Network North: Scottish kin, commercial and covert association in Northern Europe, 1603-1746 9789004146648, 9004146644

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Network North Scottish Kin, Commercial and Covert Associations in Northern Europe 1603-1746

Steve Murdoch

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UNIVERSITY OF M HIGAN

NETW ORK NORTH

THE NORTHERN WORLD North Europe and the Baltic c. 400-1700 AD Peoples, Economies and Cultures

EDITORS B a r b a r a C r a w f o r d (S t. Andrews) D a v i d K i r b y (London) JON-VlDAR SlGURDSSON (Oslo) I n g v i l d 0 y e (Bergen) R i c h a r d W. U n g e r (Vancouver) P r z e m y s l a w U r b a n c z y k (Warsaw)

V O L U M E 18

NETWORK NORTH Scottish Kin, Commercial and Covert Associations in Northern Europe, 1 6 0 3 -1 7 4 6 BY

STEV E M U R D O C H

' 68V

B R IL L LEID EN • BO STO N

2006

Cover illustration: Captain Charles Campbell (Carl Kammel), one of the numerous members of Clan Campbell in Swedish service, enlisted through the influence of his fictive kinsman, Alexander Leslie (Reproduced courtesy of Skokloster Slott, Sweden. Photograph © LSH). to

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

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o

5

Library of Congress Catalogmg-in-Publicadon Data |

A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISSN ISBN

1569-1462 90 04 14664 4

© Copyright 2006 by Koninklijke Brill NV, I Aden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill N V incorporates the imprints Brill Academic Publishers. Martinus Nyhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights resented. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in anyform or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or othenvise, unthout prior written permissionfrom the publisher. Authorization to photocopy itemsfor internal or personal use is granted by Brill proinded that the appropriatefees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Roseumd Drive, Suite 910 Danvers AiA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN TH E NETHERLANDS

For my wife

Alexia Nora Lina Grosjean

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements .............................................................................. Abbreviations ....................................................................................... Introduction

.........................................................................................

ix xi 1

SE C T IO N ONE: N E T W O R K LINKAGES 1. Kin Networks ................................................................................ 2. Networks of Place, Region and Nation ............................. 3. Confessional Networks ................................................................

13 49 84

SEC TIO N TW O : C O M M ER C IA L N ETW O R K S 4. Pedlars, M erchant and Consular Networks .......................... 5. M anufacturing Networks ............................................................ 6. Covert Commercial Networks ...................................................

127 170 207

SE C T IO N TH R EE : SUBVERSIVE N E T W O R K S 7. Espionage and the ‘Subversive Network’ ............................... 8. Subverting Confessionalism: The Network of Jo h n Durie, 1628-1654 ....................................................................................... 9. Jacobite Networks in the North 1715-1750 .........................

251 280 313

Conclusion

...........................................................................................

349

Appendix A: Documents .................................................................. Appendix B: The Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft .................................

355 367

Bibliography .........................................................................................

375

Index

403

Illustrations

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book could not have been written without the support of a large num ber of organisations and individuals. These range from the institutions who provided funding to individuals like D r Leos Muller whose work on historical network theory in Sweden was a significant factor in inspiring me to write a book on the subject from a Scottish perspective. The numerous research trips undertaken in researching this book were only made possible through the financial support of the following bodies: The AHRB Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies at the University o f Aberdeen, the British Council in Sweden, the Caledonian Research Foundation and the Royal Society of Edinburgh ‘Visiting European Research Fellowship’, Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets A kadem ien in Sweden and the University of St Andrews. My thanks to them all for their valuable support. T he Earl of Annandale and Hartfell also provided me with numerous sources from his private archives for which I am most appreciative. I also warmly thank all those close friends and family who provided accom­ modation and sustenance during my frequent research trips includ­ ing Saman Ali (Stockholm), Alison Duncan and Will Joy (Edinburgh), D r Dimitry Fedosov (Moscow), Ardis, Dirk, Tania, Tino and Nadja Grosjean (Stockholm), A nna and Emil Hess (Copenhagen), Sonja K uhn (Hamburg), Nina Labbart (Stockholm), Stian Larsen (Oslo), M arcella and M athijs M ulder (Voorschoten), Cam pbell M urdoch (Aberdeenshire), Peter and Kim M urdoch (Jakarta), V alerie Ni Fhaolain (Dublin) and Rim antas ¿irgulis (Kedainiai, Lithuania). In the course of writing this book I have had numerous discus­ sions with colleagues which have been both informative and thought provoking. I have acknowledged some specific contributions in the text, but take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the fol­ lowing for their extremely helpful comments on various aspects of this book, and in some cases for some good hum oured ‘flyting’ forby: D r Helm ut Backhaus (Riksarkivet), D r Alison C athcart (Strathclyde), D r Douglas Catterall (Cameron, USA), D r Febe Crafoord (Stockholm), Professor Paul Dukes (Aberdeen), D r Lars Ericson (Stockholm), D r Dimitry Fedosov (Moscow), Professor Robert Frost (Aberdeen), D r Georg Haggren (Esbo, Finland), D r Einar Hreinsson (Reykjavik),

X

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Professor W aldem ar Kowalski (Kielce, Poland), D r Aonghas Maccoinnich (Aberdeen), Professor Roger M ason (St Andrews), D r Leos M üller (Uppsala), Rev D r A lexander Emsley N im m o (Aberdeen Gallowgate), D r Colm O ’Conaill (Dublin), D r Peter Parkes (Kent), Nina 0stb y Pedersen (Oslo), D r Goran Rydén (Uppsala), and Professor T .C . Smout (St Andrews). For reading the complete text and mak­ ing so many valuable comments and suggestions I extend especial thanks to Professor Allan M acinnes (Aberdeen), Ardis Dreisbach Grosjean (Stockholm) and D r Alexia Grosjean (St Andrews). Alison D uncan has also been a great help during the indexing and copyediting process. Doubtless, despite the best endeavours of the afore­ mentioned colleagues, the book will contain errors for which I accept sole responsibility. Finally I thank the production team at Brill Academic Publishers for their patience and co-operation in getting this book into print, in particular to Marcella M ulder and her flexible attitude to rigid deadlines. T o all the above, my most heartfelt thanks.

ABBREVIATIONS

AOSB APC APS CSP CSPD

CSPV

Oxford DNB DRA GMVOC

HMC HP KCFB

NAS NLS RAO SB P R O SP RGSS

Axel Oxenstiemas Skrifter och Brefvexling, M anuscript Collection England, Privy Council, Acts o f the Privy Council o f England (45 vols., London, 1890-1964). Scotland, Parliament, The Acts o f the Parliaments of Scotland (12 vols., London, 1814-1875). Calendars o f the State Papers Relating to Scotland (13 vols., Edinburgh, 1898-1969). Calendars o f State Papers, Domestic Series: First Series, 1547-1625, (13 vols., London, 1856-1892). Second Series, 1625-1649, (23 vols., London, 1858— 1897). Third Series, 1649-1660, (13 vols., London, 1875-1886). Calendars o f State Papers and Manuscripts relating to English affairs, existing in the archives and collections o f Venice and in other libraries o f Northern Italy, (38 vols., London, 1864— 1947). New Oxford Dictionary o f National Biography Danish Rigsarkivet W. Ph. Coolhaas, et al., eds., Generate missiven van gou­ verneurs-generaal en raden aan Heren X V II der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (11 vols., ’s-Gravenhage: 1960-1997) Historical M anuscripts Commission H ardib Papers Bricka, C.F., J.A . Fredericia, and J . Skovgaard, et al., eds., Kong Christian den Fjerdes egenhaendige Breve (8 vols, Copenhagen, 1878-1947). National Archives of Scotland National Library of Scotland Rikskansleren Axel Oxenstiemas Shifter och Brefvexling (15 vols., Stockholm, 1888-1977). Public Record Office, State Papers Records o f the Great Seal o f Scotland, 1306-1668 (11 vols., Edinburgh: 1984).

X ll

RPCS

SAÂ SRP SRA TK U A

ABBREVIATIONS

Scotland, Privy Council, Register o f the Privy Council o f Scotland First Series, 1545-1625 (14 vols., Edinburgh, 18771898). Second Series, 1625-1660 (8 vols., Edinburgh, 1899— 1908). T hird Series, 1660-1691 (15 vols., Edinburgh, 1970). Elgenstiema, G., Den Introducerade Svenska Adelns Attartavlor, med tUlagg och ràttelser (9 vols., Stockholm, 1925-36). Kullberg, N.A., et al., eds., Svenska Riksrâdets Protokoll, 1621-1658 (18 vols., Stockholm, 1878-1959). Swedish Riksarkivet Tyske Kancellis Udenrigske Afdeling

IN T R O D U C T IO N

Each person has a number offriends, and thesefriends have their own friends; some of any one person's friends know each other, others do not. I find it convenient to talk of a social field of this kind as a network.'

A Scot once had the temerity to walk up to a Swedish king he had never met as that m onarch moved down a corridor on his way to supper. This Scot was neither royal nor noble, but many strata below his quarry in the social hierarchy. T he king ‘looked earnestly upon him ’. T he Scot knew for sure that he would be unmolested by the king’s escorts; one of them was his cousin, the other also a relative and his former employer. Indeed these men had primed him as to when best to make his move toward the king. W hen Jo h n Durie stepped in front of Gustav II Adolf in W ittenberg in 1631 it was the culmination of three years of network building in Sweden, Britain and northern Germany. He had expertly utilised his social networks to be able to stand before of one of the most powerful m en in Europe— and he got from him exactly what he wanted. T he example of Jo h n D urie’s network building is only one o f the many casesexamined in this volume. During many years of research­ ing inBritish and Scandinavian archives it became obvious to me that a large num ber of Scots had succeeded in integrating into and forging close links with a variety of early m odem foreign states.2 This book presents a selection of these Scots who made their careers outside Scotland, covering a wide class spectrum which ranged from pedlars through ambassadors to clergymen and large-scale factory owners. Indeed the timeframe concerned spans the late sixteenth through the mid-eighteenth centuries as required to illustrate the

1 J. Barnes (1954) quoted in A. Macfarlane, Reconstructing Historical Communities (Cambridge: 1977), 19. 2 A. Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance: Scotland and Sudden, 1569-1654 (Leiden: 2003); S. Murdoch, Britain, Denmark'Norway and the House of Stuart, 1603-1660: A Diplomatic and Military Analysis (East Linton: 2003); D. Worthington, Scots in Habsburg Service, 1618-1648 (Leiden: 2004); M. Glozier, Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King: Nursery for Men of Honour (Leiden: 2004).

2

INTRODUCTION

ongoing and fluid development of social networks. If the scope of m aterial appears broad this is simply because it reflects the distrib­ ution, diversity and depth of the networks under examination. T he evolution of the overseas communities and the higher political alliances engaged in by Scots in northern Europe has received noteworthy scholarly attention over the years.3 Very often these Scottish com­ munities are looked at in isolation, narrowing the focus to just one group of Scots in a particular town or region, which is sometimes a necessary function o f bringing their existence to light. However, this also skews our view of their wider significance. T he sister col­ lection to this volume, Scottish Communities Abroad in the Early Modem Period, goes someway to locating Scottish communities in a more global context.4 From that collection it is apparent that individuals at one side o f the world could (and very often did) have relatives on the other side who were willing to aid them in their social advance­ ment or peregrinations. Consider Robert Livingston who moved from Rotterdam to Boston in 1672. As Douglas Catterall noted, ‘Along with m any other Scots o f his day, he was extending the centuries old Scots tradition of network-driven, enclave-based migration beyond Europe’.5 By 1674 he was in Albany and four years later he m ar­ ried Alida Schuyler in New York, linking him to a powerful Dutch m erchant family and a new set of opportunities.6 W hether in Boston,

3 A.F. Steuart, ed., Papers relating to the Scots in Poland, 1576-1793 (Edinburgh: 1915); J. Dow, ‘Skotter in Sixteenth-Century Scania’ in Scottish Historical Review, 44 (1965), 34 51; Von Ilse von Wechmar and R. Biederstedt, ‘Die schottische Ein­ wanderung in Vorpommern im 16. und frühen 17. Jahrhundert’ in GreifswaldStralsunder Jahrbuch, Band 5 (1965), 7-28; T.L. Christensen, ‘Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century’ in Scottish Historical Review, 49:2 (1970), 125-145; A. Bieganska, ‘Scottish merchants and traders in seventeenth and eighteenth century Warsaw’, Scottish Slavonic Review, no. 5, (Autumn 1985); A. Bieganska, ‘A note on the Scots in Poland, 1550-1800’ in T.C. Smout, ed., Scotland and Europe 1200 1850 (Edinburgh, 1986); A. Bieganska, ‘Andrew Davidson, (1591-1660) and his descendants’, Scottish Slavonic Review, no. 10, (Spring 1988), 15-16; A. Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance: Scottish Catholics and Presbyterians in Poland’, Scottish Slavonic Reiiew, no. 17, (Autumn 1991). 4 A. Grosjean and S. Murdoch, eds., Scottish Communities Abroad in the Early Modem Period (Leiden: 2005). 5 D. Catterall, Community Without Borders: Scots Migrants and the Changing Face of Power in the Dutch Republic, c. 1600-1700 (Leiden: 2002), 344 5. 6 NAS, Russell Papers, RH15/106/494/AT. 30-31, 23 and 25 July 1683. The death of his father-in-law caused Livingston some concern as he noted ‘such a cloud of Popery hangs over our heads’. Robert also added that he was left £75 more than Mr Schuyler’s own children who were then to share equally in the estate of £3000. He signed off wishing respects to Russell ‘and my dear sister your bedfellow’.

INTRODUCTION

3

Stockholm, Moscow or Danzig, Scots abroad maintained communica­ tion with each other and offered support when it was required— be it for a military operation, a seditious act, a commercial venture or such like. T he success or failure of any enterprise was largely depen­ dent on the nature o f the individual’s personal or social networks. Ever since J . Barnes completed his study Class and Community in a Norwegian Island Parish in 1954, ‘social network theory’ has become an accepted tool in trying to understand aspects of the past. Various interpretations of the social network theory continue to be contributed by scholars from a num ber of fields, including historians.7 M ost of the theorists concur that networks can take a num ber of shapes and, indeed, almost any social structure can be considered as a network, including hierarchical pyramids with a symbolic pinnacle (monarch), a ruling elite (nobility), the middling-sort (gentry) and the rest of the populace (peasantry). In contrast, ‘social network’ relationships are considered horizontal structures quite different to hierarchies. They describe hum an relationships that are voluntary, usually informal, often lacking hierarchical structure and, most importantly, place each individual at the centre o f his or her own social-network.8 Everyone, from a cottar to a clergyman to a commercial entrepreneur, devel­ oped social networks through which they sought to improve their lives, and those of their families and friends if they had it in their power to do so. These did not reflect the pure model networks the­ orists talk about— as Donald H arreld observed, models seldom fit well into historical situations.9 T he networks described below were neither neat horizontal structures nor vertical hierarchies, but rather contained elements o f both. 7 The surveys from the first four years of the twenty first century on the subject alone include J. Scott, Social Network Analysis: A Handbook (London: 2000); J.A.G.M. van Dijk, ‘Netwerken als Zenuwstelsel van onze Maatschappij’ in Tidschrifi voor Communicatienwetenschap, 30 (2001), 37-54; H. Gunneriusson, ed., Sociala Nätverk och Fäll (Uppsala: 2002); P.R. Monge and N.S. Contractor, Theories of Communication Networks (Oxford: 2003); E. Hreinsson, Nätverk som social resurs. Historiska exempel (Gothenburg: 2003). 8 Y. Hasselberg, L. Müller and N. Stenlâs, History from a Network Perspective (Uppsala: 1997), 3; Gunneriusson, ‘Introduktion’, 5 and ‘Fält och sociala nätverk—sâ fbrhâüer de sig till varandra’, 32-48; Y. Hasselberg, L. Müller and N. Stenlâs, ‘Àter till his­ toriens nätverk’, 9-14; D. Broady, ‘Nätverk och fait’, 51-52; N. Stenlâs, ‘Varfor nätverk spelar roll: om nätverksbergreppets otillâtenhet och epistemologiska särart’, 114— all these are chapters in Gunneriusson, Sociala Nätverk och Fält. See also E. Hreinsson, Nätverk och Nepotism: Den regionala fdrvaltningen pâ Island, J 770-1870 (Gothenburg: 2003), 21-23. 9 D.J. Harreld, High Germans in the Low Countries: German Merchants and Commerce in Golden Age Antwerp (Leiden: 2004), 95-97.

4

INTRODUCTION

It is not the intention here to build a new theory relating to a personal interpretation o f ‘social-networks’. This work is not about social network theory, it is about social networks in practise. T he book is divided into three sections. In the first the linkages that proved to be the im portant adhesive in the networks are exam ined. These chapters consider concepts of family structure, attachm ents to place, and religious affiliation, and ask what role they played in network building for the early m odem Scot. Each section is presented in such a way as to find an understanding of the particular association through a num ber of case studies where the strengths, weaknesses and imple­ m entation of the mechanisms in building the networks are high­ lighted. These chapters are less theoretical in presentation than other authors m ay prefer, simply because the weight of empirical evidence does not necessitate a theoretical diversion. T he second section asks questions relating to the employment of social networks am ong the various levels of Scottish com m ercial migrants. This offers a refreshing interpretation of Scotland’s expe­ rience o f seventeenth century mercantilism, where hitherto we have so often encountered a dark picture of backwardness and com m er­ cial ineptitude. Building on T.C . Sm out’s classic Scottish Trade on the Eve o f Union, Scottish mercantile and entrepreneurial structures are investigated here using previously untapped archival resources with which the Scandinavian archives are replete. Smout was the first to seriously consider the role of official commercial factors in Scandinavia, and by adding to his foundational work, no less than five distinct tiers of m erchant factor and consul who operated in the Baltic have been discovered. T he second chapter in this section deals with the previously unexplored development of manufacturies in Scandinavia by Scots. H ere we follow the success of a num ber of Scottish super­ capitalists in areas generally considered the preserve of Dutch and G erm an entrepreneurs. T he Scots often saw off foreign and indige­ nous Scandinavian competitors alike in their quest to produce iron, copper and cloth in factory complexes that grew to accommodate as m any as 1200 individuals by the late 1680s. T he implications this has for the accounts o f pre-industrial Scottish history become clear in the third chapter o f this section when the degree of the integra­ tion o f the m erchants’ and m anufacturers’ networks is fully brought home. This chapter exposes the hidden, often covert commercial structures that not only benefited the region hosting the industry, but also the structure deployed to move commodities and repatriate

INTRODUCTION

5

capital to the m other country in a way that the mere scrutiny of the Danish Sound Toll registers, for example, simply cannot do. M any Scottish commercial heavyweights operating in Scandinavia, such as Jo h n K innem ond, William Davidson and Daniel Young, are here m ade known to the Scottish historian, and their significance to whichever country allowed them to operate is addressed. T he third section of the book describes a different kind of social network. T he focus is on informal networks deployed to undermine a particular orthodoxy, be it political or ecclesiastical. These are in many ways more apdy termed as counter-networks where the under­ stood aim of the given structure was destructive rather than con­ structive, though sometimes both. T he first chapter in this section reconstructs the spy-network that Sir Jam es Spens of Wormiston operated on behalf of the Swedes. Spens populated it with Scots and deployed it against Poland-Lithuania. This collective operated on a subde level within several strata of society, penetrating the British Court, the Polish army and even a strikingly similar organ established by the Poles to attack the Swedes. These spies never crowed about their success, but did their jo b so well that it is an episode not even rem em bered by Swedish historians. This chapter reinserts this inter­ esting affair in its rightful place in Scandinavian-Polish relations. The second chapter in this section returns us to Jo h n Durie and fully investigates the process that led to his meeting with Gustav II Adolf. As in the previous chapter, Durie relied on a subversive confedera­ tion of disparate Protestants in seeking to undermine the process of confessionalisation in order to bring Christians together rather than keep them apart. T he friendship that the cleric developed with Axel O xenstiem a, enabling him to operate across Europe and launch his career in international irenicism, is also discussed. T he study does not end with D urie’s departure from Sweden in 1638, but follows the network-building process through to 1654, a year that radically changed his relationship with the Swedish regime due, not least, to the death of his old friend Oxenstiem a. T he final chapter in the book looks at a variety of networks established by the Jacobites in Russia and Sweden. These too are subversive-networks in that they sought to remove and replace the Hanoverian dynasty in Britain with the exiled House of Stuart. T o do so, a num ber of network mechanisms were tried, some more successful than others. Too often the Jacobites are looked at in the context of only one European country: the Jacobites in France or Spain. Reflecting on the slightly

6

INTRODUCTION

better known linkages with Sweden, this chapter blends in the equally, if not more im portant, Jacobite network in Russia to show that the exiles in these locations were in a much stronger position than pre­ viously understood. They bolstered their networks in northern Europe with formal initiate structures like Freemasonry and the O rder del Toboso. T he chapter concludes with a review o f Jacobite network­ ing structures as seen through the eyes of one Archibald C am eron from Moy, a m an im m ersed in the hierarchical kin structure o f Scottish clanship. T he book thus opens and closes with an em pha­ sis on the strength o f kith and kin association, albeit o f contrasting composition. All the networks under scrutiny concern a unified group seeking some advantage, usually in competition with other groups or indi­ viduals but always based on reciprocity and trust.10 Theorists argue that trust was built up through ‘exchange’, either of capital, com­ modity or information— what they call social and symbolic capital. O f course a problem arises as to how we can gauge the actual impor­ tance o f such subjective concepts am ong network participants. From the examples discussed it is clear that there were some fundam en­ tal relationships on which people could draw when seeking to estab­ lish trust. T he first of these was the simple and timeless bond o f kinship, a network linkage that seemed to require no formal exchange of gift, while the complement of symbolic kinship is also discussed. It appears that the simple expectation of the early m odem Scot was that you should be able to trust your kinsmen. They might be your superior, equal or inferior in the social hierarchy, but if they were kin they could be trusted. For example, information was often ver­ bally passed from diplomats to their kinsmen in order to be related to a m onarch thousands of miles away. Thus Sir Jam es Spens sent Jam es Ramsay from London to Sweden with sensitive diplomatic inform ation. It was not w ritten down but, Spens assured Axel O xenstiem a, every word Ramsay spoke should be treated as if it came from Spens’ own mouth. O xenstiem a could believe that to be true simply because Ramsay was Spens’ kinsman. Familial trust came as an expectation, yet trust could also be developed am ong friends.

10 S. Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship in Early Modem France’ in French Historical Studies, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Autumn 1989), 432; Hasselberg, MiiUer and Stenlas, ‘Ater till historiens natverk’, 19-23, 26; Gunneriusson ‘Fait och sociala natverk’, 32-46; Hreimson, Natverk och Nepotism, 21-23.

INTRODUCTION

7

Friendships were often formed in youth and m atured over the years, though individuals also established new friends as they came into contact with a wider circle and found people with common inter­ ests. W hen this occurred they became part o f the social network of the new acquaintances. As the examples illustrate, situations arose where trust was required but the person being asked to trust had litde information to rely on. In the case of David Melvin in Elsinore, the network tie he employed when initiating a distant relationship with a stranger, Andrew Russell in R otterdam , was simply that they were both Scots. As the chap­ ter reveals, the degree of trust Melvin placed in Russell was quite large, but was reciprocated. Indeed, the link of common origin was one that was deployed far more often than might be expected when strangers sought to build social networks. Andrew Melvill, Patrick G ordon, M r Davidson and several others were not shy to employ the mechanism, and left us written testimony to tell us it was so. It is through scrutiny o f personal testimony that we undertake our qualitative analysis of an individual’s thinking, behaviour and rela­ tionships.11 Im portant work on networks established by particular individuals has previously been carried out based on the numbers o f letters they sent and received and from which destinations.12 Here we must be careful not to overemphasise correspondence as a defining factor in social network building for a couple of very specific rea­ sons. Firstly, surviving correspondence for an individual (sent and received) is rarely complete and so can mislead us into thinking that those letters that survive reflect most of those that once existed. Some letters were kept because they had value (social or economic) while others were discarded once they no longer had value. Most people did not have space to keep all their papers out of any sense of nos­ talgia. In the following chapters examples reveal that some corre­ spondence did not survive because it contained inform ation that needed to be destroyed at first sight of the reader. Further, we must consider that letters are sent for a variety o f reasons even, at times, to deceive the recipient. Ju st because someone wrote to another indi­ vidual frequently does not m ean that they were friends, trusted each

11 Hasselberg, Müller and Stenlâs, ‘Àter dll historiens nàtverk’, 11-12. 12 V. Urbânek, ‘The Network of Comenius’ Correspondents’, in Acta Comemus, 12 (1997), 70-71; L. Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, c. 1640-1800: A Comparative Study of Early-Modern Entrepreneurial Behaviour (Uppsala: 1998), 225-245.

8

INTRODUCTION

other or did not wish them harm. T he letters themselves could sim­ ply be part of a deception to make recipients believe they were ‘in ’ a network, when they were very m uch ‘outside’ one. M ore im portandy in terms of counting correspondence is the fact that letters tell only a small part of a story. Jo h n D urie’s slighUy contemptuous comments about J a n Amos Comenius in his corre­ spondence to Louis de G eer are indicative that letter counting can sometimes lead us to misunderstand relationships. Further, the sta­ tistics reflect the geographical distribution of a (potential) network for sure, but they exclude those with whom there were few or no letters exchanged. These are those who lived within the same house­ hold, or lived next door, or just along the street, or in the next vil­ lage or town but who were seen frequendy enough to negate the need for letters. We do learn about them from diaries, and some­ times as postscripts in letters between other friends, and they can very often be the most im portant people in a person’s social net­ work; a spouse, a head of household, an employer and friends. Given these considerations it is im portant to complement correspondencebased research with analysis of hidden subtexts drawn from all the information we have to hand as well as utilising our own experi­ ences to help us deduce networking linkages which are frequently less than obvious. Consider this recent example. In 1995 a Swedish ship sailed out of Aberdeen en route to Croatia carrying a cargo of hum anitarian relief ultimately bound for Bosnia. The ship was part of a Swedish project called Ship to Bosnia and left the Baltic to collect cargoes of relief aid from various ports on the way, though only one British port was selected. W hy did it come to Aberdeen and not London, Hull or Leith? T he international co-ordinator, Dirk Grosjean, is my svager (brother-in-law) who had asked me to organise the British end of the project. A berdeen’s developed port and the presence of many oil-companies to tap into for funding m ade it an obvious choice. Eight years later, my brother Peter (employed in the oil industry) contacted me from his home in Indonesia with a request to find out details of the Islamic community in Aberdeen. H e wanted to send a colleague to Aberdeen for a year’s training, but the individual’s wife was uncertain about coming to a western country. W ould the family be welcome, was there a Muslim community in Aberdeen, a Halal shop, or even a mosque? Through the contacts I had m ade on the Bosnia project, the Muslim husband of a friend got in touch

INTRODUCTION

9

with me and promised, on behalf of the Aberdeen Mosque, to look after the Indonesian family when they arrived. This convinced my brother’s colleague to make the move to Scodand. None of the afore­ m entioned links are obvious, or even visible, particularly the fact that by utilising his kin link, Dirk Grosjean in Stockholm indirectly aided the career advancem ent of the Indonesian, Kemas Ihsan, now back in a m anagem ent position in Jakarta. Kinship and friendship com bined here to surm ount a variety of problems. It was ever thus. Social networks are complex and often the actors do not record the actions they generate. In attem pting the reconstruction of the fol­ lowing networks, therefore, some findings can only be speculative, though hopefully informative nonetheless. T he reader should bear in mind (and it is emphasised through­ out the book) that the networks studied here in no way claim to be either universally successful or fundamentally unique. Instead they offer an addition to that approach to Scottish history that tends to focus more on the higher social elites. They reveal the benefit of not confining research to the formal apparatus of governments, states and social hierarchies. By reconstructing a selection o f social net­ works, we have been able to see that the network participants cer­ tainly did not confine themselves within formal structures, even those they belonged to themselves. Individuals are more complex than just being officers or landowners; they are also fathers, mothers, broth­ ers, and sisters. They can have multiple interests, and throughout this work individuals like Sir Jam es Spens of Wormiston appear in a num ber o f guises— soldier, diplomat, nobleman, spymaster, fatherin-law and friend. N or did these actors remain contained within ‘the European north’. They were seldom confined to one location and moved freely in and out of the chosen area of engagement. They could do so th ro u g h their rem arkable m obility exem plified by D rum m er-M ajor Jam es Spens who, upon leaving Swedish Riga, moved to Amsterdam en route to Java. T o his m other and father he said; ‘I have bein borne to Travill ye quhilk I give God thanks for’, a sentiment com m on to many Scots, if not always recorded directly by them .13 In this, as in all his letters that have survived,

13 NAS, Miscellaneous Papers, R H 9/2/241. Drummer Major James Spens to his parents. This small collection of very personal letters from one sojourner to his fam­ ily has only survived as they were assumed to be papers belonging to his name­ sake and former commanding officer, Sir James Spens of Wormiston.

10

INTRODUCTION

Spens reveals the im portance of m aintaining his links with his family and his friends despite an eight-year absence from Scotland and an expectation not to return for another seven. The bonds of kin and friendship are recurrent themes throughout this book and are, there­ fore, the most obvious place to begin.

SECTION ONE

N E T W O R K LINKAGES

Primary locations associated with Scottish networks in Northern Europe, c. 1603-1746

CHAPTER ONE

KIN N E T W O R K S

Mankind are so much the same in all times and places that history informs us of nothing new or strange in this particular. Its chief use is only to discover the constant and universal principles of human nature, by showing men in all varieties of circumstances and situations and furnishing us with materials, from which we may form our observa­ tions and become acquainted with the regular springs of human action and behaviour.'

There are numerous studies of the Scots abroad in the early m od­ em period. Few if any fail to mention the fact that the Scots as a nation were notoriously ‘clannish’, sticking together in tight-knit fam­ ily units.2 This stems as much from contem porary accounts as from m odem perceptions. T he Gaelic bard, Iain Lorn (John M acDonald o f Keppoch), expressed this in his poem La Inbhir Lochaidh relating to the Batde of Inverlochy in 1645. This was fought between a Scot­ tish Covenanting army representing the Scottish Parliament and a combined Scottish-Irish force fighting under the British royal stan­ dard with a mix of Highland, Lowland and Irish officers. T he poet expresses little o f this, however, but frames the battle as one between the Campbells (who made up around 50% of the Covenanting army) and Clan Donald. He noted ‘S hha buaidh a’ bhlair le Clann Ddmhnailt— ‘victory on the field was with Clan D onald’.3 In penning these words, the poet clearly centred his audience’s attention on the status of kin over any regional or national identity, and his attachm ent would have found resonance among m any other Highland, Lowland or

1 David Hume, An enquiry Concerning Human Understanding quoted in T.H. Green and T.H. Grose, eds., Essays of Hume (London: 1875), II, 78. 2 See for example T.C. Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 1560-1830 (London: 1969, 1985 Fontana Edition), esp. 22-23, 35-36, 41-43; A. Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth century to the 1780s (New York: 1981), 426. 3 Iain Lorn ‘La Inbhir Lochaidh’ in A.M. Mackenzie, ed., Orain Iain Luim: Songs of John Macdonald, Bard of Keppoch (Edinburgh: 1964), 20-25.

14

CHAPTER ONE

indeed other European kindreds. T he study of the structure o f ‘fam­ ily’, ‘kin groups’ and the marriages and other mechanisms that bind them together has been a focus of historians, anthropologists and sociologists for several hundred years. Each discipline brings its own approach and set of terminologies to the field of study, resulting in a variety of definitions and understandings of the subject.4 But the importance o f kin relationships to migration from Scodand, or indeed to networking in general, is usually understated and becoming harder to recognise as these linkages lose their m eaning within m odern west­ ern societies.5 People apply the term clan or kin-group to particular families, yet without a thorough examination of the Scottish family structure and the variety of mechanisms which bound those struc­ tures together, there cannot be a complete understanding of how ingrained such mechanisms were.6 In this chapter the bonds of kin are investigated, highlighting the role all could play in networking structures.

Scottish Familial Structures

Christian Europe underwent a radical restructuring in patterns o f marriage and kinship around the fourth century A.D. Previous norms such as marriage to close kin or the obligation for a m an to m arry his brother’s widow were overturned by a Christian C hurch that grew ever stronger in unifying marriage laws across the continent.7

+ There is a rich literature on the subject of kinship. For some worthy scholar­ ship see J. Goody, The development of the family and marriage in Europe (Cambridge: 1983), 16-17; D. Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction in Early Modem England’ in Past and Present, no. 113 (November 1986), 38 69; S. Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship in Early Modem France’ in French Historical Studies, vol. 16, no. 2 (Autumn 1989), 408-435. 5 Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 408. 6 Genealogists have been long been aware of the importance of kin-networks to historical understanding, even in a Scottish-Scandinavian context. See for example H.D. Watson, ‘Sir James Spens of Wormiston (1571-1632): A Scottish-Swedjsh Genealogy’ in The Scottish Genealogist, vol. XXVIII, no. 4 (December 1981), 149. Watson observed that ‘ties of kinship were of paramount importance to the landed gentry of that time— at least in East Fife- and that the achievements of an adven­ turer, diplomatist and soldier like Spens should be seen in the context of his parent­ age and network of family relationships’. 7 For more on this subject see J. Goody, ed., Kinship (London: 1971); J . Goody, J. Thirsk and E.P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance in Western Europe, 1200-1800 (Cambridge: 1976); Goody, The development of thefamily, chapter 4; P. Parkes, ‘Alternative

KIN NETWORKS

15

The com ponent kingdoms of w hat would later become Scotland, England and Ireland increasingly leaned towards the Catholic Church; particularly after the Synod of W hitby in 664, the laws and rules governing the family becam e increasingly standardised, although it took several more decades before Catholicism was accepted by the Piets as well as the Gaelic monks in Iona.8 Familial bonds rem ained largely unchanged from this period until the Reformation. M any kingroups retained a hierarchy emphasising the status of m en such Donald C am eron of Lochiel over his clansman Archibald Cam eron from Moy.9 O utwith Gaeldom, similar hierararchical familial struc­ tures rem ained largely unchanged for centuries, and only received m inor modifications, albeit there were differences in interpretation. For example, in the seventeenth century there was nothing unusual about first cousins marrying, either in Scotland or Sweden.10 In be­ tween these countries lay Norway where the rules of marriage between kin were interpreted slighdy more vigorously. K aren M owatt, daugh­ ter of the Shetlander Andrew M owatt o f Hoveland, m arried Eric Ottesen O m ing, her first cousin once removed, which was consid­ ered illegal in Norway. They fled and spent eighteen years in Scodand before they were allowed back to Norway in 1627.11 Social Structures and Foster Relations in the Hindu Kush: Milk Kinship Allegiance in Former Mountain Kingdoms of Northern Pakistan’ in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 43, no. 1 (2001), 4-36; P. Parkes, ‘Fostering Fealty: A Comparative Analysis of Tributary Allegiances of Adoptive Kinship’ in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 45, no. 4 (2001), 741-782; P. Parkes, ‘Fosterage, Kinship, and Legend: When Milk Was Thicker than Blood’ in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 46, 3 (2004), 587-615. 8 For the Synod of Whitby see L. Sherley-Price, ed., Bede: A History of the English Church and People (New York: 1968 edition), 185-192. See also in the same volume, ‘Abbot Ceolfrid’s delegation to Nechtan, King of the Piets c. 710 A.D.’ 314-328, and Bede’s ‘The present state of the English nation and the rest of Britain’, c. 725-31 A.D., 329-332. 9 A. Livingstone, C.W.H. Aikman and B.S. Hart, eds., Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s Army, 1745-46 (Aberdeen: 1984), 32-36. 10 Numerous examples of such marriages abound, but one such example shows both a Scottish and Swedish acceptance when Anna Christina Forbes married her cousin, Claes Anckarfjell, in Stockholm in the second half of the seventeenth cen­ tury to no uproar whatsoever. See &L4, II, 790; Y. Hasselberg, L. Muller and N. Stenl&s, History from a Network Perspective (Uppsala: 1997), 16. 11 Their protracted stay in Scotland ultimately benefited the Mowatts’ connec­ tions with Scotland. Christoffer Oming, Karen’s son, frequendy traded with Scottish merchants, and though he never settled, he visited the country often. During his several voyages there in the 1650s, Christoffer always carried with him greetings to and from Axel Mowatt’s good friends in Scotland, associations that were undoubt­ edly strengthened through Karen’s enforced stay in the country—an unorthodox

16

CHAPTER ONE

In a British context some scholars have argued that im portant kin networks in England were restricted to very close degrees of con­ sanguinity while others, in the light o f fresh research, have argued the significance o f distant kin as well.12 This was particularly so am ong those not involved in preserving their families’ seniority am ong the national peerage. R ather, these kin-groups were concerned about more immediate considerations o f self-preservation in an uncertain world. T o survive they relied on their family, and not just the nuclear com ponent of it. T he closest of kin-degrees in Scotland were denoted through the use of the suffix ‘germ ain’ attached to the designated relation. Thus we read about blood relationships such as ‘brother-germ ain’ and ‘sister-germ ain’, but also ‘cousin-germain’. Scholars of familial relations in early m odem England previously concluded that ‘cousins’ were of no great emotional or economic relevance to one another and that kin-networks functioning beyond the im m ediate family were quite ra re .13 T h a t has been shown to be a primitive evaluation; ‘cousins’ were a crucial agency in successful kin-networking and English family structure was far more complex than has usually been understood.14 In Scotland, too, cousins were extremely im portant, though the designation of ‘cousin-germain’ was employed for em pha­ sis for a num ber of reasons.15 Individuals of this degree used the

but apparently effective form of networking. Sec A. Naess, ‘Skottehandelen pa Sunnhordland’, in Sunnhordland Tidsskrifi, VII (1920), 43; A. Espelland, Skottene: Hordaland og Rogaland fra aar 1500 1800, (Norhemsund: 1921), 31-32; A.M. Wiensener, ‘Axel Movat og Hans Slegt’ in Bergens Historiske Forming Shifter, no. 36 (Bergen: 1930), 93, 103. 12 English scholarship has tended to understate the importance of kin relation­ ships, though there have been some very strong rebuttals of that stance. See for various arguments K. Wrightson, ‘Kinship in an English village: Terling, Essex 1500-17001 in R.M. Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Ufe-Cycle (Cambridge: I984), 3 13-332; Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction*, 39, 41, 43-44, 53; N. Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England: Household, Kinship, and Patronage (Cambridge: 2001), passim. 13 A. Macfarlane, The Family Life of Ralph Josselin (Cambridge: 1970), 139, 149; Wrightson, ‘Kinship in an English village’, 316 320. 14 Macfarlane’s beliefs are dismissed in Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 42, 46; Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 427. A thorough re-evaluation of English family life has been undertaken by Naomi Tadmor. Although focused on the eigh­ teenth century, this work has great relevance for the seventeenth century and extends the study of the English ‘family’ to include all members of the household. See Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England, passim. 15 P. Dukes, ‘Patrick Gordon and his Family Circle’, in Scottish Slavonic Review, no. 10 (1988), 23.

