Occasional Papers of the Wolfenden Society on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics. Volume III. Tone systems of Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal. Part I, Studies on Tone and Phonological Segments

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Occasional Papers of the Wolfenden Society on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics. Volume III. Tone systems of Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal. Part I, Studies on Tone and Phonological Segments

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*

Occasional Papers

of

the SOCIETY

WOLFENDEN

on

TIBETO

LINGUISTICS

- BURMAN

Volume TONE

SYSTEMS

TIBETO - BURMAN LANGUAGES OF NEPAL

OF

Part I , Studies on

research

Phonological

Tone and

Austin Hale

The

III

and Kenneth

reported herein was performed

L

Segments

. Pike

pursuant

contract Education , u . s . to

- 9 -- 097721 - 2778 (014 ) with the Office of Department of Health , Education , and Welfare , through the OEC - 0

Institute of Linguistics . edited

by

Publications of the The

F

.

K

. Lehman

Department

University

Urbana ,

of

of Linguistics

Illinois

1970

Summer

-

TABLE

OF

CONTENTS

Page

iv

Introduction A

Phonological Survey of Seven Bodic Languages of Nepal , Austin Hale

TONE

of Nuclei of Feet in the Analysis of in Tibeto -Burman Languages of Nepal ,

The Role Tone

Kenneth A

L

.

Pike

Note on Glides , Syllabicity and Tone in Gurung , Austin Hale and Warren W . Glover

Gurung Tone and Higher Levels , Warren

W

.

49

Glover

Spectrographic Confirmation of contrastive Pitch and Breathiness in Gurung , Bruce C . Hinton Tamang Tone

Taylor

Thakali

and Higher and Kenneth

Tone and

Pitch , Intensity

Ross Caughley

Levels , L . Pike

Maria

Hari , Doreen

Higher Levels , Maria Hari and

Higher Levels in

125

Chepang

158

Higher Levels , Dora Marlene Schulze Tone and

Bieri

and

Sherpa Tone and Higher Levels , Kent Gordon PHONOLOGICAL A

Note

on

the Segmental

Synopses , Austin Hale

Synopsis , Warren

W

Segmental

Synopsis , Doreen

Taylor

Thakali Segmental Chepang

170

186

SEGMENTS

Gurung Segmental Tamang

, 143

Newari Higher Levels , Austin Hale Sunwar

82

Segmental

. Glover

209

211 237

Synopsis , Maria Hari

258

Synopsis , Ross

279

C

. Caughley

Page

Newari Segmental Synopsis , Austin Hale Sunwar Segmental Synopsis , Dora

Marlene Schulze

Bieri

300 and

Sherpa Segmental Synopsis , Kent Gordon and Burkhard Schoettelndreyer A

Note on Sherpa Vowels , Burkhard Schoetteln dreyer and Austin Hale

-

iii

-

328

345

INTRODUCTION The

material

earliest results

of

in

this report represents

field

research

some

of the

languages Linguistics , Inc .

in the

of

Nepal by the Summer Institute of Some of the results presented here are tentative hypotheses , subject to revision in the light of continuing research . The areas of interest are many and varied . Part I of this report presents phonological data in ter hierarchically -ordered units of phoneme , syllable , stress group , etc . Further research will allow presentation of other kinds of orderings . In particular , as more exten sive morphophonemic and syntactic evidence is gathered , relations of the specifically phonological elements to the lexical and syntactic ones can be made explicit , both in terms of the distributional relations of the units of the phonological hierarchy to units of the syntactic and lexi

cal hierarchies , as envisaged special interest to Pike ) and generative

transformational

in a tagmemic approach ( of in terms of the rules or a grammar which assign phono

logical interpretations to surface structures interest

to

Hale

)

.

( of

special

H Since all of the seven languages dealt with here are family , considered members of the Sino - Tibetan the analysis of tone is of particular interest . The analysis of the tone material has not been without its problems . The tone systems here described are radically different from those to which the members of the Institute have previously been exposed in their work in some 450 languages of North Ameri

America , New Guinea and West Africa . The Ins titute has , to be sure , done considerable work among the tribal groups of Viet Nam , where there are tone problems in some instances related to those we have faced in Nepal . In general , however , the tone systems of Nepal present an

ca , South

array of

difficulties of analysis sufficiently different

those in which the Institute ' s tone studies in the western hemisphere have been developed that the correla tion of these former studies and approaches with the kind of structure facing them on the center of the Asiatic mainland is of deep theoretical interest . The first part , particular Preliminary problem , therefore focuses on this . surveys are given of the pitch system in each of the lan guages studied , as it appears to the investigators at the moment , and there is an overall survey of the structures It is clear that this work in relation to one another . must continue . The difficulties of analysis were sufficient ly great that they were not un solved to our satisfaction in all languages , even though much progress has been made . In one respect , therefore , the tone material of this first from

volume is a progress report . The studies are continuing , hope and we to revise these results in the near future .

II of

this report contains vocabulary lists from each of the seven languages . Tone is marked for all languages , although in the case of Sunwar and Tamang , the Part

word lists went to press before the most recent analysis of tone had been written . Part also includes some pre liminary comparative work aimed at showing relationships between some of the more closely related languages of this report . In addition , a brief glottochronological study based on the Swadesh 100 -word for each of the languages seven is also included .

II

list

Parts

III

and

IV

contain text material in varying

amounts for each language . These materials represent the speech of native speakers , somewhat edited by the speakers themselves so as to eliminate the psychologically relevant

but syntactically irrelevant

phenomena

of hesitation

.

will

As we have indicated , the project continue Specifically , beyond the bounds of these first four parts . investigations already begun we have extensive of the clause structure of these languages , and our next phase of emphasize that . We work in Nepal not , however , stop with the clause , but will go upward to sentence , paragraph , and discourse , as well as downward to phrase and word structures .

will

will

Although the data of these first four parts is res tricted to Nepal , we have begun work in some of the lesser known languages and dialects of India , and in future pub lications we hope to show that the kind of approach which enables us to gather extensive data in a Tibeto - Burman system will similarly allow us to make these data available to those governmental , university , and private agencies which desire that they be publicly available . Eventually , we hope , this should encourage further study across lan guage barriers , and increase our understanding of those

features universally shared by all human beings . When we reach this goal , we will have personally been pleased to have contributed to an understanding of our times and of ourselves , since only by understanding language as a whole , in relation to our various cultures , can we even tually understand ourselves in relation to the world in which

we

all live .

Austin Hale

Kenneth

L

.

Pike

A

PHONOLOGICAL

SURVEY

OF

SEVEN BODIC

Austin The purpose some of the

LANGUAGES

OF

NEPAL !

Hale

of this paper is to present

in

summary

major phonological characteristics of form seven of the Bodic languages currently under study by members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Nepal and ,

where

possible , to point

to

similarities

and

dif

1

,

0 ferences among these phonological systems that are not by given synopses phoneme revealed the charts in the . This survey is based primarily on data papers written by members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics during the Summer and Fall of 1969 . Synopses of those papers appear elsewhere in this volume . The seven languages Gurung Tamang , , treated here are Thakali , Chepang , Newari

Sunwar

,

+

and Sherpa .

I . INTRODUCTION These seven languages have been

related to one an other in terms of various kinds of classifications . For preliminary classification of these languages made on a the basis of glotto - chronological calculations , see the article ' cognate counts via the Swadesh List in Some Tibeto Burman Languages of Nepal ' by Warren Glover , else where in this report . Three other classifications of these languages

should be mentioned

.

Sten Konow ( in Grierson ( 1909 ) ) has classified these languages as follows . ( Languages and groups of languages not of immediate interest have been omitted . of the languages currently of interest to the group , Jireli , Kham , and Kaike were apparently unknown to

previous classifiers

.

)

-

1

-

-

,

-

2

-

Tibeto - Burman

Tibetan

Himalayan

Central Dialect (U

Sharpa

, Lhasa ) Non -

Pronominalized

Complex Pronominal

ized

Eastern Subgroup Gurung

Chepang

Murmi

Thaksya

Sunwar

Limbu

Magari

Khambu

Newari

Rai

Lepcha

( Rong )

Kusunda

Konow ' s term , Murmi , refers to the language now more com monly referred to as Tamang and Thaksya has been identi fied as what is now more commonly called Thakali . S . K . Chatterji ( 1950 : 170 ) has related each of Konow ' s three major groups to a wave of migrants , the complex pronomi nal languages being descended from the language ( s ) spoken by the first wave of migrants and revealing ' Austric ' ( Munda ) influence , the non - pronominalized group represent ing a second wave of migrants , the ' pure Tibeto - Burman ' 30 R group , and the Tibetan languages representing a third wave ofHR migrants , said to have arrived in the first millennium according to Buddhist tradition . The 0classification B •. C . of Thaksya ( Thakali ) , made on the basis of limited evidence , has proved wrong . Evidence now in hand shows it to be non pronominalized . Robert Shafer ( 1955 ) has criticized this + H classification in some detail and has offered the following + classification of these languages . It is interesting that X P Glover ' s classification , made on the basis of lexicostatis nearly very computations , ' s Shafer coincides with tical фо languages they classification for the that both cover . Branches and languages not of immediate interest are omit ted from the following diagram .

-

3

-

Sino - Tibetan Bodic Division

Bodish

Burmic

East

West

Section

Himalayish Section

Central

Himalayish

Section

Newarish

Section

Division Kukish

Section Northern Naga

Newari

Tsepang

Magari

Branch Ao

Gurung Branch

Bodish Branch

Central

Gurung Murmi Thaksya

Bodish

Unit

Lhasa

( Tibetan Sarpa

4

feels

Khambu

Unit

Khambu

Limbu

A

of

Rong

( Leptsa )

Dumi

Unit Sunwari Rai

)

t

definite

Tibetan ( 1965 )

Bontawa

Unit

however , that Bodic Division than ,

Western Branch

Eastern

Branch

Unit

more recent

should

in

it is

it is

a his classification

of

Newari . He to the to the Burmic Division of Sino

likely

more

classification

alsoO be mentioned

.

to belong

by Voegelin

Voegelin

and It critically reviews each above , though the classifi

the two classifications given cation proposed in4C lieu of the above is not altogether clear as it relates to the languages of immediate interest for this report . For example , an ' Eastern Nepal Subgroup ' is set Subgroup ' yet at up in contrast to a ' Non - Pronominalized least three of the languages in the 'Eastern Nepal Subgroup ' ( Thakya , Magari , and Sunwar ) are also non - pronominalized . U O t Branches and languages not of immediate interestT are are omitted from the following diagram .

-

4

-

Sino - Tibetan Phylum

Tibetan

Gyarung - Mishmi Family

Family

Central Tibetan

Eastern Nepal

Subgroup

Subgroup

Lhasa Sharpa

Chepang Limbu

Rai

Bodo

- Naga - Kachin

Family

Non Pronominalized

Naga

Gurung

Lepcha

Subgroup

Tamang

Newari

Branch

(

Rồng

)

Khambu

Thakya

Magari Sunwar

briefly

Having

sketched various views as to their proceed to give certain non - linguistic interrelatedness background items of information concerning each of the seven languages of this report . , we

Gurung .

referred to

by Burton - Page ( 1955 ) and the British and by the Gurungs themselves tamUkywihqi spoken as " ' ) is in Nepal by some 157 , 778 people ? most of whom live in the districts of Lamjung , Syangja , Kaski , Gorkha , Tanahun , and Dhading . The dialect reported village , located some six miles on here is that of Ghachok Army

(

as Gurungkura ,

northwest of Pokhara in Kaski District . It is estimated that this dialect is understood by about half of the Gurungs in the western hills . It is to a large extent mutually unintelligible with the dialect of Gorkha - Lamjung . Research on Gurung has been conducted by Warren and Jessie Glover since 1967 . Their principal informant for this study was Deu Bahadur Gurung . He was 24 years old in 1969 and highly Nepali fluent in . All essential data were checked also 3 , Ras Kumari Gurung , aged 31 years . with his wife She is quite illiterate and less fluent in Nepali . Both were born and

raised

in Ghachok .

( also referred to as Murmi , Bhotia , Ishang , and spoken Sain ) is in Nepal by some 518 , 812 people , most of Bagmati surrounding Kathmandu whom live in Zone in the Valley . The dialect reported on here is that of Sahugaon ,

Tamang

hills

located

some

fiveD(P miles north - northwest of Trisuli bazar

in

.

-

Nuwakot

District

.

5

-

considerably It differs Sprigg

Rishingo studied by R . Tamang has been carried

from

that of

Research on : in 1956 . by Doreen Taylor since 1967 . Her principal informants for this study have been Karna Bahadur Tamang and his brother Bhajuman Bahadur Tamang ,

both of Sahugaon

K

. on

.

Thakali ( referred to in Grierson ( 1909 ) as Thaksya , Voegelin and Voegelin ( 1965 ) as Thākya and by the Thakali in themselves as " tapaang " ) is spoken by some 3 , 000 people , many of whom live , during the warmer seasons in the northern part of Dhaulagiri Zone along the upper reaches of the Kali The dialect Gandaki River which is known as the Thak Khola . has on Thakali described here is that of Tukche . Research by 1968 . since Maria Hari and Anita Maibaum been carried on Principal informants for this study include Parbati Tulachen and Mahendra Tulachan , both residents of Pokhara who were raised raised

in in Kathmandu

,

Tukche , Bijay Gauchan , resident of Pokhara who was Jhuma , near Tukche , and Nila Gauchan , resident of who was raised in Tukche .

Shafer ( 1955 ) as ' Tsepang ' D T ( in and by the Chepangs themselves as " cyobang " ) is spoken w part living Nepal by some 9 , 274 people of in the southern to , Dhading district , the western part of Makwanpur district part , of Chitawan district and the southern the northern part of Ghorka district , an area south and west of Kathmandu . village r on here is that of Maiserang The dialect reported Chepang

(

referred to

located in Makwanpur

in

District .

Ross

and Chepang

e Kathlene Caughley since 1969 . The

conducting research on informant for this study was Bhobikan 24 year old resident of Maiserang .

have been

principal

Chepang ,

a

Newari ( referred to in Jørgensen ( 1921 ) as ' Nevari ' spoken as mother tongue by many Newars as ' Newa ' ) and by some 377 , 727 people2 in Nepal , most of whom live in Valley . The dialect described here is that of Kathmandu Research on Newari has been carried on by Kathmandu . Margrit Hale since 1968 . Principal informants and Austin for this study include Jagan Nath Maskey , born in Bhaktapur

is

resident of

Kathmandu for

a

number

of

years

,

Rabindra

Pradhan , Kadam Mayan Rajbhandari , and Narbada Rajbhandari , raised in Kathmandu . The analysis here presented has benefited greatly from comments by Boyd Michailovsky , Kathmandu , and from checking with Punya Ratna U . S . A . I . D. ,

all

Bajracharya , of Kathmandu .

also referred to as Sunuwar , Sunwari , and by some 13 , 362 people2 most of whom spoken Sunuwari ) is live in the Likhu and Khimti River Valleys of Ramechhap , The dialect described Dolakha , and Okhaldhunga Districts . Sunwar

(

6

-

is

Valley

that of the

village of

Sabra in the Likhu River of District . Dora Bieri and Marlene Schulze started research on Sunwar in 1969 . The principal years , informants have been Hari Bahadur Sunwar 20 old , and his sister Devi Bina Sunwar , 22 years old , both residents of Kathmandu who were born and raised in Sabra .

here

Ramechhap

Sherpa ( referred to by Konow as ' Sharpa ' by Shafer ( 1955 ) as ' Sarpa ' ) is spoken by something less than the 84 , 223 people given in the 1961 Census of Nepal as speakers of ' Bhote Sherpa ' D. Since ' Bhote ' is a cover term for var ( , the number of Sherpa speakers may ious Tibetan dialects U considerably ( be less than 80 , 000 . The traditional home Sherpas land of the is the district of Solu - Khumbu . Sherpa speakers are also found in the Helmu and upper Trisuli Valleys . 3 The dialect described here is that of Kerung Village near Phaphlu in Solu - Khumbu District . Research on Sherpa was carried on by Luke and Marie Zylstra during 1967 1968 , by

and

Austin Hale during the second half of

1968 ,

by Kent Gordon during the Summer of 1969 and by Burkhard and Heiderose Schoettelndreyer from the Fall of 1969 on . The segmental system presented here represents a modifi cation of Gordon ' s analysis by Schoettelndreyer . The tone EO system is entirely that of Kent Gordon ' s analysis . The principal informants for this analysis have been Ang Gelbu Sherpa and Ang Dami Sherpa , both residents of Kathmandu who were raised in Kerung Village .

All of

the work reported on here was done under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics , Nepal Branch in collaboration with Tribhuvan University , Kirtipur ,

and was supported in part by the Department of Health , Education , and Welfare , Office of Education , Washington D

.

c

.

under

contract number

OEC -

0

-

9

- 097721 -

2778 .

Each

,

of

the analyses presented here has benefited from the guidance

inspiration of Dr . Kenneth L . Pike , Chief Investigator . The following is a very brief bibliography of pre viously published works relating to the languages mentioned in this report . and

A

. General

Chatterji

,

Suniti

Kumar

and

(

1950

)

Society el centre of Bengal , Letters

Glover

' Kirata - Jana

.

-

Krti ,

The

their contribution to the history culture of India , ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Indo - Mongoloids :

, Warren W . some

List in

( 1970 )

Tibeto

.

,

Vol .

16

, pp .

143 - 235 .

' Cognate Counts via the Swadesh of Nepal ' in the

Burman Languages

7

-

present report . Grierson , George A . ( ed . ) ( 1909 ) . Linguistic Survey of India , Part I , Dehli : Motilal Banarsidass Vol . ( Reprinted 1967 ) , pp . 73 - 77 ( Central Tibetan ) , 113 - 117 ( Sherpa ) ,

III

182 - 188 (Gurung ) , 189 - 197 ( Tamang ) , 198 - 205 ( Sunwar ) , 206 - 213 (Magar ) , 214 - 221 , (Newari ) , 233 - 249 ( Lepcha ) , 283 - 297 ( Limbu ) , 316 - 326 ( Khambu ) , 373 - 381 (Rai ) , 402 ( Chepang ) , 406 ( Thakali ) .

Brian Houghton ( 1847 ) . ' On the Aboriginees of the Himalayas , ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal sub -

Hodgson , 16

: 1235 - 1244 .

S . ( 1970 ) . ' Gurung , Tamang , Thakali , Sherpa , Chepang and Prosodies , ' elsewhere in this report .

Pittman

Richard

,

Gurung

-

, and Jessie Thakali , ' elsewhere

Glover ( 1970 ) . ' Proto - Tamang in this report .

Shafer , Robert ( 1950 ) . ' Classification of some Languages of Himalayas , ' Journal of the Bihar Research Society the 34

part

,

4

,

pp .

(

1955

192 - 214 .

)

Languages , ' Word Languages .

( ed

.

)

.

lll ll' Classification

(

1957 ) .

Wiesbaden

( ed . )

Languages , Vol . pp . 141 .

.

: 94 -

( 2

:

of

the Sino - Tibetan

Bibliography of Sino - Tibetan Otto Harrassowitz , pp . 211 .

1963 ) Bibliography of Sino - Tibetan . Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz ,

Voegelin , C . F . and F . M . Voegelin ( 1965 a ) . ' Languages of the World : Sino - Tibetan Fascicle Four , ' Anthropological Linguistics , Vol . 7 , No . un5 (May 1965 ) pp . 1 -55 . ( 1965b )

the World :

Sino - Tibetan Vol . 7 , No .

Linguistics

B

6

.

' Languages of

Fascicle Five , Anthropological ( June 1965 ) p . 8 . ( Lepcha )

. Gurung

Burton - Page , J . ( 1955 ) . ' Two Studies in Gurungkura : I . Tone ; . Rhotacization and retroflexion , ' Bulletin of the

II

School

Glover

,

of Oriental

Jessie

R

.

(

1969

and

)

.

Interrogative Linguistic Special (

Gurung

"

African Studies

Structure

, ' Tribhuvan Number ) pp .

and

17 : 111 - 119 .

Function

University

37 - 57

.

in

the

Journal

,

-

-

8

Glover , Warren W . ( 1969a ) . ' Three Gurung Equivalents of English be , ' Tribhuvan University Journal ( Special

Linguistic

Number ) pp .

1

- 36 .

. ( 1969b ) . Gurung Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto Summer Phonemic Summaries - I ) Kathmandu : Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University , pp . 61 |

Burman

C

. Tamang ( Murmi )

Campbell ,

A

.

'Notes on the Limboos and other Hill , ' Journal of the Asiatic Bengal 9 : 613 - 615 ( Tamang vocabulary ) .

( 1840 )

.

Tribes hitherto Undescribed

of

Society

' Ethnographic von ( 1956 ) . Anthropologist Nepal , Tamangs ' Eastern of Notes on the Kinship Tamang Terms ) . ( 9 : 169 - 170

Führer - Haimendorff , Christoph

Taylor

' Tamang Weaving , ' Tribhuvan Univer Number ) pp . 57 - 87 vocabulary weaving Tamang ) . ( , Doreen

(

1969a

sity Journal

)

.

( Special Linguistic

Tamang Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto Summer ) Kathmandu : Burman Phonemic Summaries Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University pp . (

D

.

Thakali

(

1969b

Thaksya

)

.

VII

35

)

Hari , Maria ( 1969 ) . Thakali Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto - Burman Summer Institute Phonemic Summaries - III ) Kathmandu : of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University pp . 48 . ' Comparative Grammar of the Languages of the Broken Tribes of Nepal , ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 26 : 327 - 332 . Brian Houghton

Hodgson ,

(

1857

)

.

Thakali Extrait de l ' Ethnographic Jest ,, Corneille ( 1964 ) . Les Thakazipextract Ethnographie de is!. 1964ételese de Paris oumededea Jest rRevue ' de la ( société @

E

.

d

Chepang

Dahal , and R . C . Caughley ( 1970 ) ' Chepang Segmental Phonemes , ' Tribhuvan University Journal Vol . V No . 1 ( June ) pp . 65 - 81 .

Bandhu ,

C

.

M

.,

B

.

M

.

.

-

-

9

Caughley , Ross C . ( 1969 ) . Chepang Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto Burman Phonemic Summaries - IV ) Kathmandu : Summer Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University pp . 36 . C . J . F . S . ( 1877 ) . ' Affinities of the Dialects of the Chepang and Kusundah Tribes of Nepál with those of the BD Hill Tribes of Arracan V, ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 9 : 421 - 424 ( Chepang vocabulary ) .

Forbes ,

of

the Royal

' On Tibeto - Burman Languages , ' Journal Asiatic Society 10 :219 ( Chepang vocabulary ) .

( 1878 )

.

1881 :

a

(

of Further India (

Chepang

vocabulary

Hodgson , Brian Houghton Tribes of Népal , '

Bengal

F

17 ,

Part

2

Comparative Grammar of the Languages and other Essays . London

.

)

Fragment )

.

(

1848 ) .

' On the Chepang and Kusunda

Journal of the Asiatic Society of

, pp . 650 - 658 .

. Newari

Campbell , George

Calcutta

(

, pp .

1874

)

151

.

ff .

Specimens

of

the Languages

of India .

Conrady , August ( 1891 ) . ' Das Newarî : Grammatik und Sprach proben , ' Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen

Gesellschaft . aus

:

1

- 35 .

' Ein Sanskrit - Newâr î Wörter - buch , Minayeff ' s herausgegeben , ' Zeitschrift Nachlasse (

dem

45

1893 ) .

der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft Hale , Austin ( Tibeto Summer

Pp

.

47 .

.

47 : 539 - 573 .

and Margrit ( 1969 ) . Newari Phonemic Summary - Burman Phonemic Summaries - V ) Kathmandu : Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University ( 1828 ) . ' Notices of the Languages , Religion of the Bauddhas of Nepal and

Hodgson , Brian Houghton

Literature , and Bhot , ' Asiatick Researches . .

1235 - 1244 .

Jørgensen , Hans

Zeitschrift 75

409 - 449 .

' On the Aborigines of the - Himalayas , ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ( 1847 )

sub 16 :

16 :

. ' Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis des Nevari , ' der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft .

( 1921 )

: 213 - 236 .

-

( 1928 )

Newari - Sprache , '

.

-

10

' Versuch eines Wörterbuches der Acta Orientalia . 6 : 26 - 92 .

A ( 1931 ) . Vicitrakarnikavadanoddhrta . Collection of Buddhistic Legends . Nevari text edited and translated into English , London .

' Linguistic

( 1936 ) .

Acta Orientalia .

Newari , '

14

,

Remarks on

part

4

, pp .

the

Verbin

280 - 285 .

of the Classical Newari A Dictionary Kgl Selskab . Videnskabernes . Danske København ( Det filologiske 1 . ) . 23 . Meddelelser Historisk (

1936 ) .

Batisaputrikakatha . A Newari Recension of the Simhas an advatrim - Satika , ' København Selskab . Historisk ( Det Kgl . Danske Videnskabernes ( 1939 )

filologiske

.

Meddelelser .

( 1941 ) .

A

24

Grammar

.2 . )

of

the

Classical Newari .

Kgl . Danske Videnskabernes Selskab filologiske Meddelelser . 27 . 3 . ) Historisk ( Det

København

Waidya Pattaprasad Kathmandu .

Jossi ,

Kirkpatrick , William Nepaul .

London .

( 1956 )

.

.

Nepal Bhasa Sabdakos ,

( 1811 ) . An Account Pp . 221 - 249 .

of the

Kingdom

of

. ' The Phonemes of Newari , ' Sayajirao University of Baroda Maharaja Journal of the

Modi , Bharati 16

:

1

:

V

.

( 1967 )

103 - 134 .

Pusparatna , Sri . Kathmandu

Shafer

Robert

,

( 1962 )

( 1952 ) .

.

6

:

Wright , Daniel (1877 ).

G

.

.

Subodha Nepal Bhasa

By

akarna .

.

Linguistica pp

.

300 - 311

.

92

' Newari - 109 .

and

Sino - Tibetan

History of Nepāl .

,

' Studia

Cambridge

.

Sunwar

Bieri

Sunwar Phonemic , Dora and Marlene Schulze ( 1969 ) . Summary ( Tibeto - Burman Phonemic Summaries - VI ) and Summer Institute of Linguistics Kathmandu : University pp . 31 . Tribhuvan

.

.

-

Shafer

,

Robert

( 1953 ) .

School of Oriental

H

.

ll

-

' East Himalayish , ' and

African Studies

,

Bulletin of the 15

:

356 - 374 .

Sherpa

Gordon , Kent

Sherpa Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto ( 1969 ) . Phonemic Summaries ) Kathmandu : Summer

Burman

Institute of Linguists

Hale , Austin

Linguistic and

R

.

.

II , ' K

African

Dialect )

School

II

Tribhuvan University

(

1954

)

' Verbal Phrases

.

in

Lhasa

Tibetan

Bulletin of the School of Oriental

Studies , ( 1955 )

and

16 :

134 - 156

, 320 - 350 .

of

' The Tonal

.

the Nominal

of Oriental

and

pp .

60 .

of Contrast in Sherpa Journal ( Special

. ' Some Dimensions Tribhuvan University pp . 89 - 104 . Number )

( 1969 )

Phonology , '

Sprigg ,

and

System Phrase , '

I

and

Tibetan

( Lhasa

Bulletin of the

African Studies

,

17 :

133 - 153 .

( 1963 ) . ' Prosodic Analysis and Phonological in Tibeto - Burman Linguistic Comparison , Comparison in South in f . L . Shorto ( ed . ) , Linguistic East Asia and the Pacific . London : School of Oriental and African Studies , pp . 79 - 108 ( For Sherpa see especially pp . 105 - 108 . )

Formulae

II .

S N SEGMENTAL

SURVEY

It

should be noted from the outset that five kinds of schemes are utilized for representing the languages reported here three of which are relevant to the present presentation Not referred to here are the devanagri representation which used for practical orthog raphy and the roman representation used for computer appli cations Relevant to this report are the phonemic tran scription enclosed slant lines the phonetic tran scription enclosed square brackets and the roman text orthography enclosed double quotes Text orthog raphies distinct from but in general mutuallv convertible with the phonemic transcription scheme have been adopted in the interests of ease in typing text The text orthog raphies are phonemic given the sense that the relevant definitions of di and tri graphs all the contrasts of the )

)

,

.

(

3

2

(

, )

,

in

,

,

--

,

in

.

)

(

,

,

,

in in

(

.

1

bol

is

.

,

on

transcription

.

-

-

phonemic transcription are retained The following table correspondences shows the between the more or less standard

-

phonemic

symbol : used

12

-

the text orthographic adaptations

and

made in each of the languages . Items enclosed in parentheses interpreted phonemically are as clusters for the language

concerned .

lacks the

segments

Phonemic Symbol

hyphen

A

in

cell indicates that

a

the language

specific

phoneme concerned . Comments relating to in specific languages follow the table .

Text Orthographic Representation Gurung

Tamang р

ph

,

Thakali Chepang Newari

ъ

р

ph

( ph )

ph

(bh )

( bh )

-

t

t

t

th

th )) (( th

( th )

( dh )

( dh )

ph

Sherpa P

P

P

P

( ph )

Sunwar

( ph )

ъ

-

th th

Th

ID Thi T

,

thr

I ch

ch

tsh

c

(

Th

)

I

tsi

)

)

X

0 1

kh

)

X

(

)

gh )

ban

(

kh

(

)

gh )

g

(

kh

(

kh

k

8

(

)

1

(

jh

)

( cy

chy

)

( (

) )

(

chy

-

)

) (

kh

k

dzy

k

(

(

tshy

cy

,

o

)

(

tsy

kh

o

I i I i

c

o

'n

W

th )

t

in

60

(

I

D

tsc , i

X

t

)

I

(

th

t

(

to a

ch )

t

(

-

ch )

-

- 13

Phonemic Symbol

Gurung Tamang Thakali Chepang

(sy )

(sy )

-

-

( sy )

-

-

-

hm

,

mh

(mh )

-

,

nh

-

-

-

hn

,

nh

( nh )

-

ng

ng

, nh

.

*,

ih

ngg

.

09

hng , ngh 1

(K1 )

L

hl ,

R

hr , rh

, rh

rh

W

,

wh

wh

eee -

а

а

lh

)

( 1h )

( rh )

( rh )

(

1h

, wh

-

hy , yh

-

hw

, yh

e

1

-

r

Y

sh

mh

09 ng

Sherpa

Newari Sunwar

,

ng N

sss

Text Orthographic Representation

s

M

-

(ya )

-

-

аа

аа

e

( ay : ) а

:

а

-

14

-

Text Orthographic

Phonemic Symbol

Gurung Tamang Thakali

i

8

Representation

Chepang

Newari Sunwar

I

0 3

aa

Sherpa

::

1

0

0

( wa )

3

3

Nasal Vowel 20

an

e :

'

O

;

High Tone og

0

:

'ko

4

'ko

oq

Mid Tone og

01

o

Low

:

g

Tone

or 0

-

:1

koo ko =

Unstressed

Breathy Vowel oh

oh

oh

00

( oo )

Long Vowel o

:

Contour

( aa )

Pitch

Intonation 'ko

"

to I

oo

"

Level Pitch

Level Pitch

(

.

.

)

ko ko

=

tko ko

-

.

-

15

Text Orthographic Representation

Phonemic Symbol

Gurung Tamang Thakali Chepang

Intonation ' ko

Newari Sunwar

Sherpa

II

ko

-

Phonetic voicing of word - initial stops in Tamang is retained in the text orthography for various reasons , Tamang stops are voiced word even though non - phonemic . initial under mid and low tone . They are voiceless otherwise . Comments :

lal

In Gurung and Tamang the phonemic symbol is used to represent a low central vowel , not a front vowel , hence , Similarly , " aa '' " a " in these languages is also low central . in Chepang is ( short ) low central .

lol

is not nasalized , hence the text ortho . for nasal lè l has been substituted . Similarly , Newari has no lol , thus the text orthographic representation for nasal l / has been given . It should be D ( e noted that for long VO vowels in Newari , the nasal generally is represented in text orthography in a different wav : Tamang ,

In

graphic representation

läəl

=

"

aan , " ' .

In Tamang , the

"

- 2 " marks

a

morpheme

as

having high

tone on all of its syllables , " - : 9 " marks a morpheme as having high tone on all syllables except the last which is unstressed . Colon , then , marks a morpheme - final unstressed syllable within a poly - syllabic morpheme , the initial syllables of which are not unstressed . " k "

syllable

-

,

is inserted where the tone or pitch mark is placed initial in text orthography .

The remainder of this survey will be presented exclu es off nem transcription ms of the phonemic rans terms schemes

sively in

the various languages . A

. Obstruant

Systems

the point of view of cognate counts , Gurung , c appear to form a closely related group . and Thakali On Glover ' s calculations , the language pairs , Gurung - Tamang and Gurung - Thakali each share some 65 percent of the Swadesh 100 -word list as cognates , and the pair Thakali - Tamang shares 57 percent . The next highest percentage of shared cognates for a pair of languages in this report is 28 percent for the pair Chepang - Newari . For this reason we will divide From

Tamang ,

our presentation

of obstruants into two parts closely - related Gurung , Tamang , Thakali group

, ,

one for and

one

the

for

,

-

-

16

the remaining , less closely related group . The comments in this section will be strictly sunchronic in nature . For a comparative study , see Pittman ( 1970 ) and Pittman and Glover ( 1970 ) , elsewhere in this report . 1

The

have been

.

Gurung , Tamang , Thakali

obstruant systems of Gurung in the phonemic

charted

ț

ck

ph th

th

nh

th

b

a

j

g

t

P

d

Gurung

P

t

nh th

ț

,

summaries as

ck

th

ch

kh

(h )

s

Tamang

Thakali

Tamang and

follows :

P

t

ț

nh

th th

c

k

ch

khi

S

h

Thakali

The differences among the obstruant systems of these three languages are certainly not as great as they appear from the charts above . The major difference apparent from the charts above is that Gurung has a series of voiced stops where the other two languages do not . The facts behind these charts show this difference to be something less than a major difference .

Voicing . Voiceless stops in Gurung occur only word ( with the exception that / p / and lt / occur in word - medial geminate clusters in Nepali loans ( Glover 1969b : 16 ) ) and voiced stops in Gurung occur primarily in word medial position . In native stock , voiced consonants occur with listed exceptions ) in word - initial position only before breathy high tone vowels (Glover 1969b : 17 ) . This is indi a cative of a strong tendency toward a complementary distri bution of voiced and voiceless obstruants in Gurung . In

initially

O complementary distribution of voiced and A voiceless stops and affricates , but of a slightly different sort . Voiceless variants occur word - initial before high tone or unstressed tone syllables and voiced variants occur word - initial before low or mid tone syllables , and word bord

Tamang we do have

medially

following breathy vowels ( Taylor 1969b : 4 , 8 - 11 ) . Elsewhere obstruants are phonetically indeterminate for voicing . In Thakali the distribution of phonetically voiced obstruants is more limited than in the other two . Obstruants are voiced following voiced consonants ( Hari - 13 ) .

Aspiration

and Breathiness

share certain major

constraints

These three languages on word structure .

9

.

1969 :

17

-

1

Breathy vowels occur freely

.

syllables

(

1969b : 51 f . Tamang and fixation . ) 2

Hari

1969 :

36

,

only in word

Taylor

-

1969b : 35 ,

initial Glover

Gurung has some exceptions to this . Thakali exceptions result from pre

vowels occur freely following ( phonemi aspirated obstruants . (Hari 1969 : 37 - 38 , ) Tamang has one Taylor 1969b : 28 , Glover 1969b : 16 .

. Only

cally

clear

to this . )

exception 3

-

. Aspirated obstruants occur freely only

initial

position

Thakali

and

.

(

The

major exception

in

word

in Gurung

that they follow the negative prefix (Glover There are more exceptions to this in 1969b : 16 ) .

is

in

Tamang than

in Gurung )

.

In Tamang there is a further constraint to the effect that only clear vowels occur in unstressed syllables ( Taylor Aspiration and breathiness are even further 1969b : 32 ) . associated with one another in Gurung , where voiced ob struants are phonetically aspirated before breathy vowels , It should and unaspirated elsewhere (Glover 1969b : 11 - 16 ) . is perhaps , Newari in that the situation be noted here , contrastively just the reverse of this . Newari has no breathy vowels , but it does have contrastively aspirated voiced obstruants ( which are viewed phonemically as clusters ) . Following aspirated voiced obstruants , vowels in Newari are phonetically breathy ( Hale 1969 : 33 ) . One

final difference

among

the three obstruant systems

glottal fricative / / / may be classified aspirated stops , affricates ,

deserves comment here . Thakali has 3 Gurung does not have . which Thakali 0

as and

an

aspirate since

,

like the it occurs

a

/

h

liquids / 1 / , / r / only word - initial before clear vowels ( exceptions to the word - initial constraint involve the negative prefix ) . Taylor reports [ h ] in Tamang as the non - phonemic onset of a word - initial breathy vowel (

Taylor 1969 : 12 )

.

In

later

work

on

tone , Hari has noted

contrast between breathy onset [ h ] and voiceless conso nant [ h ] . This contrast is important for the tone system and leads to the conclusion that Tamang has / / . Nothing parallel to this is reported for Gurung . a

2

.

Chepang , Newari ,

Sunwar ,

Sherpa

The obstruant systems of Chepang , Newari , Sunwar , and Sherpa may be charted as follows :

-

tok bdjg P

18

-

Ptdj

?

c

b

dj

ph b

t

ț

th

th

c

a

k

?

khi

g

s

g

Newari

Chepang

P

k

5

P

rtt

ț

c

k

b

ad

¢

j

g

0

h

Na

Sherpa

Sunwar

Superficial differences

in the charts above belie basic the systems they represent . The following discussion deals with these differences .

similarities in

Phonetically speaking , all seven languages . stops . The decision concerning whether aspirated stops should be interpreted as clusters or as units was not uniformly motivated across the seven languages . There were two kinds of considerations involved : ( 1 ) the availability of non - suspect precedent patterns , ( 2 ) evidence provided by sequential constraints and the freedom of con catenation of certain segment types with certain others . These two kinds of considerations occasionally led in di vergent directions . Aspiration

have aspirated

In Newari , for example , lh , occurs following all syl lable - initial consonants except / s / ( Hale 1969 : 21 - 22 ) . The aspirate / h / also occurs by itself as a syllable - initial O consonant ( Hale 1969 : 14 ) . However , the only non - suspect initial CC - cluster which could be used as a precedent is a loan pattern , the second member of which is phonetically X [ ř ] , but which , all other loans are excluded is phonemi cally interpreted as 1d / ( Hale 1969 : 12 - 13 ) . Thus , if loan patterns are rejected and native , non - suspect precedent patterns are required as a basis for establishing initial

if

CC -

clusters

,

the Newari system

of stops is the following :

pt ph b

bh

On

the other hand

with

initial

,

stops

,

if

-

19

dj th

c

k

ch

kh g

jhgh

dh

one

-

00

argues

liquids ,

and

that freedom of concatenation nasals establishes / h / as a

separate segment everywhere , one is led to the system given in the phonemic summary . The following chart reflects di vergences in the distribution of / h / and in the availability of precedent patterns from language to language . The chart may help reveal parallels which the inventories themselves fail to show . The numbered columns contain answers to the following questions : ( 1 ) Does / h / occur as C in CV syl lables ? ( 2 ) Does / h / occur with consonants other than stops and affricates ? ( 3 ) Are there non - suspect precedent patterns for the syllable - initial clusters that would result aspirates were interpreted as clusters with / h / ?

if

2

3

No

NO

Tamang

Yes

NO

Thakali

Yes

No

Chepang

Yes

Yes

Newari

Yes

No

Gurung

Sunwar

Yes

No

No

Sherpa

Yes

Yes

No

(As noted above , the word - initial [ h ] in the ' Tamang Phonemic Synopsis ' is viewed as a part of the manifestation of initial breathy vowel . In Hari , ' Tamang Tone and Higher Levels ' / / is shown to be a phoneme . . If one accepts loan patterns the answer to ( 3 ) for Newari is ' Yes ' . ) Where all the answers for a given language are ' No ' , as in Gurung , a unit - phoneme solution is indicated by both lines of argumentation . Where all are ' Yes ' , as in Chepang , both lines of argumentation point to a cluster interpretation of aspirated stops . In other cases the arguments are likely to conflict .

