June 2005).41 By permission of Allyce Tumwesigye. Ira hakaba hariho omukazi Nyambogo n’omutabani Rutahigwa. Izooba rimwe, bakaimuka kare bashengyerera omushenga gw’esaano y’oburo, n’ekisisi ky’obushera buteire, n’entsimbo y’amajuta, n’enyama z’entongo z’emikaro, obwo nibaza kuzindukira muhara wabo Nyambogo otura Bwera ahu yashweirwe. Ku babaire bari omu muhanda, Rutahigwa ayekoreire ekisisi ky’obushera akihumuza ahansi, agambira nyina ati, “Maama, nareeba amayonza gezire. Reka ngyende ncweyo ag’okurya.” Nyina ati, “Irooko, kwonka orahukye.” Yairuka yakwata aha kiti ky’okubanza, kwaba yacwaho narya areeba ekindi omu maisho nikyengyengyeta. Airuka, atakahikireho areeba aha rubaju haruho ekindi ky’enjuma zirikutukura. Ahinduka kureeba nyina ahu ari. Nyina amweeta ati, “Cwa makye tugyende!” Agumizamu nacwa. Ku aba yahika aho ashangaho orukooko rumugambira ruti, “Webare kwereeta; natunga eky’okurya!” 41

Allyce Tumwesigye assisted in recording and transcribing this story.

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Rutahigwa aborooga nayeta nyina, kwonka nyina agabwa yagyenzire. Ogwo mutabani agumizamu naborooga, ati: Mbaire ningyenda na maama Ku angambiire, nayanga Mbwenu orukooko rwantwara Nazira okutagambirwa, nareeba! Orukooko rutyo rwayeshama rwamumira, atyo yaafa. Nanye ku ndeeba ekyabaho, ntyo nyirukanga ndaba omu nyanya za maawe zacweeka entanga, reero nikwo kwija aha kubaganira.

The One Who Refuses Advice Does Not Refuse the Consequences Once there lived a woman called Nyambogo and her son Rutahigwa. One day, they got up very early in the morning and prepared gifts, a basketful of millet flour, a gourd full of obushera porridge, a calabash full of ghee, and roasted meat. They were going to visit her daughter who lived in Bwera where she was married. On their way, Rutahigwa who was carrying the gourd full of obushera put it down and said to his mother, “Mother, I have seen ripe berries. Let me go and pick some to eat.” His mother said, “Go, but be quick.” He ran to the first tree, but as soon as he had started picking and eating, he saw another tree ahead with ripe fruits. He ran, but before he could get there, he saw another tree on the side with red berries. He turned to see where his mother was. His mother called him, saying, “Pick only a few and we will go!” He continued picking. When he moved further, he suddenly saw a beast and it said to him, “Thank you for bringing yourself; now I have something to eat!” Rutahigwa screamed, calling out to his mother, but his mother had already gone. Her son continued screaming, saying: I was going with my mother When she told me [to pick a few berries], I refused Now the beast has taken me I am suffering the consequences of disobedience, woe to me! The beast then opened its mouth and swallowed him, and he died. When I saw this happening, I ran through my mother’s tomatoes and they turned bitter, and then I came here to tell you the tale.

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8. Nyamushagi Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. AR (Nshwere, Nyabushozi, 16 August 2004). By permission of Aida Rubabinda. Ekigano kyangye eki ndikuza kugana nikigamba ahari Nyamushagi. Nyamushagi akaba ari omukazi kwonka akaba atarikuzaara, kandi akaba ataine mushaija. Kwonka akaba aine ente nyingi. Ente ezo yaba akaziragwa abazaire be, tindikumanya. Kwonka akaba aine ente nyingi. Mbwenu Nyamushagi ogwo ente ze akaba aziriisa, agira n’abariisa be ababaire bamurisiza. Kwonka izooba rimwe ku yabaire ari aho, akaba aine obusaasi ahabw’obutazaara. Kwonka akaba agira ati, “Ha, mbwenu ekyakumpa nanye nkazaara omwaana!” Mbwenu izooba rimwe ku yabaire ari aho ari omu kibuga kye nagyendagyenda, yareeba akaatika k’ensimbi. Ensimbi abantu ba kare bakaba bagikozesa omu kuragura, baguma nibazitambika aho nibaziraguza. Mbwenu areeba insimbi; kwonka areeba akaatika k’ensimbi. Mbwenu ahurira iraka eririkumugira ngu, “Omukaatika k’ensimbi aka oryaija kwihamu omwaana.” Hati akaatika k’ensimbi akatwaara akata omunju ye. Mbwenu omunju ye ku yakateiremu hagwa enjura nyingi, nyingi munonga. Enjura yagwa. Mbwenu enjura ku yagiire kutsya, yashanga aine omwaana w’omwoojo! Omwaana w’omwoojo ogwo yamweeta Karisa. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Yaruga hi? R U B A B I N D A : Yaruga omukatika k’ensimbi. Akaruga omukatika k’ensimbi. Omwaana w’omwoojo ogwo yamut’aho. Mbwenu enjura kuyakyeire kandi ku bwasesire, baza kushanga bashanga aine omwaana w’omwoojo. Bamugira ngu, “Nyamushagi omwaana ogwo okamwiha hi?” Ati, “Nkamutunga.” Baguma nibamubuuza, “Omwaana okamwiha hi? K’otaine mushaija!” Ati, “Nkamutunga.” Baguma abantu nibamubuuza, nibamubuuza. Ku barugireho bamurusya. Hagira omuntu omwe yaija yamubeihabeiha, yamuganirira, yashusha nka munywani we, yagyenda. Yagaruka yaija ogundi murundi ati, “Baitu hoona omwaana ogu okamwiha hi?” Nyamushagi ayanga kumugambira. Omwaana akamweeta Karisa. Ati, “Baitu obwo omwaana eizina rye aba oha?” Ati, “Eizina rye ni Karisa.” Ati, “Hoona shi okamwiha hi?” Mbwenu Nyamushagi yamugambira amazima. Ati: “Omwaana ogu nkamwiha omu katika k’ensimbi. Enjura ekagwa, kuyagwire nashanga akaatika k’ensimbi omu kibuga kyangye omwo. Nakatwaara. Ku nahikire omunju

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nyekiro kahinduka omwaana. Niwe mwaana ogu, Karisa. Nimwo namwihire; omukatika k’ensimbi.” Mbwenu amugambira amazima. Mbwenu aha ka ye hakaba hariho enyonyi. Enyonyi egyo nibagyeta Kanyonza. Hati enyonyi egyo ehurira ebi Nyamushagi yagambire omushaija ogwo. Etyo eguruka egwa aha rugo egamba ebi omukazi ogwo yagamba. Eti: Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi yagamba Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi yagamba Karisa tindamuzaire, Nyamushagi yagamba Nkamwiha omukaatika k’ensimbi, Nyamushagi yagamba Mbwenu Nyamushagi ashoberwa: “Enyonyi yampurira? Hati shi imwe, nkore ki?” Hati, ente ezabaire zisetukire Nyamushagi ategyereza zibura kutaaha. Enyonyi egumizamu neyeshongora, neyeshongora, negamba Nyamushagi ku yagamba, Karisa ku ataramuzaire, ku yamwihire omukaatika k’ensimbi. Hati ente ezabaire zisetukire zibura. Hati ente tizataaha. Ente zabura kutaaha. Kwonka ente ku zabuzire kutaaha, Karisa yaija. Hati kuyaizire yagambira nyina ku ente zamuburira. Ati, “Naronda ente ezi naba ndisize, nazironda, zabura.” Enyonyi egaruka eyeshongora. Nyamushagi ati, “Ai bambe, enyonyi ka yaba enyonyi!” Ku eyeshongora, ahabwokuba ekagamba enaama ya Nyamushagi, Karisa nawe agyenda ngu agiire kuronda ente nawe abura. Atyo Nyamushagi atsigara omu mukyeno gwe. Ente igyenda n’omwaana nawe abura. Byoona, byoona bigyenda bihwaho hatsigara Nyamushagi wenka omu bunaku bwe nk’oku yabaire ari n’omu butazaara bwe. Hati nabwo ente tarazitungire – nangwa kare kayabaire aine ente ze. Ente tiyazitunga na Karisa omwaana we yagyenda. Nyamushagi aguma omu busaasi bwe, yarugaho yafeera omu busaasi bwe ataine kindi eki atungire.

Nyamushagi My folktale that I am going to tell you is about Nyamushagi. Nyamushagi was a barren woman and she was not married. But she had many cows. Whether she inherited the cows from her father, I do not know. But she had many cows. Now, Nyamushagi used to look after her cows, and she had herdsmen who used to help her look after them. One day as she sat there, she felt very sad for not being able to bear a child. She used to say, “Hm, if only I could get an opportunity to bear a child!” And so one day while she was walking around her kraal she suddenly saw a broken shell. In the olden days people used broken shells for fortune-telling;

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they could throw them on the ground as they engaged in fortune-telling. So she saw the shell, she saw the broken shell. And she heard a voice saying to her, “Out of this broken shell you will get a child.” Well, she took the broken shell and put it in the house. So when she put it in the house it rained heavily, very heavy rain. It rained. When the rain stopped, she found she had a baby boy! They named that baby boy Karisa. Mushengyezi: Where did he come from? Rubabinda: He came from the broken shell. He came out of the broken shell. She put the baby boy right there. So when the rain stopped in the morning, they found her with a baby boy. People said to her, “Nyamushagi, where did you get that child?” She replied, “I got him.” They kept asking her, “Where did you get that child? You have no husband!” She said, “I got him.” People kept asking her, asking her. In the end she was tired of their questions. Then one person came and tricked her, and told her all kinds of stories, pretending to be her friend and he went away. Then he came back another time and said, “But where did you get that child?” Nyamushagi refused to tell him. She had named the child Karisa. He asked, “And what is the boy’s name?” “His name is Karisa,” she said. He said, “But where did you get him?” And so Nyamushagi told him the truth. She said, “I got that child from a broken shell. It rained, and when it rained I found a broken shell in my kraal over there. I took it. When I put it in the house at night it turned into a child. That is the child, Karisa. That is where I got him, from a broken shell.” So she told him the truth. Near the house there was a bird. That bird was called Kanyonza. Now, that bird heard what Nyamushagi told the man. And like that, it jumped and landed on the hedge and repeated what the woman had said. It said: Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi has said Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi, Nyamushagi has said I did not give birth to Karisa, Nyamushagi has said I got him out of a broken shell, Nyamushagi has said And so Nyamushagi was worried: “This bird heard what I said? My dear, what will I do?” Now, Nyamushagi waited for the cows that had gone to the grazing fields but they did not come home. The bird continued singing and singing, narrating

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how Nyamushagi had said that she did not give birth to Karisa, that she got him from a broken shell. Suddenly, the cows that were grazing in the fields disappeared. They did not return home. The cows did not come back home. But when the cows did not return home, Karisa came. He told his mother that the cows had disappeared. He said, “I looked for the cows that I was grazing, I looked for them, but I could not find them.” The bird started singing again. When it sang, because it had disclosed Nyamushagi’s secret, Karisa pretended to be going to look for cows and he, too, vanished. And like that, Nyamushagi remained alone with no one to help her. The cows disappeared and the child disappeared. Everything, everything was no more, and Nyamushagi remained alone in her misery and childlessness. She even lost her cows – at least she had her cows previously. She did not have cows anymore, and also Karisa went. Nyamushagi lived on in her sorrow until she died in misery and destitution.

9. Nzima na Njungu Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. AR (Nshwere, Nyabushozi, 16 August 2004). By permission of Aida Rubabinda. Ekigano eki ndikuza kugana nikigamba ahari Nzima na Njunju. Bakaba bazairwe kumwe kwonka Nzima nyina yafa. Hatsigaraho [nyina Njunju]. Nzima ogwo muka-ishe yaguma namubonabonesa, namuteera, amwima amate, amwiita kubi. Mbwenu Njunju ku yabaire ateekateeka omurumuna arira. Omu kurira akaba arira nagamba ebigambo nk’ebyo. Kwonka muka-ishe ogwo, akaguririra abashaija batwaara Nzima bamuta omu kitukuru bamutwara bamuta omu kiti, tibamwiita. Haza mbwenu Njunju ogwo ku yabaire aba namuronda akaba agamba ebigambo ebi: Ninshora obushoro bwa Nzima ataribimanya akangaya Ninshora obushoro bwa Nzima ataribimanya akangaya Nzan’ ebizaano bya Nzima ataribimanya akangaya Ntunz’ enyena nka Nzima ataribimanya akangaya Mbwenu ku yabaire aba nayeshongora nyina amuronda. Ku yabaire amushanga narira narizibwa omurumuna Nzima, amuteera amugarura omuka amuha amate ngu anywe. Omwaana ayeshongora nagira ati: Tindikunywa amate ntakabweine Nzima Tindikunywa amate ntakabweine Nzima Tindikunywa amate ntakabweine Nzima Ninshora obushoro bwa Nzima ataribimanya akangaya

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Mbwenu omukazi ku yashobeirwe yagyenda yaguririra abashaija abu yabaire agambiire ngu bamuhanikire Nzima omu kishaka, bagyenda bamuhanura bamureeta. Kwonka akaba amazire ebiro bingi enjara eri ey’okumwiita. Kandi na Njunju nawe hoona akaba aine enjara eri ey’okumwiita, ahabwokuba ku batwaire Nzima bamuhanika omu muti, Njunju nawe aguma atarikurya. Kwonka ku bamuretsire, Njunju yashemererwa na Nzima yashemererwa bagaruka omu mizaano yabo babagye. Okwiha obwo, omukazi akatandika kukunda Nzima ahabwokuba akareeba ngu okwiha obu Nzima yagyenda omwaana we nawe akaba yaza kufa. Boona yabakunda yaguma nabareberera kumwe nk’oku yabaire nareberera omwaana owe. Nzima na Njunju baguma bashemereirwe kwiha obwo.

Nzima and Njunju This folktale I am going to tell you is about Nzima and Njunju. They were brothers [stepbrothers] but Nzima’s mother had died. Only [Njunju’s mother] was alive. Nzima’s stepmother always mistreated him, beating him, refusing to give him milk, abusing him. And so whenever Njunju thought about his brother [stepbrother] he wept. As he cried he would say [sorrowful] words. Then his stepmother paid a group of men to take Nzima and put him in a granary, and they went and hung it in a tree, but they did not kill him. And so, whenever Njunju looked for him, he would say these words: I am tossing Nzima’s billiards lest he knows and is disappointed with me I am tossing Nzima’s billiards lest he knows and is disappointed with me I will play Nzima’s games lest he knows and is disappointed with me I will care for calves like Nzima did lest he knows and is disappointed with me And so, whenever he sang the song, his mother would look for him. Whenever she found him crying, crying because of his brother [stepbrother] Nzima, she would beat him, take him home, and give him milk to drink. The child would sing, like this: I will not drink milk before I see Nzima I will not drink milk before I see Nzima I will not drink milk before I see Nzima I am tossing Nzima’s billiards lest he knows and is disappointed with me

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So the woman became worried, and she went and paid the group of men she had told to go and hang Nzima in the bush, and she told them to bring him back. He had spent so many days without food and he was starving. And likewise, Njunju was starving because when they took away Nzima and hung him in the tree, Njunju also did not eat anything. But when they brought him, Njunju was very happy and Nzima was also very happy, and they started playing their games. From that day the woman started liking Nzima because she realized that from the day Nzima went away her child was also about to die. She loved both of them and took care of them just as she was taking care of her own child. Nzima and Njunju remained happy ever after.

10. Omwishiki Owayetengire Omukira Gw’enkorokombi Rec: AM and DK; tr. AM; perf. AR (Kikatsi, Nyabushozi, 16 July 2005). By permission of Isirairi Katuka. Omushaija akaba aine omukazi we bazaara abaana munaana b’aboojo, kwonka owa mwenda yazaarwa ari akarema. Kwonka bazaara omwishiki wa ikumi. Mbwenu abaana abo bakura. Ku bakura, omwishiki ogwo akaba aine bagyenzi be, ku bahika okwo aine bagyenzi be bayetenga. Ondijo ayetenga ati, “Nyowe nkahenwa ki nshwerwa omushaija haza ngira mazaara, haza ngira tatazaara, haza ngira ibanyi, haza agabwa aine omurumuna, ngira muramu wangye tuguma nituzaana, haza nkitwaara nzigaija omwaana w’omwojo!” Ondijo asheka ati, “Nkahenwa nshwerwa, nshwerwa omushaija w’emanzi w’omukama!” Onu ati, “Nyowe nkahenwa nshwerwa omushaija w’ente igana.” Ente igana zikaba ziri ihano. Omweija ati, “Nkahenwa nkuratanisa abaana aba…babiri, b’aboojo!” Ngu, “Ka twiheyo enyana tutaahe.” Ogwo omwishiki ayanga kwetenga. Ngu, “Iwe shi k’otayetenga?” Ngu, “Nitukuteera!” Ngu, “Nayenda kuza kutubeiherera ku twayetenga.” Ngu, “Nayenda kutaaha omuka kutubeiherera.” Ngu, “Nitukuteera!” Ku bamuteera, ati, “Nimurerere kunteera,” ati, “nanye reka nyetengye!” Ngu, “Naiwe yetengye! Noyenda kuza kutubeiherera ku twayetenga ngu nitwenda kushwerwa, ngu nitwenda kuzaara!” Ati, “Nyowe nkahenwa ki – ” Enyamaishwa etaaha Tanzania bagyeta enkorokombi, kwonka omu kugihindura niyo ntwiga. Ee, entwiga. Kwonka omu biro ebyo ekaba neyetwa enkorokombi. Ati, “Nyowe nkahenwa nkikira omukira gw’enkorokombi.”

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Mbwenu omwishiki ogwo yarira. Yayetura omuka narira. Abaishiki bagamba enaama yabo. Ngu, “Mbwenu twayetenga,” ngu, “kwonka we ku yaza kwetenga, yagira ngu ‘nkahenwa nkikira omukira gw’enkorokombi.’” Ngu, “Nogamba oku wayetenga!” Omwishiki ati, “Banyanyanya batuura munaana, akaremarema kabo ka mwenda,” ati, “abandi baketenga ebirungi nyowe nayetenga omukira gw’enkorokombi.” Banyanya baimuka. Ngu, “Nituza kumusharira omukira gw’enkorokombi!” Batyo. Akarema kabaza aha kibunu. Ku barara nka Kayonza, karaara aha. [Basheka]. Nyencakare kagyenda… [Tibirikuhururwa gye]. Ku baraara Mbarara, karaara omu Biharwe. [Basheka]. Bayetuura Tanzania. Bagira omwishiki ngu, “Kyo yetenga!” Omwishiki ati, “Banyanya batuura munaana, akaremarema kabo ka mwenda, abandi baketenga ebirungi nyowe nayetenga omukira gw’enkorokombi.” Haija enkorokombi! N’enyamaishwa y’enkambwe. Ku eba nemukiriza munyanya agiteera icumu. Ngu, “Kyo gira!” Ati, “Abandi baketenga ebirungi nyowe nayetenga omukira gw’enkorokombi. Banyanyazi batura munaana, akaremarema kabo ka mwenda – ” Haija enkorokombi! Munyanya yagiteera icumu. Batyo munaana boona yabamira! [Akarema] kagabwa kaizire. Kati, “Ori aha wenka? Banyanyoko enyamaishwa ekabamira?” Omwishiki ku ahikaho akareeba arira. Kati, “Gyete!” Kati, “Aga n’amacumu gabo?” Omwishiki agyeta, n’akagaya ati, “mbwenu shi iwe – !” Kati, “F’okugyeta!” Ati, “Abandi baketenga ebirungi nyowe nayetenga omukira gw’enkorokombi. Banyanyazi batura munaana, akaremarema kabo ka mwenda!” Haija enkorokombi. Ku yabaire neija yakakwata yakamira, kagiretwa omu kibunu! Kagiteera icumu!” Kati, “Gyete!” Omwishiki enkorokombi yagyeta. Ati, “Banyanya batuura munaana, akaremarema kabo ka mwenda, abandi baketenga ebirungi nyowe nayetenga omukira gw’enkorokombi.” Yaija enkorokombi yakamira kagiretwa omu kibunu! Aha icumu rya ikumi na mukaaga enkorokombi eti, “Aa-a!” Kahwa ahansi. [Tibirikuhururwa gye]. Enkorokombi yakwata icumu rya mukuru wako. Yarikuura ku yarikuura yagitema omukira, yagyenda. Ee! A M : Omukira yaguta hi? I K : Yaguha omwishiki, yaguha munyanya. He! Omukira gw’enkorokombi okugutema baitu harugamu ki? Harugamu amasyo g’ente, harugamu – Baitu obwo byona byaruga omu mukira gw’enyamaishwa egi? Harugamu ente,

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harugamu abazaana, harugamu… Okuhereruka harugamu omutsigazi murungi. N’ekigagara. Omutsigazi ogwo niwe waizire kushwera omwishiki ogwo! Aho niho nabaire mbigaira: anti, “Hoona ebintu birungi ibi byona bikaruga omu mukira omu?”

