Of Life and Health: The Language of Art and Religion in an African Medical System 9781789201024

Table of contents :
Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
Introduction. About Life and Health
Chapter 1. Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning
Chapter 2. Life Animation and Transmission: The Language of the Ancestors
Chapter 3. Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth: The Language of the Spirit and Life-Force of Nature (Kɔntɔnmɛ)
Chapter 4. Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult and the Food Domain
Chapter 5. Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult and the Domain of Healing Toxins, the Inedible and Undomesticated
Chapter 6. Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing: The Healer and the Healing Cult (Tibr)
Chapter 7. The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed
Conclusion. Nature and the Cosmic Life in Elements
Appendix
References
Index

Citation preview

Of Life and Health

Of Life and Health The Language of Art and Religion in an African Medical System QQQ Alexis Bekyane Tengan

berghahn NEW YORK • OXFORD www.berghahnbooks.com

First published in 2019 by Berghahn Books www.berghahnbooks.com © 2019 Alexis Bekyane Tengan All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission of the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Tengan, Alexis B. (Alexis Bekyane), author. Title: Of life and health : the language of art and religion in an African medical system / Alexis Bekyane Tengan. Description: New York : Berghahn Books, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018026906 (print) | LCCN 2018029276 (ebook) | ISBN 9781789201024 (ebook) | ISBN 9781789201017 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Dagaaba (African people)—Social life and customs. | Dagaaba (African people)—Rites and ceremonies. | Healing—Ghana—Religious aspects. | Healing—Burkina Faso—Religious aspects. | Ritual—Ghana. | Ritual—Burkina Faso. Classification: LCC GN655.G45 (ebook) | LCC GN655.G45 T46 2018 (print) | DDC 305.89635066—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018026906 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-78920-101-7 hardback ISBN 978-1-78920-102-4 ebook

To the memory of my parents: Donisia Ziniyel Nyugbo Constantio Tengan Bekyane

Contents QQQ

List of Figures

ix

List of Tables

x

Introduction About Life and Health

1

Chapter 1 Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning

16

Chapter 2 Life Animation and Transmission: The Language of the Ancestors

43

Chapter 3 Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth: The Language of the Spirit and Life-Force of Nature (Kɔntɔnmɛ)

54

Chapter 4 Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult and the Food Domain

78

Chapter 5 Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult and the Domain of Healing Toxins, the Inedible and Undomesticated

112

viii X Contents

Chapter 6 Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing: The Healer and the Healing Cult (Tibr)

143

Chapter 7 The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed

181

Conclusion Nature and the Cosmic Life in Elements

205

Appendix

223

References

229

Index

236

Figures QQQ

3.1 Red Kɔntɔnmɛ figures representing the patrilineage structure

56

3.2 Figures of Black Kɔntɔnmɛ representing the female gender, the matrilineage and their material reproduction

58

6.1 Healing device made of fermented body tissue

152

6.2 Instructing an initiate by the pole of the bagr shrine projecting above the roof terrace

159

6.3 Fried cowries in shea butter oil

161

6.4 Stick divination: the diviner and the client are in direct communication

168

6.5 From neophytes to outcasts on training as healers

173

7.1 The black anthropomorphic kɔntɔn figures and their pots in the left segment of Ali’s room

183

7.2 Some of the items (buffalo skin and wooden carvings) on the left-hand side wall of the room

185

A.1 Sample elements and items of the ancestral shrine (part one)

223

A.2 Sample elements of ancestral shrine (part two)

225

A.3 Divination with five cowries concealed in a small bag: identification of the cosmic being and its natural image

227

Tables QQQ

0.1 Questions and answers taken from ‘The Penny Catechism’

9

1.1 Frameworks of thought from nature

39

4.1 The bagr ritual calendar and life-sustaining processes

85

5.1 Personal life-elements and processes of embodiment

133

6.1 Sample items for fermenting a healing device

155

6.2 Divination with five cowries concealed in a small bag (identification of the cosmic being and its natural image)

165

7.1 Ayuo’s case notes at the homeopathic clinic

192

Introduction About Life and Health

QQQ

Of Life and Health is an anthropological study of an African health system focusing on epistemological language that expounds the cultural understanding of life transmission and sustenance across living beings and elements. It builds a cultural lexicon about life by studying the religious, including ritual and artistic expressions, within a specific culture. It describes how the institutionalization of cults such as the rain and earth cults, the cult of the ancestors, the cult for spirit and life-force of nature (kɔntɔnmɛ) or nature spirits and the initiation cult of the bagr society each deal with different aspects of sustaining life and healing it into a condition of prolific reproduction. As an anthropological study of a culture-specific health system, I approach the topic as an all-encompassing life issue developed by the Dagara people and population to understand nature and the ways in which living beings, elements and objects (including humans) relate to nature. Its content consists of ethnographic description and analysis of six cultic institutions within an African society, the Dagara people of northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso. The cultural practices of establishing and maintaining these institutions metaphorically expound notions and understandings about life and health as they are culturally conceived and practically experienced. I write from within an African (the Dagara) frame of mind and thought perspective. More specifically, I adopt the scientific,1 metaphysical and cultural thought frameworks of the Dagara people of northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso to deal with the broad subject: Life and Health. I begin the book by contending that every

2 X Of Life and Health

knowledge system has its specific language and jargon as a created symbolic order that it uses to see and understand the reality that it chooses as a focus of study. Hence, the focus of the book is to pose and to socioculturally analyse the answers to questions such as: what is life and what does it mean to have life and to be a healthy being in nature? What is involved in the embodiment and transmission of life across beings and elements in nature? How is life sustained in different life-forms and beings within the order of nature? And what causes discontinuities of life in human beings and other life-forms, and what is done when these situations occur? The answers I provide are based on ethnographic data acquired through periods of fieldwork conducted over a twenty-year period and my lifetime association with the Dagara people and culture since birth. I will explain my fieldwork practice and results and will elaborate on the method and theory employed. In terms of method and analysis, the book is ethnographically driven, focusing on the indigenous knowledge system of the Dagara people of northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso to outline their medical and health systems within their culturally constructed paradigms. Thus, following my elaboration on fieldwork practice and situating myself within Dagara culture, I continue the study by elaborating on the symbolic nature of the relevant language embedded in the cultural system and via which Dagara indigenous thought processes of the primordial human minds are constantly being used for the production, dissemination and documentation of scientific and cultural knowledge within the community. In order to deal with the problem of language, I posit and demonstrate that a primordial scientific language within a human community exists as the initial structuring structure of symbolic codes and as schemes of linguistic competences that are designed to facilitate knowledge production. I also go beyond the views expounded by structural anthropology, especially in the context of binary systems of oppositions and bricolage, to claim that one can gain an understanding of the language through the study of myth, religion and art within a specific cultural context. I do not, however, enter into a dialogue with current anthropological studies on healing and cults, since my focus is to look from within the metaphysical and philosophical nature of healing and cults as a theory of knowledge. Therefore, my main objective is to make a detailed exegesis of given cultural and social institutions within which life and health issues are academically documented and evaluated. Based on my more than twenty years of participant observation and lifetime embeddedness within Dagara society and culture, I have come to identify six main cultic institutions, each represented by the construction of a typical shrine, within which this is being done. These include the two main all-embracing cults outlin-

Introduction X 3

ing and defining Dagara cosmology, namely, the earth cult encompassing the space-below and the rain cult encompassing the space-above. Life in its various forms and nature is considered as a pre-existing property of cosmic nature that is embodied in various forms at specific times and for definite periods. The transferences, sustenance and consequent release of human life back to cosmic nature are the concern of the four other cultic institutions that serve as the focus of attention in the book. They include the Dagara mythical and religious cult (Dagara bagr); the ancestral cult (kpimɛ); the cult of nonhuman nature beings (kɔntɔnmɛ); and the healing cult of medicine (tibɛ). Before going further in illustrating how I will go about achieving this objective, let me elaborate more fully upon the Dagara social and cultural fields and physical environments, and situate myself and my research into their cults of healing and their philosophy of life.

Researching Life and Health among the Dagara Background I began formal participant observation and academic study of Dagara society and culture in the early 1990s when I registered as a graduate student of anthropology at the Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium. This is after I had gone through my childhood and part of my adulthood experiences as a Dagara citizen growing up and later living in the Dagara land. The unconscious observations I made as a Dagara child and adult have helped shape my anthropological approaches and practice. My parents were among the first generation of Dagara people to adopt Catholicism as it was presented to them by the Missionary Society of Africa generally known as the White Fathers, who in the early 1900s, having failed to make any impact on the North African Islamic communities in terms of religious conversion, turned their attention to the populations of Sub-Saharan Africa. They arrived in northwest Ghana via Burkina Faso and north eastern Ghana in 1921, a time when colonial rule was still trying to develop roots and to take shape in the region. At the socio-political level, all the African populations were attempting at the same time to deal with changes initiated by the colonial authorities and to respond to the sociocultural persuasions of Judeo-Christian missionaries to abandon their cultures and religion. Academic studies dealing with the colonial and missionary situations over the last two centuries are numerous and very detailed. Any dialogue with these does not form part of my current project. I have, since the beginning of my writing career, always engaged in this dialogue. Hence, in 2000 I wrote Hoe-Farming and Social Relations among the Dagara of Northwestern Ghana and Southwestern Burkina Faso

4 X Of Life and Health

(Tengan 2000a), in which I situated Dagara hoe-farming activity within its cultural and social context including the events of change, especially the events of colonization and missionary activity. More recently, I have mobilized local Dagara scholarship from various backgrounds and disciplines to engage in the documentation of the cultural history of northern Ghana, including the integration of foreign religions (Christianity and Islam) and foreign political structures (European colonialism and modern urbanization) into African social and cultural structures. These research activities have resulted in my editing and publishing two titles on religion culture and society in Northern Ghana: Christianity and Cultural History in Northern Ghana: A Portrait of Cardinal Peter Poreku Dery (1918–2008) (Tengan 2013) and; Religion, Culture, Society and Integral Human development: Proceedings of Cardinal Poreku Dery Third Colloquium (Tengan 2017). It is not my intention in this volume to restate the content and arguments of these titles so that I can properly situate my current thoughts; yet, I assume that the reader will consider them as necessary background reading. However, here I will insert a biographical note about my informal education and participant observation of Dagara society to help the reader properly understand and appreciate the approach adopted for the current work.

Childhood Participation and Observation My childhood participation in Dagara society and culture began early in my life and reflected the dynamic changes taking place at the time. Let me recall an incident I described in 1999 that captured my participant observation of birth ritual ceremony. One of the most significant moments of ritual in which I participated fully, the birth of my twin brother and sister, took place in 1959 when I was five years old. Our family was living in Gwo, a village in the current Nandom district of northwest Ghana, 10 km southeast of Nandom. My father was employed there as a catechist recruited by the Catholic Church to promote primary evangelization. One day in September, I woke up early and as I crossed the courtyard to go to the bathroom, I heard an unexpected command from my father. ‘Don’t leave the house or go anywhere this morning. Stay with your mother.’ From the bathroom, I went into the long common room (chaara),2 where I found my mother walking to and fro. She had hardly any clothes on. I stood for some time at the door, watching. When she went into the kitchen, I followed, and I continued to follow her round the house until she told me to go and summon Zaato-ma, an elderly woman who lived about half a kilometre to the southeast of our house.

Introduction X 5

As soon as I arrived at her front yard, Zaato-ma emerged and asked if my mother was ready now. I told her that my mother had asked me to come and summon her. Without going back into the house, she followed me as I led the way back to our courtyard. We entered the house at the same time as Godolia, our twelve-year-old baby nurse. She had just returned from the stream with a pot of water on her head. Zaato-ma asked my mother if she should summon Veenica, another elderly woman whose house was about ten minutes’ walk away to the southwest of ours. My mother nodded silently and Zaato-ma asked me to do the summoning. When I returned, I realized that Zaato-ma had already prepared a hearth in the courtyard close to the open bath yard. There was a water channel running from there into the bath yard and out into the front yard.3 The construction of the hearth consisted of placing three big stones to create a triangular space. I went over to Zaato-ma as she was just completing this task. She told me to fetch the small stool my mother used to sit on to prepare Tuozaafi – pastry made with the flour of a cereal such as millet or maize to go with vegetable soup. It is a staple food of the Dagara. Zaato-ma asked me to place the stool in the middle of the hearth. After a few minutes, my mother came out of the long common room and as she walked towards the temporary hearth, the one piece of cloth she wore around her loins fell to the ground. I immediately picked it up and tried to give it to her, but Zaato-ma told me to put it away. I put the cloth in a corner and went to stand by my mother, who was by now sitting on the stool in the middle of the hearth. She was writhing with pain. A few moments later, Celina, a woman from the same house as Veenica, whom I had not summoned, entered the courtyard with Veenica. She went into the kitchen to join Godolia. Veenica came over to us. When the child was about to be born, Zaato-ma instructed my mother to get up from the stool and squat on her toes. My mother told me to take the stool away. She placed her hands on two of the hearthstones and, as Zaato-ma was sitting on the third, the two became very close to each other in an intimate way. She and Veenica were intermittently shouting at my mother to ‘push hard’ (uuni). After a few minutes, the first child came out. Zaato-ma instructed my mother to stay in the same position until she was told to do otherwise. In the meantime, Zaato-ma was holding on to the child. Suddenly, with panic on her face, she shouted across to Celina and Godolia in the kitchen to come out. In a moment, they were at hand with a basin of water and pieces of cloth. But Zaato-ma ignored them and instructed Celina to take the child. She examined my mother briefly and quickly resumed the position she was in before asking my mother to ‘push hard’. My attention continued to focus on what was happening around my mother and I could not see what Celina and Godolia

6 X Of Life and Health

were doing. Moreover, the tempo of activity increased substantially from the moment Zaato-ma shouted across to Celina, and I felt from then on that I was trying to do two things at once and not one at a time. The second child soon came out and I gave my mother the stool to sit on again. Zaato-ma continued to work on my mother, but by now I did not feel like observing too closely. However, she soon called me to bring the bottom half of a broken pot (sɛr) that my mother had placed close to the entrance of the house. I placed it near the hearth and she asked me to hold on to it. She filled it with the placenta (zɛl) and other blood tissue from my mother. Then she asked me to go out to the compost heap and dig a pit there. Soon after, when I had almost finished, Godolia brought out the broken pot with its contents. She inspected the size and depth of the pit and asked me to dig a bit deeper. When the pit was ready, she asked me to face a westerly direction (the position of the setting sun), adopt the position I usually take when hoeing and hold the broken pot in my left hand. She adopted a similar position, but held on to the pot with her right hand. We lifted the broken pot together, swung it three times across the mouth of the pit and poured the contents in. Godolia took the neck of a broken pot (sɣɔgla) and covered the pit with it. She instructed me to seal the pit with earth from the refuse dump and to plant any seed of my choice on it or to transplant a tree if I wished.4 When I had completed my work, I went back into the house, only to realize that it was full of women from all the houses of the neighbourhood. With so many women in the house, I suddenly realized that there was nothing more for me to do. The rites initiating my brother and sister into our family, our house, Dagara society and bagr activities in the religious and cultural sense were complete (Tengan 1999). There are many more incidents that I cannot recount here, but that have contributed to the anthropological and ethnographic analysis of the current manuscript. I will pass them by and will insert a biographical note on my parents and other family members who first brought me into contact with Dagara society and culture. My parents had experienced their own childhood education at the time when Dagara society and particularly the sociocultural institutions were undergoing great pressures and stress. My maternal grandparents had crossed the Volta River from present-day Burkina Faso, fleeing the colonial war campaigns by the French that aimed to bring an end to the Lobi rebellion of 1908 and 1909 (UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. VII, p. 69). By the time my mother was born, her parents had already relocated from two villages across the river to the current village settlement of Ko in the present-day Nandom district. My mother was still a child approaching her teenage years when the Missionaries of Africa came to settle in

Introduction X 7

northwest Ghana. Her childhood experience is captured in two episodes that now and then she would recount to us as children. The missionaries had, as a conversion strategy, the establishment of church parishes, educational and health institutions (schools, vocational training, clinics and hospitals) as catchment points of the local population. Through these institutions, they sought to create a class of local elites consisting of catechists, priests, religious nuns, teachers and doctors who would assist in the conversion process. My mother wanted to attend one of the educational institutions. The colonial administration had earlier in the century established the only school in the area to cater for the children of the chiefs. The ordinary people like my mother stood little chance of getting into this school. She therefore joined the congregation of religious nuns, not with the intention of becoming a nun, but in the hope of being sent to school. My personal recollections of her story are as follows: There was no way I would have been accepted in the government school in Lawra. I therefore went to the nunnery of the White Sisters in Nandom as they were called at the time. Every year they sent some of the girls to begin school with the congregation in Jirapa. However, I was never one of those selected but was always chosen to work in one of the local clinics. After three years working in the clinic, I decided to quit. When I told the sisters about my decision they asked me to pray over it and to speak with the spiritual director for the convent Fr. Joseph-Edouard De Serres.5 The meeting was scheduled as a confession process and I found him very understanding. I told him frankly about my frustrations of not being sent to school. I further said that in my heart, I thought it better to leave and have children who might become priests. He said he supported my decision and that he would support my children if I ever had any. He has been true to his word. (Personal conversation)

My mother left the convent soon afterwards to marry and later gave birth to ten children: six boys and four girls. Eight of these survived into adulthood and she made good on her word by educating all of them to their highest potential. The circumstances leading to the death of two of the boys was the second narrative she often recounted to us. She would begin by giving short statements of facts about the death of the first of the two, who they named Charles. She would simply say: Charles was my second born. He died a toddler. We were staying at the Catechist school in Kaleo where your father was undergoing his three years’ training to be catechist. He fell sick and we could not find the right medicine for him. As for Paul, I have never understood what happened. I had always had misgivings about the efficiency of the nuns and their assistants to ensure that I got a successful delivery. After four successful deliveries at home I thought it was time to follow the trend of the day and have my fifth

8 X Of Life and Health delivery at the maternity clinic. My experiences as a novice nun working in the clinic did not give me much confidence that the nuns were very good at the job of delivery. I still remember the cases when they could not help women who, after delivering their children the afterbirth would not come out. I had insisted that they call on your great-grand-uncle, Bartholomew Logo, who is a traditional healer and had the medicine for such cases. They did call on him and he was able to help the women. I did not experience anything unusual with the labour when I went to the clinic and cannot explain why I had a stillborn baby. It was a boy. We baptized him and named him Paul. There was no funeral for him. We buried him with the afterbirth and I came home as if nothing has happened. (Personal conversation)

Unlike the recent migration of my maternal grandparents who crossed the Volta River from the northern frontier due to the colonial wars, my paternal grandparents came from the southwest, first settling in Tangasie near Nadowli before moving further north to Tome in the current Nandom district where my father was born and later to Lambusie district where we now have our family home. At the time of his birth, slaveraiding occurred simultaneously with wars of colonization and constant movement was the best response to both situations. This is well captured by Goody in 1965 when he made the following assessment of the region: Slave-raiding in the Lawra District was most severe where it adjoins Grusi territory; travelling only a little further north, Binger expressed surprise at seeing a Grusi village which had escaped pillage by the Zaberima and the Mossi slave-raiders. The south of the Lawra district lay on the periphery of their sphere of action and incursions were consequently infrequent. At the rumour of their coming or at the sight of headless bodies drifting down the Volta, the inhabitants would rush across the river, abandoning their granaries to the horsemen; at dusk, the men would secretly creep back to collect some food and when sufficient confidence had been gained the population would return to their homes. Slave-raiding left little traces of any permanent effect on the institutions of the Lobi and Dagari-speaking peoples. (Goody 1967: 13)

Both my paternal grandparents died when my father was still a young boy, leaving him and his younger brother and sister to grow up fending for themselves. He had some luck negotiating the life of an orphan within these difficult times by judiciously using his position as a child of a prescribed cross-cousin marriage. His mother was the sister of my greatgrand-uncle Bartholomew Logo, who became the head of the extended family and initiated the most recent family migration into our current settlement in Piina, a Sisaala country (see Tengan 2000a: 261–71). As the most senior male child of a cross-cousin marriage, he not only stood first in line to inherit the moveable property of Bartholomew Logo, but also to

Introduction X 9

become the priestly custodian and tenderer of those categories of shrines and healing cults culturally defined as feminine and of matrilateral origins. Hence, he was given the symbolic name ‘Tengan’ (earth priest), the earth cult and shrine being the most significant among the feminine cults in Dagara cosmology and is also of equal standing to the male cult of Rain. By the time that missionary Catholicism had begun to take root in Dagara society, Bartholomew had already acquired and established all the cultic institutions that a head of a Dagara house-based community should have to ensure that their religious, cultural and economic institutions function properly for the wellbeing of their members. My father assisted Bartholomew in the establishment and tendering of these shrines and cults. As an adult head of an extended family and as a young man respectively, Bartholomew and my father followed the standard adult catechism classes delivered by the missionaries and passed the required examinations and were baptized into Catholicism in the mid 1930s. The examination consisted of answering orally prepared questions and answers taught to them as catechumens. The question, prepared for the universal church and applied globally, did not seek to give any explanation about faith or moral or doctrine. Moreover, the translations were guided by the Dagara assistants employed by the missionaries to teach them the Dagara language and culture. The assistants did a good job in terms of translating Table 0.1 Questions and answers taken from ‘The Penny Catechism’ English question and response

Dagara cultural translation given by catechist

Q: Who made Q: Aãnu ir fu bing you? téngzu? A: God made me. A: Naawmin ir mɛ bing téng-zu. Q: Why did God make you? A: God made me to know him, to love him, and to serve him in this world and to be happy with him in the next.

Q: Naawmn ir fu ɛ fu irɛ bunu? A: Naamwin ir mɛ bin téngzu, N bang ul; N nonɛ ul; N iyangne ul; Eh paa tuo kyén téngvula; ti wo nuo tigtiglɛ.

English translation of cultural translation Q: Who has chosen you and settled you on the earth? A: The Deity of richness has chosen me and settled me on earth. Q: What are the Deity’s expectations from you after he has chosen you? A: The Deity has settled me on earth so that I can know him, I can love him; and I can honour him; and after which I will travel to the good earth where I will have everlasting enjoyment.

10 X Of Life and Health

the terms as close to Dagara cultural context as possible and, as such, formulated the Christian message in the context of Dagara philosophy and religion. Let me give a few examples of these questions and answers taken from ‘The Penny Catechism’.

The Ethnographic Field I began researching and writing about Dagara society and culture as a doctoral student by looking at their principal activity, hoe-farming, that both sustains them and gives them their social and cultural identity and thinking structures. The concluding remarks I made after that study served as the starting point for my studies into Dagara life and health issues. I stated then that: The life of a hoe-farmer consists partly in cultivating farmlands and rearing animals within settled environments laid out as houses, homesteads and village settlements; and partly in relating with persons and institutions within extending habitats. The hoe-farmer sees the two parts of his work as complementing and re-enforcing one another. One cannot cultivate crops and rear animals without relating with persons and institutions, and one is only relating with persons and institutions when one is in the mode of cultivating and rearing. The purpose of doing this is to know his world and to maintain it in the ways prescribed by his society and culture. Paradoxically, to cultivate and to rear entail the same knowledge processes as relating with persons and institutions. In other words, hoe-farming is an individual as well as a social mode of thinking about the universe and the constituted world in relation to how to cultivate, to rear, to manage relations, to socially organise, and to create the necessary intellectual as well as practical items and tools needed for different activities. (Tengan 2000a: 295)

The realization that Dagara life consists of relating to persons and institutions led me to focus my attention on their cultic institutions and shrines following my background research into hoe-farming. I adopted three sociocultural fields for the study and developed an appropriate approach for each field. The three fields include the religious field embedded in the Dagara bagr initiation of rites and mythical narrative processes (Tengan 1999, 2006, 2012), the symbolic/artistic field embedded in the built composition of cults and shrine objects, and the social fields of custodianship, guardianship and parenting. My approach to the religious institution of bagr was to become an associate member of the bagr society and to participate in the different initiation rites and other religious meetings and gatherings. I have outlined on many occasions my method of entry and have already published much of the ethnographic material that I now use for the study undertaken in this volume. Second, in order to under-

Introduction X 11

stand the symbolic and artistic field and to study the character of those who are custodians to cults and shrines, I began the collection of religious and sacred items and objects, including those designated in former times as ‘fetish’ and ‘magical’ from different cultures and religions. To do so, I developed and continued to maintain close contacts and relationships with religious persons and leaders from different traditions, including Catholic priests, traditional healers and diviners, African Islamic healers and clerics (Mallams). My approach in relation to these individuals has been to use my knowledge and position as a religious studies teacher to engage them in conversations and debates on diverse subjects and topics. These conversations and debates have occurred both on a formal and an informal basis. Thus, as a member of the bagr society, I formally commissioned artists and healers to make for my own personal use several religious and healing objects that I am entitled to have. These were also occasions for me to learn more about these objects, including their composition and use. From professional healers, I observed healing processes and took part in discussions about sick patients and their ailments. Furthermore, over the years, I have organized conferences and workshops in the field, during which I have brought along the members of the society who were schooled and educated according to the modern system as well as those who have acquired their knowledge through the informal traditional system.

Structuring Content Even though I have limited my study to the ethnographic and anthropological analysis of six cultic institutions as they deal with life processes within the Dagara sociocultural context, the content of this book largely deals with the fundamental issues surrounding life and death – issues common to all societies and cultures. In Chapter 1, however, I first deal generally with the need to develop a scientific language appropriate for the study of African scientific views on life, including its sustenance and healing processes. I intimate that this scientific language is embedded as a symbolic structure within the semantic expressions of religious and ritual practices and artistic creativity. Hence, in this chapter I move on to briefly discuss the nature of the lexicon and grammatical structure constituting this scientific language and conclude with a demonstrative use of the language to outline the condition of all life and particularly human life within nature, including the cosmic and cultural structures and experiences. The limited objective here is to fully put into perspective the system of thought and cultural philosophy about life as it is experienced as a property of cosmic nature. The main issues outlined concern the

12 X Of Life and Health

conception of life itself as a property of nature, of life as something that cannot be created or destroyed, and of life as a property that is commonly shared by all animated beings and elements. Within this limited objective, I first, following Chapter 1, use the cultic institution of the ancestors to further elaborate on the language and scientific understanding of life transmission and transfers across bodies and other life-bearing elements, with a focus on human life. The father and mother figures within the family unit appear as the first line in the domain of life transmission and transference. Well over one hundred sacred objects and artifacts collected in bulk from two Dagara/Lobi ancestral shrines of families who have recently converted to Catholicism are used as phonemic symbols to outline and describe the foundational principles about life as observed within cosmic nature. These include the findings that life pre-exists outside the dimensions of space and time and prior to its embodiment within a being or life-bearing element. This is true for all life-forms, including human life, which is a choice that a being or an element makes to have a specially confined experience of earthly life. The focus is placed on the ancestors as beings who have accumulated sufficient experiential knowledge of earthly life within the recent past to enable them to guide the individual and the community make appropriate choices on earth. The choices could include such varied issues as the selection of parents and family for an individual, the conditions of choices around issues of fertility and barrenness, times of birth and death, the mythical conditions that lead to totemic, kinship and taboo relations and many others. The chapter describes and analyses the observed scientific methods and procedures put in place to ensure that the enumerated choices above, when properly made, lead to abundant and healthy life transmission within the human species. The focus of Chapter 3 is on life sustenance and growth at its primitive stage and as it applies to all life-forms and beings. The analysis is about life conceived as a primordial property of cosmic nature that is preexisting the embodiment of all life-forms and beings and is first transferred and embodied in the proto-atypical ancestral being for each life species. There is a specific focus on the proto-human ancestral being sometimes referred to as the proto-life beings of the wild (kɔntɔn) and their mythical world of cultural awareness. As an institution, the cult of kɔntɔn has, as primary attribute, the symbolization of nature’s collective unconscious mind of experiential knowledge about life from its origins. This experiential knowledge is key for the proper sustenance of all life, including knowledge about the proper handling of the necessities of life such as food (cultivation, hunting and gathering), shelter (housing, settlement, etc.) and security (defence, social relations, etc.). Using the language of

Introduction X 13

mythology and the art of ritual narration, the chapter summarizes the content dealing with the origins, proper cultivation and processing of the staple foods and crops within Dagara society. It outlines the physical and social construction of the house and house objects, the cultural construction of the family and kin relations, and the rites and ceremonies that will ensure life sustenance in a healthy environment. Chapters 4 and 5 on the bagr institution focus on avoiding dangers and threats to life within the human body as it continues to grow in plenitude. Chapter 4 deals with avoiding dangers that are linked to the very food substances and eating conditions that are basic for life sustenance. By developing a test grid as part of the three-year initiation ritual calendar into the bagr cult, the bagr society can handle all health-related issues concerning food cultivation, food preparation and eating habits. The chapter gives a detailed account of the religious and cultural prohibitions on consuming certain kinds of foods and drinks during specific occasions as a way of understanding illnesses and finding a cure for them. The chapter concludes by describing the culture of observing the eating habits of animals and using the knowledge acquired to develop cures for illnesses linked to the culture of animal and human eating habits. As far as the Dagara health system is concerned, all dangers and threats to life that have the potential to cause fatalities must have a streak of a poisonous substance or effect (toxins) in them. Hence, Chapter 5 focuses on poisoning as the main cause of death for all life-forms and how to avoid it or how to deal with its imminent threats. Death itself is the deepest mystery of life and, as such, a metaphorical language is constructed around the practice of hunting and killing animals in order to properly deal with the issues of poisoning. In the first part of the chapter, the concept of poisoning is placed in a broad and wide perspective to include all manner of causes of pain and injury (physical, mental, psychological, spiritual in the form witchcraft and sorcery, etc.) that could lead to the ending of life in a specific form or death for a specific being. In this regard, the chapter focuses on the preparation of the appropriate poison that is most effective for the termination of life in different types of lifeforms and beings. The reasoning is that this type of knowledge is essential for human beings in order to avoid the danger of poisoning and to eventually develop remedies that are related to different forms of poisoning ailments. A systematic analysis is undertaken of the cultural and scientific knowledge of preparing poison and hunting medicines that are eventually used for injuring and possibly killing different categories of animals and life-forms. The final three chapters of the book (Chapters 6 and 7 and the Conclusion) complement each other and deal with a series of cults that aim

14 X Of Life and Health

to deal with the dangers of poisoning and threats to the continuity of life embodied in various life-forms and beings. The analysis first demonstrates and outlines the scientific method via which Dagara healers diagnose and treat dangers and threats to life that are perceived and identified within the outlined concept of poisoning and wounding the body as a way of hunting. Hence, in Chapter 6, I use the ethnographic material from Dagara mythical narratives to illustrate the different levels and kinds of poisoning that can take place within the living body. The method used to illustrate my points is to use the cultural information of hunting down different categories of animals discussed above as a way of finding treatment for different levels of poisoning and other threats to life. These include treating physical wounds and injuries that are not fatal with earth material and soil (the case of the occiput of the monkey); the healing of poisoned being using only plant substances, such as boiling the roots and leaves of specific plants and trees (garu); the killing of the rabbit and the partridge with the poisoned arrow of strophanthus;6 the healing of the poisoned body using plant and animal (toad) material; using plant, animal and human fluids and speech; and using plant, animal and human psychology and spiritual means. The art of constructing the cult of healing and the continued reshaping and reconstruction of its shrine appear as a metaphor for both diagnosing the nature of the poisoning and prescribing the healing substances that can act as an antidote to the poisoning. Thus, in Chapter 7, I give a detailed description and analysis of the healer and his putting together of the different elements to construct the healing shrine. This description also allows me to fully discuss the methods of diagnosing and prescribing healing substances or practices. In the Conclusion, I finish by describing observed diagnostic and healing procedures that I have observed as part of my fieldwork. The case studies demonstrate the common cosmological vision that healers share with their patients and how this is essential for healing to take place. I have relied heavily on Dagara field data collected over many years from different regions in Ghana and Burkina Faso, and Dagara bagr mythical narratives, instructions and ritual practices that I have I have participated in, observed and recorded as primary material to support my ethnographic and anthropological analysis presented in this book. In that light, I will like to acknowledge all the bagr societies and members dotted throughout northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso who have instructed me on the bagr philosophy and way of life. I had initially conducted fieldwork with many Dagara hoe-farmers within the same ethnographic region (1992–94) and they instructed me on Dagara culture of hoe-farming and social relations (Tengan 2000a). The field data I col-

Introduction X 15

lected back then constitutes a great deal of the reference material for this current work. I have tried to reference them scientifically in the best way possible and to acknowledge their knowledge contributions to the text. I am aware of the large amount of ethnographic documentation produced by the most qualified anthropologists from different traditions, including the French, German and English and North American anthropological traditions, and spreading over a very long period. I acknowledge the important relevance of all these works to my anthropological education and thinking. The nature of the subject and the approach I have developed, including the scientific language used as a study of the subject, requires me to step away from most of these studies out there. In Chapter 1, I will proceed to explain in detail why this is so.

Notes 1. I use the term ‘science’/’scientific’ following the dictionary definition and consider them as culturally neutral terms and not in the sense according to which some might want to say there is Western science and ethnoscience. By ‘scientific’, I mean the ‘intellectual and practical activity encompassing the systematic study of the structure and behaviour of the physical and natural world through observation and experiment’ (dictionary definition from the Oxford English Dictionary). 2. In written literature, one can encounter kyaara instead of chaara. My personal experience with English-speakers wanting to pronounce my middle name, Bekyane, convinces me that it is most helpful to say ‘ch’ as it is pronounced in the English word ‘chapter’. 3. The architectural structure of the Dagara house resembles that of the Batammaliba as described in Blier (1987); see also Fiéloux et al. (1993). 4. This practice is still going on today. The afterbirth of children born in hospital is given to the parents for the performance of the ritual. 5. Most of the missionary staff who came to northwest Ghana were French Canadians. Fathr Joseph-Edouard De Serres was from Trois Rivières, Canada and was first registered as a member of the Jirapa parish staff in 1941. He died while still on active duty in Nandom in 1972 and his funeral was a combination of Dagara religious rites and the Catholic funeral Mass. 6. Strophanthus is a genus of flowering plants in the Apocynaceae family. It is native primarily to tropical Africa.

CHAPTER 1

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning QQQ

Language in Indigenous Knowledge Construction Every knowledge system has its specific language and jargon as a created symbolic order that it uses to see and understand the reality that it chooses as its focus of study. Whereas knowledge as self- and environmental awareness1 mainly through perception starts in infancy and prior to the acquisition of language as a way of knowing, scientific knowledge is initiated and developed as part of the human language – the innate generating ability to learn to speak and create meaningful signs, symbols and gestures and to understand them. According to some linguists, particularly those who favour the structural approach, and as we can observe from the variety of human languages and types, the innate quality of the generative schemes of language does not lead to or dictate a common system of signs and symbols for all human societies and cultures, but to the development of unique language systems based on arbitrary selection of signs and symbols, and a unique but consistent construction of grammatical rules and syntactic structures peculiar to each language. This is not withstanding the fact that in terms of speech, all human voices are limited to a common set of phonetic alphabets permitting us to learn different languages and to code-switch in the use of languages. Based on this understanding, the growth of knowledge in each society and culture

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 17

begins with a certain indigenous understanding of science as peculiar knowledge awareness. In other words, the term ‘indigenous knowledge’, as used here, would therefore refer to that scientific knowledge belonging to a unique language and culture as it develops its own arbitrarily selected signs and symbols based on the physical and social environment from which it has emerged and developed. Indeed, I will define ‘indigenous’ in general as knowledge that is innate to a social group and comes with the group’s development of speech as the foundation of their linguistic competence to symbolize and further systematize their thoughts and ideas about themselves and their living environment into a body of knowledge The correlation between the development of language and the culture of science, both in terms of methodology and theory and cultural practice, is difficult to understand (see Tengan 1994). Is the culture of science a distinct human endeavour that is separate from the development of language as a codification of human creativity? Is scientific culture embedded in language and lodged in the human mind or thought faculties and responsible for reasoned order (Sahlins 1976)? On the other hand, is language simply a structure and structuring mode via which the human mind tends to make things intelligible for us to understand (Lévi-Strauss 1953) or is it just the generating capacity of the various linguistic competences that come with human nature (Chomsky 1966, 1986, 2006)? Inasmuch as it is important to establish the theoretical basis for the subject of my study, namely, language use in the study of Africa (Dagara) art, religion and medicine as one common discipline within an indigenous knowledge system, it seems to make more sense if I were to combine theory with the presentation of the ethnographic material, since the theoretical and philosophical reflection of this peculiar knowledge system seems embedded in cultural practice. Moreover, it is also the case that ‘scientific colonialism’, as Galtung (1967) puts it, on African indigenous knowledge as science has led to a distortion of the language and culture used to understand African knowledge generally and, by extension, to the theoretical and philosophical thoughts underpinning them. The distortion is most prevalent in the very three knowledge areas that are the focus of my current study, namely, indigenous medicine, religion and art. Hence, it is not uncommon to read such ill-defined terms as herbal, divinatory and therapeutic practices as canons for the study of indigenous medicine, or for one to encounter such negative terms as ‘sorcery’, ‘witchcraft’, ‘satanic’ and ‘magical’ in the literature on African religion and art. This book takes the view that scholars of African indigenous knowledge and science, as areas of study, have hardly begun to tackle the issue of scientific decolonization in these fields, much less to generate and un-

18 X Of Life and Health

derstand the scientific lexicon via which this knowledge system has come into existence. Thus, it is important, first, to deal properly with the events that have led to the colonial distortions before attempting to decolonize and reroute the mode of access to indigenous knowledge. Two forms of distortions that need to be tackled include the old missionary practice of wanting to replace African religion with Christianity through negative representation, and the old colonial educational pedagogy of presenting Western science as intrinsically objective and as a universal knowledge system unmediated by any cultural tradition are issues that continue to impede the development of any African scientific language. It is my belief that a re-examination of ethnographic material within a culture-specific paradigm would open up new perspectives to deal properly with indigenous science. Hence, throughout this book, ethnographic data from the Dagara people of northern Ghana will be used to draw attention to the fact that African (Dagara) religion and art contain the basic lexicon that needs to be developed as a scientific language for any proper study of the Dagara Medical knowledge system. The ethnographic material comes from my many years of research into Dagara religion, art and medicine as a common area of study (Tengan 1999, 2006, 2012) and into their culture of hoe-farming (Tengan 2000). The supporting data is basically a cultural study of four knowledge based institutions in Dagara culture that are often presented as cultic institutions of some sort within anthropological literature. They consist of the cult of the ancestors (kpîîn) and the cult of reasoned order (bagr), both commonly found in each Dagara homestead, and the cult of primitive being and spirit of nature (kɔntɔn) and the cult of the universal living structure of the cosmos (tibr). The last of these has two other associated cults attached to it, namely, the Earth cult (tengan tibr) and the Rain cult (sàdug). The correlation of these six institutions is best visualized as four concentric circles that map out the worldview of each individual and the community at large. Before I can deal with this aspect, let me first deal with the position of indigenous knowledge within the history of science in Africa.

African Indigenous Knowledge and the History of Science in Africa There is a long history regarding the study of African indigenous knowledge systems, even though the term indigenous as used here might appear to be recent. This long history has always been intimately linked to the way in which foreign minds have encountered the African mind and system of thought. The two main most significant foreign contacts

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 19

with indigenous Africa are the Arabic culture and Islamic religion, and the European culture that came along with Christianity. I shall not dwell in detail here on the impacts these contacts have had on the growth of indigenous knowledge in Africa, but I will mention that they both had a common perception about black Africa and its populations, which impacted enormously on the way in which indigenous knowledge is perceived and studied even today. In both traditions, prior to contact with Africa, the notion had already developed that the canons of knowledge (especially scientific knowledge) were divinely revealed as written text and recorded in a holy book such as the Bible, the Torah and the Quran. Each known human race and population, as perceived at that time, had its own ‘holy book’ and as such was on the path towards human civilization. Written language became the mark of rational reasoning and writing and rationality became the main distinctive features of scientific thinking and cultural progress. It is beyond the scope of this book for me to attempt to trace here the historical evolution that these ideas have had on the pursuit of scientific knowledge and the impact it has had on indigenous knowledge in general. In order to deal with this important and complex issue, I will make an ethnographic description of the Dagara indigenous knowledge system and Dagara frames of mind or rationalizing reasoning as developed by the culture. However, I will first like to put the broader issue into an anthropological perspective.

Anthropology, African Studies and Indigenous Knowledge Notwithstanding the above, it is still essential that I put the approach to scientific knowledge in Africa into perspective. Fifty years ago, the first modern African Studies institute was established in the University of Ghana in Accra. It is heartening to note that the founders of this institute spelt out very achievable goals within a focused area and discipline, namely to ‘study the history, culture and institutions, languages and arts of Ghana and of Africa in new African centred ways’ and to ‘reassess and assert the glories and achievements of our African past and inspire our generation, and succeeding generations, with a vision of a better future’ (Nkrumah 1963). For the past fifty years, the institute and, indeed, most other similar institutes that followed in its footsteps stuck to these goals, and much has been achieved, mainly in the fields of African historical reconstruction, cultural aesthetics and African contemporary socio-political institutions and practices – we have at least gone beyond the conception that African political systems are all about kinship. Though the method and conceptual frameworks have largely followed Western academic norms, the studies made in these fields have shaped a new and positive

20 X Of Life and Health

understanding of the African experiences in these domains. However, the same cannot be said of such major areas of African indigenous knowledge as art, religion and medicine, and the scientific language used for their study. As an introduction to this book, I will first outline the impediments that have hindered progress in these knowledge areas. Next, I will discuss briefly the nature and character of African knowledge frameworks and how the distinct separation between religion, art and medicine as unique knowledge disciplines leads to their mischaracterization and their false understanding as true scientific knowledge. Negativity and Narrow-Minded Views

In the first year of my anthropological studies at Leuven, a distinguished African professor of linguistics jokingly reproached me for studying a discipline that was not scientific. In his words, anthropology limits its discourses, fields of research and study to specific substrata of human beings and their cultures. He made me feel that by opting to become an anthropologist, I was a sell-out in relation to my own continent and people. Since anthropology allows mainly Europeans to point their gaze at mainly Africans and their culture, but will not do the same to their own society, it is insulting to point my own gaze at my own people as if I were not one of them. A few months after my encounter with the African professor of linguistics, a well-known European professor of anthropology jokingly remarked that anthropology was no longer an interesting discipline because Africans had started to specialize in it; this was after he learnt that I was studying anthropology. I could deal with the two remarks by reminding myself that I had chosen to study anthropology out of my own interests and motivation, and any time one or two individuals made similar remarks, I would retort with the common saying that there are as many anthropologies as there are anthropologists. As a discipline, anthropology, starting as ethnology, has throughout the decades thrived by appealing to the European consciousness that native cultures are ‘exotic’, very different from their own and, perhaps, bizarre and incompatible with Western technological and scientific culture. Native cultures, by being exotic, do not constitute components of the real world and have no scientific truth or value. At the same time, Europeans are given the impression that they have lost memory of their ‘primitive’ times and that in order to understand their own primitive culture that was one time in existence, they have to study African culture. Once this consciousness was created, ethnology then gave itself the task of documenting ‘exotic’ cultures and analysing ‘primitivity’, first to satisfy European curiosity about the exotic and second to inform them about their own past, a past that equally belonged to the realm of unreality. The fear

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 21

that primitive cultures are being destroyed in a similar manner as the European past by modern civilization and the fact that, as oral cultures, they had no writing systems to effectively record their own traditions made the work of ethnography most urgent (see Tengan 1998, 2000). An Anthropological Perspective on African Knowledge

For a long time (and this is the case today), many scholars of African studies, intellectuals and politicians have viewed engagement in the study of anthropology as openly agreeing with the premises upon which anthropology has thrived, and also as tacitly accepting to promote the ideals lying behind these premises. They unconsciously felt that anthropology, through its method of reductionism and ethnographic analysis, was consciously and systematically demystifying the core cultural components around which the African life-world has been built and, by the improper use of negative language, was destroying the scientific value embedded in those components constituting the African worldview. In other words, the anthropological analysis, by itself, threatens to destroy native cultures through the analytical practice of gaze and disclosure and through negative representation. As a result, and to preserve themselves and their societies from extinction, African intellectuals and politicians would, in theory, vehemently dismiss the conceptual notions, modes of practice and analytical powers associated with the discipline of anthropology. In practice, however, being trapped in the colonial educational paradigm, some would aggressively promote very few selected ideals constitutive to the world of the foreign anthropologist as a way of saving their own societies. Some of these ideals are not necessarily the most lucid or the most appropriate for the reconstitution of native societies. Most African intellectuals would, for example and in theory, try to argue that their cultures and societies are not primitive and backward, but in practice, they would make it impossible for all those still hanging on to their native cultures to participate fully in modern civilization as a process of remodelling society. Broadly, there are two factors that have led to this situation: first, the old missionary practice of wanting to replace African traditional religion with Christianity through negative representation of African religion and culture, and thereby presenting the religion as belief in spirits and the worship of ancestors; and, second, an old educational pedagogy still very much in use that views Western science as intrinsically objective universal knowledge unmediated by any mythological tradition of thought and symbolization. According to Johan Galtung, Kwame Nkrumah as President of Ghana understood that Africa was not just colonized economically, but also culturally and scientifically. Hence, describing the struggle as depicted by a large painting, Galtung wrote:

22 X Of Life and Health the painting was enormous, and the main figure was Nkrumah himself, fighting, wrestling with the last chains of colonialism. The chains are yielding, there is thunder and lightning in the air, the earth is shaking. Out of all this, three small figures are fleeing, white men, pallid. One of them is the capitalist, he carries a briefcase. Another is the priest or missionary, he carries the Bible. The third, a lesser figure, carries a book entitled African Political System: he is the anthropologist, or social scientist in general. (Galtung 1967: 13)

For many years, the decolonization process focused on the political and the economic aspects, to the neglect of the cultural and the scientific nature of colonization. Indeed, it is now extremely difficult to appropriately learn the language via which African indigenous religious and scientific knowledge, especially medical scientific knowledge, was initiated and developed. This is mainly so because for African indigenous knowledge, art, religion and cosmology did not exist as unique disciplines separate from the science of medicine or healing, but acted as the symbolic and abstract language via which one views and understands the world of matter and living elements. The scholar of African science no longer has the cultural paradigm of his or her own that is required to view and understand the indigenous knowledge system. Indeed, for the contemporary Westerneducated African, the Western scientific paradigm that he or she has acquired through education has become, as Pierre Bourdieu (1977, 1990) and Renaat Devisch (1993) describe, his or her reasoning and practical ‘habitus’ through which he tries to understand and communicate his own indigenous knowledge. It is clear that Western scientific paradigm has become a big impediment. This impediment is reinforced by his or her false belief and notion that ‘true’ scientific knowledge, particularly the science of nature and our environment, must follow the same scientific method and approach, and that this method and approach is a naturally given rational method independent of any cultural construction. He or she is blinded by the centuries of Western propaganda that its scientific method and approach is a naturally given rational that was constructed from pure reason and without resorting to any religious and cosmological abstractions and specific cultural symbolization. I myself was a victim of this blindness until I started to involve myself positively with African indigenous scientists and to learn their language of abstraction and symbolization, particularly through the combination of religion, art and medicine as a single discipline. Thus, the African conceptions of art, religion and medicine, as outlined by such scholars as Mbiti (1969), Mulago (1973) and Kagame (1969, 1976) paradoxically reflect very much the Christian conceptions about nature

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 23

and often contrast the natural with the supernatural. These conceptions are most clearly expressed by studies in the ill-defined fields of ‘African Traditional Religion’ and ‘African Cultural Studies’. Similarly, features used to outline the fields of study in both disciplines are often ill-defined. Studies in African traditional religion sometimes report that natural features such as hills, mountains, rivers and forests are conceived by Africans as sacred locations because of their relationships with the supernatural. The supernatural itself is considered as a vast sacred realm somewhere outside the domain of the natural and populated by a myriad of ghosts, spirits, deities, nature spirits, ancestor spirits and the like. Mythical, spiritual and imaginary relations are then established between living beings of this world and these other beings through religious practice. In some cases, scholars often report on a proliferation of ‘spirits’ of nature in almost every location and try to find in each exceptional natural object or location a corresponding spirit from the supernatural order. By raising this issue, it is certainly my intention to protest the canons established in these fields of study. Indeed, I would like to state that the studies undertaken so far in these fields have little bearing on my ethnographic approach to the analysis of religion art and medicines among the Dagara. Robin Horton (1993: 161–93) has shown how much the Christian cosmological model and the Christian faith have patterned the study of African systems of thought. According to him: For much of the past fifty years, the study of the indigenous religious heritage of Africa has been dominated by social or cultural anthropologists of Western origin and agnostic or atheistic religious views. In recent years, however, the dominance of this set has been challenged by new wave of scholars, some Western and others African, who repudiate the established approach to the field and advocate a radically different one. Some of these scholars, such as Evans-Pritchard and Victor Turner, have been anthropologists by formal professional affiliation. Others, like Idowu, Mbiti, Gaba and Harold Turner, have been affiliated to such disciplines as theology and comparative religion. Yet others, such as Winch, have been philosophers. They are united, however, by a methodological and theological framework which has been strongly influenced, first and foremost by their own Christian faith, but also by the long tradition of comparative studies of religion carried out by Christian theologians. (Horton 1993: 161)

Horton shows how the above-mentioned scholars have used Judeo-Christian religious concepts to interpret African thought, and asserts that such notions as God (Supreme Being), spirits, souls, spirits of the wild and so on are meaningful only to people who have spent years studying and practising Judeo-Christian religion, and who wish to have a translated

24 X Of Life and Health

version of African thought in Western Christianity. This, as Horton points out, is the scope of the work of Mbiti (1969), but also of Mulago (1973) and Kagame (1969, 1976) not mentioned by Horton. In our case, we have observed that the Dagara, within a short period of time, massively converted to Christianity. However, the huge number of conversions did not lead to a complete Christianization of their cosmology. On the contrary, selected elements of Western Christian cosmology are continually being integrated into Dagara traditional cosmology as a way of dealing with current sociocultural changes. Christianity and modernization have not led Dagara society away from their traditional methods of hoe-farming or from their outlook on the cosmos as hoe-farmers. Interviews conducted and activities observed both among Christians and nonconverts indicate the existence of a common cosmology based on the same concepts of space and time. In other words, the cosmological order that ties in with the concepts of space and time is common to all Dagara. They view the ordering of the cosmos as a concrete process of ordering the environment in terms of locations consisting of farms, homesteads, the village stead, the bush, hills, rivers, etc. and of dealing concretely with atmospheric conditions as personified agencies. Through the process of personification, the Dagara view both the physical and metaphysical dimensions of the environmental locations and atmospheric conditions by considering them as figures and personified beings with whom they share a common space. The figures and beings evoke human thought and are also seen as the metaphorical and alphabetical themes used in the development of scientific and cultural language. Also, the common space in question is the constituted Dagara world that they always visualize as a concrete nontranscendental world. As Kwasi Wiredu (1996: 87) argues, ‘a people can be highly metaphysical without employing transcendental concepts in their thinking, for not all meta-physics is transcendental metaphysics’. In other words, metaphysical concepts are usually embedded in such institutions and practices as the personified Earth (Téng) or Rain (Sàà),2 without necessarily conceptualizing them as transcendental supernatural beings. Approaching an Indigenous Thinking Frames

It would be wrong to argue that anthropology and other scientific disciplines have not been genuinely concerned with discovering indigenous modes of thought as demonstrated by local cultures. Despite the blockades outlined above, certain genuine questions have been posed over the years and certain paths have been taken that have led to certain results. For my purposes, I will focus my attention on two writers for two different reasons. The first is Claude Lévi-Strauss and the second is Jack Goody.

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 25

First, Lévi-Straus appeared to me to have posed precisely the legitimate questions that are at the heart of the matter, namely, does the ‘primitive/ savage’ mind exist in a uniquely differently way from the ‘scientific’ mind and what are its frames of thought? He also focused on the science of mythology, which I also happen to encounter frequently in my ethnographic field, as the gateway to discovering indigenous frames of thought within their own logic. In the second instance, Goody and I share a common ethnographic field: the Dagara and their neighbours living in the frontier regions of the three West African countries of Ghana, Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire. Goody not only provided for me a very critical review of the works of Lévi-Strauss, but used the ethnographic data from Dagara culture to do so. In addition to the critical review, he proposed through comparative analysis that the distinction between the primitive mind and the scientific mind is very much linked to differences in the means and tools of communication. According to Goody, it is the development of writing and the shift from oral culture to literate culture that is responsible for the development of the scientific mind. Let me briefly state my understanding of these two positions and explain how they have helped me to deal with knowledge and thinking frames within indigenous cultures.3 As stated above, in anthropology, to my knowledge, it was Lévi-Strauss (1962, 1966) who first focused our attention on ‘primitive’ models of thinking and developed a theoretical and a methodological paradigm to deal with human thought prior to what many call the development of modern scientific thought. Lévi-Strauss began to develop his theory of structuralism in anthropology by questioning the universal historical and evolutionary concept of culture and human progress, and stated through the analysis of kinship systems (Lévi-Strauss 1953) and, contrary to the dominant discourse of his time, that there are multiplicities of human cultures, each with its own encoded logic. This opening statement allowed him to shift the basis of culture theory from the size of the brain as its focus to mental operations as encoded logic (Lévi-Strauss 1949, 1958) and, finally, to develop the theory of structuralism as an alternative to that of cultural evolutionism. In essence, Lévi-Strauss argued that the human mind is constantly manipulating abstractions in thought forms in order to create conditions and practices. The abstractions finally settle in the mind as prefigured or precoded mental structures. These configurations or codes show themselves concretely in different processes like writing, classification, encoding or other logical operations. The different processes, in turn, create structures as outlines of human conditions and practices. It is these structural outlines that appear as culture and account for cultural and racial differences. A structural study and analysis of culture concerns these structural outlines. Lévi-Strauss presented kinship structure as well

26 X Of Life and Health

as mythology as the perfect examples and models through which we can observe processes of abstractions and the creation of outlines. He also used the study of kinship and myths to show how structures differ from culture to culture. In order to explain why these differences should exist and how it has come about that some cultures are more advanced or more scientific than others, Lévi-Strauss (1967) introduced other key concepts, such as the ‘bricoleur’, the ‘savage’ or ‘undomesticated mind’4 and ‘primitive thinking’. The ‘bricoleur’ has to make do with limited and heterogeneous materials and tools to create and do his or her work. It is with respect to this limitation that we can talk about the relative differences between the culturally ‘undomesticated mind’ and the ‘domesticated mind’. Using the language of kinship and myths, Lévi-Strauss showed that the ‘undomesticated mind’ applies a rather limited combinatory set of binary opposition, original to the process of abstraction and thinking, in a number of related and unsophisticated fields, like kinship, totemism, initiation and healing, and what comes out as a complex structure is only a manipulation of the same limited concepts and fields. This is not the same with the ‘domesticated mind’. The ‘domesticated mind’ is creating ever more complex new ‘tools’ to embrace larger entities, to include a greater variety of data and to integrate wider differences and interrelations. This is done according to the multiple logic of opposition, homology and congruence in terms of space and time. The relationship between the two is summarized in LéviStrauss’ (1989: 22) distinction between mythical and scientific thoughts. Thus, he writes that the: characteristic feature of mythical thought, as ‘bricolage’ on the practical plane, is that it builds up structured sets, not directly with other structured sets but by using the remains and debris of events: in French ‘des bribes et de morceux’ or odds and ends in English, fossilized evidence of the history of an individual or a society. The relation between the diachronic and the synchronic is therefore in a sense reversed. Mythical thought, that ‘bricoleur’ builds up structures by fitting together events, or rather the remains of events, while science ‘in operation’ simply by virtue of coming into being, creates its means and results in the form of events, thanks to the structures which it is constantly elaborating and which are its hypotheses and theories. (Lévi-Strauss 1989: 22)

Lévi-Strauss posited that all human prescientific thought in all cultures, and in the modern sense, developed at the same speed throughout human history up to and beyond the Neolithic era, when it stalled. Lévi-Strauss called this type of human mental structure or frame ‘La Pensée Sauvage’ (‘The Savage Mind’) and described it as processing, to put it in simplistic

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 27

terms, as a sort of ‘bricolage’ derived mainly from mythical reproduction and the unconscious mind. In response to Lévi-Strauss, Jack Goody (1977) first insisted that one must take a step back from the binary and ethnocentric forms of categorizations ‘rooted in a we/they division’ of mental frames and thought. He then asserted that there is an evolutionary path in the development of technology necessary for the creation of advanced cultures. In his view, the most essential technology for the creation of rational and scientific thought was the use of alphabetical writing as a tool of communication. Goody’s material is heavy on global historical evidence and comparative literary analysis, much to the expense of the field material he collected from the Dagara people. The main issue that he focused on was not so much the indigenous frames of thought, but the differences between the devices of communication employed by the primitive mind and the scientific mind – what he called ‘technology of the intellect’. In this light, Goody asserted that in the order of the evolution and development of human thought, ‘after language the next most important advance in this field lay in the reduction of speech to graphic forms, in the development of writing’ (1977: 10). Accordingly, the development of writing not only leads to a single significant leap, but to a series of changes that will eventually lead to social and cultural revolutions in scientific thought, including the field of mathematics. Citing the Babylonian mathematics as a case in point, Goody asserted that the development of mathematics also depends on the prior development of a graphic system, though not necessarily an alphabetical one. He enumerated some of his practical experiences with the Dagara of northern Ghana in order to illustrate the relationship between writing and mathematics and the role that graphic systems play in thought, and to support his assertion that it is the lack of the graphic system which prevents the primitive or oral mind from thinking scientifically and mathematically. Hence, he stated: In 1970 I spent a short time revisiting the LoDagaa of Northern Ghana, whose main contact with literacy began with the opening of a primary school in Birifu in 1949. In investigating their mathematical operations I found that while non-school boys were experts in counting a large number of cowries (shell money), a task they often performed more quickly and more accurately than I, they had little skill at multiplication. The idea of multiplication was not entirely lacking; they did think of four piles of five cowries as equalling twenty. But they had no ready-made table in their minds by which they could calculate more complex sums. The reason was simple, for the ‘table’ is essentially a written aid to ‘oral’ arithmetic. The contrast was even more true of subtraction and division; the former can be worked by oral means (though literates would certainly take to pencil and

28 X Of Life and Health paper for more complex sums), the latter is basically a literate technique. (Goody 1977: 12)

I am not seeking in this book to demonstrate the validity of anthropological methods and theories developed in the past; I am only seeking to understand, through the study of the ethnographic material I have collected, the subject matter that this material is addressing, namely the indigenous language of thought within the domains of religion, art and medicine. My reference to these particular writings at this point is to help me develop the path leading to the discovery of how thought frames and thinking processes developed by an indigenous society are produced and used. In that sense, the work of Lévi-Strauss is helpful to me only insofar as it draws my attention to the possible existence of the ‘savage/ undomesticated mind’ and the ‘scientific/domesticated mind’. However, his evidence does not teach me that the two mental frames cannot coexist at the same time within the individual brain and thinking faculties, and within the sociocultural level of the collective conscious and unconscious thoughts of a society or culture. There is simply no evidence even to suggest that some individuals or societies and cultures are entirely living on a ‘bricolage’ level of practical thought, while some others have advanced to a ‘scientific’ level of creative thought. Goody’s critique and further suggestions make it imperative for me to look beyond structural anthropology in order to further develop the science of indigenous thought beyond ‘bricolage’. I take seriously the assertions made by Goody concerning this subject matter, the most significant of which is the focus on the devices of communication within thought or, to use the appropriate term, ‘technology of the intellect’; and the difference the graphic system of writing, especially alphabetical writing, makes to primitive thought. What I take from Goody’s work is that it is not merely sufficient for the individual and the society to perfect the ways in which they know things through the use of language, reason, emotion, memory, etc., but in order for this knowledge to develop to the scientific level, there is a need to put into place a graphic system via which thought can be captured as a body of knowledge and further documented into a systematic order and structure so that the individual author can distance himself or herself from it, and so that he or she and others can critically review the text thus created. In other words, the differences in knowledge and thought frames can be narrowed down to the scientific distinction between the oral cultures having no graphic systems as aids and the literate cultures that have the written text or other given graphic systems as scientific aids. However, my own view is that each society and culture tends to develop these scientific technologies,

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 29

and specific individuals become scientists by educating themselves on their evolution and use. This is what my Dagara ethnography has told me. For the past twenty years, I have spent much time viewing the Dagara/ Lobi culture and their systems of thought, particularly relating to their hoe-farming system (Tengan 2000) and their bagr mythical narratives in the ritual context (Tengan 1999, 2006, 2012). From these studies, whereas it is evident to me that graphic systems are essential and remain the most efficient aids in the creation of a body of knowledge for the individual and the society, and might well be the most efficient technology of the intellect, I will be jumping to conclusions to suggest that there is an absence of any type of graphic system without first trying hard to find one and also to look at cultural system with an open scientific mind in order to understand the intellectual technologies that the culture has developed as aids to general mathematical manipulations and the devices used for memory documentation and recall. I find the unspoken implication that if no writing system capturing speech as language can be found in a society, then that society does not have any other graphic system as a technology of the intellect that will enable the creative mind to capture thoughts onto an external system in such a way that one can examine that thought from a distance. For the rest of this chapter, I shall use ethnographic material from Dagara religion, art and medicine as a common area of knowledge to illustrate how the culture constructs and develops scientific language and thought into a body of knowledge that will eventually be used to further any scientific investigation into life and health.