Retroflexion . Phonetic fronting and backing of apical stops has been noted in the summaries for all languages ex cept Sunwar . In Newari and Chepang , the fronting and backing stops may be predicted to a certain level of free of these

-

fluctuation

in

terms

20

-

of environment , notably

in

terms

of

following high vowels ( Hale 1969 : 10 - 11 , Caughley 1969 : 4 ) . In Thakali and Tamang the interpretation is straightforward , since / tl contrasts not only with other stops but also with the cluster / tr / ( Hari 1969 : 5 , 32 - 33 ) . In Gurung the con trast of / t , and / tr / seems always to involve loan words In Sherpa there are no syllable - initial (Glover 1969 : 19 ) . clusters in which / r / follows a stop (Gordon 1969 : 26 ) . The interpretation of the retroflex stops as the clusters / tr / and / dr / is thus not opposed by conflicting evidence from It would , however , run the system of clusters in Sherpa . sequential involving constraints , foul of considerations segment of an initial CC - cluster since / r / as the second Further , non would be virtually bound to it , and Id / . suspect precedent patterns could not be used as support , since , if clusters could be posited only when supported by such patterns , not only would the retroflex series be retained , but a palatal and labial series would also be added to the present

inventory

.

All seven languages have affricates , and . they have been interpreted as units and not as

Affrication

all

in

seven

clusters

.

This interpretation

restrictions

on

the

is supported uniformly by distribution of / s / following initial

stops . With the exception of Sunwar , where there is no aspirated affricate , affricates are represented in each of In languages where voicing is contrastive the stop series . O , the lack of contrastive voiced fricatives for affricates may also be viewed as support for the unit interpretation . Contrastively

grooved fricatives have been Sherpa , of and a grooved series noted for Sunwar and ungrooved series for Sherpa . affricates contrasts with an In neither case has a cluster solution been possible for the

Grooving .

fricatives since I sy / contrasts with / šy / in 1969 : 23 , Gordon 1969 : 27 ) , and ( Bieri - Schulze

with Icy / in

Sherpa

(Gordon

1969 : 14

)

.

both languages I

cyl contrasts

For other

languages

of this report grooving is viewed as conditioned variation . : : : rung 3 .. . ce - ang , affricates and / s / are grooved before ly /

(

Glover

19630 : 14 - 15a ,

Taylor 1969b : 11 ,

. non

12 )

In

Thakali

,

- low front are grooved before / y / and before / In Chepang affricates and vowels ( Hari 1969 : 11 , 15 ) . B grooved before front vowels (Caughley 1969 : 9 - 11 ) . In are 00 NewariP , affricates and / s / appear always susceptible to some grooving , but tend to be more grooved before non - syllabic and / u / than in other environments ( Hale 1969 : 9 ) .

affricates

is

lil

B

.

Systems een

moet

sonants of the languages of this report enter to degree into the constraints on word structure smaller toegfeletten much hemsinan teruttur strehiss reporteran much The

a

Sonant

.

- 21 -

do the

than

in

Thakali

above

obstruants

. Aside from / , none of the

/ 1 / and / r the occurrence

on

liquids

the voiceless

constraints stated

of syllable - initial obstru ants in or clear syllables , or in syllables of

syllables , particular a tone hold for the sonants of these languages . The sonant systems of the languages of this report may be

breathy

represented as follows

mnm

ir

m

w

Gurung

why

mn

Ir

(r )

Ir

rh

?

n

1

Sunwar

mnn

ir

Fwy

wy

M

N

LR

wr

Chepang

mnn 1r W

Newari

n

Thakali

Tamang

mn i

nmn

n

1r

wy

:

y

Sherpa

. Gurung , Tamang , Thakali

primary differences among the sonant systems of these three languages can be located in the aspirate ( or voiceless ) sonants . Those in Thakali work like the other aspirates in Thakali in that they occur only word - initial before clear vowels ( Hari 1969 : 21 ) . In the limited examples we have of Tamang aspirate sonants it is difficult to see a The

pattern .

initial

appear to be restricted to word but since they appear before breathy vowels , they pattern do not like aspirates , and since they occur both high before tone and before low tone vowels , they do not pattern like the voiceless obstruants ( Taylor 1969 : 17 , 19 ,

position

,

They

do

23 ) .

2

.

Chepang

, Newari , Sunwar , Sherpa

the primary pattern for require systems sonant and no discussion other than to say Sherpa that the account of aspirates treats / lh / and / rh , as Though clusters . there appear to be some restrictions on the occurrence of voiced and voiceless stops in phonolog ical feet according to the tone of the foot ( tone - l feet have voiceless stops in foot - initial position , voiced stops do not occur there ) these restrictions do not appear to Sunwar and Sherpa exemplify

-

22

-

apply to sonants . The constraint that aspirated consonants do not occur as the intial consonants of tone - 2 intonation feet would , however , seem to apply ( Gordon 1969 : 42 ) . 2 In Chepang

sonant for

of

is paired with

another In or , alternatively , for aspiration . of a syllable is at least partly condi

each voicing ,

the sonants

general , the pitch tioned by the voicing or voicelessness of a syllable final consonant ( syllables with voiceless final consonants are shorter in length and higher in pitch than syllables with

consonants or than open syllables ( Caughley Sonants in Chepang thus seem to be exceptional 1969 : 21 ) ) . for this set of languages in that they participate quite as fully in the systems of higher level prosodies as do the obstruants . If the Chepang voiceless sonants were inter preted as aspirates , Chepang would also exemplify the primary pattern for sonant systems since aspiration is treated as voiced

final

phonemic

clustering with

/h /

in

Chepang .

Newari appears to have the most attenuated sonant of the languages reported on here . Phonetically all of the languages reported on here have [ n ] . In Newari this phone has been attributed ( 1 ) to regressive assimilation of In / to [ n ] before velar stops Igl and / k / , and ( 2 ) to an optional velar release of long nasal vowels . In Kathmandu Newari [ n ] does not occur in syllable - initial position in contrast to Bhaktapur Newari in which it does , and in which - initial / nyl in Kathmandu Newari In is a phoneme . Syllable appears to correspond to syllable - initial in in Bhaktapur . The gap recorded above thus represents one dialect , and not the most archaic one at that . Had Bhaktapur Newari been the dialect chosen for analysis , all language 's would have had the same three points of articulation for nasal con sonants . system

phonetically .

In native and [ ] and [ th ] words , [ a ] and [ dh ] occur predominate in other positions , though in some native words ( such as /mə - du / ' not - is ' ) both forms occur in non - initial position as free variants . In loan words , however , we get position , both [ d ] in non - initial position and [ ř ] in initial though the occurrence of [ ə ] before ' initial ' [ * ] in loans pattern allows these latter cases to be re - interpreted on the unsophis may for some be the case that of native words . It ones , 1ř , may not ticated speakers , particularly the older certainly speakers is a it For educated be a phoneme . brought into the phoneme , but only by reason of contrasts language with loan words . Newari has both

[

*

]

and [ th ]

word - initially

a

an

for

tax

and

Thy

not

the

glides ly , and I w / are missing in Newari because they For an account do not contrast with the vowels / i / and lui . vowels with , see the do theircontrast ' Newari Phonemic Synopsis ' , below . treatment of The

- 23

C

-

. Vowel Systems

following tables summarize what is contrastive for the vowel systems of the languages of this report . The analyses reported on here range from four to six vowels , from two to three contrastive tongue heights , and from two to three contrastive tongue positions ( front to back ) . The

Gurung , Tamang

i

Thakali ,

Sunwar ,

Sherpa

u

a

Newari

Chepang

i e

@

0

These contrasting vowel qualities combine with the series generating components , nasalization , breathiness , and length as follows :

Gurung

Nasal

1

Breath

1

Length

3

Tamang

‫د‬ ‫د‬ ‫د‬

w 1

1

1

3

. .

Contrastive for

. Non -

contrastive

lack of mid vowels

in

3

Sherpa

3

3 3

all

Rare , contrastive

Sunwar

1

3

w

2

The

Thakali Chepang Newari

vowels only for

lel

and

Newari deserves

la /

some

comment

light of what appears to be an area - wide tendency for disyllabic VV patterns to fuse into single phonetic peak in

of

the

The interpretation many languages of the

a

VV patterns is a major area . The problem is suf ficiently severe that the determination of CVC patterns is often the last interpretative decision to be made in the basic phonological analysis , requiring motivation from the analysis of tone as well as from segmental distribution and morphology .

resonance .

problem

for

of

-

24

-

This problem is not restricted to the Sino - Tibetan languages of Nepal . In Nepali , for example , one must decide whether a slight rearticulation within a peak of The issue is more resonance counts as a syllable boundary . morphological evidence is allowed to bear easily settled on the problem . In Nepali there are words such as the

if

following

:

[

tio

]

[

thii

' here '

' ( she ) was

]

!

[

tau

[

pii ]

]

'

a

sheet

of

paper

!

' ( she ) drank '

in which both vowels may be heard as full vowels separated by slight rearticulation within a single peak of resonance .

Consider the alternatives in the light of morphological , If [ thii ] ' ( she ) was ' is viewed as monosyllabic evidence . syllable , length the becomes contrastive within then vowel because of words like the following : [ni ] [

ti

' what about

? !

' those '

]

as we can determine from our data , however , this would make : / the only long vowel in the language , and only instances of this long vowel would be instances in the which the vowel has an internal morpheme boundary . We have concluded , therefore , that VV sequences in Nepali are So

far

li

disyllabic .

In Glover , ' Gurung Phonemic Synopsis ' ( elsewhere in report as contrastive ) vowel length was interpreted this syllable . This , however , led to interpretive within the problems with respect to tone as is indicated in Hale and Glover ' A Note on Glides , Syllabicity and Tone in Gurung ' the former analysis , length On in this report ) . ( elsewhere long member of which was a was contrastive for / a / ( the rearticulated vowel of different quality from its short counterpart ) . No examples of length contrast have been and / u / and only one example each has been found for Our more recent analysis holds found for le , and 101 . 0 in Gurung are phonemically that long ( rearticulated ) vowels 0 disyllabic but that phonetically they manifest a single peak of resonance with medial rearticulation .

lil

contrast between short and long is found in all vowels . Long vowels are not rearticulated . VowelSynopsis '. clusters are interpreted in Taylor , ' Tamang Phonemic as disyllabic and in Hari , et . al . ' Tamang Tone and Higher Levels ' as monosyllabic . The monosyllabic interpretation rests largely on distributional considerations , though the In

Tamang ,

-

parallelism

between

-

25

the rearticulation

in

geminate

vowels

heterorganic clusters is not present in Tamang as it is in Nepali and Gurung , thus providing some phonetic support for the monosyllabic interpretation as well . and

in

Similar problems

have been

noted in Sherpa

,

but perhaps

the most dramatic manifestation of this kind of is found in Newari . Contraction is one of the more salient t characteristics of Newari phonology . Without the use of morphological evidence , it would have been very difficult satisfying1( 0 segmental analysis of the at to arrive at a phonology . tendency

Newari we have found no contrast between [ we found contrast between [ o ] ,

In

[ yə ) , nor have

and [ wa ] .

e

]

,

[

'

e

]

[Wo ] and

is , however , a relationship between short stems with the vocalic nucleus [ e ] / [ ye ] and long stems with the nucleus [ yo : ) . If [ e ] / [ ye ] is interpreted as a cluster yəl / this relation becomes transparent as a lengthening to yəəl , since short lal is fronted and raised after / y / , / long but l ə əl is not . One finds , furthermore , that a There

clarity

norm

disyllabic

[

ae

]

is

normally

contracted

to

a

monosyllabic [ æ ] or simply to [ æ : ] in normal slow speech , and that [ ae ] contracts to [ əɛ ] or [ ɛ : ] in the same way . Morphological considerations thus lead to a four vowel system for Newari , with the vowel qualities [ e ] , [ o ] , [ ɛ : ] and [ æ : ] being derived from the underlying clusters / iəl , / uəl , ləi ' l and lai ' , respectively ( where ' l is a repre (D . ) syllable contracting sentation for a of the form / iəl 0 , to explain a On this analysis , it is possible , for example e 0 X 10 contracting why the addition of the locative affix Viə ( to

li

li '

to nouns ending in / al results in [ ə æ ] / [ ae : ) and the addition of locative to nouns ending in lə , results in [ ɛ ] / [ ɛ : ) . Similar processes are observed in the infinitive forms of verbs . These latter two phonetic forms

why

/)

from a regular rule of contraction operating upon certain disyllabic sequences . It constitutes a clear ,

result though

complex , example

of

an

area -wide

tendency .

phonetic detail that we have on the vowels of the D languages varies greatly from language to language . For statements regarding the conditioned variants of the vowels , the reader is referred to the phonemic synopses . In the case of Sherpa , the reader should see Schoettelndreyer et . al . ' A Note on Sherpa Vowels ' ( elsewhere in this report ) for the current analysis and the considerations that lead seven

to

The

it .

-

-

SURVEY

TONE

OLU

Under the heading of ' tone ' we shall be discussing those phonological contrasts that relate to lexical pitch . Lexical pitch appears to be entirely non - con trastive for Newari , independently contrastive in Sunwar and Sherpa , ' related to breathiness ( laxness ) in Gurung , Tamang and Thakali , and related to the voicing of syl lable - final consonants in Chepang . We will consider system

each

separately

.

Gurung In

Gurung the major characteristics of lexical be described terms of two contrastive components accent and voice quality breathiness

.

(

-

.

(

51 53

.

have one accented

may

syllable or none

.

1969b

)

Glover

-

,

a

A

word

exceptions in the nature of :

.

1

.

restricted within the

breathy clear contrast is marked only on the initial syllable of the word There are The

few listable compounds see

2

is

distribution of these the following ways

.

The

word in

)

in

may

,

pitch

Ignoring quadri syllabic words of which we have so few as to make significant generalization impossible at yield the follow present these constraints combine ing patterns clear unaccented syllable breathy unaccented syllable Sq clear accented syl syllable breathy Shq lable accented .

Sh

Shq

Shs Shqs

.

2 4

Unaccented

6

breathy

clear

8

Monosyllabic patterns

)

=

;

=

.

Accented

.

.

.

.

10

ssa 9

SS

Sas

.

5

7

Accented

.

Unaccented

9

Disyllabic Patterns

Shsa

=

Sh

;

,

=

S

(

:

,

to

-

,

H

,

III .

26

-

27

Trisyllabic Patterns

-

breathy

clear

Unaccented

ll

Accented

13 . Sass

14

. Shqss

ssas

16

.

Shsas

18 .

Shssa

15

.

12 .

SSS

.

17 . SSS

Shss

of

these patterns , ( 18 ) has not been observed and there appears to be no contrast between ( 6 ) and ( 10 ) in stop initial nouns . The pitch patterns predicted for these word types are as follows ( H = high pitch , M = mid , L = low , L - M = low to mid glide , I = fluctuates with ) .

For word 1

initial syllables : high pitch

Sa has

.

. S has mid pitch 3 . Sh has low pitch Shq has a low to mid 4 . 2

For non 1

2

.

-

initial syllables has

S

glide

:

pitch following

low

following60

S

Sh

and Shq .

Sa ,

,

, but mid pitch

has high pitch fluctuating with mid pitch following s , but mid pitch following Sh .

Sa

.

These rules generate the following patterns : Mono syllabic pitch patterns : 1 . M , 2 . L , 3 . H , 4 . L - M . Disyllabic pitch patterns : 5 . M + M , 6 . L + L , 7 . H /

H

H

+

M

,

8

.

L

-

M

+

M

,

9

.

Trisyllabic pitch patterns L

,

13 .

M

+

M

M

+

M

, ,

M

+

M ,

16 .

L

+

M

+

M

18 .

L

+

L

+

M

H

+

14

.

L

/ /

-

M

M

+

H

11 .

: +

M

+

L

+

M

+

H

L

+

L

+

H

/

M M

M ,

. .

+

M

,

10

+

M

+

M

15

.

M

+

17 .

M

+

,

.

L

12 . H

M

+

+ +

M L

H

+

/

M

/

+

. L M M

+ +

+

0 X ts of lexical pitch are or variants VO Certain minor are con C pitch High by a ditioned other factors . ' ' is phonetically

lower on the second and third syllable of

is

on

the

first .

Nasality

in

the vowel

a

word than

it

raises the pitch

lil

syllable . Other things being equal , raises the a syllable , lol lowers it . Voiced stops lower the pitch of a clear unaccented initial syllable . of

the

pitch of

The dialect of Gurung reported on here appears to from that of Ghandrung , reported on by J . Burton Page ( 1955 : - 116 ) in that the breathiness contrast present in the latter , but not the accent phenomena described here . The word patterns listed above may be illustrated with the following words :

differ

lll

is

-

[ myi ]

' fire ,

"

Ituh /

[ taħ ]

' bucket '

"

1sốl

[ só ]

' three '

" mehq"

/ mehi

[myx

" khyodo "

/ khyodo ]

[ khy5d5 ]

' domestic animal '

Icyohco /

0 t Ou [ tššķqə ]

' pantry '

Thiqba "

8

.

" Dyahappa "

9

.

"

. 11 .

.

'

' clod of earth '

/ jahjál

[dzhañazā ]

' calf '

/ tagara )

[ tagātā ]

' gate post '

I

UC

long handled

09

Ichibalu

"

gáhrjawě

/

O gahardzawE

a

ID [ IDəlí ] /[ ali ]

"

"

"

.

14

tshiqbalu

' to strike

match '

'mechanism

nm as / gahnmasye / [għaħnmàse ]

ni a " gahnmasye "

.

ali /

/

tagara "

] / [ thíbá ]

[ año highp : 3 ]

001

"

13

12

aliq "

thibə

[

idyahppal

" dzahdzaq "

10

thiba /

I

tshíbālū

wooden

mallet

!

"

wart

ghž hrdzəwą

man

his wife

s

.

7

"

'

tsyohqo

'

"

'

.

6

' cow '

]

'

509

in

"

]

tuh

]

"

2D

.

[

2

[g

mi "

)

"

)

.

. 4. 5.

tail '

/mi/

1

3

-

28

frame shed

'

'

Sce adolescent

not observed

Tamang The

major

characteristics of lexical pitch may be terms of two contrastive compo

)

.

(

-

)

(

.

-

a

.

)

-

(

,

in

described for nents voice quality tense lax and pitch contour The pitch domain of contrastive is the morpheme or stem morpheme followed by non tonal suffixes The tense clear lax breathy contrast is limited to morpheme initial syllables The contrastive pitch contour may be thought of as stretching over the one to three syllables Tamang

in

roof of

'

'

]

]

[

tshātūre

'

'

[ )

"

Ichaturé

darkness

bamboo

dzūrā ID t CU

tshatureq

aħz

[

/

"

Idahjúra

]

ənéřo

/

"

" "

dahdzuqra

"

anérol

)

.

18

an aneqro

(

.

17

.

16

.15

'

house

-

-

29

that comprise the morpheme . The following examples are given in text orthography except that indications of pitch and crescendo / decrescendo are given by means of lines drawn

"

1"

as

in

above

the

the word rather than with Phonemic Synopsis .

Tamang

" q"

,

" g"

and

Monosyllabic patterns : lax

ense

falling basically level or

rising

|

kaa

''blood blood '' l bvh '' seed ''

nu

' horn '

seed

Disyllabic patterns

' son

:

tense

lax

falling

kola

' child '

dohngra

' tree '

basically level or

yungpa

' stone '

bohkta

' old '

rising

Trisyllabic patterns

:

lax

tense

falling

lapitā

basically level or

Tokoro

I

'

' Nepali

shirt '

dontskale ape a big '

la

dahnsiri

garment '

' shrew '

For pitch patterns manifested by structures of the form stem + non - tonal affix ( es ) , see Hari , et . al . ' Tamang Tone and Higher Levels ' elsewhere in this report . Thakali

characteristics of lexical pitch may be described for Thakali in terms of two contrastive com ponents , voice quality ( tense - lax ) and pitch contour . As with Tamang , the domain of contrastive pitch is the The

major

-

-

30

optionally

.

to

is

(

'

.

'

.

.

,

a

.

.

-

)

-

lax

by

)

OVU

clear

(

tense

breathy

-

non tonal affixes The contrast limited morpheme initial syllables The description of contours 4 in Thakali is somewhat different from that in Tamang comparison of the two see the final section of For Tamang Tone and Higher Levels Hari et al

morpheme followed

:

Monosyllabic patterns tense

'

'

cooking

'

wo

'

'

stirring



tsu

'

carrying

'

nãwo

nu

'

level

roasting

'

towo

'

'

lax

tense contour

cook

:

Disyllabic patterns

tsuh

stir

!

carry

to

'

'

ruh

to

to roast to

'



level

to

'

contour

lax

:

Trisyllabic patterns

lax

to '

in

tsuhwoři

'

to carry

order

stir

'

'

to

order

cook

!

order

ruhwori

in

năwoři

order

to roast

'

'

level

in

towɔři

in

contour

'

tense

Chepang

intensity

in

The major characteristics of pitch and Chepang in terms of may be accounted for

voiced vs In general voice

intensity

.

-

in

.

-

voiceless syllable final consonants syllable final position raise the less consonants pitch relative of the syllable and increase its relative Voiced stops lower

relative pitch

and

reduce

,

1 ?

in

a

,

,

in

a

.

.

patterns stop its relative intensity .PThe glottal respect as voiceless consonant this but some instances it disappears optionally leaving an open syllable from the point of view of segmental phonetics but with the pitch and intensity characteristics of

syllable closed

by

a

31

-

voiceless consonant .

Chepang may

incipient tone language . These incipient characteristics of tone are here viewed as a variant manifestation of the glottal stop . For a fuller discussion with examples see Caughley , ' Pitch , Intensity , and Higher Levels in Chepang ' elsewhere in this report . thus be viewed as

an

Newari Newari appears not to have contrastive lexical any form , and there is little evidence avail able to us to indicate that it ever was a language wit ! contrastive lexical pitch in the sense used here for other languages of this report . P . Poucha in ' Die . Vorsilben und Töne im Tibetishen , das Tangutische , das Newarische und das Baltische ' Wissenschaftliche Zeit schrift der Karl - Marx Universität Leipzig , 16 : 215 ( 1967 ) follows R . Shafer ' Newari and Sino Tibetan ' Studia Linguistica 6 : 103 ( Lund , 1952 ) in indicating the

pitch in

following kinds of historical relationship between Newari and certain other Tibetan dialects . Where certain other dialects became tonal with the loss of prefixes , Newari in some instances preserved other reflexes of these prefixes . The Newari nasal aspirates

Inh / , /mh / are thought to descend in some cases from the sequences ' rn ' , ' sn ' , ' rm ' , and ' sm ' . Stop and nasal prefixes survive in Newari only where a stem

initial

' l ' or ' r '

was

lost

,

bringing

the

prefix con

sonant in direct contact with the stem vowel . If this is correct , we may conclude that where other languages described here have contrastive lexical pitch or tense+(DOlax register as contemporary reflexes of prefixes lost at an earlier period , Newari has segmental reflexes of P these and never developed contrastive lexical pitch register Interesting or contrastive tense - lax . in this connection is the synchronic fact that Newari does 3 aspirates DS have phonetic breathiness following voiced . For vowels following /mh / and Inh / , then , this breathi -ness may in some instances be a phonetic consequence of 10 a a reflex of the old Tibetan prefix ' S - ' . In this respect interesting may is to note that where Tibetan ' s - ' correspond to a lax aspirate nasal in Newari " nhay : " ' nose ' , it at the same time corresponds to the tense syllables in Tamang " na " 'nose ' , and Thakali " na " , ' nose ' . If this is correct , then , the Tibetan ' S - ' has consequences in Newari which are phonetically opposite to the reflexes which it has in Tamang and Thakali . O

it

-

-

32

Sunwar N analysis of tone presented in Bieri and Schulze , Higher report ' Sunwar Tone and Levels ' elsewhere in this was highly tentative . In that analysis lexical pitch in Sunwar is accounted for in terms of two components : pitch

The

( high

vs . low

)

and

contour

(

level vs . falling )

.

Work

in

indicates that a falling pitch is conditioned 0 by a closed syllable and that laryngealization and nasal syllable ( pattern DP- final consonants . ization as Bieri and ( Schulze currently have access to a better informant , and they find now that previous informants had often omitted laryngealization from syllables , making it impossible to predict pitch contour . Syllable pitch contour that was difficult not impossible to hear on short syllables clearly is now heard . If this hypothesis hold up under 4 further testing Sunwar may be described in terms of a two -way contrast between high and low . The following оФ examples illustrate the most recent hypothesisи regard progress

now

if

ing Sunwar tone . High

Low

kutsa

'

šo : tsa

' tell '

tuatsa

'beat '

putsa

' to

come

up '

tsutsa

' thresh '

ru : tsa

' have enough '

a

weigh

'

ru. itsa

' burn

oneself

!

'bind '

Sherpa The major characteristics of lexical pitch in Sherpa may be characterized in terms of two contrastive components , pitch (high vs . low ) and ' intonation ' ( initial vs . final stress ) . ( It should be noted here that Gordon ' s use of the term ' intonation ' differs from OH O Sprigg in that for Gordon that of ' intonationn ' is a con

trastive

component

of

a

foot pitch pattern rather

C

than

by position PP variant pitch pattern possibly conditioned may within the sentence . ) Intonation also be thought of intensity comparison by as an contour with pitch contours pitch Gurung , of and Thakali the contours with secondary a

intensity contours ( crescendo vs . decrescendo ) of Tamang and the pitch - intensity contours of Chepang . The domain O d , of stress and pitch in Sherpa is thee phonological foot a syllables ranging length a unit in from one to three . The following are examples of pitch and intonation within the disyllabic foot .

,

-

High

Intonation

1 )

Initial (

Intonation

Tone

ki ' ki

Final (

(

33

кі 2 )

-

1

Low

)

( Tone

' by the

telki

' by the horse '

' diki

dog '

2

)

the mule ' ' by

' by him

(

proximal ) '

FOOTNOTES

I The term ' Bodic ' is taken from Shafer ( 1955 ) . This work was supported in part by the Department of Health , Education and Welfare , Office of Education , Washington , D . C . under contract number OEC - 0 - 9 - 097721 2778 .

2

The 1961 Census

of

Nepal , Table

8

.

Bista , People of Nepal , Department of Ministry of Information and Broadcasting , His Majesty ' s Government of Nepal , 1967 , p . 136 . 3

Dor

Publicity

Bahadur ,

TONE

on

I

.

lexical

on

,

,

and

.

on

the early stages

some

subject

of

the tone

radical revision

by

however

of of

report

now

,

,

but expects

only two

contain

to

will on

a

is ,

these analyses

tone

low

-

-

This

.

,

high and

,

)

began with

building

(

to

Kent Gordon

that his final analysis levels

requires three pitch

plus constrastive stress

third

so

)

In

.

Sherpa

Hale

a

)

and

the other

the analysis

Gurung

,

the case

Luke Zylstra

a

added

of

of .

work

In

levels

Pike

a

,

Doreen Taylor with

elaborate

lexical pitch levels

two phonemic

related fairly closely

very

a

there

But

.

tone

(

is

,

( In by

Tamang

OF

*

IN

Austin Hale

is

(

their pitch structures

discovered

finds

Warren Glover

variabil

wide range of

In phrasal pitch elaborate intonation pattern just begun Gurung that its description hand

some se seven

Some

(

.

-

has thus far been

)

Linguistics

There was

and

studied

Newari

In

in

dynamics

was working with

no

their

1969

)

ity

languages

Michigan

a

Burman

Summer

in

Tibeto

Institute

MA

the

by

of

In

Nepal this past summer

members

pitch

of

)

University

TONE

Pike

of

Kenneth

LANGUAGES OF NEPAL

.

BURMAN

THE ANALYSIS

(

TIBETO

FEET

L

NUCLEI -

IN

OF

OF

THE

ROLE

.

the respective investigators In

the Gurung there were several components to be

inte

-

,

-

37

-

,

.

Montréal Paris Bruxelles

A

.

,

G

R

.

- .

,

, . ,

Didier

1970

.

III

eds

P

,

*

/

Reprinted from PROSODIC FEATURE ANALYSIS ANALYSE DES Rigault FAITS PROSODIQUES Léon Faure and

Studia Phonetica

grated :

There was

contrastive high

a

the high contrastive pitch compounds

, perhaps )

lable of

any one

logical cal :

words 2

Some

of

from

phonological word

a

(or

pitch ; but

low

possibility of

the

to only

' foot ' ) .

one

lexi

are close - knit phrases , or word - plus

/ a / versus / ah / ) . the beginning a

syl

phono

The

, which are largely but not exclusively them

perhaps , from

and

restricted

to be

seems

and non - breathy vowels

to

( apart

Similarly , there was

enclitic .

-

38

(written

These vowels

a

contrast between breathy here as - for example appeared

syllable of the phonological few

restricted

to be

conditioned exceptions

,

e

.

word ? ( apart , g

.,

in

com

pounds ) . There was , however ,

complication

a

in

the Gurung tone

analysis since three phonetic levels could clearly be heard , ' manifesting

the

, then ,

how

like only

to two

secting phonemic

show

emic in

levels .

two

phonemic

ones .

I would

first

Glover dealt with three etic but He

first

showed

the system with breathiness .

types of syllables as

can

emic pitch

inter

This gave four

be seen

in Fig .

1

.

Incidentally , this makes Gurung and related languages 1. very interesting for study by a ' prosodic ' approach , re lated to that of Firth . I cannot imagine any place Fortunately , in the world where it is more apposite . some of the prosodists have been working at it . See J . Burton - Page , in Two Studies in Gurungkura : I . Tone ; . Rhotacization and Retroflexion , BSOAS , Univ . of London , Vol . 17 , Part I , 1955 , pp . - 19 .

II

lll

2 . This was observable not only from our theoretical point of view , but also from the viewpoint of Burton Page who worked on a related dialect .

-

39

-

Clear

Breathy

Phonemic High

1

/ v/

2

/ úh /

Phonemic

3



4

/vh /

Low

Fig .

1

Structurally Contrastive Gurung Syllable at the Beginning of the Phonological word

Types

(after Glover )

Od the cells were not arranged

But phonetically

in

that

way

.

Radical pitch conditioning by the breathiness modified the phonetic system into : high , mid ,

low

qualities ,

VOW

the clear and breathy

and

vowel

e . Us pitches versus

as in

i

[v]

Phonetic Mid

2

[v ]

Phonetic

Low

Fig . Elements

from

2

.

Breathy

Clear Phonetic High

Fig .

3

[oh ]

4

luh ,

2

Fig . I are

shown

with Phonetic

Pitch , Illustrating Con ditioning by Breathiness rather

than

Illustrations of within the phrasal my perception

Phonemic

these Gurung contrasts

am frame tsú

. ..



can be

' This is . . . '.

(not yet tested by instruments )

seen To

illustrations

- 40 (2 )

and

are

(3)

on

the

-

or approximately

same

same

phonetic

someone

s

'

)

'

This

)

' This is water '

/

(



(2 ) /

ya

is

kyú



(1 ) /tsú tsú

pitch .

bucket

in

[

'

'

[a ]

is

sheep

[ a ]

is

This

'

/

/

tùh

This

'



kyúh

tsú

(4 )

/yà

tsú

(3 )

/

'

chest

t

.

)

of

find that

tones developed

,

-

-

the two phonemic but three phonetic

-

of

surprising

to

.)

not

some branch

to

would

that for Gurung proves

be

one

of

to

in

(

A

as

the history

languages

-

a

of

be contrastive through

early

,

these

may

such pattern

in

have been

Glover has tested our

SnoV but has now rejected this hypothesis

it

some an

If

,

out the word

breathiness

(

early hypothesis that stress

and

addition

phonological phrase into

')

feet

'

phonological words

a

for pitch

help divide ( or

to

stress serves

phonological word

initial stress

the contrastive potentials

the

.

be marked

first syllable an

the

by

seems

to

In

discussion

Gurung

or

k

relevant

to

not

initial

]

is

initial

-

enc which the difference

This

-

in

a

later stage

,

lli

-

of certain of

3

these languages

levels .

phonemic

In Tamang , as suggested

will

More extensive documentation

but preliminary

- - non - minimal - -

be presented

illustrations

in the following set of noun phrases .

less consonants affect the pitch , but three -way

elsewhere , be seen

can

(voiced

and

voice

not eliminate the

do

contrast . ) (1 )

'lẻ

(2 )

'dāp

' one

gi

gi

None of these words

differences

has

cannot be

' one blanket ' a

breathy vowel in it ,

attributed

the other hand , there from

these three .

(4)

sa

' gi

tongue '

' one needle

( 3) 'bàr gi

differ

levels of

above , three

tone - - not just phonetic levels - - are in fact found .

phonemic

On

to three

,

A

is

so

the pitch

to that . a

fourth set of nouns which

sample :

' one

tooth

'

( Total dynamics word

off

is easily seen

to be constrastive . )

Extensive vocabularies are now being collected in these languages . Some preliminary comparative work is being undertaken by Richard Pittman . Vocabularies , Swadesh - type lexico - statistical comparison , extensive text collections , phonemic summaries , and discussion of tone problems in the phonological word , are being prepared under the direction of Austin Hale for the Summer Institute of Linguistics , partly 3

.

under Contract No . OEC - 0 - 9 - 097721 - 2778 (014 ) for the U . S . Office of Education . The data will be published in the Occasional Papers of the Wolfenden Society on Tibeto - Burman Languages .

- 42 -

is

Here the noun

unstressed

(whereas

nouns

stressed ) , but the word ' one ' picks

is

its relation

due to

' lé

paring

' one big

tooth

'

big

difficulty

some

symmetrical

a

The

constant

,

variety

,

one would

high

on

of

frames .

became

so

nothing

implicit

of assimilation

and

a

arbitrary that

like .

After

to the verbs .

stress was absent .

We

then

patterns with stresslessness

fill

matrix

for

scheme

on

the

the morpho

frames they

, the rules

looked

like

to standard some

out the

time we

one

of

left

pitch which

level

the

like

the fourth

and sixth

of stress - times - pitch

.

I

where the

started searching for

fifth

processes

At that time , I picked up

plus the

have already mentioned ,

plicit

Working

two - pitch

(short )

in

the three contrastive stressed levels

pitch to

, plus

for the next step in

enough

rules did not relate or the

nouns and turned

in

low

at ease

to us in normal language : the kinds of fusion

the

in

and

more

, however , we tried to describe

complicated

known

gi

groupings were reasonably

Our

replacements of pitch

phonemic

feel

tentative agreement

a

phonetics which was close When

' gren

sa

intensity .

I tested

and

and we reached

analysis .

with

analysis but with the precisely

in

pattern based

together , Taylor , Hale a

That this

falls on the post pitch of this word gives

other feature such as glide or

nouns in

stress .

where the added stress

four nominal dynamic patterns

with

'

tongue

noun word , not on the numeral .

considerable

a

( 3 ) were

to the noun can be seen by com

'one

gi

grèn

up

to

(1)

,

two

more

but differing

cells of

an

im

For occasional moments

- 43 -

instance or two , but after

period

we had hopes for

an

of time Hale

Taylor found that these tentative contrasts

and

did not stand

sys

repeated testing , and the skewed

pitch with morphophonemic

unstressed (

to

three pitches in contrast on stress , plus one

of

tem

up

a

but with induced stress changes in

low

to high type adjacent syllables ) change

was retaineda ..

Meanwhile , however , we compared

of

( for

the four sets

starting

verbs ) the alternate morphophonemic description

from

versus three levels respectively .

two

reached us of

was quite possible

,

the morphophonemics

It

the verb material , to describe

in

the result was extraordinarily

- -but

Yet when we set up the same phrases

complex .

surprise

had not experienced before .

kind I

a

A

in terms

of

three levels (but four groups ) as above , there simply were no

pitch

the data then from

problems to handle at

morphophonemic in

hand !

all ,

solution which was

The

the viewpoint of number of pitch

levels

within

' simpler '

was more

CMS complicated , irregular , and messy in terms of the language

as

a

whole ,

system

of

than

from

three levels .

Another problem :

letter years Languages ,

of

p

ago

.

9

,

for the

I

I

had

(a

letter

in

1948 )

the Sino - Tibetan

sequently

the viewpoint of the more ' complex '

which

I quoted in

my

me

group had

started without tone .

to be on the

Asiatic

a

Tone

, that ( at least ] the Chinese

as was interested

first

heard , since Sapir wrote

tones

Con

mainland

time , working and studying tones in

a

part

of

- 44

I had never

the world which

thing of the generalized

-

I tried to pick

touched .

up

some--

underlying the structures

dynamics

of that region . vas was quite

It

experience

n

an

with two tones in the there were

two

Chepang

example For exa

.

-

it

appeared

three

of

briefly ,

and

analysis

seemed

ments

of

we started

to be clear that

it

through

us , Caughley , his wife , and I , could

it quickly

through

we

I could take the material which Ross

.

Caughley had on tape in frames and run The

,

then

with no disagreement

test .

a

go

( excepting

very

we w we would reach early agreement ) .

I started checking the seg

until

clear

This

the phonemic system , using material prepared by

Caughley throughout , and confirming contrast after con merely inserting trast , me absent from Caughley ' s a

.

You have

and

put

in

high pitches

by voiceless

a

pitch . '

low

conditioned

consonants or by voiced vowels and consonants

but

decided to eliminate phonemic tone

from

analysis of

Consequently ,

to be totally

appeared

how

all

to us

Chepang , but continued

pitch data further .

of these

newly

pitch differences

We

ran large

we

continued

our

on .

tentative

checking the phonetic

sets of words through

tone technique .

frames in standard some

Yet after

.

' Then there is no phonemic tone glottal stops such that now every

This was disconcerting We

ver that were

initial transcription

non - voiceless word ends in low

glottal stops

days , he commented :

few

here

few

a

In

certain frames

written glottal stops disappeared , but

remained

!

Did

we now

need to re

-

estab

.

- 45

lish

Chepang

as

a

tone language

such , but were unable to find

pitch

running text .

to

We

?

it

worked with

coherent rules for assigning

Our informant

left

us , and we

continued pitch

study in Chepang , although we had

stantial

of relevant tape recordings

I

amount

as

on

turned to some of the other languages .

dis

sub

a

hand .

addition

In

to the pitch system , we found interesting stress elements , such as

I have described

I suggested

above for

return to the Chepang tapes .

we

instance there we found that disappeared

and

analyzed stress were an

certain glottal stops up

a

I had received

a

second to

when

the pitch seemed

stress situation appeared

ended

Consequently ,

Tamang .

as by

be

to

In

crucial

a

the glottal stop had to be

contrast , the

in

If ,

different .

now

, the

conditioning the replacement of (an allophone of ) pitch , we

time without phonemic tone in Chepang .

leave Nepal after

letter reporting

a

couple

of

months , but

further development

a

was not the stress that was conditioning

glottal

stop , but the consonant following

ticular

frame we had

available

This

.

the loss

it

is not

in

It

.

of

the

par

too surprising

since , in addition to having the phonological word heavily

restricted heavily

in

its distribution of contrastive pitches ,

restricted in distribution

of contrastive breathi

ness , we have in the general geographical area heavy

striction end

ular

as to

syllables

or

language ) .

the types

stress

of

and

re

consonants which begin and

groups

(depending

on

the

partic

- 46

-

At the moment , therefore , we treat Chepang not as tone language but as

incipient

an

started here in Nepal ? to correction

by

I

and

of

foot ,

SS loss of

by

vowel .

standard part

this point . it , I

of

' whistle

-

asked

the Chepang ,

In

talk ' language

already

he

languages

In many

language ,

this

whistle , since

to .