The Girl Who Wished for a Giraffe’s Tail A man had a wife and they gave birth to eight boys, but the ninth was disabled. However, their tenth child was a girl. The children grew up. When they grew up, one day the girl went somewhere with her friends and they started making wishes. One of them made a wish and said, “I wish I could marry a man and have a mother-in-law, and have a father-in-law, and have a husband with a brother, and then I would have a brother-in-law to play games with, and then when I become pregnant I will give birth to a son!” Another one laughed and said, “I wish I could get married, and get married to a brave man who is a king!” The other said, “My wish is that I marry a man with a hundred herds of cattle!” [Having] a hundred cows was something amazing. And yet another said, “I wish I could give birth to this number of children…two, both of them boys!” And they said, “Let us go and get the calves and go home.” The other girl refused to make a wish. They said, “Why did you not make a wish?” they said, “We are going to beat you!” And they said, “She wants to go and gossip that we have been making wishes,” they said, “she wants to go home and gossip about us.” They said, “We are going to beat you!” When they beat her she said, “Do not beat me,” she said, “Let me also make a wish!” They said, “You make a wish also! You want to go and gossip that we have been making wishes, that we want to get married, that we want to have children!” She said, “My wish is that – ” There is an animal found in Tanzania called enkorokombi, also known as a giraffe. Ee, a giraffe. But in those days it was called enkorokombi. She said, “I wish I could carry a giraffe’s tail on my lap!” And so the girl started crying. She went home crying. The girls had to disclose their secret. They said, “We made wishes,” they said, “but when she made her wish, she said, ‘I wish I could carry a giraffe’s tail on my lap!’” They said to her, “You must tell us the wish that you made!” The girl replied, “My brothers are eight, the disabled one is the ninth,” she said, “others made wishes for good things but I wished for a giraffe’s tail.”

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Her brothers stood up. They said, “We are going to cut off a giraffe’s tail and give it to her!” They went. The disabled one followed them. If they spent a night, say, in Kayonza, he would spend a night here. [Laughter]. The following day he would set off… [Not clear]. If they spent a night, say, in Mbarara, he would spend a night in Biharwe. [Laughter]. They arrived in Tanzania. They said to the girl, “Go ahead and make a wish, then!” The girl said, “My brothers are eight, the disabled one is the ninth, others made wishes for good things but I wished for a giraffe’s tail.” Suddenly, a giraffe came! It is a very aggressive animal. As it was lifting her up her brother speared it. Then he said to her, “Go ahead!” She said, “Others made wishes for good things but I wished for a giraffe’s tail. My brothers are eight, the disabled one is the ninth – ” Suddenly, a giraffe came! Her brother speared it. And like that, it swallowed all the eight! [The lame one] came. He said, “You are here all alone? Your brothers were swallowed by the animal?” When the girl got there and saw him she cried. He said, “Go ahead and call it!” He said, “Are these their spears?” The girl called it, but she despised him saying, “But what can you – !” He said, “Just go ahead and call it!” She said, “Others made wishes for good things but I wished for a giraffe’s tail. My brothers are eight, the disabled one is the ninth!” Suddenly, the giraffe came. As soon as it came, it grabbed him and swallowed him, but he came out through its anus. He speared it! Then he said, “Go ahead and call it!” The girl called the giraffe. She said, “My brothers are eight, the disabled one is the ninth, others made wishes for good things but I wished for a giraffe’s tail.” The giraffe came and swallowed him, but he came out through its anus. When he threw the sixteenth spear, it said, “No-o!” He was all over it. [Not clear]. The giraffe grabbed his brother’s spear. When it grabbed it he cut off its tail, and he went. Ee! A M : Where did he put the tail? I K : He gave it to the girl, he gave it to his sister. Aha! And once he cut off the giraffe’s tail what came out? Out came herds of cattle, out came – And all these things came out of this animal’s tail? Out came cows, out came servants, and out came… Finally, a handsome young man came out. And a stretcher. It was that young man who married the girl! That is when I told them, and I said, “Can you imagine all these good things came out of that tail?”

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11. Omwana Owatambire Mukuruwe Owahutaire Rec: AM and DK; tr. AM; perf. YK42 (Rushere, Nyabushozi, 15 July 2005). By permission of Yoweri Kyeishe. Omushaija akaba aine abakazi babiri. Abakazi abo ba…bazaa…ow’okubanza yazaara owaana w’omwoojo. N’owakabiri nawe yaija yazaara omwaana w’omwoojo. [Hariho ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu; Kyeishe akora omw’iraka]. Mbwenu kwonka oriya omukazi omukuru akaba ayenda ngu omwoojo ow’omukazi omuto afe atakaahungura ebintu n’oriya omutabani. [Hariho ebirikwehonda omu kiyungu]. Akiza owa nyina, nyina amuhabura amarogo g’okwija kwita [Ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu byayeyongyera; Kyeishe ahunamaho kakye] omwaana ogwo. Kwonka kandi we akaba aine rukundo, aine embabazi. [Ebirikwehonda omu kiyungu byayeyongyera]. Mbwenu, nyina azaho amu…amuhabura ati – [ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu byayeyongyera] Omuky. K Y E I S H E [Tiyahurira gye; amucw’ekirimi]: Owabaire aine rukundo, nooha? K Y E I S H E [Akora omw’iraka]: N’omukazi. Kwonka nyina we akaba amuhabura ngu aronde omubazi aguheereze ou ari muka-ishe, afe, reero ente aije omutabani azihungure wenka. We omukazi akaba atakiine, kwonka kinwe nyin’omukazi. Mbwenu amufuutira omubazi – Omuky. K Y E I S H E [Ashoborora]: – Mbwenu nyinenkuru w’omwaana niwe wabaire akiine. K Y E I S H E : Eee. Amufutira omubazi gwokuhereza ou ari muka-ishe ngu afe. Agureeta. Amuragirira n’oku aragumuhe. [Hariho ebirikwehonda omu kiyungu]. Mbwenu kuyabaire ahik’aho, akiba naija yahika omu muhanda, agureeba, agwaata. [Hariho ebirikuyomba omu kiyungu; Kyeishe ahunama]. Aija ataaha. Akimara omwanya yazayo, ati, [obwo nagamba narahukiriza, omw’iraka rikye] “okagumuha?” Onu ati, “Un-huuh.” Ati, “Akafa?” Onu ati, “Ariho!” Ati, ati…, “Iwe mwaana neihano, akagunywa?” Ati, “Unh-unh,” ati, “toragumuhaire gye!” Mbwenu amukorera, amufutira, amuragirira oku…ati, “Torikugumuha!” [Ati,] “Nafa!”

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Yoweri Kyeishe, performer and expert in Ankole oral tradition, is a farmer in Burimbi, Nyabushozi.

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Omukazi akiija yahika omu muhanda yareeba omwaana, hmm, [nayorekyereza n’engaro] agwaata. Okuhitsya obu yagizire omukazi, nyina, ati “omwaana neihano andemire!” Mbwenu bwanyima baza aha rutaro; kandi orutaro manya ti rwa hati. Barwaana – Omuky. K Y E I S H E : – Abo bari abaana? K Y E I S H E : Abaana abo bari abashaija, bari abatsigazi. Baza omu rutaro – obwo noshusha oti nibwo babaire nibeeta obweemi – barwaana. Ku barwaana, oriya ou…ou nyina…ou nyinenkuru yabaire ahabura ngu baite omurumuna, bamuhutaaza yahutaara. Bamucumita. Ku bamucumita [Omuky. Kyeishe eki yagamba tikyahururwa], yagwa, ku yagwa omurumuna yaija yamubandaguzaho yamutasya omu kishaka. [Omuky. Kyeishe aine ou arikugamba nawe kwonka tikyahururwa. Kyeishe akora omw’iraka]. Kwonka bariya engabo ezabaire nirwana, bakahereera oriya yagwa, bamwiita. [Hariho abarikugambira omu biho]. Engabo itabaruka itaaha. Kuzitandika nihik’aho bababuuza. Ngu, “Tukareeba nanka nibamucumita yagwa.” Ngu, “Noshusha oti akafa,” ngu “noshusha oti n’omurumuna nawe bakamwiita!” Ngu, “Tukabaherera obwo.” Kunu we ataaha nawe omu kishaka. Omuky. K Y E I S H E [Amucw’ekirimi]: Bagira bata? Onsaasire – K Y E I S H E : Abarugire omu rutaro bababuuza bagira ngu tukareeba bamwiita. Ngu noshusha oti yaaba n’omurumuna nawe bamwitsire. Ahabw’okuba bakaba bacumita omuntu bamurasha akumbagara okwo mbwenu batyo, mbwenu nk’orutaro hoona. Bahwa amatsiko bamanya ngu akafa. Aza nawe omu kishaka. Agumamu nawe. Omuky. K Y E I S H E : Mukuruwe? K Y E I S H E : Omurumuna. Omuky. Kyeishe: Agumamu na mukuruwe – K Y E I S H E : – agumamu na mukuruwe. Mbwenu, arugaho aha kiro ky’aka… [obwo nayoreka engaro ibiri] amuta aha mabega. Aija amuhekire nakururuka, namukurura, amuremire-e-e. Mbwenu, aha kiro kya kashatu bareeba yareetwa nk’aho eruguru omwishaazi-i-i, amuheekire. [Abantu nibagamba mpora, nibatangaara]. Mbwenu, ku amureeba, nyina ogwo kihutaara – oriya ou yabaire aheereza omubazi ngu aguheereze ogu [Abantu nibagamba mpora, nibatangaara], ogu oizire ahekire mukuruwe, akanga akagwaata – mbwenu kuyamurebire ati, “Ai bambe!” Ati, “Nkagaata garikaatika!” Ati, “Nkagashesha garikashesheka!” Amanya ngu kuri yamuhaire amarogo akafa – Omuky. K Y E I S H E : akafa – K Y E S H E : – ogwo omutabani – Omuky. K Y E I S H E : – akaba ataine kireberera –

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K Y E I S H E : – akaba naija kufa agwa omu kishaka. Omuky. K Y E I S H E : Akaba naija kufa kubi.

Mishi amureeta. Kwonka mbwenu ahuga omutima. Bashoberwa n’ekyamubaho. Agumize ati, “Nkagaata garikatika!” Ati, “Nkagashesha garikashesheka!” Ati, “Ai bambe,” ati, “Nkagaata garikaatika!” Ati, “Nkagashesha garikashesheka!” Amureeta. Mishi bamwomoora bagira, omushaija akira. Mbwenu abatekyerereza oku nyina yabaire amugirira, n’oku yabaire agaata. Mbwenu okukunda oku yabaire nakunda omwaana ou ari muka-ishe, kwamuretera kwija kutambira omutabani mukuru we. Kuri nogira ngu taragizire mbabazi, akanga amarogo akagaata, oriya akafa kare, n’ogu akaba naija kufa ajundira omu kishaka – Omuky. K Y E I S H E : Nawe akaba naija kufa – K Y E I S H E : – afa agwerayo. Kwonka rukundo y’omukazi eyamwatiise amarogo – Omuky. K Y E I S H E : Yatambira omutabani – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Omutabani – K Y E I S H E : – yaija yatambira owabaire naija kufa [Abantu nibagamba mpora, nibatangaara].

The Boy Who Saved His Wounded Stepbrother’s Life A man had two wives. Those wives were…were…the first one gave birth to a son. And the second one also gave birth to a son. [A clanging sound in the kitchen; Kyeishe raises his voice]. Now, but the elder wife wanted the son of the younger wife to die so that he would not inherit the property with the stepbrother. [A bang in the kitchen]. Whenever he went to his mother’s house, his mother would advise him on what poison would kill [more clanging noises; Kyeishe pauses] that child. But for him he had love, he was kind. [More clanging noises]. Now, his mother would…finally she advised him and said – [Louder noise from the kitchen]. M R S K Y E I S H E [Cannot hear clearly; interrupts]: The one who had love, who was it? K Y E I S H E [Raises his voice]: It is the woman. But her mother would advise her to look for poison and give it to the stepson, and he dies, so that her son would inherit the cows alone. The woman did not have it [jealousy], but the woman’s mother had it. So she prepared a poisonous potion – M R S K Y E I S H E [Clarifies the mix-up]: So the child’s grandmother is the one who had it [jealousy] –

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K Y E I S H E : Eee. She prepared a potion to give to her stepson so that he dies. She brought it. She explained how he would give it to him. [A clanging sound from the kitchen]. Now, every time he would reach there, on his way, he would look at it [the poison], and he would pour it. [Noise in the kitchen; Kyeishe pauses]. Then he would come back home. After some time he would go there, and she would ask him, saying [speaks very fast, in a high-pitched tone], “Did you give it to him?” He said, “Un-huuh.” And she said, “Did he die?” He said, “He is alive!” She said…she said, “You child, this is terrible, did he drink it?” She said, “Unh-unh,” and she said, “you did not give it to him in the right way!” So she did it again for him, prepared the potion, and explained how to…and she said, “You did not give it to him!” [He said to himself,] “I am dead!” Whenever [the boy] went and saw the other child on his way, hmm, [motions with his hands] he would pour it [the poison]. Then one day he told the woman, his mother, and said, “That child is amazing, I have failed to trick him!” Now, after some time they went to fight in a war – you see, war is not something that has started today. They fought – M R S K Y E I S H E : The other children? K Y E I S H E : Those children, they were men, they were young men. They went to war – that is what they used to call obweemi – and they fought. When they fought in the war, the other one…whose grandmother was advising that they kill his stepbrother, they injured him. They speared him. When they speared him [inaudible comment from Mrs Kyeishe], he fell, and when he fell the stepbrother came, grabbed him and put him in a bush. [Mrs Kyeishe, inaudible, talks to someone. Kyeishe raises his voice]. But the other warriors who were fighting, they saw him fall down, dead. [Inaudible voices]. The warriors returned home. As soon as they got there they asked them. They said, “We saw so-and-so when he was wounded and he fell down.” And they said, “It seems he died”; and they added, “it seems even his younger brother [stepbrother] was also killed!” They said, “That is when we last saw them.” They did not know he was with him in the bush. M R S K Y E I S H E [Interjects]: What did they say? I beg your pardon – K Y E I S H E : Those who returned from the battle were asked and they said, “We saw him being killed.” And they said, “It seems even his younger brother [stepbrother] was also killed.”

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Those days they would spear someone and shoot him and he would fall down just like that, like it happens in any war. People would lose hope knowing someone had died. He took him into the bush. He stayed with him. M R S K Y E I S H E : His elder brother [stepbrother]? K Y E I S H E : The younger brother [stepbrother]. M R S K Y E I S H E : He stayed with his elder brother [stepbrother] – K Y E I S H E : He stayed with his elder brother [stepbrother]. Now, later on this… [he flashes two fingers] day he put him on his shoulders. He came carrying him on his back, trudging on, dragging him, too heavy for him to carry. So, on the third day they suddenly saw him emerge…like from there on the upper side of the cattle kraal, carrying him on his back. [Inaudible voices, sighs from audience]. So, when she saw him, the mother of the wounded one – the one she used to give poison to give to this one, this one who came carrying his elder brother [stepbrother] and he refused and poured it [the poison] – so when she saw him she said, “Oh dear!” and she said, “I poured it, may it get poured all over!” and she said, “I splashed it, may it get splashed all over!” She realized that if he had given him poison and he died – M R S K Y E I S H E : – and he died – K Y E S H E : – her son – M R S K Y E I S H E : – he would have had no one to take care of him – K Y E I S H E : – he would have died in the bush. M R S K Y E I S H E : He would have died a miserable death. K Y E I S H E : Anyway, they brought him. But she [the woman] was just overwhelmed and confused. They wondered what had had happened to her. She kept saying, “I poured it, may it get poured all over!” and she said, “I splashed it, may it get splashed all over!” And again she said, “Oh dear!” she said, “I poured it, may it get poured all over!” and she said, “I splashed it, may it get splashed all over!” He brought him. Anyway, they treated his wounds and the young man recovered. So he narrated to them what his mother used to do, and how he used to pour it [poison]. So, the love he had for his stepmother’s child made him save the life of her son, his brother [stepbrother]. Had he not been kind and rejected the poison and poured it, and the other one died long ago, he would have also died and rotted in the bush – M R S K Y E I S H E : He too would have died – K Y E I S H E : – and died over there [in the bush]. But the woman’s [mother’s] love that made him pour the poison – M R S K Y E I S H E : Saved her son – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Her son –

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K Y E I S H E : – and it saved the son who was going to die. [Murmurs and sighs from audience].

H: R U N Y A R W A N D A –R UF U M B I R A F O L K T A L E S 1. Nyabwangu Na Nyabucurezi Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Buruuli, Nakasongola, 1 August 2005). By permission of Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye. Harabaye harakaba hapfuye imbwa n’imbeba hasigara inka n’abantu. Ubuca bwarika ku mango umuyaga urabwarurira, nyiramusambi asabagirira inanga. Ngiye guca omugani wa Nyabucurezi na Nyabwangu. Bari abaana babyawe n’abagore babiri. Nyabucurezi akaba umwana w’inyungwakazi, Nyabwangu akaba uw’inkundwakazi. Bukyeye, se arwar’igisebe arabatuma ngo baramurangiye (nkuko bavuga i Kampala Mulago), hariyo abantu batanga umuti. Nuko ngo yari umuntu utanga amazi nk’ayigitagata. Bati, “Noneho niwe waguha amazi yokwoga mur’ikyo gisebe kikabura.” Ikyo kyambu kyari iky’Umwami. Wagyayo [kyangwa] ukohereza abantu bawe bakavoma ayo mazi, bakayakuzanira, noneho rero ugakira. Nuuko rero atuma abaana be Nyabwangu na Nyabucurezi kuzaja kumuvomera ayo mazi. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Bari abakobwa? K A B U D E N S I A : Bari abakobwa bose. Baragiye bamaze kugera iyo bagya kuri uwo Mwami baragyenda bararara. Bamaze kurara, bavuze ko se yabatumye amazi mur’iryo riba ry’Umwami, ko azayabaha, bakayavooma, bakayamuzanira. Noneho rero babaha ikigezo. Nyabwangu na Nyabucurezi babwira Umwami (ngo yabaga mu nkingi ntiyagaragaraga). Noneho rero abwira umugaragu we witwaga Kabindibirima Nyirubutare. Kabindibirima Nyirubutare abwira Umwami ati: Mwami abasyitsi baraye, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Abasyitsi baraye, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Abasyitsi barashaka kurya no kuryama, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Undi ati: Reba amata ya Gihuga, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Urebe n’aya Gifumberi, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Uhereze abasyitsi baryame, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Kabindibirima aherako akama Gifumberi na Gihuga, amata ayaha abakobwa. Nyabucurezi arayanga (wawundi w’inyungwakazi).

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Noneho se ngo yarababwiye ati, “Nimunzanira ayo mazi,” (ariko reero Nyabucurezi n’uguherekyeza Nyabwangu; Nyabwangu niwe uzabikora, ni Nyabwangu koko), “nzababagira impfizi yangye Rugwegwe.” Nuko rero Nyabucurezi bamuhaye amata y’ihene aranga – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Amata y’ihene? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. Arayanga. Nyabwangu arayagotomeye. Kabindibirima amaze kubona Nyabwangu anyoye, ati: Mwami wo mu nkingi nini, abasyitsi banyoye Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Abandi bayanze, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Ati: Urebe amata ya Bihogo, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Ureba n’aya Gaju, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Maze ukamire abasyitsi baryame, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Aragenda akama za nka, aha Nyabucurezi amata, arayanywa. Anywa ay’inka. Ati: Abasyitsi banyoye, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini None barashaka kuryama, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Undi ati: Urebe uruhu rwa Gihuuga, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Urebe n’urwa Mufumbeeri, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Maze usasire abasyitsi baryame, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Arebye impu Umwami wo mu nkingi nini yamubwiye – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Uruhu rw’iyihe hene? K A B U D E N S I A : Iza Mufumberi na Gihuga – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Mufumberi na Gihuga? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. Ihene zitwa za Mufumberi; mbese n’ukuvuga ihene z’urwirungu. Arabisasa Nyabucurezi yanga kubiryamaho. Arasasa Nyabwangu yikubitaho araryama. Ati: Abasyitsi baryamye, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Abandi banze kuryama, Mwami wo mu nkingi nini Undi ati: Urebe ibirago by’ibisuna, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Urebe n’ikyahi ky’inzobe, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Maze usasire abasyitsi baryame, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Kabindibirima Nyirubutare yenda ibirago n’ibyahi; nibyo byar’ibyo gusasira abami. Ariko ubwo babwiye Kabindibirima ko benda kuvoma amazi yo se yabatumye bamurangiye ko ariyo azamuvumura igisebe.