Knowledge Frames, Themes and Thinking Processes The Dagara view and approach to both indigenous and scientific knowledge, particularly knowledge of health and healing, takes a holistic perspective in opposition to reductionism and analysis. It is based on the hypothesis that, first, the meaning and knowledge content of any object or element is multi-generic and specifically identifiable to the ecological and environmental context within which the object is located for observation, and, second, that the knower or scientist, much as he or she might want to take a scientific distance from the object and the environment, is intimidated by the object and the location and is then absorbed into the meaningful context he or she is trying to understand. In other words, the meaning given to the object and the environment includes his or her own understanding of the syntactic relationships between the object, the environment and his or her own experience as a learner or scientist. The basic thinking or knowledge framework via which he or she is aware of

30 X Of Life and Health

and is experiencing the immediate data before him or her is structured and coloured by a specific cultural frame socially developed in the distant past and that he or she has inherited both consciously and unconsciously. At this point, let me hasten to emphasize that the knowledge or thinking framework I am referring to here cannot be perceived as a static hardwired frame that is successively transmitted over generations of users. Also, about content and data, there is no divine received text or narrative that is being kept in memory and faithfully transmitted trained experts through memorization and recall. As I will argue and demonstrate, African indigenous and, by extension, scientific knowledge is generative and dynamic processing of data within an ever-changing environment and context. In this book, I will focus on the notion of healing as a specimen of study within African science and contend that it is best observed when it is linked to other notions within religion and art. Indeed, my theory is that African art exists as the appropriate scientific language and jargon in the field of healing, religion, including ritual, and constitutes the practice and praxes of African science. In the rest of the book, I will discuss, through ethnographic description, the issue of art as language of scientific healing. I will then describe and outline how much religion becomes the practice and praxes of healing and will proceed to discuss the misuse of language and its resultant effect of scientific colonization within contemporary African society. The Lobi/Dagara society and culture originally found in northwest Ghana but now dispersed unevenly across the globe have been my laboratory for scientific observation for many years.

Society and Knowledge Production: Dagara Knowledge Institutions Dagara People and Society

The people calling themselves Dagara today and whose family settlements are distributed in the northwest and southwest corners of northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso are culturally very much akin to the people often referred to in the literature as the ‘true Lobi’ and also to the Dagaaba. Beyond my earlier identification of these peoples in my former works, I will only like to stress here the similarities in cultural practices and reproductions that exist between these people to underscore why, for this study and in terms of ethnographic understanding, I am looking at them as one common social group. Indeed, the Dagara dialect is equally well understood by many of the ‘true Lobi’ living in the Gaoua region and whose dialect is much more akin to Pwa. In the course of my research, I have used this dialect to communicate with the majority of the population, including members of the family settlement of Bindute Da near Gaoua.

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 31

As itinerant hoe-farmers, the Dagara have been migrating and creating settlements in many parts of northern and southern Ghana as well as in other areas in Burkina Faso and Cote d’Ivoire, and I have made a point of getting into contact with these people living both in the home region and in the diaspora. My contacts with the different groups of Dagara and Lobi hoe-farmers both in the Diaspora and the home regions suggest to me that, beyond the linguistic variations, these groups, especially with respect to their art, religion and medicine, relate to a common cosmological worldview and common forms of cultural practices. This book focuses on a descriptive study of the common language of art, religion and medicine used mainly by specialists within the society to sustain, repair and protect life from different forms of dangers as life begins its journey from the unseen world of the unborn through the world of the living and into that of the afterlife. Tradition and Social Change

On 23 April 1906, the Missionaries of Africa, also known as the White Fathers, arrived from Upper Volta, today known as Burkina Faso, in Navrongo to begin their missionary activities in northern Ghana. The small group consisted of Reverend Fathers Jean-Marie Chollet and Brother Eugene Gall from France and Oscar Morin from Canada as missionaries, and a contingent of about twenty Africans as helpers. Socially and culturally, the region was still suffering from the consequences of the just-outlawed slave raiding and the coming to an end of terror regimes by warlords initiated by such Zambarma generals as Samouri and Babatu. The populations were still coming to terms with the European (French, British and German) use of military force to try to establish their colonial rule. Many of the ethnic populations and groups residing in what was then called the Northern Territories of Ghana and those in semi-urban trading centres such as Wa and Bawku had, over the past century for reasons of security, come to adopt aspects of Islamization for their cultures and the centralizing chieftaincy structure as their main socio-political system. The rest of the populations and ethnic groups, mainly rural farming communities who did not subscribe to Islam and or did not adopt chieftaincy structure, were forced to migrate into the arid and less fertile regions of the presentday Upper-East and Upper-West Region. A main feature of these populations was constant migration and redistribution of peoples throughout the territory (Rattray 1932; Fortes 1945) and the use of linguistic and cultural icons as identity markers rather than territorial localities (Goody 1967). The Dagara people living in the northwest corner of Ghana first came into contact with the Catholic missionary society of the Missionaries of

32 X Of Life and Health

Africa, in 1929 and since then they have witnessed dramatic changes to their physical, social and cosmic environments. The missionary encounter, unlike the colonial one, which started somewhat earlier, was positively received by the Dagara and has continued to be a dynamic movement that is responsible for the reshaping of Dagara cosmological and geographical notions of space and its appropriation for cultural, political and social use. Within the general cultural pattern and discourse of the Dagara peoples of northwest Ghana, and perhaps for many African cultures, each encounter involves an endless set of bonding relations taking place within spaces in motion that also act as agents of the encounter. There has developed a bonding relationship between Dagara society and the Catholic religion that seems destined to last. The Dagara enthusiastic accommodation of Catholicism within the short period of their encounter with the White Fathers between 1929 and 1933 and the mass conversion of the population leading to the proliferation and institutionalization of church buildings as parish centres stands in contrast to their long period of resistance to British and French colonizing efforts. This contrast and the fact that their neighbours, the Sisaala has not embraced Catholicism has been a source of enigma for many internal and external observers. Many scientific scholars and rational-thinking ordinary people find it difficult to accept as meaningfully plausible the contexts of events described by the first missionaries (see McCoy et al. 1988; Tengan 2000), in which praying for rain at particular locations and centres accounted for much of this conversion phenomenon. Indeed, as it turned out, the centres where communities gathered to pray for rain became a symptomatic movement leading to the erection of church buildings and parish institutions on many of these different sites and locations. This movement also led to the redesigning and reshaping of geographical orientations and cosmographic visions of the people in many ways. The impact of colonial rule has been far less remarkable. Some of Dagara speaking people, mainly of the Lobi dialect, who are living in settlements around the urban centre of Wa, as a group, have continued to resist the cultural infiltration of first Islam and later colonialism, Christianity and modernity for a long time. However, from time to time, for one reason or another, individual families or a section of the extended family do decide to convert to Catholicism. Since the mass conversion of the Dagara populations living further north of Wa and stretching into southern Burkina Faso in the early 1930s, there has been greater pressure on the Dagara/Lobi living further south to convert as well. This pressure increased substantially in the 1970s, when the number of Dagara local clergy increased substantially to enable the church to send local priests with a much better understanding of the Dagara language and culture,

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 33

thus making evangelization more effective, and when many Dagara families from the Nandom area of the former Lawra district that had already converted to Catholicism began to immigrate in large numbers into this area. The increase in Catholic ritual activities and the rapid developmental processes taking place because of the missionary activities have continued to seduce even the Dagara traditional religious leaders, some of whom have hitherto stuck to their healing cults, to want to convert to Catholicism. In order to keep these leaders and integrate them within the process of conversion, the church puts on a show of religious superiority by conducting special rituals dedicated to the dismantling of the cultic institution and the removal of all the material objects associated with Dagara religion. In the past, the collected items were publicly put on a fire and their burning was a sign that they did not have any spiritual power as their original owners had claimed. However, some of the beautiful art objects were retained by the missionaries and with the coming of the local clergy, there is an ambivalence attitude towards setting these objects on fire. There is a tendency to store them away in an abandoned location within the parish house. This was the case with the two set of archives serving as the main ethnographic data of focus for my current study. Indeed, I first came to know of their existence through Father Linus Zan, who had served as the parish priest in the parish from which the artifacts had been collected. It was he who conducted the public Catholic ceremony to dismantle the cultic institution and to further conduct the rites integrating the then new converts into Catholicism. These items, after further study and investigation, do belong to one of the knowledge institutions alluded to above and found in every Dagara homestead before the arrival of the missionaries. They are categorized as sacred objects (bɛr-tibɛ) belonging to the ‘ancestral cult’ (kpimɛ) of fertility and life transmission. Before focusing on the items and their relationship to life transmission or fertility and to three other knowledge institutions and domains within Dagara society, let me make a brief statement on Dagara religion and philosophy in general and a link to the Dagara house as the focal point of knowledge production and sociocultural practices.

Abstractions, Symbolization and Notions of Thought Nature, Being and Life

Dagara religion and philosophy have their origins in mythical reflections and historical experiences as migrating hoe-farmers. In essence, their centre of gravity is focused on the thought and perception that nature is the supreme divine entity existing both as the concrete world of living beings

34 X Of Life and Health

and elements, and as the transcendental supernatural realm of awe, fascination and wonder. For generations, and in terms of religious practices, the Dagara have relied on four cultic institutions for knowledge and cultural production. These include the ancestral cult (kpimɛ), the kɔntɔnmɛ cult, the tibɛ cult and the bagr cult (Tengan 1999, 2000a, 2006, 2012), including heir mythical narratives, orations and sacred rituals. Each of these cults exists separately within the family and house community and is specifically located in the house structure. According to Dagara myth of origin, nature itself is a auto-generic being and has no creator. It consists of two extending spatial domains, namely, the space-above (sáá-zu) and the space-below (téng-zu). The space-above, in human language, is figuratively and metaphorically described as an undivided single extending entity and is perceived to be one common house space society of beings and elements. The Rain, as a male father figure, is the manifestation of the life-force embodied in the space-above and is in a constant relationship with Moon and the Sun as personified characters (see Tengan 2000a: 76–84). In contrast with the space-above, the space-below, consisting of the earth and its atmospheric surroundings, is further segmented into six prototypical domains that are broken into fragments and located randomly to cover the whole of the earth space. These include the arboreal/ plant space, the hill space, the rock space, the atmospheric space of the wind, the sea/water space and the atmospheric space of fire. This mythical structure of the cosmic realm appears as the main sociocultural syntax for understanding Dagara society and culture. In the first place, the society is a house-based social structure supported by a mythical ideology of kinship relations. As a noncentralized and non-hierarchical society, each house community is de facto a centre of gravity for sociocultural activities specifically relating to a particular institutional order. This is so because by assigning a generic name to each house group and community through tracing patrilineal descent lines, and by also associating a generic institutional foundation and practice with each of those in the house community, the system focuses on ensuring an egalitarian and yet also on distinct individualized corelationships among different communities and individuals on the basis of their common origins and specific institutional custodianship. The House and House Community: Social and Cultural Thought Frames

The notions of the old house (yir-kura), also sometimes defined as the big house ( yir-kpee), from which all individuals emigrate to constitute newer houses ( yir-pale) or smaller houses ( yir-bili) will always remain the centre of Dagara sociocultural as well as religious and political activities. The constitution of the old house or big house, and for that matter any of

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 35

the subcategories of houses, is destined to put in place the most effective known processes that will ensure the survival, prosperity and good health of each individual and the house community at large. As hoe-farmers, who have a very close relationship with nature and their constructed cosmic realm, in order to stay in good health and to ensure survival and prosperity, it is important for each one and the community as a whole to know the type of sociocultural relationships they must have with nature, including all elements within nature and with each other. As all scholars studying Dagara society and culture have confirmed, the six most significant cultural and knowledge institutions via which Dagara re-create and transmit their survival memory and toolkit for reproduction of society, as alluded to above, remain the institution of the ancestors (kpîîn), the institution of nature beings (kɔntɔn), the institution of the cosmos (tibr) with its two other associate branches (namely, the earth institution (tengan) and the rain institution) and finally the institution of the bagr. In very general terms, we can distinguish between these four institutions by the way in which they deal with life. Hence, the kpîîn focuses on life transmission through fertility and fertilization (dɔglu), the kɔntɔn figures knowledge of life sustenance, the bagr figures knowledge of life aesthetics and the tibr figures the knowledge of life as substantive essence at the social level. For all these institutions, the house building and community located as homesteads remain the central focus for all sociocultural and material reproduction and practices, including the scientific reproduction of knowledge. Hence, for each house location, the founding male and female ancestors tend to compose four categories of cultic shrine institutions in different locations of the house in order to ensure the proper understanding and management of life transmission processes, life sustenance processes, life aesthetics and life substantive essence. In the homestead, each of these shrines may be located in separate specific domains, except if the owner is a professional healer. Hence, the main ancestral shrine is located in a special room known as the ‘ancestral room’ (kpîîn dié), whereas that of the bagr will be located on the terrace near to the neck of the main granary (see Goody 1972; Tengan 2006). The kɔntɔnmɛ are very diverse and can be located at several places in and outside of the homestead. The tibr shrine is the most sacred and is located in a specially chosen room that is consecrated and dedicated to it. All these categories of shrines and the purpose for which they have been set up tend to make the Dagara house a cultic temple as well as a library and a museum for scientific research, experimentation and learning, and an existing health centre to cater for the total wellbeing of its members and society at large. In this book, it is my ambition to study in detail each of the four areas of knowledge institutions outlined above and to focus on

36 X Of Life and Health

the aspect of healing via the language of religion and art. However, before I turn my attention to these, let me elaborate on the Dagara frames of thought as specific models within indigenous knowledge.

Knowledge Frames and Thinking Models I shall base my elaboration on Dagara knowledge frames and thinking models based on my many years of study of Dagara cosmology, mythology and mythical narratives in bagr rites of initiation and their systems of thought regarding religion, art and medicine. I also draw inspiration from their linguistic structure, speech analysis and cultural practice of hoe-farming. Taking all these together, and carefully studying their approach to ways of acquiring and transmitting knowledge, I have come to identify three knowledge frameworks and thinking models that together constitute their mode and method of reasoning: (1) framing the cosmos and house and thinking spatially; (2) framing gender and understanding objectified bodies; and (3) framing life and dealing with conscious awareness. It will not be possible for me here to undertake a detailed study of the theories and practices of these knowledge frames, since that is not the main objective of my study at this moment. I shall only generally provide the symbolic and cultural phonemics used to construct the knowledge frameworks and broadly demonstrate their use as a scientific linguistic system. Framing the Cosmos via the House and Thinking Spatially

I have outlined on various occasions Dagara cosmic structure (see above and Tengan 2000a, 2000b, 2006) and how it is reproduced in the structure of the house. The material used to build the house not only has architectural properties, but, more important than that, also art objects designed to evoke thought and meaning. Two of the rooms that are commonly found in any completed house are of significance in relation to this. They include the Long Common Room (chaara) and other smaller rooms similar to it, and the hut (kampil). The construction of the Long Common Room consists of first erecting rectangular mud structures and then inserting a wooden structure as a roof support before finally throwing gravelly mud on the top of the wooden structure as a roof and creating a terrace as a living space. The final stage involves plastering all the walls and the floors, including the roof terrace, with gravel soil prepared with cow dung solution, the shells of the daw-daw fruit and pounded stem of the okra plant. The erection of the wooden structure consists of selecting5 a particular number of thick fork supporting beams (six to eighteen in number) and half the number of equal thickness as cross-

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 37

ing beams. Medium-size crossing beams, a specific number corresponding to the number being used as main supporting beams, are then selected based on their length and are used to create the first layer of the roof and terrace. Small crossing beams are then used to cover the small spaces created by the crisscrossing of the different beams. The thinking frame used in the construction of the Long Common Room follows a vertical and horizontal scheme of reasoning. This is very much outlined in detail as part of the ritual narration of bagr. This detailed structure cannot be fully dealt with here, but let me point out the general process. The main part of the house is the wooden structure, which is constructed in such a way as to create the two cosmic realms, namely the space-above (sáázu) and the space-below (téngzu), and to ensure vertical movements and interactions between them. The mud structure delimits the terraces and the rooms into irregular shapes and sizes, and makes it possible for one to undertake horizontal movements within the two realms. In all, the wooden and mud structures create vertical and horizontal spatial trajectories for the circulatory movement of living beings, including humans, and for the proper placement of handmade items and wares, and the storage and preservation of household produce and goods. The round hut is a room that often stands alone either on the terrace of the Long Common Room or near to the frontyard or the backyard. Forksupporting beams should never be used as part of its architecture. Indeed, the round wall has no supporting wooden structure that is staked into the ground. The mud structure is built by tracing a circle on the ground as a foundation and laying nine to twelve rims of mud walls, one on top of the other and in a sequence of one rim per day until the last rim. The circular shape of the mud structure is significant, in that the most common form of boundary limitations for all sociocultural gatherings taking place in all open spaces must be circular. This circular building is roofed with red savannah grass that is woven together. In putting up the thatch room, a selected number of wooden poles, appropriate in size and equal in thickness and in length, are used. These are first woven together on the erected mud structure before layers of the woven grass thatch are put over it. I shall further examine the thinking frames embedded in the processes of building these two rooms and the uses of the spaces they provide. Framing Gender and Thinking through Numbers and Shapes

The use of gender as a frame of thought is common in all cultures, particularly in African cultures. Part of the bagr narration broadly outlines the way gender is viewed and framed. I shall start with this citation from the bagr narration. I shall then proceed to outline the whole frame and illustrate its mode of construction as a syntax of coded numbers and shapes:

38 X Of Life and Health ‘Bũũno ir fu?’ ‘What made you?’ ‘A ŋmin ir mɛ.’ ‘Reasoning made me.’ He answered.6 ‘Bũũno o ko fu?’ ‘What has it given you?’ He asked again. ‘O bɛ ko mɛ bom wɛ. ‘It gave me nothing. Lɛrkpé ŋma Except a blunt axe Lɛb ŋmãnlé. And a calabash. Fu bɛ nyɛ tam, Here is also a bow, Langi zan, And the wrist guard, Lagni pɛlé, And the basket, Lagni laa, And the bowl, Lagni ŋmãn, And the calabash, Lagni yuor, And the water pot, Alɛ na o ko mɛ.’ That is all.’ Kntɔnblé The young kɔntɔn Lɛb yél ko ya: Then instructed him saying: ‘Fu na nyɛ zan ‘The wrist guard Lagni tam, And the bow, Lagni lɛr, And the axe, Lagni suo; And the machete; Fu woa na? Have you heard? Dɛb bomé na. Are masculine items. Ziduglé But the pot Lagn pɛlé, And the basket, Lagni laa, And the bowl, Lagni your; And the water jar; Pɔgbɛ bomé na.’ They are feminine items.’ Dé a aŋa So, he handed over the male items Lɛb ko dɛb; To the man; Dé a aŋa And then gave the female items Mi ko pɔɣ. To the woman. A aŋa so doo And this is the way A tiim mi bãng. We learn these things. (Tengan 2006: 123–24)

Whereas the spatial structuring of the house and the cosmos via the house building reflects a spatial frame of thought, the manner of placing objects and using the spaces by different beings and elements is calibrated via gender frameworks of thought and number codes. The bagr narrative, part of which is cited above, explicitly outlines this framework and goes ahead to explain its meaningful usage. Gender here is not framed as a means of creating oppositions and mediations, but as a means to put it in metaphorical terms, the needle (masculine gender) and thread (feminine gender) that are used to link iconic and symbolic items following cultural and linguistic rules and norms in order to create the syntax of cultural thought. The notion of gender itself becomes clearly distinct from any of the objects or elements or beings that are being syntactically linked.

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 39

Hence, using the gender framework, the culture will, for example, structure the proper use of space and locations in terms of the placement of objects and living beings, including their movements, and also, via gender, will properly define ways of identifying and describing these items in context. In other words, the vertical and horizontal wooden and mud structures of the Long Common Room, as described above, for example, consist of cultural syntaxes linked together via gendering concepts. The most commonly used of these concepts have either numerical or shape/ figure properties. Thus, according to Dagara cultural syntax, verticality and horizontality and the number three have masculine gender properties and conditions, whereas the round and circular shapes and the number four all have feminine gender properties and conditions. It is important to stress here that it is about thought of the concrete and not of the abstract whereby items are being classified and categorized into cultural types and domains. Framing Nature and Insightful Thinking through Riddles, Proverbs and Descriptive Narratives

In the bagr narration, the notion of the Unborn (Bil) tends to play a key role in the way in which life is framed and conceptualized. It is considered to be the progenitor of all life-forms and is linked to the word ‘seed’ (bir), the element in any life form allowing it to regenerate its own kind. The story of the Unborn outlines a graduating order of life experiences as he or she is conceived, born and grows in the home location and migrates away from the house into other locations, only to return as a grown-up person, but plagued with all kinds of ills. The framework of thought outlined here is reflective and intuitive through focusing on both the transparent and hidden conditions and properties of selected environmental sites. These include the room location, the compost heap environment, the dry pond environment, the tree environment, the river environment and the hill environment. Table 1.1 Frameworks of thought from nature Location

Request made

Response

Reaction

Room

Do you have anything, so that when you die, it will be offered to you?

He [Unborn] She finishes unpacking, and eats hurriedly. takes the smoked rat, and holds on to it. Then, she gives it to Unborn to eat.

Ending

(continued)

40 X Of Life and Health Table 1.1 (continued) Location

Request made

Response

Reaction

Ending

Compost Have you any Heap food? What can you do?’

The lady’s leaves [panties]. He strips them and gives them to Unborn.

‘Is that the only thing; that upon your death It will be offered to you?’

He unearths a tadpole, and gives it to Unborn; And he eats it hurriedly.

Pond

You have built a house; what do you even have which upon your death will be offered to you?’

Pond composes himself and takes the dry toad, and gives it to Unborn.

He eats it hurriedly.

Shea Tree

Do you still owe anything? The pond is junior; but has some food.’

Here is the shea fruit; she plucks that; and throws it to Unborn.

‘Is that the only thing that you even have; which, upon your death, it will be offered to you?’

The hanging rot, she plucks that and gives it to Unborn. He eats it hurriedly.

River

‘Is that you, river? What an expanse! Under the elder tree. There is food. Besides your size; You are an elder; yet I am seeing nothing.’

The fish without fins, [River] takes only that; to give to Unborn. [Fish] fights to be free; and slips away at once.

‘Do you see? O river! Is that the only thing; you have on you; That upon your death; will be offered to you? Consider carefully!’

The top water level; at its mystery level; at the sea mystery level; at the rain mystery level; to extract their oil; and gives it to Unborn.

Hill

Have you all considered? [Hill!] You are the senior And river is the junior; But it [River] has food. So, he approaches [Hill].

Is this the only Here! The thing; that you python’s horn, even have? He decides to take that; For the sake of disorder, reversed it from back to front; and approaches Unborn.

He [Hill] arises unwillingly; and takes the bitter scorpion; he gives it to Unborn.

Scientific Language, Knowledge Frameworks and Ways of Reasoning X 41

The thought framework itself consists first of framing and asking the appropriate questions at the different sites and then ensuring that both the speaker and the interlocutor understand each other. The questions outline abstract thought frames and structures constructed using symbolic images with the aim of giving reasons for human life and actions. The meaning of the term ‘reason’, as used here, includes statements about facts, whether real or alleged, employed to justify or condemn some act (social, cultural and religious), to prove or disprove, and to approve or disapprove some assertion, idea or belief.7 There are different types of questions and responses associated with different stages of maturity and reasoning. Hence, the first level is associated with game involving riddles linked to childhood reasoning. This type of reasoning is also associated with the personal and the collective unconscious and entails a specific correct answer to a question that is posed. Thus, the knowledge comes from the nest of the home, and the house community is represented here via the conversation between the Unborn and the Room environment (the female gender) and the Pond environment (male gender). I labelled this earlier as the ‘primordial mode of thought and reasoning’ (Tengan 2006: 53). The second level of questions and responses, which I refer to as the proverbial questions, are more elaborate both in terms of posing the question and answering and in requiring a good degree of background cultural knowledge for the interpretation and understanding of the thinking behind the dialogue. Hence, in the narrative, the Compost Heap (male gender), which is situated at the front of the house and is where male elders will often assemble to exchange ideas in the form of proverbs, and the shade of the shea tree (female gender), which is where women go to gather fruits and nuts, figure as graphic frames of proverbial thought and captured speech. The third level, which I label as a descriptive thought framework, is associated with the river (female) and hilly (male) locations, and tends to configure observed facts and experiential conditions. The literary context comes in the form of the tale, the story and the narratives in ritual context, including myth, recitations, prayers, etc.

Conclusion It is my understanding that the cultural meaning of life and health and the philosophical presuppositions about life are key to the study and understanding of any health system, especially in relation to how this system is constituted and how it functions. This cultural meaning exists as language spoken through religion and art and via which a cultural group or society engages in practices such as rites of initiation, mythical orations

42 X Of Life and Health

and other religious and artistic expressions, in order to look critically at its own culture by creating a shade of distance between itself and the culture. The creation of this shade of distance consists first and foremost of the systematization of an indigenous knowledge system and frameworks of mind for thinking and as intellectual tools. In this chapter, I have set out to expound the intellectual systematization of these thought frameworks within Dagara society and culture, whilst being mindful of the impact that scientific colonialism has had on indigenous scientific discourse in general in and about Africa over the last hundred years. I have given introductory descriptions of the main institutions that cater for life transmission, sustenance and repair under unhealthy conditions. The following chapters give details on the nature and function of these institutions within the global health system of the Dagara people.

Notes 1. For most African societies and cultures, self- and environmental awareness begins well before the birth of the infant, both in the cosmic environment as the origin and source of life and the mother’s womb where the physical formation of the individual takes place (see such notions as the Dagara concept of the Unborn (Bil) (Tengan 1999, 2006); and the Yoruba concept of Abiku (Okri 1991). I shall explore this issue further when I come to focus on religion and art. 2. Dagara terms used as personal names for personified beings of nature are not in italics. Throughout the text, I capitalize them to indicate that they are proper names. 3. My references to the works of Levi-Strauss and Goody are very selective and limited to my perception of the problem. The amount of work and the depth to which these two authors have treated the topics I refer to here are enormous and sometimes beyond my comprehension. Therefore, I do not claim to fully represent their views on these issues. 4. The term ‘primitive’, meaning the original mode of mental operation, is probably a better translation of what Lévi-Strauss is saying. Unfortunately, the term has become obnoxious and misleading in anthropological discourses and I cannot use it. ‘Undomesticated mind’ here refers to the basic and nonreflective mode of abstraction and thinking. 5. The criteria for the selection of any building material include the cultural classification and categorization of items according to gender and colour codes. Hence, there are specific number of trees and animals that are classified as black while the rest are considered white, and all tools and household objects are treated as either masculine or feminine (see Tengan 2000a). 6. The suggested meaning is that human beings developed the tools listed below out of their own reasoning. However, their classification according to gender is attributed to the intervention of Kɔntɔn. 7. I have dealt with this framework as it specifically relates to the Black bagr narration (see Tengan 2006: 51ff). Here I will only give a brief outline of what it entails.

CHAPTER 2

Life Animation and Transmission The Language of the Ancestors

QQQ

Beginning and Transmission of Life For many years, scholars of African Religion and Philosophy working within the Judeo-Christian and Islamic paradigm have placed the discussion about ancestors as divine beings or the living dead who are also part of a supernatural realm, and therefore acting as intercessors between humans and gods or the supreme being (see, for example, Mbiti 1969; Idowu 1973). For anthropologists, the focus on the ancestors related to kinship and social structure. For a long time, the scholarly debate has been about whether they are worshipped or venerated (see, for example, Fortes and Dieterlen 1964). I consider that a re-evaluation of these studies here will be misleading for my subject, in that the studies remove the notion of the ancestors and the material symbolic objects that represent them from the language of religion and art that is intimately linked to the science of life transmission and sustenance within the global African cosmology. In this chapter, I intend to demonstrate that the ancestors are part of a system of material and symbolic objects that are semantically and syntactically linked to one another and to other objects and beings in order to form a holistic frame of discourse about life transmission and sustenance.

The Spirit of Life (Vur) and Death (Kpîîn) In a recent conference at the University of Ghana, Accra, I presented a paper on religion, art and medicine in Africa. During the discussion session,

44 X Of Life and Health

the notion of ‘spirit’ as a constant reference in African healing system was repeatedly raised as a discussion point needing further clarification. It was clear that this important term is very much understood differently by different people according to levels of formation within the school education system and the cultural knowledge on African religion and culture. Through modern school education, one tends to view matter scientifically as consisting of the animate and the inanimate, with only the animate having the property of life. Inanimate objects and things are not just dead matter, but also lack the ‘anima’ (Latin for spirit) as the basic agency of life. The dualistic perception of all reality inherent in the educational curricula affects one’s vision of matter in many ways and includes various binary oppositions such as the sacred versus the profane, good versus evil, science versus religion, life versus death, etc. For most people with a modern school education, the binary oppositions are also very much grounded in their Judeo-Christian and Islamic religious views on life and reality, which considers the animated spirit of matter to be restricted to life-bearing objects, things and beings. Indeed, Judeo-Christian and Islamic perspectives have an anthropocentric vision to all reality and would tend to attribute a higher value of life to the human as compared to all others, and tend to attribute religious spirituality and sacredness only to human life as a mirror of the divine. These points were at the foreground during my discussions with the participants at the conference. In some ways, the discussions mirrored an old characterization of African religion and worldview, and the long-lasting debate that followed thereafter. Europeans’ first contact with African religion and culture soon after the ‘Enlightenment period’ led to the rise of the notions of animism and fetishism as the most appropriate descriptive terms for African traditional religion. There is some truth in this characterization, even though these terms have been roundly rejected by past scholars of African religion. The truth lies in the African conception that there are no inanimate beings or things that cannot become animate. On the contrary, all things and beings have the spirit of life and are therefore animate and spiritual. All things and beings share a common life spirit that is continuously circulating between bodies, objects and beings. Religion, art and healing are linked in diverse ways to ensure the proper transference of lifespirits from their sources, namely, the earth and the sky-rain via death to animate different bodies and beings. In order for this to happen, the two main life-forces and life-sources, Earth and Rain (see above), are perceived as the two ancestral progenitors of all life and together occupy the global universe which is divided into two homesteads. As life progenitors, they are also the first ancestors and remain the principal focus during

Life Animation and Transmission X 45

ancestor worship. Hence, while it is true to say that the primary general concern of African traditional religion is the spirit animation of all objects and beings (animism), it must equally be stressed that the most significant spirit beings of universal concern are the ancestral beings located and identified with the house spatial habitat. In this sense, the ultimate ancestral figures of general concern and focus for the society and every individual are the Earth figure and the Rain figure. For any Dagara community, the rain and earth cults together with the shrine/sacred objects associated with them outline Dagara fundamental thoughts and conceptions about the origins, transmission and sustenance of life. Life origins, its transmission and sustenance within different bodies and beings are basically the foundations of any medical system. Let me briefly situate this notion of the ancestral cult in the house structure as outlined in Chapter 1 before making the link to the broader cosmological structure.

Life’s Cosmological Origins and the Ancestors The cosmological origins of life on earth is linked to Dagara structuring of the space-below in contrast with the space-above. As already stated in Chapter 1 the space-below consists of the Earth space as the proto-genitrix mother figure that is further segmented into six proto-typical domains that are further fragmented and located randomly to cover the whole of the land and atmospheric space of the Earth. These include the arboreal/plant space, the hill space, the rock space, the atmospheric space of the wind, the sea/water space and the atmospheric space of fire. Culturally and linguistically, they are referred to as mother-figures, though they were originally gendered as male beings originally living with Rain as the allencompassing male figure of the space-above. Life is derived from the creative energies of all these agents acting together as engaged parents with all living things and beings as their offspring. It is important to note that, from the point of view of the cosmological and social structure, the individual is constantly referring to a house community and structure with regard to his or her own identity and personality. Similarly, the system focuses on ensuring an egalitarian and yet on distinct individualized co-relationship among different communities and individuals based on their common origination and specific institutional custodianship. The common origin is legitimized via the nature of their cosmology, which views all living beings and objects as having common ancestors. The original ancestors are related directly to Rain (the figure of the space-above) and Earth (the figure of the space-below) or to them via

46 X Of Life and Health

the six spatial domains originally of the space-above, but now occupying the whole of the space-below.

Life Transmission and Reproduction and the Ancestors The Dagara do not often use ordinary language and direct forms of expression to talk about the source of life, its transmission and its subsequent sustenance and healing during times of illness. It is important in this light to understand language use within the context of life transmission, care, sustenance and healing. In the same way as the Dagara adopt a holistic approach to the construction of their cosmology and social structure, they equally use a holistic symbolic structure as language to conceptualize their understanding of life transmission and sustenance, including curing illnesses. The language is not just limited to speech and other forms of verbal expressions, but most importantly to the different forms of art and symbolization. Broadly, the linguistic expressions in their different forms seek to express life as a consciousness that is experienced in different objectified bodies and objectified forms. Hence, the human body is a body consciousness inasmuch as all other life-forms that are also body consciousness in their own unique ways. In other words, the human body is but one of the objectified bodies that is interacting and communicating with other bodies and life-forms in a conscious way. Hence, there is a language, independent of the culturally and linguistically constructed human linguistics and languages that humans use to communicate with each other, via which communication between all life-forms tend to take place. This special language is embodied and concretized in religion and art. In other words, religion and art constitute the language via which African scientific knowledge is processed, accessed and understood. Above all, the foundation of this language and knowledge relates to understanding the processes of life transmission, sustenance and healing. Life processes, especially regarding transmission, sustenance and maintenance, can only and effectively take place if there is a proper understanding and use of this language, which, for want of a better word, I will refer to as the Proto-language of Life. The process of health care in particular, as I will demonstrate later on, involves three dimensions, including: the proper transmission of life from one source to another; the proper sustenance of this life within the second source to ensure its full growth and viability within a lifespan; and, lastly, the proper passing on of life to its ‘original source’, where it will be recycled. Therefore, the movement of life through different sources cannot be a process restricted solely to human language and human understanding, since the human cyclical lifespan is but one of the many options whereby life consciousness can exist

Life Animation and Transmission X 47

and flourish. From this perspective, life sustenance and healing is not just about the human body and life-form, but about all bodies and lifeforms. Sustenance and healing become a process of placing all bodies and life-forms in resonance with each other within their ecological environment. Indeed, all healing cults, shrines and institutions form part of this perspective.

The Language of Life Source and the Proto-ancestors The ancestral cultic shrine or institution is the most basic and primary cult existing in all homesteads and families in order to ensure life fertility and its proper transmission and reproduction. The items that are used to constitute the shrine communicate, both mythically and symbolically, the complete notion of life fertility, transmission and reproduction through the ancestral beings and elements. Here, ancestral beings are understood to be the proto-ancestors of life in general and not limited only to human ancestors. In this context, these items represent life-sources and processes of life transmission and sustenance at all levels and for all beings and life-forms – the cosmic, physical and social levels – within a cyclical order and in a concrete nondifferentiated world. They inform us about the identity of what I will call ‘proto-ancestral beings of life’. This implies that the notions of ancestors are not anthropocentric dealing with human ancestors alone, but ecocentric, in that all elements of life in nature are related to each other via kinship. Hence, the ancestral shrine is constituted by putting together items that represent the totality of life elements within nature and the universe. As such, to constitute the shrine, one begins by collecting objects that represent the two most significant spatial cosmic beings in Dagara cosmology, namely Earth (téng) representing the spacebelow and Rain (sàà) representing the space-above, and perceiving them as two universal house spaces and communities of dead (inanimate) and living (animate) beings. Among the sample of items collected from two house communities, these primary items consist of a sample mixture of earth and rubbish material found in the immediate vicinity of the shrine and stones each picked from different locations representing the segmented Earth domain and one empty pot or gourd representing Rain.1 Within these two ecological beings (Earth and Rain) are the visible and the invisible spheres each with a set number of house structures and housebased kin groups. Each group is assigned an ecological environment and a given institutional identity (see Tengan 2000a; 2000b). The Dagara terms for patrifiliation (yirlu) and matrifiliation (bɛlu), which are applicable to all beings and objects, are used to define and describe the common life-

48 X Of Life and Health

source and the common kinship relations that exist between all things (beings, objects, things, etc.) that belong to the same house group or that originate from the same ecological being or source. In the line of descent, Rain and Earth, the two most significant beings (as stated above), are the genitor and genitrix of life and become the proto-ancestors occupying their respective domains as the embodiments of life-givers. Rain remains one unified body entity that is not segmented or subdivided into several life-bearing entities, but continue to reproduce one life element in the form of rain-drops and rain-water. However, this is not the case for Earth, whose body is further segmented into six ecological environments with life-bearing properties. These ecological environments consist of the tree environment, the hill/mountain environment, the rock environment, the atmospheric environment as symbolized and coded by the flying vulture, the water/sea environment and the desert/fire environment as symbolized and coded by the flying hawk. These ecological entities are first and foremost conceived as domestic environments embodying varied life elements and beings, and are structured according to the Dagara house (yir) formation or structure. The principles of patrifiliation (yirlu) and matrifiliation (bɛlu), as outlined above, tend to designate them as elder-ancestors having a direct relationship solely with the Earth, which is considered as the universal house of residence for all earthly things and beings. Indeed, they are considered as androgynous in gender and are regarded within the house-based systems to be the founding patriarchs of system of patrifiliation (yirlu) and at the same time the founding matriarchs of the system of matrifiliation (bɛlu).

Human Ancestors and the Language of Life Giving or Life Transmission The Dagara make the distinction between the human dead and the human living via the two terms kpimɛ (unanimated things and beings) and vubɛ (animated things and beings). Both terms become meaningful within the belief context that life cannot be created or destroyed; it can only undergo changes and transformation depending on the processes of embodiment and personification in objects and things. In that sense, the concept of creation out of nothing (creatio ex nihilo) cannot be applied here in any sense of the term. Indeed, the problem is the word or term ‘creation’, which seems not to be a philosophical or theological question for consideration. Hence, the contrast view of creatio ex material (creation out of some pre-existent, eternal matter) cannot make sense either. The current

Life Animation and Transmission X 49

variety of matter that can be described as either dead or living depending on the process of animation has always been pre-existent and eternal. It is within this context that the Dagara understand and use the terms ‘dead ancestors’ (kpimɛ) and ‘living beings’ (vubɛ). Derivatives of the term ‘dead ancestor’ (kpimɛ) include all the words with the root stem meaning to kill (ku) the dead (kũũ); to give (kú); to die (kpi): the afterlife (kpîîn); the dead corpse (kũũ); the stone (kuur, or kusir), wooden figure of the dead (kpîîn-daa). Derivatives of the second term vubɛ include: vur (life-breath or the internal female reproductive organs particularly the womb); vubɛ (the living); vuuri (to breath); and vuurong (the breath of life). Similar to the existence of matter, life itself pre-exists as eternal and cannot be destroyed. It can only be transformed or transferred through embodiment. It is first and foremost embodied in the cosmos with the space-above and space-below and personified as Rain and Earth, and exits as a multiplicity of seeds (bié) that are also varied in terms of species and categories. The human seed species is but one of millions and consists of a great variety and number of individual beings housed in a limited number of house, family and kin groups. In the bagr narrative, the pre-existent human seed is described as the Unborn Being (Bil), and as such the human child at birth receives the descriptive name of Bil-bié (child of the Unborn Being). Also, as pre-existing beings, all the varieties of seeds (bié) have some common features, including being ageless and being unaffected by time. In this sense, each individual human being at the time of its conception in its mother’s womb, as a pre-existing human seed (Bil), is not created or made by either divine or human potential, but chooses to settle in a house location that is well defined in terms of social and cultural position and identification. The purpose of the settlement is to experience earthly life as opposed to the all universal cosmic life that it has been used to. In other words, the sexual relationship between men and women during reproduction does not lead to the creation of a new being, but to the initiation of a process. It is perceived as an awakening through the spirit of animation of a human life-seed (Bil) that has already begun the journey on the experience of earthly life by settling in the woman’s womb as part of the earthly body-space. The sexual act of coitus does not lead to the planting or fertilization of a human seed by either the man or the women,2 but is an act where both provide the semen or seminal fluids which are necessary to sustain the animation and growth of the life-seed until it is born as a child. The Dagara people will stress that each life-bearing seed, whatever its species, kind or variety, is independent and chooses whether to remain embodied within cosmic nature or to undertake the journey of migration and settlement as an earthly being.

50 X Of Life and Health

This choice, though free, is not without its dangers and conditions. Many of these dangers and conditions relate to health and the ancestral cult, which are the focus of this chapter. The human child (bil-bie) when awakened in the womb differs greatly from the human life-seed (Unborn) that is still at one with the cosmos. In the first place, as a being of the earth, the human child will immediately lose the common features associated with all cosmic life-forms, namely being ageless and out of time.3 Second, whereas the Unborn is portrayed as a very insightful being with many innate reasoning capabilities, the human child loses all previous knowledge memory and consciousness about itself and its environment, and is unable to reason independently without the help of other agents. Generally, all life-forms and elements that have experienced earthly life or are still in the process of experiencing it have varied amounts of experiential knowledge and reasoning skills that they employ for their own survival on earth. However, the innate and higher knowledge about life on earth exists with earth itself and the segmented ecological beings of which it consists, namely, the tree, the rock, the hill, the desert, the sea and the atmospheric spaces. Since the beginning of human history, each family group and house category relies on the institution of the ancestors to develop and maintain the appropriate reasoning capabilities and knowledge content that will allow all members of the house environment, both human and nonhuman, to survive and sustain themselves. The ancestral institution itself consists of two categories of beings and elements, namely, the category of the proto-ancestors often referred to as the primitive family shrine ( yir-danyir) constituted at the beginning of earthly time, and the category of sentient life-forms that have experienced earthly life through birth and death. The nature and character of the elements used to build the primitive family shrine is the same for all families and house groups, in that they all must consist of elements taken from the six segmented ecological beings making up the earth body and elements belonging to the Rain environment. However, there is a great distinction and great variety in terms of the way in which specific family groups select the elements to be used, the order and priorities in which these elements are placed, and the focused understanding of the shrines and their functioning in Dagara cosmology. Indeed, the distinctive nature and varieties are very much linked to the house totemic ( yir sigra) and taboo (kyiiru) systems and structures. The similarity allows human life to find the same ecological conditions that will allow it to settle and thrive generally on earth. At the same time, the differences in selection and placement allow each family group and individual to exist as a unique group and as unique individuals.

Life Animation and Transmission X 51

Constitutive Elements of the Ancestral Shrine As mentioned above, the ancestral cultic shrine or institution is the most basic and primary cult existing in all homesteads and families in order to ensure life fertility and its proper transmission and reproduction. The items used to constitute the shrine can be viewed as a text on life fertility, transmission and reproduction. They are acquired by those married male members of the family who have been initiated into the bagr cult. As part of my research, I have been collecting sacred objects and arts from the Dagara and Lobi peoples in the area. I have had the opportunity to collect two complete sets of shrine and cultic objects from two different families. In the figures in the appendix, I list the items collected from the shrines. Let me conclude this chapter by commenting briefly, using the framework of thought outlined above, on how the objects and items communicate processes and views on life transmission and sustenance at different levels of existence – the cosmic, physical and social – and for diverse living beings and life-forms. The first group of objects found in each family ancestral shrine and that I would like to highlight here relates to the two most significant cosmic beings in Dagara cosmology, namely, Earth (Téng) representing the spacebelow and Rain (Sàà) representing the space-above as ultimate sources of all life. These consist of a sample mixture of earth and soil deposited around and in the immediate vicinity of the shrine at the time it was being constructed and collected into a plastic bag as part of the dismantling process, a special pot with a sealed lid, and two stones, one of which was probably picked one from the river bed and the other from the hilltop (see Figure A.1, rows 1 and 2; and Figure A.2, row 7). These two elements (the stones and the earth) and the container that originally contained water are the most basic requirements for the constitution of all religious institutions, including serving as the focal points for the constitution of healing cults and shrines. The stones and the earth also serve as the altars or sacred spaces upon which ceremonies such as worship and sacrifices are performed. For the dismantling of these two ancestral shrines, it was necessary that the floor on which the cult was built be swept clean of all dust and earth, and then added to the artefacts collected. Each basket contained a special type of clay pot with a sealing lid containing diverse substances and materials, including herbs, leaves, soil, pebbles and water. The second group of coded elements worth noting here consist of three carved wooden ancestral figurines in each basket and two metallic chameleon figurines. In one basket, the chameleon figurines are separated, whereas in the second they are in coitus format (see Figure A.1, rows 3

52 X Of Life and Health

and 4). It is important to note that both the wooden and metallic figurines have undergone some transformation, making them metaphorical representations of identity with spatial references. Indeed, it can be argued that the wooden figurines have a direct relationship with the plant kingdom. This is in reference to the original myth of separation between Rain (Sàà) and Earth (Téng) when the big shea tree appeared as the most significant being of the space-below, whereas the chameleon represented what the myth would describe ‘the Son of Rain’ (sàà-bié) send down during the separation to have coitus with earth and initiate life transmission and reproduction. The first two sets of objects definitely relate to life in the cosmic realm and, as the bagr myth states, the beings represented by these objects are both life sources and agents of life transmission. These codes are also syntactically linked and metaphorically outline the processes of life transmission through sexuality and fertilization in the physical world with its diversity of life cycles. A distinction is drawn between the nondomestic processes unmediated by culture, yet secret and unseen, and the domestic cultural processes that can be observed and experienced by humans within the domestic sphere of life. Third, a number of iron sculptors of snake figurines and other shapes appear in each basket. These figurines are not only symbolic representations of the nondomestic and the uninhabited spheres of life, but also outline movements and vibrations that are in tune with nature. They lead us to the human sociocultural sphere of existence and the processes needed to ensure the continuous flow of human life within its cycle. They are particularly sensitive to thought and reasoning that regulate sanity and objectivity in the cultural sense. The last group of items are many and varied, and can be grouped under the general theme of medical diagnoses and healing codes. These include sounding objects such as the hand bell and the rattling gourd, which are present as basic speech elements that allow the medical doctor to talk to and communicate with the human body and its environment. Also present are the wooden sticks and the cowries commonly used to diagnose disease and illness within the body and through ritual practice. Some of these items tend to focus on methods of medicine preparation, application and healing therapy. Whereas some focus on the external bodily features and how they communicate with the external environment, others go beyond the internal bodily organs to include the mind and other thinking and reasoning faculties that are often affected psychologically. These include amulets with animal figurines on them and herbal medicine prepared with vegetable butter and put in broken pots. In the second basket, empty oyster shells appear as both medicinal material and containers of medicine. The second focus is on healing life within the human body and

Life Animation and Transmission X 53

maintaining the internal invisible bodily features in their proper structure and function. Therefore, the items tend to be enclosed containers from plant and earth material and containing substances varying from emptiness to various forms of plants (roots, herbs, leaves, etc.) and minerals (cowries, chalk and animal material). It is beyond the scope of this chapter to fully articulate the complete semantic structure of the items used to constitute the ancestral shrine as a religious and medical institution. I shall demonstrate more fully their understanding in practice as I describe the other healing institutions and cases of healing (see further Chapters 3 and 4). The importance here is to introduce them and give a general sense of their use as a coded item. Hence, it is sufficient to mention that the responsibility for tending the ancestral shrine falls into the hands of the most senior son of the deceased man. He becomes the house doctor for all the family members and his first task is to learn the scientific language and knowledge associated with the ancestral cult if he is to act effectively as the family doctor. He learns it by becoming first and foremost a Dagara artist as well as a medical and religious specialist. The two main knowledge institutions via which the learning takes place include the institution of the kɔntɔnmɛ (life elements and beings of nature) and the bagr (life elements and beings proper to human nature). The context of reasoning about these issues and acquiring the knowledge content for effective use remains the focus of these institutional developments. In the next two chapters, I shall focus my attention on the generic structure and constitutions of these institutions in order to fully elaborate upon their nature and sociocultural relevance in terms of life and health.

Notes 1. These items also as principal items in the constitution of the Earth shrine (téngan tibr) and the Rain shrine (sàdug tibr). 2. The Dagara ethnographic material outlined above does not seem support certain old anthropological assertions that African notions of matriarchal and patriarchal kinship identities take legitimacy from the belief that the female body is metaphorically seen as the field where the male sows his seeds and hence makes the man the owner of the children. In the Dagara case, the cosmic nature remains the sole owner and the child remains an independent agent. 3. The Yoruba poet Wole Soyinka expresses a similar belief with reference to the Yoruba Abiku with these poetic verses : ‘Once and the repeated time, ageless though I puke, and when you pour libation, each finger points me near the way I came’ (Soyinka 1967).

CHAPTER 3

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth The Language of the Spirit and Life-Force of Nature (Kɔntɔnmε)

QQQ

In Chapter 2, I gave an outline of the Dagara concept of life within the cosmos and its embodiment and animation in various forms and elements. I also discussed in the notion of the ancestral cult and institution, how it is constituted in each family home and house environment, and maintained by the most senior living son of a deceased elder. I intimated that it exists as the primary and fundamental health and religious institution exclusively for the house community. Its first and foremost function is to ensure the proper transmission or transfer of life from the pre-existent state to the earthly stage of settlement, growth and decay. In this chapter, I will elaborate further upon this latter function by focusing on life sustenance and protection as healing processes within the house environment before looking at how sustained growth is achieved for the individuals within the wider community and the world at large. The main institutional focus here, apart from the ancestral focus already introduced, is that of the kɔntɔnmɛ,1 that proto-human life-form and being pre-existing in all elements and beings, and epitomizing all lived experiences within nature. The main issues to consider here will include an outline of the nature and character of the kɔntɔn figure; how, through the kɔntɔn, different considerations are made as the individual moves away from the home

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 55

environment that is often beyond the total control and awareness of the ancestors; the opportunities and dangers that earthly life entails and how each individual being or life-form deals with these in order to sustain itself on earth; and finally how to learn and use the universal language of all life-forms within the context of cultural and social relations. To bring these issues home more clearly, I will include some case observations during my fieldwork among the Dagara people. Most of the cases relate to actual and perceived dangers, while some concern situations of liminality and transitional moments.

The Kɔntɔn Figure The kɔntɔn figure (statue or statuette), like the ancestral figurine, is shaped according to the bodily morphology of the life-form to which it is seen as a diminutive (human or another animal figure). However, the two are aligned to their proper context in the sense that the kɔntɔn human shape has to be made out of earth material (clay, ceramic, terracotta, etc.) that is collected from a specified location, whereas the ancestral figurine, as we have seen, is carved out of wood and, together with other items, is used to constitute the ancestral shrine, outlining the grammatical syntax in order to understand the house physical, social and cosmic structure. In contrast, the kɔntɔnmɛ and the items used to constitute the kɔntɔn shrine are earthenware that outline the grammatical syntax of the physical, social and cosmic structures of the nondomestic space from where resources for life sustenance are either gathered, hunted or cultivated and brought to the house. The syntax and the proper use of Dagara knowledge frameworks outline in Chapter 1, which includes the use of colour coding (red, black, white, etc.), gender and age classification, and shape and size categorization in the art of creating different images of the different representations of kɔntɔn, are all put into effect here. According to this logic, three main types of kɔntɔn images are classified according to colour coding and one particular type will usually appear in one shrine or another as the dominant figure: a) The White Kɔntɔn: white silt clay soil from valley areas or riverbeds is used as the main ingredient for the moulding of all the human figures. These also have gone through the ritual transformation into ‘white beings’. The shrine of the white kɔntɔn is established either in the outside frontyard of the house or close to the doorway in the room where light can shine on it. Some of the human figures are openly displayed within the front spaces of the house environment.

56    Of Life and Health

b) The Black Kɔntɔn: this is made from the same type of clay that only women can use for making pots and other ceramic utensils as household goods. The clay should be collected from an old clay mine that has been established by an elderly potter. The statues built also have to undergo the ritual of transformation into ‘black beings’. This involves firing and glazing the figures in same way as Dagara pots are made, and then pouring some plant and herbal medicinal solution over them. c) The Red Kɔntɔn: this is made from terracotta red clay collected from an abandoned old termite mound and that has now turned into a bramble shrub with the ebony plant flourishing among the brambles. The termite mound must still be visible with the earth retaining its original reddish colour and with a semi-barren space close to it. The red kɔntɔnmɛ are usually kept out of public view, sometimes away from the house environment or within a special dugout cave close to the backyard wall of the house building. The colour coding outlined above is then translated into gender logic so as to further create a grammatical syntax of meaning for the household identification of persons, items and goods in the context of how to relate to them and use them. Thus, the white and red kɔntɔnmɛ and the items associated with them take on male gender connotations and be-

Figure 3.1 Red kɔntɔnmɛ figures representing the patrilineage structure. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 57

come meaningful representations for the social and cultural identification of the male-gendered activities and reproduction. When made as human figures, they are identified as representing the patrilineage2 structure of the social system (yirlu) and its reproductive material world. Hence, the human figures will usually present the basic family structure (father, mother, son and daughter), whereas the material world will usually include different types and sizes of granaries built to preserve the grains and seeds cultivated for life sustenance. These granaries include the main granary for each household unit, called the sààzu bogr. This occupies a complete room and has its entrance opening on the roof terrace with a big grass woven hat as its cover. It is the home for the two main grains (millet and sorghum) analysed in Chapter 1. The second-biggest granary, called kataa, is the biggest container vessel in the Long Common Room and is the storage for groundnuts (peanuts) and shea nuts. The third category consists of medium-size granaries that are either fully enclosed or with very wide openings (gbentié). Those with wide openings house such leguminous seeds as white beans, black beans and round beans. The seeds are mixed with ash and compressed as a way of protecting them against weevils and other insects. In a similar way, the black kɔntɔn and all items associated with it take on female-gender connotations and structure the identification of the matrilineal group (bɛlu) and its material world of reproduction within the domestic sphere. Hence, through their construction, they render the different types and sizes of pots (dugr) and jars (sinŋ) and their contents not just containers and food to be eaten, but above all icons and symbols of thought and meaning. The most significant of these include the specially moulded pot containing sour liquid from fermenting flour and special leaves, and prepared Tuozaafi (miiru-dug), four big jars (sinŋ) established for the brewing of sorghum beer known in Ghanaian English as pito3 and storing water, several old pots placed in-between the different granaries, and the pile of different sizes of pots arranged from the ground to the roof top in different wife rooms. Due to space constraints, I am not able here to provide the complete grammatical syntax underpinning the construction, the spatial placements and use of these objects. I can only affirm that apart from being normal household goods and utensils, they are also ‘phonemic’ letters and idioms to be used both in knowledge documentation and recall, on the one hand, and in reasoning and thought communications, on the other. I will elaborate on these issues when I come to discuss specific case studies of material reproduction, particularly in the areas of food and medicines/ toxins and within the context of healing. For the moment, let me further introduce the notion of the spirit of nature and the description of the

58    Of Life and Health

Figure 3.2 Figures of Black kɔntɔnmɛ representing the female gender, the matrilineage and their material reproduction. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

figure of the kɔntɔn by putting the notions they engender regarding human life sustenance, disease and healing in their proper context. Indeed, this will be the best way to introduce the references to the kɔntɔnmɛ art objects as phonemic letters and idioms. It is clear from the description already given above that the complete construction of the kɔntɔn image and the shrine objects is designed to promote thoughtful reasoning. In other words, the statuettes and the associated objects are things to think with and think about, and are not divine representations of belief leading to worship and adoration. In this light, the positive outcome for those who relate to kɔntɔn is to learn about the natural world and how to deal with it as a life-source full of life sustenance resources. On the other hand, the greatest danger will also concern diseases of the body (hunger, food poisoning, etc.) and the mind and the intellect (delusions, disorientations, hallucinations, schizophrenia, mental illnesses, madness, etc.), conditions to which I will return later.

The Figure of the Kɔntɔn and the Materiality of Earth Nature Being The stages of earthly growth and maturity, within the Dagara cultural context, is seen in three stages, namely, childhood (bilbile), adult manhood/womanhood (dɛblu/pɔglu) and eldership (nirkpee). Sustaining a

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 59

healthy life through these stages should be possible for all children and it is the desire of all parents. However, this possibility of normal survival depends on the ability of the guardians of the child (the family group) to reason and understand human life as experienced since its primitive beginnings and within the context of earthly life in general as it continues to unravel. In order for this to happen, the group needs the support of the kɔntɔn, since human memory and reasoning capacity is very short and limited. Moreover, the kɔntɔn figure appears as the perfect earthly material with abundant earthly life characteristics, since it is part of the ageless being within the earthly timeframe, having evolved out of the materiality of earth itself. However, since it has no experiential knowledge about the space-above (sáá-zu) and lacks the characteristics that other beings, such as human beings, have of the space-above, its guidance to human life in general has limitations and comes with risks. The art of representing the world of the kɔntɔn graphically illustrates these ideas. The world of the kɔntɔn is a mirror reflection of the human world, but has certain distinctive features of its own. It consists of diminutive life figurines and objects whose earthly existence, in terms of time, is coterminous with the existence of the earth and, as such, has no beginning or end; they have come into existence as fully matured beings that cannot grow further or experience further transformations. In other words, the figure known as kɔntɔnblé (child kɔntɔn), for example, have always existed and will continue to exist as such and with the same features as it has always had. It cannot grow to become an elder kɔntɔn or transform itself via death or otherwise into a different form. These characteristics not only apply to all the kɔntɔnmɛ as beings, but also to everything else that they own and live with. Their characteristics and experiential knowledge are limited to Earth as an embodiment of second half of the cosmos (the space-below) and, as such, they lack any knowledge that is consistent with Rain or the space-above. Therefore, the knowledge they provide is basically knowledge derived from the Earth as a cosmic being. Any person can constitute the shrine of kɔntɔn as part of his or her house/family shrines to help him or her gain access to more knowledge about earthly affairs. These can be passed on to any kin member as part of his or her inheritance. In the event that they have not been officially passed on to a chosen member of the family, they can remain as the common property of the house or can take the initiative to attach themselves to a particular member of the kin group. In some cases, kɔntɔnmɛ can also decide of their own free will to settle in a house or location, or even to settle within the body of an individual. Before going further into the roles kɔntɔnmɛ play in religion and health, let me briefly state how they are represented artistically.

60 X Of Life and Health

As beings of the earth, everything that artistically represents the kɔntɔn must be made of earth material (clay, mud or a mixture of different soils with grass). They are sometimes identified through the location where the earth material has been collected, the two most popular places being the hill sides and the valley areas. Just like the ancestral shrine, the shrine of the kɔntɔn occupies a specific room and places within the house, and is constituted by bringing together a variety of items. The main ones include: (a) the figure of the human family (father (kɔntɔn-daa), mother (kɔntɔn-pɔg), male child (kɔntɔnblé) and female child (kɔntɔnblé)); (b) the kɔntɔn cosmic pot with a sealing lid (kɔntɔn-dulé); (c) several miniature pots with unsealed lids of different sizes and with different decorations; (d) a basket for a female holder or a skin bag for a male holder. The moulding of the objects including the human figures follows a gender and colour logic. Hence, all the potteries are regarded as black objects and can only be made by a woman with special knowledge in this art. She blackens the objects via an open fire kiln and after applying special material for glazing and colouring. The human figures consist of two varieties: the black female variety, which can only be produced by a woman following the same logic as the black objects; and the white male variety, which are moulded using a special type of soil material that is mixed with a particular species of grass that has been crushed and can be moulded by a man or a woman. The basket and the skin bag that only serve as containers for keeping the human figures are considered as accessories and can be bought from the market. Many more objects can be found on each kɔntɔn shrine based on the level of accumulation of material goods and services that accrue to it as it dispenses its duties and responsibilities.