In

when

to whistle

informant

the

tone technique ) .

didn ' t have to teach him

had

conditioning

such

pitch

whistling is helpful , but here everything went wrong . 12S NC astonishing was

from

how

Caughley

know why

, at the time .

suggested that the informant was whistling

the consonants along with other material . begun

to work

enormou enormously

on

It

obviously the whistle pitch differed

the spoken tone : I did not

Finally

it

have one other kind of information which I thought

I started to work with a

high - level phonological

a

of consonants ,

might be interesting at

( as

evidence - subject

careful cognate studies - suggests that

consonants or breathiness We

does tone get

How

Our synchronic

has something to do with

distribution

one .

a

it briefly ,

complicated

.

I

whistled consonants before .

and had seen

neven

never had

a

We had

that

it

already was

Се to hear chance

Yet since we

now

felt that

tonal , we could believe more easily that consonants could theoretically be whistled there , and could Chepang was not

also see why the whistled pitch need not follow Our our former ly - assumed tone . Caughley had prepared He had

taped

the data very

contrastive isolated pairs

systematically . (pa ) versus [ba ] ,

( pap )

versus

( bap )

47

-

, etc . , by the dozen , or by the hundreds .

He had also had the informant whistle each of these pairs on

tape .

ysis of

Consequently

те

simply started

we

wa

was higher

have had

whistled pitch of

The

' snail '; [phop ]

In

[bop ) - - but opened

the aspiration clearly audible , awkward

, however - - as I

the informant had

whistling

such

would wet his

The

(pop ]

' lungs

initial

voiced

(and both may

initial

with

closed - - as they did

slowly , to

more

make

physical process

pas was

a

found by experiment myself - - and

difficulty starting

out

' cold ' with

isolated monosyllables ; occasionally he

lips

and

start over ; words

in

phrases gave

apparent problem .

no

Other

final

sharply audible effects

SOU

sounds had

vocalic velar syllable - - but Vowel

some

the phonemic

'blister ' ,

lips

started with

word

for ( pop ] and

the

for the lower pitch

tiny upglide ) .

a

aspiration , the

him

phonemic anal

vowels .

and

that for [bop ]

than

stop was responsible

bit

a

the whistle exactly as you would start

analysis of consonants What did we find ?

also

,

[y ] made

[ŋ ] gave

[ k ] or an a

initial

[k ]

a

an

qualities also affected

product

for the syllable as

a

a

post

long fast downglide

initial

rise ;

very strong

:

[-

s

upglide .

]

in the

Syllable

mild upglide .

a

the whistle ,

until

the end

whole became complicated

to

analyze and to symbolize . Caughley assigned

degrees

of

pitch

weights

movement

uc to the - 3 , according

+1

,

+2

,

for relative

+ 3

or steps upwards ,

number of h

:

and

steps downward

-1, -2 ,

, that

a

lls

-

particular duced .

this , ed

The he

consonant

then

syllable .

initial

final

or

He

height

( relative )

then tested

of written texts - -

syllable

a

heavy

or syllables

in

)

Having done

predict

and

contour

and

that

for

this prediction

for running pitch transcription

demand on

his

theory .

Single predicted and observed

result :

a

syllable

these up in each

added

syllables against his impressionistic

words

in

vowels also were assigned weights .

total pitch

the

(

-

corresponded

contours

The

of isolated

fairly well with his

theory ,

but in running text there were numerous departures from his no predictions for which asS yet he has no ce explanation . There were also a few special puzzles : Why should [ - ? ) induce a

all voiceless

lowering of the whistle , but along with a

raising of the

spoken pitch

is obviously

with acousticians He

I

is continuing his

have deep hopes that it

link

in

and

Here later collaboration needed .

work on

this

problem , however , and

ultimately provide

may

the relation between

guage family ,

?

historical

its relation

to

a

vowel breathiness whole prospect ,

exciting .

and in

segments in

the development

crucial

a

change in

a

lan

starting 'package ' of

vowel quality , segmental conditioning of pitch ,

butional constraints of

stops - -

a

distri

phonological word

of

phonemic

tone .

the midst of bewildering detail , is

,

The

NOTE

A

ON

GLIDES , SYLLABICITY AND TONE IN GURUNG

Austin Hale

and Warren

Glover

The following two generalizations Gurung , almost without exception : for . 2. 1

There There

[ éé ]

distinct "

do occur . from [ SÈ ] .

saeq "

" kabaeq "

rearticulated long vowel ) have a pitch pattern quite Consider , for example , the following . [

They

aa ] (

a

Isaé /

[ sáé ]

' price , thing '

/kabaé ,

[ kābáé ]

' kapok '

"

tshaagba "

Ichá : ba )

[

"

tsaqe koq"

/cáe kól.

[ tséē k5 ]

This

[ néē

' my

" ngaqe

tsah " /náe cah /

"

saE "

Isaě

"

tsaehq "

I caeh /

/

[

tshaabā

tsah ]

sõã s

]

ito scrape

!

blood

'

/kaehbal

son

'

mind '

]

C

'

decorative dot on

" kadhba "

maintained

be

is only one tone per syllable is only one high tone syllable per word .

Phonetically , however ,

and

can

[kohè ñbə ]

' to

forehead ' be

If

late

'

These examples appear to pose a dilemma . we interpret monosyllabic , [ aa ] and [ SE ] as clusters then [ é è ] , unless disyllabic in contrast some reason were found to consider exception , to the other two would constitute an to generali

it

zation ( 1 ) ( one tone per syllable ) . If , on the other hand , we interpret [ áá ] and [ SE ] as disyllabic clusters , they would constitute an exception to generalization ( 2 ) ( one high tone syllable per word ) . In Glover ( 1969b : 27 ) we find one solution dilemma . On this view [ áá ] and [ BE ] are taken

syllabic manifestations of hence segmentally distinct

to

this

to be mono

the pattern , glide + vowel , and from the disyllabic clusters , such as [ é è ] and [ ui ] which are taken to be manifestations of the pattern , vowel + vowel . This involved setting up a

glide phoneme / a / parallel to the glides / y / and lwl . The glides / w / and Ty , do not carry distinctive pitches within the syllable , nor are they syllabic . The sequences [ aa ] -

49

-

50

-

and [

were taken

[ ák ]

wi ] .

examples

In "

kwiqba "

parallel

to be

such

Pike

to

/ kwíbal

attractive

( personal

sequences

such as

as

the first syllable manifests to that of the problematic [

interpretation

-

' to a

BE

lift

something

heavy

uniform high pitch similar ] and [ aa ] . This made the

.

communication , November

21 , - 1969 ) inasmuch as it syllabic phonemes . Whether

expressed uneasiness at this solution

intro

duced a kind of intersection of phone [ ə ] was interpreted as a vowel or as a glide de a pended upon its pitch , and upon the pitch of the immediately following vowel , any . Or , circularly , whether [ əɛ ] and interpreted [ aa ] were as one syllable or two depended on high whether more than one tone was manifested in the sequence . A phonetic contrast for syllabicity in [ ə ] is very difficult to establish .

if

consideration of the distribution of tone in

VV

VV clusters different interpretation of [ áá ] and [ 66 ] . In a cluster ( including long vowels as VV clusters for our

VV

clusters observed

led

to

a

present purpose ) in Gurung there is no contrast between high - high and low -high for any given value of VV . The following chart summarizes the distribution of tone over Low

High Low

Low

àà

è è

óò

Low

High

High High *

Occur

åh

à è

ài

áe *

ái

àù

ùi úix

ùi åé

only across morpheme boundaries .

noted above , the syllabicity contrast posited lal and / al in the earlier analysis is obscure , possibly non - existent . Evidence from timing is also in conclusive . The pattern , glide + vowel has a timing im pressionistically similar to that of a single vowel , and quite different from that of a V V cluster in which each The timing of a glide + vowel has a different tone . vowel sequence is not , however , very much different from Any a VV cluster in which both vowels are low tone . analysis that accounted for pitch patterns without depend ing on these elusive differences in syllabicity and timing would be preferred over the earlier analysis , other things being equal . As

between

!

- 51 -

The distribution of tone over VV clusters given above suggests such an alternative . We note that when I al occurs as the first member of a VV cluster , the second member of which has a high tone , / a / never has been observed to have O a low tone . We may thus write the following assimilation :

--->

[

6

preceding

]

Having done this we may view

still

retain both

]

and

disyllabic in slightly

as

[ SE ]

though

one tone per syllable . one independent high tone

prefers to view this

.

this environment has Pike

no

independently

personal communication

(

in

lal

trastive tone

syllable

.

st1

per word

since 1970

aa

form :

l ' . There is only ' . There is only

2

[

generalizations ,

as

March

con 11

,

and

modified

vowel with high tone

a

,

lal

a

rule

replacement holds for the would not be

morphophonemic )

original set of generalizations adopted

.

" a

it

"

"

.

"

"

>

-

e "

To

.

" a

. ,

.

)

Glover 1969b was the text orthography apply the correction where ever ae by only purpose was to mark served occurs since the syllabicity posited by longer the contrast which is no analysis the current (

,

P analysis found the original too late to incorporate into incorporate one need only

of

in

This modification

to hold

e "

for

the

the phonemic representation

.

would allow

,

in

-

,

.

'

1

(

'

'

.

)

low by high On this interpretation independent phonemic data and the word needed to account for the morphophonemic representation Viewing this as sub phonemic alternation would of course introduce partial Overlap the phonemics of tone but

of

GURUNG

LEVELS

AND HIGHER

TONE

Warren

. Glover

W

[ The Gurung tone system may be characterized in terms of two kinds of contrasts , contrasts for pitch - accent , and contrasts for breathiness . The domain for each of these contrasts is the foot , or phonological word , since , with few exceptions , the following generalizations may be made : 1 ) The initial syllable of a foot is contrastively breathy or clear (with ( few listed exceptions this contrast is not present else DP

one pitch - accent accent , the placement of this pitch accent on one syllable or another within the foot is contrastive . A coherent account of Gurung tone must thus include an account of the syllable , the foot , breathi ness , and accent , and is just these sections that we have

where in the foot or none at all .

abstracted

and

)

If it

Glover

from

2

)

foot

A

may have

has one pitch

it (

1969b

-

for inclusion

)

this report

in

. ]

I . Higher Levels .

,

)

in

,

(

)

V

M

(

HCP

breathi

and

the nucleus except in

,

/

M

lyw

in

'

,

. "

yw

' "

2

.

,

"

.

.

'

'

: /

"

'

'

/

/

kywih language and heterogeneous vowel regarded uiqDaa clusters are hence as disyllabici eight lu da liver All of the contrastive types generated by the above formula have been observed "

kywihq

on

nasality

rising glide of accented breathy syl1 fillers of the slots listed below under are single phonemes except the case filling the slot words such as

.

lables The Variation

;

vowel also uniform

N Gurung may be summarized CF where the nucleus

,

uniform

quality )

is of

.

C

the single formula

ness Pitch is the case of the

of

syllables of

The

(

Contrast

/

'

'

!

'

he goes

feather

Talone

!

:h /

-

/

'

'

/

/ -

"

gríhn

52

'

'

/

/ "

grihan

pole ladder

/ :ya hm /

/

li

pya

"

pyaah

/

.

"

"

"

"

"

"

CÖMVCE

ya ahm

"

MV

.

MVCF C

li

"

MV

speak

-

bid

tooth

!

bid

'

'

Isal

uvule

'

sal

161 mē

'

Civ CįVCE

cave

'

hoqlmE "

VCf

'

" u "

lul

,

. .

'

V

, in .

1

Syllable

"

.

. i .

A

- 53

2

.

-

. Variants of the above when the syllable slots

Variation

are obtained type have different segmental

/p,

, t , th , j , s , k , kh , , ni

ci

ph

,

b

,

fillers ,

d

m

syllable types of a particular

,

n

as

, t , th ,

listed : d

,

e

,

ch ,

&

Ir ,

l, y , ,

lilated

w

yw

/

, o , u/ ( either simple or rearticu clear or breathy , oral or nasal , and accented or unaccented ) ,

/1,

Cf Co -

e

,

r

,

,

a

m

,

n

,

n

,

d

,

restrictions

occurrence

b

,

s

,

p

, t/

:

Cf . Closed syllables are relatively rare language except for verbal inflection , which in the manifests all the fillers of Cf except Ir , .

nl

"

yuql

"

pin

"

road "

tuhm "

lyúl

tuhm /

/ pin /

"

/

" yaahb

u

lya : hb

u

;

rod /

ahyaahb dza ?" ahya : hb

jal

[

yul

'must

tùħm ]

come

[ pyin ]

' give ! '

[

' lie

a

]

[ ýħaħaħb

down !

əhgħaħa ħb

ū

'

'

dzə

]

' are you going or not ? ' .

There is therefore no restriction of Co - occurrence evident between these fillers of Cf and the preceding slots except that Id / never follows a nasalized vowel and , in verbs , / n / always follows a nasalized vowel .

Elsewhere " grihan "

There

follows

/n /

/ gríhn /

are very

with

and none

an

oral

vowel .

examples of / n / word final .

few

it

' alone '

[ griħn ]

syllable final ,

"

pinggya "

/ pingyal

[pyingyə ]

en ' ' green

"

kanggaq

/ kangal

[ kong

' rice fragments '

"

Angngiq "

/ anni /

[ēn : í ]

"

]

:

' aunt '

-

-

54

occurs widely word final as a locative suffix there is no restriction apparent . / kyar /

[ aħħx ]

/

syllable - final in

with

(

/

initial

" h "

'

.

vowels

.

with

occurs before front vowels

,

only after

only

less

and

,

,

,

aa

)

and

,

few

in

only

in

/ a / /

(

,

lel

cases

few

before tallin before back cases phonemically vowels

,

/ at .

only

u

lel

one word

other cases before

lil

,

in

ul

all

.

,

never before la

and ,

below

o

.

see

most frequently

has been observed before 93

yw

( /

)

d

,

10

li before

occurs before

frequently not entiv all

)

/

w

c

.

alveolars

in

]

cane frames shed

roof of

el ,

/

1

,

/

/y / /

r

)

a

)

b

)

Cañar dzūřa

restrictions

no

show

.

dahjúral

Mwith

nor with breathy unless the second

accent

an

syllable with

V

/

"

"

dzuqra

dah

marked

,

vowels

,

,

in

Voiced stops do not occur clear accented vowels marked

syllable bears

'

not occur before

do

initial syllable

vowels in the

unaccented

ancient

.

Aspirated voiceless stops

breathy

mechanism

.

,

c

)

a

)

b

sāt

me

'

sattel

"

"

satteq

( QAynaħa

'

idya : hppal

"

]

aahqppa

as

v

Dy

example

[ asná ]

stops "

single

the

the house '

'bottom of container syllable finally only as geminate

/ asnál

/ p / and / t / occur in loan words such

and

' in

'

asnaq "

' here '

]

'

idihr

1s / occurs "

tsut

[

ħip

dIhar "

/

:

"

cur

I

"

,

tsur

' there '

li,

"

[ kyőr ]

]

kyar "

'

and

/

" q "

"

r

:€

/

- 55

C

;

with

M

.

Syllable prenuclear clusters indicated in the following chart

have been observed as and examples . In general

conclusions

Retroflexes

c )

Alveolars

medial except / yw / . /

or

/

w

/

but examples

all

medials except

/ r ,

4

-

/

m

m

/ /

/

ly /

42

Iw /

/

1

62 61

/

43 42 41

3

*

2

1

/

/t /

/b / p / /ph /

r

lyw

Velars may cluster with all me dials , but examples have been observed of only / k / with 117 , and only / k / and in , with lyw / .

)

/

/

cluster with

may

all .

.

23 * 22 21

e

any

cluster with ly

may

are very sparse

d )

leads to the following

not cluster at

do

Bilabials cluster with

)

it

clustering potential :

Interdentals

a )

b

on

-

43

,

Ith

/

id

/

In

la /

57

53

73

95

75

-

Is /

55

54

/ j /

Ichi

1

/

Ic

1

/ .

/ 1/ 11

/y//

(/ w //

16

36

56

76

17

-

57

77

181

18

-

58

-

in

19* *

/kh /

96

,

99

-

'

'

'

'

to

'

'

]

'

'

'

'

]

]

'

' '

!

î]

Tonce

'

to bow

!

'

'

'

"

rice

snow

feather

down

'

] ]

husked

'

un

'

]

]

A

'

'

to

scour

'

mechanism

'

]

:ap

]

'

]

'

[ [

año

n5

hppal

[

: /

dya

lost

to get

wedding

mýáá bə ñg

"

aahqppa

bal

:

"

/

mya

býəə

[

aaqba

phy5bā

laughter

mind

pyò fign

[

/

/

"

bya

:

Dy

/

"

phyobal

/

"

my

"

"

"

byaa

:hpya /. /

/

"

" "

phyoba

'

'

]

] ]

one

ba ]

[

mlò

clusteri sprain

klí

pyaah

a

to

'

] ]

%

[ [ [

[

lashes

tīblē

[

/

/

,

/

[ [

/

/

/

"

"

phzē

[

" "

"

"

[

/

"

"

"

"

khrībā gřih

man

hair

pló

mlah

KIIq

adult

nti

tible

tible

western

hundred

my ēbř5

krä

Iphleba

phleba

"

D

[

Igríh

plah

php

[

Ikhribal

plah

"

a

/

/

/

"

khriba

"

Ikra

"

"

kra

Inril

"

przħ

,

" "

" " "

in

,

?

"

"

.

1

.

.

.

attributes

own

mrú

mrú

ngri

.

23 . 22 . 24

.

.

51

.

4 4

.

43

word

mebról

mruq

mlah

36

.

42

Iphrě

grihq

.

41

Zpráh

prah

his

/

* *

dialect

.

only not

.

observed

in

initially

-

*

not word

mebroq

21

/ yw /

w

59 79 observed only syllable initially within words

phre

. 2

.

3 4

16

.17 19 .

.

18

ly

-

/x /

/

lyw

/Trr /

-

/

-

56

/

-

!

s

'

go

' '

sheath

'

!

,

body

]

'

'

domestic animal

khy5d5 >

'

'

fire

'

'

rupees

to want to follow '

to

'

to to

comb

heat

'

'

'

' '

'

khwibə

touch

'

əbə

]

l

kwaa

to pierce

to return the

'

]

]

[

[

:

swibə

]

same day

!

'

to

' '

'

'

language

'

'

'

to roof

to ask

'



to sacrifice

'

]

]

]

]

ny

jump

to tether

'

]

ə

[

[

kya pin

]

/

Inywíba

swibə



/

,

kywlh

Itshwēbē [

sywibal

tšwibə

[

/

cywiba

nwéb

[

/

wéba

Ichywebal |

"

"

"

kywiną

ngywiqba

I

"

" " " "

sywiba

"

.

99

tshyweba

"

.

96

.

95

.

93

tsywIba

"

.

92

ngweqba

"

.

79

In

'

"

Ikhwibal

[

I

kwa labal

/

"

khwiqba

swibal

tshwibal

[

"

alabe

kwa

Ichwibal

tswiba

[

"

Icwibal

"

swiba

"

.

77

iltshwiba

"

.

76

.

75

.

73

"

.

72

!

'

blow

back

on a

to

'

]

look

to carry

'

]

to

'

'

]

AL

twibə

road

'

/

]

[

[ [

mwin

]

twibal

phwibə ]

/

pwibə

[

tswiba

/

Twiba

mwíh

nyighoa

[

"

Iphwibal

"

mwiha

/

I /

"

pwibal

għynzhzh

[

:h /

" "

gy

A

"

nyohba

"

.

69

phwiba

"

.

64

pwiba

"

.

62

ngyohba

"

.

61

7gya

Ahq

"

.

59

"

"

.58

'

]

'

5

/

life

'

t55

]

]

]

[

/

/

"

let

water

]

8 ū

[

/

" "

" "

džù

kyu

Ikhyodo

khyodo

tsha

OV

kyu

[

"

kyuq

' trap '

[

"

Isyu

/

"

syu

.

ljyu

-

[

Ichyol

dzyu

.57

.

56

.

55

Icyõl

"

tshyoq

"

.

53

54

tsyo

"

"

52 .

57

[

-

-

3

.

Distribution

.

Examples

types initial , medial observed as charted . Type

58

Word

-

and

of the various syllable

final

initial

the word have been

in

Word

medial

-

Word

-

final

VCE Civ CiVCE MV

MVCE C

¡MV

C

¡ MVCE lu .wa : . ba /

[

101 .mě /

[ ólmy

nagi "

Ina . gi /

[

"

siqlmandari "

/

.

"

laqyAA

6

.

"

7

.

"

8

.

" my

1

.

"

uwaaba

2

.

"

oqlmE

3

.

"

4

.

5

"

"

ūwāəbə

nagyi

' to

]

of

lever out

the way !

luvula

]

'

' dog '

]

sil . man . da . ri /

[ sílmāndāri ]

' ear - rings '

/ lá . ya : /

[ láyəə ]

' moon '

yaahrba "

/ ya : hr . ba /

[ whghahřbà ]

' to bark '

mrIsyoq " .

Imri . syól

[ mnišs ]

' woman '

/ mya : hr .ba/

O [mýħa ħaħřbā ]]

' to stroll '

"

aahrbaq " .

11 .

"

uiqDaa "

/ u . í . da :/

[ūíờaa ]

' liver '

13 .

"

aneqro "

/ a . né . ro /

[ ənérs ]

' darkness '

14 .

"

siqlmandari

15 .

"

kwaalaba "

"

/

sil . man . da . ri /

/ kwa ; .

[ sílmāndāri ]

la . ba /

[

kw

]

' ear -rings ' ' to heat '

- 59

-

lah .mrõ . i . nyú / [ ohmišinyà

17 .

"

ahmroIngyU

21 .

"

yuqi "

lyú . i /

[

23 .

"

padiq "

Ipa . di /

[ pādi ]

Ini . mur /

[

lla . yå

[

24

.

"

" nimur "

25 .

"

laqyAA

"

:/

26

.

" ahlad "

27

.

"

riqmyU "

/

28 .

"

ahprihd "

lah . prihal

B

.

úi ]

]

' has not seen ' ' came down '

' navel '

nimūr

]

láy 55

]

' stye in the eye

'

'moon '

lah . lad /

[ əhləd ]

' don '

ri .myū /

[ římyû ]

' shrew '

[apriña ]

' don '

t

t

that !

do

write

!

foot . or word , is defined as a group the first syllable bearing slight prominence a stress or and with normally a decrescendo manifested over the whole group . ( The decrescendo is not manifested in the case of mono syllabic accented breathy words , marked " hq" , for which a crescendo is an inherent property of the tone class and overrides the foot de crescendo . ) 1

.

The

Contrast .

The

foot

,

of syllables with

last syllable of

a

foot is usually lengthened

.

Contrastive foot types are set up by the number of syllables , ranging from one to four in the data at hand , the presence or absence of breathiness , and by the placement of the accented syllable , any . These distinctions lead to four types for mono

if

syllabic

words , six types for disyllabic words , and eight for trisyllabic words . So far , all but one of the disyllabic types and two of the trisyllabic types have been observed . Four - syllable words are rare and insufficient numbers have come to hand to deter

mine whether the accent may come on any one of the four syllables or only , say , on the first , second , or last . The types generated by the three distinc tions (number of syllables , breathiness , placement of accent ) are listed below , with those not yet observed placed in parentheses . Further examples are given in . B . ( It will be noted that this list does not allow for types with breathiness beyond the first syllable . Some examples do occur ( see II . A . ' Breathiness ' ) , but I have not yet worked out the implications for the descriptive system . )

II

'

!

- 60 -

Monosyllables

Isa

[ sə ]

' tooth

'

'

'

'

]

'

like

oppspring

'

:

calf

small

'

mechanism ,

]

dzħaħdzā

]

"

/

[

VO

jahjál

ahdzaq

:3

añòûzhp

'

áhppal

(

"

/

ahqppa

dy

Dy

dz

Shsq

"

Shqs

"

'

'

-

'

barley grain

a

]

[ [

/

'

]

[

[ [

/

/

/

/

kətū

throat

walnut tree

kodu

karu

cow

:

/ /

)

/

"

"

karu

kháři

khách kadu

"

"

SS

kadug

"

ssa



,

hq "

"

b

Disyllables

soil '

;

person

myiều

mih

khaqri

"

Sas

my

'

' three '

/

[ 55 ]

/

sa me

Isõl

meh

mih

"

sh

Shq

"

" "

S

"

"

sq

:

]

509

a )

'

'

gồ

]

:

'

'

'

'

]

]

'

s

lives

' ir

-

'

his wife

home

'

large basket

'

)

I

həħħãāga

man who

'

]

għordzāwą 170 g

lime

gate posti

]

təgətə

'

'

]

ts

[ [

phumball

[

wart

darkness

[

/

:

/

ănÉP5

dz

/

/

"

jahrá gol

híbəlū

[



:

/

"

gahrjawẽ

"

"

pantry

longhandled

mallet

:

'

-

ear rings

'

]

sílmən də ki

[

silmandari

/

/

siqlmandari

Quadrisyllables

"

)

d

wooden

'.

'

]

għa ħnma

S È

[

gahnmasye

/

/

"

)

not observed

gahnmasye

"

SaSSS

/

" "

"

ShSsq

dzahraAqg0

"

(

Shsas

phuma

tagara

gahqrdzawE

-

Shqss

tagara

"

"

SSS

Shss

lanérol

phumaaliq

S 02

sssq

/

aneqro

[

/

)

c "

SSS

ts3h

Trisyllables

Ichibalu

"

"

tshiqbalu

Sass

00

cyohgol

[

tsyohg0

"

"

Shs

- 67 -

eri ) - not observed

( SSqSS (

SSSS

not observed

-

SSSSq

"

SSSS

"

belaaudiq " kuturuge

)

/ bela : udí /

kuturuge

"

( ShSqsS

-

not observed )

( ShSsas

-

not observed )

( ShSSSq

- not observed )

( Shqsss

-

Shsss

/

[

byèlə əudí ]

' guava '

[ kūtūřūgy

ē

]

' bracken '

[kuhximbò

è

]

'next

not observed )

" kuhrImba .

e"

/kuhrìmbael

year

's'

description of the manifestations of accent and breathiness see 11 . A . below . For examples of variants of the word produced by - substituting syl 2

Variation .

.

For

a

lables of different types , see I . A . 3 . ' Syllable Distribution ' . Across syllable boundaries consonant clusters

fall

observed a

Se into the following classes

Voiced stops preceded by homorganic nasal preceded by / m / ) .

)

"

khUandari "

/ khủndari /

"

kanggaq

/kanga /

"

kuhrImba

"

:

amdzyo

"

.

e "

/ kuhrimba

I amjyð /

"

sri ]

'rice

[ kuhrimbà

[ əmd

z3

è

jl is

' hole '

[ kānga ]

el

(/

]

fragments

' next year ' s '

' father ' s young est brother ' s

]

wife '

(

b

"

)

is no contrast observable between preceding this cluster . )

There

nasal vowels /

r

/

preceding voiced stops

not so far been

maahrba

" mahrdar

"

observed .

/ ma : hrbal

/ mahrda/

,

'

oral

and

except that / rd , has

[ mò ħa ħrbà )

'marvel '

[ màngò ]

' male '

:

- (

khaqrgU

"

"

gahardzawE "

"

satteq "

/r,

d

)

"

oqlmE

e

/ gáhrjawẽ /

[ għħrdzəwže ]

'man

/

1

)

The

of

and

SS of voiceless

"

[

satte /

[

stops

: 1]

sāt



lives '

s

' aunt '

ancient '

'

]

lolmē /

[ ólmy

' uvula '

/ kormē ,

[ kýřmy

/ /. m

bj/

/

and

has been observed

]

/ sn /

]

' sparrow '

( only

one example

) .

"

aabdzy0 "

/ a : bjyõl

[ əəbd25 ]

' father ' s young est brother '

"

asnaq

Lasna /

[ āsné ]

' bottom

"

Distribution . No restrictions have the distribution of word types into

phrase

of

container

been

!

observed

the phonological

.

Tone . A

. Breathiness . The main characteristic of breathy syllables is that the nuclear vowel is articulated with audible friction in the throat as a stronger air stream is forced past the vibrating vocal cords . The throat muscles are more relaxed during the articulation of 0 ( breathy vowels , and more tense for clear vowels . 0 Henderson ' s description of register 09 in Cambodian in . ' The Main Features of Cambodian Pronunciation ' , BSOAS

the

14

.

149 -

feature

74

(

1952

) ,

p

.

151 ,

PPun

is

very relevant

of breathiness in Gurung :

to

in

home

.

'mechanism '

special cases

each

ēņ

who

his wife

[ arynghaħp : 3 ]

/ àyá : hppal

ес preceding

/

koqrmE "

3. on

II .

' yoke of oxen '

lãnní /

" Dy aahqppa " .

"

[ khorgū ]

of / n /

" Angngiq " "

/ khángũ / IKE

) Gemination

c

2

!

- 63 ' The Cambodian " registers " differ from tones in that pitch is not the primary relevant feature . The pitch ranges of the two registers may some times overlap , though what I shall call the Second Register tends to be accompanied by lower

First Register .

pitch than the

' The characteristics of the first register are a " normal " or " head " voice quality , usually accompanied by relatively high pitch .

' The characteristics of the second register are a deep rather breathy or " sepulchral " voice , pronounced with lowering of the larynx , and frequently accompanied by a certain dilation of the nostrils . Pitch is usually lower than that 09 of the first register in similar contexts . ' In Gurung the breathy / / clear contrast has been ob syllable of a word with the served only on the

first

following exceptions : 1 )

2

element . IhanOhri

" "

Compounds

"

sanOhri " )

with

"

noh "

/ nõh ,

'

/ aſhnõhri /

' inside

/ sanõhril

' under

the second

' as

the house

'

the ground

'

The negative forms of a number of verbs . The negative prefix " ah - " is breathy , and the stem of the negative form ( the second syllable of the

inflected a

)

if it

is breathy is lexically breathy form

)

" yaahba "

/ ya : hbal

' to

ahy aah

Yahya : h /

' not

"

inside

b )

"

,

go ! go

( past

tense

or present )

cases where the stem is clear in forms . The writer has not yet been complete the analysis of this data , but able to seems that the cases may be accounted for by setting up a process whereby the prosody of breathiness of the negative prefix extends to the stem the stem - initial consonant is not in

certain

positive

it

if

phonetically

a

stop

.

- 64 -

Isyéba /

' to know '

"

syeqbaai

"

ahsyehq

"

kh AAqba "

/ khá :ba/

[ kha5b8 ]

"

ahkh AA

lahkhá : /

[ əhkhjā ]

lahkhă : h /

[ onxò ħż ħ ]

lahsyéh

"

"

or (

[ $ €bə ]

/

[

à

hs e

' not know ' tense ) ( present

]

' to be able '

'not

be

able '

The pronunciation with the stop is more frequent in K ' s speech than that with the fricative . )

"

piba "

/pibal

[ pyibə ]

' to give '

"

ahpI "

lahpil

[ ə ħpyì ]

' not give ( past or present )

Conghyih ]

' eldest

(a figħy

' eldest brother '

The

words

3

)

"

ahgIhq "

"

ahgEha "

"

ahdzyuh " (

lahgih

-

,

lahgehi

lahjyuh /

contrast

an

alternative

"

pahnãhga /

" pahnÀhli"

/ pahnăhli /

"

pahn Ahga

]

[ ghts5 ]) , ☺ n

sister

er

with the

term

same

(

a

contraction of

Ipohnshfi ] . "

pahnAhga

n A

gloss

' tomorrow '

0

[ pəhnəhlì ]

/ pahnahri /

'

and

'within few

" pahn Ahri "

the next days '

' tomorrow morn ing

Ahgari "

)

.

the exception of compounds of clear words with " noh " , such as " sanOhri " above , none of these forms have breathiness at all unless occurs at least on the first syllable , and it is a useful gen 3

With

it

eralization to treat breathiness as a contrastive feature of the foot , manifested by a breathy vowel in the first syllable ( and occasionally in the second syllable ) and by a lowering of the pitch of the whole

word

(

see next section , ' Accent '

)

.

!

' mother ' s young

[ əhazhùn ]

/ ahcyốl

" ahtsyOq "

n

sister

- 09

B

.

Accent

.

-

.

Contrast . Two emic levels of pitch are manifested Gurung - -high , marked by / / and in the text by " q " . following the syllable nuclear vowel ( and following " h " the vowel is breathy ) ; and low , left unmarked orthographies in the . Pitch is contrastive on the nuclear vowel of a syllable , as the pitch of contiguous nonsyllabic vocoids is determined by the pitch of the . in

1

if

syllable nucleus

.

syllable of

have high pitch , phonemically , and so the term ' accent ' is borrowed to refer to the high pitch from Pike ' s report of Bernard Only one

Bloch ' s description ( 1947 ) p . 14 :

of

a

foot

Japanese

may

in

Tone Languages

for the possibility of sig nificant pitch contrasts which are limited , for example , to stressed syllable , or to long vowels EO ' One must watch

..

Japanese , according to information which I have received from Dr . Bernard Bloch , of the Yale Graduate School , is one of these borderline types

significant pitches

There are two - -high and low . Each word may have one and only one syllable with pitch ; many words have no such a significant high syllable . The significant high - pitched syllable

.

be called " accented " . Other syllables than the accented one may have high or low pitches of 4 a non - significant type ; these non - significant pitches are determined by their position in re lation to the accented syllable , and never direct ly affect the meanings of words . In the following samples [ ] indicates the high accented syllables .

may

i

' fire '

haná

' flower '

' sun '

hana

' nose '

' tree '

hasi

' bridge '

hási

' chopstick '

'

spirits

,

wits '

' For a revised , much more detailed , statement pitch , accent , and intonation , see Japanese of , Bloch " Studies in Colloquial Japanese , : Syntax , " , , Lang . , XXII ( 1946 ) 203 - 4 . ' 200 - 1

II

- 66

Examples " "

liq "

li

/

/

"

li

in

-

Gurung are :

' face '

/

li /

' pole - ladder '

"

mIq"

/mí/

' eye '

"

mI "

/ mi /

' name '

" maqgi "

Imágil

'buffalo '

"

madiq "

/ madſ /

' lip '

"

nagi "

/ nagil

' dog '

"

mahdzaq "

Imahjá /

nana ' ' banana

"

mahrda "

/ mahrdal

' male '

/ préh /

' eight '

/ preh /

Istick

" prehq " . "

preh

"

dIhq "

laín /

'house '

"

tih

Itih

' occasion '

"

paqdi "

Ipádi /

'

"

padiq "

Ipadſ /

inaval '

"

tsyihbaq "

/

"

"

" tsyihba " 2

/

a

'

girl '

s

name '

cyihbá /

' to

remember

/cyihba /

' to

bite '

!

. Variation .

a ) Major variants . It is convenient to describe the variation of the pitch of accented and unaccented syllables in terms of three levels of pitch high [ º ] , mid [ - ] , and low [ ^ ] . Syllables have the following pitch variants :

accented [

]

" q"

low -

11 :

to - mid

occurring

glide on

a

,

with

word

-

marked crescendo ,

a

initial

" meha "

/ méh ,

[ myx

Ihq "

jaín /

[ añin ]

"

H

)

breathy

syllable

' cow ' ' house '

.

,

-

"

gahardzawE

[ - ]

"

dahdzuqra

"

"maahraq "

" SO

*

]

gáhrjawẽ /

the

" dzahraAqgo "

[

-

[

mid level , occurring when

"

/

67

first

ghg

ñ ñ

dzəwã

low

[ dzħaħrzög5 ]

Idahjúra

[

añandzūpā ]

[ maha R65 ]

lives in '

Isol

"

maqgi "

Imági /

"

aliq "

/

"

aneqro

ali /

[ số

[ mágyi ]

[

əli )

syllable .

' large basket ' ' bamboo

roof of

frame in shed ' .

' gold '

" phumaaliq "

/phuma : 11 /

[

" tshiqbaade "

Ichiba : de /

[ tshíbāzņē ]

"

unaccented low a

)

b

)

' buffalo '

' clod

[anero ]

phumii )

of

earth '

' darkness ' ' lime '

' lizard '

( unmarked ) :

level , occurring in initial syllables after stops , in breathy syllables , in

all

word -

initial

voiced

susequent unaccented syllables after an accented syllable

phonetic low unless interposes . / boba /

[ bəbə ]

' to bring '

belaaudiq "

/bela : udi /

[ byèlə addi ]

' guava '

tuh

/ tuh /

[ tù ħ ]

'bucket '

/ mahjal

[ məhidzā ]

Isanõhri /

[ sānähti ]

boba

" "

house '

' three '

3

lanérol

"

s

high level , occurring in words without any breathy syllable .

"

[^ ]

his wife

pitch

/ jahrá : gol

/ma : hrá /

' man who

non - initial

on

syllable is

/

]

"

"

"

mahdzaq

"

sanOhri "

"

' banana '

' under

the

ground '

[ - ]

level , occurring elsewhere . .

mid

Itagara

"

tagara "

"

tshiqbalu

"

tshatureq "

"

' gate post '

[ tā gērā ]

/

Ichibalu /

[

tshibalu ]

' wart '

Ichature

[

tsh

' adolescent '

" baIhqkatar "

In

08

/

/baíhkatar /

E ]

[ bħġ ħī fikātā f ]

' pineapple '

the pitch of an unaccented syllable a clear accented syllable seems to high between and mid . cases

some

following

( clear ) fluctuate

apparent ambiguity arising from the assign ment of a mid level allophone to both the accented and the unaccented tone is in fact completely resolved by distribution . Mid occurs for the accented tone only following a breathy syllable ( low in pitch ) whereas the unaccented syllable is low in this environ ment . All other instances of mid level pitch are the unaccented tone . In addition , the clear accented syllable , in first or second position in the word , appears to carry some degree of perceptual stress , The

if

accompanied by decrescendo , which reinforces the con trast between accented and unaccented syllables in

the same position

,

"

ali "

lali /

"

aliq "

/

as

in

[

alí ,

' öli

['

ə

,

' brother '

]



' clod of earth '

]

and adds a phonetic distinction to the distributional one to distinguish the second and third syllables of "

dahdzuqre

"

/ da hjúra )

as being respectively

[ ' dhah

, dzūkā ] ' cane frames in roof of shed '

accented and unaccented .

But this ' stress ' is only of secondary degree compared ( already weak ) primary stress which marks the

with the

initial syllable

of

a

foot ,

and

reliable phonetic criterion of distributional criteria above .

is therefore

It

is not

the transcription except here and in b

)

Minor variants .

a

less

accent than the pitch

The

II .

marked in . ' stress ' .