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Noneho burira. Umwami inkingi irabaruka isanga Nyabucurezi aho aryamye – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Inkingi ariko nk’izo bashyira mu nzu? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Niyo yabagamu se? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, niyo yatahagamu. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Mu nkingi? K A B U D E N S I A : Mu nkingi nini. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Nuko irabaruka. K A B U D E N S I A : Irabaruka isanga uriya mukobwa aho aryamye. Umwami atyo ati, “Nawe sanga uriya.” Kabindibirima yaragiraga ihene. Ashatse Nyabwangu – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Umwami ashatse – K A B U D E N S I A : – Nyabucurezi. Nyabucurezi nyakwanga amata y’ihene, nyakwanga ibyahi by’ihene; usasiwe igisuna, yanyoye amata y’inka. Umwami asanze uwo. Abaye umugore w’Umwami. Umwami aramusanze, abaye umugore we. Nyabwangu abaye muka Kabindibirima Nyirubutare atangiye kuragira ihene. Umwami avuyeyo nawe umugore arubakiwe. Umwami aragaragaye yubakiye umukobwa ahawe urugo rw’ubwami. Barategyereje abantu bagiye. Bukyeye, Nyirabucurezi nibwo agiye ati, “Twaratumwe. Data yaradutumye amazi.” Uriya [Nyabwangu] ntakibyibuka; nyirahene yabaye nyirahene na Kabindibirima, kandi ariwe war’umwana mwiza utumwa, ukora ibyiza. Ati, “None ndenda ngo njyane amazi ya data.” Umwami yategetse ko barobanura inka, bakarobanura n’abantu n’amayoga y’ubuki, bagaherekeza umugore w’Umwami. Nyabwangu nawe ategyetswe na Kabindibirima ko barobanura ihene bakagyenda iwabo kwiyanjura. Amazi baherako barayavomye mukyo se yabahaye. Barategereje abantu, barahebye. Babuze iyo bazabashakira. Baramanutse ku musozi war’iwabo. Nyabucurezi niwe war’imbere n’inka n’inyana zazo. Ageze kur’uwo musozi, ati: Yewe data, yewe data Waratubwiye ngo ninzamuka Nzamba nkazayimanuka Uzambagira impfizi yawe Rugwegwe Arongyera ati: Yewe data, yewe data Waratubwiye ngo ninzamuka Nzamba nkazayimanuka Uzambagira impfizi yawe Rugwegwe Ubwana buti, “Yemwe! Umuntu uvuze atyo, turareba bamanuka! Turareba abantu bafite inka, turareba abantu bafite amakono bikoreye. Turumva ijwi risa

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nk’irya Nyabucurezi!” We Nyabwangu araho ntakyo avuga. Araho n’ihene ze ziri inyuma ya Nyabucurezi. Bati, “Nimwongyere mwunve ko ari ba bantu babuze!” Ati: Yewe data, yewe data Waratubwiye ngo ninzamuka Nzamba nkazayimanuka Uzambagira impfizi yawe Rugwegwe Bati, “Ni Nyabucurezi araje na Nyabwangu!” Ee, baratungutse mu marembo iwabo. Induru ziravuze. Baracanye inka ziraje na Nyabucurezi n’abagaragu b’Umwami, na Nyabwangu amuri inyuma n’ihene ze. Babwiye umugabo bati, “Ariko se, ko twagiraga ngo Nyabwangu niwe uzazana ibi, none ibintu bikaba bizanywe n’umwana w’inyungwakazi koko!” Barabasasiye ibirago, babashakiye aho kwicara. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Uw’inyungwakazi niwe warongowe n’Umwami – K A B U D E N S I A : Niwe warongowe n’Umwami. Wawundi bagayaga! Bati, “Nyabwangu naze, umwana w’inkundwakazi n’ihene ze!” Umwami arabaze [impfizi] nkuko abana baje bavuga, kiba igitangaza. Nyina ako kanya akurwa mumishishira; nyina wa Nyabucurezi ashyirwa ahera hatunganye. Kwa Nyabwangu na nyina n’ihene ze bashyirwa inyuma. Impfizi irabazwe, ibagiwe abasyitsi na mukobwa we. Nyabwangu we ntakivuga; Nyabucurezi niwe ur’imbere. Atanze amazi y’igisebe kya se bagiye kuvoma. Arabatekyerereje uko byagenze, uko babaye. Nyabwangu we ntagira ikyo avuga n’umutindikazi ur’aho. Nyabucurezi asubiye iw’Umwami, nyina arakize, basaza be barakize. Abari ab’inyuma baba ab’imbere; kwa Nyabwangu basigara inyuma. Sije wahera; hahera ibyo kwa Nyabwangu.

Nyabwangu and Nyabucurezi There was and there will always be, what died were dogs and rats and what remained are cows and human beings! Kites laid eggs on cliffs and the wind hatched their eggs, a kite played music, a crane danced to the harp. I am going to tell the story of Nyabucurezi and Nyabwangu. They were children born to two women. Nyabucurezi was a child of the less favoured wife; Nyabwangu was of the favourite one. One day, their father got a wound and he sent them to a place people had recommended to him (as you would say Mulago [hospital] in Kampala), where there were healers who could treat him. That person gave people healing water, like that from a hot spring. They said to him, “He is the one who can give you water to wash your wound and it will disappear.”

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That pond belonged to the King. You would go there [or] send people to get water for you and you would be healed. So he sent his children Nyabwangu and Nyabucurezi to go and fetch water for him. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Were they girls? K A B U D E N S I A : They were all girls. They went and arrived at the King’s palace. They spent the night there. They spent the night there, and told him that their father had sent them for water from the King’s well; that he told them to collect the water and take it to him. So they gave them a test. Nyabwangu and Nyabucurezi informed the King (he lived inside a pole; he could not be seen). The King told his servant called Kabindibirima Nyirubutare. Kabindibirima Nyirubutare said to the King: Your Majesty the King, there are visitors here, King who is in the big pole There are visitors here, King who is in the big pole Visitors want to eat and sleep, King who is in the big pole The other one replied: Get milk from Gihuga, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare And get that of Gifumberi, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Give it to the visitors and they sleep, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Kabindibirima immediately milked Gifumberi and Gihuga, and he gave the milk to the girls. Nyabucurezi refused to drink the milk (the other daughter of the less favoured wife). Meanwhile, their father had said to them, “If you bring me the water,” (of course Nyabucurezi was just following Nyabwangu; it was Nyabwangu who would do it, she is Nyabwangu43 indeed), “I will slaughter for you my bull called Rugwegwe.” So they gave Nyabucurezi goat milk and she refused to drink it – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Goat’s milk? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. She refused it. Nyabwangu gulped it down. When Kabindibirima saw Nyabwangu drink the goat milk, he said: King who is in the big pole, visitors have finished drinking King who is in the big pole Others have refused it, King who is in the big pole The other said: Get milk from Bihogo, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare 43

The name Nyabwangu means ‘The Quick One’ or ‘The One Who is Always in a Hurry’.

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And get milk from Gaju, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Give to the visitors and they sleep, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare He went and milked the cows, gave Nyabucurezi the milk, and she drank it. She drank cow’s milk. He said: Visitors have finished drinking, King who is in the big pole Now they want to sleep, King who is in the big pole The other said: Look for Gihuga’s hide, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare And look for that of Mufumberi, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare And make a bed for visitors to sleep in, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare He got the hides the King of the big pole told him to look for – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : The hides for which goat? K A B U D E N S I A : For Mufumberi and Gihuga – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Mufumberi and Gihuga? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. Goats called Mufumberi; in others words, goats with a grey colour. He made the bed but Nyabucurezi refused to sleep in it. He made the bed and Nyabwangu jumped into it and slept. He said: Visitors have slept, King who is in the big pole Others have refused to sleep, King who is in the big pole The other said: Get the soft sleeping mats, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare And get antelope-skin mats, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Then make a bed for visitors to sleep, Kabindibirima Nyirubutare Kabindibirima Nyirubutare brought the special mats; they used these to make beds for kings. But they had informed Kabindibirima that they wanted to get water which their father was told would heal his wound. It was dark. The King’s pole cracked and it went to where Nyabucurezi was sleeping – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Poles like the ones used to support a house? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : He lived inside it? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee that is where he lived. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Inside the pole? K A B U D E N S I A : Inside the big pole. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : And so it cracked. K A B U D E N S I A : It cracked and it went where that girl was sleeping. The King said, “You go to where the other one is.” Kabindibirima looked after goats. He married Nyabwangu –

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M U S H E N G Y E Z I : And the King married – K A B U D E N S I A : Nyabucurezi. Nyabucurezi, the one that refused goat

milk, the one that refused goat hides; the one who was given soft sleeping mats, and drank cow’s milk. The King went to that one. She became the King’s wife. The King went to her and she became his wife. Nyabwangu became Kabindibirima Nyirubutare’s wife and she started looking after goats. The King came out and had a house built for his wife. The King appeared in public, built a house for the girl and she was put in the palace. They waited for the people who had traveled. The following day, Nyirabucurezi went and said, “We were sent here on a mission. Our father sent us for water.” The other [Nyabwangu] did not even remember anything; she and Kabindibirima were busy with the goats, yet she was the best child who was always sent on errands, doing only good things. She said, “So I want to take our father’s water.” The King had made plans for cows to be set aside; he had selected a group of people, with beer, to escort the queen. Nyabwangu was also told by Kabindibirima that they would set apart some goats to take to her home for the introduction ceremony. They immediately collected water in the container their father had given to them. They waited for the people to return until they lost hope. They did not know where to start the search. They went down the hill where their home was. Nyabucurezi led the way with the cows and calves. When she came to the hill she said: O father, O father You told us that if I go up and go down Nzamba hill You will slaughter for me your bull, Rugwegwe And again she said: O father, O father You told us that if I go up and go down Nzamba hill You will slaughter for me your bull, Rugwegwe Then the children said, “Oh! Someone is saying something, and we see people coming down! We see people with cows, and we see them carrying big containers. We hear a voice like that of Nyabucurezi!” Nyabwangu was quiet. She was chasing goats behind Nyabucurezi. They said, “Listen and find out if it is those people who went missing!” She sang: O father, O father You told us that if I go up and go down Nzamba hill You will slaughter for me your bull, Rugwegwe

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Then they said, “It is Nyabucurezi and Nyabwangu who have come back!” Ee, they appeared in the gates of their home. People ululated. They made a bonfire and in came the cows, Nyabucurezi and the King’s servants, while Nyabwangu followed behind with her goats. They said to the man, “This is strange, for we thought it is Nyabwangu who would bring home things like these, but now we see things being brought by the child of the less favoured wife!” They laid out mats on the floor. They got seats for them. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : The daughter of the less favoured wife is the one who married the King? K A B U D E N S I A : She is the one who married the King. The one they despised! They said, “There comes Nyabwangu, child of the favoured wife with her goats!”44 The father slaughtered [the bull], just as the children were saying on their way, and the day was wonderful. Her mother was brought out of oblivion; Nyabucurezi’s mother was put in the forefront. Nyabwangu, her mother and their goats were put at the back. The bull was slaughtered for the guests and his daughter. Nyabwangu had nothing to say; Nyabucurezi was now in the limelight. She gave her father the water for his wound. She told them the whole story, what happened to them. Nyabwangu did not say anything for she was now like a servant. Nyabucurezi returned to the King’s palace, her mother became wealthy, and her brothers became wealthy. Those who were the last became the first; at Nyabwangu’s they lagged behind. It is not me who has ended; it is Nyabwangu’s affairs.

2. Umugabo Wataye Abaana Mw’ishyamba Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Buruuli, Nakasongola, 1 August 2005). By permission of Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye. Harabaye harakaba hapfuye imbwa n’imbeba hasigara inka n’abantu. Ngiye guca umugani w’abaana basigaye ari babiri. Nyina wabo arapfa se wabo ashaka undi mugore. Umugore aravuga ati, “Nagiye mu bapfumu barandagurira bambwira ko ntazabyara iyi nda nfite abo baana bahari.” Ise wabo ati, “Ese twabigira dute?” Undi aramubwira ati, “Barandaguriye ngo abaana tubashakire impamba ubajyane ubashakire ishyamba ubasigyemu. Uzagarukye mbone kubyara.”

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The Banyarwanda and Banyankore place a high premium on cattle, the most treasured gift given as bride price.

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Umugabo we arabikora. Basya umutsima, babika amata. Abaana bari babiri umukobwa n’umuhungu, bati, “Tuzinduke tugende.” Umugore ngo umupfumu yari yamuhaye igiti bazashinga mur’iryo shyamba bihishe, igiti kigasigara kivugana nabo. Aherako baragenda. Bamaze kubageza mw’ishyamba, abahaye umutsima n’emata ati, “Nimunywe urugendo rurakyariyo. Ngiye kwituma hariya.” Aragenda se wabo ahageze ashinga igiti, arabataye ahareko yisubirirayo. Abaana baherako bararya barangije akaana k’agahungu niko kari gakuru gaherako kabwira agakobwa (gashiki kako) kati, “Ariko se data ko aheze? Reka njye kureba.” Karabanza karahamagara kati, “Data!” Igiti kiti, “Yee!” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Kyakindi yashinze? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, kyakindi yashinze. Kiti, “Baana bangye ndarwaye munda.” Bimara akanya akaana karongyera kati, “K’utaza ngo tugende?” Ati, “Meze nabi ntabwo ndabona umwanya.” Agahungu karahaguruka karagenda kati, “Ngiye kureba data.” Kahageze karahamagara kabona n’ikintu kyitabira hasi. Aragaruka abwira mushikiwe ati, “Yewe,” ati, “urabizi?” Undi ati, “Ee?” Ati, “Data yadutaye!” Ararira. Ati, “Oya wirira reka tugende!” Baherako bafashamo. Ati, “Reka tugende, aho tuzasanga… Imana izaba idukiriza iyongiyo. Niba dupfa dupfe ubu se turakyakora iki?” Baragiye. Bageze mw’ishyamba umuhungu agira inyota asanga amazi ku rutare. Ati, “Ngiye kuyanywa.” Mushikiwe ati, “Utayanywa ataba ari ay’intare ukaba intare!” Ati, “Reka nywe nfite inyota nimba intare nzagukiza, nimba ingwe nzagukiza, inyamaswa yose nzaba nzagukiza.” Amazi arayagotomera – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Bagira amazina mbese? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, ndaza kuyakubwira. Baragenda bageze hagati mw’ishyamba babona nta maherezo. Aherako umuhungu yurira igiti. Ariko ubwo amaze kuba igikooko…intare. Aherako arikunkumura aba intare. Mushiki we ariruka. Ati, “Humura nzagukiza!” Baragenda bageze mu gitare mugiti ky’inganzamarungu cyiza, aramwuriza amushyiramu. Igikoko gisigara hasi kyabaye musazawe. Aherako bwije kiragenda gishaka iyo amago ari, kiriba mu mago, kyiba intorezo kyiba

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umuhoro, kyiba n’ibyokurya. Kiraza kumumanurayo kimushyira hasi. Kizana n’umuriro. Kiracana inkwi. Cya gikoko (umuhungu) ni Ruhurumba Rwishyamba. Umukobwa ni Ngyengye ya Baba. Baherako baracana. Mbese ubwo kishe n’inyamaswa, kirabaga, kirotsa, kirangije kiramuha nakyo kirarya. Kirangije burakya mugitondo kyenda umuhoro kiratema ibiti kiragenda hejuru kyubaka urutara, kyubaka n’ibiti kiramusakarira. Kibaye aho. Kikagenda kigahiga, kikaza guhindura kikamusiga aho. Kikiba amata kigatondagira kikamutwarira; kikamubuza kumanuka, kikamurekayo. Bukeye Umwami arahiga… Umukobwa ni mwiza. Ndetse kiragenda kimwibira n’ibibohesho kiti, “Wige kuboha.” Arakimenyera. Nuuko reero ngo omukobwa arakuze, asa neza. Aherako Umwami arahiga. Abona umwotsi mw’ishyamba. Abwira abagaragu be ati, “Mwagenda mukareba bariya bantu niba ar’abatutizi, niba ari abatuye mw’ishyamba.” Baragenda. Basanga ikome uko yaricanye ahongaho, bareba akazu hejuru, babona umukobwa. Baramureba babona umukobwa ni mwiza, baragenda babwira Umwami. Bati, “Nyagasani, umukobwa tobonye mu giti hariya, ntabwo akwiye abahutu n’abatutsi akwiye wowe!” Yoherezayo abatutsi ngo bagende barebe, ati, “Abahutu ntibarora.” Bararora basanga koko umukobwa ni mwiza, bati, “Koko ntabwo baroye nabi. Umukowa akwiye wowe.” “Mbese twamubona dute?” Bati, “Nyagasani, twasubirayo twagenda tukazana ingobyi. N’umuntu uba wenyine ntabwo tuzi ikimurinda; twamushyiramu tukamukuzanira.” Basubizayo abantu baragyenda bazana ingobyi n’abahetsi. Musazawe ntarahindura, aza ninjoro. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Arakyari igikoko – K A B U D E N S I A : N’igikoko; rwabaye urukoko. Baherako bamushyiramu. Ararira, baramumanura bamushyira mu ngobyi baramuheka. Ngo agenda arira, arira, ati: Ndagiye, ndagiye, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Baranjyanye, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ntuzongera kundeba, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ariko ntukange umututizi, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ntukange umushumba, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ntukange umuhinzi, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Jyewe ndagiye, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ikintu aho kyumviye gihurudukayo aho kyari kiri kiraza kyihura aho mushiki wakyo yar’ari, kirasara kirikunenga, kirakurikira. Kiragenda, kiti: Urihehe, urihehe, Ngyengye ya Baaba?

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Barakujyanye, Ngyengye ya Baaba? Urihehe, urihehe, Ngyengye ya Baaba? Ati: Ndi hano, ndi hano, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Baranjyanye Ruhurumba Rwishyamba… Kirayenda gikurikira ijwi rirarenga – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Gikurikira ijwi – K A B U D E N S I A : Gikurikira ijwi. Ati: Umwami yarantwaye, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ariko ntukange umuhinzi, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Ntukange umushumba, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Kiza gikurikiye no murugo rw’Umwami. Kyumva ararira. Kiravuga, nawe aravuga Ngyengye ya Baaba, ati, “barantwaye, ariko ntakyo mbaye.” Kiraryama aho. Noneho baratekereza: “Ee, wa mukobwa, afite urukoko – !” Umwami aringinga abantu bamubaza ati, “Ikyo kintu ni kintu ki?” Umukobwa baramuhoza bati, “Tubwire ikyo kintu kyabanaga nawe.” Arababwira ati, “Ikyo kintu kyabanaga nangye…” Arababwiye uko yavutse – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Baramubaza – K A B U D E N S I A : Baramubaza bati, “Ese, iki kintu mwabanaga mute?” Arababwira ati, “Data mama yamaze gupfa ashaka umugore aravuga ngo ntabwo azabyara duhari. Data ati, “Ese abaana mbagire nte?” Undi ati, “Umupfumu yarandaguriye ngo abaana uzabajyane mw’ishyamba ubashakire ibyokunywa n’ibyokurya. Uzagende ubashyire mw’ishyamba, nzabone kubyara. Se niko kubyemera ashaka ngo nigiti… Ati, “Ngo n’abapfumu bamuhaye igiti ngo, ‘uzagishinge, wamara kubihisha bagasigara bagihamagara, bakita ko ari wowe.’” Ati, “Rero niko byagenze tugeze mw’ishyamba araduta, twitabwa n’igiti… Tugize inyota musaza wangye niko kunywa amazi yari mu rutare, nti, ‘Ese, ko ari amazi y’intare, nuba intare ntundya? Nuba ingwe ntundya?’ Ati, ‘Oya, humura nzagukiza.’ Ati, “Niko byabaye anyoye amazi yikunkumuramu igikoko.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Ubwo mbese umukobwa arabibatekerereza – K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, arabitekerereza Umwami kuko bamubazaga uko yabanye n’igikoko. Nuko reero arababwiye, igikoko nibwo bashatse ubwenge. Umwami abwira abantu uko bagikora, baravuga bati, “Uzubakishe inzu, uyubakisheho urugo inyuma, uzabage ikimasa, ushake n’inzoga tuzashyiremu umuvure. Inyama zokyerezwe muri ya nzu. Ariko urugo bakore urukomeye kitazabona aho gipfumurira. Basigeho akajuri gatoya kizacamu tujya kukizimanira,

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mushiki wakyo azaba acamo ajya kuvugana nakyo. Kigende bajye kugiha amazimano.” Bati, “Hanyuma nikimara gusinda, kizavamo…,” bati, “ubwo rero azaba umuntu.” Ubwo rero ngo babikora batyo. Mushiki wakyo bamuhaye amazimano kijya munzu kimaze gusinda baragenda baragifata… Giherako kiba umuntu. Umwami arakyubakira wa muntu – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Gihinduka umusore? K A B U D E N S I A : Gihinduka umusore. Amushakira nawe umugore, agira urwanda amuhaye, mushiki we bakira batyo. Bukeye muka se wawundi wabahemukiye aza abunza imisambi. Niko kuza mu rugo rw’umwami. Abwira nyirabuja ati, “Hano har’umukecuru ubunza ibintu, imisambi.” Ati, “Ni mumunzanire.” Aramureba asanga ni wawundi. Ati, “Ese mukecuru, uragurish’iki?” Undi ati, “amavuta.” Undi aramubaza aho aturuka arahamenya, ati, “Nibakujyane bagufungurire,” ati, “bakubumbire amavuta ugende.” Undi ati, “Ee.” “Nta mugabo se ugira?” Undi ati, “Ndamufite ariko n’umusaza ntakibasha guhaguruka.” Undi ati, “Ntabwo washobora kumusindagiza ngo nawe uzamuzane hano? Ndetse wenda nashobora kubaha n’ikibakiza.” Ati, “Rwose twabishobora, mabuja.” Agenda anezerewe abwira omugabo we ati, “Hariya nahabonye umwamikazi,” ati, “ntakundi nkujyane badukize!” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Arabwira umugabo we – ? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, wa musaza wataye abaana be mw’ishyamba. Baherako umukobwa aramuhaye abamwuhagira, bamuhaye imyambaro, baramugaburiye.” Haciyeho iminsi mike umugore baherako – ngo rero cyera bicishaga ibiharo bikarangishije amaganga – arabikaranga, ngo bakamwima amazi. Bamuha umujyana ku mazi kure, ngo agye kunywa amazi. Bamwima amazi, agw’aho mugihandagazi ku nzira. Se wabo baramukiza. Sijye wahera.

The Man Who Abandoned His Children in a Forest There was and there will always be, what died were dogs and rats and what remained are cows and human beings. I am going to tell the story of two children who were left on their own. Their mother died and their father married another wife. The wife said, “I went to the healer and he told me that I will not be able to give birth to this baby if these children remain here.” “Then what shall we do?” their father asked.

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The other replied, “They told me that we should pack food for the children, then you take them into a forest and leave them there. When you return, I will be able to have a baby.” That is what her husband did. They prepared millet bread and milk for the two children, a girl and a boy, and they said, “We have to wake up very early and go.” The healer gave the woman a stick that they would put in the forest so that when they hide the stick would talk to the children. And so they went. When they reached the forest, he gave them millet bread and milk, and said, “Drink, we still have a long way to go. I am going to ease myself over there.” Their father went and when he got there he stuck the stick into the ground, abandoned the children and went back home. The children ate and after eating, the boy said to the girl (his sister), “Why is daddy taking so long? Let me go and check.” He first called out and said, “Daddy!” “Yes!” the stick replied. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : The other one he stuck into the ground? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, the other one he stuck there. It said, “My children, I have stomachache.” After a while the child said again, “Why are you not coming so we can go?” It said, “I am not feeling well and I have no time [to come] right now.” The boy got up and said, “I am going to see our father.” When he got there he saw that it was something on the ground that was replying. He came back and said to his sister, “My dear,” he said, “you know what?” The other said, “Eh?” He said, “Our father has abandoned us!” She cried. He said, “No, do not cry; let us go!” And so they left. He said, “Let us go, where we shall find… God will save us. If we die we die, what can we do now?” They went. When they reached a forest the boy was very thirsty and he found water on a rock. He said, “I am going to drink it.” His sister replied, “Do not drink it because if it is for a lion you might turn into a lion!” He said, “Let me drink it because I am very thirsty. If I become a lion I will save you, if I become a leopard I will save you, whatever animal I turn into I will save you.” He gulped down the water – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Do these children have names, by the way?

