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ON THE CULTURAL 'FRONT'

A thesis submitted by

RITWIK KUMAR GHATAK to the Communist Party of India in 1954

RITWIK MEMORIAL TRUST

2006

First published on the occasion of the 71st birth anniversary of RITWIK KUMAR GHATAK 1st edition on 4th November 1996

2nd edition 1st February 2000 3rd edition March 2006

V Ritwik Memorial Trust

Cover Hiran Mitra

Published by Ritwik Memorial Trust South Block Flat 1, C.I.T. 33/33/1 Chetla Central Road Kolkata 700 027 Phone : 24 79 6942

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PREFACE In 1993, Buddhadev Bhattacharya, a current leader of the CPI(M) and the Chief 1'finister of West Bengal, \vhile looking through some old files in the Communist Party office in Calcutta, chanced upon this document. His attention was particularly dra\vn to this manuscript because it was signed by Ritwik I ck> wU.b n-11'1, t111n_. cm Iba -•• ilfl ...... , .... W• al\h .. _ ... -ll•.U7 t~. ~·1ow.., .... \hh P1t.b,lll t.1111 1-"'· .lu•oralll7 U1ll""7 II lie b - " 1ll r.ot to cur Uld"I• bl.lp ,, •••• ., Clll.r PN- ,_ 1 .., .., _ .a... ,1 ... ,-1,tort. .. cnt.Nl .. U•

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Dated, . 2l •

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Dear Coarad•• f'f.,,..;--_

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FrOll • 1nveet1,,at1on 1t appear• .t.>.J.. that 70u d1d not ~t meaabereh1p val1·c11ty': ( We have therefore ~•o ded to reiaove your nalle f'rma the roll• where it bad crept 1n b7 m1atake. With greet1nga.

J I-.\-.....,.:,---

Seoretary, Cal.-D.c. Cop:, to

--'l.. Ball7gunge L.C.

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West Bengal Committee.

C.P.I.

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PREAMBLE We are witnessing a curious phenomenon today. We are witnessing an unprecedented expansion of progressive influence in the cultural sphere. Through their art, many common artistes, from professional and other fields, are indicating that they are drawing closer to the people. Artistes are taking up the cause of the people. \X'hat is curious in it? It is a matter of rejoicing for us. But it is curious all the same. It is curious because no Communist artiste is working among them, no Communist influence l!Y exa,nple is guiding them today. In fact, our artistes in those spheres are miserable figures and are l!,lad, for all practical purposes, to rev1ain so. This is curious. This is not only curious, it seems monstrous when we think of our current smug complacency. \"Xie are hurrying and bustling and talking and running, and all the while we are actually sitting on the movement. \"Xie, the C:om. . mun1st artistes. Not a single art-\vork of high value has come from us in the last four years. \X7e are reviving our past \Vork, rehashing it and giving it a ne\V natne, or else creating /\n1ateur, third-rate \Vork. J\nd all the \Vhile, \Ve rc1nain '·ralkers-i n-chicf.'' This is dcfiniteh· n1onstrous.

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And the few truly creative artistes among us are moving further away from the Party day by day. The facts are telling us so. If and when asked, we have stock answers. The most repeated among them are: "There is a lack of any Party Line on culture." or, "The Party itself does not care," and even, "The Party is happy about the way we are working," and sometimes, "Joshi's Golden Period should come back again for the sake of Culture." C)ften, in reply, one receives the cold shoulder. Any uneasy question will immediately draw vague allusions to the condition of the Party, the Country, the ()rganization, and then, silence. Yet another answer given in reply to the query concerning high art-work, is given in the form of statistics, such as how many times the Party's works have been issued and how m:any cadres and groups of workers are employed. Have they no value? This is the crux of the matter. Everything has value; but when one loses proportion, one substitutes the value of one for the value of the other. It seems that we are doomed to remain where we are today. It is an injustice to solely blame ourselves, though to our minds, \Ve have had too much justice and deserve some injustice for a change. Anyway, the Party must be criticized. It is, in fact, the

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nonchalant manner of the Party that has allowed these things to grow. The party generally sees the Cultural Front in two ways - one, as a "money-earning machine" (these are harsh words we know, but they just cannot be helped), and, two as a mobilizer in meetings and conferences to keep the crowd (and not masses) engaged with whatever the artistes can offer. Even when the Peace Council or some similar body presents a slogan on Culture, the Party, through its Committees, calls on us and asks us just to execute the routine. This is disheartening. More disheartening is, whenever anything concerning culture comes up, even the serious comrades of the Party Committees become reticent and diffident: "That is culture, comrades, and we know nothing of your problems. We have such and such jobs at hand, we have such and such engagements, and so-and-so is busy with those problems. We are overworked, we are fighting to cope with the sudden expansion of the Party's influence, with the building of mass organizations, and with the Democratic Front ... some other time, comrades." That other time never comes. At least it has not come in the last few years. Something or the other bobs up