Kɔntɔnmε in Life Production and Reproduction As outlined in Chapters 1 and 2, earthly life is the embodiment of preexisting cosmic life in an earthly object or being and consists of growth and change transformations through birth and death. The Dagara term for birth (dugfo/duglu) connotes a process whereby things and beings of the same category, but either of different sizes and ages or of the same sizes and ages, are placed on top of one another or inside one another. The process of giving birth is to offload one at a time from the pile. Hence, Dagara women tend to store their pottery and calabashes piled one onto the other so that they can be offloaded when needed. Death is when a living being takes leave or separates from the community to relocate to the cosmic realm where it takes up isolated spaces of its own as residence. The artistic construction of a sort of wooden pyre where the dead body of a person is exposed for several days as part of the funeral ceremony is a

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 61

perfect metaphor for death itself. For one reason or another, the kɔntɔnmɛ, unlike human beings, could master the knowledge of the sustenance of human life processes, including birth and death, on earth so that they can survive for an extremely long time by avoiding many of the causes of death and by engaging in those actions that will prolong life on earth. It is in this context that the institution of the kɔntɔn becomes important for human beings. Let me outline briefly how this relationship works, with a focus on health and religion.

Loss of Memory and the Basic Human Needs (Shelter, Food, etc.) Individual humans enjoy a relatively very short span of earthly life in comparison to individual kɔntɔnmɛ, who seem to have always been around. As a result, humans are not able to store and recall memory and knowledge about the origins of things and situations. Indeed, humans tend to lack the reasoning and communicative devices that will enable them to capture and document their thought and reasoning in a tangible way so that they can take a distance from it for a great length of time. In order to do this, humans first tended to rely on the kɔntɔnmɛ to create a symbolic mythical structure on the origins of life on earth and to follow this up with the creation of institutions of ritual practices whereby their memory can be stored and renewed. Hence, the most significant institution that the kɔntɔnmɛ instituted for the first human ancestors was the bagr myth, including the ritual narration of the myth and all the thoughts and practices that go along with it. I shall deal with the art, religious and healing aspects of bagr and the other institutions in the following chapters. My focus in this chapter is on dealing with how life is transmitted/ transferred from the cosmic realm to the earthly context and how it is sustained, and the role of the kɔntɔnmɛ in this. Before arriving at the constitution of the bagr myth and other institutions of memory and reasoning, kɔntɔn had to educate the human ancestors through different lessons on practical activities to reconstruct human memory and to recapture the original power of human primitive reasoning on earth. The knowledge thus transferred is based on kɔntɔn’s personal experiences and is limited to its natural understanding of the meaning of life on earth. This does not extend to the full understanding of cosmic life beyond time and space. The order of these teachings, according to the version of the black bagr studied, can be outlined based on a number of major themes and subthemes: a) The development of the house and shelter: this process documents how kɔntɔn educates human being from being a cave and tree

62 X Of Life and Health

dweller to the construction of sheds and shelters and finally to the complex Dagara house architecture. b) Tools, gender classifications: second, kɔntɔn educates human beings on the make and use of basic tools (the axe, calabash, bow, wrist guard, basket, bowl, pot and machete) according to gender roles and logic. Hence, the wrist guard, the bow, the axe and the machete are masculine items, while the pot, the basket, the bowl and the pot are feminine items. c) Food gathering, cooking and processing: the third major lessons consist in teaching humans the art of gathering and processing edible items for food. The most basic lessons include the cooking of the bitter leaves as vegetables, the fruits from the shea tree and the processing of the shea nut into vegetable butter. d) Farming and cultivation: the fourth group of lessons on life sustenance deals with farming and the cultivation of crops for food. The most basic crops include millet, guinea corn, yams and beans. Each of these knowledge systems, if properly applied, has the potential to reproduce and sustain human life. However, they also have the potential to create sickness and death. In other words, all that is cultivated as food can also be cultivated as poison and can cause illness to the human being. It is both about purity and impurity in the religious sense and about physical illness caused by immoral reasoning and practice. Part of the lessons of kɔntɔn include illustrating the dangers to life that can come about as a result of trying to reproduce and sustain life. Thus, as part of the knowledge on the cultivation of different types of crops, there are always lessons to teach humans about the dangers posed to health regarding the cultivation, harvesting and eating of food crops as they mature in the field. Let me go through the aetiology and responses to illness situation that could possibly occur around the cultivation and harvesting of certain culturally significant crops.

The Figure of Kɔntɔn and Life Sustenance Life Transmission: Pregnancy and the Issues of Maternity According to the Dagara philosophy of being, it is unthinkable for any individual or life-form to exist on earth without the proper identification of maternity and paternity, since individual identity is very much defined by the sociocultural categories of patrifiliation (yirlu) and matrifiliation (bɛlu) (Sabelli 1986). Whereas the maternal womb provides the ecological environment for the pre-existent seed of life (Bil) to settle and

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 63

to eventually become an earthly human, it is the watery semen of the father produced during coitus that essentially generates the spark of energy necessary for the earthly life to begin. Within the cultural domain, both maternity and paternity must be ascertained and legitimized by the woman as the carrier of the womb. The primordial cosmic relations between Rain and Earth as proto-ancestors of all life-forms also established different ritual processes to be followed regarding ascertaining and legitimizing maternity and paternity. Indeed, this relationship, as described in the bagr narration, is primitive/natural and not cultural,4 but essential, so that the proper cultural procedure can be established. In contrast to the accepted cultural norm, sexual relationships and pregnancy occur outside marriage and as a result of ravished seduction bordering on rape (see Tengan 2006). As a result, and contrary to the cultural order, the woman must take the first initiative by first acknowledging that she is pregnant with a child; she proclaims to all that she has stopped having her monthly menses. All male members of the society who could be the progenitor of the child will be informed and will all be labelled as suspects until the woman undergoes ‘the ritual of water taking’ in order to declare who the biological father is and further acknowledge that the prospective father is indeed responsible for the pregnancy. Her declaration alone is not sufficient to make this valid and legitimate, but must be followed by the woman performing the marriage vows and rite of faithfulness in her own paternal house. This involves, eight months into the pregnancy, the offering of a male guinea fowl (the bird of sexual faithfulness) to the cosmic realm; a black hen (the colour of true speech) to the dead and the ancestors; a prescribed amount of malt to her house community; and, finally, she is taken to the kɔntɔn shrine and made to wear the string of sealing (kɔntɔn gambir). All these items and actions have very significant meaning for the health of both the mother and the child. Let me explain this more carefully in order to show the link in thought between art, health and religion. Apart from the obvious social and psychological needs for the mother and the child to properly ascertain the maternity and paternity of the child, the religious and cultural consideration for the whole community is extremely deep-rooted in their cosmology and cannot be ignored without adverse consequences for the health of particular individuals and the community as a whole. In the first instance, the notion that each child is a pre-existent being of the cosmos implies that it is not completely ignorant of the physical and sociocultural conditions and relationships between individuals within the house community it has chosen to experience earthly life and, second, it might have already had some earthly experiences and therefore might be making a special journey with a specific mission. This

64 X Of Life and Health

mission can be to foster the community and the individuals within the house (mɛ yir) or to destroy them (wɛl yir), or both. In any case, the notion that the life in beings is ageless and perpetual implies that each being has an accumulation of life experiences at different levels and from different ecological environments, along with the fact that just because a child might be a ‘new born’ in this earthly life does not mean it is lacking experiential knowledge about life at the cosmic and social levels. Hence, as a mature cosmic individual who has chosen to begin its earthly experience in a womb environment, the child must first commit itself, within the cosmic realm, to be a normal child to the mother and, second, to be a full and normal human member of the house community. It does this, while still in the cosmic realm, by accepting to ‘marry’ its mother and to become her child. Indeed, the items that the woman has offered – namely, the guinea fowl, the black hen and the malt – go directly to the child and, by accepting them, the contract between the mother and the child is finalized. It is significant to note that the paternity and maternity for each child even during marriage must be ascertained and legitimized in similar ways. This is separate and different from the marriage contract in the forms of dowry and bride-price that should be negotiated between the husband and the group members of the wife’s house. In other words, after eight months of each pregnancy, the woman must perform this rite for herself and on behalf of her husband by taking these items from her husband’s home to her own paternal home and making the offering. At this point in time, the child not only commits itself to the woman as its mother, but also to the husband as its father. These rites, which I will call premarital and prenatal rites, have as their major functions to ensure the proper transmission and transfer to life from the cosmic realm to the physical and social earthly realm, and to ensure that the pre-existent gets born into an environment of its choice with the proper embodied identity. Through these actions, the social and cultural belonging of the child to the two major principles of the Dagara social and cultural structure, namely, the virilocal house-based system (yirlu) of patrifiliation and the extending matrifiliation (bɛlu) also become a physical reality.

Preconception and the Issues of Paternity and Prenatal Life Sustenance In contemporary modern thought, including that of present-day Africans, health and medicine are always primarily linked to diseases and illnesses caused by external agents of the human body that need to be removed or destroyed. A strong distinction is made between substances that are inimical to the full growth of human body and the exhibition of animated

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 65

vibrant life (poisons, viruses, toxins, infections, etc.) and those that sustain the growth of the body (food, drink, air, water, etc.). The holistic perspective to reality as outlined in Chapter 1 does not permit the African health specialist to hold this view and to make this distinction, even if his or her patients do. The approach and ideas behind ‘healing’ of the body and dealing with threats to life vibrancy are the same as those dealing with sustaining the growth processes of the body and with the energies causing its vibrancy. Similarly, it is not conceivable to deal with life sustenance and growth in vibrancy as a separate issue from its decay, degeneration and inertia. In addition to these factors, one always has to consider that the characteristics of the cosmic realm, the social realm and the physical realm will always continue to influence one another in unforeseen ways. As was pointed out in Chapter 2, the frontline leading agent to life sustenance, regardless of whether it is conceived in terms of growth or healing, is the paternal elder of the house group. He does this by acting as the primary custodian of all life resources reproduced by the group. However, in the performance of this task, he is guided and controlled by two institutions, namely, the ancestral cult and the kɔntɔnmɛ cult. In this regard, his relationship to these institutions regarding his responsibilities starts well before each child is born. The concept of marrying and cohabiting with a woman, on the one hand, and of engaging in hoe-farming activities, on the other hand, details the responsibilities and the relationships with these institutions. Let me briefly outline the relevant ideas and procedures underpinning these two concepts in order to illustrate the roles that these two institutions play in life sustenance. In the first place, the duties of the ancestors and the prospective father begin when the pre-existent seed/child (Bil) chooses a particular womb as the location to experience earthly life, through the concept of betrothal marriage or the most primitive form of marriage arrangements, it soon becomes the responsibility of the prospective paternal family group of the child to begin to sustain it in the cosmic realm. This will continue throughout the earthly existence of the child. Hence, the first physical items that the suitor of a woman will transfer to her family, before she even reaches the age of puberty, is in the form of farm labour. The food produced from the labour is offered to the woman’s ancestors as food to the children embodied in the woman’s body. Even though, in the cultural practice, children are not given in marriage, the transfer of farm labour has continued to be part of all marriage arrangements. Indeed, it is this action more than anything else within the dowry system5 that legitimizes the paternity of the child and commits the child to be a full member of the patrilateral house group with full rights and responsibilities. All

66 X Of Life and Health

the other forms of transaction are geared towards husband-and-wife exchange relationships. In the second instance, the mother and the father of the child must also commit themselves to providing the experiential knowledge through education that the child will require to pass through its earthly life. This knowledge is primarily encrypted in the kɔntɔn figure who is directing and acting as a witness to the proper transmission, development and use of all experiential knowledge. This commitment, like everything else within the context of life transmission and sustenance of life, must be made via a ritual procedure prescribed by kɔntɔn. The rite is performed when the dowry has been given and woman has become pregnant at the husband’s house. It is often described as the rite to prevent any miscarriage of the pregnancy. It is carried out in the middle of the night and out of public view. The mother of the husband acts as the director of the ceremony. She first takes a new unused calabash and fills it with water to the brim. She puts it by a window and away from the water pot. She then calls the pregnant wife over and orders her to hold the calabash full of water close to her stomach and carry it to the water pot without allowing any drop of water to pour out. If any water should pour out, she will have to repeat the action until she has gotten it right. After she has succeeded in fulfilling this task, the elder woman fills the calabash with water one more time and asks both the husband and the wife to carry it in a similar way to the water pot. As soon as they have succeeded in doing this properly, the elder woman takes the calabash away from them and puts it away inbetween the water jars. From that moment on, the woman is forbidden to touch or use this particular calabash for any purpose until the time of her delivery. From the point of view of physical and scientific health, these actions seem irrational and irrelevant for life sustenance. However, the system here is foreseeing that the greatest danger to the child – and eventually to all members of the house group, including the parents – is when the couple have no clear sense of what their responsibilities are as parents and when there are no controlling principles and agencies that will ensure proper human behaviour according to sociocultural norms and values. In this respect, both the ancestral and the kɔntɔn institutions not only provide the experiential knowledge about life sustenance and maintenance on earth, but also provide the regulatory institutions that ensure that this knowledge is used morally and ethically. Hence, prescribed ritual actions precede every act of production and reproduction as part of these regulatory measures and as guarantees against the abuse of power, whether spiritual or otherwise.

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 67

The Sorrel Plant (Masculine) and the Language of Food Poisoning and Food Sickness The Dagara cultivate the two types of sorrel plants that are now found throughout West Africa, namely, the Roselle plant (Hibiscus sabdariffa), which is a species of Hibiscus and native to West Africa, and a type of Garden Sorrel (Rumex acetosa), which is probably an imported variety. In any case, the Roselle plant is the one referred to in the bagr narration (Tengan 2006). According to the narrative, the sorrel plant is the earliest plant to have been domesticated as a vegetable crop. Hence, kɔntɔn instructed primitive human beings to harvest the leaves of the sorrel plant and cook it as food for the children. The harvesting and cooking of the sorrel leaves led to humans learning how to make the hearth or fireplace using three stones, instead of two, and, most important of all, learning the use of time and colour in food and medicine preparations. As recorded in the narrative, the first cooking led to the children developing stomach aches after eating, because sufficient heat had not been applied. kɔntɔn further instructed human beings to increase the heat of the fire until the vegetable had changed colour, passing from the original greenish to brownish/reddish and finally to dark/black. In everyday cooking, one can cook the sorrel leaves until the first stage, when it is brownish/ reddish. At that stage, the sap can be taken and used as either medicinal nutrients or for the fermentation of millet flour as part of the preparation of the Tuozaafi6 dish. In order to document this knowledge so that it can be easily recalled from memory and used for daily survival, the cultivation, harvesting and life sustaining use of the crop takes on an extra cultural significance and meaning. In the first place, the first variety of sorrel plant, the Roselle plant, as a crop, is not cultivated on a separate field or garden through mono-cropping. It is planted on the land demarcating the borders and boundaries of the midden fields (sigman) cultivated around the house settlement. These fields are among the most fertile lands for each family and are divided and cultivated according to family units that cook and eat together. As a virilocal society, most of these family units consist of a man, his wife/wives and his biological and nonbiological children, who depend on each other for subsistence living. Hence, they constitute elementary reproductive group and share a common ancestral shrine (Tengan 2000a). The Roselle plant is planted on the boundary edges of the farm when the other crops planted on the fields have germinated and have begun to grow their leaves. Soon after planting, it grows quickly to surpass the other crops in height and by the harvest season, it might stand as the tallest plant at about 2–2.5 m (7–8 ft) and thereby act as a

68 X Of Life and Health

protective shield to the farm. It takes six months – the whole of the rainy season – to mature. All parts of the plant are significant for life sustenance, both scientifically and culturally. As pointed above, the leaves, which are three- to five-lobed and 8–15 cm (3–6 in) long, are arranged alternately on the stems and can be harvested periodically throughout the farming season. As explained, the leaves can be used as a vegetable when properly cooked. They also contain many chemical properties and the infusion can be used as a remedy for different illnesses and diseases. As a result of their structure and importance, the leaves tend to configure the numbers three, four and five into culturally significant numbers for the diagnosis of diseases and illnesses and the prescription of medicine. The stems are harvested for their fibre and after stripping the fibre, the stems are then used as firewood. The flowers are peculiar in that each has a variation of colours, from white to pale yellow with some red spots that change completely to bright red as the fruit matures. Also, the flowers and calyx of the Garden sorrel found in Africa and the Caribbean can be used fresh or dried, or rehydrated and cooked with other ingredients as vegetables. Indeed, it is the most popular vegetable today among urban dwellers in Africa and the diaspora, and is sometimes described in rural Africa as ‘sorrel meat’ (bir-nɛmɛ). The sap made from the flowers is a healthy drink. The fruit itself contain seeds that are compartmentalized into small numbers (one to three) within three to four compartments. They are harvested with the top part of the stem and are stored for planting in the following season.

The Shea Fruit and Nut (Feminine) (Vitellaria paradoxa, formerly Butyrospermum parkii) and the Language of Food Medication As subsistence and migrating hoe-farmers, the Dagara people have always harvested and domesticated wide leaves and plants for food with the primary knowledge that every vegetable has the potential to be nutritious (life sustaining) or poisonous (life threatening). Via the language of the sorrel plant, one becomes aware that some life-threatening substances in vegetables can be eliminated through proper cooking. However, this is not a universal panacea for all wild plants and, in addition, proper cooking is not easy to achieve all the time and in all situations. There is no guarantee that the cooking has been done properly. Hence, it is important to look for the ‘vaccine’ that will diminish or eliminate the possibility of a plant or vegetable becoming toxic or life-threatening when consumed. According to the bagr myth and the reasoning of kɔntɔn, this vaccine can be extracted from the ‘mother of all trees and plants’, the shea tree.

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 69

The shea tree has some similar characteristics to the Roselle plant in that it is native to the Savanna region of West Africa and every part of it can be harvested to sustain life in one way or another. Hence, it features prominently in all the four life-sustaining and reproduction institutions, namely, the ancestral, the kɔntɔn, the bagr and the tibɛ institutions. As far as the kɔntɔn institution is concerned, the fruit and the nut become the focus. In the first place, the fruit matures from May to August, a period considered as the annual hungry season, and is harvested mainly by children and women. For many children, the fruit will remain their main source of food throughout this period, but it cannot be harvested by one person. Let me paraphrase the words of kɔntɔn regarding the harvesting of the fruits that explain how the eating of the fruits acts as a vaccine: The child of kɔntɔn has invited the human child for the harvest of shea fruits. To harvest the fruits properly as food, one person or more will have to climb the tree and shake the branches so that the ripe fruits will fall to the ground. Before climbing the tree, the child of kɔntɔn proposes the following rules: The first fruit that falls to the ground belongs to the child of kɔntɔn as owner. The second one to fall will belong to human child. The rest of the fruits must be shared equally. Meanwhile, the child of kɔntɔn can, if he happens to touch any fruit that is ripe, harvest that and eat while he is still on the tree. Following the first shaking of a branch, only one fruit fell to the ground and the human child put this aside for the child of kɔntɔn. Following the second shaking, nine fruits fell to the ground all at the same time. The human child collected these and put them separately. The child of kɔntɔn has found a ripe fruit on tree and he claimed that for himself and ate it. He then descended from the tree and they began to share the fruit. The child of kɔntɔn first claimed the first fruit that fell, then the nine fruits are divided into two groups of four each and he further claimed one group. He also claimed the last remaining fruit. (Tengan 2006)

It is clear that, throughout an individual’s earthly life experience, issues such as equality, parity, justice and fairness will play a dominant role. Improper reasoning concerning these issues abounds and is the cause of many chronic illness, disease and discomfort. One is vaccinated against such diseases if one’s reasoning is aimed at the system put into place to regulate labour, services and income distribution and not to ensure that there is equality in terms of actions performed and the results achieved. Yet the most significant role of the shea nut as a vaccine is in the extraction of the vegetable butter from the nut. The extraction of the butter is very complex; the instruction given by kɔntɔn in the bagr myth outlines one of the most advanced knowledge in culinary science and food processing. Acquiring this knowledge and using it appropriately at all times will prevent human beings from ever eating food substances such

70 X Of Life and Health

as acidic vegetables that are not cooked properly. Indeed, shea butter is considered to be the medicinal substance that will neutralize the harmful effects of all vegetable poisoning caused by them not being properly cooked. In this respect, it is also used as the basic ingredient (similar to the use of water) in the formation of solutions in the preparation of all medicines that should be applied directly on the body, either by rubbing, smearing, massaging or any such similar action. It neutralizes the poisonous effect that may be inherent in the substance.

Crops and Their Crop Wild Relatives: The Language of Food Doses and Antidotes Since, as far as Dagara cosmology is concerned, all different life-forms and elements have a common pre-existent source that makes them interdependent on one another, life sustenance for one living being or species through eating implies putting an end to the earthly life of the food that is being eaten. This philosophical reasoning is summed up in what is considered to be the proper food to eat and the proper dose of it, which it is forbidden to exceed. Philosophically, as far as the Dagara are concerned, all vegetables can be taken either to sustain life or repair it; the problem is preparation and, as analysed above, this can be solved through careful preparation. However, the case of crops and crop wild relatives, particularly cereals and other leguminous plants, presents a different problem. In the first place, not all the plants that, in appearance, have the common characteristics of food crops can be taken as food, but are only good for animal consumption and will cause death if eaten by humans. Second, for the majority of these crops, only the seed can be consumed as food; the other parts of the plants are only good for animal consumption. Let me paraphrase the nature of the problem as illustrated by the first lesson given by kɔntɔn on this matter: When the child of kɔntɔn (kɔntɔnblé) first approached human-child and offered him millet seeds (chi/ziɛ) as food, he refused to accept it thinking that kɔntɔn was offering him sand. kɔntɔnblé asked him to taste the grains to verify if that was sand. After taking a taste of the grains, he liked the dish so much he kept on asking for more. kɔntɔnblé refused to give him more of it. The human child began to beat up kɔntɔnblé in order to get more of the food. The elder kɔntɔn appeared on the scene and must regulate the conflict between the two children. kɔntɔn informed human being that Naaŋmin (God: The Order of Reasoning) has possession of all seeds and he wants to have more seeds, then he should ask for them from him. He must ask in the proper way by saying that the human being has reasoned this out for himself. Naaŋmin first gave the seeds of crop wild relatives (nakaziɛ) to human being which could be fatal to him if eaten. Through kɔntɔn reasoning,

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 71

human being is informed that he must send the seeds of the wild crops back and ask for the seeds for human food. The seeds of the crop wild relatives are only good for the birds, the cattle, the monkeys and the sheep. On his way back, human being, through carelessness, drops seeds of the crop wild relatives from the different varieties all over the land. Naaŋmin is impressed that human being has been able to reason this out for himself. Naaŋmin took the different varieties of sheaves and separated the chaff from the seeds and mixing the different varieties of seeds together, he handed them to human being. These are pretty much similar in appearance both as plants and as seeds to those of the crop wild relatives that human being has carelessly dropped on the land. With further instructions, kɔntɔn teaches human being how to cultivate the different crops, harvest and store them and how to process them into food for his life sustenance. Human being, however, must deal with the crop wild relatives which now grow alongside the crops ones and which also serve as food crops for many other animals and birds. In other words, what is weed for human being is crop for one of these animals and what is crop for one animal is weed for the human being. (Tengan 2006)

Let me now unpack the meaning of the three significant terms and items with regard to their role in life sustenance, namely, the two cereal millet crops (chi), the white millet (ziɛ) (Pennisetum glaucum) and the red millet sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) (kaziɛ), and all the other ‘weed crops’ (nakaziɛ) that cannot be eaten directly. The key term in all these three items is the word ziɛ, which is related to the words blood (zïï) and the colour red (zïé). The millet crop (ziɛ) is used to prepare the porridge or millet paste (Tuozaafi ) that is eaten every day with vegetables as the main dish and staple food. At the same time, the sorghum is used to prepare the beer, which is taken as the common drink throughout the day. From a cultural point of view, human blood consists of two elements: the kinetic or energetic substantive element that is responsible for animation processes; and the watery/liquid element that enables the substantive energy to circulate throughout the body. When the staple dish is taken, the millet porridge provides the substantive energy ( fang) and the vegetables provide the liquid blood (zïï kuo). The sorghum beer contains both the liquid blood and the energetic element, but only in very reduced and limited quantities and is taken as a supplement of the staple dish. The issue of illness and disease with regard to cereal crops lies with two main factors. In the first place, because human being has remained careless in the same way that he dropped the weed crop seeds (nakaziɛ) leading to their dispersal and proliferation, these seeds have continued to find their way into the food chain. Second, as we will see later, human being, through his own reasoning, has learned how to domesticate, hunt, kill and eat other animals that depend on these weed crops as their staple

72 X Of Life and Health

food. Indeed, culturally, they are being cultivated by the undomesticated animals as their life sustaining elements on earth. They tend to enter the human food chain either through human carelessness during the harvest or preparation of the grains, or through the meat of other animals that humans have come to depend upon as food. The Bean (Bεng) Crop or Cowpea: (Vigna unguiculata) and the Disease of Hunger and Penury

As subsistence farmers who have for a long time developed ways to eke out a living in the semi-arid savanna region of northwest Ghana and southwest Burkina Faso, the Dagara have always faced perennial hunger seasons during the months of June, July and August, when there is never enough food for the whole community to effectively engage in their farming activities in order to produce sufficient food for the whole year. This is also the season when the greatest amount of their labour is required to till the land, plant the seeds and tender the fields that have been planted. Though the erratic pattern of rainfall can partly be blamed for the perennial hunger season, many Dagara would agree that physical hunger affecting individuals is only a symptom of a moral, social and cultural disease (lack of proper reasoning and understanding) that has been contracted by the social and cosmic body of the family or house group. The fact that some families over time overcome perennial hunger and are able to create food surpluses every year suggest that the problem has nothing to do with the rainfall pattern. The bean crop has two main varieties: the black beans and the white beans. Both varieties are planted during the beginning of the rainy season and their growth and maturing processes serve as a sort of calendar for the farming and harvesting seasons. The black bean crop is fast maturing and outlines the calendar for planting and cultivation, whereas the white bean takes the complete cycle of the rainy season to grow and mature. It therefore outlines the calendar for harvesting. As a result of these roles, both crops are interplanted in all the fields where the major crops are being cultivated. These include the yam, millet and sorghum varieties of crops. They are also planted concurrently with these crops and can therefore be done in stages. As a fast-maturing crop, the black bean plant, after two to three weeks of plantation, produces leaves that are very suitable to be cooked as a vegetable in different varieties of dishes and cuisine. At this stage, the bean leaves can provide the panacea for the family or house community group to get out of the cycle of poverty. On the other hand, it can be the poisoned chalice that will lead to early death in poverty. Through the metaphor of the sorrel plant, the lesson on how to turn poisonous leaves via cooking into food has been learnt. As far as the bean

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 73

crop is concerned, it is the proper care that has to be given to the plant itself and the knowledge of cultivation that has to be learnt. This knowledge is inherent in the plant itself and, metaphorically, the bean plant becomes the kɔntɔn or ‘the being of intelligence’. The instruction here is in different phases. The first phase involves the protection of the plant from being eaten by other living beings (animals). In order to do this, humans have to learn how to act as a scarecrow or to create the image of the scarecrow in order to keep other living beings away that want to take this life resource. The second phase involves two ritual processes: the rite for the open harvest and the rite of thanksgiving to the ancestors and kɔntɔn. This rite is performed as an open invitation to the public that the leaves of the bean plant can now be harvested as a vegetable. However, the processes of harvesting come with certain rules and prohibitions. These rules mainly relate to the mode of harvesting, the time period for harvesting and sort of people who can do the harvesting (mainly girls and women). The rite itself involves displaying at the entrance of the farm three items, namely, the broken pieces of a used mat, the leaves of the nɔtuo7 plant and some termites. The second rite of thanksgiving involves first cooking some of the bean leaves and offering these to the ancestors and kɔntɔn. The second cooking can then be given to the children as food. If a thanksgiving offering is not done before the food is given to the children, they will develop stomach ache as a result. The third phase involves the last ritual process relating to the maturing and harvesting of the seed. In a similar fashion to the approach of the leaves as a vegetable, the seed must first be protected through the image of the child as a scarecrow as soon as the plants begin to grow flowers; the animal that is the most destructive to the bean plant at this stage is the guinea fowl. When the seeds become mature, any person who eats fruits before a thanksgiving ritual is performed will be stung by a scorpion and will experience everlasting pain. Let me explain in a little more detail the Dagara perceptions on the diseases of hunger and poverty, and how the disease is being handled via institutions of the ancestors and kɔntɔn. The main issues here are meaning attached to the ritual actions and the relevance of the items used in their performances. The first idea concerns the image of the child as a scarecrow. This includes the physical presence of a member of the family, most often a young child aged seven to ten or an old person such as a grandparent, to pass a number of hours each day on the farm. It also includes, most importantly, the caricature images of the child or the elder person placed at different locations within the farm. These are made to mirror the images of kɔntɔnmɛ fetishes built close to the homestead. In that light, they not only act as guardians (scarecrows) on the farms, but also continue to perform the same functions as those within the home-

74 X Of Life and Health

stead by being objects of thought and reasoning. They are constituted and encrypted as data banks of information on the proper reasoning regarding cultivation and life sustenance. As I shall come to argue at the end of this book, what have been called African fetishes ever since their entry into the international scene are first and foremost objects to think and reason with, and hardly exist as magical objects. They are encrypted objects and documentations to allow one to take a distance from the encryption in order to recall and reflect on reasoned memory about life experiences and conditions.

The Figure of Kɔntɔn and the Character of the Mind and Spirit It is important to recall that the house environment and community remain the central locations for all life processes, including its transmission and sustenance. I have dealt exhaustively with the image of the house, including its appearance as temple complex with its inhabitants functioning as a cultic community. In this the light, the typical Dagara traditional house is filled with varieties of artistically produced objects and artefacts that also have cultural, religious and social significance. The instructions of kɔntɔn clearly demonstrate that life sustenance in terms of health and medicine must go beyond the knowledge of what and how to take in the different substance as food or medicine in order to include how to reproduce the substances necessary when not available and above all how to recall to memory the knowledge of reproduction of the food substances in context and avoid the dangers. What is most important is learning and understanding the language use, the framework of thought and the methods used for the reproduction of the knowledge content and processes. This requires the proper maintenance and sustenance of the mind and the spirit.8 Let me illustrate these ideas by outlining the cultural syntax and linguistic lexicon for some chosen reproductive objects and processes that have been key to the construction of knowledge on life sustenance.

The Normal Condition of the Brain (chaporo) and the Mind (ŋyã) According to the Dagara science of life sustenance, the brain consists of lumps/balls of white substance akin to frozen shea butter oil made into balls or like clay balls that are partially immersed and well arranged in the water of the skull. The water acts as a mirror for the eyes and can be used to view the contents of the head, including the brain and the mind. The mind (ŋyã) is akin to knowledge (bãnŋfu) and reasoning or thinking (tiɛru), and thus contains such major elements as memory and dreams

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 75

(zanu), speech (iyɛru) and language (kɔkɔr). These elements exist as varieties of life-forms and beings that are categorized and housed within the shea butter like lumps/ball of brain matter. Like all other life-forms and beings, they have life-seeds and are therefore able to reproduce their kind and proliferate. Medical training for healers includes the training to use the sense organs (eyes, ears, nostrils, etc.) to access information from one’s own brain and mind and, via the same method, those of others. Hence, it is common in African cosmology to talk about healers as those who have developed a set for each of their senses, particularly sight and hearing, through which one can have access to the mind through the acts of looking (kaarɛ), seeing (nyɛrɛ) and gazing (bɛlɛ). The image that one has when one talks about the head, the brain and the mind is to first think of the skull as the ‘calabash of the head’ (zumŋãn) filled with special water (zumŋãn kuo). In the second instance, one visualizes the brain (chaporo) in the plural – hence, as pieces of reflective and reflecting oily material, much like small balls of soft shea butter floating in a large calabash filled with water. Mental thought and reasoning is the constant displacement of these balls of brain matter through conscious purposeful effort within frameworks that are culturally logical and valid. The issue of sustenance is how to ensure that the conscious effort always follows a chosen framework and within a cultural logic. The sustenance is directly linked to an external structure of objectified codes within the domestic and undomesticated environments that are deemed to be fetish objects and sacred. We have already seen how the ancestral shrine tends to codify and frame thoughts within the domestic atmosphere. I would now like to elaborate upon the figure of the kɔntɔn which helps to codify and frame thoughts that are inspired by the undomesticated environment.

The Mind, the Intellect and Reasoning It was only during the 1900s following the ideas developed by Freud and his student, Karl Jung, that scholars in Europe and America began to think of mental illness and other diseases associated with the features of the brain in terms of constructed cultural ideas and human moral order. The birth of anthropology, particularly ethnology, just before this period has been partly responsible for these seemingly revolutionary ideas – seemingly revolutionary in the sense that, as far as traditional African societies and, indeed, all traditional societies are concerned, this knowledge has been part of their cosmology and religious worldview for a very long time. Indeed, there is nothing to suggest that these ideas have not been present in the European traditional worldview as well. It is beyond the scope of this current work to deal with the history of ideas and

76 X Of Life and Health

knowledge, and I will therefore not explore this point further. Instead, I will continue to focus on understanding the scientific evidence I have gathered on my own. The first issue worth investigating further, as far as the diseases of the head are concerned, has to do with the notion of disease itself and how it is caused in the body – or, most appropriately according to Dagara idiom, how the ‘seed’ of a particular life-form inimical to human life enters the body in order to feed on it. As outlined above, Dagara religion teaches that all life-forms pre-exist outside time and space and only get embodied as earthly life-seeds for the sake of experiencing, within time and space, earthly life. As part of our discussion, we have already established that life transmission from the pre-existent life-seed into earthly life takes place when some energy or spark causes the awakening of life. This basic notion exists for both physical as well as metaphysical life-forms. Metaphysical life-forms include such concrete conditions as speech, ideas, consciousness, thought and intelligence, and such nonconcrete conditions as the symbolic and the imaginary. In trying to understand the growth/ evolution and development of diseases and illnesses within the body, it is equally important to consider diverse conditions regarding the planting of the seed in the body as well as identifying the type of seed and its characteristics that is being planted. We have already discussed the experiential knowledge that kɔntɔn has consistently passed on to the human being to enable him to deal with plant food for life sustenance and the different threats that this might bring. The symptoms of the threats manifest themselves through complaints of ‘stomach ache’. We also saw that, apart from acquiring the experiential knowledge, human being had to develop for himself thought frames that would enable him to figure out for himself, to put it metaphorically, ‘good seeds for planting’ and the ‘wild seeds’, which are only good for other animals. He also had to develop practices such as ritual to enable him to document and recall the knowledge when needed. These different types of knowledge and thoughts and thought models and frameworks get settled in the brain (chaporo) and the mind (ŋya) as living elements and beings, and reproduce and proliferate like all other life-forms. They constitute the metaphysical world comprising such elements as ideas, speech, words, idioms, imagination, symbolism, memory, dreams, etc. and they are the cultivated resources that feed and sustain the brain and the intellect so that these grow into maturity. In order to allow one to take a mental distance from these metaphysical abstractions of ideas, thought, etc., the kɔntɔn figures as well as their different parts and constituent elements that make up the various kɔntɔn shrines go together with the items of the ancestral figures and shrine already outlined above to constitute the alphabet and the lexicon of the

Life Resources, Sustenance and Growth X 77

scientific language of life transmission, sustenance and healing. In the next two chapters, I shall focus my attention on the context and the body of knowledge about health issues.

Notes 1. The notion of nature beings has been referred to variously by different scholars of African religion as ‘nature beings’ ‘nature spirits’, ‘lesser deities’, etc. None of these can be excluded from the generic meaning. However, using one single term for the notion will not always fit the context. I will therefore continue to use the Dagara word while giving a literal translation according to the context. 2. For a more detailed description of the Dagara social structure, see Goody (1957, 1967) Goody (1973); Sabelli (1987); and Tengan (2000a, 2000b). 3. I will continue from this point onwards to use this term as an English word. 4. The cultural norm entails that a couple go through the initial stages of marriage rituals and ceremonial processes before the woman can become pregnant. These rituals include the prospective husband handing over some symbolic gifts to the woman as a way of establishing his right of paternity over the children eventually delivered by the woman. In the case of Rain and Earth, a reversal of the process takes place and this is also how cases of illegitimate birth are resolved within the society. 5. For a complete discussion on the dowry system as an exchange between the husband and the wife’s families, see my earlier work on Dagara hoe-farming (Tengan 2000a). 6. This term is commonly used as an English word for this dish throughout Ghana and I have adopted it as such. The local Dagara term is saab. 7. This plant has not been identified. 8. I use the word ‘spirit’ for convenience to mean the generic energy of life animation within a living being (see Chapter 1).

CHAPTER 4

Health Delivery and Healing Processes The White Bagr Healing Cult and the Food Domain

QQQ

In the last three chapters, my focus has been to outline, first, an approach to the study of the subject and, second, to focus on the nature of life as pre-existing outside the human dimension of time and space. Third, I outlined the processes of life’s transmission into different forms and bodies and, finally, I introduced the cultic institution put into place to contextualize the meaning of life and its sustenance, particularly within the human condition and form. Hence, I discussed these issues within the institutional context of the ancestral cult (kpîîn), the cult of the primitive protohuman knowledge figurative beings (kɔntɔnmɛ). As pointed out, the kɔntɔn figure encompasses all experiential intuitive knowledge about life sustenance and transmission documented since its pre-existing stage. However, this experiential knowledge does not involve the human knowledge of reasoning and thought that is essential for ensuring and managing life growth, healing and reproduction through human culture. In other words, the knowledge of human culture is a reasoned effort peculiar to humans about their life sustenance and reproduction within nature and the cosmos. I have also introduced the context of the Dagara healing cult as naturally perceived and conceived by human experiences.

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 79

In the next two chapters, I shall focus my attention on the cultural aspects of Dagara religion, art and healing through a detailed study and analysis of their one main cultural institution that deal with these subjects, namely, the secret society and healing cult of bagr. In the first of these chapters (Chapter 4), I shall give a detailed ethnographic description of aspects of the initiation processes into the bagr secret cult as both a method of sustaining life and healing life, and as an educational tool for training people in the art of medical practices. I have already outlined and discussed elsewhere (Tengan 2006, 2012) the full contents of the black-and-white bagr mythical narrations. As stated in these two works, membership of the white bagr society (bagr pla) and the initiation process, consisting of five different narrative and ritual segments, constitute the basic and primary initiation processes open to all family members of the same house and kin group. It is also a healing process, particularly for those who have been selected based on some disease symptom that is recognized and believed to be generic and genetically related to the kin group. The processes seek first and foremost to educate the individual about his or her life journey on this earth and the dangers, and, second, to make it possible for him or her to live a healthy life here and now through arming him or her with the appropriate tools and means to deal with these dangers. I shall then follow this up in Chapter 5 in order to deepen our knowledge on healing processes by professional healers that has already been introduced in the previous chapter. As pointed out in my other works (Tengan 2006, 2012) membership to the black bagr (bagr sebla) is only open to married men who are destined to have families and as a consequence become leaders of the family health system. Thus, whereas the first stage of bagr, bagr pla, educates, trains and initiates all family members into the knowledge of the health system and prepares them in a way that they can deal with all manner of issues, including feeding themselves and the community, and illnesses and diseases, the black bagr, bagr sebla, focuses on the role of leadership training and the specialist knowledge in medical diagnosis and religious divination. Let me describe the nature of the training and initiation processes of these two stages as I have observed them.

The Anthropology of Food and the Health of the Body Tissue In the 1960s, Mary Douglas pioneered anthropological studies of the body and food by introducing the concepts of purity and danger of particular food substances, and linking these to cultural and religious beliefs,

80 X Of Life and Health

prohibitions and taboos. Among other things, Douglas (1966) sought to explain that eating certain prohibited food substances was linked to the religious concept of pollution, that was linked to the violations of cultural rules and norms. To many at the time, the issue could be explained by looking at the physical properties of the food substance itself and not at the underlying cultural meaning attributed to it. In other words, using the Jewish dietary laws as ethnographic material, Douglas postulated that the Jewish dietary law prohibiting the eating of pork arose from the physical behavioural characteristic differences between the pig and the clear majority of ruminants, such as sheep and goats, which chewed the cud and did not eat carrion. Following up on this, some psychologists such as Paul Rozin (2007) have demonstrated the intense physical reactions by humans when given foods under different conditions. Thus, he writes: Food is one of the major sources of affect. Eating is at the same time satisfying and threatening. It is a necessary and frequent part of remaining alive, because it provides the only source of energy and life-sustaining nutrients. On the other hand, many of the possible edibles in the world are toxic or are vehicles for dangerous microorganisms. Presumably, for this reason, people (and other animals) feel very strongly about what goes in their mouths; they are rarely neutral on this point. The stakes are high. For humans, another dimension amplifies the affective response to foods. It is widely believed in traditional cultures that a person takes on the properties of the foods he or she eats (‘You are what you eat’). In this context, eating can have moral import, and can affect a person’s personality and fortunes. (Rozin 2007)

Beyond the energy supply, the toxic threats and moral dimensions of food to create different affects, there are the metaphorical associations that are dictated by our informed senses based on the cultural meaning and physical properties of food. Let me insert here a brief description of an incident that occurred during my secondary school days in the all-boys Catholic secondary school in the Upper West region of Ghana. It was one of the schools in Ghana that benefited from the British Volunteer Service Overseas (VSO) and the Peace Corp in terms of teaching. At the time of the incident described, we were a class of twenty-five boys all from the Upper West Region and all born and raised within Dagara society and culture. At the age of fifteen, we were very much aware of the cultural idiosyncrasies sometimes displayed by our VSO and Peace Corp teachers, which varied from dressing, speech and styles of walking, and our reactions, based on our own idiosyncrasies, often created tensions in class, sometimes with disastrous results. The most serious incident involved food. A VSO lady, in order to diffuse tension in the class that had arisen previously, brought in a package and announced that she had received a

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 81

delicacy from her home and would like to share it with us. She proceeded to open it in the middle of the class and hardly had she completed the action when we all ran out of the room. It was not so much that the smell of the cheese was too strong for us to bear, but the association of the smell we immediately made with the putrefaction smell of the human body after it has been exposed to the tropical heat and environment for two to three days. At our age, almost all of us would have participated in the funeral and burial ceremonies of an elder family member, including the common practice of seating the body in state in the open air for three to four days, and possibly would have come into close contact with the dead body just before burial. Getting to see, touch and smell the body of a deceased person by kin members just before burial is a significant cultural belief. The fact that the whole class reacted instinctively and made such an association is noteworthy. Not that the scent of the cheese was in any away the same as the putrefied body tissue, but each was very peculiar and strange and, as such, was dangerous, especially when brought into the food domain. There are many cultural habits that each society adopts in order to educate and inform its members on the limits of satisfaction that one can gain from food and the nature of the threats that eating entails. There are also many anthropological studies that demonstrate that this basic concern can extend as far as the cultural elaboration on religious notions such as spiritual purity and pollution (Douglas 1966), social distinction and taste (Bourdieu 1984; Sahlins 1976), prohibitions and the creation of cultural rules and norms, the rules relating to manners and proper behaviour ( Fox 2015), etc. It will not be convenient to revisit all these studies in order to put this current study within the anthropological perspective. Let me continue to develop these themes ethnographically within the Dagara cultural data, particularly within the context of the cultural institution of bagr that is employed to deal with the food domain and healing. As early as 1930, observing the Dagara bagr mythical narrative and initiation, Henri Labouret remarked how much the food domain, including production, preparation, eating and commensality, occupy the greatest part of the bagr healing rites. Indeed, bagr rituals are basically about the production and cultural use of the staple food substances and their role in the health system of the Dagara people. The term bagr itself is associated with and has derivatives from such Dagara terms as to know (bang) and knowledge (bangfu). It is also related to the term to grow (baa) and growth (baafu), and finally to being tired or weak (bal) and eventually being sick or sickness (baal/balu). Knowledge, maturity and growth, sickness and weakness are all implicated in every aspects of life and, as such, the bagr cultic institution can stand

82 X Of Life and Health

alone as a point of focal interest, but only with the understanding that all other aspects of life will accompany it. As far as health is concerned, the bagr institution systematizes the thoughts about the nature of life on earth, its movements through transmission and growth, and the dangers and threats involved in its growth. These thoughts are systematized using themes within the food domain, its production and its consumption. To the extent that one of the main threats to life is hunger, it tends to feature as the focus in bagr rites of healing.

The Dagara Bagr Healing Cult and the Food Domain Formal statements, repeated throughout bagr rites, on their origins, usually include the explanation that the first bagr ancestors emigrated from Téngkur to the present region of settlement in search of fertile land to cultivate the main crops for the Tuozaafi (TZ) dish (saab). Thus, during the bagr narration, neophytes are often reminded of the following: A ni sããkuminɛ bɛ dãnŋ bé a ka-iy. Téngkur na bɛ ti dãnŋ bé. A saab wa baari, ɛchɛ a zier laa puɔ. A bɛ ar ɛchɛ ir bi-chira; yanŋ ul chén a téng ne a bɛ ba na danŋ bé a. Ul ti bɛl nyɛ, vuo wa bébé ul wa yél ko bɛ.

Your ancestors have not always settled on this land. Their place of origin was called Téngkur. A time came when they ran out of Tuozaafi (saab), the flour paste as [a] staple dish, but had only the vegetables for the soup. Hence, they appointed a child-of-wisdom and sent him to the land where his friend had migrated earlier to find out if there was space for him there. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

The Dagara cultural word saab, translated as Tuozaafi in Ghanaian English, stands for the cooked flour paste of any of their staple crops that does not include vegetables or fruits. This includes flour paste from the main cereals, leguminous and tuber crops taken as food and commonly found in northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso, such as varieties of millet, sorghum, beans, bambara beans and yams. A complete meal consists of one of these cooked flour pastes served as saab in a separate plate/bowl to be eaten with cooked and spiced vegetable soup (ziɛr), to which meat, fish or groundnut paste may be added. According to the Dagara frame of thought, the production and preservation of the crops and the flour paste are assigned the masculine gender and thereby assuming all the cultural connotation and thoughts associated with the masculine, whereas those of the vegetables are assigned the feminine gender. Indeed, all bagr rituals and religious ceremonies are built around the safe

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 83

and healthy production, preservation and consumption of these food materials as life-sustaining agents. In this respect, they are not just foodbearing substances, but also medical substances that are also used for healing and managing illnesses and diseases. Of the several varieties of cereals, leguminous crops and tubers that are possibly used as flour pastes, five are considered to be basic staple foodstuffs, the absence of which would be described as causing hunger within the population. They include the millet and the sorghum as cereal, the black, white and bambara beans as leguminous plants and the yam as a tuber. Hence, when in the bagr speech to the neophytes cited above, the statement insists that they had run out of paste flour, the implication is clear, namely, that the yields of these crops, due to climatic conditions and the availability of farmland, had fallen to levels where hunger could not be avoided. Migration became the panacea for healing hunger, but also marked the beginning of cultural and religious institution of bagr and turned the Dagara into a migrating population of hoe-farmers employing the method of shifting cultivation (Tengan, 1998, 2000a). As discussed elsewhere, the bagr initiation rites and calendar were constructed following the agricultural production, preservation and consumption of these crops (Goody 1972, Goody & Gandaa 2012, Tengan 1999, 2006). The migration story out of the mythical land of Téngkur also redefined the core spiritual institutions within the Dagara religion relating to production of foodstuffs by humans as life-sustaining agents. These include the cult of the earth crust (téngan), cult of the earth core/iron (sããn), and the cult of the ancestors (kpîîn). The fact that they did not migrate from Téngkur and have always continued to dwell there tends to justify the continued performances of bagr rites of initiation, including the rites of mythical narration. However, my aim here is to focus on the healing and life-sustaining aspects of bagr. To this end, a number of questions are constantly in the minds of parents when children are fed with the staple dishes and experience different illnesses and do not mature normally in terms of physical and mental development. When such conditions occur, attention is focused on external factors that are not normally part of the food chain via such institutions as the kɔntɔn and the tibr (see Chapters 3 and 6). For these institutions to function properly, the bagr institution has been established to constantly test the life-sustaining potencies and failures of foodstuffs, both for the family group and the individual, and to proceed to either enhance the potencies or deal with their failures. Therefore, it is constantly seeking to heal the social, cosmic and physical ills and conditions that might threaten the safe production, preservation and consumption of the food items as life elements in themselves, as well as the individual and social groups that are consuming them. It

84 X Of Life and Health

does this by first putting into place a well-structured test grid consisting of ritualized activities that are in their turn well-structured according to the timeframe and calendar sequence, and are meant to be carried out by individuals and social groups bonded together by a web of kinship relations within a house-based (clan) social structure. In other words, the already well-established house-based social system of patrifiliation (yirlu), with its ideology of virilocal residency, exogamous marriage relations and independent fortress houses as units of collective production and consumption all embedded in a subsistent hoe-farming culture and a system of social relations, provide a diagnostic grid for ailments from food substances and eating habits to be detected and tested according to Dagara cosmological thoughts.

The Bagr Calendar and Test Grid of Health Issues Opening and Closing the Bagr Calendar and the Health Issues Relating to Hunger

According to the bagr calendar, the opening ceremonies for bagr neophytes, and the closing ceremony of the black bagr rites for the ancestral cult (sãã bagr) tend to overlap during the harvesting season and include the graduation ceremonies (bagr of dance) for those who have completed their one-year training as ‘white bagr’ members (see Table 4.1, rows 1 and 13). There are multiple justifications for this. In the first place, the health conditions of these two groups of individuals – the beginners and the graduates – stand in opposition to one another and need to be monitored in different ways throughout the annual cycle, and it is important that the graduation of the white bagr initiates overlaps with the beginning period of initiation for the black bagr. For the testing to work properly, it is assumed that the new graduates’ eating habits have been very well monitored and controlled throughout the year and the impact on their social, psychological and physical development has been observed and documented. It is also assumed that all healing processes need a period of time for follow-up and further monitoring and medical applications before one is declared to be healed. Hence, the effectiveness of their healing is going to be further monitored and assessed when they take up their positions as bagr guides to the incoming novices, whose nominations and selection rituals overlap with their graduation rituals. It is also important to point out here that the beginners will be selected during the bagr of dance rites based on symptoms of the ailments observed in the new graduates during their first participation in bagr rites. These symptoms, associated with the feelings of hunger due to a lack of grains, cereals and tubers (millet, sorghum, beans, bambara beans and yams) for the staple TZ dish and

Kɔntɔn bagr: (diagnostic ritual of five) cowries, gourd and stick

Guolu bagr/chi lɔbu (proofing ritual)

1 Feb– 31 Mar (hot season)

1 Feb– 31 Mar (hot season)

1 Mar– 30 April

003

004

005

Bié bagr puuru (healing ritual)

Potibr bagr: healing hunger: rite of the farm shrine, rite of social relations

1 Jan– 31 Mar (dry season)

002

Sãã/sààb bagr: healing hunger: rites of migration and hospitality (saãn)

Nov–Dec (harvesting season)

Ritual name/ description

001

Number Period Water, pito (beer), bowl of TZ (sààb), bowl of vegetable soup (ziɛr), cooked meat with broth

Main items used

Sick child, ancestors, joking partners (Bekuone clan), earth custodian

Cowboy, father, child-of-wisdom, wife, diviner

Balu bie, bibiir (children), pɔɣ vakoré, dɔɔ, kɔntɔnmɛ, naagmin, téngan, old woman in the bush

Ash, dry twigs, goat droppings, water

Location

Sããkum dachara (fork stick), tpaar-tibr gmwin (deity), Movement of the stick (tuoni/gargol: bagr paint marking)

Tampɛlu lɔbu (ash throwing), puuru (spraying) and ĩyangan gmwɛ (marking the body)

(continued)

House environment

Lizard road leading to big tree in the bush

Ancestral home (kpĩĩdaaru yir)

Breakdown of Crossroads within relationships (saab the farm (puo puɔ) baari echɛ ziɛr laa puɔ)

Sani sããn/sani baal Land of mythical (hospitality to visitor/ origins (Téngkur); healing the hungry) land of Current Settlement

Coded message

Lamb-skin bag, millet, Twenty cowries for walking stick, stool, pito, vagina debt diviner’s bag, sack of cowries (kpoɣ), pito

Kɔntɔn bag, cowries, stick, gourd, earth/ soil

Farm owner, wife, Water, pito, flour, neighbouring farmers, goat, chickens, ancestors, earth core cooking pots (sããnsob), earth crust (téngansob)

Ancestors, child-ofwisdom, father’s friend, earth crust. (téngansob), ancestors

Ritual actors

Table 4.1 The bagr ritual calendar and life-sustaining processes

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 85

Téngan wiɛ bagr

Hot season (Tulu Saŋ)

Green leaves (vaar tumnu saŋ)

April/May: rains begin (sabir loba saŋ)

May

006

007

008

009

Bagr of wulu ni tulu

Bagr of beating the malt (kɛɛ mwgeb); initiation ritual

Dãã dãã bagr: (healing addiction – diagnosis)

Ritual name/ description

Number Period

Table 4.1 (continued)

House bagr community, bagr community as joking partners, neophytes, earth custodian, dérkumé

House bagr community, bagr community as joking partners, neophytes

Husband, wife, child, patri-kin

Earth custodian, sick child, father, mother, experienced hunter, elder man

Ritual actors

Coded message

Pito in pots, pito in calabashes, chickens, sticks, water, roasted chickens, hardened TZ

Two big baskets of malt, pito for the bagr members

Meat, pito, hot water, cold TZ, soup of the eggplant leaves, fire, vagina

Teachings and errors (wulu ni tulu). Prohibitions: bean leaves soup, eggs of the hen, pito of a fellow member, chicken picked by the hawk

Measuring and pressing the malt. prohibitions: wash your hands before eating, no bagr member should taste the brew, no food cooked with brew, do not eat: shea fruit, oyster soup, fish and drink pito of a fellow member

Market (daa) and pito (dãã); meat (nɛn) and vagina (Paar)

Rabbit, bows and Killing a big beast arrows, dogs, cudgel, to allow water to partridge, pigs flow (ku: kill; kuɔ: water)

Main items used

House environment: frontyard, Long common room

On the roof terrace of the house; in the Long common room

House environment: fireplace, roof terrace as sleeping place

House environment, forest, riverbed

Location

86 X Of Life and Health

June–Sept

Sept–Oct

Nov–Dec

Dec–Jan

010

011

012

013

Bagr of dance

Bagr of bambara beans

Bagr of white Beans

Bagr of black beans

House bagr community, bagr community as joking partners, neophytes, earth custodian, uninitiated (Dérkumé), general public

House bagr community, bagr community as joking partners, neophytes, Dagara community, mythical beings (ancestors, kɔntɔnmɛ)

House bagr community, bagr community as joking partners, neophytes, earth custodian, mythical beings (ancestors, kɔntɔnmɛ)

House bagr community, bagr community as joking partners, neophytes, earth custodian

Shaving material, the river, chickens, wooden statuettes, new clothes, musical instruments, food and drinks

Cocks, hens and chickens, pito, TZ and soup, baskets, ropes, gourds, pieces of broken pots, medicine, kaolin, cowries,

Guinea fowl egg, pito, TZ, soup, meat, twenty yam tubers, yam farm, stirring stick, salt and spices, ‘black yam on a pad’

Stools for marking food: millet flour, bowls of TZ and bowls of soup, pots of pito, chicken meat, oil musical instruments, sticks and trough

Meaning of songs and dance; the narration of the white bagr and the bagr of dance in seclusion

The rope: its rites and prohibitions; the gourd: its rites and prohibitions; body markings and paintings; donations and contributions (see bagr bɛgr ritual table)

Black yam on a pad, the scorpion sting. Prohibitions: all pito at any time, sour water used for the preparation of TZ, soup with yeast

Riverside, house environment

House environment (several locations); nature environments (several locations) paths and roads

House environment, yam farm

Codes on the different House four pots of pito: pito environment to brush the teeth (dããsɔɣ, dãã-sɔɣdugra, dããsɔɣmaar, dãã-sɔɣkpɛv), healing pito addiction Prohibitions: eat bean leaves; don’t eat yams, pito of member, hen eggs, hawk chicken, fighting in the house Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 87

88 X Of Life and Health

addiction to sex and alcohol, cannot be healed by removing the symptoms, but by making the individual cope and live with them healthily as he or she goes through earthly life. Hence, given that the new graduates will now become the guides to the beginners and therefore will continue to participate in all the succeeding rituals for the following year, the closing ceremony, far from being the end of a healing processes, becomes the beginning of a new initiation process into a life of ‘patienthood’ in which one is perpetually living with disease symptoms. The idea of ‘patienthood’, whereby one perpetually lives with disease symptoms, universally applies to all Dagara people, and thus the bagr rites are not just about the healing of selected individuals suffering from specific peculiar ailments that are known, but are also about providing the proper health conditions to the whole population in such a way that the society can avoid epidemics and pandemics of a global nature. The calendar and the life-sustaining processes are therefore both designed for the participation of the whole community and the initiation of each individual in society into peculiar conditions of life, whereby he or she can live with his or her symptoms. In this light, the opening and closing of the rituals for the bagr calendar, consisting respectively of the private family rites of remembrance (sãã bagr) and open public rituals of dance celebration (bagr sɛbu), tend to overlap both in time and space, and variously concern all individuals within the society. At the same time, they deal with the cultural aetiology and treatment of hunger as a common ailment that everybody has to live with and testing for the adequacy and health safety for the production of the staple food items with which hunger is being treated. The main issue at this stage is to further understand the causes and symptoms of hunger by simultaneously observing the physical, social and psychological conditions and attitudes of the general population, which, during this occasion, would be divided into three categories: the bagr community of the newly initiated, who after a year of medical handling have acquired the necessary disposition to live with the symptoms of hunger; the selected neophytes, who are suffering from the condition and need treatment; and the general public, who have the symptoms and have learnt to cope with them. In order to properly deal with these issues, the closing bagr ceremony of the bagr of dance (bagr sɛbu), which is deemed to be therapeutic at different levels, is structured as a complex religious festival requiring the active participation and contribution of the general Dagara population, whereas the opening ceremony, which is deemed as more diagnostic in nature, is restricted to the patrilineal family group and is structured as a series of secret divinatory consultations taking place in different locations and at different times. I shall further analyse the art and religious processes of healing in later chapters. For the moment, I

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 89

would like to focus on elaborating the construction and functioning of the calendar and the test grid. The Bagr Calendar and Sustaining Life during the Hot and Dry Season: Purification of Food Substances from any Danger and Pollution

In general, apart from the opening and closing rites and ceremonies, the bagr calendar can be divided into two equal periods: diagnostic rites conducted during the dry and hot season, a long period running from November to April; and the healing period from April to January. As stated above, there is an overlap between the opening and closing rites during the final harvesting period of November and December. During this period, the testing rites are diagnostic, focusing on ascertaining the safety for consumption of the food crops produced and harvested from the fields, and selecting those suffering from eating the foods as candidates for bagr initiation. Testing for the safety of the food is consistent with the fact that human attributes are accorded to the cosmic beings responsible for the handling of the cultivation of food crops. I have already outlined the involvement of many cosmic beings in life transmission and sustenance. In this case, they include the ancestors (kpîîn), the rain deity (sàà-gmwin), the earth deity (tengan) and the nature beings (kɔntɔn). Out of self-interest and other failures and motivations, they could tamper with the crops to the extent that they are no longer safe or adequate for human consumption. Hence, the divinatory rites that mainly cover the first half period of the bagr calendar not only seek to diagnose the nature and type of ‘disease substance’ affecting the food crop, but also how it is affecting the human condition of those who are sick as a result of it. The first testing takes place in November December soon after the harvest and involves special preparation of the food substances just harvested as a special offering to the cosmic and social beings responsible for life transmission and sustenance within the kin group. This has to happen before any of the harvested items can be prepared as a family dish. In practice, a chicken divination is first performed in order to establish a dialogue between the cosmic beings of the earth, the rain and the ancestors, and the social beings on earth (father, mother, child and neighbour). The dialogue will confirm or deny if any of the food substances has been tempered with (see Table 4.1, row 1). Bagr at the Farm Shrine (Po Tibr): The Diagnostic Rite of Mending Social Relations within the Kin Group and Removing Impurity

The second set of rites of sustenance and food testing following the calendar (January to March) is the rite of the farm shrine (potibr), which brings the kin group of the same ancestral cult acting as a productive unit together at the shrine of the farmstead for a ritual sacrifice and offering.

90 X Of Life and Health

The issue behind the divinatory sacrifice is to ensure that your neighbours (human beings, nature beings and spiritual/cosmic beings) have not undermined in any way the quality and quantity of your farm yields and to diagnose within your kin group any member who might have been affected by the nature and character of the diseased substance in question. In the bagr speech, the nature and character of a diseased substance or being are expressed in a metaphorical speech as follows: He has gone over to the farm shrine (potibr) and has sent invitation to the adjacent farm owners (turbɔɣsob); informing them he is about to make a ritual sacrifice. In former times, the sacrifice consisted of a goat, chickens and flour. These days, it is no longer so. The sacrifice ensured that if the adjacent farm owner was morally undermining the good yields of your crops through anti-social and immoral activities and intentions (piɛinɛ a chi),1 he would die of cirrhosis.

