Ngawbe: tradition and change among the Western Guaymí of Panama (Illinois studies in anthropology) 9780252001437, 0252001435

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
I. Introduction (page 1)
II. Historical Perspective (page 38)
III. Subsistence and the Man-Land Relationship (page 57)
IV. Beyond Subsistence: The Cash-Based Economy (page 82)
V. Community, Kinship, and Land (page 105)
VI. The Social Organization of Production and Consumption (page 154)
VII. The Ties That Bind (page 172)
VIII. The Traditional Political Order and the New Nativism (page 202)
IX. Interpretative Summary (page 225)
APPENDIX: Brief Personal Sketches of Primary Informants (page 233)
GLOSSARY OF NGAWBE TERMS (page 238)
BIBLIOGRAPHY (page 240)
INDEX (page 249)

Citation preview

NGAWBE

Tradition and Change among the Western Guaym! of Panama

Philip D. Young

ILLINOIS STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY NO. 7

Board of Editors: JOSEPH B. CASAGRANDE, CHARLES J. BAREIS, LAWRENCE W. CRISSMAN, HAROLD A. GOULD, and FREDERIC K. LEHMAN.

© 1971 by The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Manufactured in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 77-139804. 252 00143 §

To Sandy

Preface

BRIEF BACKGROUND

The Ngawbe or western Guaymi (Wassen 1952) are a part of the Chibchan-speaking Guaymi population inhabiting the western provinces of Veraguas, Chiriqui, and Bocas del Toro in the Republic of Panama.’ The Guaymi are presently confined to approximately 2,500 square miles of the rugged mountainous portions of these provinces and are virtually surrounded by rural-dwelling Panamanians, whom

they refer to as latinos (in Spanish) or sulid (in Ngawbére). The Guaymi numbered about 36,000 in the Panamanian census of 1960. ‘This study is based primarily on eleven months of field work conducted among the Ngawbe of San Félix District, Chiriqui Province, during 1964 and 1965. This places limitations on the extent to which the generalizations I make can be said to be applicable to the entire

Guaymi population. In the appropriate places I have indicated the

extent to which I think my data on the San Félix Ngawbe may apply to other Guaymi and my reasons for thinking so. Occasional references in the text to the Bocas Guaymi are based (unless another source is indicated) on a few days of preliminary research in Bocas del Toro Province during March and April, 1970. Heretofore, little has been known about the Guaymi. The most comprehensive published statement is that of Johnson (1948b) in the Handbook of South

American Indians, Volume 4, and it is little more than an outline. 1 The terms Guaymi, Ngawbe, and latino are used frequently throughout the text. They will not be italicized hereafter.

Vill NGAWBE With this in mind when I set out to do field research, my intent was to collect general ethnographic data which would serve as a sound foundation for future studies. My work was not highly problemoriented, nor could it have been, considering the paucity of reliable information about the Guaymi. I did have a strong interest in studying social organizational features that served to bind together a highly

dispersed population, however, and this interest is reflected in the present work.’ Much of the factual information contained in the following pages is original and is offered as a contribution to our knowledge of the Guaymi in particular, and as an addition to the generally

scant ethnographic descriptions available on the native peoples of Central America south of Guatemala. Nonetheless, I consider a good deal of what I say to be more in the nature of a preliminary report than a definitive statement.

Though a general ethnographic account was the main purpose of the field research, it is not the purpose of this study. Consequently, I have left out ethnographic “facts” which did not seem particularly relevant, though they might be important in other contexts. However, I have tried to provide enough general information in the first two chapters to familiarize the reader with both the historical background and the contemporary scene. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

During the course of my field work and the preparation of this manuscript, I received immeasureable help from numerous individuals

and institutions. I take this opportunity to express my sincere appreciation for all of the assistance I received. While it is not possible

to thank everyone by name, a number of people certainly deserve special mention.

Whether by design or by accident, every anthropologist usually finds, at the end of a stint of field work, that one individual has contributed more than any other. My greatest debt is to Maximo. He was my principal informant and constant companion for almost a year. He is still my friend. He took me into his house, his family, and his life. Without his able assistance I am sure that the field work would have been much more difficult and not nearly so rewarding. Other Guaymi who aided me greatly during my stay in the Chiriqui 2 See the last section of Chapter I for a brief account of the field experience and the methods employed in the collection and interpretation of the data.

PREFACE 1X mountains are Florentino, Guillermo, Virgilio, Johnny, Constantino, and German. Thanks are also due ‘Teodoro, who served as guide and informant during my brief visit to Bocas del Toro in 1965, and Mario, who helped me during a two-day visit to the District of Tolé. I gratefully acknowledge all of the other Guaymi, too numerous to mention

by name, who, during the course of my field work, gave of their time that I might learn.

Armando and Roberto Berroa and their families extended their hospitality during my several brief periods of residence in the town of San Félix. Roberto de la Guardia, Jr., Ph.D., Gustavo de Obaldia, M.D., and Carlos Ortiz, D.D.S., took a sincere interest in my work and assisted me in many ways during my visits to David, the provincial capital of Chiriqui. A one-week visit to the rich coffee-producing area around Boquete to observe the Guaymi working there at harvest time

was made most enjoyable and rewarding through the kindness extended to me by Amado Suarez and his family. Dr. Alejandro Mendez P., director emeritus of the Museo Nacional de Panama in Panama City, kindly made available to me the facilities of the museum, including storage and office space. Words seem in-

adequate to express my gratitude to Dra. Reina Torres de Arauz, director of the Centro de Investigaciones Antropologicas de la Universidad de Panama, who advised and assisted me in matters of prep-

aration for the field work both prior to and after my arrival in Panama, and who gave freely of her knowledge of Panamanian ethnography. Dr. Carl Johnson, director of the Gorgas Laboratory in Panama City, advised me on medical matters and in the preparation of a medicine kit for use in the field. An earlier version of this study served as my doctoral dissertation, and I gratefully acknowledge the advice and criticisms provided by the members of my doctoral committee, Drs. Donald W. Lathrap, Frederick K. Lehman, Oscar Lewis, and Julian H. Steward. Special thanks go to the chairman of my doctoral committee, Dr. Joseph B. Casagrande, who gave unstintingly of his time and knowledge. His patience, encouragement, and gentle but firm criticisms have greatly improved the quality of the present work. Thanks are also due Dr. David Plath, who made several valuable suggestions for revision of the earlier version, and to Richard L. Smith, who read this version with a critical eye. All Guaymi mentioned throughout the pages of this study have been given fictional names to provide them anonymity. I have done this not at their specific request but because it is impossible to foresee

X NGAWBE the ways in which the information herein contained, however innocuous it may seem, might affect their lives were their identities known. Pre-research training was made possible by Predoctoral Fellowship

number 13,819 from the National Institute of Mental Health; full financial support for the field research was provided by the same organization under Research Grant MH-8314-01. I assume full responsibility for any errors of fact or interpretation that may still remain in the present study. A NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY

It will be necessary in the course of this study to make occasional

use of Ngawbe words. The following symbols have the special phonetic values indicated. ng = yj (voiced velar nasal) ny = n’ (voiced alveo-palatal nasal) } = 3 (voiced alveo-palatal grooved fricative)

aw = > (rounded low back vowel) All other symbols used in the writing of Ngawbe words have the same phonetic value as that assigned by Pike (1947:5, 7). The location of strongest stress in Ngawbe words will be marked with an acute accent (’) over vowels.

In a work such as this, where the rules for phonemicization of Ngawbére are not provided, it would only be confusing to give a systematic phonemic representation for Ngawbe words. Philip D. Young Eugene, Oregon May, 1970

Contents

Focus 1

1.TheIntroduction I Face of the Land 4 Reservation Status 8 Facets of the Contemperary Guaymi 10

LinguisticSubdivisions Subdivisions 23 20 Cultural The Concept of ‘Traditional’? Culture 25 The Research Project 29

ut.Early Historical Perspective Encounters 38 38 Social Organization: The Seventeenth Century and Later 39

Summary 55 Gathering 57 Hunting and Fishing The Agricultural Cycle 58 60 Historical Demography of Western Panama 47

Aspects of the Culture Contact Scene 51

it. Subsistence and the Man-Land Relationship 57

Crop Production Estimates 70

Food Consumption The Man-Land Equation72 74

Iv. Beyond Subsistence: The Cash-Based Economy 82

The Nature of Economic Transactions 83

The Sale of Home Manufactures 93 The Sale of Agricultural Produce 94

Cattle Raising 95 Wage Labor 99

X11 NGAWBE

v. Community, Kinship, and Land 105

Settlement Pattern 105 House and Hamlet 107

Kinship 140

Post-Marital Residence: Traditions, Ideals, and Practice 125

Land Ownership and Use Rights 148

vi. The Social Organization of Production and Consumption 154

The Division of Labor 154 The Basic Economic Unit 156 The Household Routine 158

Cooperative Labor 160 The Means of Distribution 168

vir.Traditional The Ties That Bind 172 Marriage Arrangements 172

Polygyny 178 Levirate 181 Sororate 182

Choosing a Spouse 176

Divorce 182 An Illustration of Alliance 188 Exchange Marriage as Perceived and Practiced 184

Summary 200 The Complexity of Affinal Linkage 192

vin. The Traditional Political Order and the New Nativism 202

Political Organization 202 The Cult of Mama Chi 212 Balseria and the Traditional Path to Leadership 204

ix. Interpretative Summary 225 APPENDIX: Brief Personal Sketches of Primary Informants 233

GLOSSARY OF NGAWBE TERMS 238

INDEX 249

BIBLIOGRAPHY 240

Tables

1. Spoken Spanish among the Guaymi 18

of Age, 1960 20

2. Literacy among Indians and Non-Indians over Ten Years

3. Indian Population of Western Panama by Province, 1930-60 48 4. Rural Non-Indian and Indian Population of Districts in

Western Panama with an Indian Population, 1960 50

5. Plant Domesticates Used by the Ngawbe 62 6. Planting and Harvesting of Root Crops, Gourds, and Bananas 68

7. Ngawbe Estimates of Yields of Corn, Rice, and Beans 71 8. Ngawbe and Panamanian Census Estimates of Production

of Corn, Rice, and Beans 72

g. Growth Rate of the Guaymi Population 79 10. Guaymi Population Growth Rate Based on an Estimate of

12,000 Guaymi in Chiriqui Province in 1940 80

11. Items Sometimes Sold by One Ngawbe to Another for Cash 86

12. Items Sold to Merchants in San Félix by Ngawbe 87 13. Items Purchased by Ngawbe in the Town of San Félix 89 14. Residence Data on Males Shown in Fig. 2 Genealogy 136

Generation 137

15. Type of Post-Marital Residence of 247 Women, by

16. Ngawbe Referential Kinship Terminology 14!

17. Frequency of Polygyny, by Generation 179

18. Exchange and Non-Exchange Marriages, by Generation 185

19. Frequency of Exchange Marriage 185

Them for Wives 186

20. Relationship of Women Exchanged to Men Exchanging

X1V NGAWBE 21. Caserios Linked by Existing Exchange (E) and Non-

Exchange (NE) Marriage through Males in GIII 194 22. Contributions of Relatives to a Balseria Given in about 1948

by a Man from Cerro Mamita 209

Figures

Tertiary Informants 35

1. Genealogical Relationships of Primary, Secondary, and

Shown on Map 5 134

2. Genealogical Relationships of People Occupying Camps

3. Ngawbe Kinship Terminology 144 4. Genealogical Relationship, Place of Residence in 1964 ( ), and Natal Caserio | | of Participants in Renaldo’s Junta

of June 29, 1964 163 of Exchange Marriage 189 Two Kin Groups 193

5. Genealogical Relationships of Key Individuals in a Case 6. Order of Affinal Relationships between Segments of

Maps

1. Western Panama 5 2. Distribution of Guaymi Peoples, 1850-1965 9

and Dialects 22

3. Contemporary (1965) Distribution of Guaymi Languages

4. Ngawbe Caserios in the District of San Felix 106 5. Disposition of Selected People and Camps at the Cerro Otoe

Meeting, March 20-23, 1965 | 133

6. Affinal Links between Caserios in GIlIl 195

7. GIT Marriage Links in Cabuya (#11) 196

8. GIII Marriage Links in Cerro Mamita (#21) 197 g. GIIT Marriage Links in Cerro Otoe (#22) 198

Plates

1. Aerial View of Middle Course of Cricamola River 7

2. Old Men in Traditional Home-Made Clothing 11

3. Guaymi Man Wearing Chaquira 13

5. Guaymi Man 17 6. Guaymi Hamlet in Chiriqui Mountains 109

4. Domestic Scene during Dry Season 14

7. Traditional Ngawbe House 110 8. House in State of Disrepair III 9. [hatching Roof of New House 112 10. Interior of Ngawbe House 113 11. Interior of Ngawbe House 114 12. Three-rock Cooking Fire in Ngawbe House 115 13. Interior of Ngawbe House 116

14. Metate and Mano 117

15. General View of Ngawbe Territory 118

16. Ngawbe Children at Play 11g

17. Boy Drinking Chicha 120 18. Roasting Coffee 121

19. Preparing Otoe 122 20. Stripping Agave Leaves for Fiber 123

21. Bringing Firewood to House 128

22. Chopping Firewood 129 23. Old Woman Resting 130 24. Graveyard near Hamlet 131 25. Scenes at Mama Chi Meeting 218

I. Introduction

FOCUS

With the message from God and the resultant beginning of the Mama

Chi cult in 1961, the old order in Guaymi society was visibly shaken. A traditional way of life which had endured for at least three and one-half centuries was about to pass into history, or so it seemed. Yet in 1968, in a letter to me, a Guaymi friend remarked that the cult continued but that things were still the same—a tribute to the durability of Guaymi traditions. This study is intended mainly as a description of much that is tra-

ditional in Guaymi society, especially in the realm of social and economic organization. Some attempt is made to explicate the complex interrelationships between economy and social organization.

Aspects of social organization are described which seem to me to provide much of the patterning of economic life: marriage alliance, residence rules and practice, cooperative labor, means of distribution of goods, kinship, inheritance, and usufruct and ownership of land. But nothing is pure description. In the process of providing a partial

account of the Guaymi as I found them in 1964-65 (and as they apparently have existed, little changed, for decades if not for centuries), I attempt to show both why Guaymi traditional culture has been so durable in the face of contact with a technologically superior

alien culture, and why I think that change on a large scale is now imminent.

Since whatever limited theoretic value this study may have will concern the relationship between economy and social organization,

2 NGAWBE a few comments on my theoretical perspective seem appropriate. Self-conscious efforts to alter existing social organizational patterns (e.g., in “utopian” communities) generally necessitate a retailoring of

economic patterns (including technology) as well, if indeed this is not a part of the original plan. In these instances it is possible to speak of social change leading to or causing economic change. However, in the less artificial setting of adaptive change in the course of cultural evolution, whether the changes are an elaboration of extant patterns

or follow from the contact of dissimilar cultures, the direction of causality seems always to be the reverse. That is, social organizational change follows significant alteration of the economy and is an adaptat10n to It.

I could display more caution (and perhaps more common sense, given the present unfavorable climate of opinion in the social sciences with regard to causal interpretation) if I altogether avoided speaking of causation, and talked only about the imterrelatedness of economics and social organization. I am aware that the relationship may reflect a stochastic process. Nevertheless, one can neither deny nor sweep away the accumulated observations (too numerous to document here) of generations of social scientists, at least since the time of Kar! Marx, that indicate that beyond the matter of the interrelationship of social

organization and economy, the fact remains that economic change does indeed cause (or stimulate) adaptive social change. The precise configuration of change is an empirical problem. But it does appear to be generally true that dramatic (or traumatic) economic change engenders rapid social change, whereas gradual alteration of the economic base permits gradual social organizational adaptation and facilitates (for a time) survival of patterns that have slowly become increasingly nonadaptive. This gradual change is generally highlighted by brief periods of crisis (cusps of change trends) which occur when organizational features that have become nonadaptive without being replaced finally reach the point of maladaptiveness and necessitate structural reorientation and reintegration. Thus we can say that a major change in the productive economic

base of a society will result in social structural reorientation as reflected in altered organizational features. Many anthropologists have postulated a relationship of this nature between economy and social organization and have speculated about it. Some recent statements, for example, are to be found in Levy (1952), Murphy and Steward (1956), Murphy (1960), Leach (1961), and Steward (1967). Murphv (1960) and Murphy and Steward (1956) have presented empirical material on two societies, Mundurucu and northeastern Algonkians,

INTRODUCTION 3 which shows that a change in the productive base of the economy has resulted in significant changes in post-marital residence patterns and community organization.

The Ngawbe are particularly interesting in this regard, for they represent an instance of stability. Though they have been in contact with western civilization for over 4oo years, and though in recent years they have gradually become involved in a cash-based economy, subsistence agriculture has continued to be the mainstay of their livelihood. In view of this, one can hypothesize that many essential features of Ngawbe social organization that appear to be adapted to their traditional nonmonetary economy will not have undergone significant alteration. This indeed appears to be the case. Accepting for the moment that many features of Ngawbe society display long-term stability, it becomes imperative to account for this stability. It is only a partial explanation to say that features of social

organization (sensu strictu) have remained stable because they are adapted to a particular form of economic organization that has not yet been drastically altered. It is legitimate, indeed necessary, to examine the nature of the contact situation itself in order to account for both economic and social stability. In the case of the Mundurucu and the northeastern Algonkians (Murphy 1960; Murphy and Steward 1956), certain factors in the contact situation brought radical shifts in the productive base which in turn resulted in highly visible alterations in social organization. In the Ngawbe case various factors in the contact situation have contributed, until recent years, to stabilizing Ngawbe economy and society rather than to changing it. I do believe, however, that the Ngawbe (and all the Guaymi) have now reached the point where their commitment to external institutions is such that the next few years will witness major transformations in their social structure. In this context, the Mama Chi cult is a harbinger of things to come.

The Mama Chi cult will come in toward the end of this story, representing as It does a culminating point in the general process of sociocultural change in Guaymi society. Whether the cult is a cul-

mination that will bear fruit in the form of a radically different social order is still an unanswered question. Its mere existence has had

an effect, of course; but whether it is a lasting one or not is a moot point.

Chapter II has been included with the need for historical perspective in mind. One cannot achieve even a partial understanding of Ngawbe life without examining the forces that have impelled them to their present situation. Unfortunately, little is known of Ngawbe

4 NGAWBE history. More knowledge of the past would undoubtedly shed light on some presently unanswered questions about the Guaymi, but it would not answer them all. History does not provide all of the answers—at least not to a structuralist. The remaining chapters, save the interpretative summary, are substantive and mainly descriptive of the contemporary scene. The remainder of this Introduction is taken up with what I consider to be essential contextual information which did not seem to fit well

elsewhere in the book. Many things that could be said about the Ngawbe—things which would perhaps give the reader a more intimate or at least a more rounded picture of these people—have purposely been omitted on the grounds that they are peripheral to the main focus of the study. THE FACE OF THE LAND

The Guaymi occupy the mountainous region and portions of the lower slopes of the three westernmost provinces of Panama: Bocas del Toro, Chiriqui, and Veraguas.' The land they presently possess is an area of approximately 2,500 square miles. Formerly, their territory was more extensive (see Map 2). Only about one-half of this land is arable. he Panamanian census of 1960 gives the total Guaymi population as 35,867. The average population density is slightly over fourteen people per square mile, assuming the accuracy of these figures. The Guaymi are not, however, evenly distributed over their territory; the population density is as low as three people per square mile in some districts and as high as thirty-six in others. Land actually occupied by the Guaymi varies in altitude from about 350 feet above sea level in the hinterland to over 5,000 feet in the mountains. Portions of the cordillera in Guaymi territory reach altitudes of over 7,000 feet, but to my knowledge such areas are uninhabited. On the northern or Caribbean slopes of the central cordillera there

is no marked dry season, and vegetational cover is of tropical forest type. The southern or Pacific slopes enjoy a marked dry season from

about mid-December through mid-April (in normal years). Here the vegetational cover is a mixture of tropical hardwoods and soft1 The term “Guaymi” is now used to refer to all of the Indians of western Panama, except the Teribe. Johnson (1948a) provides a brief summary of the history of usage of the term and traces the movements of peoples known as Guaymi during the years following the Spanish conquest..

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6 NGAWBE woods interspersed with varying-sized patches of savanna grass. Due to the marked dry season, prevailing winds, and the dominant patterns of cloud formation, the Pacific side of the isthmus in western Panama presents a microgeographic patchwork, while the Caribbean slope is much more uniform in climate and vegetational cover, though somewhat less hospitable to farming. Most of the Guaymi area is presently covered by second growth. Dominant patterns of land utilization (see pp. 75ff.) do not ordinarily

permit a return to climax vegetation. In fact, a static technology of slash-and-burn agriculture? coupled with an expanding population has resulted in a dangerous shortage of good stands of second growth in

some areas. For example, much land along the middle and upper course of the Cricamola River, traditional heartland of the Bocas Guaymi, is denuded of all but short grasses (see Plate 1).

Soils throughout the area are thin and largely composed of red and brown tropical laterites with patches of volcanics. Incomplete weathering of parent materials and the presence of volcanic debris give the soils a high rock content in most places. This, along with the steep slopes characteristic of an immature drainage pattern, makes the

land difficult to farm. Though there have been no soil analyses, it appears that the soils are quickly exhausted if nutrients are not added, except in areas with a cover of decomposed volcanic debris. There is a noticeable decrease in production after only two crops, and a long

fallow period is necessary before the land can again be returned to production. Another factor which makes more than two successive crops unfeasible, and which may be more important in reducing production in tropical areas than soil exhaustion according to some sources (Boserup 1965; Carneiro 1960), is the rapid growth of weeds on cleared land. Tropical ferns of huge proportions and phenomenal growth rate are a particularly noticeable scourge to the Ngawbe farmer.

Water is plentiful the year around in all but a few sectors. In spite of a three-month dry season on the Pacific slopes, a plentiful water supply is provided by the numerous small but perennial streams that are found throughout the area. Their presence, of course, adds to the precipitousness of the terrain. Between 1900 and 1965, transportation and communication facili-

ties in the Republic of Panama have been developed and improved 2In the ever-wet portions of Bocas, the technique is sometimes referred to as “‘slash-and-rot.” This may be aptly descriptive of Bocatorejfio practice, but the Guaymi prefer to burn their fields, though the results are on occasion less

than hoped for. /

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10 NGAWBE Guaymi territory is divided into two reservations, that of Bocas del Toro (including a small part of the Caribbean slope of Veraguas) and that of Tabasara, sharing a common boundary which follows the continental divide. For all practical purposes, they can be considered as one. Though there is some confusion about the date of establishment of the Guaymi reservations, in view of other facts, and for my purposes, it seerns unimportant to resolve it. At no time have the reservation boundaries ever been firmly fixed

by survey. Moreover, neither official agencies of the Panamanian government nor rural Panamanians living near its supposed boundaries

operate in terms of the actual existence of a legally established Indian reservation. It may also be pointed out that there is no ofhcial agency of the Panamanian government exclusively designated to handle Indian affairs. When the government does occasionally condescend, under pressure, to concern itself briefly with Indian problems, such matters are usually handled by the Ministerio de Hacienda.

Until about 1961, very few Guaymi were aware that they were living on a reservation; even today those who possess this knowledge find it dificult to gain any advantages from it. The situation appears to be similar to that which existed in some parts of the United States

during the latter half of the nineteenth century—that is, the Panamanian government has established the Guaymi reservation by law, but has steadfastly attempted to maintain a noninterventionist policy with regard to land disputes between Indians and latinos. One must conclude that up to the present time the reservation qua reservation has not been a factor of any importance in the implementation of processes of culture change, nor has it significantly affected Guaymi accommodation to the contact situation. FACETS OF THE CONTEMPORARY GUAYMI

Language, dress, and adornment, more than any physical characteristics, are the obvious features serving to distinguish the Guaymi from the latinos of western Panama. Indeed, if a Guaymi dressed as a latino were encountered in the streets of David, it is unlikely that even a trained observer would be able to identify the individual unequivocally as a Guaymi. Historical accounts suggest that acculturation and an unknown amount of miscegenation produced the physical part of Veraguas provinces, and that of Bocas del Toro, were created by Law 18 of 1952. I did not personally examine copies of the legislative documents pertaining to the establishment of Indian reservations in the Republic of Panama.

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INTRODUCTION 35

ar Fernando (A) Francisco (C) a9

> 3 Pancho (A) C ) Horacio (B)

= Augusto > Diego(B)(A) ~a @ : Ig RP =

3of3Carlos Margarita (B)(C) UO ll < Jaime (B) U v a§© a 9.

O3

I| & ! = 9 a 33 2 oo 7 @]

a8 S Juanita (C) B(B) Roberto (B) > Q: 3=3st Jose

~
ae | 3 — a & Benito (C) > O 5| 5 ? Gustavo (C) .

Qo 3

o8 3g x3

3z= Ernesto 8 > (C)Renaldo (A)

¢ 5 Mariana (B) SS 3s 2 Q > ae

4Q

3S ||

o

: Manuel (B) > Leandro (A)

: Lorenzo (C) S

& a.

©

a 2

= Amado (B) > Cristobal (C) oS

36 NGAWBE hamlets—Cerro Mamita, Caracol (a part of Hato Jobo), Quebrada Chacara, Hato Loro, Casicon, and Hato Pilon—and each one was able to provide me with detailed and comparable information on the residents of each of these hamlets. (Some personal data on each of these men is presented in the Appendix. )

Secondary and tertiary informants were used for collecting genealogical data, information on other specific topics, and often as an independent check on data supplied by primary informants. A final word is in order concerning the quantitative data made use of in this study. Most of the quantitative data presented in Chap-

ters V and VII, as well as the generalized accounts of land tenure and use rights, and the inheritance of land and movable property, which appear elsewhere in this study, are based upon the elicitation of thirteen items of information.'* These data were obtained toward the end of the field work from my six primary informants, four of the secondary informants, and one man (Ignacio) who is not shown in Figure 1 because of the small amount of information that he provided.

First [ used the various informants to elicit the thirteen items of information on married males who appeared in the previously col-

lected genealogies. Then each of the informants was asked to provide similar data on each of the males in his hamlet of residence, as well as on any other males he knew well. I was not able to collect the complete set of data on every male in the sample because, for example, sometimes an informant knew a man’s marital history in detail but could tell me little about the various places where he had farmed land or the precise nature of his use rights to a particular piece of land. In analyzing this sample, I eliminated all cases where data were lacking, incomplete, or where the informant had indicated uncertainty.

There are at least three weaknesses in this sampling technique 14 These items are (1) name, (2) birthplace, (3) place of residence, (4) house ownership, (5) names of present wives, and their birthplaces, (6) names of past wives, their birthplaces, and cause of termination of marriage (death, woman left man, man left woman), (7) location of land farmed at present and nature

of use rights to it, (8) location of land farmed in the past and nature of use rights to it, (9) other lands never farmed but to which use rights exist and nature of use rights, (10) number of cattle and horses owned, where they are kept, and nature of use rights to these lands, (11) for each marriage: (a) exchange or non-exchange, (4) if exchange, name of woman given in exchange and name of man who received her as wife, (c) if non-exchange, marriage by consent of woman or her parents, (12) for men who have had more than one wife, did they have two or more at any one time, (13) if a woman obtained in exchange left her husband, was the woman given in payment taken back, and if not, why not.

INTRODUCTION 37 which need to be considered in evaluating the use which I have made of the sample and the conclusions drawn from it. First, it would obviously have been preferable to interview each male in the sample personally. Time factors made this impossible. Furthermore, many of the individuals would not have supplied the data personally. Second, the sample is male-oriented. That is, I asked for information on the marital history of each male that my informants knew well, but comparable data could not be obtained for females that appeared in the sample as present or former wives of the males. Except in a few instances, my informants knew little about the women prior to their marriages to the males in the sample, and even less about what had

happened to particular females in cases where they left the males. This kind of information on females only showed up in cases where a given woman had remained in the sample universe by marrying another man contained in the sample.

Third, the sample is opportunistic. That is, I collected data on marriage and residence practices from those who were willing to supply it and about those people whom the informants knew well. From the statistician’s viewpoint, this is the most serious weakness of the sample, because the amount of bias in an opportunistic sample cannot be determined. The sample provides qualitative information

on the presence or absence of various practices, but the extent to which the percentages in the sample of various types of behavior are characteristic of the entire Guaymi population in a quantitative sense cannot be precisely determined. As a means of determining the extent

to which actual behavior conforms to the ideals of behavior, this sample is superior to a handful of case studies of individuals but inferior to a simple random sample, a stratified random sample, or a cluster sample. It would be an interesting problem for future research to attempt a random or a cluster sampling of the Guaymi population to see how the results would compare with those obtained from the present sample. In sum, I think the data on various aspects of behavior contained in the present sample are suggestive of trends in the population, but not definitive.

Il. Hestorical Perspective

EARLY ENCOUNTERS

Columbus and his crew were the first Europeans to visit the Guaymi. This initial contact took place in 1502 when, during his fourth voyage to the New World, Columbus made several stops along the Caribbean coast of what is now Bocas del Toro Province. Unfortunately, except for a statement on settlement pattern and a very ambiguous description of household composition, Ferdinand Columbus’s account of this brief interlude in his father’s voyage is not very enlightening. All we may ascertain is that the Guaymi of the northern slopes (and, we may infer, those of the southern slopes as well) lived in small scattered hamlets as they do today. In all likelihood, they

were practicing a form of virilocal residence, but of this we cannot be certain.! For more than 100 years after Columbus’s brief visit, there are very

few accounts of visits to the Guaymi, even though it is unlikely that the wealth-seekers and soul-seekers of Europe left them to their own devices during all of that time.” The accounts of the Espinosa expeditions of 1519 (Espinosa 1892) and 1521 (Espinosa 1873) are ample indication of considerable activity in the coastal area to the south 1 Documentation for this and statements about social organization in the following section can be found in Young (1968: g1-109) and Young (in press). 2Sosa and Arce (1911) and Peralta (1883) cite documents from the latter half of the sixteenth century which mention the Guaymi. I have not had the opportunity to examine these documents. 38

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 39

and east of Guaymi territory in the early sixteenth century. How and to what extent these entradas affected the Guaymi is unknown. At

the least, there may have been an influx of coastal refugees. It 1s probably fair to say that contact was intermittent during the sixteenth century, and often indirect insofar as the interior mountain groups are concerned. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY AND LATER

For lack of documentation, it is impossible to know what Guaymi society was like immediately after the conquest. If inferences are based on archaeological evidence and some historical documentation (the records of the two Espinosa expeditions) from the coastal areas to the south and east of the Chiriqui mountains, then one may suggest that there was some wealth differentiation and social stratification

among the Guaymi in protohistoric times. However, as Johnson (1948a) correctly points out, there is no proof that the peoples to the east and south of the Chiriqui mountains were Guaymi. Direct archaeological data from the Chiriqui mountain area east of E] Volcan are virtually nonexistent.