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like the proverbial Cromwell's head, and the attention of the Party becomes focused on it. This is extremely disheartening. It is sad, but truthful, to admit that if we want to get the attention of the party, we must sho\v the benefit that will accrue to the Party as a \vhole, and to Culture. At present, the Party is more interested in taking things from Culture. It is very difficult to determine how much the Party cares for culture as the property of the people. It is also sad, but truthful, to admit that all that we and other comrades are saying, demonstrates a singular lack of understanding of what is needed, what we are losing, and which way to go. Such is the condition today. It has to be unequivocally declared that the problem of culture is basically the problem of organization at the levels of the Party, the Platform, and Art. It has to be unequivocally declared that the attitude of diffidence of the comrades, however sincere, is broadening the gulf between the Party and the culture \Vorkers. It has to be unequivocally declared that what is needed from the Party is simply their undivided attention. The comrades themselves are able to solve the particular problems of art.

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It has to be unequivocally declared that the party is losing a lot from this attitude and is allowing potential danger to develop within the Party. It has to be unequivocally declared that our lack of creation is not the result of a lack of a Party line on Culture, but due to a lack of an organized and serious effort on our part. It has to be unequivocally declared that we are not seeking a Golden Period, but a proper place in the body of the Party, and our share in Party rights and responsibilities. Today, all these have to be unequivocally declared and in clear-cut language, so that the Party can impose discipline on the Cultural Front, we can understand our tasks in building the Democratic Front, and people can be roused and enthused through our art-work. This task is the order of the day. This task has to be executed today. We propose, in this paper, to show that the problems [Party's lack of a cultural line] are of an organizational, not ideological nature. Organization is the key to the whole problem. We shall divide our discussions into three parts, all revolving around the central point of organization; we will then try to arrive at a conclusion. We shall take up special problems pertaining to our work and we hope to

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show that they can be solved. In our work, through our own art and platforms, we came into contact with the Party and the people. They present three sets of problems, though intricately interconnected. We have tried to remember this fact in our discussions. We hope that the Party \vill circulate this among the comrades. We are putting forth what needs to be stated, in the form that we think will best clarify our points. Such straightforwardness, we think, is the order of the day. We know that just to express all that we hold dear and to present that expression to the masses, with quality,is our task as Communists. We also know that the moment we start to do this, the other side [Bourgeois culture] becomes immediately important, because we may lose balance and defeat our own purpose by becoming isolated. This is a problem of a two-pronged offensive. How should we proceed? We must proceed by admitting that in relation to bourgeois culture becomes immediately important, because we may lose balance and defeat our own purpose by becoming isolated. This is a problem of a two-pronged offensive. How should we proceed? We must proceed by admitting that in relation to Bourgeois culture we are, indeed, in a very bad state. We have

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to take all that is good in that culture, which it contains in profusion. Then we have to reshape that culture-reshape it to achieve our goals, and to harness it to our purpose. Then, \Ve will come to logical conclusions that are inherent in Bourgeois culture and are crying/or release. Our comrades should creatively work among these artistes in order to learn their "melody and speech" and method of their "utterances;" that is, to learn theirform, their mode ef handlingphilosophic content. This form is of decisive importance today. To understand this form means learning the trade, in its variety of uses and approaches. It means studying the past with scrupulous care, and learning the experiments and achievements of the past. It means learning the whole process; from the inception of "theme-content," through stages of development, to the final art product. It means learning the other truths; these are the secrets of inspiration and intensity and sublimity of feeling. And finally, it means learning that this process is not simply 2+2=4; we cannot rigidly fix the phases of the process, because it is a creative process. Actually, we have so much to learn -

indeed!

And in such matters,.haste and sweeping measures are the worst possible things. Slogans will never do here; slow, methodical, tenaciou~ work is what is necessary. From the beginning, and to the end, it is an adult's business. Our dramatists, dramas, our Regisseurs' pro-

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duction services, our Composers' songs, and other creative work should be continually pushed towards common artistes. We must strive to make them accept such primary works so that they may understand and then respect our sincerity, honesty of purpose and artistic calibre. We do not mean the non-Party minority (who are mostly close sympathizers), who are with us today and who are a valuable possession; we mean real nonParty people and real artistes -specialists of high standing and ability. To push our major creative works towards and among these common artistes and to make them accept these works is no mean job. It can only be done in one way- with high artistic value and sincerity of content. There is another point of contact from our point of view - a possible source of reserve forces, a potential sinking fund, so to speak: the Amateurs of the localities. We have already said that from the overall Party point of view, these Amateurs are treated as a part of massorganization building problems. Generally, we cannot expect any radical change in this approach. But we must understand that we have to look at them from that perspective, and at the same time, from the standpoint of Culture. They are the breeding ground, the fountainhead, the source of rtew cadres. We must work among them, educate them, learn life through them, encourage the worthwhile among them to become more