The language of adulterous sexual relations and jealousy of one’s neighbour’s success connote the types of ailments that immoral behaviour and evil intentions can cause. They are basically linked to desires and emotions. The most irrational and difficult to deal with medically among these include sexual fornication and jealousy of the neighbour as opposed to sexual reproduction and appreciation of the other’s success. From a cultural perspective, the sexual and eating habits of the goat indicate a being that is affected most by these symptoms and yet, far from being physically sick or diseased, it copes perfectly with them. The common danger to the goat is when it has eaten particular herbs or particular insects that have become accidently part of its food chain. To put it in the Dagara medical language, they tend to cause an unusual expansion of the stomach (po-paal) or cirrhosis. In the human context, sickness and ailments are perceived at different levels. Whereas the ultimate effects of the disease will appear as physical symptoms, such as cirrhosis and the unusual expansion of the stomach, unlike the goat, the causes tend to include moral thoughts and emotional desires. At this stage of the diagnosis, the issue is to identify candidates who are already showing signs of sexual immorality and lack of emotional control. As we will come to see later, knowing how to deal with ailments of this nature will also require a closer observation of the eating habits of the goat.

The White Bagr Healing Processes Whereas testing the food substances is an important part of the white bagr rituals, the main reason for conducting them is to find healing and ways

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 91

of preventing the death of those who may be suffering from one ailment or another. Hence, I shall focus my analysis on the rites and calendar of the healing processes that are taking place during and after the selection of the neophytes. My analysis here is conceptually based on the speeches and explanations given by the community as well as the observed actions during the rites. The individuals and the community have been diagnosed as either having ailments or displaying the symptoms of one of the ailments within a particular category of sicknesses.

Diagnostic Rites on Bagr Candidate Selection and Individual Healing in the House The long period of the hot season from February/March to April/May seems to be the period when all types of ailments and sicknesses afflict people. It is also the time when careful observation of the population takes place to identify all those showing symptoms of one illness or another so that they can be recruited for bagr initiation and healing. The nature of these ailments is thought to be genetically related and, as such, they are ascribed to the beings of nature. They are classified into four categories, namely: ailments of a childhood nature, of a father/male nature, of mother/female nature and epidemics affecting all (see Table 4.1, rows 3, 4, 5 and 6). This is how the teachings of bagr described the identification and healing processes at this stage. Childhood Ailments (Ordinary Physical Ailments)

Physical ailments to the body are characterized by feeling pain in part or all of the body tissue itself caused by a wound inflicted on that part of the body (a cut, a blow, a sting or bite, etc.). In most cases, the pain is either felt on the surface of the skin or deep within the body. This is how the white bagr text describes it: You have heard the bagr father say: ‘These children, he has handled you in the past when you were all healthy; but of late, you have been struggling with pain and sneezing. You have suffered from scorpion stings and headaches. You have suffered from stomach aches and miscarriages; and the cattle have been lowing with pain. Thus, he has summoned them to come and pour the libation and perform the rite of pacification.’ (Tengan fieldnotes)

Childhood Healing (The Metaphor of Bodily Healing)

Goats’ droppings are universally used during the bagr ritual to stand for animal products that are nutritious and medicinal, as against others, such as sheeps’ droppings, which are toxic and poisonous and are used to kill

92 X Of Life and Health

other animals (see Tengan 2006). The discussion below describes the metaphor for applying known substances to bodily ailments and injuries. During bagr speech, the elder described a series of healing processes as follows: What a personality! The kin of your clan [Kpolaar] has gone out onto the compost heap and has collected the ash and brought it in. He has collected the dry twigs and has brought them in. He has also brought in the big droppings of the elder goat. Once that was completed, you saw the earth custodian wondering in his imagination; in olden times this was done three times, but for the present times it is hampered by changes. What Personalities! You have seen the Kpolaar kin children and the earth custodian; they have taken the water and poured it onto the goat droppings. They have used the mixture to smear on your heads, on your loins, on your chests and on your legs. They have then sprayed you with water using their mouths. At night time, they put you to bed and God, as part of his rounds came and beat you all to death and took away all your ailments. When you woke up from sleep you were strong again. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

Father/Manhood Ailments (Addictions and Antisocial Ailments)

The main issue relating to this type of ailment is that of moral responsibility and individual character trait associated with it, either due to human nature or to cultural acquisition. Hence, the narrative uses the following metaphor: This happened three days ago; that was the Fielmuo market day. It is about that your father, he is an alcoholic, he is addicted to akpetashie.2 He has gone over to the Fielmuo market where he took a lot of drink. He became hungry and decided to go home. In the meantime, the wife had left the house for the bush to harvest firewood. The man has taken the meat meant for preservation and decided to cook it. The meat was not properly cooked but the man invited his kin brothers and they ate all of it.

Father/Manhood Healing

At nightfall, the wife heated the water for the husband’s bath; she also prepared the Ethiopian eggplant (Solanum aethiopicum L.) 3 leaves as vegetable soup. She then removed the cold TZ from the fermenting pot and served it all to the man as evening meal. According to custom, the husband and the wife shared a sleeping mat on the roof terrace by the door of room upstairs. On that day, the husband, after eating the meat to his fill, had gone back to have more drinks. He returned to the house after bedtime and took his mat to lie down at the usual spot reserved for him and the wife. He was expecting his wife to come to bed with him, but she

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 93

had gone to make her bed on the space reserved for the junior wife. When he realized this, he got up from the spot and picked up his axe, his bow and his skin mat, and moved to the other terrace. Once he arrived there, he threw down his mat and said: ‘Let me take a good rest here!’ The wife replied asking: ‘Did you just say let me have a good rest here? What has happened to the meat I had put on the fire for smoking and for preservation?’ He replied and said: ‘Are these the type of questions a wife should be asking a husband?’ She in turn said to him: ‘If that is the case, he should get away from her bed since this is not a sleeping place for men. In any case, eating the meat is the same as fucking my vagina. You cannot have both.’ Mother/Womanhood Ailments (Duty and Obedience)

On the hour of the first cockcrow, the husband went to wake up his wife urgently. If his wife was like the women of today, she would have refused to get up, but she in spite of this, she woke up immediately. He also called the child of wisdom to come immediately and to descend into the granary. The child complained, asking if he must descend into the granary one more time. But the husband commanded him to descend immediately. He quickly descended. The husband instructed him to take the basket of the granary and put the bundled sheaves of the sorghum into it. He gave this to his wife and instructed her to ferment it into malt. She first put the sorghum into water before fermenting it into malt. She then put the malt aside. Mother/Womanhood Healing

After a while, the wife has picked a quarrel with her husband, saying: ‘There is lack of food for the family; yet you instructed us to use the only bundled sheave we have to ferment into malt; there is the danger that it will be infested by worms.’ (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes) But he asked her to keep it safe, which she did.

Processes of Healing: The Anthropology of Prohibitions Prohibitions such as dietary laws, totems, taboos and other sociocultural prohibitions that seem not to exist within a moral order occur in all religions and cultures. All religions and scholars focusing on particular religions have outlined the theological and cosmological thoughts underpinning such common phenomena. These include notions of purity and danger (Douglas 1966), kinship and bonding relations (Fortes 1945, 1949), thought and thinking (Lévi-Strauss 1949), etc. There are a few

94 X Of Life and Health

who have alluded to notions relating to human health and the science of healing. It is clear that the pure religious notions of prohibitions that scholars have been dealing with for over a century now persist in the Dagara religion. However, this seems not to be the main focus of the bagr initiation rituals and narrative texts here. There are certainly religious dimensions attached to them, but at the same time there is a clear emphasis that these prohibitions, which occupy an overwhelmingly large portion of the white bagr thought and activities, have as their focus human health and the science of healing. It is clear that the anthropological discourses carried out for more than the century have focused exclusively on the religious dimensions of these prohibitions and since my current focus here is on the science of healing, it will be productive for me to try and restate all that has been discussed in the past. My own discussion will therefore be restricted to the ethnographic material at my disposal. The notion of prohibition abounds in the Dagara religion and medicine; whether during the prescription of a medicinal substance or in enacting a healing or religious ritual process, prohibition is very pervasive in the Dagara cultural system. In consuming medicines and other healing substances or processes and in attending religious ceremonies or other ritual occasions, Dagara people are less worried about the side-effects that the food/medicinal substance may have when consumed or the solemnity of the ritual occasion than the breaking of the ‘taboos’ that are necessarily spelt out as part of the treatment or linked to the ritual activities. Indeed, the spelling out of prohibitions that goes with healing appears as the coded messages in the symbolic language within the notion of art, religion and healing as a common discipline. Hence, outlining prohibitions as coded messages remains the main focus during all bagr initiation rituals and narrations. Let me describe the main issues that are dealt with during these occasions. The placing of prohibitions and their lifting are the main topics in the three segments of the white bagr, namely, the white bagr of the black beans, the white bagr of the white beans and the white bagr of the bambara beans (see Tengan 2012). The Ritual Healing of the Pito Brew Process (Tulu Ni Wulu): Dealing with Threats of Addiction Naming the Ritual

The pito drink is an essential substance for all social and cultural activities. It is therefore a vital part of the bagr rites of healing. As noted above, it is the main cause of father/manhood illnesses and disorders, and its healing cannot simply be carried out through the single action of the wife; hence, a special ritual healing that appears very early in the white

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 95

bagr calendar is necessary in order to keep minds healthy not only in terms of preventing alcohol abuse, but above all of ensuring proper reasoning and memory recollection throughout the ritual season. Also, most important of all, the neophytes should be immunized against possible alcohol addiction. As such, the name given to these rites and ceremonies is ‘to stand in error and to stand to be taught’ (tulu ni wulu). This is how one of the bagr elders elaborated on the concepts behind the performance of the ritual process: After a while since you swore the oath, and when the sky had become heavy with water and had rained heavily, and the baobab trees had begun to bear green leaves, your bagr fathers asked you to summon the people of the neighbourhood and the Kpolaar clan members. We did all receive the summons and came. The bagr fathers asked us then to climb up to the roof terrace. We all did. They placed two baskets full of malt before us. The bagr masters of ceremony then presented to the bagr society the two baskets of malt. They informed the society that the two baskets stand for ‘to stand in error’ and ‘to stand to be taught’ (tulu ni wulu). They also spelt out the offers to be made during the ritual, namely, four chickens and an elder hen, and the symbolic actions that must be done to the two baskets; ‘pressing to full measure within the basket and pushing the basket on their side’. Finally, they dictated to the hearing of all the prohibitions to be observed during the period of the brew: ‘As from this moment when you leave this room, to the women, when you engage in grinding the malt and you want to eat anything, first wash your hands before eating. When you start to boil the brew, no other food should be cooked at the same time at the fireplace. Throughout [the] brewing period, no bagr member should taste any of it except on the specified day reserved for drinking it.’ (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

It is important here that addiction as an ailment is named by its proper denotation and connotation term (tulu ni wulu) and is accepted as such by the patient, placing the onus on him or her to take full responsibility for his or her treatment. The symbolic actions of pressing and pushing and the prescription of the items for the ritual offering are also significant in order to better communicate the severity of the ailment to the patient and the amount of responsibility that he or she needs to show. Lastly, the participation of the pito brewer in the health delivery system cannot be ignored. She presents a solution to the problem that is partly created by her through her adherence to the prohibitions that she has been given. They communicate clearly to the patient that he or she too will have to adhere strictly to the prohibitions that will later be imposed on him or her. The Ritual Procedure of Healing Food Ailments

The healing process will continue at the same place after three weeks, when the malt given to the woman has been brewed into beer. The whole

96 X Of Life and Health

bagr society will gather in the homestead where the brew had taken place, and the neophytes, now considered to be patients, will be made to stay in the ritual room with their guides. The first activity consists in an invocation chant and memory recitation by the earth priest accompanied by the rhythmic hitting by all the bagr guides of knife blades on stones or on the hard floor of the room. This creates a sort of trance-like feeling and atmosphere for all the patients. The three chickens and the hen are then sacrificed by slitting their throats, then first allowing the blood to drip on the ground and then allowing each chicken to struggle in its death throes in the open space in front of all. It is understood by this act that all lifeforms, whether physical and cosmic, have become present as witnesses of and participants in the ritual process. The chicken divination signs and codes given during the struggle will either confirm or deny this. After this first act, the women then bring in four pots of pito for each of the neophytes. They will also bring in some small and big calabashes, some containing millet flour, which is ground to the same texture as the malt used to prepare the pito. Through the normal bagr manner of speech, the neophytes are informed that the pito is given to them and that they can take part in the drinking. At this stage, all the other members of the bagr society, except the neophytes and their guides, retire from the room to take their seats on the compost heap outside the house. Following this, two pots of pito from each of the neophytes will be taken away and sent outside. The women and bagr guides also use the big calabashes to pour a substantial amount of pito out from the two remaining pots and together with flour, and sent all outside to the bagr elders. They later return with only the flour diluted in water and they give this to the neophytes to drink as their share of the pito. They will then proceed to order each neophyte to use his or her tongue to receive just three drops of the pito, and this will be the amount of pito drink they will be allowed to consume throughout the ceremony. In the meantime, each of the elder bagr members seated on the compost heap is served two pots of pito, which they must consume individually.4 After drinking the pito in the pots, the guides take the pito formerly placed in the big calabashes and send them back into the ritual room. Each neophyte is assigned three calabashes full of pito, except for the married women, who are given four. The following instruction is then given to them: They then told each of you to take note of this instruction: ‘the first calabash of beer belongs to members of the Kpolaar clan; the second belongs to your house bagr members; the third belongs to the one who has sacrificed the chicken on your behalf. If you are a married woman, the fourth belongs to your classificatory husbands’. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 97

The final action during the evening takes place in the courtyard of the compound house. The meat of the chickens and the hen that were sacrificed and roasted is now offered to the neophytes. The eating of the roasted meat follows a similar pattern to the drinking of the pito. The whole lot is divided into two portions after the earth priest has removed specific body parts of the birds as his own by right. The first portion is given to the visitors to eat and the second portion is given to the house bagr elders. This healing procedure is repeated early in the morning, but with a reduction of the amount of pito consumed in the first round; instead of assigning four pots of pito to each neophyte, only two pots are offered as an aperitif, and the hard Tuozaafi (TZ) dish is served afterwards to accompany this. The neophytes cannot drink the aperitif and should not eat the hard TZ dish either. The eating of the TZ dish is followed by another session of pito drinking, in which the neophytes are not allowed to participate. It is only when the sun has risen and it is midmorning that two pots of pito are served for the whole community. On this occasion, the neophytes are informed that they can partake in the drinking for the three sessions that are to follow only if they listen carefully and adhere to the instructions that accompany these sessions. As a result, the first drinking session is given the code name ‘demonstrative pito’ (dãã vugra). The second session is also code-named as ‘the mid-portion pito of the elder’ (dããsɔɣ kpɛɛ) and the third ‘the mid-portion pito of cold’ (dããsɔɣmaar). The instructions outline the moral code and etiquette of drinking in a group. Drinking alone is greatly discouraged in Dagara society and culture. This ritual healing procedure concludes with the intoduction of a noninitiated individual suddenly being pushed into the ritual room and made to act out the typical behavioural characteristics of a drunk. He or she is ridiculed and cold water is poured over him as he leaves the room in a daze. The Metonymic Application of Medicinal Substances

It takes the whole ritual season, which runs throughout the rainy season and the dry season, for proper healing to take place. The focus of healing food-induced ailments is not a double-passage delivery system taking place between a human healer/doctor and a patient; it is an open system where all those who are present have one kind of ailment or another and each is seeking to derive the healing potential that the ritual process provides on different occasions. Those who have been given too much to eat are in need of healing as much as those who have been given too little, and the different roles assigned and performed by participants are considered as appropriate therapeutic sessions in which the individuals have

98 X Of Life and Health

to participate as a healing process. However, the neophytes as patients need to continue the rehabilitation process of self-healing in order to incorporate the healing capabilities as part of their earthly living process. The other patients are simply going through rehabilitation. This is done through medically handling the body and psychologically enforcing mental reasoning and thoughts for the rest of the bagr through the application of different medicinal substances and therapeutic sessions. The first of these sessions is also the closing ceremony for the ritual healing process of addiction. This consists of the metonymic creation of a stick as a patient afflicted with addiction by the application of shea butter to the body of the stick. A similar action is performed on the neophytes, thus creating the meaningful association between their healing process and the proper handling of the stick. The proper handling of the stick first involves the invocation speech given by the bagr elders as psychological therapy. A simple invocation is as follows: The rite of the bagr sticks was next to follow. They have smeared the sides of the sticks with shea butter as a sign that rite has come to a conclusion. They then presented us with the butter and we got a taste of it. The members of the matri-clan of the initiates have taken some of the butter [this narrative segment is long, so I will give a broad overview of it here]. When they had taken the butter, they presented it to us. They then proceeded to say: ‘At this point, we have recalled that at the previous meeting we did place the ban on eating the shea fruit, the oyster sauce, the fish sauce and drinking the pito of a fellow bagr member as you. As from today, these are no longer prohibitions for you. However, as soon as you leave from here, the bean leaves soup, the soup cooked by the child acting [as]the scarecrow, the chicken picked by the hawk, the egg of the chicken and the pito of a fellow bagr member are prohibited for your consumption.’ (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

Until the next healing session, the neophytes now leave the room holding their sticks and with that, their healing process is now in their own hands. If they uphold the instructions and continue to apply the butter to their bodies as was done to the stick, they will become as healthy as the hard wood. The Ritual of Black and White Beans: Dealing with Eating Disorders and Dieting

The two ritual sessions following this are named ‘the bagr of black beans’ (bagr begsebla) and ‘the bagr of white beans’. These two crops are significant in terms of dealing with hunger and eating disorders (see Chapter 3 above). Their significance lies in the nature of cropping and cultivation and the fact that all parts of the plant can be absorbed in one form or

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 99

another into the food chain. Neither crop requires rich humus soils to do well; on the contrary, both tend to provide the soils with nitrogen and other mineral salts that other crops depend on. They are therefore intercropped with other crops (millet, yams and sorghum) throughout the fields and farmlands. However, it is the role they play in the food chain and the health of the population in which we are interested in for the moment. The code-name ‘bagr ritual of black beans’ given to the next ritual session is culturally related to eating disorders caused by hunger due to a lack of food. As an early-maturing crop, the leaves of the black bean are harvested very early in the rainy season as the principal ingredients for the vegetable dish and within six weeks, the seeds become the major source of starch and protein. The danger this poses is that because it is easy to cultivate, it easily becomes the only dish served to families who are not creative enough to look for other vegetables that might exist in nature and use these as a supplement. Yet, those who supplement their diet by gathering other vegetables in the wild run the risk of toxic poisoning due to the nature of these plants and the method used to cook them. As we have seen before, knowledge about gathering and harvesting from the wild bush is codified as the domain of the nature spirit (kɔntɔn) and ailments possibly resulting from them can be dangerous to human life; hence, harvesting falls under the category that requires the attention of bagr ritual healing. Dealing with Food Toxicity: The Vegetable Domain

The bagr of black beans ritual process proposes to deal with vegetable food toxins by mixing together different vegetable soups and salads to form one common soup dish and serving this with uncooked flour diluted in water, some meat and a bowl of TZ – a sort of dish that is uncommon for any family or individual to have as a meal. Let me repeat the words of the bagr elder describing this situation: After the bagr elders have taken their seats in the ritual room, they brought in two pots of pito for each neophyte. The bagr mothers also brought in the TZ and the meat and the meat dishes. They then made the pronouncement: ‘members of bagr; here are the TZ and the meat dishes for the bagr of beans rites’. We asked them to follow the normal procedure. We also asked if there were coded messages attached to the dishes, to which they answered in the positive. You had observed that one pot of pito from each initiate had been removed and sent outside. After that the bagr guides making the announcement went ahead: encode the ‘soup dishes’.5 At this point they gave each of you a stool to sit on and they made the markings on your bodies. When they had finished, they poured out the pito and the flour water and took all that outside. They later returned with only the flour water and gave that to you to drink. You could not eat the TZ dishes because your maternal

100 X Of Life and Health kin had kicked away the TZ dishes from you and had given you only the flour water to eat as TZ. Then, as if you were wild cats, you hid yourselves in-between the granaries and ate the meat given to you. You then brought back the remaining meat. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

This short speech elaborates well the concepts behind ailments relating to eating vegetables and the ways to deal with them. In the first place, the risk of ingesting toxins is very high, since toxins are a necessary property of all vegetables – hence the need to deal with them through encoding knowledge information about how to make them safe to eat. The high level of risk is demonstrated by the desire to avoid eating them – the maternal kin had kicked away the TZ dishes and prohibitions were pronounced on eating those vegetables which are always abundant during the rainy season. But this is not always possible. The encoding of the vegetable dish involves using the droppings of the goat to smear the bodies of the neophytes, and the distillation of these droppings as an ingredient for soup preparation was the initial solution found to deal with vegetable toxins until other plant ingredients became available. Finally, it is possible to deal with toxins by seeking antidotes to them. The antidotes can be found in the vegetable plants, especially the roots and the vines; thus, the final healing process is an instruction on these concepts. This is how the elder bagr speech put it: As from this moment, when you leave this place, you are permitted to eat the soup of the bean leaf; it is no longer a prohibition for you; you can eat as much as you want. You can even eat their vines if you can. On the other hand, when you leave this place and from this moment, you are prohibited from eating yams, from drinking the pito of a fellow bagr member, the bird seized by the hawk, the egg of the hen, fighting in the house and the old items as well. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

Dealing with Food Toxicity: The Non-staple Foods Domain

To the observing mind of the Dagara hoe-farmer, there is something peculiar about the white bean plant (Vigna unguiculate)6 and of the yam plant, be it the white yam (Dioscorea rotundata) or the water yam (Dioscorea alata). The interest lies in their appearance and what the Dagara hoe-farmers have come to know about them for their nutritional and lifesustaining properties. The fact that they physically resemble each other and yet are internally different, along with the fact that they are both planted as the first crops in the field and are the last to be harvested, makes them suitable for choices as codes to elaborate on toxins and poisons that have entered the food chain via competing life-forms also seeking to consume them, such as insects, ants and rodents. The white bean

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 101

is a creeping plant that continues to grow and extend its vines and leaves horizontally throughout the season, whereas the yam plant is a climbing plant and grows continuously and extends its vines vertically throughout the season. Also, the two crops represent the two main categories of the nonstaple cultivated foods that are also rare and constitute what, to the Dagara, are delicacies. The white bean category consists of all grains (beans, bambara beans, groundnuts rice, etc.) that are not considered as staple foods, while the yam category consists of all root crops. The name given by the Dagara to both of these categories, ‘nonsubstantive foods’ (bondir-foglé), is very significant. The term is used to refer to the fact that, as delicacies, they never fully satisfy one’s feeling of hunger, but, on the contrary, can generate (vula) an insatiable longing and desire to have more of it. It is this insatiable longing or desire to have more (vula) that, according to cultural perception, encourages other life-forms such as insects to burrow into them and make them their habitats while depending on them as nourishment. The encoded message of danger they pose to human health is expressed as follows: You observed how they held you and make you stand up as a yam placed upright while they dug out the yams. In the meantime, a scorpion did sting one of you. We had harvested all the yams, twelve tubers in number. They took three tubers of yam and put them aside saying: ‘they constitute an orchestra’. They named one as the xylophone (orchestra), the second as the listening spectator (the one whose mouth is full of flour)7 and the third as the bagr guide. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

The scorpion sting here reminds us of this longlasting excruciating pain that goes with the sting of the scorpion. There is no antidote for the pain and though it is not fatal, it only stops when its time has run out. To demonstrate this, and in order for them to fully experience and appreciate the danger, the neophytes are made to stand vertically erect as a mimicry of the seasonal growth of the yam plant and above all the maturation of the tam tuber. The pain of the scorpion runs through all the veins in the body and is perceived as the mimicry of the bean plant that has spread its vines throughout the cultivated field. The beans and the yams are food delicacies, but if they are not well preserved, they will be taken over by other life-forms. Above all, if they are not properly prepared as dishes and if they are consumed in great quantities, they will generate ailments that will affect the whole person as well as the physical and corporate body at three different levels. In order to communicate these dangers clearly, the bagr narrative presents a model action of events accompanied by verbal instructions. The human body, just like the tuber of the yam, is porous and can easily be penetrated by different life-forms. The penetra-

102 X Of Life and Health

tion is invisible, like the sound of the xylophone orchestra, which enters and affects the body through verbalization and vibrations (music and language). In other words, the nature of these particular ailments is not directly linked to the food substances themselves, but to the significant meaning attached to them and the sociocultural discourses that they generate through their cultivation and harvesting and possession of them as food. Second, unlike the ailments that emanate from the vegetable dishes, those that come from the root crops and the legumes such as beans can produce excessive or cancerous growth of body tissues, body parts or cells within the body, including the brain. These types of ailments are very difficult to cure through the family health institution of the ancestors and beings of nature. Indeed, the bagr health institution has been developed precisely to take care of these types of ailments.

Masking Death and Healing Life: The White Bagr of Bambara Beans The final healing ritual process, before the white bagr of dance, which is a graduation ceremony for the neophytes as full bagr members, is the white bagr of bambara beans. Essentially, this is a ritual demonstration that the real healing of ailments linked to food as life-sustaining elements involves death as a rite of passage and as a form of immunization against the symptoms of these ailments. Unlike many other societies in Africa, the Dagara people hardly carve masks as sacred or religious objects via which the society can access the invisible world of the dead through their use in ceremonies or ritual practices (see Kambere-Tshongo 1992). The Dagara notion of masks and masking is embedded with their bagr rites of initiation in such a way that actual human beings, as patients suffering from different ailments, are objectified as masks of death and are made to participate in the daily life of the community for a period of time. In the remainder of this chapter, I shall give a detailed description of the ritual processes involved in ‘killing’ the neophytes, masking them and sending them off into the society. I will also analyse how healing processes take place under such circumstances. Taking Hold of the Body Neophytes or Patients

The rite of ‘killing’ the neophytes begins late in the evening and within a secluded room in the house with a prayer of invocation to the mythical ancestors of all life-forms, human as well as all living beings and elements. No person who has not been initiated can enter this room. The bagr initiation is a passage through death and back to life, and this is what qualifies one to participate in the ceremony. It is a communion of the dead; hence, only those who have experienced death can participate with the objective

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 103

of initiating the neophytes into this communion. The prayer of invocation is led by the earth custodian (tengan sob), since the earth is considered the mother and original source of all life and death. It consists of the recitation of poetic verses by the tengan sob that recounts the origins of cultural life of the dead ancestors and their migration movements up to the present stage. Each verse, pronounced solemnly, is accompanied by an affirmative response from the rest of the congregation and is accompanied by a rhythmic beat on the ground of the sacrificial knives of all the bagr fathers as part of their response. As soon as the prayer is completed, the head priest present proceeds to slit the throat of each chicken representing each neophyte, while ensuring that the blood drips on the bagr deity and on the ground, before throwing it on the ground to struggle and die. At this point in time, each neophyte is presumed to be in the liminal stage between the dead and the living. The manner of the chickens’ deaths carries many symbolic and thought-provoking messages that are keenly observed and understood by all. Since the deaths of the chickens equally signify the beginning of dying for the neophytes, they are to behave and be treated as individuals in the liminal stage between life and death. First, they should avoid touching each other; as such, a bagr guide takes a seat in-between two neophytes. The neophytes should not converse with each other except when asked to do so, and when asked a question, each should reply for himself or herself using the first-person pronoun. As soon as the killing of the chickens is over, two pots of pito are offered to the fully initiated bagr members. This red pito stands as a representation of the red blood of the chicken shed on the ground for the living ancestors and establishes one of the principal colours in masking, red. In the language of masking and unmasking, the release of the red blood leads to the death of the chicken, whereas the drinking of the red pito leads to the healthy life situation of the dying neophytes. The colour red masks and, from visual perception, gives the idea that they are the same and that one can stand for the other. The next stage of the rite of putting the neophyte to death is about separating the living from the dead and the dying. In order to do this, the ritual space is extended to include the front yard of the house which is considered the space of life or space for the living. The original space where the rites began, the Long Common Room is now considered the space of death and dying by withdrawing all light from it and confining the neophytes to this room and prohibiting them from ever leaving it without a guide. The room is also out of bounds to all people who are not members of bagr society and are therefore not initiated. Because they have had the experience of death, all fully initiated bagr members can leave the room and re-enter at the appropriate times.

104 X Of Life and Health

Each of the neophytes, through their bagr mothers, has already provided some cooked food and drinks for the ceremony. This consists of four pots of pito and two separate bowls of the TZ and soup.8 At this stage, the food and drinks are all brought to the front yard and presented to the bagr members as if to say that from the dead and dying comes food to sustain the living. The food is carefully inspected to make sure that the number of bowls and pots containing food is correct. The TZ and the pito all contain the same type of food ingredients that have been prepared and brewed following a common method. Indeed, the taste is about the same for all of them. However, this is not the case with the soup. There is no rule instructing the bagr mothers to prepare a particular kind of soup using specific ingredients. The only requirement is that, as part of the ingredients, they should use meat that has been bought from the butcher’s shop in the market. This means that, in serving the soup, all the meat must be taken out of the cooking bowl and a small piece of this meat must be placed back after the service. These small pieces are gathered together when the meal is being served and are given, in a ritual ceremony, to the fully initiated bagr members to eat. They acquire a secret name (lanmɛ-pɛrkpagɛ) and stand for the unknown mystery for the cause of death. In the absence of any other definition of the type of soup to be cooked (groundnut soup, okro soup, etc.), there will be a variety of ingredients and vegetables, some of which, in cultural terms, should not be cooked together. Also, there will be a variety of meats in the different soup bowls. Finally, the ritual requires that all the soups be mixed together in one big pot and redistributed into the soup bowls. In practical and cultural terms, this is an act of sorcery designed to turn the nourishing effects of the food into harmful potencies that could cause ill-health and death. Indeed, the aim is to make the neophytes suffer stomach aches so that they can be cured by the bagr medicine (see paragraphs ‘Dealing with the Ordeal of Illnesses’ and ‘Sickness and Faith in the Healing Process’ below). To this end, from this time onwards, they are treated as sick people under the medical care of their bagr parents and guides. Hence, each of them will be served a bowl of TZ with the mixed soup and a pot of pito. They are then symbolically fed by their bagr parents and guides, and only after they have been fed will the other bagr members be allowed to eat their share. Taking Hold of the Mind of the Neophytes as Patients

To prepare the minds and spirits of the neophytes and to further ensure the full participation of the ancestors in the rites of healing, the first part of the seclusion ritual is the oral celebration of the mythical and historical origins of the ancestral migratory movement as hoe-farmers

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 105

(Tengan 2000a), beginning with the mythical land of origins (Téngkur) and throughout the whole of Dagara country until the current village of settlement, and the origins of the bagr institution as a religious society. Three senior bagr members lead the celebration. A ceremonial chair is placed in the middle and the first orator takes his position by occupying it. The other two elders seat themselves randomly among the group. The first orator formerly and ceremonially reproduces a narrative that first recounts in detail the reasons for the ancestral original decisions to leave Téngkur, including the steps put into place in order for them to undertake a successful departure and resettlement. The main reason given by this narrator is that of hunger due to a lack of fertile farmland to cultivate the grains necessary for the TZ dish. As he puts it: ‘Your ancestors have not always settled on this land. Their place of origin was called Téngkur. A time came when they ran out of the staple food for the tuozaafi dish but had only the vegetables for the soup.’ Second, within the narrative, the orator is careful to point out the different ancestral figures present at the time of the original movements and resettlements and to describe the world they inhabited and the sociocultural relations they built for themselves. He also describes in detail the origins of the bagr rite of initiation, including the different stages and the sequence of performances. The figures include the first living ancestor (sããkum), the dead ancestor (kpîîn), kpîîn’s neighbour farmer (turbɔg sob), the custodian of the earth ‘skin’ (tengan sob) and the custodian of the earth core where iron is extracted (sããn sob). All these figures are represented either as wooden masks and statuettes or as moulded figures using special types of clay and soils and statuettes or masks are visible to all Dagara people interacting with the cults and shrines established in and around the house. The purpose of the rite of the oral speech is to first evoke the presence of these mystical beings and to reveal to the neophytes the nature of the world they would be inhabiting during the period of their ‘death’. To this end, the first speaker is preceded by two others who will recount much of what the first speaker has said, but a different focus on the reasons for the migration and particularly for the performance of the bagr rites. Hence, the second speaker does not refer to hunger and lack of the staple food (Tuozaafi ), but to sudden experiences of misfortunes, maledictions and unexplainable illnesses. Some of these are associated with the ingredients used in cooking the vegetable dish (ziɛr). Hence, the third orator will focus on these ingredients, including eating and other cultural prohibitions and behavioural habits imposed on the neophytes since their induction into the bagr initiation rituals. Each of the speakers will always conclude his verbal oration with a series of questions on these prohibitions and each neophyte will have to answer

106 X Of Life and Health

truthfully according to his or her conscience. To tell an untruth or make a false declaration will certainly result in the death of that neophyte or patient, and such a death will not merit any funeral rituals on the part of the bagr community. A negative response but one that is true will lead to certain extra mediating rites before confirming the individual as a qualified bagr candidate. Dealing with the Ordeal of Illnesses and Sickness and Faith in the Healing Process

Each illness, sickness or disease is a life-threatening symptom and as long as it lasts and proper healing has not yet taken place, the patient’s life and that of the family group continue to go through ordeals, moments of pain and danger which make one reflect on the mysteries of life and death. Falling sick or getting ill and having a disease evoke our primitive sense of innocence and guilt about the correct and proper methods we know about sustaining life on earth and demands a truthful understanding of the causes of the illnesses and diseases, and a rightful way of applying the knowledge and understandings we have about the disease condition. The Dagara bagr health institution contains a well-defined practical framework of action to deal with the ordeals associated with illnesses and sickness. The full exposition of the frame of action is part of the ritual process of the bagr of bambara beans with its underlying concept that full life is only possible if it is preceded by death. Death is the passage way allowing life to be fully realized. Hence, the system postulates that full healing is quickly achieved through the experience of death or, to put in the corresponding language to that of healing, healing is possible when one truthfully understands through experience the meaning and causes of death. Yet, it is certainly unthinkable that one would communicate falsehood or withhold any vital information about one’s sickness when consulting with one’s healer. The ordeal presented before the patients of the bagr cult during the ritual of the bagr of bambara beans is precisely this: to confess to information regarding one’s actions and eating habits that contain ingredients of falsehood and untruth, and hence to agree to accept on one’s own volition the medical toxin that will either lead to one’s death or healing. This is how the bagr elder acting as healer describes what should happen: The senior bagr member then called upon the bagr members, saying to go into the room and perform the bagr rites. When they had taken their seats in the room, they offered them two pots of pito as drink to quench their thirst. None of them seemed to have ever been afraid about killing a neophyte; it

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 107

seemed something that they could easily do. One began to notice how they were all moving about in such strange ways. Suddenly they called the neophytes to attention and informed them that they had reached a crucial moment. They then made reference to the type of costumes they were wearing, which were the funeral costumes designated by culture. They then asked them to recall into memory when they had instructed them that the shea fruit, and the bean cake, the oyster sauce and the fish were forbidden for them to eat and that they swore by oath to uphold the prohibitions. Today, it is grave matter between you and us. Answer me truthfully: ‘do you swear you have kept your oath?’ (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

To this question, each of the neophytes/patients is required to profess his or her innocence or guilt regarding how each has upheld the stipulation of the oath taken on various occasions since the bagr initiation processes began. The series of questions are asked not only one time and not by the same person but on three occasions and by three different people. Moreover, each of the three people will adopt a different approach and from time to time will insert new details and issues that the previous one failed to mention. Some of these new issues will appear for the first time since the beginning of the ritual processes began more than six months earlier. For the sake of illustration, let me insert a short transcript of part of the recordings I made live during one such rite: Senior Healer (SH): At this point of the ceremony, we would like to test for the truth in you. You have professed to have upheld all the prohibition since the beginning. Can you swear by oath that this is the case? Do you swear of having abstained from eating the shea fruits? And from eating oyster soup? And also from any fighting? Do you swear of having upheld all the prohibitions since the opening ritual of puoru ni wuoru?  Neophyte Patient (NP): I do swear!  SH: Do you swear that you have upheld all prohibitions since the opening ceremony of puoru ni wuoru?  NP: I do swear to having upheld all of them.  SH: Do you swear of having upheld the prohibitions of the rites of black beans?  NP: I do swear!  SH: What about the prohibitions about yam that you were instructed on; do you swear that you did uphold the prohibitions until it was divided up into pieces and shared among the members?  NP: I do swear!  SH: What about the prohibitions regarding the ‘anus of the mother chicken’ placed during the rite of the malt; do you swear to having upheld these prohibitions?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Do you know what I mean by the ‘anus of the mother chicken’?  NP: I do not know.

108 X Of Life and Health  SH: How then can you swear on something you do not know?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Do you swear you have taken none of the drinks prohibited for the period?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Do you swear you have not drunk any water from the lid of the TZ reserve pot?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Can you swear in the name of the earth and the earth shrine that you have not broken any of these prohibitions?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Can you swear in the name of the water that we are drinking that you have not broken any of these prohibitions?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Can you swear in the name of the rain that can strike a person dead with lightning that you have not broken any of these prohibitions?  NP: I do swear!  NP: I do swear!  SH: Do you swear in the name of the ancestors that you have not broken any of the prohibitions?  NP: I do swear!  SH: Do you swear you have not taken water from the lid of the TZ reserve pot?  NP: I do swear!  SH: At this stage do you truly request that we bring forward the sacred object that will consecrate one as bagr member?  NP: Yes! I request.  SH: Should we bring this sacred object?  NP: Yes! Bring the object.  SH: Should we bring the object?  NP: Yes! Bring the object.  SH: Should we bring the object that will consecrate and heal you?  NP: Yes! Bring this object.  SH: Do you really want to be a healthy bagr member?  NP: Yes! I do want to be a bagr member.  SH: Do you know the nature of this object that we will use to consecrate you so that you will become bagr members?  N: We do not know it.  SM: How then can you say they should bring it?  N: Please do bring it.  SM: The sacred object used to consecrate bagr initiates is called ‘Nagbozier’. Anyone who has looked through his inner self and decided that he will carry out test on us, when we bring in this object he will discover the truth for himself. As soon as the object is brought in, there will be big explosion as loud as a gunshot. The bullet will come directly onto the one who has made a false oath and his head will explode like the gun explosion. We will

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 109

drag the corpse outside without any remorse and we will refuse to mourn such a person. Is it still your wish that we bring this object into the room and initiate you into the bagr society?  NP: Yes! It is my wish.  SH: Let another bagr member take over. (Bagr speech recording, Tengan fieldnotes)

The essence of these ordeals not only leads to the patient placing absolute faith in the healer and the healing system that is absolutely required for complete and proper healing, but also leads to the patient to abandon the focus on the elements that promote health and to refocus on those that promote death. The main message that the ordeals of illness conceal is that the whole healing process, including the substances given as medicine, follow the logic of ‘killing’ the patient or taking life away from the patient by diminishing and prohibiting the processes and elements that sustain and promote the continuation of life. Indeed, there is only one term (tîî) in the Dagara language and culture for medicine and poison, in the Western scientific sense, that which is meant to heal life can onlso be the toxin/poison that will kill life. As the saying goes: ‘that which does not kill you, only make you stronger’. What makes a substance (tîî) medicinal or a toxin (tîî) lies in the methods and processes of preparation and application, and in the reaction of the body tissues to the substance when consumed. In the next chapter, I will focus on the processes of toxins. Medicinal preparation, as described so far in this chapter, is very much embedded in the food domain and when prepared as food, it is consumed willingly and with absolute faith that it will heal and nourish the patient. The antidote to a toxin is to be found in the substances that have produced the poison. The Process of Medicinal/Toxin Application

To avoid a situation whereby the application of medicinal substances during healing becomes an ordeal or trial of guilt or creating a situation whereby the causes of illnesses are perceived as a private individual matter of guilt through an immoral or illegitimate action, the bagr system depicts the application of all healing processes within the food domain as matters of commensality and family group therapy. In similar way, for food to be nourishing, all family members eat together as a group guided by the structure of ‘table manners’, in order for the application of medicine to be effective, all members of the family must be present, even if the medicine is only given or applied to the patient. However, many of the rules considered proper to eating are reversed when it comes to administering and taking in medicinal substances. Let me go through the differ-

110 X Of Life and Health

ent stages of this application method as documented in the bagr narrative and demonstrated during the bagr of bambara beans initiation process. Introducing Medicine to the Neophytes and the Issue of Darkness

Eating is associated with light. One sees and smells the prepared dish and knows that it is good to eat. However, medicine and toxins are associated with darkness. One does not recognize the toxicity of a substance by sight or smell; it is only known through the effect it has on the body when taken or applied. Hence, before introducing the toxins into a room where the neophytes are gathered, the room must be pitch-black. The choking smoke from a burning fragrance resulting from putting charcoal embers onto goats’ droppings mixed with tree resins provokes feelings of discomfort and anxiety within different family groups. Dosage and Application

Before opening the medicine container, the bagr elder monitoring the session follows the same structure of questioning the neophytes as was the case in the previous sessions. This is to bring home to the neophytes that they are taking the medicine of their own free will. There are three actions that require an affirmative answer from the neophytes. The first involves opening the medicine container and thus releasing the odour of the medicine into the room. This could be the appropriate dosage for some patients. The second is to pour out the correct amount for each kin group and the third is to apply the medicine in the appropriate manner on the body. There are also structured ways to appropriately apply a medicinal substance. The last two segments of the bagr initiation rites, namely the white bagr of bambara beans and the white bagr dance, tend to treat the sick body as a mask of death that is going through a learning process about life. Indeed, the white bagr of dance and the black bagr initiation rites focus on life and death not only with the intention of treating the patient so that he or she will recover from his or her ailment, but also to train him or her to become a healer. In the next chapter, I will first deal with the general features of the bagr cult as a healing system before returning to the training aspect of the patient as a healer in Chapter 6.

Notes 1. The literal translation of the term piɛnɛ chi is ‘having adulterous sexual relations with the crops’. 2. Akpeteshie is an alcoholic spirit produced in Ghana by distilling palm wine or sugar cane juice. It has become accepted as correct Ghanaian English.

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The White Bagr Healing Cult X 111

3. Solanum aethiopicum L. 4. On one occasion, one of the elders remarked to me: ‘this is our holy Eucharist. I cannot share it with you or any other person. You will be given drinks that are not consecrated’. 5. A metaphor to refer to the neophytes. The coding involves the drawing of lines on the body of the initiates using special Kaolin (clay). 6. It is the creeping or climbing variety that concerns us here. 7. A figure of speech referring to one who does not have the right to speak in public. 8. When I last attended the service at Cheboggo, there were twenty-one neophytes. This means that forty-two pots of pito and an equal number of TZ bowls and soup bowls were presented.

CHAPTER 5

Health Delivery and Healing Processes The Black Bagr Healing Cult and the Domain of Healing Toxins, the Inedible and the Undomesticated

QQQ

Introduction It is well understood that humans, as the Vegetarian Resource Group would describe them, are ‘basically “opportunistic” feeders (surviving by eating what is available) with more generalized anatomical and physiological traits, especially the dentition (teeth). All the available evidence indicates that the natural human diet is omnivorous and would include meat. We are not, however, required to consume animal protein. We have a choice’ (The Vegetarian Resource Group 2000). This choice is not only about meat but also about the variety of uncultivated vegetables, fruits and nuts, which even up to the present day continue to constitute a high percentage of the Dagara diet. In the previous chapter, I focused my attention on food substances that have, in general, properties and ingredients necessary to sustain and nourish the human body, thus enabling it to grow into maturity and old age. I did this through analysing methods culturally put into place within the domestic sphere in order to differentiate between substances that are suitable for humans to eat and those that are not, and by looking at the

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 113

religious and cultural ideas of healing individual patient bodies through food prohibitions and ritually regulated patterns of eating and drinking. I also explained that though food substances produced within the domestic sphere are generally safe to eat, the possibility of food poisoning can never be ruled out and hence the bagr initiation divination processes provides a test grid via which the safety of foods substances are constantly tested for poisoning. Yet, much of the food that a society depends on comes from hunting game and gathering wild vegetables, nuts and fruits from the nondomestic environment. Also, as was dealt with in Chapters 1 and 2, the Dagara medical system is at pains to make clear the distinctions between sustaining the body through eating habits and sustaining the pre-existent life (vur) element (cosmic life) that has chosen at a moment in time to experience earthly conditions (see Chapter 2). This preexistent life, in Western thought, might be taken as the human spirit with everlasting life. Sustaining and healing the spirit is of vital importance in order for the body to continue to exist on earth. In this chapter, I will turn my attention on the Dagara knowledge of food and healing elements, mainly gathered and hunted from the wild, that go directly to sustain both the pre-existent life element within the individual person as well as earthly life conditions and the threats and dangers that come with these undomesticated food elements. Whereas some of these threats come from the substances themselves gathered or hunted as food substances, there are also a number that emanate from wild nature itself, to which all cosmic life elements seek to return. There is therefore a need for the scientific and cultural understanding of nature in order to deal with a variety of substances and issues that either nourish or cause existential threats to the life. Each life element’s nourishing relevance to the human body and the desire of that element to stay embodied within the body as a home constitute the focus of healing. Indeed, any conditional situation that could eventually lead to the life element wanting to depart from the body itself is a very serious health condition and is the main cause of irreversible death to the body. Therefore, via Dagara religious practices and artistic expression, I shall reveal more openly the nature and character of this human life element, including how it is nourished and sustained on earth, as well as the dangers and threats to its continued presence within particular human bodies. Through experiencing the religious initiation into the bagr cult and the study of bagr mythical narratives, it seems to me that the theoretical and methodological metaphor that best outlines the thinking frameworks and knowledge practices in relation to sustaining, nourishing the spirit of human life element (vur) and describing its peculiar nature is via the theme of hunting and gathering various categories of natural substances, and using these either as

114 X Of Life and Health

food or toxins or medicinal substances. I alluded to these practices in the previous chapter when I dealt with the systemic analysis of eating habits and food prohibitions aimed at properly nourishing and sustaining life within the human body. As part of dealing with and sustaining the spirit of human life, I shall make a reverse systemic analysis by focusing on the art of exploiting the wild and undomesticated domain of animal and plant life as a method via which humans learn the art of medicine/toxin making or extraction mainly for healing and killing purposes.

Understanding Life and How to Deal with it I have already explained the Dagara notion of life in general, including the perception that life in humans and in all other elements is not created and cannot be destroyed. Indeed, all life-forms share this common property and this constitutes the cosmic element in each being or lifeform. The issue of cosmic life sustenance therefore becomes not so much a threat to its destruction or death, but the conditions that will lead to it exiting from a particular being or element in order to reunite with the cosmos or even to continue its earthly experience within another being or element. Indeed, as we will come to see later, it is possible for many cosmic life-forms to coexist in a single body or element. The situation can either be healthy – by increasing the bodily power of the being to deal with earthly matters or issue – or it can be unhealthy if the different cosmic life-forms enter into conflict with each other (see Chapters 6 and 7 below). Indeed, the cosmic life of all wild animals, as we will illustrate through the bagr narration about the monkey, contains elements of danger to the cosmic life of humans when eaten. In the narration explained below, the struggles between Human Being and monkey which led to all the animals becoming wild, if not resolved, could always lead to the devaluation of the quality-of-life conditions in human being resulting in the exiting of the human being’s own cosmic life-form from his or her body. In terms of life and health, no condition, including death, is worse than a human being continuing to exist without cosmic life or having multiple cosmic life-forms in conflict with each other within an individual. Hence, the health system is designed to cater for resolving such conditions that lead to cosmic life either exiting a being or where an element causes it to become unhealthy. The nature of ill health is related to some other cosmic life-forms entering some beings or bodies in order to cause its destruction through conflict with other cosmic life-forms. Since this point is central to the way in which the health system is constructed, let me elaborate on this by referring to the appropriate narrative text of

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 115

bagr. The issues of hunting animals and gathering uncultivated food from unfamiliar locations within nature, and the knowledge derived from the process for healing and sustaining life including the cosmic or the spirit of life embodied on earth are key here. This line of thinking is not totally new in anthropology. Lévi-Strauss (1962) and Tambiah (1969), for example, have drawn our attention to the fact that natural species are chosen [as totems] not because they are good to eat but because they are good to think. When it comes to using animals and food substances as objects of thought within the creation of a health system, Dagara culture does not make choices based on its totemic structure or social relations, but would consider that all animals and plants, as life-bearing elements, are objects of thought at all times. However, Dagara make the distinction between life-bearing elements that are part of the domestic sphere, to which the logic of kinship relations could be applied, and those elements that are beyond one’s domestic sphere of influence, to which the hunting logic of poisoning and killing must be applied. Just as in the previous chapter, where I demonstrated the origins of food crops and how these were made safe for human consumption, here, via the same process, I will demonstrate how the spirit being of the wild (kɔntɔn) – which educated human beings on selecting foods that are nourishing and also cooking them in order to make them edible – is also responsible for educating human beings on how to kill and prepare different categories of animals as bodily and cosmic dishes. Let me give a summary of the narrative relating to this (Tengan 2006) before delving into the detail. In essence, the first teaching involves the art of making the bow and arrow from the twigs and branches from different species of Saba senegalensis (orɛ tiɛ) and another local plant similar to Saba senegalensis called the angoma that is not edible. The most important part of the arrow is the arrow head and the prepared poison put on the head to render it effective. The making of the bows and arrows has always had a communal aspect. Hence, the wooden limb and string are associated with the male members of the patrilateral kin, the preparation of the arrow poison is associated with female members of the kin group, and the arrow head itself is associated with the iron smelting guild group or the stranger.

Wounds and the External Physical Body: Hunting the Monkey and Introducing Human Being to the World of the Undomesticated Contrary to traditional anthropological wisdom regarding the evolution of human culture, namely, that human sociocultural practices evolved

116 X Of Life and Health

from a primitive stage of hunting and gathering conditions to an advanced stage of settled agriculture, the Dagara system of thought posits a different view. According to this, human beings first learned the culture of hoe-farming and animal husbandry as something traditionally passed on via the protohuman ancestor, the kɔntɔn, before embarking on developing a hunting culture. Indeed, the origin of all things or the beginning of earthly life, if you will, is perceived as a farming activity initiated by the two global cosmic beings of the universe; Rain and Earth (see Tengan 2000a, 2006). In other words, the knowledge of cultivating food crops is thought to be naturally embedded in the cosmic life and existence of all life-forms and beings (see Chapter 3 above). The Dagara do not hunt animals and gather wild vegetables solely for food, but most basically as a way to objectify their thoughts and intellect, especially regarding cosmic life in nature. Let me briefly paraphrase the mythical narrative of the black bagr (Tengan 2006) regarding the origination of hunting beings and elements in the cosmos beyond the purpose of nourishing human life to expanding human thought and the intellect. The two categories of beings are life within plants, including the mineral kingdom, and life within the animal kingdom, including birds and fish – in Dagara thinking, those that have the ability to move or propel themselves and those that are rooted or fixed to the earth. It is symbolic that, apart from the human being, the myth selects as its main characters the dog (Canis lupus familiaris) and the Old World monkey (Cercopithecidae). Let me begin with a narrative excerpt from the bagr mythical narratives about the origination of the wild and capturing wildlife, and the development of knowledge on the preparation of medicine for hunting and capturing not only the physical body, but also the cosmic life in animals and plants. After having taught Human Being the art of cultivating crops, kɔntɔn also taught him the art of iron smelting. Human Being had produced enough iron, which he sold in the market. He converted the profits into purchasing all the different species of animals and successfully reared them in his house. However, he did not have an animal herder. He therefore went up to God to ask for one. God assigned the dog and the monkey for the job. The dog accepted to be the herder of man himself and to follow him wherever he went. The monkey decided to be the herder of the animals so that he could take their milk for himself. Over the course of time, the monkey failed to herd the animals back home during the evening. Human Being and the dog went to the bush to look for them and found the monkey alone on the Saba senegalensis (orɛ tiɛ) tree eating the fruits. Human Being asked the monkey about the animals and he replied that they had gone missing. Human Being, in a proverbial/riddle gesture, asked the monkey to pluck one particular fruit for him. When the mon-

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 117

key asked which particular fruit, Human Being pointed to the monkey’s testicles. The monkey then cried foul and all the animals gathered to adjudicate over the matter. After listening to both sides, all the animals decided that it was just for the monkey to pluck his testicles and hand them over to Human Being. The monkey replied to this by stating the proverb/riddle: ‘it is preferable to get a wound on one’s occiput than to have your shoulder or limb broken!’ It then took a big leap from the tree in an attempt to make its escape on the ground. As the monkey leapt to the ground, Human Being threw his axe at it, hitting it on the neck and the occiput. This resulted in the monkey developing a shorter neck and sustaining a permanent wound on its occiput. Despite the wound, the monkey quickly got to its feet and began to run towards the valley area. Human Being put the dog to the chase, but the monkey first ran very fast into the river and then blended in with many other monkeys that were already there swimming in the water. Even though this monkey was later identified by the human being through the wound on its head, it was able to slip out of his hands, escape again and take refuge among the hilly rocks. Human Being and his dog had to abandon the chase due to darkness. The next morning, the monkey wandered around the hilly rocks until it became thirsty and decided to go down to the river to have a drink. After having a drink, it asked the living beings of the river to give it medicine to heal the wound to its occiput. They demanded to know the cause of the wound. The monkey told them all the episodes that had transpired since it had become animal herder for human being. The living beings of the river bed told the monkey that they did not have the right type of medicine that would cure the wound to its occiput. They directed the monkey to the living beings of the hilly rocks, who were believed to have this type of medicine. The living beings of the hilly rock asked the monkey why it wanted the medicine and it replied in the same way as it did to the living beings of the river bed. The living beings of the hills gave monkey a little bit of the medicine, which it used to cure its wound. When the monkey had healed its occiput, it returned to the living beings of the hills to ask them for medicine that causes madness. They asked it why it would want that medicine. The monkey replied that it intended to use it to intoxicate the animals that Human Being owned, so that they would become wild animals and subsequently escape into the bush. This would make Human Being a poor person. The living beings of the hills informed the monkey that they did not have such a medicine. However, this type of medicine could be found in the possession of the living beings of the riverside. The monkey went and asked the beings of the riverside for this medicine, and he was given a little of it. As night fell, the mon-

118 X Of Life and Health

key went to the homestead of the human being and began to administer the medicine to the different species of animals. First, the monkey went to the cattle kraal and intoxicated all the cattle, and they all turned into wild cows and buffalos. After a while, however, the mother cow returned home to take care of her calves, and it is for this reason that human beings have continued to possess domestic cattle. The monkey did the same to the donkeys, the horses and the sheep. He also did the same to the goats, the guinea fowl and the chickens. However, for each of these animal species, the breeding mother always returned to the homestead to take care of the young ones. This accounts for the fact that domestic animals have continued to be part of the homestead (transcribed text from the black bagr narration, Tengan fieldnotes). The head plays a major role in communicating pain and aches caused by diseases and injuries on any part of the body; hence, it is important to begin any diagnosis of illness by understanding the feeling of the pain. The story of the monkey set a typology of the causes of pain that go physically to three different locations before subsequently affecting the whole body in excruciating ways: hitting the head with an axe, squeezing the testicles and intoxicating the brain with a substance to cause madness. It is important to point out that even though all these conditions caused the monkey much pain, it was careful to choose the one that would only cause physical pain and little or no cosmic pain to itself. The physical wound to the occiput would not lead to any feeling that the value on its life had been diminished in any way. In other words, the wound to the occiput was not inflicted at the cosmic and intellectual level of consciousness, which could lead to psychosis and devaluation of its nature, but solely at the physical level. However, it was not the same when the monkey later applied medicine to the animals to make them mad or psychotic, with the intention of making Human Being poor and becoming psychotic, or if the monkey had allowed its genitals to be cut off. In both cases, the value and quality of life, in the cosmic and intellectual sense, would have been greatly diminished. This is precisely the type of injury that the monkey eventually inflicted on Human Being by reducing him to the painful situation of living in poverty and psychosis, which eventually drove him into the undomesticated wild as a hunter. The story also establishes a certain principle concerning health: that which causes pain, illness or disease must exist both at the physical level as well as at the cosmic psychosis level, and this is significant when it comes to healing or treatment; Human Being’s riches in all the different species of animals caused him wellbeing, good health and mature reasoning. His loss of these and his descent into poverty caused him cosmic pain, illness, disease and ultimately psychosis and madness. He could only heal himself

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 119

by regaining control of his mature reasoning and eventual control over the animals he had lost and regaining the social context that this control brought with it. The exploitation of nature and the spirit of nature for the healing process is the main reason why human beings became hunters.

Accessing the Knowledge on Toxins and their Antidotes The narrative described the symptoms of human psychosis as follows: Soon after human being lost all his domestic animals to the wild domain he also lost his mature reasoning and understanding of his environment. He first made for himself a toy bow out of a weak plant stem such the anglara twig,1 and using the ordinary rope made of jute fibre as its string. He then took the reed of the elephant grass as his arrow. He called upon the dog to accompany him on the hunt for the goat which, because of the psychotic symptoms, he has now mistaken to be an antelope. He has encountered the goat in the immediate bush environment of the village stead and has used the reed arrow to shoot at it. He then began to follow the trail of the animal until he came to the house of kɔntɔn. The child of kɔntɔn (kɔntɔnblé) came out and asked him what he wanted there. He replied that he was trailing an antelope which he had shot with his arrow. kɔntɔnblé asked human being if he was not mistaking the domestic goat for the wild antelope; but human being recalled to memory the time when he had owned all the different breeds and species of animals as testimony for his certainty that it was an antelope and not a goat. To test this memory, kɔntɔnblé then presented him with different categories of arrows; the poisoned arrow, the arrow with the chiselled arrow head and the arrow of the reed of the elephant grass, and asked human being to choose the one that belonged to him. When he had chosen the one made of reed, it became clear that he had no knowledge about how to make a strong arrow and how to prepare the appropriate toxin that can lead to the death of an animal.

Preparing the ‘White’ Grade Toxin for Body Wounds The potency and effectiveness of the toxins exist to different degrees depending on which category of animal is the target for the hunt, the different ingredients used for the preparation, the category of person preparing it and the different ritual processes of preparation and application. Indeed, the preparation and application become key to determining the degree of toxicity and its effectiveness both in taking life and restoring it. Hence, the ordinary toxic arrow preparation involves different stages. Stage one requires the hunter to buy from the blacksmith the iron rod that he will have to chisel and shape into the arrow head. He is also responsible for cutting the twigs from the plants and making sure that they fit the arrow head. His final act at this stage is to collect firewood from

120 X Of Life and Health

the far bush environment and hand this over to the women, who will prepare the toxin. The second stage is carried out by an elderly woman who is going through the menopause and a girl who is still a virgin. They harvest the leaves of the strophanthus plant, fetch some water, take the frying pot and carry it into the bush. They are also given the gallbladder of the toad (pantir kanlinkaar) known as the ordinary toxin (tîî). In addition to all this, they also took firewood belonging to a woman known for her gossiping and one belonging to an adulterer. This is how the bagr narrative text describes the situation: Fũũ dugr lɔɣ a, Fũũ nyɛ pɔɣ a Íerpɛlɛ sob. Ul tɛr daar a, Ti ir al Lɔɣ daar na. Íɛrpɛlɛ sob ya; Fu woa na? Téngzu ka a, Naaŋmin tome Bɛ wɛrɛ wɛ. Pɔɣ í pɔɣ a; Íɛrpɛlɛ sob Ul wa chɛ a daar Ti ir buyén Yaŋ lɔɣ daar puɔ. Fu woa na? A lɔɣ mi dirɛ. Lugr lugr sɛn; Ti ir buyén A lɔɣ mi ɔbr. Bɛl bɛl nyɛ a. Íɛrpɛlɛ sob Ulɛ nu dirɛ lɔɣ. Lugr lugr sɛn Ul lɛ nu ɔbr lɔɣ (Tengan 2006)

When you want to prepare poison, Search for the woman Known for her gossip. If she has firewood, Go and fetch some As part of your firewood. The gossiper; Have you heard this? On this earth No assigned work Is totally useless. A woman is a woman; The gossiper When she has gathered her wood Go and remove one only And add it to your own firewood. Have you heard this? This will make the poison deadly. Also, the wood of the adulteress; Go and remove one only This will make the poison painful. Just imagine this? Gossiping Causes death. Adultery Causes pain.