There is a reasonably good ethnographic account of the Guaymi that dates from about 100 years after first Spanish contact. It can be

inferred from this account that many of the features of Guaymi social organization that are present today were present in similar form

in the early seventeenth century. Later accounts can be interpreted to indicate continuity of these features from the seventeenth century to the present, though these accounts are not without ambiguity. All early accounts indicate that the Guaymi were primarily farmers, but that hunting and fishing were also important subsistence activities. Goods were exchanged through a system of barter. Although cacao was (and is) a very important item in Guaymi magicoreligious practices, it apparently never became a standard medium of exchange as it did in parts of Mesoamerica.

The introduction of Old World crops, most notably rice and bananas, has shifted the emphasis away from some of the traditional crops—not from corn, however. The introduction of farm animals along with the gradual depletion of game resources has reduced the importance of hunting and fishing in most areas. Since the time of the conquest, subsistence farming has continued as the mainstay of the Guaymi economic system. All evidence indicates that settlement pattern in the Chiriqui moun-

40 NGAWBE tain area has always been one of widely dispersed small hamlets. While

there is evidence that a few towns and ceremonial centers of fairly large size existed along the lower courses of major rivers in Coclé and Veraguas provinces and on the Azuero peninsula in prehistoric times

(Lothrop 1937, 1942, 1950; Ladd 1964), at present there is no evidence, archaeological or historical, that aboriginal towns ever existed

in the mountains in western Panama. Indeed, a cursory survey of part of San Félix District, Chiriqui (conducted by the author during the course of ethnographic investigations), indicates that the aboriginal inhabitants of the area lived in the same highly dispersed fashion

noted for the present-day Guaymi. Is there any evidence that the native settlement pattern in the region ever changed, even temporarily, in historic times? Excluding the mission towns, this must be answered in the negative. Christopher Columbus, during his fourth voyage to the New World in 1502, sailed along the present Caribbean coast of Bocas del Toro

and Veraguas provinces. In Ferdinand Columbus’s account of his father’s voyage, he observes that the Guaymi inhabiting the northern slopes of the cordillera were living in a truly dispersed pattern (Lothrop 1950: 6). On the basis of suggested linguistic and cultural affinities, it can be inferred that the same was true of the Guaymi groups living on the southern slopes behind the Pacific coastal plain. Again in the early seventeenth century we find the same dispersed settlement pattern referred to by Fray Adrian de Ufeldre (1682: 13a, 21a).°

Fray Blas José Franco indicates that at the end of the eighteenth century the Guaymi continued living in a dispersed fashion without towns (1882: 12). Pinart visited the Guaymi of the Cricamola River and Miranda Valley (Bocas del Toro) in 1883 and traveled through 3 There is little doubt that Fray Adrian worked among the Guaymi of the northern slopes, and not in the Tabasara River area of Veraguas as Lothrop (1937) suggests. The precise area of his most intense activities is not known. Mendizabal de Cachafeiro and Zentner (1964: 38) suggest that the Provincia del Guaymi referred to by Fray Adrian was the Miranda Valley. Fray Adrian himself says: “The Province of Guaymi is twenty-four or twenty-six leagues distant from the city of Nuestra Senora de Los Remedios, governorship of Veraguas,

waters flowing into the North [Caribbean] sea, in front of the Escudo de Veragua [an offshore island]” (1682: 2a). Thus, the best guess as to Fray Adrian’s

location is the Miranda Valley-Cricamola River area. Fray Adrian was undoubtedly familiar with the Guaymi of the southern slopes as well. Incidently, references in the literature to Fray Adrian de Santo Tomas and Fray Adrian de Ufeldre refer to the same priest.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 41

Guaymi territory in Chiriqui Province on the return trip from the Cricamola River to David. His statement on settlement pattern matches those previously cited for earlier periods (Pinart 1885: 442). In the 1930’s, Johnson (1948b: 234) found the Guaymi of the southern slopes settled in a widely dispersed fashion with no villages. I found the same dispersed settlement pattern in 1964-65. The first mention of Guaymi residence pattern is made by Colum-

bus, who says that there were about thirty people in the house of Quibio (referred to as a “chief”, including Quibio’s wives and children and “other men of note” (Lothrop 1950: 6a). Admittedly, this statement is not very informative about residence. But if we assume,

and I later demonstrate that this is reasonable, that some of these “other men of note” were Quibio’s brothers, whereas others still were the married sons, then it can be inferred that at the time of Spanish contact virilocality was present as a post-marital residence pattern.

Fray Adrian tells us that in the early seventeenth century a man lived with his oldest wife and spent at least a part of the year in the parental households of his other wives, until such time as he brought all his wives to live in his own house (1682: gb-1oa). Unfortunately, Fray Adrian does not specify if a man’s house was located on lands of his own parents or those of his first wife’s parents. It is interesting to note, however, that Fray Adrian’s description of a man residing during a part of the year with wives who were still living in their natal households corresponds to the period of brideservice found among

the contemporary Guaymi and possibly to the present practice of bilocal residence. Assuming that the correspondence of this feature of residence between seventeenth century and contemporary times implies correspondence of other features of the residence pattern as well, we can infer that it 1s at least a strong possibility that seventeenth-century post-marital residence was based on a virilocal ideal.

At the end of the eighteenth century Fray Franco indicates that the Guaymi who had more than one wife had a separate house for each wife and her children (Pinart 1882: 11). These houses of the co-wives were apparently close to one another, forming a small hamlet. This corresponds to a stage in the developmental cycle of the domestic group found among the contemporary Guaymi and labeled the maternal household (see p. 157). Pinart mentions nothing about the post-marita] residence practices of the Guaymi in the late nineteenth century. Alphonse, whose life among the Move began in 1917, indicates a

42 NGAWBE pattern which we must term uxorilocal: ““The man barters his service

in perpetuity to the girl’s parents. He moves home to them and 1s their servant” (1956: 121). My observations in 1964-65 among the Ngawbe suggest a different interpretation. That Alphonse actually observed this form of residence is not what I question; my data, too, show that uvxorilocal residence occurs. But Alphonse’s statement implies that uxorilocalitybrideservice represents not only an ideal rule but also an invariant practice. My more recent data show that the ideal rule is virilocality and that uxorilocality represents only a small percentage of all cases

(see Table 15, p. 137). One may infer from Johnson’s account (1948b) that in the 1930’s the Ngawbe (Johnson’s “Southern Guaymi’) residence pattern was virilocal. Our sources, except for Alphonse, do not provide us with any clear-cut statements about Guaymi ideals of post-marital residence or about the possible range of alternatives in actual practice. It is my impression, however, that the Guaymi have had some form of unilocal residence rule since at least as early as the early seventeenth century. It is suggested that the several post-nuptial residence patterns which

have been attributed to the Guaymi constitute a ubiquitous class of alternatives, rather than changes in their residence practices through time. It is further suggested that variations in the facts presented in the different sources possibly represent the observation of different stages in the developmental cycle of the Guaymi domestic group,

since these variations correspond to stages in the contemporary developmental] cycle of the Guaymi domestic group.

It is not possible to ascertain the antiquity of contemporary postmarital residence patterns, but it 1s suggested that present patterns are probably similar to those alluded to in documentary sources. Current Guaymi folktales that mention residence idealize virilocality. I found no folktales which idealized any other form of residence. If one is willing to concede that oral tradition contains a few grains of

historic truth, it is possible to suggest that virilocality is an ancient ideal among the Guaymi, even though the few available documents do not make this clear. Our sources indicate the presence, from contact to contemporary times, of several customs connected with marriage, such as child betrothal of females, the levirate, the sororate, sororal as well as nonsororal polygyny, in-law avoidance, and obligations to affinal relatives.

Columbus (sup., p. 41) mentions the practice of polygyny. Fray Adrian speaks of polygyny, marriage by parental arrangement (including infant betrothal of girls), obligatory brideservice, the levirate,

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 43

the sororate, and the parameters of incest—though it is obvious that he misunderstood the last, probably because he was ignorant of the referent range of Guaymi kinship terms (1682: 8a, 9a, gb, 10a). His account closely corresponds to present practices. Nothing in Fray Franco’s account of the Guaymi at the end of the eighteenth century indicates any significant changes in marriage practices since Fray Adrian’s time (Franco 1882: 11). Pinart, during his visit to the Guaymi in 1883, notes that a girl is marriageable as soon as she is pubescent, that there is no special mar-

riage ceremony, that there is a brideservice, that women are well treated, adultery rare, and polygyny existent but not very common (1885: 444-45).

Regarding Guaymi marriage customs during the early twentieth century, Alphonse (1956: 120-21) asserts that women may be bartered for goods or perpetual service, and he notes the practices of exchange marriage, in-law avoidance, and polvgyny. Johnson (1948b) mentions the practice of polygyny and the supposed illegality but frequent occurrence of divorce, and he points out that when a woman leaves a man her new partner must reimburse the former husband. Johnson also states that marriage to the first wife is usually formal (though he provides no details to indicate what the nature of the formal aspects are) and that additional wives may be gotten either by marriage (formal) or by purchase. It should be noted here, in view of statements by both Johnson and Alphonse about wife purchase, that my own informants emphatically denied

that it was possible now or in the past (within the limits of their memories—and some were over fifty years old) to purchase women as wives. Since the parents of some of my informants came from the district of Tolé where Johnson worked, I am inclined to question

the existence of wife purchase among the Ngawbe. None of the earlier historical sources mention this practice. Many latinos, however, believe the practice exists. It is certainly one possible development from the influx of cattle and pigs through contact with latinos; but it is by no means a necessary or a predictable result, and it apparently did not occur in the Ngawbe case. Considerable continuity in Guaymi customs relating to marriage is indicated by the fact that marriage by parental arrangement, child betrothal of girls, sororal and non-sororal polygyny, the sororate, a period of brideservice, in-law avoidance, and obligations to affinal relatives are all features present in contemporary Guaymi social organization. Today the exchange of sisters (or, alternately, sisters’ daughters) 1s

44 NGAWBE the ideal form of marriage and is frequently practiced. Only Alphonse specifically mentions this custom. Here again, if we refer to oral tra-

dition, the practice of symmetrical exchange of women to form an alliance between two kin groups 1s idealized in Guaymi folktales and thus may possibly be of considerable antiquity. No current folktales have motives which idealize any other form of alliance. All available documents are vague as to the details of political organization of the Guaymi groups at the time of the conquest and in the decades thereafter. Johnson (1948b) and Lothrop (1950) rely heavily on the accounts of the two military expeditions of Gaspar de Espinosa (1873, 1892), from which they infer that, at the time of contact, the Guaymi had chiefdoms under the leadership of chiefs who were advised by a council, and that under certain circumstances, notably for purposes of warfare, several chiefdoms might be temporarily consolidated under the leadership of a particularly powerful individual. The accounts of the Espinosa expeditions are, in the main,

descriptions of indigenous sociopolitical organization found in the sixteenth century on the plains of Cocleé and eastern Veraguas provinces and on the Azuero peninsula. The development of large towns in these coastal regions was probably stimulated by the presence of abundant sea resources off the Pacific coast of Panama. These resources are still relatively abundant today after many years of commercial fishing. They were certainly even more plentiful prior to European contact. In good years the combined wealth of sea and land would have been sufficient to support the large town center of a chiefdom and its surrounding satellite villages; but in bad years, for example, when sea resources were not plentiful, there was probably greater dependence on the agricultural base. If resources at times proved inadequate to support the dependent

population of towns, attempts to appropriate the resources of other chiefdoms through warfare and conquest were probably a common occurrence. Improved methods of agriculture leading to more intensive use of the land could have eased the pressure of an increasing dependent population on the resource base. But, apparently, methods technologically more advanced than simple swidden did not develop in the area. Warring between political regions could thus have developed as a consequence of increasing population pressure where production was limited by the existing technology. In any event, the accounts of the Espinosa expeditions indicate that the chiefdoms of the Parita Bay-Coclé-Azuero peninsula area were certainly no strangers to warfare when the Spaniards arrived on the scene.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 45

As Johnson (1948a) points out, there is no proof that the coastal peoples of this area were Guaymi groups. And whether they were Guaymi or not, there is no good evidence at present which would indicate the possible extent and duration of political control that the coastal chiefdoms may have exercized over the mountain Guaymi groups to the north and west. While it is reasonable to assume that trade relationships and perhaps other contacts and alliances, at least temporary, existed between the mountain Guaymi and the inhabitants of the coastal plain, it seems unlikely that the mountain peoples enjoyed the same high level of political organization found among the coastal peoples. Two hypotheses suggest themselves: first, that the mountain Guay-

mi were, by and large, politically independent of the coastal chiefdoms; and second, that the mountain Guaymi represented a large, partially integrated peasant substratum of the coastal chiefdoms. The solution to this problem must await further evidence. However, that the Guaymi were, as Johnson (1948a: 246) suggests, organized into a kind of feudal state seems unlikely. Even if this were true for a part of the Pacific coastal area, it is improbable that the peoples occupying the Chiriqui mountains were effectively integrated into this system. For the mountain area, the ruggedness of the terrain, the dispersed settlement pattern, the absence of towns or villages of even a seasonal nature, and the relative simplicity of most aspects of culture, would all argue against the high level of political integration represented by a feudal state. The account of Columbus only mentions chiefs and other important men and does not provide any details of organization. Columbus’s statements could as easily refer to the exercise of jural authority by an elder over a kin group as they could to the exercise of political authority over some larger non-kin group. Fray Adrian makes it clear that in the early seventeenth century the Guaymi were organized into small chiefdoms, listing the names of seven chiefs—Borosi, Yebeque, Monugo, Menena, Baga, Medi, and Negri (1682: 24a). Apparently this refers only to chiefdoms in the Miranda Valley-Cricamola River area. He also points out that each chief had an assistant, called a cabra, who was his second in command and his lieutenant in time of war (1682: 24b); and that the caciques

(chiefs) were only such in name during times of peace, but were obeyed during times of war (1682: 23b). There were no officials to punish wrongdoers—those that were wronged had to settle the matter themselves (1682: 23b).

46 NGAWBE Fray Franco’s account indicates that by the late eighteenth century

the chiefdoms had disintegrated (1882: 10). Since other evidence suggests that the chiefdom system functioned mainly as a wartime ex-

pedient, it may be that Franco is describing the very loosely structured nature of Guaymi political organization in times of peace. By the time Franco wrote, warfare, except for the occasional raids of the Mosquitos, had ceased. By Pinart’s time, 1883, we find the Guaymi speaking of supreme chiefs or kings. Pinart’s own brief remarks suggest that the idea of a supreme chief was a result of Spanish influence and not a conceptual part of the indigenous political system (1885: 442). Alphonse says

nothing of Guaymi political organization in the early twentieth century. Johnson’s remarks have already been discussed. As a result of Spanish desire to bring the Guaymi under the aegis of their legal system, the native system of small chiefdoms was forceably supplanted by a svstem of appointed native governors. It is not

known precisely when this came about, though apparently it was before the end of the nineteenth century. The political unit over which the governors ruled does not seem to have changed much from what it was under the chiefdom system. But whereas the chiefs had only a nominal authority in time of peace and could exercise effective control over their subjects only in time of war, the governors were

invested by the Spanish with civil authority. It is this system of governors that my own informants remembered and considered to be the traditional Guaymi system, as opposed to the present corregidor

system, though neither they nor latino informants could provide precise details on the operation of the governor system. There is very little information available on intra- and inter-group social stratification among the Guaymi at the time of the conquest and thereafter. Dominance of any of the small chiefdoms over one or more of the others was apparently a temporary thing dependent upon the fortunes of war. There ts no evidence that these small sociopolitical units were arranged hierarchically in any absolute or enduring sense. Thus it appears that inter-group stratification was absent among the Guaymi groups. Lothrop (1950), again basing himself on the accounts of the Espinosa expeditions, suggests that intra-group stratification was tripartite, consisting of elites, commoners, and slaves, the last being war captives. Fray Adrian mentions the presence of slaves among the mountain-dwelling Guaymi in the early seventeenth century (1682: rob), and elsewhere speaks of chiefs and their lieutenants. From this it may be inferred that the mountain Guaymi were, like the coastal dwellers

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 47

to the south and east, organized into a three-class elite-commonerSlave system. However, no more specific inferences can be made. We do not know what the criteria of class membership were. We do not know if membership was ascribed or achieved. We know that slaves were war captives, but we do not know if the sons of slaves were also slaves. We do not know if it was possible for commoners to achieve elite status. Post-seventeenth century accounts make no mention of a class system or of the presence of slaves. Today there is no well-defined class system among the Ngawbe. Certain men are considered important because of their knowledge and their finesse in handling difficult situations. These men are not necessarily corregidores. Their position of importance is largely achieved and can only be considered

hereditary in the sense that if a son has his father’s abilities he will likely succeed to his father’s position of respect and importance in the society.

Parenthetically, it is interesting to note that the only word for “slave” in the Ngawbe language today is a direct derivative from Spanish (klabure = esclavo). It might be inferred from this that slaves in the modern sense of the term were never recognized as a distinct class in Guaymi society. HISTORICAL DEMOGRAPHY OF WESTERN PANAMA

Almost no good estimates are available on the Guaymi population of western Panama prior to the 1930 census. Various scholars (Sosa and Arce 1911; Rosenblatt 1954; Dobyns 1966) have proffered popu-

lation estimates of the conquest period and later for Panama and Central America as a whole, but for the Guaymi specifically, the earliest population figures are those of Pinart. He estimates that “the Guaymi Indians are today [1883] about 4,000 in number, with more than 3,000 living in the Miranda Valley .. .” (1885: 437). Pinart’s estimate for the Miranda Valley in 1883 is probably quite accurate. He seems to have underestimated the total Guaymi population at the time, but perhaps his total estimate is not as incredibly low as it might seem at first glance. If we use Pinart’s figure of 4,000 as a base and

assume a growth rate of 30 percent every ten years, we arrive at a total Guaymi population of about 32,660 for 1963. This is not too far from the figure of 35,867 given by the 1960 Panamanian census. Even allowing for temporary setbacks due to epidemic diseases during the period 1883-1963, and considering that part of the Guaymi

48 NGAWBE population came to be counted as latinos during the same period, we may still infer that the Guaymi population in Pinart’s time was probably not over 8,000. The only other figures available on the Indian population of western Panama are those of the Panamanian census for the years 1930, 1940, 1950, and 1960. These data are presented in Table 3. Figures Year

Province 1930 1940 1950 1960

Bocas del Toro 5,103 6,574 9,147 12,629

Chiriqui 9,851 19,135 14,288 19,946 Veraguas 1,207 1,4.76 1,998 3,292 Total 16,161 27,185 25,433 35,867

Table 3. Indian Population of Western Panama by Province, 1930-60

for the first two periods are not very reliable, being only estimates and not the results of a house-to-house census. The Panamanian census estimate of the Guaymi population of Chiriqui Province in 1940, in view of the trends evident from the figures for the two adjacent provinces, must be rejected as inaccurate. A more reasonable estimate would be about 12,000. One may suggest, though not prove with the data available, that the Guaymi have been increasing in number

since about 1800. On the basis of Rosenblatt’s work it appears that this has also been the case for the Indian population of Central America as a whole. Important to any understanding of the effects of culture contact on an indigenous population are demographic data on the alien population of the region. Figures on gross increase in non-Indian population in what is now the Republic of Panama show a steady increase from

71,888 in 1793 (Sosa and Arce 1911: 176) to 1,013,354 in 1960 (Censos Nacionales de 1960). But our specific concern is western Panama.

Limited information is available on the colonization of western Panama prior to 1goo. All sources indicate that white settlement in the area was light. Sosa and Arce give the total population of the area in 1750, excluding Indians and slaves, as 4,952. They estimate the 1793 non-Indian population of western Panama as 7,089 (1911: 176). The 1839 census of Panama (Loteria 1945: 24-25) gives the population of what is now western Panama as 34,160.* 4 Two things must be noted about this source. First, it is not possible to be

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 49

With reference to the non-Indian towns in Chiriqui Province about 1900, we find the following statement by the Oficina del Censo de 1940: “... even at the end of the last [nineteenth] century there did not exist in the province [of Chiriqui] more than two centers populated by civilized people; Remedios and Alanje. “That which is today the city of David was then no more than a cattle ranch on the road that joined the two towns mentioned and passed through San Loren-

zo” (Morales 1948). Data taken from the Panamanian census of i960 show the post1900 non-Indian population of western Panama to have increased from 109,721 in 1911 to 316,768 in 1960.° The Guaymi, however, have

not been in effective contact with all segments of this foreign population. Guaymi contact with the latino population is most frequent in the rural towns. The urban populace does not serve as an effective media-

tor of latino culture for the Guaymi.§ And the urban population ranged from 11 percent of the total in 1930 to 19 percent in 1960. The data attest to the relatively sparse rural latino population of the three provinces of western Panama during the past four decades. A low intensity of contact between Indians and latinos is inferred from these figures.

An even better indication of the intensity of contact today can be obtained from non-Indian rural population totals for the districts in Bocas del Toro, Chiriqui, and Veraguas which also have an indigenous

populace (see Table 4). A positive correlation is indicated between the ratio of Indians to non-Indians in a province and the degree to which gross cultural change has taken place in the Indian groups. sure if the figures given include the present Bocas del Toro Province. Apparently

they do not. However, the non-Indian population of Bocas del Toro at that time was apparently so small that the data were not seriously altered. Second, it is not stated whether the figures include or exclude Indians. The figures are so low in the areas heavily populated by Indians that it is safe to assume that the indigenous population is not included. © Unless otherwise noted, all figures in the following discussion can be found in or derived from the published volumes of the Panamanian census of 1960. 6 The Panamanian census of 1960 gives the following definition of an urban center: “Localities in which there live 1,500 or more people [and] which have

the following characteristics: electricity, running water, underground sewer system, and paved streets; also considered are [the presence of] secondary schools, commercial establishments, social and recreational centers, and sidewalks.

The characteristics indicated may be present throughout the locality or in a part of it” (1962, I: vii).

50 NGAWBE

Population V eraguas Chiriqui Bocas Total non-Indian population

in districts containing an 32,957 20,900 13,991 Indian population (1960)

Total Indian population in

the same districts 3,292 19,946 12,629

Table 4. Rural non-Indian and Indian Population of Districts in Western Panama with an Indian Population, 1960

These data support my own overall impression, and that of Adams (1957), that culture change among the Guaymi has taken place to the greatest extent in Veraguas Province and to the least extent in Bocas del Toro, with Chiriqui occupying an intermediate position. At this point, certain conclusions can be drawn. (The documentation in support of some of these has been presented elsewhere [ Young 1968].) The non-Indian population of western Panama is today, and has always been, a predominately rural population. The Indians that settled and remained in towns formed by the early missionaries rapid-

ly became latinoized and today form a part (probably a large part) of the western Panamanian countryman (campesino) population, most have no memory or tradition of their Indian ancestry. Latinoi-

zation of the Guaymi occurred quickly in the areas of western Panama that were early subjected to relatively heavy colonization (e.g., Veraguas and the coast of Chiriqui). In these areas (the Veraguas and Chiriqui districts which today have no Indian population) latinoization proceeded rapidly and im situ, and involved families and larger population segments. The districts of the three western prov-

inces that today contain a heavy Indian population are still only sparsely inhabited by latinos. Since about 1900 (and perhaps somewhat earlier) latinoization has tended to proceed on the basis of outmigration, individual Indians (rather than families) moving out of the Indian territory and into the latino towns and villages, and occasionally into the cities. Today there is increasing resistence by the Guaymi to further encroachment upon their lands by latinos,’ this has aided in reversing the earlier pattern of 7 situ latinoization and 7[ have no way of estimating the number of latinos living within the present

boundaries of Guaymi territory (see Map 2). To the best of my knowledge there are no latinos within the interior two-thirds of this territory. Estimates cannot be made of latinos living within Guaymi territory along the fringes since the reservation boundary remains unsurveyed.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 51

has made out-migration (from Indian to latino areas) a prerequisite to latinoization at the present time. ASPECTS OF THE CULTURE CONTACT SCENE

As demonstrated in the preceeding section, European colonization of western Panama was initially very light and has remained so. It was

heaviest in Veraguas, and lightest in Bocas del Toro, with Chiriqui occupying an intermediate position. Western Panama early became a farming and cattle-raising area, with the Spanish occupying the coastal plains where natural conditions were clearly superior to the mountainous sectors for the pursuit of these activities. Attempts to penetrate the rugged hinterland and mountains were sporadic and largely unsuccessful. As a result, contact between the mountaindwelling Guaymi and the latinos is seen to have been of very low intensity when compared with coastal areas. The latino population was largely rural during the initial period of colonization and has remained so to the present. The indigenous population consisted of sedentary swidden agriculturalists living in small hamlets. Apparently even on the plains they lacked a hierarchical political structure which could be mobilized to present a unified resistance to latino encroachment.?

The latinos settled among the Indians of the plains, and though some Indians undoubtedly fled to more inaccessible areas, many remained. This led, before 1900, to the disappearance of distinctively Indian culture on the coastal plains. Both the latino colonists and the Indians were farmers, and common problems and experiences grad-

ually led to an amalgamation of the two cultures. The blending of Spanish and Indian elements that gradually took place largely before 1900 is today represented by the campesino culture of rural western Panama. In the mountains, however, the Indians remained apart, unintegrated and little involved. As a result of Spanish colonization and attempts at missionization, the Guaymi population of western Panama appears to have become partitioned. Guaymi culture of the plains of Chiriqui and Veraguas gradually blended with that of the latino colonists through inescapable 8] am speaking here of Chiriqui and western Veraguas. There is evidence that, in Coclé and on the Azuero peninsula, initial resistance under the leadership of powerful chiefs who controlled the allegiance of numerous lesser chiefs was more effective for a time.

52 NGAWBE contact in situ. The mountain-dwelling Guaymi remained isolated and

relatively little affected by this process due to lack of colonization, missionization, or other forms of prolonged direct contact in their territory. With the exception of intermittant economic involvement on a small scale, the mountain Guaymi prior to 1900 seem to have been little interested in anything that latino culture had to offer. By 1900, or shortly thereafter, the latinoization of the Indian population of the plains was complete, im situ acculturation ceased to be an effective mechanism of change. Since 1900, the remaining representatives of Guaymi culture have gradually become involved with latinos, especially economically; but relatively complete latinoization

has only occurred among those few Guaymi who have moved out of the mountains and settled in the latino towns and villages. Efforts at conversion of the Guaymi to Catholicism were preceded

by sporadic attempts at military subjugation which began with the entrance into the mountains of Veraguas of Pedro de Gomez (a member of the first Espinosa expedition) in 1516 (Lothrop 1950: 7b), and lasted for about half a century. In 1537 Pedro Vasquez wrote to the Consejo de Indias that the conquest of Veraguas had not been effective (Peralta 1883: 92). It appears that the “conquest” was never ef-

fective. The Indians in the more accessible areas, rather than being conquered, gradually became a part of the developing campesino culture. (Unquestionably, there were also many who were killed or died of disease. ) To date, few accounts have come to light which chronicle Spanish missionary activity among the Guaymi. The first record of proselyti-

zation is that of Fray Augustin de Ceballos, who arrived in Guaymi territory in 1581 to convert the Indians and wrote an informe to the king of Spain in 1610 describing the customs of the Guaymi (Mendizabal de Cachafeiro and Zentner 1964: 14).° The next record ts that of Fray Adrian de Ufeldre, who worked among the Guaymi from 1622 to 1637 (Ufeldre 1682). Sosa and Arce (1911: 18) say that the Dominicans missionized among the Guaymi in Chiriqui in the seventeenth century, and Jouanen (1948: 19) indicates that the Jesuits as well were active among them in the early seventeenth century. The Franciscans tried their hand in the Guaymi region about the middle of the eighteenth century and again toward the end of the eighteenth and the first decade of the nineteenth centuries (Sosa and Arce 1911), establishing many settlements of Indians. Other than the efforts of the Franciscans at the very beginning of the nineteenth century, I was 91 do not know if this document was ever published. I was unable to locate it.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 53

unable to locate any other nineteenth- or twentieth-century records of Catholic missionary activity among those Guaymi who had not been converted to town life prior to the nineteenth century. The Spanish method of Christianization of the Indians was that of reduccion, whereby a number of Indians were gathered together in one place to form a town (this was frequently accomplished with military aid when the natives displayed a reluctance to comply with the wishes of the friars) and were then instructed in Christian doctrine. Many of the small towns that exist today in western Panama were originally founded in this fashion, e.g., San Lorenzo, San Felix, Gualaca, Dolega, and Tolé in Chirigqui, and Las Palmas and Rio de Jesus in Veraguas. Apparently the first of these mission Indian towns was that of San Lorenzo, Chiriqui, founded in 1623 by Fray Pedro Gaspar Rodriquez Valderas (Requejo y Salcedo 1908), and the last were those of Dolega and Gualaca, founded by Franciscan fathers between 1793 and 1803 (Sosa and Arce 1gi1t: 176). Other early mission towns, such as San Lorenzo (not the present San Lorenzo, Chiriqui), established by Fray Adrian and containing 200 houses of Indians, have disappeared without a trace; even their ancient locations are now unknown. The present inhabitants of these old mission towns have no memory of their Indian ancestry, except for the occasional Guaymi resident who has recently moved down from the mountains.

On the whole, attempts to Christianize the Guaymi and to convert them to town life met with little success. Jouanen (1948: 20) notes that, after a series of unpleasant experiences under Spanish domination, more than 9,ooo Guaymi burned their houses in the new mission towns and returned to their native way of life. Some Guaymi did become Christianized and latinoized; others, after apparently brief and unhappy stays in the towns, fled back into the farther reaches of the mountains of Veraguas and Chiriqui where there have been no active

attempts to proselytize since the end of the first half of the seventeenth century. Nevertheless, these backsliders apparently carried with them some knowledge of Catholicism which gradually combined with elements of native religious belief to form a kind of folk Christianity.

Various Protestant sects have, with little success, been operating on the fringes of Guaymi territory in Chiriqui and Veraguas during the second quarter of the twentieth century, and somewhat earlier in Bocas del Toro. All of the Protestant missions, with the exception of the one at Chichica, Tolé District, Chiriqui Province, have been established in the small towns bordering Guaymi territory; attempts

54 NGAWBE at conversion have been limited to talking with Indians who visit the towns for other purposes. They are induced to attend religious meet-

ings with promises of free medical attention and clothing. The attitude of the Ngawbe to Protestant proselytizing is illustrated by the following statement made by one Ngawbe man and agreed to by the others present during the discussion. Why do I go there [to see the missionary and to attend his meet-

ings]? Well, he gives me medicines when I need them and he doesn’t charge me a cent; he sometimes gives me clothing—not too good stuff but good enough to work in—and he doesn’t charge me for that either. Sometimes when I am in town and I visit him and he is eating he invites me to eat with him and his family, and they have very good food, I’ll tell you. He is a good man, not like the latinos who are always trying to steal from us [the missionary being referred to was an American, as are most of the Protestant

missionaries in the region]. The things he says about God are true, I suppose—I don’t know. I don’t know much about such things. But if he stopped giving things away I would stop going to see him, and others would too. [ All present voiced agreement,

though some had never been to see him anyway.] We are very poor. We cannot come out of the mountains just to hear him talk about his religion.