KIN NETWORKS

17

term when underlining to the uninformed the closeness of their rela­ tionship to a particular person, not least because the word ‘cousin’ often m eant simply ‘kinsman’ and could be used to describe any num ber of relationships. It was often applied both to closer degrees, like nephews, and to more distant degrees such as cousins several times removed, and could even be used symbolically.16 Thus in 1642 Charles I designated Alexander Leslie, the newly created Earl of Leven, as his ‘trusty and welbeloued cosen and councellour’, emphasis­ ing the strength of the bond between the king and his new nobility.17 In terms of understanding the development of networks there is no need to repeat the now well-rehearsed consensus pertaining to the close bonds that exist between a child, its siblings, its parents or its uncles and aunts. We can add that, through the Scots terms eme (uncle) and emis son (cousin), we know that the link could be partic­ ularly close with these words being employed as a mark affection.18 Suffice it to say that such ties were extremely im portant in acting as network linkages not only in the household and the village, but also beyond.19 For example, one M r Chisley in a Baltic town: came over here one harvest with ane Hamilton as I suppose out of the west countrey who has here ane unkle serving in the wars under the Duke of Brandenburg, he is come to great preferment being the last two yeares in the wars against the Frenches; his lady lives not far from this toun a Dutch woman and Lutheran, his nephew remains with her till his uncles home comming.20

T he importance of kin as a network linkage in this example is selfevident. Kin relationships were strengthened by marital ties which

16 Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 47, 66; Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 417. 17 W. Fraser, ed., The Melvilles, Earls of Melville and the Leslies, Earls of Leven (3 vols., Edinburgh: 1890), II, 21. Charles I to Alexander Leslie, 1st Earl of Leven, 24 January 1642. Leven had been elevated to the peerage in November 1641. See Sir James Balfour Paul and R. Douglas, The Scots Peerage (9 vols., Edinburgh: 1904-1914), V, 374. 18 For a fuller description of these terms see any of the dictionaries of the Scots language. A valuable edition can be found at The Dictionary of the Scots Language, online at: http://www.dsl.ac.uk/dsl/. 19 Wrightson, ‘Kinship in an English village’, 316-317. 20 See Francis Craw to his brother, Memel, 23 June 1675, reproduced in T. Fischer, The Scots in Germany (Edinburgh: 1902), 252. For an English example see Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 45. For a Swedish case see M. Nergard, Mellon krona och marknadUtlandska och svenska entreprenorer mom svensk jdmhantering fran ca 1580 till 1700 (Uppsala: 2001), 163.

18

CHAPTER ONE

cem ented alliances betw een families and broadened the kin net­ work to encompass num erous other family groups, in which the in­ laws could be as im portant as blood relatives.21 In one example no less than 20 ‘client families’ were linked to Jean-B aptiste Colbert through marriage, significantly enhancing his networking and career opportunities.22 Grasping the wider kin-network certainly informs our understanding of a whole range of historical problems. Those writers who have left us tantalising evidence were simply engaging in ordinary activity, not leaving clues for future scholars. For instance, we often read o f indi­ viduals calling others ‘father’, ‘m other’, ‘brother’, ‘sister’ or ‘cousin’ in circumstances where we know there is no obvious or full-blood relationship. A particular example o f this can come from the half­ sibling relationship. Sometimes, as in the case of Alexander Leslie, 1st Earl of Leven, his relationship to his half-brother, Colonel George Leslie, is easy to trace. N ot only is George often recorded in con­ tem porary documents simply as Alexander’s ‘brother’, but the fact that they had the same father gave them the same surname, mak­ ing the historian’s jo b all the simpler.23 This kinship relationship helps to explain George’s presence in Alexander’s regiment in Swedish ser­ vice, and indeed the latter’s preference for the former in terms o f promotion. In other cases, such as that between Sir Jam es Spens and Sir Robert Anstruther, the relationship is hidden in the m ater­ nal link. Yet these two men frequently called each other ‘brother’ in correspondence while choosing to keep their close blood rela­ tionship out of their public life.24 T h e ‘half-sibling’ relationship could also strengthen the bond between step-parent and step-child or even between step-cousins

21 Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 420-421, 426 -428, 433. 22 Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 427. In addition to being the ‘father of mercantilism’, it is probably worthy of note that Colbert himself apparendy claimed Scottish ancestry, though whether this had anything to do with his extensive kin based network is debatable. The relationship was quite distant; possibly his great grandfather being one Richard Colbert of Inverness with several of his biographies (e.g. electricscodand.com) claiming he ordered the following inscription for his ances­ tor’s tomb: In Scotland I had my Cradle, and Rhcims has given me my tomb. 23 Anon., The Modem History of the World or, An Historical Relation of the mostmem­ orable passages in Germany, and else-where, since the beginning of this present Teere 1635. Divided into Thru Sections (London: 1635), A 3; Balfour Paul, The Scots Peerage, V, 373. 24 For example see SRA, Anglica, V. Robert Anstruther to James Spens, 18 July 1612. Here Anstruther addresses Spens as ‘Richt honourable and loving brother’.

KIN NETWORKS

19

which often proved im portant connections.25 While the ‘step’ bond may have proved durable anyway (though sometimes it did not), it undoubtedly gained strength if both step-parent and child also enjoyed a m utual blood relationship.26 Thus, though M ajor Robert Guthrie undoubtedly felt some form o f pseudo-parental obligation to his step­ son Thorsten Stalhandske (later G eneral Stâlhandske) after marrying the boy’s mother, Catarina Bertilsonsdotter, the relationship was rein­ forced by the birth of K atarina Guthrie who linked step-father and step-son together through her blood connection to both m en.27 The implications of such bonds of kinship for network history are obvi­ ous. T here are numerous examples o f half-siblings engaged in a vari­ ety o f networks where it is only through the chance survival of docum entation that the relationship is made apparent. Brothers-inlaw also frequently referred to each other simply as brother, extend­ ing the concept beyond that usually understood in Britain today, so that the husband of a woman who had a sister might also call that sister’s husband his brother, or other in-laws his cousins.28Jam es and Jo h n M aclean (of Stockholm and G othenburg respectively) are often called brothers, leading to the assumption that they were brothersgermain. Given the established pedigree of Jo h n M aclean as a son of H ector M aclean the 5th Baron of D uart and his second wife Isabella Acheson, this relationship is unlikely. However, Jo h n did m arry Jam es’s wife’s sister, which made them brothers-in-law and explains their use of the term ‘brother’ to identify each other.29 T he 25 Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 45. Cressy highlights the case of Ann Hoskins who believed her kinship with a powerful step-cousin was strong enough to invoke a plea for support for her family in Ireland to her step-cousin in New England. She addressed the recipient simply as ‘dear cousin’. See also Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England, 34. 26 Solveig Fagerlund has discussed a case of step-siblings in the role of godpar­ ents and found that in her Swedish example the bond was not particularly strong. S. Fagerlund, ‘Women and Men as Godparents in an early Modem Swedish Town’ in The History of the Family, Vol. 5, No. 3 (2000), 352. 27 SAA, IV, 629; H. Marryat, One Tear in Sweden, including a visit to the isle of Gotland (London: 1862), 463; O. Donner, A brief sketch of the Scottish families in Finland and Sweden (Helsingfors: 1884), 28 and 32; J. Ramsay, FrabeslakUr i Finland intill stora ojreden (Helsingfors: 1909), 209. 28 Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 48-49, 67; Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England, 133, 136 146. 29 J.N.M . Maclean, The Macleans of Sweden (Edinburgh: 1971), 1-4, 25 26. A sim­ ilar instance of men who married sisters and were referred to as both ‘brother’ and ‘cousin’ was recorded in a court case where a Southampton merchant admitted he was kin to the plaintiff through the marriages. Sec Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 113,

20

CHAPTER ONE

hidden relationship between brothers also found expression in the use of the term ‘father’, which covered ‘in-law’ status as well as the step-father relationship. For example, the London-based m erchant Georg Breholt called Robert Jaffray of Stirling his ‘sone’ despite not being Jaffray’s blood father, highlighting that he either was his step­ father or father-in-law.30 Indeed, kin-relations in documents are fre­ quently extremely ambiguous and often an implied kinsman was something of a Active relative.31 For example in the Scots language the word ‘brother’ could occasionally be a reference to a particu­ larly good friend.32 W here actual kinship could not be proved, assumed kinship often took its place among Scottish families, just as it did in France and elsewhere.33 In relation to Andrew Melvill, David Stevenson has com­ mented that ‘Scots assumed that sharing the same surnam e was evi­ dence of kinship. W herever Melvill came across another Melvill in his career, he could expect a welcome’.34 Such anticipation of a warm reception perhaps allowed Scots in certain situations to approach individuals in a bolder fashion than their English neighbours. T he English often sought some favour from a distant individual they knew was their kinsman.35 Scots appear to have been more liberal with their interpretation of kin. As Patrick G ordon travelled in Antwerp he recorded that ‘a countreym an of mine was come, called G ardin, which, according as he pronounced it, seemed to me G ordin’.36 Perhaps 30 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/802, f.l 1. George Breholt to Andrew Russell, 25 July 1693. 31 Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 418. *31 Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 66; Tadmor, Family and Friends in EighteenthCentury England, 146-156. ‘Brother’ meaning ‘A dear friend, colleague, or fellow man’ is actually the second definition of the word given in the Dictionary of the Scots Language. 33 ‘All persons bom with the same name and able to trace their genealogy in the male line to a common ancestor constituted a sort of patrilineage’. Sec Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 422. 34 D. Stevenson, ed., ‘The Soldier of Iil-Fortune: Sir Andrew Melvill’, in King or Covenant Voices From Civil War (East Lothian: 1996), 3; D. Horsbroch, ‘Tae see oursels as ithers see us: Scottish M ilitary Identity from the Covenant to Victoria’ in S. Murdoch and A. Mackillop, eds., Fighting for Identity: Scottish Military Experience c. 1550-1900 (Leiden: 2002), 124-125. 35 Several very good examples of this form of approach were recorded by Cressy who eloquently stated that soliciting a known kinsman for ‘reasonable’ help was simply an understood part of English society. See Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 47, 68. 36 B. Botfield, ed., Passages from the Diary of General Patrick Gordon of Auchleuchries, A.D. 1635-A.D. 1699 (Aberdeen: 1859), 17. The emphasis is mine.

KIN NETWORKS

21

this indicates some wishful thinking on the part of the diarist, yet upon meeting ‘Ruitm aster’ Gardin, he recorded that he was himself quizzed about his parentage, after which Gardin seemed satisfied and: asked me if I knew one Major Gardin. I told him I had heard of him, but had not the honour of his acquaintance. He told me that he was his brother, and that I must be their kinsman; then calling for a glass of wine, began to be very merry, remembering all friends in Scotland.37

In all probability these men were related, at some distance, but there were times when similar-sounding names had more spurious con­ nections with each other. Scottish and Jewish ‘G ordons’ have often been confused in history and other families too have sought to build relations based on similar-sounding names. For example, the French Comte de Forbin claimed to be o f the Scottish House of Forbes on this basis.38 They may have been; neither side was sure, but both were happy enough to accept it as a fact. An interesting case also survives through the approach to the Scottish authorities of Peter and Cornelius Scot (alias Douglas) declaring their descent from William Douglas of Schloto, ambassador of King Achaius to C harle­ magne around 800 A.D., after which their family settled in Italy before moving to Antwerp. Following much consultation, the Privy Council upheld their claims and issued a birth-brieve to show their Scottish noble origins, several generations after their family had left Scodand.39 W hatever the truth or motive of this example, evidence of cases where kin relations were reinforced over generations is more compelling and does show the strength of kinship over time and at a distance.40 This case was part o f the wider pre-occupation of European families to produce family histories and genealogies. Scotland was fully part of this process and produced even more elaborate and convoluted examples than the Scot-Douglas family. Sir T hom as 37 Botfield, Passages from the Diary of General Patrick Gordon, 18. 38 William Lord Forbes to Comte de Forbin, 4 February 1730, reproduced in A. and H. Tayler, eds., The House of Forbes (Bruceton Mills: 1987), 245-246. This letter confirms that the French Forbins sought and received substantiation of their relationship to the House of Forbes. 39 RGSS, XI, 12, no. 31. Recital and Confirmation of Birth Brieve, 31 December 1660. 40 Cressy asks important questions relating to kinship and migration, though he concedes that finding evidence can prove problematic. However, he does provide some illuminating examples of English families maintaining links between England and the American colonies throughout the seventeenth century. See Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 44-50.

22

CHAPTER ONE

U rquhart of Crom arty must be counted as am ong the more enter­ taining, tracing his family back to Adam and Eve.41 Nonetheless, the opportunities for networking increased as remote branches o f ‘Scottish’ families regained or reconfirmed contacts with each other. Examples abound o f this ‘re-awakening’ of Scottish ancestry in individuals who had never set foot in th at country. A dam and Benedictus Cunningham were both bom in Germ any, the sons of Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Cunningham , a soldier in Swedish service. In 1662 and 1664 respectively, the two men were granted birthbrieves from the Privy Council of Scotland which noted their noble Scottish origins, and which had been vouched for by their noble friends o f the House of C unningham .42 These brothers were only one generation out o f Scodand, but others further removed also sought docum entation from Scotland. M attias and Arvid Forbes, for instance, were the sons o f E m ald Forbes of M ecklenburg and no m em ber of their family had been bom in Scotland since their great­ grandfather Jaco b Forbes o f Corsindale in the early sixteenth cen­ tury. Nonetheless, the brothers were ennobled in Sweden in 1638 after they produced a genealogy from Aberdeen, dated 12 Ju n e 1634, which was signed by 25 members of the Forbes family.43 Undoubtedly 41 See R.D.S. Jack and R J. Lyall, eds., The Jell'd Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty (Edinburgh: 1983), 55-57. For more on the Scottish obsession with family history and genealogy see Dukes, ‘Patrick Gordon and his Family Circle’, 20-21; M. Lynch, ‘A Nation Bom Again? Scottish Identity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’ in D. Broun, R. Finlay and M. Lynch, eds., Image and Identity: The Making and Re­ making of Scotland through the ages (Edinburgh: 1998), 94; K.M. Brown, Noble Society in Scotland- Wealth, Family and Culture from Reformation to Reiolution (Edinburgh: 2004), 222-224. Elsewhere the Scots produced their genealogies to gain citizenship. For example James Carmichael and Nathaniel Keith both presented their genealogies in order to become citizens of Cracow in 1625. See A.F. Steuart, ed., Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland 1576-1793 (Edinburgh; 1915), 42-43, 50. 42 Adam Cunningham junior travelled to Edinburgh to get his birth brieve per­ sonally. His entry in the Great Seal of Scodand states ‘ADAM CUNINGHAM (who is intending to travel to Germany)’, placing him in Edinburgh. For more on him see KRA, Muster Roll, 1658/10; 1659/11,12; 1660/14,15; RPCSy 3rd series, I, 1661-1664, 257 and 542, 4 September 1662 and 9 June 1664; RGSS, XI, 1660-1668, 162, no. 318, 4 September 1662. For Benedictus see RPCS, 3rd series, I, 1661-1664, 257 and 542, 4 September 1662 and 9 June 1664; E. Marquard, ed., Kongelige Kammenegnskaber fra Frederik III.s og Christum V.s tid (Copenhagen: 1918), 261. It was most probably this man who, under the name Bendix von Kuningham served as Hofmarskal (Court Marshall) in Plon near Kiel in Schleswig-Holstein in 1682. That year a payment was made to him for 120 rixdaler from Christian V of Denmark-Norway. 43 SAA, II, 788; Tayler and Tayler, The House of Forbes, 469-471; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 151.

KIN NETWORKS

23

these signatures were arranged by Alexander, M aster of Forbes, via his brother upon whom he often relied to undertake business for Swedish-Scots with dealings in Scodand.44 Similarly, Thom as Living­ stone, a son of George Livingstone and M argaret Bursie, was bom in 1634 in Elbing while his father was on campaign with the Swedish arm y.45 Despite never having seen Scodand, Livingstone m aintained an interest in the country. In 1667 his m other wrote a letter in Swedish to Krigskollegium (The W ar College) hoping to persuade them to temporarily release Thom as from service and allow him to travel to Scodand to resolve some family m atters.46 Livingstone received permission for eight months’ leave of absence for a passage to England and Scodand on 24 M ay 1669. Although his military commitments prevented him from travelling that year, he re-applied in 1670 and made his journey to the land lhvar mina foraldrar fodda ahre’—where my parents were b o m .47 N ot only did Livingstone highlight his ties to his parents’ country of birth, but he also explicidy declared his intention to establish his own rights in Scotland.48 Livingstone’s case may seem unusual but it was certainly not anomalous. T he Swedish-bom artist Nicolas Guthrie made a similar journey to his father’s birth-place in 1684, and while en route to M ontrose he was

44 SRA, Deposito Skytteana, A5, E5412. Colonel Alexander Forbes to Colonel Johan Skytte, [?—smudged] March 1635. In this letter Forbes has sent his cousin to Skytte to let him know that ‘I have send my brother to attend you in Scotland if you cum ther to qhom your major Jhon Beaton hath givn your patent’. Skytte’s grandfather was a Scot called James Neave. The brother in question was Arthur Forbes who enlisted into Skytte’s regiment soon after and died on campaign in Germany. See KRA, Muster Roll, 1635/31, 32 and 1636/20 23; Tayler and Tayler, The House of Forbes, 168-169. 45 Thomas served in the Jonkoping regiment and was eventually ennobled in Sweden in 1668, taking the name Thomas Livingstone till Hubbestad. His career and promotions continued, and he became lieutenant colonel of his regiment in 1678, a position he held until at least 1682 only two years before his death. Livingstone married into the Swedish nobility when he wed Maria Stiema (1638- 1719). KRA, MR Jonkoping Regiment, 1662-1682; &L4, V, 53. 46 KRA, Krigskollegium kansli inkommna handlingar brevbocker 1666, del 1, 1667:2 no. 1181. Margaret Bursie to Krigsrad, 5 May 1667. 47 KRA, Krigskollegium inkommna handlingar breefbook for ahr 1670 andre delen, no. 4013. Thomas Livingstone to Krigsrad, 31 March 1670. 48 On his return to Sweden it appears that Secretary Jonsson had reneged on his earlier pledge and Livingstone found himself in correspondence with the Kngskollegutm trying to get reinstated at his former rank in the regiment. Details of the success of his Scottish trip remain elusive. KRA, Krigskollegium inkommna handlingar breefbook for ¿hr 1670 andre delen, no 4015. Livingstone to Krigskollegium, 9 December 1670.

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recom m ended to the laird o f Guthrie in Dundee.49 Soon after, in 1694, the Swedish am bassador in London, Christoffer Leijoncrona, received a request from the British resident in Stockholm, D r Jo h n Robinson, regarding the case of one Captain Beaton, a grandson of a Scottish emigrant, Hercules Beaton.50 For over a year Captain Beaton had been pursuing the possibility of coming to Scotland to chase up an inheritance he believed he had there, as well as to estab­ lish his ‘pedigree’. Interestingly, despite being told that recovery of his inheritance would be nigh on impossible, Beaton resolved to go to Scotland in order to pursue his family connections. H e knew it would cost him more to undertake the journey than he could gain financially, but he was prepared to spend 100 crowns on the pro­ ject anyway and sought the am bassador’s help with introductions in Edinburgh. Significantly, for Beaton, genealogy and the maintenance of links to kin outweighed economic profit. O ther foreign-born Scots were more certain of their pedigrees, and their determ ination to obtain confirmation of it leaves us in no doubt as to its relevance in the seventeenth century society. In Septem ber 1681, Charles Erskine Earl of M ar received a letter from an Alexander von Erskine, eldest son of what the writer described as ‘a Scot who had settled in Sweden and served in the G erm an and Polish wars’.51 This is quite an understatement as the soldier in question was in fact the G erm an-born Scot, Baron Alexander von Erskine, one of the Swedish signatories to the Treaty of W estphalia in 1648.52 T he purpose of his son’s letter was no more than to send respects to the Earl of M ar and to reiterate that the Swedish Erskines acknowledged the Scottish earl as the head of their family despite their own Swedish noble status. T he adherence to a notional fam­ ily head or chief among native-born Scots who lived abroad was also strong. Urbanised Lowland Scots like Andrew Russell in Rotterdam made it known in 1683 that he viewed a distant relative in another

49 M.R. Apted and S. Hannabuss, Painters in Scotland, 1301-1700; A Biographical Dictionary (Edinburgh: 1978), 44. 50 SRA, Anglica, vol. 191, section R: J. Robinson to C. Leijoncrona, 11 December 1694. 51 NAS, Mar and Kellie Papers, GD 124/15 f. 171. Alexander Erskine to Earl of Mar, 19 September 1681. 52 B. Schlegel and C.A. Klingspor, Den med skoldebrefförlänadc men ej ä riddarhusel introducerade svenska adelns ättartaflor (Stockholm: 1875), 69; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 70, 104-105, 151, 245.

KIN NETWORKS

25

country (England) as ‘my Chiefe’ while lamenting the execution for treason o f William Lord Russell in London.53 This is an interesting case of a Scotsman promoting fictive or at least very distant kinship with an English noble family. Awareness o f family relations, even (if not especially) those at some distance, was used frequently by various networks and underpinned many patronage relationships.54 Kin would often seek out kin while travelling and kin would often enter into business with kin.55 Sir Andrew Melvill is one of those figures who has left numerous rich nuggets from which we can build a picture of how a seventeenthcentury Scot might network his or her way round Europe. Melvill fought as a soldier in Poland during the 1630s and obtained his dis­ charge from service through ‘the mediation of one of my kinsmen whom I had the good luck to fall in with’, and returned to Scotland.56 H e later returned to the continent but came back to Britain to fight with the Royalist army of Charles II at Worcester in 1651. He was wounded and captured, after which General Douglas, also a pris­ oner, secretly sent him his own surgeon because ‘Douglas was a near kinsman of mine on my m other’s side and a very good friend’.57 Familial relations were also employed when he solicited assistance from a m an o f the same surnam e in London, appealing to him because ‘I am of your kith and kin, as your name is Melvill [. . .] I am certain, for you to have compassion on a poor m em ber of your family’.58 This case is particularly interesting as the Melvill involved was a close friend of Oliver Cromwell, and thus Sir Andrew was actually testing the strength of distant family ties with a total stranger against friendship and political loyalty.39 O n this occasion, 53 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/483. Andrew Russell to Robert Langelands, 12 September 1683. Russell sent Langelands ‘my Chiefe’s speech at his death’. William Lord Russell (son of the 5th earl) was executed in July 1683 for his part in the Rye-House Plot. A Scottish observer in London noted that on the scaffold Lord Russell made no speech but instead ‘delivered a written paper to Mr Shireff North’. It was probably a copy of this that Andrew Russell sent to Königsberg. See Letters Illustrative of Public Affairs m Scotland, Addressed by Contemporary Statesmen to George Earl of Aberdeen, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland (Aberdeen: 1851), 145-146. Sir Andrew Forrester to the Earl of Aberdeen, 21 July 1683. 54 Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 409. 55 Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 50-51. These connections in a Scottish context are more deeply explored in subsequent chapters. 36 T. Ameer-Ali, ed., Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill (London: 1918), 74. 57 Ameer-Ali, Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill, 128. 58 Ameer-Ali, Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill, 134-136. w Ameer-Ali, Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill, 133.

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the former proved the stronger. Andrew Melvill received new cloth­ ing and money for his escape voyage to Rotterdam , but only after a strict cross-examination of his genealogy to establish that he really was a Melvill. Kinship networks were often employed to secure some advantage for a relative. Donald Mackay Lord Reay’s preference for kinsmen even earned him a rebuke from Gustav II Adolf after he disobeyed a direct order from the Swedish king. O n asking why he had not appointed a particular French captain over one of his companies, Reay told the king the Frenchm an’s language skills were not ade­ quate and therefore he preferred to appoint David M onro over the company instead. While that may have seemed a plausible enough reason, Gustav II Adolf knew the real motive. In response to Reay’s actions the king is reported to have said to General Baner: ‘what shall I think? Hee would place his own Cozen, and not obey my O rders’.60 From the evidence available, we can safely conclude the king was right. Kinship was even worth a royal rebuke, and Mackay bided his time to successfully promote David M onro within only a few months of this episode.61 But kin did not always get on. Kinsmen are hum an, like every­ one else, and prone to falling out— after all, most murders are com­ mitted by members of the victim’s family. Nonetheless, even when provoked, the bond of kinship may be of significant strength to war­ rant ‘one last attem pt’ at satisfaction before it becomes too late. Take the following example of two cousins at loggerheads over the belief of one that the other engaged in ‘unnatural and cannibillyk pro80 R. Monro, His Expedition with a worthy Scots Regiment called Mac-Keyes (2 vols., London: 1637), II, 12. The employment in a regiment of men derived from the same kin group is one common across numerous boundaries of geography and time. In sixteenth century France, the muster rolls of Jacques Galiot de Genouillac’s com­ pany included eight men with his surname and eighteen others associated to him by marriage, and numerous other examples could be mentioned. Sharon Kettering also points to the example of Alexander Cesar dc Rasssent who, in 1693, owed his ‘position to a cousin’. See Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 409-410. bl Lord Reay was certainly not the only Scot to be challenged for the promo­ tion of kinsmen in this way. When questioned about this practice by the Empress Elizabeth of Russia a century later, James Keith informed her that ‘If I am par­ tial to my own kinsman, it is because I knew their nature, their spirit and the dignified sentiments with which they were, and continue to be inspired’. See AUSC, Ms 2709/8, 119. Letter, Berlin, 10 December 1754, James Keith to Empress Elizabeth; A. Nihtinen, ‘Field Marshal James Keith: Governor of the Ukraine and Finland, 1740-1743’ in A. Mackillop and S. Murdoch, cds., Military Governors and Imperial Frontiers: A Study of Scotland and Empires, 1600-1800 (Leiden: 2003), 103.

KIN NETWORKS

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ceedings’ against him through various slanders and actions. His use of these words highlights U rquhart’s perception of the closeness of kin relations. To attack a kinsman was cannibalistic.62 Sir Thom as U rquhart was mortally offended at a slight from his cousin and viciously attacked him in writing, yet still held out the hope of con­ ciliation. At the end of the day the adage that ‘blood is thicker than water’ proved correct more often than otherwise.

Fictwe Kinship

Beyond the ties of blood, or kinship through marriage, there were also those connected through fictive kinship resulting from practices like adoption, godparenting and fosterage. The validity of these bonds, and the expectation that biological connections must be stronger, is a hotly contested subject am ong anthropologists.63 Nonetheless they form a major feature o f numerous societies in the N orth American Arctic, Oceania, Asia, Africa and Europe. T he practice was and is used to regulate family size and, though it may seem altruistic as the adoptive parents bear the costs of bringing up the child, it usu­ ally has economic implications or other rewards.64 The ancient prac­ tice of godparenting, like adoption, is still prevalent and something of a global phenom enon. This spiritual kinship could be established either between consanguine kin or between non-kin, and pertained originally to the devolution o f the spiritual development of the child upon the godparent. Godparents often took on some of the roles of natural kinship and this resulted in the same bans on m arriage between spiritual kin as those that applied to blood kin. The Byzantine em peror Justinian argued that ‘nothing demands so much paternal affection and impedes marriage as a tie of this kind, which through the mediation of G od binds these two souls together’.65 A develop­ ment of the symbolic association sometimes served to bring the blood

62 Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromartie to his cousin, the Laird of Cromartie, Middleburg, 1 July 1658. See G. Bruce and P.H. Scott, eds., A Scottish Postbag: Eight Centuries of Scottish Letters (Edinburgh: 1986), 19 and Appendix A. 1:1. 63 J.B. Silk, ‘Adoption and Fosterage in Human Societies: Adaptions or Enigmas?’ in Cultural Anthropology, vol. 2, no. 1 (February 1987), 39-49. 64 Silk, ‘Adoption and Fosterage’, 39-42. 65 Quoted in Goody, The development of the family, 197; Fagerlund, ‘Women and Men as Godparents’, 348.

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and godparents closer, rather than having anything to do with the spiritual developm ent o f the child.66 For instance, Elizabeth I o f England served as a godparent to Jam es VI of Scodand, acting as his symbolic ‘Protestant* m entor, though his actual spiritual educa­ tion was left in the hands o f tutors such as George B uchanan.67 Among Scottish communities the practice also served to bond peo­ ple together by reinforcing the links between members of the com­ munity, who often found themselves surrounded by strangers. Thus in Gothenburg, when Elisabeth Clerck was baptised in 1674, her godparents included Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm Hamilton and M ajor Gustav Maclean. T he records o f Christina C hurch where she was baptised are filled with similar examples of Scots seconding each other in this way, and in Sweden it was not unheard of for a child to have as m any as 12 godparents.68 Such was the strength of the spiritual bond that it has been recognised as an im portant linkage in networking and some very interesting work has been undertaken exploring this in a Swedish context.69 Godparenting provided points o f anchorage within a community and facilitated the cementing o f existing links both vertically and horizontally across society and some­

66 Goody, The development of the family, 196; Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 425; Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 66-67; L.B. Smith, ‘Fosterage, Adoption and God-Parenthood: Ritual and Fictive Kinship in Medieval Wales’ in Welsh History Review, no. 16 (1992-93), 9-10, 17, 30-31; Fagerlund, ‘Women and Men as Godparents’, 354; Parkes, ‘Fostering Fealty’, 745. Smith also notes that the practice was frowned upon by Martin Luther who declared ‘Who but superstition has created these spiritual relationships’, Smith, ‘Fosterage, Adoption and God-Parenthood’, 33. 67 Queen Elizabeth herself mentioned her position as godmother to James VI in a letter rebutting charges that she had mistreated a kinswoman in the way she treated Mary Queen of Scots. She instructed her ambassador in France to reply that: ‘when the said Queen had a Son of that marriage [with her cousin Lord Damley], we were moved to set aside all occasions of unkindness, and did send thither an Ambassador, a person of honour, the Earl of Bedford, to assist the chris­ tening of her Son, to whom we also were Godmother’. See G.B. Harrison, ed., The Letters of Queen Elizabeth (London: 1935), 74. Elizabeth I to Sir Henry Norris, 23 February 1570. 68 Berg, Genealogiska anteckningar om Göteborgs historic, ser. 1, II, 62-63; W. Berg, Samlingar till Göteborgs Historia. Christine Kyrkas Böcker for Vigda, Födda och Döda, vol. I (Göteborg: 1890), 30, 122, 143, 484 and passim. For godparenting in a Swedish context see Fagerlund, ‘Women and Men as Godparents’, 343-357. 6 Monro, His Expedition, II, 04 verso, ‘The list of Scottish Officers in Chief, anno 1632’; Anon., The Swedish Intelligencer, the first part (London: 1632), 49 and the fourth part (London: 1633), 157; .S/Li. II, 356; Grosjcan, An Unofficial Alliance, 151. 3h This is a Scots rendering of the Gaelic word ‘dorloch’ meaning quiver. It was used in both Gaelic and Scots. *' NAS, Russell Papers, R H 1 5 /106/608/fT. 16 17. Postscript, James Thomson to Andrew Russell, Norrkoping. 1 October 1686. w RCiSS, IX, 95. nos. 232 and 233; E.J. Courthope ed., The Journal of Thomas C'.uningham of Campvere 1640-1654 (Edinburgh: 1928), xiii.

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visit Britain. Jo h an , Jaco b and Bengt Skytte were the sons of the Swede Jo h an Skytte and the Scot M ary Neave, a daughter of Jacob Neave— a soldier of Jo h an III o f Sweden.39 Jo h an junior, now a colonel in the Swedish army, and Jacob made the journey to Britain with their father in 1635, and Jacob was knighted by Charles I.40 M ore im portandy, Jo h an ju nior also became a ‘naturalised person of the said Kingdome o f Scodand in respect that his decent on his m other’s side is from there [. . . and . . .] naturalised as a native sub­ ject borne within the said kingdome’.41 The process continued through­ out the seventeenth century with Jo h n Strachan, bom in Stockholm, the son of Alexander and K atherine Strachan, being naturalised in Britain in 1699.42 T he naturalisation o f Cunningham , Weir, Skytte and Strachan raises a whole series of questions as to what that process actually m eant to the individual concerned. Numerous Scots travelling abroad undertook the naturalisation process in whichever country they set­ tled. This has often been taken as a sign that they had, in some way, turned their back on their native country. In truth naturaliza­ tion was far more complicated than that. Let’s return once more to M auritz MacDougall. In 1632, Charles I had given him authority through the Scottish Privy Council for ‘our trustie and weil belovit L ieutenant C olonel M cD ougall’ to raise 200 m en in Scotland. Interestingly the king’s language reflects his opinion of M auritz as one of his subjects regardless of his foreign birth. MacDougall was naturalised and ennobled in Sweden and introduced into the Swedish house of nobility in 1638.43 In effect, the naturalisation process made him legally Swedish so that he could become ennobled. But it also means that before he was ennobled he must have been legally Scottish, and regarded as a subject by Charles I.

39 J. Berg and B. Lagercrantz, Scots in Sweden (Stockholm: 1962), 18. Mary is also known in some sources as Margaret. 40 SAA, VII, pp. 319-320. 41 SRA, Deposito Skytteana A:5, E5412. Johan Skytte d.y. arkiv, vol. Ix. True [notarial] copy of Charles I’s naturalisation document for Johan Skytte, signed by James Philip, 9 May 1635. Note, that this document, transcribed in Appendix A2:l, does not appear in the printed version of the Great Seal of Scotland. It should sit in RGSS, IX, 120 along side other documents from that day. 42 This reference comes from Proceedings of the Huguenot Society, vol. XVIII (London: 1911), 297, and was kindly passed on to me by David Dobson. 43 SAA, II, 355; Marryat, One Tear in Sweden, 479.

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Skytte’s motive for naturalisation was not just reflective o f some nostalgic link to Scotland. In Septem ber 1615, Jo h an Skytte corre­ sponded with Jam es Spens regarding the inheritance o f lands in Scodand in which his wife’s father had had an interest.44 Skytte accepted the fact that his father-in-law was not the nearest heir to the lands of M ethie, but Scottish claims that he was entided to noth­ ing were contradicted in a letter Skytte had from King Jo h an III. This shows that the inheritance wrangle had been ongoing since at least 1592 when Jo h an III died. Skytte also noted in the letter that: I am still consumed with the greatest desire to know who in fact were my said father-in-law’s ancestors both on the paternal and maternal side in direct line of ancestry and where they lived, who and what they were, what rank they held, what coats of arms they had, see to it I pray you that you show all the more the readiness of your dis­ position in enquiring into these matters and thereafter in communi­ cating them to me.45

Clearly, Skytte had a vested interest in pursuing these associations as he obviously felt there might be something to gain from them. We know that when Jo h an sent his boys to London, the hope for some kind o f compensation for the lost inheritance had a role to play. Indeed, this hope was clearly expressed in Jo h an Skytte ju n io r’s naturalisation docum ent which stated that he could pursue all such claims, purchase any lands and goods which he liked in Scotland, and on his death, these rights would pass on to his successors.46 While some foreign-born Scots were naturalising themselves as ‘native’ Scots, individuals from their ‘new’ hom eland were naturalis­ ing abroad. Jam es Hay, later Viscount Doncaster and Earl o f Carlisle, became naturalized as an Englishman on 14 May 1604.47 This was clearly done so that he could accept a legal position in England in

44 SRA, Anglica, V. Johan Skytte to James Spens, 29 September 1615. *■’ SRA, Anglica, V. Johan Skytte to James Spens, 29 September 1615. Spens must have concluded his part of the bargain for in 1634 Johan Skytte placed a stone on Jacob Neaf’s grave that included eight Scottish coats of arms, although the right of Neaf to have used them is questionable. Berg and Lagercrantz, Scots in Sweden, 18. The shields are thought to be those of Neff Baron of M ethie/Lord de Gray/Leslie Earl of Rothes/Lindsay Earl of Grawford/Wishart Baron of Pitarro/ D. Lindsay/Lord Ogilvie/Ramsay, Lord of Auchterhouse. 46 SRA, Deposito Skytteana A:5, E5412. Johan Skytte d.y. arkiv, vol. Ix. True copy of Charles I’s naturalisation document for Johan Skytte, signed by James Philip, 9 May 1635. 47 Oxford D M

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m uch the same way as MacDougall later did in Sweden. For W eir and Cunningham , the naturalisation was a re-confirmation of their Scottish status and facilitated closer connections between ‘native’ and ‘adopted’ country. For Skytte, it is apparent that there was an inher­ itance issue at stake, and the naturalisation process legitimised his claim to lands in Scotland. O thers also took this route to becoming Scots, at least on paper. Cornelius van iErsen van Somersdyke, Baron and M arquis o f Chateillion in France, received his naturalisation under the G reat Seal of Scotland which allowed him to have rights to land in Tulliallan and K incardine.48 M aria M argaretha, daughter o f Cornelius de Jonge van Ellemeet, m arried William Lord North and Grey in 1705 and thereafter became naturalised as a Scot on 21 D ecem ber 1706 for similar motives.49 The im portant, legal, point is that an individual could not be con­ sidered as a native of a country— even if bom there— until he/she becam e naturalised, or when provision was m ade by an international treaty for the granting o f dual citizenship of varying degrees. This was the case for Scots in several countries in the seventeenth cen­ tury. After 1589, subjects of Denmark-Norway and Scotland were confirmed as having reciprocal status, which, it was argued, had been in place since the fifteenth century.50 After the Colville case of 1607-8 in England, post-nati Britons also enjoyed similar rights as mutual cit­ izens in each other’s kingdoms.51 Even when someone was bom in a country, formal naturalisation was often required, but sometimes it was simply desired. Jam es Thierry was British-born, but naturalised and baptised in the French Church in London in 1603. In O ctober 1662, some 59 years later,

48 NAS, Cardross Writs, GD 15/534. Letters of Naturalisation under the Great Seal in favour of Cornelius van ;Ersen van Somersdyke, hereditary Baron and Marquis of Chateillion in France, 2 June 1683. 49 NAS, Elibank Papers, GD 32/24/8. Letters of Denization [no date]. She later married Patrick Murray, 5th Lord Elibank and died as Lady Elibank in 1762, being buried in Aberlady. Balfour Paul, The Scots Peerage, III, 519. 50 DRA, TKUA, Skotland A II 5. Scottish proposal to the Danish commission­ ers, 9 July 1589; DRA, TKUA Skotland A III 7. Danish response to Scottish pro­ posals; Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 23. 51 In law, any Scots, English or Irishmen bom after 1603 were considered postnati subjects of the same monarch, albeit this was not setded until the Colville/Calvin case was upheld by English common law in 1608. This gave them equal rights of citizenship. See J.R . Tanner, ed., Constitutional Documents of the reign of James I (Cambridge: 1930), 24; Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 1603-1660, 17-18; Macinnes, The British Revolution, 23.