C

three phonetic

levels of pitch postulated for the description of accent variants may themselves vary within a range of pitch depending on :

-

1

)

)

2

position

09

within the word

sively lower , and closer third syllables .

pitch is succes

- - high

to mid , on

nasal vowels tend to be higher

in

the second and

pitch

"

mI "

/ mi /

[ mYi ]

' name '

"

mi"

/mi /

[ myi ]

'

3

)

fire ; tail '

vowels of different qualities tend to exhibit differing pitch , with high and lol low .

lil

mi "

/ mi /

[ myi )

' fire ;

"

mu

"

/ mu /

[ mu ]

' sky '

"

'mo "

/ mol

[m

"

oral .

than

.

tail '

' cane '

]

However , these variations in pitch are small , and I have not attempted to represent them in transcrip tion of data in this paper . They do not affect the

analysis of accent .

c ) Effect of intonation . Overriding the pitch characteristics of accent described above is the effect of position in the phonological phrase and its O S associated intonation contour . In a sentence such as

" tsaqdi

,

Icádi , tá

taq Tuhq mror . " túh

mrõl . ,

[ tsədi / ' He

må51 ]

gətuħ

six axes . '

saw

there are two phonological phrases , one final , marked by 1 . l , and one non final , marked by 1 , 1 . ( See Glover 0 ( 1969b : 35 ) . The closing contour of a final P phrase in a declarative P - sentenceN is progressively steeply falling over the last several syllables . The two syllables of " mror " are therefore uttered on very

pitch

it is impractical

words con substitution in this position . The inherent low -mid glide of the breathy accented syllable " Tuha " is transformed in this environment by the falling intonation to a mid level . ( Contrast is low

and

trasting for pitch

still

by

compare

to

maintained with clear unaccented words in this as the latter manifest a falling pitch due

position

intonational effect . ) The closing contour of a nonfinal P - phrase is rising , and in several repetitions of sentences such to the

as

the above

it

was

observed

that

"

tsaqdi

"

in fact

-

was

level or

-

70

rising instead of downstepping the lexical pitches .

even

as

would be expected from

Hale pointed out an interesting paragraph intonation in the special case where a particular sentence was repeated two or three times Dr . Austin

at the researcher ' s request , without interruption . the repetitions there was a progressive levelling effect , so that the phonetic range of the phonemic pitch contrasts narrowed almost to vanishing point .

On

Morphophonemics of tone . d ) The only tone morphophonemics which have been observed are associated with the suffixes " maE " ( plural number on nouns ) , " ba " ( gerund on verbs ) , and " e " ( possessive on nouns ) . No tone perturbation has been observed across word boundaries . To state the rules succinctly it is convenient to assign numerical symbols to the four monosyllabic tone groups :

clear accented ( unmarked )

low

=

Rule

Thus

(" h " )

4

=

breathy

;

("

1

q"

)

clear unaccented

;

accented

=

=

2

breathy

;

( " ha " )

3

.

'Whenever a word including the suffixes ''ma E " produce the tone " ba " ( both of group 2 ) would sequences 2 - 2 - 2 or 3 - 2 - 2 the suffix assumes an 0 accent (becoming " ma Eq " baq " in group 1 ) . " or suppressed group and the 3 stem is ( so that the stem becomes group 4 ) . ' . 1

.

* 2

-

2

-

2

= =>

2

-

1

-

2

* 3

-

2

-

2

==>

4

-

1

-

2

or

2

-

2

-

1

(

depending

case has yet been observed where the suffix is the third

( no

syllable of

since no pattern Iméh /

" meha " a " " me hqmaE

" mehma

Eqdi "

"

mili

"

milimaEq "

"

which

on

syllable is the suffix )

[myx

3

-

2

-

2

sequence ,

disyllabic

3

ħ

-

2

has been

observed .

icow '

]

[ myčâməą ] /méhmaẽ / /mehmaédi / [myèñ mõõdi ] >

of the

noun

(

3

)

)

' cows ' 'cows ' COWS

(3 - 2 )

COWS

( agentive ) (

( 4 - 1 - 2 )

/

[

myili )

' tear '

/milimaé /

[myílímóấ )

' tears ' ( 2 - 2 - 1 )

mili /

2

- 2)

71

-

"

Ik haba /

khaba "

" kh ab aqe

mih

-

' to

[khābā ]

come '

.

2

it

' Whenever " ba " is assumes an accent

suppressed "

ahtsyih

"

.

'

attached to and

the stem

a

group

tsyihbaq "

Icyihbál

[

"

ahtsyih "

lahcy ih /

[ ə ħtših ]

' not

"

tsyihba "

Icyihba /

[ tšillbə ]

' to

3

.

kolo

is

2

-

1

-

2

)

stem

' to remember

]

bite

bite

! !

'

'

" e" is attached to a noun which has accented syllable nor breathiness , the stem syllable takes an accent . '

an

Ikolo /

"

" koloqe

)

' Whenever

neither

final

"

tšiħbə

(

' not remember

[aftsth ]

"

'

3

accent

/ahcyíh /

Rule

2

/khaba . e mih / [ khô bóẽ myạº ] ' the coming

"

man

Rule

(2 -

/kolóe

AAma"

"

nga "

"

ngaqe tsah

å

:ma / [ k513ē Jāmā ] ' the child ' s mother '

[ na ]

Ina / "

' child '

[ kp15 ]

Ináe cah /

' me '

tsəh

[ naĒ

]

'my son '

Note that this rule neutralizes contrast in this environment between certain group 1 and group 2 stems , such

as

"

tsa "

/ ca /

[

"

tsaq "

Icá /

[ tsa ]

"

tsaqe koq "

Icke

3

.

Distribution

.

ko /

Any may

tsə

[ tsə

' vein '

]

"

ekā ]

syllable of

a

word

he

and

!

' the vein ' s blood his blood ' may

bear the

be no accented syllable at all . ( see examples above ) . The disyllabic pattern Shqs and the trisyllabic patterns ShSS and ShSsq have not been observed (where s is a syllable ) . The other two breathy disyllabic patterns , Shs and ShSq , do not appear to 0 Pinitial , as all breathy ns with stops contrast in nouns . 0 U 00 disyllabic nouns uns with voiceless stops initial 40 are of pattern , the Shs

accent , or there

;

-

"

kohle

"

"

puhlu

"

initial "

/kohlel

'rice

/ publũ

'inse ct '

gruel '

breathy disyllabic nouns with voiced stops are of the ShSq pattern .

gyOhsyIq "

" buh

nasals

dzyuq "

Igyõhs

'

a

/buhjyal

'

grandmother

the patterns contrast

However ,

C

-

all

while

and

72

,

type of timber '

'

initial

in nouns with

" maahraq "

/ma : hrál

' gold '

" mahrde "

/mahrdal

'male '

ve SS stops S SVwith voiceless in verbs

initial .

"

tsyihbaq "

Icyihbál

' to

"

tsyihba "

Icyihbal

' to bite '

remember

!

. Stress . Word stress is not phonemic in Gurung - - that is , does not establish contrastive units ( except for the presence of secondary stress on the accented syllable in first or second position in the word , as described above ) . However the first syllable of

it

if

foot regularly carries a slight stress ( primary by with the secondary stress on the accented syllable ) , which serves as a characteristic feature distinguishing the foot , as a level , from the next lower , the syllable , and the next higher , the phono a

comparison

logical cause

phrase .

perception of this stress

The

is

difficult be

: 1 ) 2

)

3

)

it it

is not contrastive between words , is only moderate in degree ( I am indebted to Kent Gordon for pertinent comments on stress in Gurung including his observation that it is perceptually much less prominent

than

it is

the

( phonemic )

stress in Sherpa

)

,

independent of the features of pitch and length which accompnay stress in English A

particular

example

is

.

- 73 -

"

ali

"

alig "

"

/

ali /

/

ali /

sliga

[ ' (D

of the high pitch

Because

the accented syllable the

( nonphonemic )

the

on

first

Above the

.

(

length

on

1969b

)

of

earth '

secondary stress CO -

on

occurring with

syl

the foot - final sounds prominent to

fact there is the primary stress syllable and a decrescendo over the foot . In

foot level

,

II .

P

of

m marking the nucleus

Glover

in

and

' clod

" aliq " ,

second syllable

lable , the English ears

' younger brother '

If

E

.

a

stress is significant in -

phrase

of

' Punctuation ' ) .

P

-

sentence

(

seeе

SPECTROGRAPHIC CONFIRMATION

OF

PITCH

CONTRASTIVE

Bruce

University

C.

AND

BREATHINESS

IN

GURUNG

Hinton

of Michigan

spectrographic check of sample tape recordings confirms the phonetic statements of Glovert and Pike2 concerning pitch and breathiness in Gurung . For this study , Glover provided a taped corpus of 104 contrastive utterances illustrating selected phonological features of Gurung . The informant was Pitch Ras Kumaari Gurung , a female native speaker about 31 years of age . contrasts were exemplified by seven pairs of minimally contrasting items identical frames . The contrastive sentences , in each case , were less in than 2 . 4 seconds long and thus lent themselves nicely to spectrographic analysis using the Kay Electric Sona - Graph ( odel 6061 - 8 ) . A

It

should be noted that the sound spectrograph , an acoustic instrument , poses certain problems for the investigation of pitch , a human perceptual depicted in a spectrogram is not a precise phenomenon . The information analog of what we hear . In the frequency range of 100 - 1000 cycles per , , it is safe to assume a positive correlation between second however perceived pitch , expressed in relational judgments of higher or lower , and the acoustic measure of fundamental laryngeal frequency , expressed problem arising in connection with pitch . A further in cycles per second . , spectrograms is as Lehiste and Peterson have pointed out , “ studies based on frequencies of syllabic nuclei are subject to systematic that the fundamental perturbations conditioned by vowel quality and the influence of preceding and following consonants . As we have insufficient data at present to establish acoustic norms for Gurung which would make it possible to allow for non significant perturbations of fundamental frequency , we are not in a position to comment on the finer phonetic details of Glover ' s analysis . Working with minimal pairs , however , we can use the spectrograph to corroborate Glover ' s crucial statement that three etically distinct levels of pitch in Gurung can be resolved into two emic levels .

Figs .

1

and

2

give the clearest illustration from contrast on non -breathy syllables .

the

available

corpus

pitch These are narrow band a minimal spectrograms of the following contrastive utterances ( the substitution items have been underlined for clarity ) : tsaqdi liq kuq mroI The saw nine faces ' sl . kuq mrOI tsaqdi The saw nine ladders ' S2 . ( For the sake of simplicity and consistency , all Gurung material is cited the text orthography , where the symbol " q " represents phonemically high in tone on the preceding vowel ; low tone is unmarked ; and " h " indicatos breathi . ness . For the phonetic values of the other orthographic symbols , see Glover ' s articles , elsewhere in this volume . )

of

li

expanded frequency scale , in Figs . 1 and 2 show a specially magnifier setting by device on the Sona - Graph the scale which is achieved gives dramatic definition to the first for a range of 16 - 1700 cps . This harmonic (which traces the fundamental frequency ) and the next few higher harmonics . Note that the second harmonic provides an exceptionally clear The

displays

-

74

-

- 75 picture of the rise and fall of the informant ' s voice on successive syllables . The substitution item " liq " in Fig . 1 is clearly on the same general pitch level as the following phonetically high - pitched morpheme " kuq " . lower " is considerably In Fig . 2 , the syllable " These spectrograms provide visible proof than the following " kuq " . of contrastive pitch in Gurung .

ii

frequencies of the syllabic nuclei in sl and 52 following approximate may be assigned the ) values ( accurate to t2 - 3 cps .16 frequency of relatively level by measuring the average fundamental pitched vowels and the beginning and end point values in the case of Again , the contrastive syllables are underlined . pronounced glides . 290 - 220 390 385 Si . 350 . 375 290 - 220 325 361 52 . 340 . 360 frequencies are , of course , The absolute values of the fundamental linguistic ; purposes but the changes in those values , irrelevant for significant disregarding non variation between frames , show a clear pitch contrast between " liq " and " " . Thus the claim of at least two contrasting tonemes in Gurung is substantiated . fundamental

The

li

contrast a pitch In Figs . 3 and 4 , the same frame is used to show syllables breathy . on tsaqdi kihq kuq mrOI 53 . ' he saw nine thatches ' tsaqdi kih kuq mrOI S4 . 'he saw nine of you ' for each syllable are : The frequency values of the fundamental 335 250 - 190 290 - 305 53 . 300 . 325 320 250 - 190 240 - 280 SH . 310 . 335 This evidence supports a two -way pitch contrast on breathy syllables . Note , by the way , the 15 cps , drop in the fundamental frequency of the higher values in Sl and s3 . " kuq " in s2 and S4 as compared with kuq might suggest lowered in these cases by that " " has been One conditioned variation due to the effect of the preceding low toneme . is also evident that the breathy syllables in Figs . 3 and 4 are substantially lower in pitch , in relation to their respective frames , than the non - breathy syllables in Figs . 1 and 2 .

It

If

discount the absoluto pitch variation between frames and focus on the linguistically meaningful relative changes in pitch , The drop in fundamental frequency between an interesting fact emerges . syllables of s2 and 53 is identical : the substitu the second and third tion items " " and " kihq " are exactly 35 cps . lower in frequency than This pitch similarity between the the preceding syllable of the frame . low non -breathy syllable and the high breathy syllable holds true also frame item , the high non - breathy " kuq " . in relation to the following pitch to 35 cps . ; the correspond " and " kuq " amounts between " The rise in ing figure for " kihq " is 30 cps . ( computed from the end point of the rising we again

li

li

contour ) .

acoustic data support Glover ' s and Pike ' s auditory analysis of three etic pitch levels in Gurung : high pitch , on high non - breathy syllables ; mid pitch , on low non -breathy and high breathy ; and low pitch , on low breathy syllables . Since breathy phonation appears automatically to entail lowered pitch , it is obviously justifiable to regard Gurung as a two - emic These

tone system ,

Examination of the spectrographic

data for

the remaining

five

-

-

76

CPS

1500

IN

-

)

509

FREULICY

100

,

liq

"

"

kuq expect one would and

CPS

s

.

'

level

that

OI

"

Note

approximately the same frequency following Glover analysis

"

. .

spectrogram

u3 mm as

Narrow band

on 1

Fig are

oil isk of si .

tsag

ug

k

.

52

.

"

.

of "

i

this confirms contrastive

mooi

Here the substitution item Together with the evidence pitch Gurung

kuq

in

,

Fig

agd

Narrow band spectrogram lower than the frame item 1

. is .

"

"

of li

.

Fig

2

its

i

FREUENCY

1000

-

IN

77

-

CPS

1500

-

1503

-

IN VECY

2009

-

1000

.

33

band spectrogram Note that the high broathy the following high clear syllable

pitoh than

FRA

VENCI

IN

dikin

kuq ,

Sh

band spectrogram

syllables

of

Narrow

breathy

.

on

. 4 .

Fig

ag

1

ts

100

mpol

confirming contrastive pitch

kihq

"

ror

"

"

aq

Kuq

CPS

1500



in

lower

King of

.

3

Narrow

di

,

is

.

Fig

s

+

500

-

FRE

-

pitch provided additional confirmation

this analysis

.

pairs

minimal

-

78

of

for

-

a

-

to

-

be

a

as

of

or

downstopping

would

."

8

from

"

in

)

"

3

.

in

,

-

"

P

even rising instead level pitches the lexical

becomes

expected

"

tsaqdi

"

"

a

- (

?

"

a

's

:

, ,

,

-4

1

.

in

in

part the accuracy incidentally confirm Figs example phonetic that word for observations of Glover more detailed phonetically syllable high breathy low m id is with tone initial closing contour Fig glide and that the note the third syllable position rising phrase such that with the result is non final of displays

The

.

/ /

'

'

to .

-

'

"

"

"

/ .

'/

/

"

'/ '

"

to

"

"

'

"

'. ' : "

an

as

;

eyes

!

MIq

"

//

'

"

"

,

,

persons

'

"

"

mihq

and

'

"

/

'/

"

;

'

"

door

in

.

'.

"

a

;

close

to -

of

.

to

in

in

"

'

'

"

'

an

vs

of

,

in

on

breathy and non breathy syllables were While the pitch contrasts identify the acoustic attempt laboratory readily confirmed the proved breathy This was difficult more clear vowels correlates pairs satisfactory part any for breathi minimal the absence due pair only m ih man was true minimal The the available data ness only sentence final was attested form however The first t ail mi position while the second occurred Other isolated citation form ngi you phonetically similar pairs used for analysis were kih Tuhbaq place tuba sew noll lean meat kloh we

of

be

be

to

it it

,

of

,

in

.

on

,

on

.

,

on

to

or

of

,

-b

/ /

to

of

in

of

of

a

of

variety Inspection these wide and narrow band spectrograms the acousti conclusive identification contrastive pairs did not result related Several acoustic signals seemed breathiness correlates breathy non reathy differences could not vowels but the Gurung material alone which signal the basis determined clearly signals was responsible for breathiness and which should combination the tape extraneous factors such as background noise be attributed key segments power etc low

of

,

as

, as

to

,

in

/ /

.

on

of

a

,

in

,

In

to

breathy vs obtain more satisfactory contrastive data order American English with native speaker clear vowels Nancy Conklin phonetics was asked special training record her interpretation possible closely imitating breathy clear vowels various contexts

,

(

to

as

so

.

/ /

to

,

a

on

a

in

,

is ,

,

a

.

louder one

)

a

on

the spectrograr fainter trace ceteris paribus results strictly comparable speaking softly not vowel uttered

segment

thus

.

of

on

to

we

is

.

to

,

it

.

s

'

.

Pike

of

Admittedly the these voice qualities demonstrations was hoped but contrasts thus produced were artificial and exaggerated clarify the Gurung material Conklin Mrs that the experiment would help very near that and the Gurung informant characteristic voice pitch adjust the recording level ensure her tapes were able Lower volume clear vowels would be directly comparable that the breathy

Prof

each case

and

i]

(

and

a

same

clear ,

's the

in

The acoustic difference betrieen clear

.

contrast between

Conklin

power

is

lrs

.

shows

5

.

lins

Fig

breathy

striking .

a

as

a

-

]

[

,

by

,

-

.

h

of

,

up

,

at

in

,

,

of

.

.

breathy vowels readily apparent For major difference between breathy and non least the Mrs Conklin acoustically breathy vowels this and other cases shows blurring like the breathy vowel by the higher formants comparison breathy clear exhibit vowels The non noise white formant structure and

70

-

CPS

-

of

experimental contrast American English speaker

.

an

an

boutin

by

5

usia

showing Broad band spectrogram clear vowel quality produced

. / , / ,

.

Fig

breathy

n

ma

FREQUENCY

IN

CPS

4000

IN

3000

.

breathy

clear

//

of

Fig showing the contrast Broad band spectrogram vowels recorded by the Gurung informant

i

in m

m

1000

. 6 .

FREQUENCY

2000

-

A

80

-

similar sort of acoustic contrast , although less clear because of

lower speech pover , can be seen in the Gurung quasi -minimal pairs displayed Spectrograms made of other Gurung vowels seem to support this in Fig . 6 . generalization , Other factors , however ( e . g . , the attenuation of acoustic certain harmonics , possible lowering of formants ) , may also play a significant

role in signalling breathiness . take a firm stand .

evidence

The

is ,

yet , too tenuous

as

to

investigation

of this problem would be highly desirable . question as to whether the breathy ! I clear contrast involves a special set of the glottis , as Catford9 and Ladefoged ? maintain , or whether the crucial distinction is related to the height of the larynx , as appears to be the case in Thakali '' , to tongue - root position , as Pittman suggests12 , or perhaps to a combination of these factors , Acoustic phonetics is uniquely qualified to resolve this issue . If Pittman is right , for example , further spectrographic study of Gurung ( and perhaps also Thakali ) breathy vowels should reveal the characteristic lowering of the first formant associated with front quality which tongue - root articulation . 13 On the other hand , the Catford and Ladefoged label " breathiness " would be best identified not with the spectrograph , but by means of laryngoscopic and air - flow studies . Further

is

There

a

genuine

Acknowledgements

:

obliged to the Department of Linguistics at the University of Michigan for the use of their Phonetics Laboratory facilities . A very special debt of gratitude is owed to Prof . Pike , who introduced me to this material and generously supported my work with his invaluable advice and encouragement .

I

am

for this paper was supported in part by the Department and Welfare , Office of Education , Washington , D . C . , under contract number OEC - 0 - 9097721 - 2778 (014 ) with Kenneth L . Pike as project director . research

The

of Health , Education

: (

"

and

in

(

,

unpublished Higher Levels

of

.

Basic Considerations the Acoustical Society

Some

.

of

Tone

- )

75

pp

.

)

,

in (

.

1962

volume

) )

1961

of (

419 425

"

,

Journal

this

of in 77 .

the Analysis

in

of

Acoustic Phonetics

Peterson

The

Feet

reprinted

(

"

of

of

.

(

"

Nepal

the

of

2

.

in

.

in

in

as

,

.

,

.

-

a

Fig Pike gives clear illustration this relationship the above mentioned article These values were derived by measuring the center frequencies of the first four harmonics and estimating their greatest common divisor which taken the fundamental frequency More precise measurements possible necessary are but were not deemed the present instance pitch clearly since the contrasts are revealed the scale magnified spectrograms

is

0

preliminary

Gurung Tone

of Nuclei

-

.

No

E

Gordon

:

, ,

Vol

Elements

Intonation 33

America

and

.

Analysis

of

Ilse Lehiste

Role

The

Languages

4

Tibeto Burman Peter Ladefoged

,

article

Summary

"

,

,

Pike

"

- .

L

volume Kenneth

in

Phonemic

.

this

Glover Gurung See also his )

version

. .

W

Warren

)

.

1

Footnotes

- 81

7

.

na 0

.

11 . 12 .

13 .

-

Glover , Gurung Phonemic Sumary , p . 55 . Ibid . , p . 58 . J . C . Catford , " Phonation Types " , In Honour of Daniel Jones ( 1964 ) , pp . 26 - 37 . Petor Ladefoged , Linguistic Phonetics (1967 ) , passim . Maria Hari , " Thakali Tone and Higher Levels " ( in this volume ) . Richard S . Pittman , " Gurung , Tamang , Thakali , Sherpa , and Chepang Prosodies " ( in Vol . of this series ) . Kenneth L . Pike , " Tongue Root Position in Practical Phonetics " ( Phonetica 17 : 129 - 140 ( 1967 ) ) , p . 138 .

III

TAMANG

TONE

HIGHER

AND

Maria Hari , Doreen Taylor

,

LEVELS

and Kenneth

L

.

Pike

system may be characterized in terms kinds of contrasts , contrasts for breathiness ( tense or clear vs , lax or breathy ) and contrasts for pitch con tour (basically level vs . falling ) . The domain for each of these contrasts is the morpheme or the morpheme followed by non - tonal suffixes . The phonetic manifestation of tone patterns by is affected the CVC of the word , by juncture falling at phrase boundaries , and by over - riding sentence intonation . The tone of a morpheme also influences the phonetic manifestation of certain segments . It is there fore necessary to deal with aspects of virtually every level of the phonological hierarchy from segment to sen tence in order to give a coherent account of Tamang tone .

of

[

two

The Tamang tone

left

Pike and Taylor

Both

ysis of

Tamang

Kathmandu

before the anal

could be completed

. Hale worked further on the analysis for several frustrating months before Hari was invited to help with the analysis .

Though

tone in Western

the ,

following builds

on

Pike , Taylor

the work of

,

it differs significantly from this previous succeeds in accounting for the data in satis

Levels of the Phonological Hierarchy

above

the segments

Syllable Structure The syllable the minimum unit of the morpheme vowel with con nucleus filled by and consists of sonants occurring optionally in pre and post nuclear -

Contrast

ccvcovc -

82

CVC

-

cv

-

following six contrastive syllable patterns occur vc

The V

.

.

position

-

a

a

is

The

1

.

A

I .

1tn

and Hale work and a fying manner at many points at which previous approaches had failed . The following account of Tamang tone is Hari ' s , analysis and was written entirely by Hari . This analysis (DP supercedes that given in brief at the beginning of the synopsis of Tamang segmentals . The text and the word lists are given in the orthography which corresponds to this earlier analysis . Both texts and word lists had gone to press before this current analysis was complete . ]

- 83 -



' you '

"

ée

"

ale "

lale /

Hípi"

lípi /

' enemy '

/ ur /

' yellow '

"

:/

' younger brother

!

VC :

Hur " "

ampale "

lampale /

' a kind of

"

orpa "

Torpal

' pull outi

'

fruit '

CV : "

sa "

Isal

"

kí "

"

ru "

ground '

tooth

,

Iki/

' water

!

/ ru /

' animal ' s horn '

Ikan /

' foot '

/ ma " r /

' gold '

/ tup /

' thread '

/ kral

' head '

/kyú :h /

' sheep '

/kieh /

' clan name '

" mlang "

Imland

' black '

"

pleng "

/ plen /

' big

"

gréhn

/ krén /

Teldest '

CVC : "

kang "

" mahr " "

Tup "

CCV : "

kra

"

gyúuh

"

gléh "

"

"

ccvc :

"

flat

stone '

- 84 -

.

Variation Consonant clustering within the syllable occurs only in the pre - nuclear position . The number of consonants which can occur in the second C - slot is very limited . The following chart expresses the combinatorial possibilities for these syllable

clusters .

yields

C

prl Iphr

1p /

Iph /

/r/

/

Iki

Ikhl

11 /

/ p1/ / pyl

Ic !

/

/y /

Ichi

/

/ m1

/

Icy

/

/

krl

/ khr /

kh1 khy

Ichy

/

ly

Isy

/

/

1s

:

/

I

In

ny

/

In

/t / / / th th / /

Iti

none

111

h

/ /

/

ly

lri

/ wl / wh /

/

Irh

)

down

'

upside

pres

(

'

/

-

'

phlup

slip

'

pap

:-

pal

/

pla

/

"

-

"

pap phlup

-

"

:

CCV

plaa pa

/mr /

/ / / / /my m1 /

second

c

/phy /ph1 / / /ky k1 / / /

first

1

CC -

/

initial

"

2

"

kli

"

Ikli /

'

feces '

"

khlaa - pa "

Ikhla : -pal

' throw

"

mlang "

Imlan /

'black '

"

kra "

/

"

khru - pa "

/khnd - pa /

"

próo

"

/ pro : /

'wash ' ( pres ) ' light meal '

"

mráa "

/mrá : /

' weed '

/ pyoh /

' bamboo mat '

" byóh "

kral

away

'

( pres )

'head ' W

"

phyaa "

Ip " ya : /

' broom '

"

kyapa

/ kySpa /

'wooden

spoon

"

khya - pa "

' mend '

( pres )

"

cyaa - pa "

/ khya - pa / Icya : - pa /

"

chyúku "

Ichyúku /

loil '

"

sya "

Isyal

' meat '

"

ngyeh "

/ nyeh ,

' milk '

"

' see '

'

( pres )

ccvc :

big

flat

"

pleng "

/ plen /

'

"

phlik

- pa "

Iphlik - pa )

' flash '

"

klang

- pa

/klan - pal

' play '

"

mlang "

Imlan

'black '

"

prang "

/ pran /

' stand over

" phrengka "

Iphrenkal

la necklace '

" kríng - pa "

/ krín - pal

"

/

a

stone '

( pres ) ( pres )

fire - place

"

khráng - pa "

Ikhrán - pa /

' cry out ' ( pres ' burn ' ( pres )

"

mring "

/mrin ,

' wife '

)

'

/ pyan - pa /

' able to run

/ phyan - pa /

' fly '

/ kyun - pal

"

khyang "

/khyan /

' platform

"

jyohr pa

Icyohr - pal

"

chyong

'

up

pre

with

(

'

-

sy

catch

'

'

we

pal

áp

/

)

loverflow

/

" "

-

'

stones

Inyahn

pa

syåp

pres

necklace of preciou

your

/

/

"

"

ngyahng

Distribution Note

:

The

trisyllabic

morphemes

are not included in

this statement of distribution because

they

'

' '

bug

/

.

/

'

'

lun

small

single

morpheme

vc

/

puh

a

V

.

not possible set

'

knot

'

/

'

frog

this block syllabifies

'

.

pohl top

.

'

/

'

'

'

/

'

deep

'

pa1 pal

crow crow

'

crooked

.

Itáh pran

!

narrov narrow

,

ta /

'

'

/

.

.

ku

/

/

ton

1

VC

.

ins ane

,

V

. .

hok

.

CVC

.

CVC

cyuk

kok

/

CV

.

CVC

sya

peh

/

.

cv cv . .

ccv

CVC

heaped

'

.

"

'

does not occur within

.

CV

CVC

bisyllabic

the

Ici tal

buffalo

'

,

.

/

.

ki

Ikhá pop

CV

2

3

ma

cv cvc .

1

CV CV

ccvc

4

possible patterns for

:

following

morpheme

36

.

are quite rare in the language Combining the six emic syllable types we get the

5

.

wring out

myúr

"

"

myúr

lemon , sour '

!

"

-

"

"

"

- pa

!

( pres )

'

" kyung

0

- pa "

Ich

" phyang

fast

'

- pa "

'

" pyang

3

-

86

(

-

like

- 87 -

6

cvc . ccv CVC

7

8

9

ll

/ phit . cyor/

' flag ' .

' outside '

. CV

V

. CVC

lá . nal ' younger sister ' la . lel ' younger brother / i .kok / ' hiccup '

V

.

does

V

. Vc

v

. ccv

la . cyol ' elder brother '

. CCVC

la . syan ,

V

not occur within

no no example

VC . CVC

general

VC .

not possible

V

vc . ccv

due to

set

a

single

found , non

the rarity of

16 . nyel

,

significant syllables

this block

' some time ago

bo VC -

'

, .gap in bo

syllabifies like

7

no example found , non - significant gap

VC . CCVC

13 CCV . cv

ccv . cvc 14 ccv .

V

Ikrá

. su /

Ikhri . ti / ' dirty '

' steep '

lean / cyah . tan , 'near '

not possible within

a

single

morpheme

CCV . Vc

15

ccv . ccv cev . ccvc

16

. ccvc . cv ccvc . cvc

' paper ' non - significant gap / syo . syo /

/krahm . pal

' cheek '

/ cyot . tor /

' comb '

!

morpheme

' father - in - law '

VC . CV

vc . vc 12

/ tar . cyu /

. syol ' tomorrow '

V

V

10

. ccvc

nahm

Iklin . tol 'naked '

- 88

17 CCVC . CCVC

not possible

V

like set

. VC

18 ccvc . ccv

/ nyam

ny

,

13

a

this block syllabifies

' bird '

/

/ prép . prép /

CCVC . ccvc

-

' together '

' storm

/ cyan . syar /

Out of the 36 patterns six are not possible be cause they are repetitions of other patterns . See 5 ,

ll ,

( 10

17 .

,

For five patterns 12 ,

examples could be found . these cases the gaps seem not very

In

15b )

ON

significant .

, no

For the six patterns of

2 , 8 , and 14 the gaps sequences seem No of two V - syllables 3 single morpheme occur within a . Patterns 2a , 8a , possible and 14a are for the word , because there syllable shape " - V " . are suffixes with the Patterns possible , , 2b 8b and 14b are not for the word either because there is no suffix with the shape " - VC " .

significant .

both

If

a

, word

simple statement of and morpheme

CV - patterns

level , we

must

cover

find , that certain

patterns are possible for the word but not for the

morpheme

( 2a ,

8a ,

14

expect the patterns

a

) .

2b

,

On 8b

the other hand we would 14b also to be pos

, and

the word , but they actually do not occur simply because there is no affix with the shape " - VC This gives us a good ground for postulating a phono

sible for logical

reasons Q

morpheme to assume

.

Altogether we have several that this level is important . They

level .

are the following : The morpheme

"

has

unique set of with the word .

- patterns

1

.

2

. The morpheme is the basic unit on which the quality and pitch systems operate .

3

.

is not identical

a

CV

which

voice

is also the basic unit for the distri bution of certain phonemes : Aspirated stops occur only morpheme initial , never morpheme medial . But they do occur word medial in stem compounds and in words with the negative prefixes " a - " and " tha - " . The morpheme

- 89 -

The Morpheme

following sections data without brackets in the text orthography , except for the pitch contours , which are sym bolized with lines , giving a phonetic approxi

Note :

the

In

or quotes are written mation of the A

morpheme

rises

and

consists of

1

falls

to

3

involved

syllables

is the primary domain of tone . That tive pitch contours stretch over the

of morpheme Illustrations a

"

káa "

"

kóla

"

to

3

it

contras syllables

. :

de kaa

' blood '

kola

'

child '

lápita "

lapita

' Nepali shirt '

"

ru "

nu

'horn '

"

yungpa "

‫کرس‬ yungpa

' stone '

"

Tokoro

Tokoro

la

btwn

' seed '

"

blúh "

"

dóhngpa

"

dóhngkale "

"

jah "

The

' tree '

dokagkale

" a

ape

'

'

old

'

Ishrew

áhngsiri

'

d

"

big

son

bónkta

dahngsiri

garment '

dokungpa

jah

"

"

"

ibohkta

Word

.

A

word consists of at least one morpheme The can be preceded by one prefix and fol There are also compound lowed by several suffixes words which contain two stem morphemes The word is the secondary domain of the contrastive pitch With regard to the distribution of the features D pitch features we may distinguish two types of words Simple words and compound words morpheme

.

:

.

.

.

stem

34

.

1

the

, and

"

"

c

is

,

.

'

.

'

B

-

They consist of a stem . Phonological simple words . and a string of neutral suffixes . In this case the

pitch contour of the

Syóo

"

sy oo -

"

ngoo "

"

ngoo -

"

dóoh "

"

dooh -

"

Daah

"

Daah -

"

ri - pa - la

'beg '

-ri - pa - la

syoo

"

'

ngoo

ri - pa - la

-

ri

-

pa

-

-

' (pres

la

tinctive

,

tinctive tone tone own

(

pres cont

consist of

They

'

)

more

dis

3 or of stem and suffixes with P or of stems and suffixes with dis O compound words each component

pitch contour

.

its

words

'

a

,

compound

than one stem

cont ) '

,

Phonological

keeps

ri - pa - la

Daah -

"

In

ri - pa - la

'

)

'win '

Daah

"

!

return '

'

doderi - pa

"

pres cont )

' ( pres cont

la

dden

ri - pa - la

(

' tease '

ngoo

"

.

.

stretches over the neutral

sy oo

"

2

stem

.

Oor

suffixes

.

1

-

90

buh

"

buh

' '

,

' '

door

point

body

end

'

"

"

"

joh

,

"

" "

joh

'

"

mrap

hair

'

mráp

floor

,

"

cham

hand

'

"

chấm

'

thing

'

"

thing

'

yaa

'

yaa

bark

eye

'

mil

'

"

mối

shell

'

"

phil

'

"

phơi

mouth

'

"

sung

"

"

sung

"

:

Components

91

-

-

"

dáhp "

dako

'needle '

"

buhlung "

buhlung

'bug '

mii - cham

' eyebrow '

Compound

words :

"

mii -

"

mii - phôi

mii - phit

' eyelid '

"

mráp - sung "

mrap - sung

orw ' doorway !

"

cham - buhlung "

chair buhlung

' caterpillar '

"

sung - phii

"

sung - phil

' lips '

" yaa

- thing "

yaa - thing

'hand

" yaa

- joh "

yaa

chăm "

"

buh - chăm "

"

dahp - joh

dake

hair

' body

buh - cham

"

tips !

' finger

- joh

'

palm

!

' point of needle '

- joh

Tonal (or distinctive ) affixes do not fall under influence of the stem to which they are affixed , but they manifest their own pitch contours . Phonolog the

sung - maah

'mouths '

dáhp -maah

"

dabp - maah

' needles '

' :

pour

he

didn

sleep

he

didn

t

'

show

' '

soak

'

'

'

)

)

)

)

(

'( (

don

'

t

didn

'

he

't

"

hide

(

o

-

tha ngom

"

'

"

-

didn

'

he

'

bluhm

-

a

nuruh

a

a

-

yuu

tha

'

chum

and

'

-

-

prefixes

-

o "

"

ngom

-

the negative a

"

" "

-

-

tha

-

-

á

bluhm

-

á

núuh

"

á

"

chúm

yuu

points

malah

" á

joh

"

á

"

:

"

sung - maah

Examples with

"

- maah

' eyes '

" joh -máah "

"

"

miì - maah

-

"

suffix

-

mii - maah "

"

the plural

t

Examples with

compound words .

are

t

these words

'

ically

!

spin

'

'

t

'

don

away

'

t

walk

'

t

don

throw

'

o

-

-

-

"

O "

-

-

duhm

'

tha

duhm

ko

don

'

"

tha

-o

tha bra

Phonological Phrase phonological phrase of characterized juncture features They are manifested by .

:

a

The end

by various

is

The

of

length

last syllable before

the

,

-

varying degrees the juncture

on

.

hur

"

tha brah ko -

tha -

-

tha - hur - o "

"

D

-

92

-

-

an

up

-

glide

go

a

ma naka m aah

:/

/

hen

pl

-

of /

:/

--

na

--

pl

maanki

-

11

shaman

1

ma

/

:

Yesterday

they went to cook the hens '

.

shamans

'

#

-A

pl -

.

ngiset

D10 bohmpo

v

-

-

-

V

-

The

v

-

cook

ri

they

-

,

yesterday yoh pa

maah се

-

/:

thengi

ce !

.

in

upstep and

by

accompanied

pitch

tila

Phonological Sentence :

a

phonological sentence can The pitch dimensions of be symbolized by the following shape onset

peak

coda

general

Pitch

characteristics updrift :

.

,

last syllable before larger junctures carries

the

intonational stress

E

varying degrees of length

'

-

-

of

followed by pauses

the contrastive pitch contours are most clearly

manifested

here

general downdrift

93

-

-

the contrastive pitch con tours are not wiped out , but they shrink in their di mensions as the representation above attempts to show . All statements about high and low pitch are relative to the point of the phonological sentence at which the pitch in question occurs . A high tone has to be higher than a low tone only at the same point of the phonological sentence , but not necessarily higher than a low at an other point in the sentence . the onset

In

dahngse bohmpo -maah ( some

time

ngi si : #

catch

-

V

-

shaman -

ago )

/ /

pl -

A

ama -

ki .

I

canu -maah

friend - pl

we - of

ringi - pats V

go -

#

cung - pa

/ / mother - of / wasp - pl

ngyang -ki roh - maatei

/

tomorrow CU cung - pa -

ces

' Some time ago . the shamans went to wasps . '

go - v nahmsyo :

coda

and

Il

sell -

on

d W Our ' Tomorrow our friends catch the sons of the

son -

will

pl go &

spirit .

and '

v

analysis we have mainly concentrated to the contrasts at the peak of the sen examples given show the contrasts as they

tence . The are manifested in the peak . Also , the illustrations are not to be listened to in isolation but in frames . For simplification the frames are not given , but the pitch contours are given as they occur in utterances . the items are pronounced in isolation , overriding intonation factors may change the pitch contour

If

drastically

II .

Tone

The A

.

.

System

Voice Quality 1

.

-v

grade -ki : / jah -- ma maak

spirit -of

ri

sell mother '

For the tone

listening

v

-

Contrast In D . Taylor ' s ' Tamang Segmental Synopsis ' . elsewhere in this report , a contrast is posited be tween " clear " and " breathy " vowels . These terms have the advantage of being relatively well -known

s

-

-

94

systemic parallels between languages For Tamang , however , these terms may be misleading since the contrast between " clear " and " breathy " is phonetically realized as a contrast between tense and lax articulation . We will there fore refer to this contrast as tense vs . lax in the and

of

showing

of this report .

following discussion

.