There are, of course, a few Ngawbe who have become serious believers in the teachings of one Protestant sect or another, but they are very few indeed. The reluctance of the Ngawbe to accept the teachings of Protestantism bears little relation to their knowledge and strength of belief in Catholicism. Their Catholicism is a folk variety built around a basic belief in God and the Blessed Virgin and incorporating a series of supernatural beliefs quite similar to those recorded in the earliest documents relating to Guaymi customs. As Catholics, the Guaymi are

nonparticipants. There are no churches in the Indian territory, no circuit-riding priests visit the area, and there are no resident priests in

most of the towns bordering the territory. The only Ngawbe I encountered who had been baptized as Catholics had had this rite performed when, as children, they had lived with latino families; yet almost all profess to be Catholics. It may be that the nativistic religious movement which began in 1961 and enjoyed such an immediate and widespread success was in part a response to a widely felt need for something more concrete than nominal and unministered Catholicism.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 55 SUMMARY

The following points sum up the preceeding remarks about continuity and change among the Guaymi. 1. As a result of Spanish colonization and missionization, a partitioning of the Guaymi population occurred. On the plains of Veraguas and Chiriqui the gradual cultural and biological blending of Indians and Europeans resulted in the present-day countryman population of western Panama. The mountain-dwelling Guaymi remained relatively isolated due to a lack of colonization, missionization, and other forms

of prolonged direct contact. It is among the Guaymi occupying the mountainous areas that the major features of traditional social structure have persisted.

2. Today many Ngawbe speak Spanish as well as Ngawbere, but most are still illiterate. The steady increase in the incidence of both bilingualism and literacy is an indication of increased involvement in latino culture. The new desire for formal education, if realized, is seen as a factor that in all likelihood will contribute greatly to future changes in the structure of Ngawbe society. 3. Guaymi economy, though it continues to be based on subsistence agriculture using swidden techniques, has changed considerably since

early contact times. An elaboration of this point is provided in the following chapters.

4. All accounts clearly show that from early contact times to the present Guaymi settlement pattern in the Chiriqui mountains has remained one of widely dispersed small hamlets. The precise relationship between the inhabitants of large coastal towns to the south and east and the residents of the small mountain hamlets is not known. Until such time as the spade of the archaeologist produces evidence to the contrary, it must be maintained that the mountain area did not contain any aboriginal towns or villages. 5. Documentary evidence on post-marital residence practices is unspecific or ambiguous and cannot be interpreted with any degree of certainty. If one is willing to give some weight to oral tradition, then it may be suggested that the current ideal of post-marital virilocality is an ancient ideal. While I am inclined to favor this hypothesis, | think the above account makes clear that it cannot at present be supported by documentary evidence. 6. Considerable continuity in Guaymi customs relating to marriage is indicated by the fact that early sources mention marriage by paren-

tal arrangement, child betrothal of girls, sororal and non-sororal

56 NGAWBE polygyny, the sororate, a period of brideservice, in-law avoidance, and obligations to affinal relatives; all of these features are present in contemporary Guaymi society. Early accounts make no mention of the current practice of sister exchange marriage. Here again, if we rely on oral tradition, we may suggest that this custom may also be a few centuries old among the Guaymi. 7. Little specific detail is available regarding Guaymi political organization and social stratification in early contact times. Apparently the Guaymi were organized into a series of small independent chiefdoms under normal circumstances. In time of war some of these chief-

doms may have been temporarily consolidated under a particularly powerful leader, possibly a kind of primus inter pares; but neither the documents nor, for that matter, Guaymi mythology give any indication that such temporary alliances ever became permanent enough to develop into a rigidly structured hierarchical political system. Whatever the indigenous form of political organization among the Guaymi, it apparently disintegrated shortly after Spanish contact. The Guaymi of today have no memory of such a system. It is possible that at the time of Spanish contact Guaymi society contained a tripartite class system consisting of elites, commoners,

and slaves, but no details are available. Among the contemporary Guaymi, social stratification of this nature does not exist.

IIT. Swbsestence and the Man-Land Relationship

My view is that many features of Ngawbe social organization have persisted for more than 300 years. Elsewhere (Young 1968), I have discussed the historical data that support this view. The explanation for this stability is to be found, I believe, in the nature of the man-land relationship. What follows is an examination of the details of this relationship. Ngawbe subsistence activities include farming, hunting and fishing, the raising of a few domestic animals, and a small amount of collecting

of wild fruits, seed pods, and leaves. Of these, swidden agriculture is of greatest importance to their livelihood. The persisting importance of the traditional subsistence base has contributed to the perpetuation of specific aspects of Ngawbe social organization. Until recently, the man-land relationship has remained relatively stable, with the Ngawbe

efficiently adapted in terms of articulation of their economic and social systems. Strains are developing where involvement in a cash economy is altering the balance. GATHERING

The gathering of wild plant products is the least important source of food. A variety of greens are collected by women and cooked like

spinach. The seed pod of a plant (unidentified) about five feet tall with leaves similar to bijao is collected in season. It is called nyurun in Ngawbére and boda in the local Spanish and is eaten boiled, roasted,

or in soup. Each plant produces from two to five pods. They have 57

58 NGAWBE a faintly bitter taste and are more palatable with salt. Some Ngawbe claim that myurun are relished by the latinos who use them in soup and are therefore easy to sell in town. But the mere existence of a market does not insure attractive returns. Only a few of these plants will be found together in any one spot in the forest. Thus, the time that must be spent collecting myurun is hardly repaid by the few cents for which they can be sold. Usually, the Ngawbe consume the nyurun which they collect. Other than greens and nyuruzn, little collecting is done. Many areas have substantial supplies of wild grapes and blackberries at certain times of the year, but these are seldom collected except by children who eat them on the spot. When I pointed out some wild grapes to one adult, he said that he had never eaten them but assured me that they were edible, basing his assertion on the observation that birds eat them with no apparent ill effects. Two other wild products, honey and nests containing the larvae of wasps, are prized as delicacies, but they are only collected when found in the course of other daily activities. In addition to being eaten pure, honey is used in the preparation of potent chicha. Wasp nests are toasted before eating. The Ngawbe attitude indicates that this unusual food is of more than nutritive significance to them, for the bites and stings of wasps are extremely painful. Almost everyone, in the normal course of activities, has had the misfortune to arouse a swarm at least once if not several times. It was obvious that part of the pleasure derived from consuming the larvae was not related to their succulent flavor. It is possible that the Ngawbe believe they derive some

magical protection from eating the larvae, though this is just an observer’s hunch. It is certain that some think in terms of wasp population control, for this view was expressed. HUNTING AND FISHING

The chief animals hunted by the Ngawbe are two varieties of tree squirrel (kindaw), guatusa (muria), two other kinds of large rodentia (tégwe and nyaw), two kinds of deer (bur), wild pig (tiro), and the iguana (7#). Tapir (m#l#) were supposedly common in the past and it is said that they are still hunted north of the cordillera, although they are seldom seen on the southern slopes today. Other animals, such as two small species of the cat family (Rwrd and oldrobong) are hunted as varmints but not used as food. Numerous wild birds, some of the more common being two kinds

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 59

of dove (midia and udu), two kinds of partridge (ségwe and mon-

soloro), various kinds of parrots, and what appeared to be the curassow (Xolosae), are also hunted for food. Actually, the Ngawbe eat almost any kind of bird except scavengers, but they seldom waste shot on smaller species. ‘The smaller birds, including even the diminuitive hummingbird, are usually bagged by young boys with slingshots.

Fishing is confined almost entirely to the dry season when the streams and rivers are low and clear. Fish are still a fairly important source of food for people living near the larger rivers such as the Fonseca and the Tabasara. Dams, weirs, nets, arrows, spears, and fish poison are old techniques still in use; the hook and line has caught on only in a minor way. Dynamiting deep pools in streams has been learned from latinos, and has seriously depleted the fish population along some streams. During the dry season the Ngawbe also collect crayfish at night from the smaller streams. This is done with the aid of a light and a three-pronged spear ten to fifteen feet long, a technique they claim to have learned from the latinos. They distinguish a large and a small variety of crayfish (kabd and nuguso, respectively ). In the 1930’s most Guaymi still used the bow and arrow, deadfalls, traps, and weirs for hunting and fishing. At that time few owned firearms (Johnson 1948b). Today almost every household has a .22 rifle

or a shotgun, or at least access to one within the network of sharing that exists among kinsmen. Bows and arrows can still be seen in many

houses, but skill in their use has apparently declined considerably. I encountered only a few individuals who were proficient archers. Hunting with modern firearms has greatly depleted supplies of game, supplies which were probably not abundant even in pre-firearm days. The remaining game animals are shy and elusive. Growing num-

bers of domestic animals—chickens, pigs, turkeys, and especially cattle—now provide a large part of the animal protein in the Ngawbe

diet. Consequently, hunting is less necessary, in addition to being more difficult than in the past.

Much of the hunting which does take place is now done at night with the aid of a miner’s carbide lamp or a flashlight. Dogs are used in daytime hunting, and it is a rare household that does not have at least

one.! Men generally hunt in groups of three or four during the day 1 The dogs themselves are never eaten, according to all the Ngawbe I talked to. Unsubstantiated rumors circulate among latinos of an occasional dog being consumed by the Indians in time of hunger. The latinos also have many other strange ideas about Ngawbe beliefs and practices. There is, of course, nothing intrinsically wrong with eating dog; but it should be pointed out to keep the record straight that Ngawbe attitudes toward pets are similar to ours.

60 NGAWBE and alone at night. Daytime hunting involves the pursuit of game animals by men and dogs. Nighttime hunting involves picking a likely

spot, e.g., under a wild fruit tree, and waiting patiently for an unsuspecting animal amidst the more than occasional torment of insects. THE AGRICULTURAL CYCLE

The mountainous region of Chiriqui has a marked dry season beginning about mid-December and lasting until about the end of April. The rains gradually increase in frequency and intensity from May until mid-November, when they begin to taper off and finally stop sometime in December. Ngawbe swidden agriculture is geared to these seasonal changes in weather. The most important subsistence crops are corn, bananas, rice, and beans.

Tools are few and basic. The most important are the machete (ngidra), digging stick with metal tip (koa), digging stick without metal tip (chuso), and the woodsman’s axe (“). In addition there are two specialized tools. One is a bone sliver, usually made of the leg bone of a deer sharpened to a point at one end and with the joint left at the other. It is used to aid in removing the husk from dry ears of corn. The other is a small triangular blade set into a short wooden haft about three inches long. It is held in the hand and used to snip off bunches of rice stalks. The machete is the all-purpose too] par excellence and is used for everything from peeling oranges to trimming toenails. [ts main agricultural uses are for cutting second growth and brush when a field is being cleared, and for weeding planted fields. ‘The

brushhook, a short stick with a crook at the end, is used for pulling brush and weeds to one side when cutting with a machete. The axe is used in field clearing to fell the larger trees, and digging sticks are used in planting. Climatic conditions would permit the Ngawbe to plant some crops

twice during the year, but they do not take full advantage of this possibility. Only corn is planted twice a year. Nevertheless, the Ngawbe are better off than swidden agriculturalists who are restricted

by environmental conditions to one yearly crop. Since the planting which takes place at the beginning of the rainy season involves the greater variety and quantity of crops, I have labeled this the major agricultural cycle. The minor cycle involves the planting of only corn and beans toward the end of the rainy season. Crops are planted with a digging stick during the major cycle and are simply sown by broadcasting during the minor cycle.

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 61

The major cycle begins in late December or early January when the men begin to clear new land for planting. This activity continues into April. The felled trees and brush are left lying on the ground to dry thoroughly and are burned just before the onset of the rains. The men try to anticipate the coming of the rains by a few days when burning the fields because, as they point out, if the fields are burned after the rains have begun they will not burn well, and if they are burned too soon they will be full of weeds by the time the rains make planting possible. Even with their long experience, however, miscalculations occur. Planting is begun immediately after the first rains and continues for

about one month, usually during the month of May. The crops planted at this time include corn, rice, squash, bananas, gourds, yams, sweet manioc, and otoe. Weeding of the fields occurs in June or early

July and sometimes a second time in August. Informants indicated that one weeding was usually sufficient for corn while two were often necessary for rice. Harvesting begins in August and lasts through

September. Corn and rice are the chief crops harvested at this time. They are brought to the house and prepared for storage by drying

in the open air during sunny spells between rainstorms. Corn is stored on the cob and rice is left unhusked until needed. Squashes and gourds are picked as they ripen. Root crops are left in the ground and may be harvested at any time during the months after they have matured; this is done on a daily basis. Bananas and plantains are picked before they ripen, since the Ngawbe prefer to eat them green. Their planting is staggered to achieve fairly regular year-round production. The minor cycle which produces the second yearly harvest of corn and the only harvest of beans begins in September with the clearing of small patches of land. The undergrowth is first cut and partially cleared away. Almost immediately following this operation, corn and beans are sown broadcast in separate locations on the plot. Then the

larger trees are felled and left lying. No weeding of these plots is done, and the crops are harvested in January and February. These small unburned bodrera (from the Spanish postrera) plots are usually burned in April and reused for the major planting in May, along with other fields. The average yield from such broadcost-sown plots of corn is always much lower than that obtained from the May planting,

which is not broadcast. This minor planting cycle has also been reported for rural Panamanians (Guzman 1956). Table 5 provides a list of the domesticated plants utilized by the Ngawbe of San Félix District, along with comments on their relative importance.

bow m “§¢a) E iB)

Soh ne a 3°90 = 8 a7 D O96 s YO USa7so o s-=8h a 12x os= yac) DO Eo Teagd § Sey a=. 5 +N . :©

© yan . . es FS oESS ion Ye a4 n > S C4 fa . = dO Ae c S XS ‘S >. N -«& ViS o Ss 5 RSSSS BSF § sg “| 8 Z| ou S - : a So = SS oe oR § ro on n a ag) BO — g's POA Fs -Ro se = On 5 & a rs ©a>>Sycq = a)

»ES fc"9S & «i @ois, Seek a) ‘eo 8ea 0 *O vo Oo EF & 63 es .S|es 35

,||,son 3 3

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. "Oo - S xg TSS loos S S 3 Q)

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Sp

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oS Ss & Ss § S ©

8 | = a. dC. 2 S o| o Oz on 6 < = XS ~ ae mn fo ~ & 815 Ng S = a «=F SR > S aS © Sos cs Ss S S & en) ay os! + S 8 S Qu . ey So S wR & % Ss = S a 2 % pay ~ ‘© SS) SR ar S am Se Oo SS o 3 Q | = S < S SS Se eS ~ ~ = = ~~ 9 S — & 2S OOSs& > S§ >© SS xy

, = ; — Oo o) . c

aQ, + ‘S| 8 — oe N ) rs | a) aoOo = S) An O

| OD «

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Ll oO. Ps _ = 5: >

2 e Ose co oe 3Co 5=° a wo se §8 8 2 = 3 8siags7 O eB F S

66 NGAWBE Corn (7) is both sown broadcast (medegaw) and planted (kide). Bodrera \and is cleared, but not burned over, during the month of September, and corn is sown broadcast immediately after clearing. The land to be planted is cleared during January, February, and March, burned over sometime in April, and planted in April or May depending on when the rains begin. During 1964, planting was not possible until late in May with the result that the corn was not ready to harvest in the middle of August. Corn sown broadcast is never weeded and is harvested in January or February. Planted corn is usually weeded only once during June or July and is harvested in August and September. Planted corn always gives a better yield than bodrera corn (see Table 7). Several varieties of beans (mumda) are grown. Most of these are vine beans requiring some form of support for proper growth. Land to be prepared as bodrera for beans is first cleared of underbrush. The beans are then sown broadcast, after which the larger trees are felled,

thus providing a trellis-like framework of branches on which the bean plants climb. Beans are never planted during the major agricul-

tural cycle. Commenting on this, my friend Renaldo said that he had thought of planting beans to see if the yield would be greatly increased, but he decided that it would be too much work and would require much more time than he could devote to the task. He pointed out that the land would have to be cleared well and then poles would

have to be placed in the ground at intervals to provide support for the bean vines, and he said, “Who knows how many months it would take to do all of that work?” He was aware that this technique is used by some latino farmers who can afford to hire labor. The land for beans is cleared in September and October; sowing usually takes place about the middle of October, and harvesting in February. Beans are never weeded. Beans and corn are never mixed together in the same plot as they are in some parts of Central America and Mexico, but are sown on separate sections of the bodrera land. Pigeon peas (Cajanas indicus) are frequently seen on Guaymi plots in the lowland areas but are seldom grown in the highlands by the

San Félix Ngawbe. They are classed as beans by the Ngawbe and called “tree beans” (muma kri-ie). In September, 1964, a Ngawbe friend commented that sometimes the people around Hato Culantro and Cerro Mamita plant pigeon peas, but this year very few had planted them. According to this man, muma kri-ie have an advantage

over all other “beans” in that they will produce well on land that has not lain fallow very long and is only covered with low second growth whereas Phaseolus will not. He was thinking of planting some

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 67

pigeon peas himself during 1964 because he was having difficulty in locating a suitable plot to clear for the sowing of beans, but he pointed out that he had no seed and would have to purchase it in town at ten cents a pound. He eventually found and cleared a small plot for beans and did not plant any pigeon peas in the 1964 season. In terms of food preferences, the San Félix Ngawbe much prefer vine beans to pigeon peas. ‘The Ngawbe have developed a great liking for dry rice (dro) and

plant it whenever they have suitable land. Rice grows well in the lower areas and in the river valleys. At Cerro Mamita, which is at an altitude of about 3,500 feet, it will not produce grain; the residents attribute this to the high altitude.’ Renaldo said that he had planted

rice at Cerro Mamita one year; it produced large beautiful stalks which, however, were only suitable for pasturage because no grain was produced. Land for rice is cleared in January, February, or March and burned over and cleared of debris at the end of the dry season. Planting takes

place in April or May. Rice is often weeded twice during June and July. It is harvested in September. Data given by the Panamanian census of 1950 indicates that the yield of Ngawbe rice fields is far below the provincial and district averages. An explanation for this is provided in the following section on crop production estimates. A number of other crops are planted at the beginning of the rainy season. Among them are otoe, sweet manioc, yams, squashes, and sugar cane. It is said that bananas and plantains can be planted at any time during the year, but for eating during the dry season they must be planted at the beginning of the rainy season. Table 6 shows the time of planting and the length of time between planting and harvest for some of the root crops, gourds, and several varieties of bananas.

Otoe (taw) is the most important root crop in the highlands, and the San Felix Ngawbe distinguish several varieties. All are propagated

by root cuttings. Ordinary otoe (taw chi ngondogwa) has only one large main tuber. Informants estimated that these tubers weigh between four and ten pounds, seven pounds being average. Both white otoe (taw ngwen) and red otoe (taw taen) have a large main tuber with ten to twelve smaller tubers surrounding it. Only the smaller tubers of these varieties are eaten, each weighs between one and three 2] do not think altitude is the chief reason for poor rice production in this area. Dry upland rice is known to produce grain at altitudes well above 3,500 feet. There are probably a number of factors that contribute to poor production in this case. I am uncertain what they are, but soil conditions and diurnal temperature changes may be involved.

68 NGAWBE between Planting Crop Month planted andTime Harvest

Otoe April-May I year Yams April-May I year Cucurbits April-May 5-6 months

Sweet manioc April-May I year Banana varieties Any time

ruga 1 year—produces fruit only once.

barang I.5-2 years—sometimes

produces in 1 year if the soil is very good. Produces fruit many times.

iglé I-1.5 years depending on soil. Produces fruit bit 1 year. Produces fruit many times.

many times.

boda 10-11 months. Produces fruit only once.

Plantains (kisegradt) Anytime 1 year. Produces fruit only once. Does not produce well in the highlands. Table 6. Planting and Harvesting of Root Crops, Gourds, and Bananas

pounds. It is said that the larger tuber of these two varieties burns one’s mouth. Another variety of otoe is called nmgibiara. It also has a main

tuber and small ancillary tubers, both of which are eaten. The main tuber weighs ten to twelve pounds and the small tubers one-half to one pound apiece; each plant produces about fifteen pounds of the small tubers. All varieties of otoe are skinned and boiled before being eaten. The tender leaves of some varieties are cooked and eaten like spinach. Otoe is planted either in separate plots or with the corn. The corn is harvested long before the otoe plants mature. Sweet manioc (#) is propagated either by cuttings or by replanting sections of tuber. Each plant produces ten to fifteen tubers weighing between one and two pounds each in the highlands around Hato Culantro. Manioc is said to produce much better in lower areas such as Hato Pilon, Quebrada Chacara, and around the town of San Felix, where each tuber weighs between four and five pounds,

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 69

Name (drm) is what I have been calling yams. It is described as a vine which produces a tuber like that of manioc. Each plant produces only one tuber weighing ten to twelve pounds. Propagation is by replanting a piece of the tuber that is left attached to the vine. Nampi (nyambi) is a root crop which produces about five to six pounds of very small tubers per plant. It is planted either in the same way as wame or by planting one of the small tubers.

Each squash vine (be) produces between ten and fifteen fruits which vary in size from three to twenty pounds. The seeds are planted

after being dried. The tender young leaves are also eaten, either cooked with pieces of the gourd or separately like spinach.

Lagenaria gourds (mru) are used exclusively as containers for liquids. They are not eaten. The seeds are planted and each plant produces fifteen to twenty gourds of various sizes. Sugar cane (ibia) is grown by some people in the lower regions. It will grow in the highlands but does not produce well. Sugar cane is planted at the beginning of the rainy season and usually has to be weeded twice during the one-year growing season. It is propagated by stem cuttings. The varieties of bananas most frequently eaten in San Félix District are barang, igle, and buji, in that order, with buji a distant third in popularity. At this point, I would like to comment on a statement by Johnson concerning Guaymi planting practices. “Among the Guaymi, crops requiring different lengths of time to mature are planted at the same time in one or more plots, and harvesting continues on each plot over a period of several years” (1948b: 232). Data obtained from the San Félix Ngawbe necessitate considerable qualification of this statement. The planting of different crops on the same plot in the same year occurs in only one instance. Root crops are sometimes planted along with corn. All other crops are planted on separate plots. Only in the case of some varieties of bananas, coffee, and cacao does harvesting continue “over a period of several years.” It is true, however, that plots used for bananas, plantains, and sugar cane are sometimes used for a period of several years before being abandoned. It is also true that most crops are planted at the same time, at the beginning of the rainy season; but normally these plots are used for only two consecutive plantings (with the exceptions noted), after which they are left fallow or turned into pasture. Johnson does not mention the broadcast sowing of corn and beans in September and October. A study of farming among rural nonindigenous peoples in the Republic of Panama (Guzman 1956) indicates that there are no basic

70 NGAWBE differences in crop inventory and method of land utilization between

the Ngawbe and latino subsistence farmers of Chiriqui Province. Efficient techniques of slash-and-burn agriculture were probably learned by the latinos from the Indians (Guzman 1956: 128). Crops of European origin were adopted by the Guaymi, and the Europeans learned to grow native American crops. CROP PRODUCTION ESTIMATES

Having discussed the kinds of crops grown by the Ngawbe and the techniques used in propagation, I turn now to a consideration of production estimates for the crops which make up the bulk of the sub-

sistence base. It was impossible to obtain estimates of yield for bananas. Therefore, the following discussion will be concerned only with corn, rice, and beans.

Estimates of crop yields per land unit are extremely difficult to obtain from the Ngawbe, for several reasons. Like most swidden agriculturalists, the Ngawbe are not concerned with measuring the size of their plots or with weighing the yield. They know when they have enough to eat and when they do not; when they find themselves in short supply, each household knows that it can rely on kinsmen to

help out (see pp. 168-71). The Ngawbe at present use no native system of weights and measures, and it is unlikely that they ever had one. The nature of slash-and-burn agriculture itself greatly limits the

possible utility of any such system, and it is perhaps for this very reason that few Ngawbe have attempted to apply the local latino system of square measures and dry weights to their own plots and production. Many, having kad some schooling or having worked for a time as wage laborers, are familiar with the Panamanian system of measuring land area in hectares and weight in pounds, but few are sufficiently familiar with this system to make good estimates of the size of their own plots and the weight of their yields.*? Perhaps the idea never occurred to most Ngawbe. The nature of the harvesting procedure also makes it difficult to 3In Panama, agricultural plots are measured in hectares (1 hectare = 2.47 acres) and larger land areas are measured in square kilometers (1 square kilometer = 0.36 square miles). (Distances are generally given on road signs in both miles and kilometers.) Dry weight is measured in pounds, but here there has been an adaptation of Spanish terms to the English system of dry weights. Thus, in rural Panama, the term cuartillo usually means a weight of ten pounds and the term quintal one hundred pounds. The Ngawbe have learned to attach these meanings to the terms.

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 71

obtain good estimates of crop production. As soon as the crops have matured sufficiently, some harvesting takes place daily for immediate consumption. This continues until the time of the main harvest, when all the produce is brought in and stored. The interval between ripening and full-scale harvest varies from a week to a month or more.‘ With these qualifications, we may now proceed with an account of production estimates. My Ngawbe friends provided me with yield estimates from ten pounds (one cuartillo) of seed for good, average, and poor harvests. These estimates are given in Table 7. They also Quality of Harvest

Crop Technique GOOD AVERAGE POOR Corn

Planted 500-750 250-300 125-150

Sown

broadcast 250-300 125-150 50-75 Rice Planted 200 100 50 Beans Sown

broadcast 100-200 50-75 20-30

Table 7. Ngawbe Estimates of Yields of Corn, Rice, and Beans in Pounds, per Ten Pounds (One Cuartillo) of Seed

supplied me with estimates of the number of pounds of corn, rice, and beans that would normally be planted on about one hectare of land. Using this information I calculated yields per hectare based on “average harvest” figures and compared the results obtained with the estimates given by the 1950 Panamanian census.° The results of this comparison are shown in Table 8. It can be seen that no serious differences exist between Ngawbe estimates of corn and bean production and those of the census. For corn, the Ngawbe estimate is the same as the provincial average and 4It would be possible to obtain a good estimate of average field size by actually measuring several plots used for each of the different crops, but this would be very difficult because of the irregularities of the field boundaries and of the terrain itself. It would also be possible to obtain good average production estimates by weighing the produce from various fields, providing that one could find enough Ngawbe who would submit to what would appear to them to be a senseless imposition. I did not follow these procedures in the field for lack of time and proper equipment, and I am not certain that the results would justify the effort. 5 The volume containing production estimates based on the 1960 census was not available to me at the time of writing.

72 NGAWBE Negawbe Census Estimates (1950)

Pounds planted estimate DISTRICT per hectare by (average CHIRIQUI OF SAN Crop Ngawbe harvest) PROVINCE FELIX

Corn 60 1,800 1,8011,293 1,649 Rice 40 400 1,840 Beans 150 1,125 1,208 1,032

Table 8. Ngawbe and Panamanian Census Estimates, in Pounds per Hectare, of Production of Corn, Rice, and Beans

higher than the average for San Felix District. For beans, the Ngawbe estimate falls neatly between the provincial and the district averages. For rice, a serious discrepancy exists. It is possible that the Ngawbe

estimate is low because of their brief acquaintance with this crop. If the Ngawbe estimate for a “good” harvest is used, then production per hectare is about 800 pounds. This considerably reduces the difference between the estimates. The difference, however, is still large. Other factors provide additional explanations. First, much of the rice

farming in Chiriqui Province is mechanized, and the rice is grown in large, flat, river-bottom areas which are much better suited to rice growing than the hilly Ngawbe country. Second, the Ngawbe usually lose a substantial portion of their rice crop due to rodents and weeds. Thus, Ngawbe rice production is bound to be lower in absolute terms than that of latino farmers. FOOD CONSUMPTION

On the whole, the Ngawbe seem to be rather well off compared to other slash-and-burn agriculturalists in both the quantity and quality of their food. Bulk is certainly sufficient, and essential nutrients appear to be adequate, although a few suspected cases of malnutrition, especially among children, were noted during the course of field work. Animal protein is supplied through hunting and fishing and the keeping of domestic animals. The supply ts, however, not overly abun-

dant. If there is any general inadequacy in the diet, it is a lack of animal protein. Even in households with many domestic animals, meat is consumed on an average of no more than three times a week. When

meat is available, it is eaten daily until the supply is exhausted. This may be for a week or longer. Such a time of plenty is generally followed by a period of several weeks during which meat consumption

is limited to a wild bird or two, or a chicken, about once a week.

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 73

Additional protein is supplied by beans. Vitamins and minerals are supplied by the various plant and animal foods. The bulk of the diet, however, consists of carbohydrates supplied by the major crops. The two-month period just before the major harvest in August and September is a period of general hardship for many families, but few

if any reach a point of actual starvation because food can generally be obtained from kinsmen. The fact that the Ngawbe are able to plant two crops a year unquestionably contributes to the general adequacy of the food supply and makes periods of hardship less severe and of shorter duration than is sometimes the case among swidden agriculturalists who live in areas where natural conditions permit only one yearly crop. In estimating food consumption, I have made use of Ngawbe estimates both of yield per land unit and of the size of plots of various crops necessary to support a “small family” during the course of a vear. I have taken Ngawbe statements about a “small family” to mean a family of five. This may, perhaps, be a slight underestimate of family

size in view of the data provided by the census. The Panamanian census of 1960 gives the average Guaymi family size as 6.3 in 1950 and 6.87 in 1960, and the average family size of Guaymi (Ngawbe) in Chiriqui Province as 6.5 in 1950 and 7.0 in 1960 (Censos Nacionales de 1960, 1X: 77). Note, however, that the census refers to an “average” family whereas my Ngawbe friends spoke of a “small” family. The three men who provided estimates said that a man with a small

family would have to cultivate yearly about 1.5 hectares (3.7 acres) of bananas, 1-1.5 hectares (2.47-3.7 acres) of corn, 1 hectare (2.47 acres) of rice, and o.5 hectares (1.2 acres) of beans. For the reader’s convenience, I will use acres as the unit of land in the following discussion.