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he applied to the English Parliament to become a naturalised sub­ ject. His application, along with that of his Dutch-born son, was passed as part of Killegrew’s (English) ‘Bill of Naturalization’ on 21 M ay 1663, though clearly he had successfully lived and worked in Britain without undergoing the process previously.52 It can be con­ cluded that for Thierry the process was probably intended to bring him closer to his native country of birth, though other motives m ay be hidden from historical view. And it must be rem embered that naturalisation did not mean that the individuals in any way distanced themselves from their ‘native’ or spiritual homeland. Samuel H artlib (c. 1599-1670) was bom in Elbing in Prussia c. 1600, the son o f George Hartlib, a Pole, and Elizabeth Langthon from England.53 H e moved to England and in 1645 wrote to the Committee of Both Kingdoms in the hope of gaining official status in the promotion o f the Protestant religion, particularly am ong the foreign community. He added an interesting note regarding his irregular naturalisation: I confesse I am a stranger and no Free-Denzion, but I dare assure you with an humble and well-grounded confidence that my heart hath beene truly naturalised as long as I have breathed in this aire, in the advancement of all designs for the general good of this Church and State.54

Hartlib certainly did not reject his continental connections. He kept correspondence with people from across Europe and m aintained net­ works with both his native and naturalized countries.55 W hat is appar­ ent is that, from a networking perspective, dual nationality simply increased opportunities for networking by allowing an individual to tap into a num ber of cultural anchors. For those who also chose to adhere to or exploit supra-national identities, these opportunities were further increased.

V2 M. Exwood and H.L. Lehmann, eds., The Journal of William Schellinks’ Travels in England, 1661-1663 (London: 1993), 165, 176. 53 Neue Deutsche Biographie (Berlin: 1965), 721. * HP 9/4/1A -2B . Samuel Hartlib to the Committee of BothKingdoms, 15 January 1645. 55 This was clearly still the case in the 21st century. In 2004 the interim President of Iraq, Ayad Allawi, took office. An Iraqi by birth he also naturalised as a British citizen and was installed by the US government. Quite what historians willmake of his various allegiances in the future, only time will tell.

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Supra-national and. Multiple Identities O ne thing that becomes clear through naturalisation and the pecu­ liarities of mixed parentage is that individuals could become associ­ ated with more than one country or place and identify themselves in different ways depending on circumstance. In 1620, one Jam es M acDonald from Ulster was described by the Spanish ambassador in London as both ‘Escoces y blondes'— Scottish and Irish.56 His is an unusual case, but certainly not unique in his day. A more usual case o f multiple national identity came through the addition of Scottish and some other identifier. This could often be an association with both region and nation, such as Jo h n Leo who obtained a medical degree at Leiden University on 15 July 1669, where he was described as 1Scoto-Angusianus’— a Scot from Angus.57 Throughout the century there also evolved new identities such as the London-Scots, as self­ professed by the likes of ‘Roberto Graio Scoto-LondinV in 1690.58 O ne Danzig Scot m atriculated at K ing’s College Aberdeen in 1642 and presented the university with a communion cup bearing the inscrip­ tion ‘Andreas Thomsonus Scoto-Borussus\ highlighting his own plural iden­ tity with both Scotland and his hom e in the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth.59 Ju st like their northern neighbours, the English, Irish and Welsh combined varieties of regional, national and plural identities. In a scathing attack on a mem ber of the Butler family in 1626, Spens described the man as ‘Butlarus. .. nohone Anglus Hibemus'— or of Anglo-Irish nationality.60 Another interesting hybrid was offered by the Cam bridge graduate, Edm und Davie, when he matriculated as ‘Anglo-American’ at Padua University in 1680.61 Roland Solours

56 A. Ballesteras Beretta, ed., Documentes para la historia de España: Correspondencia oficial de Don Diego Sdrmienio de Aaina, Conde de Gondomar (4 vols., Madrid: 1936-1945), I, 287. Gondomar to Philip III, 29 March 1620. I would like to thank Dr David Worthington for this reference. 57 P.C. Molhuysen, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der leidsche universiteit (‘S Gravenhage: 1918), III, 311. 58 See Archibald Pitcairn, Roberto Graio Scoto-Londini medicinam profilenti (Edinburgh: 1690). 59 University of Aberdeen, Marischal Museum, ABDUA 36869 and ABDUA 368970. 60 SRA, Anglica, V. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 26 November 1626. 61 ‘English-speaking medical students attending European universities in the sev­ enteenth century’, published online by the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh website. Consulted 10 November 2004. See http://www.rcpe.ac.uk/library/English_ Students/ Padua/ Padua_DtoG.html.

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served the Dutch East India Com pany and interpreted for the D utch during the infamous Ambon Massacre in 1623 along with the Scot, George Forbes o f Aberdeen, who curiously called him a ‘WelshEnglishman’ perhaps reflecting a non-Welsh speaking W elshman, but probably because that is how Solours referred to himself.62 A nother innovation which evolved from the end of the sixteenth century was the supra-national identifier of Scottish-Briton. T he term Scoti-Britannonrm was used by Andrew Melville to celebrate the birth o f Prince H enry in 1594, highlighting a British vision for the Scottish House o f Stuart nine years before the Union of Crowns in 1603.63 After 1604, Jam es VI and I pressed his notion of G reat Britain though he ultimately lost the debate at a parliamentary level. However, the concept of G reat Britain appealed to many individuals in the island. T he essayist Alexander Craige published his poetical collec­ tion o f essays in 1604 adding Scoto-Britane after his nam e. David H um e o f Godscroft published his De Unione Insulae Bntannicae which went further in defining exactly what Britain should m ean.64 These m en published their works during the union debates of 1604-1607 and thus the Scottish-British appellation is understandable. However, m any Scots continued to identify with the concept of Scoto-Britannus, such as Jo h n G ordon who published with this identifier in 1612 and also matriculated in Leiden using it.65 Such support for ‘being British’ represented a small but viable section of the Scottish population, particularly those working abroad as diplomats and some in the British regiments and armies variously formed in the Dutch Republic,

62 CSPCol. IV, 1625-1629, 686 691. ‘A true relation of The N etherlands Honourable East India Com pany’s agents proceedings against the English at Amboyna . . . ’ by George Forbes, servant within the castle, 13 November 1629. 63 Andrew Melville, Pnncipis Scoti-Bntannomm Natalia (Edinburgh: 1594); It was also a notion to which other Scottish poets like George Buchanan subscribed. See P.G. McGinnis and A.H. Williamson, eds., George Buchanan.: The Political Poetry (Edinburgh: 2000), intro and ‘Appendix C ’ of that collection, 284: P.G. McGinnis and A.H. Williamson, eds., The British Union: A critical edition and translation of David Hume of Godscroft’s De Unione Insulae Britannicae (Aldershot: 2002), 11. 64 McGinnis and Williamson, The British Union, 155. 65 A. Craig, The Poetical Essayes of Alexander Craige Scotobritane. Seene and Allowed (London: 1604); John Gordon, Anti-bellarmino-torto fine Tortus Retortus. . .per Ioannen Gordonwm Scotobritannem (London: 1612); For his matriculation in Leiden see Album studiosorum academiae Ijugduno Batavae (The Hague: 1875), 19 October 1612. For a general discussion on his work and the implications for ‘Great Britain’ sec A.H. Williamson, ‘Scotland, Antichrist and the invention of Great Britain’ in J. Dwyer, R. Mason and A. Murdoch, eds., New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modem Scotland (Edinburgh: 1982), 44.

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Bohemia and Sweden throughout the Jacobean period.66 O ther Scots mixing with these successful diplomats and soldiers also adopted the term ‘British’ as a self-defining adjective, though usually qualified with Scottish. Jo h n Durie studied in Sedan under his great uncle Andrew Melville, author o f Scoti-Britannorvm,67 In Novem ber 1636 Durie wrote Consultatio Theologica de Tollmdis in Negotio and signed it ‘loharme Durteo Ecclesiaste Scoto-Brittamio'.68 W hen the Chapter of Strangnas in Sweden mistakenly called him ‘natione Anglus’ in O ctober 1636, someone corrected them and thereafter they called him ‘Schoto Britannus’, just as he preferred it.69 Durie was not alone. Alexander H enderson published a tract defending the actions o f the Scots Commissioners in London 1644-1647 and signed himself as lScotoBritan\70 Even during his Cromwellian service, foreign theologians continued to refer to Jo h n Durie as ‘Theologo Scoto-Britanno', showing the continuity of the Scottish and British identities of this individ­ ual.71 The Restoration period again saw ‘Scottish-Britons’ on the con­ tinent Archibald Stephens gained a medical degree at Leiden University on 16 July 1661 and was recorded as ‘Scoto-Brif, as were his coun­ trymen Gilbert Rule in 1665 and Jo h n Galloway in 1675.72 In 1682, Robert Sinclair matriculated as ‘Scoto-Britannus' in Utrecht, as did

66 S. Murdoch, ‘Diplomacy in Transition; Stuart-British Diplomacy in Northern Europe, 1603-1618’ in A.I. Macinnes, T. Riis and F. Pedersen, eds., Ships, Guns and Bibles in the North Sea and Baltic States (East Linton: 2000); S. Murdoch, ‘J ames VI and the formation of a British Military Identity’ in S. Murdoch and A. Mackillop, eds., Fighting for Identity: Scottish Military Experiences, 1550-1900 (Leiden: 2002), 3-31. 67 See John Dune’s and Andrew Melville’s entries in the Oxford Dj\B. 68 HP 19/1 l/54A -61b. The following year he wrote Explicata Delineatio Mediorum Theologicorum part 1, to the Swedish clergy and again used the form ‘Ecclesiaste Scotto-Brittano’, HP 19/4/1A-4B. 69 G. Westin, ed., John Durie in Sweden, 1636-1638: Documents and Letters (Uppsala: 1936), 157-160. ‘Statement of the Chapter of Strängnäs’, October 1636 and ‘Letter from the Chapter of Strängnäs to the Theological Faculty of Uppsala’, 4 April 1637. 70 A.H., A Bitte to stay the stomacks of good subjects, or a suddaine and short vindication of the Scotts Commissioners papers intituled, The Answer of the Commissioners of the Kingdome of Scotland &c. (n.p.: 1647). Henderson was a leading Scottish theologian. He was co-author of the National Covenant of Scotland (1638) and the Solemn League and Covenant (1643). He became a member of Durie’s wider correspondence circle and was one of the Commissioners to the Assembly of Divines in London in 1644. See HP 1/18/1A-2B. John Durie to Alexander Henderson, 20 December 1644. 71 See HP 5/19A-B. Mr Crocius to John Durie, 8January 1655; HP 15/7/7A-8B, William VI of Hesse-Cassel to Oliver Cromwell, 28 April 1656. 72 P.C. Molhuysen, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der leidsche universiteit (‘S Gravenhage: 1918), III, 294, 302, 323.

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George Flaminius in 1689.73 They were followed by David Plenderleith, a Scot registered at Frankfurt-an-der-O der in 1699 as ‘nobilis ScotoBriUanus’.74 Some individuals took the British concept further and occasion­ ally dropped the Scottish part altogether. George Adams was a British student at the University o f Rostock in 1606 who recorded himself simply as iBritannus> at his matriculation. W hether he was Scottish or English is unclear, but he clearly felt British first, at least on that occasion.75 O thers also chose British as a prim ary identification, most famously perhaps now Sir Jam es King. In a letter to Axel Oxenstiema in support o f a new British-Swedish alliance, K ing inform ed the Swedish chancellor that he should be allowed to negotiate with Sir Thom as Roe, being well suited for the jo b having served Sweden most o f his life. However, despite his life abroad he im portantly added that he wished the project to be a success because ‘Bnkannia ist mein patria, darin ich gebom sey— Britain is my country, that is where I was b o rn .76 Even N orth British has an older heritage than the scholars of the eighteenth century would have us believe.77 Oblivious to future interpretations, Jo h n Douglas was ordained as a minister of ‘the Auld North British Regiment’ in the service of the Dutch Republic in 1606— right in the middle of the Jacobean U nion debates while the K ent based Scottish minister Alexander Lumisden self-defined himself as a ‘N orth-Britane’ in his published sermons in 1614.78 Even 73 See their various entries in Album Studiosorum Academiae Rhenu-Traiec (Utrecht: 1886). 74 Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 313. 75 Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock (Rostock: 1889). Caution must be taken with some of the early references to ‘Britannus’ as it can refer to individuals from Brittany. Sometimes they clarify like Paulus Valerius Britto-Gallus in Leiden in 1607, but other times it is difficult to say without further information. For Valerius see Album studiosorum academiae Lugduno Batavae (Hague: 1875). 76 RAOSB, IX, 959. Quote from letter, James King to Axel Oxenstiema, Hamburg, July 1641. 77 For discussion of North Britishness in an eighteenth century context see Kidd, Subverting Scotland’s Past, particularly 99 and 205 215. 78 For Douglas see A.C. Dow, Ministers to the Soldiers of Scotland (Edinburgh: 1962), 63. For Lumisden see A Heavenly Portion, Set down in Sermon, Preached at the the Funeral! of Mistress Frances Sentleger, at Smeeth: in the Countie of Kent [ ...] By Alexander Lumisden, North-Britane, Preacher of the word of God, at Postling in Kent (London: 1614); Peter Hay of Naughton used ‘North Britain’ to describe Scotland in 1627 in his, An Advertisment to the Subjects of Scotland, O f the fearful dangers threatned to Christian States, And namely to GREAT BR1TANE, by the Ambition of Spayne [. . . / Also Diverse other TREATISES, touvhing the present estate of the KINGDOM of SCOTLAND [ . . . / Written by PETER HAT] of Naughton, in NORTH-BRITANE (Aberdeen: 1627).

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the Highland ‘Clan Cam pbell’ have been noted as am ong the first promoters of the concept o f ‘N orth British’ in the early seventeenth century.79 But British as a meaningful network linkage in the con­ text of the present book only retains currency if there were others who bought into it apart from Scots. Otherwise any networks that developed around a British anchor would surely just be Scottish net­ works under a different name. T here has been an assumption that ‘British’ in the post-1603 period was something pushed on the English, who rejected it as a Scottish innovation and historically ‘have steadfastly refused to be anything other than English’.80 Michael Lynch has further stated that the 1640s represented a time ‘when Scots (but not the English) could talk of themselves as British subjects’.81 This belief in total English rejection of Britishness in the post 1603 period has been taken to m ean that no Englishmen would ever have dream t of self-identifying as AngloBritish in the way that certain Scots chose to be considered as ScotoBritannus. Indeed, the very expression ‘Anglo-British’ has been used to define a historical perspective that supports the notion that British history equates to English history, with some going further and sug­ gesting that Scots who self-define as Britons are confirming that ‘they are in fact (and first and foremost) Anglo-British’.82 These words were penned at a time when it was assumed that the seventeenth century English had never historically defined themselves as Britons in the same fashion as Scots who employed the term Scoto-Britannus. Subse­ quent research has revealed an alternative interpretation. It is clear from the words and actions of some Englishmen that they bought into the British concept as introduced to south Britain by the House o f Stuart. Englishmen employed in Stuart business abroad sometimes found themselves working for Scotland or the Scottish interest because they too could conceive of themselves as British and joint British ventures became the norm in such things

79 Macinnes, Clanship, Commerce and the House of Stuart, 60; A. MacCoinnich, ‘His Spirit was given only to W arre’ in Murdoch and Mackillop, Fighting for Identity, 139. 80 Dwyer, Mason and Murdoch, New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modem Scotland, intro, 1; Young, ‘The Scottish Parliament and National Identity’, 106-107. 81 M. Lynch, Scotland: A New History (London: 1991), 317. 82 Dwyer, Mason and Murdoch, New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modem Scotland, intro, 2; Kidd, Subverting Scotland's Past, 1, 205.

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as colonial plantation.83 Englishmen were drafted into new ‘British’ military formations and even fought on the continent throughout the early seventeenth century under commanders declared to be ‘Generals o f British’— Scots like Sir Jam es Spens and Englishmen like Sir Edward Cecil.84 T he military being servants of the Crown, they per­ haps had no choice but to declare themselves ‘British’ if that was w hat their sovereign decreed. However, civilians were involved in the ‘British’ project too. O n one occasion Joseph Averie, a m em ber of the English M erchant Adventurers in H am burg, found himself acting on behalf of a Scottish privateer, Captain Robertson, via an envoy o f the Scottish Privy Council, a M r Colville, on the orders o f the English Secretary of State in Robertson’s dispute with the city of H am burg.85 T o an astute businessman like Averie this was no paradox. Scotland and England could be likened by him to the sub­ sidiaries of a single overarching institution— the British State— which was his own employer. Confirmation of Averie’s belief in a single British polity can be found in his relations o f the Swedish military campaign in G erm any in the 1630s. In a letter detailing the success and exploits of Lieutenant General Patrick Ruthven, a Scotsman, Averie lam ented ‘how poore a recompentce those of our nation are like to receive for their true and faithful service to the Crowne o f Sweden’.86 W hat else can an Englishman talking about Scotsmen have m eant by our nation other than G reat Britain? Indeed, Averie’s base in H am burg becam e something of a centre for ‘attem pting Britishness’ am ong the English and Scots on the continent.87 These examples indicating a tacit acceptance of Britishness are given m uch greater weight by self-identifying ‘English-Britons’ who appear in his­ torical records. A perusal of seventeenth-century published sources reveals that a num ber of Englishmen styled themselves ‘Anglo-Britannus‘ in this period.

83 D. Dobson, ‘Seventeenth-century Scottish Communities in the Americas’, in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 113-114, 118. 84 For more on the construction of British fighting units see Murdoch, ‘J ames VI and the formation of a Scottish-British military identity’ in Murdoch and Mackillop, Fighting for Identity, 1-31. 85 PRO SP 75/16, ff. 233 and 235. Averie to Coke, 2/12 and 31 December 1634. 86 PRO SP 75/16, f. 270. Averie to Coke, 12/22 November 1635; PRO SP 75/16, f. 303. Averie to Coke, 12/22 March 1636. 87 K. Zickermann, 4Briteannia ist mein patria: Scotsmen and the British Community in Hamburg’, in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 253-260 and 272-273.

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O ne o f these was the Catholic Jo h n Price (c. 1602-1676) who penned poetry for A nna of Denm ark and, in seeking royal patronage, may have simply adopted the style to please King Jam es.88 T he Earl of N ottingham wrote to Christian IV in his capacity of English High Admiral, signing his letter as Anglo-Britannus, though w hether volun­ tarily o r as directed by King Jam es is unclear.89 Sir H enry Spelman had work published where he was described on the cover as ‘Henrici Spelmanni Equit. Anglo-Brit\ 90 Spelman was a proponent of limited union in 1604, but not the ‘perfect union’ sought by King James. His usage o f the term in 1626 is therefore quite interesting. O ther authors also variously described themselves as Brit-Anglo, like Jam es Howell in 1646, or published journals such as Mercmious Anglo-Britcmnus, like Samuel Brown in 1648.91 In one-way or another, the public dec­ laration o f Britishness can be associated with a desire to support a concept at a particular time. In the case of those in the 1640s and 1650s, for instance, the Stuart-Royalist cause. Here again individual W elshmen like Jam es Howell added to the debate through their use of Cambro-Britannus to proclaim support for Charles I, but adding confusion by shifting happily between both English and Welsh incar­ nations of Britishness.92 This is unlikely to refer back to the strong claims o f the Welsh to be the first true Britons. If it was, why not just say either Cam bro or Britons?—surely both m ean the same thing in the older context? T o use both together is to use the terminol­ ogy showing they were Welsh and Britons (and supporters of the British royal house). In the Restoration period the English poet Andrew Marvell, a one time Cromwellian and critic of all things Scottish, penned his poem The Loyal Scot. This was a reaction to the exploit at the battle of the Medway in 1667 where Captain Archibald Douglas and his regiment of Scots fought to tenaciously while their

88 Oxford DNB. 89 DRA, TKUA, England A II 12. Brev fra Nottingham til Christian IV, 5 October 1616. 90 See for example H. Spelman, Hertrid Spebnanni Equit. Anglo-Brit. ARCH/EOLOGVS. In modum glossarii ad ran posteriorem &c. (London: 1626). The volume covered obso­ lete words from ecclesiastical and legal vocabularies. See also Oxford DNB. 91 Jam es Howell, Angliae Suspiria . . . Aut. Ia. Howell, BritAngb (London: 1646); S. Brown Mercurious Anglo-Britannus (‘s Gravenhage: 1648). 92 Howell’s status as Welsh is recorded as ‘Jacobus Howell Cambro-Britannus, Regis Historiography, in Anglia primus' in G. Langbaine, An account of the English dramatick poets (London: 1691), 279. For an example of proclaimed YVelsh-British Royalism see Mercurious Cambro-Britannus, The British Mercury or the Welch Dmrnail (London: 1643).

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English comrades fled in the face o f the D utch onslaught. Marvell viewed this as a suitable m om ent to pen the words ‘no more dis­ course o f Scotch or English race’ but pleaded for a single British ethnicity.93 M arvell had shifted from a Cromwellian satirist to a Restoration Brit. O f much greater significance are those that m ade no public expres­ sion of their Britishness, but who chose to record it subtly. Am ong these we find those who self-identified as British when doing m un­ dane things like matriculating. These are probably far more indica­ tive of personal rath er than public sentim ent. O n 8 M ay 1619, Josephus M ikkethwait registered at the University of Leiden and m atriculated as ‘Anglo-Brittanus\ Like the Scots, the English-Britons were in the minority of their countrymen, but the date of this m atric­ ulation is most interesting. M ikkethwait was followed in his selfidentification as ‘Anglo-Brittarms’ at Leiden by several other Englishmen, at least a dozen, between the dates 1619 and 1624.94 Why did this period see the first cluster of self-identifying Anglo-Britons on the continent? A possible reason may relate to the Bohemian revolt o f 1618 and the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ W ar. T here was some­ thing o f a rush am ong Britons to rally to the cause of Elizabeth o f Bohemia.95 Sir Andrew Gray, Elizabeth’s bodyguard, returned from Bohemia to recruit soldiers for Frederick V.96 His orders were to raise a regiment composed equally of Scots and English. His vol­ unteers set sail for H am burg in M ay 1620, a force composed o f 1,500 Scots and 1,000 Englishmen.97 However, it is the language

93 G.S. Donno, ed., Andretv Marvell The Complete Poems (London: 1974), 184-185. For a full discussion of Marvell’s poem and other aspects of Restoration Britishness through the actions of men like Douglas see A. Little, ‘A Comparative Survey of Scottish Service in the English and Dutch Maritime Communities, c. 1650 1707’, in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 329-330, 339-341. M These were Johannes Stephanus Cantio-Britannus (1622); Robertus Davenaut Anglobritanus (1623); Eduardus Estcourt Anglo-Britannus, Petrus Mool AngloBritannus, Johannes Bastwyck Anglo-Britannus, Antonius Gibon Anglo-Britannus, Joannes Harfleck Anglo-Britannus, Tobias Withakerus Anglo-Britannus, Eduardus Champemonne Anglo-Britannus and Ami as Champemonne Anglo-Britannus (all 1624). See the appropriate years in Album studiosorum academiae Lugduno Batavae. 95 For a full discussion see S. Murdoch, ed., Scotland and the Thirty Tears' War, 1618-1648 (Leiden: 2001). % CSPD, 1619-23, 125. 26 February 1620; SRA, Anglica, V. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 20 April 1620; ibid., Spens to Gustav II Adolf. 97 RPCS, XII, 1619-1622, lxxviii; CSPV, XVI, 1619-1621, 262-263. Girolamo Lando to Venice, 28 May 1620.

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surrounding G ray’s forces that is the most interesting with respect to the British identity being espoused by some English observers. T h e traveller Jo h n Taylor makes reference in his publication Taylor his Trauels to ‘the Brittane regiment vnder their Colonel Sir Andrew Gray K night’.98 After listing several officers from Scotland and England serving with Gray, Taylor continued that he did ‘hope every Brittaine soldier doth retaine more good spirit, then 3 enemies of what nation soever’.99 Taylor was not the only author to pick up on the pecu­ liarly ‘British’ identity o f G ray’s troops. An anonym ous G erm an author noted that ‘Colonel G ray is (God be blessed) safely arrived in Lusatia with his Brittans’.100 Not only were G ray’s regiment per­ ceived as British by both Scots and Englishmen, but that is clearly how they were describing themselves to foreign observers. M ore importantly, it is in the years that this British military force was operating and broadsheets were raising awareness of ‘British’ activ­ ity on the continent that Mikkethwait and the other English students m atriculating in Dutch universities chose to call themselves EnglishBritons. It was also around this time that Spelman chose to use the epithet for the first time (known to date). O ther Englishmen also subscribed to the term throughout the reign of Charles I, not just authors like Brown and Howell, but again students like Sir George Ent in Padua in 1636.101 T he reign o f Charles II offers still more examples, with Sir R ichard Fanshawe publishing an edition of La Fida Pastoria in 1658 under the synonym ‘F.F. Anglo-Britannus\ After the Restoration, in 1662, J o h n Rogers m atriculated at U trecht and registered himself as iAngb-B rit\ as did William Barbour the follow­ ing year.102 Jo h n H arrison m atriculated in Padua in 1665 and he too did so as iAnglo-Britannus\m Williamite Angio-Britons are embodied

96 John Taylor, Taylor his Trauels: From the Citty of London in England, to the Citty o f Prague in Bohemia (London: 1620), B4. The italics are Taylor’s. 99 Taylor, Taylor his Trauels, D l. 100 Anon., A Most True Relation of the late Proceedings in Bohemia, Germany and Hungana, Dated the 1 and 10 and 13 of July this present yeere ¡620. As also of the happie Arrival! of Sir Andrew Gray into Lusatia . . . Faithfully translated out of the High Dutch (Dort: 1620), 10. 101 ‘English-speaking medical students attending European universities in the sev­ enteenth century’, published online by the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh website. Consulted 10 November 2004. See http://www.rcpe.ac.uk/library/English_ Students/ Padua/ P ad u aD to G .h tml. 102 Album Studiosorum Academiae Rhenu-Traiec (Utrecht: 1886). 103 ‘English-speaking medical students attending European universities in the sev­ enteenth century’, published online by the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh

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through people like ‘Thom as Pope-Blount Anglo-Britanntis Baronettus whose book Censvra CMriorvm Authorvm was advertised in the back o f a published serm on ‘preached before the Q u een ’ on 16 Ju ly 1690.104 T he term even survived the Treaty of U nion o f 1707, as evidenced again by students matriculating. Among the num erous Scotus an d Anglus, G ra af H endrik (Harry) van N assau-O uw erkerk m atriculated on 13 Septem ber 1728 as ‘Anglo-Britannus' while R obert W aring Darwin (the father o f Charles Darwin) defended his doc­ torate in Leiden on 26 February 1785 as ‘Anglo-Britannus’.,05 And just like Jam es King, there were Englishmen prepared to drop the ‘Anglo’ altogether, such as the lawyer Johannes H arbordus, buried in St J o h n ’s church in Bommel (Dutch Republic) in a tomb identifying him simply ‘Brit-Juris’.l06 Anglo-Britishness as a concept, particularly in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, has received a considerable degree of scholarly atten tio n th ro u g h the w ork o f R oger M ason and C olin K idd. Nonetheless, the seventeenth century self-defining ‘Anglo-British’ them­ selves have rem ained unconsidered in the arguments and, indeed, obscured from historical view.107 T he fact that Englishmen from the intellectual and literary elite, as well as soldiers, diplomats, lawyers and ordinary students self-defined as Anglo-Britannus adds alternative interpretations o f what the pluralistic concept m eant to them them ­ selves. Did these men actually desire to be in some way Scottish by identifying themselves by the dreaded (Scottish) term Britons? Like those Scots who bought into the concept of a single polity, these men did not represent the majority English view of identity. R ather their use o f the term confirms that ‘British’ was a concept bought into by some Scots, some W elshmen and some Englishmen, indicative of a conceptual nation that existed long before Linda Colley’s ‘Forging

website. Consulted 10 November 2004. See http://www.rq5e.ac.uk/library/English_ Students/ Padua/ P a d u a H toj.h tml. 104 See the advertisement attached to G. Burnet, A Sermon Preached before the Queen, at White-Hall, on the 16th day of July, 1690, being the monthly-fast by the Right Reverand Father in God, Gilbert Lord Burnet (London: 1690). 105 Album Studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae (The Hague: 1875). 106 Phillip Slappon, ‘An account of a journey made thro’ part of the Low-Countries, Germany, Italy and France (1663)’, in A COLLECTION of Voyages and Travels, some Now first Printed from Original Manuscripts, others Now first Published in English. In SIX VOLUMES (London: 1746), VI, 423. 107 It seems that even the Wurzburg Monks got involved in the debate on Scotland, England and Britain. See Dilworth, ‘Germania Christiana’, 124.

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o f 1707 (and as disputed as to its exact meaning as it is today).108 Further, ‘Britishness’ represented a plausible foundation on which members o f all nations of the island of Britain could build networks w hen the opportunity presented itself from the Jaco b ean period onwards.

Auld Acquaintance and other Scottish Bonds o f Friendship A final factor in our understanding of networks of place and nation is the linkage of friendship. It is apparent, if understated, that com­ ing from the same place is often instrumental in building friendships, particularly in the formative years of youth. Networks of place often revolved around associations o f friendship and these are a crucial com ponent in our understanding o f network mechanisms and in Scots, encapsulated through the term ‘kith’.109 T he whole theme of friendship in an English context has been analysed by Naomi Tadm or who concluded that friendship ‘had a plurality of meanings that spanned kinship ties, sentimental relationships, economic ties, occu­ pational connections, intellectual and spiritual attachments, social net­ works, and political alliances’.110 In a Scottish framework, friendship encompassed similar fields but also included legally defined friend­ ships expressed through ‘bonds’. For the most part these were sim­ ilar to bonds of m anrent, but they were between equals and not clients and could also represent a pledge through which the parties sought to jointly support royal authority in their region.111 This often confirmed existing kin links. By way of example, Jo h n Earl of Atholl reaffirmed his commitment to ‘his cousin and brother-in-law Duncane Campbell of Glenurquhay’ through his ‘Bond of Friendship’ in 1585.112 Such formalised ‘bonds o f friendship’ did not have to be equated to

108 Colley, Briton's: Forging the Nation, 11. 109 Kith is variously described in dictionaries of the Scots language as encom­ passing a variety of definitions of common friendship, distant relationships and com­ monality or place of origin. It finds usual expression in the phrase ‘kith and kin’ as used by Andrew Melvill in 1651 (see previous chapter) and in a variety of other sources including the poetry of Robert Bums. 1,0 Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England, 167 and chapter 5, passim. 111 W.C. Dickenson and G. Donaldson, eds., A Source Book of Scottish History (Lon­ don 1961 edition), 390. 1,2 The Black Book of Taymouth, 231-232. Bond of Friendship dated 25 June 1585.

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kinship, and the nature of regional alliance is apparent within them .113 Scottish friendship also found distinct expression as a networking agency through ‘auld-acquaintance’, that particular bond o f friend­ ship made famous by the bard Robert Bums in his song Auld long syne.114 Tadm or places ‘old acquaintance’ beneath the status o f ‘friend’, which appears either to relate to a different usage between the Scots and the English (which is highly likely), or to a different interpreta­ tion of the concept in different centuries. Both are possible and not mutually exclusive.115 W hen General Jam es King wished Charles I to meet the am bassador of the Scottish Covenanting movement in 1640, his recom m endation o f the ‘rebel colonel’ was to insist to Charles that Sir Jo h n C ochrane was ‘a gentellman, a countraym an and auld acquaintance of m ine’.116 He may simply have m eant that he had known him sometime, as T adm or relates in her English ex­ amples, but given the risks K ing took by admitting any kind of con­ tact with Cochrane we can begin to appreciate that ‘auld acquaintance’ m eant something more significant.117 C orrespondence from other Scots confirms that the term ‘auld acquaintance’ signified a strong and active relationship and was in itself a linkage binding networks together. This led Andrew Russell to risk both money and status by engaging with Scottish religious and political exiles causing con­ frontation in the Scottish and Dutch community he lived am ong.118

113 See ‘The band of Freindschip maid betuix the Erleis of Eglintoun, Glencame, and Robert Lorde Boyd, Lairdes of Loudoun and Craigie’ in Dickenson and Donaldson, A Source Book of Scottish History, 393-394. 114 The first two lines of this song run ‘Should auld acquaintance be forgot, and never brought to mind . . Auld long syne was penned in 1788, though as the exam­ ples show here the concept and expression are much older than that. Friendship as an agency of networking has been briefly looked at in a French context by Susan Kettering who added that ‘We know very little about early modern friendship, which deserves systematic study’. Though Tadmor has studied it in detail for the eighteenth century, a similar study for the seventeenth would undoubtedly prove a worthy project. See Kettering, ‘Patronage and Kinship’, 428. 115 Tadmor, Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England, 205 quoting the diary of Thomas Turner in relation to the death of John Long in 1764. 116 PRO, SP75/15 f. 475. General James King to Charles 1, 24 October 1640. The major implications of the Cochrane-King meeting are discussed in Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 117-118. 117 The depth of trust King must have had in Cochrane in believing he was not being manipulated is evident from subsequent comments and actions which actu­ ally led to the defection of Cochrane to the Royalist party. This incident’ is dis­ cussed in Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 117-119. 118 Russell openly challenged the authority of the Scottish Burghs by flouting the rules regarding the Scottish staple port at Veere. In doing so he welcomed and aided political dissidents. See D. Catterall, Community Without Borders: Scots Migrants

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A lexander Shields, a Scottish preacher in Bruges, wrote to Russell ‘I am very ambitious to renew old acquaintance with you . . . your oblyging kindnessess to all Scotland’s outcasts and wandering sufferers an d particularly to me I hope I shall never forget’.119Jam es Ramsay p u t it more poetically when he wrote to Russell after a long silence. ‘Sir, I presume to trouble you with these few lines, but considering old acquaintance which ought not to be forgot emboldens me therto for’. 120 Auld acquaintance was linked very much with family and regional networks, particularly when one party wished to rem ind the o th er of the length of their friendship when hoping to secure an advantage for a kin member. Henry Ferguson wrote to Russell regard­ ing a family m ember, com m enting that: Thcr is a nevey [nephew] of mine John Ferguson who was my appren­ tice come along with the ships that parted from Leith Road the sec­ ond of this instant. He will it is like stand in need of money and I have presumed upon old acquaintance to recommend him to you to let him have fortie five or fifty pounds sterling upon his bill upon me payable to James Miller Dean of Guild which shall have all due hon­ our from me.121

W hile King, Shields, Ramsay and Ferguson actually employed the term ‘old acquaintance’ in their letters, others simply implied it. W lien Patrick M urray wrote to Andrew Russell in a general letter regarding trade, he added as a postscript that: There is one Mr Maxwell a cussine german of mine that is a student of Physsik. I intreat you give him your advise anent the convenientcst ways of disposing of himself as to his lodgeing and in that wyk things he may be usefull to him. He is a very sober well principled young man and on that hath had great conceme for me in thes tymes.122

and the Changing Face of Power in the Dutch Republic, c. 1600 1700 (Leiden: 2002), 77, 283- 293. 119 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/725. Alexander Shields to Andrew Russell, 13 April 1691 (OS). Note he further requested ‘a hint of occurrences in Scotland of which we can understand nothing here’. Shields was no lightweight, but a man who had been hunted down in Scotland for his adherence to the cause of the Presbyterian Covenanters. That Russell helped this man is indicative of something a lot stronger than a casual acquaintance and that the term as employed by Shields related to something much deeper. 120 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/757. James Ramsay to Andrew Russell, Brugge, 13/23 January 1693. 121 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/708. Henry Ferguson to Andrew Russell, Edinburgh, 5 April 1690 122 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/637. Patrick Murray to Andrew Russell, 12 October 1687.