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K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, I will tell you their names. They went and when they reached the middle of the forest they realized the forest had no end. The boy climbed a tree. He immediately turned into a beast – a lion! And so he shook himself and turned into a lion. His sister ran away. He said, “Do not worry, I will save you!” They went and when they got to a huge, beautiful tree he climbed with her and put her up there. The animal that was her brother stayed at the foot of the tree. When it was dark it went and looked around for any homes. It stole from the homes, it stole an axe and it stole a machete, and it stole food. It came and carried her down from the tree. It also brought fire. It brought firewood and made a fire. The animal (the boy) was called Ruhurumba Rwishyamba. The girl was called Ngyengye ya Baba. So they made a fire. Meanwhile, it had killed an animal, skinned it, roasted the meat, and gave her, and it also ate. It finished, and in the morning it got a machete, cut sticks, went up the tree and built her a bed. It built it with sticks and made a bed for her to sleep. The animal lived there. It would leave her there and go to hunt, and then it would come back. It would steal milk, climb up the tree and give it to her; it did not want her to come down. The following day the King went hunting… The girl was beautiful. In fact, it went and stole knitting materials and it said, “Learn how to knit.” She got used to it. And so the girl grew up, and she was beautiful. The King went hunting. He saw smoke in the forest. He said to his servants, “Go and see if those are lumberjacks, or people who have settled in the forest.” They went. They found a bonfire that the [the lion] had made, they saw a hut in the branches, and they saw a girl. They saw that the girl was beautiful, and they went and told the king. They said, “Your Majesty, they girl we saw in a tree over there, none of your servants or lords deserves to have her; only you deserve to marry her!” He sent his lords to go and see, and he said, “Servants do not have good taste.” They saw her and agreed the girl was very beautiful, and they said, “Truly, they were right. You deserve that girl.” “How can we see her?” They replied, “Your Majesty, we can go back and take a stretcher. She lives all alone, we do not know what protects her; we can put her in the stretcher and bring her to you.” They went back with a group of people and carried a stretcher. Her brother had not returned at this time; he came at night. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : He was still an animal –

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K A B U D E N S I A : He is an animal; he became an animal. They put her in it [the stretcher]. She cried. They carried her down from the tree, put her in the stretcher, and took her. And she went crying, and crying, saying:

I have gone, I have gone, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba They have taken me, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba You will never see me again, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba But never hate lumberjacks, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Never hate a shepherd, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Never hate farmers, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba I have gone, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba When the animal finally heard her it sprung from where it was, and it came and stormed the place where its sister was. It ran mad and rolled all over, and it pursued them. It went, and it said: Where are you, where are you, Ngyengye ya Baba? Have they taken you, Ngyengye ya Baba? Where are you, where are you, Ngyengye ya Baba? She said: I am here, I am here, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba They have taken me, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba… It kept following her voice until it faded – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : It followed the voice – K A B U D E N S I A : It followed the voice. She said: The King took me, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba But never hate a farmer, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba Never hate a shepherd, Ruhurumba Rwishyamba It kept following [them] until it came to the King’s home. It heard her cry. It talked and she talked, and Ngyengye ya Baba said, “They took me, but I am all right.” It slept there. So they kept wondering, “Ee, this girl, she has a beast – !” The King pleaded as people asked him questions, and he said, “That thing, what is it?” They pleaded with the girl to stop crying, saying, “Tell us about that thing which has been living with you.” She said to them, “That thing which has been living with me…” And she told them how he was born – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : They asked her – K A B U D E N S I A : They asked her, “Tell us, how did you live with this thing?”

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She told them the story, and said, “When my mother died, my father married another wife and she said that she would never be able to give birth while we were there. Our father said, ‘So what do I do with the children?’ The other said, ‘The healer told me that you have to take the children to a forest and give them something to drink and eat. You will take them to the forest, and then after that I will be able to give birth.” And her father accepted and got that stick… Then she said, “And the healers gave her a stick saying, ‘go and stick it into the ground, and then when you hide from them they will keep calling it, thinking it is you.’” And she said, “So that is what happened. When we got to the forest he abandoned us, and the stick kept answering our call… When we became thirsty my brother decided to drink water that was on a rock, and I said, ‘But this water is for a lion, if you became a lion will you not eat me? If you become a leopard, will you not eat me?’ He said, ‘No, do not worry, I will save you.’” And she said, “That is what happened. When he drank the water he became an animal.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : So she told them the whole story – K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, she told them the story because the King and all were asking her how she came to live with the animal. Then he told them what they should do about the animal. The King told them what they should do to it, and they said to him, “You build a house, put a hedge around it, then slaughter a bull and get beer and we put the container in the house. Then beef will be roasted inside the house. But let them make a strong hedge so that it does not get a place to pass. They we will leave a small opening it will pass through when we are going to give it food. That is where its sister will pass when she is going to talk to it. Then it will go there and they will give it the special meal.” And they added, “Then when it gets drunk, it will get out…,” they said, “and then it will turn into a human being.” And that is what they did. They gave its sister the special food and it went inside the house, and after it got drunk they got hold of it… Suddenly it turned into a human being. The King built a house for the person – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : It turned into a young man? K A B U D E N S I A : It turned into a young man. He got him a wife, he gave him a vast kingdom, and he and his sister became rich like that. The following day, the other stepmother who mistreated them came selling mats. She came to the King’s palace. A servant said to the Queen, “There is an old woman over here selling things, mats.” She said, “Bring her over to me.”

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She looked at her and recognized her. She said, “So what are you selling, old woman?” The other said, “Ghee.” The other asked her where she was coming from and she recognized the place, and she said to her, “Go and they will give you something to eat,” and she said, “and let them prepare some ghee for you and you go.” The other said, “All right.” “Don’t you have a husband, then?” The other replied, “I have a husband but he is an old man who cannot even stand on his feet.” She asked her, “Can’t you walk him and bring him here? Perhaps I could give you some assistance?” She said, “Definitely we can do that, madam.” She went back very happy and said to her husband, “I met a Queen over there,” she said, “and I am taking you right away so that they can help us!” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : She is telling her husband – ? K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, the old man who abandoned his children in the forest. The girl immediately gave him servants to bathe him, they gave him clothes, and they gave him food. After a few days, that woman – you see in those days they killed someone by giving him or her salty grains roasted in animal urine, and then they would deny the victim water to drink – they handed her over to someone to take her to a well far away, so that she could drink some water. They refused to give her water and she collapsed along a cattle track on the way. Their father was given a lot of wealth. It is not me who has come to an end.

3. Umugani wa Rusore-Rubirizi, Rusore-Rwenene na Nyiramahwa Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Buruuli, Nakasongola, 1 August 2005). By permission of Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye. Uyu n’umugani wa Rusore-Rubirizi na Rusore-Rwenene bapfushije nyina, na Nyiramahwa. Nyiramahwa niwe wagiraga nyina. Bari abakobwa gasaza kabo kaba ariko muka-se wabo aroga. Akaroze ntikapfa, karamugara, kaguma aho ari ntakyo kamaze, karazingama. Noneho rero bo bakagya gukora imirimo, noneho nawe muka-se akagya ashaka uko yabica ngo baveho bose. Akamuga kakabireba ibyo yabashyiriyemu, kagatega kabarira ko bahinduye, kakagenda buhoro, buhoro kakabatega. Kabona rero baje, kati: Rusore-Rubirizi, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Rusore-Rwenene, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo

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Karire-Kinyana, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Gatemeri-Kabashyitsi, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Hasigare Nyiramahwa, umwana ugira nyina! Udukyeri bakamuha, yamara kurya ati, “Muka-so yabashyiriye ibyokurya ahangaha birimo uburozi. Mubyange, ntimubirye!” Bakaza bakabyanga, muka-se wabo agashwara. Hanyuma rero ejo bakongera bagasubirayo. Ubundi akabatega amahwa, akayacukurira aho baribwicare, yaba atabasyiriyemu uburozi mu byokurya byabo. Nibaza kuhicara, amahwa abacikiremu. Kakabirora, kakongyera kakajya kubatega, kati: Rusore-Rubirizi, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Rusore-Rwenene, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Karire-Kinyana, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Gatemeri-Kabashyitsi, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Hasigare Nyiramahwa, umwana ugira nyina! Nuko bakamuzanira, bamara kumuzanira kati, “Babateze amahwa hariya nko hakurya y’iziko. Ntimuhicare, mwange. Muhame mu nfuruka. Kyokora se ibyokurya byo ntibabishyizemu uburozi, mubirye!” Bakaza, bakanga. Muka-se ati, “Ariko se nimutambuke mwicare hariya.” “Aa-a, turicara naha.” Bakarya, bakandurura. Nuko bukeye se wabo amara kubyitegereza. Haraye nyirasenge, yari azindutse kwa musaza we. Ka kantu kajya kubatega, karabahamagara: Rusore-Rubirizi, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Rusore-Rwenene, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Karire-Kinyana, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Gatemeri-Kabashyitsi, ncira udukyeri nkubarire akajambo Hasigare Nyiramahwa umwana ugira nyina! Baraje. Arababwira ati, “Babateze ibyokurya, yashyizemu uburozi. Ntimubirye! Amata yashyizemu uburozi, ntimuyanywe!” Aherako muka-se arabibatega, nyirasengye wabo araho n’umushyitsi. Abaana baratahuka, arabibaha, abaana barabyanga. [Ati,] “Ariko bagyenzi, aba baana ubwo mbaha ibintu bakabyanga, aba baana babaye bate?” Nyirasengye ati, “Ariko se mubyangira iki?” Abaana bati, “Ntabwo tubishaka.” Abaana babwira nyirasengye. Nyirasengye ikyo yakuyemu abibwira se wabo ati, “Abaana ndabatwaye! Uriya bamuroze yarapfuye, ariko aba ntibagiye gupfa. Abaana ndabatwaye; ntabwo bakibaye aha!”

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Ise wabo atabuka n’umugore. Aherako aramukubita, aramwirukana. Abaana – sigye wahera – bagaruka kwa se, muka-se agenda atyo n’ubugiranabi bwose.

The Story of Rusore-Rubirizi, Rusore-Rwenene and Nyiramahwa This is the story of Rusore-Rubirizi and Rusore-Rwenene who lost their mother, and Nyiramahwa. Only Nyiramahwa had a mother. They were girls and their brother was bewitched by their stepmother. When she bewitched him he did not die, he became crippled. So they would go out to work every day, and meanwhile their stepmother looked for ways to get rid of them. The crippled boy saw whatever she put into their food, and he would wait for them to return, then he would walk slowly, slowly and wait for them on the way. As soon they came, he would sing, like this: Rusore-Rubirizi, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something Rusore-Rwenene, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something Karire-Kinyana, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something Gatemeri-Kabashyitsi, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something And only Nyiramahwa will stay, child who has a mother! They would give him some berries, and after eating he would say, “Your stepmother left your food here and she put poison in it. Reject it, do not eat it!” They would come, refuse the food, and their stepmother would be ashamed. Then the following day they would go back. Sometimes instead of putting poison in their food she would put thorns in their seats, so that if they came and sat down, the thorns would get stuck into them. He watched her, and again he would go and wait for them on the way and sing, like this: Rusore-Rubirizi, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something Rusore-Rwenene, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something Karire-Kinyana, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something Gatemeri-Kabashyitsi, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something And only Nyiramahwa will stay, child who has a mother!

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And so they would bring him [berries], and after bringing him [berries], he would say, “She put thorns near the fireplace so that you sit on them. Do not sit there; say no. Stay in the corner near the door. But they did not put poison in the food, you can eat it!” Then they would come, and they would refuse [to eat]. The stepmother said, “Come over and sit there.” “No-o, we shall sit here.” They would eat and clean up. Then the following day their father noticed what was going on. Their aunt was visiting her brother, and she stayed for the night. The other poor thing went to meet them, and he called out to them: Rusore-Rubirizi, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something. Rusore-Rwenene, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something. Karire-Kinyana, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something. Gatemeri-Kabashyitsi, pick some berries for me and I will tell you something. And only Nyiramahwa will stay, child who has a mother! They came. He said to them, “She set up food for you, and put poison in it. Do not eat it! There is poison in the milk, do not drink it!” So the stepmother set the food for them to eat when their aunt was there visiting. The children returned home, she gave them the food, and they refused. [She said,] “Dear me, I give these children anything and they refuse it, what is the matter with these children?” Their aunt said, “But why do you refuse everything?” The children replied, “We just do not want anything.” Then the children told their aunt. Their aunt understood and told their father, and she said, “I am taking the children! The other one was poisoned and he died, but these will not die. I am taking the children; they cannot live here anymore!” Their father was very angry with his wife. He hit her and immediately threw her out. The children – it is not me who has ended – went back to their father, and their stepmother went away like that with all her evil deeds.

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4. Umugani wa Bwengye Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. KR (Buruuli, Nakasongola, 8.16.04). By permission of Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye. Harabaye harakaba hapfuye imbwa n’imbeba hasigaye inka n’abantu! Duce umugani wa Bwengye. Bwengye yari umwana aravuka nyina ahita apfa, niko gusigarana na nyirakuru aba ariwe umurera. Haza kubaho inzara y’ishyano iratera yenda kubamara. Nuko rero hanyuma haza impyisi ibunza ibisyimbo umukecuru abur’ ikyo abigura. Aherako abwira impyisi ati, “Rwose wampaye udushyimbo? Jyewe ndaguha umwana wangye witwa Bwengye!” Umukecuru impyisi iherako imugerera ibisyimbo. Bwengye ariko ntiyari ahari. Impyisi iti, “None se uwo mwana Bwengye umpaye nzamubona nte?” Nyirakuru abwira impyisi ati, “Bwengye afite akabindi gahongotse. Uzamutege mubandi baana ejo agiye kuvoma, uzamutware.” Bwengye ubwengye bwe buba bwamubwiye, aherako abwira abandi baana ati, “Noneho, twese duhongore ku bubindi, twese tugire utw’uduhanga.” Abana niko kugwa ku bubindi bwabo barabuhongora. Impyisi irabareba barahita ibura uw’itwara. Nuko iraza ibwira umukecuru iti, “Ese, umwana wambwiye ngo afite akabindi k’uduhanga, ko nabonye bose bafite ububindi bufite ubuhanga, wambeshyeraga iki?” Umukecuru arumirwa. Ati, “Noneho, Bwengye ndaza gusiga imbehe ye…” Ihi, yabanje gutwika… Ati, “Ndaza kumuha…ati mfite igiteme mu kabande. Ndaza kumubwira ajye kugitwika. Uzamutegye ajya kugitwika maze umujyane.” Ibyisi iti, “Yee.” Abwira Bwengye ati, “Jyenda ujye kuntwikira ibyatsi byo mu kabande. Ndenda kuhahinga.” Bwengye aba yabimenye ubwengye bwe buramubwira. [Afata umuheto we] aragenda ahambira ifumbo y’umuriro ayishyira ku mwambi w’umuheto we. Ageze ruguru y’igiteme, ararasa ibyatsi birashya arahinduura – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Arasa umwambi? K A B U D E N S I A : Arasa umwambi ugenda n’umuriro utwika igiteme. Aragaruka ati, “Nyogokuru, ibintu [ibyatsi] nabitwitse!” Abona aragarutse – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Impyisi yamutegyereje arabura – K A B U D E N S I A : Arabura. Nyirakuru biramutangaza. Impyisi iraza, iti, “Ese ko wambeshye? Ibyatsi ko nabonye igiteme gishya, nkabur’umuntu!”

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Ati, “Noneho, Bwengye yambaye ibitare ku maguru. Noneho uzamutege mu bandi baana kuko ariwe ubyambaye wenyine.” Bwengye aba yabimenye. Ibitare abyikura ku maguru abikwiza abaana bose – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Barabigabana – K A B U D E N S I A : Barabigabana. Impyisi ubura uwo itwara. [Iragenda iti] “Ariko se wa mukecuru we, kuki umbesya?” Undi ati, “Noneho, Bwengye ndaza gusiga imbehe ye hanze. Noneho, uze kuza [ninjoro]. Ndaza kumubwira njya kumugaburira ko imbehe ye yasigaye hanze. Uze gutegereza nasohoka umutware.” Nyirakuru ati, “Mbese Bwengye urabizi? Imbehe yawe yasigaye hanze kandi simfite aho nkusyirira ibyokurya. Gyenda uyizane.” Bwengye ati, “Nyogokuru, mfite hano ingata, nsyiriraho impfubyi zisanzwe zirira ku ngata!” Nyirakuru arashoberwa. Impyisi irategereje iraheba. Noneho bukeye iti, “Nyishura ibindi. Bwengye arananiye!” Undi ati, “Noneho, ndaza kuboha umugozi, noneho Bwengye naza gusinzira, gakunda gusinziira kare, [ninjoro nasinzira] ndaza kumushyiramu umugozi [mu kuguru] uze kuwukurura [umutware].” Impyisi iti, “Noneho ibyo byaba byo.” [Ninjoro] Bwengye aracuranga amaze kurya yanga gusinziira, aracuranga inanga ye n’agaheto ke, aracuranga. Nyirakuru arategereza ko yasinzira, impyisi [ijya hanze irategereza]. Hanyuma igikecuru kigeze aho kirahirima kirasinzira. Bwengye afata umugozi aragenda, nkuko Imana yamuhaga ubwengye, umugozi awambika nyirakuru mw’ijosi, nyirakuru ahirita asinziriye. Noneho arangije – ubwo nyirakuru impyisi yayibwiye ati, “ndaza kuzimya umuriro nikyo kiribukubwire ko nawumwambitse” – Bwengye aragenda umuriro arawuzimya. Amaze kuwuzimya impyisi iherako irakurura. Ikuruye ikururura umukecuru imukubita hasi. Umukecuru ati, “Ntabwo ari Bwengye, nijyewe!” Impyisi iti, “Ariko Bwengye yandiriye iki?” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Ko ari wowe wariye ibisyimbo byanjye. K A B U D E N S I A : Ko ariwowe wariye ibisyimbo byanjye! N’ubundi Bwengye yarenganaga!” Bwengye ati, “Twara!” Igikecuru kiragiye impyisi irakiriye. Bwengye asigaye aho, yibereye muri ya nzu ya nyirakuru, aritunga nkuko Imana yari yaramuhaye ubwengye bwe. Bukeye arakura, arishakira, aratunga amatungo, arabyara abaana, nkuko Imana yabimuhaye. Bukeye babyara Bwengye Munka, babyara Bwengye Kwiriba, babyara Bwegnye Munyana, babyara Bwengye Muruhimbi – umukobwa umwe mu bahungu aba…

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M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Mu bahungu batatu. K A B U D E N S I A : Mu bahungu batatu. Baratunze amatungo yabo. Bukeye,

izuba riravuye ibintu birakumbutse bishizeho. Bukeye nibwo babonye abatutizi se barava ngo mw’ishyamba ryitwa irya Ntare. Ngo niryo ryari ryaraguyemu invura kandi ngo rikaba ridaturwa. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Ishyamba rya Ntare – K A B U D E N S I A : Rya Ntare, Umwami w’ i Burundi. Yitwaga Ntare. [Bwengye] arababajije ati, “Ese mwa bantu mwe” – barafite ingata – ati, “izo ngata ni muzinguze nzihere inka zange. Aho hantu mwatutiye ubwatsi nihe?” Bati, “Nimw’ishyamba rya Ntare. Ariko ntiritutirwamo.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Arabaza ba nde? K A B U D E N S I A : Arabaza abava gututira, nkuko umuntu agenda agahura n’abantu kunzira abagenzi. Aherako yereka bahungu be ati, “None bambwiye ishyamba rya Ntare ko ariryo ryaguyemu invura. None baana bangye, kugira ngo izi nka zishire murora, mwari mukwiye kuzijyanayo. Ariko ngo kwa Ntare ntihaturwa. Ariko se nanone aho kugirango ibintu bipfe, mwagenda wenda mukazabaho nizo nka.” Abaana bumvira se, barahagurutse na mushiki wabo baragiye. Barimutse baragishe, barambutse inyanja bagiye kwa Ntare baratuye mw’ishyamba. Baragiye barakambitse mw’ishyamba rya Ntare inka zirariye ubwatsi, zirariye, ziguwe neza. Baraciye ibiraro barubatse. Bukeye, Ntare barahihibikana bahize babona umwotsi uri mw’ishyamba. Ati, “Ariko abantu baburiye mw’ishyamba, mwakurikirana mukajya kureba uriya mwotsi ikyo uriho, ko ari abantu banturiye mw’ishyamba.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Uwo ari Umwami? K A B U D E N S I A : Uwo n’Umwami arabwira abantu be. Baragiye abasore b’imbaraga basanze harimu abantu. Abahungu ariko nti bahari. Hari umukobwa Bwengye Muruhimbi ari mu byansi bye; ari munzu niwe basiga ku rugo. Baramuroye. Bahatungutse niko kubaha amata. Bati, “Mbese mwaturutse hehe?” Umukobwa arababwira ati: “Twavuye iwacu habuze ubwatsi niko kuza inaha.” Bati: “Ee? Ariko rero iri shyamba mwajemu, ntabwo rijya riturwa; nyiraryo ntiyemera.” Bati: “Kyokora reka tugende tujye kumubwira.” Baragiye baramubwira, bati: “Kyokora, abantu barimu, nta bantu twasanzemu; twasanzemu umukobwa. Ariko bariya s’abantu bo kwicwa. Bafite umukobwa, Umwami niwowe akwiye!” Ati, “Ee?” Bati, “Ntabwo bariya bantu ar’abo kwicwa, ahubwo reka tuzabasabe uriya mukobwa abe umugore w’Umwami; nikyo akwiye.”