About 60 pounds of corn are planted on 2.47 acres of land, giving

an average yield according to Ngawbe estimates of about 1,800 pounds. The remaining corn acreage, 0.63 acres, is sown broadcast

with about 30 pounds of corn which yields, on the average, 400 pounds. Average corn production of a family of five is thus about 2,200 pounds per year. About 100 pounds is saved for seed. Daily corn consumption would thus be slightly more than one pound per person

per day. Since about one-third of the corn produced goes into the making of chicha for daily consumption, juntas, and, traditionally, chicherias and balserias, the average daily consumption in other forms

is less than one pound per person per day. About 60 pounds of beans are sown broadcast on 1.2 acres of land and the estimated average yield is about 375 pounds. Daily consump-

74 NGAWBE tion based on Ngawbe production estimates would thus be about o.2 pounds per person per day.

About 4o pounds of seed would be sown on the approximately 2.47 acres of land set aside for rice. This would yield about 400 pounds

of dry husked rice, for an average per person daily consumption of

about 0.22 pounds. When they were observed eating rice, most Ngawbe adults consumed about one pound per person per day, and children about half as much. Figuring on this basis, rice consumption of a family of five would be about 3.5 pounds per day, and the harvested supply would normally last about 115 days. Those Ngawbe

who produce rice actually eat it only about one-third of the year. When a better-than-average rice crop is produced, the excess is often sold to merchants in town, since there is always a ready market and prices are relatively high. These sales are generating tensions among kinsmen (see Chapter VI). Families living in areas where rice cannot be grown generally plant additional acreage in corn and sometimes in beans. Root crops, especially otoe, are also more important in the diet in these areas. My three informants agreed that about 3.7 acres (1.5 hectares) of banana plants are necessary to support a small family, but none could give any production estimates for such a plot. Consequently, no consumption estimate is possible. The best they could do was to report that a man attempts to stagger the planting so that he has a constant supply of bananas throughout the year. Observation showed that the

Ngawbe do indeed eat green bananas, boiled or roasted, virtually every day. They form part of at least one daily meal and are also con-

sumed as snacks. My guess, and it is only that, is that banana consumption averages somewhat more than one pound per person per day. Few Ngawbe have developed any fondness for ripe bananas. The attitude of most is that ripe bananas are spoiled and as such they are suitable food for pigs but not for human beings. THE MAN-LAND EQUATION

Land Is a perennial topic of conversation among the Ngawbe. Land

disputes, old and new, fill up the agenda of most cabildo meetings. And most Ngawbe today speak of a land shortage. Some talk nostalgically of the days of their grandfathers, when there was supposedly much land around that could be had for the taking. Others complain that more and more frequently they have to clear plots that have not

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 75

lain fallow long enough, because there is no place else to go. The Ngawbe blame the latinos for many of their difficulties, claiming that latinos are constantly stealing the sections of land nearest the towns. This, they say, causes people who have been living near the towns to move farther back into the mountains to seek new land, causing dif-

ficulties for those already there. Two questions may be asked with regard to the land problem. First, is the land shortage general or local?

And second, are land resources adequate to support the population with present agricultural techniques? Although there are no good records, it does appear that latino landgrabbing was responsible for significant reductions in the size of Guaymi territory up to the early 1930’s. Since that time it appears that encroachment has not been serious. The relationship between men and the land is today being thrown out of balance by a problem that is beginning to plague most of the world—overpopulation. At the present time land resources seem adequate, and the shortages that exist are local phenomena. But if present

trends continue, the future looks dark. Even if no more land is lost to latinos, the Guaymi population may in a few short years expand beyond the capacity of the land to support it. About 2.1 acres of land must be cultivated yearly to support each individual. A field is normally cultivated for two successive years, after which it must be left fallow. I was told that the fallow period should be about twelve years. This, the Ngawbe claim, allows sufficient time for the second-growth forest to choke out much of the weeds and underbrush so that the land can be cleared again without undue difficulty. With these facts in mind, [ will examine the relationship between the present population and the available agricultural land in the small caserio of Cerro Mamita, which I came to know intimately, and then I will proceed to a discussion of the man-land equation for the Guaymi territory as a whole. The people of Cerro Mamita, and indeed the Ngawbe of San Félix District in general, frequently complain that they do not have enough land and that it is often necessary to clear land that has lain fallow for

only about half the ideal twelve year period. A plot cultivated by Renaldo, a man from Cerro Mamita, provides an illustration. Renaldo cleared a section of forest in September of 1956 and sowed broadcast, part of it in beans and part in corn. Just before the rains in 1957 he burned over the land and planted it all in corn. The land was left to return to second growth during the five-year period 1958-62.

76 NGAWBE In 1963, because he could find no other suitable area to work, he again cleared this plot and broadcast about fifty pounds of beans and about

sixty pounds of corn, the yield of which he considered to be very small. Before the beginning of the rainy season in 1964 he again burned

over the land and planted it all in corn with some otoe interspersed. The plot was left fallow in 1965. It was also fallow in 1970 and apparently had not been cultivated in the intervening years. In some areas, like Cerro Mamita, an increasing population is forcing

the utilization of many plots before they have returned to forest. It was apparently possible in the past for a population segment to hive off from its natal caserio and form a new settlement on unclaimed land

when increasing population resulted in a land shortage in the natal caserio. ‘Traditional patterns of marriage, residence, and land tenure also serve to alleviate such situations (see Chapters V and VII). Today such fission is rare. Fusion, resulting in caserios containing more than one kin group, is becoming more common. Patterns of social organiza-

tion which formerly served to balance the population in relation to productive land have come to be supplemented by new alternatives. Cerro Mamita provides illustration of some of these alternatives.

Cerro Mamita consists of five houses. Four are permanently occupied by members of a single kin group which includes Renaldo. The fifth is occupied periodically by Leticia, his sister, her husband Clemente (from Hato Pilon), and their children. (This 1s the house I occupied during the field season; and whenever Clemente and Leticia came to stay for a few days at Cerro Mamita, which was quite often,

they and their children simply moved in with me.) The total land area owned by the kin group of Cerro Mamita is about 2.25 square miles. The caserio has a resident population of 44 individuals.® Thus, the land of Cerro Mamita supports approximately 19.6 people per square mile. I estimate that about 50 percent of the total land area is suitable for agriculture. The rest is either unsuitable or is used for pasture and house sites. The area of available agricultural land is thus 1.125 square

miles or about 720 acres. By making use of a formula devised by 6 The 1960 census gives a population of 55 for Cerro Mamita (Censos Nacionales de 1960, IX: 29). I counted a total of 72 individuals who were resident at Cerro Mamita at least during a part of the 1964-65 field session. I assigned a value of 1.0 to each individual who was supported almost entirely by food produced on Cerro Mamita lands and a value of 0.5 to those individuals who were known to be supported in part by food produced elsewhere. In this way I arrived at a resident population value of 44 for the lands of Cerro Mamita.

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 77

Carneiro (1960) it is possible to determine, with the data available, the

total population that the lands of Cerro Mamita can support permanently by the present system of slash-and-burn agriculture. This formula is:

T

"= oR-pyy % YA Symbols used in this formula and the one to follow have the following meanings: A: The area of cultivated land (in acres) required to provide the average individual with the amount of food that he ordinarily derives from cultivated plants per year; P: the population of the community; Y: the number of years that a plot of land continues to produce before it has to be abandoned; R: the number of years an abandoned plot must lie fallow before it can be recultivated;

T: the total area of arable Jand (in acres) that is [owned by the residents of the hamlet];

L: the length of time (in years) that a village can remain in a single location insofar as the requirements of agriculture are concerned [Carneiro 1960: 230].

For Cerro Mamita, the values to be assigned in the equation are: A=2.1,Y =2,R = 12, T = 720, and we are solving for P. Thus,

P =Gi 42) * 2/2.1 = 49 It is clear that if my calculation of a resident population of 44 for Cerro Mamita is reasonably accurate (and I suspect that, if anything, it may be a bit low), then the present population is dangerously close to the total bearing capacity of the land under the present system of swidden agriculture. If, for whatever reason, the 56 people who presently derive only about half of their subsistence needs from the lands of Cerro Mamita had to satisfy all of their needs from these lands, then the area would no longer be adequate to support the population. In fact, if we make use of another of Carneiro’s formulas,

L—-—_! ~ (PX A)/Y (where P = 72, and the other values are the same as given above), we can see that the lands of Cerro Mamita could support a population

78 NGAWBE of 72 for only 9.5 years with the present system of slash-and-burn agriculture. Then the caserio of Cerro Mamita would either have to relocate, which is virtually impossible under present conditions, or the resident population would have to be reduced in some manner. Apparently the resident population of Cerro Mamita did exceed the bearing capacity of the land in the recent past. ‘This is indicated by the fact that Renaldo and other men of Cerro Mamita found it necessary

to clear land for planting that had not lain fallow for the requisite twelve years.

By piecing together fragments of the recent history of Cerro Mamita it is possible to see, at least in outline form, what factors contributed to an alleviation of the land shortage. At least two former residents have taken up permanent employment outside Ngawbe territory within the past ten years. Another is now a school teacher at Alto Caballero in Tolé District. Some men who had formerly farmed

either their own or their wives’ land at Cerro Mamita ceased to

do so during the past ten years and began to farm elsewhere prior to 1964-65. Still others who had farmed exclusively at Cerro Mamita now derive part of their subsistence from land in other caserios belonging to their wives’ kinsmen. A final factor is the amount of pasturage. Informants claim that the number of their cattle has been steadily decreasing since about 1950. This has reduced the necessary amount of pasturage and has made available more land for crop production. All of these factors together indicate that during the last ten years the land shortage at Cerro Mamita was more serious than it is at present, and that now the amount of productive land in relation to the population using it is again approaching a condition of stability, although residents are still suffering from the recent shortage. Now let us turn to a consideration of the man-land equation for the Guaymi territory as a whole. Since the Guaymi reservation lands have never been surveyed, it is impossible to do more than guess at the total area. A rough estimate of 2,500 square miles as the total land area occupied by the Guaymi is based on calculations from a smallscale map (Army Map Service, USARCARIB, Republic of Panama, Special Map No. 2, 1: 500,000). With a population of approximately 36,000 (1960 census) this gives a population density of about 14.4 per square mile. This figure seems reasonable since the average world

population density for peoples practicing swidden agriculture is about 14 per square mile (United Nations report cited by Conklin 1961: 27).

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 79

Various combined factors lead me to estimate that only about 50 percent of Guaymi land 1s suitable for agriculture. Thus, about 1,250 square miles or about 800,000 acres of land are available to the Guaymi for agricultural purposes. It might be even more realistic, however, to

argue that since many of the Guaymi now keep cattle, about 20 percent of the available arable land is constantly in pasture. If we take this to be the case, then only about 640,000 acres are available for planting.

The only thing that is really known about the Guaymi population is that it is increasing rapidly. A calculation of the growth rate can only be a rough estimate because of the questionable accuracy of Total Guaymi Percent Increase over

Year Population Previous Decade

1930 16,161

1940 27,185 + 68.2 1950 35,867 25433 — 6.4 1960 + 41.0 Table 9. Growth Rate of the Guaymi Population

much of the census data. Table g shows growth rates based on data from the Panamanian census of 1960, Volume IX.

The Census Bureau notes that the census of the Indian population in 1930 was little more than a crude estimate. That of 1940, because of lack of adequate transportation facilities and qualified census personnel, also gives gross estimates for many areas. The censuses of 1950 and 1960 are considered to be more complete and more accurate, although the Census Bureau claims that the growth rate between 1950 and 1960 is probably attributable in large part to omissions and duplications in these censuses (Cezsos Nacionales de 1960, [X: 5-6).

Other census data indicate that while the 1950-60 Guaymi growth rate may have been inflated by these factors, the actual rate is, nonetheless, quite high and probably similar to that in other parts of Latin America. The data I refer to are the median age of the population and the percentage of the population 19 years of age and under. Let us compare the Guaymi statistics with those of the United States. In the United States the population increased by about 18.4 percent between 1950 and 1960. The median age of the U.S. population in 1960 was 29.5, and 38.5 percent of the population was 19 years of age and under (Information Please Almanac 1967: 322, 324). For the Guaymi, the median age of the population in 1960 was 15.1, and 58.8 percent

8O NGAWBE of the population was 19 years of age and under (Censos Nacionales de 1960, 1X). Clearly, the growth rate of the Guaymi population is

much higher than that of the United States. A reasonable guess Is that it increases about 30 percent every ten years. Table 9 shows a puzzling decrease in Guaymi population between 1940 and 1950. Since there are no known factors (such as epidemic disease) to account for this decrease, it 1s reasonable to assume that the decrease is not real, and that it probably reflects a large overestimate for 1940. Errors for Chiriqui Province could easily account for the entire decrease. The Guaymi population of Chiriqui is given by the Panamanian census as 19,135 1n 1940 and 14,288 in 1gso. If we make an arbitrary estimate of the 1940 Guaymi population of Chiriqui as 12,000 to bring this province in line with increases shown in Bocas del Toro and Veraguas provinces from 1930 through 1960 (see Cesos Nacionales de 1960, \X: 15), then we can recalculate the growth rate

of the total Guaymi population as shown in Table 10. The average growth rate over the last thirty years, on this basis, has been 30.6 percent every ten years. Total Guaymi Percent Increase over

Year Population Previous Decade

1930 16,161

1940 20,050 + 24.1 1950 35,867 255433++ + 26.8 1960 41.0 Table 10. Guaymi Population Growth Rate Based on an Estimate of 12,000 Guaymi in Chiriqui Province in 1940

I will assume that the present growth rate is about 30 percent every

ten years. With such a growth rate, the Guaymi would have numbered in the neighborhood of 40,000 in 1965. The agricultural land needed to support one individual for one year is 2.1 acres; and plots are used for two successive years, followed (ideally) by a twelveyear fallow period. A generous estimate of the total land area available to the Guaymi for agricultural purposes is 800,000 acres, and a more conservative estimate is 640,000 acres. With these data we can again use Carneiro’s formula to calculate

the total population that can be supported permanently on Guaymi lands under the present sysem of swidden agriculture. If we assign a value of 800,000 to I, then ___ 800,000

P =T2 +2) >) * 2/2.1 = 54,422.

SUBSISTENCE AND THE MAN-LAND RELATIONSHIP 8 1

That is, 54,422 people can be supported on Guaymi lands. If we assign a value of 640,000 to T, then

(12 + 2) me

P = 040,000 ofa = 435537

That is, only 43,537 people can be supported on Guaymi lands, a figure quite close to the estimated present population of 40,000. Assuming that 800,000 acres of agricultural land are available and that the population growth rate is 30 percent every ten years, the available land will no longer be adequate to support the population under the present agricultural system by shortly after 1980. Assuming that only 640,000 acres of land are suitable for agriculture and assuming

the 30 percent decade growth rate, the population will exceed the bearing capacity of the land under the present agricultural system shortly after 1970. The future of the Guaymi looks grim if the above calculations are correct. Land shortages remain localized and are due to an unequal

distribution of the population. This has been illustrated for Cerro Mamita, and it 1s indicated for other areas by population densities in

Guaymi territory which vary from three to thirty-six people per square mile. Traditional patterns of social organization—choices of residence, marriage links, inheritance of usufruct rights—are still at least partially effective in balancing the population in relation to the lands available to each hamlet. (The ways in which Ngawbe patterns of social organization accomplish land-population balance are presented elsewhere in this study.) In spite of this, pressure on available agricultural land continues to increase with the absolute increase in population. Involvement in the cash economy has helped to relieve this pressure by providing alternative sources of livelihood. ‘Today not

all Guaymi must be fully supported by agricultural production from their lands. But it did appear that by 1965 the labor market in western Panama had already exceeded its capacity to absorb more Guaymi. A viable alternative seemed necessary, and none appeared readily at hand.

IV. Beyond Subsistence: The Cash-Based Economy Ngawbe involvement in the economy of greater Panama can be described as marginal. Nonetheless, this involvement has influenced their way of life in its material, sociological, and psychological aspects.

Economic involvement with the outside world began with the establishment of the first Spanish settlements in Chiriqui Province at the end of the sixteenth century. European domesticated plants and animals were introduced at an early date and quickly became an integral part of Ngawbe subsistence economy. Home-produced farm and domestic utensils and wearing apparel were gradually replaced by their manufactured counterparts. But the intricacies of an economy based on cash as a medium of exchange were slow to permeate the Ngawbe system of barter and reciprocal exchange of goods and labor among kinsmen—so slow, in fact, that the traditional system is still much in evidence. As late as the early 1930’s, most Guaymi did not

yet have a good understanding of monetary exchange (Johnson 1948b). Even today, though most Ngawbe understand the use of cash, it seldom changes hands in transactions among them. Perhaps its use would be more frequent if they had more of it. The desire for commodities that they themselves did not produce— breeding bulls, clothing, yard goods, cooking utensils, machetes, axes, blankets, distilled alcohol—created the need for the cash to purchase them. At first these items may have been viewed as luxuries. Today they are considered necessities, and other items—transistor radios, wristwatches, treadle sewing machines, to name a few—have replaced them on the list of luxury goods. The sale of home manufactures, agricultural produce, and domestic animals, and participation as un82

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 83

skilled workers have become the means for obtaining cash, though these means are of far from equal importance. Among the Ngawbe, the transfer of goods and services is still largely

a matter of exchange in kind, though some transactions do involve the exchange of goods for cash. More important, many transactions now involve the assignment of cash value to the goods being exchanged, even though no cash actually changes hands. Most transactions between Ngawbe and latinos are conducted on a cashand-carry basis, though trading in kind is not infrequent in San Félix District and is probably relatively common in other districts as well. It is possible to divide Ngawbe economic activity into two analytic categories: the internal economy, which involves only activities and transactions among the Ngawbe themselves, and the external economy, which involves activities and transactions between Ngawbe and non-Ngawbe. The first was traditionally a nonmonetary economy, and the second is a cash-based economy containing such features as capital, savings, and credit. This contrast is similar to that made by

Boeke (1953) when he used the term “dual economy” to describe a coexistence of economic systems in Indonesia after Dutch colonization. Furnivall (1944) has used the term “plural economy” to describe a similar situation in Java where, however, he points out that two major precapitalistic systems were present and shared some points

of articulation prior to the introduction of the western European variety of capitalism. At the time of the Spanish conquest, the Guaymi system might be described as containing elements of a plural economy, since there 1s

archaeological evidence in Panama of trade with other areas of Mesoamerica and South America. At present it could be said that the Guaymi system contains elements of a dual economy, since systems of traditional nonmonetary exchange and cash-based exchange now coexist.

However, while Ngawbe economy may be referred to as “dual,” it is the ways in which the two patterns articulate and the ways in which they do not that provide clues to the nature of stability and change in the Ngawbe social system. THE NATURE OF ECONOMIC TRANSACTIONS

Economic transactions may be divided into two categories: intrasocietal and inter-societal, the former being the transactions between Ngawbe and the latter those between Ngawbe and latinos. Aborig-

84. NGAWBE inally, when the use of cash was unknown, and traditionally, when it was known, all Ngawbe intra-societal transactions took the form of barter. No cash changed hands, and the objects bartered were not assigned a cash value. Today, cash transactions between Ngawbe occur, but they are still infrequent and usually involve the resale of items purchased in town, such as tobacco, salt, and kerosene.

Barter is still the usual means of procurement of a desired commodity among Ngawbe, but its nature has changed. Now, almost without exception, objects to be exchanged are assigned a cash value, and much haggling ensues before a bargain is made. It is, however, difficult to determine just what the cash value of most commodities is, since there are no rigid standards in use. Objects originally purchased

will usually be assigned a value slightly higher than the purchase price. Crude salt, for example, may be purchased in quantity for 3 or

4 cents a pound and resold for 5, and kerosene can be bought for 30 to 35 cents a gallon and is resold for 124 cents a fifth (62% cents a gallon). For items produced by the Ngawbe themselves—agricultural produce, domestic animals, items of home manufacture—the scale of assigned cash values is considerably more flexible. Local products

normally do not assume as high a cash value when being traded to another Ngawbe as they do when being sold or traded to a latino. Further, the value of a commodity varies with the circumstances of the trade and the individuals concerned. For example, cash values might be lower at balseria where an individual has a wide range of choice of people with whom he may conduct a trade; rice will be assigned greater value by quantity before the harvest than shortly after it; and commodities will always be given a higher value when the trade is between nonrelated individuals than when it 1s between close kinsmen. For the Ngawbe, many factors enter into an intra-societal exchange

of goods. While occasionally something additional is included as a tangible value equalizer, cases are much more common in which the intangible equalizers of kinship, friendship, availability, need, and the possible noneconomic purposes of a transaction assume a greater im-

portance than the values of commodities being bartered. Indeed, in Ngawbe society values seem to have assumed as their main function that of providing a starting point for the bargaining procedure. Let us consider the (partly) hypothetical case of barter of a cow

for a horse between Enrique and Gaspar. For purposes of intrasocietal trade the value of a cow is normally about forty dollars, while that of a horse is about fifteen dollars. If equal cash value were

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMLY 85

the only consideration it might seem incredible that Enrique would even consider taking a twenty-five-dollar loss in order to obtain a horse. If Enrique has several cows but not a single horse for packing and riding, this will tend to raise the value of Gaspar’s horse and lower the value of his cow. If Gaspar is either a close friend or a kinsman, Enrique will be well aware of the fact that when the cow is slaugh-

tered he and his family will be very likely to receive a generous share of the meat. Gaspar, on the other hand, will also realize that he will be permitted the use of the horse on occasion. Another possibility is that the trade per se may not be of any immediate economic im-

portance to either Enrique or Gaspar, but may be a way of symbolically cementing a relationship between the two which 1s expected

to provide mutual future advantages. As mentioned above, the Ngawbe do sometimes make cash sales to each other. Cases of which I have records are listed in Table 11. One

notes the infrequency of such cash transactions. The man at Cerro Mamita who buys kerosene in quantity for resale and the man at Cerro Otoe who makes and sells cakes of crude sugar are the only cases of entreprenurial effort that I encountered in San Félix District; both of these men had had considerable job experience in the outside world, one in Panama City, the other on the CLC banana plantations. There are probably others who operate on an equally small scale. Instances were reported to me of individuals who had in the past attempted to operate small stores (tienditas) in their homes, but all were said to have given up because of lack of profit. Inter-societal economic transactions are steadily increasing in frequency as the Ngawbe become more involved in the cash economy

of greater Panama. In addition to many items which have become necessities, transistor radios and wristwatches have become popular luxuries among men returning from wage work on the plantations, and treadle sewing machines are also in demand. The process of integration into the cash economy has probably been slowed down for the Indians, due to the fact that Panama has no system of local periodic open markets as is found in other parts of Latin America. Sales and purchases are confined to those between individuals and to the small stores in the towns and villages and on the plantations. A list of items

sold by Ngawbe in the town of San Félix, excluding home manufactures, the sale of which is very sporadic and the prices of which fluctuate greatly, is given in Table 12. A list of items purchased by Ngawbe in San Felix along with the estimated frequency of purchase is provided in Table 13. These lists do not pretend to be complete.

86 NGAWBE

Item Price Sold Commients Caserio Where

Fggs 5¢/2 Cerro I was going to pay 5¢

Mamita apiece for eggs, this being the price in Panama

City, but Renaldo told me that the people always sold them at 2 for 5¢. No recorded cases of Ngawbe selling eggs to each other.

Baby 15¢ Cerro One recorded case. Sold

chicken Mamita by a woman to her brother’s son’s son.

Kerosene 12.5¢/fifth Cerro Renaldo purchases kero-

Mamita sene in San Felix, usually 10 gallons at a time, at 30¢/gallon. Sells it

to anyone. Never observed to accept anything but cash in trade.

Cakes 10¢/ea. Cerro Made by an Indian at

of sugar Otoe Cerro Otoe. Estimated

weight of each cake is 1.5~2 Ibs. Only accepts

cash. Only Indian in San Félix District who makes and sells panela.

Coffee 10¢/ |b. Cerro One case. Purchased by

Otoe Renaldo. Seller said he was selling it so cheaply

because the beans had

not been properly dried.

(He was right—they were half rotten. )

Corn $4/quintal Cerro Sold by a man of Cerro

Mamita Mamita to a man from Cerro Otoe. 100 Ibs. sold in July, 1964, when

price in San Félix was $5/quintal. Only case recorded. Table 11. Items Sometimes Sold by One Ngawbe to Another for Cash

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 87

Item Price Sold Comments Caserio Where

Tobacco 5¢/3 leaves Cerro A man from Cerro Otoe, Otoe the same one who sells crude sugar cakes, makes frequent trips to David where he pur-

chases leaves of tobacco

at 75¢/\b. and resells

them to his fellow Indians.

Crude 5¢/Ib. Cerro Renaldo buys salt by the

salt Mamita 100-lb. sackfor at $30/sack his cattle and for home consumption. He claims that he does not intend to resell the salt, but requests of kinsmen

are seldom denied. He also claims that he loses

money on salt sales because the so-called 100lb. sacks actually weigh

| less than 80 Ibs. Table 11 (Continued)

Item Price Comments

Coffee 15~25¢/Ib. Dried but not roasted. Indians claim that merchants resold the same coffee to outside buyers for go¢/Ib. in 1964.

Chickens 30-35¢/Ib. Price in 1964. Sold live. Cattle $80—100 & up Price in 1964. One store

(first class) owner is not known to have ever offered more than $100. A cattle rancher paid $130 to a man from Cerro Otoe

for a large animal in 1964. Table 12. Items Sold to Merchants in San Félix by Ngawbe

88 NGAWBE

Item Price Comments Cattle $ 30-60 Price in 1964. $30 was the

(second class) lowest price being paid in 1964 and was regularly paid during the months of December, 1963, through May, 1964. Prices paid for cattle are always lower during the dry season

when pasturage is scarce and the animals are skinny.

Corn $2.50-7.50/quintal Price in August, 1963: $2.50/quintal. Price in June, 1964: $5/quintal. Prices paid are highest in the month preceding the harvest and lowest during and after the harvest.

Beans 50¢-$1/cuartillo Price in 1963-64. Highest before harvest and lowest after. Cuartillo = 10 Ibs.

Rice 75¢-$1/cuartillo Price in 1963-64. Highest before harvest and lowest after.

Deerhide 15—-20¢/lb. Price in 1964. The hides are dried but not tanned.

They are purposely not well scraped because latino merchants purchase them by the pound. Table 12 (Continued)

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 89 Estimated Item Price (1964-65) Frequency®

Kerosene 30-35¢/gal. * * * Laundry soap 1o¢/bar * * * Face soap 15¢/small bar * *

Crude salt 5¢/lb. (or $30/100-Ib. sack) * * %

Machete $2 /ea. ** File (to sharpen machete) 30-6o¢/ea. ** Trousers $2-5/pr. *** * Shirts $1.25-3.50/ea.

Men’s clothing

Undershorts 75¢-$1.50/ea. **

Socks 50¢-up/pr. Work shoes? $3/pr. ***

Yard goods (for women’s

and children’s clothing) —so0¢/yd. ***

Cakes of crude sugar 10¢/ea. * * White sugar 12'4¢/Ib. * Tobacco 5¢/3 leaves (or $1/Ib.) ** *

Matches 5¢/2 small boxes*** Pipes 30-50¢ each * Medicines

Tiro Seguro (for intesti-

nal parasites) 50¢/small bottle **

Jarabe San Andres (for

cough and cold) 60¢/small bottle ***

Jarabe Ramey (for

cough and cold) $1.75/bottle **

Numerous kinds of pills, including aspirin and

Alka Seltzer 5—10¢/ea. ** *

School notebooks (because

Pencils 10¢/ea. * * Barbed wire? $7.50~9/roll (75-80 yds.) *

of the Mama Chi religion) Various sizes 10, 15, 25¢/ea. * * *

Staples (for fencing) 25¢/Ib. **

.22 cartridges Short: 75¢/box of 50 ** Long: 75¢/box of 50 ** X long: go0¢/box of 50 *

Shotgun cartridges” 25¢/ea.* ** Rope 25—40¢/Ib. *

Saddle $20-30 ** Cattle° $50-60/yearling Horses° $20-—40 * Gunny sacks 20¢/ea. (new) *

Table 13. List of Items Purchased by Ngawbe in the Town of San Felix

go NGAWBE Estimated

Item Price (1964-65) Frequency

Aluminum pailas $1/Ib. * Enameled plates and bowls 20¢/ea. *

Radio? $10—50 * Wristwatch? $15—50 * Klim powdered milk* $1/\b. can *

.22 rifle $20 (single shot) * Shotgun $30 (singleoz. shot) Dye 10¢/half * ** Thread 20¢/small spool of colored * 30¢/large spool of white *

20¢/small ball of heavy thread

used in making net bags * *

Flashlight batteries 5¢/ea. 25¢/2 ** Bulb for flashlight Carbide go¢/2-lb. can * *

Combs 10¢/ea. Ornamental comb 5-10¢/ea.* * Lipstick (for face painting ) 20¢/ea. * Small mirrors 5—-10¢/ea. * Seco Chiricano (liquor) $2/fifth * Spoons 10¢/ea. * Flashlight $2 /ea. *

Sewing needles 15¢/package * Plastic saddle cover $2/1.5 x 1.5 yd. piece * Macaroni and spaghetti 10¢/half-lb. pack * * Canned sardines 30-35¢/can * *

Dried codfish 40¢/Ib. *** Onions 15¢/Ib. Garlic cloves and black

pepper grains mixed 5¢/approx. I OZ. * *

Kangaru (medicine used to treat cattle infected with

warble fly larvae) $1/fifth * Perfume 25¢/small flask*** Blankets 75¢—$2 /ea. Chewingwhite tobacco Refined flour15¢/bar 13¢/Ib. * *

Cooking oil 60¢/qt. Meat grinder $5 /ea. ** Table 13 (Continued)

a * — infrequent, * * = moderately frequent, * * * = very frequent. b While these items are available in San Felix, they are more commonly purchased in David where prices are usually significantly lower. ¢ Purchases of cattle and horses are very infrequent. It is much more common to trade an older animal for a younger one, or one of one sex for one of the other. d Purchased only if a child is sick or if the mother has no milk.

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY QI

With regard to Table 12, several reliable Ngawbe commented that sales of corn, beans, and rice to latinos are very infrequent and are only made when there is a pressing need for cash. This, however, is more true of those Indians who live in areas distant from the nearest town, where transportation difficulties and time involved greatly diminish the potential profit from such sales. In areas close to towns such as San Félix and San Lorenzo, sales of these crops, especially rice, to latinos are not uncommon. In recent years some Ngawbe have received credit from store owners on the basis of expected harvests, especially of rice. When such

credit 1s extended, the Indian is obligated to sell first to the store owner. Some individuals are reported to be so far in debt (I have no firsthand accounts of this) that their entire rice harvest is barely enough to repay the credit, and they must almost immediately contract additional debts to meet current needs. A complete lack of outside control and a poor understanding on the part of most Ngawbe of the economics of credit contributes to this unfortunate situation, which may become increasingly severe in the future. In addition to sales made to latinos in town, sales of cattle and other domestic animals and, less frequently, agricultural produce are also made to latino ranchers or their agents who occasionally make buy-

ing trips through Ngawbe territory. When these sales are of cattle or pigs, the buyer may take the animals with him or send his wranglers for them. In such cases, prices are lower than if the Indian agrees to deliver the animal to the buyer, but usually higher than if an Indian

takes an animal to town with no arrangements having been made. When sales are of smaller domestic animals such as chickens, turkeys,

or shoats, or of agricultural produce, the Indian normally agrees to make delivery within a specified time. When the latino takes his purchase with him, full payment in cash is normally made on the spot. When the animal or produce is to be delivered, partial payment may be made immediately and the balance paid on delivery, or full pay-

ment may be made on delivery, though cases of the latter are said to be infrequent because the Ngawbe generally distrust this kind of arrangement. There are certain characteristics of a noneconomic nature in trans-

actions between Ngawbe and latinos. The general Ngawbe attitude toward Jatinos is one of distrust and latent hostility. Though it is not fair to say that all latinos have a reputation for dishonesty in their dealing with Indians, it is certainly true that there were less than a handful of San Felisefios who enjoyed the confidence of the Indians because of their fairness and honesty.