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Auld acquaintance or strong friendship was often resorted to in stress­ ful or delicate situations. David Melvin in Elsinore wrote to Andrew Russell requesting that he forward letters to Scodand. He appears to have been quite apologetic about the trouble he was putting Russell to. O n one dated 24 July 1686 he added ‘Pardon the free­ dom I take with you, I presume somewhat on M r Thom son’s who is my good friend and I know he will thank you for it’.123 M ore importantly, ‘auld acquaintance’ saved lives. In 1648, having escaped a C roat firing squad, Andrew Melvill met up with an Irish regiment in Spanish service that was com m anded by a Scot who befriended him simply because he knew, in fact, had auld acquaintance with, Melvill’s family.124 T he personal testimony left by Scots is replete with proof of the im portance of friends and friendship to the m aintenance of networks. T he Swedish traveller, H enry Kalmeter, observed in his journal that the Scots in England ‘oftentimes remember their friends beyond the Tweed or in the land o f Cakes, which nam e is given to Scotland of certain sort o f bread m ade o f oats and called cakes’.125 Letters are frequently concluded with a call for the recipient to rem em ber the writer to ‘all good friends’.126 And these are frequently nam ed— as in the case of D rum m er M ajor Jam es Spens who, after eight years in the Swedish army joined the Dutch East India Com pany in Rotterdam and sailed for Jav a on a voyage he stated would take another seven years. From Guinea he wrote to his m other and signed off with an absolute list of friends.127 Obviously, friendships develop over time. In the case of Jam es Spens, he undoubtedly forged good friendships in Sweden and his correspondence reflects the good friends he met there. Nonetheless, he also expressed quite clearly his desire to maintain friendships from back home in Scotland, despite his protracted absence and the like­ lihood that he would not have contact with any of them for many years to come. This letter is indicative of the substantial body o f

123 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/609/2. David Melvin to Andrew Russell, 24 July, 1686. 124 Ameer-Ali, Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill, 91. 125 Smout, Journal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scotland, 3. 13 July 1719. I2fi For example Francis Craw to his brother, Memel, 23 June 1675, reproduced in Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 252. 127 NAS Miscellaneous Papers, R H 9/2/242. Drummer Major James Spens to his parents, 23 February 1632 and Appendix A2:2.

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such correspondence denoting friendship, so com mon that we are spoiled for choice in our selection. But perhaps the final word on friendship should be left to Robert M onro who talked at length about his ‘cam rade’ Colonel Jo h n Hepburn: And as we were oft Camerades of danger together; so being long aquainted, we were Camerades in love: first at Colledge, next in our travels in France, at Paris and Poictiers, Anno 1615. till we met againe in Spruce at Elben in August 1630. Nothing therefore in my opinion, [is] more worthy to be kept next unto Faith, then this kinde of friend­ ship, growne up with education, confirmed by familiarity, in frequenting the dangers of warre, and who is more worthy to be chosen for a friend, then one who hath showne himself both valiant and constant against his enemies, as the worthy Hepbume hath done . . ,128

Networks o f Origin and Place Tested Nationality did not always prove a sufficient device to invoke any kind o f network. Robert Davis noted the despair suffered by some English slaves on the Barbary Coast as they were less likely to be freed through ransom than European Catholics. Apparently one ex­ slave noted: All of the nations made some shift to live, save only the English, who it seems are not so shiftful as others, and [. . .] have no great kind­ ness one for another. The winter I was in [captivity], I observ’d there died above twenty of them out of pure want.lw

Such observations represent only part of the story as evidenced by the experience of C aptain Jo h n Lowe. He was an English skipper working off the African coast who lost his ship Merchant Bonadventure to pirates in the 1680s. T he majority of the pirates wanted to shoot all the captured officers but were prevented from doing so by the Englishmen am ong the pirate crew. This is a clear case of common nationality proving valuable in a difficult situation.130 But how did this com pare to Scottish examples?

128 Monro, His Expedition, II, 75. 129 R. Davis, ‘British Slaves on the Barbary Coast’ from the BBC History web­ site, 2 October 2003. 130 R. Law, ed., The English in West Africa: The Local Correspondence of the Royal African Company of England, 1681-1699 (2 vols., Oxford: 1997-2001), I, 639. Captain John Lowe, Guydah, 10 June 1683.

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While one can formulate a strong intellectual case for assuming that Scots built up networks on a national ethnic basis, the actual prim ary evidence puts the issue beyond doubt that such structures were a reality. Encountering African pirates was not an experience confined to the English, and indeed in the 1630s a financial net­ work was orchestrated by Scots to raise money to release fellow Scots from the sort of slavery noted above. T he Dutch-born Scots, Thom as Cunningham and Jam es Weir, were respectively elder and deacon in the Scottish Staple Kirk at Veere in the Dutch Republic in 1634. T h a t year the session entrusted these men with the duty of return­ ing to Scotland with a sum o f money to help towards the release of some Kirkcaldy men held captive by the ‘Turks’.131 Before hand­ ing over any money, they were instructed to determ ine if the ran­ som had already been raised, as the Veere Kirk did not want the money given over only to find it had already been paid. Clearly Scottish frugality continued down through the foreign-born genera­ tions. Nonetheless, th at people born and residing in the D utch Republic took any action at all is testament to the importance of their nationality despite their geographic and generational separation from Scotland. By the time Patrick G ordon travelled through continental Europe in the mid 1650s he could utilise a Scottish network of resident m er­ chants to give him accom m odation and transport as and when he required it. There was an expectation that Scots would help and entertain Scots simply for the sake of their nationality. M r Gardin would not hear of Patrick G ordon having to apologise for ‘coldcalling’ on him in Antwerp which G ordon recorded in the follow­ ing way: I told him, that, hearing of a person of such quality as he was being come to this city, I could not be satisfied with myself until I had payed my respects to him with a visit, hopeing that he would pardon my abrupt inrudeing myself into his company at such a time, where, per­ haps he was busied with weighty effaires. He answered that I was very welcome, and that he had not such weighty effaires as could hinder him for giving that entertainment which was due to a friend, espe­ cially a countreyman and stranger.” 2

1,1 Courthope, The Journal of Thomas Cuningham of Campvere, xviii. 132 Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, 18.

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W hen he was captured by the Poles in 1656, G ordon was freed partly through the intercession of another (unnamed) Scot in service o f the opposite army. Finally, it was through this Scottish network that G ordon came to take up service with T sar Aleksei of Russia.133 G ordon was also keen to extend the ‘nationality network’ to other Scots he met. Adam Young, a free-trooper, was elevated to the posi­ tion of furrier and quarterm aster by Patrick Gordon because he could speak the Polish language, but also because his parents were Scots.134 G ordon’s countrym an, Sir Andrew Melvill, also found nationality a useful networking device while on the run in Flanders in 1648, sim­ ply because he knew he would get support from the lieutenantcolonel o f a local regiment whom he knew to be a Scotsman (but did not know personally). T he officer is reported to have told him ‘I know your family and there is not any service that is in my power to render, which you may not rely upon from m e’.135 H e later returned to Europe and in 1655 was told to seek employment in Königsberg because ‘there was a Scots Colonel of Dragoons in the city, and that he would probably give me employment for the sake o f my nationality if I presented myself before him ’.136 T he advice was sound and Melvill received a position within the regiment. A nother Scottish soldier, Sir Jam es T urner, recorded that in 1656 he and G eneral Jo h n M iddleton journeyed to Prussia and that ‘At Dantzick, some of the Scots merchands, especiallie Masters D um bar and Gallenden, m ade us welcome’.137 They eventually went to the city of T h o m where they attempted to persuade the Scottish garrison occupying the city on behalf of the Swedes to surrender to the Poles,

131 Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, 19, 21, 22, 49. 134 ‘In the morning I mustered them and divided them into fylcs, dealing the sick and wcake men equally among the files. I made Pawl Banser, who had been a quartermaster under the Sweds, wachtmaster; Adam Young, who had been a freetrowper, being of Scots parents and haveing the Polls language, I made forier or quarterm-r; Elias Funk and William Rundt, who had been corporalls, in the same charge, and the lyklyest and sharpest like men to be fileleaders. I gave the musquets to these who were best able to cary them; and giveing them orders and injunctions how to behave themselves, I marched in some better order as the day befor’. This quote is not in the printed diary but was taken from the original located in Russian State Archive of Military History in Moscow, F. 846, op. 15, Nos. 1-6. It was kindly passed on to me by Dr Dimitry Fcdosov. See also Gordon’s net­ working with Scots in Lithuania in 1660 in Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, 41. 1,5 Ameer-Ali, Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill, 90-1. 136 Ameer-Ali, Memoirs of Sir Andrew Melvill, 158. 137 Turner, Memoirs of His Own Life And Times, 121.

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who were besieging it. T he Scots inside the city were former sol­ diers o f General M iddleton and had participated in an uprising with him in ScoUand against the Cromwellian occupation o f their coun­ try.138 Now they found themselves on opposite sides. This was a com ­ plex affair and one that saw the deployment of a variety of network linkages. General M iddleton himself wrote to one his form er officers inside the city noting his ‘acquaintance’ with a num ber of the officers, his ‘friendship’ with the recipient and the known ‘dynastic loyalty’ o f all to the exiled Stuart m onarchy.139 A nother Scot, a M r Davisson, directed his appeal to the regiment to ‘my honest friends the Scots officers in T o m e ’ while signing off ‘I sal ever enioy the upright tide o f your most trustie and m ost loving servant and countreym an Davissone’.140 An English Royalist officer with M iddleton, M ajor General Thom as Rokeby, also appealed to the national sentiment of the Scots, pointing out to them that he was ‘no Cromwellist’ and that their return o f T h o m from Swedish control would render service ‘to your own native king and country’, though w hether Rokeby m eant Scodand or Britain is unclear.141 W hatever the effect of such correspondence, the town surrendered and many of the ex-Swedish garrison were allowed to remain and trade in the city such as William and Jam es Fraser.142 O ther Scots also appealed to their countrymen using ‘nationality’ and ‘friendship’ as points o f entry for establishing a network. W hen David Melvin first wrote to Andrew Russell (whom he had never met) he added an apology for troubling him with no less a task than the forwarding of his business mail to Scotland, noting that the reg­ ular post had failed him. Interestingly he added: you may judge me impertinent to trouble you as being so neere a stranger to you, but if you please to inquire att any of our Scots mas138 This episode is more fully written up in A. Grosjean, ‘Royalist soldiers and Cromwellian allies? The Cranstoun Regiment in Sweden 1656-1658’ in Murdoch, Fighting for Identity, 61-82. 139 SRA, Extranea Polen 135:IX, 4 Interciperade brev 1600-talet, II, Brev till Skotska officerare i Thom. General Middleton to Captain Erskine, no date, 1657 and Appendix 2:3a. 140 SRA, Extranea Polen 135.IX, 4 Interciperade brev 1600-talet, II, Brev till Skotska officerare i Thom. Mr Davisson to the Scots in Thom , no date, 1657 and Appendix 2:3b. 141 SRA, Extranea Polen 135:IX, 4 Interciperade brev 1600-talet, II, Brev till Skotska officerare i Thom . Major General Thomas Rokeby to Captain Erskine, 28 November 1657 and Appendix 2:3c. 142 These men are discussed in Chapter Four.

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ters, whether it be Mr [James] Cassils, M r [John] Gib or Thomas Gourlay they all know me and use my house when they pass through this place.143

Melvin used a variety of levels o f network anchors here including mutual friendship and common nationality. An interesting question is why Melvin did not include a recom m endation from any of the Dutch or Danish skippers whom both men would have known equally well. After all, Melvin had been in Elsinore for almost 60 years and D utch skippers had to pass through the town on the route to the Baltic and would have known him in his capacity as postm aster of the city. A friend of David Melvin’s also homed in on the Scottish ‘national’ network. Patrick M ay was a servant o f the Swedish-based Scot, Patrick Thom son. In July 1685 he wrote a letter from Elsinore describing the various merchants he had met. After com menting on the good connections of two D utchm en he observed that he did not trust the Englishmen he had met and that he only trusted ‘our coun­ trym en’.144 He singled out the skipper Thom as Gourlay in particu­ lar as ‘a good honest man and o f good trade’. This issue of trusting Scots also featured in the correspondence of Thom as Robertson. He wrote to Andrew Russell from U trecht informing him that ‘having an Aching desyre to sie Paris I would desyr you to advertise me by a line if you know of anie Scotts men that are goeing there’, sug­ gesting he wished one of his countrymen to travel with or have as a contact in the city.145 O ne Scot, Jo h n Robertson, worked as a mer­ chant in London in 1678 and complained bitterly to Russell that his Scottish friends were leaving to go home. O ne M r Robert Turnbull had already left while his ‘com erad’ William Lamb would soon be leaving. After reflecting on the unknown company left in London he comforted himself that he would not be alone as ‘Scotsmen shall breake off not’, i.e. they would keep in contact, after which he asked Russell to pay his respects to all their mutual friends and family.146

143 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 1 5 /106/576/7. David Melvin to Andrew Russell , 11 July 1685. 1+4 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/576/4. Patrick May to Andrew Russell, 10 July 1685. 145 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/484/9. Thomas Robertson to Andrew Russell, 16 July 1683. 146 NAS, Russell Papers, RH15/106/305/f.24. John Robertson to Andrew Russell, 6 August 1678.

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Even across the globe Scottish networks were forming in places w here there was supposed to be no British presence at all. In November 1702, the Scottish ship Speedwell became stranded on a coral reef near M alacca. T he skipper of the ship worked off a license from ‘The Com pany o f Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies’ which had been set up with the prim ary (and ultimately futile) aim o f establishing a Scottish colony in Darien, in Central America. After the failure of that venture, the Com pany of Scotland turned their attention to the East Indies, hence the journey o f the Speedwell. T he ship’s captain, William Keir, rem ained in M alacca for some time after his ship was wrecked, received civil rights by 1706 and per­ mission to m arry in M alacca from the Dutch authorities soon after.147 However, a V O C missive noted soon after that ‘the man is only helping his countrymen and will be rem oved’ indicating the estab­ lishment of either a Scottish or British network operating in the area.148 However, association of place could be expressed at a variety o f levels. Georg Breholt of London thanked Andrew Russell in Rotterdam for his efforts in securing the release of his ‘son’ from prison in Flanders, and in doing so highlighted the now all familiar elements o f kin, place and nation thanking Russell ‘for the love and efforts to your cuntrym an & townsman & my sone’.149

Conclusion Although not so common, or at least not as frequently mentioned as kin networks, it is abundantly clear that each of the linkages of place, nation and the friendships built up over time were also im por­

147 GMVOC, V, 1686 1697, 199 and 404. Willem van Outhoom, 30 November 1702 and Abraham Douglas, 12 February’ 1706. For the context of the Scots in the Dutch East Indies in this period sec Murdoch, ‘The Good, the Bad and the Anonymous’, 63 76. ,4« GMVOC, V, 1686-1697, 404. Abraham Douglas, 12 February 1706. The fol­ lowing year a further record showed that, although the governor had permitted Keir special leave to remain in Malacca for an extra year, he now really had to go, if necessary with the first VOC ships heading for Bengal. Clearly he had con­ tinued to upset them through his ethnic networking. See GMVOC, V, 1686- 1697, 429. Abraham Douglas, 30 November 1706. I4'-' NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/802/f. 17. George Breholt to Andrew Russell, 12 September 1693.

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tant components in Scottish network building. British identity, m ore­ over, also had a place am ong all the nations of Britain, not just the Scots and it did occasionally come into play as a networking fea­ ture of numerous Scots. T rue, national distinctiveness ‘might or might not shadow political differences’ and Scots ‘identified themselves as different ab ro ad only as long as it was profitable to do so’. 150 Nonetheless, the trust implicit in these linkages is quite extraordi­ nary given that some o f the above examples show that people were entrusting others of their ‘nation’ with delicate business correspon­ dence, or even their lives, based simply on the fact of a shared notion o f belonging to one patria. And it is from here that we once more return to the point o f trust. In some cases people appealed to com ­ m on loyalty or origin simply on the off-chance that they might be able to tap into some com m on understanding. Certainly the barrage of letters to the Scots in T h o m reflects the numerous network anchors on offer. But for others there does seem to be a genuine conviction that common place or nation is enough to secure or open a trust­ ing dialogue, particularly evidenced in the Melvin-Russell exchange. A nother area in which this was possible occurred when there was something else that was shared. T he following chapter deals with the final network linkage in this section— the anchor of common confessional loyalty.

150 L. Heerma van Voss, S. Sogner and T. O ’Connor, ‘Scottish Communities Abroad: Some Concluding Remarks' in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 383 384.

CHAPTER THREE

C O N FESSIO N A L N E T W O R K S

England contains about 3,560,000 souls, Scotland slightly over a million, and Ireland 500,000 mostly Catholics. In Scotland the majority are puritans.'

Similarly to ‘kith and kin’ or ‘place and nation’, the network link­ ages surrounding ‘confessional’ networks were, for the majority, em bedded from an early age in the seventeenth century Scot. Scots were baptised as infants and from then on their choice of faith was largely decided for them. As the Venetian ambassador showed at the time, and generations of historians have reiterated subsequendy, this has led to a belief (or heavy implication) that the majority of Scots in the post-Reformation period were Calvinists and that Scotland has implicidy remained a Calvinist country thereafter; ‘Scodand: Kirk and People’ united as one.2 Scottish apparent confessional loyalty has been described as both core to Scottish national unity between 1603-1707 and as a process accepted wholesale as ‘Confessionaliza-

1 CSPV, 1617-1619, 386-387. ‘Relation of England’ by Antonio Foscarini, 19 December 1618. Foscarini here clearly misunderstands the term ‘puritan’ and indeed the complexities of Scottish Calvinism. James VI himself described puritans as ‘Anabaptisits, sectaries, rigid Presbyterians and all who challenged Royal Authority’. See K. Fincham and P. Lake, ‘The Ecclesiastical Policies of James 1 and Charles I’ in K. Fincham, ed., The Early Stuart Church, 1603-1642 (London: 1993), 25. For more on the contemporary use of the word ‘Puritan’ to describe Scottish Presbyterians, see the examples and analysis presented in J. Coffey, Politics, Religion and the British Revolutions: The Mind of Samuel Rutherford (Cambridge: 1997), 17 19. 2 See I. Henderson, Scotland' Kirk and People (London: 1969), 113. Henderson stated that ‘Those who thought that the Church would survive the extinction of the nation did not realize that the consequence would be that in a very real sense the Church would become the nation’; see alsoJ.M . Reid, Kirk and Nation (London: 1960), 173. In more recent times see E. Mijers, ‘Scottish Students in the Netherlands, 1680-1730’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 301, ‘As part of the same Protestant realm, the Scots felt at home among the Calvinist Dutch and their Universities’. For discussion of the continuation of these beliefs in the post-1707 period see W. Storrar, Scottish Identity: A Christian Vision (Edinburgh: 1990), 26 54; R.J. Finlay ‘Keeping the Covenant: Scottish National Identity’, in T.M. Devine and J.R . Young, eds., Eighteenth Century Scotland Neiv Perspectives (East Linton: 1999), 124.

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don as nadonal integration’.3 In truth, the period from the Scottish Reformation o f 1560 until the Claim of Right of 1689 (and subse­ quent Presbyterian settlem ent o f 1707) witnessed radical shifts in Scottish church governm ent that saw the R om an Catholic Church being variously replaced by a series of successive forms of Protestantism, often Episcopal and sometimes Presbyterian in nature (and intermittendy a compromise o f both).4 There were of course other, smaller faith-based groupings like Quakers, but in Scotland the fight to confessionalize the country was largely a two-way affair with Scottish R om an Catholics gradually concerning themselves more with min­ istering to their rem aining flock than the hope of recovering the country from the grip o f the Reformation. Each tradition has its own (often conflicting) vision o f Scotland’s confessional past.5 T o engage with them here would be to detract from the subject at hand, while discussion of the very subject of confessionalization must be left to the num erous scholarly works on the topic.6 W hat is required is an appreciation of the impact of the aforementioned shifts in ecclesiastical power in order to understand the origin of the various

3 H. KJueting, ‘Problems of the Term and Concept ‘Second Reformation’: Memories of a 1980s Debate’ in J.M . Headly, H.J. Hildebrand and A.J. Papalas, eds., Confessionalization in Europe, 1555-1700: Essays in Honor and Memory of Bodo Nischan (Aldershot: 2004), 48. 4 J. Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, Beginning the Tear of our Lord 203, and continued to the end of the Reign of King James the M of ever blessed Memory (London: 1655, 1972 reprint), 149-175; A. Cunningham, Some questions resolved con­ cerning Episcopal and Presbyterian government in Scotland (London: 1690). The vacillations are repeated in all standard texts on the subject, for example G.D. Henderson, The Claims of the Church of Scotland (Warwick: 1951), 83-93, 148-153; P.F. Anson, Underground Catholicism in Scotland, 1622-1878 (Montrose: 1970), 1-4; YV.R. Foster, The Church before the Covenants: The Church of Scotland, 1596-1638 (Edinburgh: 1975), 1; J. Wormald, ‘Princes of the regions in the Scottish Reformation’ in N. MacDougall, ed., Church, Politics and Society: Scotland, 1408-1929 (Edinburgh: 1983), 65-79; and in the same volume M. Lynch, ‘From privy kirk to burgh church: an alternative view of the process of Protestantisation’, 85-94 and J. Kirk, ‘royal and lay patronage in the Jacobean kirk, 1572-1600’, 127-146 and VV. Makey, ‘Presbyterian and Canterburian in the Scottish Revolution’, 151-182; M. Lynch, ‘A Nation Bom Again? Scottish Identity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’ in D. Broun, R.J. Finlay and M. Lynch, eds., Image and Identity: The making and Re-making of Scotland through the Ages (Edinburgh: 1998), 82-99. 5 For an interesting analysis see Storrar, Scottish Identity: A Christian Vision, 9-85. 6 For a concise discussion see Headly, Hildebrand and Papalas, Confessionalization in Europe, 1555-1700, particularly the very instructive chapters by T.A. Brady, jr. ‘Confessionalization—The Career of a Concept’, 1-20 and H. Schilling, ‘Confes­ sionalization: Historical and Scholarly Perspectives of a Comparative and Inter­ disciplinary Paradigm’, 21-35.

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confessional networks formed by Scots in northern Europe.7 They were very im portant for, as Michael Lynch has observed, confes­ sional identities were often constructed outwith Scodand by exiles and were, when imposed, often initially unfamiliar to the population being bound to them .8

A Thumbnail Sketch9 T he quest for control o f the Scottish church included strands roughly relating to a Presbyterian v R om an Catholic contest (1560s); a strug­ gle for the retention or rejection of prelacy between Presbyterians and Episcopalians (1570s-1640s and 1660-1689) with a brief resur­ gence o f R om an Catholic influence in the 1680s. After 1560, the authority of the Rom an Catholic C hurch in Scotland is said to have collapsed ‘far m ore thoroughly than in most countries’ including Switzerland, Germ any and Sweden.10 T he reformers thereafter hoped to secure a ‘Godly Com m onw ealth’ based on the concept of ‘two kingdoms’ (secular and ecclesiastical).11 After an initial Episcopal settle­ m ent, and under the guidance of Andrew Melville, the General Assembly outlawed the office o f bishop by 1580 and the ‘King’s Confession’ was draw n up and distributed around the country.12

7 See for instance A.L. Drummond, The Kirk and the Continent (Edinburgh: 1956). This book is overwhelmingly concerned with Scottish Calvinists and tackles rela­ tions between French Huguenots, German Calvinists, Italian Protestants and numer­ ous Dutch contacts. 8 Lynch. ‘A Nation Bom Again', 95-96; G. Gardner, ‘A Haven for Intrigue: the Scottish Exile Community in the Netherlands, 1660-1690’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 277, 282, 285, 292 297. 9 I thank Rev Dr A. Emsley Nimmo and Rev Dr Maijory A. Maclean for their informative discussions on the subject matter contained in this chapter. 10 W.J. Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation, II. Thomas Innes on Catholicism in Scotland’ in 7he Innes Revieiv, vol. 7, 2 (1956), 113. 11 This was confirmed in the ‘Second Book of Discipline’ under the influence of Andrew Melville, who had developed his ideas while abroad in Geneva. For copies of the text see Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 289-304, 311; for discussion see F.N. McCoy, Robert Baillie and the Second Scots Reformation (Berkley: 1974), 1, 9; D.M. Murray, Rebuilding the Kirk: Presbyterian Reunion in Scotland, 1909-1929 (Edinburgh: 2000), 13. 12 Those holding that status were to demit office, cease preaching and await fur­ ther instruction from the Assembly. ITie document is also variously called the King’s Confession, the Negative Confession, or First Covenant and signed first in January 1581. Dickenson and Donaldson, A Source Book of ScoUish History, 32-35. For the banning of the office of bishop see ibid., 36-37. July 1580.

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However, this Presbyterian victory was short lived. T he ‘Black Acts’ o f 1584 restored Episcopacy through direct royal intervention by Jam es V I.13 M any of the Presbyterian leadership fled, though some returned after a compromise setdement was steered through by the king’s Calvinist preacher, Jo h n C raig.14 By 1592 the ‘Black Acts’ had been almost completely neutralised, and the ‘Golden Act’ was passed establishing Presbyterian (church) governm ent.15 T he issue remained unsettled and by 1597 the m onarch was again determ ined to reverse this position once more through the creation of ‘Parliamentary Bish­ ops’.16 After the Union of the Crowns in 1603 the dispute took on a new dim ension, w hen Episcopacy cam e to be associated with English interference in Scotland. T he General Assembly met in 1605, but adjourned without confirming the king’s injunctions, leading to the banishm ent o f its members. This was followed by several par­ liamentary acts increasing the powers of bishops and, in 1610, by the consecration in London of three Scottish bishops, the num ber required to ensure the apostolic succession.17 O n their return home they consecrated new bishops to fill the vacant sees— thereby rein­ troducing ‘true Episcopacy’— which, against the wishes of the still potent Presbyterian element in Scotland, were given more authority after the ‘Five Articles of Perth’ at the General Assembly of 1618.18 Perceived royal interference intensified under Charles I, who sought conformity between the national churches of England and Scotland.19 His policies led to a Presbyterian backlash, the signing of the National Covenant of 1638 and the ‘Bishops’ W ars’ of 1639-1641. Though

13 APS, III, 292- 303; Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 333-334, 336; Dickenson and Donaldson, A Source Book of Scottish History, 39-43; Rev. R. Lippe, ed., Selections from Wodrow’s Biographical Collections: Divines of the North East of Scotland (Aberdeen: 1890), intro, xxviii-xxix. 14 APS, III, 431; Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 364-365. 15 APS, III, 541-542: Murray, Rebuilding the Kirk, 13-14. 16 Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 388, 415, 418 421, 435-436, 442-445; Dickenson and Donaldson, A Source Book of Scottish History, 53-54; Lippe, Selections from Wodrow’s Biographical Collections, intro, xxxii-xxxiii. 17 APS, IV, 281-282 ‘Restitution of the estate of Bishops’ (1609) and 430, ‘Restoration of the bishop’s consistorial juristiction’ (1609); T. Hannan, ‘The Scottish Consecrations in London in 1610’ in Church History Revieu\ LXXI (1910), 387- 413; McCoy, Robert Baillie and the Second Scots Reformation, 10. 18 APS, IV, 596-597; Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 537-539; Dickenson and Donaldson, A Source Book of Scottish History, 63 65; Lippe, Selections from Wodrow’s Biographical Collections, intro, xxxiii. 19 Fincham and Lake, ‘The Ecclesiastical Policies of James I and Charles I’, 49.

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not explicitly an and-Episcopal movement initially, the radicals within the movement succeeded in the absolute rejection of Episcopacy in Scotland by 1640.20 T he conflict in Scotland in turn led to all three Stuart Kingdoms being engulfed in civil war, leading to several more waves o f confessional exiles streaming to the continent.

Conversion and the Commitment to Confessional Loyalty T h at the Scottish Reform ation was not an overnight transition is evidenced by the ease and regularity of conversions from one con­ fession to another (and sometimes back again). Conflicting messages from contesting churches left many Scots in a condition of uncer­ tainty and fear.21 While many simply accepted that they were no longer Rom an Catholic, or truly bought into the message of the Reformed faith, it was not necessarily so. Religious ‘conversion’ could simply reflect where you happened to live and the pressures brought upon you by the local m agnate at a given moment. If you lived in seventeenth century Edinburgh, Dundee or St Andrews you were likely to be a Protestant. If you were in M oidart or Glenlivet, you would possibly rem ain R om an Catholic. Num erous other regions m aintained the appropriate arrangem ent as the situation required, sometimes with the head o f a family nominally ‘conforming’ while his kinsmen rem ained ‘unconverted’.22 However, continual conver­ sions of convenience sometimes left the followers of magnates bewil­ dered and drove them to conform rather than try to keep up with

20 The National Covenant of Scotland appears in many printed sources and the manuscript copies that survive contain minor differences. The authoritative version appears in APS, V, 272-6. Regarding the thought behind the overthrow of Episcopacy see Robert Baillie, ‘A Discourse anent Episcopacy, 1638’, in Mullan, Religious Controversy in Scotland, 149 191 and other writings in the same collection. See also McCoy, Robert Baillie and the Second Scots Reformation, chapters 3 and 4; For the evolution of the Covenanting Movement see Macinnes, Charles I and the making of the Covenanting Movement, ¡625-1641 and Macinnes, The British Revolution. 21 See A. Ross, O.P., Scottish Blackfriars in the Seventeenth Century (Glasgow: 1972), 25; Wormald, ‘Princes of the regions in the Scottish Reformation’, 75. 22 Such was the case with James, 8th Lord Maxwell, Earl of Morton. For the events surrounding that episode see Murdoch, ‘J ames VI and the formation of a Scottish-British Military Identity’, 5-6. For a wider discussion about the power of local families (though not necessarily nobility) see Wormald, ‘Princes of the regions in the Scottish Reformation’, 67-73.

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the vacillations o f their leaders.23 A further problem arose when an individual left a given area of confessional control. In 1608, m ea­ sures were put in place by the Scottish government to ensure that recusants who adopted the Reformed confession really had converted and were not just saying they had in order to retain particular rights, either to land or civic status. Such converts were to be observed for some five years to ascertain the genuineness of their conversion.24 T he R om an Catholic C hurch obviously sought to prevent conver­ sions to Protestantism and (initially) hoped to re-Catholicize the coun­ try. They had a measure of success and secured some high profile conversions away from Protestantism in Scotland. T he 7th Earl of Argyll was a notable case in point, converting to Catholicism (through his English marriage) and becoming entwined with Spanish Catholic intrigues for the duration o f his life.25 Professor Nicol Bum e of St Andrews left Calvinism for Catholicism and published a tract in Paris in 1581 explaining why.26 Famously, George ‘Archangel’ Leslie of Aberdeen converted in the early 1600s and em barked on a career across Europe as a Capuchin friar.27 O f more interest was the con­ version o f Q ueen Anna, the Danish wife of Jam es VI of Scotland, from Lutheranism to Rom an Catholicism in 1600 under the influence o f the Scottish Jesuit, R obert Abercrombie.28 He managed to rem ain

Ti Such was the case with supporters of Huntly, Errol and Angus in the later 1590s. See D. Maclean, The Counter Reformation in Scotland, 1560 1930 (London: 1931), 76-77. 24 Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 506; Lynch, ‘A Nation Bom Again’, 85. 25 For an account of his activities in Spain and contact with the wider Catholic network see Maclean, The Counter Reformation in Scotland, 103-104; Worthington, Scots in Habsburg Service, 57-73 and passim; See his entry in the Oxford Dj\B. 26 Ross, Scottish Blackfriars, 4. Ross notes that he may be identical with Nicolaus Bourne who later became a Dominican in Spain; Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation, II. Thomas Innes on Catholicism in Scotland’, 118. 27 Leslie was made famous by the publication of his ‘life story’ which made ridicu­ lous claims such as his conversion of 3,000 people in Monymusk in Aberdeenshire. Monymusk could barely have numbered above 100 persons at the time and the detractors of Archangel Leslie made much of that fact. See Maclean, The Counter Reformation in Scotland, 112-113; C.J. Gossip, ‘From Monymusk to Metz: Archangel Leslie on the European Stage’, in Aberdeen University Review, vol. XLVI, 2, no. 154 (1975), 137-150. 28 Abercrombie went under numerous aliases like Robert Sanderson, Sandy Robertson, Biba, Robertus Schotus and even Drumturke. See variously W.J. Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation, pt. 1: Report of Father Robert Abercromby, SJ., in the year 1580’ in Innes Review, 7 (1956), 27-59; Maclean, The Counter Reformation in Scotland, 95; Anson, Underground Catholicism, 15; A.J. Loomie, ‘King James’s Catholic

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embedded within the Stuart Court in Scodand and England for some 20 years (1587-1606), surviving numerous anti-Jesuit purges and obvi­ ously protected by Jam es VI himself.29 O f equal note is that while Abercrombie sent the Queen ‘to Rom e’, Johannes Sering, her Lutheran chaplain, became a Calvinist around the same time.30 He rem ained her resident preacher long after their respective conversions; both rem ained officially Lutheran, but also became adherents of quite contrasting confessions.31 As Q ueen Anna and Sering show, the bat­ tle ground for the Scottish soul took place at the highest level, even within the Stuart court itself. And the Catholic C hurch certainly did not have it all its own way. T here was even one Scottish Dominican friar, Father Forsyth, who arrived in Britain under cover of a Spanish embassy in 1620 and then converted to Protestantism much to the consternation o f his Spanish host.32 Once abroad, many Protestants, like D r William Bannatyne were genuinely converted in Paris ‘by the Infinite Mercy of G od’ to the Rom an Catholic faith.33 Hugo Grotius noted that one of the reasons cited at the time was simply that Rom e offered unity, while Protestantism offered only disunity (and therefore uncertainty).34 Consort’, in Huntingdon Library Quarterly, 34 (1970-71), 303-316; Durkan, ‘William Murdoch and the Early Jesuit Mission in Scotland’, 9; Oxford D.\B. Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 308, 400 402, 463, 500, 506; Mackenzie, A Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, 149-152; CSPS, II, 660. John Colville to Mr I.ok, 2 September 1594; ibid., 663. Mr Bowes to Lord Burghley, 7 October 1594, ibid., 663. Mr Bowes to Ix)rd Burghley, 2 and 3 November 1594; Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation’, 27 59; Biegariska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 48 9; Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 9 10. u} Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot, II, 294. Jl Another Danish cleric, ChristofTer Meidel, preached in the Danish Lutheran church in London. While in England he went through various religious conver­ sions, first to the Reformed Calvinist faith after which he became a Quaker. He was supported in Iiondon by several English Quakers who signed a petition on his behalf entitled ‘The case of Christopher Meidell humbly presented to Prince George by the people called Quakers in London. Signed in behalf of the said people by George Whitehead and Daniel Quare’. On his return to Denmark-Norway, the king issued orders to the Bishop of Christiania to have him arrested and prevent him from spreading Quaker doctrine in the country. See R. Fladby, ed., Norske Kongebrni (6 vols., Oslo: 1962). VII, 213, 229. u Ross, Scottish Blackfriars, 4 quoting G. Anstruther, O.P., A Hundred Homeless Tears (London: 1958), 109. Two sources give contemporary evidence that the name of the priest was variously ‘Forsith’ and ‘Fawcet’ and both letters insist he was Scottish. 11Ross, Scottish Blackfriars, 4, 10. H B.L. Meulenbroek, et al., ed., Brieftcuseling van Hugo Grotius (11 vols., The Hague: -1981), VIII, 740. Hugo Grotius to John Durie, 21 November 1637. For more on Protestant disunity leading to uncertainty sec H.T. Roper, ‘Three Foreigners’ in Religion, The Reformation, and Social Change (Melbourne: 1967), 281.

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Some simply found ‘conversion’ all too convenient. Jo h n Porter from Aberdeen converted to Catholicism in 1591 in order to gain his civic rights in W arsaw and is symptomatic of a process under­ taken by num erous of his countrym en.35 In France in 1665 Jo h an Lauder recorded the conversion of his countryman Alexander Strachan thus: ‘For M r Alexr its some 17 years since he came to France: he had nothing imaginable. Seing he could make no fortune unless he turned his coat, he turned Papist’.36 Poland-Lithuania was perhaps the most tolerant o f the northern countries and the need to convert there was not so great with various options being employed such as living just beyond the bounds of a particular city or simply being too im portant to the local economy.37 However, in many continen­ tal cities and most countries, it was simply unfeasible not to (be seen to) conform to the local religious orthodoxy. An individual’s rejec­ tion of the established religion was simply not an option. T o counter foreign conversions, a further act o f the Scottish Parliament warned the sons of any family going abroad not to ‘decline from the true religion’.38 T he success o f this act is questionable due, in part, to the impracticality of not converting to the recognised confession of a given location, particularly Lutheranism in Scandinavia or Orthodoxy in Russia—which has been described as ‘the fluidity of religious posi­ tions during the prevailing orthodoxy’.39 T he som etim e R om an Catholic Scot, George Strachan, is said to have converted to Islam in order to m arry a Muslim wife while living in Arabia.40 While his fellow Muslims appear satisfied the conversion was legitimate, as did many fellow Britons working with him later in Persia, his will 35 A. Biegañska, ‘Scottish Merchants and traders in seventeenth- and eighteenthcentury Warsaw’, Scottish Slavonic Reuuw, V (1985), 22. 36 John Lauder’s Journal quoted in J. Lough, ed., France Observed in the Seventeenth Century by British Travellers (Stocksfield: 1985), 293. Alexander Strachan was a grad­ uate of King’s College Aberdeen in 1646. 37 Biegañska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, passim; W. Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots in the Polish Crown during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 68-70, 75-79. 38 Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 510; Ross, Scottish Blackfriars, 25. 39 B. Gordon, ‘The Second Bucer: John Dury’s Mission to the Swiss Reformed Churches in 1654-55 and the Search for Confessional Unity’ in Headly, Hildebrand and Papalas, Confessionalization in Europe, 1555-1700, 210. For Catholics feigning to be Lutherans in Sweden see O. Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia (2 vols., Leiden: 1922), II, 291; Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 79-80. 40 G.L. Dellavida, ed., George Strachan. Memorials of a wandering Scottish scholar of the seventeenth century (Aberdeen: 1956), 48-49.