P quality contrast results mainly from . position a of the Adam ' s apple . In pronunciation the ofHP lax vowels , the Adam ' s apple remains lowered . This results in a larger resonance

The voice change in the

chamber at

of

the mouth and the vowel sounds In the pronunciation of , tense vowels the Adam ' s apple is raised slightly . This results in a smaller resonance chamber at the back of the mouth and the vowel sounds tense and .

relaxed

and

the back

vibrating .

less vibrating In

addition

ing effect

ulation

The

on

on

on

the lax

,

articulation

the pitch of the vowel

has a Tense

.

lower

artic

the other hand , conditions high pitch .

tense / lax voice quality contrast together lowering or raising effect on pitch is

with its only relevant pheme

.

the

on

first syllable of a stem mor syllable of a tonal affix .

the

first

Minimal contrasts Laxness is symbolized with "

waa "

"

waah

"

wa "

" wah "

"

roon

"

rooh

"

too

"

dooh

1

)

"

" "

Syllable

regularly

after

the vowel .

' to feed '

waà "

" h "

'

wagh

to

hit

,

thresh '

wa

' to dig '

wah

' to measure '

roo

' to bear

roben

' to

too

' to need '

dooh

initial voiced

1

)

' to

fry

fruit '

'

reach there

stops before lax vowels are .

!

"

kuu "

"

guuh

948

-

kuu

' to wear

"

quuh

' to stop '

" pang "

pang

' to

fall

bahng

' to

fight

hat '

a

over !

"

bahng "

"

ta "

' to knock

"

dah "

' to discover

"

ná "

' to

"

náh

"

naa "

naa

' to carry '

"

naah "

naah

' to persecute '

"

pling "

pling

' to

"

blihng "

blihng

' to fall !

"

buh

"

kí"

pu "

" gíh " " mi " "

'miih "

down !

ill !

be

ito res rest '

"

" pu "

with words '

ban

fill '

' cooking pot ' "

field

'

' water ' 60

' thatch '

mii

leye '

miin

'man '

fruit '

-

"

cang

"

jahng "

"

la "

"

lah

"

"

iii

"

.

-

daughter - in

cang

'

jang

' to put down words '

-

law '

' god ' "

lah

"

"

]

ii

'

liih

"

" me "

2

95

hill ' face '

llih

'body '

me

'

fire !

"

méh

"

mah

Icow '

"

Tuu

"

Tuu

' sweat '

"

Duuh

Duuh

' six '

"

ngii "

ngii

'we '

"

ngíih

"

ngjih

' two '

"

prang "

prang

' stand over fire place

"

brahng "

brahng

' hut '

"

nga "

"

ngất

"

"

"

ga nglah

' five '

tíngi "

tingi

' today

tihngi "

tihngi

' sunshine '

"

of

Variation a

' I'

)

segmentals conditioned by voice quality

Voicing of syllable

If

initial

full

only

P

0 a

stops .

syllable starts with an unaspirated In careful speech it is voicing , in less careful speech it may be slight voicing , or voiceless lenis pro a

lax

stop , the stop is voiced . a

!

nunciation

.

!

-

daah

"

ash "

"

jihta "

Icihtal

/ cyahtan /

,

aah

]

"

to cross

intestines

]

ķDahe

]

gTahp

win

]

pa

țan

)

:da / / / ta ": şo kruhn

ou

lox

'

[

gruhn

[

/p

/

nearby

in loans

of

the speech

In

hba

aabbal pakpa

/

"

"

Exception

' small '

çihta

jyaktan

kruhn

kia

' courtyard '

]

"

-

pa

gláhp

g

"

( [ ( [

gruhng

"

"

Dáh

' pole '

jihţa

/ ta :hpal / tahpal

"

"

Daah pa -

"

jyáhtang

"

Itoh ,

[ da : h / ța:h ] yakni [

/ /

"

'

/ ta : h /

"

' small baske

'

/ pehnkel

' knot '

'

"

[ bo “itop / pohitop ] [ betingel potage ]

to

" béhngke

/

'

Ipohitop

'

"

'

bohltop

"

-

96

the informant

some

violate this rule insofar that after initial voiced stops

Nepali loan words

we

find tense vowels '

]

gundini

flut

drum

'

[

:

]

la '

/

bamboo

]

I

"

Igúntiri

dambun

[

dámpuru

ba suni

[

/

:

suli

/

gúntiri



/

"

dámpuru

"

"

baasuli

"

"

:

phonemic

rice straw

Onset

of word initial glottal stop

vowels

.

)

b

!

mat

.

to

.

is

A

the normal onset of tense Slight voiced vowels occurring word initially aspiration precedes lax vowels occurring word initially Phonemic status needs not be .

'

'

'

mother

14th year

!

]

enemy

'

]

]

:h

you

'

]

:

? e

ama

Re

/ /

/

h

le :

" "

"

[

eeh

ipl

?

lama

[

"

ama

features

these

["

lípi

to

[

"

ípi

: /



"

"

ée

"

attributed

- 97 -

3

. Distribution )

a

tense / lax contrast is only relevant on the stem morphemes and on the first

The

first syllable of

syllable of tonal affixes . On second or third syllables of stems and on neutral affixes this contrast is not operating . b

)

Lax vowels do not occur after the aspirated stops · and the voiceless / rh / , /wh / and / h / . After these only tense vowels can occur . It is after un

c

)

d

)

aspirated stops

,

after / s / , and after voiced syllable initial vowels where

consonants and in the tense / lax contrast

is operating

All

and

vowels

occur tense

lax

.

Lax vowels have been observed in emic syllable types .

Itih ,

.

five of the six ' skin '

CV

"

Dih

CVC

"

bahm

CCV

" braah "

Zprá : h /

' flour '

CCVC

"

gyóht "

/ kyoht /

' language '

"

eeh

le

14th year

Ipakm

"

"

/

' shoulder '

:h /

have

very

few

examples

of

word

initial

syllables . Our failure to observe lax this syllable type probably represents our corpus rather than the occurrence of lax vowels . )

dental on

B

. Pitch 1

.

!

no example

VC ( We

"

gap

in

a

VC

vowels an

in

acci

constraint

contours

Contrast In the preceding section on voice quality we have seen that lax pronunciation of the vowel has a lower ing effect on the relative height of the pitch . In addition we have within both groups , lax and tense , a further contrast between distinctive pitch contours .

-

high contour

-

98

falling

contrasts with . These contrastive contours characteristic of the morpheme and stretch tense

In

mid - rising

a

are a over the

high

-

a

to

1

-

syllables of

3

falling

lungta

'prayer

flag '

lapita

' Nepali

shirt '

The than

foot

kang

'

yungpa

' stone '

Tokoro

'

:

a

'

garment '

fall

in the first contour is much more drastic the rise in the second . The second contour can

basically level .

be viewed as

low

the morpheme .

mid - rising

' rain '

nam

contour

In

lax

a

mid -

falling

slightly falling

contour contrasts with contour :

f a mid - falling

low -

garlic

noon

' relatives '

me ekme

gongkare 'kind of food '

slightly - falling

suuh

' thigh '

sy @ ehpa

' cooked

guh

a

cili

rice '

' armpit '

Here again the fall in the first contour is much more drastic , and the second contour can be viewed

basically

level

as

.

The two intersecting systems of voice quality pitch produce four contrasting patterns . The following chart shows approximately how the pitch

and

contours compare with each other and what symbols are used to mark them phonemically and in text orthography .

sharply falling

II

tense

(

relative high

)

"

Í"

101

III

lax

( relative

basically level

low )

"

Gh

"

y

"

/v/

IV "

"

vh "

/ vh /

-

-

99

Minimal contrasts for pitch in pairs

:

Tense

a

)

"

lé "

"

le "

"

chỉ "

СП

'

"

chi "

chi

' grass '

"

tá - pa "

ta - pa

' to knock

"

ta - pa "

ta - pa

' to be

"

cúng - pa "

cung - pa

' to

"

cung - pa "

cung

' to catch '

' tongue '

va

(

down

'

alright )

'

peel

sprout

'

'

to

sell '

to

'

'

'

'

'

head

in

'

law

-

' '

-

'

-

"

Daah

"

Dáah

son

maah

"

maah

gold

plural affix

maah

"

"

-

má ah

'

mahr

boiled butter

'

mahr

"

"

Lax mahr

"

pa

fat

'

pa

-phil

phii

máhr

belt for

carrying

to

!

!

' '

to remember '

bite

to

lock

to

sew

to

plough

pull

'

,

'

'

'

up

'

'

to belch

'

- -

Dung

to win

'

pa pa

pa

pa

-

-

Duho

D

Duhp

gahr

gane

-

"

-

"

Dúhp

-

"

gahr

"

"

gáhr

- -

jiih

"

pa

-

"

jiih

pa pa pa "pa " " "

"

"

jiki

-

pa

pa pa

Daah

Daah

'

'

"

pa

-

-

"

-

pa

"

)

b

"

" phii - pa "

phii

' stalk '

-

- 100

"

D6h - pa "

Dolpa

' to

"

Doh - pa "

Doh - pa

' to be warm '

c

)

"

tá - pa "

ta - pa

' to

"

ta - pa "

ta - pa

' to be

Minimal

- pa "

" dah

contrasts

triplets

in

dah

sow '

- ma

knock

'

down

alright ) '

(

' to discover , for '

search

pang - pa "

pang -pa

' to

tell '

"

pang - pa "

pang - pa

' to

fall

bahng - pa

' to fight with word :

syée pa

syeespa

to need

!

'

'

to return

to arrive at distant place

lah

lah

' '

' '

god

mountain

)

'

'

)

(

'

' s

month

hon

(

go

to

'

' ' '

'

'

drum

'

la

lama

'

ro "



five

'

"

"

"

sro

'

"

ngah

'I '

ngah

ill

to raise

'

"

ngah

rice

rest

to

'

ngáh

hon

to be

'

nga

-

"

nga

"

nah pa

-

nah pa

"

pa

know

cooked

'

nah

to

'

pa

-

na pa -

"

"

syeehpa

"

-

pa

"

na

-

"

náh

pa

syee

-

pa

"

-

sye ehpa

"

"

"

syee

"

-

'

"

-

dooħ

'

!

a

pa

pa

"

dooh pa -

"

-

dooniga

"

"

dóoh

-

too -pa "

"

over

'

toó

" bahng09- pa"

pa

"

- 101 -

Theoretically we have the possibility of a four contrast in the combined contrast systems of voice quality ( tense / lax ) and pitch ( falls /basic level ) . However , to date no minimal contrast sets of four have been discovered . The following are only near minimal contrast sets : way

"

pang - pa "

pang - pa

' to

tell '

"

pang - pa "

pang - pa

' to

fall

"

jáhng - pa "

' to

put

" bahng

"

la "

"

la "

jahng - pa

- pa "

bahng - pa

24

over ' down

words '

' to fight with words ' ' month '

' god '

"

laah

"

lah

"

"

laah

' name of

lah

' mountain '

a

flower !

As the contrast system is presented here , we have two systems of contrast intersecting with each other : the lax / tense voice quality system inter

secting with the sharp fall / basic level pitch con tour system . Checking with different Tamang speakers I have observed that any speaker will readily re cognize and affirm the lax / tense contrast , while the existence of the pitch contrasts is far less clear to them .

2

.

Variation a

)

and

Distribution

stems

On

have already stated that the contrastive contours are a characteristic of the mor pheme and that they are " elastic " . That is , they stretch out over the one to three syllables of a

pitch

We

morpheme .

high

Tense

imráa

-

falling

:

weed '

"

mraa

"

" mráp "

mrap

' door

séra

serà

'hailstone '

"

"

!

,

- 102 -

-

"

thánto

"

mátengi "

"

khanto

' steep upwards '

matengi

' an instrument

to make butter '

used

Tense mid - rising : "

sya"

sya

'meat

"

chyong "

chyong

'necklace '

"

khriti "

khriti

' dirty '

mingku

' smoke '

" mingku " "

Tokoro

"

putali "

Lax mid "

"

wah

"

-

(N)

!

Tokoro

la

putali

' butterfly '

garment '

falling : wand

"

' wheat '

' ox '

glahp "

" mühna "

munna

'night '

"

yahrnga "

yahenga

' branch '

"

g6hleele "

gorleele

' slowly '

"

gohngkare

go magkare

la kind of food '

"

Lax low - slightly -

falling : goh

' back '

bahm

ishoulder

gohca

' big knife '

guhrli "

guhrli

' bow '

"

guhcili "

guhcili

' armpit '

"

dahngsiri

dahngsiri

' shrew '

"

goh

"

bahm

"

gohca

"

" "

"

"

'

- 103

b

)

-

of syllable patterns on pitch contours No significant variations of the pitch con

Impact

been observed in monosyllabic morphemes . and trisyllabic morphemes certain syllable patterns can effect quite drastic changes . In general a morpheme - CVC syllable has a raising effect on pitch . The following variations have been observed :

tours have

bi -

In

final

The

tense high

syllabic when

-

falling

contour of

morphemes takes the morpheme ends with

the

bi -

and

a

syllable

closed

"

tháareng "

thaareng

' far '

"

khắpop "

khapop

' heaped '

kyucyuk "

kyucy

uk

' narrow '

tikalak

tikalak

' lizard '

" "

"

tri

following shape

:

final syl

same raising effect a closed lable we can observe in the tense mid - rising con morphemes , though here the tour of bisyllabic . variation Pis less strikingly audible than in the ( preceding examples :

of

The

thenten

"

thenten

' empty '

"

hoktong "

hoktong

'

"

phitcyor

phitcyor

' outside '

"

A

"

morpheme - final

the lax

"

béhngkuluk

"

bánykalak " . dáhngkuluk

'

closed syllable also affects contour of trisyllabic

mid - falling

morphemes :

"

deep

"

"

bengkuluk

la bird '

bañxkalak

' swallow '

dañîngkuluk

s

name '

' grasshopper '

mid - rising contour of trisyllabic with an initial closed syllable open syllables takes the following by followed

The tense morphemes

shape

:

-

huntali

'

a

'

'

"

"

"

'

rising

-

The tense mid morphemes with

contour of tribyllabic long vowel in the second syl

first syllable

,

confined to the

The

:

a

lable shows the following variations

is

fruit

small

a

ampale

"

"

"

ampale

swing

'

huntali

small ant

'

sampani

'

sampani

pheasant

khentere Satere

'

104

"

khentere

"

-

rise

the second

on

muraall suntaala

the

Regarding

'

'

'

herdsman

affixes

the

'

'

deer

in

"

Position

'

' '

orange

jaraayo of

)

"

jaraayo

flute

goraalo

"

"

goraalo

c

suntaala

"

"

muraali

"

"

:

.

a

and third syllable we have fall with quick crescendo and decrescendo This pattern has only been observed on Nepali loan words

tone system

the tone system we have

two

types

)

(

.

.

.

,

,

is

.

)

(

=

:

=

of affixes Neutral atonal affixes and dis tinct tonal affixes The majority of the suffixes is neutral that their pitch is determined by the stem to which they are suffixed The stem contour spreads over the neutral affixes Tenseness or laxness of the vowel is not rele vant in neutral affixes

)

(

!

-

rs

'

'

present

)

stem

(

' pa

'

"

ngi

-

"

pa

'

past continuous

S

-

la rọ

-

-

-

"

-

ngi

pa

'

ri

!

kha

past continuous

go

la ro

-

pa

.

ngi

-

"

"

ng

to

' '

-

ri pola

-

kha

-

"

"

la

ri ri

-

-

pa

-

-

"

-

-

past perfect

'

khá

present

kha pala

la

stem

come

'

"

kha

kha pa

to

"

kha pa

khà

'

"

kha pa

"

"

khá

"

:

Neutral affixes with verb stems

-

105

-

Neutral affixes with verb stems

:

"

kha "

kha

' to

"

kha - pa "

kha - pa

"

kha - pa - la "

kha - pa - la

' presenti ' past perfect !

"

kha - ri - pa - la "

kha -

"

kha -

" ng "

ri - pa - la - ro "

."

ngi - pa "

kha -

ri - pa - la ri pa la -

-

come

'

( stem )

' past continuous ' -

ro

' past continuous

ngi

' to

ngi - pa

' present '

go !

( stem )

-

rs '

- 106

ngi - pa - la " " ngi - pa - la "

"

ri

ngi - ri - pa - la - ro "

"

-

ngi - pa - la

' past perfect '

ngi

' past continuous

!

' past continuous

-

-

ngi -

ri - pa - la ri pa la -

-

-

ro

"

jſih "

"

jiih - pa "

"

jſih

"

jíih - ri - pa - la "

jileri

"

jſih - ri - pa - la- ro "

jiik - ri -pa -la - ro ' past

"

jiih "

jiih

' to remember '

ji

jiih - pa" " jiih - pa - la "

" "

ri - pa - la jiih ri pa la jiih

-

-

-

-

-

' past perfect '

-la

D . Ne pa

- pa -

la

-

ro

"

jiih

ri

-

pa

-

continuous - rs '

bite '

( stem )

' present '

jiih - ri - pa - la

"

' past continuous '

' to

jiih - pa jiin -pa - la

"

( stem )

' present '

jino -pa

- pa - la "

rs !

-

' past perfect ' ' past continuous '

la - ro ' past continuous

- rs

Neutral affixes with nouns : "

phím "

" phúm "

-

phúm -

" phúm

-

"

námsa

"

námsa

"

náms

a

náms

a

legg '

phum

ri

phum -

"

ri - ee

phum

"

ri - ee -no

-

phum -

"

ri

'

rise

ri etno -

ri ri ee - ri - ee - no -

"

-

-

"

mátengi "

"

mátengi

-

a

-

ri

nams ā

-

rise

namsa

-

-

>

nams

"

"

"

' in the

egg

' too

'

' in the egg too ,

emph .

ri

etc - ee

matengi

ri

egg

'

' village '

namsa

"

the

in

matengi

# 0

'

-

ri

.

instrument

butter ! etc .

to make

'

- 107 -

mátengi - ri - ee "

matengi

-

matengi

matengi

-

"

-

"

-

ee

no

the husband

the husband

too

!

'

to

,

too

.

'

.

by the dream

'

'

then

flower

'

'

.

,

the dream

'

by

'

'

dream

emph

'

'

-

'

bird

no

flower

then

'

'

'

mi

by the

'

by the flower

ce

-

-

méhnto

-

"

mi

ce

mehnto

"

ce

'

'

by the

'

bird

'

mi

-

"

ce

mehnto

"

-

mahng

-

"

mi

-

"

-

'pr

mehnto

mehnto

ce

ce

ce

-

-

"

mehnto

mahng

ce

"

-

"

mahng mahng

mahng

"

"

mahng

,

'

by

'

the

ce ee

emph

kind of bird

'

ce

-

bengkuluk

-

no

"

-

"

-

-

-

DA behagkuluk

the cat

,

'

'

no

ee -

ce

"

-

-

"

,

behngkuluk

ce ee

'

'

-ee

"

-

"

ce

"

-

-

guhai

the cat

by

ce "

-

-

'

béhngkuluk

'

"

béhngkuluk ce

'' cat ''

"

béhngkuluk

by

guhrince ee no

emph

cat

gunei ce

by the path

a

"

gúhri

gyantece

ce ee no

-

"

gúhri

áhm

by the path

ce no

"

gúhri

gyanth

path

-

"

gy

"

"

gyáhm

gydom

-

"

gyáhm

"

.

'

to the mother

emph

,

'

the mother

'

ta ee no

'

-

-

ama

-

ta ee no

ta -

"

ama

-

-

Hama

ta

-

ama

mother

ama

"

"

ama

"

.

emph

,

ta

to

'

pha

-

pha ta ee no

-

ta

-

pha

'

'

husband

pha ta -

" "

-

-

pha "

"

ri ee no '

ee - no "

'

-

'

ri

- ee

to

-

ri

pħa

"

-

"

- 108 -

"

dahngsiri

"

dahngsiri

' shrew '

"

dahngsiri

- ce "

dahngsiri - ce

' by the shrew '

"

dahngsiri - ce -mi "

dahngsiri

' by the shrew

- ce - mi

'

then

small number of affixes is distinctive , that is , are not under the influence of the stem to which they are affixed , but have a distinctive pitch contour A

their distribution "

"

ká a -maah

"

tungra -maah "

tungra -maaa

'blood - pl ' ' ginger - pl '

"

rhin

rhín - maat

'bamboo

"

tamra - maah

"

nooh -maah

kaa - maah

-jak

the

jiih

sihm

'

-

' '

-

ko

-

'

let

him

sell

let

him

catch

let

him

remem remember

let

him

bite

.

sihm

'.

jiih

pl

-

sihm

-

jiinko

."

the

."

-

'

-0 -

."

."

-o ko - ko -

sihm

-

the

jſih

o

-

" "

the

sihm

'

the cung

cheek

'

sihm

sihm

-

cung

'

-

"

cūng

"

the

o

"

sihm

-o -

-

sihm

the cúng

"

"

natale

So

-

-

-

graħmpa

Attitude suffix

the

son pl

maat

So

maah

pl '

pl

bag

'

"

grahmpa

gahita -maat

"

"

jah máah

-

' garlic - pl '

noán made

gáhlta

máah

' bean

m

-

.

"

"

a

tamra

"

- pl'

So

"

"

-maah

So

"

'

-ma ah

it .

"

.

Plural affix

.

'

throughout

.

they

Prefixes The

negative prefixes

two

are the only

prefixes of

t

'

He didn yesterday

'

cung

'

-

tila

a

the ce -

"

cúng

.

tila

-

ce

á

the

-

"

.

,

.

.

Normally they only They are distinctive the language occur before stems and each component retains its own pitch contour

sell

tila

a

the - ce

tila

jiih . "

the - ce

tila

."

tingi

tha cung

."

- 109 -

tin

tha

ko

tingit

tila

á

-

tha cung

tíngi

tha

jíih

tha

jiih

-

iiih

' He didn ' t bite yesterday . '

' Don ' t

cung

Don

today

jille

ko

sell

Don

today

."

catch

today

remember

t

today

"

pa

la

'

'

'

' '

'

'

'

'

celebrated

'

'

not celebrated

pa la -

-

'

'

la

-

la -

la

precedes the stem tha stems )

.

"

fall

distinctive suffix

distinc '

.

' '

.' .

.

-

-

A A

emph

-

emph

-

-

-

tree

'

-

A

-

-p1 A -

-

'

emph

emph

pl friend pl

'

-

-

'

-

se no

roh maahce no

child pl

tail

-

-

-

-

-

no

cocho

dohngre maah -

"

-

"

e

-

"

-

-

ce no

no

-

ce

maah

-

.

a

and

-

"

'

-

-

pa

not repeated

-

paa

-

-

a

-

a -

repeated

la

ti

loan

mee maah

-

-

-

-

not elected

the pitch contour of the

kola

nos

maah

ah

-

roh má -

"

dohngpo

"

"

mee maah

ce no

ce

-

maah

-

"

tive suffix kola

of

the influence

under

pa

ti

Neutral suffixes following

elected

panda

-

-

ti

negative non

-

-

-

-

a

-

-

like before

mahn

-

la

the imperative

behaves

-

"

-

-

pa

-

mahn

"

-

-

ti

doon

ti ti

-

"

"

la

-

pa la

-

-

doohr

pa la

-

a

-

-

-

-

ti

cun

la

-

-

-

-

pa

a

-

pa

"

-

-

-

-

á

-

-

"

"

ti ti

not stopped

'

a -

pa

stopped

-

.

ti

"

cun

á

rok

ti

mahn

In

pa la

ti pa

mahn

(

ti

la "

doohr

-

"

doohr

rok

-

"

cun

ti pala ti pa

-

"

cun

-

"

"

rok

"

ti

'

.

-

" á

The negation of Nepali loan verbs is somewhat odd in that follows the stem and its pitch contour dominates the following neutral suffixes

rók

'

bite

'

Don

.

ko

'

jiih

tha

-

"

.

tingi

-

ko

-

"

tingi

-

.

.

-

"

-o

-

-

a

-

tíngi

-o

tha cúng

gi

"

' He didn ' t remember yesterday . '

'

the - ce

'

'

"

a

. t

"

,

t

jiih

'

-

'

á

' He didn ' t catch yesterday . '

'

tila

- suarg

'

the - ce

V



"

ce -

-6

the -

-

"

-

- cung .



á

tín

tila

"

the - ce

"

"

- 110

words and neutral suffixes

Compound

neutral suffixes

fall naturally

of the pitch contour of the second

ri

kaa - jyahng -

"

- láhm - ee -no "

"

yaa chín -

"

byohn - chame - ta "

yaa - chin - ce

'with

by ohn

-

if

he

jilb

if

he remembers

if

sa

jiih he

'

. . .

mi

. . .

'

catches

benefactive ) ' .

mi

(

bites

mi

Sa

n

'

'

bite

. ..

cung

the

"

-

pin sa mi -

jiih

the

-

remember

sells

'

' "

-

-

-

"

pin sa mi

if he

-pin sa -

'

- At

pin -

sell - give - cond

mi

sa -

he

the cung - pin - sa -

mi "

-pin sa -

cung -

jiih

' to the ladies and gentlemen "

ta

. . .

pin - sa -

the

the

-

fingernail '

the

verbs :

catch

"

chame

the cung - pin - sa - mi "

"

'

' the flame too '

-

"

the vein

me - lahm Lee - no

-

Compound

"

' in

-

ce

ri

the

" me

-

the influence

under

the

káa - jyahng

"

:

item .

M

The

-

.

twice

'

'

feather

!

"

"

"

buhrbuhr

!

buhrbuhr

paper

'

syosyo

'

syosyo

spider

'

wahogwaneg

'

wahngwahng

"

"

learly

"

youd

yóyó

"

la little

"

cekcex

cékcék

"

repeated

in

:

Bisyllabic echo words do not fit into Echo words patterns of the morpheme but they bisyllabic pitch the compounds behave like which the same morpheme is

lll

-

d

)

Pitch variation

-

intonation

under

The bearing of intonational stress and in tonational pitch contours on the lexical pitch has not yet been studied in detail , but some

statements can be made at this

fragmentary

point of the analysis We

have already

.

stated that one of the

characteristics of the end of a phonological phrase is an intonational stress with upstep

by pitch rise . Neutral suf position fixes in this are no longer under the influence of the overriding intonation .

pitch

in

followed

Illustrations

:

N symbolizes N symbolizes I N symbolizes / N symbolizes #

^

1

very short juncture longer juncture long juncture

a a a

of utterance gloss 4for verbal affixes At gloss for attitude affixes end

v



jah - teng

this

roh - sel sehng - pa - la

/

friend - A

son - and

#

do - V - V

jah - teng roh - ce sehng - pa - la . "

" ců

' The son cu yah

and

- teng /

a

friend did this . '

roh

- eel

sehng - pa -la

#

thief "

cú yoh - teng roh - ce

'

The



thief

and

kola - teng

1

a

sehng - pa - la . "

friend did

poh

this . '

- ce sehng - pa - law

child "



kola - teng roh

' The child

and

a

- ce

sehng - pa - la .

"

friend did this . '

112

-

cu acyo

-

teng

-

sehng - pa - la roh - ce -

/

#

brother "

acyo

cu

-

teng roh

brother

The

other

ce sehng - pa

-

and

"

Compare the following utterances with each , paying special attention to the behaviour

nga - ce ^ tapu -

tol naah - ci

horse - to

A

la .

friend did this . '

a

of neutral suffixes before I -

-

chase

-

V

nga - ce tápu - ta naah - ci . "

"

I chased the horse . "

,

.

#

"

nga - ce ^ tapu - ta - no

the junctures

naah

-ci

# #

emph "

nga - ce tápu

'I

-

chased the horse .

the

cung -

he

sell - v -At

"

ta -no naah

the

-

ma m

cing - ma

7

- mi ,

cu

kola - ta -mi din

this child - of - At "

kola - la -mi

cu

' This now

of

"

is

ci .

"

'

nga

ngici

I

go

nga ngi

selling

' While he was

-

I

yihm

#

-v -

ci .

"

went . '

-pa

house be

-

# v

dihm yihm - pa . "

the house

of the child .

'

the following observe the different behaviour In junctures . pa " before different

- 113 -

Before

longer

a

the - cung - pa

/

khathepa

sell - v

can

the - cung - pa

/

'He

-v

khamre

' He

jiin -pa /

khamara

jiih - pa / Ichapa bite a

very

short

cung - pa ^ syee - pe

it . '

- pa kham - pa . "

bite . '

the cúng -

"

#

pa

syểe - pa .

"

the cung - pa syểe - pa . " knows catching . '

jiih

the

'

bite

able to remember

knows

pa

syée pa

biting

.

'

"

"

#

pa



syeexa

.

syée - pa "

.

is

'He

remember

-

jíih -pa

" the

#

-

syee - ra

-

jiin -pa

'

' He

.

"

#

catch



can

- pa kham - pa . "

' He knows selling . '

the ^ cung - pa ^ syee - pa

the

it . '

remember

jiih

"

juncture :

sell

jiih

can

'He

Before

jíih

the

"

#

kham - pa .

can catch

' He

"

sell it . '

can

the

"

#

remember

the

can

the cung - pa

"

#

catch the

the cúng - pa kham - pa .

"

#

He

he

juncture :

also the following possibility of pitch bisyllabic morpheme before juncture variation in

pa

"

Daah

.

guhring

-

bohmpo

.

a

-

v

shaman

will

win next year

. '.

pa -

-

win His

la

#

next year

'

shaman

the

guhring Daah )

of

-

he

bohmpo

Il

-

the

(

la

"

-

-

the la bohmpo guhring Daah pa

#

a

Note

-

114

-

Monosyllabic stems before

juncture .

Note how the contrasts are maintained in spite the juncture rise .

of

the - la pha , guhring Daah - pa "

the - la pha guhring Daah - pa . "

will

' Her husband the - la "

the - la

míi

-

I

la

maah , I

' His son

"

-

-

( In

guhring Daah - pa

#

win next year .

guhring Daah - pa

la graal

will

#

win next year . '

guhring guhring

spirit will open

"

guhring Daah - pa . "

in - law

the - la gráah

'His

win next year . '

will

the - la maah

the

#

- la két guhring Daah - pa . "

' His voice the

Daah - pa

guhring Daah - pa . "

will

the - Ia ket " the

win next year . '

guhring

mir

' His eye

"

#

Daah - pa

#

Daah - pa . "

win next year . '

syllables the vowel before the juncture has , in closed syllables the closing consonant

extra length

voiceless consonant cuts off the intonation rise but its extra length is striking enough to take over the function of the rise . ) A

intonation patterns of the it is generally the last syllable of the sentence which carries the heaviest manifestation of the contrast . The following examples illustrate the

In the contrastive phonological sentence

behaviour

of syllables

in

this position

.

.

"

.

'

. "

.

it

'

.

.

.

"

.

it

"

?

.

'

"

.

it

tomorrow

rim ka

-

pa

hiding

'

"

.

tomorrow

'

So he

chúm

-

the

-

-

understand

intonation

'

.

up

.

' question

'

. " . .

0

-

it

-

t

'

't

-

-

-

tha baah ko

"

' "

tomorrow

nahmsyo tha goh ko

"

#

ka

-

rim

it

pile

Don

under

tomorrow

?

hide

pa

chum

-

ce

-

the

affix

it

tha pang

say

t

' #

#

)

St

understand

Neutral

Don

Don

'

tha

ko

-goh

(

up

pile

nahmsyo

nahms yo

nahms yo

#

-

-

ko

bak

tha

today

tha náa ko

carry

'

"

-

07

say

nahmsy

it

' -

"

a

"

-

-

pang

-

tha

nahmsyo

nahm syo

Don

V

tomorrow not carry

definite stop

'

-

-



naa

non

# #

nak

tħa -

A

ko

goh

Understand

Neutral affix before nahmsyo

tíngi

today

"

"

'

understand

today . '

báah ko

't

-

#

ko

"

(

goh

tíngi Pile

)up

pile

#

baayeko

tingi

it

'Say

-o."

pang

00

-

say

tingi

tíngi

"

today . '

-

'#

o

say

-

it

is

pang

stop . ''

náa -ko . "

' Carry

today carry - v

tingi

full

tíngi

"

#

"

ce

naa - ro

definite

-

tingi

a

up

Neutral affix before

-

-

- 115

-

the - ce gluh pa - rim - ka

116

-

#

"

buy

' So he

Distinctive affix before the khru So - sim he

wash

-

V

-

"

"

At

buying

"

#

Distinctive affix before the byuhng - o - sihm

a

"

the khru - ko - sihm

cough

the byuhng

-

o

-

cough

definite

full

the byuhng

' So

let

?

'

him

-

o

.

"

then . '

' Let him

"

#

it

stop . "

' Let him wash

cough

.

is

non - definite

#

byuhng -o - sih

c

the - ce gluh - pa - rim - ka ? "

sihm .

"

then . '

stop . " - sihm . . !

cough .

'

Stress Some

stress 1

.

In on

2

.

observations about word stress

Western

the

.

Tamang

first

the basic word stress a word .

syllable of

intonational

falls

always

the last syllable of a word before a phrase juncture or sentence final can be quite intense and change the pattern . This varia tion , however , is conditioned by higher level

Intonational stress intonation

3

and

:

factors

on

.

the tense mid - rising contour deceptive , especially tends to be on bi - and syllabic morphemes or words because the first syllable is lower than the following . A tuned ear , however , hears the word stress on the first syllable in spite of the rise on the second . For the same reason of biased hearing , both contours As

to word stress

with the sharp than

falls

tri

sound more heavily

stressed

their lower counterparts without sharp falls

.

stress in Western Tamang , however , is not manifested by high pitch and falls , but by a certain intensity in the consonant and vowel onset of the stressed syllable and a slight degree of length on the closing element of the syllable . Word

-

117

-

Intonational stress uses

the same manifestations larger degree and adds the element of high pitch combined with rises , falls , crescendos to

much

a

and decrescendos .

III .

Brief

comparison and Thakali A

.

of

the

Tone systems

of

Western

Tamang

Introduction Geographically the Thakali area and Western area fall side by side and the two languages quite closely related . are ( They share 57 percent cognates according to calculations W . Glover made with the 100 - word Swadesh list . See ' cognate counts Tamang

Swadesh List in some Tibeto Burman Languages Nepal of ' elsewhere in this report . ) We can there expect fore some similarities in the tone systems of the two languages . The following comparison of the two systems shows indeed that they operate on the same principles . Both languages have the morpheme as the basic unit of the tone system , and we have two types of affixes , tonal and atonal .

via the

Thakali

level

contour

II clear (

extra high - falling

high

tense )

III breathy (

lax

)

low

IV

rising - falling

low

-

Western

-

118

Tamang

sharply falling

high

-

falling

mid

III lax

B

.

mid

Correspondence

in

level

II

I tense

basically

-

rising

IV -

falling

low - slightly

falling

voice quality

examination of cognates shows clearly that " clear " in Thakali corresponds to " tense " in Western Tamang , and " breathy " in Thakali to " lax " in Western Tamang . In 100 cognates examined only two pairs show corresponding non voice quality , in 98 pairs the voice quality corresponds regularly . The

C

. Correspondence the

III , III the low basically As

to

falling (

)

(

and

)

of pitch contours pitch contours , the Thakali

pairs show this correspondence . the pitch is reversed .

is

rising

low Tamang to the mid Thakali low level ( IV ) to the Tamang level ( IV ) . Out of 58 lax pairs 54

corresponds

falling

In only four pairs

For the tense pitch contours the correspondence much less clear . On phonetic grounds we would

expect

the two high

II

falls

(

I

)

and the

basically

level

ones ( ) to correspond . Out of the 40 tense pairs , however , only 15 pairs show this correspondence . In the remaining 25 pairs the pitch contours are re versed . We find the levels corresponding to the falls With this small rate of correspondence seems ar bitrary to make a statement of correspondence . This can throw some light on the experience of the inves tigator while analysing the tone of the two languages . After some tuning in the pitch contrast in the lax groups was quite easily perceived while in the tense groups it was a good deal more difficult to identify

it

the pitch . 30

.

-

D

. Cognates

used

119

-

for the counts

The following list of cognates is transcribed in text orthography . In Thakali the contours ( I and ) are marked with accent before the first stem syllable , the levels ( and IV ) are unmarked .

III

II

English

Tamang

Thakali

cung - pa

cung - pa

' to sell '

rúng - pa

Rung - pa

' to watch '

thủng - pa

thung - pa

' to drink '

chum - pa

chum - pa

' to hide '

ngôm - pa

ngom - pa

' to

náa - pa

naa - wa

ná - pa

na - wa

' to ' to

be

cyúp - pa

cyup - pa

' to

lock

Đúng - pa

pum - pa

' to shoot '

táa - pa

taa - wa

' to hold out '

láa - pa

laa -wa

' to hide '

kóla

kolaa

' child '

wóla

ola

' red '

óngye

ongye

' some time ago

mlép - pa

mle - wa

' to forget '

mu

-

pa

' mu

-

wa

ca - pa .

' ca - wa

la - pa

'

show

'

carry

ill ' in

' to be '

' to eat '

la - wa

' to

do

mra - pa

' mra - wa

' to

light '

khya - pa

' khe - wa

' to

patch

plaa

' ple - wa

' to

'

- pa

'

slip

'

'

!

-

120

-

Tamang

Thakali

English

ama

raama

' mother '

acyo

Таа су

ngyamngya

' nemyaa

'bird '

ta - pa

' ta - wa

'

о

' elder brother '

to be !

sister

ána

Taana

' elder

mráp

'mraakhaa

' door

khá - pa

' kha - wa

' to come !

yuu - pa

yu - wa

' to

pour out

syee - pa

sye - wa

' to

go

lop - pa

Lap - pa

' to learn '

pii - pa

pi - wa

' mashy , muddy '

too - pa

to -wa

' to need '

khla - pa

khyaa - wa

' to

kham - pa

kham - pa

' to be able '

khar - pa

khar - wa

' to

dry

syal - pa

syal - pa

' to

SC scrub

mrang - pa

mraang - pa

' to

see !

naka

naakaa

' hen '

yungpa

yumpa

' stone '

rii pa

' rih - wa

' to

cu - wa

' to bark '

nauh - pa

' nuh - wa

' to sleep '

bráh - pa

' prah - wa

' to walk '

Dóh - pa

'

-

' juuh - pa

Toh - wa

!

!

!

( hon . ) '

throw

away !

' .

scratch

to be hot '

'

- . 121

-

Tamang

Thakali

English

jáhng - pa

' caahng - pa

' to put , send '

jíih -pa

'

bréhm - pa

' prahm - pa

' to

Dúhp - pa

' Tuhp - pa

' to sew '

ngóhp - pa

' ngohy - wa

' to

glúh - pa

' kyuh - wa

' to

báh - pa

' paah - wa

' to bring '

duuh - pa

tuh - wa

' to be

bahng - pa

paahng - pa

' to

goh - pa

koh - wa

' to understand '

bluhm - pa

pluhm - pa

' to drown '

nah - pa

nah

' to raise '

jiih

cih - wa

- wa

' to remember

wait '

call ' buy ' tired ' fight with

cih - wa

' to bite '

rahp - pa

rahp - pa

' to play

dahr - pa

tahr - wa

' to

Doh - pa

toh - wa

'

yihm - pa

ihm - pa

' to be '

my

- pa

ahng

- pa

my

aahng - pa

to

' to taste '

' cow '

blúh

' pluh

' seed '

ngíih

' ngih

'two '

gyúuh

' kyuh

' sheep '

nooh

'noh

' garlic '

bráah

' praah Taah

!

sow '

' meh

"

words '

tremble '

méh

Dáah

!