Q2 NGAWBE The Ngawbe rarely bring animals or produce to town to sell unless they have an immediate need for cash. The latinos of San Félix are well

aware of this fact and use it to their advantage. Indian distrust of latinos can thus be traced, in some measure, to adverse experiences. However, Indian attitudes are probably also a consequence of the difference in the nature of intra- and inter-societal economic transactions. As has been pointed out, factors of friendship, kinship, and possible future advantages influence the outcome of bargaining among

the Ngawbe; the relationship between buyer and seller thus assumes a highly personal character with noneconomic aspects. ‘Transactions between Ngawbe and latinos, on the other hand, tend to be confined to strictly economic considerations and thus assume an impersonal character.

Though the Ngawbe never quite achieve positions as equals in dealing with latinos, they strive to shift the relationship to the personal basis with which they are more familiar. This is achieved by frequenting a single store when making purchases, or a single cattle rancher when buying or selling cattle. Over a period of months or years, the Indian feels that he has established a friendship. He may not reccive

any better price for his cattle, but neither will he feel that he has been deliberately cheated. In rare instances true friendship does develop between a latino and an Indian. They come to call each other compadre (co-parent)* in a meaningful way,” and the relationship extends beyond the realm of economic transactions. Small gifts are exchanged on occasion and the

latino assists the Indian in legal matters, occasionally granting him small loans when there is sickness in his family and he is in need of medicines, and sometimes taking one of the Indian’s children into his house to live. 1 Most Ngawbe men understand the Spanish compadre relationship that results from baptism of a child; this relationship is sometimes established when an Indian child is sent to live with a latino family in order to learn Spanish, and to receive some formal education, and is baptized by the latino family. The com-

padre relationship between an Indian and a latino who have become friends through frequent economic dealings is usually not based on the baptism of an Indian child, but the relationship takes on all of the characteristics of the true compadre relationship. 2 It is important to specify here that the term compadre is used in a meaning-

ful way. Latinos will frequently call an Indian compadre or cuftado (brotherin-law) in an attempt to shift a potential economic transaction to a personal basis in order to gain the confidence of the Indian. Needless to say, most Ngawbe are well aware of the implications of this superficial usage and, if anything, it

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 93 THE SALE OF HOME MANUFACTURES

The sale of hand-crafted items is the least important and most unre-

liable source of cash income for the Ngawbe. Household manufactures include net bags, woven belts, fiber string and rope, horsehair rope and bridles, open-work baskets, straw hats, hammocks, wooden trays, wooden mortars and pestles, stone pipes, and bark cloth. Many of these items are made exclusively for home consumption; some are sold in town. No one person is a full-time specialist in the making of any of these items. Though their manufacture constitutes a spare-time activity, they are necessities; those who are not competent in the making of one or another of them will obtain them, usually through trade and sometimes by purchase. Horsehair rope and bridles, stone pipes,

wooden trays, and mortars and pestles are made only by men. The production of fiber string and rope, net bags, baskets, and hammocks is supposed to be woman’s work, but one finds an occasional man who is competent in these tasks—and there is no stigma attached to a man’s doing this kind of work. Woven belts and straw hats are usually made by men, though it is neither unusual nor socially unacceptable to find women engaged in these activities. Bark cloth is made exclusively by women. Johnson (1948b) reports the making of pottery among the Guaymi as late as 1932. In 1964—65, the Ngawbe of San Félix District neither

made nor used ceramic vessels. Cooking is done entirely with purchased iron and aluminum pots, and gourds are the only common containers for liquids. None of my informants (some of whom were well over fifty years of age) could remember a time when the people in the San Félix area made or used pottery, and none knew of any other place in Guaymi territory where it was still manufactured. North of the town of Tole, in an area fairly close to where Johnson did his work in the 1930’s, I found pottery vessels still in use as water jugs. I was told that these were purchased in Tole from latinos. ‘The vessels were slipped red and of the typical timaja shape, they were probably manufactured in the town of La Arena on the Azuero peninsula. Johnson (1948b) also illustrates an ancient woman using a backstrap loom. Knowledge of loom weaving has completely disappeared among the Guaymi of the districts of San Lorenzo, San Félix, Remedios, and Tolé in Chirigui Province. Further, none of my informants reported tends to put them more than ever on the defensive—a point of which the latinos

seem to be unaware. |

94 NGAWBE the practice of this art from either Veraguas or Bocas del ‘Toro. Cloth can be purchased too cheaply to make weaving worthwhile. The average man (or woman) can earn enough in one day on a coffee plantation (even though wages are low) to buy four yards of cotton cloth or

a poplin shirt, and two days’ work will suffice for a pair of denim trousers.

The items most frequently sold by Ngawbe to latinos in town are net bags, straw hats, and open-work baskets. Such sales may provide a considerable portion of an individual family’s cash income in any particular year, but no one likes to rely on this because prices are unreasonably low in terms of the amount of labor involved. A fiber hat, so tightly plaited that it is waterproof, and which takes about two man-days to produce, sold for about two dollars in 1964; a highly colored, extremely well-made net bag which can be produced tn from two to four man-days depending on size brings only from one to three dollars when sold in the small towns of Chiriqui; carrying baskets,

though they can be quickly made, will bring twenty-five cents at most. Prices are usually even lower when native goods are exchanged in stores for credit toward the purchase of merchandise. In general, the local latino demand for these items is small and inconstant, the market is easily saturated, and there are no effective mechanisms for reaching much beyond the local market. Ngawbe manufactures have not, for example, become popular among tourists as have those of the San Blas Cuna. The amount of cash brought into the total economy through the sale of these home manufactures is 1nsignificant. It is obvious that the demand for cash is not being met through the sale of native crafts. THE SALE OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE

The sale of surplus crops is another source of cash income, but its importance is minor in terms of the total amount of cash flowing into the Ngawbe economic system. Most Ngawbe do not depend to any great extent on the sale of crops. Those families who, lacking other means, do derive most of their cash income in a given year from crop sales appear to constitute a rather small minority. Rice is the most 1mportant saleable crop. Small quantities of corn, beans, coffee, otoe, and sweet manioc are occasionally sold. Informants from the highland areas around Cerro Mamita assured me that they seldom sold what surpluses they might possess. The low prices paid in San Félix for corn and beans, the transportation difficul-

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 95

ties, and the time and distance involved did not make it worth their while. Rice brings a good price in town, but the highlanders raise little or none of it. I observed that the slim surplus that some highland

families had in the 1964-65 season was quickly dissipated through distribution to less fortunate kinsmen. Some of the Ngawbe families living on the lower hills near the town of San Félix now grow considerable quantities of rice, and much of it is sold to merchants in town. Like the highlanders, these families did not sell crops other than rice in any significant quantities. It should also be noted that often the crops some of these families sell are not actually surpluses. Consequently, they may run short of food before the following year’s harvest and find themselves in the unenviable position of having to promise a part or all of the following year’s rice crop to town merchants so that they can obtain credit to carry them through the year. In the history of Indian-white relations, this is an all too familiar pattern. The sale of agricultural produce is disruptive to the traditional system of distribution of surplus crops to kinsmen (see Chapter V). With a few possible exceptions among lowland families, the Ngawbe do not yet consciously attempt to produce saleable crops above and beyond their subsistence needs. Continued reliance upon the traditional system of labor exchange (discussed in Chapter V) largely precludes such efforts. CATTLE RAISING

Cattle are one of the two main sources of cash income (wage labor is the other). The Ngawbe raise cattle, horses, chickens, and a few pigs, turkeys, and ducks. Pigs and fowl] are sometimes sold, but cattle are economically most important. They are a source of both money and meat. The Ngawbe began to raise cattle sometime before 1900—the date is uncertain because of inadequate documentation—but probably not in noticeable numbers prior to 1875. The introduction of cattle was a result of the opening of the coastal plains of Chiriqui to immigrants and the development there of cattle ranches, large and small. Experi-

ence in handling and caring for cattle was gained by the Ngawbe through occasional wage work on these ranches. In the 1890's, according to one latino informant, an Indian worked a hard twelve-hour day on the ranches for a daily wage of ten cents.

The Ngawbe never became a herding people, undoubtedly due

96 NGAWBE largely to the unsuitability of their present territory for the grazing of large herds and to early latino dominance of the coastal savanna. Today, an individual may own two or three head and some accumulate as many as six or eight. Individual ownership of more than six or eight head is exceptional. Between 1950 and 1965 the number of cattle kept by the Ngawbe of Chiriqui Province noticeably decreased, apparently due largely to a heavy infestation of warble fly larva which the Ngawbe had no effective means of controlling. Other cattle diseases which

are present in Panama and which may function to limit the number of cattle raised are pyroplasmosis, trypanosomiasis, contagious abortion, anaplasmosis, and black leg (Guzman 1956: 56). Insofar as the technical aspects of successful cattle-raising are concerned, Ngawbe knowledge today is approximately equivalent to that of the latino cattle breeders at the end of the nineteenth centurv. The Ngawbe have neither the opportunity nor the wherewithal to take advantage of modern developments such as controlled feeding, inoculations, dipping vats, and other methods of disease control. Milking is almost unknown and would in any event not be very productive. The criollo cattle of the Ngawbe are, in the first place, poor milk producers; second, they are allowed to run free most of the time, so catching a cow to milk her is itself a difficult and time-consuming task. Caring for cattle is exclusively a man’s task. Fathers, husbands, and brothers care for the cattle of their daughters, wives, and sisters. The ideal pattern of ownership and inheritance of cattle is simple. Both men and women may own cattle, and they are always owned on an individual basis. In theory, cattle are inherited equally by men and women, and a person should divide his cattle among his children prior to his death to avoid disputes over inheritance. In practice, men tend to favor their sons and women their daughters in the disposition of their cattle. Where the number of cattle is insufficient for equal distribution, as is frequently the case, adult offspring who have remained in the caserio of their parents are the favored heirs, with provision in theory being made that the first calves born will go to minor children and to those offspring who have moved awav. People inadvertently die without saying which of their heirs is to be the recipient of a particular animal. There are frequently more heirs than cattle left by a man; disputes may arise among siblings when a father or mother has left animals for some and not for others. Ownership and inheritance of other domestic animals, except horses, follow the same rules. Horses are owned and inherited only by men. Since none of the Ngawbe individually own substantial numbers of cattle, the usual procedure is for the cattle of a household, or a

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 97

group of related households in a caserio, and sometimes including those of linked affines, to be pastured together on kin land. One man, or the men of a single household, normally act as chief caretakers of the animals. When branding, moving the cattle from one pasture to another, or major fence repair is in order, the male owners and representatives of the female owners willingly respond to the caretakei’s request and accomplish these tasks jointly. Occasionally, a group of related males will purchase a breeding bull from a latino rancher. Such an animal is collectively owned and used

for breeding and, when sold, the proceeds are divided among the owners in proportion to the share each originally purchased. At present a man’s wealth is measured in terms of the number of his cattle; this, according to my oldest informants, is the traditional measure of wealth in Ngawbe society. Early published sources indicate

that, in aboriginal and early post-conquest times, the number of a man’s wives was the mark of his wealth. Prestige still accrues to the

polygynist, but apparently the number of his wives is no longer acknowledged as a measure of his wealth. In Ngawbe society there seems to be no measure of wealth for women, even though they own cattle. Though it was never made clear to my satisfaction, ownership of cattle by a woman apparently enhances the wealth of her father,

her brothers, or her husband, depending on who is caring for her cattle. However, proceeds from the sale of an animal go to the owner,

whether man or woman, though the sale of cattle by women is infrequent. Cattle owned by women are more often used for household consumption than are those of men. Initially, cattle may have seemed a real godsend to the Ngawbe. After all, they ate but the coarse grass that grew everywhere, and in

return provided a secure supply of meat hitherto unknown, and they could be easily sold to latinos for substantial sums of cash. But disillusionment followed quickly. Most obvious of all, fences had to be built to keep the animals away from the crops. Cows in the corn are no joke to people whose yearly diet consists of probably better than 50 percent corn. Given traditional concepts of real property ownership and usage, fences were probably not used in pre-cattle times. They were, at any rate, unnecessary. It fell upon the cattle owner to contain and control his animals lest his own crops be destroyed, and even more serious, lest his animals destroy the crops of others and thus involve him in disputes with his neighbors. Fences were first made of branches, much in the manner of the split

rail fences of United States pioneer days; a few of these are still in

98 NGAWBE existence. But such fences were extremely costly to build, in terms of time and labor. Barbed wire fencing gradually came into common use,

today it is to be seen everywhere. But while the construction of barbed wire fencing requires less outlay in terms of time and labor than does rail fencing, it is costly in terms of cash. Means had to be found to obtain the cash to purchase the wire; as a result, Ngawbe commitment to a cash economy which they did not fully understand gradually deepened. It was quickly noted that the process was unending—wire fences once built did not stand forever; they had to be maintained and repaired.

The introduction of cattle and the consequent need to fence land has had another consequence, perhaps a not entirely unexpected one. It is a certainty that, among the Ngawbe, fences had initially but one purpose in the scheme of things—that of controlling cattle. But inevitably certain aspects of latino concepts of real property ownership began to filter into the Ngawbe value system, along with fencing; fences came to be regarded as effective land-boundary markers. ‘This rationale was validated every time a land dispute was brought to the attention of Panamanian officials, for they considered that a fence that

had stood for three or more years constituted a valid property-line marker. The concept of fences as boundary markers of land was so well established at the time of my field work that innumerable disputes were constantly arising as to whether the boundaries of kinowned lands had or had not been transgressed by fences belonging to neighboring kin groups. Indeed, disputes between individuals over the location of fences were arising with increasing frequency, even where

the land involved was traditionally the property of the kin group in which both parties claimed membership. Here one notes the beginnings of a shift in concepts of property ownership: the collective

of kinsmen is traditional, the private individual holding is a new awareness—but not yet a reality. The process of change from joint to individual ownership of land has so far been checked by the continuing need for cooperative effort.

Individual land ownership among the San Félix Ngawbe has remained entirely at a conceptual level. The few cases of which I have

records of attempts by individuals to establish private ownership were all unsuccessful. But all of these cases were decided by Ngawbe corregidores. Had latino officials been called in, the outcome might have been quite different.

The sale of cattle to latino buyers has become perhaps the most lucrative of the sources from which the Ngawbe derive a cash income.

Despite the fact that all Ngawbe feel that they have somehow been

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 99

cheated in any cattle transaction with a latino (or in any other transaction with a latino for that matter), the sale of an animal will nonetheless provide a lump sum of forty to one hundred dollars, and from the Ngawbe perspective this is sizeable. Ignoring the initial outlay and the risks involved in raising cattle, as the Ngawbe seem to when collecting cash from cattle sales, the sale of one bull brings in more money than one is likely to return with after three months of wage labor. Even though cattle owners sell on an average only one animal per household per year, the income from this sale is likely to constitute a major portion of the yearly cash income of the household. I was told that only bulls are sold afuera and cows are always kept for home consumption. While there are undoubtedly exceptions to this practice, my observations provided confirmation, and it 1s certainly a sensible practice to follow if one wishes to maintain chances of propagation at an optimal level. It was also observed that men are much more likely to sell their cattle in town than are women, even when a male relative—husband, brother, father—is available to act as intermediary. The cattle owned by women are almost always butchered, on orders of the owner, for consumption by the household and collateral relatives. However, the sale of male-owned and the butchering of female-owned cattle should be recognized for what it is—a tendency, and not a rule or even an ideal. In addition to being a major contributor to the cash income of individual households, cattle today are the most reliable source of animal protein in the Ngawbe diet. There is little doubt that Ngawbe complaints about a shortage of cash and of meat during the 1964-65 field season were soundly based; the shortages were due, at least in part, to a general reduction in the number of cattle since about 1950 as a result of diseases. Panamanian census figures for 1950 and 1960 on agricultural resources among the Guaymi confirm this reduction in the number of cattle in Chiriqui Province (Censos Nacionales de 1960, [X: 122). WAGE LABOR

As the need for cash has increased, the Guaymi have come to par-

ticipate more and more in the wage labor sector of Panamanian economy. Today it is rare to encounter a male under thirty-five who has not, at least for a brief period during his life, worked for wages. A few have come to occupy skilled and semi-skilled positions on a permanent basis. Several men have become primary school teachers

100 NGAWBE in the Indian territory. Of men from San Félix District, one is an auto mechanic in David, another is a policeman in Panama City, a third works for a distillery there, and a fourth is presently the overseer of a small latino-owned farm in the Tole District. One man from Bocas del Toro Province succeeded in completing one year at the University of Panama and is now employed in the public relations office of the Instituto de Fomento Economico in Panama City. But these are exceptional cases. Most Guaymi who work for wages are unskilled day laborers. Some are employed permanently, but by far the majority work only on a temporary or seasonal basis. In Chiriqui Province, Ngawbe work on the Chiriqui Land Company’s (a subsidiary of the United Fruit Company—hereafter CLC) banana plantations around Armuelles, on the coffee fincas and vegetable farms around Boquete, and on the farms and ranches throughout

the province. In Bocas del Toro Province, most opportunities for wage labor are supplied by the CLC plantations around Almirante. It was reported that Guaymi (probably Muri) from eastern Chiriqui and Veraguas are employed in considerable numbers on the sugar cane plantations of the Azuero peninsula during the harvest, but this report could not be verified. It is likely that some Ngawbe were working on the cattle ranches of Chiriqui at least by the middle of the nineteenth century, possibly earlier. By the end of the nineteenth century, Ngawbe were being employed on the coffee plantations around Boquete and El Volcan. Thus, at the turn of the century, a considerable number of Ngawbe men already were adding to the family larder with a small cash income from wage labor. In the early 1930’s, when the CLC opened extensive banana planta-

tions in Chiriqui Province (Kepner 1936), the number of Ngawbe who worked a part of the year again increased. The CLC kept no records of its day laborers, but a fairly reliable estimate ts that in the years prior to 1961 approximately 2,000 Guaymi (most were probably Ngawbe from Chiriqui Province) were employed annually (Fergusson and Santamaria 1963: 18). In 1961, as a result of two major factors (the mechanization of certain jobs and the partially successful attempt to unionize the unskilled plantation workers), jobs became difficult to obtain; the number of Guaymi employed by the CLC on its Chiriqui plantations dropped to about 300 annually. Most of the Ngawbe with whom I talked, who

either are working for the CLC or who had been in the past, preferred the latitude, flexibility, and convenience of temporary employment and lamented the passing of pre-union days.

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY IOI

It was probably no coincidence that the revitalistic Mama Chi religious movement appeared in September, 1961. The cutback in wage employment and the return of a number of men to full-time subsistence farming in an area where a land shortage was developing are factors to be considered in any attempt to determine the causes of the movement. A government labor inspector stationed at the CLC plantations in Bocas del ‘Toro reported that on the Almirante plantations there are still about 500 Guaymi employed annually, of which approximately 70 percent are migrant laborers working only two to three months a year. Most work is paid hourly, with a minimum wage of 36 cents per hour. Some tasks, such as clearing land and cleaning drainage ditches, are still performed on a task basis. The Guaymi, as well as the latinos who perform the same tasks, receive $2.75 per hectare for clearing

land, and 5-8 cents per meter for cleaning drainage ditches, the amount depending on the size of the ditch. I have no data on task pay scales on the CLC Chiriqui plantations. It is assumed that they are about the same as those reported for Bocas del Toro. Ngawbe work-

ing for the CLC at Armuelles reported that they were paid by the day rather than the hour and were receiving $2.37 per day; they also received free housing and medical benefits. The CLC provides simple but adequate housing for single men as well as for families. Indians receive the same pay, type of housing, and other company benefits as do latinos. Food must be purchased. Ngawbe workers tend to remain apart from latinos, both socially and on the job, during their stay on the plantations. Most men come

alone to the plantations. Those who bring their families tend to remain for much longer periods, sometimes several years. On the coffee fizcas around Boquete the very few Ngawbe who are employed on a permanent basis receive $1.50-2.00 per day, plus free housing. In season, small quantities of fruits, vegetables, and corn may be obtained from the finca owner’s fields free of charge. Other neces-

sities must be purchased. Ngawbe workers who come only for the coffee harvest are provided housing but no food. They are paid on a piece-work basis, receiving 40-50 cents per five-gallon can of coffee picked. Frequently entire families come to pick coffee, and all except very young children participate in the harvest. Men can usually earn between $1.50 and $2.00 per day, while women and children earn considerably less. The daily income for a family of five, all of whom participate in the harvest, is usually about $4.00. During the 1965 coffee harvest, there were more Ngawbe who went

to Boquete looking for jobs than there was work available, even

102 NGAWBE though the harvest was described by the growers as “superabundant.” Some were disappointed and had to return home without having secured even a week’s work. Growers could afford to practice selective

hiring, and people with experience were chosen over young men with no experience. There was, however, no noticeable selection of latinos over Ngawbe. Growers, in fact, claim to prefer Ngawbe pickers, saying that though they work more slowly they are more careful and do much less damage to the trees. Coffee growers also claim that there have been more Indians than jobs ever since the CLC reduction in day laborers in 1961.

Wages paid for work on the farms and ranches of Chiriqui vary from $1.25 to $1.50 per day. Ngawbe are usually hired only when the work load exceeds that which can be handled by the permanent employees. Such jobs may last anywhere from a week to three or four months. Here reports were conflicting on whether or not food was provided. Among Ngawbe and latinos alike, some claimed that food was always provided while others said that 1t never was. Whether or not it is probably depends largely on the good will of the patron and on the demand for labor in relation to the supply. After a stint of wage labor, the Ngawbe make their purchases in town before returning to the mountains; therefore, few return home with any substantial sum of cash. However, few return with any substantial quantity of purchased goods, either. Informants attributed this to the high cost of living afuera. It was claimed that if meat is included

in the diet, as they feel it should be if one is to have the strength to work effectively, the weekly cost of food is between $4.00 and $5.00 per man; and even the most frugal of individuals who buys only rice, beans, and salt must spend between $2.50 and $3.00 weekly for sustenance. One Ngawbe friend used the cases of his two sons as illustrative of

the high cost of living afuera. One son had worked in Boquete six days a week for three weeks during November, 1964, earning $1.00 per day. He returned home with new work clothes (estimated cost: $6.00), a new machete (estimated cost: $2.00) and 55 cents in cash. The remaining $9.45 was supposedly spent on food, which seems reasonable. The older son worked in Boquete six days a week for four weeks during November and December, 1964, at the rate of $1.25

per day. He brought home two lengths of cloth worth $2.00 each, one pair of rubber workshoes valued at $3.00, $1.00 worth of tobacco, 10 pounds of crude salt that cost 4o cents, one ro-cent bottle of kerosene, and no cash. According to his father, he also spent the remainder of his pay—$21.50—for food. Even if round-trip transportation costs

BEYOND SUBSISTENCE: THE CASH-BASED ECONOMY 103

of $2.50 are deducted from this amount, his weekly food costs come to $4.75. However, he is known to drink. Drinking is a factor that needs to be considered in assessing the monetary benefits derived by a Ngawbe family from the wage labor of its male members. A substantial portion of the income from wage labor is spent for alcohol. It is true that food costs are high, but the Ngawbe have accustomed themselves, while working afuera, to eating only one or two meals a day and to enjoying the luxury of meat only once or twice a week. In other words, their food consumption, in quantity and quality, does not vary much from what they normally

eat at home. The average weekly food cost per man is, therefore, probably close to $3.00 or slightly less, and, though they will seldom admit it, the estimated $4.00-$5.00 weekly food cost includes about $2.00 worth of alcohol. It is not with any intent to malign the Ngawbe that I make this statement. Nor do I have any intention of lending support to the latino sterotype of the Indian as an irresponsible lout who, lacking normal human compassion, forgets the needs of his wife and children and spends his entire paycheck for Demon Rum without so much as a twinge of conscience. This characterization would, I think, fit the latino more often than the Indian. It is simply a sad and

unfortunate reality that a great many Ngawbe men drink rather heavily when they are temporarily working for wages. Those who do not are a small and inconspicuous minority. Perhaps, as Wallace suggests (1956: 269), this drinking behavior is a regressive response to psychological tensions generated by the culture contact situation. But whatever its cause, it does have economic consequences. It decreases potential cash income for individual households from about 25 percent to, in some cases, as much as 50 percent. Young boys fourteen and fifteen years of age who had obtained jobs during the coffee harvest, and who did not drink, frequently spent considerable sums to indulge themselves in the vices of youth—candy and ice cream.

The labor that the Ngawbe are willing to supply appears to be, at the present time, exceeding the demand, at least at certain times of the year. This is producing some discontent, especially among the young-

er men who feel that they are being unjustly treated and that the government ought to “do something” for them. Young men are frequently not hired because they lack experience. When they are hired, usually on the recommendation of an older relative who presents them to a patron, it is often at a reduced rate. Old men are now frequently turned down in their requests for jobs because it is felt that they no longer have the strength to do a good day’s work. It appears that, with the present high cost of living in rural Panama

104 NGAWBE and the reduction in work available, the monetary benefits flowing into Ngawbe society from wage work are already declining from what they were in 1960. The plight of latino day laborers is equally serious.

The Ngawbe may be forced to turn to greater agricultural production as a primary source of cash income; this will be difficult, and probably impossible on a large scale, without considerable improvement of transportation and agricultural techniques. In fact, as pointed

out previously, without such improvements it may shortly be impossible for the Ngawbe to feed themselves, much less to produce a salable surplus.

Truly, the Ngawbe face a dilemma. They have come to depend on cash to supplement subsistence agriculture. Their two chief sources of cash, wage labor and cattle sales, have diminished substantially in the past few years; at the same time, their dependency on cash has increased. Virtually their entire social system is geared to a nonmonetary

but efficient system of internal production and consumption, rather than to production for an external market. Yet even were Ngawbe attitudes and practices restructured overnight to result in viable accommodation to a market economy, there would remain the problem of effective access to this economy. The solution to this problem is completely beyond Ngawbe control at present.

V. Community, Kinship, and Land

SETTLEMENT PATTERN

The Guaymi live in tiny hamlets dispersed over their rugged, hillyto-mountainous territory. These, for the most part, are composed of the members of single kin groups and the people they have married and the children they have begotten. The hamlets are referred to as caserios by latinos; the Ngawbe, too, tend to use this term even when conversing in their own language. But more often than not, they will make use of specific place names in referring to one or another of the hamlets. They are, after all, seldom concerned with caserios in the abstract; rather they discuss caserios as unique locations, the specific names of which serve as referents to whole groups of people occupying them—people with whom the speaker and his kin have a particular set of social relationships.

Map 4 shows the approximate location of most of the Ngawbe caserios in San Felix District, Chiriqui Province. Caserios which are frequently referred to in the text are labeled on this map. The scattered distribution is characteristic of the Guaymi territory as a whole. There are, of course, differences in the number of caserios in the various districts, as well as differences in average population density. San Felix District is intermediate in these respects between the thinly-settled portions of Bocas del Toro and the heavily populated Tolé District in Chiriqui Province. The Ngawbe do not occupy large settlements even temporarily for ceremonial or economic purposes. Furthermore, there is no archaeological or documentary evidence to indicate that they may have done 105

106 NGAWBE ‘XN

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COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 107

so in the past anywhere within the territory which they now occupy. Today the small Panamanian towns bordering the territory serve as

trade centers. It is likely that the existence of this Guaymi-latino economic relationship since the time of Spanish occupation of the area has precluded the development of indigenous towns as trade centers.

Except for a few enterprising individuals who stock small supplies of items such as tobacco and kerosene for sale in their homes, there are no indigenous trade centers in the territory today. There is some slight documentary evidence that the large indigenous towns seen by the Spaniards at the time of the conquest on the Azuero peninsula and in Cocle Province, and other sites in the same area known from archaeological evidence, may have functioned as trade centers (in addition to any other functions that they may have had) in the same manner that the Panamanian towns do today. The Guaymi settlement pattern seems to represent an efficient adaptation to ecological conditions. Given the complete lack of even

the beginnings of a modern transportation network, the rugged, broken, precipitous terrain, and slash-and-burn farming as the only form of agriculture practiced, it is not surprising that the emphasis is on dispersal rather than nucleation. The great practical advantage of dispersal to swidden agriculturalists is that no one has to walk long distances simply to cultivate his fields; Ngawbe are well aware of this advantage. HOUSE AND HAMLET

The caserio (hamlet) is the residence unit, the little community in which the Guaymi spend most of their lives. These hamlets generally

are composed of from two to six houses occupied by related individuals. Caserios made up of more than about six houses are often occupied by more than one kin group. Cerro Mamita, where I stayed, is occupied by one kin group and has five houses, four of which are permanently occupied. Cerro Otoe has at least thirteen houses and Hato Pilon has twelve; both of these hamlets are occupied by more than one kin group. The houses in a Ngawbe hamlet are located to take advantage of the terrain. They have thatched roofs and pole walls. Shape varies from round to rectangular, and size varies according to the number of permanent occupants, the largest houses having a long dimension of about forty feet.’ Walls are low, averaging between three and four 1 Houses were measured by pacing and varied in long dimension from thirteen

108 NGAWBE feet high, and the thatch overlaps the walls, frequently coming to within two feet of the ground. Some houses do not have walls. Floors are of hard-packed earth. A few Ngawbe have purchased sheets of corrugated zinc to use as roofing material. This practice seems to be a display of wealth more than anything else, since, in a practical sense, houses with thatched roofs are much better suited to present condi-

tions of technology and environment. A thatched roof allows the smoke from the cooking fire to escape, and it keeps the house relative-

ly cool during the day and relatively warm at night. A mctal roof appears to have none of these advantages. The Ngawbe have also constructed a few plank houses, apparently in a crude attempt to dupli-

cate housing on the banana and coffee plantations. These houses have been constructed at great cost in labor if not in actual cash outlay, but they are seldom inhabited. The typical Ngawbe house has a single entrance near its southeast corner. Upon entering, one finds a long, low bench made of a plank or log along the south wall. Abutted to the other walls are bed plat-

forms about three feet high, made of thin poles or cane lashed together with vines and covered with hides (usually untreated cow hides) or heavy bark cloth. In the center of the floor is a three-stone hearth used for cooking and for warmth. On a platform under the roof, supported by the four crotched main posts of the house and cross beams laid upon them, are stored corn, beans, rice, and other foodstuffs, as well as sundry items that the residents have accumulated

over the years. This platform is not a desired sleeping place and 1s almost never used for that purpose. It is the abode of a usually numerous population of unwanted house guests—rats and cockroaches—

of which the Ngawbe occasionally and futilely try to rid themselves when they can afford the luxury of commercial poisons. Net bags large and small, filled with personal possessions, are sus-~ pended from anything that will serve as a hook in the area between the outer edge of the bed platforms and the wall. Tin dishes, spoons, machetes, bows and arrows, empty medicine bottles, etc., are seen tucked securely between the thatch and the inner sapling framework

of the roof. Numerous large and small round-bottomed iron and aluminum cooking pots (called pailas) are found, when not in use, on and under the bed platforms, leaning against the walls, and occasionally outside under the eaves. A large, flat, milling stone accompanied by its cigar-shaped handstone is stored in a corner or under to thirty feet. Some houses were seen but not measured that were noticeably longer than those measuring thirty feet.