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indicates that he possibly retained his Roman Catholic faith, bequeath­ ing books to the Carmelite M onastery in Rome in the hope that they would ‘pray for my soul and the atonem ent of my sins’.41 In northern Europe m any contem plated conversion for marriage, while some simply bought forged documentation suggesting they had done so.42 T he act o f conversion often left many families with split con­ fessional loyalties which some used to their obvious advantage when occasion perm itted.43 Russian scholars have previously been careful to highlight that an individual could not become naturalised in Russia without embracing Orthodoxy, which led to differing rates of integration depending on the individual or the strength of belief among family members. Jam es Daniel Bruce’s family, for example, were not against conversion; they had already m ade the transition to L utheranism from Scottish Episcopalianism. T he Bruces refused to give up that confession for O rthodoxy and Jam es Daniel could therefore not fully integrate into Russian society despite being bom there.44 General Alexander Leslie o f Auchintoul (Aberdeenshire), on the other hand, converted to Orthodoxy which made the assimilation process for his family easier.45 However, there were different factors at play in Bruce’s time to that of Leslie. T he correspondence of the Swedish resident in Moscow, Karl Pom m erenning, is very instructive in showing how the Russians prevented the development of non-O rthodox networks in the mid seventeenth century. T he Russians were still experimenting with for­ eign military expertise and even granted foreign officers such as Leslie large estates to live on.46 General Leslie served in Russia in the 1630s 41 DeUavida, George Strachan, 65. 42 Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 75. 43 For instance James Hamilton Earl of Abercom, a Scottish protestant, had two Catholic brothers which proved useful in the mixed religious communities of Ulster in which they settled. See P. Fitzgerald, ‘Scottish Migration to Ireland in the Seventeenth Century’, in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 41 44 Fedosov, ‘The First Russian Bruces’, 63; D. Fedosov, The Caledonian Connection, 13-14. 45 W. Barnhill and P. Dukes, ‘North-east Scots in Muscovy in the seventeenth century’ in Northern Scotland, vol. 1, no. 1 (1972), 49—63; Fedosov, The Caledonian Connection, 68. According to Fedosov, Leslie was made a ‘General’ in connection with this conversion process. The Swedish ambassador’s reports from 1649 make it dear he already had that rank by that year. See SRA, Diplomatica, Muscovitica 39. Dispatches from the Swedish Resident, Karl Anders Pommerenning to Queen Christina, 23 March 1649. 46 SRA, Diplomatica, Muscovitica 39. Dispatches from the Swedish Resident, Karl Anders Pommerenning to Queen Christina, 1647-1651.

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during the Smolensk W ar of 1632-1634.47 After several visits home, Leslie returned to Russia and finally settled in Muscovy in 1647 where he joined some other Scottish officers of note including Alex­ ander Crawford, Alexander H am ilton and M ungo Carm ichael.4^ As non-O rthodox residents, the officers had to live apart, on very dis­ tant estates, and could only come to Moscow when called upon to do so.49 T heir opportunities for networking were thus limited. Such isolation clearly got to some o f them, and the same year as Leslie, Michael M enteith was rewarded for his conversion to O rthodoxy and ‘suffering imprisonment with the Turks’.50 A num ber of other Scots (male and female) followed suit in converting to Orthodoxy, including Peter Learm onth, Jo h n Lewis Menzies and (Miss) Frances Rose.51 Russia was certainly not alone in officially insisting on adher­ ence to the national church. T he same was true in the Lutheran Scandinavian kingdoms, in numerous individual cities and towns and in many areas under the control of the Rom an Catholic Church. Nonetheless, in each of these areas, Scots m anaged to establish net­ works that proved of benefit in relation to the m aintenance of their own confession of faith, whichever one it happened to be.

Catholic Networks in the North T h e overthrow of the Rom an Catholic C hurch in Scotland led to the departure of several waves of confessional exiles, both clergy and nobility, between 1560 and the later eighteenth century. T he m ajor­ ity of Scottish Catholics went to the strongly sympathetic countries like France, Portugal and the numerous territorial possessions of the House o f H absburg.52 Throughout the sixteenth to eighteenth cen­ turies Scottish Catholics would send their children abroad for study,

47 P. Dukes, ‘Alexander Leslie and the Smolensk War, 1632-4’ in Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Tears’ War, 173-187. w SRA, Diplomatica, Muscovitica 39. Dispatches from the Swedish Resident, Karl Anders Pommerenning to Queen Christina, 1647-1651. 49 See for example SRA Diplomatica, Muscovitica 39. Karl Anders Pommerenning to Queen Christina, 26 July 1650. 50 Fedosov, The Caledonian Connection, 83. 51 Fedosov, The Caledonian Connection, 67, 83 and 100. 52 W. Forbes Leith, ed., Memoirs of Scottish Catholics during the XVIIth and XVlIlth Centuries (2 vols., London: 1909), passim.

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service or religious training.53 T he old Scots College at Paris hosted some of these exiles while new colleges were formed at Douai, M adrid and Rom e to train missionaries to work in Scotland.54 They were quick to use their foreign bases to attack the reformers in general and Jo h n Knox in particular— men such as Ninian Winzet, Jo h n H am ilton and the convert Nicol Bume.55 T hough many Catholics headed into southern Europe, others sought refuge in the north, most notably Poland-Lithuania and Germ any.56 Robert Abercrombie left Scotland in 1562 with a num ber of friends in the company of the Jesuit, Edm und Hay, to whom he may have been related.57 After he himself entered the Society of Jesus in Rome in 1563, he moved to the newly founded Jesuit College at Braunsberg (East Prussia) two years later eventually serving as an advisor to the rector.58 From its inception, Braunsberg was popularly regarded as ‘the Swedish Sem inary’ enjoying some royal patronage from Jo h an III 51 For instance, Sir James Hamilton chose to send his daughter to the Benedictine monastery in Landsberg and his son into service with the Duke of Bavaria. See Phillip Skippon, ‘An account of a journey made thro’ part of the Low-Countries, Germany, Italy and France (1663)’, in A COLLECTION of Voyages and Travels, some Now first Printed from Original Manuscripts, others Now first Published in English. In SIX VOLUMES (London: 1746), VI, 469 -471. Skippon notes the nuns were called ‘the galloping nuns’ as they often travelled abroad. 54 J.H . Burton, The Scot Abroad (Edinburgh: 1864), 190-198; YV. Forbes Leith, et al., eds., Records of the Scots Colleges at Douai, Rome, Madrid, Valladolid and Ratisbon (2 vols., Aberdeen: 1906); Anson, Underground Catholicism, 7; Worthington, Scots in Habsburg Service, 19 32. 5i Winzet fled to Antwerp before becoming Abbot of Ratisbon between 1577-1592. Father Hamilton fled to France and attacked Knox from his French base. Both men not only attacked the reformer’s faith but also Knox’s use of the English rather than the Scots language. See Ninian Winzet to John Knox, Antwerp, 27 October 1563, reproduced in G. Bruce and P.H. Scott, eds., A Scottish Postbag: Eight centuries of Scottish letters (Edinburgh: 1986), 11; Fisher, The Scots in Germany, 143-145, 289; Burton, The Scot Abroad, 190-192; Anson, Underground Catholicism, 18; Ross, Scottish Blackfiiars, 4. 56 Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation, II. Thomas Innes on Catholicism in Scotland’, 115; R.I. Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’ in Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Tears' War, 200. 57 Maclean, The Counter Reformation in Scotland, 30; Oxford DNB. 38 Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation’, I, 28. Anderson notes the relatives Abercrombie maintained at Court after he departed and that ‘Kinship was important to Father Abercrombie, perhaps excessively, and it is not easy for us now to try to discover what was his precise kinship to the Hay family’. Abercrombie’s departure is variously reported by, among others, Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, 513; Steuart, Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, xv; Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 47-8; Bieganska, ‘The learned Scots in Poland’, 7-8; G.M. Murphy, ‘Robert Abercrombie, SJ (1536-1613) and the Baltic Counter Reformation’ in Innes Review, 50 (1999), 58-75; Oxford DNB.

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o f Sweden.59 But Scots too arrived in significant num bers.60 T he rea­ son for this relates to the Scottish infrastructure in the region of the college. Patrick G ordon ‘being unwilling, because of my dissenting in religion, to go to the university in Scotland’ sought out the col­ lege in 1652 specifically because of the support network of Scottish priests there including Father Alexander Michael Menzies, Father R obert Blackhall and a host o f Scottish merchants in the surround­ ing towns.61 Students and priests alike built and maintained a panEuropean Catholic network. Abercrombie makes this quite explicit in his Report of 1580 which is replete with references to the various points o f contact he had in Scodand, France, Spain, Rom e and within the Holy Roman Empire. Among his contacts he even included King Jam es o f Scodand, o f whom he said ‘I can arrange for anything to be given’.62 Num erous Braunsberg students returned to Scodand where they served as priests.63 They operated using their family net­ works both at hom e in Scotland and abroad. Father Abercrombie recorded that the ‘heretic’ chancellor of Scodand, Alexander Hay, assisted Father Jo h n Hay in Scotland when he fell foul of the author­ ities in 1579.64 T he Jesuits, Benedictines, Franciscans (Greyfriars), Augustinians and others all used their European base to send monks and priests into Scotland throughout the century, and inevitably employed similar networks o f kin and confession to survive.65 Scodand aside, Braunsberg also rem ained a pivotal point in link­ ing Catholics in northern and southern Europe. T he student Andrew Jack moved on to V ienna to continue his studies in 1582.66 Father

59 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, I, 175-176, 178. 60 Numbers vary depending on the source consulted. Compare Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 298-299; Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 48; Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, I, 189. 61 Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, 5-7. 62 Abercrombie’s ‘Report’ in Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation’, 27-59. 63 Fischer, Scots in Germany, 299, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’. 64 Abercrombie’s ‘Report’ in Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation’, 38. The resort to kith and kin was emulated by successive generations of Jesuits like William Murdoch. See Durkan, ‘William Murdoch’, 2-9. 65 For the various Catholic orders participating in Scottish missions see Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation, II. Thomas Innes on Catholicism in Scotland’ in The Innes Review, vol. 7, 2 (1956), 120-121. 66 Fischer, Scots in Germany, 298, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’.

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Abercrombie sent Patrick Stichell (a student) to Rom e as his agent in 1606 after which he returned to enter the Society o f Jesus the following year.67 Fellow scholars Jam es, Jo h n and Andrew Leslie with Robert Garioch all headed on to Rom e between 1608-1617.68 T he Aberdonian convert, Thom as Chalm er (Camerarius), followed in 1625 to continue his studies in Rom e (and brought his son with him).69 Students like Partrick Gordon, who continually moved across Prussia, Poland-Lithuania and Russia, was several times back in Scotland and was indicative o f his tim e.70 Those Scottish Catholics moving out o f Baltic, Prussian or Polish-Lithuanian bases were constantly reinforced or replaced by other Scots moving in. For instance, Abercrombie was joined in the Polish-Lithuanian Comm onwealth by fellow Jesuits continentally trained, such as Jo h n H ay and William Ogilvie.71 H ay gave the opening address at the inauguration of Vilnius Academy in Lithuania in 1579 while Ogilvie lectured in Posen in the 1580s.72 T he Douai educated scholars Thom as Reid (Rhaedus) and Father Jo h n M ackbreck operated in Danzig and Poland between the 1620s and 1640s respectively.73 From their bases in the north they were constantly in touch with France and Rome. Father Anthony Gray (Antonious Graius) completed his education in Ratisbon in 1641 and moved to Poland, dying there in 1695.74 In Sweden too, where Catholicism was gradually replaced by the Lutheran confession after the 1520s, there remained a Catholic con­ gregation supported by various Catholic missions.75 T here were some successful conversions to Catholicism in the ‘Protestant N orth’, not least Q ueen Christina o f Sweden as well as Duke Jo h an Friedrich

67 Durkan, ‘William Murdoch’, 9; Fischer, Scots in Germany, 299, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’. 68 Fischer, Scots in Germany, 299, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’, 299. b9 Leith, Records of the Scots Colleges, I, 10, 109; Fischer, Scots in Germany, 299, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’. 70 Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, passim. 71 Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 48-9; Biegariska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 9-10. Hay had been commanded to leave Scotland, and his brother had provided a caution of £1000 that John would indeed leave. 72 Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 7-8; Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 49. 73 Leith, Records of the Scots Colleges, I, 10-11, 109. 74 Leith, Records of the Scots Colleges, I, 263. 75 For a comprehensive study of attempts at a Scandinavian Counter-reforma­ tion see Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinai’ia, I and II, passim.

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o f Braunschweig-Liineburg (both in the 1650s).76 Among the Scots in Scandinavia we also find Catholic converts like Jam es H unter (Jacob Petri Hunterus).77 After moving to Paris where he converted to Catholicism, he worked in V ienna in 1627 and became a secre­ tary in the Imperial Electoral College and received an appointment to the Diet in Ratisbon but was fired by Ferdinand II in 1630 due to his Swedish birth.78 He returned to Scandinavia, a Catholic with an anti-H absburg agenda, which he revealed through his satirical Epistolae Miscellanae (1631).79 Another foreign-born Lutheran convert to Catholicism was David Leyel (Lyall) in Denmark. Not only did he become one o f the few ‘D anes’ who were ‘induced to abjure their Lutheran faith’, he also became the private secretary to Bem adino Rebolledo, Spanish am bassador to Copenhagen in the 1650s.80 H e too remained in Scandinavia, adding to the small but not insignificant Catholic network in the region. Given the m aintenance of small Catholic communities, ongoing conversions and the success of Jesuit missions in Scandinavia, it is therefore less surprising that some Scottish Rom an Catholics found new homes in the northern kingdoms, particularly where they might be able to utilise their additional networks of kith, kin, place or nation to help them survive. From 1563, Sweden started to recruit Scottish soldiers to aid in her various conflicts.81 They were sanc­ tioned by the Scottish government, seeing this as a chance to remove potentially troublesome Catholic soldiers from Scotland to a friendly power in the name of military support (thus killing two birds with

7b Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, II, 461, 611-655 and passim. 7' Bom in Uppland of a Scottish father, Hunter studied at Uppsala where he openly disputed with Paulinis Gothus in 1615. He graduated in 1617 and then travelled to Britain to study at both Oxford and Cambridge. See SRA, AOSB, Skrivelser till Axel Oxenstiema July 1619-September 1620 (4); C.V. Jacobowsky, ‘Svenska studenter i Oxford c. 1620-1740’ in Personhistorisk Tidskrijt, vol. 28 (1927), 122; N. Bohman, et al., eds., Svenska Man och Kvinnor: Biografisk Uppslagsbok (8 vols., Stockholm: 1942-1955), III, 559-560; S. Goransson, Ortodoxi och Synkretism i Sverige, 1647-1660 (Uppsala: 1950), 33, 53. 78 This was in reaction to Sweden’s entry into the Thirty Years’ War. Throughout his appointment in Vienna he kept up communication with Ture Nilsson Bielke thus maintaining his connections with Sweden. SRA, Brev till Ture Nilsson Bielke, VII, 1626-1628. 79 Svenska Man och Kvinnor, III, 559-560. 80 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation, II, 460. Hl An account of the Scots in Stockholm in this period can be found in Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 15-18, 139-145.

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one stone).82 Sir Andrew Keith, who entered Swedish service in or before 1568 and became captain of a troop of Scottish horse, is a typical exam ple.83 Several o f the mem bers o f his unit were also Catholic exiles like Jam es Neave (Jacob N ä f), ex-page to Johan III. Through military service he was appointed governor of V ästm anland and Dalecarlia in 1583.84 Thus several prom inent Catholic Scottish exiles had m anaged to establish themselves in Lutheran Sweden despite maintaining confessional affiliations that should have excluded them. Further, there is evidence that that Scottish Catholics in Sweden had contacts with the Jesuits in Braunsberg. As early as 1580, Father Abercrombie noted that there were several points in the north that could be utilised for Jesuit missions to Scotland: Königsberg and Danzig in Prussia with Reinberg and Colberg in Pomerania. He tellingly added ‘It is possible to start from Sweden, the voyage is easy. Scots suspect no evil from all these places and countries’.85 T he question is, of course, how did he know? Either he had been there himself or he m aintained contacts with people in (or visitors to) the country who were in a position to inform him— people like Keith or Neave. Certainly m any Swedes studied at Braunsberg, but also Scots with Swedish connections. Jam es Leslie, Scotus, m atriculated in Braunsberg in 1608 and is sometimes attributed with Swedish nation­ ality, which Oskar Garstein ascribes to the fact that he arrived with ‘a batch of Swedish students and his nationality must have been con­ fused with theirs’.86 Crucially, he remained familiar enough with the Swedes to be thought o f as one of them before going on to become a Jesuit priest in Rom e.87

82 This was a tactic used throughout the early modem period, particularly by the removal of large numbers of Scottish Catholics to France. For example see M. Glozier, ‘Scots in the French and Dutch Armies during the Thirty Years’ W ar’ in Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Years' War, 122-124. 83 Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 18. M B. Schlegel and C.A. Klingspor, Den med skoldebrefforlanade men ej a Riddarhuset introducerad Svenska Adelns Attar-tqflor (Stockholm: 1875), 201; Berg and Lagercrantz, Scots in Sweden, 18; Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 67; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 19. 85 Abercrombie’s ‘Report’ in Anderson, ‘Narratives of the Scottish Reformation’, 33. 86 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation tn Scandinavia, I, 283; Fischer, Scots in Germany, 299, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’. 87 Fischer, Scots in Germany, 299, ‘List of Scottish Pupils at the Jesuit Seminary of Braunsberg’.

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So long as the Swedish throne rem ained uncontested, and the Scottish Catholics kept their worship private, they were left relatively unmolested. However, Keith and Neave were avid supporters of the legitimate (but Catholic) king o f Sweden, Sigismund III Vasa (15921599) who arrived in the country from Poland to claim his throne in 1593.88 Keith was not only Catholic, but also served as one of Sigismund’s court councillors. In August 1595 a local Stockholm pas­ tor approached the city court to request that locks be placed on K eith’s house as it was being used to hold Catholic masses after Sigismund approved its conversion into a chapel.89 W ith growing anti-Catholic sentim ent in Sweden, Duke K arl of Soderm anland ousted his nephew to claim the Swedish throne and become Karl IX during the Swedish Civil W ar (1598).90 As a Sigismund supporter, N eave’s property was confiscated by Karl and, while subsequently proclaiming the banishm ent of ‘Duke K arl’ in 1598, he was m ur­ d ered .91 K eith m anaged to escape to Poland in the retinue of Sigismund. Nonetheless, post-1598, it is clear that the links between the various supporters o f the different Vasa monarchs in Sweden and Poland were complicated by contesting dynastic, kin and con­ fessional loyalties that linked many exiled Scottish families across the Baltic Sea. This was evidenced by the return to Sweden within only a few years of Andrew Keith (the younger) to successfully claim the family inheritance, while N eave’s daughter M aria m arried Jo h an Skytte, tutor to Gustav II Adolf.92 It was this king who possibly brought more Rom an Catholics into Sweden’s sphere of influence than any other since the Reformation, with num erous Scots am ong them.

88 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, I, 171. 89 It was long known as ‘Papisthuset’ (the Papist house) and still stands today, no. 27 on Baggensgatan (now no. 28 Osterlanggatan), with the arms of Keith and his wife, Elisabeth Grip, above the door. 90 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, I, xxix-xxx, 171-172; R.I. Frost, The Northern Wars, 1558-1721 (Harlow: 2000), 45-46; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 21. 91 Berg and Lagercrantz, Scots in Sweden, 18. 92 Andrew Keith younger may be the same man who later served in the Polish army during the Swedish-Polish hostilities of 1620. See R. Frost, ‘Scottish soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’ in Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Tears’ War, 207; For Maria Neave see SRA, Depositio Skytteana A:5, E5412; T. Berg, Johan Skytte (Stockholm: 1920), 112-3; Berg and Lagercranz, Scots in Sweden (Stockholm: 1962), 18.

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Sweden’s ceaseless wars relied heavily on foreign military support. As Alexia Grosjean has dem onstrated, Scodand proved to be one o f Sweden’s staunchest allies between 1569-1654.93 Despite residual memories of Keith and Neave, Catholic troops arrived from the ear­ liest part of Gustav II Adolf’s reign, among the first being Sir Andrew Gray in 1612.94 A trickle were included among those soldiers recruited to fight in Poland and Russia, while many arrived during the 1630— 1648 period o f the Thirty Years’ W ar. As Robert Frost has pointed out, historians often focus on ‘the actions and motivations of those who directed armies, not those who fought in them ’.95 In the case of Scots going to war between 1618-1648, the motivation was often defence o f the integrity o f the House of Stuart which outweighed confessional loyalty. It cannot be overlooked that leading Scottish Catholics, such as Sir Andrew Gray, Robert Maxwell Earl of Nithsdale, Sir Jo h n H ep b u rn and Sir J o h n H enderson served as principal recruiters and com m anders for the ‘Protestant’ armies of Bohemia, Denmark-Norway and Sweden respectively.96 Despite their Catholicism, Jam es and Jo h n H epburn went on to com m and significant military formations in Swedish service like the famous Green Brigade.97 Even once H epburn had left for French service after an alleged snub to his pride and attack on his Catholicism by Gustav II Adolf, many o f his fellow Catholics rem ained on in service— most notably per­

93 Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, passim. 94 KRA, Muster Roll, 1612/13; SRA, Anglica, V. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 20 April 1620 and 3 November 1622; SRA, Anglica, V. James Spens to Gustav II Adolf, undated, 1620. 95 R. Frost, ‘Confessionalization in the army in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth 1550-1667’ in J. Bahlicke and A. Strohmeyer, eds., Konfessionalisieunmg in Ostmittelcuropa (Stuttgart: 1999), 143. % Nithsdale’s Catholicism featured in Charles’s correspondence to Denmark. DRA, TK.UA England A I 3. Charles I to Christian IV, 8 February 1627; C. Rogers, ed., The Earl of Stirling's Register of Royal Letters (Edinburgh: 1885) 130. Charles I to Sir Robert Anstruther, 8th February 1627. Charles I told Christian IV about Nithsdale’s Catholicism and instructed Anstruther to vouch for Nithsdale’s loyalty; ‘Although he is addicted to the Romish religion, yit in regard of the proof we have had of his sufficiencie and affecuon to our service, yow shall answer for his fidelitie in our name’. For these and other Scottish Catholics serving 1618-1648 see Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Tears' War, passim. 97 Monro, His Expedition, II, List of the Scottish Officers in Chief and 75; KRA, Muster Roll, 1626/8,11; 1627/4,5,7,8,12 14; 1628/4-10,13; MR 1628/9,10,12-15; 1629/5 10,14,16,18 -20; 1630/22-26,28-31,33; 1631/12-17,19-21; 1632/10-21; 1633/11 —18; RAOSB, IV, 156; J. Grant, Memoirs and Adventures of Sir John Hepbum (Edinburgh: 1851), 205-211; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 66, 77, 87-88, 94, 96.

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haps William G unn.98 In 1634, with a force of 800 foot and 200 horse, he surprised an Imperial force at Reutta. He took all the officers prisoner and put the horsemen to the sword. These were Catholic troops, but their shared faith with G unn did not save them.99 At the end o f July 1637 Patrick Ruthven recommended G unn, then noted as lieutenant colonel, to be prom oted major-general of the British troops.100 This annoyed General Baner who described Colonel G unn as ‘an arch Catholic, on whom there is no reliance’.101 T hat was a harsh critique of such a dedicated officer, but G unn contin­ ued to com m and his regiment. O f particular interest in relation to networks is the fact that the Scottish Catholic soldiers did not find themselves in individual or confessional isolation. They were integrated into units com m anded by their countrymen for sure; but Rom e herself took an interest in their welfare. Garstein observed that on 8 July 1630, Congregation de Propaganda Fide decided to dispatch the Scottish priest Chrisitius (Father William Christie) to Sweden with the mission, perhaps, of contacting the Scottish soldiers in Swedish service.102 He would have found numerous family m embers with whom he may have made contact, some four officers by the name of Christie serving in 1630 and many more common soldiery.103 In addition, he may have gleaned

98 For the alleged insult and other reasons for his discontent see Grant, Memoirs and Adventures of Sir John Hepburn, 190; Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 75. For Gunn see Anon., A very exact Relation of the proceeding of Gustavus Home, in the yeare 1634, till the fatall Batell of Norlmgen, written (by an eye-witnesse) to his friend in England from Francfort upon the Mayne, the 10/20 September, 1634. Published in Anon., The Modem History of the World. Or An Historical Relation of the most memorable passages in Germany, and else­ where, since the beginning of this present Yeere 1635 (London: 1635), A2-A5; Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 112; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 66. 99 Anon. A very exact Relation, A1-A2. 100 RAOSB, IX, 389-390, Patrick Ruthven to Axel Oxenstiema, 28 July 1637. 101 Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 266; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 66, 96, 97. 102 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, II, 297-298. Garstein here has speculated that Chrisitius is Christie. There is only one Jesuit priest of that name found in the registers of the various Scots colleges alive at that time. Father William Christie was a Scottish Jesuit trained at Douai in 1612 who later went on to serve as Rector of the Rome Seminary (1644-1646) and twice as Rector of Douai College (1650-1653 and 1656-1665). He Latinised his name variously as Christius and Chrystius. See Leith, Records of the Scots Colleges, I, 13, 39-42, 46, 96 and 190. 103 Among the officers alone he might have known about ‘Auditor’ George Christie, KRA, Muster Roll, 1630/26; Lieutenant Robert Christie, Swedish KRA, Muster Roll, 1628/6-15; 1629/5-10, 12,14; 1630/23; 1632/14-21; 1633/11-15; Lieutenant Richard Christie, KRA, Muster Roll, 1628 (James Ramsay’s Scottish regiment);

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information from Father Jam es Leslie then living in Rom e. M ore importantly, perhaps, was the fact that some of the soldiers left behind relatives in Sweden after they themselves had departed. Lady Ja n e Ruthven, the daughter of General Patrick Ruthven and Jan e H en­ derson, had strong Catholic sympathies through her m other and uncle, G eneral Jo h n H enderson.104 W hen Henderson (then a colonel) left Sweden for Imperial service he maintained contact with his family in Stockholm. Among these was Q ueen Christina’s ‘Lady in W aiting’, Lady Jan e R uthven.105 H er proximity to the Q ueen during the time o f her conversion in the 1650s is surely worthy of our attention. In Russia too, the hold o f the O rthodox C hurch was not so com ­ plete as often stated. As noted above, many Scots were tem pted to convert to O rthodoxy in a bid to gain naturalisation or some other civic right. However, from 1661 onwards a group of Scottish Catholics in Russian service were determ ined to ensure that not only they did not have to convert, but that they could actually openly embrace their own Catholic confession of faith. T he Douai educated Scot, Paul Menzies of A berdeen enlisted in Russian service in 1661 with Patrick G ordon, the m an who would go on to become the famous general.106 After undertaking several notable diplomatic missions for the Russians in G erm any, Menzies became the first foreign tutor to the young tsarevich, the future ‘Peter the G reat’. Importantly, M en­ zies was charged with a papal delegation, the Russians using Menzies’ Catholicism to their own advantage, but in doing so exhibiting a

1633/23,24; 1635/33- 36; 1636/18-22; 1640/18 or Lieutenant G. Christie, noted in Fischer, The Scots in Siveden, 219. 104 Monro, His Expedition, II, ‘List of the Scottish Officers in Chief’; Anon. The Swedish Intelligencer: The Third Part (London: 1633), 151, 169; Murdoch, Britain, DenmarkJiorway and the House of Stuart, 121-129; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 214, 226, 250; Worthington, Scots in Habsburg Service, 155, 159, 171-177, 204, 222-224, 274, 284; Oxford DNB. 105 NAS, Messers Hope, Todd and Kirk, VVS Papers, GD 246/box 26/bundle 5/19. Letters and Papers of Lt. General Sir Patrick Ruthven inc. one from Lady Jane Ruthven (his daughter) dated Stockholm, 15 January 1652; Svenska Man och Kvinnor, VI, 416; G.E. Cockayne, The Complete Peerage (London: 1912), II, 299; G. Masson, Queen Christina (London, 1968), 198. Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 215-216. 1(16 For Menzies at Douai see Leith, Records of the Scots Colleges, I, 38. He matric­ ulated on 20 June 1647; For Gordon’s Jesuit training see Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, 7-8; P. Dukes, ‘Paul Menzies and his Mission from Muscovy to Rome, 1672-1674’ in The Innes Review, vol. XXXV, 2 (1984), 88: Barnhill and Dukes, ‘North-east Scots in Muscovy’, 49-63.

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great deal o f trust in an unconverted foreigner.107 T he cause was the arrival o f the arm y of Sultan M oham m ed IV and the Russian desire to secure support from all Christian nations. It made perfect sense for them to send a Catholic to the Pope, particularly one with a Jesuit education. T he mission was successful in as much as positive dialogue between Moscow and Rome was established. But the real benefit was for those Catholics in Russian service. T he Scottish Catholics felt that through diplom atic service and m ilitary cam ­ paigning for the Russians they had built up enough credit with the T sar to take a risk. In 1684, Patrick G ordon and Paul Menzies signed a petition hoping to secure the opening of the first Rom an Catholic congregation in Russia. O ther signatories included Colonel Alexander Livingston, a veteran o f Russian service since the mid 1660s.108 They were successful, and for the first time since the schism between Rom e and Orthodoxy, a Rom an Catholic church was built and m aintained in Moscow through the diligence of the Scottish mil­ itary community. Although the Catholic Church failed to re-estab­ lish itself in Scotland in the seventeenth century, Scottish Rom an Catholics did their bit to ensure the Church was established in new territories in the ‘hostile’ North.

Episcopalians in the North T he Church o f Scotland was Episcopal for the majority of the period between 1560-1689. Whenever Episcopacy was overturned in Scotland (1640 and 1690), the first point of refuge was England. This was the case after the establishment of Presbyterian church government in 1690 which saw a significant Episcopal exodus south of over 100 clergy and even more o f their supporters.11)9 From their bases in

107 Dukes, ‘Paul Menzies and his Mission from Muscovy to Rome’, 88 95. 108 Fedosov, The Caledonian Connection, 71. Other possible supporters would have included the likes of David Graham, Baron Morphie. A staunch Roman Catholic, he came to Russia in 1679 to ‘see his kinsmen and friends’ Paul Menzies, Patrick Gordon, and Colonel Hamilton. In 1682 after repeated petitions he was accepted by the Tsar as a major general and campaigned with the Russian army until the 1690s. See Barnhill and Dukes, ‘North-east Scots in Muscovy’, 49-63. 109 There were two main types of Episcopalian refugee: those who believed whole­ heartedly in the Scottish Episcopal Church and wanted it restored under William and Mary and those who wanted William and Mary removed and James VII restored. The first were the Jurors who became Anglican, the second were the non-

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England, many Episcopalians sniped at their Presbyterian opponents while some found places in churches in England.110 For example, Rev. David Kinloch became rector of St Stephen’s Church in Bristol.111 O thers, like Jam es and Robert G ordon arrived and preached in var­ ious churches but found the differences between Scottish Episcopalianism and Anglicanism too hard to reconcile, Robert G ordon preferring to work as a chaplain in the Royal Navy.112 But these m en were really retracing the steps of an earlier Episcopal m igra­ tion south. From M ay 1639 onwards, many Episcopalians fled Scotland and sought refuge in England after the outbreak o f the Bishops’ W ars. These included Bishop Adam Bellenden of A berdeen, Sir Thom as U rquhart o f Crom arty and the Rev. Alexander W hite.113 M any Scottish Episcopalians rem ained in England as long as they could, and some found employment where they became firmly aligned with the Anglican Church. Indeed, White even adopted the epithet Anglicanae Ecclesiae thereafter.114 T he fortunes of the Royalist party in Jurors who remained Episcopalian. The affiliation of the individual could be deci­ sive as to whether there could be any integration into the sister Anglican Church in England, the latter institution largely supporting William and Mary. 110 See for example William Strachan, Some remarks upon a late pamphlet, entituled, An answer to the Scots Presbyterian eloquence wherein the innocency of the Episcopal clergy is vindicated, and the constitution and government of our Church of Scotland defended, against the lies and calumnies of the Presbyterian pamphleteers (London: 1694); John Sage, The funda­ mental charter of Presbytery as it hath been lately established in the kingdom of Scotland exam­ in'd and disprov'd by the history, records, and publick transactions of our nation: together with a preface, wherein the vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his habitual infirmities (I-ondon: 1695). 1 heard Mr Alasdair Raffe, University of Edinburgh, give a very interesting paper on the subject of ‘Anti-Presbyterian Myth-Making’ at his home university in November 2004. I thank him for discussing these migrants with me after that paper. 111 Edinburgh Commissary Court, CC 8/8/81 ‘Will of Mr John Kinloch’, 1January 1701. 112 For James and Patrick Gordon see G.D. Henderson and H.H. Porter, eds., James Gordon’s Diary, 1692 1710 (Aberdeen: 1949), passim. 113 Others in Bishop Bellenden’s retinue included his nephew, Mr John Bellenden, John Blackwood, Mr Alexander Innes, Mr Alexander Scrogie ‘and sum vtheris’. See J. Spalding, Memonalls of the Trubles in Scotland and in England (2 vols., Aberdeen: 1850), I, 192; R.D.S. Jack and R.J. Lyall, eds., Sir Ihomas Urquhart of Cromarty: The Jewel (Edinburgh: 1983), 5; Alexander White either left separately or is one of the ‘vtheris’ mentioned by Spalding. For his escape see SRA, AOSB, E748. Alexander White to Axel Oxenstiema, n.d., but post 1650. From its contents, the date of this letter can be placed as having been written somewhere between the Treaty of Breda (1650) and the Batde of Worcester (1651). 1,4 However, this term could also mean something else as evidenced by Robert Durie when he matriculated at Leiden on 27 April 1610. He used it to denote his engagement with the English Reformed Church in Middleburg and was certainly no Episcopalian. See Album studiosorum academiae Lugduno Batavae (Hague, 1875), 1610; Drummond, The Kirk and the Continent, 65-66.

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England and Ireland led many displaced Scottish Episcopalians to m igrate once more, this tíme to the continent. Alexander White fled to the Dutch Republic while Andrew Gordon (Andreas Gordius), a Scottish ‘pastor’, was even recorded in Moscow seeking sanctuary in the very pro-Stuart Muscovite territories.113 Alexander W hite moved from England to the D utch Republic and thereafter applied for asy­ lum in Sweden, asking Chancellor O xenstiem a for a position teach­ ing philosophy, theology and a small stipend.116 Michael Roberts noted the lack of active persecution against non-Lutheran Protestants in Sweden in the early m odem period.117 White probably knew this. At least from the tone o f his letter to Axel O xenstiem a, he knew his status as an Episcopal minister would be no bar to his residency despite hostility from the Lutheran clergy. We also know from the arrival of an Anglican archbishop that O xenstiem a was not totally unsympathetic to Episcopalians or Anglicans coming to Sweden. Archibald H am ilton was Anglican Archbishop of Cashel and Emly for many years before the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion in 1641.118 H e and his family were forced to flee Cashel, and rem ained several years in the D utch R epublic before m oving on about 1648.119 Thereafter, Ham ilton m igrated to Sweden where he maintained a correspondence circle and friendship with members of the Swedish

115 A.G. Cross, By the Banks of the Neva (Cambridge: 1997), 92. For Russia’s strong stance after the execution of Charles I and continued support for Charles II see PRO SP91/3 f.77-79. ‘The humble remonstrance of John Hebdon, 16 March 1660’; L. Leowenson, ‘Did Russia intervene after the execution of Charles I’, in Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XVIII (1940 41), 15; Murdoch, Britain, DenmarkNorway and the House of Stuart, 145, 165. 116 SRA, AOSB, E748. Alexander White to Axel Oxenstiema, n.d. He probably had a sponsor in John Durie, a friend of Oxenstiema and a man whom White would have known from the 1640s when both worked for the Royal household. See chapter 8 below. 117 M. Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus: A History of Sweden, 1611-1632 (2 vols., London: 1953-1958), I, 370. 118 For a biographical analysis of this man see Lt. Colonel George Hamilton, A History of the House of Hamilton (Edinburgh: 1933), 251. S. Murdoch, ‘The Scots in Ulster in the seventeenth century: A Scandinavian perspective’ in W. Kelly and J.R . Young, eds., Ulster and Scotland, 1600-2000: History, Language and Identity (Dublin: 2004), 88-90. 119 Hamilton applied to gain a teaching post at Leiden University, which was rejected on 3 December 1647, although the academic board agreed to give him 600 FI. for his upkeep. J.A. Worp, ed., De Briejwisseling van Constantijn Huygens, vol. Ill, 1640-44 (The Hague: 1914), 368; P.C. Molhuysen, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der leidsche unuiersiteit (’S Gravenhage: 1918), III, 9.

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nobility including Axel Oxenstiema, the future king Karl Gustav, Jo h a n Casimir and Gabriel de la G ardie.120 From a letter of Axel O xenstiem a we discern that Ham ilton had his wife and son and a retinue o f about seven people with him .121 It is unclear if Alexander W hite was part o f the retinue, but that Ham ilton travelled with an Episcopalian clique soon after W hite’s appeal to Oxenstiem a is cer­ tain. T he Scottish archbishop and his followers were to be consid­ ered guests and allowed to settle on Kungsberg just outside Stockholm. Despite accusations from some of his countrymen of contemplating conversion to Lutheranism due to his frequent attendance at local services, Ham ilton strongly denied this pointing out that he was, and would remain, a Calvinist ‘refusing to join the fleet of a foreign reli­ gion’ or em brace ‘Heterodoxy which I do not accept’.122 T he jibes from his countrym en also suggest a num ber of Episcopalians in Sweden who rem ained un-converted, and appalled at the thought that a leading clergyman of theirs like H am ilton ‘going over’. We also know th at beyond his im m ediate clique there were o th er Episcopalians of rank in the country including a Professor Ham ilton and Colonel William Barclay, with both of whom it is clear he was in regular contact.123 He did not convert, but he tolerated Lutherans as they tolerated him. Nonetheless, in a very interesting gesture, Ham ilton was buried in Uppsala Cathedral in 1659, in the choir below the altar, in the same tom b as the first Swedish Lutheran archibishop, Laurentius Petri Nericius.124 Through this singular gesture it is apparent that Scottish Episcopalians were tolerated in Swedish Lutheran society far more easily than their Presbyterian countrymen. H am ilton continued to call himself Casselensis after his archbishopric and often spoke of his attempts to return to it through his son Jam es’s 120 SRA, Pergamentsbreven och Johan Casimirs Arkiv in Stegeborgssamlingen. Letter by Archbishop Hamilton, Norrkoping, September 1648; SRA, Carl Gustaf’s Arkiv i Stegeborgssamlingen, undated letter from Hamilton; SRA, Ericsbergsarkivet, Autografsamlingen, vol. 269, letter to Gabriel de la Gardie; SRA, AOSB, E619. Bundle of c. 20 letters in Latin dated 1653-4. 121 Uppsala University Library, E387. Axel Oxenstiema to Hans Jönsson, 10 January 1654. 122 SRA, AOSB, E619. 2x letters Archibald Hamilton to Axel Oxenstiema, c. 1653 and 15 March 1654. In the second letter he states that ‘I happen to be among the devotees of Calvin [but that] some of Calvin’s followers are far removed from the mind of Calvin’. 123 SRA, AOSB, E619. Archibald Hamilton to Axel Oxenstiema, c. 1653. 124 F. Wemer and J.H . Schröder, Upsala Domkyrka med dess märkvärdigheter (Stockholm: 1826), 20.