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serious. This is the point. Among them [Amateurs] there are sparks, Promethean sparks. In all probability, there are more sparks in them than are dreamt of by many of us. Those sparks, if developed, will last longer, fade slower and be brighter than many. But they are rarely found in that illumined state. We have to search for them. That is the main reason why they [Amateurs] should be drawn into the Federation. If we find one Sarat Chandra, one Nazrul, one Mukunda Das, our job is well done. And we are sure to find not one, but many. Thus, we will be well paid. Because such artistes from among the workers and peasants, if developed and not spoilt by glorification, will see the whole thing through and fight to the last. From our standpoint, this is why we should work among the Amateurs, teach them and bring them into the Federation. To guide the whole Federation in our direction, we must form a Central Forum from which we will be able to propagate our theories and practices of art. Such a place, such a Forum, is an Academy for histrionic arts and conservatoire for music. In such an Academy, theory and practice of art forms may be discussed, views may be exchanged, and people may be encouraged to think. This is what is needed. If we succeed in

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making common artistes and Amateurs consistently and logically think, our job is half done. Logical thinking gives birth to analysis of oneself and one's art. That is bound to reveal the pattern and hence, bound to bring into sharp relief the historic task of the artistes. This [logical thinking] will help build the necessary atmosphere for a serious attitude that will guide them on to new pastures - and also make us conscious of the magnitude of our task. Such an academy, where eminent specialists can and must be mobilized for teaching, is the order of the day. This one organizational stroke will immensely help in building a Democratic Front. In such academies, we can inculcate Marxist thought in a much more profound and, from an artistic point of view, in a much more interesting manner than is otherwise possible. And then, and only then, can we derive the full benefit from the policy of keeping MODELS in practice. We must relentlessly pursue and strive to establish theory as the most important perspective of the Academy; we must strive to demonstrate practice through our group actions and creative achievements. This is the proper relation. These are very hard tasks; but these are the tasks. All these, when co-ordinated, weighed, checked, complemented by new thoughts, and constantly kept on the proper level by tireless vigilance, will see the building

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of a Democr:.rffe Front in Collective Arts - the most popular art f6tP'lS- We have to come to grips with these problems, tackle them and overcome them. Contradictions will arise] and will be solved. In order to achieve this, we ,vill have to regroup our forces. We have to think in terms of available human materials, and position our cadres in the most effective manner possible. Our Party artistes have to organize these tasks and execute them. There is no such occupation as an Art-organizer~· it is a monstrous tautology. No such job exists. The nature of the task indicates that only artistes can handle the job. Non-artistic Art-organizers will solve these problems to the exact extent that Eskimo hunting songs will rouse and guide Hottentots to revolutionary action! This is not a mass-organization where problems are of a general nature. This way of thinking is shallow and a dangerous/y JJ/rong approach to organization building. All the tasks here are to be executed by the artistes themselves, because Communist artistes are the organizers. We must regroup our forces, find slogans corresponding to the stage of development, put emphasis where it is necessary, allot tasks, and watch. Continually, systematically, thoroughly watch and account and control on all levels; these are the weapons to be used.

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From the Party point of view this is the most important job in the Federation. The success of a Democratic Front depends upon this work. This is a task of FACTIONS at all levels. Such is the nature of our task concerning a Democratic Front and our hegemony in culture. This is our approach to the People. For, the artiste reaches out to the People, his public, through the platform where he is creatively employed.

Such is the problem of mass contact in our activities.

PART I COMMUNIST ARTISTES AND THE PARTY What are the basic tasks of Communist artistes? And how should they accomplish these tasks? In other \vords, within the total activity of the Party, where lies the place of Culture? The determination of the Party line on a political organization plane depends upon two aspects, the objective and the subjective. The objective factor is the historical development of a particular land, in a given period during its political, economic and cultural growth from the party's point of view, the subjective attitude of the masses is also a part of the present objective situation. The subjective factor in this case is the mental calibre of the Party and the level and position of the cadres. The basic subjective attitude, considered in its ideal condition, is the determination of all Communists to establish, through different revolutionary levels, a stage of classless society on earth where classes and their state machines and their parties will wither away.