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Ntare aremeye. Yohereje infura baragiye kwitegereza bati, “Koko nibyo.” Noneho babonanye na basaza be noneho barabateze. Barababwira bati, “Noneho iri shyamba mwajemu, ntabwo rijya riturwa. Ariko noneho kugira ngo tubababarire, turashaka muduhe uyu mukobwa abe umugore wacu; tumushake.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Abo n’abagaragu b’Umwami. K A B U D E N S I A : Abo n’abagaragu b’Umwami. Bati, “Noneho, natwe tuzagomba kubibaza se.” Bariya bati, “Cyane, ariko rero mugire vuba muduhe [uyu mukobwa] kuko Ntare ntabwo har’umuntu utura mw’ishyamba rye; nta nundi urarijyamu!” Baragiye babajije se ati, “None se, mwaba mubonye akanya ko kubamu, aho kwicwa nokunyagwa nti mwatanga uwo mukobwa? Muzamubahe.” Baremeye. Ntare arabakwera, inka bazishyira mur’izo. Umukobwa baramuhetse; baramutwaye Bwengye Muruhimbi no kwa Ntare aramurongoye. Igihe amaze kuhaba umugeni aratinya. Babahaye inka bamaze kubaha inka, Ntare nibwo agarutse mu bagaragu be ati: “Ariko, iyo abo bantu tujya kubaha izi nka, k’umukobwa twamushikiriye, twabishe n’izi nka tukazizungura kukajyana n’izabo, n’uyu mukobwa tukamusigirana!” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Bice – K A B U D E N S I A : Bice basaza be – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Bice basaza be – K A B U D E N S I A : Inka bazitware n’umukobwa bamusigirane! Ati, “Cyangwa mbese, ninde wigeze atura mw’ ishyamba rya Ntare? Ko barenze n’amategeko!” Bati, “Nibyo.” Bati, “Nibyo!” Noneho rero inama bamaze kuyijya, Bwengye Muruhimbi aba yabimenye, wawundi muka Ntare. Arakyatinya. Noneho bajy’inama ko bazatega basaza be. Basaza be babahaye kujya babanza inka zabo kuko arizo nke noneho iza Ntare zikaza gushoka hanyuma. Bo babaha akanya ko kubanza. Bwengye Munka akajya aza akabanzamu kare agahanagura akaza gushora inka zabo zikanywa. Bari baramaze gukora omukago. Aherako Bwengye Muruhimbi amenya ko bagiye kwica basaza be. Aherako ati: “Nagira nte? Ko ntazajyayo kubabwira.” Aherako yenda utubabi tw’imiko. Atuma abaana muri abo baana yari amaze kumenyera murugo b’abagaragu babo ati: “Muzanshiturire ibirondwe ku nka muzabinzanire.” Hanyuma rero arapfumura, arapfumura utwenge, utwenge adukwizamu utwatsi. Arangije twa tubabi agenda adusiga amaraso. Aramanuka mw’ijoro ajya aho inka zinywa nti yari ahazi aho bashoraga, aragenda ashyira mu kibumbiro. Abereka ko basaza be bagiye guterwa amacumu bakavushwa amaraso. Adushyira mu mugende w’amazi.

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M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Mbese biba nk’akamenyetso – K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, mbese ni nkokumwandikira akabaruha. Azana uduti

aravunagura atwikiraho. Ati: “Ubwo musaza wange naza kuza mugitondo niwe ubanza, kuko aba abanza kare ngo inka za Ntare zinywe, arabisangaho.” Koko niko yabisanze. Arabirora, ni nkogusoma ibaruha, ati: “Uyu ni Bwengye Muruhimbi wakoze ibi? Tugiye gupfa! Ntare agiye ku twica; aya n’amacumu bagiye kudutera!” Bateze ko baza gukungana inyana zikaza, inka zikaza, bakabakora ibyo babakora inka bakazisigarana. Arabiroye ati, “Ese, ndakora iki? Gupfa kwacu kurageze rero!” Agiye mu kibumbiro arahanagura. Abo kwa Ntare baba baraje barashotse uko bamenyereye, bati, “Gira vuba natwe tugufashe inka zishoke zifite umurumango.” Ati: “Noneho, reka njye gushoza Bwengye Munka.” Aragenda no kugasozi. Ararangurura ijwi ati: Bwengye Munka! Bwengye Munka! Ambura nzovu igenda, wambike nzovu ihungabana Uyobore inka zishoke Wogaterwa n’igitero kigiye gutera inka za so Ku munsi wanyuma! Uriya Bwengye Munka aba yamwunvise. Arongera asubizamu ijwi rya kabiri, ati: Bwengye Munka! Bwengye Munka! Ambura nzovu igenda, wambikye nzovu ihungabana Uyobore inka zishoke Wogaterwa n’igiteero kigiye gutera inka za so Ku munsi wanyuma! Umwana ati, “Ee, turashize!” Inka arayifata ayambura umurebe, umurebe awambika mu giti hejuru, ky’umuyaga uhungabanije. Umuyaga uraguma uhungabanya igiti. [Bwengye Kwiriba] araje ati, “Yemwe, inka nashoje,” ati, “umurebe aho uvugira niho inka zahamye. Dufite inka yacu yambara umurebe,” ati, “ejo yaravunitse,” ati, “none rero ubwo idashoka ntizishoka. None ikyo ngiye gukora ngiye gutwara amazi mu gicuba ngende nyuhire. Ninanirwa kugenda mfashe uriya mwana inka zishoke.” Bati, “Nibyo. Ariko gira vuba.” Hagiye Bwengye Munka n’amazi ye, ageze imbere arayamena. Asanga Bwengye Munka yagiye asanga Bwengye Muruhimbi; yavuyeyo yagiye kubwira Bwengye Munka musaza we, inyana barakingura mu kiraro ngo zarahirirwaga zigashyirwa mu biraro. Aherako ati: “Nimuhunge tugiye gupfa!”

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Baherako baragenda barakurikira. Wawundi musaza wabo ageze hahandi, yurira igiti akuramu umurebe awukubita mw’icuba, aragenda arabakurikira asanga bari ku nyanja niho babyagije. Ati, “Bwengye Muruhimbi se?” Ati, “Ndihano, nahageze n’inyana!” Baherako bagurira abantu barabambutsa. Babaha inka baherako barambuka. Barabambutsa bati, “Turatewe!” Abo kwa Ntare baraterana baje kwica basaza ba Bwengye Muruhimbi. Barategereje inka zabo zirashooka. Bati, “Yemwe!” Bati, “N’umurebe ntukivuga! Ba bantu ubanza bagiye, mwokanyagwa mwe!” Bati, “Nimukurikire!” Barakurikira, na Ntare wabo. Barakurikiye bagiye gushaka ko haba har’aho baburiye mur’ayo mashyamba. Baraheba. Barakurikiye bageze ku nyanja baboba inka ziracaniwe hakurya. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Zambutse! K A B U D E N S I A : Zambutse! “Yu-uu!” Bati, “Yemwe mwokanyagwa mwe, muradusize inka murazitwaye mutwaye n’izacu!” Bati, “Turabasize!” Bati, “Ariko nimugende dusigaranye mushiki wanyu!” Bamuhishe ntibamwerekana. Bati, “Ariko nimugende ariko nibura mudusigiye mushiki wanyu!” Bati, “Vayo, Bwengye Muruhimbi; vayo ubiyerekye, wiyereke Ntare.” Bwengye Muruhimbi araza arimurika. Ntare ati, “Bwengye Muruhimbi,” ati “ndagirango umbyinire!” Ati, “Ntegera agashara!” Bwengye Muruhimbi Ntare aramubyinira, amutegera agashara. Ntare aherako avunagura umuheto we, awuroha mu ruzi, arangije nawe yirohamu, ariyahura! Haheze Ntare; abambari baratashye. Bene Bwengye ibyabo barabikukana batashye iwabo basubiyeyo. Nibyo. Sijye wahera, hahera Ntare.

The Story of Bwengye There was and there will always be, what died were dogs and rats and what remained are cows and human beings! Let’s tell the story of Bwengye. Bwengye was born and when he was a baby his mother died, so the boy was raised by his grandmother. And so it came to be that there was a severe famine, it struck the area and almost wiped out all people. And so one day a hyena came selling beans, but the old woman did not have any money to buy beans. So she told the hyena and she said, “Surely, why don’t you give me some beans? I will give you my child called Bwengye!”

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The hyena gave the old woman some beans. Bwengye was not around at that time. Then the hyena asked, “But that child you have given me called Bwengye, how will I get him?” The grandmother said to the hyena, “Bwengye has a small pot that is slightly broken at the rim. Wait for him tomorrow when he goes to the well with other children to fetch water, and take him.” Bwengye was born wise, so his instinct told him all was not well, so he said to the other children, “I have an idea: let us all break the rims of our pots so that they all look the same.” And the children descended on their pots and broke the rims. The hyena watched them carefully as they walked by and it could not tell which child to take. So it went back to the old woman, and it said to her, “Look, you said the child has a pot with a broken rim. But I looked and all of them had pots with broken rims, so why did you lie to me?” The old woman was shocked. “Now,” she said, “I am going to leave his plate…” No, it was her garden first… She said, “I will give him…” or rather she said, “I am clearing my garden down in the valley. I will tell him to go and burn the dry bush. Wait for him as he goes to burn it and take him.” The hyena said, “That’s all right.” So the grandmother said to Bwengye, “Go and burn for me that dry bush in the valley. I want to cultivate that land.” But Bwengye was clever and his wisdom alerted him. He [picked his bow], tied dry grass to his arrow, and then lit the grass. When he came near the valley, he shot the arrow into the dry bush and it caught fire. Then he came back – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : He shot the arrow – ? K A B U D E N S I A : He shot the arrow and it went and burnt the bush. And he came back and said, “Grandma, I have burnt the things [bush]!” His grandmother saw him coming back – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : The hyena waited and it could not see him – K A B U D E N S I A : It could not see him. His grandmother was shocked. The hyena came back, and it said, “Why did you lie to me?” it said. “I saw the bush burn but I did not see anybody!” She said, “Now, this is what you will do. Bwengye wears beads on his legs. You look out for him when he is among other children, for he is the only one wearing beads.” Bwengye immediately sensed what was going to happen. He removed the beads from his legs and gave them to all the other children – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : They shared out the beads –

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K A B U D E N S I A : They shared them out. And so the hyena could not tell who to take. [It went and said], “This is what I do not understand, old woman: why do you keep telling me lies?” So the other said, “Well, I will leave Bwengye’s plate outside. Now, you come [tonight]. I will tell him to go and bring it when it is time for dinner. Wait outside and as soon as he comes out, take him.” His grandmother said to him, “Bwengye, do you know what? Your plate is outside and I have nowhere to put your food. Go and bring it.” Bwengye replied, “Grandma, just put my food on this ingata45 here. Orphans always eat from ingata, anyway!” His grandmother was surprised. The hyena waited until it gave up. So in the morning the hyena went and said to the old woman, “Find other things with which to pay me back. I have given up on Bwengye!” “Now,” the other replied, “I will get a rope, and so when Bwengye falls asleep, for he normally sleeps early, when he goes to sleep I will put the rope around his leg. Pull the rope and take him.” And the hyena said, “Now that sounds like a good idea.” Bwengye got his harp and started playing it and he could not go to sleep, and he played it and played it. His grandmother waited for him to sleep, and the hyena sat outside and it waited. Later, the old woman fell asleep. Bwengye got the rope and went, as God always gave him wisdom, and he tied the rope around his grandmother’s neck, while his grandmother was snoring. So when he finished – meanwhile the grandmother had said to the hyena, “I will put out the fire and that is how you will know that I have put the rope around his leg” – Bwengye went and put out the fire. As soon as he put out the fire the hyena pulled the rope. When it pulled, it threw the old woman outside. The old woman exclaimed, “It is not Bwengye, it is me!” “Did Bwengye ever take anything of mine?” the hyena asked. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : “It is you who ate my beans – ” K A B U D E N S I A : “It is you who ate my beans after all! Bwengye is innocent; he has nothing to do with this!” Bwengye said, “Take her!” The old woman was taken, and the hyena ate her. Bwengye lived alone in his grandmother’s house, took care of himself as God had given him wisdom. He grew up, got himself a wife, he became rich, and got children, like God had destined for him. Later, they gave birth to Bwengye Munka, they gave birth to Bwenye Kwiriba, they gave birth to Bwenye Munyana, and they gave birth to

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Bwengye Muruhimbi – one daughter among [flashing her fingers] this number of boys… M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Among three boys. K A B U D E N S I A : Among three boys. They became rich. Later, a severe drought struck and everything was destroyed. Soon, they saw people logging timber in Ntare’s forest. It had rained in that forest but no one lived there. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : In Ntare’s forest – K A B U D E N S I A : In Ntare’s, the King of Burundi. His name was Ntare. [Bwengye] asked, “You people” – they had ingata on their heads – “give me those ingata and I give them to my cows. Where did you get that grass from?” They said, “From Ntare’s forest. However, no one is allowed to cut down anything in that forest.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Whom was he asking? K A B U D E N S I A : He was asking the men who had been logging timber, just like one goes and meets people on the way. So he showed it to his sons and said, “They told me that it rained in Ntare’s forest. Now, my children, instead of looking on as these cows die of starvation, you should take them there. But I hear no one is allowed to inhabit Ntare’s forest. But then, instead of our cows perishing, you should as well go; perhaps you will survive with those cows.” The children listened to their father, got up with their sister and went. They moved with the cows, crossed a lake and settled in Ntare’s forest. They went and camped in Ntare’s forest, the cows grazed on good pastures and they were healthy. They built kraals and houses. Later, when Ntare and his people were hunting, they saw smoke in the forest and panicked. He said, “It seems there are people who got lost in my forest, why don’t you follow that smoke and see where it is coming from, whether it is people who settled in my forest.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : That is the King – K A B U D E N S I A : That was the King telling his people. Strong, young men went and found people settled there. The young men were not there. Only the young girl Bwengye Muruhimbi was at home cleaning milk pots; they left her at home alone. They saw her. When they arrived she gave them milk. They said, “By the way, where did you come from?” The girl replied, “We left our home because of draught, so we came here.” They said, “Eh? But this forest you settled in, no one is allowed to settle here; its owner cannot allow you.” And they said, “But let us go and inform him.” They went and informed him, and they said, “There are people there; however, we found there only a young girl. But you cannot kill those people. They have a beautiful girl and only Your Majesty deserves a girl like that!”

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And he said, “Eh?” They said, “We should not kill those people, instead we should go and ask for their daughter’s hand so that you can marry her, Your Majesty; that is what she deserves.” Ntare accepted. He sent elders and they went and looked at the girl, and they said, “It is true.” This time they waited and met her brothers. They said to them, “Now, it is prohibited to settle in this forest, no one has ever settled here. But in order for us to forgive you, we want you to give us this girl; we want to marry her.” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Those were the King’s servants. K A B U D E N S I A : Those were the King’s servants. They said, “Now, we shall have to ask her father first.” The others said, “No problem, but do it very fast and give us [this girl] because nobody can settle in Ntare forest; in fact, nobody else has ever settled in it.” They went and asked her father and he said, “You see, if you get a place to live, instead of getting killed and being robbed of your cows, why don’t you give away that girl? Give her over to those people.” They accepted. Ntare paid the bride price, and the cows were brought home. The girl was carried away; they took Bwengye Muruhimbi to Ntare’s home and he married her. The bride spent time in the inner room. After they had handed over the cows, Ntare went to his servants and said, “But why should we give our cows to those people? After all we got their daughter. Why don’t we kill them and take their cows and also keep this girl?” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : They kill – K A B U D E N S I A : They kill her brothers – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : They kill her brothers – K A B U D E N S I A : They take the cows and keep the girl! And he said, “In any case, who has ever settled in my forest? They broke the law!” They said, “That is it!” And they said, “That is it!” So after they had agreed on the plan, Bwengye Muruhimbi got to know about it, Ntare’s wife. She was still in the inner room. So they made a plan to waylay her brothers. They had instructed her brothers to water their cows first so that Ntare’s would come after. They gave them the first place. Bwengye Munka always came first and watered their cows. They had become close friends. Well, Bwengye Muruhimbi learnt that they were going to kill her brothers. So she said to herself, “What should I do? I will not be able to go there and tell them.” So she picked some leaves from imiko trees. She sent children of the servants she had gotten used to and said to them, “Go and get me some ticks.”

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Then she pierced, and she pierced some holes, and she put bits of grass into the holes. She then smeared blood on the leaves. At night she went down to the well; she did not know where the cows were watered, and she went and put the leaves in the water troughs. That was a sign to her brothers that they would be attacked and their blood shed. And she put them in the water channel. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : In other words it was a sign – K A B U D E N S I A : Ee, in other words it is like writing him a note. She broke pieces of sticks and covered the leaves. She said, “My brother will find them in the morning when he comes, for he is always the first to arrive here to clear the way for Ntare’s cows to come.” And sure enough, he found the things she had left behind. When he saw them, it was like reading a letter, and he said, “Is it Bwengye Muruhimbi who did this? We are going to die! Ntare is going to kill us; these are spears they are going to throw at us!” They [Ntare’s people] waited for them to gather, for calves and cows to come, so that they could do what they had planned to do and take away their cows. He saw it and said, “What do I do? It is time for us to die!” He went to the water trough and cleaned it. Ntare’s people came to water their cows as usual, and they said, “Be quick, we want to help you out because our cows are coming down shortly.” He said, “Let me go and call Bwengye Munka to bring the cows.” He went and called out in a loud voice: Bwengye Munka! Bwengye Munka! Remove it from the moving elephant, and put it on the swinging elephant. And drive your father’s cows to the well. You who are being attacked by an invader raiding your father’s cows On the last day! Bwengye Munka listened attentively to his brother’s song. He sang again: Bwengye Munka! Bwengye Munka! Remove it from the moving elephant, and put it on the swinging elephant. And drive your father’s cows to the well. You who is being attacked by an invader raiding your father’s cows On the last day! “We are going to perish!” the young man cried. He removed the umurebe gong from the cow and hanged it in a tree and it kept swinging in the wind. The tree kept swinging in the wind.

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[Bwengye Kwiriba] came and said, “Look, I called for the cows,” he said, “but the cows did not leave the same spot where the umurebe gong sounded. We have a cow that is decorated with the umurebe gong,” and he said, “it broke its leg yesterday,” he said, “and now that it cannot move to the well the other cows will not go. So, what I am going to do is take water in a bucket and water it. If it is unable to walk I will help the young man to bring the cows to the well.” They said, “That is good. But better be quick about it.” Off went Bwengye Munka with the water, and after moving for a short distance he poured the water. When he got there, Bwengye Munka had joined Bwengye Muruhimbi; she had left home to go and tell her brother Bwengye Munka and they let out the calves which stayed at home. Then she said, “You must flee because we are about to die!” They left immediately. When their brother came to the place where the tree was, he climbed it and removed the umurebe, threw it in the bucket, followed his siblings and found them on the bank of the river with the cows. He asked, “Where is Bwengye Muruhimbi?” She said, “I am here, I brought the calves!” They paid people to help them cross the lake. They gave them a cow and they carried them across. They helped them cross and they said to them, “We have been attacked!” Meanwhile, Ntare’s people gathered to kill Bwengye Muruhimbi’s brothers. They waited until their cows came to the well. They said, “Look!” And they said, “Even the umurebe gong is not clanging anymore! These people must have fled, you people!” And they said, “Pursue them!” They pursued them, and Ntare came along with them. They pursued them, searching to see if they were lost somewhere in the forest. They did not see them. They went up to the lake and saw cows gathered on the other side. M U S H E N G Y E Z I : They had already crossed! K A B U D E N S I A : They had already crossed! “Yu-uu!” they said, “You people have escaped and you have taken all your cows, including ours!” They replied, “You will not get us!” The others said, “Well, you have escaped but we have your sister!” They replied, “Come, Bwengye Muruhimbi; come and show yourself to them, show yourself to Ntare.” Ntare said, “Bwengye Muruhimbi,” he said, “I want you to dance for me!” And he said, “Dance and show me your beautiful arms!” Bwengye Muruhimbi danced for him and showed off her beautiful arms. Suddenly, Ntare broke his bow into pieces, threw it into the lake and then threw himself in and committed suicide. And that is how Ntare ended. His

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servants went back home. Bwengye’s children went with everything that belonged to them, and returned home. That is it. It is not me who has ended, it is Ntare

I: L U G A N D A F O L K T A L E S 1. Wakikere ne Wamusota Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. DDK (Lukomera, Luweero, 8 June 2005). By permission of Debora Ddamba Kyeyune. Awo olwatuuka nga wabaawo Wakikere ne Wamusota, nga babeera ba mukwano nnyo. Bwe babeera ab’omukwano, nga Wamusota bateesa baje bakyaleko ku bukko. Kakati bwe bagenda okukyala, nga bagenda ne Wakikere – Wakikere mumumanyi? Wakikere mumumanyi n’omubiri gwe omubi ogw’ebigalagamba? Ate Wamusota anyirira okufa. Kakati nga bateesa, olunaku nga lukya, nga batambula bulungi nga bagenda ku bukko. Nga babaaniriza bulungi. Kakati, nga babawa ebya ssava – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Ani yali yawasayo oba okufumbirwayo ku abo bombi? K Y E Y U N E : Kakati ku bukko, Wamusota yali agendayo eyo gyeyawasa. Ee, ku bukko bwe, ono nga amuwerekerako munywanyi we, Wakikere. Kakati batuuka eyo, ne babawa ebintu birungi nnyo, nnyo, nnyo. Kakati babawa ebintu ebyo, bituuse mu ddiiro, n’oli abitegese avuddewo, nga Wamusota amugamba: “Owange, gwe nga engalo tezitukudde! Ani gw’onolya naye mu kibya? Aa-a! Sooka ogende onaabe engalo zitukule!” Bambi musajja watu nga agenda anaaba mu ngalo, nga ono alya. Bwe yabaanga asembera nga amugamba, “Tonatukula, ddayo onaabe otukule!” Nga addayo bambi nga anaaba. Agenda okudda omulundi omulala nga emmere yonna eweddewo; nga ebya ssava byona biweddewo. Wakikere nagamba, “Iyii!” Oli namugamba, “Naawe oluddeyo! Kakati nolwayo, emmere eweddewo!” Munnange nga babeera awo. Wakikere teyamunyigira mu mutima, naye yakatereka mu mutima. Nga basibula kuddayo ewabwe. Mu kkubo tebayomberamu, era Wakikere teyalaga nti agize ki, nti amunyigidde. Nga bagenda. Wayita enaku bbiri, nga Wakikere ono agendako ewa munyanyiwe, Wamusota, nga amugamba, “Wamusota, munange ojja nange kumperekerako ku bukko.” Kko oli nti, “Ee, zoolaga omulungi tezirwa!” Nga enaku zituuka, anti ebbiri ze zayitawo. Nga Wamusota yenaanika bulungi, ne Wakikere. Wakikere yakulembera, nga bagenda ku bukko. Nga babaniriza bulungi nnyo, nnyo, nnyo, era nga bategeka eby’okulya ebirungi

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ennyo. Nga babibaletera mu ddiiro. Wakikere yasookayo, nga agenda anaabako mangu, nga atuula ku bya ssava. Kakati nga ne Wamusota naye nga agenda anaaba mungalo. Naye bambi wamusota bweyajja engeri gy’atamanyi kutuula, yatuulanga agwa. Nga Wakikere amugamba, “Uu-uu, tojja kulya mmere nga totudde bulungi! Tuula bulungi!” Musajja watu nabeera awo ayagala atereere, ono nno alya. Nga Wakikere ye ali mu kulya, ono nga ayagala atereere, nga Wakikere ali mu kulya! Nga emmere eggwaawo, nga Wamusota takoze ki, nga talidde. Munange, nga Wakikere amugamba, “Ggwanga lya mwenge, ligwa na mwenge. Nawe luli eri wandyako emmere, nange eno ngikoze ki, ngikuliddeko!” Munange nga basiibula, kyokka nga buli omu yakwaata lilye. Wamusota yanyiiga nnyo nga tayagala alabe Wakikere, naye nga ye Wakikere musanyufu nga amanyi nti ki, nti Wakikere naye omusango guli – kubanga Wamusota yamulyako [emmere] – naye agukozeki, agumaze. Nga batambula nga buli omu yesasuza, nga batambula kudda wabwe. Nange awo wenalabira. Akagero kaffe kakomye awo. [Baseka.]