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negotiations with the Cromwellian regime.125 This was not a man in hiding, as his frequent attendance at church confirms. H ad Hamilton survived to 1660 he might well have returned to Britain or Ireland to resume his work for the Anglican-Episcopalian establishment. However, the return to that form of church govern­ m ent led to perhaps the most famous of the seventeenth century exoduses from Scodand— that of the hard-core of Scottish Covenanters who fled to the continent, particularly the Dutch Republic between 1662-1689.

Presbyterians T he movement o f Scots Presbyterians abroad can be traced to the very earliest controversies in the Scottish C hurch after 1560. Despite claims to the contrary by Michael Lynch, Scots were very much gal­ vanised in their Protestantism through their involvement in the con­ tinental ‘W ars o f R eligion’.126 Confessional m otivation has been highlighted as a reason for military service in Sweden as early as the 1560s.127 Similarly, those Scottish regiments that arrived in the fledgling Dutch Republic did so long before their English counter­ parts, and rem ained there long after their southern cousins had gone.128 Through association with continental Calvinists, by the mid 1570s some o f the Scottish churches abroad were m ore firmly

123 See SRA, AOSB, E619. Archibald Hamilton to Axel Oxenstiema, 9 May 1653. Here Hamilton signs off with ‘Archibaldus Hamilton Casseliae in Hybimia Archib.’ He expresses his hope that he will be allowed to return to his position in Ireland in letters to Oxenstiema dated 1 December 1653, 27 February 1653/54 and June 1654. 126 Lynch, ‘A Nation Bom Again’, 91. For their participation in the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) see the various contributors in Murdoch. Scotland and the Thirty Years War, Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 64 77, 202-225; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 74-108; D. Worthington, The Scots in Habsburg Service, 1618-1648 (Leiden: 2003). 127 Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 22 128 For their involvement with the Dutch in particular see J. Ferguson, ed., Papers illustrating the history of The Scots Brigade in the service of the United Netherlands 1572-1782 (3 vols., Edinburgh: 1899); H. Dunthome, ‘Scots in the Wars of the Low Countries, 1572-1648’ in G.G. Simpson, ed., Scotland and the Low Countries, 1124-1994 (Edin­ burgh: 1996), 104-121; M. Glozier, ‘Scots in the French and Dutch Armies During the Thirty Years’ W ar’, in Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Years' War, 124-139; J . Miggelbrink, ‘The End of the Scots-Dutch Brigade’ in Murdoch and Mackillop, Fighting for Identity, 83-103.

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Presbyterian than the m other Kirk that spawned them. Thus, Patrick G rieg was em ployed as the m inister to 700 Scots in D an zig ’s Presbyterian congregation as early as 1577.129 By 1624, Jo h n Durie had been called to m inister to the m ixed Scottish and English Presbyterian congregation in Elbing.130 Both the home and foreignbased Calvinist communities reinforced each others’ adherence to their confession of faith through constant reaffirmation of the im por­ tance of the one community to the other. This often occurred through direct com m unications from the Scottish Kirk. In 1647 the K irk published An Exhortation o f the Generali Assembly o f the Kirk o f Scotland unto the Scots Merchants and others our Country-people Scattered in Poleland, Swedeland, Denmark, and Hungary.m T he im portance of the overseas Presbyterian supporters cam e to the fore with the restoration o f Episcopal church governm ent in Scotland after 1661. Between 1638-1660, Episcopacy had been all but routed in Scot­ land, having suffered a crushing defeat and an exodus of the cleri­ cal elite which continued for some 20 years. T he bitterness between Presbyterians and Episcopalians re-emerged at the Restoration o f Charles II in 1660.132 Indeed, as R obert Douglas observed at the time, many in Scotland ‘of this new upstart generation have no love to Presbyterial governm ent but are wearied of that yoke, feeding themselves with the fancy o f Episcopacy, or moderate Episcopacy’.133 Through a series o f acts passed in 1661-1662 with little opposition, Charles II restored the bishops and ordered all ministers appointed since 1649 to resign and offer themselves for reinstatement by the lay patrons of their churches.134 Yet not everyone was yet ready to

m Over a century later there was still a Scottish Presbyterian minister in the city, Rev Thomas Burnett serving there in 1692; See Dow, Ministers to the Soldiers of Scotland, 61; Fischer, The Scots in Eastern and Western Prussia, 196. 130 Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 175; Oxford DNB\ SBL, XI, 582. 1,1 An Exhortation of the Generali Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland unto the Scots Merchants and others our Counby-people Scattered tn Poleland, Swedeland, Denmark, and Hungary (Edinburgh: 1647). 132 This period of Scottish church government is covered in W.R. Foster, Bishop and Presbytery: The Church of Scotland, 1661-1688 (London: 1958). 133 R. Wodrow, The History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland (4 vols., Glasgow: 1835), I, 16; Foster, Bishop and Presbytery, 2, 11, 171. 134 See APS, VII, 86-88. ‘The Act Recissory’ and ‘Act concerning Religion and Church Government’ both 1661; /1P5, VII, 370-372. ‘Act for Calling in the Bishops to the Parliament’ and ‘Act for the Restitution and Re-establishment of ancient Government of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops’ both 1662. For the min­ isters in post since 1649 see APS, VII, 376. ‘Act concerning such Benefices and

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conform. At least three parties emerged, two Presbyterian (Resolutioner and Protestor) and one in favour of m oderate Episcopacy.135 Several hundred ministers left their churches in disgust and began to hold open air services called ‘Conventicles’. T he Scottish Episcopal estab­ lishment, through the king’s commissioners, reacted strongly to this disobedience with Royal dragoons violently dispersing conventicle meetings through force of arms such as the suppression of the Pentland Rising of 1666 and backed by strict legislation in 1670 and 1674.136 These were complex times. Fear of co-ordinated risings in Scotland by Covenanters in consort with the Dutch in the various StuartDutch wars of the 1660s and 1670s, produced attempts at limited reconciliation through the various ‘Acts of Indulgence’.137 These failed to placate extreme Covenanters and something akin to a confessional civil war broke out between ‘indulged ministers’ and ‘field-preachers’ operating within the same parish, seeking control of parishioners. The Presbyterian hard-core, who later became known as Cameronians after the exiled preacher R ichard Cam eron, produced documents like ‘T he Queensferry Paper’ and ‘T he Sanquhar D eclaration’ that laid out their visions o f ecclesiastical oligarchy, the signatories of the latter formally renouncing their allegiance to the king.138 T he conflict escalated, and fighting broke out which culminated in the period of Scottish history ingloriously (if erroneously) referred to in many quar­ ters as ‘the Killing Tim es’ o f the 1680s.139 Stipends as have been possest without presentations from the lawfull Patrons’, 1662; Foster, Bishop and Presbytery, 4-5, 13-14. 115 Wodrow, The History of the Sufferings c f the Church of Scotland, I, 16-17; Foster, Bishop and Presbytery, 3. The Presbyterian ‘Resolutioner’ and ‘Protestor’ groupings had been in existence since the Patriotic Accommodation of 1650. For more on the Accommodation see J.R. Young, The Scottish Parliament, 1630-1661: A Political and Constitutional Analysis (Edinburgh: 1996), 262-291. 136 APS, VII, 379. ‘Act against Conventicles’, 1662; APS, VIII, 9-10. ‘Act Against Conventicles’, 1670; RPCS, 3rd series, IV, 197-200. ‘Proclamation obliging Heritors and Masters to keep their dependents from Conventicles’, 18 June 1674. For the Pendand Rising see C.S. Terry, The Pentland Rising and Rullion Green (Glasgow: 1905); R.VV. Munro, ed., Rullion Green in the Pentland Hills: Accounts of the battle by those who fought there, 28th November 1666 (Edinburgh: 1966). 137 RPCS, 3rd series, III, 38-40 and 586-589. Declarations of ‘Indulgence’, 7 June 1669 and 3 September 1672. See also RPCS, 3rd series, IV, 167-168. ‘Proclamation of Indemnity’, 24 March 1674; Foster, Bishop and Presbytery, 6-7. 138 These are reproduced in Dickenson and Donaldson, A Source Book of Scottish History, III, 175-179. 139 The term is used by academics and non-academics alike. See the R.W. Mackenna, Flower o’ the heather: A story of the Killing Times (London: 1922); D. Love, Scottish Covenanter Stories: Tales from the Killing Tunes (Glasgow: 2000); Foster, Bishop

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T he fact that the king’s Catholic brother, Jam es Duke of York, served as Royal Commissioner in Scotland only fanned the flames o f discontent. After failed uprisings under the 9th Earl o f Argyll and the Duke of M onm outh in 1685, the core of a Scottish Presbyterian provisional government formed abroad plotted the king’s demise.140 In the Glorious Revolution in England (1688), Jam es II & VII “abdi­ cated” after only three years and was replaced by his own daugh­ ter and son-in-law, M ary and William of O range, who also served as joint monarchs of Scodand from 1689 after Jam es was deposed.141 Episcopacy was once more overturned and the Presbyterians were again in the driving seat in Scodand. They ensured their status was secured through the 1689 ‘Claim of Right’ and the ‘Act Abolishing Prelacy’ and the 1690 ‘Act Establishing Presbyterian G overnm ent’.142 T he Dutch-based exiles of the Restoration period have received considerable scholarly attention.143 Nonetheless, Presbyterian exiles also moved out from their Dutch base to numerous other destinations including those m entioned in the K irk’s 1647 Exhortation, but also towns across the continent.144 It is hardly surprising to note that some exiles, like Sir D uncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, found tem porary refuge in the Polish-Lithuanian Com m onw ealth.145 T he Lithuanian

and Presbytery, 7-8; E.J. Cowan, ‘The Killing Times’ in Scotland’s Story, 26 (1999), 5-7; A.J. Mann, ‘The Press and Military Conflict in Scotland’ in S. Murdoch and A. Mackillop, eds., Fightingfor Identify: Scottish Military Experience, c. 1550-1900 (Leiden: 2002), 270. 140 Foster, Bishop and Presbytery, 9-10; G. Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community in the Netherlands, 1660-1690 (East Linton: 2004), 178-206 and passim. 141 APS, IX, 43. ‘Proclamation appointing Prayers for William and Mary’, 13 April 1689; Dickinson and Donaldson, A Source Book of Scottish History, III, 208-209. ‘The Oath taken by William and Mary on their acceptance of the Crown of Scotland’, 11 May 1689. 142 APS, IX, 37 and 104. ‘The Claim of Right’ and ‘Act Abolishing Prelacy’, 1 689;^/^’, IX, 133-134. ‘Act Establishing Presbyterian Government’ 7 June 1690; Foster, Bishop and Presbytery, 10. 143 Drummond, The Kirk and the Continent, 99-109; Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community. See also D. Catterall, ‘The Rituals of Reformed Discipline: Managing Honor and Conflict in the Scottish Church of Rotterdam, 1643-1665’ in Archir fur Reformationsgeschichte, vol. 94 (2003), 194-221. 144 As the subject of exiles furth of the Dutch Republic was beyond the remit of Gardner, their presence is noted as an aside rather than establishing the non-Dutch location as a networking point for the exiles or other Presbyterians based there. Frequent mentions of German towns are found in her book, usually in relation to the brothers George and David Melville. See for example Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 83, 88, 91-94, 150, 153 and 187-188. Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 1, 103. Campbell travelled from Poland

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town o f Kedainiai has been described as a centre for ‘the propaga­ tion o f the Reform ation in the G rand Duchy of Lithuania’ due to the conversion of A nna Radziwill to the protestant faith in 1549 and has been noted as an attractive destination for Scots of the Reform ed faith.146 From the 1630s Scottish Calvinists began to arrive there in such num bers that they effectively ran the town from the 1660s onwards, and in doing so they attracted many of the Scottish exiles to their congregation forming a com munity that lasted into the mid­ eighteenth century.147 Another well-disposed city was the N orth Sea port o f Bremen. T h at city supported a Scottish church from the late 1640s with Alexander Petrie serving as minister.148 As a coastal town within a few days’ sail o f Scotland it was an obvious choice o f des­ tination. It also had several particular advantages for the exile com­ m unity. After moving from A m sterdam to Bremen in 1683, the English exile Sir William W aller became governor of the city. He thereafter sought both Englishmen and Scots to settle in the town and have the freedom o f the city. W aller’s second in com m and was the Scot M ajor George Low while one of his financiers was none other than the omnipresent Presbyterian financier, Andrew Russell.149

to Amsterdam and was observed in Utrecht on 7 February 1686 on his way. Where he had been in Poland is not given. 1+6 Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 39; A. Stanaitis, et al., Kedainiai and Environs (Kedainiai: 1998), 14; Frost, ‘Confessionalization and the Army’, 142. 147 S. Nishigawa, ‘Across the Continent: The Protestant network between the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and Kedainiai’ in Kulturu SanJartos (Vilnius: 2000), 296-308; L. Eriksonas, ‘The Lost Colony of Scots: Unravelling Overseas Connections in a Lithuanian Town’ in A.I. Macinnes, T. Riis and F. Pedersen, eds., Ships, Guns and Bibles in the North Sea and Baltic States, c. 1350 1700 (East Linton: 2000), 173-183; R. Zirgulis, ‘The Scottish Community in Kedainiai’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 239-245. I4fi Edinburgh City Archives, Moses 96/4127. ‘Alexander Petrie, Minister of the Scots Church in Bremen’, 1649. I thank David Dobson for providing me with this reference. 149 See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/494. Adam f reer to Andrew Russell, 14 December 1683 (OS). As well as Major George Low, Waller’s British friends in the town included Adam Freer and M r Dyke who, Freer noted was in good health. The DNB notes that Lord Preston, ‘English Ambassador’ (sic) in Paris also recorded that Waller was Governor of Bremen and that protestant exiles gathered around him. The DNB continues that Bremen ‘became the nest of all the persons accused of the last conspiracy i.e. the Rye House Plot. ‘They style Waller, by way of com­ mendation, a second Cromwell’ adds Peston’. Waller returned to England with William of Orange in November 1688. It is said in his DNB article that while in Bremen in the 1680s, Waller wrote the anti-Catholic tract. The tragical histoiy ofjetzer. However the dates of editions ranging from 1679, 1680 and 1683 appear to cast doubt on that claim.

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T he network also operated in H am burg where David Melville, 3rd Earl of Leven, arrived in 1686.150 A refugee in the aftermath of the 1685 Rye House Plot and Argyll uprisings, Leven lodged in the home o f M r Borick Taylor of the English M erchant Adventurers and clearly looked for financial support to Russell.151 T he W aller and Taylor example alerts us again to the folly of merely trying to look for ‘Scottish’ networks rather than simply networks involving Scots, even in the difficult subject area of Scottish confessional networking.152 Scandinavia also played host to Presbyterian refugees, often spread­ ing out from their Dutch base. Jam es Livingston was one of the sons of the Scottish minister and Presbyterian refugee in Rotterdam , J o h n Livingston, brother-in-law o f Andrew Russell. T o make ends meet, Livingstone became a cog in the Russell joint stock company which led to his arrival in D enm ark.153 Livingston was in contact with another part o f the network through Patrick Thom son, m erchant variously o f Norrkoping and Stockholm .154 Also in Sweden were Jam es Thom son, brother o f Patrick, both their families, and small groups of other foreign Calvinists covertly supported by sympathetic Lutheran patrons. M any Calvinist exiles we know were in contact with the Thomsons directly, and certainly with Patrick Thom son in particular. Alexander Davidson in Swedish Riga in 1684 was one. Unlike other corre­ spondence in the Russell collection in Edinburgh, Davidson’s letters indicate more a friendship and religious link rather than any direct business. Indeed, he specifically writes regarding the activities of the representatives of the ‘small society’ of the reformed religion in Riga struggling to gain official recognition from the Swedish king.155 Karl l'v> NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/609. Numerous letters, Lord Leven to Andrew Russell, August-September 1686. K. Zickermann: ‘Briteannia ist mein p a tria Scotsmen and the British Community in Hamburg’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 269-270. 151 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/609. Numerous letters, Lord Leven to Andrew Russell, August-September 1686; Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 92-94. IW For Dutch based examples of co-operation see Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 39, 119-120, 207. Gardner notes though that English exiles grouped around ‘republicanism’ while Scots were more grounded in Presbyterianism. The common feature was opposition to James VII & II. 153 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/387. Letter dated 26 July 1680; Catterall, Community Without Borders, 344-5. IM NAS, Russell Papers, RH 1 5 /106/bundles 139, 147, 569. 574-576, 608-609 663. 724, 772; T.C. Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve oj Union (Edinburgh: 1963), 111-113, 161. See also chapter four. 155 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/532/16-17. Alexander Davidson to Andrew

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X I initially seemed pleased to allow freedom for this ‘society’ within his kingdom (including Riga, Narva and other parts of the Swedish realm), but the Swedish C hurch was totally against it. Davidson claimed the Swedish Church even sent their chancellor to Riga with 3000 rixdaler to bribe those deputies who favoured toleration o f the non-L utheran Protestants.156 W hile the group had to struggle on against such actions, they were joined along the Baltic coast by other Presbyterian friends who were all linked through the person of Andrew Russell. T he Rev. Jam es Broun moved from Scotland with his family to Prussia possibly after a short stay in Rotterdam . T he Danzig Scot, Jam es Adie, wrote to Andrew Russell in 1685 noting his contact with Broun and appealing for Russell to send them more news, par­ ticularly of the afterm ath o f the failed Argyll uprising of that year.157 Broun himself wrote to Russell from Danzig on 2 November 1685 via the ‘honest bearer’, Robert Fleming, with regard to money that Broun was to have from Russell. He asked that Russell could remit it via M r R obert Hog to the Scottish m erchant in Königsberg, M r Andrew M arshall.158 Soon after this was sent, Broun moved to Königs­ berg where he served as a chaplain. In Decem ber 1686, he made contact with the Calvinist exile, the aforementioned Earl of Leven, David Melville, in Berlin. Broun noted his new status of colonel under the Elector of Brandenburg and envoy in Berlin of William of O range.159 Indeed, Leven managed to recruit a regiment of Scottish refugees from those scattered in the various Germ an states and with these he returned hom e with William of O range and garrisoned

Russell, Riga, 25 July and 20 October 1684. The use of the phrase ‘small society’ is suggestive of a Cameronian connection. I!* NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/532/16 17. Alexander Davidson to Andrew Russell, Riga, 25 July and 20 October 1684. 157 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/576. James Adie to Andrew Russell, 6 July 1685. NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/576. James Broun to Andrew Russell, 2 November 1685. It is not clear which of the Robert Flemings is alluded to here, Gardner notes two exiled ministers of that name living in the Dutch Republic (father and son). See Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 33 and passim. 149 NAS, Leven and Melville Papers, GD 26/13/369. James Broun to Earl of Leven, 13 December 1686. He asked that Leven would use his influence to ensure that all Britons could have their privilege to become burgesses of Königsberg renewed. Broun insisted that it should be phrased to ensure that Scots were included as well as Englishmen and that the privilege would apply to future as well as present res­ idents of the city. See also Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 83, 91; Oxford DNB.

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Plymouth for him with his regim ent.160 O ther refugees hoped to fol­ low the soldiers home. O n 24 April 1690, Rev. Broun again wrote to Russell noting that he had received several letters from friends inviting him to return home and he pointed out that he had ‘a strong inclination to it’.161 He wrote to M r Fleming and Russell requesting their advice as to the safest route home and about events in Ireland and the proceedings of the Scottish Parliament. He reit­ erated that he did not w ant to inflict this journey on his family with­ out the best information. Any response was to be directed to M r Thom as Hervey’s house in Königsberg which he looked forward to hearing in about three weeks time. From Broun’s letters we get a good picture of his network. He maintained contacts in Scotland, Sweden, T he D utch Republic and the north G erm an states. He was supported by one of the wealthiest Scottish financiers of the day and aided by em bedded members of the Scottish mercantile and mili­ tary communities as well as transient Scots as and when required. H e could even find support am ong the many Scottish Lutherans living in Scandinavia and the Baltic.

Scottish Lutherans in Scandinavia Whilst the exodus of Scottish Catholic, Episcopalian and Calvinist exiles is expected, given the state of flux that was seventeenth cen­ tury Scottish confessional politics, Scottish Lutherans and their net­ works are hardly known. From the sixteenth century, Scots had also m anaged to penetrate the very fabric of Lutheran society through the process o f conversion and integration. Christian M achabaeus M acAlpine was born in 1541, the son of a Scots Dominican, Jo h n M acAlpine and Agnes M atheson, who settled in Denm ark after Jo h n drifted away from Catholicism in favour of reformed religion.162 After ordination, Christian became canon of the Cathedral of Lund (1567), master in the monastery of Soro (1570) and abbot of the monastery

160 Oxford Dj\B . Ihl NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/710/10. James Broun to Andrew Russell, 28 April 1690. Note this puts Broun abroad a full year after Gardner believes he returned to Rotterdam. See Gardner, The Scottish Exile Community, 14. 162 K. Erslev, Danmark-Norges Len og Lensnuend [2 vols., Copenhagen: 1885), I, 149; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, 1, 114 20 and II, 68-69.

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of Ringsted (1583). MacAlpine was followed into the Danish Lutheran church by numerous native and Danish-Norwegian bom Scots includ­ ing Jan s Lyall (Canon of Roskilde in 1582);163 Jo h n W atson (Parson of G ronby 1594);164 and H ans W atson (Parson of Sveg, Norway).165 T he seventeenth century brought more Scots, am ong whom were several of the most significant em bedded members of the DanishNorwegian Lutheran clergy. T hom as Kingo (1634-1703) was a son of the Scotsman J o h n (Hans) King who converted to Lutheranism, allowing his son to fully participate in Danish church affairs. Kingo was appointed Bishop of Odense in 1677 and died in 1703 and is celebrated as one of D enm ark’s most significant hymn writers.166 As Bishop of Odense, his im portance as a network linkage for Scottish Lutherans in the Danish-Norwegian church is apparent and his influence noted con­ tinually by historians on both sides of the North Sea.167 C ontem ­ poraneously joining Kingo in the Danish-Norwegian clergy were other clerics from Scottish families. Petter Dass (1647-1707), was the son o f a D undonian m erchant, Peter Peterson. Dass became a famous baroque poet, hymn writer and priest, and served as vicar in Alstahaug, Helgeland in northern Norway from 1689 until his death in 1707.168 Like his father, Petter Dass traded extensively between Bergen and the north of Norway, in addition to his clerical activities.169 This link with the north o f Norway would have put him into the same orbit as another Scot, Jam es H annsen Cunningham (1619-1680), albeit

lb5 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 197. 164 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 184. ,M Personalhistorisk Tidsskrift, vol. II, (1881), 119; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 174. I6fa He wrote several hymns which are still sung in Denmark and Norway today which have been described thus in Denmark’s official handbook: ‘Kingo’s morning and evening and penitential Hymns, characterized by the great Baroque tension between earthly vanity and change on the one hand and celestial immutability on the other have remained, like his Easter hymns, an essential element of Danish devotion to this day’. See B. Rying, et al., Denmark: An Official Handbook (Copenhagen: 1970), 609. lb7 T.C. Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union (Edinburgh & London: 1963), 91; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 65- 66. Ih8 Norsk Biografisk Leksikon, V, 278- 282; Herr Petter 350 Ar: Et festsknft fra Universitetet i Tromsa (Tromso: 1997); For his poetry in English see Petter Dass, The Trumpet of Nordland (Minnesota: 1954). 169 Most of his biographers repeat that Dass was so popular in Norway that after his death, Norwegian fishing boats flew black flags for 100 years.

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the two were not in the priesthood at the same time.170Jam es obtained a letter o f preferm ent from Crown Prince Christian (V) in July 1644, to the parishes of Hyllinge and Kyndby. Thereafter he was appointed as parson o f Horslunde in 1646. Although Cunningham ‘acciden­ tally killed’ the son of the bailiff of Nakskov in 1657, he was allowed to rem ain in office but had to administer it through a chaplain.171 H e received permission to preach again in 1677, but apparently not to adm inister the sacram ents.172 It is the date here that is of great­ est interest in implying ‘Scottish’ networking. Was it a coincidence that this permission to preach was granted, after 20 years, in the very same year as Thom as Kingo became Bishop of Odense? T he connection is speculative but not unlikely given the network linkages noted in the previous chapters. O ver the border in Sweden a similar pattern of integration was unfolding, especially in the large Scottish communities in Stockholm and G othenburg. T he presence of Scots on the G othenburg town council was formalised in the founding charter of the town in 1621.173 However, no provision was made for their spiritual needs, forcing them into the arms o f the Lutheran church, either the Swedish one, or more frequently as evidenced by its records, the G erm an ‘Christina K yrka’.174 W hen the records of the various Stockholm churches are examined it is clear that the Scots found the transition to Lutheranism necessary, but also incredibly easy as the vast m ajority o f Scots

170 Cunningham was the natural son of Admiral John Cunningham who had formed something of a Scottish community in Norway during his period as regional governor of Finmark. See R. Hagen, ‘At the Edge of Civilisation: John Cunningham, Lensmann of Finmark, 1619 1651’ in A. Mackillop and S. Murdoch, eds., Military Governors and Imperial Frontiers, c. 1600 1800: A Study of Scotland and Empires (Leiden: 2003), 29 51; S. Murdoch, ‘Scotsmen on the Danish-Norwegian Frontiers, c. 15801680’, 1-28 in the same volume. 171 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 267. He then applied for the chap­ laincy of the church of the Holy Ghost at Copenhagen, but was rejected because he was illegitimate. The king resolved on 10 November 1644 that his illegitimacy should be no obstacle to this or any other employment in the church. 172 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 267. 175 H. Fröding, Berättelser ur Göteborgs äldsta Historia (Göteborg: 1908), 61; H. Almquist, Göteborgs historia. Grundläggningen och de första hundra ären. Förra delen. Fron grundläggningen tili enväldet (Göteborg: 1929), 320-321; G. Behre, ‘Scots in ‘Little London’. Scots setders and cultural development in Gothenburg in the eighteenth century’’, in Northern Scotland, VII, no. 2 (1986), 13; Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad in the Early Modem Period, 197-198. 174 VV. Berg, Samlingar tili Göteborgs Historia. Christine Kyrkas Bäcker för Vigda, Födda och Döda, vol. I (Göteborg: 1890).

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identified became com m unicants.175 Indeed, the devout Presbyterian m erchant Patrick Thomson, a resident in Norrkoping for fifteen years, sought self-imposed exile from his countrymen in Stockholm as he felt that ‘All the Scots here are Lutherans or Atheists, the English are worse if worse can be [. . .] so I come heir alone.’176 Some Scots m ade a public spectacle of their Lutheranism such as Daniel Young Leijonancker. W hen the English m erchant community got together to buy a communal grave in Stockholm’s M aria Kyrka for 600 rdl., Leijonancker purchased one for himself under the altar for 1200 rdl. the following year. Not only that, but he also owned plots in sev­ eral other Stockholm churches.177 W ith such overt support from the Scots community, it should come as no surprise that the Swedish Lutheran clergy itself included several notable Scottish bom clergy­ men and even more of Scottish parentage. Jam es G uthrie (1602-1661) came to Sweden c. 1614 with his father and brother William from their home-town of M ontrose.178 In 1623, Guthrie attended Vasteras gymnasium where, in 1625, he was

175 Most of the main Scottish families can be found in the birth, marriage and death registers including Barclay, Buchan, Chalmers, Forbes, Hamilton, Hunter, Kinnemond, Lyall, Primrose, Porteous, Stuart and others. See, for instance, Stockholm^ Stadsarkiv, ‘Maria forsamling, register over doda’, 4 vols, 1634 1700; Same archive, ‘Klara forsamling, register over doda’, 1680-1710. 176 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/608. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, Stockholm, 22 April 1686. It is not certain Thomson here uses the word atheist in the modem context, but possibly to denote individuals who were neither Presbyterian nor Lutheran. Given the subsequent statement about Englishmen, and wondering what might constitute something worse than atheism to such an ardent believer, it is possible (though not proven) that he is referring to Scottish Episcopalians as the atheists. As Thomson may have believed Episcopalians were the cause of his exile, he would have been aware that they were at least influenced by Calvinism, as stated by Archbishop Archibald Hamilton. This may have raised them above Anglicans to some extent in his estimation. There were of course atheists in the seventeenth century to whom Thomson may have been alluding. For one self-confessed atheist and her subsequent conversion to Christianity see ‘Mistress Rutherford’s Conversion Narrative’ edited by D.G. Mullan in Scottish History Society Miscellany X III (Edinburgh: 2004), 146-188. 177 Stockholms Stadsarkiv, ‘Maria forsamling, register over doda’, vol. 1656-1680, 320 and 544. The English merchants bought their grave on 9 December 1675. Leijonancker bought the grave near the altar on 7 June 1676. 178 He lived for a while with another Scottish merchant, John Finlay (Johan Finlou) who took James in as an apprentice merchant. Friction with Finlay led Guthrie to take up studies, first in Hedemora, then in Örebro where he was taught by Jacob Rudbeckius. See Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 192-3; T. Kleberg, ‘Engelsksprakig diktning i Stormaktstidens Sverige’ in Lychnos [Annual of the Swedish History of Science Society] (Uppsala and Stockholm: 1942), 140.

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ordained. O n 12 February the same year he matriculated at Uppsala University as Jacobus Chytraeus Scotus and was later known vari­ ously as Jacob Scotus and M agnus Scotus.179 Guthrie visited Scotland in 1630 where he rem ained for two years. In 1632, he returned to Sweden and becam e a lector in logic at Västeräs Gymnasium, even­ tually gaining prom otion to lecturer of Greek by 1636 and priest in Sala two years later.180 This combination worked well. O n 9 April 1640, Abo Academy’s foundation charter was signed, and on the same day G uthrie was considered by the Swedish State Council as a replacem ent for staff taken from the D epartm ent of Theology (and Greek) in Uppsala and who had moved to A bo.181 G uthrie’s career lasted until 1661 and he remains the one Scottish-bom priest still acknowledged by m odem Swedish church historians as having made it into the Swedish clergy.182 Yet Guthrie was neither the only Scottish Lutheran priest in Sweden, nor the only one of that surname. Jo h n G uthrie was bom in A rbroath and in July 1679 he arrived in Stockholm aged about 17. A year later he decided to adopt the Lutheran confession and made this public in April 1680.183 He began his religious studies in Stockholm with the second pastor at the G erm an congregation, Aegidius Strauch. Jo h n studied in W ittenberg in the summ er o f 1680, and obtained his m aster’s degree in 1685. H e m atriculated at Uppsala University in O ctober as Aberbrothensis Mag. Phil, and Scoto-Brittanus.m O n 30 August 1690 he was ordained a priest in Uppsala. After a few m inor postings, he was appointed to Älvkarleby, but this did not suit him. Eventually in June 1714 the Swedish State Council wrote to Karl X II recommending Jo h n as priest at Kungsholmen (Stockholm), and referring to him as '‘Mag.

179 AtuUrsson et ai, Uppsala Universitets Matrikel (Uppsala: 1900-1911). The name ‘Chytraeus’ is undoubtedly a corruption of the Latin rendering of Guthrie’s name ‘Guthraeus’ but is perhaps also a subtle tribute to the earlier German cleric David Chytraeus. ,fi0 SRP, VII, 148. Riksräd minute, 22 January 1638; Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 192-3. IHI SRP., VIII, 62. Riksräd minute, 9 April 1640. IH2 F. Crafoord, ‘Later all ting ärligha och stackeliga tilga’: Prästerskapet i 1600-talets Sverige (Stockholm: 2002), 15, 122, 124-126, 128. 181 His career follows a remarkably similar path to that of his namesake. He was also from the Angus coast of Scotland and he too became a merchant’s appren­ tice, working for William Halliday. See G. Hellström, Stockholms Stads Herdaminne (Stockholm: 1951), 588-589. m Uppsala Universitets Matrikel (Uppsala, 1900-1911); Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 215-267.

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Johan Gothne, som elliest kallas Skotten\[8b Jo h n Guthrie was not alone among the Scots in the Swedish Lutheran clergy in his day.186 Contem­ poraneously, U dde Mackay (d. 1712) studied at Uppsala in the 1670s and went on to become a clergyman in Sweden thereafter.187 Two men by the name of Torcuil Graham, a father and son, were Lutheran priests, G raham junior m aintaining his Scottish link by serving as battalion preacher with Colonel H ugh H am ilton’s regiment before taking up a parish in Stockholm around 1710.188 O f all the confessions it was the Lutherans who undoubtedly afforded the largest network for Scots in Scandinavia. Simply put, most Scots who settled in Sweden accepted the authority of the Lutheran church. This process may have been eased by contact with their own integrated clergy, but in any case the Lutheran network was as strong as any o f the confessional networks operating in Scotland. And despite what the Presbyterian Patrick Thom son said, he was not alone, forging his strongest business link in Sweden with that apparent-Lutheran convert, Daniel Young Leijonancker, in ven­ tures discussed in more detail in subsequent chapters.

Harmonious relations across the confessions? H aving established that the ability to set up strong confessional anchors capable o f enhancing networks in Scandinavia, we must be careful not to imply that they did not interact with each other, there are too many complicating factors for that. Jenny W ormald has pre­ viously pointed out that m aintenance of ‘social contacts between reli­ gious opponents did encourage an otherwise tough Kirk to show

l8Ä Hellström, Stockholms Stads Herdaminne, 588-589. 1Hfc For example see Thomas Hunter who is recorded as a tailor who became an alderman in Gothenburg by 1661. Fischer also notes Hunter as a clergyman. He may be the same man as, or related to, Thomas Hunter who on 7 November 1624 married “Elsebe” (Elisabeth? Elsebeata?) Aberback in Gothenburg. She was buried on 17 April 1667, four years after her husband was buried in Christina church on 22 January 1663. They left a son and grandsons. For the various references see E. Längström, Göteborgs Stads Borgarelängd 1621-1864 (Gothenburg: 1926), 18; Fröding, Berättelser ur Göteborgs Aldsta historia, 61; Berg, Samlingar till Göteborgs Historia Christina Kyrkas böcker, I, 1 and 463; Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 12. 187 L. Baillie, ed., Scandinavian Biographical Index (4 vols., London: n.d.), 1353; Uppsala Universitets Matrikel. 188 Hellström, Stockholms Stads Herdaminne, 233.

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astonishing tolerance towards the recalcitrant— if they were of high rank’.189 Indeed, even am ong the lower social classes, people from contesting confessions often got along just fine— frequently finding solace in the comfort and familiarity of their countrymen despite the apparent obstacles of their own religiosity. This was particularly true for Christians in alien environments in Asia and the Americas, but also Europe.190 The Scottish Catholic soldiers in the northern ‘Lutheran’ armies are partially representative o f this although dynastic loyalty to the House of Stuart is one other reason for their actions.191 The presence in the Scottish Covenanting arm y of an almost entirely C atholic regim ent and some individual Catholic officers can be explained through loyalty to the heads of families concerned. T he Catholic regiment were the MacNeils o f Barra, and the chief was a protestant and they turned out because that was what was expected o f them .192 Furtherm ore, their participation ensured that their lands rem ained unmolested by Covenanters. W e must also rem em ber that people could tolerate the personal faith o f an individual while finding the concept of their confession repugnant. Robert M onro described his great love and friendship with Colonel Hepburn, yet refers through­ out the same volume in which he mentions this to his disregard for papists though he knew H epburn remained of that confession through­ out his life. Even more interesting is when we find interaction between the prime protagonists of confessional conflict, the Scottish Presbyterians and their Jesuit countrymen. N ot only did Patrick Gordon leave his Jesuit education to try to join the Scottish bodyguard o f the staunchly protestant Duke Radziwill in 1655, he even visited the duke’s Calvinist bastion of Kedainiai where he was warmly received by his Presbyterian countrym en.193 A nother striking example of this situation occurred when Scottish Protestants and Catholics managed to set aside confessional differences for a specific purpose. From 1638 onwards, the Scottish Covenanters sent out envoys to a variety of European countries seeking aid for the looming hostilities between themselves and Charles I. France proved supportive of the Scottish Covenanters for a variety of reasons,

189 190 191 192 191

Wormald, ‘Princes of the regions in the Scottish Reformation’, 73-77. Grosjcan and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, intro 12-14. Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Tears' War, intro, passim. Furgol, A Regimental History of the Covenanting Armies, 387-388. Botfield, General Patrick Gordon, 14 and 41.