..'

flour

!

' carrying belt '

-

122

-

Tamang

Thakali

English

ngyéht

ingyeh

' liver

gy ahm

'kyahm

' path '

gíih

' Tih

' one '

dohngpo

' Tuhng

'

' yaahlkaa

' branch

dahprang

' tahpraang

icrow '

blíh

' plih

'

four '

ngáh

' ngah

'

five '

Duuh

I Tuh

Isix

bréht

' preh

' eight '

jah

cah

' son '

ngyeh

ngyeh

' milk '

goh

koh

'back

joh

coh

' point '

roh

roh

' friend '

miih

mih

'man '

liih

lih

' body '

maah

maah

' son - in

daah

taah

' pole '

braahng

praahng

' hut

gohca

kohca

' knife '

buhlung

puhlung

'bug '

mehnto

mehnto

'

y

áhrnga

tree

!

'

'

!

- law

!

flower

'

grahmpa

Tahmpa

' cheek '

dihngi

tihngi

' sunshine '

baah

paah

'

leaf '

'

123

-

Tamang mahng léhm - pa

-

Thakali

English

'maahng

' dream '

lehm - pa

' to

licki

máh - pa

mah - wa

' to

loose '

bih - pa

pih - wa

'

say '

to

Segmentals

Note on

of

study

The

the tone

presented here has at

some

of

system

Western Tamang as in different

points resulted

views on segmentals from D . Taylor ' s Tamang Segmental Synopsis . The divergencies are the following : 1

.

/ / occurs as a phoneme . Where in the Tamang Segmental Synopsis [ h ] has been interpreted as an automatic onset of word initial breathy vowels , we have to distinguish Breathy vowels have the non - contrastive [ h ] from [ ñ ]. occurring [ h ] onset when word initial , but the [ h ] is

vowels . It contrasts with before clear vowels . [ ? ] is taken to be the normal onset of clear vowels word initially and there is no need to accord phonemic status to it . / h / , parallel to other aspirated consonants , does not occur before breathy vowels .

contrastive before clear

initial

word

2

.

[ñ ]

has been

interpret

reasons

:

it

[

?

]

interpreted as Iny / . as

- - phonetically

an

allophone of

In /

I would like to for the following

very fronted [ n ] . always transcribes Devanagari symbol the for inl . - -

the

It [n ]

has

literate the

I hear

a

in formant

following distribution

it with

:

occurs only before i - vowel quality and ly /

lý / does not cluster with / n / , ( symmetrically to lt / ) , but it clusters with Inl . In yl does not occur ( or is non - contrastive ) before This is also relevant for any i - vowel quality . consonant clustering with lyl . 3

.

Interpretation of

[ i / y ] and [ u / w ) . , au ) have been in sequences [ ai , ui , The vocoid terpreted as sequences of two syllables : la . i , u . i , o . i , a . ul . The study of the possible syllable pat morpheme , however , has shown that in for the terns no other case a sequence of an open syllable followed by a V - syllable is possible within the morpheme .

oi

- 124

(

cf .

I.

3

.

p

.

If

-

and [ u ] are interpreted , we get this sequence : open

i

8

)

.

V

-

syllable

[

]

separate syllables lable plus V - syllable within the

vowel

of

the

can

as

syl

morpheme , or

only be

lil

but the /u/ .

Examples :

/na . i . pal / mo .

i . pal

' to

S put to sleep

' /hu . i . pa /

' to plough '

/ kha .

u

/

' to

push

'

' come ! '

also would expect to find the sequence : open VC - syllable , but this does not occur . [ i ] and [ u ] in this position are never followed by syllable closing consonant . It seems therefore a simpler ( and phonetically this can also be justified to interpret [ i ] and [ u ] in this position as semi

We

syllable plus

vowels : / y / and Iwl. The morphemes involved then fit into the possible syllable patterns for the morpheme without leaving asymmetrical gaps . The examples above will read :

Inaypal

' to put to sleep '

/ huy . pal

/moy . pal

' to plough '

Ikháw

/

' to push ' ' come

!

'

)

THAKALI TONE AND HIGHER LEVELS

Maria Hari tone system may be characterized in terms of contrasts , contrasts for breathiness and contrasts for pitch contour . The domain of these contrasts is the morpheme , which may in general be monosyllabic , di syllabic or trisyllabic . The following generalizations may be stated : 1 ) Contrast between breathy and clear is rele [ The Thakali two kinds of

vant only to the first syllable of a morpheme . 2) The contour of a morpheme extends over the whole morpheme , whether it has one , two , or three syllables . ( There appears to be just one exception to this . In clear falling syllabic morphemes , the last syllable is level , see B. below . ) A coherent account of Thakali tone must thus in clude an account of the syllable , breathiness (voice quality ) , and pitch . These sections have been reproduced from Hari ( 1969 ) for inclusion in this report . ]

pitch

tri II

I . Higher A

levels

.

. Syllable . 1

.

Contrast

have the following

We

syllable

cv

"

"

U

.

six patterns for the emic

:

ccv

cvc

ve

ccvc

aana "

l ' ano /

' elder

"

/

' cave '

u

/

sister !

CV " "

Ipul

Searthen pot '

"

l 'toh

' ground floor

"

/

pu " ' toh

CCV "

plaa

"

' preh

"

pla /

' vegetable '

l' preh / -

125

-

' eight '

!

-

126

-

VC "

ur "

"

lohm

/ ur /

' yellow '

l ' ohm /

' to

/ min /

'name '

l 'pehn /

' young

/ mrin /

' woman '

/ pyahn /

"

"

entice

'

CVC "

"

min

"

' pehn

!

man

'

CCVC "

"

mrin

"

pyaahng "

A seventh syllable type occurs : only two examples are available

Iphryawɔl / ply The

awo

latter

preferred

.

/

has an

tune ' For this type

CCCV . :

[ phryæwɔ ]

' thin '

[ plyæwɔ ]

"

flat

"

alternative pronunciation

is

which

:

/ plewo /

[

plewo

'

)

flat '

This and the fact that these two examples are the only ones out of more than 2000 words suggest that they should be treated as exceptions which do not fit the overall pattern of the language . 2

. Variation .

consonant clusters within the syllable : consonant clustering occurs only syllable initial , and there is a very small number of combinatorial

possibilities

following chart expresses the combinatorial for the syllable initial CC - clusters . exceptional CCC not take into account the texceptional theoryddobne

It

does

sequence noted above .

the

(

otse

possibilities

)

terms

The

.

:

-

first

second

C

127

-

C

yields :

- - - - - - - - -

/p /

/

/

/ pr /

Imr /

Iphr

/ ph /

11 /

lpl /

/ ml /

/ phil

/m /

ly /

/pyl

/ my /

iphyl

r

- - - - - - -

Ich

Ichyl

/

Icyl

Ic / Ikh /

ly

Ikhyl

/

/k /

/ ky /

Isl

Isy /

in

Iny /

E - - - - - - - -

/t/

I

/ Ifr /

/

tr

/

- - - - - -

/3 w /

/k / - - - - - - - -

Ikw /

1

/ th /

/ th /

/ t/

/h /

/n /

/3 /

11 /

/r/

/r/

ly /

/w /

none

Illustrations : pro "

/ pro /

' snack '

I ' plih /

' four '

/ pyan /

'pathi '

" mram "

/mröm /

' wooden chest '

trimlohwa "

I 'mlohwol

' to pierce '

" " "

' plih

"

pyaang

"

/

-

128

-

"

myaang "

/myan /

'must '

"

phran

Iphron /

' to unfasten '

"

phle ' la '

"

phyong "

"

chyo "

Ichyol

' direction '

"

cyah

Icyoh /

' tea '

"

khya awa"

Ikhyawal

' throw

"

ky alwa "

/ kyolwo /

' to swim '

"

sya "

Isyol

' meat '

"

ngyewa

"

Inyewol

' to laugh '

"

truhma

"

Itruhmɔ /

' next year ,

"

kwa ahri "

/ kwahri /

' up

.

the

' 101

Iphle

'

phyon /

"

Within 3

"

single syllable

a

Distribution

vowel

no

to

open

' to

jump

up

'

'

away

there

'

'

clusters occur

.

.

Syllables with breathy vowels occur only

first syllable - slot of

a

morpheme .

in

contrastive pitch features are a char acteristic of the morpheme , and in disyllabic morphemes they are spread over both syllables of the The

morpheme .

II .

( Compare

II .

B

.

2

. below ) .

Tone A

. Voice quality . 1

. Contrast .

contrast between clear and breathy vowels and used very widely in Thakali . The tongue and lip position of the breathy vowel is the same as for the clear vowels , but the breathy vowels have a different voice quality . For the clear ones The

is striking

- 129

-

remains raised while for the breathy apple is lowered and the throat ex panded . This results in a larger resonance chamber in the back of the mouth and the vowel takes on a different voice quality . At the same time the pitch of the breathy vowel is lower than the pitch of the the Adam '

ones the

s

apple

Adam '

s

clear one in the same stress position . The differ ence in pitch is considerable . The term breathy is kept for traditional reasons and for the lack of a better term , but in Thakali it could be misleading , for it is only in overdistinct speech that a breath is audible . In normal speech , it is the low pitch and the lax voice quality which are prominent . When

is pronouncing a breathy vowel , we can ob the tightening of the muscles of the part front of the neck and if a person has a pro truding Adam ' s apple , the lowering of it is also a

person

serve externally

visible .

pairs

which

Monosyllables mi "

a

contrast

are given below

"

is

There

of clear

large number

in meaning .

few

A

/breathy

of these

.

:

Imi /

[mi ]

' eye '

"

mih "

/ mih /

[min ]

' person '

"

le "

/ le !

[

le ]

' tongue '

"

leh

lleh ,

[ leh ]

"

saa "

/ sa /

[

l ' sah /

(sah )

'

kyu "

/ kyu /

[ kyu ]

'water '

' kyuh

/ kyuh /

[ kyuh ]

' sheep '

Inol

[

no ]

'hair parting '

[ nwoh ]

' forehead '

Icə /

[ tsɔ ]

' that '

Icoh /

[ tsoh ]

' son '

/ pen /

[ pen ]

' small frog '

l ' pehn /

[

/myan /

[myan ]

"

" "

"

saah

''ngo

!

"

"

ngoh

"

ca

"

cah

"

peni

"

' pehn

Inoh

"

"

"

"

" myaang "

/

sa

' act ' ' breath '

]

pehn

]

losti

' young ' must

!

man

'

- 130

-

mya ahng "

/ myahn /

[myahn ]

"

tum "

/ tum /

[

"

tuhm

Ituhm /

[ fuhm ]

' to spin '

"

tong "

Iton

[ fon ]

' new moon '

"

Itohng "

l ' tohn /

[ ton]

' spindle '

"

tar "

/ tor /

[

"

tahr "

"

"

/

Ito hr /

Disyllables

tum

top

[ to

'to

' to wrap '

]

'white '

]

hp

taste '

'

]

silk cloth

a

'

:

"

' tingi "

l 'tini /

"

tihngi "

Itihnil

"

rimpa

" "

> >

' today '

[ tihni ]

S

' sun '

/ rimpo /

[ Himbɔ ]

' short '

rihmpa "

/ rihmpol

[ řihmbɔ ]

' long '

ngimpa "

Inimpol

[nimbɔ ]

'old '

/nihmpul

[nihmbɔ ]

' fear '

"

" ngihmpa " "

Taangpa "

/ țanpol

[ țanbɔ ]

' to

"

Taahngpa "

/ tahnpol

[ tahnbɔ ]

' to offer '

"

paangpa "

Ipanpol

[ panbo ]

' to

"

paahngpa

Ipahnpol

[ pahnbo

"

' caca "

l' coco /

i [ tsotso )

' salt '

"

cahca

I cohco /

[ tsɔhtsɔ ]

'baby '

"

"

break '

abstain ' .

' to quarrell

]

urs ar pitch contours In this section are phonemically . P i and orthographically marked with i ' l and " ! " respec

tively

,

marked .

2

before the syllable

,

level pitches are not

For more details see section

II .

B

.

and

C

.

. Variation .

Breathy vowels occurring word initially are preceded by aspiration . Word finally they are followed

131 -

-

by some aspiration heard . ihmu

"

" eh

lihmu /

"

' lawa "

leh '

lɔ wo

/

[heh

' to

' wife '

/ nə

[ nõhh )

' ear '

[ kyuhh ]

' sheep '

[ nõhnõři ]

' mornings '

"

peh

"

"

nah

"

h

/

' ' kyuh

/

"

nohngori "

Inohnori

"

puhrri "

Ipuhrri /

[ puhf

"

tahna

/

[

3

.

Distribution a

)

to hno

/

/

.i ]

a

is relevant only

morpheme .

In

two

the

on

+

"

kohca

"

/ kohco /

[ kohtso ]

"

pahle

"

/ pohle /

[

pohle

"

sihtaang "

Isihtan /

[

sihtan

"

' tuhli "

l ' tuhli /

"

Icahme "

l' cəhmel

( tuhai ]

minahma "

"

' tapaang

"

thorong " b

)

"

first syl

syllable

get only the sequences clear and breathy + clear syllable .

' aama "

!

many ' 'ma

tohno ]

we

"

' below

.

Breathiness

lable of

ess up dress

[ pehh ]

Tuhp

"

lowɔ ]

Ipeh /

"

"

' is ' 'musty '

uhp

' kyuh

/

[ hihmu ]

be

can

[ Whuhp ]

"

"

Word medial no aspiration

.

' big knife ' '

] ]

morphemes

clear syllable

foot '

' anger ' "

tailor

'

[ tsohmě ]

' daughter

l' nohmɔ /

[ nohms ]

' swamp '

l'

amo

[

' mother '

l'

topan

/ /

/ thoron /

?

amo ]

Thakali

[ topan ]

'

[ thoron ]

' first '

!

'

Breathy vowels do not occur after aspirated stops , the aspirated affricate , and the voice less phonemes / 1 , r / and / h / . Here only clear vowels occur .

'

- 132

/ phamor /

"

phaamar

"

thaasaang "

"

chong "

"

Thicam "

"

"

Ithasan

/

-

]

' north wind '

[ thasan )

' Thak Khola '

[p"

am3k

' business '

[

tshon

I thicom /

[

thitsɔm

khoro "

/ khoro /

[ khoro ]

"

Lap "

/ top /

[

"

Rup

Trup /

[ rup ]

' thread '

/han ,

[ han ]

' court yard '

"

schon

"

haang

"

/

]

3

łop

]

]

' only '

' upwards ' 'hot '

It is after the unaspirated stops , affricate , after / / , after the voiced consonants and in syllable initial vowels where we get the clear / s

breathy contrasts

.

"

pulu "

/ pulu /

[ pulu ]

' hat '

"

puhlung "

/ puhlun ,

[ puhlun ]

' bug '

"

tim

/ tim /

[ tim ]

' at once

l ' tihm /

[ tikan ]

' house '

"

"

' tihm

"

' cikaa "

"

cihkaang

"

Taar

"

Taahngse

"

/ "

" "

' cikal

L

[ tšiķa ]

' barley '

I cihkan /

[tsihkan )

/ țar /

[

Iṭahnse /

[ țahnse ]

' apiece '

/ kum /

[ kum ]

'

ţař

]

!

' storeroom ' ' rack '

fist '

"

kum

"

kuhng "

/kuhn /

[ kuhn ]

' middle '

"

sung "

Isun /

[ sun ]

' mouth '

"

suhr

/ suhr /

[ suhy

'

/mom /

[ mõm ]

' grandmothert

"

"

" mom "

corner !

"

mohmci "

/ mohmci /

[mohmdzi ]

' chin '

"

naangi "

/ nani /

[ nant ]

' the

day

after

tomorrow '

-

-

' inside '

Inahnri /

[ nähnti ]

" ngongo "

Inonol

[ n Wond ]

' before '

" ngohnaa "

Inohnal

[n Wohna ]

' night '

lle /

[

'

to

hit

'

to

' ' '

]

'

!

'

away

'

]

]

'

'

tired

'

to meet

'

]

]

all of

many

the six emic

shoulders

'

lihnlase

' /

!

to dress

'

/

/

/ " "

'

ihnlaase

write

may be

'

leh lowɔ

'

'

lawa

flour to

/

eh

pruhp

'

/

/

l'

"

prah

"

'

bread

pruhp

'

'

'

yah

tohnɔ

kenni

"

praah

drive

:

"

" "

tohwo

koh

'

"

tuhwɔ

"

CCVC

tahwɔ

"

CCV

kehn

tehwo

"

сус

koh

to stammer

'

/

"

Itohnol

Breathy vowels occur

су

like that

'

tohwol

ţihwɔ

]

/

"

tuhwol

types

whohso

]

/

Itahwɔl

syllable

]

/

/

" "

tehwol

tahna

male yak

breathy

be

tihwol

"

tohwa

[

:

tuhwa

vowel can

hand

'

ya

/

"

taahwa

"

l'

"

"

tehwa

)

[ ya ]

yah

"

"

tihwa

)

c

Any

d

' to grind '

Tohsol

"

"

"

yaah

ohso

[ rehwɔ ]

/

yaa "

Trehwol

'

"

' to get up '

[

rehwa "

[rewɔ ]

[

"

/ rewo /

[

rewa "

' word '

[

"

[ lehm ]

"

(

lehm

' tongue '

]

(

"

le

[

le "

in

"

"

"

"

up

'

na ahngri

133

134

-

B

.

Pitch

-

.

the present stage

At

of

the research

we

have not

yet been able to classify clear monosyllabic nouns and particles . The clear monosyllabic items in the examples

below are verb 1

.

stems .

Contrast .

section on voice quality we have seen that low is conditioned by breathiness pitch high by and the absence of breathiness on vowels . But within both groups we have a further contrast between level and contour pitches . the preceding

In

In

ing one

,

pitch

clearo

morphemes ,

starts

which

pitch with which

a

little

it contrasts

over one or two syllables [

to

With level

.

.

On

higher The

fall

( level

it is

level

fall stretches

the third

:

' roasting '

towoři

]

it

as

is

' in

order to roast

!

following :

[ na ]

' to carry '

[năwo]

' carrying '

[

a

the

than

' to roast '

]

[ towa ] [

is

the contour pitch

' in order to carry '

nawoři ]

breathy morphemes the contour is a rising falling one which starts on the same height as the level low pitch , rises a good deal and ends in a slight 0 O D ( contour stretches over One one to The down - glide . three syllables ..: In

stir

[ ruh ]

' to

[ ruhws ]

' stirring '

[

ruhxoni

]

'

' in order

to

stir

!

-

In

level

it is

as following :

' to

[ tsuh ]

Note

-

135

cook

'

' cooking '

[

tsuhwo

[

tsuhwoři

]

' in order to cook '

]

:

The illustrations in this section are not to listened to in isolation , but in frames . For simplification the frames are not given here , but

be

contours of the examples are given as they would occur in utterances . the items are pro

the pitch

If

nounced in isolation , the overriding change the pitch contours .

Minimal contrasts [

sowo

' hot '

]

[ tshowɔ ] [

syuwo

]

[phyewo ] [

alè

[

tisa

]

(

food

)

' grazing "

[

sowo

]

' turning round '

[ tshowɔ ]

' feverish ,

' to pick vega table leaves ' .

[ syuwo ]

' lining

' sorting out '

[ phyewɔ ]

' appearing '

' younger

Cale ]

' money '

' food for one meal !

[ tisa ]

'a

[ tsuhwɔ ]

' cooking '

[ kyohwɔ ]

' beautiful '

[ kyohan ]

' dividing ' ' ploughing !

[ tomo ]

'hot '

[ tsubwo ]

may

:

brother '

]

intonation

(weather ) [ țohwo ]

up

hot

'

'

little '

' to read

a

away

religious

book '

' boiling '

[ tehwo ]

' driving

[ taho ]

' intimate '

[ țahn ]

' to serve , offer

[ nyeh ]

' liver '

[nyeh ]

'milk '

[ tih ]

Tone '

[ țih ]

' skin '

[ tuh ]

'

six

[ tuh ]

' grain '

[ tehran]

'

' !

-

this section

In

before the marked

2

.

-

136

, phonemic

first syllable

,

contours are marked with

/

level pitch is not

and the

. Variation .

For the first syllable make the following statement : /

level /

I

contour

of

a

morpheme

we can

pitch is high with clear

The

with breathy vowels .

and

low

pitch is extra high - falling with clear and low - rising - falling with

,

The

breathy

vowels .

pitch of the second syllable of a mor pheme is conditioned by the nature of the first syllable , that is , contours and level pitches spread The

over both

morpheme a

syllables . Therefore is level - breathy , the

clear vowel with

" me "

low

pitch

,

if

a

second

disyllabic syllable

has

.

/ me /

[ mě ]

' to ask '

/ pin /

[ pin ]

' to give '

" pulu "

/ pulu /

[ pulu ]

' cap '

" miku "

/ miku /

[miķu ]

' smoke '

' ' khori /

[khofi ]

' idea '

I ' cowɔlɔ /

[ tsowɔlɔ ]

' food '

' kaplo "

l ' koplo /

[ kopio ]

'brain '

"

pih "

/pin /

[ pih ]

' to

say

"

lehm

/ lehm /

[ le " m ]

'to

lick

"

pahle

[ pohle ]

' foot '

"

kohca "

/kohco /

[kohtso ]

'big

"

inuh

linuh /

[ nah ]

' to sleep '

"

' caahng "

l ' cahn /

[ tsahn ]

' to

"

"

"

"

pin

"

' khari "

cawala "

" "

"

/

pohle /

Am

)

'

'

knife ' se

send

'

.

/

- 137

-

"

' nahma

"

l ' nohmo /

[ nõhmo ]

"

Ituhli "

l ' tuhli /

(

Affixes

tuhli

' swamp '

]

"

tailor

!

:

There are also two classes of affixes for pitch : Tonic affixes and atonic affixes . Tonic affixes are those that have their own tone , that is , have either 4

contrastive ' level ' or a ' contour ' pitch pattern . 4 Atonic affixes are those that don ' t have a contrastive pitch classification . The breathy affixes and the clear contour ( extra high - falling ) affix are tonic , that is , they manifest their own contrastive pitch a

throughout their distribution

contours

.

clear level affixes are atonic , that is , their pitch PPis conditioned by the stem to which they are affixeda as follows : pitch of clear level affixes is low after level breathy stem , ( 1 - 3 affixes ) and high

The a

after The

to

a

level clear

stem .

high - falling contour of a clear stem spreads the first affix , the second and third are

level

.

rising - falling

The

spreads over

contour

of

affixes

the clear

breathy stem

a

(

1

-

affixes

3

)

.

After a clear level stem the affixes are level as well . More than three level clear affixes in

a

row

Atonic affixes

have not yet been on

found .

verb stems :

Icuh /

[

tsub

Icuhwol

[

tsuhwɔ

Icuhwöri /

[

tsuhwoři

Icuhworie /

Or [ tsuhwoři

D

Ijahlé / 24 .

[ dž ]

d [dzħaħ17 ]]

[ ažħ ] voiced

[

/ số $

[

k

[

voiceless

]

y

]

[ kn ]

[

x

DI

'net ' '

]

'

unaspirated

three '

voiceless

[ khó6bã ]

voiceless

velar fricative

:/

' upper

back

'

' place '

aspirated velar stop

/ kha : ba / lahkhá

stream '

lateral fricative with palatal release czyõh ]

Voiceless

bell ,

velar stop

[ kõħ ]

/xloh /

31 .

"

[ ažħġħġħli ]

5

/ kloh / 30 .

' life , body ' .

]

voiceless alveo - palatal grooved fricative

]

lkoh , 29 .

džù

[ số 3

Isyõl 28 .

;

voiceless alveolar fricative

S

[

' then

aspirated alveo - palatal affricate

ljya :hií /

27 .

affricate

voiced unaspirated alveo - palatal affricate

ljyu / 25 .

-

[əhxò ħa ħ ]

' to

' ( I)

be able '

am

not able

voiced unaspirated velar stop

Igal

g à ] [[ gö

' copular verb '

33

. [ gn ]

voiced aspirated velar stop ,1 O 0 gyöhsyi għiġħġħši / / [ ] ' alder tree '

34

. [g ]

voiced velar fricative

lagi / C

g

[ afigyti g

Teldest brother

'

'

- 218 -

B

Sonants

.

1

in

Gurung

. Contrast : as having the following

Gurung may be described

sonants

:

nasals

:

liquids

m m

For

listing of

-. -

are found see section

of in

ini

=

Evidence

examples P

like

-

"

y

the clusters in which the sonants ( A . l ) Obstruants , Contrast above .

characters used

the phonemic

that

-

. . . -- -

:

The

-- - -

:

glides a

--- - --

in

the diagram

transcription

ng " .

.

above are those Text orthography differs

OY among sonants for contrast

the

followingg :

may

" ma "

/ ma /

' below

''na '

Ina /

' nose !

inal

'I'

be

U found in

!

"

nga "

"

raah

"

/ ra : h /

' pond '

"

laah '

/ la : h /

' wax

yaahba "

/ ya : hbal

' to go '

seal

'

"

waahq '

/wá : h,

' question

"

tsyiba ''

Icyiba /

' prestigious '

"

tswiba "

Icwibal

' to pierce , stab

2

. Variants

particle '

!

Sonants fall into three distinct classes ' in Gurung O from the point of view of environments that condition variation : The set of environments that conditions non

norm

variation a

in

nasals is

. Fronting : before

li ,

as

el

follows and

:

/y /

- 219

Syllabicity

.

b

addition to this

In

vowels between

illustrated

[

]

8

under

.

In /

3

. [ nun

in

5

. [

variation

in

lm

]

liquids is

Ñ

:

,

as

e

.

Devoicing : following

"

Ir !

Fortis norm

The

variation .

6

. [n

]

m

[

1

:

:

/

m

:

and

/

a

a

nasalized vowel :

before

breathy

a

vowel .

voiceless aspirated stop

.

/k /

initial

before

. [ń ]

9

a

vowel with high tone

.

"

.[8]

11 .

]

following

Coalescence :

7

n

[

initial

Voiceless release

.

.

between

.

g

4

follows

d

f.

.[ ]

2 ]

thus be

b

а

]

n

Nasalization

.

1

h

m

will

This variation

.

(D set of environments that conditions non - norm

The

c

[

"

/

varies freely before back

"

1

m

r

/n /

norm

/

/

,

/

and [ n ] .

the

norm

"

/ 1/

before

:

-

8

. [ řř ]

]

10

.[ř]

12

.[ 1 ]

13

.[

set of environments that conditions in glides is as follows :

Aspiration "

preceding

:

norm

"

/y /

15

.[y ]

/w /

17

.[

Numbers in examples :

the

w

]

L

cells

a

+Y

]

14

. [? ]

non - norm

breathy vowel .

h

16

. [ yĥ ]

18

. [ wh ]

above

refer

to the

following

- 220

bilabial nasal

voiced

: [mºi ]

/mi / 2

. [m ]

[m86 : ]

interdental / alveolar

. [nun ] voiced

Inol 4

.

[

]

n

.

[

]

n

nasal

' lean

meat '

interdental nasal

voiced

Inél 5

tail '

fire

'

syllabic voiced bilabial nasal

/mrá : / 3

-

[né ]

'

full '

"

I

nas

voiced velar nasal Inal

[ na ]

!

milk

'

[

,

na

'

neh

voiced palatal nasal

]

'

f

'

'

'

'

'

]

]

[

'

up

to

'

lateral phleba

to get lost

!

/

lap

owner

'

,

kleh

'

Voiceless lateral fricative with palatal release /

]

1

[

young man

'

voiceless

là hoà

]

/

/ ]

1

[

.

12

to beg

lenis voiced lateral

Iphleba .

phrãe

]

]

[

1

Iphrel

(

/

rihba řřihbə voiceless alveolar flap

lehba

13

flap with voiceless release

[

[ ř ]

[

voiced alveolar

/

]

[

.

9

.

10

.

ll

rise

rice field

mňối

/

mról

řř

to

voiced alveolar flapped nasal

[

]

ñ

[

.

8

/

[

říb5

'

ribal

!

voiced alveolar oral flap

- 221

14

fortis

. [1]

15 .

[

[

Iyo / 16

.

[

vn

voiced high

]

with tongue

front oral unrounded breathy vocoid

[ġħ

/wa: bal 18

oral oral

. [ wh ] voiced high back

.

lè ]

down

us

go

'

clear vocoid

rounded

' to

cut

( hair ) '

rounded breathy

vocoid

' rupees '

w ] [[mwřih

Distribution of consonants

If one distinguishes consonants from all consonants and medials occur initial position . Word - finally only / , /

17 )

occur

in

and

the bottom

behind

' let

[waəbā ]

/ mwih / C

għaħ

voiced high back

]

w

'hand '

tip held well

/ ya : hle ) [

' face '

[ y3 ]

teeth

17 .

li ]

Voiced high front oral unrounded clear vocoid , with tongue tip held well down behind the bottom teeth

]

y

lateral

voiced

llí ,

-

native stock

All

s

/

is

( ly

,

wr

alone in syllable

list

O Voiceless

intervocalically in loan words W . Voiceless aspirated stops C D 0 prefis . intervocalically only following the negative

с си occur

Voiceless aspirated stops do not occur before breator vowels and voiced stops rarely occur before clear vowels except in loans . / s / has been observed to occur before a

breathy

vowel

in

only one example ,

All consonants occur before both high and low tone but very few indigenous words have voiced stops preceding low tone . These observations regarding

sonants

may

be

!

b d , m / and / n / added to the of segments loan words are considered .

consonants and all medials occur intervo stops occur in geminate clusters

voiced .

/

final position if

occurring in

calically

.

medials

charted as follows :

the

distribution

of con

- 222

a

. Word - initial

b

.

Syllable - initial

c

.

Following

d

.

Intervocalic

e

.

Syllable - final ,

Before breathy vowels

h

.

Before high vowels

Word -

m

y

,

,

i

, th , th , ch , kh d

.

n

W

,

r

,

1

Only Numbers 1

.

Ip ,

in the

/ piba / /

CV

final

pet , t , c ,k

g

vowel :

ti /

vowels

low

a

j,

a

word medial

.

j.

,

consonant and preceding

a

&

i . Before

b

word medial

Before clear vowels

f.

ph

-

2

c

b 10 %

11

d

20 %

j

g

h

i

1

26

33

1

0

f

e

0

0

0

0

0

2

0

34

2

0

3

12

0

12

21

3

27

35

3

21

4

13

0

13

0

4

28

36

4

0

5

14

0

14

0

5

29

37

5

0

6

15

0

15

22

6

30

38

6

22

7

16

0

16

23

7

31

397

8

17

0

17

24

8

32

40

9

18

19

18

25

18

9

41

tl

occur

* *

cells refer

* *

23

9

Only / 1 , r / occur here . to the following sets of examples .

' to be

shy

'

' corner '

/ tiba /

' to

sit , dwell '

I cuba /

' to

break '

-

2

3

.

.

223

/ kubaé /

' kapok '

/ phibal

' to

ithi /

savings ' ' Sa

/ tha : gu /

' eldest

Ichõl

' trade '

/ khaba /

' to

come come

/biba /

'to

say

Ida : lal

' lentils '

4

. Iạibji /

5

.

born '

be

son '

'

' handleless sauce

juwal

' mother '

Iguji /

' pocket '

/

-

s

.

/ sà : /

' love '

7

.

/ ma /

' below

Ina /

' nose '

Inal

'I'

. / ya :hbal

' to

go !

/wa : hbá /

' to

flatter

Ira:h /

' pond '

.

9

11a: 1 / 10

.

dappa /

Isattél

!

'wax seal ' 'billy can ' ' ancient '

'

brother ' s wife '

6

8

pan

'

-

lahphi /

' not born '

lahchul

' did not

lahkhá : /

' one year ,

luída : /

'

Ijahjá )

' calf of animal '

'

!

'

'

s

maternal uncle

law

'

-

'

in

sister

/

:

ri

-

'

/

younger brother

wife

!

juwal

buwa

!

'

'

'

:/

moon

'

/

'

' '

/

:

láyà

/

sister

younger

Vănắ7

/

.

17

.

18

juice

lelder sister

lali

for these examples see the chart of consonant clusters that follows

20

'

please stay

test

wash

it

'

to !

. K .

'

is

!

/

s

:

it

"



/

tid

tam

/

/ /

.

22

khrúb

/

.

21

O

.

,

all

mother

ma

nal

19

liver '

'

/

/

rása

lã lã :

.

16

.

15

!

/xb'

bo

4

not able '

)

Itidi /

águ

.

am

' kapok '

kabaé /

12 .

13

' (I

bark '

'

11 .

-

224

-

23

. / ya :hm /

24 .

.

25

.

26

' give '

Ichenle /

' well '

Until better

.

28

.

29 .

,

it '

of syllable final in are contrastive status may be doubted

examples s

/ kangá /

' rice fragments '

ljilgél

' rice cakes '

Ija :hr . ba /

' to bark '

/ pa :hbál

' to bury '

Itih /

'occasion '

Itúhl

Isix '

Icih ,

' small bush '

kob 27

,

"

/ b3h ,

' strength '

Idehról

'now '

Ņūhạí /

ljongá

/

lear - ring

' long handled

/ sahbal

' to

heal '

31

.

/méh /

'

'

Ineh

,

in

center

of

' baby sleeping basket '

.

.

worn

Igahnmasye )

nehbál

:

upper back '

30

32

-

' he goes '

/ pin /

obtained

225

cow

' to

fight

' milk '

(

,

wooden

mallet '

intransitive

tread

on

'

)

ear

!

-

33 .

34 .

35

/pul

' roast corn '

Itihi

' load , bundle

Ițúh /

' six '

I céna /

' sieve '

Ikól

' blood

/ phúbal

' to apply medicine '

Ithúbal

' to drink

/ thiba /

' to strike

Icháiral

' new '

Ikhol

' come ! '

39 .



' eldest '

,

brother

!

leye ' ' blue '

.

Inil

' seven '

41 .

/ yúl

tuhm

/

' must

come '

/ wa :h /

' question particle '

Iróba /

' to

/

' face '

lí /

!

center of ear

three '

Ini101 40

in

' banana '

00

Isốl

glancing blow

' ear - ring worn

/mahjál

38.

a

' house '

. / duhai /

37.

!

' strength '

. /váhy jain

36

-

226

be

audible '

!

- 227 -

Following is

clusters

a

which occur .

chart of the syllable

First

-

initial

CC

Second Member

Member

:

G

yw

0P

1

2

3

0ph

5

6

7

0 12

I I

m

+ •

• O

.. O

U

III

0

/

/

get

to bow

man

lost down

!

. !

/

/ /

"

grown

'

:h /

/ /

"

full

back

on

'

phyoba

'

phyoba

to carry

to

Iphleba

phrel

'

'

phlebar

pwiba

feather

'

phra

pya

'

pwiba

'

"

yaah

'

"

,

mind

"

!

follow

'

'

/

/

!

lplah

*

that

hundred

'

-

38

"

prah

"

/

/ /

.

pla

40

to the examples

"

/

pw

/

phyl

/

.

/

.

. 6

phil

7

4

.

phr

praha

"

. /

3

lpy

cells refer

the

/

/ pr /

pl

.

1 2

in

Numbers

5

39

'

33 36

0

W

37

th 8 n

k

28

29

-

8

.

Iphwl

9

.

/ br /

10 .

lbl /

"

11 .

/ by /

''byaa '

.

/ mr /

"

13 .

/ ml /

.

15 .

12

14

16

"

phwiba " .

Iphwibal

ito

mebroq

/mebról

lashes '

"

tible '

/

mruqi

/ mrú /

' clusteri

"

mlah

/mlah /

' unhusked

/ my /

"

myaaqba "

/ mya :ba /

' to

/ mw /

" mwihq

/ mwih /

' rupees

Twibais

/ twiba /

'

Dy aahqppa ''

/ dya : hppa /

Icyol

"

"

/ dy /

18 .

Icy /

"

tsyo

19 .

I cw /

"

tswiba

20 .

Icyw /

"

tsywIba

21. Ichy

/

! " "

" tshyoq"

22

. Ichwl

"

23

. Ichywi

" tshyweba "

tshwiba "

24 .

ljy !

"

25

.

/ sy /

isyu ''

26

.

/ sw /

"

swiba

/ sywl

"

sywiba ''

. /kr /

29 .

/kl/

dzyu "

"

klIq" .

scour

rice ' !

!

to want to follow '. mechanism

' trap '

/

cwibal

' to pierce '

/

cywiba /

' to tether ' let '

!

go

!

' to

touch

!

Ichywebal

' to

sacrifice !

/ jyu /

' life , body '

Isyu /

' sheath '

I swibal

' to combi

| sywibal

' to roof '

Ichyól Ichwiba

kra " "

fire '

a

Tonce '

/

'wedding '

17 .

28

tible

blow

/ bya : /

. / tw /

27 .

-

228

/

/

s

kra /

'hair '

kli /

' snow '

30

. / ky /

" kyuq "

/ kyú /

'water '

31

. /kw /

" kwaa kwaalaba "

/kwa : laba /

' to heat '

32 .

/kyw /

"

kywiha "

/kywlh ,

' language '

33 .

khri

"

khriba " .

/ khribal

' to sprain '

- 229

'

34

. / kby !

35

. Ikhwl ikhwiqba

36

.

37 . 38

/

/kyodo /

" khyodo

Igrl

"

gyl .

. Inr /

"

gyAAhq " .

Igyã : h ,

' road '

ngri

Inri /

' laughter '

Inyohba /

' to look '

Inwéba /

' to

Inyíbal

' to ask '

"

':

Inwl

"ngweqbal

41 .

/ nyw /

"

ngywiqba ':

the same day

' one '

g

40 .

jump

'

in Gurung

Vowels .

' to reform

Igrih ,

" ngyohba

1

domestic animal '

grinq "

Iny !

.

'

/

Ikhwíba

39 .

D

-

Contrast

Gurung

contrasting

as having the following set of

be described vowels .

may

u

-

. .20 a

of these

Each

vowels may be

i

-

.

nasal .

c

-

-

Oi

*

Contrast for nasality

guous (

In

Each

to

a

text orthography of

in

lal

nasal consonant .

these

,

nasal vowels are upper case )

vowels may ih

has been observed only

be breathy .

--. . .. - a icah

-

uh

conti

!

230

-

(

In

text orthography

breathy

" h

be either high or low

may

Each

,

transcription

phonemic

-

'

is written is

( low

on

unmarked

the line

. )

the

in

.

)

.-á (

In

text orthography

postvocalic

by

" ?

'.

)

in non - high vowels . con length has not yet been observed in / i / and / u / . only one example each of the long mid vowels le : /

trastive There is 10

high is marked

is contrastive

There

and

,

length

: / ..

: ' a :

is

length ( In text orthography clusters . )

indicated by geminate vowel

e features intersect , yielding the following pos en above ve :: in addition to those given items parentheses in have not been observed H

These

sible combinations (€: )

á

(ó : )

:

é

ó

á

ú

ín

én

( e : h)

a

: h (oh)

lh

eh

ah

ah

uh

( é : hj

á

: h (ó : h )

ín

éh

án

én

úh

(é:h )

á h

On

:

the current analysis .