To prepare the medicine, they first prepare the fire using the wood gathered by the man and taken from the woman gossiper. They then begin to fry the leaves of the strophantus and then begin to add drops of water. When the leaves have changed colour from green to black, they then be-

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 121

gin to add the gallbladder of the toad. When the preparation of the toxin has been completed, they proceed to test it. In this case, a little dose of the toxin is added to the millet flour they have brought with them and the mixture is left to lie on the stones used as a fireplace for the cooking. This is an experiment to test the toxicity of the mixture. If after some hours there are no red ants appearing to eat the flour with the toxin, then it means the toxin has been well prepared. If red ants appear and eat away the mixture and all other life elements and substances within the cooking stones, it is a signal that the mixture is not highly toxic. The next stage of preparing the ‘white-grade’ toxin is to apply it to the arrow heads and to make a fetish object that will both memorialize the knowledge process of making the toxin and also serve as its reservoir. The first act of creating the fetish is to make a sacrificial offering of a chicken at the shrine of the ancestors as an acknowledgement of having learned the art of healing from them. The elders then carry the arrows to the farm to meet with the women, who, up to this point, have been in control of the toxin. When all the elders have gathered at the spot where the toxin has been prepared, each then proceeds to smear his arrows with the toxin and to put them appropriately on the fetish. The fetish with the arrows will be carried ceremoniously to the house and placed on the roof terrace near to the bagr cult for number of weeks, after which time the arrows will be ready for use. This type of toxic poisoning is only suitable for killing undomesticated animals that inhabit the farm and bush domains in-between the village settlements. These include animals and birds often found in the farm areas, such as the partridge, the hare, the rabbit and the antelope. To the mind that is untrained in the field of Dagara religion, art and medicine, it will appear strange and irrational to associate the preparation of toxins for hunting with such beliefs and practices as sacrificing to the ancestors, building fetish shrines, taking firewood from women associated with gossip and adultery and the like. To throw more light on the rationality of such practices and to indicate how they apply to health and healing processes, let me now turn to the art and science of hunting as a knowledge scheme dealing with understanding life in the undomesticated nature. The black bagr narrative text outlines this knowledge by focusing on the hunting process of certain major animals, including the procedure involved in the preparation of the relevant toxins and other ingredients that can affect life in one way or another. The term ‘toxin’ here refers both to substances that can poison (tîî) and at the same time heal (tîî); thus, there is one term to refer to both poison and medicine in Dagara language. Also, when one talks of healing or poisoning substances, one always includes the cultural meaning and social significance attached to the physical object. Thus, as illustrated above, the

122 X Of Life and Health

elements used in preparing the white-grade toxin include the firewood belonging to the woman gossiper and the adulteress. Toxins in the form of poisons and medicines are mixed compound substances that not only refer to the physical, but also, more importantly to the social, cultural and moral properties of life and the way in which they are meant to affect life. In other words, the same substance that is used as a poison will be used as a medicine. Let me elaborate on this by analysing the metaphor of the hunt for the royal. The metaphor is elaborating on how toxins from the same material can be used as both antidote (medicine) and as poison.

Wounds and the Internal Physical Body In the white bagr cult, we have already studied the application of medicinal substances that will assist in sustaining and healing life, and the dangers that food substances can pose to life itself. The black bagr cult focuses on the dangers posed by wild and undomesticated plants and animals or inedible substances that can be perceived as toxins. The application of toxins is not always seen as poisoning that will lead to life leaving the earthly body. In most cases, they serve as the antidotes to some forms of poisoning or as medicines for the repair or restoration of body tissues that have been poisoned through a wound. Let me start the analysis by summarizing in my own words the bagr narrative text on the hunt for the royal antelope as an illustration of this. Human being, after having perfected the art of hunting, has succeeded in killing each bread of animal in the wild except the royal antelope (Neotragus pygmaeus);2 (Dagara: Molu). human being had gone to the bush near the spring where the royal antelope often come to forage and drink and to lie in wait for it to come into view. He had made a hammock mask of leaves and branches by the edge of the spring and hid himself in it. However, on each occasion that Human Being lay in wait at the spring, the royal antelope became aware of his presence and would not go anywhere near to his presence. Human being went to consult with the human elders about this problem. He was told that the human scent is peculiar and that the royal antelope can detect his presence from afar and without seeing him. He would have to mask the scent of his body in order to allow the royal antelope to come into view. The ingredients for masking his body included the roots of a tree with a peculiar scent (nyilanyuu), the reeds of the grass with a peculiar scent (monyuu), his own spittle and water. He should pound the grass and the roots, and use the spittle and the water to make a solution and smear his whole body with it to mask his scent.

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 123

After having smeared his body with the scent mask, human being then dismantled the body mask (gbanzaba) from the ground and set it up on a tree. He then climbed into the mask and hid himself there. That same afternoon, the swift bird3 (Apodidae) (Dagara: bɛlaarɛkulé) was going to the spring to have a drink when it saw human being in the mask on the tree. The Swift bird made a diversion to the pond where it drank its water. And so it is that the Swift bird did not perch on the ground to drink its water. After a few moments, the Galago, also known as the bush-baby4 (Dagara: gbaratakur), who was the ugliest creature in the bush and who was also an arboreal being, while on its rounds, noticed the human being on the tree. He took a close look to make sure that it was human being himself who was truly present in the mask. He then descended to hide himself close by. The snake was the first animal to come by on his way to the spring and the bush-baby cautioned him not to go downstream since human being was lying in wait there. He did the same to the bush cow when he was on his way to the stream. However, when the royal antelope approached to go downstream, the bush-baby hid himself, thus allowing the royal antelope to continue his journey to the stream. He did this because he and the royal antelope were in love with the same woman. It was therefore normal that he should be seeking the death of the royal antelope. When the royal antelope could be seen by human being, he became an easy target. Human being shot at the royal antelope with the poisoned arrow and wounded him. He then climbed down from the tree and began to follow the trail of the wounded royal antelope. Passing through the rice fields where he noticed some traces, he went further into the millet fields and came to a hole with multiple entries. Enticed by the vision of an animal tail, he passed through one entrance and ended up taking the passageway up to a hill. He arrived at a cave and at the entrance, he saw the head of a being. He tried to grab it, but it passed through this endless hole. He followed the being and entered the depth of the hole, only to meet the proto-ancestral nature being of the wild (kɔntɔnkpé). They asked human being what has brought him all this way. He replied that he was dying of thirst and that the thirst had driven him to this place. They asked him whether he would drink the water if he found it. He answered that he would. The wife of the proto-human ancestor (kɔntɔnkpé) took some tuozaafi and prepared some drinking water for him. Human Being, upon receiving the water, looked at it very well and asked the child of kɔntɔn to take it back. He said he could not drink it because it was pus from the rotten wound. The wife of kɔntɔn asked him to taste the water in order to find out whether it was pus. When he tasted it, he found it sweet and drank all of it. The child of kɔntɔn asked him again whether he would drink some pito if he were offered it. He answered that

124 X Of Life and Health

he would. The child of kɔntɔn brought some pito and served it to Human Being, but Human Being, after staring at it for a long time, gave it back to him, saying he could not drink it because it was blood. The child of kɔntɔn asked him to taste it in order to find out if it was indeed blood. He tasted it and found it sweet and he drank all of it. When this was over, the kɔntɔn then asked Human Being if he had any medicine that could cure cosmic wounds. But Human Being said he did not have any. However, upon taking leave of kɔntɔn’s house, he ran into the elder vulture sitting on a big tree. The vulture5 (Gyps africanus), as a clan totem, upbraided human being for informing kɔntɔn that he did not have the medicine to cure the wounds. The vulture instructed human being to give some of the poison from the arrows as medicine. This would kill the animals of kɔntɔn and since kɔntɔn only ate the game he himself had slaughtered, he would be forced to throw the meat away and they would share it among themselves. human being went back and gave some of the poison to kɔntɔn and it all happened as the vulture had predicted. During the night, kɔntɔn took some of the poison and treated the royal antelope with it. The next morning, human being went to the area and found the royal antelope and all the animals of kɔntɔn lying dead. The vulture had already removed the main intestines and was now sitting on the tree waiting for human being. As custom required, the process of testifying that human being had killed a royal antelope had been done. They divided up the meat, throwing away all that should be thrown away and carried the rest in basket loads to the father’s house. The hunter’s father claimed one limb as his share. The mother of the hunter claimed the loins as her share. The kin brother claimed the head as his share. The medicine holder has claimed the skin and the foreleg as his own. The rest of the family members have prepared for the festival of the hunt to celebrate the efficacy of the hunting medicine (based on the Dagara black bagr narrative; see Tengan 2006). The above text draws our attention to the most common threats that face the practice of hunting and thereby establishes a structure for understanding peculiar illnesses, psychosis and psychosomatic disorders that can occur in society. It also indicates to us the nature of poisonous substances as causes of illnesses and disease and the process for developing antidotes as medicine for dealing with them. In terms of threats, the major threats to any hunter in the undomesticated space include not only possibly losing his sense of direction in the physical space in the forest and not being able to find his way back home but also possibly losing his mind and cultural reasoning, and as such becoming out of touch with reality. Many African societies view the forest as full of monsters and other evil spirits. To the Dagara, however, the primitive nature being (kɔntɔn)

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 125

as the main character that instructs humans on the secrets of farming and other domestic sociocultural activities is also the one who made human being to become aware that these secretes are equally present in the forest and the undomesticated domain. These secrets are significant also for the development of the human spirit. The allure of capturing the unknown from the undomesticated domain through the kɔntɔn and the human spirit is the key reason why people embark on hunting. The use of the poisoned arrow in the hunt does not have as its primary purpose killing the animal victim immediately, but inflicting a wound on it, in the same way as human being did to the monkey and to follow the trail in order to observe the behaviour of the wounded animal and to acquire the knowledge of how it goes about healing itself. However, since human being is part of nature, all animals have good knowledge about human nature and human desires and are wary of them. Indeed, sharing knowledge is reciprocal. Hence, the medicinal toxin Human Being used to conceal his scent identity from the royal antelope, the knowledge of which he acquired from his elders, is the very medicinal toxin that the kɔntɔn needed to heal the wounds of the royal antelope inflicted by the poisoned arrow. The scent coming from the wounds and that of the human body indicate common symptoms. Some healing principles are therefore established here. First, the human being is the common source here possessing both the toxin for inflicting wounds that would eventually become ulcers and produce pus, and the medicine that would eventually heal that ulcer. Second, the coded knowledge on the substances that should either poison or heal a wound must have some similar characteristics to the symptoms of wound or the disease. In this case, the code is in the scent (they both have peculiar scent). The scent that comes from the pus of the wound is peculiar and the scent that comes from the chosen herbs and plants as medicine is also peculiar. Third, things that look alike do not always have the same properties. Thus, the millet water looks like the pus from wounds, which would be deadly if ingested and the pito drink looks like blood, which should not be consumed. Through this experience, the hunter/healer would have picked up a key skill in his training as a professional healer – basically, the development of his senses of smell, sight and taste, and how to use them to identify toxins within natural substances and beings.

Diseases of the Internal Organs (Swelling Belly): The Hunt for the Mountain Goat and the Elephant Threats to individual life at one particular time always come from a combination of factors. Diseases and illnesses that are related to lack of nour-

126 X Of Life and Health

ishment and malnourishment also always have factors that are related to toxic poisoning and to the disruption of ties and bonds (whether physical, social and cosmic) that disrupt affective relationships and feelings within and among people. In ordinary language, we might refer to diagnosing and treating these types of threats as partly social and psychological illnesses due to conflict and war. These conflicts can come about due to bad relations within the family/kin group, relations between neighbours and relations with strangers. They can also be caused by physically administered poison to an individual. The bagr narrative text, by using the metaphor of the hunt for the mountain billy goat and the elephant, outlines these threats and how to deal with them. The following text rewritten from the bagr narrative verses (Tengan 2006) summarizes the issues at stake. Following the crimes of human being at the home of kɔntɔn, a ban was placed on his head for three years, which also implied that he could not go hunting during the period. However, he began hunting again as soon as the ban came to an end. He had chosen as his next target for the hunt the wild billy goat or wild buck that had its residence on the hillside. human being took all his hunting weapons and proceeded to go down to the valley of the scorpions. He encountered the billy goat in the valley and had made a fatal shot. The billy goat ran into the hole of the termite mound and human being was about to make chase for it. The elephant suddenly appeared and began to ask human being: ‘Human being is a rich person with plenty of followers; is the meat of the billy goat plenty enough for you? This is just the leftover meat I had served to my children. I have given birth to many children. Why don’t you return home and come back with the right weapons to kill one of my children as meat?’ The human being and the elephant then came to an agreement and signed a contract. The stipulations of the contract included: • Human being would make only one arrow for the child elephant. • He would make the arrow at the crossroads leading to the neighbour’s house. • The medicine for the arrow should consist of: the toxic worm that has killed a tree, the firewood from a toxic tree, early morning dew on the leaves of plants and the human spittle taken as he wakes up from the night sleep. The objects to be used during the preparation of the medicine should consist of: charcoal, a small calabash used for planting seeds, a new pot bought from the market to put the medicine in and the millet chaff. Soon after descending from the hillside, human being set out to prepare the medicine. First, he went to a friend who was also a neighbour

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 127

and asked him to make him an arrow. The friend asked what type of arrow he wanted. Human being replied that he wanted an arrow that will kill an elephant. The friend demanded to know how many arrows he should make and human being replied that he only needed one arrow. The elder woman in the friend’s house overheard the conversation and issued the following warning: ‘friend of my son, take this cue. An elephant is always treacherous. It is not a moral being; this one arrow, when you use it, it will only confuse the elephant; then it will kill you. The right number to make is two arrows’. She further advised him: ‘my son’s friend, when you are poisoning the arrows, as it is on the crossroads, always hide one arrow beneath the millet chaff while working on the other one. When anybody comes along and asks you “how many arrows are you poisoning?”, you must answer “it is only one”’. Human being did as he was told, and took into account the advice of the elder woman. During the course of poisoning the arrows, the elephant put on his human mask and went to human being and asked him what he was doing. He told the elephant who had become a human being that he was poisoning an arrow in order to kill an elephant. He asked him how many arrows they were and he replied only one. Not satisfied with the answer, the elephant went back to human being, now as a one-eyed human being, to ask the same question. He received the same answer. For a third time, the elephant went back to human being, only this time as a one-legged-human being, and asked the same question. He was given the same answer. On the day of the duel, human being went over to the field with the poisoned arrows. He soon encountered the elephant. The mother elephant appeared first from among the trees and human being allowed him to pass by. He was followed by the child elephant. As soon as the child elephant came into view, human being shot at it with one arrow. The mother elephant then turned around and asked human being if the child elephant was dead and human being answered yes. The elephant then said it was imperative that she should kill human being for the death of the child and began to charge at him. But human being then took the second arrow and shot at the elephant. The elephant cried out, saying that human being had not followed the stipulations of the contract by making two arrows instead of one. After saying this, the two elephants proceeded to the open fields and died there. Human being followed them there and after their deaths, he cut off their tails and the tusks, and took them to his house. He proclaimed to the whole population that he had killed two elephants. He then asked the whole population to come over and help him carry the meat. Upon hearing the news, the good friends of human being screamed with joy, while his enemies only murmured, saying ‘who do you think you are?

128 X Of Life and Health

You do not have power enough to kill an elephant’. During the night, the dead elephants continued with their treachery and began to prepare a big rainy storm that would disrupt the festivities and the hunting ceremony. Human being had taken a white fowl and had threatened rain with it. The storm withdrew the next morning allowing the meat to be divided accordingly and for the ceremony to proceed. Human being had so much meat that he could not eat everything or preserve it all. He therefore decided to send some to the market for sale. The kɔntɔn masked himself as a human being and came to ask to taste some of the cooked meat before he would buy it. Human being gave him some for which there was no charge. kɔntɔn, after eating the meat, went behind the building and masked himself as a one-eyed man and came back to the human being. He asked for some of the meat to taste. He was given some again. He again went behind the building to mask himself as a one-legged man so that he could ask for some more of the meat to taste. He was given some for the third time. But the son of the butcher recognized him and told his father that it was the same person probably wanting to do something treacherous. ‘He is only testing you. It would be better to give him the ritually forbidden part of the meat.’ Kɔntɔn went behind the building one more time and masked himself as a one-armed man so that he could ask for some more meat to taste. He was given the ritually forbidden meat. After eating it, he soon developed cirrhosis, leading to a massive amount of fluid building up in his abdomen. He first went to the kɔntɔn elders to seek the medicine that would cure his cirrhosis, but they informed him that only human being had such medicine. kɔntɔn had to go to human being to seek the medicine for his cirrhosis, just as human had had to go to kɔntɔn for medicine for his cosmic death (coma). Human being gave him two types of medicine: he should drink the first and should use the second smear to his abdomen and mark cross signs on it. When kɔntɔn was cured of his disease, he went back to human being to pay for the medicine. The charges were similar to those that human being had paid kɔntɔn when he resuscitated him after beating him to ‘death’ – a three-year ban on his head,6 and after three years, he should offer a basket full of malt (this will be turned into pito in compensation for the blood shed), a sheep (a black animal that stands for the existing of cosmic life from the elephant) and a rooster (a social animal that represents the shared nature of all life from nature). The above narrative text seeks first to explain the background principles regulating the social behaviour of living beings in nature and to establish principles on health issues. In the African context, the same social and cultural order and structure that exist in the domestic sphere regulating the lives of human beings equally exist in the wild for all liv-

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 129

ing beings. Hence, the significance of the kinship structure, including its bonds, ties and regulations that culturally and socially shape human life in the domestic sphere, must be applied to all life-forms and beings in all of nature, including both the wild and the domestic. The first part of the narrative above reveals this kinship structure and ties existing within the elephant family of herbivores. In other words, the mountain goat is kin to the elephant in the same way as all other herbivores are kin to each other. They not only share a common home, but more importantly a common diet of plant material and life. The major threat to the life of the elephant and its kin herbivores is not so much the human hunter, but the toxic worm that depends on the dead and rotten material coming from the tree and other plants. The size of the elephant suggests symptoms, as though its natural size is that of the mountain goat, but it is now suffering from over-growth of the internal organs (liver, lungs, intestine, etc.), which in modern medicine would be classified as either malnutrition leading to Kwashiorkor or poisoning of the internal organs, leading to cirrhosis and cancers of these organs. Dagara society is aware of the dangers of such diseases and the difficulty of finding diagnostic explanations and cures for them, especially for cirrhosis, and they are seen as caused by human action or intervention. In this narrative, the elephant should be seen as the doctor who has come to human being seeking to cure him of his ‘swelling belly’. The structure of the consultation is to explain to human being the cause of the sickness: the use of a single poisoned arrow to inflict a fatal wound on the elephant that will lead to the disease of the swelling belly (popaal). The art and knowledge of fatally wounding such a big animal as the elephant with a single arrow, because of its secret and dangerous nature, require a good understanding of witchcraft and sorcery. Witchcraft and sorcery are a combination of issues that are physical, social and cosmic. In cultural terms, the Dagara/Lobi people consider the disease of the swelling belly to be inflicted by human beings because of social conflict and human desires and passions. Hence, in order to protect oneself against such an ailment, one must rely on the teachings of and advice from the eldress within one’s kin group, who is always seen as possessing the secret knowledge about plants and herbs. The eldress in turn tends to acquire this knowledge through her female ‘hunting and gathering’ experiences of wild herbs and plants as vegetables (see the cultivation of the sorrel plant in Chapter 3). She keenly observes the habits of such herbivores as the elephant, the goat and the antelope. There are several bagr mythical narratives describing this phenomenon and the knowledge acquisition processes. What is important to note here is the knowledge ingredients and processes of preparing the toxin and applying it to the elephant.

130 X Of Life and Health

Hence, the eldress could only know the toxic worm that has caused the death of a tree through her work from harvesting wild vegetables and observing the eating habits of the wildlife. The diseases do not come from the plants and vegetables, but from the toxic fluids from worms and other insects that have made the plants their home and feed on them. They end up killing the plant. The second part of the narrative details the processes put into place in order to find the antidote to the toxin and the application of this antidote as medicine. The toxic worm referred to in the narrative is described as having killed the tree. It can only do so if it lives in the trunk and feeds on it. This is different from those that feed on the leaves of the plant. They do not kill the plant and, as such, their toxins are not fatal. If one found a tree that has been killed by a toxic worm, then one has found the antidote as well. As the narrative indicates, medicinal extracts from parts of the plants thus identified could be taken orally or through other applications. In the narrative, the dead elephant spirit, in the body of the nature being, dramatizes the poisoning process of the toxin and the application of the medicine. Normally, the part of the elephant where the wound was inflicted is considered as having a high concentration of the toxin that was used to kill it and that it should not be eaten. This part of the meat will be removed as toxic material to be used for the preparation of medicine or for enhancing the effectiveness of poisoned arrows.

The Spirit of Life and Health I have already dealt with the notion of the Unborn Being (Bil) as progenitor and as a fertilized human seed in the womb that is undergoing earthly growth and maturity as a foetus and child (bil-blé). I have also dealt with some of the foundational principles that are put into place in order to ensure the proper transmission of the human unborn life and its embodied animation through coitus and fertilization. I did this while outlining and analysing the institutions of the ancestors and bagr thought frameworks on life animation and sustenance through food cultivation and feeding. In this section, I will undertake a second look at the spirit of life beyond its principles of embodiment. In other words, I want to look at the spirit of life as an individual and independent entity which, in essence, can sometimes exist within the body and sometimes outside of the body. The objective is to map out the health issues and other dangers confronting the spirit of life, which, if not managed and dealt with, will lead to death or the spirit of life permanently leaving the body. Yet, the spirit is not a single entity or essence that has well-defined characteristics and self-

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 131

identity that can be approached and dealt with in the same way at all times. Above all, the spirit has the possibility to make other choices based on its own desires and free will, which will either enforce the conditions of the body or weaken those conditions. The processes of dealing with the spirit of life and its multifaceted forms and condition can be explained through the concept of transmutation. Transmutation is believed to be the process via which the pre-existent human life and other spirit elements of all species and forms communicate and interact with each other. It also becomes the main process via which different stages of life are realized within the body, such as when life animation takes place in an earthly body during coitus and fertilization or when life exits from the human body during sickness and death. As a result of this, the underlying objectives of all healing processes not only aim at restoring the body to a healthy condition, but above all at ensuring that the life element has the desire to continue with its embodiment until the appropriate time and place, when it will be ready to initiate the process of exiting the body and returning to the cosmos. The Dagara worldview insists on having a concrete metaphysical cosmic realm that is as real and coextending in time and space as that of the physical world. Whereas human death will lead to a permanent exit of human life from an individual body, it does not end the presence of other all life-forms – animal and plant – in that body. Moreover, the process of transmutation allows an individual with enough knowledge and medical assistance to transform his or her body into other forms of life appearances either as a way of healing or of protecting himself or herself from harm. On this subject, Jack Goody had this to say: Transmutation, the belief that a being can transform himself, or be transformed into another animal or person also depends on the notion that some enduring element remains throughout the radical changes in outward appearance; the belief is not uncommon among the LoDagaa, and men who possess the proper medicine are said to change themselves into animate – and sometimes inanimate – objects in order either to defend themselves from attack, or more frequently to attack others. (Goody 1962: 363)

The subject and context of Goody’s observations was on death and the afterlife, and not on life and health. Moreover, Goody was seeking to place Dagara eschatological beliefs within the global context of anthropological knowledge at the time on ‘primitive culture’, which in Britain and Europe was dominated by the writings of Edward Burnett Tylor and James George Frazer. Anthropological discourses at that time focused more on the notion of the ‘soul of man’ as the principal spirit that relates to the body in terms of matters of life and death. Tylor’s evolutionary theory on

132 X Of Life and Health

cultures and human understanding dominated the day. Thus, citing Tylor on these matters, Goody made the following reference: It seems as though thinking men, as yet at a low level of culture, were deeply impressed by two groups of biological problems. In the first place, what is it that makes the difference between a living body and a dead one; what causes waking, sleep, trance, disease, death? In the second place, what are those human shapes which appear in dreams and visions? Looking at these two groups of phenomena, the ancient savage philosophers probably made their first step by the obvious inference that every man has two things belonging to him, namely, a life and a phantom. These two are evidently in close connection with the body, the life as enabling it to feel and think and act, the phantom as being its image or second self; both also are perceived to be things separable from the body, the life is able to go away and leave it as insensible or dead, the phantom as appearing to people at a distance from it. (Taylor 1873: 428)

The following questions, as far as the Dagara are concerned, tie in with the fundamental notion of life as an element that pre-exists and becomes embodied through fertilization and birth processes, notwithstanding the belief that the life element in a being cannot be created or destroyed. To properly put these into context and to discuss them within the framework of health and life, let me tabulate and expand on the notions behind the concrete metaphysical elements comprising human embodied earthly life and being, not only in connection with death and afterlife, but more importantly with human earthly health.

The Animation Spirit of Life and Health Issues Relating to Pregnancy Infertility

The first spirit to appear in the process is the spirit of animation (vur) and the dangers linked to it are twofold: infertility and miscarriage. Infertility is a spirit condition known as (ããnu), which I will translate here as ‘frigidity’. It comes about when either the male or female spirit vibration during life transmission causes restrictions of body organs and blood vessels which makes it impossible to either allow the flow or movement of the animation spirit (vur) in the physical form of blood and fluids in any direction (see Cros 1990). This prevents the Unborn Spirit from settling and developing into an individual self on earth. The bagr narrative text elaborates on a series of ritual and sociocultural actions and norms that are put into place to generally deal with these situations. The social and cultural actions are bundled together to form the Dagara marriage system and other related norms and customs, including the practice of ‘bride

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 133

Table 5.1 Personal life-elements and processes of embodiment Dagara term for spirit principle

English equivalent

Metaphysical substance

Process of embodiment

Bil

The Unborn (Spirit of Life)

The life-seed of individual human self that exists as a being in the cosmos before conception

Coitus and fertilization aided by the transmission of blood, semen, vaginal fluids. Marriage rite

Vur

Animating principle (Anima)

The life-span of the individual self within the body

Feeding the foetus through the placenta. Pregnancy rites

White soul Conscious selfawareness (white/ visible background)

Temporary departure from body (sleep, dreams, spiritual death)

Black soul

Deep sleep, psychic/ mental disorder

Si-pla

Siɛ

Si-sɛbla Sigman

Sigra

Soul

Unconscious self-awareness

Soul of the ‘Collective kin group unconscious’ (totemic) awareness

Ritual participation and action (dance)

Spirit/soul Spirit of the house guardian totemic figure

Rites of passage and purification

Dasule

The shadow

The Spirit of the body-mask (the mask)

Initiation rituals (bagr, etc.)

Nyaakpiin

The ghost

The spirit of the dead body-mask (funeral stand/ palanquin (paala))

Funeral and burial rites and ceremonies (kuor)

Kpîîn

The spirit of the living ancestor

The spirit of the ancestral figurine and shrine

Ancestral divination and sacrifices

Vuulu

The spirit of the earth’s core

The black charcoal earth found in the earth’s core

Annual earthly festivals and ceremonies of remembrance

Daparɛ

The spirit of the sky on high (space-above)

The white ashy earth found on the earth’s surface

134 X Of Life and Health

wealth’. These systems and practices partly set out ways for finding solutions to frigidity (ããnu) when it occurs. As it will be beyond the scope of this book for me to expound on all the issues here, I will only state the practical moral principle commonly guiding these issues, namely, that when it comes to life transmission, neither the man nor the woman nor any other group or individual has absolute control over the sexuality of the other or of himself or herself, and there are no moral legal boundaries that will prevent the culture from finding ways to approve human sexuality that are geared towards life transmission. The Unborn spirit has a greater say in the choice of the two parents, particularly the choice of uterus in which it will want to settle and take root, and also the choice of the two parents it would like to have, and the two individuals must do all that they can to make it happen. The principle of limitless moral and legal boundaries as far as sexuality for life transmission is concerned has led to considerable mischaracterization of the nature of Dagara family unions and sexual behaviour, which, when viewed from Judeo-Christian patriarchal perspectives, will be characterized as unfaithfulness and promiscuity. Sean Hawkins, writing on the relationship between writing and colonialism and Dagara notions regarding women, marriage and adultery, pointed out ‘the lack of commensurability between indigenous practices and these categories of colonial control’. Hence, he notes that: The first ethnographic account on the LoDagaa was written by Read, an unmarried military officer . . . he ended his report by expressing the hope ‘that the present family system will break down as soon as possible for the sake of the future welfare and prosperity of the country’. He based his conclusions on the following observations: ‘the head money system’ was similar to purchase; LoDagaa women did not make good wives; the unfaithfulness of wives had led to a considerable amount of armed conflict before colonial intervention; and disputes over the custody of children were so common between rival males, quoting a line from Homer’s Odyssey, ‘it is a wise child that knows his father’. (Hawkins 2002b: 230)

He went on to add: At the beginning of the twentieth century, LoDagaa women exercised a large degree of autonomy, so much so that one might say that it was a wise husband who knew who his wife was. For the LoDagaa at this time, certainty of paternity was not a matter of concern. Indeed, Goody reported almost half a century later that it was said of children whose physiological and social paternity diverged that ‘they know their father’, where father referred to genitor rather than pater. (Hawkins 2002b: 230)

The principal moral and sociocultural issue here is that, from the health perspective, fertility and the conditions of frigidity cannot be approached

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 135

from the angle of marriage legalities or faithfulness to a particular partner, but from the angle of keeping faith with one’s true feelings and affections. In this regard, the system can only require that women, while keeping faith with their feelings and affections, truly declare at the appropriate time, place and occasion the true genitor of the child to be born. A failure to do this completely and properly may lead to moral decadence and this will result in other health issues relating to pregnancy, namely, miscarriage and difficulties at birth. Miscarriage

Miscarriage can come about for various reasons. These include the situation when the Unborn spirit child is not fully satisfied with the womb environment prepared for its settlement, and thus chooses to leave it at an early stage of its development; when the parents are not fully aware and as such do not respond appropriately to certain desires and wishes of the Unborn spirit; and when there is conflict at the cosmic level within the kin group. Miscarriage is something that does not happen often because it can be avoided through ritual practice. Both the bodies of the mother and the father are ritually conditioned at appropriate times to ensure that they are properly prepared to welcome the Unborn spirit. Also, the exchange of life-bearing gifts between the husband and the wife’s kin groups tends to ensure that good relations are maintained at all levels of the life experience. Here is how the bagr narrative describes a simple ritual action aimed at ensuring that miscarriage does not happen: Sirma nu a; ŋman paala; Yaŋ na dé Kuõ bɛ i al, Man zaa zom; Torkor vuɔri A bɛr a ga. A ŋmin nu biili. (A nibɛ lɛbɛ bal.) Bié bɛ i ul; ŋmãã vuuru O yɛb nu a; Buɔli wa tan Lɛb yél ku a: ‘Fuu wa mag Kuõ ŋa yaŋ.

The mother-in-law; Here is a calabash; She has taken a new one And fetching water, She has filled it to the brim; And by the window She has put it there. It is all complex. (Everybody is tired.) Here is the husband; He was all pensive in thought Here is the wife; She has called her over And has instructed her saying: ‘Try to lift This water here.

136 X Of Life and Health Alɛ wa yaari Fũũ lɛb ni Taa wa yaŋ nɛ i. Fũũ wa yaŋ a Fu na nyɛ puɔ Ul na chir a.’ Fu woa na? Mag zaa zolom Vuuli ni puor; Fu woa na? Ul ma-tɛtɛɛ Chén ti tarɛ Buɔl a dɛb Buɔl a pɔɣ, Saɣ wa baari. ‘Ni dé a kuõ; Bin talaa. Bɛ bɛ chir a bé.’ Chir yaŋ koloŋ. Sirma nu a; Zɔ tuori nyɔg Laa bɛ i ul. Bogr fuɔla Hab bɛr kobo. Pɔɣ taa tuor Ul wa tɔ; Fu na nyɛ puɔ a O na yi. (Tengan 2006: 295)

If some pours out Take it all back And do not pour it in. If you pour it in, Your will have A miscarriage.’ Have you heard this? She has taken it gently And held it close to her stomach; Have you heard this? And was holding it firmly and Has sent it over. She then summoned the husband And also the wife, And they came over. She said: ‘You take this water; Here is a bowl; You must pour it in.’ They have done it well. Here is the mother-in-law; She has moved quickly to take over And to take hold of the bowl. She took to in-between the granaries And has hidden it there. She has forbidden the wife to touch it. If she were to touch it again; Then in her pregnancy, She will have a miscarriage.

This simple ritual exercise is repeated at different stages of the pregnancy and serves to release anxieties and other stress disorders that can lead to miscarriage. Apart from this ritual treatment, there are social health delivery systems that are put into place in order to prevent stress and anxieties. These include periodic visits of the pregnant woman to her paternal family home and kin group, and the woman being taken out regularly for social events and trips by her classificatory husbands and the friends of the husband. Direct conflict between husband and wife is avoided during the period of pregnancy through the constant mediation of the family and the kin group, and especially the joking partners, who constantly poke fun at the couple at any occasion.

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 137

Child Delivery and Health Issues Relating to the Afterbirth/Placenta (zεl)

It is not for nothing that the same term in Dagara language – ‘tongue’ (zɛl) – is used to denote and connote the afterbirth and the placenta as well as the human tongue. The health issues relating to the afterbirth and the removal of the placenta from the womb are associated with the dangers of truth-telling, particularly about the true genitor of the child. This is especially important in the cases where the woman is widowed, divorced or not yet married. The proper identification of the genitor is very important for individual relationships on earth and for religious communication with the ancestors. Thus, where the identity of the pater and the genitor of a child diverge, the mother must clarify matters before of the day of her delivery or during the delivery process (see Chapter 2). A failure to do this would lead to an abnormally painful delivery or the failure to eject the afterbirth from the womb. Divination rituals prior to and immediately after the delivery help protect the mother from the anger and eventual harm coming from the Unborn spirit, and also allow her to give an accurate life history of the infant. The afterbirth is also seen as containing the pre-existing memory of the Unborn spirit and has to be ritually preserved in nature. The rite of preserving the afterbirth consists of one of the male classificatory fathers digging a hole in the midden of the homestead and in the form of a mini-grave. All the contents of the afterbirth are then put into the bottom part of a broken pot (sɛr). A young boy who has not reached puberty and an old woman who has entered the menopause take the contents to the mini-grave. Each of them will then hold the edge of the broken pot with a left hand and in a single jolt, they will pour the contents into the mini-grave. The boy must cover up the mini-grave until he has a made a small mound on the spot. He is then given a seed to sow in the mound and has to keep watering it until it has become a mature plant or a tree.

Human Life Spirit Cessation and Issues of Human Health The Dagara notion of the soul (siɛ) is metaphorically perceived as an invisible rope knotted at several points and encircling the loins of the inner body, and thus separating the upper part of the body from the lower part. It is the measure of one’s lifespan on earth and also the indication of the obstacles to be encountered as one engages in vertical movement through growth and horizontal movements through bodily displacements. The major health issues facing the soul include the changes and adaptations required of it as the individual body undergoes the different types of changed movements, and the continued desire for the soul to – from time to time – leave the body temporarily through the process of transmuta-

138 X Of Life and Health

tion and eventually permanently through death. The nature of illnesses and diagnosing them are metaphorically explained through the manifestation of the soul in different forms. These manifestations can only be seen leaving the body at different times by trained healers and bagr specialists. Two of these are colour-coded, namely, the ‘white soul’ (si-pla) and the ‘black soul’ (si-sɛbla), whereas the ‘the spirit/soul guardian of the house totemic figure’ (si-gra) and ‘the soul of the kin group’ (sig-man), are linked to the personal and social identity of the individual. To have life and spirit of life embodied is to be in constant movement in well-chosen directions through animation and within a framework and pattern of human reasoning. Loss of direction as a result of either disorientation or human reasoning (or both) will lead to illnesses and sicknesses that are basically spiritual and manifested through the looks and appearances of the soul. This loss of direction is often due to lack of synchronicity, to borrow Jung’s term (1951). Though there are no causal effects and relationships between the movements of the body and that of the spirit/soul, the nature of their movements in relation to one another are ‘meaningful coincidences’ since they occur with no causal relationship in place, yet seem to be meaningfully related. Let me elaborate on this point by describing the nature of movement of each spirit/soul and their levels of synchronicity with the body movements. Disorders of the White and Black Souls

The ‘white soul’ (si-pla) represents the conscious awareness of the synchronicity in action and thought between the body and the spirit of life. This is illustrated through the actions of sleep and dreams that everybody experiences and enjoys. However, if for some reason the body in sleep begins to respond or react in synchronicity with what is being experienced in a dream, such as sleepwalking, talking in one’s sleep, having nightmares and other forms of sleep anxiety, then this will be seen as a dislocation of the white soul. If these symptoms are not properly handled or treated, the situation could lead to psychotic and mental problems or illnesses. The black soul, on the other hand, represents the self-unconscious awareness of the synchronicity in action and thought between the body and the spirit of life. This often occurs during deep sleep and unconscious awareness is caused or induced through the consumption of spirit-bearing substances or elements, such as herbal drugs or any other life material that has an active spirit within it. The active spirit element in the substance or material will come into conflict with the individual’s soul and spirit of life. This can lead to the loss of personal identity in the first instance and if not properly handled could lead to the loss of the soul and spiritual death.

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 139

The bagr myth instruction attributes the origins of these black soul disorders to the illicit drinking of beer (pito) brewed by the kɔntɔn for his own consumption and the white soul disorders that can occur at the time of birth. It also prescribes the proper ways of dealing with these disorders. Let me insert here the relevant portion of the bagr narrative in order to fully explain the nature and treatment of these disorders. The background narrative to the text below talks about kɔntɔn introducing pito as a drink to human being during one of his hunting episodes. Human being during another hunting episode found his way back to the house of kɔntɔn. On this occasion, kɔntɔn and his family were absent from the house, but put the nursing mother and the orphaned child in charge of it. Human being, without asking for permission, went into the house and in-between the granaries found some pito. He drank some of it and left the house of kɔntɔn and started running to his own. When kɔntɔn returned to the house and realized what had happened, he became angry and began to beat the orphaned child. The rest of the narrative is as follows: O wa bãng guu Wa yél ko ya: ‘Daar nir nɛ Pur daa ko ul; O wan ka. Bogr fuola, O kpɛ na bé.’ Fu woa na? O lɛb sogri o: ‘O ini ŋmin?’ ‘O yina wɛ.’ ‘Maa biɛrɛ a, N na paɣ o na?’ O sag kɛ: ‘Uu!’ A doo dé gbɛɛ Lɛb biɛrɛ. Nyɛ gbin gbin dio! Gon gon puɔ Ti nyɔg doo: ‘Nirsɛbla yei! N yir puɔ; Fu wan bé?’ ‘Uuhu yei! N bɛ wa bé.’

He had no option But to report to them saying: ‘The man of yesterday To whom you served the pito; He was here today. In-between the granaries, He has entered there.’ Have you heard this? They asked him saying: ‘Where is he now?’ He answered: ‘He has gone away.’ He asked: ‘If I go after him, Will I catch him?’ He answered: ‘Yes!’ Here is the man taking to his feet And to go after him. What a big struggle in the house! And then, in a corner, He took hold of man and asked him: ‘Human being! There in my house; Have you been there?’ He answered: ‘Not at all! I have not been there.’

140 X Of Life and Health ‘Ziri fu ŋmarɛ. Bogr nuori, A gbɛr bén bé; Wa ti chén Ti man n nyɛ a.’ Lɛb nyɔg doo. Kpiɛr ti tarɛ a. Ti yir bié, Gbɛɛ zaa kon wɛ. O man ka mɛ O na nyɛ gbɛr. Kɔntɔnblé Lɛb nyɔg doo Pɔb pɔb pɔb. Pɔb ti ko. O ko na baari. Taam vaar a Wa sing ni doo Sing bãng guu. Yɔɣr vaara Wa sing ni doo Sing bãng guu. Kɔntɔn vaar O ŋmãã zaa vulu. Wa sing ni doo, Sing ul ir. O lɛb yél ko ol: ‘Bɛl bɛl nyɛ a! Zina bio a Kɔntɔn vaar a N na sing fu a; Zu tuo nu yo. Yomé ata na Kɛɛ ni piɛ Baa ni nura, Fu woa na? Wa pon zu.’ Lɛ ti iɛrɛ. A ŋmin nu biili. Yomé ata na,

But he said: ‘You are lying. There by the granary, There is a foot mark; Let us go and Measure your foot.’ He took hold of man And brought him back home. Like his kin,7 His foot is peculiar. The mark is peculiar Just like his foot. Kɔntɔnblé Took hold of him And began to beat him harshly. He has beaten him to death. He has killed him. He has cut shea leaves To resuscitate him But he failed to do so. Here are the pumpkin leaves; He brought that to resuscitate him But he has failed to do so. Here are the kɔntɔn8 tree leaves; He has taken them in their slimy state He has resuscitated him, And has given life back to him. He then instructed him saying: ‘Just imagine this! As from today To pay for the leaves Used for your life; Your head has a ban.9 After three years; Bring a basket of malt A dog and a cock, Have you heard this? To end the ban.’ This is what we do. It is a complex affair. After three years,

Health Delivery and Healing Processes: The Black Bagr Healing Cult X 141

Kɛɛ ni piɛ na, A baa ni nura; Yang na dé, Fu woa na? Chén ti tarɛ Kɔntɔn yir a Yaŋ na po. Po wa baari. Alɛ so doo; Fũũ dɔg bié Ul fɛrɛ fu a; Kɔntɔn yir a Fũũ wa lɔb, Ul lɛ wa baa Fũũ po zu. (Tengan 2006: 226–28)

Here is the basket of malt, A dog and a cock; He has taken these, Have you heard this? He has taken them to kɔntɔn’s house To have his hair shaved. The ban is lifted. This is the reason; When a child is born And is by nature sickly;10 Take it to kɔntɔn and Give it to him, If the child survives, Shave off its hair.11

The number of issues raised in the text above are also issues that are socioculturally known and can be observed in the healing processes of disorders of this nature. In the first place, the healing of a patient who is losing his or her soul or life spirit takes a very long time, the same amount of time as it takes for all white and black bagr rites to complete. Second, excluding the patient from the social and cultural environment to be cared for by nature and the patient experiencing death and resuscitation are very important stages of the healing process. Finally, the patient goes through a rite known as the ‘sweeping of the soul’ or ‘soul cleansing’ (siɛ piiru), which involves the use of malt, the rooster and the dog. It is beyond the scope of this book to go into the details of these issues without first introducing the healing cult institution and the professional healer as the competent regimes that deal with these issues.

Notes  1. This term is strange to me. It seems to refer to a variety of the Saba senegalensis plant.  2. The royal antelope (Neotragus pygmaeus) is a West African antelope, only 25–30 cm (10–12 inches) high at the shoulder and weighing only 3.2–3.6 kg (7–8 lb). It is the smallest of all the antelopes. Its calves are small enough to fit into the average person’s open hand. It is light brown in colour, with a paler underbelly and slightly darker heads and flanks. The male has small, spike-like horns that are about 2.5 cm (1 inch) long. Royal antelopes live in

142 X Of Life and Health

 3.

 4.

 5.  6.  7.  8.  9. 10.

11.

dense forests in West Africa, feeding on leaves and fruit in the undergrowth. They are mostly nocturnal and are very shy, reputedly able to leap 2.5 metres in one bound if they are disturbed. They are not gregarious, living on their own or occasionally in pairs. ‘Swift bird’ stands for any of about 75 species of agile, fast-flying birds of the family Apodidae (sometimes Micropodidae), in the order Apodiformes, which also includes hummingbirds. The family is divided into the subfamilies Apodinae, or soft-tailed swifts, and Chaeturinae, or spine-tailed swifts. A swift that lands on flat ground may be unable to become airborne again. When feeding, swifts tirelessly travel back and forth, capturing insects with their large mouths open. They also drink, bathe and sometimes mate on the wing. For more details, see http://www.britannica.com/animal/swift-bird. Galagos are small, nocturnal primates native to continental Africa and make up the family of Galagidae (also sometimes called Galagonidae). They have large eyes that give them good night vision, strong hind limbs, acute hearing and long tails that help them balance. Their ears are bat-like and allow them to track insects in the dark. They catch insects on the ground or snatch them out of the air. They are fast, agile creatures. Any one of 22 species of large, carrion-eating birds that live predominantly in the tropics and subtropics. In other words, he should use his head or do any professional work during the three years. In the case of human being, he could not hunt for three years. The reference to ‘kin’ means that all human being are equally guilty of a crime committed by any one particular individual and any one human being can be judged for the crime. The Kɔntɔn here refers to any plant that plays a key role in the beer brewing process. The okra plant is essential for the sedimentation and distillation of the brew, and is considered here as plant of Kɔntɔn. A ban implies that the head is no longer his own property and as a sign of this, he should not shave his hair until the ban has been lifted. The implication is that the sickness is without any natural cause, The child becomes a bother to the parents for no reason. For example, a child who cannot sleep and is constantly experiencing nightmares will be classified as such. The nightmares will be classified as disorders of the soul or spirit of life. The sense of the last statement is that it is sometimes better to have a sickly child raised by foster parents. When this occurs, there is always a price to pay to claim back the child. This is equal to the price put on a man’s head.

CHAPTER 6

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing The Healer and the Healing Cult (Tibr)

QQQ

The ethnographic description and analyses have demonstrated that a significant part of life sustenance and healing takes place within the homestead and the extended family structure, since these are the main productive and reproductive units for material, social and cultural goods and capital. The family and kinship structures tend to make parents and other kin relations within a common residential group the first line of delivery for life resources and health needs. I have demonstrated how the institutions of the ancestors (kpîîn), the spirit beings of nature (kɔntɔnmɛ) and the bagr deity collaborate to ensure that life is transmitted successfully from one realm to another and is sustained into physical growth. Death, as the exiting of cosmic life from a being or element, is an inevitable occurrence and has no healing substance or procedure. Healing is about the proper accompaniment of cosmic life in its earthly journey and ensuring its proper exiting from the body at the end of its period of earthly life. In the next two chapters, I shall focus my attention on the healing system consisting of life sustenance, transmission and global care provided by professionals under holistic institutional systems that combine all the other institutions concerning life into one healing shrine. The moments for employing professional healing first consist in the distinction between factors that are causing or interrupting or going against the natural growth process, which the culture terms ‘illness of growth’

144 X Of Life and Health

(baafu baalu), wellbeing of life on earth as it cyclically progresses from its unborn stage through childhood, adolescence, adulthood, old age and back to the unborn state, and those factors that induce specific life elements or beings to deviate from the set path chosen as their meaning and purpose for their earthly existence during the cyclical period – deviation from growth (biɛfu baalu). The second set of moments consists in identifying the level and condition in which pain and other feelings of ill-health are located and operating as symptoms. Indeed, the professional healer in Dagara culture is more concerned with aiding the patient and his or her kin group to make the distinction between causing factors that inhibit natural growth and wellbeing (baalu), inducing factors against the chosen meaning and purpose of life (biɛrɛ), and identifying the nature and depth of pain and ill-feelings as symptoms of illness. Professional help is required for these types of health issues mainly because the pain, the ill-feelings as symptoms of illness and life-threatening situations not only affect one person as a patient, but also all members of the kin and social group as a corporate organism. Equally, the current experiences of illhealth are always not disconnected from the past experiences and genetic ideational influences of the kin and social group. In the light of this, there are two types of recognized professional healing practices: one located in the homestead of each patrilateral residential group and structured through kinship system of patrifiliation ( yiirlu); and the other located outside one’s homestead of residence and preferably in the maternal homestead and structured according to matrifiliation. These follow the masculine and feminine genders thought frameworks respectively (see Chapter 2 above). In this chapter, I shall outline the nature of these professional institutions, the role of professional healers attached to the institutions and describe the healing practices associated with them and how they methodologically lead the individual and the kin group to identify categories of illnesses of growth, categories of illnesses of disorientation and categories of pain and ill-feelings as symptoms. The first of these professional practices emerges out of the bagr cultic institution, which is also intimately linked to the ancestral cult and is referred to as the house healing cult ( yir danyigr tibɛ). The second emerges out of the spirit beings of nature (kɔntɔnmɛ) embodied in all living elements and is very much linked to the handling of cosmic life and living processes. These can be referred to as nature healing (Kɔntɔn tibɛ). Let me briefly explain the character and nature of these two healing cults before proceeding to describe the education of healing attached to them and the professional formation of the healers who have to handle them.

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 145

The Physical and Social Environment for Healing: The House and Village Dagara House and Settlement Area I would compare the Dagara term téng, currently used to refer to their system of settlement with the old English term ‘village stead’. In the modern version of the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary, ‘village stead’ is defined as an area consisting of settlements, farmlands and bush lands. This is also the definition that the Dagara would give to téng. They do not see themselves as living in compact villages with well-defined boundaries, but simply refer to the area of occupation (Dagaraténg) and to their homes of residence as the homestead (yir). Generally, the house situated within the homestead acts as the private domain, except during public rituals such as bagr performances and funerals, when the whole of the house will be turned into a public institution. According to their myth of origin, all the Dagara lived in a common homestead and one village stead. The homestead consisted of several houses (yié) attached to each other. Each house, whose membership could run into thousands of people, was named according to the social and cultural functions its members carried out for the benefit of the whole community. The names of the different houses also constituted a repertoire of cultural units (Schutz 1962; Bekaert 2000), which could be used daily in socio-political and religious discourses. As such, no name referred to an individual person as the founding mythical figure solely responsible for the coming into existence of the house. They were (and still are today) descriptive names (Lévi-Strauss 1983 172) socially emphasizing an aspect of the group’s generic origins, behaviour, cultural functions and the interest members have in belonging to it. The names also position the groups as unique entities within the Dagara social and cultural system. For example, the name Bekuone1 is not a personal name of the founding ancestor because no founding ancestor ever existed, but exists as a descriptive name referring to the house and its people inspired by a sense of common historical and religious experience2 and cultural practice, including issues relating to life and health. As far as the whole Dagara society was concerned, the houses were best described as social and cultural units with institutional functions without any permanent attachment to a territory, a condition that Fortes (1949) found to be absolutely necessary for the clan system among the Tallensi. As part of their social development and through the process of controlled migration, the common homestead alluded to by the myth as the place of origin of all the Dagara broke up and segments of the various house

146 X Of Life and Health

communities spread across a very wide area, and sporadically established smaller Dagara house-based communities that are now dotted throughout Dagara country. The sizes of these house-based communities varied from individual households to several families. Each community carried with it the official name, status and public functions originally assigned to the larger house segment within the common homestead. The adoption of a virilocal system of residence as part of the marriage rules meant that the name and other attributes of the house could only be transmitted through the male line of descent. Eventually, the name and these other attributes became objective means of tracking down and identifying (mainly for ritual and cultural purposes) members of the different houses now dispersed over a wide area. In the process of this dispersal, the mythical structure reordered the house-based system in such a way that wherever a house might finally be established, it will always be perceived as the centre of gravity around which all social and cultural activities would take place. In other words, each house is perceived as an integral part of the common homestead of origin for all the Dagara. This is done by referring to certain assumptions and by making certain postulations. It is assumed, from the perspective of each individual member of the house, that the whole area of Dagara occupation consists of nine sectional areas of migration and, further, that each area inspires a definite kinship and social relationship with the individual. The postulation is that an individual should see himself or herself as the centre of the universe. Hence, the nine sectional areas bear the following descriptive names (1) the father’s village stead (sãã téng) where the paternal house of Ego’s father is situated; (2) the mother’s village stead (ma téng) where the paternal house of Ego’s mother is situated; (3) the village stead from where Ego’s father has made his most recent long-distance migration (sãã téng kura); (4) the village stead from where Ego’s maternal uncle has made his most recent long-distance migration (ma téng kura); (5) the village stead to which Ego’s first paternal ancestors migrated (sãã kpîîn téng); (6) the village stead to which Ego’s first maternal ancestors migrated (ma kpîîn téng); (7) the paternal village stead of common origin (sãã teng-kor); (8) the maternal village stead of common origin (ma téng-kor); and, finally, (9) the village stead of Ego’s current settlement (téng-kpiera).3

The House as a Healing System (Yir Danyigr) A Dagara house (yir) consists of a large compound building of mud walls surrounded by farmland extending into the bush and fallow areas. Both the building and the outside domains are considered as living habitats housing human beings and their domestic animals and other beings of

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 147

nature. The spatial layout of the house itself and the lands surrounding it partly configure modes of social belonging and define the identities of various individuals or members and living beings. Significant locations in the house outlining the domestic structure include a number of huts built on the suspended terrace and three other designated rooms established over a period. Socially, any married man can build himself a house (yir). He has the option of either building his house attached to the paternal homestead and calling it a side-house (logr) or establishing a small house on one of the family farmlands. Ideally, a man should move out of his father’s house when he has married his second wife and has had many children. In most cases, however, several married men with children continue to live together in their paternal homestead with their own sidehouses (logé) built attached to one another. The side-house (logr) consists of a man, his wives and all their children. Each of these side-houses is socially and culturally structured through the construction of three designated rooms, namely, a ritual room (zag), where the head of the side-house keeps his personal ritual objects, the kitchen (koro-dié), and the Long Common Room (chaara). Other rooms that may be built over the course of time exist as extensions of any one of these rooms. Thus, the ritual room can be extended to cover all animal pens and shelters, and subsequently to the father’s sleeping room. Similarly, the mother’s kitchen is often extended into storage rooms for household goods and utensils, while the Long Common Room may be extended to house the different granaries. When the number of wives is more than one, a kitchen is built for each of them, but the separate kitchens will still be seen as extensions of that of the first wife. Through metaphorical and symbolic representations, sacred and spiritbearing objects and the environment within the three rooms constitute different categories of life-sustaining and healing objects or products. Thus, the main ritual room (zag) of the homestead, under the custody of the most senior elder or the eldest son of a deceased father, contains the constituent elements of the ancestral shrine and all the necessary accessories that go along with it; the kɔntɔnmɛ and their shrine components, and all other fetishes, including totemic and religious items (except the bagr deity) accumulated by the house group over generations. The context and contents of these items constitute the house healing institution (yir danyigr) and represent a specific healing context. Thus, for example, each ancestral figurine represents an ancestor who is survived by one or a number of sons and their families. The sons and their families constitute a group and the oldest of the sons still living is the head of the group. He mainly performs ritual healing duties for each of and on behalf of all the members of his group.

148 X Of Life and Health

Items peculiar to the main kitchen and the minor kitchens follow the female gender logic and form part of the healing process through consumption of sustenance and reproduction of life. They match those existing in the ritual room in structure and use, but differ in terms of being grand in scale, since they are meant to feed and sustain life directly. The individuals who are primarily responsible for their provision and maintenance consist of several ‘wives’ and their children. The wives are serially ordered according to customs of marriage, with the first or most senior wife establishing her fireplace or hearth at the foot of the main granary. Each of the other wives will establish a minor hearth in her kitchen. Each hearth draws a certain number of family members to form a group of its own. It is a uterine group consisting of sons and daughters (both living within and outside the homestead) of the woman who owes the hearth. The main hearth of a residence, once built, should never be broken down, even when the homestead is deserted. Thus, following the death of the most senior wife, the second wife leaves her hearth and takes control of the main hearth, thereby redefining the positions of the different uterine groups occupying the residence. Placed next to the hearth is the Tuozaafi (TZ) reserve pot, which is always filled with the fermented water of leaves harvested from the (puré plant) and mixed with millet flour. The rest of the room is filled with clay pots and jars, baskets and calabashes of different sizes and shapes. These are used to store food as well as medicinal materials. The Long Common Room is the meeting point for the different uterine and agnatic groups without any attempt at distinctions and differentiation. It is also the place where patients are transferred for healing. Both the ritual room and the kitchen are also extended into the Long Common Room from different directions to house various items used as storage for food and medicinal items, and also to provide space for the preparation of food and medicine during public gatherings and collective ritual healing. These ritual room items include the very large main granary (saazu bogr) that projects its mouth opening into the roof terrace, a medium-sized granary (kataa) and the very many other granaries of different sizes, including gourds and skin bags. The granaries are used for food storage, while the skin bags and gourds are used as medical containers. The kitchen room items include a common hearth, very large jars, pots, calabashes and baskets used mainly for the brewing of pito (dãã), smaller-sized pots, baskets and calabashes used for the cooking and storage of food items, and some still smaller in size that are used for the storage and preparation of medicines. The house healing system assumes that all persons who have emerged together with common patrilateral and matrilateral names have certain

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 149

common life and health conditions that can either be enabling or disenabling for each individual as he or she grows to maturity and adulthood and engages in life processes. The bagr education, which is restricted to the house members at large, informs the different individuals about the particularities of the house healing system and deals with all human conditions, including successes, failures, misfortunes, ailments, self-actualizations, etc. The education equips the individual with the means to take control of his or her life and the knowledge of how to approach health and ill-health conditions. Let me outline the process of this education in order to place the issues into context. Before doing so, let me explain in more detail the nature and make-up of the human life-form or being visà-vis its existential sojourn on earth and the nature of the threats facing it and that require healing or treatment.

The Human Life-Form as a Multisided Existence According to the myth of origins, the two-sided nature of certain lifeforms, including that of humans, goes back to the initial separation of certain spatial elements and life-bearing entities from the space-above to become residents of the space-below (Tree, Hill, Rock, Vulture/Wind, Sea/Water, Hawk/Desert) and the transmission of human life and the life-seed by the first progenitors, namely Rain and Earth through coitus (see Tengan 2000a; 2006). As far as the Dagara religion is concerned, this act led to the diversification of embodied life-forms and beings on earth. The basic process of embodiment consists of the material substance of the body, including body fluids, which all life-forms and beings inherit from Earth as mother and the nonmaterial aspects of life (kinetic energy, desires, thoughts, etc.), and that is determined by the complex and ongoing relationship between Rain as father and Earth as mother during the moment of life transmission. Indeed, it is the case that, as the myth of the bagr stipulates, human existence on earth came through the rape of Earth by Rain as part of the way of resolving the conflict between them. This immoral and illegitimate act resulted in the human life-form assuming unique characteristics that are lacking in all other life-forms – a twosided form of existence that makes it fully an earthling and fully a being of the other cosmic half of the space-above. As an earthling, it has, as female innate qualities, the same body (material) and spiritual conditions of life that Earth has transmitted to all earthlings. Yet, above this, it has inherited the male cosmic energy and forces that are typical for Rain. The myth also stipulates that the life-seeds of the staple crops (millet, beans, yams, sorghum, etc.) that are cultivated to provide the basic food for nourishing the cosmic energy of human life as well as its material

150 X Of Life and Health

body were initially provided directly by Rain. Human life also depends on its nourishment from resources taken directly from the earth, either by plants or animals. This has led to the development of two-sided existential modes for human life at all times – an existence that is rooted in the materiality and spirit animation of the earth as a divine life-source and at the same time maintaining conditions of all life that are equally rooted in the metaphysical effects of the space-above that is equally seen as a divine realm with divine manifestation. As we will come to see in terms of diseases and health, the healing of any condition or situation involving ill-health comprises the careful consideration of several factors that will necessarily emanate from these two-sided existences. This existential philosophy serves as the guiding principle of thought behind the development of the cult of healing, the devices used in healing and the training of health experts to handle the cults and devices. It is also the underlying principle dictating the way in which healing processes are conducted and experienced, and eventually the culturally appropriate way in which life should exist from its current life-form via the manner of death, at which point healing is no longer required. To fully understand this principle of two-sided existence, let me give a brief explanation of one-sided existence as stipulated in the mythical narratives.

The One-Sided Existence of the Earth Being and the Rain Being The nature of one-sided existence is best explained in the narrative section of the black bagr myth, in which Earth and Rain exchange symbolic gifts and retaliatory actions as descriptions of the nature of their fundamental beings and existences. The narrative consists in each being offering a goat dish to the labourers sent by the other to work on his or her land. First, Rain cooked the goat meat, but instead of offering the whole dish, he only served the broth to the visitors and kept the meat for himself. In the thinking of Rain, there was nothing better to offer to your visitor than yourself; the meat tissue was earthly material and it would be offensive to offer Earth part of herself. Hence, the message of Rain is clear: ‘I offer you water because I am water.’ When it was the turn of Earth to receive the visitors, she also cooked the dish, but offered both the meat and the broth to the visitors. Indeed, she reserved the leg portion of the goat especially for Rain. However, she then went ahead, while the visitors were enjoying the meal, to remove the iron blades of the hoes from their wooden handles and to hide them. She then informed the visitors that a strange fire had come by to consume all the iron hoe blades, but could not consume the wooden handles.4 Earth’s response is also clear: ‘I am not what you think I am. I am not water or body tissue. I am the

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 151

strange fire that consumes iron but withhold, in the same breadth, from consuming the wooden handles attached to them.’ Indeed, the last statement of Earth clearly reveals the incomplete elements in Rain’s statement. Rain is not just water that comes in the form of drops; it is above all the thunder (sound) and the lightning (the electric discharge of fire) that express clearly the unique identity and character of Rain. No other existential being can ever boast of having or coming close to having these characteristics.