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not least due to the ‘Auld Alliance’. Secretary Coke persuaded Charles o f the fact that the French were helping the Scots which led sub­ sequent historians to date the French intervention as early as 1637.194 Indeed a survey of C ardinal Richelieu’s published diplomatic corre­ spondence shows that there certainly were covert overtures from the French to see how they could help.195 In three letters of April-May 1640 Richelieu discussed with M r de Chavigni the best course of action in the case of William Colville, a Scottish C ovenanter agent sent to France on the instructions o f the Scottish Estates.196 T he let­ ters themselves discuss how to avoid accusations from Charles I after Colville had been arrested in London, and how to tip off the other Scottish agent, a M r Erskine, without arousing suspicion. Ironically, one of the French agents engaged in helping the Franco-Covenanter accord was the Scottish Jesuit, Thom as Chambers, known in France as Abbot Cham bré, from the Scots College in Paris.197 Colville’s role 194 CSPD, 1638-39, 143. Coke to Windebank, 9 May 1639. ‘you will understand what heavy burden the French begin to lay upon our merchants, and how they favour the Scots after the old manner’. M.V. Hay, ed., The Blair Papers (London: 1929), Appendix VI, Richelieu and the Covenanters, 250-253. It is Hay who argues for French intervention as early as 1637-38 in Scottish affairs. 195 M. Avenel, ed., Leltres, Instructions Diplomatiques et Papiers D ’Etat du Cardinal Richelieu (Paris: 1867), VI, 688-691. Cardinal Richelieu to M de Chavigni, 3 let­ ters. One undated but pre-4 May, two 4 May and 5 May 1640 respectively. 196 Avenel, Lettres, Instructions Diplomatiques et Papiers D’Etat du Cardinal Richelieu, VI, 689-691. Richelieu to M de Chavigni, 4 May 1640. The details here are in the footnotes to the letter provided. Here it is mentioned that attached to the original manuscript there is a folio with a translation of the instructions given to William Colville, representative of the gentlemen and lords of Scodand, dated 17 April 1640 and signed by ‘Leslee, Mar, Louden, Forester, Rothes, Montrose and Montgomeri’. Such letters were well known of in both the United Provinces and Sweden, as the Dutch and Swedish agents discuss them freely. See B.L. Meulenbroek, ed., Briefuisseling van Hugo Grotius (The Hague: 1981), XI, 251 and 256. Grotius to j. Salvius, Swedish Envoy to Hamburg, 5 May 1640 and same to L. Camerarius, Swedish agent in The Hague, 12 May 1640. Letters of a similar nature, seeking support from a ‘neu­ tral’ country were issued by a similar collective dated 14/24 April 1640. See DRA, TKUA, Scotland, AI 4. f. 79a. Scottish Estates to Christian IV. This particular correspondence is discussed in more detail in Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Nonvay and the House of Stuart, 96-97. 197 CSPD, 1640, 100-101. Anon., 22 April 1640. This letter observed that the brother of Thomas Chambers, Friar and Almoner to Richelieu had noted the Abbot’s intervention between the French government and the ‘nobility’ of Scotland although the author did not state in which capacity. See also Avenel, Lettres, Instructions Diplomatiques et Papiers D ’Etat du Cardinal Richelieu, VI, 688. The footnote notes Colville to be the intermediary between the Scots and Chambers for the secret correspon­ dence between the two parties. Consult also Hay, The Blair Papers, 250-253. Disappointingly, while using Avenel for Richelieu sources, Hay failed to discuss the presence or role of Colville or Erskine in France.

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had been to serve as an interm ediary between the Covenanters and Abbot Chambers. Face to face talks may have stretched things too far. Nonetheless, the Scots were well placed to negotiate with the French as they had provided the French army with several thou­ sand soldiers over the previous eight years, much needed for the French campaigns against the Habsburg Empire.198 One o f the officers involved and still actively recruiting in 1639 was Alexander Erskine, brother of the Earl of M ar, and a m an prom oted to full colonel in France in 1640. It was probably he that is mentioned in the Richelieu correspondence as one of the Covenanter agents, while one of the Scottish regiments in France belonged to M ar himself revealing the significance of his signature on the letter from the Scottish estates.199 French neutrality was rewarded by the granting of m ore soldiers throughout 1642, some under the com m and of Jam es Cam pbell, Earl of Irvine, a half-brother o f the Earl of Argyll and confederate of others in the Covenanting leadership.200 This curious network, that included both Scottish Calvinists and Jesuits, is more clearly under­ stood when it is considered that Abbot Cham bers’ cousin-germain, Captain Leith, arrived in Scodand on a recruiting drive with cap­ tains Fullerton and H epburn in 1643 to top up their regiments.201 This must surely be a clear case of confessional pragmatism by all concerned. Kith and kin won out over personal differences as both the Earl of M ar and Abbot Cham bers’ kin groups benefited from the arrangem ent. At national level, the French and Scottish gov­ ernm ents gained considerably while the only loser from the deal appeared to be Charles I and his French wife H enrietta M aria who could not have anticipated this unusual arrangement.

m Avenel, Lettres, Instructions Diplomatiques et Papxers D ’Etat du Cardinal Richelieu, VI, 212, 238-240. Cardinal Richelieu to M. de Bellievre, 6 October and 13 November 1638; Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House oj Stuart, 92~93; Glozier, ‘Scots in the French and Dutch Armies during the Thirty Years’ War’, 120-121. Iiw CSPD, 1639, 97; Glozier, ‘Scots in the French and Dutch Armies’, 120. 200 For Louden’s relationship with Argyll and his French service see Macinnes, The British Revolution, 126 and 159; Glozier, ‘Scots in the French and Dutch Armies’, 122 .

21)1 G. Blackhal, A Brief Narration of the Services Done to Three Noble Ladyes (Aberdeen: 1844), 137; Glozier, ‘Scots in the French and Dutch Armies’, 124.

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Conclusion In this chapter we have seen that the confessional conflicts that occurred between 1560 and 1707 created waves of exiles who sought to profess their religiosity in their own way abroad. For some the im portant point was to strive to return to their native land, for others it was to live in peace abroad. Yet most Scots were not exiles and once abroad religion was usually only an issue if it had been one in Scodand.202 As shown, adherents of all the faiths m anaged to exist in the north o f Europe, even in those places where they should not have been allowed to settle due to confessional laws and religious tests. M any individuals underwent a personal conversion based on their new exposure to established faiths once abroad. O thers gave the p reten ce o f converting for expediency. Scottish C atholics, Presbyterians, Episcopalians and Lutherans all had clergymen living in northern Europe, even in Lutheran Scandinavia or O rthodox Russia. W hat is abundandy clear is that seventeenth century Scodand was not the unequivocally Calvinist country described by Antonio Foscarini or generations o f subsequent historians. Bearing in mind the uncertainty of an individual’s personal religiosity as evidenced through conversion, confessional loyalty seems to be something of a loose peg as a network linkage. The expediency of conversion was sometimes apparent. However, it has also been possible to show that many people converted because of a genuine belief in whichever new confession they chose, as evidenced by those who joined the clergy o f their new faith. As one group of scholars has put it, ‘inher­ ited cultural and religious distinctiveness viv-a-vis host identities’ were altered or defined as required.203 T h a t said, confessional networks were strong enough for Scottish Catholics to be able to support a native bom Catholic clergy through a network of Scots colleges abroad for over two hundred years after the Reformation. They could send priests into Presbyterian Scodand or L utheran Sweden to look after their congregations. Similarly, Scottish Presbyterians could develop societies to keep their ideals alive in Scodand and m aintain networks strong enough to support an exiled self-styled provisional government, inspire a revolution and

202 Mijers, ‘Scottish Students in the Netherlands, 1680-1730’, 315. 203 Heerma van Voss, Sogner and O ’Connor, ‘Scottish Communities Abroad’, 382.

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ultimately secure the establishment of Presbyterian church govern­ ment in Scotland. All the confessions used the strength of their con­ fessional beliefs in consort with the kith and kin, place and nation, friendship and personal contact networks.204 Seen in this way, while confessional concerns were perhaps not the most im portant network linkage for the majority of Scots abroad, for those who truly believed in their particular brand o f Christianity, it was as cast iron as any of the others.

21)4 Gordon, ‘The Second Bucer', 210.

SECTION TW O

C O M M E R C IA L N E T W O R K S

CHAPTER FOUR

PEDLARS, MERCHANTS AND CONSULAR NETWORKS

The whole annual process of the land and labour of every country, or what comes to the same thing, the whole price of that annual produce, naturally divides itself [.. .] into three parts— the rent of landthe wages of labour and the profit of stock— and constitutes a revenue to three orders of people— to those who live by rent, to those who live by wages, and to those who live by profit} O n e of the most obvious areas for investigation in a compilation about networks is in the study of trade.2 In the seminal work on Scottish mercantilism in the seventeenth century, Professor Chris Smout observed that ‘Most of the very rich and the very poor traders had no ties o f any sort with the m other country’.3 T h at is an inter­ esting perspective, but it does not seem to fit with the discussions in the previous chapters relating to network linkages of place, region, kith and kin and is repudiated by a variety of writers on the sub­ ject.4 It stands to reason that in order to trade contact has to be established between several parties, each with something to offer the

1 A. Smith, An Inquiry into the Mature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Edinburgh: 1863 edition), 115-116. 2 Mercantile networks and concepts relating to the application of network the­ ory to understanding them are discussed in L. Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, c. 1640-1800 (Uppsala: 1998), 221-251. 3 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 95; Müller opted to leave the Lyall family out of his statistics on leading iron-merchants of ‘British’ origin ‘because of their long establishment in Sweden’. See L. Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden: the chang­ ing pattern of commodity exchange, 1650-1680’ in P. Salmon and T. Barrow, eds., Britain and the Baltic (Sunderland: 2003), 72; M. Glozier, Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King (Leiden: 2003), 53-55. 4 See for example: D. Catterall, ‘Scots along the Maas, c. 1570-1750’, 169, 185; P. Fitzgerald, ‘Scottish Migration to Ireland in the Seventeenth Century’, 31; G. Gardner, ‘A Haven for Intrigue: the Scottish Exile Community in the Netherlands, 1660-1690’, 277, 282; N .0 . Pedersen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, 159-162; K. Zickermann, ‘Briteannia ist mein patria’: Scotsmen and the ‘British’ Community in Hamburg’, 253-271; R. 2irgulis, ‘The Scottish Community in K6dainiai, c. 1630-1750’, 239. All chapters in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad.

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other, with the ultimate goal o f all being satisfied with their recip­ rocal arrangem ent. Some people had goods to sell or barter, others had a desire to buy and resell them. In the middle o f these m er­ chants there were those who were willing to transport goods either in bulk by ship, or in smaller quantities on their backs— the pedlars so often written about in a Scottish trading context or those, as Adam Smith stated, who lived by wages. O ver the years there has been a valuable outpouring o f scholarship dedicated to the study o f Scottish trade. This has tackled the trading links that existed between Scotland, northern G erm any and the Netherlands, particularly deal­ ing with the period after the Scottish Reformation o f 1560.5 Even more work has centred on Denmark-Norway, Sweden, the PolishLithuanian commonwealth and the Baltic region in general.6 Not so frequently addressed were those Scots who pushed round the north coast o f Norway into Russia. In 1563 the Swedes wrote to Scotland seeking support against Russia and asking that Scottish shipping and

5 For Scottish trade in the early modem period see T. Fischer, 7he Scots in Germany (Edinburgh: 1902), passim; T. Fischer, The Scots in Eastern and. Western Prussia (Edinburgh: 1903), passim; Von Ilse von W echm ar and R. Biederstedt, ‘Die schottische Einwanderung in Vorpommern im 16. und frühen 17. Jahrhundert’ in GreifswaldStralsunder Jahrbuch, Band 5 (1965), 7-28; For the Netherlands see M .P. Rooseboom, The Scottish Staple in the Netherlands (The Hague: 1910); V. Enthoven, ‘The last straw: Trade contacts along the North Sea Coast: the Scottish staple at Veere’ in Juliette Roding and Lex Heerma van Voss, eds., The North Sea and Culture, 1550-1800 (Verloren: 1996), 209-221; D. Catterall, Community Without Borders: Scots Migrants and the Changing Face of Power in the Dutch Republic, c. 1600 1700 (Leiden: 2002). 6 For Denmark-Norway see J. Dow, ‘Skotter in Sixteenth-Century Scania’ in Scottish Historical Review, 44 (1965), 34-51; T.L. Christensen, ‘Scots in Denmark in the six­ teenth century’ in Scottish Historical Review, 49:2 (1970), 125-145; T. Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot. .. . Scottish-Danish Relations c. 1450-1707 (2 vols., Odense: 1988); For Sweden see, Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, passim; A. Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance: Scotland and Sweden, 1569-1654 (leiden: 2003); For Poland-Lithuania see A.F. Steuart ed., Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland 1576-1793 (Edinburgh: 1915); A. Bieganska, ‘A Note on the Scots in Poland, 1550-1800’ in T.C. Smout, ed., Scotland and Europe, 1200-1850 (Edinburgh: 1986), 157-165, and A. Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland (From the Mid-Sixteenth to the Close of the Eighteenth Century)* in Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. 43.1 (2001), 1-27; M. Bogucka, ‘Scots in Gdansk (Danzig) in the Seventeenth Century,’ in A.I. Macinnes, T. Riis and F. Pedersen, eds., Ships, Guns and Bibles in the North Sea and Baltic States, c. I350~c. 1700 (East Lothian: 2000), 39-40 and L. Eriksorias, ‘The Lost Colony of Scots: Unravelling Overseas Connections in a Lithuanian Town’ in the same volume, 173-187. For general discussion of Scottish trade in the Baltic see G.E. Lythe, ‘Scottish trade with the Baltic, 1550-1650’ in J.K . Eastham, ed., Economic Essays in Commemoration of the Dundee School of Economics 1931-1955 (Dundee: 1955); For more on general ‘British’ trade see J . Lisk, The Struggle for Supremacy in the Baltic (London: 1967).

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trade there be stopped, though the identity of the merchants con­ cerned remains elusive.7 Even so, in the 1580s the Scots were issued with passes from the king of D enm ark to pass through his waters en route to Malmis, K olm obgra or further into Russia for trading purposes.8 Despite valuable work on the subject, these studies have often been focused on the m ovement and quantity of commodity. W hat has been of less interest has been the study of those networks established to source, ship and sell the commodity, whatever it may have been.9 In this chapter the emphasis is on recreating the com­ mercial networks employed by Scots in the early m odem period and establishing whether the study o f Scottish commerce through this lens brings anything new to our understanding of the Scottish com ­ mercial world or contact with ‘the m other country’.

A Nation o f Pedlars? T h e service o f Scottish soldiers, particularly in the Thirty Years’ W ar (1618-1648), tends to dom inate the debate over the movement of Scots to Europe in the seventeenth century.10 T he presence o f some 50,000 Scottish soldiers in that conflict has traditionally overshad­ owed the im portant role of m igrant Scots in commercial activities.11 Indeed the activities of the ‘packm an’ (pedlar) were historically linked to the Scottish martial tradition, with pedlars allegedly picking up weapons to fight at the first opportunity.12 Perpetuating the study of pedlars as the prem ier vehicle for scrutinising Scottish mercantilism is particularly popular am ong scholars concerned with creating the­ oretical models on the subject, o r am ong those unable to view Scots

7 See CSPy II, 1563-1569, 683. Randolphe to Cecil, 6 February 1563. 8C.C.A. Lang, and O.G. Lundh, et al., eds., Norske Rigs-registranter Tildeels i Uddrag (12 vols., Oslo: 1861-1891), II, 583. Six Passes issued to Scots for Russian fishing and trade, 3 November 1584. 9 The notable exception is Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 90-11. 10 For more see the various contributions in S. Murdoch, ed., Scotland and the Thirty Years' War (Leiden: 2001), passim. 11 Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Years' War, intro, 20. 12 ‘having abandoned or sold their booths, they buckle on their swords and shoul­ der their musket; they are infantry of unusual quality, although they look shabby to u s . .. 2,000 Scots are better than 6,000 of our own infantry’. Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 196.

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in any serious mercantile capacity, even when discussing the eigh­ teenth century.13 In the ‘Fontaine model’ most pedlars originated in highland regions o f Europe and became used to travelling distances as they moved their livestock from high to low pastures depending on the seasons. In the process of movement they established net­ works which facilitated the sale of their goods and the return of other goods to their remote villages. Fontaine developed a strict hier­ archy to these networks within the model. Travelling m erchants were at the top. They did not have shops and were am ong the richest people in their home village. T heir absence corresponded with the seasons and they were the pivot of the organisation. Parts of their networks were located in the lowland region of whichever country they cam e from where the produce o f the highlands was sold. T he merchants were joined by pack-men (pedlars) who stocked up from factories and warehouses in established towns and also employed apprentices and servants.14 Fontaine flags up Scotland as a leading nation o f pedlars, although some of the conclusions arising from the theory are worthy o f challenge. For instance the theory is confined by the notion that the pedlar came from a highland region, whereas many o f those m entioned by Fontaine, like the Spalding family, actu­ ally cam e from the Lowlands. However, there is no doubt that in general some of the basic network structure is correct, even if the specific examples cited do not quite fit. Scottish packm en tended to work from private houses and did business on credit or in exchange for farm produce and raw m ate­ rial, thus undercutting their com petitors.15 W ith fewer overheads and the ability to travel to where markets were best, the Scots could sell the same goods as their competitors but at a cheaper rate. H ugh Acland noted that Scots pedlars in Cornwall could ‘sell their wares 2d in a shilling cheaper than the shopkeepers’ in the area.16 Due to such practices, laws were enforced in numerous locations to try to redress the balance in favour of local shopkeepers. D enm ark was

13 For example one scholar noted that at the start of the eighteenth century some Scots were still content to roam byway and highway as pedlars and that in Manchester ‘Scotsman’ could simply refer to a hawker peddling door to door. See V.G. Kieman, ‘Britons Old and New’ in C. Holmes, ed., Immigrants and minorities in British Society (London: 1978), 43. 14 L. Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe (Oxford: 1996), 9-10, 14, 20-21, 27-28. 15 Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 29. 16 CSPD, 1666-1667, 326. Hugh Acland to Williamson, 6 December 1666.

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only one of several places forbidding Scottish merchants from send­ ing their servants into the countryside to hawk their wares and bar­ ring them from municipal rights unless they could prove they were residents.17 Duke Albrecht o f Brandenburg issued a similar edict in Prussia in 1558.18 This was followed by a ban on Scots peddling their wares in the Polish countryside in 1566.19 In Norway in 1607, the Bakers Guild of Bergen sought and received guarantees that Scots sailors could only sell bread in the market and nowhere else. This was re-confirmed in the 1620s with the express addition that they were not then allowed to become itinerant pedlars.20 T he sheer quantity of immigrants placed tensions on the relations between the Scots and their host communities, eventually leading to action by Sigismund III Vasa in 1594 designed to curb the influx.21 His m ea­ sures had little effect, and so the British factor in Poland, Patrick G ordon, drew up a strict code in 1616 in an attem pt to alleviate the problem .22 However, this and other Scottish requests also failed, compelling the Scottish community in Danzig to seek the intervention o f Jam es VI & I to prevent any more o f the ‘exorbitant numberis o f zoung boyis and maidis vnable for any seruice, transported hier zierlie’.23 King Jam es therefore sent another Scottish agent, Hugh M owatt, to Poland to try to resolve this particular problem, though with little effect.24 Several contem porary estimates of 30,000 Scots were reported around 1620-21, with the num ber rising to 50,000 by the middle of the century.25 Regardless of the truth of such statistics—

17 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot, I, 87; Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 20-21, 27. 18 Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 36, 241-242. 19 Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’, 193. 20 Norske Rigs-registranter, IV, 204. Royal order, 6 August 1607; N. Nicolaysen, ed., Norske Magasin Shifter og Optegnelser angcuende Norge og forfaited efier Reformationen, vol. 2, (Cristiania: 1868), 316. Declaration of Council of Bergen, 7 December 1626 recon­ firming Christian IV’s order of 1621 to the same effect. 21 Edict against the Scots issued by Sigismund III, 12 September 1594,reprinted in Fischer, The Scots in East and West Prussia, 158. 22 The eighty Articles drawn up by Patrick Gordon forthe Scots in Prussia (Königsberg: 1616), reproduced in Fischer, The Scots in East and West Prussia, 159-170. 23 See ‘Scottish subjects at Dantzic to King James VI, Dantzic, 30 August 1624’ reprinted in the Abbotsford Club, Letters and State Papers during the Reign of King James the Sixth, chicly from the manuscript collections of Sir James Balfour of DemyIn (Edinburgh: 1837), 367-368; RPCS, XIII, 702; Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 33-34; Fischer, Scots in East and West Prussia, 14. 24 ‘Scottish subjects at Dantzic to King James VI’, 367. 25 There are at least two contemporary sources for this piece of information. See

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and they are certainly worthy of healthy scepticism— the mere belief in their accuracy caused uproar among indigenous traders.26 Regardless, packm en continued their trade and rem ained a common sight across northern Europe, even in Poland-Lithuania despite Sigismund I ll’s legislation. T he notable diarist Patrick G ordon also met them on his travels, writing ‘that there were diverse Scottishmen who used this kind o f trade in Prussia’.27 Although K ing Jam es appeared to have been complicit in attempts to curb the arrival of pedlars to Europe, he probably understood well the benefits to the Scottish economy of allowing them to go. It both rid him of the problem o f a redundant population and allowed his subjects to accumulate mercantile expertise. This was made all the simpler by an increased dem and for Scottish wool, m utton and livestock due to a rising population and disruption.28 Scottish pack­ m en were a com m on sight thereafter, albeit sometimes viewed with suspicion. In 1666, Hugh Acland observed that ‘the Scots retain their old principles o f rebellion [and] wondered lately to see so many of their m erchants come so far as T ruro, with their shops on their back’, believing them to be spies.29 In 1683 a group of Protestant insurgents were captured in Yorkshire. T h at they had come from London having been seen ‘to travel with packs as Scots pedlars’ to avoid detection shows how com m on a sight such men must have been in later Stuart England.30 T heir continued presence led to com ­ ments by the East India Com pany directors of a forthcoming ‘inva­ sion’ o f Scottish pedlars in the mid 1690s.31

CSPD, 1619 1623, 237. Chamberlain to Carleton, 24 March 1621; William Lithgow, The Total! Discourse of the Rare Adventures and Painefull Peregrinations of long Mneteene Teares Travayles from Scotland to the most famous Kingdomes in Europe, Asia and Affrica (Glasgow: 1906), 368. Lithgow actually says 30,000 Scottish families. For the 50,000 reference see Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 192; Biegariska, ‘A note on the Scots in Poland, 1550-1800’, 159. 26 W. Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots in the Polish Crown during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’ Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 63-64. 27 Botfield, Passages from the Diary of General Patrick Gordon, 10. 28 Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 119. 29 CSPD, 1666-1667, 326. Hugh Acland to Williamson, 6 December 1666. 30 Letters, Illustrative of Public Affairs in Scotland, addressed by Contemporary Statesmen to George, Earl of Aberdeen, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland (Aberdeen: 1851), 142-143. Sir Andrew Forrester to the Earl of Aberdeen, Whitehall, 7 July 1683. 11 G.P. Insch, The Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies (Edinburgh: 1932), 55.

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T he Scots were not alone in being targeted by legislation or sim­ ply suspicion through their peddling activities. While the edict in Breslau against pedlars in 1533 certainly mentioned Scots, it also specifically highlighted pedlars, gipsies and beggars, showing that use of the term ‘Scot’ as a catch-all for these groups was not univer­ sal.32 Further, other nationalities were also targeted in legislation aimed at protecting local trade. For instance, in 1562 in the Polish Sejm (parliament), Scots were noted along side Italians as traders who were harm ing the indigenous commerce of Polish cities.33 In Bergen’s case, it was the Dutch who were singled out in 1572 as the main ‘tem porary m igrants’, accused o f becoming wealthy at the commu­ nity’s expense and then leaving without contributing to Bergen soci­ ety.34 Elsewhere at the start of the seventeenth century, the Dutch, G erm ans and Scots were all equally noted for their transient m er­ cantile activities in Finland.35 W here ‘national’ legislation failed, it was not uncom m on for local guilds to attem pt to secure their posi­ tion either by seeking assurances from the Crown to protect their business (as did the Bergen Bakers), or by banning particular groups o f foreigners from joining their m em bership.36 So while the Scottish pedlars’ notoriety has some undoubted foundation, they were only a small part o f the larger peddling community consisting of num er­ ous other ethnic groups. Each preferred their own known geographic location to work in. T he Scots mainly centred their peddling oper­ ation in and around northern Europe, while similar networks were operated largely by the Savoyards in Fribourg; around Lyon they came from the D auphine.37 While the Scottish pedlar stereotype continues to resonate in many historical quarters, there is a growing understanding that the packmen

32 Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 36. 33 Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 193. 34 Norske Rigs-registranter, II, 15. Letter of prohibition to foreigners forbidding settle­ ment without an oath to the effect that they would setde permanently, 14 April 1572. 35 See the complaints about Dutch, German and Scottish merchants doing this in Finland in 1607 in J.E. Waarinen, ed., Handlingar upplysande Finlands Historia under Karl IX:s Tid (Helsingfors: 1864), 286. Raumoh Stadz Privilegier, 2 May 1607, point 4. The same complaint against transient merchants was made for Helsingfors on 3 July 1607. Ibid., 307, point 3. 36 Thus in Swiss Fribourg in 1598 the local guilds passed ‘anti-Welsche’ decrees, while the Spanish guilds banned the French in Barcelona in 1629. See Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 14 and 26. 37 Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 15.

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themselves were only one cog in a much larger and m ore sophisti­ cated wheel o f Scottish commercial activity on the continent.38 O ne Polish scholar has observed that: In Polish historiography, there exists a stereotype of a Scottish mer­ chant as a small pedlar going on foot from village to village, with a basket of goods on his back. In contrast to this picture, the Gdansk sources present us with an image of a rather well-to-do and even rich merchant engaging in long distance trade, taking an active part in the great Baltic commerce, especially in the exchange between the British Isles and Gdansk.39 It was believed that the packm en maintained little contact with their native country or ‘respectable’ merchants residing with them abroad.40 Bogucka has suggested something rather m ore complex, where ped­ lars formed an im portant interface between Britain and the Baltic. They not only m anaged to bring the goods of Scottish peasants to market, but they also served as intermediaries between those involved in cottage industries and the wealthier Scottish m erchants both at home and abroad. They in turn were employed by the merchants to take more refined goods back into the countryside o r wherever they could best be traded. W ith the profits gained, the m erchants could build enough capital to move further afield. By way o f an example we can look to the case of the Spalding family o f Millheugh in Scodand. This family’s road to success is said to have been achieved through small-scale peddling in Scotland which later facilitated trade with England.41 T he profits made from peddling were ploughed back into the family business, allowing them to travel overseas where they established themselves in several locations. During the 1630s, Andrew Spalding moved to M ecklenburg while his brother Jo h n settled in G othenburg. Andrew’s son Jam es was called to Sweden by his uncle Jo h n , and after a spell in G othenburg moved to Norrköping where he became both a burgess and councillor in his own right.42 T he 38 For two examples of scholars differentiating between Scottish pedlars and other Scottish merchants of higher status see Fischer, The Scots in East and West Prussia, 13-14; Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 67. w Bogucka, ‘Scots in Gdansk’, 41. 40 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 95. 41 Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 14. 42 W. Berg, ed., Samltngar till Göteborgs Historic^ Christine Kyrkas Böcker for vigda, födda och döda (Gothenburg: 1890), vol. I, 1624-1725, 60, 62, 66, 68, 69, 73, 77, 88-91; E. Spalding, Geschichtliches, urkunnden, stamm-tafeln der Spalding in Schottland, Deutschland und Schweden: Während der letzten sechs jahrhunderte, speciell der Deutsche zweig der familte

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choices o f destination were not random. Scottish pedlars, appren­ tices and m erchants were attracted to locations where their coun­ trymen had already settled or where they had some knowledge of favourable conditions awaiting them. They were often sponsored to go there by the m erchant guilds o f their home burghs. T he guildbrethren o f Stirling provided £ 2 0 for Jam es Hall to support him on his commercial venture to Danzig, the same sum later going to Jam es Wallace in 1622.43 O nce successfully located, they would repeat the process, inviting more friends to join them, thus establishing migra­ tion chains.44 W ith the advance of time, this process could be rad­ ically helped as the num ber o f well-heeled m erchants, burgesses, councillors and other Scots of high station within the new host soci­ eties grew.

Transient Pedlars and Settled Merchants The Scots did not establish in the Baltic a mercantile monopoly like the English Eastland Com pany, or Muscovy Company, although the Elbing staple was initially something of a joint venture.45 It is not that there were never attempts to create a Scottish monopoly in the seventeenth century; there were several. Sir Jam es C unningham received a patent for the establishm ent of a Scottish East India Company to rival the London based Honourable Blast India Company (EIC) in 1618. T he EIC and The Muscovy Com pany joined forces to have C unningham ’s patent revoked (after they ‘lent’ Jam es VI a considerable sum of money), fearing that such a group would spoil the lucrative market for the English.46 O ther monopoly attempts

(Greifswald: 1898), 12-13, 74-75 and ‘Appendix V’ in that collection; E. Langstrom, Goteborgs Stads Borgarelangd, 1621-1864 (Gothenburg: 1926), 13; H. Almquist, Goteborgs Historia (Gothenburg: 1929); Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 141. 43 Extracts from the Records of the Merchant Guild of Stirling, A.D. 1592-1846 (Stirling: 1916), 37, 26 June 1616 and 42, 4 March 1622. William Henderson travelling in 1623 received 10 merks. Same volume, 43, 3 July 1623. 44 Thomas Sowell observed, behind certain ‘migration patterns often lay partic­ ular beginnings of a new community in a new land where one pioneering individ­ ual, family or group of families decided to try their luck overseas’. See T. Sowell, Migrations and Cultures: A World View (New York: 1996), 5-6. 45 Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 18n, 52-53; A. Tonnesen, ‘Skotteme og englaendeme’ in Helsvngnrs udenlandske borgere og indbyggere ca. 1550-1600 (Ringe: 1985), 21. 46 APC, IV, 70-72 and 77. Revocation of Patent and Order of Reimbursement for Sir James Cunningham, 15 and 18 March 1618; CSPCol., America and W. Indies,

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included the form ation of a Scottish com pany to trade with Africa in the 1660s, the C om pany of Scotland in the 1690s and the intro­ duction o f domestic monopolies like those dealing with tanning hides and glass making.47 They failed, but the lack of formalised com pa­ nies proved to be to the advantage of the Scots in the long run. W ith no com pany to restrict their exports to any one staple port, Scottish traders simply went wherever markets were best, often, if not usually, to the annoyance of their competitors.48 Irritating or not, the Scottish m erchants in Elbing and Danzig have been singled out by Swedish, Danish and Polish scholars for their im portant role in facilitating Sweden’s mercantile growth as well as that between Britain and the Baltic as a whole.49 Similarly, their presence in Bergen has been described as ‘decisive’ in that city’s commercial development.50 Part o f their success lay in their willingness both to exploit the net­ works that had brought them out of Scodand and to develop new ones through their integration into host societies.51 This was not an option for those involved with mercantile monopolies. Thus when the Eastland C om pany lost many of its trading privileges in Elbing II, 1617-1621, 113-114, 137, 162 and 218. Various EIC court minutes ordering James Cunningham to desist his operations and to be compensated for his expenses, March-December 1618. London-based companies had a history of protecting their monopolies against other Englishmen, particularly those from Hull, as well as from Scots. See also A. Calder, Revolutionary Empire: The Rise of the English Speaking Empires from the Fifteenth century to the 1780s (New York: 1981), 162; S. Murdoch, ‘The Good, the Bad and the Anonymous: A Preliminary Survey of the Scots in the Dutch East Indies 1612-1707’ in Northern Scotland, vol. 22 (2002), 65 66. Hull merchants had been trading with Russia since at least 1580. See G. Jackson, Hull in the Eighteenth Century: A Study in Economic and Social Histoiy (Oxford: 1972), 5. For more on the English Muscovy Company see T.S. Willan, The Early History of the Muscovy Company 1553-1603 (Manchester: 1968). 47 G.P. Insch, The Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies (Edinburgh: 1932); R. Law, ‘The First Scottish Guinea Company 1634-9’ in Scottish Historical Review, vol. LXXVI, 2: no. 202 (October 1997). ** Scotland’s contribution to British expansion has traditionally been viewed as an anti-monopolistic attitude, with the promotion of commercial liberty and its sub­ sequent civic and moral social virtues. M. Fry, ‘A Commercial Empire: Scotland and British Expansion in the Eighteenth-century’, in T.M. Devine and J.R. Young, eds., Eighteenth-century Scotland- New Perspectives (East Linton: 1999), 56-64; see also J.K.. Fcdorowicz, England’s Baltic Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century: A Study in AngloPolish Commercial Diplomacy (Cambridge: 1980), 82-83; Brown, Noble Society m Scotland, 61-62; Fitzgerald, ‘Scottish Migration to Ireland’, 32. 49 B. Steckzen, Svenskt och BrittiskL Sex essayer (Stockholm: 1959), 19; Tonnesen, ‘Skotteme og englaendeme’, 22; Bogucka, ‘Scots in Gdansk (Danzig)’, 41; Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 75. 50 Pedersen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen’, 164. 51 ¿irgulis, ‘The Scottish Community in Kedainiai’, 238.

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in 1626, Scottish m erch an ts u n attach ed to the com pany were unaffected, particularly the family of Charles Ramsay who had taken citizenship in the city in 1614.52 W hen the m erchant Robert Jollie exported goods from Scotland to H am burg in 1683, he was impeded from selling them because he was not a m em ber of the English Com ­ pany o f M erchant A dventurers there. T he H am burg authorities argued that he was therefore in breach of an article between the city and the English Com pany. As Jollie pointed out, that was an agreem ent between the city and the subjects of the king of England and thus did not apply to Scots who were not bound by that con­ tract.53 He succeeded in his argum ent and continued to trade to and from the city with Scottish goods into the eighteenth century.54 While Jollie opted to pursue his independent mercantile activities, Charles Ramsay was m ore indicative of a m erchant class happy to setde and take citizenship in the location they traded in.55 Unspeci­ fied numbers setded across the German-speaking Baltic coast from

52 Elbing Club, Elbing: Als ehemaliger englischer Handelsplatz (Elbing: 1977), 14; Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 194. Frost con­ cludes that the company lost the privileges as Charles I was more pro-Swedish than in favour of Poland-Lithuania. For the Elbing Ramsays see Elbing, 22; Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 16. 53 Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, III, 4 1 , 5 July 1683 and 48, 4 July 1684. 54 On 28 October 1687 he was ordered by William Bogle in Glasgow to pay Andrew Russell in Rotterdam a bill of 239 and 2/3 (rixdaler?) to Mons Joan Temming, merchant in Amsterdam. In October 1689 Jollie looked after fellow Scottish travellers including Mungo English, Mr Hume and Mr Elliot. In one let­ ter from Mongo English to Andrew Russell, dated Hamburg 26 October 1689, English notes that we have ‘addressed our selves to our country-man Mr Robert Jolly, Mercht. here who as soon as we shewed him your letters and acquainted him that yow are our Mercht. immediately offered very kindly to advance us what money we stood in need o f’, Jollie followed this up with his own letter to Russell dated Hamburg, 10 December 1689. In it he said ‘Some weeks agoe, [I] had the honor of Mr Eliot, Mr Hume and Mr Mongo English companie from Dutchland, who shewing me your letters & giving them Credit & recomendatione to some parts in Germanie; oblidged me to give them 1240 guilders for their bills on yow with advice and other bills on their friends in Scotland at £25 Scots per Gulder wich were sent to Mr Alex Pyper’. In 1701, Jollie suggested a scheme for setting up a Scottish company to trade on a monopoly between Hamburg and the Shetlands from which he expected to make a profit of 30-40% each voyage (after expenses), so we can conclude that he was not against monopolies per se. See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/637. Bill of Exchange, 28 October 1687; R H 15/106/689. Various letters of Mungo English to Andrew Russell, (1689); Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 87, 231; Zickermann, ‘Briteannia ist mein patria', 270. 55 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 95; Elbing, 22; Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 60.