Frog and Snake Once upon a time there was Frog and Snake, and they were great friends. Because they were great friends, they discussed plans with Snake to go and visit in-laws. Now, when they went for the visit, they went together with Frog, they went together with Frog – do you know Frog? You know Frog with his ugly, scaly skin? As for Snake he is incredibly sleek. So they talked about it, and at daybreak they walked gently to the inlaws’ home. They welcomed them warmly. Then they gave them a sumptuous meal – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Of the two, who had married into the family? K Y E Y U N E : At the in-laws’, it was Snake who was going to the family he had married into. Ee, at his in-laws’ home; his friend, Frog, was escorting him there. And so they arrived there, they gave them very, very, very wonderful things. So they gave them those things, the things were brought into the living room, and when the person who was waiting on them left, Snake said, “My friend, your hands are not clean! Who is going to eat with you from the same bowl? No! First go and wash your hands until they are clean!” The poor man went and washed his hands while the other was eating. Whenever he drew close the other would say to him, “You are not yet clean, go and wash your hands until they are clean!”

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And he would go back and wash hands. When he came the second time all the food was finished; the sumptuous meal was all finished. “Iyii!” Frog sighed. The other said to him, “You are so slow! You delayed, now all the food is finished!” My dear, they sat there for a while. Frog pretended not to be angry with him but he kept it at heart. They bid farewell and returned home. They did not quarrel on the way, and Frog did not show what he had done, that he was angry with him. So they went. After two days, Frog went to his friend’s home, Snake, and he said to him, “Snake, my friend, you should also come with me to visit my in-laws.” And the other replied, “Ee, you make an appointment with the beautiful one and days go by very fast!” It was not long, for only two days went by. Snake put on his best clothes, and so did Frog. Frog led the way and they went to the in-laws’ home. They welcomed them very, very, very warmly, and they prepared the best meal. They brought the food into the living room. Frog went first, quickly washed his hands, and sat down to eat the sumptuous meal. And Snake also went and washed his hands. But when poor Snake came, because he did not know how to sit, he fell every time he tried to sit down. Frog would say to him, “Uu-uu, you will not eat unless you sit properly! Sit properly!” The poor fellow tried to sit still, meanwhile the other was eating. Frog was busy eating, this one was busy trying to sit properly, and Frog kept eating! Food got finished before Snake could do what, before he could eat. My dear, so Frog finally said to him, “A nation comes together because of a drink, and it is destroyed by a drink. Last time you ate food as I looked on, and this time I did what, I ate food while you looked on!” And so my dear, they said farewell, but each went their own way. Snake was so angry that he did not want to see Frog, but as for Frog he was very happy knowing that he had a case against Snake – because Snake ate [food] as he looked on – and now he had done what, he had settled the case with him. And they walked and each got his revenge, and they walked home. And for me that is what I saw. Our story has ended. [Laughter.]

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2. Wampologoma ne Wango Rec: AM; tr. AM; perf. SNK46 (Lukomera, Luweero, 8 June 2005). By permission of Susan Nalugwa Kiguli. Olwatuuka nga Wampologoma bateesa ne Wango. Nga [Wampologoma] agamba nti, “Kakati tewali gyetugenda okugya eky’okulya. Naye, nze Kabaka womu nsi eno. Kakati nja kukutuma ogende ogambe abo bonna ba Wanjovu, baani, nti ndi mulwadde.” Nga agenda mu mpuku ye nga abeera eyo. Nga bagamba nti, “Banange, Kabaka yalwadde! Kabaka takyava mu kiffo! Kabaka waffe, banange, nga tulabye! Tugende… [Tebiwulikika bulungi]. Banange Kabaka bwaliwona tulimulaba tutya? Tulimutunuulira tutya? Banange tugende tulabe Kabaka.” Kakati nga era bagamba nti, “Naye munange temugenda bangi kubanga kakati empuku, oli mulwadde, temujja kugikola ki, kugijuza.” Kati nga bakola ki, nga bagamba nti, “Bwe muba mugenze, babiri, naye ekisingako omu omu.” Kakati omanyi era nga abo ba Wanfuddu, bebasookayo. Ate abagenda okulaba Kabaka! Bagenda okulaba atambudde mangu ago; yakeera kumakya n’abaana teyabawa mmere, agende alabe Kabaka. Genda! Kakati nga n’enkeera nga wagendayo omulala. Nga bagenda, bagenda, bagenda. Kakati, nga era olugambo lugamba, “Bannange Kabaka ali bubi! Mulwadde; affa. Naye ba wansolo bano bonna abagenze okulaba Kabaka, bali ludda wa?” Nga Wakaima abagamba, “Naye banange mumanyi, nze sijja kugenda kulaba Kabaka! Wakiri alijja nantuga!” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Anti olugezigezi! K I G U L I : Ee! Kakati, Wanjovu nga anyigira nnyo Wakaima. Nga amugamba, “Naye Wakaima olina olugezigezi; wantama! Ee! Kakati olaba bwogenda okutuletera Wampologoma okutunyigira? Kabaka bwalivayo tulimugambaki? Nti, ‘Ai Beene sasobola kujja’? Tugende tulabe Kabaka!” Nga Wakaima agamba, “Jjangu nkulage lwaki sijja kukola ki, kugenda kulaba Wampologoma. Bano abagendayo okulaba Kabaka, lwaki – ? Gwe gyangu!” Nga bagenda. Kati bwe batuuka ku mpuku yenyini, nga kamugamba, “Olaba! Olaba emisinde egyo gyonna! Emisinde egyo gyonna giraga wa? Gigenda mu mpuku. Kati emisinde egikomawo giri wa?” [Baseka]. Nga amugamba, “Kati gwe genda, nze sijja kugenda! Ekiri omwo; buli ayingira takomawo! Nalese abaana bange ekka; ombuulira mbu tugende. Ggwe genda, nze sirina gyendaga!” 46

Susan N. Kiguli is a poet and an oral performance scholar at Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda.

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Kumbe buli abagenda muli bonna Wango ne Wampologoma baali bakoze [embaga], beliira! Wango ne Wampologoma bakoze [embaga], bali [kumbaga] – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Beliira! K I G U L I : Beliira! [Baseka]. Ky’ova olaba nti Wampologoma tayagala nnyo Wakaima. Wakaima wa mutawaana. Kalina oligezigezi [baseka] ate kalaba! [Baseka].

Lion and Leopard Once upon a time Lion had a meeting with Leopard. Then [Lion] said, “Now we have nowhere to get food. But I am the King of this land. Now, I will send you to go and tell all those folks, the elephants, and all the others, that I am sick.” He went into his den and stayed there. And they said, “Oh dear, the King is ill! The King cannot even move! Oh dear, our King; this is terrible! Let us go… [Not clear]. Oh dear, how shall we ever face the King when he recovers? How shall we ever look him in the eye? Let us go and see the King.” Then they said, “But please do not go in large numbers, because he is sick and that den, you cannot go and do whatever, and overcrowd it.” So they did what? they said: “When you go, let it be two at a time, or, better still, one by one.” Now, you know the likes of Tortoise, they were the first to go. The excitement of going to see the King! They saw her immediately walk away; she woke up so early she did not even feed her children, because she had to go and see the King. Go ahead! Then, the following day someone else went. And they went, and went, and went. Meanwhile, the rumour kept going around: “Oh dear, the King is very ill! He is very ill; he is going to die. But all those who went to see the King, where are they?” Then Hare said, “Friends, do you know what? I will not go to see the King! Let him go ahead and strangle me when he comes out!” M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Such a wiseacre! K I G U L I : Ee! Now, Elephant was very angry at Hare. He said to him, “Hare, you are such a wiseacre; I am sick of you! Ee! Do you realize that you are going to make Lion angry at us? What shall we tell the King when he finally comes out? That – ‘Oh, Your Majesty, I was not able to come and see you’? Let us go and see the King!” Then Hare said, “Come and I will show you why I will not do what, I will not go to see Lion. They are all going to see the King, but why – ? You come!” They went. So, when they got to the den, he said to him, “You see? You see all those footprints? Where do all those footprints go? They go into the den. And where are the footprints that come out of the den?” [Laughter.] Then

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he said to him, “You can go, I am not going anywhere! Imagine what is going on inside; whoever enters does not come out! I left my children at home; now you are telling me that we should go. You can go; as for me, I am not going anywhere!” Indeed, whoever went there, Leopard and Lion were [feasting], busy eating! Leopard and Lion were having a [feast], they were [feasting] – M U S H E N G Y E Z I : Busy eating! K I G U L I : Busy eating! [Laughter]. That is why, you see, Lion hates Hare. Hare is incredible. He is a wiseacre [laughter] and very cunning! [Laughter.]

3. Nakato ne Wazike Rec: AM and GB; tr. AM; perf. GB47 (Masaka, Buganda, 25 June 2005). By permission of Grace Bakyaita. Olwatuuka nga mbalabira. Nga wabaawo omusajja nga awasa mukazi we, nga bazaala abalongo n’abaana abalala bana. Enjala ng’eggwa, nga Ssalongo agamba Nnalongo, “Tutambule tunonye eky’okulya.” Olwo nga abantu bonna bafude enjala. Baba batambula, nebalengera akasiisira akalimu omukka, nebasalawo okukyama. Okutuukayo nga enyumba ejjude eby’okulya. Nga balya. Baba bamazze okulya, ekizike nekikomawo. Enkeera kiba kigenda nekigamba Nnalongo nti, “Nsanga ofumbye Nakato.” Nnalongo nga ayiiya eby’okufumba. Mu luggya mwalimu omuti nga agamba Nakato agulinye. Ekizike bwe kyadda nga kirya, nga kigamba Nnalongo, “Nakato nga awoomye! Enkya nsanga ofumbye Babirye.” Obudde olwakya, ng’ekizike kigenda mu makubo gakyo, nga ne Ssalongo agenda nga badda lwaggulo. Naye eggulo limu, Nnalongo yali yamubuulidde nti teyafumbye mwaana, yasaze magezi omwaana nalinya omuti. Ekizike olwagenda nga Nnalongo anonya byakufumba, nga ne Babirye alinya omuti. Emisana Nnalongo yalinya omuti nawa Babirye emmere. Ekizike olwadda nga kisaba Nnalongo Babirye kulya. Nga akiwa mmere kulya, nga kigamba Nnalongo nti, “Babirye nga awoomye! Enkya onfumbira Kizza.” Enkera nga Nnalongo addamu ekintu kyekimu. Nga ne Kizza alinya omuti, ekizike olwadda nga kirya nga n’enkera kimusaba Kamya. Bwe kityo, okutuusa abaana lwe “baggwawo.” Bwe baggwawo, nekimugamba nti, “Nnalongo, enkya nsanga wefumbye!” Nga era akola ekintu kyekimu. Ekizike olwadda ne kirya ne kigamba Ssalongo nti, “Ssalongo, enkya nsanga wefumbye!” 47

Grace Bakyaita, my assistant, narrated this story and helped me to transcribe it.

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Ssalongo nga afumba amazzi nga gesera. Agenda okulinyamu nga amazzi gookya nnyo, nakuba enduulu nti, “Nnalongo, jjangu onyambe! Nnalongo, wefumbanga otya?” Nnalongo nakka, nanonya ebyokufumba ng’enkola ye bweyali. Nga bafumba nga bijja, nga balinya omuti. Ekizike olwadda nga kituula wansi wa muti, nga kirya, olwamala nga kyebaka. Nakato nga ayagala okwetewuluza, obubi nga bugwira ekizike mu mutwe! Nga kiwunyako nga bwe kyebuuza, “Bwa muntu, bwa kinyonyi?” Kigenda okutunula waggulu nga kirengera abaana bonna ne Nnalongo ne Ssalongo. Nekibabuuza, “Bulijjo mundiisa biki? Leka ndeete embazzi omuti nguteme guggwe!” Kko bo nti, “Wereza omuguwa tukusike, ojje eno wagulu gy’oba otuliira.” Ng’ekizike kiwereza omuguwa nga bakisika. Kiba kinateera okutuuka waggulu, nebakita, nekigwa, nekiffa. Bonna nebavayo, nebasanyuka awaka nebaddayo. Nange awo wenalabira. Zajja zingubyagubya zankubira wa Kaggwa yankuba luyi mu maaso, singa telyali ddagala ly’Abazungu singa naffa dda!

Nakato and the Monster Once upon a time, I saw on your behalf. There was a man and he married his [sic] wife, and they gave birth to twins and four other children. Famine struck, and Ssalongo48 said to Nnalongo,49 “Let us go and look for food.” Many people had died of hunger. As they were walking, they saw a small hut with smoke coming out of it, and they decided to go there. On reaching there, they found the house full of food. They ate. As soon as they finished eating, the monster returned. In the morning when it was going, it said to Nnalongo, “I want to find when you have cooked Nakato.” Nnalongo looked for things to cook. There was a tree in the courtyard and she told Nakato to climb it. The monster came back and ate, and it said to Nnalongo, “Nakato is delicious! Tomorrow I want you to cook Babirye.” At dawn, the monster went on its errands, and Ssalongo also went, and they returned in the evening. But one day, Nnalongo had informed him that she had not cooked the child; she had got an idea and the child climbed the tree. When the monster left, Nnalongo looked for some food to cook, and Babirye climbed the tree. During the day Nnalongo climbed the tree and gave Babirye some food. When the monster retured it asked Nnalongo for Babirye so that it could eat 48 49

Ssalongo is a Baganda title given to the father of twins. Nnalongo is a title for a mother of twins.

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her. And so she gave it food to eat, and it said to Nalongo, “Babirye is delicious! Tomorrow you have to cook Kizza.” The following day Nalongo did the same thing. And Kizza climbed the tree, so when the monster came it ate, and the next day it asked for Kamya. And it did like that until the children were ‘finished’. When they were finished, it said to her, “Nnalongo, tomorrow I want you to cook yourself!” And so she did the same thing. When the monster came it ate, and said to Ssalongo, “Ssalongo, tomorrow you must cook yourself!” Ssalongo boiled water. When he stepped in it, the water was so hot that he screamed and said, “Nnalongo, come and help me! Nnalongo, how did you cook yourself?” Nnalongo came down and looked for food to cook as she always did. She cooked, and when it was ready, they all climbed the tree. When the monster came, it sat under the tree, ate, and when it finished it slept. Nakato wanted to relieve herself, but when she did her poop fell on the monster’s head! It smelled it and said to itself, “Is it from a human, or is it from a bird?” On looking up, it saw all the children with Nalongo and Ssalongo. Then it asked, “What have you been feeding me on? Let me bring an axe and cut down that tree!” They replied, “Just toss us a rope and we pull you up, then you will come here and eat us.” And so the monster tossed a rope to them and they pulled it up. Just as it was about to reach them, they let go, and it fell down and died. They all came down, they rejoiced, and their home was restored. And, for me, that is what I saw. I came back weighed down by problems, which forced me to go to Kaggwa’s home, and he slapped me in the face; if it was not for the Whiteman’s medicine I would be dead!

4. Njabala Rec: AM and GB; tr. AM; perf. GB50 (Masaka, Buganda, 25 June 2005). By permission of Grace Bakyaita. Olwatuuka nga mbalabira. Nga wabaawo omusajja nga awasa mukazi we nga bazaala omwaana wabwe omu wa buwala nga bamutuuma Njabala. Njabala nga akula munafu tayagala kulima. Omuzadde omukazi nga affa oluvanyuma ne kitaawe nga affa. Njabala nga akula nga afumbirwa. Omusajja wa Njabala nga agula ekibanja kinene nga

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Njabala alina okulima. Yalimanga katono engeri gye yali omunafu nakoowa nayita omuzimu gwa maama we gumulimireko: Jangu, maama, gwe wankuzanga ekyejo Jangu, maama, gwe wankuzanga ekyejo Buli kyenkola omwami takisiima Buli kyenkola omusajja takyagala Omuzimu gwa nnyina ne gujja ne gumulimirako nga bwe gumulalika nti: Njabala, Njabala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Njabala, Njabala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Abakazi balima bati, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Ne batema ne bawala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Bwe kwabanga okwooza ebintu, nga era ayita omuzimu gwa nnyina: Jjangu, maama, gwe wankuzanga ekyejo Jjangu, maama, gwe wankuzanga ekyejo Bwe njoza ebintu ebikopo njasa byase Omuzimu negujja negwoza ebintu nga bweguyimba: Njabala, Njabala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Njabala, Njabala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Abakazi booza bati, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Ne booza ne baanika, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Lumu, ng’omuko yekweeka ku lubimbi alabire ddala oba Njabala ye yakolanga emirimu, naddala okulima. Njabala olwatuuka ku lubimbi nga atandika kuyita muzimu gwa maaama we kujja kumulimirako: Jangu, maama, gwe wankuzanga ekyejo Jangu, maama, gwe wankuzanga ekyejo Buli kyenkola omwami takisiima Buli kyenkola omusajja takyagala Omuzimu gwa nyina nga gujja gutandika kulima, nga bweguyimba: Njabala, Njabala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala

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Njabala, Njabala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Abakazi balima bati, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Ne batema ne bawala, Njabala Tolinsanza mukko, Njabala Baba bali ku lubimbi, omuko nabuuka mu ttale nga agukuba omuzimu emiggo nga gudduka. Njabala nga bbawe amuzza kka, nga amukuba, nga n’okumugoba amugoba. Amawulire ne gatambula ku kyalo kyonna nti Njabala mukazi munafu tasobola kulima. Naabera munakuwavu nnyo nga tewali musajja asobola kumuwasa. Nange awo wenalabira.

Njabala Once upon a time I saw on your behalf. There was once a man who married his [sic] wife and they gave birth to one child, a girl called Njabala. Njabala grew up a lazy girl who did not want to do any work in the garden. Her mother died and later on her father died, too. Njabala grew up, and she got married. Her husband bought a large piece of land and Njabala had to till the land. She would work in the garden for a short while and, because she was lazy, she would call her mother’s ghost to come and help her: Come, mother, you who spoilt me Come, mother, you who spoilt me Whatever I do my husband does not appreciate Whatever I do the man does not like it Her mother’s ghost would come and till the land for her while confiding in her: Njabala, Njabala, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala Njabala, Njabala, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala Women till land like this, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala They dig and prepare the soil, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala When it was time to do the dishes, she would still call her mother’s ghost: Come, mother, you who spoilt me Come, mother, you who spoilt me When I do the dishes I break the cups

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Her mother’s ghost would come and do the dishes for her while singing: Njabala, Njabala, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala Njabala, Njabala, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala Women clean dishes like this, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala They clean and let them dry, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala One day, the son-in-law hid near the garden to see if it was Njabala who really did the work, especially digging. When Njabala got to the garden she started calling her mother’s ghost to come and help her: Come, mother, you who spoilt me Come, mother, you who spoilt me Whatever I do my husband does not appreciate Whatever I do the man does not like it Her mother’s ghost came and started digging, while singing: Njabala, Njabala, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala Njabala, Njabala, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala Women till land like this, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala They dig and prepare the soil, Njabala My son-in-law will find me here, Njabala While they were digging, the son-in-law jumped out of the bush and beat up the ghost, and it ran away. Njabala’s husband took her home, beat her up, and sent her out of his home. News soon spread all over the village that Njabala was a lazy woman who could not till the land. She was downcast, as there was no man who could marry her. And for me that is all I saw.