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in the circumstances is not very great, land shortage among the husband’s kinsmen is the most usual reason.

Because Ngawbe do not like to live at great distances from their kinsmen, uxorilocality near one’s kinsmen is preferable to neolocality in a distant locale as an alternative to virilocality. The Ngawbe perceive uxorilocality as being much more common now than in the past. They attribute this to the land shortage and consequently blame the latinos. The data do not bear out this claim. As in any population, some families will produce more male than female children. For a group which finds itself with a surplus of males

there is a land shortage; when a group finds itself with a surplus of females, there exists a shortage of labor. In all likelihood, uxorilocality has served the Ngawbe, past and present, to relieve pressure on land

by providing a more equitable population balance at the local level. In this way, men are removed where they constitute a surplus and are provided where they are needed as a labor force. It is therefore not surprising that the frequency of uxorilocal residence does not appear to have greatly increased. Table 15 provides data on the post-marital residence behavior of a sample of 247 women. As mentioned earlier, all quantitative data are based on an availability sample. Married women were used in the calculations, first, because according to the ideal they are the ones who are supposed to move after marriage, and second, because due to the sampling technique there are more women than men in the total available sample. It can be seen from Table 15 that better than 50 percent of the cases

conform to the ideal of virilocality. The percentages for Generation V can be disregarded, because that generation has only five cases. In observing the difference in percentage of virilocality between Genera-

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COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 137 Type of Residence

GENERASTATIONTION VIRILOCAL UXORILOCAL BILOCAL ARY NEOLOCAL Total

' 21 4 2 2 O 29 72.5% 13.8% 6.9% 6.9% 100.1%

II]

71 26 54 8 4 163

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62.0°% 10.0% 14.0% 12.0°% 2.0% 100.0%

an 125 37 64 16 5 247

50.6% 15.0% 25.9% 6.4°% 2.1% 100.0%

Table 15. Type of Post-Marital Residence of 247 Women, by Generation

tions II and III, one might conclude that the Ngawbe have properly perceived the situation, that is, that the frequency of uxorilocality is greater today. But in order to interpret the figures properly, we must keep in mind that the residence pattern among the Ngawbe follows a developmental cycle. In Generation II, the oldest generation in the sample, conditions of unilocality have become nearly stabilized; there-

fore, this generation provides us with our best measure of the true incidence of virilocality and uxorilocality. In Generation I there are only 2 remaining cases (6.9%) of bilocal residence. In Generation HI, on the other hand, 54 of 163 cases (33.2%) are of the bilocal type. As time goes by most of the cases of bilocal residence in Generation [II will stabilize as cases of unilocal residence of the virilocal type. The figures for Generation IV are somewhat puzzling, since they already display a very high percentage of virilocality (62.0%). This

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may be entirely the result of sampling error. If this is not the case, then a tentative hypothesis may be put forth. It is possible that a shortage of land may be making it difficult for a man to farm simultaneously in two areas, so that virilocality becomes established almost immediately after marriage. The neolocal type of residence in Table 15 needs some qualifica-

tion. Residence on lands belonging neither to the man’s nor to the

138 NGAWBE woman’s kinsmen was used as the determinant of neolocality. ‘he five cases of neolocality listed in the table merit the following qualifications. In Generation III, two cases are those which conform strictly to the condition stated above. In the third case, the woman Is residing with her husband on lands belonging to the kinsmen of another wife of the husband. In the fourth case, the conjugal pair no longer main-

tains a residence in Ngawbe territory. They are living on a latinoowned cattle ranch where the man works permanently. In the one case of neolocal residence listed in Generation IV, the couple 1s residing permanently on the Chiriqui Land Company banana plantations and no longer maintains a residence in the mountains. At this point it is worthwhile to comment on the degree to which my data on post-marital residence correlate with information that can be derived from the Panamanian census of 1960. The total Guaymi population of Chiriqui Province in 1960 was 19,946. Guaymi females in Chiriqui Province totaled 10,429. The approximate number of married women may be calculated by subtracting the total mothers under

twenty from the total females under twenty and over fourteen (because a Guaymi woman is very likely to be married shortly after reaching the age of fourteen, if not somewhat sooner), and adding to this the total number of mothers (Censos Nacionales de 1960, 1X: 15, 16, 52, 83). This gives us approximately 5,036 married Guaymi women in Chiriqui Province in 1960. The census lists 6,201 fernales in Chiriqui Province as living in the

same caserio where they were born. If we deduct our approximate figure of 5,036 married women from the total number of females (10,429), we arrive at the figure of 5,393 females who are probably not married and therefore would be expected to be living in natal caserios. This inference is based, of course, on the fact that children among the Guaymi-—girls in this case—reside with their parents at least until the time of their marriage, or until after puberty if marriage occurs prior to this. Since the 1960 census lists 6,201 females as

residing in their natal caserios, we may infer that about 908 (6,201 minus 5,393) women (18.1%) are residing post-maritally in their natal caserios. Two reasons can be given as to why this would be the case. Either (1) they have married men from their own natal caserios, or (2) their husbands are living with them uxorilocally. The census data do not permit separation of the data in this way. My own data, which do permit such a separation, interestingly enough bear out the gross figure of 18.1 percent derived from the census data. Of the 247 marriages in the sample for which post-maritak

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 139

residence data is available (most from San Félix District, Chiriqui Province), 16 marriages (6.4%) occurred between people of the same caserio. There are 37 cases (15.0%) of uxorilocal residence. Thus, a total of 21.4 percent of the women in the sample have continued to reside in their natal caserios after marriage. This is very close to the percentage derived from the census data. If the census data can be ac-

cepted as accurate with regard to what they tell us about Guaymi post-marital residence patterns (and the fact that it correlates so closely with my own data, which were derived from questions designed specifically to elicit this type of information, is a good reason for accepting its accuracy), then it follows that my own small sample may be an accurate representation of post-marital residence practices among the total Guaymi population of Chiriqui Province. Other data derived from the census do not show as close a correlation with my sample.

According to the census data, 15.8 percent of the married Guaymi women in Chiriqui Province were married to men born in districts other than their own. Such inter-district marriages constitute 27 percent of my sample. There are at least two possible reasons for the dif-

ference: (1) my small sample may be atypical, and (2) the census data may be in error. I suspect the latter, and for two reasons. First, the Guaymi fear that some evil will befall them as a result of information collected by census takers and are prone to provide misinforma-

tion, especially with regard to movements of people within the territory. Second, my own data were collected in an area which was approximately equidistant from the boundaries of the two contiguous districts and should, if anything, show a lower rather than a higher percentage of inter-district marriages than the general average (derived from the census), or than data collected on people living near district boundaries where inter-district marriage is often more convenient. We may conclude that while the census data accurately por-

tray the dominance of virilocality among the Guaymi, at the same time they indicate less inter-district movement than actually takes place.

Allow me to summarize briefly the foregoing remarks on residence. The Ngawbe believe that every man, after marriage, should bring his wife to live with him on the lands of his kinsmen. This ideal of virilocality is manifest in the camping arrangements when large numbers of people gather into temporary encampments for social purposes.

The circumstances of everyday life frequently lead to deviations from the virilocal ideal. But conformity is uppermost in everyone’s

140 NGAWBE mind, and folktales recount catastrophes that may befall nonconforming individuals. When a man finds it necessary to choose an alterna-

tive to virilocality, harmony may be restored to the system through his sons, if they establish virilocal residence. Since the inheritance of usufruct rights is bilateral, a son who resides, after marriage, on land belonging to his mother’s kinsmen where his father is residing uxorilocally is, to the Ngawbe way of thinking, conforming to rather than deviating from the ideal. The return of a married son to the lands which his own father left at marriage is also conformity to the virilocal ideal.

Fven partial conformity to the virilocal rule tends to constitute a hamlet as a group of patrilineally related males plus in-married females.

The residence group thus constitutes an exogamous patri-deme, as

Murdock (1949: 63-64) defines the term. It may be added that Ngawbe kinship terminology classifies kinsmen in a manner consistent with the ideal of virilocality, but not necessarily in terms of residence practice. A man may be said to refer to his various kinsmen in terms of where they should be living, not where they are living.

The Ngawbe perceive uxorilocality as being much more common now than in the past, and they attribute this, which they consider offensive to tradition, to an ever increasing shortage of land brought about by the constant encroachment of latinos. The available statistics are not definitive in this matter, but they suggest that Ngawbe perception is faulty and that uxorilocality is no more prevalent now than it was at least two generations ago. Extrapolation from the figures on residence provided by the Panamanian census of 1960 indicates that the percentages of the various types of post-marital residence given in Table 15 are representative of the entire indigenous population in Chiriqui Province. Analysis of a sample of 245 married women suggests that more inter-district marriages take place than the 1960 Panamanian census figures indicate.? KINSHIP

In Ngawbe society, an individual’s network of social relations is in considerable part a function of his kinship relations. The whole net-

work of social relations is viewed by the Ngawbe within a framework of kinship ties. It is therefore useful to discuss, at least briefly, the kinship terms and how they are used. $245 rather than 247 because there are two cases of virilocality where the

natal caserio of the woman was unknown.

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 141

Kin Term Kin Type Denotata Consanguineal

roa FF, MF, FZH, MFZH milie FM, MM, MFZ, FZ, MBW, MEZSW

run F, FB, MZH

me-le M, MZ, FBW

gru MB, MFZS

edaba B, FBS, FZS, MZS, MBS, ccS, ZccS / ms. Z, FBD, FZD, MZD, MBD, BcD, ccD / f.s.

ngwae Z, FBD, FZD, MZD, MBD, ccD, ZccD / m.s. B, FBS, FZS, MZS, MBS, ccS, BcS / f.s.

ngobo S, BS, FBSS, FZSS, MZSS, MBSS, WZS / m.s. S, ZS, FBDS, FZDS, MZDS, MBDS, HBS / f£.s.

ngawngaw D, BD, FBSD, FZSD, MZSD, MBSD, WZD / m.s. D, ZD, FBDD, FZDD, MZDD, MBDD, HBD / f.:s.

nuraw Zc, FBDc, FZDc, MZDc, MBDc, WBc / mss. braw SS, DS, BSS, BDS, ZSS, ZDS, WZSS, WZDS, FBSSS, FBSDS, FBDSS, FBDDS, FZSSS, FZSDS, FZDSS, FZDDS, MZSSS, MZSDS, MZDSS, MBSSS, MBSDS, MBDSS, MBDDS / m.s. SS, DS, BS, ZSS, ZDS, HZS, HBSS, HBDS, FBSS, FZSS, MZSS, MBSS, FBDSS, FBDDS, FZDSS, FZDDS, MZDSS, MZDDS, MBDSS, MBDDS / f:s.

bun SD, DD, BSD, BDD, ZSD, ZDD, WZSD, WZDD, FBSSD, FBSDD, FBDSD, FBDDD, FZSSD,

| FZSDD, FZDSD, FZDDD, MZSSD, MZSDD, MZDSD, MZDDD, MBSSD, MBSDD, MBDSD, MBDDD / m.s. SD, DD, BD, ZSD, ZDD, HZD, HBSD, HBDD, FBSD, FZSD, MZSD, MBSD, FBDSD, FBDDD, FZDSD, FZDDD, MZDSD, MZDDD, MBDSD, MBDDD / f:s. Affinal

u WF, WFB, WFZH, WMZH, WFF, WMF, BWY, ZHE / mss. HF, HFB, HFZH, HMB, HMZH, HFF, HMF, ZHF, BWEY / f.s. Table 16. Ngawbe Referential Kinship Terminology

142 NGAWBE

Kin Term Kin Type Denotata me WM, WMZ, WMBW, WEZ, WEBW, WEN, WMM, ZHM, BWM / m.s.

NIQTI WMB, ZDH / ms. NAWMULO W / ms. H /f.s.

nadan WB, ZH / m.s. yawraw BW, WZ/ mass. ZH, HB / f.s.

bosi SW, BSW, ZSW, SSW, ZSSW, DSW, ZDSW, WZSW, WZSSW, WZDSW, WBSW, BSSW, BDSW / m.s. HZ, HBSW, HZSW, HZSSW, HZDSW, HEFZ, HFBW, HM, HMZ, HMBW, HFM, HMM / f:s.

dwana DH, BDH, WZDH, DDH, SDH, ZSDH, ZDDH, BSDH, BDDH, WZSDH, WZDDH / ms. (The husbands of all female children of a man’s male cousins, and the husbands of all cousins’ children’s female children are also dwana.)

DH, BDH, ZDH, HBDH, HZDH, DDH, SDH, ZDDH, ZSDH, HBSDH, HBDDH / f.s. (The

husbands of all female children of a woman’s female cousins, and the husbands of all cousins’ children’s female children are also dwana.)

kibila WP / mss. HP / f.s.

koba cspP (children’s spouses’ parents)

riba W7ZH / ms. (if he is not edaba to the man) HW, HBW / f.s. (if she is not edaba to the woman) Table 16 (Continued)

Ngawbe referential kinship terms are listed in Table 16 along with some of their genealogical specifications, i.c., those specifications obtained in the field.* No attempt has been made in Table 16 to extend category membership to include genealogical positions involving re41n Table 16 and elsewhere I have made use of the following abbreviations:

F = father, or father’s ...; M = mother, or mother’s ...,; P = parent, or parent’s ...; B = brother, or brother’s...; Z = sister, or sister’s ... ; S = son,

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 143

lationships which are unsupported by field data. Such a procedure involves prediction and is possible only after a set of formal equivalence rules have been formulated.’ Figure 3 illustrates graphically, from the vantage point of both a male and a female F go, the data included in Table 16. Table 16 lists the terms which serve as labels for all of the distinct kin categories in the Ngawbe kinship system. In addition, there are qualifiers which serve to subdivide these categories, but do not by their use form distinct categories. In speaking of any kin type, the first person personal pronoun ti is almost always used in conjunction with the kin term when one is referring to one’s own relatives, and the other personal pronouns when referring to someone else’s relatives. The form 77 is used preceding the kin term and the form ti-gwe following it. Sometimes the combination fi . . . ti-gave will be used when greatest specificity is necessary, e.g., if a man wishes to specify

that another man is his own full brother he will most likely say tz edaba ti-gwe. Mendene means “distant” when used in conjunction with the kin terms. Its usage mav indicate either great genealogical distance or low

frequency of social interaction with the individual concerned. Ex-

amples of great genealogical distance are WMBW and WFZH. WMBW is me, “mother-in-law,” to a man, but this woman will almost always be referred to as me mendene. WFZH is u, “fatherin-law,” to a man, but will be sub-categorized as u mendene. As an example of the low frequency of social interaction influencing the use of mendene as a qualifier, consider the following. A man’s FBS and his FZS are both his edaba (see Table 16). If the ideal of post-marital virilocality is followed by all parties concerned, a man’s FZ will have moved elsewhere at marriage and his FB will have remained in the same hamlet. The frequency of contact with FZS is thus likely to be much lower than with FBS. FZS will usually be recognized as edaba but referred to as edaba mendene. Should the relationship between a man and his FZS be extremely tenuous, he may refer to FZS as simply mraweaw, “kinsman.” The terms siba, “junior,” and ombre, “senior,” are used to qualify or son’s...; D = daughter, or daughter’s ... ; c = child, or child’s...; H = husband, or husband’s ... ; W = wife, or wife’s ...; sp = spouse, or spouse’s ...3 m.s, = man speaking; and f.s. = woman speaking. 5 A formal analysis of Ngawbe kinship terms has been done (Young ms) in which the equivalence rules of the system are worked out, but it is beyond the scope of the present study to include it here.

NGAWBE KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY (WBW=Z, WZH=B, HBW=Z,

A =Roa G =Koba B=Mtltre H = Run

I =Meye G° dea 2 D =NigriEC=U J=Gru =Me K = Edaba

F =Krtbrtla L =Ngwae

(WZH 3 8)

Gt2 aQs Aa Os A 8 ot! 1080: A; Os Anu Or HO) IOs Au Or 0 «= Aros atoe = Arg wgoe = Arog gto Arog aga ii AR@ico ‘2

0-1 buon au Dei Pr A801 D0" 48 DEAL Or BEDE AED? 8 DEAL EOE ALO? OH QUAL DY 98 mr G-2 1 cea te ha nov Owdv Ow Hi vor x Ov Owdv Ow : ROL x v OwAv wt 4 Yl 4 v OwAv Owdy¥ OW

Figure 3. Ngawbe Kinship Terminology

ond HZH=B8B are true in G° and G" unless indicated otherwise.) -KEY-

M=Nawmugo- S = Ngawngaw

N = Nadan T = Nurow

—_— EGO M Os P = Bos! V; =— Braw S OFgaa Au Boos Q=Riba W= Bun

O = Yawraw U =Dwana R =Ngobo

(NOTE: UNDERLINED SYMBOLS INDICATE TERMS

USED BY FEMALES SINGLE SYMBOLS, NOT

EE

UNDERLINED, INDICATE TERM& USED BY BOTH SEXES) g-!

{NC Oe Nc OP G+2 Nc O8 C ’ C ° {\¢ OF sc OF Gt! /

(fF)

fe) fo)

OF DOO ai Ge ox LOr 90k 1 OP OOO OiOer Po Ox at Oe 9°

9 R s At 1 Ss At oc)! s At oryt $ -) i wOv Owdy Owdt OF AL OF v Owdv.Ow N . oY wdv Ow il ot «dv Ow dv Ow tl Kor nov Owdy Owdl OFA O* G-2

146 NGAWBE the sibling terms under certain circumstances. If, in a particular instance, it is desired to recognize the existence of a superordinatesubordinate relationship between siblings, then use will be made of these qualifiers. The use of siba and ombre is also important in the context of traditional marriage alliances. If a man’s wife dies without issue, he may demand of her parents or brothers that he be given her younger sister as wife, even though the younger sister may already be married. He cannot take her older sister as wife unless she is still unmarried. In such an instance it becomes important to distinguish between older and younger sisters of a man’s wife. In Table 16 each kinship term ts followed by a list of relative product notations which (partially) specify the kin type denotata of the term. The terms thus represent labels for categories of kinsmen and, indeed,

the Ngawbe themselves use the terms as such. However, they also make use of some of the terms—me-ie (or mama),7run (or tada), edaba, ngwae, nawmugo, ngobo, and ngawngaw—in concatenated strings to designate particular individuals in their genealogies. For example, one

may specify father’s mother as me-ie tada-gwe, and my mother’s brother’s daughter as ti me-ie ngwae ngawngaw-ie, though in a referential sense these individuals would be in the m#lie and ngwae cate-

gories respectively. This serves to emphasize that the Ngawbe themselves distinguish clearly between individuals genealogically specified and kinship roles for which the kin category terms are used. A concatenated string of kinship terms thus precisely defines the genea-

logical relationship of one individual to another.® A kinship term used as a category label, insofar as it is used in referring to an individual, places the individual in a kin category relationship to the speaker, but says nothing at all about the genealogical relationship (if, indeed, this is precisely known—in some cases it is not) obtaining between the two individuals. As is reasonably apparent from Table 16, Ngawbe kinship terminol-

ogy is of bifurcate-merging type in the parental generation, and cousin terminology is of Hawaiian type (Murdock 1949). It also appears that the major principles upon which distinctions are made are those of generation and sex, a fairly common characteristic of cognatic systems such as this one. In this system, many of the kin terms can be extended infinitely in theory. That is to say, the number of categories is finite but member6 Genealogical relationship, however, should not be confused witb biological relationship. In some cases these relationships coincide and in others they do not. It is the recognition of genealogical rather than biological relationships that is important to the Ngawbe in ordering their social relationships.

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 147

ship in any category (in terms of the number of differently specified genealogical positions that denote legitimate membership) is theoretically infinite. For example, the terms edaba and ngwae can be extended to both parallel and cross cousins to the mth degree. In practice,

however, factors of common residence and intensity of social interaction, as well as the death of individuals in ascending generations, impose practical limits. Edaba and ngwae, for example, usually include second cousins but rarely third cousins, and for purposes of marriage, second cross cousins may be excluded from these categories. Practical considerations thus have implications for the marriage alliance system and use rights of land. In speaking with relatives rather than about them, the Ngawbe use a set of vocative terms for ascending generations and either personal names or vocative terms for own and descending generations. Some vocative terms subsume more than one referential category; some are the same as their referential counterparts and coincide in usage with referential category membership; finally, there are some referential terms which, due to the operation of social rules of behavior, have no vocative counterpart, nor is a personal name used in lieu of a term of address.

The terms vigri, edaba, ngwae, nadan, yawraw, bosi,ngobo, ngawngaw, nuraw, braw, bun, and koba are vocative as well as referential and their usage as terms of address coincides with referential usage. Personal names are used instead of the above-listed terms of address in all instances where there is no motive for openly declaring the kinship

bond. There is one exception to this. A woman may use a personal name in speaking with her ost if bost is junior, but she will never do so if bosi is senior.

In direct address, tada subsumes the referential categories run, roa, and gru. As a sign of respect, tada, “father,” is sometimes qualified by ombre, “senior,” when speaking to roa. Either a personal name or the term grz itself is occasionally used in speaking to one’s mother’s brother. Only tada is used in speaking to run. Mama, “mother,” subsumes the referential categories me-ie and mile in direct address; and like tada, mama is sometimes qualified by ombre to show respect when speaking to mzlze. A personal name is always used in speaking to NaWMUO, “Spouse.”

The referential terms u, 7e, riba, and k#bila have no vocative counterparts. A man in theory may never speak directly to his z, ““‘father-

in-law.” This rule is much more frequently transgressed than is the taboo on speaking to mothers-in law. It is permissible for a woman to speak directly to her father-in-law, and in the absence of an alternate

148 NGAWBE term to serve as aterm of address she could call him zw. I never recorded

an actual case of the u term being used by a woman in direct address, but, for that matter, I never heard any other term being used either. Tada is a possibility. The reason for the lack of a vocative term for me, ‘mother-in-law of a man,” is readily apparent. Ngawbe men practice strict mother-in-

law avoidance. A man may never see the face of, or speak to, his mother-in-law.

Dwana has no vocative counterpart since parents-in-law do not speak directly to their son-in-law. K#b#la has no vocative counterpart since it is a cover term for mother-in-law and father-in-law. Some additional explanation of the term riba 1s also in order. Riba is the referential term for “spouse’s parallel (1.e., same sex) sibling’s spouse” if he (she) is not one’s own parallel sibling. It is doubtful that

riba, though a self-reciprocal term, is ever used in the vocative. In theory riba are enemies and never speak to each other. In fact, when they do communicate directly, personal names are used. The term very likely would be used vocatively in an argument to provoke a fight between riba, but I have no recorded cases of this. As a consequence of the definition of the riba category, riba is self-reciprocal between males and between females and never occurs between male and female. The mechanics of the situation are as follows. If two men who do not stand in the edaba relationship to each other marry women who are edaba to each other, then the two men are 7iba to each other. If two women who do not stand in the edaba relationship to each other marry men who are edaba to each other, then the two women refer to each other

as riba; and if two women who are not edaba marry the same man, then they are riba to each other. The use of vocative terminology which subsumes referential categories is most frequently noted in cases of residential proximity. In such instances the distinctions between certain kinship roles become blurred, and it is useful and convenient to more or less formalize this merging of roles through the use of a vocative terminology. In this way the number of dyadic relationships is reduced and the individual is better able to cope with the intense social interaction with various others that is a part of everyday life in the caserio. LAND OWNERSHIP AND USE RIGHTS

The discussion of land ownership and usufruct rights in this section is to be considered tentative. My data do not warrant more than

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 149

a preliminary statement. At the same time, however, it should be noted that at least some of the difficulty in determining the limits of exten-

sion of usufruct rights may be inherent in the Ngawbe system as it exists. A great many of the disputes brought before the corregidores during my stay were disputes over land. It appears that the Ngawbe themselves are frequently hard pressed to resolve questions of priority of land rights. Land is owned collectively by the members of a kin group. However, control of the land (as opposed to collective ownership in the abstract) 1s vested in those members of the kin group who actually reside in a caserio located on the land in question. Usufruct rights to plots on kin-owned land are held by each individual member of the kin group. Kin group members are, in theory, those people who refer to each other by consanguineal kinship terms. Obviously, if carried to an extreme, within a few generations there would be many more people with rights to farm a single area of land than could possibly do so at any one time. So far as the determination of usufruct is concerned, in the broadest sense the Ngawbe tend to limit kin group mem-

bership to those people who can claim relationship to one another through genealogical links no more distant than the second ascending generation. A person can thus claim use rights to land presently occupied by a second cousin. However, in pressing this kind of a claim there is the implication that one’s parents did not occupy or use the land in question, for if one’s parents had used the land the claim could be made directly through parental linkage, and it would not be necessary to claim rights through a grandparent. Actual cases of exercising usufruct rights claimed through grandparents appear to be rare.

During the field work only four such cases came to light. In one case a man had in the past farmed land to which he claimed a right through his father’s mother, but he was no longer exercising this right. In another, a man was living on and farming the lands of his father’s mother. In a third, a man was residing on lands of his mother’s father but was not farming these lands, though he claimec the right to do so. In the fourth case, a man had in the past farmed, on behalf of his wife, land to which she laid claim through her mother’s father.

Residence on the land is a major factor which operates to circumscribe the exercise of usufruct. Marriage alliance within the framework of inheritance of property rights determined through biparental filiation serves to establish the rights of members of future generations to

farm land to which some of their kinsmen in ascending generations had no rights. The Ngawbe distinguish between borrowing land and usufruct.

150 NGAWBE Marriage establishes a bond between two kin groups such that the members of one group of the same generation as the married couple and of ascending generations may request, and, except under special circumstances, receive permission to farm land belonging to the other group, and vice versa. This is viewed as borrowing by the Ngawbe;

permission may be revoked at any time. Usufruct rights cannot be revoked. When a man farms the lands of his wife’s kinsmen, as men frequently

do, it is his wife who is exercising her usufruct rights. Her husband does not acquire such rights by marriage. Children of the married couple, however, have by birthright usufruct rights to the lands of the kin groups of both parents. Male and female children are said to in-

herit usufruct rights equally from both parents. In practice, these rights tend to be less often exercised by women. There 1s obviously a relationship here between the exercise of usufruct and the predominance of virilocal residence after marriage. As pointed out earlier, in theory as well as in practice there is some extension of usufruct rights from grandparents to grandchildren. If this were an extension to the greatest degree possible, it would mean that a person would have use rights to the lands of eight kin groups since each of his four grandparents has rights in two estates. However, it appears that two factors, generational continuity of residence and whether or not the grandparents are still living, together limit the extent to which usufruct claims are honored. By birth an individual has use rights to lands on which his mother and his father were born and raised, regardless of whether his parents are living and farming virilocally or uxorilocally. But land use rights determined through two ascending generations are more restricted. If a man’s father is living and farming on lands of that man’s father’s father but has continued to farm lands of that man’s father’s mother as well, then the man has use rights to lands of both of his paternal grandparents. If use rights to the lands of the paternal grandmother have not been exercised, the mani still has rights to those lands upon which she is living as long as his paternal grandmother 1s alive. But if she dies before he exercises his rights, the rights lapse. he same may be said of use rights to lands of the maternal grandparents. A man automatically has rights to use the lands on which his maternal grandparents reside since they are the lands on which his own mother was raised. But use rights to the lands of a maternal grandparent who is residing with his or her spouse and not on lands of his or her own kinsmen only exist if such rights have been exercised by an individual’s mother through the labor of

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 151

his father, or if such rights are exercised by the individual himself prior to the death of said maternal grandparent. To state all this as simply as possible, the exercise of usufruct is achieved through generational continuity of actual use, or residence, or both. If use rights are allowed to remain inactive for more than two generations and generational continuity of residence of the claimant does not exist, the rights cease to exist for descendants in future generations. Rights lapse after only two generations when (1) an in-

dividual’s parents have not activated the rights, or (2) the grandparents die before the individual himself activates the rights.

The system appears to offer an individual a wide choice of areas in which he may farm, but two circumstances combine to set fairly rigid limits. First, the man is rare who farms land in more than two areas. A man usually farms land on which he was raised and, in addition, exercises the rights of his wife and farms land on which she was

raised. Usufruct claims to other lands, in terms of the possibilities mentioned above, are only pressed when these two options are not available because of land shortage. Second, by the time a man is married and thus in need of land to farm, his grandparents have usually died. Therefore, he is in most cases limited in his choice to one or more of three locales: land on which his father was raised, land on which his mother was raised, and land on which his wife was raised.

The ownership of lands appears to change hands in four ways. Sometimes a man has a friend whose kin group has a surplus of Jand and the friend, with the consent of his kinsmen, invites the man to come to live and farm there. If a man is allowed to live, farm, and raise a family to maturity on such borrowed lands, he and his children become de facto owners of the portion of the other kin group’s lands which he has been farming. Disputes over ownership frequently arise in such situations between the descendants of the two original friends. In the few cases of which I have records, ownership was eventually conceded to the descendants of the man who borrowed the land. Occasionally a serious dispute arises between two or more members

of the same kin group. When reconciliation is not possible, fission occurs. The members take sides, the land is divided, and henceforth the descendants of the original segments of the kin group have use rights only to the lands of their segment. When immature forest or second growth is cleared for planting, the man who does the clearing and his family have use rights to that particular plot only so long as they continue to farm it (usually no more than two years). When it is left fallow it again becomes avail-

152 NGAWBE able to any member of the kin group who wishes to use it. But if a section of virgin forest is cleared, even though it be within the bound-

aries of the kin group lands, ownership is established by the act of clearing; henceforth the land belongs to the man who cleared it, and usufruct rights may be exercised only by his descendants. This method of establishing ownership was described to me by several informants

who said it had been common in the past. It is rare today in San Félix District, where almost no virgin forest exists. Ownership rights to unclaimed land are established simply by occupying the land and farming it. Today, sections of unclaimed land are rare except in the furthest reaches of the mountains, and pressures are apparently not yet great enough to force settlement in these areas.

The Ngawbe are generally reluctant to leave lands with which they are familiar and to move great distances from their kinsmen unless they see no other alternative. Land is occasionally left vacant, however, due to the taking up of residence in other areas through marriage by some kin group members and the death of remaining ones. When land is left vacant in this way, anyone can take up residence on

it and thereby establish ownership. People suffering from even a temporary land shortage will be very likely to do so.