(Lenin, State and Rev'Olution; Engles, Anti-Dur-

ing). Towards that goal, we are subjectively moving. In the final analysis, this constant striving, this urge, is the reason for and guarantee of the success of the party and

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the Revolution. The Party juxtaposes these two sets of factors, and consequently Party tasks arise. They arise because these factors are considered, weighed, and found in correct relation to each other. Now, Art and Culture are concerned with the soul and the mind. Wherever the subjective attitude is thought of - in the Party, among the masses, or in the ranks of the enemies - Culture can and should contribute to bringing about the conditions desired by the Party. It follows that Art and Culture should always serve the Party's work - mainly through striving to fulfill the Party's basic tasks of the period. These basic tasks are specific slogans of a primarily ideological-organizational nature. Different periods in the development of the Revolution give rise to different tasks. The artiste's mode of work remains the same through all these periods; his organization of creative work does not change. What are these [tasks]? How does he proceed to fulfil his Party tasks? His method is to arottse, to edttcate, to elevate the masses, and to negate the alien influences on and among them. His arousing, educating, elevating and negating are in relation to other things. What other things? Primiarly, the Party's overall basic tasks. Today, the task is to arouse, to educate and to elevate the masses and to negate the alien influences on them so that they will mobilize into

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mass organizations. Tomorrow, the task will be to promote these so that thev, lead to revolutionary, actions. The day after, the task may be to do all these so that they lead to there construction of the land and consolidation of the revolution. The nature and method remain the same, but the task differs. This is on one hand. But this cannot be all. In fact, this by itself does not solve any of our problems. In his final article, Comrade Lenin began with a paragraph that dealt with the problems of culture. A quotation is appropriate here: In matters of culture, haste and sweeping measures are the worst possible things. Many of our young writers and Communists should get this well into their heads. ("Better fewer, but better," Selected Works, Val.II, pp. 844) He warns of the danger of promoting quantity over quality in matters of organization. Incidentally, today Ilya Ehrenburg expresses the same idea of quality versus quantity in his recently published article, "The Writer and His Craft." Why? Because he believes that new culture is nothing but a reshaping of accumulated human knowledge acquired under previous class societies. For this reason, Comrade Lenin, on 2 March 1923, six years after the Revolution, has this to say on the scope

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of Bourgeois culture: .. We would be satisfied with real bourgeois culture for a start, and we would be glad, for a start, to be able to dispense with the cruder types of pre-bourgeois culture, i.e. bureaucratic or serf culture, etc. .. (ibid).

That start, in Lenin's opinion, has not arrived in the Soviet Union of 1923! He clearly defines his entire attitude in the speech he delivered at the Third All Russian Congress of the Young Communists League. He first shows that Marx simply reshaped human knowledge that had been acquired up to and during Capitalism; he tested it on reality and drew logical conclusions. Then he proceeds to say: ... Unless we clearly understand that only by an exact knowledge of the culture created by the whole development of mankind and that only by reshaping this culture can a Proletarian Culture be built, we shall not be able to solve the problem. Proletarian Culture PROLETCULT was (raging in the Soviet Union at the time as a sectarian school, which he attacks here, but that does not make any different for his general opinions on culture) is not something which has sprung, from who knows where,it is not an invention of those who call themselves experts in Proletarian Culture. That is all nonsense Proletarian ulture must be the result of a natural development

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of the stores of knowledge ,.vhich mankind has accumulated under the yoke of Capitalist society, landlord society and bureaucratic society. All these roads and paths have led, are leading, and continue to lead to Proletarian Culture .... ("The Tasks of the Youth Leagues").

What is the lesson we should draw from Comrade Lenin's Clear and unambiguous statement? ,_'\n obvious one. That is this: Culture moves in an unending line. Dividing culture into periods is too mechanistic The slightest shift in the political economic balance of forces does not immediately give rise to sharp cleavages in the cultural sphere. That culture moves in an unending line is a natural develop,nent of previous cultures; culture is reshaped again and again by the class which is the historical leader of the epoch. All this is common sense. But a time comes when one has to invoke Marx, Lenin or Mao to restore normalcy. Such a time is still in front of us. What has been said before does not mean that a change in the political-economic sphere has no impact on culture. It definitely has. The trouble is that the impact on the cultural sphere is not felt not in the same way as in the political sphere and should not be given expression in the same way. We should remember that culture is one of the remote superstructures of econom. lCS.

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Culture reshapes past heritage. Only by reshaping the past and carrying it to its logical conclusion, can culture come in the service of the working class. Then, the broad strata of oppressed masses can be geared towards fulfilling the basic tasks of the Democratic Front. Otherwise, culture will defeat its o\vn purpose, and, according to the law of dialectics, will turn into its exact opposite with a revolutionary revulsion. Culture reshapes heritage. Heritage presupposes: Study, I