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Informants for Oral Narrative and Interviews

Performers and Co-Transcribers 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

Alice Kulabigwo (A K ), retired primary-school teacher and resident of Kazo, Wakiso. Aida Rubabinda (A R ), retired primary-school teacher, Nshwere, Nyabushozi. Allyce Tumwesigye (A T ), graduate student of literature at Makerere University and teacher at Mbarara High School, Ruharo, Mbarara. Debora Ddamba Kyeyune (D DK ), retired primary-school teacher resident in Lukomera, Luweero. Erika John Katakuza (E J K ), Runyankore language expert and retired civil servant, Rushere, Nyabushozi. Eriya Kyamanianga (E K ), performer; farmer in Rwanda–Orwera, Nyabushozi. Grace Bakyaita (G B , assistant to the author Gladys Mbabazi (G M b ), undergraduate student of oral literature, Makerere University. Gertrude Musisi (G M u ), headmistress, Lukomera Primary School, Luweero. Isirairi Katuka (I K ), expert on Ankole oral tradition and farmer, Kikatsi, Nyabushozi. Joy Kamatenesi (J K ), housewife, Rwanda–Orwera, Nyabushozi. Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye (K R ), housewife, Kikunika, Nakasongola. Nice Rwomushana (N R ), performer. Patience Rubabinda Mushengyezi (P R M ), Senior Assistant Registrar, Makerere University and resident of Wakiso. Susan Mahoro (S M ), undergraduate student of oral literature, Makerere University. Susan Nalugwa Kiguli (S N K ), Senior Lecturer, Makerere University, Kampala. Siriva Tinkamanyire (S T ), farmer and resident of Rugazi, Mbarara Yoweri Kyeishe (Y K ), expert on Ankole oral tradition and farmer, Rushere, Nyabushozi.

294

ORAL LITERATURE

Interviewees Amosi Baingi, 15 July 2005. Violet Barungi, 1 May 2005. Debora Ddamba Kyeyune, 8 June 2005. Erika John Katakuza, 1 January 2007. Isirairi Katuka, 16 July 2005. Eseza Kazinga, 5 May 2005. Susan N. Kiguli, 8 June 2005. Alice Kulabigwo, 30 June 2005. Yoweri Kyeishe, 15 July 2005. Debora D. Kyeyune, 8 June 2005. Goretti Kyomuhendo, 4 May 2005. Susan Mahoro, 29 July 2005. Gladys Mbabazi, 29 July 2005. Manuel J.K. Muranga, 26 July, 2005. Patience R. Mushengyezi, 1 August 2005. Gertrude Musisi, 8 June 2005. Ernest Okello–Ogwang, 5 July, 2005. Aida Rubabinda, 16 August 2004. Kabudensia Rugyerinyangye, 16 August 2004; 1 August 2005. Nice Rwomushana, 10 June 2005. Siriva Tinkamanyire, 10 June 2005. Allyce Tumwesigye, 18 June 2005.

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Works Cited

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Doornbos, Martin. Not All the King’s Men: Inequality as a Political Instrument in Ankole (The Hague: Mouton, 1978). Dorson, Richard. African Folklore (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1972). Erewa, E. Ojo, & Alan Dundes. “Proverbs and the Ethnography of Speaking Folklore,” American Anthropologist, New Series 66.6, Part 2 (December 1964): 70–85. Feldman, Susan. African Myths and Tales (New York: Dell, 1970). Fine, Elizabeth. The Folklore Text: From Performance to Print (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1984). Finnegan, Ruth. Limba Stories and Storytelling (Oxford: Oxford U P , 1967). ——. Oral Traditions and the Verbal Arts: A Guide to Research Practices (London & New York: Routledge, 1992). Fiske, John. Introduction to Communication Studies (London & New York: Routledge, 1990). Furniss, Graham. Orality: The Power of the Spoken Word (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). Goldstein, Kenneth. A Guide for Field Workers in Folklore (Hatboro P A : American Folklore Society /Folklore Associates, 1964). Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., ed. Ethnologue: Languages of the World (Dallas T X : S I L International, 15th ed. 2005). Hamnett, Ian. “Ambiguity, Classification and Change: The Function of Riddles,” Man, New Series 2 (1967): 379–92. Haring, Lee. Indian Ocean Folktales (Velachery, India: National Folklore Support Centre, 2002). ——. “On Knowing the Answer,” Journal of American Folklore 87/345 (July–September 1974): 197–207. Harries, Jeannette. “Pattern and Choice in Berber Weaving and Poetry,” in Forms of Folklore in Africa: Narrative, Poetic, Gnomic, Dramatic, ed. Bernth Lindfors (Austin: U of Texas P , 1977): 175–87. Originally in Research in African Literatures 4.2 (1973): 141–53. Hensen, William H. “From Field to Library,” Folk-Lore 63 (1952): 152–57. Horst, Frenz. “The Art of Translation,” in Comparative Literature: Method and Perspective, ed. Newton P. Stallknecht & Horst Frenz (Carbondale: Southern Illinois U P , 1971): 72–96. Hymes, Dell. “The Ethnography of Speaking,” in Anthropology and Human Behavior, ed. Thomas Gladwin & William C. Sturtevant (Washington D C : Anthropological Society of Washington, 1962): 13–53. Innes, Gordon. “Formulae in Mandinka Epic: The Problem of Translation,” in The Oral Performance in Africa, ed. Isidore Okpewho (Ibadan: Spectrum, 1990): 101– 10. ——. Sunjata: Three Mandinka Versions (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1994).

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Jansen, William Hugh. “From Field to Library,” Folk-Lore 63.3 (September 1952): 152–57. Jjuko, Dominic Mwasa. How Lion Became King (Kampala: Fountain, 1993). Johnson, John W. The Epic of Sun-Jata According to Magan Sisoko (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1979). Kaggwa, Apollo. Engero za Baganda (London: Sheldon; Kampala: Uganda Bookshop, 1927). Kaizi, Mordecai. Ebikokko Eby’ Edda mu Buganda (Kampala: Uganda Bookshop, 1948). Kallen, Jeffrey L., & Carol M. Eastman. “ ‘ I Went to Mombasa / There I Met an Old Man’: Structure and Meaning in Swahili Riddles,” Journal of American Folklore 92/386 (September–December 1979): 418–44. Karugire, Samwiri R. A Political History of Uganda (Nairobi & London: Heinemann, 1980). Kiguli, Susan N. “Oral Poetry and Popular Song in Post-Apartheid South Africa and Post-Civil War Uganda: A Comparative Study of Contemporary Performance” (doctoral dissertation, University of Leeds, 2004). Kisakye, Henry. Little Goat’s Trick (Kampala: Makerere University/ M A A S C , 2001). Kiwanuka, Semakula M.S.M. A History of Buganda (London: Longman, 1971). Kiyimba, Abasi. “Gender Stereotypes in the Folktales and Proverbs of the Baganda” (doctoral dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam, 2001). Knappert, Jan. East Africa: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda (New Delhi: Vikas, 1987). Leach, MacEdward. “The Men Who Made Folklore a Scholarly Discipline,” Our Living Traditions: An Introduction to American Folklore, ed. Tristram Potter Coffin (New York: Basic Books, 1968): 15–24. Lindfors, Bernth, ed. Forms of Folklore in Africa: Narrative, Poetic, Gnomic, Dramatic (Austin: U of Texas P , 1977). Lord, Albert. “Homer’s Originality: Dictated Texts,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 84 (1953): 124–34. Lüthi, Max. The Fairytale as Art Form and Portrait of Man, tr. Jon Erickson (Das Volksmärchen als Dichtung: Ästhetik und Anthropologie, 1975; Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1984). Maranda, Elli Köngäs. “The Logic of Riddles,” in Structural Analysis of Oral Tradition, ed. Pierre Maranda & Elli Köngäs Maranda (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P , 1971) : 189–232. Originally as “Structure des énigmes,” L’Homme 9.3 (1969): 5–48. ——. “‘A Tree Grows’: Transformations of a Riddle Metaphor,” in Structural Models in Folklore and Transformational Essays, ed. Elli Köngäs Maranda & Pierre Maranda (The Hague: Mouton, 1971): 116–39. Mbaziira, F.X. Tuula Tuwaye: Ekitabo Ky’Ebitontome (Kampala: East African Literature Bureau, 1970).

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McQuail, Denis, & Sven Windahl. Communication Models for the Study of Mass Communications (London & New York: Longman, 1981). Millar, Ernest. “On the Slaughter-Place of Namugongo, Uganda,” Man 2 (1920): 135– 36. Mitchell, W.J.T. Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation (Chicago: U of Chicago P , 1994). Morris, Henry. The Heroic Recitations of the Bahima of Ankole (Oxford: Clarendon, 1964). Muranga, Manuel J.K. “ ‘ O Sacred Head Surrounded’: Paul Gerhardt’s Easter Hymn and its Fortunes Outside its Home and Time in 17th Century Germany: An Essay on Gains and Losses in Hymn Translation,” Journal of African Religion and Philosophy 2.1 (1991): 34–42. ——. “Translation as a Means of Developing and Enriching the Target Language,” Makerere Papers in Languages and Linguistics 1.2 (1992): 3–23. ——. The War Between Men and Monsters (Kampala: Fountain, 2000). Mushanga, Tibamanya M. “Folk Tales from Ankole,” Transition 13 (March–April 1964): 22–24. ——. Folk Tales from Ankole (Kampala: Milton Obote Foundation, 1969). Mushengyezi, Aaron. “Rethinking Indigenous Media: Rituals, ‘Talking’ Drums and Orality as Forms of Public Communication in Uganda,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 16.1 (June 2003): 107–17. Nakakande, Maria Victoria. “The Games of the Baganda: Their Educative and Recreational Value” (doctoral dissertation, Makerere University, 2002). Nalunga, Rebecca. “Poetic Qualities of Children’s Play Songs Among the Baganda” (doctoral dissertation, Makerere University, 2003). Nandwa, Jane, & Austin Bukenya. African Oral Literature for Schools (Nairobi: Longman Kenya, 1983). Nattebere, Florence. Clever Cat and the Rats (Kampala: Makerere University/ M A A S C , 2001). Nganwa, Kesi. Emitwarize ya Wakami (Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1951). Ngologoza, Paul. Kigezi and its People (Kampala: Fountain, 1998). Niane, Djibril Tamsir. Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali, tr. G.D. Pickett (Soundjata ou l’épopée mandingue, 1960; tr. 1965; Harlow: Longman, 1994). Noss, Philip A. “Translation,” in African Folklore: An Encyclopedia, ed. Philip M. Peek & Kwesi Yankah (New York & London: Routledge, 2004): 475–76. Nuwagira, Henry. Why Lion Hates Other Animals (Kampala: Makerere University/ M A A S C , 2001). Nyabongo, Akiki. Africa Answers Back (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1936). ——. Winds and Lights: African Fairy Tales (1939; Whitefish M T : Kessinger, 2004). Okpewho, Isidore. African Oral Literature: Backgrounds, Character, and Continuity (Bloomington: Indiana U P , 1992).

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——. “Towards a Faithful Record: On Transcribing and Translating the Oral Narrative Performance,” in The Oral Performance in Africa, ed. Isidore Okpewho (Ibadan: Spectrum, 1990): 111–35. Okurut, Mary Karooro. The Adventurous Sisters (Kampala: Fountain, 1992). Ong, Walter J. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (1982; London & New York: Routledge, 2002). Radin, Paul. African Folktales and Sculpture (New York: Pantheon, 1952). Rattray, R. Sutherland. Akan–Ashanti Folktales (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930). ——. Ashanti Proverbs: The Primitive Ethics of a Savage People (Oxford: Clarendon, 1916). ——, coll. & tr. Hausa Folk-Lore, Customs, Proverbs, etc., preface by R.R. Marett (1913; New York: Negro U P , 1969). Roscoe, John. The Baganda: An Account of their Native Customs and Beliefs (London: Macmillan, 1911). ——. The Banyankole (Cambridge: The University Press, 1923). Rwakasisi, Rose. The Old Woman and the Shell (Kampala: Fountain, 1994). Scheub, Harold. African Oral Narratives, Proverbs, Riddles, Poetry and Song (Boston M A : G.K. Hall, 1977). ——. Story (Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1998). ——, & Nongenile M. Zenani. The World and the Word: Tales and Observations from the Xhosa Tradition (Madison: U of Wisconsin P , 1998). Scott, Charles T. Persian and Arabic Riddles: A Language-Centered Approach to Genre Definition (The Hague: Mouton, 1965). Segganyi, Edward A.K., Erasmus K. Kizito & Jechoada K.S. Mukalazi. Ssebato Bafuma (Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau, 1959). Shavit, Zohar. The Poetics of Children’s Literature (Athens: U of Georgia P , 1986). Simmons, Donald C. “Erotic Ibibio Tone Riddles,” Man 56.78 (June 1956): 79–82. Suso, Bamba, & Banna Kanute. Sunjata, tr. Gordon Innes & Bakari Sidibe (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1999). Tedlock, Dennis. “On the Translation of Style in Oral Narrative,” Journal of American Folklore 84/331 (January–March 1971): 114–33. ——. The Spoken Word and the Work of Interpretation (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P , 1983). ——. “Toward an Oral Poetics,” New Literary History 8.3 (Spring 1977): 507–19. Tumusiime, James. The Ungrateful Mother (Kampala: Fountain, 1993). Uganda Government. Government White Paper on the Education Policy Review Commission Report (Kampala, April 1992). Venuti, Lawrence. The Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation (London & New York: Routledge, 1995). Walusimbi, Livingstone, & Phoebe Mukasa. Ebitontome Eby’Edda (London: Longman, 1966).

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Were, Gideon S., & Derek A. Wilson. East Africa Through a Thousand Years (New York: Africana, 1968). Werner, Alice. Myths and Legends of the Bantu (London: Harrap, 1933). Williams, F.L. “Hima Cattle (Part 2),” Uganda Journal 6 (1938–39): 87–117. ——. “The Inauguration of the Omugabe of Ankole to Office,” Uganda Journal 4 (1936–37): 300–12. World Bank. “Achieving Universal Primary Education in Uganda: The ‘Big Bang’ Approach,” Human Development Network: Education Notes (30 April 2002). Zirimu, Pio, & Austin Bukenya. “Oracy as a Skill and as a Tool for African Development,” paper delivered at the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (F E S T A C 77), Lagos, Nigeria, 15 January–12 February 1977.

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Index

“Abaana Abanagirwe Ishebo” 217–21 “Abantu ba Kare” 151 abevugi 2, 6 “Abo Bana Batajya Kw’ ishuri” 184 Adventurous Sisters, The (Okurut) xvii Aesop’s fables xix Africa Answers Back (Nyabongo) xviii African orature xxiii agriculture xxxiii, xxxv, xli Aijuka, Douglas xii, 113 “Akaara Kamwe” 157 “Akakye n’akaraingwa” 162 “Akana Keza Gakunda Ishuri” 182 allegory 35 alliteration 13, 61, 105 “Aluwa, Aluwa Omuto Sara” 205 “Amagezi G’omunafu Ngamanyi” 39, 44, 209 Ankole xi, xii, xviii, xx, xxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xli, 4, 15, 16, 18, 19, 22, 23, 34, 36, 54, 55, 56, 60, 62, 64, 70, 75, 91, 95, 106, 111, 113, 115, 132, 136, 137, 138, 174, 211, 225, 228, 230, 234, 245, 293 archaeological evidence xxxviii “Arise, School Child, Arise!” 186 Ashanti folktale 97 assonance 13 Ateso/Akarimojong xxxi audience xi, xxi, xxv, xxix, 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 28, 30,

32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 65, 70, 75, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 89, 90, 92, 93, 96, 100, 101, 104, 109, 211, 249, 250

Bacwezi xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 26 Bafumbira–Banyarwanda xxiv Baganda xx, xxi, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxix, xxxv, xl, xli, 2, 12, 18, 19, 29, 33, 37, 41, 42, 46, 48, 57, 77, 103, 196, 288 Bagisu xi, xxix Bahima–Banyankore xxii Baingi, Amosi xi, 93, 106 “Baitu Ekirya Enkoore za Maama Kiba ki?” 153 Bakyaita, Grace xii, 130, 287, 289, 293 Ball, John 7 Bantu xxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xl, 79, 91 Bantu languages 111 Banyankore xi, xxxviii, 2, 3, 5, 15, 18, 19, 41, 42, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 77, 96, 103, 257 Banyankore–Bakiga xxiv, xxv Banyarwanda xxii, 5 Banyarwanda–Bafumbira xxv, xxxvii, 2, 18, 53, 54 Barungi, Violet 42 Bascom, William xxiii, 100 Baskerville, Rosetta Gage xviii, xxi

302

ORAL LITERATURE

Batembuzi Empire xxxvii, xxxviii Bauman, Richard xxxiii, 7, 19, 32, 56, 81

Bell, Ed 7 Bell, Roger 99, 100 Ben-Amos, Dan 1 Benge, Okot xx “The Best Model for Young Children” 182

Biebuyck, Daniel 97 “The Big Tree” 7 Biharwe xi bilingual education policy xxxi, xli bilingual translation xli Bird, Charles xxiv “The Boy Who Saved His Wounded Stepbrother's Life” 87–88, 247–50 breath stop 65, 82, 83, 84, 211 Briggs, Charles L. 32 Brown, Godfrey xxii Brunvand, Jan 2 Buganda xi, xii, xviii, xix, xxi, xxii, xxvi, xxix, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xl, xli, 3, 11, 18, 19, 32, 39, 40, 46, 48, 52, 76, 111, 114, 127, 187, 192, 193, 287, 289 Bukenya, Austin xx, xxviii Bunyoro–Kitara xl Burimbi 15, 42, 59, 85 Burundi xxxii, xxxvi, xxxvii Bushman 15 Bwengye —See: “Umugani wa Bwengye” “The Cat is Chasing and Chasing” 198 “The Cat is Mewing” 183 catachresis 28 cattle culture xxxiii “Children Who Do Not Go to School” 184

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CHILDREN

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“The Children Who Were Abandoned by Their Father” 219–21 children’s books 111 children’s rhymes xi, xxxii, 9, 13 children’s songs xxiv, xxv, 8, 12 Chinyanja xxii, 97 circumcision xi, xxix, 3 Cisternino, Fr. Marius xxii clan (oruganda), xxxvi close reading xiii coded messages 17 “Come Back to Life, Your Mother Has Come” 155 “Come, Come, I Shall Never Come, Maregyeya” 152 communication theory 89 content analysis xiii Cook, Sir Albert xxxviii counting rhyme 105 counting rhymes xxv, xxvi, xxx, 3, 6 counting song 8 “Cow’s Beauty” 209 “The Crested Crane Walks With a Stoop” 154 crossover audience xi, xxv, 1, 3, 20 cultural determinant 19, 23, 27 “Cyera Nkiri Mutoya” 183 “Data na Mama Barankunda ” 179 “Data, Mpa Isente” 47, 49, 85, 179 Ddamba Kyeyune, Debora xxvi, 6, 11, 28, 37 “Ddola, Ddosa” 194–95 dialogic structure 62, 84 dictation xii “Did You Not Swear?” 145 didacticism 111 discourse marker 57 Dorson, Richard 6 dramatization 8, 51

a

303

Index

Du Bois, W.E.B. xviii “Duck, Where Are You Going?” 201 “The Earth is Revolving on its Wheels” 166

“The Earthly Body” 205 East African Community (E A C ) xxxii ebigano (folktale) xxv, 2 Ebikokko Eby Edda mu Buganda (Kaizi) xviii ebikokyo xxv ebikwaate 8 ebishakuzo xxv Ebitontome Eby’Edda (Walusimbi & Mukasa) xix ebyevugo epic xi education 35, 45, 47, 49, 83, 107, 142, 151

“Ekibbobbo” 200 Ekibiina Ky’Olulimi Oluganda (Luganda Language Association) xviii “Ekikooko Kyaitu” 139 “Embeba Ibiri” 172 “Emu, Emuga” 194 enfumo (folktale) xxv Engero Amakumi Abiri Mu Ebbiri (Luganda Language Association) xviii engero ensonge (proverbs) 2 Engero za Baganda xviii, xix Engero Zikuwoomera? (Magala) xix English xvii, xxii, xxxi, xxxii, 48, 49, 83, 91, 96, 97, 101, 164 English translation xi, xviii, xxi, xxiii, 97, 98, 101, 102 “Engo Ezaala” 196 “Ensi Eri Aha Nziga Neyetoroora” 166 “Entuha Egyenda Neinama” 154 environmental signifier 51, 75, 76 “Enyanga Kugambirwa Teyanga Kubona” 235 European missionaries xvii

fable 2 fairytale 2 “Father, Give Me Money” 49, 164, 180 faux-child audience xxvi, 22, 28 “Feed and I will hide you, Katerebembe” 141

Feldman, Susan xxii “Ffe Tuli Embaata Ento” 188 Fine, Elizabeth 94 Finnegan, Ruth xxiii, 33, 52, 57, 109, 111

Folk Tales from Ankole (Mushanga) xviii folklore studies 7 folktale xi, xvii, xviii, xix, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxxii, 2, 6, 8, 41, 42, 43, 51, 52, 56, 61, 64, 77, 97, 104, 106, 110, 211, 221, 225, 237, 240 “The Four Sisters: A Gusii Ogre Tale” 82

Frenz, Horst 98 “Frog and Snake” 283–84 Furniss, Graham 89, 109 game rhymes 2 Garvey, Marcus xviii gender xx, xxix, 46 genre xi, xix, xxiv, xxv, 1, 83 genre classification xxv, 1 “Get This” 144 “The Girl and the Protector” 82 “A Girl Entered Hare’s House” 157 “The Girl I Teach” 185 “The Girl Who Wished for a Giraffe’s Tail” 243–44 “Give Me a Spear to Hold” 135 “Give Me a Stick, Give Me a Stick” 133 Goldstein, Kenneth 93 “A Good Child Loves School” 182 “The Grey Heron” 163 guslar 8