Few Ngawbe have ever registered title to their lands with the Ministerio de Hacienda. I saw only two such documents. In both cases the documents were displayed in attempts to resolve boundary

disputes between kin groups. The corregidores who saw them, as well as others present (mostly kinsmen of the two disputants in each case) appeared to be somewhat awed by the very official appearance of the documents, but the officials were reluctant to give them much weight in settling the disputes. In fact, they would have contributed nothing to the resolution of the boundary disputes, for the same reason that I believe their legality would not be upheld in any Panamanian

court. The documents did not specify land boundaries in terms of survey lines (no surveying of land boundaries has ever been done in Guaymi territory), or even in terms of prominent topographic features. They simply stated that the land of X extended on one side to the lands of Y, on another side to the lands of Z, etc. Since both titles named individuals as the title holders, this may be

an indication of a shift among the Ngawbe from collective to individual ownership of land. This is only speculation, but there is a slight amount of other evidence. Informants told me that in the past few years there have been several cases in which sons have been in-

volved in disputes with their fathers and have demanded that the fathers concede to them ownership of a portion of the kin group

COMMUNITY, KINSHIP, AND LAND 153

lands. However, in all cases the sons lost the disputes and separate ownership was not granted by the officiating Ngawbe corregidor. In 1962, a new agrarian reform law was passed by the National Assembly of Panama. In 1964, the rumor was circulating among the Negawbe that this law applied to them as well as to the rural Panamanians. The rumor intimated that the government was going to survey the Guaymi territory and redistribute all lands on an individual basis. An examination of the document (Gaceta Oficial 1963: #14,923: pp. 1 and 3) showed that there was no truth to the story. But the Ngawbe, who did not know this, were living in great fear of the consequences that the destruction of their land tenure system could have. Most Ngawbe feel that an end to collective ownership of land would quickly end cooperative labor among kinsmen, and that this combination of events would serve to undermine their entire traditional socioeconomic system. In this, I feel that they are probably right.

VI. The Social Organization of Production and Consumption THE DIVISION OF LABOR

The common bases upon which a division of labor occurs in all societies are age, sex, and occupation. In some societies there is greater, and perhaps exclusive, emphasis on one of these dimensions as opposed to the others; and in some societies the division of labor itself is well defined and rigid, while in others it is not. In Ngawbe society, greatest emphasis is placed on sex as the basis for division of labor. Nevertheless, the distinction between male and female tasks is not rigid. There are some tasks which are considered to be exclusively in the male or female domain, and in the normal course of events these tasks are performed by members of the appropriate sex. But expediency frequently blurs the boundaries. Thus, one sometimes finds

men building a fire, cooking, sweeping the house, and caring for children. When necessary, women also perform some of the tasks of men, such as chopping firewood, sharpening machetes, and weeding

fields. Women, however, never hunt, clear forest, or care for cattle. People do not necessarily enjoy performing work that should be done by the opposite sex; in fact, they generally complain about it. There is no specific age at which a child is expected to assume full adult status and begin participating fully in adult work. The process is gradual. Children normally begin to assist their parents at the age of about eight. By the time girls reach fifteen, and boys seventeen or eighteen, they have usually become full participants in household activities. 154

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 155

There is no full-time specialization in Ngawbe society. Some home manufactures—net bags and open-work baskets—are made by almost all women, and sometimes by men; but these are spare-time activities. Other manufactures, such as wooden trays, stone pipes, and wooden mortars and pestles, are made exclusively by male specialists, but only on a part-time basis. Men who possess the skills to produce these items must, nonetheless, farm for a living. Even shamans are not exempted

from agriculture. Though they receive gifts of food, and often cash these days, for their services, this income is not sufficient to support their families.

Men are exclusively responsible for the heavy work of clearing land. Weeding the fields 1s also done by men, though women sometimes help, especially when there is a pressing need to complete the task rapidly and it is not possible to organize a cooperative labor force of male kinsmen. Men and women participate equally in planting. Women do slightly more harvesting than men, but men also participate heavily and, frequently, equally. The harvesting of bananas, plantains, root crops, squashes, and new corn is done on a day-to-day basis; this is almost exclusively women’s work. Men occasionally bring back a stem of green bananas or a few tubers to the house to replenish the larder, if they pass by their fields on the way home.

The Ngawbe conform to the pattern of other Central American tribes; that is, agricultural labor is traditionally performed by both men and women, with the men performing the heavier tasks of clearing the land and weeding. I could find no evidence that in recent years men have come to participate more in agricultural tasks. In fact, there is some indication that the contrary is true—that women have become increasingly responsible for agricultural production. This shift seems due primarily to two factors. The first of these was

the introduction of cattle. The care of cattle immediately became, and has remained, an exclusively male task. Consequently, it is possible that men now have less time to spend tending the fields, and that women more and more have come to perform the lighter work of farming, though (as I point out later) the care of cattle may have absorbed only time formerly devoted to hunting. The second factor contributing to this shift was the beginning of wage labor. Wage laborers are away for periods varying from a couple of months to one or more years. In the majority of cases the family remains at home. Thus women find it necessary to perform more and more agricultural labor themselves, and to rely on male kinsmen to accomplish the heavier tasks.

156 NGAWBE The latino stereotype of the Guaymi man as an indolent vagabond who spends his time leisurely hunting and fishing, or just lying around the house while his women slave to support him, is not justified and is based without doubt on insufficient knowledge. Males contribute as much as females to the well-being of a household. It is probably

superfluous to add that hunting is far from being a leisure activity among people who, to a certain extent, depend on wild game for their livelihood.

Tasks performed exclusively by men—clearing of land, hunting, care of cattle—are important in considering the composition of households and their position as the basic unit of production and consumption in Ngawbe society. It is a matter of economic necessity that all households contain at least one adult male and one adult female. In instances in which this is not the case, the households are partially dependent for their economic well-being on other households. THE BASIC ECONOMIC UNIT

The basic unit of production and consumption in Ngawbe society is the household. A houschold is defined as consisting of the occupants

of a single house. This follows the definition given in Notes and Queries (1964: 64). With the Ngawbe there ts no problem, such as encountered by Freeman among the Iban (1960), of distinguishing hous: hold as an economic unit from house as a physical structure. The Ngawbe live in relatively small and physically separate structures,

though those of close kinsmen are usually located quite close to one another in the same caserio. The occupants of each individual house form an economic unit that performs much of the work necessary

to its maintenance and utilizes most of the products of its labor. There are frequent occasions when the members of various households cooperate in the accomplishment of some task and also in consumption, but there is no permanent unit larger than the household which regularly convenes to fulfill daily production and consumption requirements.

There is considerable variation in household composition. Four types appear to be most common, though my sample is too small to determine meaningful frequencies. The first type is the #zonogamous nuclear family household consisting of a man, his wife, and their unmarried children. The second is the poly gynous household made up of

a man, two or more wives, and the unmarried children of these. A

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 157

third type is composed of two brothers (more than two married brothers living more or less permanently in the same household 1s rare and usually represents a highly unstable condition), their respective wives, and unmarried children; I have labeled this the fraternal household. It occasionally happens that two sisters will occupy a house with their respective husbands and children. Such instances are best considered as fraternal households, since I know of no cases in

which the men did not refer to each other as edaba (brother). In fraternal households the men are usually monogamous, and if not, their additional wives live elsewhere. In fact, the formation of polygynous unions by brothers living together is a factor in the dissolution of fraternal households.

The fourth type of household is the extended family household consisting of a man, his wife, their unmarried children, and a married son and his wife and occasionally their small children. This type is fairly common, though it represents perhaps the most transitory stage

in the developmental cycle of the domestic group. A married son living with his parents generally attempts to set up his own household as soon as it is possible for him to do so. Even though he will normally locate his house very near to that of his father, he achieves a measure of independence that he cannot enjoy while residing under the same roof. Other types of households occur, but they are uncommon. One of these is the maternal household made up of a woman, her married son (usually just one, but sometimes two), his wife, and their children. This type usually results from the dissolution of a polygynous household at a late stage in the developmental cycle, due to the following

series of events. Most of the children of the wives of a polygynist have reached adulthood and married. The man remains in his own house with only his first wife and any immature children that they may still have. The married sons construct their own houses, usually in the same caserio, and their own mothers live with them. When the mother dies, these households become monogamous or polygynous, depending on the number of wives the son has at the time. In rare instances an extended family type occurs in which a man, his married daughter, her husband, and their children occupy a single house. In the cases of this kind that I know of, the mother-in-law of the younger man was either dead or not resident in the household. This extended family type 1s temporary and unstable, the son-in-law building his own house and moving out of the house of his father-inlaw at the earliest opportunity.

158 NGAWBE THE HOUSEHOLD ROUTINE

The Ngawbe do not regulate their lives in terms of the precise divisions of time to which we are accustomed. They do not adhere to any rigid sequence of task performance from one day to the next. For this reason it does not seem useful to present a schedule of the activities that each member of the household performs in terms of some arbitrary interval such as one-half hour or one hour. To do so would be to present an entirely false picture of life in a Ngawbe household. Like many agricultural peoples, however, they are slaves to the seasons and the weather. Tasks related to agriculture must be performed at the right time or there may be little food in the house during the following year, and when the rains are so intense that little can be done in the fields, anxiety sets in. Supernatural beliefs also exert a strong influence on task performance. A horse cannot be castrated when the moon is full, or it will always be thin and sickly. A man will not work his fields if he has dreamed the night before of a person who has been bitten by a snake. If he does, he will surely be bitten himself and will probably die. If corn is harvested when the moon is bright, it will rot quickly. These are just a few examples. Keeping the above qualifications in mind, we may examine the daily activities in which the members of a Ngawbe household normally engage. Women arise as soon as it is light, stir up the embers to kindle the fire, and prepare food. Men arise about an hour later when the food is ready. After the morning meal, women generally leave immediately for the banana grove, the corn field, or the otoe patch to gather

enough food for a day or two. They return in less than two hours and spend the rest of the day performing a multitude of chores such as preparing food, caring for children, washing clothes, bathing them-

selves and their children, cleaning house, sewing, and feeding the chickens and pigs if there are any; if there is time, they may pay a brief visit to the women in a nearby household to gossip while their children play. But, except for bringing produce from the fields in early morning, they do not do these things in any particular order.

Men often talk with others in the caserio for a few minutes to an hour after the morning meal. They gather at one of the houses that has chicha (a lightly fermented variety). Men say that chicha gives them

strength to accomplish the hard work of the day, and they usually return from the day’s work much earlier in the afternoon on days when no chicha is available. Men generally leave for their fields and pastures by about 8:30 in the morning and return home about 3:00 in

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 159

the afternoon. Depending on the season and the chores that are most urgent, a man will spend the day working in his fields, checking his cattle and horses, or repairing fences. Upon their return to the house

in mid-afternoon and while waiting for the women to prepare the meal, men occupy themselves with such tasks as shelling corn for the

chickens and pigs, sharpening machetes and axes, cutting weeds around the house, making minor repairs to the house, and gathering firewood. In other words, they perform any minor tasks that need doing; if there is nothing that is pressing or if the day has been a hard one, they may take a nap. During the dry season it 1s also the task of women to gather firewood, since there is an abundance of small dry branches to be found on the forest floor. During the rainy season, when the debris on the forest floor is wet, collecting firewood is a man’s chore. Large trees are cut during the dry season and left to dry. When the rains come, these trees are chopped into logs that can be carried to the house, where they are split into firewood as needed. But women can often be seen splitting logs and men gathering small dry branches. People seldom venture far from their houses at night (except men

when they hunt). Women generally retire to their bed platforms shortly after dark, though they may lie awake listening to the conversation of the men for an hour or more. Men of the caserio frequently gather around the fire in one of the houses of an evening to discuss the work and events of the day, and to gossip in general. These conversations often last well into the night and are frequently accom-

panied by the drinking of chocolate water or chicha. While in general the Ngawbe work hard the year around, one is certainly impressed by the fact that the dry season, when food is usually more plentiful, is much more a time of leisure and gaiety than the rainy season. Traditionally balserias and chicherias were held during the dry season. Mama Chi meetings are held the year around,

but they greatly increase in frequency and duration during the dry season. Rainy season meetings last only one night, and attendance is usually low. Dry season meetings frequently last four days and nights; they are usually attended by hundreds of people. Visits to relatives in distant caserios are also much more frequent during the dry months. Life seems to be rather tedious during the height of the rainy season when social interaction, especially for women, is restricted almost entirely to one’s own hamlet. Several months of rain itself appears to have a depressing effect, even on a people such as the Ngawbe who have lived under these conditions all of their lives. There is a noticeable increase in gaiety at the time of the annual rainy season harvest,

160 NGAWBE but it does not compare in intensity with the euphoria that seems to beset almost everyone when the dry season arrives.

Here it may be suggested that women set the mood in the household. During the rainy season, women seldom travel far from the caserio in which they reside. Men, on the other hand, regularly attend cabildo meetings to discuss disputes, make trips to town, and sometimes leave for periods of wage work. The greatly restricted field of social interaction for women during the rainy months tends

to increase the amount of bickering in the household. In the dry season, when people generally travel as families and when women have the opportunity to visit their own kinsmen for periods of several days, the mood of women is much lighter, bickering is replaced by joking, and the heightened sense of well-being that women feel due

to the broadening of their field of social interaction and its greater intensity is conveyed to the whole household. COOPERATIVE LABOR

Though much of the work in Ngawbe society is accomplished by members of the household, individually and as a unit, certain tasks are customarily accomplished through the cooperation of kinsmen residing in different households and different caserios. The Ngawbe do not yet hire each other as wage laborers. Reciprocal labor is still the rule, though some forms of it have recently become

altered. Traditionally, both the festive and the exchange forms of reciprocal labor existed and, as Erasmus (1956) has pointed out, the obligation to reciprocate was much stronger in the exchange than in the festive type. Festive labor was of two subtypes. The first involved the organization of work groups based on mutual recognition of need and consisting of the residents of a given area, not necessarily all kinsmen, for the purpose of cleaning and repairing trails. These groups had no leader or patron, and each member provided his own food, with the households closest to the work area preparing the indispensable chicha. Traditionally, anyone could initiate the organization of this kind of work group. Recently trail-cleaning groups have come to be organized almost exclusively by the government-appointed Indian corregidores, and they have taken on the character of a civil obligation. Fines are sometimes imposed for failure to participate. As a result, what was once viewed as an occasion for camaraderie has become a distasteful task for some. The second type of festive labor traditionally concerned two activi-

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 161

ties, house-building and the clearing of land—and there is some question about whether the latter was actually of this type. The man who wished to have a house built or some land cleared would give notice

to everyone in the vicinity, as well as to relatives in more distant areas. Those who indicated a willingness to participate were given a knotted string (k# #bwa) to keep track of the number of days until the appointed day. The patron supplied all the food and drink, and the serving of meat and strong chicha was essential to insure a large turnout. [hough the patron was expected to willingly participate in similar work groups organized by others, the food and drink hz supplied was

considered sufficient repayment for the work done; there was no expectation of formal repayment of labor. This subtype of festive labor also has disappeared in San Felix District, and both housebuilding and land-clearing are now accomplished by exchange.

Today festive labor appears to have completely disappeared. In San Félix District, tasks formerly performed by festive labor are now

done by exchange labor groups or by order of the corregidor. The Spanish term junta is commonly used by the Ngawbe to refer to an exchange labor group, the organizer is termed a patron, and the participants peones. In the festive labor groups the participation of non-related individuals was usual, while exchange labor groups rarely include people not related to the patron. Any male may arrange a juzita any time that he feels it is necessary.

He only invites as many people as he feels he can repay without jeopardizing the economic security of his own household. If he must repay too many davs of labor, his own crops may suffer. Since almost everyone has their juntas at the same times of the year, it is necessary to give about one week’s advance notice to those whom one wishes to have as peones so that conflicts in scheduling can be

avoided. The knotted string is still used to mark off the days until the date of the junta. All of the yuntas of which I have personal knowl-

edge were of only one day’s duration, and none of my Ngawbe friends knew of anyone who had ever had a junta that lasted more than one day. The following case history will serve to illustrate some of the generalizations made about exchange labor. This junta took place on June 29, 1964.

Renaldo had worked weeding his corn field at Cerro Mamita on June 15, 20, 22, 23, 26, and 27. Between June 16 and 20, he was work-

ing in his fields at Cerro Otoe. On June 24, he left again for Cerro Otoe to participate as peon in a junta being held on June 25 by a man to whom he owed a day’s labor. The other days during this period are

162 NGAWBE accounted for by the fact that he does not work in his fields on Sundays.

It became obvious to Renaldo that he was going to lose a lot of corn in his Cerro Mamita field if he did not get the weeds out of it more quickly than would be possible if he worked alone. He decided to have a small junta, ‘just two or three people besides myself,” on either Monday, June 29, or Tuesday, June 30, depending on which day would be most convenient for the people he was going to invite as peones. On Thursday night, June 25, he talked to Fernando about the junta. Fernando agreed to help, but they did not decide at that time whether it would be Monday or Tuesday. On Friday, June 26, Renaldo asked Pancho, and he said he would help but that he was planning to go to town on Saturday to sell some coffee and chickens

and did not know if he would be back on Sunday. If he was not, then he could not help on Monday, but if the junta were held on Tuesday he would be there for sure, he said. Fernando went down to Quebrada Chacara on Saturday and did not tell Renaldo when he would be back. I asked Renaldo on Saturday night if he was going to

have the junta on Monday. He said he did not know yet because Fernando had not returned. Fernando returned to Cerro Mamita on Sunday morning. On Sunday afternoon Leandro and Erasmo (the son of Leandro) showed up, and also Clemente. Then it was definitely decided to have the junta on the following day. More than twenty gallons of chicha were prepared by Renaldo’s wife on Sunday afternoon and put into large sour gourds to ferment. Renaldo’s sister, the wife of Clemente, aided in this task. Pancho returned from town late Sunday evening. On Monday morning the following people were present for the junta: Renaldo (patron), Leandro, Erasmo, Fernando, Pancho, Augusto, Ramon, and Clemente. The genealogical relationships, place of

residence in 1964, and natal caserio of these people is shown in Figure 4.

Boiled green bananas and coffee were served for breakfast.’ Then chicha was poured out of the gourds into a large metal pot (paila). This was placed on one of the bed platforms; Renaldo served the chicha to all the men and gave some to the children standing outside the door and looking in. Clemente’s wife (the sister of Renaldo) kept Clemente supplied with chicha. He could not enter the house because 1JIrt is unusual for food to be served to the peones before work, and in this case it was occasioned by the fact that all the participants had spent the night at Cerro Mamita.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 163

Clemente Leandro vemneg’ Augusto = RENALDO a}q a3eee38. als

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Erasmo Ramon

(Cerro Balso) (Cerro Mamita) {Cerro Balso] [Cerro Mamita] Figure 4. Genealogical Relationship, Place of Residence in 1964 (), and Natal Caserio [] of Participants in Renaldo's Junta of June 29, 1964

164 NGAWBE of the mother-in-law taboo. The women in the house did not drink any chicha at this time. When the second potfull was almost gone, Augusto asked Renaldo if he was not going to give any chicha to the women. Renaldo replied that there was enough left for them in one of the gourds, and that they would drink it later since they were going to be in the house all day. During the chicha-drinking, there was much banter about the work to be done. It was generally agreed that it was easier to weed corn (the task at hand) than to weed rice, because you have to work much more slowly in the rice and you have to bend over so far in weeding rice fields that you are practically sitting down. Fernando asked to use Renaldo’s new file to sharpen his machete. Pancho suggested that

the patron should sharpen all the machetes. Everyone, including Renaldo, laughed at this. Renaldo said: “Well, boys, we'll work until 6 P.M.” At this there was a round of complaining which was carried out in a joking fashion, but with the obvious intent of arriving at a compromise with the patron. Someone said that, if it rained early and hard, they would not be able to stand the cold until 6 p.m. Renaldo

countered that the corn was tall and that they would be working under it so they would not get very wet if it rained, and the wind would not get to them so they would not feel the cold as much as if they were in the open. Someone else asked how they were going to know when it was 6 p.m. (No one had a wristwatch.) This remark was ignored. Pancho said one should only work such long hours for

money. He said Renaldo was expecting too much, and that they would all get too tired if they complied with the patron’s request. Renaldo answered that if he was working alone and it rained hard or

he became tired he would come back early, but being patron of a junta was a different thing entirely. He said he would keep working until late, even if he felt as though he was going to drop from exhaustion, because he knew the peones would not quit until he did. They all laughed again at this. This discussion of the length of time they would work continued for a while, with no open compromise being voiced. But when they left the house for the corn field at about 8:30 A.M., everyone knew that they would not work until 6 p.m.

Renaldo led the way to the field (though everyone in the group knew where it was), and the others followed in single file on the narrow trail in no particular order. Everyone dropped out of line at least once to urinate and rejoined the file anywhere. About halfway to the corn field Fernando dropped out of line to check some of his fencing, took a different trail from there, and rejoined the group at the corn field, arriving only a few minutes after the rest.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 165

The work began about 9 a.m. The corn field was situated on a hillside that sloped in most parts between 20° and 30° down to a small stream. Everyone proceeded to the bottom edge of the field, spaced

themselves about forty feet apart, and began working up the hill, gradually coming closer together as they approached the top. There was very little talk while the men were working, except during the short periods when they all stopped for a couple of minutes’ rest. Most of the conversation I heard while they were actually swinging the machetes was between Ramon and Erasmo, the two boys in the group. No chicha was taken along or brought later to the field. The work party returned to the house about 3:30 p.m. Clemente commented to me that there was still plenty of weeding to be done in the field, but since there was no chicha and no food they did not continue work-

ing, even though it had not yet begun to rain when they returned. The rest of the chicha was consumed in about one hour and then Fernando, Pancho, Augusto, and Ramon returned to Augusto’s house (which is only a few hundred feet from Renaldo’s house). Leandro, Erasmo, and Clemente spent the night with Renaldo and were fed.

Renaldo told me that he owed a day’s work each to Fernando, Augusto, and Pancho. He did not owe labor to Leandro (his halfbrother) or to Clemente (his brother-in-law) because they were “of the house”; nor to Erasmo and Ramon because they were “just boys.”

So, as it turned out, the jz7ta was just “two or three people besides myself” as Renaldo had first told me, in terms of the labor which he was under obligation to repay. In general, it is the obligation of the patron to provide both food and drink for his peones at a junta. Renaldo would have provided the afternoon meal for everyone had they remained at his house, but Augusto and his brother knew that Renaldo’s household was short on food, so they discreetly went to Augusto’s house as soon as the chicha

was gone. If a man cannot provide chicha, no one will come to his junta. This sometimes makes it necessary for a man to borrow corn from his relatives. The Ngawbe believe that drinking chicha gives one strength and that heavy labor cannot be done without it. If a man intimates that he is going to have some strong chicha, those invited will rarely make an excuse for not participating. Excuses are frequent when only chicha agria, sour chicha witha very low alcoholic content, is being served.” In cases where the task is expected to last a full day, 2 Due to special circumstances of a religious nature created by the Mama Chi cult, the serving of chicha fuerte at juntas during the 1964-65 field season was rare (but not nonexistent).

166 NGAWBE chicha must be served before, during, and after the work. In cases where only one-half day’s labor 1s expected, chicha is provided only before and after. A single meal will be prepared by the women of the patron’s household and served by the patron when the work group returns to the house. The meal must ideally include meat. The absence of meat is always openly commented on by the peones and is a source of embarrassment to the patron, who sometimes tries to make up for its lack by the quantity of other foodstuffs offered. Food is always

prepared in sufficient quantity so that a representative from each household can be given a package to take home to his family. Most of the peones show up at the patron’s house about one hour

after sunup. Then from one to three hours will be spent drinking chicha, sharpening machetes, and talking. When chicha fuerte 1s available, it is never served until after the work is done. The conversation before work is semi-formalized. Talk always centers around the work to be done and a kind of verbal bargaining between the peoves and the patron takes place, the peones claiming to want only to drink chicha and do no work, and the patron urging them on and exhorting all to work from sunup to sundown. A compromise is always reached before the men leave for work, and everyone knows that such a compromise will be arrived at. The banter is part of the game; its formal aspects are quite similar to those observed between donor and recipient in formal begging. The work party leaves the patron’s house between 8 and 10 A.M.,

with the patron leading the way and the participants following in single file in no particular order. If sufficient chicha is available and if

the work is to continue all day, the patron will either carry a large gourd of it to the field or will instruct one of the women (or girls) of the household to bring it out to the work party about midday. There is little conversation during the work, except during the rest periods. Rest periods are brief and infrequent, except for the noon rest, which usually lasts one-half hour or longer. Even when chicha is provided during the work, the work rarely lasts more than six hours; when chicha is not provided, the men are not likely to work more than four hours. Upon return to the patron’s house in the afternoon, the remaining chicha is consumed, the meal is served, and everyone returns home shortly thereafter. If large quantities of chicha are available, drinking is continued after the meal until all the chicha is gone. When a large quantity of chicha is prepared, some of it is always chicha fuerte. Occasionally drinking continues far into the night, and those participants who remain spend the night at the patron’s house.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 167

The patron owes one day’s labor to each of the participants in his

junta, excepting those of his own and his wife’s households. It is considered a part of a man’s normal obligations to his affines that he

provide labor to his father-in-law and his brothers-in-law. Where marriage is of the exchange type, the brothers-in-law reciprocate because of their own affinal obligations, though the father-in-law is not obliged to do so. As pointed out in the discussion of Ngawbe kinship

(see Chapter V), all the men whom a woman refers to as ngwae (brother) are called nadan (brother-in-law) by her husband. However, affinal labor obligations extend only to madan who, as children,

resided in the same household as a man’s wife. Other zadan who participate in a man’s junta are repaid through the system of exchange

labor obligation of a day for a day, and not because of the rule of labor obligations to affines; nor do these madan provide their labor because of affinal obligations. Multiple affinal links between kin groups often create very complex situations with regard to reciprocal labor obligations.

The matter of not being obligated to reciprocate labor supplied by members of one’s own household is also more complex than it appears on the surface. A man continues throughout his life to regard his natal household as his own household. Therefore, though they are expected to help him, a man is not obligated to reciprocate formally the labor provided by the male members of his family of orientation, 1.e., his brothers, half-brothers, and his father. After a man establishes his own household, its residents are also excluded from the formalities of exchange labor; here are included all male members of the household, regardless of their relationship to the head of the household.

Thus fathers, brothers, and sons, regardless of where they reside, and other individuals, related or not, if they are residing with a man,

are expected to provide mutual labor assistance; but they are not bound by the formalities of labor reciprocation on the basis of a day for a day. It is interesting to note, in this context, that the Ngawbe frequently speak of owing labor to a “house” rather than to an individual. A listing of those to whom one is not bound by the formalities of reciprocal labor obligations simply points up the fact that one does not owe labor to one’s own house. From a strictly rational point of view, one might argue that the Ngawbe system of exchange labor serves no real economic function (leaving aside the question of its social function) because it takes the same number of man-hours to clear a plot of land or weed a field of corn, whether the task is done by one man or several. But this view is spurious. Strictly in terms of man-hours of labor, the above statement

168 NGAWBE is accurate; but in terms of the absolute amount of time that passes between the initiation and the completion of a task it is false—and every Ngawbe Is quite aware of the simple reason why this is so. When

the Ngawbe work in a group, they all work longer hours and work harder than a man working alone. Companionship stimulates effort in the performance of dull but necessary tasks. Agriculture as practiced by the Ngawbe greatly depends on exchange labor for its efficiency. It can be suggested that the cooperative

labor aspect of farm work hinders the production of a marketable surplus. Numerous problems would arise if a man sought the aid of his relatives to farm more land than was necessary to maintain his own household. He would not be able to repay on an exchange basis all of the individuals to whom he owed labor, and he would thus

find it difficult, if not impossible, to secure the cooperation of his kinsmen in the future. Furthermore, his relatives would be envious of the cash he received from the sale of surplus crops which they had

helped to produce but the fruits of which he did not share with them. Until the Ngawbe begin to use a system of wage labor among themselves, there seems to be little possibility that large saleable surpluses will be produced.

Erasmus (1956), in his penetrating analysis of the causal factors involved in the disappearance of reciprocal labor in Latin America, sees a correlation between increased involvement in a cash economy, especially in the wage labor sector, and the gradual disappearance of exchange labor. The Ngawbe appear to represent the beginning stages of the process, but they have not yet reached the stage of employing each other as agricultural wage laborers. They are, however, engaged

in limited production of farm products for market. It is suggested here that antagonism resulting from conflicts in values between market

production and traditional means of surplus distribution leads to an unwillingness to participate in exchange labor groups, even before intrasocietal wage labor comes into being. This undermining of the empathy which seems necessary to the functioning of systems of reciprocal labor opens the door to individualization. Claims of “high cost” and “inefficiency” may arise as post hoc rationalizations when a system of reciprocal labor is already on the way out. Such claims are not yet found among the Ngawbe. THE MEANS OF DISTRIBUTION

Among the Ngawbe, as among subsistence agriculturalists throughout the world, some families will find their food in short supply while

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 169

others will be enjoying surpluses in any given year. Subsistence-based societies normally evolve some means of balancing the distribution of food so that the point of starvation is rarely approached, unless food shortage becomes general. Other scarce goods also generally have a

patterned circulation. The traditional means of distribution among the Ngawbe are gift-giving, borrowing, and begging. Kinship ties and marriage alliances structure the distribution. Redistribution is significant on a small scale at chicheria and on a large scale at balseria. Gift-giving takes place when a member of one household visits another household. ‘The visitor is always given food of some kind, either to eat on the spot or to take with him. It is imperative that all visitors be given a gift of food, no matter how small, and no matter what the

purpose of their visit, though such gifts of food are never solicited. Meat, either wild or domestic, is given in small quantities to visiting kinsmen when it is available, with the expectation (indeed, the secure knowledge) that the gift will be reciprocated. Prior to 1961, “visitor” was virtually synonymous with “kinsman.” Visits from non-kin were rare before the advent of the Mama Chi movement and its preaching of a spirit of “Christian” brotherhood. Borrowing 1s the least formal means of distribution and the only one that does not involve food. Not every household has a complete complement of implements and household utensils. These items are constantly circulating among the related households of a caserio and sometimes between related households in different caserios. Because of this constant circulation of material goods, it would be difficult to at-

tempt to rank households on the basis of an inventory of material goods as being “richer” or “poorer” than other households. This might be done using whole kin groups as the units to be ranked; but it would probably serve little purpose to do so, since the Ngawbe do not think

in terms of a class or status hierarchy based on wealth in material goods.

Ngawbe begging (buride) occurs only among kinsmen, though the kinship links activated during times of need may be distant indeed. It is a formal procedure in the sense that the interaction pattern be-

tween prospective recipient and donor shows little variation. The practice is confined entirely to agricultural produce, commonly corn, beans, rice, bananas, sweet manioc, and otoe, and the request is usually for a supply sufficient to last the recipient household for several days

or weeks. The quantity received depends, of course, on the donor household’s supply and the willingness of the head of the household.