The Healing Cult and Shrine: Constitution and Constituent Elements On Becoming a Professional Healer There are two ways in which one can officially become a professional healer within Dagara society or become recognized as one. Most bagr students who desire to become professional healers would have already acquired and established in their ritual rooms the cult of the nature beings (kɔntɔnmɛ) and would have acquired as private collections all or most of the items that are used to constitute the ancestral shrine. At this stage, it is possible for one to accede to the level of recognition by joining a healing society that has a known origin or to continue to operate within the bagr society that one was a member as a professional healer. The process of accession, by way of cultural speaking, is called ‘marrying a particular cult spirit’. Another method, according to the culture, is for a particular cultic spirit or the spirits of nature in general to take hold of an individual and send him or her (this path is open to men as well as women) away from the homestead and the domesticated habitat, and to allow him or her to get lost and wander in the wild as a sort of psychotic patient. He or she is healed by the nature beings after having acquired enough knowledge and experience to become a professional healer. He or she then returns to the homestead at the appropriate moment to establish a healing shrine and cult. This path can also come as a result of family genetic and social traditions; a healing cult that has been acquired by one method or another by an ancient ancestor but has been abandoned in the course of history can reappear in any kin member in the form of psychosis. Whichever method and path the individual takes as his or her starting point on the road to becoming a professional healer, the constitution and constituent element of the healing cult are similar. There is always a family spirit figure (Father/Mother/Child) that is prepared to adopt the healer as its family member during his or her training as a healer or during his or her psychotic period and condition, as the case may be. The

152    Of Life and Health

Figure 6.1 Healing device made of fermented body tissue. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

first constituent element of the healing cult is for the healer to build a ‘fetish’ of this family structure as it appeared to him or her in his or her psychotic state in the form of a particular animal figure (father), a particular plant material (mother) and a particular bird material (child). This fetish construction is often an imposing structure occupying the central point of the room. The second most important set of items that the healer must acquire, apart from the diagnostic tools that have already been described above, are sets of healing devices and substances. As pointed out earlier, much of the basic healing of illnesses that are particularly physical and ordinary is taken care of within the homestead, led by the parents of the patients. If an illness requires the help of a professional healer, it means that its origins or developments are linked to the original spark of energy that made it possible for life transmission to take place and how this energy is linked to the cosmic lives of nature beings in general. I will deal with the different causes of diseases and illnesses in Chapter 7. For the moment, let me describe the devices developed for professional healing strategies. There are two main typologies of devices, each with its own variations

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 153

in construction that are essential for each healer. The first set of devices includes fermented body tissues of selected life-forms that are not coming from the vegetal category. The specific selection and the processes of fermentation are secret activities that can only be revealed to members of the same healing society or passed down from one healer to another healer through inheritance or training, as the case may be. To give a general feeling, let me say that the type of body tissues that can be selected may include tissues from the dog, the black goat, the guinea fowl, the cow, the elephant, the bush cow, the hair from a mad human being, an electric fish, gunpowder cartridges, the tail of the lion, the hedgehog, the chameleon, the dove, three graveyard stones, a disabled human being’s hair, the human breasts and the electric current. The fermented tissue is moulded together either as one big lump and attached to the tail (of a lion, elephant or bush cow) or into lumps that are tied on strings. In either case, the object is then decorated with cowries and tied to a string to make it possible. The second device constellations consist of fermented vegetable solutions that are diluted and placed in different pots of various sizes and into which, except for the one used as a ‘scrying surface’, plant and liquid substances are constantly being added. These liquid substances include drops of blood from sacrificed animals and birds and drops of drinks that are either forming parts of payments towards healing or are offerings to the healing cult. The selection of the vegetable and liquid substances remains secret knowledge guided by the healer and the one from whom he or she has received his or her training. Unlike the body tissue device, which can only be changed by acquiring additional subsidiary devices of the same kind but with different collections of body tissues, the liquid devices are constantly changing due to the addition of new material that has been tested and found to be effective by the healer. This allows each healer to gradually build up his or her own unique materials of healing substances in this category and to become the proprietor or copyright holder of newly found healing substances and methods. The development and the use of these two sets of devices partly elaborate the cultural semantics and syntax of Dagara science regarding life and health. Let me digress from the current theme of basically describing the healing cult and its constituent elements to analyse further the semantic logic behind the cultural ideation of life and health as indicated by the cultural lexicon and grammatical syntax of the healing devices. The analysis should be undertaken in the context of the Dagara cultural philosophy of life as an animation that is pre-existent as a life-seed (Bir) before becoming a particular life-form on earth – animal (including human), mineral or vegetable – with the intention of experiencing the

154 X Of Life and Health

earthly realm for a period (see Chapter 2). It is a choice made by everyone first to become a human life-seed (Bil) and subsequently to join a human family fully aware of the dangers and challenges that lie ahead of his or her earthly life journey. This life journey consists of two different types of evolutionary movements and developments, namely, a vertical one indicated in terms of growth and maturity (childhood, adulthood, old age and ancestorhood) and a horizontal one indicated through dislocation within space and through the accumulation and use of diverse forms of capital and resources (social, cultural, intellectual and economic). The two types of movements of the human life-form encounter diverse forms of dangers, difficulties and obstacles, which in turn engineer different forms of sensorial feelings and perceptions that, if not properly managed, could lead to disorientations of life on earth and disconnect it from its generic roots, attaching it to its natural human conditions. In scientific language, we would call these disorientations psychosomatic disorders. In other words, the two devices are not meant to deal with those conditions that can be rationally perceived as being caused by foreign agents or elements such as viruses, bacteria and other parasites that gradually destroy the physical body and its structure. As pointed out earlier, even though professional healing can intervene in sustaining and maintaining the physical body, it is assumed that this is best done by the family health system. The nature of professional intervention becomes necessary when the foundations of the cosmic life processes become affected because of the disease. The constituent elements of each set of devices tend to make sense if they are put into their proper context, including their linguistic context, within the Dagara cultural ideation of life and health. The table below lists the constituent elements of the animal body tissues that make up the first healing device. I can, within the given circumstances, only tabulate them and comment briefly on the cultural contexts and their healing syntax. The healer, as a cultural specialist, certainly has more in-depth knowledge about their healing properties than can be outlined here. Hence, for the sake of illustration, I will assume that both the healer and the patient would have been aware of the specific healing properties of these items. The role of the healer is to guide the patient and the family, through the use of language and coded actions, to make the right choices and make the appropriate combinations of symptoms that are in conflict and creating a disharmony. It is also important to bear in mind that different prescriptions are always made using the various devices in order to tackle the physical, psychosocial and cosmic aspects of a particular illness. The issue is to develop a device that is efficient for tackling a particular aspect and not a particular disease or illness.

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 155

In this light, the focus of the animal tissue device is, first, to evoke deep sensorial feelings within the body through direct confrontation with dangers to life posed by nature in order to better situate their impact and conditions within the patient and kin group and, second, to shake the body (physical, social and cosmic) through ritualized movements so as to allow it to engage in self-healing. For a detailed analysis of how this done, see Chapter 7. Table 6.1 Sample items for fermenting a healing device Dagara term and derivatives

Cultural context

Black goat

Buo (goat) Buõ (cut deep) Bur (sow) Bu (conspire)

Unplanned and Lacking morals especially unrestricted sexual movement

Six black fowls (hens)

Nuó (hen) Nuò (expand, become bigger) Nɔ (massage)

Group/ collective movement in the dark

Pigeon

Nà-wman (dove) Lonely traveller; Naa (chief, rich) seeking treasure Mwan (calabash) and riches Mwãã (cut part)

Item Dog

Baa (to grow) Báá (dog) Bá (friend) Bàà (River

Bush cow’s Wɛ-naab zuur (buffalo’s tail) (buffalo) Wiɛ (farm) tail Naab (cow) Wïɛ (to save) Zuur (tail) Zu (to steal) Úr (taken by surprise)

Friendship; your natural companion on the journey

The lone female; power, anger, vengeance

Nature of danger

Teeth; to be bitten by one’s own dog/ stabbed in the back

Lack of selfidentity

Situations change quickly and appearances are deceptive

Healing ideation

Eating the dog meat in a group; restores broken relations and spoiled friendships Eating the goat’s meat at the crossroad; cultural pollution due to adultery and other illegitimate sex Used in ritual context to reunite the spirit that is to leave the body (suicidal depression)

Contents of the gizzard are taken to guide the sojourner on the correct road The tail is used as an object of transmutation

(continued)

156 X Of Life and Health Table 6.1 (continued) Item Elephant’s tail

Lion’s tail

Three graveyard pebbles Disabled person’s hair

Mad person’s hair

Dagara term and derivatives

Cultural context

Wɔb Zuur (elephant tail) Wɔ` (bear fruit) Wuɔ (take part of) Wob (weave a pattern)

The power and Underestimation Wisdom of the female eldress; of the danger; energy of the kinship solidarity unprepared mother and and protection child combined; the web of kinship and entanglement

Yaa (taken out from ‘water’) Yagra (clay/ kaoline) Ya (pay for)

Debt; Numeric retribution coding; ancestral figure

Gbèng zuur (lion’s tail) Gbé (forehead) Gbe (blunt)

Healing ideation

The unseen and Surprise attack; Reveals what is the invisible danger of being not seen to the ordinary eye eaten

Adherence to moral obligations; doing one’s duty and playing one’s role

Rooted and grounded or tied to a location (settled)

Fit seizures and Care and entanglement avoidance; appeal to pity; use of compromise

Yangyaar zukɔbr (the hair of a mad person Yang/yaɣ (unearth the brain, the mind) Yaarɛ (overflowing, too much in the mind)

Unsettled and ungrounded; nondirectional movements

Losing one’s way and sense of direction, identity

Follow rituals; make fetishes

Appearances and adaptation to locality

Loss of individuality and selfhood

Be like the chameleon (building confidence by wear an amulet)

Zɔŋngpo (hedgehog) Zɔŋ (blind) Po (to share among)

Associated with the orphan; selfdependent and self-protection

Being trampled upon; false accusations; loneliness

Eating the skin to develop a tough skin to withstand all humiliations

Gbɛr zukɔbr (the hair of the disabled Gbɛr (disabled) Gbar (hard of hearing)

Chameleon Gbilangtibr kong (dried) (the dead chameleon) Gbil (strange) Lang (together) Tibr (shrine)

Hedgehog

Nature of danger

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 157 Woman’s breasts

Vagina Electric fish

Gun cartridge

Electric current Cowries

String (red)

String (white)

String (black)

Pɔɣ birɛ (breasts) Bir (high tone) (seed) Bir (low tone) (sorrel leaves)

Compared to leaking pots that allow milk to drip; contain the seeds of life

The breast pot can dry up or the milk can turn sour

Magnũũ (electric fish) Mag (shaking) Nũũ (hand)

Shaking with fear; out of control

Loss of control of body and of worth; loss of sense of direction

Paar (vagina) Pa! (Oh!) Paari (scrape)

Shock, surprise, Lacking depth; excitement, su- feelings of perficial contact being cheated

Eating the bitter soup of the sorrel vegetable and drinking sour juice from the puré tree

Sharing and keeping secret thoughts and action Avoidance of places and situations that are not lit or visible

Malfal tii ni wuo (gun cartridge and the package) Ma;faa (slap then take) Tii (medicine) Wuo (bag)

The innate power and force in a being or substance

The danger of losing one’s power and potency

Does not react to violent threats

Take hold of the source of life

Sudden or untimely death of kin

Learn to deal with the intricacies of life

Ligbirpila (cowry currency) Lige (hidden or darkness) Bir (seed) Pla (white)

What is most visible also contains the greatest secret

Custodianship is not always ownership; money is always held in trust

Spend properly to have more money

Migr-pla (white string) Mur: elephant grass Pla: white; unknown fear

The unmarked spot or element has limitless possibilities

No boundaries and no limits are dangerous condition

Prohibitions, rules boundaries are sacred and should be respected

Vuma (electric current) Vur (breadth) Ma (mother)

Life is a woven Migr-ziɛ (red web of kinship string) Migr: string, rope Mi: to weave Zi: sit

Your blood relatives are not the only relatives you have

Long lasting Migr-sebla (black Joyous celebration can pleasure is a string or rope) Miir: be careful; end in sadness threat to life pay attention Seb: dance; sew up

Your kin relations are those who treat you well

Take care to control your pleasures

158 X Of Life and Health

Basic Training of a Healer in the Homestead: Lessons on Private Diagnosis The official and most common channel for individuals to achieve professional knowledge in healing is to progress from an ordinary initiated member of the bagr cult to a holder of the bagr medicine and the divination bagr bag, and to be called a bagr diviner (bagr bugrɛ). This position is only reserved for married men who are the head of either a homestead or a family unit. After passing through the first grade of the bagr initiation known as the ‘white bagr’, they have to serve three bagr ritual seasons, serving as bagr guides to neophytes and attending as many ritual services conducted within the area. As a bagr guide, not only does the individual become very familiar with the order of the ritual services and the content of the bagr speeches and mythical narrations dealing with cosmology and sociocultural practices, but he also must learn the knowledge about all living species (animals, plants, minerals, etc.) that are significant in bagr myth and rites. He also learns about the culture of food production, preparation and preservation, and the significance of all eating habits including all odd jobs and practices in relation to food production, processing and consumption manners. Throughout the three years of acting as bagr guides, the individual learns about the knowledge and art of herbal medicine as an antidote to the poison used in hunting animals in terms of their chemical properties and the toxicity of their extracts. He will also learn all the knowledge about life and health introduced to him during his initiation into the ‘white bagr’ (see Chapter 4 above). This amount of knowledge already makes such individuals semi-professionals in their health delivery practices as parents and as members of a house community. Indeed, issues relating to the sustenance of life and primary health care that are not life-threatening are mostly handled semiprofessionally through collective consultations and discussions with all adult members who might have passed through bagr education and initiation. At the end of the day, it is the father and the mother who have to supervise and administer the healing process. The ordinary professional healer is one who has exercised this function for some time and has also passed through the black bagr initiation. Let me describe a training session observed in two different places as part of the professional training. The main objective of these sessions was to introduce the different equipment and devices used for diagnosing illnesses, and to teach healers how to appropriately use them in order to get results. The table of activities starts in the morning and runs through three days and two nights. The daytime activities consist of practical training structured in a similar way to the initiation rites of the bagr of bambara beans, around food and med-

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing    159

icine preparation, periods of communal eating and practical instructions about healing methods and science. The whole of the night-time is taken up by bagr mythical recitations accompanied by music, communal meals, verbal instruction and demonstrations of healing methods.

Introduction (Lesson One): Observing Life as Movement and Action The introductory lesson about healing profession officially opens with a religious service as a metaphorical observation of life as movement in vertical and horizontal directions. The opening service continues from the lessons taught to all first-grade trainees who by now, since their commitment to the bagr way of life, know how to conduct the opening of all bagr services. In other words, this lesson is repeated at every stage of the bagr initiation session, right from the beginning of the white bagr (see bagr calendar in Chapter 4). The lesson begins in the room housing the main granary (saazu bogr), where the trainees are made to observe the vertical construction of the long wooden pole that connects the earth mound below with the open space on the roof terrace just above the neck and mouth of the granary that opens onto the sky (see Figure 6.2). From below, the wooden pole is adorned with many objects and both the pole and the objects are full of cobwebs, dust and soot. The service itself

Figure 6.2 Instructing an initiate by the pole of the bagr shrine projecting above the roof terrace. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

160 X Of Life and Health

begins with a procession by the senior bagr members up and down the roof terrace to take down the part of the bagr fetish/deity permanently placed as part of the pole projected onto the roof terrace and close to the neck of the main granary (see Goody 1972). It is removed from there and brought down to the extended space of the ritual room within the Long Common Room. It is then placed at the foot of the earth mound supporting the pole, creating a passageway from the far end of the room to the doorway. The procession itself entails a vertical movement up and down the roof terrace of all the senior bagr members who will be making the chicken sacrifice. This is then followed by a prayer of recitation led by a senior bagr member who is also a member of the patrilateral house group as the trainees who are also holding the position a senior bagr member from the neighbourhood. The main points of the lesson are to teach the trainees the art of observing the vertical structure of the wooden pole and the objects it has attracted, to listen carefully to the content and structure of the recitation and, above all, to observe the shedding of the blood of the chickens and the way in which they are allowed to struggle along the passageway of the Long Common Room in their death throes. These acts of vertical and horizontal movement by the elders and the struggle for life and eventual death of the chickens are not only clear demonstrations of life as struggle in movement and action, but are also the most reliable process of communicating with the ancestors and other beings of the cosmic world. As the head of the family and the homestead, each trainee will hold the office of priest and judge and will exercise this function mainly through the chicken divination sacrifices (see Tengan 2000a: 291–94).

Lesson Two: Observing the Preparation of Food and Other Life-Sustaining Substances The second lesson involves training the new healers through the cooking of the two staple Dagara dishes that sustain life – the TZ dish and the soup dish – and that could also be responsible for illnesses and ailments located in the stomach (puur ɔbr). Different categories of experienced bagr members will act as tutors during the session. The first group includes senior male and female bagr members who will take up the kinship positions of ‘bagr mother’ (for the male member) and ‘bagr father’ (for the female member)5 respectively. The ‘bagr father’ supervises the cooking of the TZ dish by first setting up a large hearth outside the homestead precisely on the edge of the frontyard and the starting point of compost heap. She proceeds to cook a large amount of the TZ dish that is sufficient to feed fifty people or more. She is helped in this by the other female bagr members of the homestead. The bagr mother supervises the cooking

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing    161

of the soup dish, including cooking each of the chickens sacrificed at the beginning of the service for each of the trainees. The cooking takes place outside the house, but close to the entrance of the ritual room. The hearth consists of two stones set against the wall of the room. It is also the responsibility of the bagr father and the bagr mother to ensure that nobody tastes the food before it is served to the trainees, and that non-members of the black bagr society should not eat the food at any time.6

Lesson Three: Frying White Cowries in Shea Butter Oil and the Perceptions on Pain and Colour The third lesson is entitled the ‘the frying of the cowries’, which are to be used in the divination and healing diagnosis. Each of the trainees provides five cowries and a small divination bag7 made of a cow or goat skin. The bag is made to have a small opening that is fitted with a carved phallic stick as a cover (see image in Figure 2.2.1a and 2.2.1b). As soon as the cooking of the TZ dish is completed on the big hearth, the bagr father hands over the hearth to all the ‘bagr mothers’ responsible for instructing the trainees about medical practices. All the cowries provided by the trainees are put into a pot of boiling shea butter oil and are fried for some time. The convention is that the white cowries should boil in the oil until

Figure 6.3 Fried cowries in shea butter oil. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

162 X Of Life and Health

they change colour to brown/red8 (a ti muo). When the cowries have been well fried and have changed colour, a calabash of water is then provided. The most senior of the ‘bagr mothers’ takes the lead to demonstrate to the trainees how they should remove the cowries from the boiling oil. With a stick in one hand, he tries to dip his fingers into the boiling oil and, aided by the stick, to remove the cowries and out onto the ground. In order to mitigate the pain from the boiling oil, he takes some of the water into his mouth and sprays it on his hand and fingers when the pain becomes unbearable. It is too painful to completely dip his hand or fingers into the boiling oil. On each occasion, he can only slide out a minimum of one and a maximum of five cowries during any given trial. Once all the cowries have been removed from the oil, they are then put back into the boiling oil and the stick is given to the first trainee to repeat the process. This will continue until all the trainees have participated in the exercise. This learning experience introduces two issues that are required for any healer to acquire, namely the subjective and objective nature of pain, and the subjective and objective properties of ailments and diseases in general. In the first place, each trainee is goaded to disregard the heat and burning effect of the boiling oil on his hand and fingers, and to focus on the task of removing the cowries. The result is to reduce mental registration of the feelings of pain and the burning effects of the oil, both of which quickly disappear with the spraying of the water on the hands and the taunting words from colleagues and tutors. Second, the collective acceptance at a certain point in time during the frying process that the white cowries have changed to a red brown colour and that they will remain red brown and identifiable when mixed with other cowries requires training in colour perception. It is not evident that the cowries have changed in colour and it requires faith for one to accept that there has been a change in colour. Both issues require in-depth reflection and analysis on the role of the mind and reasoning with regard to how pain and ailments are felt and communicated through the body.

Lesson Four: Cowry Divination and the Magic of Numbers Visualizing the Cosmic and Concretizing the Abstract

The next lesson involves teaching the trainees in basic cowry divination and diagnosis, and making them understand the meaning and attributes of numbers. The first instruction is a clearly worded statement that acknowledges the importance and meaning of sociocultural and religious beliefs associated with numbers. First, each trainee receives his small bag

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 163

containing the five cowries and the first instruction is that at no point should the bag be handled with the right hand, except when one is engaged in divination and, second, throughout the three-day ritual, the trainee must always keep the bag close to him and guard against anybody tampering with it. The basic form of the cowry divination is to put all five cowries in the bag and, after hitting the bottom of the bag a number of times on the ground, the diviner throws a number of cowries out of the bag. This could be any number from only one to all five. As the Figure A.3 (see Appendix) indicates, each number (one, two, three, four or five) not only stands for a sum of cowries, but more significantly for sociocultural concepts that deal with health diagnosis and healing. The second level is for the diviner to state the number of cowries he or she would like to throw out of the bag (one, two, three, four or five) as a form of verification of the truth of a stated belief or confirmation of the result that the first stage of the divination has given. The results on this occasion resemble a type of toss-up in which five possible alternatives are equally possible. If the number that falls out of the bag corresponds to the stated number, a positive answer is given. If the numbers do not correspond, the result is undetermined and the process is repeated three times. If all three repeated processes return undetermined results, a higher form of divination process will be required. The lesson actually involves all the trainees with their tutors sitting in a circle, and each tutor demonstrates the process to the trainees. The trainees are made to practise the process until they can perform it perfectly. They are then instructed on the knowledge content of this diagnostic device. As Figure A.3 indicates, reasoned connection of meaning is made between the abstract undefined numbers (one, two, three, four and five) and the figure of the number of cowries thrown out of the bag at any one particular time, and via that figure to other abstract concepts and beings that are not immediately visible. Hence, the figure of one cowrie is understood as the visualization of a particular divine being, such as the rain god (sàà gmwin), the physical symbol of which is the reed of the elephant grass.9 These are mostly used to weave the baskets and mats and other culturally significant items. One can also stand for the earth deity (tengan gmwin), and the physical representation of this is a number of stones10 often placed at the foot of chosen tree (tengan tiɛ); two cowries thrown out is the visualization of the ancestor which can either be male or female – (kpîîn).11 Their physical appearance can be observed through the carved figurines. The number three visualizes the spirits of the nature beings – father, mother and child (kɔntɔnmɛ); four cowries visualize the spirit of the matrilineal group (ma sipla) that is made to appear through sacrificial offering of the cow dur-

164 X Of Life and Health

ing the funeral ceremony (see Tengan 2000a: 204). When all five cowries fall out of the bag, this will be visualizing the black cosmic spirit-life of the patrilineal group (sisɛbla) and one would be visualizing the patrilateral house totemic structure as the all-encompassing cult of life (saa yir danyir). This information is significant in that it helps one understand the primary source and impact of the ailments and disease on the individual and the kin group, who, at this moment, will be experiencing common pain and feelings. Visualizing Social Interactions

The third stage of the cowry divination considers possible archetypical situation that could affect the family group and or that could be of relevance for the healing of all the individuals concerned or the particular individual who is most affected. For this lesson, the five cowries are poured out of the small bag and are given to the trainee to hold in his hand. He is asked to feel the texture of the cowries and to become familiar with them. The feeling of the texture should lead to the realization that when one cowrie has its opening facing upwards, it evokes the feeling of the female gender and sexuality. The reverse evokes the feeling of the male gender and sexuality. He then must shake them in his palm and throw them on the bare ground as one would do with a dice. There are six possible alternatives that could result and each has a specific coded meaning and cultural reference. Hence, the first possible alternative is to consider the possibility of two cowries facing upwards and three facing downwards. The immediate reading is to consider the bonding and disconnecting conditions possibly existing within a family structure of three adult men and two adult women, possibly with many children. Two main possibilities are that either one adult male has just begun to experience widowerhood as a result of death or divorce or that he is just getting ready to get married and begin adult life. In the former case, the issue impacting all the family members concerns the rites of separation and the vacuum created after the loss. In the latter, the issue is that of the rites of passage and the impending incorporation of new personalities and identities into the family community. A different consideration will be made if any of the other five constellations shows up. In the table below, I have tried to simplify the six possible constellations that could show up when the five cowries are tossed using the hand and the corresponding types of cultural and social conditions they might evoke. Very experienced healers can use double the number of cowries for more complicated cases and sociocultural conditions. I shall supply more details on this type of diagnosis when I come to observing healing processes.

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 165

Table 6.2 Divination with five cowries concealed in a small bag (identification of the cosmic being and its natural image) Cowry constellation

Cultural architype

Life constellation

Disturbed conditions

Two up, three down

A family of two husbands with a total of three wives (highly possible and likely acceptable)

Two females, three males (a place to be filled)

Sadness or anxiety (as males search for new relationship and females wait for the new co-wife)

Four up, one down

Four females, A family of four one male wives and widows and one living husband; undesirable (unidentifiable)

Four down, one up

A family of four husbands and widowers with one living wife; undesirable (unidentifiable)

Four males, one female

Male violence and aggression; deadly (issues of identity)

Three up, two down

A family of three wives and widows with two husbands; desirable (highly possible and acceptable)

Three females, two males

Female jealousy (Yentaa yele); relationship with second wife) (Sesen yele); relationship with lover or concubine

All five up

A group of five girls singing and dancing and enjoying the common game called ‘hands clapping and dancing’; desirable (nuru loba)

Five females enjoying a bond of friendship and understanding

Female friendship

All five down

A group of five boys Five males who have gone to hunt for rats and other rodents. There are rules to follow and there is peace (desirable)

Female confusion; male isolation and exclusion

Male friendship

166 X Of Life and Health

Advanced Training of a Healer in the Homestead: Lessons on Public Diagnosis The establishment of clinics and hospitals that treat patients away from the home/family, social and natural environments is based on the assumption that healing is an individual bodily process. The next series of lessons, which are only introduced during the initiation but become elaborate under the tutorship of a professional healer, considers that the patient cannot be healed totally outside the family environment. Indeed, in most cases, the patient often displays diseased symptoms that are characteristic of the family and its environment and, in most cases, these symptoms are generic and genetic to the kin group, so cannot be totally removed or changed. The patient suffers from the inability to adapt and live (bodily, mentally and spiritually) with these symptoms. Nobody within the kin group will embody and indicate how to live with these symptoms more fully than the two parents (the father and the mother), whether classificatory or biological, who are responsible for nourishing and sustaining the individual from childhood into adulthood. At the same time, nobody needs to understand the impact of the symptoms and the ailments on the different members of the group and in nature more than the two parents, since they are the frontline health providers. As a result, the next lesson of professional training involves the use of diagnostic devices that will help the health provider to fully understand the shared symptoms and ailments within the kin group. As a member of the group, the healthy individual will also bear the symptoms himself or herself and, depending on his or her own health conditions, it is usually necessary to confirm the diagnostic results and information by engaging a third party, a member within or outside the kin group as the case might be, by acceding to a higher form of divination – a general professional divination process outside the homestead.

The Stick (bagbuur dalé) Divination Training Observed The devices for professional divination are numerous and are designed in such a way as to permit two people or more, taking the positions of the two parents and possibly any other kin member (uncle, etc.), to speak with the individual as well as the collective unconscious minds. Already during the white bagr of bambara beans, all neophytes are taught the cultural significance of each of these items and how to handle them. Indeed, the training of professionals in the use of these devices constitutes part of the white and black bagr initiation rituals. These include the proper use of the rope, several sticks (both wooden and iron) shaped in differ-

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 167

ent forms and sizes, a large piece of rock shaped as the mother grinding stone with other smaller stones, a sealed gourd with seeds for shaking and evocation, a small bell for invocation and two goatskin bags, one full of cowries and other pebbles, and the other full of assorted materials from nature and the environment to diagnose illnesses and engage in therapeutic conversation. The stick for divination (bagbuur dalé, which stands out as the main cardinal object for one type of professional divination, exists in many diverse forms and shapes; during a divination session, multiple sticks can be used for different effects. The most obvious one is a small-sized cudgel stick used alongside the gourd or the bell and the flat piece of rock to establish a dialogue of communication. Let me outline a training session as I observed it in order to fully spell out how these devices are used and how appropriate information is processed. Let me first focus on the cudgel-stick divination. The Setting

In order for the session to begin, all the prospective diviners are instructed about the appropriate bodily and mental conditions they should adopt in order to enter the aura of divination. These could include a change of clothes from the ones they are using to wearing for normal daily activities, not to have any anger or other thoughtful intentions towards a third party not connected to the current process, and to be prepared to receive all information with an open mind. Most diviners put on a smock of the same colour as the guinea fowl (black and white stripes) or some other traditional clothing. They are then instructed on how to prepare the physical space within which the process will take place, especially if it is to be performed outside the house and away from the room housing the ancestral shrine (zag). Finally, they are also instructed on how and when to either take on a male or female position by sitting or squatting during different points of the process. Opening Session: Throwing the Cowries – What is on the Hand?

All professional divination with the stick will always begin with one form or another of basic cowrie divination (as outlined above), especially if the issue is being handled for the first time by a particular diviner. To find out what is on the hand, the student healer is instructed to adopt the female position by sitting with his legs stretched parallel and crossed. He then has to take the goatskin bag that contains cowries and a few stones or pebbles. As a student, he is advised to start with five cowries. After reading the constellation and using the five cowries in the small bag to confirm his thoughts, he will engage in a dialogue with the family in order to determine which themes and issues need further exploration with the stick.

168    Of Life and Health

Evoking the Cosmic World of Language The student diviner after reading the cowries constellation adopts a male (maternal uncle) position and sits on a raised platform facing the passageway leading to the outside. He then takes either the ‘shaking gourd’ or the ‘tone bell’ and begins to shake or ring it close to his ears. Then he places it on his right side and asks the bagr guide to sit in front of him, to adopt the male position of the father and to hold the lower end of the stick. The student diviner holds the top part of the stick with the curved end pointing towards him. The student holds it with his left hand while the guide uses his right to hold the lower part of the stick in such a way that there is no crossing of hands (see Figure 6.4). There is a round spot, a little like a round, large hole, that is not very deep, just below where the student diviner is sitting. The student diviner throws some cowries into this spot and observes their constellations as they fall into it in order to confirm what has already been observed earlier. The confirmation must come from the client – in this case, the bagr guide. The client then, in this case the bagr guide, begins to remove the cowries as acknowledgement that he agrees with the constellations and the student diviner critically observes him for any signs of disagreement. The cowries are then put on the big stone the spot upon which they will rhythmically continue to hit the stick. Communication is established through the stick in the form of

Figure 6.4 Stick divination: the diviner and the client are in direct communication. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 169

questions and answers, directional movements of the hands and other bodily gestures. Hence, after he has removed the cowries, the bagr guide immediately begins to speak to the student diviner and the stick, and at the prompting of the student diviner, the stick strikes several times on the particular spot, followed each time by the movement of the two hands of the two men in one direction or another signifying different possible causes (see Figure 6.4). Once full communication has been established, the bagr guide proceeded to outline in words some archetypical social situations and describe the usual characters that diviners often identify in divination. Archetypical Diagnosis, The Figure of the Spirit Spatial Environmental Being

It is understood that the student diviner, standing as the maternal figure, can interpret the movement of the stick in any direction when the father figure interrupts the process to demand the meaning and significance of a particular directional movement. These directional movements include the identification of the six cosmic spatial structures that originally lived with Rain in the space-above, but now constitute the undomesticated environmental structure of the space on earth (the shea tree, the river, the hill, the atmosphere, the rock and the wind) and the culturally structured spaces within the domesticated environment of the homestead. Hence, at the prompting of the stick, the paternal figure might demand of the student diviner that the stick should indicate the direction to search for clues to the sickness. The diviner might confirm that the stick is giving him information about somebody who went to the river so that the river will help him to have children, but after the person had his wish fulfilled and became a father, he has not gone back to the river12 to make the religious offering that he had promised. The client will then test what the diviner has said with a statement like: ‘if it was a river that was responsible for the present problem; there are some people sitting outside, some people are in the courtyard and some people are in the room; where is this river coming from and where is he at the moment? We cannot mention all the rivers; we have to narrow it down to either the room or the outside’. Further investigation reveals that it should be a river or a person who is within the neighbourhood and that it was only the diviner who can help identify the specific location. This is an indication that it is time to examine the assorted collection of contents that are in the second goatskin bag. In order to make the investigation possible, the diviner removes a lot of things from his divining bag and puts them on his right-hand side, but parallel to the spot that the stick strikes. After striking with the stick on the spot for some time and after indicating that the location for problem was in the river, the stick led them to choose one of the objects

170 X Of Life and Health

within the pile that the diviner had put down. The diviner looks at this object and says that the river in question was Mankokpaar (lit. the spot is on the occiput of the river bed). Archetypical Diagnosis, The Figure of the Spirit of Existential Drives

It is not simply important to find out which location is the source of the ailment, but above all to identify the embodied personality of it. The second stage of the divination or the second archetypical diagnosis seeks to identify the nature of the animation (the spirit being) through the professional works, thoughts and actions of the diseased client. Hence, one of the cases I observed identified, in the words of the diviner, ‘the spirit of iron smelting or blacksmithing’ (sããn) as the source of concern. Accordingly, this spirit was the foundation and main contributor to the prosperity of the client. In other words, it was his main ‘drive’, in terms of occupation, for his existence on earth. Over time, the client has not found out what he should do precisely with this spirit or drive which had helped him so much. The client has not bothered to find out what he should do with the drive to become a blacksmith (sããn) because there are other spirits or drives (occupational drives) in his house that also help him and contribute to his successes on earth. These could include such drives as farming (kɔb), trading (yɛru), pottery or architecture (miɛru), music (yielu), etc. He has neglected to pay attention to the drive to become a blacksmith, but it has continued to follow him and will ultimately do something harmful to him. The conversation further confirms that this neglect is due to ignorance of the fact that the spirit of blacksmithing is a generic one that he has inherited from his matrilateral relations. In the language of Dagara culture, the findings are that the maternal uncles of this person have been custodians and tendering the spirit of blacksmithing (sããn), but because this person has refused to tender the spirit, this has resulted in problems. If the person follows this spirit, he will gain some prosperity. Archetypical Diagnosis: The Spirit Figure of the Generic Ego

In most cases, the generic source of the ailment could be innate and exist as part of the life transmission process. This is how the conversation depicting such a situation was captured in my field notes: ‘This concerns a client who has received certain characteristics from God even before he was born and that has now become a problem. This person has fathered only girls. This person has never fathered a boy and he says that it is useless to father only girls. Even though he has got only girls, these girls may become more profitable than boys. If the person continues to have good relationship with God, these girls will become better than boys.’

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 171

Archetypical Diagnosis: The Spirit Figure of the Super Ego

The metaphor of ailments that are rooted in the super ego whereby a person loses track of his or her human weaknesses and the dependence on others for life’s accomplishments are captured in the following dialogue: ‘Who is this person who had asked for help from the ancestors so that they will help him to become a great farmer but now that he has become a great farmer, he has neglected the spirit of the farm. As is the case, the farm will like to ask about his debt. This matter concerns Kuɔrgandaa’s brother (Kuɔrabie). But who among you have already experienced a similar situation within the group? (Then the stick pointed to a person wearing a red smock who is sitting among the people.) This person has a similar problem like the student diviner himself, who eats from his farm and people do not want him to eat, yet he is getting all that he needs. But also, just like the diviner, when the farm told him not to eat certain foods, the person did not obey and ate what he was forbidden to eat. If this person eats and does what the farm has forbidden, he will suffer for his actions. The farm will make him a disabled person and this will make him stay permanently in the house. He has to listen to them if he does not want to become disabled. And if he wants to listen to them, then he has to listen to what his maternal uncles have been saying because it is through them that the farm will speak and it is the maternal uncles who have the power to avert such a disease that will surely come to him.’ Archetypical Diagnosis: The Figure of the Original Guilt Feeling and Imperfection

The metaphor of ailments that are dealing with feelings of guilt and other imperfections are often expressed in a very impersonal manner. Let me insert a diagnosis of this nature recorded during a training session: ‘This case is related to one Fachua Sumani, who wants to wash his calabashes clean so that he may be able to drink water from them. Where can this man stand and wash these calabashes clean enough so that he can use them for drinking or at what time is it appropriate for him to wash these calabashes? Is it during the night that this person wants to wash his calabashes? The stick said “no!” Is it during the afternoon that he wants to wash his calabashes? The stick answered “no!” Is it in the morning (zi-maar )? And the stick answered “yes!” It is not a punishment if the spirit asks you to wash your calabashes and you should not consider it a punishment. Everything refers to your maternal uncles who are taking care of everything and doing all that they can. If you wash the calabashes well, you will get something. The case is just like that of Nyamaworo; he did not suffer for nothing. Because he gave everything and put all his attention on the spirits, he has gotten something. If you do all that is required of you, you will also get something.

172 X Of Life and Health  Who is this person who have bought a lorry and built a house? This person is from Naawie-Kpasimkpa. This person has come to us looking for meaning to the events that were disturbing him. Through our divination, he has been to find out which spirit was disturbing him and what to do to this spirit. (His problem too was about how to run his farming business profitably “wiɛ” and how to deal with the financial obligations vis-à-vis his maternal uncles.) This is how he has come about to buy lorries and to build houses. Because we helped him to identify the meaning to the events, he brought us a sheep and ten thousand cedis.’ (Tengan field recording)

Advanced Training of a Healer outside the Homestead A major part of the Dagara health system relates to knowledge of nature as the both the original source of all life and to which all life returns. In the last two chapters, I discussed bagr initiations rites within the context of sustaining life and healing it when there is an ailment or disruption to its continuous flow. I did this from the perspective of the life bearer as a patient. In this section, I will return to the bagr health institution outlined in Chapters 4 and 5 in order to further detail the professional training of the neophytes as healers.

Preparation for Outside Training A shift is made from healing the neophytes to treating them as healers when the toxin that is supposed to cure them is applied to their bodies and they are pronounced dead. This takes place during the bagr of bambara beans (see Chapter 4). The shift is made by placing the neophytes on high seats and painting the whole of their bodies from head to foot with white kaolin to make them look like bony skeletons. The painting permits them to enter the liminal world situated in-between the cosmic invisible world of the nature spirits and the visible earthly world of earthly beings. During the body painting, they are introduced to the art of mythical narration in ritual and other sacred utterances, such as prayers of invocation and dedication. They are then given the basic learning devices that they must carry throughout the training period. These consist of a sacred gourd and a rope that have been consecrated and dedicated for that purpose, a basket containing different objects as learning aids (stones, broken pots, amulets, statuettes, etc.) and a walking stick. From this point onwards, they are no longer referred to as neophytes (bagli), but as outcasts (vavankpeli). There is also very rigorous mental and physical training that consists of tabulating prohibitions and rules that must be observed throughout the training period and depriving them of the ba-

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing    173

Figure 6.5 From neophytes to outcasts on training as healers. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

sic conveniences that make life enjoyable. Thus, they are often required to engage in many activities without their clothes on. The period itself, which can last up to ten weeks, takes place during the dry cold harmattan season and is considered to be the harsh ‘winter’ season in this area. Let me insert here the bagr texts summarizing the prohibitions as mental and physical preparation for the training. This summary was given in a situation during a bagr initiation ceremony when the medicine gourd of training was handed to each neophyte. Handling the Medicine Gourd and Rope While on Training Dagara A kuɔr gna yele, ti soɣri ni na a ni yél kɛ ni na tuɔ na tɛr. A bon ŋna ni na tɛr, bipiila nu; mundɛr gyɛ’l nu.’ Ni woa na? A bon ŋna bibir na viɛ na, ni na chaa na tɛr. Ni nyɛ ni bon pla pla kang a kuɔra na mi kuɔr ti yaɣ bon jajara kang ul mi zɔ yi tang puor eh lɛb wa mag a mɛr a pɛri ul ï zaa pla pla Munder gyel nu a ul. Ni nyɛ na a doo na mi kuor eche a pog burɛ mi wa ti chɛ yaɣ ga, ul ni a gna.

English transcription This is about the medicine gourd which you have accepted to handle properly until the date we will ask you to hand it back to us. It is to be handled as an infant baby. It is called the ‘spider’s egg’. Have you ever come across that white egg that is sometimes unearthed by a hoe-farmer when he is busy tilling the land and while his wife is busy planting the seeds? You would have noticed the spider scrambling to carry away this egg. That is what this gourd is. (Bagr speech recording; Tengan)

174 X Of Life and Health

Prohibitions While on Training: Type One (Daily Life) Dagara

English transcription

2. A ni zu bɛ tuɔr wɛg bii bonzaa. Ni bɛ diɛlɛ bon nɛ.

2. It is also forbidden that your head should touch the fork beam or the straight beam of the house structure. You cannot lean on any object for support.

1. Ni nyɛ na bɛ sigri ni a ni zi a téng, a ni dakɔg kpɛɛ ni ŋna. Ni bɛ lɛ zinɛ dakɔg zu. Ni bɛ zinɛ bonzaa zu.

3. Dunŋ bɛ gangnɛ ni eh. 4. Ni bɛ vuulé bogr puɔ. Ni bɛ varɛ chi eh. A bon tɛri chiiru bɛ tɛr vuo. 5. Ul chiiré ni nyirguur yir. 6. Ul chiiré ni a birɛ ziɛ aŋna. 7. A chiir a bigɛ zu. 8. Ul chiiré ni gbangbala ni daa gbangbala. 9. Ul chiiré ni yirpaala.

10. Ni bɛ lɛ kpiɛr daa puɔ yi. 11. Niim wa yi, ni bɛ lɛ kalɛ kuɔ nyuur al lɛ. 12. Ni bɛ ĩyagr a ganŋnɛ baa.

13. Nyira wa du fu, fu ko tuo ĩyaɣ kpélé. A nyira, bagsɛbla nu, Tãã kurɛ nyira. 14. Ni ku tuɔ sɛ bin puĩ yɛ; fu mi ĩ na a piɛlu yi echɛ nir za bɛ bãŋ kɛ fu sɛ ni bin eh. Fũũ was ɛ puĩ a nir kang yél kɛ: wu wu nyɛ vanvankpélé na sɛ bi na wɛ; ul ko fu na. Ti ko nyɛ tĩĩ zãn ni fu eh.

1. You are now seated on the ground. From this moment onwards, you are forbidden to sit on a chair. You are not allowed to sit on any object except on the bare floor or ground.

3. An animal should not jump over you or any part of your body.

4. It is forbidden to peep into the main granary. You are forbidden to thrash millet or sorghum.

5. You are forbidden to approach the anthill.

6. You cannot touch the red flower of the jutte fibre plant. 7. It is forbidden to sit on the jute fibre.

8. You are forbidden to approach any desert ground. 9. It is forbidden to enter a newly built house.

10. The market area is forbidden to you.

11. You should not use your palm to fetch water and drink.

12. You should not jump across a river or stream or any body of water. 13. Do not react impulsively when you are bitten by an ant. Never kill an ant; the ant is a member of the black bagr society.

14. You should not fart loudly within the hearing of another person (this can lead to your death because bagr has no medicine for such an ailment).

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 175

15. A pɔɣbɛ, ni bɛlɛ ɔoŋnɛ miirkuɔ mɔnɛ ni ni minŋa sààb ye. 16. Fu bɛ zinɛ dakɔg zu eh monɛ a sààb eh. 17. Ni chaa na chiire a nɛn maar. 18. Ni chaa na chiiré a nuɔpɛr. 19. Ni chaa na chiire a bonkuri. 20. Ni wa chen ti yél a bagr a dé a nɛn libié, fu chiir na eh fu tɔ al. 21. Fũũ wa bin fu bonbuurɛ za eh wa bɔbra, ĩyang nirzagla ĩr ko fu. Fũũ wa tɔ al, bagɛ so al. Fũũ wa tɔ al echɛ wa sɔli bɛr a bagɛ wa yi fu na kpi na. 22. Ni nyuur a dãã echɛ bɛ daar dãã ĩ. (Fũũ paa nab ɛ tɛr libé, gmin gmin fun a ĩ ti da a dãã?) 23. Ĩɛr ĩɛrɛ ŋna, niim wa yi; kolaa, niim wa mɔ ne a saab, nir nu a ĩ a miirkuɔ ku fu a fu dugri ni a saab.

24. Fũũ wa vaarɛ a saab a fu laa wa ti paali, chere kɛ bɛr a saab; baglé bɛ vaarɛ labɛ ayi eh.

25. Niim wa yi, ni bɛ dirɛ sigmããn (pepper). 26. Ni bɛ dirɛ zɛsɔra iy.

27. Bɛ ti yél kɛ ni kuɔr konvaar, sããlu ni a niri; a ni bondiri yo ni a al.

15. If you are a woman, it is forbidden to take the sour water from the Tuozaafi pot yourself. 16. A woman should not sit on a chair in order to cook the Tuozaafi dish. 17. It is still forbidden to eat cold meat. 18. Sexual relationships are forbidden.

19. All the things forbidden to an ordinary bagr neophyte are also forbidden to you.

20. It is forbidden to touch any money donated to you towards your training.

21. All seeds that you have preserved for the future cultivation in your farm, you can no longer touch them from their storage location. Ask a neutral person to take them out from there and give them to you.

22. You can drink any beer offered to you, but you should not buy any beer since you cannot touch any money. 23. Upon leaving this room, take care when you want to cook the Tuozaafi dish. You cannot take the sour water from the storage pot by yourself. You will always have to ask a neutral person to take that for you.

24. When you have finished cooking the dish, serve the portion of the meal that only you can eat and leave the rest in the cooking pot. A neutral person will have to serve the rest of the dish to the rest of the family. 25. You are forbidden to eat pepper including pepper put in the soup.

26. You are forbidden to eat groundnut soup. 27. Your main soup dish consists mainly of okra, the eggplant leaves and the neri plant.

176 X Of Life and Health 28. Fũũ chen zie eh waar, fu sãã bii nir kang kpi, fu bɛ tɛrɛ a bon ŋna koni a kuor eh. 29. Fu be koné piɛlɛ a kuu eh.

30. Fu ko tuo nyɔɣ nir ul kpi. Fũũ wa tɛr a fu bié ul wa buɔr kũũ, gaali bɛr. 31. Ni bɛ chéré yirpaala puɔ. Ni bɛ duor nyirguur yir eh. 32. Tampuor zu bigɛ bɛ mi chɛ bin na ni bɛ chéré gangnɛ ul lɛ. Ti na ko ni dambolɛ, fuu wa nyɛ kang fuu nyɔɣ viri bɛr eh tɔl. 33. Ni na tuɔ na ɔbr nyuéé; echɛ a nyuur ul tin a yél kɛ ni ta ɔbr; ni taa ɔbr ul lɛ. 34. Libir za fun a tɔ bii dé ni fu nũũ, a fu bagr sãã soɣ. 35. Zɛllu na ti ko ni, ti bɛ ku ni zube. (Koro zaa ti ti bunɛ na zɛlɛ, echɛ panpana ŋna law yi na a bɛ mine mi tuur zɔr yogo) 36. A baglé chirɛ ni a fu kuɔr. Ul lɛ wa ‘balɛ’ (ul lɛ wa julé a na ti mi yél a lɛ); taa wa yélé kurɛ a bagrchiinɛ, yél kɛ fu chen bangyira and kpeni muɔ puɔ ti sil a kuɔ bɛr. Bon kang ben a kuɔr puɔ; taa wa vɛ in yiré lore iy

28. If any kin person should die during your training, you must put away the medicine gourd during the period of mourning. 29. Never approach or come into contact with the wooden structure (palanquin) on which the dead body is placed. 30. Never allow any dying person to die in your arms even if it is your own child. 31. Never approach or go into a newly built house. 32. Do not cross over the jute fibre stem that has been harvested and placed on the ground. Use the sacred stick given to you to push it aside before passing. 33. You can eat any yam dish offered to you except the special type that was indicated to you. 34. Any money that enters your hands directly will be given to your trainer. 35. You have our permission to go around begging, but not to go against the laws. Formerly, we could beg from everybody, but today there are those who have become Christian and condemn this act. 36. Take good care of your medicine gourd. Many would like to know what is in it. If you have any problem with the liquid contents in it, do not tell anybody about it. Find a secret place to pour out the liquid. (Bagr speech recording; Tengan)

The Nature of the Outside Training The structure of instructing the neophytes on life and health matters consists in leading them from their situations of being considered dead and outcasts to the situation of full health and healers. Already, as described above, the administration of the medicine and the painting of the body

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 177

signify that they have been killed, thus releasing their soul and spirit, which is indeed the aim for the training. The first action is therefore to perform the funeral rites that will ensure the proper releasing of the spirit and the soul from the body in a metaphysical sense, and expose Dagara society and culture to their full understanding. Presenting Dagara Society and Culture to the Neophytes: The Funeral Ceremony (Bagε lɔbu)

The funeral rites are reversed in terms of order and performance. It is not possible in this context to give a full detailed description of the different activities in their proper sequence. I will only demonstrate their significance to the training of the neophytes. The ceremony itself begins in the early morning when the sun is about to rise. The dead neophytes are reminded that they have been forbidden to speak and that from that moment, they need to observe all the prohibitions imposed on them. They are then ordered to walk backwards through the entrance door and are led out of the ritual room by their guiding trainers in accordance with the movements of the spirit of the dead.13 As a mock funeral, they are then seated, as fresh corpses against the wall facing the frontyard. The mock mourning rite consists of kin members from near and far coming with various sums of money and different categories of items as their contributions for buying back the soul and spirit of the neophyte from the ancestral spirit world. These will include money (cowries), grains and animals. For the rest of the mourning period, which could last for a day, a sort of ad hoc market festival takes place in the frontyard of the house, while the neophytes remain seated like dummies, watching all their kin and all other visitors coming to act out the complete drama of the Dagara funeral ritual ceremony. As Goody (1993) rightly points out, the Dagara consider bagr and funerals as the two most comprehensive practices of their culture – an occasion when the society presents its own invention of the world to itself and the world. On this occasion, taking place within the initial bagr rituals, the funeral ceremony of the neophytes present Dagara society and culture to the neophytes as a learning process and for their review. In other words, by being positioned as the dead, the neophytes observe all the activities that take place during a funeral ceremony and experience the feeling of being considered dead by society. Viewing death and experiencing death are essential elements to understanding the Dagara view on life. Presenting Nature Beings to the Neophytes

The next stage of the training is to introduce the neophytes to the study of nature by taking them to designated spots in the environment outside

178 X Of Life and Health

the homestead. These designated spaces include representative spots of the six spatial locations, which in bagr myth originally belonged to the space-above. They include the tree, the hill, the sea, the rock, the air atmosphere of the vulture and the desert locations. The neophytes are led to the chosen spots in each location, where further instructions regarding the life elements and objects that are peculiar to that life element are given. The neophytes are taught how to observe details and draw conclusions from differences and similarities within the same species of animals, insects and plants. The most obvious ones used for this type of instruction include ants and the sorrel plant (Rumex acetosa); hence, they appear as objects that it is forbidden to encounter during the whole period of the training. Presenting Human Beings to the Neophytes

A similar situation arises when it comes to observing society. The neophytes are taken to locations where there are gatherings of many diverse groups of people and where sociocultural practices are acted out. The two obvious locations and situations include the Dagara funeral performance and the village market institutions that bring together people from near and far for all sorts of commercial activities. On a number of occasions, the neophytes are taken to the boundaries of the market location and are left to sit there for many hours. Their behaviour regarding the observation of the prohibitions imposed is closely monitored. As part of the training, it is also essential that the rest of population consider and treat them as outcasts. This involves openly deriding them by making fun of them and using derogatory language when talking about them. Children will sing songs that mock them and sometimes even hurl stones at them in a sort of mock fight. The rules prohibit them from talking to anyone or fighting back. By observing the rules and subjecting themselves to be the target of all social and antisocial acts, they learn and understand, through experience, human nature without boundaries and limitations. The neophytes also come to understand that human life and health issues are always embedded in human social life and behaviour. Introducing Healing Knowledge and Devices to Neophytes

The period between the ritual ceremony of ‘putting the neophytes to death’ during the bagr of bambara beans and the final ceremony of the white bagr of dance, as noted in the bagr calendar (see Chapter 4 above), can last up to nine weeks, during which time the neophytes are excluded from society and observing nature and society. They are given and made to look for or manufacture the different basic devices that are essential for life sustenance and healing. Those who are too advanced for their

Language and the Cultural Ideation of Healing X 179

stage of initiation are introduced to the trainees as their senior guides who accompany them everywhere they go. The senior guides, referred to as the black bagɛ, are indeed in the advanced stages of their training and therefore familiar with the instructions on the manufacture and use of these devices. In the next and final chapter, I will focus on the use of these devices in healing as I have observed them.

Notes  1. The Dagara of Burkina Faso had wrongly taken these corporate names to be personal names and had begun to use them to satisfy some administrative requirements of naming. Today, individuals carry names of social categories to which they do not belong. For an analysis of this problem, see Poda (1992, 2000).  2. According to Edward Tengan (1994), most Dagara house societies refer to the period of slave raiding (bong zoba) as the time when their communities came into existence. During this period, most Dagara fled from their places of origin and found themselves settling on land that was not originally theirs (Lentz 1994: 457). It is most likely that they originally settled in common houses, but as mixed-descent groups.  3. Dagara are not only hoe-farmers in terms of their social identity, but are also migrant settlers in most areas where they now farm. Through this transformation of the social system, the migrant settler outside the ‘home region’ of northwest Ghana and southwest Burkina Faso continues to maintain links with members of various villages in the home region. This model of keeping contact with many villages invariably forms part of the system of hoefarming.  4. As hoe farmers, the Dagara are aware that it is the iron blade of the hoe that is quickly used up due to constant contact with the soil. In their culture, the expression ‘the earth consumes the hoe as fire’ (téng dirɛ ni kuur mi vuu) is used to describe this phenomenon.  5. The sex and gender of the two individuals is changed to match the gender identity of the dishes being prepared and the ways in which the roles between men and women in cultural activities are assigned.  6. Food preparation and eating is a common activity during bagr initiation rituals. They are mostly processes of testing for the healing or poisoning properties of new plants and herbs that do not normally form part of the food chain. By sometimes adding these to food prepared solely for the neophytes, the effects on their health can be observed and analysed.  7. This is the smallest of a range of types of bags that are used for divination and diagnostic purposes. It contains only five cowries and is used as a personal device without the aid of a second party.  8. The process of the change of colour from white to brown/red is not immediately seen by untrained eyes. One must look carefully at the edges and inside the cowrie shell to observe the brown colour.  9. The African Pennisetum purpureum.

180 X Of Life and Health 10. Among the pile of stones, only one specific stone specially collected and consecrated is considered as standing for the earth deity. 11. Any of the hardwood trees that are identified through divination embody the spirit of the ancestor whose figure is being carved. In dreams, the ancestors tend to appear in pairs. 12. The river is here perceived as a deity or divinity and is later personified as a human character in the persons of Nyamaworo (the main diviner) and Dankyaga (the cosmic being) with the right information and ultimately with the proper cure. 13. The funeral and burial ceremonies conducted on these occasions are symbolic and can be reduced to a few simple actions, such as symbolic movements and statements. For a detailed study on the Dagara mortuary institution, see Goody (1967); and on the simulation of the funeral and burial rituals during the bagr inititiation process, see de Rouville (1993).

CHAPTER 7

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed QQQ

In the House of Ali, the Healer Ali is a Dagara healer who has relocated from his home region of the Upper West of Ghana to establish his house and healing centre in a village, some fifty kilometres away from the city of Kumasi on the Kumasi–Obuasi road. Ever since colonial times, many Dagara people have undertaken both temporary and permanent migrations to many of the villages and towns in Ashanti and over time have established Dagara settlements in many of these locations. They particularly occupied the farming villages in the Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions and the mining towns of Obuasi, Tarkwa and Bibiani (see Lentz and Veit 1989; Lentz 1998, 2000; Lobnibe 2005, 2007). Even though I followed other Dagara healers in the home region of northwest Ghana, I have chosen Ali as a case study because of the high level of professionalism with which he approaches his work and the broad variety of patients he has been attending to over the years. Ali sees himself as a health agent who is genuinely enabling people from diverse cultures and societies to engage in healthy lives by dealing with life issues about which modern-day health systems and cultural practices are ignorant. His patients include not only the diverse Dagara migrants living in cities, urban and rural areas, but the whole of modern-day Ghanaian society. Ali’s lifestyle is not different from any of the other Dagara migrants, but he portrays himself as one of them who is simply doing his professional work. However, as an initiated member of bagr society and

182 X Of Life and Health

as a healer, he frequently travels back to Dagara country and much more so than any of the other migrant Dagara people. These travels enable him to continue to be an active member of the bagr society and to constantly upgrade his healing cult and medical practice. Ali built his house following the architectural form and structure of any other migrant who is experiencing success in life. Hence, it is built using cement blocks and is roofed with aluminium sheets, with a large courtyard in the middle of the rooms and the verandas. There is a frontyard, a backyard and a square-shaped courtyard. Located in the middle of the courtyard is an alter for the Earth and Rain shrines. This consists of a mound of earth consistent with the shape of mounds cultivated on the farm for the planting of the millet seeds and an iron rod shaped like a snake staked into the earth mound. The most relevant house quarter for our purposes is the one for the healing cult, which also serves as Ali’s space for consultation, diagnosis and treatment. The rest of the house is divided into three house quarters: the first consists of living rooms (including the bedrooms), the children’s quarters and the quarters for the kitchen and female living space.