304 “Haguruka, Munyeshuri, Haguruka!” 185

Hamnett, Ian 15 “Hare! Hare!” 162 Haring, Lee 17, 18, 82 Hausa xxii, 97 hide-and-seek 6 “Himbuuka Nyoko Yaizire” 155 historiography of collecting xvii “Hosea Was Young” 148 How Lion Became King (Jjuko) xvii Hymes, Dell 80, 81 hymn translation 105 “I am Digging and Digging on the Side” 198

“I Cut a Stick and It Wandered” 64–71,

ORAL LITERATURE

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CHILDREN

a

Indianola, Texas 7 “Injangwe Irarira” 183 Innes, Gordon xxiv, 82, 90 interjection 8, 58, 59, 85 interlinear translation xxiii, 100, 101 internal rhyme 13 “Is it Not You Who Left Me?” 46, 102 “Is Your Mother at Home?” 181 “It Was a Nice Stick” 209 “Itwe Turi Entaama Nto” 156 “Iwe Mwaana we Kakyerere” 138 “Iyi Ni Mee” 13, 14, 178 Jjuko, Dominic M. xvii Johnson, John William 97 jump-rope rhymes 2 Junod, Henry 97

134

“I Did Not Insult You, My Child” 175 “I Have a Throbbing Headache” 203 “I Have My Cow” 185 “I Know the Tricks of the Lazy One” 39, 44, 210 “I Stoop” 45, 199 “I Wake Up Very, Very Early in the Morning” 180 “I Went to Buddu” 202 “I Will Never Sleep There” 152 “I Woke Up Early Morning” 48, 206 Ibibio riddle 24 ibisakuzo xxv “Icara, Icara Hagati” 45, 46, 178 idiophone 102 Ifa divination ceremonies xxiii Igbo 92 “Ija, Ija, Tindiija, Maregyeya” 151 imbalu (circumcision ceremonies) 3 imbalu circumcision song xi “In Nkore I Know What is There” 168– 70

Indian Ocean Folktales (Haring) 82

kabaka (king) xxxvi, 19, 191, 202, 285 “Kabananukye” 41, 64–71, 211–17 “Kabarungi” 56, 230, 228–30 “Kaggwa, Kaggwa” 102, 187 Kaggwa, Sir Apollo xviii, xix, xxi “Kahunzire Ka Maawe” 150–51 “Kahunzire, Child of My Mother” 150 Kaizi, Mordecai xviii “Kakaikuru, Nokora Ki?” 145 Kakungulu, Semei xli “Kali Kati Kalungi” 208 kalimagezi, xxx, 23, 109 Kamatenesi, Joy 115, 174 Kamba 35 “Kamukamu” 195 “Kamusherengure, I am Going to My Home” 136 “Kamusherengure, ninza owangye” 62, 63, 136 “Kamuzinzi Has Defecated There” 139 “Kamuzinzi Yania Aho” 139 “Kamwe, Nkako” 143, 161 Kaneemu 11, 12, 13

a

305

Index

“Kaneemu, Kanabbiri” 188 “Kanu, Kanu, Twaraara hi?” 153 “Kanu, Kanu, Where Shall We Sleep?” 153

“Kanyantsi, Grind for Me and I Go” 140 “Kanyantsi, nseera ngyende” 139 “Kappa Egobagoba” 198 Karugire, Samwiri R. xxxvii Kaswa, Jackson xix Katakuza, E.J. xxv, xxvii, xxxix, 3, 16 Katuka, Isirairi 9, xi, xxvi, 20, 22, 23, 28, 44, 56, 62, 93, 98, 106, 110, 113, 136, 241, 293 “Kayondo Ekimulobera Okuzina” 63, 208

Kazinga, Eseza xii, 42 Keneemu xxvii “Kengyeya, Munywani Wangye” 165 “Kengyeya, My Friend” 166 Kenya xx, xxviii, xxxii, xxxv, 35 Kenyatta, Jomo xviii Kigezi xi, xxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xli, 111 Kiguli, Joyce 28 Kiguli, Susan xxxii, 19, 28, 38, 104, 193, 285, 293 “Kiishamutuutu” 135–36 Kikatsi xi, 20, 22, 23, 44, 62, 106, 113, 136, 241, 293 Kikuyu 35 Kilson, Marion xxiii King Omukama Kabalega xl Kisakye, Henry xvii Kisoro xi, xii, xxxvi Kisosonkole, Tefiro xviii, xxi Kiswahili xxxii, 102 Kiyimba, Abasi xx Kizito, Erasmus xviii “Komire Okamushanga hi?” 167 “Kosiya Akaba Ari Muto” 148 Kulabigwo, Alice xii, 6, 75, 194, 293 “Kumba Ningyenda” 140

“Kuuku Kuuku-kuuku” 163 “Kweezi, Kweezi, Kweezi!” 134 Kyamanianga, Eriya 3, 137 Kyeishe, Yoweri xi, xxvii, 15, 42, 56, 58, 83, 85, 90, 93, 110, 245, 293 “Kyewologo, Kyewologo” 199 Kyeyune, Debora Ddamba xii, xxix, 31, 35, 51, 75, 93, 130, 187, 282, 293 Kyomuhendo, Goretti 106 Lake Victoria xxxv layered language 3, 24, 49 “A Leopard is Giving Birth” 196 “Let Us Rise Up and Embrace Education” 151 lexical borrowing 102 Limba oral literature 33 Limba Stories and Story-Telling (Finnegan) xxiii linguistic borrowing 9 linguistic hybridity 9 “Lion and Leopard” 286–87 literacy xxx, 48, 109, 110, 111 literary pragmatics 57 Little Goat’s Trick (Kisakye) xvii “Little One, Little One” 206 “Little-One, Little-Two” 188 “Long Ago When I Was Still Young” 184

Lord, Albert 8 Luganda 7, xi, xv, xviii, xix, xxi, xxv, xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxv, xxxvi, 3, 9, 10, 12, 29, 35, 37, 39, 47, 51, 52, 75, 79, 84, 96, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 111, 132, 198 Luganda children’s songs 187–211 Luganda folktales xviii, xix, xxii, xxvi, 282–92 Luganda rhymes xix, 39 Luganda riddles 129–32 Lugbara xxxi

306

ORAL LITERATURE

Lukomera primary school xii lullabies 2, 3 Luo xxxi, xxxviii, xl Luweero xi, 17, 28, 31, 84, 130, 282, 285, 293 “Lwali Lumu Taata ne Maama” 190 Magala, E.K. xix Mahoro, Susan xii, 123, 179 “Make New Friends Wherever You Go” 186

MƗlami xxii “The Man Who Abandoned His Children in a Forest” 261–66 Mandinka epic 90 Maranda, Köngäs 17 “The Maribaya” 181 marriage 64 Masaka xi, xii, xix, 287, 289 masculinity 46 Mbabazi, Gladys xii, 123, 179, 293 Mbarara xi, xxxvi, 55, 56, 70, 115, 211, 219, 221, 293 “Mbare, Mbare” xxvii Mbaziira, F.X. xix “Mbyuka Mu gitondo Kare, Kare” 180 medium of instruction xxxi, xxxii metanarrative device 19, 20, 28, 32, 50 “Mfit’ Inka Yangye” 47, 184 migrant workers xli migration xxx, xxxvii, xli Millar, Ernest xviii, xxi Ministry of Education xvii, xxxii Mitchell, W.J.T. 112 mnemonic device 51 mnemonic game 10 Mǀle xxii, 97 “Moon, Moon, Moon!” 134 moral values 42, 43 Morris, Henry xxii mother tongue xxxi

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“Mp’enkoni, Mp’enkoni” 132 “Mpa Akacumu Nkwaate” 135 Mukalazi, Jechoada K.S. xviii Mukasa, Phoebe xix Muranga, Manuel 96, 104 Murungi, Elizabeth 93 Mushanga, Musa xviii, xx Mushengyezi, Patience Rubabinda 114, 167

Musisi, Gertrude xii, 17, 28, 35, 130, 192

“Muto, Muto” 206 “Muzaire, Kwata Akati Oriise” 165 “Mwimukye Twakiire Obwegyese” 151 “My Father and Mother Love Me” 179 “My Grandmother Says Funny Things” 187

“Naatema Akati Kaarara” 133 “Nabbubi Yazimba ku Muti Omuwanvu” 191

“Nabikwakwaye” 207 “Nagenda e Buddu” 202 Nakanjako, Harriet xii Nakasongola xi, 54, 59, 123, 250, 257, 266, 270, 293 “Nakato and the Monster” 288 “Nakato ne Wazike” 289 “Nakeera Nkya” 47, 84, 102, 205 Nalunga, Rebecca 41 Nandwa, Jane xx, xxviii narrated text xxxiii narrative context 6 narrative event xxxiii, 59 narrative form 6 narrative strategies xi, xxx, 8, 51, 77, 83 narrative style 7 narrator xi, 6, 7, 52, 53, 57, 84 “Natema Akati Karara” 63–64 National Advisory Board on Languages xxxi

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307

Index

National Curriculum Development Centre (N C D C ) xxxii Nenkunkuna 45, 198 new media 107 New Testament xxi Nganwa, Kesi xix Nile River xxxv Njabala xx, xxvi nonsense narrative 2 “Nooha Owaibire Omuyembe?” 158–59 “Nooha Owanyampa?” 161 “Nshemere” xx, 221–25 “Nsimasima Bbali” 198 numeracy skills xxvii, xxx, xxxi, 110 “Nuunu is a Child” 174 “Nuunu N’omwerere” 174 Nyabongo, Hosea Akiki xviii “Nyabwangu and Nyabucurezi” 53, 58, 253–57 “Nyabwangu na Nyabucureezi” 53, 58, 250–52 “Nyamuconco, are you all right?” 156 “Nyamuconco, Obayo Oguma?” 156 “Nyamushagi” 239 Nyanga 97 “Nyogokuru Avuga Ibintu Bishekeje” 186

“Nyoko Ariyo?” 181 “Nzima and Njunju” 240–41 “Nzima na Njunju” 240–41 “Obulungi Bwa Wante” 209 obweshongoro bw’abaana (children’s songs) 3 Ogwang, Okello 106 Okpewho, Isidore xxiv, xxix, xxxiii, 7, 14, 24, 33, 35, 42, 53, 82, 83, 90, 92, 97, 109 Okurut, Mary Karooro xvii okwalula abalongo (twin ceremonies) 3

Old Testament 96 The Old Woman and the Shell (Rwakasisi) xvii “Old Woman, What Are You Doing?” 146

“Old Woodpecker” 197 “Omubiri Ku Nsi” 204 “Omukazi Akahing’ Oburo” 146 “Omukazi Tereza” 160 “Omuliro Guli ku Lusozi” 201 “Omuri Nkore Nimanya Ekirimu” 84, 167–70 “Omuti Ogwahindukire Omwishiki” 225–28 “Omutwe Gumbobba” 203 “Omwana Owatambire Mukuruwe Owahutaire” 61, 85–87, 245–50 “Omwishiki Akataaha Omu Nju ya Wakame” 157 “Omwishiki Owayetengire Omukira Gw’enkorokombi” 241–44 “On the Slaughter-Place of Namugongo, Uganda” xviii “One by One” 196 “One Day My Mother and Father” 190 “The One Grinding at this Time Grinds for What?” 142 “One Little Finger” 158 “The One Who Refuses Advice Does Not Refuse the Consequences” 235 “The One with a Shaved Head” 204 “One, At the Well” 194 “One, There It Is” 143, 161 “Ones, Twos” 171 Ong, Walter 109 onomatopoeic riddle 33 opening and closing formulas 8, 51, 53, 56, 77 oral archive xxxi oral communicative moment 85, 88, 89, 105, 110

308 oral culture xi, xii, xvii, xviii, xx, xxvii, xxviii, xxxi, 2, 15, 16, 84, 104 oral forms in education 45 oral performance xxxii, 6, 7, 28, 94, 110, 285 oral poetics (Tedlock) 80 oral record xxx, 79, 110 oral tradition xvii, 2, 52, 106, 107, 113, 245, 293 orality 109 “Orubango Rwa Rwanzingo” 152 “Orukooko” 64, 71–75, 230–34 “Oruyongoyongo” 163 “Osa Aga Magingo Aseera Ki?” 142 “Oteekire ki, nyina Mpengyere?” 4 “Oteekire Ki, Nyina Mpengyere” 3, 137–38 “Our Animal” 139 “Ow’omutwe Omumwe” 203 “Owana Owatambiire Mukuruwe Owahutaire” 89 “Oyonkye Nkusherekye, Katerebembe” 140–41 The Ozidi Saga 83 “Parent, Get a Stick and Graze the Cows” 165 Parry, Milman 8 participant observation xxiii pastoral motifs xl, 19 “Paul Kaggwa” 204 “Paulo Kaggwa” 204 “People of Olden Days” 151 Pepper Clark–Bekederemo, John 83 performance context 1 performance-centred approach xxxiii personal style 7 picture codes 111 play rhymes 2 play songs xix, xxv, 3, 46

ORAL LITERATURE

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“Po, Po! What do I cut?” 144 “Po, Po, Ntema Ki?” 144 pre-Bacwezi era xxxvii Primary Leaving Examinations xxxi primary school xvii, xxxi proverbs xix, xxii, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxxii, 2, 14, 16, 42, 44 Quiché 81 Radin, Paul xxii Rattray, Robert Sutherland xxii, 97 “The Reason Kayondo Cannot Dance” 208

“Reeba Enkombe” 147 “Reeba nyina Nshengye” 141 refrain 84 regional variation 92 repetition 63 rhetorical device 57, 58, 61, 77, 93 rhyme 2, 3, 5, 6, 9, 13, 41, 49, 61, 62, 64, 75, 76, 110 riddle xxxviii, xxxix, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 50, 95, 98, 101, 110, 116 riddle poser 17, 18, 24, 32, 37, 101 riddle, categories of 33 riddling xxv, xxvi, 3, 5, 15, 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 28, 32, 33, 35, 38, 50, 96 Roman alphabet 111 Rubabinda, Aida xii, xxxviii, 103, 113, 132, 236, 239 Rufumbira xi, xxxvi, 2, 6, 10 Rufumbira–Runyarwanda xi, 6 Rugyerinyangye, Kabudensia xxxix, 6, 13, 24, 28, 53, 54, 58, 93, 96, 110, 123, 176, 250, 257, 266, 270, 293 Ruhondeeza, Ruhondeeza! 142 rumour mongering 5

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Index

Runyakitara xxxi, xxxvi Runyankore xi, xv, xviii, xxi, xxii, xxv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix, 3, 6, 8, 9, 16, 18, 41, 42, 44, 61, 84, 85, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 103, 106, 293 Runyankore–Rukiga xi, xv, xix, xxii, xxv, xxvii, xxxv, xxxvii, 3, 6, 8, 41, 46, 61, 79, 85, 93, 102 —children’s songs 176 —folktales 211–50 —riddles 113–22 Runyarwanda xxxvi, 2, 10, 13, 92 Runyarwanda–Rufumbira 34, 79, 96 —children’s songs 176–87 —folktales 41 —folktales 250–82 —riddles 122, 129 Runyoro xix, xxxv, xxxvi Rushere 16 “Rutangura Akombeka aha Muti Muraingwa” 154 Rutooro legends xviii Rwakasisi, Rose xvii Rwanda xi, xxxii, xxxv, xxxvii, xl, 27, 113, 123, 144, 147, 174, 293 Rwanda–Orweera xi “Rwanzingo’s Spear” 153 Rwomushana, Nice 55, 93, 211, 293 “Saawa Emu Nga Tunywa ka Kyayi” 190

Scheub, Harold xx, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxviii, xxxiii “See Nshengye’s Mother” 141 “See the Dove” 147 Segganyi, Edward A.K. xviii serial form of riddle 28 “Seven O’Clock We Have Some Tea” 190

sexuality 3, 5, 23 Seychelles xl

309 “Shaka Inshuti Ah’ Ugiye Hose” 186 Shannon, Claude 89 Shavit, Zohar 95, 110 Shiwin’a 81 “Shutama, Shutama Ahagati” 173 Sidibe, Bakari 82 Sierra Leone xxiii Simayi, Charles “Boy” 82 simile 36 Simmons, Donald 24 “Sit, Sit at the Centre” 46, 173, 179, 200 “Sluggard, Sluggard!” 142 “The Small One and the Tall One” 162 “So Ninde?” 177 social environment 32 social relevance xi, xli social structure xxxiii, xxxvi songs xii, xix, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxviii, xxxii, xli, 2, 3, 6, 13, 14, 41, 42, 49, 51, 61, 83, 105 Sotho riddle 15 sound patterning 33, 51, 61 South Africa xxiv “Spider Built on a Tall Tree” 155, 192 Ssebato Bafuma (Segganyi) xviii Ssekamwa, J.C. xix “Ssekitulege, Ssekitulege” 191 “Ssiiti, I Chose Ssiiti” 197 “Ssiiti, Nalonda Ssiiti” 197 “Ssossolye Omukulu” 196 stock phrase 18, 52, 54, 55 “The Story of Bwengwe” 282, 275–82 “The Story of Rusore-Rubirizi, RusoreRwenene and Nyiramahwa” 269 storytelling xix, xxiv, xxv, xxviii, xxix, xxxiii, 3, 5, 6, 7, 14, 49, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 76, 77, 81, 89, 90, 94, 103, 104, 106 structural patterning 8 structure of oral texts 51 sub-genres 2

310 Sudan xxxviii, xl Sunjata 82, 97 Swahili people 33 Swaziland xxiv “Swiswi, Tukaza Omu Kibira” 149 “Swiswi, Twagenda Mu Kibira” 192 “Swiswi, We Went to the Bush” 150 “Swiswi, We Went to the Forest” 193 “Taata, Mp’Esente” 164 Tanzania xxxii, xxxv, xxxvii, 243 Tedlock, Dennis xxiv, 80, 81, 91 “There is Fire on the Hill” 201 “This Is Mee” 178 Thonga tale 97 “Tiiwe Wantsigireho” 45, 46, 84, 102, 173

“Tiiwe Warahiire?” 145 “Tindirarayo” 152 Tinkamanyire, Siriva xx, 56, 57, 115, 221, 225, 228, 293 “Tinkujumire, Mwaana Wangye” 176 tongue-twister xix Toora 144 totem (omiziro) xxxvi transcription xii, xv, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 100, 109, 110 transcription techniques 83 translation xv, xxiii, 95, 109 “The Tree That Turned into a Girl” 226–28 trickster tales xix Tucker, Alfred xxxviii “Tukaba Nitugyenda” 171 Tumusiime, James xvii Tumwesigye, Allyce xii, 115, 138, 230, 234, 293 “Tungu, Tungu” xxvii, 10, 12,176 Tuula Tufume (Kaswa) xix Tuula Tuwaye: Ekitabo Ky’Ebitontome (Mbaziira) xix

ORAL LITERATURE

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“Tuula, Tuula Wakati” 200 “Tuzaba Banini Kandi Barebare” 184 “Twabugana Orwooma” 174 “Twajja Tuli Mbuzi” 192 Twi xxii, 97 “Twizire Kushoroma Ebinyobwa” 170 “Two Rats” 172 Uganda Government White Paper on Education xxxi Uganda National Examinations Board xxxi Ugandan collectors xvii Ugandan publishing industry xx “Umugabo Wataye Abaana Mw’ishyamba” 266 umugani (story, proverb) 2 “Umugani wa Bwengye” 41, 64, 101 “Umugani wa Rusore-Rubirizi, RusoreRwenene na Nyiramahwa” 269 “Umukobwa Maribaya” 181 Ungrateful Mother, The (Tumusiime) xvii Universal Secondary Education (U S E ) xxxii untranscribables 92, 94, 110 “Urugero Rwiza Rw’abana Bato” 182 “Wa Mukobwa Nigisha” 185 “Wakame” 162 “Wakikere ne Wamusota” 84, 284 Wakiso xi, 9, 47, 114, 167, 293 Walusimbi, Livingstone xix “Wampologoma ne Wango” 285–87 “Wampologoma, Sawa Meka?” 13, 84, 193

“Waninini” 142, 160 “Was It Not You Who Left Me?” 173 “Wazike ne Nakato” 52 “We Are Little Ducklings” 189 “We Are Little Lambs” 157

a

311

Index

“We Came Ignorant As Goats” 192 “We Have Come to Harvest Groundnuts” 170 “We Met a Piece of Metal” 174 “We Shall Become Big and Tall” 184 “We Were Walking” 172 Weaver, Warren 89 Were, Gideon xxxvii Werner, Alice xxi Western tradition 1, 2 “What Are You Cooking, Mpengyere’s Mother?” 4, 137 “What Eats My Mother’s Beans?” 153 “What Time Is It, Lion?” 193 “When I am Walking” 140 “Where Did You Find Komire?” 167 “Where is She, Where is She, Young Sara?” 205 “Who Farted?” 162 “Who Is Your Father?” 177 “Who Stole the Mango?” 159 Why Lion Hates Other Animals (Nuwagira) xvii

“Why the Frog Croaks” 83 Williams, F.L. xxi Wilson, Derek xxxvii Winds and Lights: African Fairy Tales (Nyabongo) xviii “The Woman Grew Millet” 146 “The Woman Theresa Mpata, Mpata” 160

women xx “A Worn-Out Basket” 200 Xhosa xxiv Yorùbá xxiii “You, Little One, Kakyerere” 138 “Young Stars,” on Radio Star F M xii, xxviii, 11, 52 “Z’emwe, Zeibiri” 8, 9, 12, 171 Zenani, Nongenile Masithathu xxiv Zimbabwe xxiv Zulu xxiv Zuni 81

a