This willingness depends on the closeness of kinship between the donor and recipient households, and the recipient’s reliability.

170 NGAWBE Normally, women do the begging; if the quantity is small and the distance is short, young children will sometimes be sent. It is rare indeed for a man to come to beg, though not infrequently a man will make arrangements with his male kinsman and will then send the women of his household to pick up the goods. Begging begins like inter-household visiting for other purposes. The visitor takes a seat inside the door—men on the bench along the wall to the left and women on the floor to the right. Usually no im-

mediate greeting is exchanged. The duration of silence seems to depend on the closeness of the kinship tie and the frequency of social

intercourse. Close kinsmen and people who see each other almost daily begin to converse in a minute or two. Distant relatives and people who rarely see each other may remain silent for five to ten minutes.

A person who has come to beg will usually not begin the conversation. After the household head considers that sufficient time has elapsed he will say, “What do you come for?” (maw (ni) gi dre gawre) or “What is it about?” (dre gu(g)we).* This is usually followed by small talk but eventually the visitor will say, for example, “I have come to beg beans” (ti (m1) gi muma huridae). The host then re-

sponds with “There are beans” (muma tawraw), or “There are no beans” (muma nyagare), the latter expression meaning that the household has little to spare. Bargaining then follows. The host always offers

less than his household can spare, and the guest invariably asks for more than her household needs. Eventually an agreement is reached. If the harvest is already over, people will sometimes ask for some of the food that has been stored in the house; but most begging occurs during the harvest seasons. It is considered rude, and an indication of laziness on the part of the solicitor, to request food from the household stores when the product requested can still be harvested in the donor’s fields, unless, of course, there are mitigating circumstances. The man who has a surplus and who refuses a kinsman’s request is subject to public disapproval; who has a surplus and who does not ts a

matter of general knowledge. The Ngawbe are, in many ways, a practical people who recognize that, beyond the obligation to aid kinsmen, there is also the practical consideration that distributing surplus gives them someone to turn to in their own time of need. While begging is still very important, this means of food distribution is now encountering difficulties which stem mainly from increas3 Internal parentheses indicate that the enclosed sound or sounds are frequently elided.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION 171

ing involvement in a money economy. The disposition of rice, a crop of fairly recent introduction, is illustrative. Rice brings a high price in Panamanian towns, rarely less than ten cents per pound husked, and can be sold at any time in any quantity. Negawbe living in good rice-producing areas try to produce a surplus with the intention of selling it. Related households that produce little or no rice may seek to obtain it through begging. With this expectation, the rice is put out of sight as quickly as possible. Relatives who come to beg rice are told that the harvest was extremely poor, barely enough to meet the needs of the household. Deception about quantities available is rarely practiced in the case of traditional crops such as corn, beans, and bananas, which at present are not nearly as easily convertible to cash, nor do they bring as high a price by volume as rice.* Naturally, ill feelings are engendered between households when a potential recipient knows that a potential donor is lying. Households that refuse a request for rice generally rationalize this behavior by pointing out that rice is not a traditional crop and therefore need not be dealt with in a traditional way. The slighted house-

holds, needless to say, do not concur. In a sense, a bountiful rice harvest may not represent a real surplus to a household that has no other source of cash income. But while such a household may be thinking in terms of the money economy and its own need for cash, kinsmen are likely to recognize only that, in terms of the traditional economy,

the household is apparently being niggardly. The tensions generated by the conflicting ideologies of dissimilar economic systems may lead to attenuation of cooperation between related households and undermine other aspects of the traditional social system, such as cooperative labor, borrowing, visiting, and support in litigation with other kin groups. Culture contact thus provides the basis for changes which, though still largely incipient, are likely to have serious repercussions. If Ngawbe involvement in a cash economy continues to increase, and this seems very likely, increased economic independence of the individual household is predictable, as Erasmus (1956) has suggested. Should this occur, the functional basis of marriage as an alliance between kin groups will be greatly altered. 4Price by volume is an important consideration in an area where transport of goods is limited to horseback and human back, and where no roads exist.

VU. The Ties That Bind

Marriage in Ngawbe society is not simply the union of man and woman, it is also the basis of alliance between kin groups. ‘The alliance remains tenuous until a child is born of the union. Each time a marriage

(or divorce) occurs, there is a shift in residence of individuals and a change in access to the use of sections of land, in labor commitments, in the personnel of productive and consumptive units, and in the network of social relations in general of numerous people.’ TRADITIONAL MARRIAGE ARRANGEMENTS

An exchange of women between two kin groups is the traditionally preferred form of marriage.” There are alternative ways, but they are all variations on a theme. The basic exchange pact begins with ar-

rangements between two men, both of whom have both male and female children.? One man asks the other if he wishes to enter into the Roba (roughly, “co-parent by marriage”) relationship. If the other agrees, the two men then decide which of their daughters are 1 More detail is presented in Young (1968). 2 Throughout the description of traditional practices, I will use present tense if the custom still exists and past tense if it does not. ’ Though I did not have the opportunity to see one exchange marriage from its inception with negotiations between parents to its final stage when the young wife leaves her natal household and goes to live with her husband, I did observe various couples in all of the different stages of the process. Informants provided

me with a verbal account of the process which agreed closely with what I

observed. 172

THE TIES THAT BIND 173

to be exchanged and which of their sons are to receive the girls as Wives.

After reaching an exchange agreement, the parents initiate a series of four visits, two by each set. When his parents pay their first visit to the house of their prospective koba, the swain will accompany them.

The parents of the young woman serve food and chicha. The boy remains outside and usually at some distance, since, in accordance with tradition, he 1s not to look upon the face of his future motherin-law. His food and chicha are served by his bride-to-be. In inclement weather, if no other house or shelter is available in the vicinity, a corner of the house will be partitioned off with a blanket, cowhide, or banana leaves; the swain will be allowed inside to sit behind this, but he must at all times keep his back to those present.

At no specified length of time after this initial visit, but usually within a few weeks, the parents of the other young man visit the parents of the other prospective bride (1.e., the parents of the first prospective groom), and their son accompanies them. During all of these visits the impending marriages are discussed and the details of affinal rights and obligations are considered. In actual

fact, there are probably numerous instances in which each set of parents only pays one formal visit to its prospective Roba, and more than four visits would not be out of the question if necessary to conclude the pact. It is simply that, among the Ngawbe, four is an ideal number of times to do or say anything. The number four possesses a very high truth value and a sense of finality. Informants tend to recount traditional social acts (the desirable ones) in sequences in which four represents closure. At the conclusion of the visiting, the marriage bond is considered established. There is (and was) no wedding ceremony. From this point on, the husband is obligated to provide for his wife and perform services for his affines, especially his parents-in-law.* The marriage can now be consummated if the girl is pubescent. However, the girl continues to live in her parental household for at least one year after marriage and frequently longer. There is no set length of time at the end of which a woman removes herself to her husband’s house. It is said that some women never leave the parental abode. During the period in which the wife remains with her kinsmen and the husband with his, the husband makes frequent trips to visit his 4For the sake of convenience and clarity in the discourse, I will refer to only one set of spouses. It should be kept in mind that what is true for one set 1S also true for the other in cases where the alliance established is symmetrical.

174 NGAWBE wife. Ihe Ngawbe sum up to their own satisfaction all that is involved in these visits in the single phrase ti igi dwanane, literally, “I am going son-in-lawing.” It is said that a man visits his wife four times

before she is likely to consent to going home with him. A good sonin-law, on the occasion of these visits, brings a gift for his parents-

in-law (and brothers-in-law in some instances) and for his wife, performs some service for his in-laws while at their house (usually agricultural labor), and exercises his marital privilege. There are times when the parents do not wish to send their daughter to live with her husband. If the Marriage is part of an exchange pact,

the parents are forced to yield to the demands of their daughter’s husband if they do not want an identical fate to befall their own son. If, however, the marriage is not part of an exchange agreement, then

the son-in-law has no recourse but to acceed to the wishes of his parents-in-law, unless he can convince his wife to act against the will of her parents. Child betrothal was formerly common; today it is rare. One informant insisted that child betrothal was practiced only for females, girls even in infancy being betrothed to adult males. This is the pattern

indicated in early accounts of the Guaymi. Other informants disagreed and said that boys as well as girls could be betrothed before reaching adulthood, as they occasionally are today. I have one case of marriage arrangements being completed for a boy who was at the time not yet of marriageable age. Another case involved an attempt to arrange the marriage of a boy and girl, both preadolescent; but the proposal was not seriously considered by the father of the girl— not because of the boy’s age, but because he was a known relative of the girl.°

Problems frequently arise as a result of child betrothal. Often the girl, after having been supported during the years of her childhood by her “husband,” runs off with a man of her own choosing. When this happens, the “husband” makes claims against the girl’s kinsmen, asking

that the girl be returned to him, or that a substitute be provided, or that he be given compensation for the expenses he incurred while supporting the girl. [f the marriage represents one half of a symmetrical exchange, the man and his kinsmen legitimately can (and often do) demand the return of their own kinswoman if the pact is not honored. Some corregidores have, in recent years, prohibited child > The father of the boy was serious in attempting to initiate the arrangement. He was in general less inclined than most Ngawbe men to honor tradition. This man was also one of the few encountered who did not practice mother-in-law avoidance.

THE TIES THAT BIND 175 betrothal because of the numerous problems that can arise. Not every-

one, however, honors the dictum. Some parents still betroth their prepubescent daughters, though I cannot estimate the frequency. The only women that can be used by a man as payment for a wife are his mgwae (sisters and female cousins) and zuraw (real and classificatory sister’s daughters); mgawae are the first choice. If a man finds that there are no unmarried mgwae, it is permissible for him to request a sister’s daughter to be used as payment in obtaining a wife for himself.° That is, 2uraw can be used in effecting an exchange. If the girl

is not needed as payment to obtain a wife for one of her own sons, a sister will usually honor a request of this nature. Sometimes exchange marriage is used to solidify a friendship between two men. Sometimes there is no particularly close friendship between the two, but one can see obvious advantages that will accrue to him personally and to his kin group (e.g., use of pasture land

or land suitable for rice-growing, free curing services). At other times an alliance might be attempted in order to end a dispute between

two groups, or in order to neutralize the allegiance of a third group that is allied with one of the two parties in a dispute. Occasionally, an alliance is formed with only the immediate goal of obtaining women for men who cannot find them among existing affinal groups. There are men who cannot find among their kinswomen a female who can be used as wife payment. Such an unfortunate may approach a man who has unmarried daughters and ask that he be given one for a wife. It is not unusual for a father to agree to marry off a daughter in this way, since the potential advantages to his own household are great—more so than in the case of an exchange of women. In addition to supporting fully the man’s daughter after marriage, the son-in-law

can be obliged to contribute more heavily to the support of the household of his parents-in-law than would be the case if exchange were involved. In this arrangement, the father-in-law will frequently insist that his daughter continue living in his household; unless the son-in-law can convince the woman to go against the wishes of her father, this can become a permanent arrangement. (It may have been this type of situation that misled Alphonse [1956] in his description of post-marital residence.) Thus the father-in-law not only obtains the services of an additional male, but he also retains the services— more or less indefinitely—of a female who would otherwise be lost. 6 The term uduaw, “payment,” is used in referring to the woman whom one man gives to another in exchange for a wife. This same term is used in all transactions that we would conventionally recognize as economic.

176 NGAWBE It can be argued, of course, that in an exchange there is also no diminution of the labor force, since a man receives the services of a daughter-in-law and retains the services of a son. But in fact, a man cannot demand as much of a daughter-in-law as he can of a daughter, nor can he obligate a son-in-law who has paid a woman in exchange for a woman as much as he can one who has not, nor can he place the same demands on a married son that he can on one who is single. The result is that a non-exchange marriage potentially adds to the labor force (and thus the economic well-being) of the woman’s father’s household, whereas exchange marriages potentially benefit two entire kin groups equitably. If a man is either physically attractive or a very hard worker, or both, a woman may consent to be his wife and live with him without formalities. Though her kinsmen may object, I was told that there is presently no effective way of preventing this behavior. For if either the woman’s or the man’s kinsmen object, the couple can, as a final resort, move afuera. Such couples often return after a child has been born. Since no sanctions can effectively be applied, kinsmen in most cases no longer attempt to break up the marriage, unless it is regarded as incestuous. Formerly, the objections of the woman’s kin group

would be honored, and the woman would be returned to them to avoid a dispute. CHOOSING A SPOUSE

A man may take as wife any woman whom he calls yawraw (potential wife) or, having made the necessary arrangements with her kinsmen, any woman who is unrelated to him. In the latter case, by the act of marriage the woman becomes nmawmugo (wife) to the man and yawraw to the man’s edaba (real and classificatory brothers); and her edaba (real and classificatory sisters) become yawraw to the man and his edaba. In the Ngawbe view it is as though the affinal links

between groups which result from the marriage of two unrelated individuals had always existed. Marriage to anyone called by a kinship term, consanguineal or affinal, other than yawraw, is proscribed. Such marriages are considered incestuous, though their occasional existence testifies to the relative ineffectiveness of sanctions. Determining who is yawraw, who is ngwae (real or classificatory sister), and who is not related in any way is complex. An extended explication would involve consideration of some of the unsettled questions in studies of cognatic systems which, I feel, are beyond

THE TIES THAT BIND 177 the scope of the present study. The way in which the Ngawbe choose spouses does deserve some discussion, however, even if, in the present

context, this amounts to more assertion than proof. (See Young [1970a] for a more extensive discussion. )

Ngawbe notions of descent are somewhat vague and certainly do not provide an inflexible basis upon which women are classed as marriageable or non-marriageable. The Ngawbe do not concern themselves with tracing lines of descent back many generations to a common ancestor or pair of ancestors in the way that many societies with unilineal descent systems do. Ngawbe genealogies are character-

istically shallow vertically, usually including only ascendants and descendants two generations above and below Ego. They are horizontally extensive. All observed differences in numbers of maternal and paternal relatives remembered are clearly a function of residence rather than a demonstration of unilineal tendencies. To state is simply, a person residing with his father’s kinsmen is likely to have greater genealogical knowledge of paternal relatives than of maternal relatives, especially if the latter reside in a distant area and his visits to the area have been infrequent. The reverse of this is also true. We are obviously not dealing with any form of unilineal group upon which a rule of exogamy could operate. Ngawbe cousin terminology is Hawaiian. In theory, any woman in a man’s own generation to whom he can trace consanguineal linkage, however remote, would be referred to as zgwae and would thus not be

marriageable. For some purposes and under some circumstances, fairly remote cousins may be placed in the nguae category. For purposes of determining marriage eligibility, however, the boundaries of the incest group are established by a principle of sym-

metric filiation.? This works in the following way. An individual, male or female, may be said to receive patri-filiation from his or her father and matri-filiation from his or her mother. A man passes on only his patri-filiation to his children and a woman only her matrifiliation. The ideal boundaries of the incest group are then specified by the rule: If a woman shares filiation with either parent of a man, she may not marry him; and conversely, if a man shares filiation with

either parent of a woman, he may not marry her. The effect of this rule, in the context of an ideal system of sister-exchange marriage, is to define the incest group as including all (genealogical) first cousins 7 Buchler and Selby (1968: 69) say that “filiation in all societies is, by definition, bilateral.” The point to be made about the Ngawbe, who may be typical of cognatic systems, is that for them filiation assumes an importance in regulating marriage far beyond that which it has in systems organized on a lineage principle.

178 NGAWBE and parallel second cousins. Second cross cousins would be excluded;

they would not be recognized as cousins (7gwae) and would be marriageable. This is consistent with Ngawbe practice. Symmetric filiation has the effect of selectively expanding kin group membership

beyond the first degree of cousinship and selectively limiting the choice of marriage partners. POLYGYNY

Polygyny is traditional among the Ngawbe. A man who amounts to

anything in the Ngawbe view will have more than one wife. The number of wives a man has is one measure of prestige. It was apparently a measure of wealth for the ordinary man prior to the time when wealth came to be measured in terms of cattle.? There is the obvious implication here that he had to provide adequate support for each of his wives. If he did not, they would leave him. A man should bring all of his wives to live with him in his caserio. In order to do so, his kin group must have sufficient land. There is thus a relationship among the traditional measure of wealth, the ideal of residence, and the land resources of a kin group. In this light, symmetrical exchange marriage can be seen as enabling male members of two kin groups to adhere to the ideal of residence, enhance their prestige through the possibility (or actuality) of plural marriage, and maintain an equitable balance

between kin-owned lands and the number of people supported by these lands. Both sororal and non-sororal polygyny are practiced. In the former,

a man takes as additional wives women who are yawraw to him and edaba to his first wife. In the latter, a man takes additional wives who may or may not be his yawraw but who are not consanguineally related in specified ways to his first wife. The wives of a man who are

not edaba to each other refer to each other as riba (rivals). In its sororal form, polygynous marriage reaffirms and strengthens alliance

bonds; in its non-sororal form it permits the contracting of additional alliances. The wives of a man, after leaving their parental households, usually

reside with their husband in the same house during the early stage of marriage. As the respective children of the wives reach adolescence and adulthood, the women tend to reside with their children in sepa8For a shaman (sukia), the extensiveness of his cacao plantings is and was another measure of wealth.

THE TIES THAT BIND 179 rate houses (usually those of married sons) in the same hamlet with the

husband. A man’s first wife is always the dominant figure among the women of the household, but she is not, as Johnson (1948b) asserts, the “owner” of the children of all marriages. Polygyny is still a venerated ideal from the male viewpoint, and men

say that most successful men are polygynists. They perceive most men as polygynists at some point in their lives. Tales are told of some men in generations past who had as many as fifteen wives, due in large measure to their prowess as balseros. Such individuals were always a rarity. Of a sample of 121 men whose marital histories are known, 72 men (59.59%) have a history of polygyny. A breakdown of the sample by generation, while far from conclusive because of the inadequacy of the sample, does not indicate that there has been any significant decline in the frequency of polygyny in recent years (Table 17).? Of a sample of 119 men presently married, 45 men (37.8%) are currently polygynists. Generation

Polygyny II lil IV V ALL Existing

Frequency 445 398 316 .00O .387

(n=119) (4/9) (35/88) (6/19) (0/3) (45/119)

Total

Frequency 715 .620 .526 000 595

(n=121) (10/14) (52/84) (10/19) (0/4) (72/121)

Table 17. Frequency of Polygyny by Generation

Plural marriage among the Ngawbe tends to be most prevalent among middle-aged men. A man rarely obtains a first wife before the age of about twenty. As a man approaches middle age, if he has been economically successful, e.g., has made a success of farming, has be-

come a renowned hunter, or has a few cattle (or in times past, had become a famous Jalsero), he will likely seek additional wives. Frequently these are sisters of his first wife. Additional wives are usually much younger than the man, and after a few years it is not uncommon

for them to run off with other men who are more nearly their age. Thus by the time a man reaches old age he is likely to be a monogamist again, due either to divorce (the woman runs off with another and he 9The Panamanian Census of 1960 has no data on polygyny among the Guaymi.

180 NGAWBE is unable to exert sufficient social pressure to secure her return) or to death of his wives. The data suggest that Ngawbe men have better than a 50 percent chance of being polygynists at some point in their lives. The sex ratio (Censos Nacionales de 1960) for persons aged fifteen through fortynine is about 1: 1.35; that is, there are approximately one-third more women than men in this age group.’® This partially accounts for the

high frequency of polygyny; other factors also contribute to the realization of this social ideal. One is the circulation of women. First marriages of men tend to be

more durable than later marriages (partially accounted for by the fact that first marriages are more likely to involve symmetrical exchange). Thus there are always considerable numbers of young women who circulate as wives of one man after another before finally

settling down with one partner. Multiple use of the same female permits a large number of men to become at least temporary polygynists. This circulation, coupled with the fact that girls usually enter their first marriage shortly after puberty (at age fourteen or fifteen and sometimes sooner), whereas men rarely marry before age twenty, further clarifies the existence of an approximately 60 percent overall

frequency of polygvny in the sample.'’ This second factor may be called relative age of men and women at nuarriage. A third factor is availablity of young men and women. Many young men—many more prior to 1961 than in 1965—work as day laborers

and thus spend a greater part of each year away. Only a very few of these marry and take their wives to live afuera. Young women of marriageable age are rarely to be found living afuera except as wives of Guaymi men. Thus, it is at least a possibility that wage work has served

to perpetuate, if not increase, polygyny. Although there has been in recent years a gradual increase in the number of young girls sent to live with latino families for educational purposes, their number is 10 There is no accurate way of calculating the number of marriageable men and women in the Guaymi population. I have used the 15-49 age group on the grounds that Guaymi may marry as young as 15 and few are likely to contract marriage after about age 50. While young girls are much more likely to marry than young boys, this is partly balanced by the fact that old men are much more likely to contract marriage than o'd women. 11"Though my sample consists almost entirely of residents of San Felix District,

Chiriqui Province, informants’ statements indicate that there is little chance that the sample is atypical. Polygyny is both highly valued and prevalent in other districts of Chiriqui Province, as well as in Bocas del Toro Province. My informants’ knowledge, and consequently my own, of practices in Veraguas Province was slight.

THE TIES THAT BIND 181

still quite small, and most of these return to their natal households before or shortly after puberty. Thus, there are at any given time more marriageable women than men available. Part of the malefemale imbalance in the census data (see above) may be due to untallied migrant workers. Ngawbe men do not agree among themselves that sororal polygyny

is to be preferred over the non-sororal variety. They agree that it is easier to obtain a sister of one’s wife as an additional wife. This is sometimes even accomplished at the wife’s request and frequently does not involve symmetrical exchange. But opinions differ as to whether having two or more sisters as wives promotes household har-

mony. On the one hand, there are those who claim that sisters cooperate with each other and in general get along better than do non-sister wives. On the other hand, there are those who claim that household harmony ts promoted by marriage to women who are not sisters. [he two assertions seem to be, in the main, ad hoc rationalizations of personal behavior.

Of a sample of forty-five men who are presently polygynists, twenty-seven men (60.0%) are practicing sororal polygyny. They may, some of them, be practicing non-sororal polygyny as well, since

some men have more than two wives, at least one of which is not edaba to at least one of the others. If men engaged omly in sororal polygyny were considered, the percentage would be lower. Ngawbe ambivalence with regard to the question is thus demonstrated in actual behavior. Some men say it is better to marry sisters and others say it is not. Some do, and some do not, in fairly equal numbers. LEVIRATE

The Ngawbe consider leviratic marriage to be traditional, and earlier sources support its existence. Upon the death of her husband, a woman, especially one with children, may remain in the caserio of the husband and become the wife of one of his brothers. It was stated that a woman Is under no obligation to do this and may, if she prefers, marry a man who ts not edaba to her former husband, or she may simply return to her parental household. Male informants stated that a widow will usually marry a husband’s brother because she prefers the security of the routine of life among her husband’s kinsmen to the uncertainties of remarriage to another man and life with an unfamiliar group of people. This male explanation of a woman’s motives is dubious at best, in

182 NGAWBE view of the rather large number of women who leave their husbands and marry other men apparently without taking this security factor into consideration. What is more likely is that the woman’s kinsmen exert pressure upon her to remain as wife to a man of their alliance group so that the advantages of the alliance may continue. In cases where the alliance has not been beneficial from the point of view of the woman’s kin group, the death of her husband may provide the needed excuse for retrieving the woman and using her to establish a potentially more advantageous alliance. During my stay with the Ngawbe I was able to substantiate only one case of leviratic marriage. SORORATE

I have no idea of the actual frequency of the practice of the sororate, but it is said to be quite common. All informants agreed that it is the obligation of a man’s affines to provide him with another woman if his wife dies without bearing him children. The woman is usually an unmarried younger sister of the deceased wife. An older sister can be provided if one ts available that is not already married. A younger sister can, in theory, be taken away from her own husband and given to the husband of her deceased sister, but informants indicated that

this is only done if she has no children by her husband. If a man’s wife leaves him and her kinsman cannot induce her to return, then one of her younger sisters will sometimes be provided. DIVORCE

The impression of my informants, and indeed my own hypothesis, was that exchange marriages, because they involve symmetrical rights

and obligations on the part of two kin groups rather than simply individuals or families, would show a much lower frequency of divorce than non-exchange marriages. There are good reasons in terms

of Ngawbe social organization (e.g., cooperation between affinally linked kin groups in economic, political, and legal matters) that lend support to this suggestion. The data do not seem to bear out this hypothesis, for they in fact show a higher frequency of divorce in cases of exchange. However, I think that the raw figures without additional explanation lead to wrong conclusions in this instance. Of a total of 107 exchange marriages, 21 marriages (19.6%) ended

THE TIES THAT BIND 183

in divorce. Of 147 known cases of non-exchange marriage, 28 cases (19.1%) were terminated by divorce. The data, therefore, seem to indicate that there is no positive correlation between divorce rate and type of marriage. However, there is a fact which needs to be considered in evaluating these data. It frequently happens that, when an exchange marriage terminates by divorce, the male partner will seek and obtain the return of the woman whom he had given in payment (uduaw) for his ex-wife (avowedly so that she can be used to obtain another wife for him). If a woman already has children by a man, her kinsmen cannot force her return, but some women do use this situation as an excuse for leaving an unsatisfactory husband. If a woman has no children by a man and she was given in an exchange pact which has been broken, Ngawbe customary Jaw would support her forced return to her own kin group, but Panamanian law would not. In recent years, this has created much consternation among corregidores and litigants alike, when the kinsmen of a woman demand her return on the basis of Ngawbe custom law and her husband and his kinsmen present their defense in terms of Panamanian law. Of the twenty-one cases of termination of exchange marriage by divorce, fourteen were symmetrical terminations, i.e., the separation

of one pair of spouses in the exchange pact resulted, through the demands of the ex-husband and his kinsmen, in the return of the pay-

ment and thus the termination of the other marriage as well. If we consider as the divorce rate among exchange marriages only the seven cases of non-symmetrical terminations, plus half the number of sym-

metrical divorces, 1.€., seven, we arrive at an exchange marriage divorce rate of only 13.1 percent, which is lower than the rate among

non-exchange marriages and more in line with the social facts of exchange being a contract between kin groups, not easily severed, and if severed, then from both sides; and non-exchange being a contract between individuals, or at best, between families. There is one further fact that is relevant here. Non-exchange marriages among the Ngawbe are of two subtypes: those which involve only mutual consent of man and woman, and those in which a woman

is given to a man by parental consent and arrangement. I consider my data unreliable with respect to the separation of these two subtypes of non-exchange marriage. It may be suggested, however, that since non-exchange marriages involving parental arrangement come

closer to duplicating the contractual obligations of exchange marriage (though in a non-symmetrical way), these marriages will tend to be more stable than those involving only the mutual consent of a

184 NGAWBE man and a woman. Considering this, it is very likely that differences in divorce rate between exchange and non-exchange types of marriage

are even greater than the above percentages indicate. That is, the divorce rate for only non-exchange marriages of the mutual consent subtype would be much higher than that for exchange marriages. Thirty-one cases (sample size = 92) of polygyny were terminated by divorce; of these, eleven (of 49) were sororal and twenty (of 43) non-sororal. Thus, only 22.4 percent of the cases of sororal polygyny in the sample have been terminated by divorce, but 46.5 percent of non-sororal cases. This supports the hypothesis that sororal polygyny is more stable. In a general sense, then, marriage is directly aligned with a general

and overt structural feature of Ngawbe society: a person survives through cooperative effort with his affines (as well as his consanguines) rather than through individual effort, and marriages which initiate and perpetuate cooperative arrangements between kin groups are likely to exhibit greater stability in the long run (because more is at stake and more people are involved) than those which do not. EXCHANGE MARRIAGE AS PERCEIVED AND PRACTICED

The Ngawbe see traditional symmetrical exchange as a practice which is declining. A constant lament of older men is that the younger men too often marry “for love” without paying heed to the traditional

ethic that marriage creates bonds between groups. They complain that, even when young men do obtain a wife in the traditional way, they pay little attention to their obligations to the woman’s kin group. The Ngawbe attribute these new romantic ideals of marriage and the neglect of obligations to affines (and even to consanguines in some contexts) to the influence of latino society. To their way of thinking, all latino marriages are unions by mutual consent based on love. The young men, they say, have learned latino ways and now express scorn for the old ways, thinking that the new ways are a mark of civilization and the old a sign of backwardness. The claim is also made that the number of incestuous marriages to cousins (1e¢., 2gwae who are not full or half siblings) has greatly increased. I recorded only one actual case of first cousin marriage and

two other cases of incestuous relationships (both with the same woman) that did not result in marriage. Some Ngawbe attribute this also to latino influence, for they assume (erroneously) that latinos permit all forms of cousin marriage. It was not possible to check ac-

THE TIES THAT BIND 185

curately the incidence of actual cousin marriage, partly because of reluctance to discuss this matter with an outsider, and partly because ad hoc adjustments are made in the application of kinship terminology

to and by the offspring of such marriages so that they rarely show up in genealogies.

Type II Ill IV Vv ALL Exchange 12 81 1] 3 107 Generation

Non-exchange 15 110 20 2 147 All marriages 27 19! 31 5 254 Table 18. Exchange and Non-Exchange Marriages, by Generation

Table 18 provides a breakdown of a sample of 254 marriages by type (exchange or non-exchange) and generation.” These data are presented from the point of view of males in the sample. Of the 107 exchange marriages, only one exchange does not have its counterpart

in the exchange pact included in the sample. Thus, 106 of the exchange marriages represent 53 exchange pacts. The frequency of exchange marriage, calculated by dividing the exchange marriages in each generation by the total marriages in that generation, is given in Table 19.

Type I III Iv Vv ALL Ratio (total 12/27 8r/Igt 11/31 3/5 107/254 Generation

exchange marriages / total

marriages ) 445 425 355.600 421 Table 19. Frequency of Exchange Marriage

12 Generational placement of individuals is based on genealogies rather than on relative age, e.g., if two individuals are brothers, they are placed in the same generation even though there may be an age difference of, say, twenty-five years. If individuals had been assigned to generations on the basis of relative age using, say, twenty-year intervals, then the same two brothers would be assigned to different generations. In terms of assessing changes that have occurred in marriage behavior, it would have been preferable to assign generation on the basis of relative age. The necessary data, however, were not available for most of the sample, and it was necessary to choose the less desirable alternative of generational placement on the basis of genealogical information. No individuals of Generation I (GI) are included in the sample, since all had died years ago and sufficient data on their marital history and other aspects of their lives were not obtainable.

186 NGAWBE Genealogical Relationship

No.

Genera- @ Z AND tion % HALF-Z MBD FBD MZD MMBDD|MzpDD —-ZD Totals

Il

No. 9 O O O O O 2 11 oS 81.8 Oo O O O O 18.2 100.0

I No. 46 2 I 2 I I 14 67

Oo 68.7 3.0 1.5 30 1.6 | 1.5 20.8 100.0

IV

No. 7 O O I O O 2 10

eo ~SC«CTOLD-s