,

no vowel

clusters

O tr Tem Evidence for contrast in the system following : (DO likee the 44 examples in exa

"

mi "

"

min

ma

"

án

óh

úh

(o : h )

within the syllable 01 found

í

are posited

of Vowel vowels

tail '

/ mi /

' fire

"

/ mi ,

' person '

"

/mí)

' eye '

m may

be

- 231 -

" moh "

/mohl

' brother

" moq "

/ mol

' cane '

-

in - law '

"

mehq "

/ méh ,

' cow '

"

ma

/ ma /

' below '

"

muba

/ muba /

' to be

"

mIhba "

/ mihba /

' lemon '

" tIqba "

itibal

' to

suckle

"

tIba"

Itiba /

' to

dip '

"

tiqba "

Itibal /

' to barteri

/ tiba /

' to spread out '

"

"

itiba " "

ti

ti / / ti / /

"

"

tI

"

tih "

"

/th/

!

' corner

!

!

' heart ' ' occasion '

little ' ' cliff edge '

la

"

tEq "

Itél Itél

"

tebal

Itebal

' to pour into

"

teqba

Itébal

' to take out'

"

tEba "

/ tebal

' to show '

Ito

'wild pig '

' teq "

"

litoo

"

"

:/

"

toq "

Itól

' what ? '

"

toq"

Itől

' dish '

Itõ

!! to " "

' tOhba

"

/

/ töhbal

' grain

' to

vessel '

a

in wood '

emerge

from

'

- 232

-

"

taq

"

ta "

Itál Ital

"

taahq "

/ tách ,

'needle '

"

taahþaq

/ta: hbál

' to hoe

"

tAAągan

' up '

' word '

ituh "

Ituh ,

' bucket '

puq "

/ pu /

'

"

pu "

Ipul

' part of

pih

/

piba

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

in -

'

!

'

'

to

/

/

/

'

'

gall bladder bitter

/

'

'

/

ka ba :

"

/

"

ka

kól

law

chin

blood

'

/

father

'

koq

ka

itch

'

"

KAAba

Ikel

rainshield

work

: /

"

KA

"

" "

KAA

"

/

!

ke

kE

'

'

/ / /

"

ke

"

urine

kebal

/

keba

chest

human

kūh

/

kUh

"

:

/



still !

a

to be shy

'

''

"

"

"

''

KU

'

nine

kúl

Ikul

roast corn

carrying basket

Ipibal

ku

"

"

pin

/ tả : /

"

' TAA "

kuq

!

' fish '

"

tárgal

dig

"

"

axe '

!

-

233

-

"

kIbai

/ kibal

' to get '

"

naii

Ina

/

' nose '

"

nAq "

Iná /

' take '

"

nah

Inah ,

lear

"

naaq "

Iná : /

' nasal mucus

" nAAq "

Iná : /

' rain '

Inã : /

' head of grain '

Ino /

' lean meat '

InAA

"

"

"

no " !

"

noh

"

noqba "

Inoh

"

" noba "

"

n0hq "

Ilnoh

2

.

Two

"

,

' !

' pus '

/nóbal

' to press down '

Inõba /

' to

/ nõh /

'

flat plot of

/ nôh ,

"

inside

arrange

of labori

for exchange paddy

'

Variation environments have been identified as responsible

for variation in vowels : a

.

Following

bilabial

or velar consonants / i / has and 101 has an extra degree of

palatal onglide .

lip - rounding . b

"

ab

norm

i/

1

.

[

lel

3

.

[

la )

7

.

lel

nasalization

. Under

These may be represented

/

field '

[

i €

ə

-

"

] ]

]

is lowered .

as follows

Yi ]

2

.[

4

.

[ 9€ )

6

.

[

y d

5

]

.

[

a

]

:

- 234

" norm "

101

8

Tul

10

.

[

0

]

. [u

]

The numbers

examples . .

1

i

[

a

in

.

.

3

[

Yi ]

[

ɛ

[

.

the cells

[

tsiĥ

[

on - glide

Y€ ]

tél

on - glide

.

[

refer to the following

æē

' tuft of grass '

]

' to get '

)

unrounded

te ]

vocoid with palatal

tip held la

behind lower

down

little '

unrounded vocoid with palatal tip held down behind lower tongue and

front ( my

/ kebal

[k

close

' person '

and tongue

/méh ,

low

]

front

[

mid open

kyība

ch



]

bā ]

front

' cow ' ' to

itch '

unrounded vocoid

( nasalized )

' resting place '

Iněh / 6

above

]

Ikibal mid open

]

[

]

[myih ]

teeth

5

2

Imihi

/

.

[

high front unrounded vocoid with palatal on - glide and tongue tip held down behind lower teeth

teeth

4

b

high front unrounded vocoid

]

Icih / 2

.

9

-

low close front unrounded vocoid with palatal on - glide and tongue tip held down behind lower

teeth

7

.

[

ə

]

/ pě /

[ pyže ]

' tad pole

/ ke /

[ky

' father - in - law '

]

!

close slightly backed central unrounded vocoid low

/ ka /

[ kõ ]

' gall bladder

!

- 235

8

. [ɔ]

mid open back rounded vocoid

/ s6 9

.

[

[

high

]

u

vocoid with extra

rounding

/mohl 10 .

' three '

ts5]

mid open back rounded

]

5

-

' brother

[mph ]

close

rounded

back

/ syu /

-

lip

in - law '

vocoid ' sheath '

[ šū ]

It

should be noted in passing that length contrasts are not common for vowels other than lal . The primary manifestation of length is rearticulation of the vowel .

Ithe :ba /

[ thčē bə ]

' to hear '

Ithebal

[ theba ]

' to

Ikã : /

D [ kõā ]

' chin '

/ ka /

[kõ ]

' gall bladder '

(

For the primary

informant

quality variation for long la [

a

]

low

a

open

/ kã : /

3.

,

there is

a

concomitant

:/

central unrounded vocoid ' chin '

[ kāā ]

Distribution

All five

restrictions

qualities0 occur without evident nasal , oral , 0clear and breathy , high

vowel

in

low

syllables except that nasalized short

and

nasal

observed only "

big '

be

do

nAq "

contiguous

contrast

in

lal

to nasal consonants , though

that environment .

Inấl

' take

( imperative )

"

ina "

Inal

' nose '

"

' AAma "

lã :ma /

' mother '

"

' AAna "

lã : nal

' elder

"

AngAq

lãnã

' younger

"

and

has been

sister ! sister

!

oral '

- 230 Phonemic length ( rearticulation ) is very significant for the vowel / s / , but there is no evidence of rearticula tion contrast for breathy vowels of the other qualities , , e , o , ul , and only one example of contrast for clear single vowel , whether , , ul . le ol and none for clear A long or short , forms the nucleus of the syllable .

li

li

SEGMENTAL

TAMANG

SYNOPSIS

Doreen Taylor A

.

Obstruants l . Contrast Tamang may be

system

described

as having

of contrasting obstruants

and

fricatives ) .

/k /

=

( Segments transcription .

(stops

the following ,

affricates

in the diagram below are Text orthography differs

in phonemic from the phonemic transcription in that phonetic voic ing distinctions , though redundant with tone word 3 initial and with breathiness of the preceding vowel word - medial , are retained ; ( thus / p / = " b " word - initial in mid and low syllables , but " p " elsewhere . Similar ly , lt / = " d " , " t ' , / t / 11= " D " , " T " , Ic / = " j " , " c " and " g "

,

/

,

" k " OY

) .

Upper case

("

T "

,

" D "

)

ph

"

represents 30

0 0 retroflection , ' y ' following affricates and fricatives 0 414 glide ; R es represents grooving with palatal off and aspi

ration

h

is written

the

on

line :

"

,

ilth

"

.

)

t

oh -

in -_ th

th -_

Choosing this system

h

cn

_

in

of obstruants entails choos - initial clusters

ing the following system of syllable in which obstruants occur .

pr

pl ру

sha-

cy



ky

pny

(H )

,

In Western Tamang there are four tones : high stressed mid stressed ( M ) , low stressed ( L ) and unstressed ( U ) .

- 237 -

- 238 -

consist of one or more syllables of like tone or of an initial syllable with stressed tone ſol syl lowed by syllables with unstressed tone . ( Second trisyllabic appear morphemes lables in not to contrast for tone independently of their environment . Whether they are stressed or unstressed following a stressed A

morpheme

may

initial syllable is still

is represented

on examples

unresolved problem . ) Tone as follows : For monosyllabic

an

for polysyllabic morphemes all syllables of which have the same stressed tone , tone is marked morpheme - finally in text orthography by the symbols : morphemes

and

'high 'mid

tone CS ' [email protected] ' L ' ! ' low tone ! Unstressed tone is unmarked . '

-

9

-

g "

letter

The

" g"

appears morpheme

finally not

only as

a marker of mid tone but also as part of the digraph " ng " represents which the phoneme ini . To distinguish the si

of

" ng "

from the ' g " that marks mid tone , we underline digraph the in the text . A non - underlined ' g " word finally is thus always a tone mark . Polysyllabic morph emes which have stressed tone initially and unstressed tone finally are marked as such by a colon before the syllable - final tone mark . In phonemic transcription vowels are marked for tone : for high stressed tone D / / for mid stressed tone / ^ / for low stressed tone and D unmarked for unstressed . These conventions are summar disyllabics ized for in the following chart .

Il

- q !'

HH

11

HU

"

- :

q"

MM

"

-g

"

MU

"

- :

g"

I ' l

/- - /

" L ! !

LU

"

- :

/

*

/

'!

UU

Note

that

in

vowel length

resents

Evidence found

in

an

the phonemic transcription 1 : 1 represents whereas in the text orthography " : rep

unstressed

for contrast

examples

morpheme among

-

final syllable

obstruant

such as the

.

phonemes

following :

is

to be

- 239

-

"

paig - pa ''

Ipāi - pal

' bring

"

pai"

/ pai /

' wool

"

phaiq "

/ phái

' iron '

"

khaiq - pa "

Ikhái - pal

' wind thread '

"

pii -pa "

Ipi : - pal

'be wet with

"

phii - pa "

Iphi : - pa /

' sprout '

"

tong "

Iton /

' up '

litaaq " "

thaakang

' vessel

Ithoni

" thongq

"

Itá : /

' what '

Itha : kan /

' loom

ţi

pal

' sit '

Tiq - pa

/

Thil !

Ithill

'

liTanga

/ tana /

'half

"

"

Thaarai!

-

Ithá : r

/

'

a

a

(

loom

a

' throat '

"

kolaq "

Ikólá

' child '

"

khore : q "

/ khóre /

"

cang "

Ican /

" chang "

Ichan

' ta - pa "

Ita - pal

"

Taa ' - pa ''

Ità

'

a

: - pal

Fres

)

rod '

rupee '

small dish '

' elder brother '

/

(

leaf plate '

Ikhá : rá / /

'

( Fres )

Pres

khaaraq "

"

"

mud

part '

'blood '

kaaq

( Tres !

for milk '

/ ká : /

"

'

down

la basket ' ' be ' 'win '

( Fres ) ( Pres )

s

wife

!

)

-

' ca - pa "

sa "

"

The

240

-

Ica - pal

' eat '

Isal

'ea earth '

(

Pres )

following are examples of clusters in which stops

occur

.

pr

"

Iprand

'

/ prēt /

' eight '

Iplen

' edible frong '

i'blig "

/ pii /

'

four

" byo ! !

/ pyòl / pyántala )

'

a

prang"

libretg "

"

pleng "

'

pyantala : q "

stand over '

bamboo mat

Iphrénkál

'

phi

" phlik

Iphlik - pal

' flash '

phy

" phyaaq "

cy

" cyaa - pa "

/ cya : - pa /

' see '

( Pres )

chy

" chyong -pa"

Ichyon -pa /

' run '

(

kr

"

gren . "

Ikrèn /

' eldest '

kra "

/

a

necklace ' ( Pres )

' broom '

kral

Pres )

' head '

/klē /

' clan

Iklan - pa /

' play '

( Fres )

gyuug "

/ kyū : /

' sour '

( Pres )

khr

khrangq - pa

/khrán -pa )

' burn '

( Pres )

khi

khlaa - pal

Ikhla

pal

' throw

away

khya - pa "

/khya - pal

' glue '

( Pres )

"

gleg

"

' klang - pa ' "

kny

"

'

' butterfly '

" phrengkaq

phá:/

fire

!

par

- pa "

(

place )

:-

name ' .

!

(

Pres

)

- 241

sy

"

sya -pa "

2

.

-

Isya - pal

' dance '

( Pres )

Variation

Seven sets of environments have been identified as responsible for variation in obstruants . They are as follows : ( Tone in phonetic examples is omitted in sec 3 segmentals . tions dealing with The phonetic pitch of monosyllables in isolation is of little significance MOI Пс for our purposes in this section . ) 1

.

word -

In

.

.

or unstressed syllable

a

high

b

. In

a

low

c

. Before

a

d

.

the glide ( _y )

.

Tor or

Before

mid

syllable

front vowel

(

e

v )

(

v )

,

or

) , (_ v )

( )

(

, ( i)

word - medial position .

In

. Following

a

breathy

f .

Following

a

clear vowel

(

.

Following

a

clear vowel

and

e

g

3

position

In

a

2

initial

. In word h

.

All

vowel ( vħ _ ) v

)

lr ,

l ,

m

,

n

ini

final position instances

.

Variants for aspirated stops are parallel to those for unaspirated stops , thus are not listed separately . In the following chart the columns are labeled according to the environments listed above , the rows are labeled according to segment - type . The cells contain variants of the segment . types identified in the various environments . Numbers in (P D the cells refer to the examples that follow . ments

( d ) intersects with environ therefore is charted below on the

Note that environment ( a )

and

vertical axis

( b )

.

and

- 242

-

а

P"

/p /

1

.[ p ]

2

. [b

" t"

/t/

7

. [ t ].

8

. [a ]

" I"

/ț/

12

.[ ț]

13

.[a ]

" C"

1c /

14

.

"

/k/

21 . [ k

i s"

/s /

27

"

"

K

[

ts

]

15

.

22 .

]

.[s ]

28

[

]

dz

]

16

. [ ts ] , [ dz

] 17 . [ tš] , [ dž ]

[g]

.[s ]

29 . [ š ]

f

/

3

.

[

b

]

4

. [

9

.[t ]

p

]

‫ال‬

"

/ t/

" C"

1c ,

18 . [ dz ]

19 . [ ts / dz

"X"

/k /

23. [ g ]

24

" s "

/

.[k ]

/

voiceless

[p ]

bilabial

Ipind voiced

]

bilabial

/ pū /

]

stop "

field

'

separate '

'

[

)

àlpa

balpa balba

bilabial

voiceless unreleased /

Itup

țup

Pres )

enemy

'

ipi

[

(

stop

fluctuation with frog

stop thread

'

bilabial

lax voiceless bilabial stop lax voiced bilabial stop

/p

]

( pehba ]

09

lipid lípí

]

'

p

[

s

'

lax voiceless

b

p

/

[

.

5

[

' blue '

'

. [p ]

.

]

voiced bilabial stop

[b ]

/

6

31 .

s

[ bu ]

/ peh - pal 4

.

in

.

30

'

3

. [ ki ]

26

'

b

. [ te ]

.[ķ/ş ]

]

[

11

25

[

pl ]

]

]

[

.

[

2

/ dz

[

stop

pin

[

ts

iși

.

.[a ]

20 . [

]

.

6

]]

1

s

10

/

p

]

it

/

'

" p "

- 243 -

7

voiceless apico - dental stop

. [ț]

Ita : / 8

.

[

d

voiced apico - dental stop

]

Ità / 9

.

lax voiceless

[ț ]

' an upright post ' [ da : ] apico - dental stop

Io Tā - ta - pa /

10 . [

d

voiced

]

11 . [ tº ]

a

[

[ țup

ts ]

[ dz ]

. [ ts ]

[

[ dz ]

tš ]

voiceless



]

' run away '

(

Pres )

tsan

' elder brother ' s

]

wife !

' son '

dental affricate [

tsi ]

' ten '

voiced dental affricate voiceless

alveolar [

grooved

tšY am

[

a

žYa - pa

affricate 'urine '

]

affricate

grooved

voiced alveolar

Icyà - pal

' hookah plug '

[ dziř ]

/ cyám / [

stop

[dza ]

/ jir / [

thread '

affricate

voiced alveolar

Icil

17 .

'

voiceless alveolar affricate

Ical 16

')

[ ạo : pa ]

Ican , 15 .

' bone '

[ pote ]

voiced apico - alveolar

]

)

voiceless apico - dental stop with fricative release

/ dò : - pa/ 14 .

Pres

voiceless apico - alveolar stop

[ ț ]

[

(

' circle '

[rildo ]

/ țup / 13 .

allowed '

fricative

apico - dental

/pot / .

' not

[ ațapa )

Trilto !

12

' what '

[ ta : ]

)

' good '

( Pres )

-

18 .

[

dz

inē ' (

This example

The 19 .

n

-

li / .

[

ts / dz

]

ci /

[ nehn -

the

)

This example [

ts

/ dz

]

[

[

k

[

g

[

g

affricate

)

fluctuation with

in

tuntsa / tundza

[ket

.

' short

)

!

' voice

]

!

voiced velar stop

]

voiced

]

[

gi

:

' one '

]

velar stop

/ sahku / 24

the

,

voiceless velar stop

]

/ ki : / 23 .

( Past )

voicing

in

voiceless alveolar affricate [

'

following front vowel .

by the

voiced alveolar

/ két , 22 .

na - ţselna - dze ] ' cover

illustrates fluctuation

/ tuncal 21 .

breathy vowels . by the fol

voiced alveolar affricate in fluctuation with voiceless alveolar affricate

fronting is conditioned 20 .

' cover '

f c affricate is conditioned

Ina - cel (

dzi ]

illustrates voicing after

fronting of

lowing

affricate

voiced alveolar

]

-

244

' dirty '

[ sahgu ]

(

of water

lenis voiceless velar stop

. [k ]

' dog ' [naki ] lenis voiceless velar stop in fluctuation with lenis voiced velar stop .

Inaki/ 25 .

[k /

g

)

/ sal -kel 26

. [ kl ]

unreleased Icek

27 .

[

s

]

/

[

s

]

open

'

voiceless velar stop [

tsek '

'

]

a

little

'

voiceless alveolar fricative / sa /

28 .

'may I

[ sal -ke / sal - ge ]

voiceless

Isinsor /

' tooth ,

[ sa ] alveolar fricative [

sinsot

]

' bee '

ground '

)

- 245 -

29 .

[

8

alveolar grooved fricative

voiceless

]

Isyal 30

.

[

s

.

Sonants

system

in

' red clay '

alveolar fricative

voiceless

[ s ]

1

'ineat '

]

[ gansa ]

/

/ nyis /

B

šYa

voiceless alveolar fricative

]

Ikānsā 31 .

[

[

ñ

Yis ]

' seven '

Tamang

contrast

.

Tamang may be

of sonants

described

as having the

following

.

m

- - - -- - -

n

1

entailing the following initial position

-

. --

system

of clusters

in

syllable

ml mr

diagrams above are given in phonemic transcrip x differs only in that in tion . The orthography for texts ng , on the line " wh " , " rhi is written is written " " and / h / The

found

Evidence in

for contrast among the nasal consonants is such as the following :

examples

"

ama "

"

anaq

/ ama / "

/

ánál

' mother ' ' elder

sister '

.

-

"

'nyeh

!"

" meng " " nyah "

' - pa "

naq - pa "

" ngah ! " "

maah

! !!

Inail

found

examples such

"

' cow '

Inyah - pa /

' cry out '

Ina - pa )

' pain '

( Pres )

i nahi

'a

'

/ mà chỉ

' sister ' s husband '

/ nal

' nose '

liquids

among

the following :

drum

and

( Pres )

glides is

' god '

ra "

/ ral

' goat '

/ wa /

' fish trap '

lya : - pa )

' fade '

lya : 1

'hand '

/ wha - pal

' dig '

"

yaa ' - pa "

- pa "

(

Pres )

( Pres )

"

wha

"

reeq - pa "

Tré : - pal

' roost '

( Pres )

"

rheeq - pa "

Irhé : - pal

' raise '

(

The

following

nasals occur

mr

/mēh /

!

/ la /

" yaa "

my

' milk

la "

liwa "

as

-

/ nyè hi

for contrast

Evidence in

246

are examples

Pres )

of clusters in which

:

"

myar - pa "

/ myar - pal

' flood '

"

mlanga "

/ mlán /

' black '

"

mla - ken

/mla - ken /

' cooked rice '

" mraangq "

Imran /

' garden '

" mring "

/ mrin /

' wife '

2

"

(

Pres

. Variation

Relatively

little

variation has

been observed in

)

- 247

Tamang nasals , liquids and norm has been observed only

-

glides

. Deviation from the for / r / , / n / / w / . There are six environments that condition variation . We give below only those non - norm variants that have been ob = served . Numbers in the cells refer to the following

examples . .

Word

-

b

.

Word

-

c

. Word - Medial

d

.

e

. Word -

f.

Word

/r /

l.

" n "

/n /

3

" y"

/y /

.

[ f ]

2

.

.

ñ

]

Initial

[ f ] [

/

s

/

[

ñ

]

intervocalic

and

Final

n

]

voiced

[ r ]

[

.

It / ,

before

2

.[

lel

before /y /

ř ] 4

. [

n

]

1

.

3

. [n ]

5 6

c

3

-

Medial

Before the glide

" r "

1

Initial

a

alveolar

.

[

y

/ w / wy

. [n

]

]

trilled liquid ' goat '

/ ral

[

/mār /

[mał ]

voiced alveolar

flapped

/ prā : /

[ břa : ]

'

lārē /

[ aře ]

' no '

ra ]

' gold

liquid flour !

voiced dental nasal

Inal

[ na ]

' nose '

| sun /

[ sun ]

' uncooked

lántár /

[

an

tar ]

'middle '

rice '

-

4

.

[

n

/ gàntu /

[ ganțu ]

' dried

Ipin

[ pino ]

' give ! '

-o /

[

gansa

'red clay '

]

w

' milk

[ hefj

voiced alveo - palatal glide

. [y ]

voiced

]

voiced

[ wy ]

lyén

bilabial glide and bilabial glide with

!

fluctuation with

in

alveo - palatal release

/

[ yen /wen / wyen ]

'cloth '

/ yet /

[ yet /wet /wyet ]

' eagle '

Norms are described for phonemes

observed variant in the following

.

!

ñ

[

c

raddish

. [ñ ] voiced palatal glide / nyèh /

6

-

voiced alveolar nasal

]

kānsāl 5

248

with

only one

:

bilabial nasal

/m/

[m ]

voiced

in

[

n

]

voiced dorso velar nasal

/ 17

[

1

]

voiced alveolar lateral

Irhi

[

rh ]

Voiced aspirated alveolar vibrant

I wh /

[ wh ]

Iw /

[w ]

bilabial glide voiced unaspirated bilabial glide voiced aspirated

Distribution of consonants

in

Tamang

son ne in syllable initial posi consonants occur alone O Labial and velar stops and / m / occur as the first member of syllable - initial CC - clusters , the second member of which may be / 1 / , / r / or / y / . So far no CCC - clusters have been found within the syllable .

tion

.

All

In

syllable - final position

we have , / l/ and / r / .

found

/p / ,

/

t

/ ,

Syllable - final /k / s n O position aspirates , thus excludes affricates , retroflex stops and glides . It also excludes clusters . /,

/ , /m/ , /

/ ,

/n/ ,

-

249

-

following chart summarizes the syllable - initial CC - clusters found to occur in Tamang . Numbers in the cells refer to the examples that follow . The

first

second member

member

/

r

/

Ip / 1ph / /

k

.

/

/ kh / /

m

11

/

plaa - pa ''

/ pla : - pal

' slip '

"

prooq

/ pró : /

'

.

"

byoriy

/ pyòl

'a

4

.

"

phlik

Iphlik - pa /

' flash '

5

.

"

phrengkaq

Tphrénká /

' a necklace '

6

.

" phyang - pa

/ phyan - pal

' fly '

7

.

"

klang - pa "

Iklan - pal

'play '

8

. " kring - pa "

/krin - pa /

' cry

9

. ' kyung --pa "

/ kyun - pal

"

/khla :- pal

' throw

away '

Ikhrán - pal

'burn '

( Pres )

/ khyan /

' platform

/ mlán /

' black '

/ mrin /

' wife '

/ myúhr /

"

1

.

2

.

3

10

.

11 . 12

- pa " "

ikhlaa - pa ' "

.

13 .

"

"

khrang

q

khyang

"

mlang ? "

14

. imring "

15

.

myuhrq "

- pa

"

(

light

Pres )

meat '

bamboo

mati

( Pres )

( Pres ) ( Pres )

out

'

( Pres )

lemon '

overflow '

( Fres )

-

-

250

following are examples of the consonants found far in syllable - final position . The

so

Tupis

Itup

/

' thread '

"

netqi

Inét

/

'

"

tak

Itak

/

' seventh

"

/bàstòl

' animal '

syim

Išim /

' cool '

''sun '

Isun /

' unhusked rice '

kang

/kan /

' foot '

yahl ' '

/ yahl /

'

/ bārkū /

' woman '

/ tor /

' up '

"

"

"

' barkug

"

tor " .

year '

basto ' '!

"

D

full '

Vowels 1

in

s

garment '

Tamang

. Contrast

Tamang may be

system

sunlight '

described

having the following

as

of contrasting vowels

:

3 0

-

a

a

For each quality there long vowel : i

:

e :

(

-

-

'

is

a

short vowel

(

above

)

and

u :

0 :

For each quality and length there are clear vowels above ) and breathy vowels :

- 251 -

Lan

uh

ahok i :h . . . .

- u :h

:

coin

'aa :hh found

In

very

a

cases nasal vowels have also been

few

: ē

All

clusters

disyllabic

. There is thus no syllable . Diagrams above are given in phonemic transcription . Text or thography differs from the phonemic transcription in that long vowels are written as a geminate cluster

vowel

are

clustering of vowels within

10

:

the

1

=

"

line

oo

"

leh

and / =

the in

' eh " .

,

the

for breathiness is written Nasal lè l = i' e ; " .

on

Evidence for contrast in the system of vowels may in examples like the following :

be found a

. Vowel quality me !!

/me /

' fire '

'mee "

/ me : /

' tail '

/ mich /

' man '

"

"

"

miih

"

'miiq "

/mí: /

' eye '

"

maah

/ mà : h /

' sister ' s husband '

"

phoq ''

Iphol

' stomach '

"

phaq

phá !

' husband '

"

phiiq "

! !

! !!

"

phí

:/

' bark '

-

richo "

chiq "

2012

-

Ichol

' rope '

Ichí,

' grass , fat '

"

kiqit

/ ki /

' water '

"

kuq "

/ ku /

' vegetable

" laq"

/ lál

'month '

leq "

Ilél

' tongue '

la

/

la /

' god '

"

le "

/

le /

lear of wheat '

"

liiqi

/

"

lah

llah /

"

! !

rii pa -

"

/

lí : / ri :

-

!

' face ' ' mountain '

pal

' scratch '

(

Pres )

"

raa - pa "

/ ra : - pa /

' weave '

"

syee - pa "

Iše : - pal

' know '

( Pres )

syoo - pa ''

Išo

' beg '

( Pres )

"

rup - pa ''

/ rup - pal

' vomit '

"

rep - pa "

/ rep - pal

' grind spices '

ru "

/ ru /

' horn '

ra "

/

ra /

' goat '

: - pal

(

Pres

( Pres )

naah

! "

Inà : h /

'pus '

! 'nuuh

' il

Inù : h /

' large wasp '

"

pủ /

' soul '

/ pả : /

' leaf '

''na ''

Ina /

'nose '

"

no "

Inol

' also '

"

khoq "

/ khól

' pig

"

khuq "

/

'puu ' ! "

paa "

7

khu /

)

pen ,

trip

( Fres )

!

' cooked vegetable '

-

"

doo

" duu

b

:3

-

' - pa "

/ tò : - pa /

' - pai'

/

tủ : - pa /

' arriver

( l'res )

tired '

' be

(

Pres )

. Length "

gig "

ikil

'

"

giig "

/

ki : /

Tone '

.

thatch '

" me !!

/me/

'

fire '

' mee "

/ me : /

"

tail '

isa !

/ sa /

' tooth ,

soil '

"

saaq"

Isá : /

' breath '

"

taa - pa"

/ ta : - pa /

' hold hand out '

"

ta - pa ''

Ita - pal

' be '

"

goo

/ kö- pa /

' remove

"

gol - pa "

/ ko -pal

' understand '

"

bug "

/ pū /

'

field

/ pū : /

'

labored breathing '

' - pa '

" buug

c

2

''

(

Fres

pot '

lah '

/ lah /

"

'' laahg "

/ la :h /

crust from ( Pres ) (

Pres )

'

mountain '

' a flower '

"

laq "

/

"

la

lla /

' god '

"

lál

month '

"

miiq "

/mi : /

' eye '

"

miih

/ mi : h /

' man '

! !!

'

/

'

forehead '

:/

"

tease

" ngoh "

Inoh

"

ngoog

inā

"

eeg

"

"

lē : /

' you '

Fres

)

Breathiness "

(

,

provide '

)

-

"

eeh ' '

lè : hi

' eighth

"

me "

/me /

'

fire '

/ mēh /

'

cow

" meha

d

-

254

''

yeur

'

"

kuuq - pa "

/ kú : - pal

' be cloudy

"

kuuha - pa "

/ kú : h - pal

' bend '

!

Nasalization

.

Nasalized vowels are very rare . Only three in stances of nasalization not attributable to adjacent nasal consonants have been recorded . " "

Theewa ; : q "

I thé:wă /

' green '

blee ; sying ' "

/ plề :šin /

'

/ pě : pé /

la fruit !

'' pee ; peq " 2

flower '

a

. Variation

little variation has been observed in vowels . Three environments are identified as relevant to vowel variation . Relatively

Tamang

closed syllables

a

.

b

. closed syllables of the where

ab initial

C

i"

" a"

/

.

[

1

]

1

.

[

1

variants

3

are

r

/

is optional elsewhere

]

/ a/

These 1

i/

: / Cy _ 1 / I Cy

-

"

form

.[

æ

]

2

.[i ]

4

.[a ]

illustrated

voiced high open

front

Itim /

[ dim

/ min /

[ min ]

]

in

the

unrounded "

following : voçoid

house '

' name '

!

-

.

[

i

voiced high close front unrounded vocoid

]

Ici,

.

[ æ

[

Inyal - pal

[

/ myar - pa /

[ my

lšar / / yahi/ 4

.

[

voiced

]

a

ki ]

'water '

front

voiced low close

]

' ten '

[

k / il

3

' cool '

[ Syim ]

Išim / 2

-

255

[

ñ

l - pa ]

Yæ æ

ñ

šYær ]

central

unrounded

cud '

' chew

- pa )

[ yæ ħ1 ] low

vocoid

unrounded

' flood '

' sunlight ' vocoid

ill '

[ ya " m ]

' very

/ yap - pal

[ yap ' -pa ]

'winnow '

Išan /

[

syan

Iñàh" - pal

[

ây

aħ - ba ]

( Pres )

least '

/yàhm /

)

( Pres )

'

a

small

( Pres )

bell '

' cry out '

( Pres )

Norms are described below for vowels with only one observed variant in the following :

li

: /

[

i:

]

long high front unrounded

/ phi : / /

in

/

[

in

]

h

[

e

]

h

/

[

e

: ]

liħ - ba ]

[

mi

:h ]

short mid - front unrounded

/mel le : /

[

] long high front unrounded

/ mi

lel

' bark , rind '

short high front unrounded breathy pal - par

li :" / [ i :

[ phi : ]

clear vocoid

long mid Ime : /

unrounded

[ me

:

]

!

breathy vocoid ' man '

clear vocoid '

[ me ]

front

' heavy

vocoid

fire '

clear vocoid ' tail '

-

'

]

'

'



e

year

8th

ground

'

tooth

,

'

]

[

sa

central clear vocoid

low

/

'

'

]

'

'

vocoid

pour from one vessel Pres to another

clear vocoid

light

meal

forehead

'

noĥ

'

Inòh

]

short mid back rounded breathy vocoid

)

'

'' 'up'

up

'

proo

]

[

próol

clear vocoid

'

]

)

tor

[(

//

tor

'

]

rounded

long mid back rounded (

)

:

o

[

: /

10

/

tor itor

mid back

[

]

o

[

/

10

short

)

(

'

Pres

'

]

ba

-

h

lu :

'

cloth

(

ba ]

damp

rounded breathy

[

/pa

-

h

lù :

long high back

l'

-

[

/pa

-

muhk

vocoid

'

/ pū :/ / ]

h

:

u

[

: /

'

laboured breathing

[ bu : ]

)

mūhk

n

s

field

'

'

[

'

'

:

'

:h , /

/

]

]

clear vocoid

short high back rounded breathy lu

husband

long high back rounded clear vocoid

:

u

[

/ u : /

sister

rounded

back bu



ma

central breathy vocoid



low

short high

u

[

[

/

long

mountain

lan

'

lah

'

]

:h

a

[

/a :h /

Iul

central breathy vocoid

low

13

short

/

/

Tah

[

[ ah ]

'

,

,

: /

year what

eleventh

'

ta

[

Itá

]

)

a

breathy vocoid

long low central clear vocoid

:

[

/

cow

'

/ :h /

l' è [ a ]

la /

short

sal

la :

]

meh

long mid front unrounded

:

:

]

e

[

:

/

h

le

h

|

me

short mid front unrounded breathy vocoid

[ en ]

[

,

['

leh

-

256

-

lo : h

/

[o :h ]

long mid back

l ' ro :h / 3

.

257

-

rounded breathy

[ ' ro0 : fi ]

'

vocoid

friend '

Distribution

Since all VV clusters contain two syllabic peaks and are thus disyllabic , very little need be said at this point regarding the distribution of vowels within the

syllable

.

SEGMENTAL , SYNOPSIS 0

THAKALI

Maria Hari A

.

Obstruants

Thakali

in

I . Contrast

Thakali may be described as having the following of contrasting obstruants . ( The segments in the diagram are those of the phonemic transcription . The text orthography differs slightly in that It ! = " I " , Ith = " Th " and aspiration is written on the line " h " . ) . system

-

kh

S

h

.

chº

th

choosing

initial clusters

which

.

obstruants occur

of syllable

CP

system

-

of obstruants entails

Choosing this system

the following

in

tit

th



ph

k

khy

-



-

ochy

tr

pr

ky

kw sy

of obstruants

Ipil

"

:

in

"

pi

thiwa

Ithiwo

tiwa

Itiwol

Thuwa

Ithuwɔl

'

'

'

'

/

up

'

stay

'

'

to

'

/

wash

to

'

'

to spread

' -

'

limit

/ 258

throw

'

/

"

leaves to

Ichoy

-

choy

bark

tuwo

/'

"

"

"

"

Thuwall "

"

!" !

"

"

Iphi

"

phi

"

may

Evidence for contrast in the system be found the following examples

- 259 -

" "

coy "

Icoy

khiwa "

Ikhiwal

' to bind '

Ikiwal

' easy '

" kiwa "

' remains '

/

"

saang "

/ san /

' incense '

"

haang "

/han /

'

"

Isuwa "

l ' suwol

idense '

"

syuwa "

Isyuwol

' to line

"

su "

Isu /

' who '

"

sa "

Isol

' tooth , earth '

"

phewa "

Iphewol

' to

"

pewa "

/ pewol

' shy '

"

thewa "

"

tewa "

"

Thewa

"

Tewa

"

courtyard '

up '

out '

come

' to hear '

thewol

- fall

' to

Itewol

'

thewo /

' to tear up '

ţewol

' to climb

Thuwa ''

/ thuwɔ /

' to wash '

"

Tuwa

"

l ' fuwol

' pe to stay '

"

chuwa

"

VO Ichuwol

"

cuwa "

The

"

/

"

this analysis " pyung "

pl

" plaa "

pr

"

' preh "

"

truhma

examples

' bark

of

the

!

clusters posited

: / pyun /

plal "

!

' entertaining '

Ic uwol

following are

py

a

'man '

' vegetable '

l ' preh ,

' eight '

/ truhmo /

'next year '

by

-

ky

"

kyu

kw

"

•phy

-

260

/ kyu /

' water

kwa ahri "

/ kwahri /

' up there '

"

phyongpa "

/ phyonpol

' to

phl

"

phle ' la "

/ phie ' lol

' to

khy

"

khyaawa "

/khyawo /

' to throw

"

cyaangpa

/ cyanpol

' small '

chy

"

chy aarwa "

Ichyarwol

' sharp '

sy

"

sya "

Isyo /

' meat '

2

. Variation

"

"

of

Nine sets

environments have been

!

jump

'

open up

'

away

'

identified

as These environ ments form two intersecting subsets in that one set of conditions specifies the position of the obstruant in relation to general classes such as vowels , voiced conso nants and voiceless consonants , whereas the other set specifies position of the obstruant in terms of particu lar vowel qualities which follow . The variation produced by these two sets of environments is effected independently .

responsible

1

)

for variation

Environments

and

2 )

/_ a, u , o,

ah

,

uh

/_

i, e, y ,

ih

,

eh

'_

o

.

B

. Fronting

C

.

Backing

D

.

Labial Release

" Norm "

word -

/ kh / .

/

k

, #

initial

oh

/

/

0

,

,

oh

,

,

o

before

, oh ) .

Environment D Environment C is relevant for / k / Environments A and B are relevant for / kh / ,

applies only to

Ic / ,

.

influencing point of articulation

A

( Read :

obstruants

in

/ and

/k /.

o

/s / .

Environments affecting tenseness E

. Tense

variant :

(norm ) :

F

.

Tense

variant :

( norm )

,

laxness

word - initial

: word -

final

,

voicing

- 261 -

G

. Tense variant : (norm ) : contiguous consonant

H

. Voiced

variant : following voiced variant : following

I . Lenis

to

voiceless

consonant

vowel before voiced

consonant

Lenis variant : intervocalic

J .

first

The

set is represented

rows lettered

by

A

,

[

p

B

,

as appropriate , the second set by columns HD lettered E - F . In the cells are the broad phonetic values of the variants . Numbers in the cells refer to the examples that follow . A hyphen in a cell indicates that either 1 ) the segment does not occur in this environment ( see the statement on distribution of consonants below ) or that no deviation C

the norm

from

is conditioned "

Norm

by

/kh /A. B

.

C

.

1

. [ ph ]

-

3

. [ th ]

-

.

5

. [ tsh ]

6

.[kh ]

8

. [kh]

_ vdc

v

v

.

]

9

13

It /

.[p ]

. [p ]

17 . [ t ]

18

.

15/

22

Ic / A .

26 . [

.[ ț ]

30

. [ ts ]

/k / A .

34

. [k ]

14

. [b ]

15

.[p]

16

19

.[

20

.[8]

21 .

24

. [? ]

-

25.[ ț ]

. [ ts ]

28

. [ dz

]

-

29 . [ tsudz ]

31. [ ts ]

32

. [ az ]

-

33 .

37

. [ g ] 38 . [ k ]

-

[t ]

.

ts ]

.

23.[ ț ] 27

35

. [ khọ

.[ķhrx ] 11.[ kArx ]

-

12

B

v

7

. [ķh ]

/

vdc _

J

2

10

1p

I

th ]

4

[

.

Lenis

н

Initial Final Iph /

environment

Voiced

"

F

E

this

. [k ]

36

. [k ]

^

]

. [ prb ] [ t ]

[ ţšndz ]

kg]

39 . [

-

E

Is

F

B

. 40 . [ k ]

c

. 43 .

D

.

[

k

-

262

+1

.

[

I

нH

G

k

J

44 . [ ķ ]

]

kg ]

42 . [

]

45

. [ Ķng ] 2

46 . [kW ]

/ A . 47 . [ s ] B

. 48 .