Ali’s Healing Cult and Biography Upon entering the room of the healing cult, one cannot help but notice an imposing figure standing in the middle of the room and capturing most of the light coming through the window at the end of the room. This is an image of a ‘white anthropomorphic kɔntɔn’ figure (kɔntɔn pla) riding a ‘hippopotamus kɔntɔn figure’. The anthropomorphic figure is facing one direction (towards the direction of the door), while the hippopotamus figure is facing the opposite direction (towards the direction of the window). One also tends to note the modern portrait picture of Ali and other posters pasted on the wall. What one will not immediately see and may not even see at all is the fork branch and other wooden anthropomorphic statuettes that are also placed in the left-hand corners of the room and close to the entrance door. These three items are figurative statements on the identity of Ali as healer and on the professional traditions in which he has been trained and continues to adhere. The white anthropomorphic kɔntɔn, as we have seen, is the main agent that communicates to humans knowledge about nature, including the mysteries of life and health. Medical knowledge, in particular, is often given to humans indirectly through a third-party individual, including elements and beings from the animal kingdom, the plant kingdom and the mineral kingdom. The hippopotamus, like the elephant that we analysed through the bagr institution (see Chapter 5), is a typical herbivore that lives in

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed    183

the water. It is considered to be intelligent and a strong agent in healing human ailments. In this region, it has the same fraternity of healers as the elephant (Antongini and Spini 1993). The tree branches and statuettes stand for the ancestral cult and the healing tradition handed down through kinship ties. The rest of the room is divided into four segments: two on the righthand side and two on the left-hand side. The right-hand side is codified as male, while the left-hand side is female. The first segment, the space adjacent to the right-hand-side wall of the room immediately after the entrance door, contains the cult of the ‘red kɔntɔn’ (kɔntɔn ziir). This space consists of two ‘red anthropomorphic kɔntɔn’ figures and the different elements and items that have accrued to them as healing elements, such as machetes, bows and arrows, stones, plastic bags with assorted items, beer (pito) in rubber containers, etc. The wall itself is adorned with the skins of animals, gourd containers and different types of bags. Two pots, of the size and type that are used for cooking a family Tuozaafi (TZ) dish, are used to demarcate the two ends of this spatial segment and to mark one boundary between the corner devoted to the ancestral cult and the cult of the ‘red kɔntɔn’, and the second boundary between the red kɔntɔn

Figure 7.1 The black anthropomorphic kɔntɔn figures and their pots in the left segment of Ali’s room. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

184 X Of Life and Health

and the second segment serving as a space for divination and diagnosis. A wooden bench serving as a seat for the patient and the kin group is placed in the border space between the segments and close to the kɔntɔn figure riding the hippocampus. This second segment, the space devoted to divination and diagnosis, contain animal skins spread over the ground and many divination items and objects placed against the wall. Standing on guard and watching over these items is a single black anthropomorphic kɔntɔn figure. The divination items include various divination sticks (bagbug-dali), skin bags (bagbug-wɔɔr), sounding gourds and bells, and an unopened calabash with a string passing through it, tied from the room ceiling and reaching the ground, thus enabling the round calabash to be moved up and down. Like all the other segments, other objects and items are continually added to the space as Ali continues to discover and learn more about divination and diagnosis. The third segment is situated on the left-hand side of the main entrance as one enters the room facing the window. It is opposite the first segment and is considered to be female in gender, and also runs into the fourth segment. The principal objects and items in the section include three anthropomorphic black kɔntɔn figures that are placed against the wall, two large-sized pots containing water into which various plant and animal materials have been added to ferment, a large water container made of plastic placed next to the three pots and containing water with mainly animal material, empty bottles and other containers, etc. The materials left to ferment in the pots include the blood of animals killed during ritual and healing processes, as well as beer (pito) and other alcoholic drinks that have been used in the healing processes. Hanging on the wall adjacent the floor are several healing devices mainly made of animal tissue and cowries (see Chapter 6), and also a number of containers possibly containing herbal medicines. The last segment occupies the rest of the space beyond the third segment and includes the left corner of the window wall and the rest of the left wall. The most significant contents occupying the ground space in this segment of the room include special types of pots (dugli) moulded with a small mouth opening and lids for storing various items. These are typically female holdings and when found in a woman’s kitchen of storage room, several of these are often placed one on top of another to form a complete series. Ali had just a few of such pots, but he also placed some big gourds on top of the pots. Both the gourds and pots serve as medicinal storage facilities. The wall space is taken up by a large skin of a black bull (Bos Taurus) and healing devices made from animal tissue with the tail of the bull attached to it and some modern art carvings of an African healer

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed    185

Figure 7.2 Some of the items (buffalo skin and wooden carvings) on the lefthand side wall of the room. Photograph by Alexis Bekyane Tengan.

holding a medicine bag. As we will come to see, the spatial arrangements of the house and the room of the healing cult are very important for the health delivery system inasmuch as one considers living as engaging various types of movements in different directions. Ali operates as a professional healer specializing in ailments and illnesses that threaten the synchronicity in action and lifestyle between the cosmic spirit of life embodiment processes and the cultural and social conditions, and situations that affect the trajectory of the earthly lives of human beings. According to the several conversations I have had with Ali about himself and his work, he considers himself to be a normal Dagara healer who was fortunate to inherit a rich tradition of healing from both his patrilateral and matrilateral kin. He himself was initiated into the bagr society at an early age and because he was not the oldest son of his father, he did not have stay at home to tend to the family shrines. As well as following the rest of the family in their ordinary migratory journeys across the frontiers between Ghana, Burkina Faso and the Ivory Coast as hoefarmers, Ali worked in many settlements outside Dagara country before settling down permanently in his current location.

186 X Of Life and Health

The Life and Health of Ayuo Family History and Original Social Conditions The Uterine Field

Ayuo is the tenth child of a family of six boys and four girls. Two of the boys did not have the chance to grow to maturity; the second-born child died as a toddler when the family relocated from their village to a semitown dwelling where the father underwent a three-year formation as a missionary assistant. This was between 1950 and 1953. The fifth-born child was stillborn in around 1957 at the newly established mission clinic at Nandom then run by the Missionary Sisters of Africa (MSOLA). This was very traumatic for the mother, who, from then on, decided to have traditional home delivery for the other six children, which were all very successful. The trauma was real because the mother had spent some years at the same convent as a postulant wanting to become an educated nun. However, the missionary sisters thought that she was not intelligent enough to pursue formal education as a career and made her spend her time working at the clinic. According to her own narration, she considered this very offensive and when she was formally informed of this by one of the senior sisters, she was so angry that she decided to leave the convent and vowed that she would give birth to many children and would ensure that they all received the education she was unjustly denied, and that possibly one would become an educated priest or a nun. Ayuo’s mother was herself the youngest of a large family, but only five survived into adulthood; the others must have died due to infant mortality. She was a driven woman and even though she was the youngest of the surviving siblings, as an adult, she seemed to have considerable influence over the others due to her limited experiences with nuns and other contacts with European foreign culture, particularly in terms of sending their children to school and developing a positive vision of the new missionary experience. However, the family was always in need as they lived in one of the poorest regions in Ghana and, throughout their childhood, the children never enjoyed such social amenities and comforts as running water, electricity and three full meals a day. Patri-affiliation

Unlike Ayuo’s mother, her father was raised as an orphan together with his brother and half-sister by their grandmother within a very large extended family compound house. Indeed, the founder of this compound house established what could be called a fully grown ‘Dagara House Society’ (Tengan 2000a, 2000b), was a professional healer and established different types of healing cults. Apart from being an orphan, he was an

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 187

issue of a cross-cousin marriage, giving him a unique social and cultural position in the house community in terms of tending the healing cults and shrine and in communicating with the ancestors. As the sister’s son of the most senior elder, Ayuo’s father became his confidant and began to assist him in all his religious and ritual duties. However, while growing up as an infant, he was made to live the slavish life reserved for orphans and very well described in the bagr narration (Tengan 2006). As the elder brother, he was always defending his younger brother and his sister, as well as himself, against the unjust conditions reserved for orphans. Their situation in the family was made more complicated due to the fact that even though their mother had died when they were still infants, their father had left the house in anger due to a feud. He was one of the pioneer migrants from the north to the south of Ghana and was one of the few who did so on foot. The adventure proved to be too demanding and he died soon after returning from the trip. Out of these experiences, Ayuo’s mother shared the vision of his wife, namely that education for their children was the only way to take them out of the miserable social conditions in which they found themselves. Ayuo’s parents were very successful in educating all their children and by the time Ayuo was nine years old and was still enjoying her elementary school education when her mother died suddenly in a road traffic accident, causing distress in various forms for the whole family and especially for Ayuo. This was also the moment when the majority of Ayuo’s elder brothers and sister began to leave the family house to establish their own families and or to find work and pursue their careers, mainly in the urban centres. Things became difficult for Ayuo when her father married for the second time and the bride moved into the house and began to direct affairs. However, Ayuo managed to complete her education and took a professional qualification course in catering. She soon found a job and got married a few years later. She and her husband then moved to the city of Kumasi because of her job posting.

Ayuo’s Adulthood and the Profile of Ali’s Urban Patients Ayuo and her husband’s generation were born at the end of Ghana’s first republic, also known as the period of Kwame Nkrumah (1957 to 1966). This period is referred to as Ghana’s golden age because it was the only period when there was, according to Ghanaians’ feelings and perceptions, economic growth and political stability. The negative campaigns against the Nkrumah regime following independence, both internal and external, the division created within the Ghanaian society due to party politics, the collapse of the economy soon after the military overthrow of the Nkrumah

188 X Of Life and Health

regime, the successive military regimes that followed each other between 1966 and 1981, and the total erosion of people’s ability to earn a decent salary and a minimum standard of living through legal employment created a lot of fear and anxiety, especially for the youth who were beginning their careers and family lives. The international politics involving petroleum production in the 1970s and 1980s that led to an economic boom in neighbouring Nigeria to the east and the seeming political stability and economic progress in the Ivory Coast to the west made the Ghanaian youth depressed, and they soon began to consider external migration as the only solution to their problems. In order to better capture the situation at the time, I will reproduce here two short texts about how these events were observed and experienced. The first is from a journalist from the New York Times: ACCRA, Ghana, May 11— The stands and playing fields of the sports stadium here have served in recent days as a joyless transit station for thousands of poor, tired and anxious Ghanaians ordered out of Nigeria in a mass expulsion of illegal aliens. Many have made the 300-mile trip from Lagos to Accra, Ghana’s capital, as human cargo of sorts, tightly packed in huge trucks. The Nigerian authorities had given aliens until May 10 to obtain residence permits or leave. For many at the stadium and another reception centre nearby, Accra is a brief stop in a journey to remote parts of this poor nation . . . It was Nigeria’s second mass expulsion of aliens, who had been attracted to the African oil giant in hopes of gaining a financial foothold or fleeing drought. Falling oil prices have slowed Nigeria’s economy, and foreigners are viewed as depriving citizens of jobs. Authorities also blame the aliens for high crime rates in the cities (Rule 1985).

The second is from a feature article written by Stephen Atta Owusu in Modern Ghana recounting the experience of a Ghanaian immigrant to Nigeria: I was still interested to know why she had tribal marks. She said that in 1983 when Ghanaians were ordered to leave Nigeria, the husband suggested to her that she should get the tribal marks so that she would look more like a Yoruba woman. The man did not want to lose her. When the sore healed, she was happy she remained to enjoy the riches of her husband. She spoke Yoruba very well. She told me, almost in tears, that in 1998, her husband was going on a business meeting in New York, when the plane he was travelling in developed an engine problem. The plane broke into two in mid-air. No passengers survived. Her husband was dead. When this unfortunate story of her husband’s death reached her rivals, they planned to move her from her matrimonial home. The relatives of these women joined in and they finally succeeded to drive her out. She said she felt it would be a disgrace for her to go back to Ghana due to the tribal marks. (Owusu 2012)

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 189

By the time Ayuo and her husband had settled in Kumasi to begin their family life, the allure for young Ghanaians in her generation and age group to move to Nigeria had waned, partly due to the mass expulsions and the changing economic situation in Nigeria. Though many who had settled in southern Nigeria could easily have returned to Ghana as a result of the assistance offered by the Ghanaian government, some of those who went to the northern towns1 such as Kaduna, Sokoto and Maidugri could not easily find their way back to Accra. A few discovered the ancient trans-Saharan trade routes to north Africa and eventually to Europe, thereby opening a new route for Ghanaian migration into the open desert. Those who returned to the southern cities, especially those from Kumasi, began to exploit the still-existing means of legal travel to Europe and north Africa, including the use of tourist, student and family visit visas to both the United Kingdom and continental Europe. Some also exploited the tense political situation in Ghana to seek political asylum permits in Europe with documents that were not always completely legal. The situation soon changed in Europe when migration became a political issue to be exploited by all the different political parties competing for power and when many migrants had overstayed the periods stipulated by their visas, thereby acquiring the identity of illegal immigrants. This led to more political pressure and subsequently to the withdrawal of all legal forms of migration to Europe for Ghanaians. Half of the patients coming to Ali’s healing cult during the period I got to know him consisted of people of Ayuo’s generation who have experienced international migration in one form or another, had connections with people in the diaspora and have made many attempts to leave the country. Ayuo herself, apart from leaving her home region to work in the city of Kumasi, visited Europe twice using a family visit visa and despite a lot of pressure from friends to overstay her visa, particularly on the second visit, returned, mainly based on family considerations and her own moral outlook on life. The medical history of Ayuo gathered over the years throws light on the effects that these situations of Ghana’s cultural history had on her life and health issues.

Ayuo’s Medical History The Family Health System and the Problem of Fertility and Life Transmission

Following the Dagara health practice and marriage contract stipulations, decisions about the health care of Ayuo and her children lay first and foremost in the hands of her husband and the senior elder, in this case

190 X Of Life and Health

Ayuo’s father-in-law, who was tending to the different healing cults within the household. However, soon after her marriage, Ayuo gave birth on two occasions to two girls. The husband, as the eldest son of his father, also brought into the family home in Kumasi two of his junior brothers who were still in the education system and one other grown-up brother who was seeking employment in the city. They also regularly received family members from both of their extended families who would spend a day or two with them before proceeding to one of the many Dagara farm settlements in the Ashanti region. The inconvenience of living in a one-bedroom apartment with so many people and other social problems created tensions and anxieties for Ayuo that eventually led to a lack of synchronicity between her bodily sense of movements and actions, and of those of her spirit of life, including her mental reasoning. The first symptoms for this lack of synchronicity appeared when she wanted to have a third child; she and the husband began to experience resentment for each other and though in their rational thoughts they wanted a child, they could not have one. With the coming of modernity, Western-style education and Catholicism, many actions have taken place to convert the Dagara family structure and health system to the ‘Victorian’ concept of the ‘good wife’ and the stable family. Neither Ayuo’s husband nor his father could provide any health solutions to the current situation of frigidity within the changed context and as conservative Catholics, they could not go back to the Dagara traditional healing system and employ the different healing cults that would have been constituted in the house. For three years, the couple became very active in their local parish and went regularly for Sunday mass and other church services during the week. They were also assigned certain liturgical services, as well as certain social responsibilities, which they performed for the community. These actions helped them to maintain the family and focus on the education of their two children. However, they did not solve their fertility and life transmission problem. Indeed, after these three years and after Ayuo had made her first visit to Europe, her health became worse in the sense that she began to experience greater spells of anxiety and short periods of mental blackouts and uncontrolled speech. The Hospital Health System and the Approach to Ayuo’s Conditions

Ayuo’s bouts of uncontrolled speaking and mental blackouts began to worry her husband and he decided to take her to the university teaching hospital in Kumasi for further treatment. During the diagnosis, the issue of fertility and life transmission was never mentioned or handled, and the living conditions in the house and the family, as well as the tensions in the relationship between Ayuo and her husband’s family since the birth

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 191

of their second child, were also never mentioned. The hospital first put her on Diazepam (Valium) and for more than three years, she continued to visit the hospital with the same complaints and was treated with similar drugs. As the years went by, she became more loquacious and anxious about her life. The hospital at that point diagnosed her with paranoid schizophrenia and subsequently began to treat her with antipsychotic drugs. In-between these years, Ayuo made a second visit to Europe and stayed there for two months, during which time she did not experience any sleep related problems and did not require any treatment. However, soon after her return from her second visit, she experienced a total breakdown during the funeral of her father-in-law, who was taken ill and relocated to their one-room apartment in the city. After the burial ceremony, she recovered from the breakdown and from then on decided to take her health matters into her own hands. The Homeopathic Health System and the Approach to Ayuo’s Health Conditions

Ayuo’s first action, after taking her life and health issues into her hands, was to return to her father’s house for a short stay. She consulted her biological father and told him her life and health situations as she understood them. He consulted with the rest of his family members and they decided to conduct a prayer session according to the Catholic liturgical rites and with all the members of the family present. He then instructed Ayuo to go back to her husband. He also gave her a message to pass on to her husband to indicate that he as husband was willing to take the health issues of Ayuo into his hands in order to find a proper solution. Ayuo stayed for two weeks in her parental home and then returned to her conjugal apartment in Kumasi. She gave the message to her husband, but also went ahead to seek further help on her own. Through contacts she had made while on her first visit to Europe, she became aware of homeopathy as a healing system. There was a homeopathic clinic in Kumasi which was also operating as a healing centre for African traditional medicine. She contacted the clinic and later visited it as a patient and accompanied by her husband. Ayuo discovered homeopathy through a family doctor in Europe introduced to her by the person she was visiting with. The doctor, who also happened to have medical projects in Ghana, was familiar with many of the asymptomatic ailments that many Africans who had consulted with him suffered from. She therefore carried out several blood tests on Ayuo and found out that she had chronic hepatitis B. Ayuo was not directly informed of this situation, but the doctor proceeded to contact the various health systems and healing agents in Ghana concerned with Ayuo’s case and to

192 X Of Life and Health

encourage her to contact these agents for further treatment. At this point, let me provide a summary of my fieldnotes on the health profile of Ayo during a follow-up case taking by a homeopathic doctor at the local clinic. Table 7.1 Ayuo’s case notes at the homeopathic clinic Case notes

Ayuo

Section

Rubric

The sensation location modalities

Mind

Weeping

Weeps while relating I just feel like weeping all the time; it comes and goes; it attacks symptoms me and I can’t do anything i.e. eat, work, sleep. Last time good (Friday)

Stomach Mind

Mind

Mind

Appetite

Wanting – Can’t eat

Comments/ observations

onset – 13 years ago Suspicious Annoys me when others are talking; it’s as if they are talking about me; even my husband & children stop talking when I come in the room Anxiety

Delusions

Of conscience: after my father-inlaw died. Before he died they didn’t tell me he was coming to stay and I had to work and didn’t have time to look after him properly and he told everyone that. When he died they said I killed him. At the coffin I started wailing like a mad woman and afterwards I didn’t know what happened; it was as if something covered my face. The priest (my brother) made me kneel in front of the statue of Mary and he told me I must confess. I told him I didn’t do anything but I prayed and still pray, read my Bible and listen to gospel music. I told my father (the priest) that they made me sit on the grave to prove my innocence and they were holding me and making me shake. Did I do something wrong? I didn’t kill him but people call me names

Voices- night; as if outside making scrubbing noises or singing (Gospel songs)

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 193

Mind

Delusions Fear

all the time dark; must have a lamp to go to bathroom because bulb’s not working

General

Thirst

Drink 5+ sachets of water a day

Mind

Menses

It’s as if something is behind me

Stopping since last year

I’m a jovial person – I laugh and joke with the children – but it doesn’t seem it when it comes down on me

Repertorization: Sector Mind

Mind

Remedies suggested

Suspicious

Aurum Metallicum; Causticum (Caust); Ignatia Amara (ign); Lachesis (Lach); Mercury (Merc); Phosphorus (Phos); Platinum Metallicum (plat); Puls; Rhust

Delusions:

Music, thinks she hears People are making noise

Remedy

H/O Prescribed Atane for 13 yrs until last month when was changed to a new drug

Rubric

Weeping involuntary + after mortification + anxiety of Conscience

Fear of dark:

Prescription

H/O Onset 15 yrs old – 28-day cycle

OBS: Curtsies to BB & Hugs me

Mind

Mind:

H/O Desire for alcohol since before father-in-law’s death but I stopped drinking Star last year

Neglect, she has neglected her duty

Aurum Metallicum (Aur) Causticum (Caust) Lachesis (Lach) Pulsatilla Nigricans (Puls)

Dosage

Alum; alum-p; AUR

Causticum (Caust); Phosphorus (Phos); Pulsatilla Nigricans (Puls); Rhus toxicodendron (rhust) Lachesis (Bush Master, Surucucu, Laches, Lachesis Mutus) mercury; Pulsatilla Nigricans (puls) puls

6/2 7/3 6/3 11/6 (Prescribed 1M saccharum lactis)

194 X Of Life and Health

The Life and Health of Ayuo in the Context of the Dagara Healing System Ayuo’s Husband, Masculinity and the Virilocal House Domain The death of Ayuo’s father-in-law and the events that followed his funeral and burial ceremonies, including the message Ayuo’s father sent to her husband and his house community, acted as a wake-up call to her husband to take greater responsibility for the healing aspects of Ayuo’s life. In consultation with his virilocal house kin group, it suddenly became clear to him and his brothers that they could easily lose Ayuo as a wife if they did not follow the traditional healing procedure as one of the means of securing and sustaining Ayuo’s life. Even though the Catholic church’s religious and moral regulations and sanctions, and the coercive colonial sanctions to protect conjugal unions since the 1930s have had some limited successes in the past, migration and modern city life have recently begun to reverse this trend and the frequency of women leaving their conjugal homes and either returning to their parental homes or becoming independent is beginning to return to normal (see Lobnibe 2005, 2007, 2013; Abdul-Korah 2004, 2006, 2013). The old issues of bride wealth transfers and women challenging male masculinity and dominance have again surfaced. Abdul-Korah had this to say on the matter: This desperate attempt by elders to re-establish or regain power, status, and respect from migrant young men, in particular, exacerbated the already existing gender tensions in Dagaaba society. Customarily, it was believed that the bride-price that is paid for a girl should not exceed what was paid for her mother. However, since that was no longer the case, young men argued that women were now property and that they ‘bought’ their wives, because to them, the payment had deviated from its customary significance or purpose, and had become an economic venture. But as agents of change rather than victims, Dagaaba women refused to see themselves as property.  Women (especially widows and divorcees) have responded by capitalizing on some aspects of custom – the circumstances or conditions under which the bride-price was returned – to resist this patriarchal control and to attain degrees of autonomy and independence. According to Dagaaba custom, bride-price payment was returned to an ex-husband’s family or lineage only when a divorced wife remarried legally.2 As a result, divorced women often simply refused to remarry so that they could enjoy their independence and autonomy or, in their own words, ‘punish men’ (ex-husbands). (AbdulKorah 2013: 273)

Also, there are some who have either left Catholicism to return fully to their Dagara religion and lifestyle, while others have become eclectic and syncretistic in their philosophical thinking and religious practices. Ayuo’s

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 195

husband was aware of the changing situation and did not want the breakup of his family through the departure of his wife. Moreover, as the first son of his deceased father with four other brothers who were also living with their families, he needed a stable family of his own if he were to assert any sort of authority as the elder of his extended family within the virilocal structure and domain. His entry into the traditional healing system would have involved the cowry divination before the ancestral cult, but this was no longer open to him, since the cult was abandoned by his father. He therefore made ordinary inquiries within the Dagara migrant community whose families still operated these healing systems within their house communities. He was informed that many Dagara professional healers were operating in many of the villages and other immigrant settlements around the city of Kumasi. Among those suggested to him was Ali and, following further inquiries, he found somebody who knew Ali personally. The first visit was carried out by the husband and two other men from the husband’s clan mainly to introduce themselves and ascertain from Ali if he could deal with the case and if the nature spirits associated with his healing cults would be willing to accept this case. According to Ayuo’s husband, he gave Ali five cowries as the device that would be used to seek the information from the nature spirits. These cowries would be given back to him later. This first visit would not have been necessary if Ayuo’s husband was a bagr initiate and as such had received the basic training on diagnostic divination (see Chapter 6 above). Once it was ascertained that Ali could take on the case, the healing process of Ayuo within the Dagara health and life and system could then begin.

Ayuo’s Case Notes and Diagnosis I did not observe specifically the procedure of taking case notes and the content of Ayuo’s case notes, and there was no physical documentation comparable to the case notes provided by the homeopathic clinic. I was informed by all the participants (Ali, Ayuo and her husband) that it followed the standard procedure for any case notes that Ali had developed according to the nature of the healing cults he had established. Let me briefly describe, based on my observation of other procedures of, taking case notes what this standard structure and procedure consists of. The Procedure of Seating Ayuo (the Patient) and Her Kin/Family Group in the Ritual Room

In order to understand the significance of properly seating the patient and his or her kin group in the ritual room, we need to go back to our

196 X Of Life and Health

description of Ali’s ritual room. As stated above, Ali placed a wooden bench alongside the male wall and overlapping the side boundaries marking the first segment space that housed the cult of red kɔntɔn figures and the second segment space where he stored all the devices for diagnosis and divination. For the consultation and divination, the patient and the kin group members sit in a row on the bench, and thus face and look at the female wall and its adjacent spaces and contents, especially the cult of the black kɔntɔn, the pots and containers of different sizes and other healing devices. Ali himself will squat on his toes facing the male wall with the animal skin spread out on the floor and other consulting devices before him. This healing structure is appropriate and the most effective method for the diagnosis. It is culturally important that in carrying out a proper consultation, Ali avoids directly gazing at the patient and or the kin group, but instead focuses on using his auditory senses to connect with the movements and actions of the spirit of life in the different individuals. Similarly, the seating ensures that both the patient and the kin group focus their attention and gaze on the same objects and items in order to arrive at synchronicity in thought and bodily feelings. Under such conditions, the responses and reactions of the different individuals will give a true reflection of the different ailments affecting each member of the group and will clearly indicate why they have become symptomatic within Ayuo. The Procedure of Taking Case Notes: Follow-up on Ayuo’s Case

Once the patient and the kin group have been properly seated, Ali will always find a reason to leave the room, only to re-enter after a few moments, before exchanging formal greetings which that to Dagara culture will include detailed information about one’s origins and different locations of family settlements, one’s clan and house group identity, and one’s current place of settlement. The welcome greetings are followed by a brief narration from the father figure of the patient on his earlier contact with Ali. Ali leaves the room for the second time, carrying with him the small divination bell. He re-enters momentarily, ringing the bell and moving to the divination segment of the room. The continuous ringing of the bell for more than a minute ensures that the sound of the bell becomes the sound that is imprinted on the individual minds of all those present. There should not be any distractions.3 One should be able to hear the sound of one’s own breath and that of the others in the room. Ali then begins to throw the cowries on the hide spread out on the floor in a rhythmic and focused manner. This is interrupted when he pauses to ask a question or two (and not more) to any one of the individuals present only to continue with the process by the ringing of the bell be-

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 197

fore the throwing of the cowries. Hence, the first questions during Ayuo’s follow-up case were directed at her as follows: ‘Is this your senior sister?’ ‘Have you informed her about your health conditions?’ The next question after having rung the bell several times and after further throwing of the cowries was directed at the sister: ‘Do you fully understand what all this is about and its implications?’ In some cases, he only makes some remarks that necessitate one type of response or another from a particular person. The alternate ringing of the bell, the throwing of cowries and the intermittent questioning of individuals interjected with remarks that lead to responses from other individuals can last between fifteen and twenty minutes before Ali moves on to the next stage – the stage of diagnosis in terms of analysis and causes. Case Analysis and Diagnosis

When the divination in Ayuo’s case ended, Ali continued to squat on his toes, but then turned his body to face Ayuo and her kin group. His analysis of the cases was carefully worded and coded in the language often used to describe situations associated with the religious and healing cults of the ancestors (kpimɛ), the nature beings (kɔntɔnmɛ) and the profession of healing (tibɛ). I include below a transcription of his recorded voice message as delivered after the diagnosis: Dagara text A bé na a ni zié. A be na a ni zié zang ne-za echɛ ni bɛ bãnŋni ya A sããkum nɛ na ti banŋ a Kɔntɔn ŋna a ti tuur a o puor, ul bɛ ka be. Niim saɣ de kul ni Dagara téng, nibɛ ka be ï na mani ko I ya. Kristaalo wan a. Kanŋ na zi a zina ɛ yel kɛ Sitaana yele na. Fuu wa tun ni a be, ana ti ini kuu zagla lɛ; bii ana ti ï na fu yarɛ zagla lɛ. Alɛ wa ï fu yarɛ, fu sanŋ na bɛr. A nir ti be be na tuo maali bin, O naa ti kul na a yir a bɛ ti bin ku ol u maalɛ. A sob na banŋ yele aŋna, a sob naa ti yanɣ na a ni bɔ a bome wani, a ni kul ti paɣ ni a ni yir nibɛrɛ a bɛ maali bin a ko ol u maalɛ; Aanu be a yir ni na kul ti maaali? Ale na so n yel kɛ fu bo a bon

English transcription The condition of affection is present with your uterine kin group. The conditions exist in each one of you but are generally asymptomatic. The ancestor who had contracted this particular nature spirit as innate knowledge for life sustenance has passed away. There is currently nobody in the family home in Dagaraland who is aware of this. Today, due to the influence of Christianity, this condition is mischaracterized as the spirit of Satan. If you follow that path, it will lead to either death for the patient or to her madness. It will turn a positive condition into a negative one.4 If there was a capable person resident in the family home, the relevant cult could be established under his care, but there is nobody. Can you think of anybody? As a result of this, I had prescribed during the initial consultation that we

198 X Of Life and Health buɔri wa ni. Tin a de na ti paɣ ni a yir nibɛ a be dig bɛr a tol chen ɛchɛ ber ol. Ti daar mani na a seɣ ti dig bɛr. Ni bɔ a bome wa ni a ti de ti paɣ ni a yir nibɛ a bɛ dig bɛr. Fu na zi, fu kori a dugfu? Alɛ na so a fu bɛ lɛ dugrɛ. Echɛ tii bɛ ï a ŋna, ana sãnŋ fun a bɛr echɛ yi nyɔɣ a bibiir.

perform a ritual to return the spirit gift back to nature. I had suggested that you bring certain items needed for such a ritual. We will use these items to ask the uterine ancestral kin to take back this spirit gift. [Looking directly at Ayuo Ali asked] Are you too old in your age to deliver more children? You are not, but because of this condition you are unable to. (Tengan fieldnotes)

Healing Ayuo’s Spirit of Life It took Ayuo and her husband two months to secure all the items required for the ritual aspect of the healing. Following a suggestion made by Ali, they invited her older sister, who lived in one of the farming villages around the city of Tachiman, and her brother, who had emigrated to Europe and to whom Ayuo had made two visits. Ali had made it clear through the analysis and diagnosis that Ayuo’s spirit of life and body were losing their proper sense of direction and were failing to be in synchronicity with each other in terms of actions and thought. An innate perspective genetically based on tradition was now in conflict with a new culturally developed perspective based on modern and Christian traditions. Dress Coding and the Sense of Movement and Action

Ali opened the healing ritual ceremony by putting the appropriate dress on Ayuo’s body. The dresses were put over her modern dress, which she will normally wear for her office work. However, Ali’s dressing covers only the back side of the body. It consisted of a black square cloth tied around the waist and allowed to fall down to cover the buttocks and the biceps femoris. A white cloth of the same dimensions as the black cloth was then tied around the shoulders at the back and was allowed to fall to the waist slightly above the black cloth. Finally, a red cloth of the same dimensions was then tied over the white cloth. An amulet was then put on the left arm to the elbow, while a wrist amulet is put on the right arm. Two artistically made tails were also tied to the left arm of the patient and were made to hang downwards. Ayuo was then given an old machete to hold with the right hand and a bow with three arrows to hold with the left hand. A second new machete was placed by the patient’s side during the first stage of the ritual process.

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 199

Stage One of the Healing Process: Outside Movements and Cleansing

After putting the clothes and the different items on Ayuo’s body, Ali led her to the backyard of the house and asked her to stand against the wall while facing the rising sun. A sheep with white and brown-reddish wool was then brought to him. He first cut the reddish wool from the tail and other parts of the body, and deposited them by the feet of Ayuo and some on her forehead. He then took a hen, red in colour. He held it by the legs, thus allowing it to continuously fling its wings and to make noisy distress cries. Using the chicken as a duster, he began a number of cleansing movements, first by tracing a line from Ayuo’s forehead down to the end of her body. He made similar cleaning movements first from the occiput down to the legs and subsequently on the left side of body from the left ear down to the legs, and then on the right side from the right ear down to the legs. He repeated this sequence one more time before bringing the chicken to Ayuo’s toes. In the next stage of this ritual phase, Ali brought the chicken close to the left toes of Ayuo and slit its throat, allowing the blood to drip on her toes. He then removed some feathers from the chicken and placed them on Ayuo’s feet. He performed a similar action on her right foot, before repeating the action on the right and left knuckles of Ayuo’s hands. Next, he repeated the action on her forehead and then on the back of her neck. Then he threw the chicken on the ground, which began to writhe and finally died lying on its back with its feet in the air; an artistic and symbolic language for a good death. To begin the next stage of this phase of the healing ritual, Ali asked his assistant to bring the rubber container full of pito and a cup. He poured a full cup, and on the ground close to Ayuo’s left foot, he poured the pito from the cup four times on her feet and one more time on the ground to right-hand side of Ayuo. He then took some of the drink and, still holding the cup, allowed Ayuo to drink some. He then took a second drink from the cup and poured the rest on the ground. Stage Two of the Healing Process: Inside Cleansing and Dedication to the Nature Spirits and Ancestors

Following the cleansing ritual at the backyard of the house, Ali led Ayuo and the kin group back into the room of the healing cults and shrines while still holding a black chicken which had not been killed as the red one, with the assistant carrying the rest of the beer (pito) in the rubber container. The first ritual phase in the room took place in the first right segment of the room and before the black kɔntɔnmɛ. First, Ali poured out a cup of pito (half-full) from the container and poured it out in four con-

200 X Of Life and Health

secutive splashes on the anthropomorphic figures of the black kɔntɔnmɛ. Following the pouring of the drink, he then took four cowries and began to undertake a consultation with the deities by throwing the pieces on the ground and looking at how they were arranged as they fell. There was a rhythmic sound produced by the regular throwing of the four cowries. After a few seconds of throwing, he stopped and, while taking hold of the black chicken with his right hand, he took the weapons one after the other and placed them among the assorted number of items constituting the cult and the shrine. Thus, he first took the bow and the three arrows and placed them in-between the two anthropomorphic figures. He then took the machete, which she had been holding all the time in an upright position with her right hand, and put it to left side of the first figure. Ali then took the second machete that she had been holding all the time with the blade pointing down to the ground and placed it on the right-hand side. Holding the black chicken with his left hand and the knife with the right, he assumed a squatting position before the ancestral shrine and that of the nature beings. He then asked Ayuo to call out her name in a loud voice. When she had done that Ali then called out the name ‘Ayuo’ and began to address the ancestors and the nature being on Ayuo’s behalf. As an introduction to the invocation, he explained in a few words who the patient was and where she came from. He then focused on the fact that it was the ancestor who had created this healing shrine by choice. It was from the ancestor that this had been passed on to us as humans. It was therefore these ancestors who would ensure that the benefits continue to come to us. They were the teachers of all of us. (He then mentioned the names of the direct ancestors who had helped him establish the healing shrine.) Still holding the black chicken with his left hand, Ali then took the sacrificial knife and began to strike the shrine stone in a rhythmic tone and accompanied this with a recitation of narrative text he had composed. The structure of the composed text and narration followed the literary structure of the Dagara bagr – a myth of their social foundation (see Chapter 4 and 5 above)). The narration lasted a little over five minutes and focused on the following ideas. First, it acknowledged the role of the ancestors as originators of the healing rites and processes. Then it focused on identifying and addressing by name the different nature beings kɔntɔnmɛ installed at Ali’s healing shrine and later acknowledging the role each had played in conjunction with the ancestors to bring about healing. The narration then presented the case of Ayuo to both the ancestral spirits and the nature spirits by explaining the nature of the sickness. The presentation of the case was followed by a prayer employing the ancestral spirits and the spirit of the nature beings to work together in the healing process. At this

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 201

stage, there was an insistence on the fact that Ayuo was an immigrant to the Ashanti territory and a call to the nature beings of the Ashanti land to be part of the healing process. The last part of narration was devoted to making several undertakings on behalf of Ayuo and the family, namely, that they would acknowledge that healing had taken place and that they would make some thanksgiving offerings and sacrificial rites. Ali then invited Ayuo to rise from her seat and to move closer to the three black kɔntɔn figures placed in female segment of Ali’s room (see section ‘Ali’s Healing Cult and Biography’ above). With Ayuo now standing and facing the shrine, Ali now used the black hen to perform a similar cleansing rite as that described above. On this occasion, however, the chicken was very composed, keeping its wings together throughout the up-and-down movements and did not utter any sound. When he had finished with the cleansing rite he asked Ayuo to utter her own prayers in silence if she wished to address any god or deity of her choosing. Throughout the prayer, Ali took the small bell and began ringing it. After a while, he asked Ayuo if she had finished praying and she answered; Yes. When the prayer was completed, Ali took hold of the black chicken and first removed some feathers from its tail and threw them onto the alter. He then slit the throat of chicken, allowing the blood to drip onto the shrine and making sure that the blood was distributed on as much of the surface area of the shrine as possible. He then threw the chicken away from the altar and close to the doorway as it began to flap its wings and writhe while dying. The chicken jumped up and fell on its back with its feet and wings clearly pointing upwards to the sky. He asked all present if rite had been accepted and all said yes. Stage Three of the Healing Process: Dealing with the Ailment as a Loaded Burden

To begin the next stage of the healing process, Ali asked for the cowries that he had asked Ayuo to bring along. He removed the two sets from their plastic bags and put them together in a calabash container. He then added more cowries of his own to make sure that he had a calabash full of cowries. He gave the calabash full of cowries to Ayuo to carry on her head. Following this, the assistant then gave him one after another the three birds that had been prescribed, namely, a hen with black and white feathers, a red-coloured rooster and a white-coloured guinea fowl. Ali first took hold of the hen with black and white feathers and the red rooster and, using plastic strings, he tied the legs of birds together. Putting the hen aside, he then took the rooster and a male guinea fowl, also with its legs tied, and held them together. He then asked Ayuo, who was still carrying the calabash full of cowries, to move to the left wall segment

202 X Of Life and Health

of the room and to position herself in front of the black kɔntɔnmɛ. Ali himself went to the divination segment of the room and began a session of cowry divination. In the middle of the session, he asked Ayuo to turn around and face the rest of the family kin group. When the divination was over, he asked her to turn back and face the wall and the black kɔntɔnmɛ once more, and to hold the calabash full of cowries firmly on her head. Taking hold of the rooster and the guinea fowl and using these as weapons, Ali began to hit and apply great force to the calabash of cowries as if to force Ayuo to drop the loaded calabash. Even though some of the cowries did spill out and fell to the ground, under no circumstances should Ayuo allow the calabash itself to fall to the ground. Ali applied this hitting force four times before asking Ayuo to pour the rest of the cowries onto the floor and at the feet of the kɔntɔnmɛ. Stage Four of the Healing Process: The Reinsertion of the Nature Spirit into Nature

The next stage of the ritual consisted of the re-dedication of the spirit gift that was given through the ancestors to the kin group and cleansed during the healing ritual back to nature. The re-dedication will also reinstall it in a convenient way so that it becomes rooted in nature and thereby cannot continue to be a threat to Ayuo or any other kin member. This took place also in the third segment of the room before the black kɔntɔnmɛ. First, Ali had the red rooster brought to him. He slit its throat and after allowing the blood to drip on the anthropomorphic figures, he threw it into the area in front of the entrance to the room. It writhed for a few seconds and died on its back (the acceptable manner) with its legs stretched upwards. At this point, Ali asked Ayuo’s husband to deposit the amount of money (Ghanaian cedis) he had charged for the healing process on the floor. The assistant then took out a black hen and gave it to Ali. He used this to again perform the cleansing rite on Ayuo by dusting her whole body with it before slitting its throat. This time, the hen did not writhe on the floor, but died instantly in his hands. He then asked his assistant, aided by some other members from Ali’s house, to bring forward the sheep. Ali first recited a prayer in accordance with the bagr format while using the sacrificial knife to produce a rhythmic sound. He then sacrificed the sheep on the altar of the red kɔntɔnmɛ and allowed to blood to drip on the anthropomorphic figures and the altar stone. Stage Five of the Healing Process: Redirection of the Gift Spirit of Nature to the Cosmos

To conclude the ritual process of healing the nature spirit, Ali, following the bagr healing format of medicalization, stated the instructions regard-

The Healer, the Healing Cult and the Patient Observed X 203

ing the proper application of the medicine and the instructions regarding relevant prohibitions.5 The rites just performed should lead to the gift spirit of nature departing from Ayuo’s body and to reunite with the cosmic spirit of nature and the ancestors. The medicalization ensured a proper redirection and timing of the gift spirit to the cosmic realm. In this regard, Ali first instructed Ayuo to remove the black, white and red clothes that he had put on her as her costume for the ritual and to deposit them before the cosmic shrine established in the middle of the courtyard. She also had to donate all the personal clothes she wore for the healing process to charity or to somebody who was not a member of the kin group. Lastly, and most important of all, she had to avoid participating in very loud public debates and discussions and had to find ways to move away from a person or action that was causing her any anxiety or anger.

Healing Ayuo’s Physical Body and the Embodied Spirit of Life The healing ritual process was only the first part towards the complete healing of Ayuo. In anthropological parlance this part would be viewed as a psychotherapeutic session. This lasted for about two hours, even though there were many other patients sitting in the waiting room. The medicine used in treating the body was aimed at restricting a re-admission of the spirit of nature into the body. Ali ordered Ayuo to stand one more time facing the anthropomorphic figures of the red kɔntɔnmɛ and the ancestral figurine. He then took a small bottle of spicy liquid that was hanging on the wall and asked Ayuo to sit on the ground and to turn around and face him. He forced a spicy solution down her nostrils that caused her a lot of discomfort and resulted in short convulsive movements. He shook Ayuo’s body violently to ensure that the medicine had properly sunk in. Ayuo wriggled with pain for about the same amount of time that the chickens took to die when their throats were slit. When her body had become calm, Ali gave her some herbal solution to wash herself and clean away the drops of blood on her body. Ali then prepared a plastic bag full of roots and leaves as medicine. He instructed Ayuo to find a water container (a clay pot or rubber bucket) of an appropriate size that had a cover. She should fill the container with water and put the leaves and the roots into it and allow them to soak for a day. Every evening, Ayuo should take a bucket of the water and wash her whole body with it. She should refill the container with more water to be used for the next day. This should be done for a month, after which time she should report back to him for the follow up. In the meantime, for the whole month, she was prohibited from having any hair cut from her head (see Chapter 4 above on bagr healing).

204 X Of Life and Health

Notes 1. The different profiles of Ghanaian migrants to Nigeria and where they settled followed the regional and settlement pattern of their residents in Ghana. Most of the Ghanaians who emigrated from the city slums in Accra and Kumasi tended to have little formal education. Those who emigrated from Northern Ghana tended to proceed to Northern Nigeria because they were already familiar with the Hausa language which is commonly used in the city slums. Educated Ghanaians and professionals, mostly from southern Ghana, tended to migrate to southern Nigeria. 2. Among the Dagaaba, marriage is considered legal when all the rites of courtship are performed and the bride-price has been paid. Interview with Kojo Dong (80 years) on 10 January 2002, a Kaleo farmer and head of the Imuola clan of Kaleo. See also Kpiebaya (1987. 3. When I made a movement and tried to take out my camera and recording devices from my bag, he would not allow me to do so. His words were: ‘The kɔntɔnmɛ do not like these distractions. We must start all over again.’ 4. Here Ali was referring to one of the conditions via which one becomes a professional healer or via which one incorporates new knowledge into the family healing system, namely, the contact of an individual with a nature being (Kɔntɔn) who demands that a healing cult be established in his name. 5. These prohibitions are the same in nature as those imposed on initiates during the white bagr initiation where they are also considered as patients (see Chapter 4 above)

Conclusion Nature and the Cosmic Life in Elements

QQQ

The Language of Life and Health My main objective of this book is to, through ethnographic description on the Dagara society and culture, outline Dagara views on life and health using the language and symbolizations developed by the Dagara people to understand themselves and their culturally constructed world. In Dagara thinking, life is the pre-existing property of cosmic nature that is embodied in an element (an animated being, thing or object) for the sake of experiencing an earthly existence for a period and within a spatial trajectory. As a property of the cosmos, life cannot be created (ex nihilo) or be put out of existence in terms of total annihilation. After stating this philosophical position, in the first part of the book I explained that the choice made by the life element for its embodiment and earthly life experience also involves a preferred trajectory of movement and interactions with other elements, other living beings and the cosmic order itself. The trajectory is recognizable through Dagara house-based kinship systems of social relations, through the cultic and shrine institutions established in the house and home environments, and through the sociocultural and economic systems of hoe-farming, including hunting within the natural and built environments. I explained, through ethnographic description, how each human life element is informed about his or her trajectory in order to understand how he or she is influencing its ongoing development and evolution. The main content of the book focused on describing the cultic institutions and shrine objects that are established to educate

206 X Of Life and Health

and guide individuals and society through life trajectories. Hence, apart from the Introduction and Chapters 1 and 7, all other chapters focused on a specific cultic institution and a collection of shrine objects associated with that institution. Each cultic institution deals with related issues about life and health under a specific theme. Thus, Chapter 2 described the cult of the ancestors, including its constituent elements and elaborates on issues of life animation and transmission. These include themes on marriage, family and sexuality. The cult of the ‘spirit of nature’ (kɔntɔn) and its constituent elements elaborates on life sustenance and growth, and deals with the knowledge of cultivating nature elements as food substances for nourishing and as medicines or toxins that can either heal or kill life elements. The bagr cult is the religious system through which individuals are educated in the sociocultural notions and practices of dealing with life and health. The white bagr institution provides the knowledge and education that the ordinary Dagara individual (man and woman) is required to have to live as a parent and as a frontline deliverer of life sustenance and primary health. The black bagr cult is developed as a professional institution via which qualified candidates are selected and formally educated into the Dagara medicine and healing system. The black bagr cultic institution is not the only process via which individuals become professional healers, since the healing cult (tibɛ) stands independently and is accessible to all within the community. The issues that all three institutions deal with relate to proper feeding and food science, the extraction of toxins and healing substances from life elements and beings, the manufacture of healing devices, and diagnosing ailments and their treatment. In Chapter 7, I made a detailed study of the constitution of a professional healing cult and described my observation of a healer at work using the cultic elements and as he tried to repair his patient’s damaged life trajectory and bring the body back to normal animation that was in tune with her earthly conditions and the cosmic and spiritual world. This requires a holistic view on life in which human life is in union with all others: animal, plant, mineral, etc., and a healing approach that is appealing to nature as the ultimate divine being and source of life. I find no other way to conclude what I have written so far outlining this holistic view and approach to life and health than to once more resort to the Dagara ethnographic material. The bagr institution makes it clear that in order to understand complex issues of nature and life, one must resort to the language of mythical narratives and folk tales. Within the mythical narrative, the complex themes and ideas that in ordinary language will appear contradictory and out of the reasoned order tend to be normal and understandable. In other words, the mythical narrative allows us to transcend

Conclusion X 207

the ordinary speech and meaning to express clearly that which cannot be said in words, and to understand that which cannot be imagined in the concrete world of things and practices. The intricate and complicated nature of all issues dealing with life and health can only be brought to a concise conclusion if we first narrate one of the Dagara mythical compositions made to teach children and bagr initiates about the meaning of life. I first heard a short version of this narrative from my mother as a child. I later listened to an elaborate version during my fieldwork and have recently recorded another elaborate narration within a formal setting. Before going on to comment on the issues raised as a form of conclusion of the book, let me first give an English version of the narration.

Mythical Narrative: The Beautiful Girl and the Python There was once a very beautiful girl in the village who had all the qualities to become a perfect wife and mother to a family. All the men in the village would gladly marry her, but none of them could win her heart. She desired a handsome man who would come well dressed and displaying the best manners and etiquette. The news of the beautiful girl soon travelled throughout the land. Almost all the young men who heard the news went and tried to win her over as a wife, but she did not find any of them suitable and declined all their offers. The python1 sat in his cave under the earth in a faraway land and heard what was being said about the girl, and he decided that she was the most suitable candidate for him. The python knew that he did not have all the physical features and qualities that would please the beautiful girl. Hence, before going to ask for the hand of the girl, he went to all those trees and plants that had the best form of one of the features that the girl desired. He first went to the shea tree (Vitellaria paradoxa; Dagara: Taantiɛ)2 and asked him if he had heard about the story of the beautiful girl who was looking for the most handsome young man to marry. The shea tree answered that he had heard the news and would gladly have tried to win her if he had many beautiful features, such as his legs and feet. The python then made a proposal to the shea butter tree that he found appealing. He suggested that the tree lend him the use of his branches as legs so that he could add these to his smooth, long, beautiful body. This would enhance his chances of winning the beautiful girl as a bride. For his efforts, the python would agree to share the girl with the shea tree and she would become a ‘common wife’ to both (ti zaa pog). The shea tree agreed to the deal and gave the legs and feet to the python. The python stood on its feet and became taller than all the creatures. He saw the karaya gum tree (Sterculia setigera Delile; Dagara: pongpong)3

208 X Of Life and Health

standing in the bush near the village. He went over to the pongpong tree and said to him: ‘Have you heard of the most beautiful girl in that faraway village who is looking for the most handsome young man to marry?’ The pongpong tree replied that he had heard of her. He also said that he did not think he stood a chance, given that his wood was so soft. The python then proposed to the pongpong tree to lend him his soft branches as arms, since he did not have any at all, so that he could add them to his own smooth body. He made a deal with the pongpong tree that if he used his hands and won over the girl, she would become a ‘common wife’ to them both (ti zaa pog). The pongpong tree found the proposal interesting and agreed to the deal. The python stretched his newly acquired hands and felt the soft texture of the green leaves on the trees around, including the African copaiba balsam tree (Daniellia oliveri; Dagara: kankyɛlɛ).4 He approached the kankyɛlɛ tree and asked him if he had heard about the most beautiful girl in the faraway land who was looking for the most handsome young man to marry. The kankyɛlɛ tree answered that he had heard of her and that he would like to have her as wife. The python then made a proposal to the kankyɛlɛ tree by saying: ‘The kankyɛlɛ tree has such beautiful leaves and barks which every woman love to wear as clothes. If you can use these to make a beautiful Dagara smock suite and shoes for me to wear, I am sure I can win over the girl and if that happens she will become a common wife to us all.’ The kankyɛlɛ tree immediately agreed to the proposal and made a suit of leaves for the python. He also made some shoes for him. The python wore the suit and felt very comfortable with it. He then went to have a look at his reflection in the water pond. He realized that he did not have any headgear to cover and protect his head. He therefore went to the Dawadawa or African locust bean tree (Parkia biglobosa; Dagara: Duo)5 and proposed to him in a similar way he had already done to the other trees. He proposed that the duo tree should use his beautiful flowers to make the most beautiful hat for him so that he could go and seek the hand of this beautiful girl. If he succeeded, she would be a wife to them all. The duo tree made for him a very beautiful headgear decked with red colourful flowers and delivered this to the python by the crossroads. The python wore the headgear and began to walk elegantly toward the village of the beautiful girl. However, just before leaving the forest, he realized that he was lacking a walking stick that would guide his steps. He therefore went to the false abura tree (Mitragyna inermis; Dagara: yila)6 and asked if he was aware of the beautiful girl in his land who was seeking a handsome young man to marry. The yila tree replied in the affirmative and added that if not for

Conclusion X 209

his age and for his lack of many qualities, he too would have tried to win the girl over for himself. The python then made the same proposal as he has made to the others. He asked the yila tree to make for him a wellpolished and smooth walking stick from his sacred and precious wood. In exchange, if he succeeded, the girl would become a wife to them both. The yila tree agreed and a made a beautiful walking stick for the python. When he had acquired all the items he needed, the python went home to his cave with all the items and slept for three days before deciding to embark on his journey to the village of the beautiful girl. He made the journey during the dry season when it does not rain and on the Téngkur7 market day, the place where all things were originally made. It was to be a whole day’s journey by foot, so he rose early at the first cock crow. He got to the village of the beautiful girl when the sun was about to set and he asked and was directed to the house of the most senior elder of the Kusiélé8 clan that also belonged to the broader house-based community of the Kpièlè house. As the totemic figure to the Kusiélé, the python considered himself to be an elder kinsman to them. During the night, he informed the Kusiélé elders about his mission to the village and asked two of them to act as his best friends and accompany him to the house of the girl. The next morning, the python put on all the clothes and body parts he had acquired and set out to go to the girl’s house with the two elders leading the way. They got to the girl’s house mid-morning and found the father of the girl feeding the chickens in the poultry farm. They greeted him and after a short conversation, they told him they had come to seek the hand of his daughter. He directed them to the girl’s mother’s compound, where she had her room. The two elders acting as the python’s best friends went into the girl’s room alone to present themselves and to inform her about their mission. She followed them outside to have a look at the suitor. As soon as she saw him, she was full of awe, fright and fascination. She was also deeply touched and moved by his qualities and though she was still frightened by his stature, she was almost sure in her heart that she would marry him. She immediately rushed into her mother’s room to take one of her calabashes so that she could offer the stranger some water. She was so excited that she broke the calabash as she tried to wash it. This happened three times and the mother began to scold her for breaking her calabashes, but she privately told her mother that she had now met the man she would like to marry. At this point, the python, dressed as a young man, asked the girl to use the broken calabash to serve the water. The python was also taken aback and highly delighted by her beauty. He was also fascinated and wondered what kind of wife

210 X Of Life and Health

and mother she would be. The first encounter was brief and ended when the girl, following the proverb ‘you cannot fell a tree with a single hit of the axe’, asked the python to return home and make a second visit to show that he was serious about marrying her. The python went back to the Kusiélé house and after three days wore the same clothes and presented himself again to the girl. The girl then accepted the hand of the python. The python took his kinsmen to the only hill in the village and regurgitated 360 cowries from his stomach. He gave these to his kinsmen to be placed in the goatskin bag as a gift exchange for the right and for the use of the girl’s reproductive and sexual organs. He later also regurgitated 13,000 cowries and put these it into a jute sack. This would go to the girl’s parents and family members as bride wealth. The two Kusiélé elders took these and presented them to the girl’s parents and family. They accepted the items and, in the presence of the girl and her mother, conducted the marriage ceremony. This involved the girl initiating the counting of the 360 cowries followed by the general counting and the acceptance of the bride wealth.9 The next day, the python took his wife and set out to make his journey back home. At the edge of the village stead, he met the yila tree, who was looking very delighted with the results. He greeted the python enthusiastically and, pointing to the girl, asked if she was the wife for all (ti zaa pog). The python replied by denying that he had ever had any contract with the yila tree. He recounted the amount of trouble he had gone through, all by himself, so that he could have this wife. There was no way he could accept anybody as a cohusband. The yila tree therefore demanded that the python give him back the walking stick, which he did. Upon entering the farmland, he met the duo tree, who asked if he was cohusband to the lady that the python has just married. The python denied ever making a deal with the duo tree and thereby lost his headgear. All this did not say anything to the beautiful girl, who continued to walk in front of the python carrying a basketful of her personal items. They entered the forest and before they could go deeply into it, the kankyɛlɛ tree came to meet the python, demanding to know if the lady walking ahead was the common wife for all of them. The python answered in the negative and when the tree reminded him of the contract they had made, he denied that he had done such a thing. The kankyɛlɛ tree then asked that he give back the smock suit and the sandals that he had taken from them. The python removed the suit from his body and the sandals from his feet, and handed them back to the kankyɛlɛ tree. At that moment, the pongpong tree recognized the python and came over to him as the lady led the way beyond the forest. Pointing to the girl as she

Conclusion X 211

walked past, the tree demanded to know from the python if she was the wife for them both. The python became very angry with the question and retorted that he had worked so hard alone to marry this lady and would not have anybody as a cohusband. The pongpong tree reminded the python of the contract they agreed on, but he denied any knowledge of it. The pongpong tree had no choice but to ask for his hands back and the python duly complied with this request. They got to the edge of the forest and after a short distance, the python could see the big mountain and the entrance to his cave at the foot of it. Just as the python was about to step his foot onto the open savanna, the shea tree suddenly appeared all beaming with smiles. He had seen the beautiful girl who was in front of the python. He congratulated him and asked if she was the wife to them both. The python denied ever having an agreement with the shea tree, so the tree demanded that the python return the feet and legs he was using. The python removed the feet and the legs, gave them back to the shea tree and then fell to the ground. The sound of falling caused the beautiful girl to turn around to see what was happening. She saw the python on the ground and was immediately filled with fright and awe. She was about to step aside when the python quickly encircled her whole body and carried her into his cave-house. The python settled the girl in the home by building a fireplace or hearth and a kitchen room for her, including a grinding stone as a grinding mill. In the meantime, the python had constructed his sleeping room and a bed above the grinding mill in the kitchen. He also introduced her to the elders of the different compound houses situated under the earth, including the queen-mother of the ants and the queen-mother of the termites. They taught her how to behave as a wife to the python and she soon adapted to the life in the cave and underground world. Hence, while she would be grinding the grains on the grinding stone, the python would usually go up to his sleeping place above the mill and from there emit his sperm, which would drip onto the flour, thus fertilizing it. He would then instruct the wife to eat the fertilized flour as part of coitus and, via this route, she soon became pregnant. She gave birth to triplets and the father of the python named them Ziem, Naab and Kog. Ziem was delivered first, followed by Naab and some hours later by Kog. To find a way to send a message to her parents informing them that she had given birth to little pythons, the woman composed a song that she sang from the treetop addressing people passing by the village and on their way to attend Téngkur (the land of origins) market. One of these people was a man who was sending his animals to the market. The lyrics of the song went like this:

212 X Of Life and Health Dagara Téngkur daa demé Wooh! (2x); Niim-mɛ wa kul Yoo; Niim yél n sãã ni mã; N bibil daari ya sir na; Ul liɛbi wɛ bon biɛ; N dogr a zunbili; Wa liɛbɛ wɛ bon biɛ; N kakyo!

English Wooh! Market people of Téngkur (2x); When you go to your homes; Inform my father and mother; That beloved husband of my yesteryears; Has transmuted into a strange bush animal; And I have given birth to little pythons; He has transmuted into something red; I have no clue to what it is!

On the Téngkur market day, the woman went to the roadside and to the top of a short tree, and began to inspect those on their way to the market. At one point she noticed a man coming along with his sheep. She began to call to him. When she had gotten his attention, she began to sing the song. The man listened to the song and proceeded on his way to the market. After the market, she went to the sheep home and tied it in the pen. He did not think much about the song he had heard from the lady. Deep in the night, the sheep began to bleat the tune of the song it had heard from the lady in the bush. The song of the sheep created a lot of consternation among the house people, who feared that it would bring about some misfortune. They therefore decided to kill the sheep. Some days later, it happened to be the Muo-nyuu (grass with perfume) market day. The woman came out again to the top of the tree and now, changing the lyrics slightly to address the people of the Muo-nyuu market, she began to repeat the song again until a man passing with a rooster and a young child caught her attention. She beckoned them over to her side and sang the song one more time. Like the first man, this second man did not think much about the song he had heard from the lady until deep in the night, when the rooster began to crow and sing the tune it had heard from the woman in the bush. Like the first occasion, the people of the house were filled with consternation, thinking that the rooster was about to bring some misfortune to the family. The elders therefore demanded that the rooster be killed. But the young child reminded the elders what had happened on their way to the market concerning the woman singing the same tune in the bush. The elder who had travelled to the village with the child confirmed the story and the elders realized that it was about the beautiful girl who had recently married the most handsome young man who had come as a stranger to the village. They therefore decided to go and inform the parents about what they had heard. After consulting with all the house elders, the parents decided that the mother pays an official visit to the daughter and offer the cultural

Conclusion X 213

gifts that a mother should give to a daughter who has had her first delivery. To help the mother find the exact location of the mountain and the mouth to the cave where the daughter was residing, they instructed the cowboys to first take the cattle to the area for grazing and to scout the area in order to locate the way to the mountain house of the python. The cowboys found the way and located the house. The mother set about procuring all the cultural gifts she would have to present to her daughter. These included a calabash full of cooking shea butter and seven big balls of fermented dawadawa (also for cooking). When she had assembled all the items she needed to take with her for a visit of this nature, the elders also unusually gave her four other items, namely, the egg of a chicken, a broom used to collect flour from the granite grinding stone, a black stone used to sharpen the grinding stone and a carved stick figure from the liga tree (Pterocarpus erinaceus).10 She invited her sister-in-law to accompany her on the journey. They set out early in the morning soon after the first cock crow and, taking the path constructed by the black ants, they travelled to the east. Whenever they came to a crossroad, they looked for the tree where there are a lot of red ants eating away at the sap. They knew that the path branching towards that tree indicated the right direction. They travelled the whole day, only stopping at the Téngkur market to eat and drink, and by evening, they had reached the edge of the forest and could see the big mountain in the distance. In the meantime, after having sent several messages to her parents, the woman began to prepare for the visit of her mother. Hence, she would constantly position herself in such a way that she would have the path leading to her village in view. The daughter recognized the footsteps of the mother and hurried out to meet her. Both the mother and the daughter were immediately filled with mixed emotions when they saw each other: sadness, joy, confusion and embarrassment. They two embraced each other and the daughter whispered into the ear of her mother to accept the little pythons as her grandchildren and not to try to push them aside when they crawled onto her. She also forbade her, when the little pythons came to greet her, to call them little pythons; if she were to do so, it would cause the death of the daughter. She then led her and her companion into the cave complex. The python came down from his sleeping place to greet them. He then asked his wife to serve them sorghum beer (pito). The mother then offered the gifts she had brought to her daughter in the presence of the husband, a bowl of shea butter and seven balls of fermented dawadawa fruits. The scent of the dawadawa excited the baby pythons and they came and slithered on the body of their grandmother. She became very frightened and started to make moves to keep them

214 X Of Life and Health

away from her. However, her daughter rebuked her with a stern look and she immediately composed herself. The mother and her companion stayed for a day and a night, during which time she secretly passed on the second basket of the elders containing the other four items. She also passed on the instructions that related to these items when she followed the daughter out of the cave after she had gone to the compost heap to deposit some rubbish: ‘There are four items in the secret basket, a chicken egg, the broom for cleaning the grinding stone, the round stone and the carved Liga tree (Pterocarpus erinaceus) stick. You are to find the most suitable time when your husband is either sleeping or out of the house. At that moment, take the road leading to the Téngkur market and begin to run as fast as you can. When your husband become aware of your escape, he will come after you. When he has caught up with you, first take the round stone and throw it behind you. It will turn into a mountain that you husband will have to climb. After he has struggled to climb, you will have covered a good distance. The second object to throw behind you when he gets closer again is the broom. This will turn into (Pullu) sharp needle grass and will begin to pierce his skin. This will hinder the python from catching with you, but it will not stop him from pursuing you. When he emerges from this plain of needle grass, you will have gone far, but he can catch up with you. If that happens and he gets closer again, throw the chicken egg behind you. This will turn into a sea of water. By the time the python has gotten over the water you, will be close to the house. When at that point you see it still coming closer, stake the carved stick in the ground; it will grow into a very tall seat and carry you up beyond the reach of the python.’ A few days after the visit of her mother, the woman escaped from the python’s cave. She abandoned her sandals at the front door of the compound and began to run as fast as she could. After a while, the children realized that their mother was not answering their calls. They went up to inform their father that their mother was nowhere to be found. The python descended from his sleeping place and saw the sandals of his wife by the main entrance to the cave house. He knew from this that she had escaped. He immediately began to run after her, stretching out all his body length high in the air and taking very long strides. He soon caught up with her and just before he could take the next step and encircle her, the woman threw the smooth stone behind her and this turned into a huge mountain. The python fell back and found himself at the bottom of the mountain. In order to make it possible for him to climb the mountain, the python composed a song of adoration to the mountain. The lyrics of the song were as follows:

Conclusion X 215

Dagara Tang! N do yee! Tang! Tang N do yee; Tang Pogli baala gna na do yee Tang Tang N do yee Tang

English Oh Mountain! May I climb! Oh! Yee Mountain! Oh Mountain! May I climb! Oh! Yee Mountain! The slender girl has climbed over the Mountain! Oh Mountain! May I climb! Oh! Yee Mountain

Thus, with the help of the mountain, the python climbed it. However, it took him some time to do so, by which time his wife had covered a good distance. The python doubled his speed and soon caught up with his wife once more. She heard the steps of the python behind her and threw the broom behind just as he was about to take hold of her. The broom turned into a plain of needlegrass that would prick the smooth body of the python to create wounds. The python suddenly found himself on the edge of the plain of needlegrass and decided to compose a song of adoration to the needlegrass (pullu) to help him get through unhurt. The lyrics of the song were different from those in the song made to the mountain and were as follows: Dagara Plu ta ning Plu ta saɣ fu taabɛ zoi Plu ta ning Plu ta saɣ fu taabɛ zoi

English Oh! Needle grass, do not sway so fast Oh needle-grass do not allow your type to run away Oh! Needle grass, do not sway too fast and sharply Oh needle-grass do not allow your type to run away

Through this adoration, his pain and difficulties were lessened and the python soon crossed the plain of needlegrass. At this point, the python began to run as fast as he could and once again soon caught up with the wife. The wife had no choice but to throw behind her the chicken egg from the basket. This turned into a sea of water and before the python could take another step, he was submerged by the water. He became confused and began to lose his way. However, he managed to swim across the sea of water, by which time his wife had already reached the edge of the village. As instructed, she staked the carved Liga wooden stick on the earth and it projected itself as a seat very high into the sky. The python rushed to the village, bypassing the stick and not realizing that his wife was sitting high on top of it. He searched everywhere, but could not find her and returned home. The woman spent the rest of the day and the whole night sitting on the Liga stick, unable to climb down. The next day, the area became filled with cows and their cowboys grazing away. The woman saw them, but could not speak to them normally. She therefore composed a song and began to sing it. The lyrics of the song were as follows:

216 X Of Life and Health Dagara Koo koo ko dakyiɛri; Kooko  dakyiɛrɛ! Nim wa kul ye dakyiɛri ko; koo  koo dakyiɛrɛ! Nim yel n sãã Ye, Dakyiɛri ko, kooko dakyiɛrɛ. N bibil daari yang sirɛ na; Dakyiɛriɛ ko, kooko dakyiɛrɛ! Wa liɛbi wɛ bonbiɛ: Dakyiɛrɛ ko. koo koo dakyiɛrɛ. N zorɛ waana; Dakyiɛrɛ ko, kooko dakyiɛrɛ. Gbilankpuora liɛbi tang ye; Dakyiɛrɛ ko, kooko dakyiɛrɛ! Saar kang liebi pullu yé, Dakyiɛrɛ ko, kooko dakyiɛrɛ! Nuo-gyɛl liɛbi man yé, Dakyiɛrɛ ko; kokoroko dakyiɛrɛ! Dali baala liɛbi koglé, N do kyar

English Koo Koo people of the market; koo  people! When you get home; koo koo market  people! Do inform my father; Koo koo market people! That sweet heart of my youth; Koo koo market people! He has transmuted into a strange beast; Koo koo market people! And I have taken to flight toward home; Koo koo market people! The iron stone has become a mountain; Koo koo market people! The broom has become the needle grass; Koo koo market people! The chicken egg has become a sea; Koo koo market people! And the hard wood has become a seat; And I am seated on it.

The cowboys found the singing very entertaining and began to dance to the tune. They went home and forgot all about it. However, in the middle of the night, one of the cows began mooing the tune of the song. ‘Moo! Moo! Moo!’ The elders were alarmed and thought it was an evil omen. They decided to kill the cow that night. The next day, the cowboys took the animals to the same place and the girl began to sing the song again. The cowboys danced to the tune and one of them remarked that this must have been what triggered the mooing of the cow the previous night. They went back home and again forgot about it. On this second occasion, it was a sheep that began to bleat the tune of the song. A small child who had accompanied the cowboys to the bush recalled the singing of the girl in the bush. The child therefore ran to his father to recount all that he had experienced during the previous two days. The cowboys then all recalled the experience and together they described the situation and the location of the woman. The cowboys and the child informed the elders that it would be difficult to get the woman from the staked tree, given its height and structure. There were two dogs staying with the family. One of them was stout, plump, and looked strong and healthy. The other was slender, agile and looked unhealthy. In a family meeting, it was decided that the stout dog would be more capable of climbing the tall tree and bringing down the

Conclusion X 217

girl. They therefore prepared a very delicious Tuozaafi dish and served it to the stout dog to eat, but refused to give any food to the slender dog. They then took the stout dog to the bush with the slender dog following on behind. With the help of the cowboys, they located the tree without difficulty. They called upon the stout dog to climb the tree in order to bring down the woman, but it was unable to disengage its body from the stem of the tree and to hold onto the stem with its feet and paws. The slender dog that had been following on behind observed what was happening. After a while, it ran forward and with much agility and dexterity, it climbed onto the tree and removed the woman from her seat and displayed how easy it was for it to take her down from that high point. After much display, the slender dog reseated the girl at the top of the tree and climbed down again. The family became frustrated with the stout dog and out of anger killed by delivering a heavy blow to its head. They removed the food it had been served and offered it to the slender dog, but the slender dog refused to eat the food. They had then to take the slender dog back to the house and cook a different meal for it. After eating the meal, the dog went back to the bush accompanied by the family and, with agility and dexterity, it climbed up the high tree and delivered the girl to the high point (Kusienu Logo narration, Dagara folktale and bagr story).

Remarks Like most narratives in Dagara culture, significant themes are highlighted, such as lyrics of a song with a tune that is easy to learn and keep in memory. Thus, bagr narrative rituals and initiation ceremonies reserve a major segment, the white bagr of dance, as a festival of music and dance and as a closing segment. Folktales and stories also tend to contain one dominant issue that is related to the moral order, and lyrics of a song are used to highlight the main moral issue. In this narrative, however, there is no one dominant issue or theme that focuses on a moral lesson. On the contrary, each issue raised in this story is presented as equally significant and each character is presented as a main character with his or her own drama and story. At the same time, several songs tend to highlight the many issues contained in the narrative. In other words, the different life elements and beings mentioned in the story (the beautiful girl, the python, the different domestic animals, etc.) are all leading characters and have a unique life story to tell and thus a unique song to sing. The story is no more about the beautiful girl than it is about the python and the other domestic animals. The common significant issue that is leading

218 X Of Life and Health

each of them to express himself or herself through a song is when life is threatened by an ailment and death. As a key point in this book, I would like to undertake a short analysis of these songs as a way of concluding my work. In this book, I have raised many themes and issues focusing on life as a common streak of animation going through diverse elements and beings (human, animal, plant, mineral, etc.). All life issues begin with the issue of life transmission, its sustenance and growth, and end with some kinds of ailments, healing and transmutation through death. This occurs within cosmic nature, and earthly life entails choices made by individual beings and elements to have a common earthly experience. From this perspective, I would like to use the story of the beautiful girl and the python to restate the premise I made at the beginning of this book regarding Dagara cosmological view on life and health. The view I am defending is that life is an intrinsic characteristic of nature that can neither be created ex nihilo nor be destroyed through death. It is cosmic in nature and pre-exists its earthly form and experiences; hence, in terms of its transmission, sustenance and conditions (including health conditions), the focus is in understanding these processes within nature as a holistic and unified system. This cannot be done by creating a system of oppositions of any kind – nature versus culture; male versus female; domestic versus wild, etc. – or focusing on understanding one single specimen of life, such as the human being, by studying the unique characteristics that are innate to human or that are peculiar to human nature.

The Holistic System of Life Transmission, Sustenance and Growth The first part of the story on the python and the beautiful girl seems to poke a deep hole in the assumption that all life is linked in a holistic way. It is not immediately evident that, at the physical and biological levels, the beautiful girl and the python do not share the common features that will enable them to marry and beget children. Yet, at the cosmic level, they both share a common process of life transmission, sustenance and growth. Life, including its transmission and sustenance, comes from what the two bodies take in from nature and the earth, either as food, water or medicine, and via their growth and maturity, the body of the girl and that of the python together reproduce the environment, which would allow the animated life elements to grow as individual beings. The main lesson as truth from the marriage episode is to emphasize the premise we made from the beginning of the book that all life is that comes from nature and is not created by any divine being.

Conclusion X 219

Life Ailments and Healing Throughout this book, I have presented ailments and diseases as multifaceted issues that are linked to all aspects of life. The above story helps me to categorize some of these ailments in a systematic way. Ailments

The story opens by describing ailments that are located in the physical body and the different approaches to them. The physical body consists of the tangible bodily tissue and the intangible bodily affects and effects resulting in experiences. The python suffers from ailments that affect the external locations of the physical body (the hands, the feet and the head). He is completely disabled physically in that he lacks feet and hands and all the clothes that he needs to have to function as a husband and later as a father. The approach to dealing with these ailments is to appeal to different categories of plants and trees (herbal medicine). The beautiful girl, on the other hand, suffers from ailments that are both tangible and intangible. Her physical beauty is presented as an object of desire by all the male members of the community. At the same time, she is suffering from intangible bodily affects and effects due to the attention given to her and due to the problems caused by the life choice she has made. Healing

Healing the two different categories of ailments requires the establishment of different types of cultic institutions, each with its own unique approach. The focus of the chapters in this book has been to deal with institutions and their approaches to healing these types of ailments. Thus, for the case of the python, Chapter 3 on the cult of the nature beings (kɔntɔnmɛ) and Chapter 6 on healing cult (tibɛ) illustrate the nature of the ailment. Ailments that are physical, such as bodily malformation or lack of limbs, relate to knowledge of food substances (nourishing) and healing substances (medicine) derived from plants and herbs. The logic of the diagnosis for the python can be seen in that part of the narrative when it appeals only to specific trees for the body parts and the clothes. It lacks these because of its carnivorous nature; it is healed when it takes in, through consumption and nourishment, some elements from the plant kingdom. It reverts to the original condition. It must be stressed that this original condition is not necessarily a life-threatening condition and, as such, the python can survive with that condition. It can, however, be a cause of death (see below) in the long run. It will not be sufficient for the girl to go through the treatment prescribed for her physical ailments. The conditions described make her an ideal candidate for bagr initiation and

220 X Of Life and Health

ritual healing process that will take into account elements of the ancestral cult within the domestic sphere and elements administered by a professional healer. The process involves various movements within as well as outside the domestic space. It also involves the use of different healing devices such as those we have discussed in the previous chapters and the preparation of different types of healing substances that are accompanied by rituals and other religious services. Death and Life Transmutation

The concept of death and life transmutation runs through the whole of this book, including the concluding story given above. It is implicit in the cultural thinking that life pre-exists its earthly embodiment in any element or being and that it cannot cease to exist even when death occurs for that element or being. It has not been an objective in this book to go beyond earthly life to discuss the processes of change that takes place after death and other issues around the afterlife. I shall therefore restrict my concluding remarks to the concept as it applies to life and health as experienced in nature. I have devoted some time to the notion and processes of killing the neophytes and bringing them back to life as changed beings and as part of health delivery, and the story narrated above has focused on these issues. Change and healing in both instances related to the acquisition of insights about other life elements and beings that are not human (their close associations with humans) and the acquisition of mystical objects and elements that are either protective against life dangers or life-saving at the cosmic and mystical levels. The acquisition of these objects also indicates the nature of the divine beings of which Dagara people are in awe. Hence, as the story details, such objects as the granite stone, the broom, the chicken egg and the stick statuette that were given to the beautiful girl to enable her to leave her conjugal home stand for an aspect of nature as divine. Thus, the granite stone, when thrown behind the beautiful girl, changes into a mountain, an object of worship and adoration for the python. The same thing is true when the egg transforms into a sea of water and the broom into a plain of needlegrass.

Concluding Remark The transformation of the stick into a seat that is projected very high into the air and the series of activities that take place before the girl is brought down from it serve as an appropriate conclusion to the story and, by extension, to this book. To the Dagara audience listening to the story, there will be a clear understanding that the projected seat stands for the

Conclusion X 221

funeral stand of the girl. In other words, there will be no doubt that we are dealing with the whole life trajectory of the girl and that she did not physically survive the ailments that had afflicted her and the husband. The python failed to cure his wife and she died. The two songs composed by the python would have been understood as prayer songs pleading with the nature divine beings not to allow the girl to return to the cosmic realm of the ancestors – hence the phrases ‘the slender girl has climbed over’ (the mountain) and ‘Oh needle-grass do not allow the one like you to run away’. Indeed, the last song composed by the girl is a dirge that, together with all the ritual activities involving the domestic animals and the two dogs, would transform her into an ancestor. She would then be taken to be an element of the ancestral cult ensuring more fruitful life transmission and sustenance for the family.

Notes  1. The African rock python (Python sebae) is the biggest and longest snake in Africa. It is nonvenomous and hardly hurts humans, even though it does capture other animals as prey, including antelopes. The figure of the snake is an important constituent element in the ancestral cult as it stands for fertility and reproduction.  2. A multipurpose tree that has a wide range of food and medicinal uses. As well as supplying timber, soap, oil and latex, it is commonly harvested from the wild, but is also sometimes cultivated This is one of the most important sources of vegetable oil in rural areas of the savannah zone of West Africa. It is considered sacred by many tribes, the oil being placed in ritual shrines and used for anointing and treatments.  3. A culturally significant tree, but little used in daily life. A branch can substitute for the corpse of dead person whose body has never been found in the funeral and burial rites. The seeds are used by girls as beads. It also has medicinal properties. ‘The gum obtained from the tree is used medicinally as a laxative, diuretic and tranquilliser. The bark is used to treat snake bites, leprosy, syphilis, coughs, bronchitis, rickets and insanity’ (retrieved 18 June 2018 from http://tropical.theferns.info/viewtropical.php? id=Sterculia+setigera).  4. The largest tree of the wooded savannahs of Sudan-Guinea, it is harvested from the wild for its timber, gum and medicinal properties. The roots, leaves and bark are used medicinally. A decoction of the root is used in the treatment of gonorrhoea and skin diseases, and the leaves are used in the treatment of dysmenorrhoea (retrieved 18 June 2018 from http://tropical.the ferns.info/viewtropical.php?id=Daniellia+oliveri).  5. This is a very important, multipurpose tree, which is commonly gathered from the wild for local use as food, medicine and to provide a wide range of commodities. Its leaves are used in lotions for sore eyes, burns, haemor-

222 X Of Life and Health

 6.

 7.  8.  9. 10.

rhoids and toothache (retrieved 18 June 2018 from http://tropical.theferns .info/viewtropical.php?id=Parkia+biglobosa). This is a shrub or a tree with a dense, wide crown; it can grow up to 16 metres tall. The trunk is up to 60 cm in diameter, with branches usually forming from low down. Some parts of the plant are a diuretic. It is used in the treatment of various conditions, including constipation, stomach disorders, dysentery, rheumatism, malaria, gonorrhoea, syphilis, leprosy, bilharzia, jaundice, mental disorders and epilepsy (retrieved 18 June 2018 from http://tropical.theferns.info/viewtropical.php?id=Mitragyna+inermis). The mythical origins of the Dagara/Dagaaba people and from where migration and hoe-farming began. A major clan and house-based community in Dagara society. They have the python as their group totem. Some versions of this tale add this fact to give the story a factual flavour. The detailed description of the marriage transactions is added in this version to give the story a factual flavour. This is what happens in the Dagara marriage system. The wood is moderately heavy to very heavy, hard, very durable, and very resistant to fungi, dry-wood borers and termites. It is also resistant to freshwater organisms. It seasons slowly, but with very little risk of checking or distortion; once dry, it is stable in service. It is mostly used for carving the ancestral figurines.

Appendix QQQ

Figure A.1 Sample elements and items of the ancestral shrine (part one). Photographs by Alexis Bekyane Tengan. Images of bagr cult items Linguistic and symbolic for ancestral divination code and description

Two stones standing for the cosmic space-above and the cosmic being Rain. Stone is the core material for setting up any shrine. It is also a code for the life-core of the earth

The soil of the earth standing for the cosmic space-below and cosmic being Earth. It is the origin of all earthly life and sustains it Three ancestral figurines standing for the human life-form and personality. The tree from which they are made derives its life resources from the soil or Earth. They can come in different sizes.

Images of the ancestral shrine for a family group

224 X Appendix Images of bagr cult items Linguistic and symbolic for ancestral divination code and description Two chameleon figurines demonstrating life transmission through coitus. The initial act of coitus was performed by Rain and Earth as a sign of their fertility and reproductive capacities. When not used in divination, the chameleons are separated and kept in the house ancestral shrine Two snake figurines in one basket and a third with a bell tied to it: symbolic codes of life pathways and the search for meaning Shaped iron rods as boundary codes for the space-above and for mental imaginations. They are used to set boundaries for movements in both physical and mental spaces Two gourds used during bagr initiation. Each neophyte is given a gourd containing herbal solution; he or she has to find a spider’s egg and put it inside

Animal skulls tied together with a string or jute fibre rope. At various stages of life as a bagr initiate, certain animals are offered as a sacrifice and the skulls are preserved

Images of the ancestral shrine for a family group

Appendix    225

Figure A.2 Sample elements and items of the ancestral shrine (part two). Photographs by Alexis Bekyane Tengan. Images of bagr cult items Linguistic and symbolic for ancestral divination code and description

Divination material: a small cloth sack containing three smaller bags made of cowhide. Each cowhide bag has a specific number of cowries in it Divination material: a wooden mini-cudgel that two people can hold on to while carrying on a divinatory conversation in Basket B. Broken pieces of clay pots in Basket A perhaps originally made of a small pot of water for divination Divination material: a shaking unopened gourd that is used to set the tone for divinatory dialogue and conversation and to evoke the attention of all present (Basket B). In Basket A, the unopened gourd is replaced by a sealed small skin bag full of cowries that is used to determine the number of cowries to be paid as a dowry

Divination material: a small bell used alternatively with the unopened gourd to set the tone and evoke attention and listening

Images of the ancestral shrine for a family group

226 X Appendix Images of bagr cult items Linguistic and symbolic for ancestral divination code and description Divination material: four stocks from the stem of the millet plant in one basket and three fork sticks from the second

Healing material: two amulets with a reptile or bird on each. They are used to tie down the soul/spirit that is trying to leave the body Healing material: a special pot called ‘the spirit pot’ (kɔntɔn duglé) was found in each basket. The one in Basket A was empty. The one in Basket B contained a medicinal substance Healing material: two oyster shells in Basket A and three animal jaw bones in Basket B. They can be used as healing objects

Images of the ancestral shrine for a family group

Appendix    227

Figure A.3 Divination with five cowries concealed in a small bag: identification of the cosmic being and its natural image. Photographs by Alice Bekyane Tengan. Cowry image

Dagara number denotation

One cowry (Bir buyén) stands for one life-seed of the earth The stone stands for the earth deity (tengan mwin). The earth deity is represented by a stone and in healing represents the individual as a unique personality One cowry (Bir bu-yén) stands for one life-seed of a particular elephant grass: this idea deals with the individual as part of a collective body closely related to the plant kingdom.

The big grass mat on which many people sleep stands for the individual as a social being. Two cowries (Bié ayi) stands for life-seeds of the animal kingdom: unique and yet in need of companionship and a relationship with the other of the same type or kind. The ancestor figure (Kpî în daar) carved of wood always appear in doubles: male/female, elder/junior

Image evoking cosmic being and name

228 X Appendix

Cowry image

Dagara number denotation Three cowries (Bié ata or kɔntɔn) stands for three life-seeds of the earth; the unit of nature fecundity and reproduction. Kɔntɔn: the nature spirit being made of clay always appears as a family unit of three – father/ mother and child Four cowries (Bié anaar or Ma pɛr bir) stands for the life-seed of the matrihouse: the unit for the original seed for the matri-kin group and female gender configuration. The cow dedicated for closing the funeral ritual represent the principle of matrilateral relations Five cowries (Bié anuu or Sãã pɛr bir) stands for the life-seeds: the original seed for the matri-kin and male gender configuration. The shrine of the patrihouse totemic structure is represented by the foundation wall of the house

Image evoking cosmic being and name

References QQQ

Abdul-Korah, Gariba. 2004. Migration, Ethnicity and Uneven Development in Ghana: The Case of the Upper West Region in the Twentieth Century. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ———. 2006. ‘Where is Not Home: Dagaaba Migrants in the Brong Ahafo Region, 1980 to the present’, African Affairs 106(422): 71–94. ———. 2008. ‘Ka Biɛ Ba Yor: Labour Migration among the Dagaaba of the Upper West Region of Ghana, 1936–1957’, Nordic Journal of African Studies 17(1): 1–19. ———. 2013. ‘Shifting and Contested Relationships: Migration, Gender, and Family Economy Among the Dagaaba in the Twentieth Century’. In Alexis B. Tengan (ed.), Christianity and Cultural History of Northern Ghana: A Portrait of Cardinal Peter Poreku Dery (1918–2008). Brussel: Peter Lang, pp. 261–81. Antongini, Giovanna, and Tito Spini. 1993. ‘La Maison Lobi: Le Relevé, Méthode et Résultats’. In Michèle Fiéloux, Jacques Lombard, and Jeanne-Marie Kambou-Ferrand, Images d’Afrique et sciences sociales: les pays lobi, birifor et dagara (Burkina Faso, Côte-d’Ivoire et Ghana): actes du colloque de Ouagadougou, 10–15 décembre 1990. Paris: Editions Karthala: Editions l’ORSTOM, pp. 142–57. Bekaert, Stefan. 2000. System and Repertoire in Sakata Medicine: Democratic Republic of Congo. Uppsala: Academiae Upsaliensis. Bemile, Sebastian Koug. 2010. Dàgàrà proverbs. Berlin: Reimer. Blier, Susan Preston. 1987. The Anatomy of Architecture: Ontology and Metaphor in Batammaliba Architectural Expression. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ———. 1977. Outline of the Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1990. The Logic of Practice. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, Pierre, and John B. Thompson. 1991. Language and Symbolic Power. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

230 X References Cassiman, Ann. 2000. ‘A Woman is Someone’s Child: Women Movement and the Shaping of Social and Domestic Space’, in S. Hagberg and A.B. Tengan (eds), Bonds and Boundaries in S. Burkina Faso and N. Ghana. Uppsala: Acta Universalis Upsaliensis, pp. 115–30. ———. 2006. Stirring Life: Women’s Paths and Places among the Kasena of Northern Ghana. Uppsala: Uppsala University Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1966. Topics in the Theory of Generative Grammar. The Hague: Mouton. ———. 1986. Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use. New York: Praeger. ———. 2006. Language and Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cros, Michèle. 1990. Anthropologie du sang en Afrique: essai d’hématologie symbolique chez les Lobi du Burkina Faso et de Côte-d’Ivoire. Paris: L’Harmattan. Devisch, Renaat. 1984. Se recréer fèmme: manipulation sémantique d’une situation d’infécondité chez les Yaka du Zaïre. Berlin: D. Reimer. ———. 1993. Weaving the Threads of Life: The Khita Gynecological Healing Cult among the Yaka. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Dieterlen, Germaine, and Béatrice Appia. 1965. Textes sacrés d’Afrique noire. Paris: Gallimard. Douglas, Mary. 1966. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. New York: Praeger. ———. 1970. Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology. London: Barrie & Rockliff. ———. 1975. Implicit Meanings: Essays in Anthropology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ———. 1978. Cultural Bias. London: Royal Anthropological Institute. ———. 1984. Food in the Social Order: Studies of Food and Festivities in Three American Communities. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ———. 1985. Risk Acceptability According to the Social Sciences. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ———. 1992. Risk and Blame: Essays in Cultural Theory. New York: Routledge. Fiéloux, Michèle, Jacques Lombard and Jeanne-Marie Kambou-Ferrand. 1993. Images d’Afrique et sciences sociales: les pays lobi, birifor et dagara (Burkina Faso, Côte-d’Ivoire et Ghana): actes du colloque de Ouagadougou, 10–15 décembre 1990. Paris: Editions Karthala/Editions l’ORSTOM. Fortes, Meyer. 1945. The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi, Being the First Part of an Analysis of the Social Structure of a Trans-Volta Tribe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 1949. The Web of Kinship Among the Tallensi: Being the Second Part of an Analysis of the Social Structure of a Trans-Volta Tribe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fortes, Meyer, and Germaine Dieterlen. 1964. African Systems of Thought. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fox, Robin. 2015. ‘Marry in or Die Out: Optimal Inbreeding and the Meaning of Mediogamy’. In Alexandra Maryanski, Richard Machalek, Jonathan H. Turner (ed.), Handbook on Evolution and Society: Toward an Evolutionary Social Science. New York: Routledge, pp. 350–82.

References X 231

Galtung, Johan. 1967. ‘Scientific Colonialism’, Transition 30: 10–15. Goody, Esther. 1973. Context of Kinship: An Essay on the Family Sociology of the Gonja of Northern Ghana. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goody, Jack. 1957. ‘Fields of Social Control Among the LoDagaa’. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 27: 356–62. ———. 1962. Death, Property and the Ancestors: A Study of the Mortuary Customs of the LoDagaa of West Africa. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. ———. 1968. Literacy in Traditional Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1967. The Social Organisation of the LoWiili. Oxford: Oxford University Press ———. 1972. The Myth of the Bagre. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ———. 1977. The Domestication of the Savage Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1986. The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1993. ‘The Bagre Considered’. In Michèle Fiéloux, Jacques Lombard and Jeanne-Marie Kambou-Ferrand (eds), Images d’Afrique et Sciences Sociales: Les Pays Lobi, Birifor et Dagara. Paris: Karthala, pp. 322–28. ———. 1995. The Expansive Moment: The Rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 1918–1970. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goody, Jack, and S.W. Gandah. 2002. The Third Bagre: A Myth Revisited. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press: International African Institute/Oxford University Press. Hawkins, Sean. 2002a. ‘“The Woman in Question”: Marriage and Identity in the Colonial Courts of Northern Ghana, 1907–1954’, in J.M. Allman, S. Geiger and N. Musisi (eds), Women in African Colonial Histories. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, pp. 116–43. ——. 2002b. Writing and Colonialism in Northern Ghana: The Encounter between the LoDagaa and the World on Paper. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Horton, Robin. 1960. The Gods as Guests: An Aspect of Kalabari Religious Life, Nigeria magazine special publications 3. Lagos: Marina Lagos. ———. 1971. ‘African Conversion’, Africa 41(2): 85–108. ———. 1975. ‘On the Rationality of African Conversion: Parts I and II’, Africa 45(3–4): 373–99. ———. 1990. La Pensée métisse: croyances africaines et rationalité occidentale en questions. Paris: Presses universitaires de France/Cahiers de l’IUED. ———. 1993. Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West: Essays on Magic, Religion, and Science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Horton, Robin, and Ruth H. Finnegan. 1973. Modes of Thought: Essays on Thinking in Western and Non-Western Societies. London: Faber. Iddrisu, Abdulai. 2005. ‘The Growth of Islamic Learning in Northern Ghana and its Interaction with Western Secular Education’, Africa Development 30(1–2): 53–67. Idowu, E. Bolaji. 1973. African Traditional Religion: A Definition. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. Kagame, Alexis. 1969. Introduction aux grands genres lyriques de l’ancien Rwanda. Butare: Éditions universitaires du Rwanda.

232 X References ———. 1976. La Philosophie Bantu Comparée. Paris: Présence Africaine. Kagame, Alexis, Antoine de Vinck and Jean Marie Habig. 1952. La divine pastorale. Brussels: Éditions du Marais. Kambere-Tshongo, Daniel. 1992. Dévoilement: Masques dans la Société Traditionnelle. Kinshasa: L’Institut des Musées Nationaux du Zaïre. Kpiebaya, Gregory. 1987. Dagaaba Traditional Marriage and Family Life. Wa, Ghana: Catholic Press. Kröger, Franz, and Barbara Meier. 2003. Ghana’s North: Research on Culture, Religion, and Politics of Societies in Transition. New York: Peter Lang. Labouret, Henri. 1931. Les tribus du rameau Lobi. Paris: Institut d’ethnologie. Leach, Edmund Ronald. 1967. Structural Study of Myth and Totemism: Conference on new Approaches in Social Anthropology. London: Tavistock Publications. Lentz, Carola. 1994. ‘A Dagara Rebellion against Dagomba Rule?: Contested Stories of Origin in North-western Ghana’, Journal of African History 35: 457– 92. ———. 1998. ‘The Chief, the Mine Captain and the Politician: Legitimating Power in Northern Ghana’. Africa 68(1): 46–67. ———. 2000. ‘Colonial Constructions and African Initiatives: The History of Ethnicity in North-western Ghana’, Ethnos 65(1): 107–36. Lentz, Carola. 2003. ‘This is Ghanaian Territory! Land Conflicts on a West African Border’, American Ethnologist 30(2): 273–89. ———. 2006. Ethnicity and the Making of History in Northern Ghana. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Lentz, Carola, and Paul Nugent. 2000. Ethnicity in Ghana: The Limits of Invention. New York: St Martin’s Press. Lentz, Carola, and Erlmann Veit. 1989. ‘A Working Class in Formation? Economic Crisis and Strategies of Survival among Dagara Mine Workers in Ghana’, Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 113(29): 69–111. Lévi-Strauss, Claude. 1949. Les Structures Elémentaires de la Parenté. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. ———. 1953. Race and History. New York: UNESCO. ———. 1958. Anthropologie structurale. Paris: Plon. ———. 1963. Totemism. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. ———. 1962. Le Totémisme Aujourd’hui. Paris: Plon. ———. 1989. The Savage Mind. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ———. 1967. The Scope of Anthropology. London: Cape. ———. 1969. The Elementary Structures of Kinship. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. ———. 1985. The View from Afar. Oxford: Blackwell. ———. 1987. Anthropology and Myth: Lectures 1951–1982. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Lévi-Strauss, Claude, Claire Jacobson, and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf. 1977. Structural Anthropology. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Lévi-Strauss, Claude, and Monique Layton. 1977. Structural Anthropology. London: Allen Lane. Lobnibe, Isidore. 2004. ‘Review of “Writing and Colonialism in Northern Ghana: The Encounter between the LoDagaa and the World on Paper” by Sean Hawkins’, American Anthropologist 106(2): 409–10.

References X 233

———. 2005. ‘Forbidden Fruit in the Compound: A Case Study of Migration, Spousal Separation and Group-Wife Adultery in Northwest Ghana’, Africa 75(4): 559–81. ———. 2007. ‘Going to Jong: A Burden of History and Current Options among Northern Ghanaian Migrants’, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign. ———. 2008a. ‘Between Aspirations and Realities: Northern Ghanaian Migrant Women and the Dilemma of Household (Re)production in Southern Ghana’, Africa Today 55(2): 53–74. ———. 2008b. ‘Walking for Land Drinking Palm Wine: Migrant Farmers and the Historicity of Land Conflict in Brong-Ahafo, Ghana’, in T. Falola and N. Afolabi (eds), Transatlantic Migration: The Paradoxes of Exile. New York: Routledge, pp. 141–163. ———. ‘“Were It Not in the Bush, Will a Man Abandon His Wife this Way?”: Northern Immigrants and the Dilemmas of Social Reproduction in the Forest Transition Zone of Ghana’. In Alexis B. Tengan (ed), Christianity and Cultural History of Northern Ghana: A Portrait of Cardinal Peter Poreku Dery (1918– 2008). Brussel: Peter Lang, pp. 237–60. Mbiti, John S. 1969. African Religions & Philosophy. New York: Praeger. ———. 1970. Concepts of God in Africa. London: SPCK. McCoy, Remigius F., Rene Dionne and Joan Cameron Dewart. 1988. Great Things Happen: A Personal Memoir. Montreal: Society of Missionaries of Africa. Mead, Margaret. 1943. ‘The Problem of Changings Food Habits’, Bulletin of the National Research Council 108: 20–31. Metuole Somda, Jean-Baptiste. 1977. Sagesse dagara. Koumi, Haute-Volta: s.n. ———. 1991. Contes dagara du Burkina Faso: 72 contes dagara. Paris: Conseil international de la langue française/EDICEF. Mulago gwa Cikala, M. 1973. La religion traditionnelle des Bantu et leur vision du monde. Kinshasa: Presses universitaires du Zaïre. Mulago gwa Cikala, M. 1991. Mariage traditionnel africain et mariage chrétien: pour une pastorale et une liturgie inculturées. Zaïre: Editions Saint Paul Afrique. Mulago, Vincent, Mushete Ngindu and Gérard Buakasa Tulu Kia Mpansu. 1981. Combats pour un christianisme africain: mélanges en l’honneur du professeur V. Mulago. Kinshasa: Faculté de théologie catholique. Nkrumah, Kwame. 1963. ‘The African Genius’. Speech delivered at the Opening of the Institute of African Studies at the University of Ghana. In Helen Lauer and Kofi Anyidoho (eds), Reclaiming the Human Sciences and Humanities through African Perspectives Vol. II (2012). Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers. Okri, Ben. 1991. The Famished Road. London: Jonathan Cape. Owusu, Stephen Atta. 2012. ‘Ghana Must Go: The Aftermath’. Modern Ghana. Retrieved 17 October 2016 from https://www.modernghana.com/news/ 371266/ghana-must-go-the-aftermath.html. Poda, Evariste E. 1992. Les Dagara du Burkina Faso, quel Système de Filiation? Approche Anthropologique d’un Débat. Ouagadougou: Annales de l’Université de Ouagadougou, IV. Série Sciences Sociales et Humaines. ———. 2000. ‘La Problématique de la Dation du Non Chez les Dagara du Burkina Faso’. In Sten Hagberg and Alexis B. Tengan (eds), Bond and Boundaries in

234 X References Northern Ghana and Southern Burkina Faso. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, pp. 147–58. Rattray, Robert S. 1932. The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. Rouville, Cécile de. 1984. ‘Les cérémonies d’initiation du buur’, Journal des africanistes 54(2): 75–98. ———. 1987. Organisation sociale des Lobi: une société bilinéaire du Burkina Faso et de Côte d’Ivoire. Paris: L’Harmattan. ———. 1993. ‘Les cérémonies d’initiation du buur (région d’Iridiaka)’, in M. Fiéloux, J. Lombard and J.-M. Kambou-Ferrand (eds), Images d’Afrique et sciences sociales: les pays lobi, birifor et dagara (Burkina Faso, Côte-d’Ivoire et Ghana): actes du colloque de Ouagadougou, 10–15 décembre 1990. Paris: Editions Karthala; Editions l’ORSTOM, pp. 311–21. Rozin, Paul. 2007. ‘Food and Eating’, in S. Kitayama and D. Cohen (eds), Handbook of Cultural Psychology. New York: Guilford Press, pp. 391–416. Rule, Sheila. 1985. ‘Ghanaians, Expelled by Nigeria, Return Home to Start Over’. New York Times 12 May 1985, on page 10010. New York: New York Times National Edition. Sabelli, Fabrizio. 1986. Le pouvoir des lignages en Afrique: la reproduction sociale des communautés du Nord-Ghana. Paris: L’Harmattan. Sahlins, Marshall. Culture and Practical Reason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schutz, Alfred. 1962. Collected Paper: The Problem of Social Reality I. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. 1969. ‘Animals are Good to Think and Good to Prohibit’, Ethnology 8(4): 423–59. Taylor, Edward B. 1873. ‘Animism’, in Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Language, Art and Custom, Volume 1, 2nd edition. London: John Murray, pp. 424–58. Tengan, Alexis B. 1999. ‘Dagara Bagr: Ritualising Myth of Social Foundation’, Africa. Journal of the International Institute 69: 595–633. ———. 2000a. Hoe-Farming and Social Relations among the Dagara of Northwestern Ghana and Southwestern Burkina Faso. New York: Peter Lang. ———. 2000b. ‘Space, Bonds and Social Order: Dagara House-Based Social System’, in S. Hagberg and A.B. Tengan (eds), Bonds and Boundaries in Northern Ghana and Southern Burkina Faso. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, pp. 87–103. ———. 2002. ‘Social Categories and Seniority in a House-Based Society’, in S. Makoni and K. Stroeken (eds), Ageing in Africa: Sociolinguistic and Anthropological Approaches. Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 137–52. ———. 2006. Mythical Narratives in Ritual: Dagara Black Bagr. New York: Peter Lang. ———. 2012. The Art of Mythical Composition and Narration: Dagara White Bagr. New York: Peter Lang. ———. 2013. Christianity and Cultural History in Northern Ghana: A Portrait of Cardinal Peter Poreku Dery (1918–2008). Brussels: Peter Lang. ———. 2017. Religion, Culture, Society and Integral Human Development: Proceedings of Cardinal Poreku Dery Third Colloquium. Accra: Sub-Saharan Publisher.

References X 235

Tengan, Edward. 1990. ‘The Sisala Universe: Its Composition and Structure’, Journal of Religion in Africa 20(1): 2–19. ———. 1991. The Land as Being and Cosmos: The Institution of the Earth Cult among the Sisala of Northwestern Ghana. New York: Peter Lang. ———. 1994. The Social Structure of the Dagara: The House and the Matriclan as Axes of Dagara Social Organization. Tamale: St. Victor’s Major Seminary. ———. 2000. Dagara Conversion in Terms of Personal Memory. In H. Sten & A. Tengan (eds). Bonds and Boundaries in Northern Ghana and Southern Burkina Faso. Uppsala: Uppsala University Press The Vegetarian Resource Group. 2000. ‘Humans are Omnivores’. https://www .vrg.org/nutshell/omni.htm. accessed 17/10/2016 Tylor, Edward B. 1871. Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom. London: J. Murray. UNESCO. General History of Africa: Volume VII. Africa under Colonial Domination 1880–1935. Paris: UNESCO. Wiredu, Kwasi. 1980. Philosophy and an African culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1996. Cultural Universals and Particulars: An African Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Wiredu, Kwasi, et al. 2006. A Companion to African Philosophy. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Wole, Soyinka. 1967. Idanre and Other Poems. London: Methuen.

Index QQQ

Abdul-Korah, Gariba, 194, 230 addiction, 86, 87, 88, 92, 94, 95, 98 ailments, 11, 13, 84: 88, 90–93, 93, 95, 97, 99, 100–2, 149, 160, 162, 164, 166, 171, 183, 185, 191, 196, 206, 218, 219, 221 alcohol, 88, 92, 95, 110n2, 184, 193 Ali (healer), 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 187, 189, 195–204 amulet, 52, 156, 172, 198, 236 ancestor, ix, 1, 12, 18, 21, 23, 35, 41, 44–50, 45, 55, 61, 63, 65, 73, 82–83, 85, 87, 89, 102–5, 108, 116, 121, 123, 130, 133, 137, 141, 145–47, 151, 154, 160, 163, 171, 180n11, 187, 197, 199–200, 202–3, 206, 221, 227, 231 figure, 227 antelope, African royal (Neotragus pygmaeus), 119, 121–25, 129, 141, 231n antidote, 14, 70, 100–1, 109, 119, 122, 124, 130, 158 Antongini, Giovanna, 183, 229 ants, 100, 121, 178, 211, 213 arrow, 14, 20, 86, 115, 119, 121, 123–27, 129–30, 169, 183, 198, 200 art, 2, 13–14, 17–20, 22–23, 28–31, 33,36, 42–46, 53, 55, 58–63, 79,

88, 94, 114–16, 121–22, 129, 158, 160, 172, 185 artefact, 12, 51, 74 artistic, 1, 10, 11, 113, 198 Ashanti, 181, 190, 201 bagr, 1, 3, 6, 10, 13–14, 18, 29, 34–39, 42, 49–53, 61, 63, 67–69, 78–79, 81–99, 100–16, 118, 120–22, 124, 126, 129–30, 132–33, 135, 138–39, 141, 143–45, 147, 149, 151, 158–62, 166, 168–69, 172–79n6, 181–82, 185, 187, 195, 201–202, 204n5, 206, 217, 219, 223, 224–26 black bagr, vii, 42n7, 61, 79, 84, 110, 112, 116, 118, 121–22, 124, 141, 150, 158, 161, 166, 174, 206 bagr calendar, 89 bagr cult, 13, 34, 51, 206–7 white bagr, vii, 78–79, 84, 87, 90–91, 94, 102, 110, 122, 158, 159, 166, 178, 204n5, 206, 217, 234 bean, 72–73, 86–87, 98–101, 107, 208 Bambara bean (Vigna subterranean), 82–84, 87, 94, 101–2, 106, 110, 158, 166, 172, 179

Index X 237

black bean (Vigna unguiculata), 72, 99 white bean (Dioscorea rotundata), 72, 100–101 Bekaert, Stefan, 145, 229 bible, 19, 22, 192 black bull (Bos Taurus), 184 Blier, Susan Preston, 15n3, 229 body tissue, ix, 79, 81, 91, 150, 152, 153 Bourdieu, Pierre, 22, 81, 229 bow, 38, 62, 93, 115, 119, 198, 200 brain, 25, 28, 74–76, 102, 118, 156 bride-price, 64, 194, 204n2 Brong Ahafo, 181, 229, 233 bush cow (Syncerus nanu), 123, 153 bush-baby (Galago), 123

cowry, 157, 162–65, 195, 202, 227–28 cowry divination, 162–64, 195, 202 Cros, Michèle, 132, 230 cult, vii–viii, 1, 3, 9, 13–14, 17–18, 33–34, 45, 47, 50–51, 53–54, 65, 78–79, 82–84, 89–90, 106, 110–13, 121–22, 141, 143–44, 150–53, 158, 164, 181–83, 185, 189, 195–97, 200–201, 204n4, 206, 216, 219, 221, 223–26, 230, 235 Cultic, 1–3, 9–12, 18, 33–35, 47, 51, 74, 78, 81, 144, 151, 205–6, 219 custodian, 9, 65, 85–87, 92, 103, 105

calabash, 38, 62, 66, 75, 96, 126, 135, 155, 162, 184, 201–2, 209, 213 gourd calabash, 47, 52, 85, 87, 167–68, 172–73, 176, 183, 224–25 Catholic, 3–4, 11, 15n5, 31, 33, 80, 191, 194, 232 Catholicism, 3, 9, 12, 32–33, 190, 194 Catholic missionaries of Africa, 6, 31, 233 chair, 105, 174, 175 ceremonial chair, 105 charcoal, 110, 126, 134 chicken, 86, 87, 89, 96, 98, 103, 107, 121, 160, 199–201, 213–16, 220 Chomsky, Noam, 17, 230 Christianity, 4, 18–19, 21, 24, 32, 197, 229, 233–34 Judeo-Christian, 3, 23, 43, 44, 134 cirrhosis, 90, 128–29 compost heap, 6, 39–41, 92, 96, 160, 214 cosmos, 18, 24, 35–36, 38, 49–50, 54, 59, 63, 78, 114, 116, 131, 133, 202, 205, 235 cosmology, 3, 9, 22, 24, 36, 43, 45–47, 50–51, 63, 70, 75, 158, 230

Dagara, 1–6, 9–15n3, 15n5, 17–19, 23–25, 27, 29–36, 39, 42, 45–51, 53–56, 58–59, 62, 64, 67–68, 70, 72, 73–74, 76–79, 81–84, 87–88, 90, 94, 97, 100–102, 105–6, 109, 112–16, 121–24, 129, 131–34, 137, 144–46, 149, 151, 153–56, 160, 170, 172–74, 177–179n1,2,3,4, 180n13–82, 185–86, 189–90, 194–97, 200, 205–8, 212, 215–18, 220, 222n7–9, 227, 228–35 Dagaaba, 30, 194, 204n2, 222n6, 229, 232 (see also Dagara) death, 7, 11–13, 40, 43, 44, 50–62, 70, 72, 91–92, 96, 102–6, 109–10, 113–14, 119–20, 123, 127–28, 130–33, 138, 140–41, 143, 148, 150, 157, 160, 164, 174, 177–78, 188, 193–94, 197, 199, 213, 218–20, 231 Devish, Renaat (René), 22, 230 De Serres, Joseph-Edouard (Fr.), 7, 15n5. See also missionaries of Africa diagnosis, 68, 79, 86, 90, 118, 158, 161–64, 166, 169, 170–71, 182, 184, 190, 195–98, 219 Dieterlen, Germaine, 43, 230 divination, ix, x, 79,8 9, 113, 133, 137, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164,

238 X Index 165–70, 172, 179n7–180, 184, 195–97, 202, 223–27 stick divination, 167–68 dog (Canis lupus familiaris), 116–17, 119, 140–41, 153, 155, 216–17 domestic, 48, 52, 57, 75, 112–13, 115, 118–19, 125, 128–29, 146–47, 217–18, 220–21 domesticated, 26, 28, 67–68, 151, 169 Douglas, Mary, 79–81, 93, 230 dowry, 64–66, 77n5, 225

160–61, 179, 206, 217–19, 221, 230, 233, 234 food domain, vii, 78, 81–82, 109 Fortes, Meyer, 31, 43, 93, 145, 230 Fox, Robin, 81, 230

earth, 1, 3, 6, 9, 12, 14, 18, 22, 24, 34–35, 44–45, 47–53, 55–56, 58–63, 66, 72, 77n4, 79, 82, 83, 85, 86–89, 92, 96–97, 103, 105–6, 108, 113, 115–16, 120, 132–33, 137, 144, 149–51, 153–54, 159–60, 163, 169, 170, 179–80n10, 182, 207, 211, 215, 218, 223–24, 227–28, 235 earth cult, 3, 9, 18, 235 earth custodian, 85–87, 92, 103 earth priest, 9, 97 Ethiopian eggplant (Solanum aethiopicum), 86, 92, 175 elder woman, 66, 127, elephant (Loxodonta Africana), 125, 126, 127–30, 153, 156–57, 163, 182–83, 227 elephant grass (Pennisetum purpureum), 119, 157, 163, 227 Europe, 75, 131, 189–91, 198

Galtung, John, 17, 21–22, 231 gender, ix, 36–39, 41–42n5&6, 48, 55–58, 60, 62, 82, 148, 164, 179n5, 184, 194, 228, 229 Ghana, 1–4, 7, 14–15n5, 18–19, 21, 25, 27, 30–32, 43, 72, 77n6, 80, 82, 110n2, 179n3, 181, 185–89, 191, 204n1, 229–35 goat African pigmy goat (Capra aegagrus hircus), 85, 90, 92, 100, 119, 125–26, 129, 150, 153, 155, 161 billy goat (Capra aegagrus), 126 Goody, Jack, 8, 24–25, 27–28, 31, 35, 42n3, 77n2, 83, 131–32, 134, 160, 177, 180n13, 231 granary, 35, 57, 93, 140, 148, 159–60, 174 grass, 37, 57, 60, 119, 122, 157, 163, 212, 214–16, 221, 227 elephant grass, 119, 157, 163, 227 needle grass, 214–16, 221 grass with perfume, 212 groundnut (Arachis hypogaea), 82, 104, 175 guinea fowl, 63, 64, 73, 87, 118, 153, 167, 201–2

false abura (Mitragyna inermis), 208 fertility, 12, 33, 35, 47, 51, 134, 189–90, 221n1, 224 fertilization, 35, 49, 52, 130–33 fetish (shrine), 11, 75, 121, 152, 160 Fiéloux, Michèle, 15n3, 229, 230, 231, 234 Fish, 40 food, vii, 5, 8, 12–13, 40, 57–58, 61– 62, 65, 67–74, 76, 78–84, 86–90, 93–95, 97, 99, 100–2, 104–5, 109, 112–16, 122, 130, 148, 149, 158,

hare (Leporidae), 121 Hawkins, Sean, 134, 230, 232 healer, viii, ix, 8, 14, 35, 97, 106–7, 109–10, 125, 141, 143–44, 151–54, 158, 162, 166–67, 172–73, 181–82, 184, 185–86, 204n4, 206, 220 hearth, 5, 6, 67, 148, 160, 161, 211 hen (Gallus gallus domesticus), 63–64, 86–87, 95–97, 100, 155, 199, 201–2 rooster hen, 128, 141, 201–2, 212 hill (as cosmic being), 34, 39–40, 45, 48, 50, 60, 123, 149, 169, 178, 210

Index X 239

hippopotamus (kɔntɔn figure), 182 hoe-farming, 3–4, 10, 14, 18, 24, 29, 36, 65, 77n5, 116, 205, 222n7, 234 homestead, 18, 33, 35, 73, 96, 116, 118, 137, 143, 144–48, 151–52, 158, 160, 166, 169, 172, 178 Horton, Robin, 23, 25, 231 house community, 34, 35, 41, 45, 52, 63–64, 72, 158, 187, 194 hut, 36–37 Idowu, Bolaji, 23, 43, 231 indigenous, 2, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 36, 42, 134 indigenous knowledge, 2, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 36, 42 indigenous thinking, 24 Islam (Islamic), 4, 31, 32 Judeo-Christian, 3, 23, 43, 44, 134 Kagame, Alexis, 22, 24, 231–32 Kambere-Tshongo, Daniel, 102, 132 Karaya gum (Sterculia setigera delile), 207 pongpong, 207, 208, 210, 211 kinship, 12, 19, 25, 26, 34, 43, 47–48, 53n2, 84, 93, 115, 129, 143–44, 146, 156–57, 160, 183, 205, 230, 231–32 kin group, 59, 79, 89–90, 110, 115, 126, 129, 133, 135–36, 138, 144, 155, 164, 166, 184, 194–97, 199, 202–3, 228 kɔntɔn, ix, 12, 18, 35, 38, 42n6, 54–63, 66–71, 73–76, 78, 83, 85, 89, 99, 115–16, 119, 123–26, 128, 139,140–42n8, 144, 182–84, 196–97, 201, 204n4, 206, 226, 228 kɔntɔnmɛ, vii, 1, 87, 143–44, 151, 197, 219 Kumasi, 181, 187, 189–91, 195, 204n1 Labouret, Henri, 81, 232 Lentz, Carola, 179, 181, 232 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 17, 24, 25–28, 42n3–4, 93, 115, 145, 232

life

life-form, 47, 54–55, 62, 76, 114, 149, 150, 153–54, 223 pre-existent life, 48–49, 54, 62–65, 70, 76, 113, 131, 153 life reproduction, ix, 1, 27, 35, 46–47, 49, 51–52, 57–58, 60, 66, 69, 74, 78, 90, 148, 221n1, 228, 233–34 life transmission, 1, 12, 33, 35, 42, 43, 46–48, 51–52, 62, 66, 76–77, 89, 132, 134, 149, 152, 170, 189–90, 218, 221, 224 Lobi, 6, 8, 12, 29–32, 51, 229–32, 234 Lobnibe, Isidore, 181, 194, 232 long common room, 4, 5, 36–37, 39, 57, 86, 103, 147–48, 160 mask, 110, 122–23, 127–28, 133 maternal, 6, 8, 62, 99, 100, 144, 146, 168–72 maternity, 8, 62–64 Mbiti, John, 22–24, 43, 233 McCoy, Remigius F., 32, 233 medicine, 3, 7–8, 17–18, 20, 22, 28–29, 31, 36, 43, 52, 64, 67–68, 74, 87, 94, 104, 109–10, 114, 116–18, 120–22, 124–26, 128–31, 148, 157–58, 173–74, 176, 185, 191, 203, 206, 218–19, 221n5, 229 medicinal, 52, 56, 67, 70, 91, 94, 97–98, 109, 110, 114, 122, 125, 130, 148, 184, 221n2–4, 226 memory, v, 20, 28–30, 35, 50, 59, 61, 67, 74, 76, 95, 96, 107, 119, 137, 217, 235 metaphor, 14, 61, 72, 91–92, 111n5, 113, 122, 126, 171, 229 millet (Pennisetum glaucum), 5, 57, 62, 67, 70–72, 82–85, 87, 96, 99, 121–23, 125–27, 148, 150, 174, 182, 226 mind, 1, 12, 17–19, 25–29, 42, 52, 58, 74–76, 100, 104, 121, 124, 154, 156, 162, 167, 192–93, 230–32 miscarriage, 66, 132, 135–36

240 X Index missionary, 3–4, 9, 15n5, 18, 21–22, 31–33, 186 missionary society of Africa (white fathers), 3, 31–32 monkey (Cercopithecidae), 14, 114–18, 125 moon, 34 Mulago, Vincent, 22, 24, 233 myth, 2, 34, 41, 52, 61, 68–69, 116, 139, 145, 149–50, 158, 178, 200, 231–34 Nandom, 4, 6–8, 15n5, 33, 186 nature being, 123, 125, 130, 200, 204n4 nature spirit, 99, 197, 202, 228 negativity, 20 neophyte, 96–97, 99, 103, 105–7, 173, 175, 177, 224 Nigeria, 188–89, 204n1, 231, 234 Nkrumah, Kwame, 19–20, 22, 187, 233 oath, 95, 107–8 Okri, Ben, 42n1, 233 okra (Abelmoschus esculentus), 36, 142n8, 175 okro, 104 orator, 105. See also bagr ordeal, 104, 106, 109 Owusu, Stephen Atta, 188, 233 partridge (Perdicinae), 14, 86, 121 paternity, 62–65, 77n4, 134 peace corp, 80 pig (pork), 80 pito (local beer), 85–87, 94–99, 100–4, 106, 111n8, 123–25, 127, 139, 148, 183–84, 199, 213 placenta, 6, 133, 137 Poda, Evariste, 179, 233 pond (as cosmic being), 39–41, 123, 208 pot, 5, 6, 38, 47, 51, 57, 60, 62, 66, 92, 99, 104, 108, 120, 126, 137, 148, 157, 161, 175, 203, 225–26 prayer, 102–3, 160, 191, 200–2, 221

prayer of dedication, 172, 199, 202 prayer of invocation, 96, 98, 102–3, 167, 172, 200 pregnancy, 62–64, 66, 132–33, 135–36 primitive, 12, 18, 20–21, 25–28, 42n4, 50, 59, 61, 63, 65, 67, 78, 106, 116, 124, 131, 235 primitivity, 20 prohibition(s), 13, 73, 80–81, 86–87, 93–95, 98, 100, 105, 107–8, 113–14, 157, 172–74, 177–78, 203–4n5 python, (African Rock), 207–9, 210–11, 213–15, 217, 218–21n1, 22n8 Quran, 19 rabbit, 14, 86, 121 rain (as cosmic being), 1, 3, 9, 18, 24, 32, 34–35, 40, 44–45, 47–53n1, 59, 63, 77n4, 89, 108, 116, 128, 149– 51, 163, 169, 182, 209, 223–24 rain cult, 3, 18 Rattray, Robert S., 31, 234 reasoning, vii, 13, 16–17, 19, 22, 36–38, 41–42n6, 50, 52–53, 57–59, 61, 62, 68–72, 74–75, 78, 95,98, 118–19, 124, 138, 162, 190 ways of reasoning, vii, 16 river, 6, 8, 23–24, 39–40, 42, 51, 55, 86–87, 117, 155, 169–70, 174, 180n12 rock (as cosmic being), 34, 45, 48, 50, 117, 149, 169, 178 rooster, 128, 141, 201–2, 212. See also hen roselle plant (Habiscus sabdrifa), 67, 69 roselle plant sorrel (Rumex acetosa), 67–68, 72, 129, 157, 178 Rouville, Cécile de, 180n13, 234 Rozin, Paul, 80, 234 Rule, Sheila, 188, 234

Index    241

Sabelli, Fabrizio, 62, 77n2, 234 sacred objects, 11–12, 23, 33–35, 44–45, 51, 75, 102, 108, 147, 157, 172, 176, 209, 221n2 Sahlins, Marshall, 17, 81, 234 scarecrow, 73, 98 Schutz, Alfred, 145, 234 scorpion (Scorpiones), 40, 73, 87, 91, 101 Senegal saba (Saba senegalensis), 115–16, 141n1 shea butter, ix, 70, 74–75, 98, 161, 207, 213 shea tree, 40–41, 52, 62, 68–69, 169, 207, 211 sheep (Ovis aries), 71, 80, 118, 128, 172, 199, 202, 212, 216 shrine shrine ancestral, ix, 35, 47, 51, 53, 55, 60, 67, 75, 147, 151, 167, 200, 223–26 bagr shrine, ix, 159 (see also bagr) earth shrine, 53n1, 108 (see also earth) healing shrine, 14, 35, 143, 151, 200 (see also healer) kɔntɔn shrine, 55, 60, 63 (see also kɔntɔn) snake (Serpentes), 52, 123, 182, 221n1&3, 224 sorghum plant (Poaceae), 57, 71–72, 82–83, 93, 99, 149, 174, 213 soul, 131, 133, 137–39, 141–42n10, 147, 177, 226 Spini, Tito, 183, 229 strophanthus (Strophos anthos), 14–15n6, 120 structuralism, 25 sun, 6, 34, 97, 177, 199, 209 swift bird (Apodidae), 123, 142n3 taboo, 12, 50, 230 tail, 123, 153, 155–56, 184, 199, 201 Tallensi, 145, 230, Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja, 115, 234 tengan (Earth cult), 18, 35, 53n1, 83, 85, 89, 103, 105, 163, 227

Tengan, Alexis Bekyane, 4, 6, 8, 9–10, 14, 17–18, 21, 29, 32, 34–36, 38, 41, 42n1,n5,n7, 47, 63, 67, 69, 71, 77n2,n5, 79, 82–83, 91–96, 98, 100–1, 105, 107, 109, 115–16, 118, 120, 124, 126, 136, 141, 149, 160, 164, 172–73, 176, 186–87, 198 Tengan, Edward, 179, 235 therapeutic, 17, 88, 97–98, 167 therapy, 52, 98, 109 toad (Amietophrynus superciliaris), 14, 40, 120–21 Torah, 19 totem, 124, 222n8 totemic, 12, 50, 115, 133, 138, 147, 164, 209, 228 totemism, 26, 232 toxin, 106, 109, 114, 119–22, 125, 129–30, 172 toxic, 68, 80, 91, 99, 119, 121, 126, 129–30 toxic worm, 126, 129–30 transmutation, 131, 155, 218, 220 tree (as cosmic being), 39–40, 48, 50, 149, 178 African Copaiba balsam tree (kankyɛlɛ), 208, 210 African locust bean tree (dawadawa), 208, 213 false abura (yila), 208, 209, 210 shea tree (taan), 40, 41, 52, 62, 68–69, 169, 207, 211 Tuozaafi (TZ), 5, 57, 67, 71, 82, 97, 105, 123, 148, 175, 183, 217 Tylor, Edward, 131–32, 235 Unborn, 31, 39–42n1, 49–50, 130, 132–35, 137, 144 unborn life, 130 unborn stage, 144 unborn state, 144 World of the unborn, 31 undomesticated, vii, 26, 28, 42n4, 72, 75, 112–15, 118, 121, 122, 124–25, 169

242 X Index vegetable, 5, 52, 62, 67–70, 72–73, 82, 85, 92, 99–100, 102, 105, 153, 157, 321n2 vegetable dish, 99–100, 105 vegetable soup, 5, 82, 85, 92 volunteer service overseas (VSO), 80. See also peace corp vulture (Gyps africanus), 48, 124, 149, 178 wind, 34, 45, 149, 160

Wiredu, Kwasi, 24, 235 wound, 91, 117–18, 122–23, 125, 129–30 xylophone, 101, 102 yam, 72, 83, 87, 100–1, 107, 176 black yam, 87 water yam (Dioscorea alata), 100 White yam, 100