[

5

]

/h /

49 . [ h ]

[p"]

voiceless aspirated , bilabial stop

[ ph ]

' stomach ' [ pho ] Voiceless aspirated bilabial stop in fluctuation with 1

.

Iphol

voiceless 2

.

l' aphi/

3

.

Ithoron !

voiceless 4

tsh

]

' aunt '

[ thoron ]

' first ' I' S

aspirated alveopalatal stop

. / thicom /

[ thițsɔm ]

.

[ tshon ]

' only '

voiceless aspirated alveolar affricate 5

[ kn ]

[ ? aphi/ ? api ]

voiceless aspirated alveo dental stop

[ th ]

[

bilabial fricative

Ichon /

' business

!

Voiceless aspirated velar stop 6

.

/kha /

' neck '

[kha ]

[ k " ]

voiceless aspirated velar stop in fluctuation with

[

voiceless lax velar fricative

x

]

7

[

h

]

.

/ tikhum /

[ ţikhum

/ țixum

]

'one

voiceless aspirated front velar stop 8

.

/khiwɔ /

[ khiwo ]

' bind '

pice

'

- 263 -

[{" ]

SS aspirated voiceless front velarr stop

[x ]

voiceless lax front velar fricative [ ? aķhi / ? axi ] ' ( I ) voiceless aspirated back velar stop 9

.

10 [ kn ]

/ akhi /

. /'khwol

'to

[ ķhowo ]

fluctuation with

in

't

don

come

bind '

'

Voiceless aspirated back velar stop in fluctuation with voiceless 11 .

l' akha/

voiceless 12 .

/ pel

13 .

/

voiced 14

.

bilabial [ [

bilabial

Is ompol lax

. / ' poplo !

fricative

[ ? aķho / ? axo]

op /

voiceless 15

lax back velar

' ( I)

don

't

Com

come

!

stop pe

' story '

]

' hot '

op ]

stop [ sɔmbɔ ]

' new '

bilabial fricative [ poplo ]

' shoe '

voiceless lax bilabial fricative in fluctuation with voiced bilabial fricative 16

. / ' lopu /

voiceless

[ lopu / lɔbu ]

' radish '

alveodental stop

17

.

/ tom /

18

. Icot cot /

' bear '

[ tom ]

[ ts

og

tsoţ ]

' frying

noise '

voiced alveodental stop 19

. /mehntol

[ mehndo ]

'

flower

'

voiceless lax alveodental stop lkutru /

20

.

21

. l' ohtel

[ kutřu ]

' hunch

[whohțe ]

iso

bucket '

much '

.

- 264

alveopalatal

voiceless 22

. l' țuan

[ ţuhn ]

' tree '

. / phoptel

[ phopțe( ]

'gray '

23

D

voiced alveopalatal

. /kontal

24

voiceless 25 . [

lax

stop

[ dz ]

alveopalatal

/noțil / com /

[ tsɔm ]

' bridge '

27 .

Ican /

[

tsan

' daughter

. /momcah /

voiced alveolar 29 . / pucul

]

[ dž ]

]

' thorn '

/ ' cyuku /

/mɔnce )

loil ' ' arrived '

[ tšyüku ] [ tofiktši ]

affricate ' by

[mɔndže ]

the medicine

'

Voiceless lax alveodental grooved affricate in fluctu ation with voiced alveodental grooved affricate 33

k

fluctuation with

in

affricate

voiced alveodental grooved 32 .

ts ]

affricate

[ putsu / pudzu ]

31. Itohkci / ]

'

D SS alveodental affricate voiceless

30 .

dz

- in - law

' grandmothers '

[ momdzañ ]

[ dz ]



)

voiced alveolar affricate

voiceless lax alveolar

[

' bone '

[noţi ]

[ ts ]

[

stop

.

28

[

' loom '

[ kWonda )

ts ] voiceless alveolar affricate 26

[

stop

. / sici /

voiceless 34 . 35

/ka

. Itohk /

[ ciţši / sidži ] IN

' died '

velar stop [ka ]

' blood '

[ tohk ]

' arrives '

'

'

]

to arrive

lax velar

'

'

fricative

fluctuation with

voiceless

OK

voiced

lax

'

'

!

,

'

'

'

]

'

'

'

in

'

]

'

o

[

fluctuation with

'

cat

'

]

song

incense

'

]

kWohny

'

bilabial release

'

/

nõķof nogot

[

/

thing

fricative

[

/

/'

kohy

/'

]

?

]

/

45 .

silly

'

fricative louse

'

]

ye

$

[

sye

/

/

48

grooved

'

san

]

[

/

.

san

voiceless alveopalatal .

[ 8 ]

/

voiceless alveodental fricative 47

with

uneasy

kwöhkte

lax back velar stop

nokor

.

agiwɔ

iscull

voiceless velar stop with 46

fluctuation

stop

[

!

/'

kwolktel

g

]

stop

koplo

voiced back velar

]

]

/ ]

[

akiwɔ

/

.

44 . . 43

koplo

voiceless

[ [

wisdom

front velar

.. kW

easy

front velar fricative

lakiwɔl

42

rihkpɔ

voiceless back velar

Y

well

in

Ya

/

rihkpol

kiwɔ

[

/

/

kiwo

?

. 41 . . 40

[

front velar stop

voiceless

.

hen

nāķa năga

Inakal

[

39

voiced velar fricative

'

arrive

?

(

)

you

did

'

toņķio

in

voiceless

stop

[

/

. ]

)

[

velar

]

)

lax

Itohklo

heaven

sangye

/

.

37

sankye

voiceless 38

k

k

tohkpo

voiced velar stop

60

[

kpol

[

.

"

36

Ito

- 265 -

-

courtyard

'

'

[

han

Thakali

in

Sonants

Contrast

Thakali .

sonants

may

The

be described as having the following system following chart is given in terms of the in

.

" R "

=

/

r

/

" L "

=

/

1

/

"

"

.

phonemic transcription The orthography used for text differs from the phonemic transcription that ini ng and

of the

symbols

:

.

1

B

.

.

hand

]

49

of

266

Voiceless glottal fricative

]

[

h

-

:

Nasals

Glides

W

:

Vibrants

:

:

Liquids

system

:

-

in

This system of segments entails the following syllable initial clusters which sonants occur mr

-

my



ml пу

:

'

'

'

son

law

'

-

-

in

'

'

'

'

forehead

'

'

pus

five

,

god

idol

'

month

'

'

'

,

/

garlic

'

,

/ / ,

13

13

/

/

"

inah

cloud

'

/

/

/

Inah

/

"

La

l'

" "

mah

ingaah

"

" "

Inoh

"

naah

non

"

maah

la

moh

"

" "

ngoh

"

inoh

"

moh

"

"

in

in

Evidence for contrast the system of continuant consonants may be found the following examples

of

- 267 -

' to get

"

rewall

/rewo /

"

Rewa

"

/

"

waah

"

/ wah /

' so '

"

yaah

"

lyahl

' yak

2

.

rewol

' to

up

'

grate '

bull '

Variation

Variation

sonants . occurs before

two

from the phonetic norm has been noted for only The velar nasal , i no has a fronted variant which , e , y , ih / and eh , and a variant with labial before 101 and loh / . The occurs word -

li

initial release which alveodental vibrant has a trilled variant that occurs in gem A inate / r / - clusters and utterance initially . Utterance final ly it is in free variation with the flapped variant . /m/

[

m

voiced

]

bilabial nasal [miku / migu ]

/miku /

In /

[

n

voiced alveodental nasal

]

l ' nokyu / in

[

[

n

n

]

n W

linah /

[ näh ]

voiced

front - velar nasal

]

[

1

]

/

1

/

[

]

r

/

[

]

five '

'milk '

[nwõħ ]

' forehead '

[ lahţu ]

' leftovers '

voiceless alveodental lateral

/ topcyol /

[nyeħ ]

'

voiced alveodental lateral

llahțul /

' dog '

voiced velar nasal with labial release Inch

11 /

[ nõkyu ]

voiced velar nasal

]

Inyehi [

' smoke '

( topţšyo )

'

let '

learn '

s

Voiced flapped alveodental vibrant

l' köru /

[kořu ]

' buckwheat '

l' prah /

[ přah ]

' flour

!

-

trilled

alveodental vibrant

Ipohrri /

[ pohř

/ resant

[ resan ]

the garden '

'nearby '

star

'

]

/

!

thick

'

]

runbo

to weep

'

'

[

/

ţawo

]

/

[

] ]

voiced palatal glide '

[

/

'

male yak

yah

]

w

[

/

tawo

l'

Distribution of consonants

syllable initial position consonants occur alone Subsets of the consonants are selected by other positions The relevant environments may be described as follows

of

a

syllable

-

initial CC cluster syllable initial CC cluster -

Second member

of

vowel

-

member

before

-

First

initial

a

-

Syllable

a

.

c

.

b

.

a

:

.

-

in

All

/ th / , /

Iph

Ich

,

ith

,

/

kh

-

.

.

in

.

d

Syllable final The following chart summarizes consonantal distribu tion terms of these environments

.

.

in

bilabial glide

voiced

[ y ]

/ y /

runpol

yah

C

'

]

Voiceless semitrilled alveodental fricative vibrant

r

[

/

r

/

Iwl

sɔñ

[

sor

Isori /

i

'

voiced

[ř ]

-

268

/

p

269

-

/

Ip /

It / /$1 /

c

/

17

/

k

/

19

Is / /h /

/m/ /

n

/

in / /

34

13 /

37

/r /

38

/r /

41

/

1

/w /

ly /

47.

.

in the cells above refer to the following for an account of the syllable - initial CC - clusters that occur , see section ( A ) above ' Obstruants in Thakali ' . One odd kind of example has been omitted from that account . The numbers

examples ;

"

phrya awa "

Iphryawo /

'

this

"

plyaawa "

Iplyawol

'

flat '

For the "

latter

plewa "

a

'

preferred alternate is Iplewol

' flat '

-

270

-

are the only syllable

preceding to date . The

-

initial

CCC - clusters

1

.

"

phaalo "

Iphalol

'

2

.

"

phran

Iphron /

' to unfasten '

3

.

"

thaa "

Ithal

' always '

4

.

'' Tha "

/ thol

' buzzard '

5

.

"

cho "

schol

"

chyaarwa "

"

'khoro "

festival '

' lake '

Icharwol

' sharp '

Ikhorol

' upwards ' to

7

.

8

.

"

khyaawa ''

Ikhyawo /

9

.

"

pi"

/

10

.

"

pro "

/ pro /

"

Lap "

/

12 .

"

tom

/ tom /

' bear '

13 .

"

truhma

Itruhmo /

' next year '

14

.

"

cat cat "

Icot cot /

' frying noise '

15

.

"

Tihm

/ țihm /

' wall

16

.

"

catti

17

.

"

18 .

"

19 .

" kum "

20 .

"

21 .

ll .

" "

:

"

pil * op

!

' leaves ' snack

!

' hot '

/

!

la

cyah

Icyph /

' tea '

/ kum /

'

kwa ahri "

/ kwahril

' up there

"

tohkci "

Itohkci

' arrived '

.

"

sici "

Isici /

' died '

23 .

"

sya "

Isyol

' meat

24 .

"

is "

/

25 .

" hak "

22

!

!

cipi " "

away

throw

Icoțți / Icipi /

"

four

'

/

eleven '

little '

urine

' !

!

is /

' exclamation

/ hok /

' condition '

of

anger

'

-

min

.

"

27 .

"

28 .

"

29 .

" naah "

26

"

Imlohwa mram

"

"

-

/min /

' name '

l 'mlohwo /

' to pierce '

/ mrom /

' wooden

Inah /

' pus '

/ pen /

' small frog '

chest '

.

"

pen

31 .

"

nga "

Inol

'I '

.

"

ngyewa "

Inyewol

' to

laugh '

33 .

"

phyong

/ phyon /

' to

jump

.

"

' lawa"

l'

' to

do

35 .

"

' plih

I ' plih ,

' four '

/ kyolwol

' to

30

32

34

"

"

"

36 . " kyalwa "

lowo

'

'

swim

'

37 .

"

La "

/ 10 /

' god , idol'

.

"

ru "

/ ru /

' horn '

39 .

"

phran

40 .

"

tar "

/ tör /

' white '

41 .

"

Rup "

/ rup /

' thread '

42 .

"

wih

'

43 .

"

l 'wih / / kwahril

' up there '

44 .

il ! khaw

likhow /

' come ! '

45 .

" yewa "

/ yewol

' to

Ichyol

38

kwaahri

"

chyo "

47 .

"

say

. Vowels 1

.

Iphron

"

"

.

46

D

271

"

"

/ soy /

"

in

/

' to unfasten '

leather bag '

return

'

' direction '

'price '

Thakali

Contrast

Thakali may be described as having the following of contrasting vowels :

system

: -

272

-

,

The segments used in the diagram above are those of the phonemic transcription . The text orthography differs from the phonemic transcription inOS that 101 = " a " , la ) = " aa " and breathiness is written on the line leh / = " eh " . line the syllable There are no vowel clusters within . within the

,

lehia

es

found

Evidence in

for contrast

examples

like

in

of vowels

the system

the following :

tiwo /

' to spread '

Itihwol

' to stammer

tewa "

Itewol

"

"

tehwa "

/ tehwol

' to drive

"

tuhwa "

/ tuhwol

'

"

towa "

/

"

tiwa "

"

tihwa

"

/ "

to

sorrow '

' to need '

' tohwa "

Itohwol

' to meet '

kawa "

/ kowol

' thick '

" kahwa "

/ kɔhwol

' to

" naa "

Inal

' take ! '

/nah /

' pus '

"ina "

Inol

'nose '

" nah "

/ noh /

lear

/ rol

' goat '

"

"

naah

"

ra "

"

l ' rah

"

"

/

' roh /

!

fall '

towɔ /

"

may

enjoy !

!

' knows '

away

'

be

-

-

273

"

ru "

"

ruh

"

rewa "

Trewo

"

rehwa "

Irehwol

' to

"

ro "

Irol

' reported speech '

"

roh "

"

sawa "

/ SOWO sowo /

' to complete '

"

sahwa "

I so hwo /

' good '

"

siwa "

Isiwo /

' to die '

"

sihwa "

Isihwo

"

' suwa "

l ' suwo /

' dense '

"

' sowa "

l ' sowo /

' hot '

"

sohwa

Isohwo

2

.

"

/ ru /

' horn '

Truh /

' stirs '

Iroh

"

' to get

/

,

'

/

'

grate '

friend '

' to

/

up

spend '

' to build

Variation

Four major sets of environments have been identified as conditioning variation in vowels . For the present dis cussion we ignore the effect of intonation on length . a

. Nasalization : Nasalized variants

nasal consonants Fronting

: non - word -

syllables not inl .

.

occur following

Fronted variants occur following / y / in and in closed final where the syllable - final consonant is

final syllables

c

. Raising : Raised by lwl .

d

.

Word / stress

variants occur

group

Rounded vowels :

in

syllables closed

initially Prelabialized variants

1

.

2

. Breathy vowels : Preaspirated variant

3

. Unrounded

clear vowels

:

.

Preglottalized variant

- 274 -

in the cells below refer to the examples

The numbers .

a

1

.[ i]

2

.[ i]

" in "

lih ,

4

. [ iħ ]

5

. [ in ]

'i ]

[

; ”

3

]

e

?

h

]

.[

6

.

]

]

Wo

h

.[

] ]

^

^



]

an

44 .[ 40 .[ 0

]

]

a

[

]

.

[

]

]

20

24 28

.[

32 36

]

6

.[

.[

]

.

]

]

]

]

æ

] öh

[

who

35

]

3

]

un

æ

.[ .[

[ 1 ]

whyh

27 23 . . 19

Wu

.[

] õħ

of

haw

31

]

15

]

]

] Ħ

] ūņ

ũ

6

.[

34

.[

[

.

9

. 12 . .[ 16 [ 'a [

?

.[

.[

26

.[

30

hen

ēħ

ă

]

.[ 11 8

.[ .[ .[

22

] ]

18

]

]

a

14

en e

.[

.[ 13 .[ 17

a

.[

/

"

loh

42 38

/ /

" a " ah "

107

37 33 29 25 21 41 .[ .[ .[ [. .[ .[ o u ° o 5ħ ĥ ] uñ ] ] ] ]

/u /

"

" oh "

lol

]

.[ 7

10

/

"

ah

/ /a / /

éh " aa

aah

"

"

"

uh

lub

" o "

"

" u "

"

leh

.

/ i/

lel

" 1"

" e"

c

b

[

" norm "

43 39

that follow

.

The environments listed above obviously intersect resultant matrix multiplication should be obvious to

high

not be given here

.

will

close front unrounded vocoid '

'

'

'

sun

'

]]

tiħni

two

'

nih

]

linih

'

breathy nasal

of

anger

!

'

breathy

/

]

[

exclamation

]

?

[

/

]

in

[

.

4

'

[

[ ſi ]

/

]

i

[

.

?

3

preglottalized

Itihnil 5

we

>

lis

.

to bind

nasalized

Ini

ih

hiwɔ

is

[ i]

.

2

khiwol

]

and

[

]

[

.

i

1

the reader

[

The

-

275

-

preaspirated breathy lihmu .

7

[

[ hifimu ]

Ik hewol

. [e ]

8

.

[

? e

]

.

[ķewo ]

' to patch !

[mē ]

'

fire

['e ]

'

exclamation

[ en ]

'

preglottalized /

le

10

is '

nasalized /me /

9

'

mid close front unrounded vocoid

]

e

/

: look here ! '

breathy

'

'(I)

[ ’ aķehwol ’ agefiwɔ ]

Ta kehwol

don

't

11 . [ ěñ ] breathy nasal

/mehntol 12

. [ hef ]

'

[

a

]

low

/

open

Cheħlowo

.

[

å

]

.

[

ra

]

18

.

' to

dress

up

[ kha ]

' neck '

[ mã ]

' down '

[ an ]

. [ an ]

[ phyæši ]

' shining '

preglottalized

lale / 17

]

[ æ ] fronted

phyasi / 16 .

'

nasalized /ma /

15

flower

front unrounded vocoid

Ikhal 14

'

preaspirated breathy Teh lowo

13 .

[měîndo ]

[

?

ale

]

' money '

breathy

rinh l' prah ,

[přah ]

' flour '

nasalized breathy / mah ,

[main ]

' son

-

in

-

law '

'

cut '

-

19

.

[

u

[

u

[

ü

25 . [ un ]

vocoid

[ khuyu ]

lold

[mū ]

' sky '

[ myüř ]

' plenty '

woman '

[ Wuř , Wuř ]

' yellow '

(tuhn ]

' tree ' O

nasalized breathy

[ ūñ ]

l 'nuhwol

' to sleep '

[ nūhwɔ ]

27 . [üħ ]

fronted breathy

28 . [ whuh

[ yüħ1 ] . 'village prelabialized preaspirated breathy

/ yu ” 1 /

]

lup 29 .

[

o

than

[

ö

than ]

rounded

'musty

'

smell

'

vocoid

( khořo ]

' upwards '

[ mõm ]

' grandmother

!

' boy adored

as god '

nasalized

[o ]

/ mom / 31 .

/ ] [why wp

mid close back

]

/khorol 30 .

'

breathy

l' tuhn / .

)

prelabialized

[ Wu ]

/ ur /

26

children ' s

speech

fronted

]

/ myur / 24 .

( in

nasalized

]

/ mu /

23 .

'meat

[hamy ]

high close back rounded

]

l' khuyul 22 .

' to stumble '

[pyæwo ]

pre aspirated breathy

-

h

[ " a" ]

l' anyl 21 .

.

[ æh ] fronted breathy

l' pyahwɔl 20 .

276

fronted

]

·

l' syopin /

[ šyöpin )

-

32 .

33 . [ on ]

' red '

[ toliktši ]

'

arrived

'

nasalized breathy

34

/ moh /

.

fronted breathy

[ öh ]

. [ whon

]

[

5

low

lax

[whohțe ] open

o ^

howɔ

Oa vocoid

' to come '

]

' nose '

fronted

[a ]

[

[

[ nõ ]

Isyoppol 40 .

back rounded

' so much '

nasalized

]

/ no / 39 .

' teapot '

labialized preaspirated breathy

l' khowol .

[ tšyöſpin ]

/

l' ohtel [o]

' cloud '

[ mõ ħ ]

Icyohpin

38

[ Wolɔ ]

breathy

tohkci /

36

-

prelabialized

[ Wo ]

lolol

35

277

]

[ ſya p

.o ]

' to catch up '

raised

l 'khowl

[

khoaw

]

' come

!

'

'wait

!

'

41. [oñ ] breathy

l' pro ' nol 42

.

[öß ]

nasalized breathy [ mõħři ] .

/ mohri/ 43. [ af ]

.

Cofin

' beneath '

fronted breathy J ' ky onmuk /

44

[prohnõ ]

] raised

l'kowi

[ kyanmuk

]

' brown '

breathy [ kohaw ]

'

tweezers '

- 278

3

.

No

-

Distribution vowel

clusters

are

found within

the

syllable

.

Breathy vowels are restricted in their distribution in that they do not occur following aspirated stops Iph , th , ch , th , kh , or after the voiceless sonants ir , i , h ) . The low back vowels lo , gh / do not occur in

syllables that

end

in

Inl .

SEGMENTAL SYNOPSIS

CHEPANG

Ross A

.

Obstruants 1

.

in

C

. Caughley

Chepang

Contrast

Voicing and aspiration are two of the more basic oppositions that run throughout the consonantal system of Chepang . Aspiration is interpreted as a clustering structure for stops . Two

classes of obstruants

identified

may be

(

1)

those that cluster with aspiration and participate in the voiced voiceless opposition and ( ) those that do neither : Two of the latter type ( / h , and 13 / ) may very

II

well not be obstruants

.

( 1)

g un

(

II

)

( For the segments above , the text orthography and the phonemic transcription are identical except that / ? / !! ? " . ) consonants cluster to a considerable degree both

initially

and

finally within

initial clusters Syllable initial

in

CC -

the syllable . Syllable which stops occur are given below

clusters

:

g

bhadh
p '

there '

' good '

sun ]

[ îæ

vowel

and

' for giving birth '

: pla ]

ĩa .mu ]

/

without fronting

In

?

/ " kyápla /

But in some

at

' no '

]

?

disappeared

[ gyek

is not traced ' hit

']

( him )

to

'

it

appears to front / y / patterns as a consonant , quality , vowels but the resultant vowel is strongly syllable by by fluenced tone : (or closure ? )

When

/ " yák /

[ y£

/ " yaku /

[ yaku )

>k

'

]

/y /

low

in

' yak ' ' brother

-

in

-

law '

-

-

370

In most cases / w / both labializes and backs a following low vowel . [ wy

I ' lwa /

[

/ " kwáp /

[ kWo

l ' khwani /

[ kWoni ]

' having brought '

I ' lhwa /

[ 12 .

' hunger '

l' swal

a

consonant

l 'idwàp /

' to

12: ]

In a few cases / w / backs the preceding consonant .

As

. pl ]

the preceding

pl ]

.

'

liver '

' digging '

:) low

a

'

go

vowel but does not labialize

[ sv ]

' eat '

I ' lwa /

[ 10 ]

' take

I ' lhwa /

[

10 ]

' weave '

a consonant , / w / backs a low preceding consonant as well .

it ! '

vowel , sometimes

/ " wàtu /

[ wotu ]

' is ? '

l ' lawa /

[ ņowa ]

iservant '

rounding

vowels is in general easy to determine from transcription , the variants of lal being long lal being short . The following , however , is exception to this :

Length of low the phonemic and those of an

{ "

On

wya /

this analysis , sets

readable .

[ wa

?

lis '

]

such as

the following are not easily

l ' nyál

[ña : ]

' yoke '

Ilnyá /

[ ne : ]

' borrow

/ " nyà ,

[ ña : ]

' joke '

/ ' gyàmu /

[

l ' kyàni /

[ķYæ•ại ]

' having done '

/ " gyàp /

[ gyε ' p ' ]

'back side '

l ' gyà /

[ gY€ ? ]

' eight '

gya . mu ]

it ! '

' strong '

-

371

-

Considerations such as these led Schoettelndreyer to re vise Gordon ' s analysis , tentatively eliminating Co - vowels This move led to and adding two low vowels , 1 æ , and 101 . the system presented in the ' Sherpa given below . The primary advantage

Phonemic

Synopsis '

O was of this revision con of labialization

rendered palatalization and easily readable from the phonemic transcription . sonants In anticipation of such a move , Gordon had written objections to it in his Phonemic Summary ( 1959 : 38 , 39 ) . his

that

it

second alternative would be to set

" A

eight - vowel

six

with

system

proposed here

*

/

æ

,

and

*

/ 01

in

up

an

addition away with

This would do Co - vowel clusters as in [ wa ? ] / " wyà , ' is ' and These would be phonem [ êopla ] / " nywàplal ' to buy ' . respectively in an , opla ny , and * / " icized as * / " wèè eight - vowel system .

to

the

"

.

This solution would be

for the following reasons a

.

b

.

c

.

difficult

-

to sustain

:

imbalance would be created in that la would An never occur following / y / , though * / æ / frequently / æ / and That ly / should co - occur with would . Tal but not with lal would be unaccountable . A

further imbalance would be created

of the

in

that

/w /

vowels but inexplicably fail to occur with the remaining two low vowels in an eight - vowel system .

would

with

co - occur

two

low

oi ] in [ ño : pla ] is left unexplained particularly since [ so ] , interpreted as sòl in an eight - vowel system , is too short by contrast . The

length of

[

,

reverse should obtain : [ so ] should be longer than [ ño . p ' ] even allowing for the imperative in tonation of [ so ] . The

d

.

In terms of economy , the eight - vowel system adds two phonemes but does not subtract / y / or / w / . The six - vowel system subtracts two phonemes from the inventory and adequately accounts for contrasts occurring at the syllable nucleus . "

all

and amplification of these objections Schoettelndreyer to seek a third al ternative . On checking through the material with informants , certain differences in hearing between Gordon and Schoetteln dreyer emerged , and certain facts about vowel harmony be came clear which led to the six - vowel system without co in

The

a

re - iteration

letter

prompted

vowels described below

.

- 372 -

to

The move

a

from an system

six - vowel

eight - vowel system without Co - vowels without co - vowels may in general be

characterized as re - assignment of the variants of læl and 101 to le , and 10 , respectively with the exception of [ 0 ] which is re - assigned to lal . The resultant system has the

following 1

advantages

over the earlier

. The elimination a

.

of partial

overlap .

Partial overlap of / yal { "

wyn /

[ wæ

/ " mengiwi /

?

systems .

and

le ,

in

[

æ

]

:

' is '

]

[mængywi ]

' ( he ) won ' t

come

'

Schoettelndreyer hears the second of these two differently from Gordon . The new analysis has /

"

we /

[ wæ

/

"

mengiwi /

[ meng

?

' is '

]

'wi

' (he ) won ' t

]

come

the previous analysis , the [ æ ] in [ wa ? ] should have been long . On this analysis , there is no anomaly in the shortness of [ æ ] here , since it is no longer assigned to the inherently long vowel Ial . On

b

.

Partial

overlap

of lal

l ' sayi /

[

l ' nyal

[ ña ]

and

sai ]

lal '(I

in

[

am

)

a

]

:

eating '

' fish !

analyses agree that in certain cases conditions shortness in a preceding vowel , but Schoettelndreyer hears the second of these two differently : Both | -

7 c

yil

' nya /

' fish

[na ]

. Partial overlap of l ' nyál

[

16 :

In

and

Inyl in rrow ' borrow

]

•p '

,

ny wáp /

[

/"

nel

[ñe ]

"

let '

ni ]

"

two '

[

]

[ ]:

( it ) '

' mad '

{"

/ " ní /

!

s

count '

'

:

-

-

373

rule operative here is that in is front vowels and [ n ] before back vowels The

is

[

]

ñ

to be

before back vowels . exception :

[

ñ

before Iny /

following seems

]

[ nækyok

'

' pot ,

]

recent analysis assigns

more

The

]

ñ

an

/ " nékyok /

of

The

[

.

to iny /

could very

allophone

views Iny , as

all

vessel '

instances

phoneme and well be written / ñ / . / n / has only the [ n ] , and its closely related variants . . and

a

Consequently , in has a defective distribution in that it fails to occur before front vowels .

2

.

elimination

The a

.

lyal

has two contrasting phonetic realizations in high tone open syllables on the old analysis :

l ' nyál

[ ña . ]

' yoke '

l ' nya ,

[ ne : ]

' borrow

latest analysis differs as follows

The

l'nyel

b

.

lyal

tone l'

has

gyamu /

The new

I ' kyèni / .

two

it ! '

:

it ! '

' borrow

[ ne : ]

open

Ikyani /

c

of unreadable pairs :

contrasting realizations in on the old analysis :

low

syllables

gya .mu ]

' strong '

[ ķYæ•ņi )

'having

[

analysis differs

from

[ kyæ•ņi ]

done

'

the old by having ' having done

!

Iyal

has two realizations in low tone syllables that are apparently not explained by the differ ence between closed and open syllables . / " gyàp /

[ gyε

/ " gyà ,

[ gye

p

?

]

]

' back side ' ' eight '

analysis differs in phonetic description 2 interpretation at this point : well as phonemic

The new

as as /

"

W

gyàp /

/ " ge /

[ gYap ' ]

'back

[ gÝ€ ? ] / [ 8€ ? ]

' eight '

side '

-

3

.

A

In

374

-

VOW re smo arer picture clearer of vowel harmony : statements the vowel of the negative prefix is

copied from the first vowel of the stem analysis has the following : [mikiwi ]

' (he )

/ " mé - se - wi /

[ mesewi ]

' (he )

I ' mé - rhe /

[merc. ]

'

(

/ "mó - no /

[mono

'

let ' not

I ' mu -

[ mutsu ]

cu

/ Co -

:

]

" (

vowels in the

this relationship E

mere.

I ' mé - rhya /

[

I 'mé - ny al

[meñe . ]

following is

Sherpa vowels .

a

]

synopsis

I

)

don

'

t

s

I

)

don

'

t

The new

not

do

not

kill '

burn '

count ' sow

earlier analysis in

'

'

certain cases

tends :

'(I)

don

' t burn '

'(I)

don

't

borrow

'

of the latest analysis of

in Sherpa

Vowels 1

will will

I 'mi - ki -wi/

The use of to obscure

The

.

.

Contrast

Sherpa may be described system of contrasting vowels

vowels

have For

All

as having the following :

nasal counterparts 2

Di

10

lui

10

:

-

-

375

characters used above are those of the phonemic

The

transcription

differ

those used in text aa " , lal = " a " . Nasality of a vowel in text orthography is indicated Choosing this system by " N " following the vowel . orthography

of

vowels .

syllable

.

as

They

follows :

entails

no

/

a

from

/

=

"

clustering of

Evidence for contrast within

may be seen " "

in examples

/

' to

separate

"

l'

li

"

I '

lè /

"

laa "

"

la "

l ' la / /

"



/

'

hili '

"

/ ' 101

' year '

"

' luq "

/ " lú /

' SSsong '

"

mi "

/ " mi/

'man '

"

ime "

/ " me /

'

/ma - /

' not '

-

"

grain '

' month '

10

maa

'

' year !

"

"

:

attract

li

the

the system of vowels

like the following ' to

I'

le

within

li /

lig "

"

vowels

fire '

that the negative prefix assimilates to the tone and intonational class of the stem to which it is affixed . ) ( Note

" maq "

I ' ma /

' wound '

" moq "

I ' m6 /

' to plough '

"

' siq "

,"

sí /

'who '

"

'seq "

/"

sél

'

saa

l ' sa /

' copper

/ " sál

'

' tame '

"

"

"

saq

"

soq "

l ' sól

"

isuq "

/

"

"

su /

kill ' tooth '

'who '

!

-

-

376

"

ki

"

keq "

l ' ké /

' let ' s dig '

"

kaaq "

I ' ka /

' stick '

"

'kaq "

/

kál

' break

"

koq

"

I ' kol

' dig ! '

"

kuq "

l ' kú /

' thief '

I'

"

"

ki /

'

let '

s

do '

it ! '

"

' sima "

/

"

sema "

l ' sém /

' heart '

/ " sám /

' bamboo

I '

la kind of

"

samo"

"

saamq "

"

' hemp '

sím /

s ám

/

-

fence '

" soma "

I ' som /

' partneri

"

Sumq "

l ' súm /

' three '

2

. Variation

for

bark '

There are two kinds of environments responsible the deviation of vowels from the phonetic norm :

environments productive of parallel variation a cross phonemes and 2 . environments in which only a few or perhaps only one phoneme manifests deviation Except for ( A ) and ( c ) the following from the norm . environments produce parallel variants in most vowels 1

.

I.

Length A B O C

II . III

:

final : two extra morae of length . final : one extra mora . Before lyi , and following low , disyllabic stem final : shortened .

. Phrase .

.

Monosyllabic word

Tense - Lax D

.

Variants

.

In

Variants

Tone

(

Tense

is

norm

)

( low tone ) words : lax variants

2

Nasalization E

. Before phonemic nasal vowels ,

nasalized

.

a

vowel

is

.

- 377

the following environments produce deviation the norm in only a few vowels .

of

Each from IV .

Centralization F

.

Following retroflex

Ichi tone

environment

V

-

consonants and in the 2

.

. Pre -Glide G

. Following velar

H

.

sonants

Following velars and bilabials

Lowering I. J . K

In

( intersecting

with

/ ny , ny , /wal in

rh / .

disyllabic

Before Be by / - pl .

.

word medially

,

length

imperative verbs tone l

after

bilabial con

consonants and

monosyllabic words

in open

)

intonation

,

.

and

2

verb stems suffixed

. Before Iwal in disyllabic nouns not suffixed by 1 - pl .

and verb

stems

VII . Miscellaneous L

VIII .

.

M

.

N

.

Following lyl , but not inyl . Before nasal consonants . In open stressed syllables of disyllabic words tone l , intonation 2 . bo

Glottal 0

.

Stop

( optional )

Monosyllabic non - nouns of the form consonant 3 lel with final stress or with high tone have

optional final glottal stop and to [ æ ] following

vowel quality elsewhere .

( So we have a part of speech explain the following pair :

a

lw

lowering , and to

distinction

+

of [

e

an ]

to

fire '

/ " me /

[ me

:

]

'

/ " me /

[ me

?

]

' there

is not '

)

For one of three informants ( AD ) only in im perative monosyllabic verbs with high tone and / or final stress , we have consonant + or

Tel .

lil

.

-

"

li /

378

-

it out ! ' it ! '

/ " pé /

[ pe

^ ?

]

' throw

l ' pé / / "pí / l' cil

[ pe

^>

]

' open

^?

]

' undress

) ]

' put ! '

norm

[

pi

[

tsi

^

!

'

B

"

1

.[ i]

2

. [ i: ]

3

. [ i: ]

4

lel

. [i ]

6

.[

]

7

.

]

8

.

9

.[e]

10

la )

11

.[ a ]

12

. [a : ]

13

15

lal

.[a ]

.[à ]

16

.

[

1

]

20

.

10 /

21 .

[

0

]

Iul

26

lil

31 . [ 2

lel

32

e

22 .

. [u ]

.

[

27

[

[

:

e

:

o

]

.[ u : ]

33 .

]



35

[

y

.[e :

101

:

]

.[ a : ]

14

23 .

]

24

. [9 ]

25

. [0 ]

28 . [ u : ]

29

.[

30

. [X ]

[

o

:

[

ə

]

1

]

. [ Wo : lo :

]

34 . [ y£ / €

]

. [ Wolo

]

36

L

K

38 .

]

42 .

[

3

.

]

43 .

[

0

[

M

[

ə

]

æ

.

]

39 .

N

[

£

/€

]

44 .

in the charts

40 .

[

e ?

41 .

[

Ę

]

lal The numbers examples :

un

]

18

.

. [è ]

17 . [ . .

ele : ]

I 37

e

. [1 ]

>]

101

Tel

[

5

above refer

1

. / " kí ' ten /

[ķi " tren ]

2

. I ' láp - ki - wi /

[

ln ^pkiwi :

[

o

]

to the following

' dogs ' ]

//

' look '

(

/ /

phrase boundary

=

)

- 379 -

[ ti: ) [ dzi : ]

4

. / ' ji /

5

. /' ţiki /

6

. l ' pet /

[pe^tº ]

7

. l 'nyínnel

[

8

.

9

. / ' pèjal

[ pędza ]

10

. /" céyi /

[

11

. /'

'

'

' tomorrow

'

'

after

day

'

looking

'

' '

'

,

coming

!

' '

'

'

clothes

'

ladle

spoon

'

'

provide

just

'

'

incense

'

'

!

able

!

now

'

day

'

grain

'

cucumber

'

cook

?

you

)

did

(

'

'

leave

'

]

/ : ] //

mouth

'

]

]

]/

'] ]

]

]

lion

'

'] :] ] ^

.

^

]

:dy

[

[ [

'

having gone

'

]

i. ^

ķ

^

[

[ [

tseermu

pyri

'

) playing

am

'

)

aã ^

:

tại

.i

:po tº ] :

[ [ to ^

/

[ [[

/ /

/

'(I

'

: ] //

^

:

[

[ [ [

/yi -

/

tsqu

/

/

da

l' l' '

puri

ngui

tõñ1

) !

butter

moloķ

tshermu

/

ta

[

K

[ [

/

-

/

/' '

!

25

.

'

. /

molok

26

.

]

[

/

/

/

/ -

"

/

/'

/'

861

.

27

[

/ /

l' "

'

I

/"

.

I

'

.

19

.

20

.

.

23 . 22

tho

.

28

woo

wi

gu

cowu

.

galsıma

maza

wowa

it

' Ngyingne '

U

màja

(

marrow

m+ar

tonyi

29

tsẽ ^yi ]

]

kán

/

'

l'

.

.

18

tayi

. /"

16

. /

khá

' open

' year ' ' offspring '

]

L

17

24

le : ^

na

tak

tón

'writing '

nne : ] / /

^

kaan

lháyi

21

îi

[



I

.

/

mar

14

15

e

-

.

13

-

gal sima

l'

12

l ' l

' four !

ţiki ]

[

that '

'

'

. /" t - il

3

. / " phúri /

30

31 .

/"

ril sun / -

. /" chel 33 . l' pe / 32

-

[ pUũri

. ] :

' fly '

[61? lsun ]

' ( she ) rolled

[ t $ £€ ? ]

' great

,

[ pye : ^

pe :

geki

l ' gek

35

.

' ' ko /

36

.

l ' gòtal

37

. l ' rhe /

[ r€€• ^ ]

'burn '

38

. / " ty - el

[ tyæ )

' there '

[

gyek

*

]

[ kWo : ^ /ko . ^ ] g ] [ gwoța / goța

+

l ' sém /

[ se ºm ]

' heart '

40 .

/ " me /

[ me

'

41 . / " we /

[wæ

42 . / " dowa - p /

[

43 . / " wowa - wu /

[wp

. l ' ldwal

The

[

variants of

ponding variants

3

is

no

,

A

W

GENERAL BOOKBINDINGCO.

013

lal

of

]

?

?

wzo

there is not

]

' there is '

. pl ]

' go

.u]

10 ^wa

( on

' did '

]

!

foot ) '

( you )

come

?

'

servant '

than the corres vowel phonemes .

tend to be shorter

the remaining

. Distribution

There

31427 QUALITY CONTROLMARK

'

'dig ! ' ' laughter '

39 .

*

dougi

the

'hit '

.

/

man

(

' open it ! '

]

34

44

,

- 380

8010

clustering of

vowels within

the

syllable

.

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