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Pom erania to East Prussia, though trying to gauge numbers is fraught with problems.56 However, for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, figures as specific as 5,969 settled Scottish m erchants have been quoted from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, with some 500 of those in Danzig o f which 135 became citizens compared to only 18 Englishmen.57 Some o f these men were decommissioned soldiers. So it was that several of the m erchants of T h o m in Prussia after 1659 were form er soldiers o f Lord C ranstoun’s Scottish regiment who had held the town for Sweden throughout the siege of 1657-58, men like William and Jam es Fraser.58 Equally im portant were the large Scottish communities in Lithuania, particularly the sizeable Calvinist one established in the ‘private’ town of Kedainiai.59 M any of the Scots within the Commonwealth formed themselves into broth­ erhoods and societies which had seats in Danzig, Lublin and about a dozen locations throughout Poland.60 These were frequently used to conceal num bers of illegal Scottish migrants who traded in the towns, bolstering the size of the Scottish population.61 In m any places there was less need for stealth in seeking resi­ dency. U nder the terms of the Stuart-O ldenburg marriage alliance of 1589, Scots theoretically enjoyed the same status as Danes and Norwegians. Thus Norway sustained numerous Scottish com m uni­ ties engaged in the tim ber trade around Stavanger, Bergen and Trondheim .62 So im portant was the tim ber-trade that in Norway it 56 Fischer, The Scots in Germany, and The Scots in East and West Prussia, passim; Von Ilse von Wechmar and Biederstedt, ‘Die schottische Einwanderung in Vorpommern im 16. und frühen 17. Jahrhundert’, 7-28. 57 S. Äström, From Cloth to Iron: The Anglo-Baltic Trade in the Late Seventeenth Century (Helsingfors: 1963), 140; A. Bieganska, ‘Andrew Davidson (1591-1660) and his descendants’, in Scottish Slavonic Review, vol. 10 (1988), 7; Bogucka, ‘Scots in Gdansk (Danzig) in the Seventeenth Century’, 40. 58 Steuart, Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, xxii; Balfour Paul, The Scots Peerage, V, 533; J. Fraser, Chronicles of the Frasers, edited by W. Mackay (Edinburgh: 1905), 424. For more on the difficult choices facing the Cranstoun Regiment see A. Grosjean, ‘Royalist Soldiers and Cromwellian Allies? The Cranstoun Regiment in Sweden 1655-1658’ in Murdoch and Mackillop, Fighting for Identity, 61-82. 59 Eriksonas, ‘The Lost Colony of Scots’, 173-187; ¿irgulis, ‘The Scottish Community in Kedainiai’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 239-245. 60 Steuart, Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, xiv xv, 108-289; S. Seliga and L. Koczy, Scotland and Poland. A Chapter of Forgotten History (Scotland: 1969), 6; Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 80. 61 A. Bieganska, ‘A note on the Scots in Poland, 1550-1800’ in Smout, Scotland and Europe, 159. b2 See in particular A. Espelland, Skottene i Hordaland og Rogalandfia aar 1500-1800

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is still called Skottehandelen (the Scottish trade) while the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are known as Skottetiden (the Scottish period) of Norwegian history.63 The trade ceased soon after the Treaty of Union of 1707 when Jam es Sinclair’s ships Fortuna and Concordia were appar­ ently am ong the last to ship tim ber to Scotland and N orth England from East Norway around 1709.64 Nonetheless, the importance of Norway to Scottish trade becomes apparent when one considers that some 150 Scots became burgesses in Bergen alone between 1600 and 1660 with 219 in the city between 1613-1717.65 These burgesses were only one strand of the Norwegian settlement. For instance some 20 Scottish families moved into Finnmark to take advantage of the patronage of the Scottish governor, Jo h n Cunningham .66 T he m ajor­ ity of Scots in Denmark-Norway settled in Norway, though significant communities also evolved in Elsinore and Copenhagen, with a scat­ tering of Scottish m erchants throughout the rest of Denm ark mostly engaged in the ‘carrier trad e’ in the Baltic Sea.67 Across the Sound in Sweden, the situation regarding citizenship was less formalised than in Denmark-Norway. Despite the passing of the HandeLsordination (Decree of Trade) in 1607 limiting non-burgess traders to an eight-week period of activity in Sweden per annum, in 1638 it was revealed that 70 merchants had undertaken trade for

(Norheimsund: 1921), 31; A.M. Wiesener, ‘Axel Movat og hans slegt’ in Bergens Historiske Forming Sknfler, no. 36 (Bergen: 1930), 98; F. Tennfjord, Stamhuset Rosendal (Oslo: 1949), 7-8; E. Vaage, Kvinnhcrad (Bergen: 1972), 206-213; A. Lillehammer, ‘The Scottish-Norwegian Timber Trade in the Stavanger Area in the Sixteenth and the Seventeenth Centuries’ in Smout, Scotland and Europe, 97 111; J. Elgvin, En By i Kamp: Stavanger bys historic 1536-1814 (Stavanger: 1956), 142-144, 203; The Scottish community in Trondheim was specifically mentioned in two letters written by Christian IV in 1638 and 1639. See jXorske Rigs-registranter, VII, 467 and 502. Christian IV to Eiler Ume, 22 November 1638 and Christian IV to Oluf Parsberg, 3 February 1639. 63 A. Narss, ‘Skottehandelen pa Sunnhordland’, in Sunnhordland tidssknft, VII, (1920), 33; Lillehammer, ‘The Scottish-Norwegian Timber Trade’, 97. 64 Elgvin, En By i Kamp, 203. 65 See N. Nicolaysen, Bergens Borgerbog 1550-1751 (Kristiana: 1878), 16-87. During the same time period there were only ten Englishmen who attained similar status. Pedersen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen’, 145-146, 162. 66 See R. Hagen, ‘At the Edge of Civilisation: John Cunningham, Lensmann of Finnmark, 1619-1651’ in A. Mackillop and S. Murdoch, eds., Military Governors and Imperial Frontiers, c. 1600-1800: A Study of Scotland and Empires (Leiden: 2003), 35-37. 67 Dow, ‘Shatter in Sixteenth-Century' Scania’, 34-51; Christensen, ‘Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century’, 125-145; Tonnesen, ‘Skotteme og englarndeme’, 22; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance, I, 39-80 and II, 148-277.

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as long as 12 years without becoming burgesses.68 M any of these retained strong links with their families in Scotland and elsewhere in Britain. Patrick Lyall sourced £3,000 (sterling) worth of naval sup­ plies in Sweden for the British admiralties.69 T here was a delay in receiving paym ent and an action was brought between him and the Royal Navy captain, Jo h n Strachan. O f great interest is the fact that Lyall pointed out that delay in paym ent had led to people drawing m ore on one uncle, A rthur Lyall, than he had cash to hand and this would cost him future commissions from ‘four other uncles in Stockholm’.70 Such men also provided anchors within Swedish soci­ ety for transient Scottish merchants to link up with. A good exam ­ ple is provided by the appearance of the Edinburgh m erchant Jo h n W eir (Hans Wijr) in a Stockholm court.71 He and his ‘principle’, a fellow Edinburgh m erchant, Thom as Inglis (Engelssch) had lent some iron to the Flensburg skipper Cornelius Jonsson in 1615. W hen W eir wished to recall the loan (either in iron or cash) the following year, he was unable to, as Jonsson had died. It was therefore left to the paperwork trail to work out the details of the arrangem ent. This proves most useful for us, as did Jonsson’s illiteracy, as it illuminates a small but neat Scottish network involving transient and em bedded merchants. Because he could not write, Jonsson had asked the Scots Wellam Femie (Femij) and David Ramsay to draw up a docum ent in the Scots language to which he appended his m ark.72 This doc­ um ent was produced in court whereupon the records show that the two Edinburgh-based m erchants (Weir and Inglis) were in contact with two other Scots in Sweden (Femie and Ramsay). Further the

68 J.R. Ashton, Lives and livelihood in Little London (Sävedalen: 2003), 9. 69 CSPD,, 1666 1667, 233. Thomas Cutler to Navy Commissioners, 1 November 1666. 70 CSPD, 1666-1667, 233. Patrick Lyall to Navy Commissioners, November 1666. See also 477, John Strachan to Navy Commissioners, c. 1666 naming Arthur Lyall as Patrick’s uncle. Strachan calls Patrick ‘Peter’ in one letter and it is possible that ‘Arthur’ might therefore refer to Adam Lyall who worked in London at that rime. 71 Stockholms stads och Norrmalms stads Tänkeböker, IX (Stockholm: 1968), 86-7. Minute, 17 June 1616. 72 ‘Jönsson icke hafuer sielff kunnet schrifue, hwarfore hafue de kallat där ofwer till wittne Wellam Femj borgere och jnwhanere uthj Nyköpingh och Dawidh Ramsij skotske köpmän, huilka eflter be:de Comelij begären hafue stält i hans nampn enn handskriflt opa skatske sprak, then han medh sitt wänlige märkie hafuer förtäknat och bekräfftiget’. See Stockholms stads och Norrmalms stads Tänkeböker, IX, 86-7. Minute, 17 June 1616.

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docum ent shows that W eir was both a resident and burgess of Nykoping and therefore an obvious partner for the Edinburgh merchants. For the numerous Scots like Jo h n W eir who opted to become cit­ izens of Swedish burghs, their choice proved advantageous. T he best known group are those in the fledgling city of Gothenburg, with about 50 Scottish m erchants and their families establishing them ­ selves there between its foundation in 1621 and the end of the cen­ tury.73 Among the G othenburg Scots, Jo h n M aclean stood out as both an entrepreneur and allegedly Sweden’s second richest man after Louis de G eer.74 T he Stockholm community was of older vin­ tage and even more considerable than that in Gothenburg, with over 100 identifiable Scottish m erchants working from the city through­ out the century, of which some 60 can be shown to have been burgesses.75 Norrkoping supported a dozen or so Scottish m erchant families, several of them branches of the Spaldings, but also m er­ chants like Jam es and Patrick Thom son, Jo h n Steel and David Kinlock.76 Influential Scots merchants also resided in Riga, Narva, Elbing and other dominions under Swedish control.77 Due to their integra­ tion they were not so badly affected as their competitors when the

75 Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 195-211, 221-223; During the same period fewer than ten English merchants can be identified. 4 Indeed in some sources he is called the richest merchant in Sweden by 1645. See J.N.M . Maclean, ‘Montrose’s Preparations for the Invasion of Scodand, and Royalist Missions to Sweden, 1649 1651’, in R. Hatton and M. Anderson, eds., Studies in Diplomatic History (London: 1970), 8. 75 Stockholms Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm: register, vols., 1601-1650 and 1651 -1688. This compares to a relatively small and transient community of English merchants who established themselves in the second half of the seventeenth cen­ tury. Their number is often put at around 30, but usually authors cite among them many Scots who simply had an English trading connection. When those positively identified as Scots are removed the number falls to under 20. For the figure of c. 30 ‘Englishmen’ see. H. Roseveare, ed., Merchants and Markets of the Late Seventeenth Century: The Marescoe-David Letters, 1668-1680 (Oxford: 1987), 171; Muller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 70. 76 B. Helmfrid, Norrkopings Historic, III, tiden 1655-1719 (Stockholm: 1971), 33-34, 82-83, 114-115, 215. The Steel family appear to have also come from Stirling and a ‘J ohn Steel’ (Steil) was certainly residing there by 1700, though not as a burgess. See Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Stirling, A.D. 1667-1752 (Glasgow: 1889), 124, 347 and 349. Various records, 1700-1702. 77 For example Andrew Forsyth of Dundee resided in Riga in the 1660s at the same time as Simon Fraser of Fraserburgh. See their applications for birth-brieves in RPC'S, 3rd series, 1661-1664, 354 and 1665-1669, 16; ROSS, XI, 1660-1668, 199-200, no. 401, 24 March 1663. Robert Udnie migrated from Aberdeenshire to Narva where he established himself as a burgess. He later moved to Viborg around 1630 and became a merchant there. See Uppsala University Library, Palmskioldiska

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Swedish customs order of 1643 forbade ‘foreigners’ from having shares in cargoes.78 Citizenship for skippers and pilots carrying Swedish cargo was also enforced in 1667, and the wives of these men also had to live in Sweden.79 Those Scots who settled in the country thus had a significant advantage over their counterparts from England who tended to rem ain for a short time abroad before returning to England ‘to make their proper careers’.80 A final anchor in the mercantile network proved to be the Scots resident in English cities, particularly London.81 By 1610, they were exploiting a legal loop-hole that allowed them to trade with the Low Countries without having to direct their goods to the Scottish sta­ ple port at Veere.82 T he burghs acted to close this back door and declared that any staple goods belonging to a Scottish m erchant had to be delivered to Veere if destined for the Netherlands. Yet Andrew Russell’s correspondence later in the century reveals the extent to which London-based Scots like Jam es Foulis, Jo h n Robertson and William Jamieson were woven into the fabric of the northern European netw ork.83 A nd they were not the only Scots based in England engaged in this network. In Newcastle, the connection was through

samlingen, vol. 247; SAA, VIII, 411; Marryat, One Tear in Sweden, including a visit to the isle of Gotland, 499-500; George Wright fled Scotland during the Cromwellian period to establish himself in Narva c. 1650-1694 as a shoemaker, then merchant before finally being ennobled. &L4, IX, 69. Living at the same time as Wright in Narva were the brothers Jacob and Reinhold Porteous, sons of the Scottish mer­ chant James Porteous. See SRA, Iivonica II: I, vol. 210. Jacob Porteous to Karl XI, various letters, 1681-1683. For the families of Ramsay, Williamson, Auchinvole, Niesebeth see Elbing, 14-30. 78 For more on this ban see C. Dalhede, Handelsfarmljer pa Stormaktstidens Europamarknad (3 vols., Partille: 2001), II, 259. Integration did not always mean taking citizenship. Neither James nor Patrick Thomson did so in Sweden, though both behaved as though they had burgess privileges. Helmfrid, Norrkopings Historia, III, 33 and 222. 79 Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer, II, 260. 80 See Muller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 75. 81 J. Taylor, A Cup of Kindness: The History of the Royal Scottish Corporation, A London Charity, 1603-2003 (East Linton: 2003), 255-257. Founded in 1657 by 28 Scots to support indentured servants, the society gained 34 new members over the next eight years. After a moribund period, it then took on 154 new members between 1684-1692. 82 Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, II, 298, 5 July 1610. 83 Foulis served as Treasurer of the Royal Scottish Corporation in London in 1674 and Master of the Corporation in 1679. See Taylor, A Cup of Kindness, 45. That the London community was directly linked to the Russell Network is evi­ denced by their correspondence to Russell. See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/305. James Foulis to Andrew Russell, London, 23 April 1678 and John Robertson to Andrew Russell, 6 August 1678; RH 15/106/387. William Jamieson to Andrew Russell, 23 March and 9 April 1680.

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William Thom son while Hull and Bristol were also tied in.84 T he Scots in Ulster were always considered as and acted as part o f the larger Scottish nation.85 Even Scots in the American colonies and D utch East Indies all played their part.86 T he im portance o f con­ tacts built up between the m erchant Scots in various locations sim­ ply cannot be underestimated. Edward Kennoway wrote a letter to his brother Jo h n in Ju n e 1673 noting that he had been in Stockholm and had got himself into ‘a laberinth of misery’. He was fresh from his apprenticeship in Danzig, ambitious but still raw. He soon realised that he needed friends in strange places and lamented that his busi­ ness there would have proceeded much better had he had Patrick Maxwell’s recommendation to any m erchant there.87 Having been stung by his own impetuosity, Kennoway returned to Britain to lick his wounds. T he following m onth he wrote to Jo h n from London looking for help in establishing a new venture between Stockholm and Danzig.88 H e had learned from his mistakes. The way forward for Kennoway was through the forging o f a strong, reliable and informed network based around kith, kin and embedded associates across his targeted sphere of operations.

Russell, Thomson, Turnbull and Baird T h e sort of man for Kennoway to consider contacting in Sweden might well have included someone like Patrick Thomson from Stirling,

84 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/387/29. William Thomson to Andrew Russell, Newcasde, 4 March 1680. Other Scots in Newcastle trading with Sweden included the Merchant Adventurer, William Ramsay. See Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 176. The author does not state his nationality overtly. 85 Fitzgerald, ‘Scottish Migration to Ireland in the Seventeenth Century’, 49; See also J. Ohlmeyer, ‘Civilizinge of those Rude Partes: Colonization within Britain and Ireland’ in Canny, Origins of Empire, 124-147; N. Canny, ‘The Origins of Empire; An Introduction’ in N. Canny, ed., The Origins of Empire (Oxford: 1998), 12-15. 86 Dobson, ‘Seventeenth-century Scottish Communities in the Americas’, 105-131; See also CSPD, 1666-1667, 202, 219, 229, 384. Various passes for William Davidson to trade with the English colonies, 16-26 October 1666; W. Budde, ‘The Scots’ Charitable Society of Boston Massachusetts’, Appendix 5 in Taylor, A Cup of Kindness, 255-257. 87 NAS, Kinross House Papers, GD 29/2068, f. 9. Edward Kennoway to John Kennoway, Danzig, June 1673. 88 NAS, Kinross House Papers, GD 29/2068, f. 10. Edward Kennoway to John Kennoway, London, July 1673.

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who had just finished his second year in the country in 1672. H e would go on to become a partner in the joint-stock company of Russell, Thom son, Turnbull and Baird, though not before all the partners had established their own mercantile networks.89 T he part­ ners chosen were friends from Thom son’s earlier years in Stirling, R obert Turnbull and Andrew Russell who now lived in Rotterdam .90 They had discussed the idea in the 1660s though it had come to nothing. T he com pany did not become formally constituted until 1 Jan u ary 1684, when each m an put up £1,000 sterling as seed cap­ ital.91 Turnbull gave over half of his share to his son-in-law, Alexander Baird, who remained in Stirling while Turnbull moved to Edinburgh. Broadening out the geography even further, Jam es Thomson, Patrick’s brother, became an associate and m anaged the trade at Norrkoping. In his pioneering study o f the subject, Professor Smout explained the partnership as one in which each m an used his expertise in each location for the benefit o f all. T he Scottish-based partners sourced coarse wool for R otterdam and finer cloth, gloves, raw wool, stock­ ings, tallow and herring for Sweden. Russell too provided goods for Sweden from the Netherlands, while the Swedish-based merchants sourced iron and copper to be shipped to Bo’ness, Amsterdam or where instructed. Turnbull sent coal to La Rochelle, where salt was collected and sent by Russell to the Thom sons in Sweden.92 Professor Sm out’s study centred on the activities of Andrew Russell in R otterdam and (unintentionally) drew the focus away from his older business p artn er Patrick T hom son.93 N or indeed were the

89 This company is illustrated in Professor Smout’s work on Scottish emigrants and commercial activity in the second half of the seventeenth century. See Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 1660-1707, 99-115. This remains a masterpiece on the subject. 9(1 A Dutch document dated 12 September 1659 endorsed ‘a discharge for money I [Russell] was owing in Holland whereof the ticket was lost’. In May 1660 he brought a sum of 436 guilders over from Scotland to Gilbert Alcorn in Rotterdam on behalf of the Laird of Polmaise. NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106. Indeed his brother John Russell had also been active in trade with the Netherlands regarding the importation of wine to Scodand between 1657-9. 91 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 111. 92 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 111. 93 This emphasis has led historians to refer to the company as Russell’s com­ pany, rather than as a partnership. Helmfrid, Nonkopings Historia, III, 33. Patrick Thomson was, more correctly, as equal a shareholder as Russell, while the two of them were senior partners over Turnbull and Baird. Worthy of note is that Thomson was senior in age. This is inferred from letters addressing Russell as ‘Young Andrew’.

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numerous other Scots employed in the company studied. Yet these were the very men who actually facilitated the operations. True, Andrew Russell’s business networks were extensive, both within the British Isles but also in Belgium (Bruges, Ostende), in France (Paris, Rouen), in the Americas (Surinam, Boston), as well as within the Dutch Republic (Amsterdam, Haarlem , Leiden, Veere, D ordrecht and Rotterdam).94 Further north in Europe we find that the part­ ners maintained at least 18 Scottish contacts in Sweden (Stockholm, Norrköping, Riga), five in Denmark-Norway (Elsinore and Copen­ hagen), 15 in Bremen and H am burg and another 15 across Danzig, Memel, Berlin and Königsberg.95 Mostly these were merchants, though some were Scottish soldiers like Colonel David Melville Earl of Leven in Berlin and M ajor George Low in Bremen who both provided information to the company in relation to commerce.96 Among the employees of the company were managers, merchants, skippers and apprentices. M any of them were related to the part­ ners by blood or marriage, not least of course Jam es Thom son.97 He was one of at least two men within the group with that name, the other probably being a nephew. T he Company also used familial relationships when securing the services of skippers they could trust, in particular Charles Thom son who may even have been a brother of Patrick and Jam es.98 O ther skippers with a kin tie to the company were William, Jam es and R obert Jaffray. William Jaffray was a ‘brother’ of Patrick Thom son while the others of his kin group came from Thom son’s home-town of Stirling.99 O ther skippers employed

See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/608. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 5 June 1686. 94 NAS, Russell Papers, RH15/106, passim; Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 112-114; Catterall, Community Without Borders, 201. 95 NAS, Russell Papers, RH15/106, passim. 96 For the Earl of Leven see NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/609. Numerous letters, Lord Leven to Andrew Russell (1686)For George Low see numerous letters from George Low to Andrew Russell in NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/532 (1684); RH 15/106/176 (1685); RH15/106/637 (1687); RH 15/106/689 (1689). 97 Helmfrid, Norrkopings Historia, III, 33-34. 98 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/531. Various letters and accounts of James Thomson (1684); RH 15/106/574. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 23 & 28 May, 13, 19 & 27 June 1685. Helmfrid believes that Daniel Young till Leijonancker called Patrick Thomson to Sweden ‘och ett par av dennes broder’—with a pair of his brothers. Certainly Charles was employed by the company as soon as it was set up though the assertion that Young called the brothers to Sweden in the first place is original to this author. Sec Helmfrid, Norrkopings Historia, III, 33. 99 William Jaffray called Patrick Thomson his ‘brother’ when writing to him in

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were two men by the nam e of Jo h n Gib (elder and younger) who were also related to Thom son. O ne of Patrick Thom son’s first let­ ters to Russell from Sweden informs us that R obert Gib was his ‘brother’ while William Gib was his nephew and both these m en recur throughout the Thomson-Russell letters.100 T he relationship of these Gibs to the two Johns is not specified, but as established in chapter one, the connection undoubtedly cemented the bond between the skippers and the partners. This certainly accounts for the ele­ vated status o f the Gib and Jaffray families as com pany merchants in addition to their duties as skippers. They were not afraid to give the senior partners advice if they felt they knew of better options for the disposal o f their cargo, particularly if they felt these put them in ‘insane’ situations.101 T he skippers proved to be vital links in bring­ ing their com pany and other business networks together. T he very influential Scottish m erchant David Melvin was introduced into the larger network through the work of three of the com pany skippers including G ib.102 Thereafter Melvin acted as an auxiliary company factor in Elsinore with open access to orders from Thom son and Russell.103 These unpaid associates of the company were both num er­ ous and trustworthy. In an interesting few lines in a letter of 26 July 1688 regarding the grounding of Jo h n G ib’s (younger) ship on the Prussian coast the previous September, Jam es Adie in Danzig noted that he had lent Gib £2,200 which Thom son was to reimburse. Gib also made it clear that all the actions he had carried out in regard

Stockholm in an aside about religious themes c. 1671. See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/59/5. Accounts and Receipts, (1671-1690), c. 1671; For the fact that Robert Jaffray also came from Stirling see NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/802 (1693). George Breholt to Andrew Russell, 12 September 1693. 100 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/139. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 28 December 1671. 101 James Jaffray had arrived in Christiansand in Norway by 10 January 1694, but told Russell that it was ‘insaine’ to wait there until the convoy was to leave in March. He hoped that Russell could grant him £50 so that he could insure the ship against loss. On 1/11 February 1694 he complained to Russell of having no pass to proceed and said he was awaiting word from Gothenburg where he had written several times, but without reply. Jaffray wished to make a run for Holland or England but was constrained by his charter party to go to Zeeland, and stated he would dutifully await Russell’s advice on how to proceed. NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/772 (1693-94), passim. 102 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/576/3, 6. 17 June and 11 July 1685. I0J See for example NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/609. Several letters of Melvin to Russell, February-October 1686; RH 15/106/636. David Melvin to Andrew Russell, 15 January 1687 and chapter two above.

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to re-floating the ship were done with the advice of the other Danzig m erchants M r A rthur, M r Fenton and M r H urst.104 T he im portance of such men to the network is incalculable. Adie in particular informed Thom son and Russell on a variety of matters from the fluctuation of fish prices in Danzig and H am burg to the exchange rates in different cities at a given tim e.105 While the company enjoyed reciprocal commercial links with other m erchants such as those described, more formal arrangem ents linked them to other Scottish merchants in Sweden. Patrick Thomson moved from Norrkoping to Stockholm in 1685 where he soon found a close confederate in the person of a countryman, Daniel Young, who had been ennobled in Sweden as Leijonancker. Having arrived in Sweden after a stint in Liibeck, this m an had risen from a kramhandlare (essen­ tially a packman) to burgess o f Stockholm within only four years, gaining permission from Q ueen Christina to engage in the stackfisk trade.106 He also bought investments in the textile trade and ship­ ping and received a num ber of prom inent positions in Swedish trad­ ing circles. In return for shares in Young’s tobacco and cloth concerns, Thom son used his extended network to im port fuller’s earth, woolcards, indigo and other related goods that Young required to com ­ plete his various orders.107 These links with other Scottish concerns, both formal and informal, were indicative of the Scottish com m er­ cial web covering Europe. Serving as anchor points in a num ber of locations were individuals employed to represent the interests of the Scottish m erchant community. These were the factors, m erchant con­ suls and residents funded to ensure that trade proceeded as smoothly as possible. 104 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/663. James Adie to Andrew Russell, 26 July 1688 and various letters of John Gib to Andrew Russell in the same volume. 105 See the various letters from James Adie to Andrew Russell in NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/576 (1685); RH 15/106/609 (1686); RH 15/106/637 (1687); RH 15/106/663 (1688); RH 15/106/710 (1690). 106 Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 39. Burgess of Stockholm, 17 November 1649; SRP, XV, 1651-1653, 302, 24 March 1652. 107 For more on the proportion of Scots and English goods imported to Stockholm see B. Boethius and E.F. Heckscher, Svensk Handelstatistik, 1637-1737 (Stockholm: 1938), 141-157. For the fact that much of the English goods were actually imported by Scots see NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/636, if. 1-7. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, Accounts, January 1687. This included numerous references to large quantities of declared ‘English goods’ brought into Stockholm and Norrkoping between 1685-1687 by the Thomsons. For other Scots involved with tobacco in Stockholm consult works on the Totue family from Jedburgh such as Berg and Lagercrantz, Scots in Sweden, 61-62.

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The Scottish Commercial Factor Arguably the most im portant Scottish commercial agent in Europe was the Conservator of the Scottish staple at Veere in the Dutch Republic.108 Since the mid-sixteenth century a Scottish Conservator had remained there and all Scottish trade in staple goods was the­ oretically targeted to that city and that city alone. A small but vibrant Scottish community rem ained in the town throughout the seven­ teenth century with their own social and religious institutions, and the last Conservator did not leave office until 1799.109 T he position of Conservator was one that drew competition throughout the cen­ tury, from Scotland, from within the Scots-Dutch community and even from Scots normally resident in the Dutch East Indies.110 Admiral Jam es C ouper’s bid was unsuccessful despite the recommendation of several Scottish factors, the Convention of Scottish Burghs and an international reputation. H e had been in the East Indies for thirty years and simply did not have the necessary networks within the Dutch Republic to secure the position, which fell to the far-better connected Sir Andrew K ennedy.111 The Conservator’s position caused confusion among other Britons who simply did not understand the position as being one invested by the nation and who thought of him as being simply a ‘private person’.112 As Douglas Catterall has forcefully demonstrated, Veere 108 Rooseboom, The Scottish Staple in the Netherlands,; Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 15, 67, 107, 189; Enthoven, ‘The last straw’, 209-221; Catterall, ‘Scots along the Maas’, 173-177. The most useful secondary sources for the study of Scottish factoring in the Baltic remain two works by Professor Smout. See T.C. Smout, ‘Scottish Commercial Factors in the Baltic at the end of the Seventeenth Century’ in Scottish Historical Review, XXXIX (1960), 122-128; Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 90-99. 109 Enthoven, ‘"Die last straw’, 209, 219. 110 NAS, Leven and Melville Papers, GD 26/7/275. Petition to King by Sir James Couper, late admiral of the Dutch East Indian fleet, for gift of the office of con­ servator of Scots privileges in The Netherlands, 1689; NAS, Leven and Melville Papers, G D 26/7/410, 15 August 1689. Extract Act of Convention of Burghs in favour of Sir James Couper recommending his appointment as Conservator in The Netherlands. A copy is printed in Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, IV, 102. For more on Couper’s career see S. Murdoch, ‘The Good, the Bad and the Anonymous: A Preliminary Survey of the Scots in the Dutch East Indies, 1612-1707’ in Northern Scotland, vol. 22 (2002), 63-76. 111 Records of the (Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, IV, 104. Extracts, 26-27 March 1690. 112 L. Jenkins wrote to Charles II contesting the condemning of the ship Colmar in the Scottish Admiralty Court on 4 October 1672. One of the points contested

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represented the official centre for the Scottish m erchant community in the D utch R epublic, b ut R otterdam proved to be far m ore influential as the hub o f C aledonian enterprise.113 This situation resulted in a serious threat to the very existence of the staple port at Veere and led to attempts by the incum bent Conservator to relo­ cate to a more suitable port. O n 20 November 1661 Sir William Davidson became Conservator at Veere, taking over from Sir Patrick D rum m ond.114 Only two years after his appointment, Davidson wished the staple moved to Rotterdam , but Charles II blocked any such move.115 Nonetheless he managed to expand his trade beyond his limits, freighting cargoes to the American colonies despite his theo­ retical exclusion as a Scot under the terms of the English Naviga­ tion Acts.116 T he outbreak of the second Anglo-Dutch W ar interrupted such plans and saw Davidson temporarily leave the D utch Republic. He utilised his position to great effect so that he even m anaged to freight ships from Amsterdam to New York and Barbados while the war at sea was still running its course.117 By December 1667, Davidson was back in Edinburgh where, on 5 M arch 1668, he produced a patent from the king under the Great Seal, appointing him Conservator and granting reversion of the office to his son, Peter Davidson.118 Once more, Davidson tried to get the staple moved away from Veere to D ordrecht with some initial success— the staple rem ained in

was that the Conservator in Veere was given a commission by the Scottish Admiralty Court to interview witnesses who could testify as to whether the skipper of the Swedish ship was actually a Dutch resident when taken by the Scottish privateer. This outraged the owner’s legal team who argued ‘As to the issuing out a com­ mission to the Conservitor of the Scotch Nation, it could not, as I humbly conceive, be done unless both parties had been consenting: it ought to have been directed to the Magistrates or the Jus dicentes of the place in Holland and not to private men’. O f course, the Conservator was not a private man, but the holder of a very public office despite Jenkins continued protestations throughout his letter. See SRA, Anglica, Bihang Scotica II (unfoliated). L. Jenkins to Charles II, 11 August 1676. m Catterall, Community Without Borders, 26-27. 114 For Drummond see RGSS, XI, 3, no. 10. Appointment of Sir Patrick Drummond for life as Conservator ‘in Belgium’, 10 September 1660. For Davidson see RGSS, XI, 60, no. 130. Letter patent to Sir William Davidson, 20 November 1661. 115 Rooseboom, The Scottish Staple in the Netherlands, 196-201. Ilb CSPCol., America and W. Indies, 1661-1668, 89. Charles II to Governor of Barbados, 9 May 1662; ibid., 232 and 284, documents from September 1664 and March 1665. 117 CSPD, 1666-1667, 202, 219, 229, 384. Various passes for Davidson’s ships Elizabeth, Town of Leiden, Fortune, House of Nassau, Orange Tree and Prince of Orange, 16-26 October 1666. 118 RGSS, XI, 1660-1668, 552, no. 1103. Edinburgh, 11 October 1667.

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D ordrecht throughout 1669-1676. Another innovation was the fact that Davidson enforced the use of the title ‘Conservator and Resident for his Majesties Ancient Kingdome of Scodand in the Seaven Prov­ inces o f the N etherlands’ thus removing any association with a par­ ticular p o rt.119 Davidson became increasingly unpopular with both the Dutch and the Scottish burghs and by M ay 1671 he had resigned his position, effectively under pressure from both his host and native nations.120 T here simply was no equivalent in Europe to the Scottish staple at Veere, though there were unsuccessful attem pts to replicate the staple and the position o f Conservator. The Convention of the Royal Burghs o f Scodand was asked in 1599 to elect a Conservator for England due to num erous grievous complaints made to Jam es VI. By this process Jam es hoped to avoid conflict between Scottish m er­ chants in England, allow instant decisions in disputes and replicate the C onservator’s office as it existed in ‘the Low Countries and Spain’.121 William H unter was nom inated for the position by the king with the office to be located in London. T he burghs objected to the extra charges this would bring and nom inated representatives to let their sovereign know.122 T he succession o f Jam es VI to the English throne and eventual agreement on post-nati citizenship for British subjects theoretically negated the need for such a position.123 However the desire to extend this concept to his British kingdoms did not end there. In 1602 one Captain Jam es Colville fell foul o f the Convention of Burghs for ‘exerceeing of ane pretendit office o f

119 Gemcentcarchief Rotterdam, Oud-notarieel Archief, vol. 596 (Protocollen van Johannes Crosse, 1664 1674), f. 46. 120 L.B. Taylor, ed., Aberdeen Council Letters (6 vols., Oxford: 1942-1961), V, 80. Instructions of the Burgh of Aberdeen to the Convention of Royal Burghs, 30 June 1671 and various, passim. 121 Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, II, 40-41, 5 July 1599. King James’ letter dated 30 June 1599 was read out at this meeting. 122 Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland', II, 61-62, 3 August 1599 and 530, 15 August 1599. 121 In British law, any Scots, English or Irishmen bom after 1603 were consid­ ered post-nati subjects of the same monarch, albeit this was not settled until the Colville/Calvin case was upheld by English common law in 1608. See J.R . Tanner, ed., Constitutional Documents of the reign of James I (Cambridge: 1930), 24; Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 17-18. The idea of the Scots receiv­ ing the same privileges as Englishmen took some time to digest. Several burgesses of Edinburgh complained at being taxed as foreigners in Yarmouth when they should have been treated the same ‘as native borne Inglischmen’. See Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, II, 408, 8 July 1613.

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conservatore at the toun of Caleis’ and taxing ships and goods accord­ ingly.124 Nonetheless, the establishment of ‘Conservators’ in France (and French Conservators in Britain and Ireland) was recognised under the terms o f the 1606 treaty between King Jam es and Henry IV .125 This treaty was negotiated while the union debates were ongo­ ing, and after the shelving o f the official ‘British’ union project in 1607, the Conservators appointed appear to have returned to their previous informal arrangem ents with contesting Scots, English and Irish factors in various locations. The attem pt to create Conservators was not confined to Western Europe. Abraham Young received the title of ‘Conservator’ in Poland on 20 M arch 1604, though the title does not appear to have been recognised for long am ong the com munity.126 Alexander M aster of Forbes had ambitions to build a Scottish staple port in the Baltic based around a Scottish Calvinist ‘plantation’.127 T he failure of such projects resulted in the development of a multi-layered system of commercial factoring in roughly five categories. These included fac­ tors representing the individual m erchant, the joint-stock company, a particular Scottish burgh on the one hand and national (Scottish) or supra-national (British) representatives on the other. The factor representing the individual could either be a Scot or a foreigner, be resident in the targeted location or be sent to it from Scotland. They were always familiar with the local language, customs

124 Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, II, 146, 7 July 1602. 125 A r tic le s c o n c lv d e d a t P a ris the xxiiij. of Februarie 1605. stylo Anglia.: By Commissioners of the High and Afightie, James by the grace of God King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. And Henrie the Fourth most Christian French King, and King of Navar, for the more commodious intercourse in Traffique between their subjects (London: 1606), articles 8— 11. See abbreviated version in Appendix A4:1. I2ti Abraham Young setded in Danzig in 1586 and then fought in 1598 and dur­ ing the Livonian War in 1600 as a captain of a troop of 300 men. In 1605, addi­ tional to his military dudes Young was appointed as commander of the Scottish foot under Sigismund III of Poland, as well as Conservator, Director and Informer over the Scotdsh community in Poland. See Steuart, Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, xiv-xv, 5-7; Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 37-40; Frost, ‘Scottish soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 198. 127 DRA, TKUA England A II 14. Charles I’s credentials to Christian IV on behalf of Alexander Forbes, October, 1636; G. Westin, ed., John Durie in Sweden, 1636-1638: Docitments and Letters (Uppsala: 1936), 5. John Durie to Samuel Hardib, 18/28 May 1636; SRP, VI, 771-780. Riksrad proceedings, 16-18 December 1636. From this last source it is clear that the target destination of the new community should be in Ingermanland.

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and laws.128 Thus an astute m erchant like George Bruce in Culross appointed Frederik Lyall in Elsinore as his factor as early as 10 November 1589.129 This was quite a coup for Bruce. Not only was Lyall an em bedded m em ber o f the Scottish-Danish community, he also served as ‘leading director’ of the Sound Toll after 1583 and m ayor of Elsinore in 1591. Individual merchants continued to employ factors for specific consignments of cargo. Gilbert Spens worked as a factor for Sir William Bruce of Ballcaskye in Germ any and the Dutch Republic between 1672 and 1676 in search of quality tim­ b er.130 Robert Cam pbell and William Wallace of Glasgow selected the D undonian burgess o f Stockholm, Alexander Pattillo, as their factor in Sweden to deal with a cargo of fish aboard the ship St Andrew in 1688.131 Yet not all Scottish factors in Scandinavia were resident like Lyall or Pattillo. Jam es Johnstone, 2nd Earl of Annandale, opted to employ George G albraith, an Edinburgh m erchant, as his factor to travel to Riga in 1664 for a set period of eight m onths.132 N or was it the case that all the factors were sent out from Scodand. Obviously Scots resident abroad had to have their affairs in Scotland looked after, and that was not always possible via familial relations. Thus the Scottish merchant resident in Paris, Jam es Mowatt, employed Jo h n Browne (a m erchant in Edinburgh), as his factor in Scotland in 1666.133

128 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 97. For English factors in the Baltic see Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 122 152. 129 Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh A.D. 1589-1603, 9; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 231-2. Professor Smout held up the appointment of Robert Heriot as factor in Gothenburg to William Lambe in 1690 as a revolu­ tionary example of such an appointment. See Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 99. 130 NAS, Kinross House Papers, GD 29/1906/1-5. Various letters, 1672-1676. For his later residence in Bremen see NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/689/ var­ ious documents from Bremen, 1689. 1,1 RPCS, 3rd series, XIII, 1686-1689, 555-556. Petition of Robert Campbell and William Wallace, c. 1689. Pattillo had previously worked as factor for George, Earl of Panmure shipping salt to Riga in 1679. See NAS, Miscellaneous Collection, GD 45/17/502. Disposition by Alexander Pattillo, 5 December 1679. Three Britons lodged with him in Stockholm in 1696 including his countryman Robert Forrest. See Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 148. 152 Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive— NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess of Annandale’, Bundle 126. Contract between the Earl of Annandale and George Galbraith, 1664 (catalogued erroneously as 1669). I would like to thank the Earl of Annandale for providing me with copies of this and other documents relevant to Galbraith’s mission. 133 RGSS, XI, 452, no. 900. Charter, 6 April 1666.

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At company level men like James Thomson served as the Norrkoping factor for his brother’s company, Russell, Thom son, Turnbull and Baird.134 As discussed above, David Melvin in Elsinore also under­ took factoring work for the same com pany in Copenhagen. Both these m en were long-term residents of the cities they factored in and well-known members of the Scottish community. In Veere, Andrew Skene of Aberdeen received an appointm ent as a com pany factor on behalf of M r Thomas Lumsdell to represent the interests of Messrs. S. Calynholt and J . Cunningham , merchants o f C adiz.135 However, Scots did not simply take on factoring duties for Scots, but also for their English colleagues. So we find Sir Jo h n Paul in Elsinore being asked to represent the interests of the Eastland Com pany in the city from 1674 after some of their members were assaulted by Danish troops in Altona, the Danish town neighbouring H am burg.136 T he work o f this type of factor very often entailed a sustained commit­ m ent to a firm in which there was a blood relation, as in the case of Jam es Thom son working for his brother. Melvin and Paul in Elsinore accounted for the more pragmatic sort of factor, working for concerns capable of seriously improving their own mercantile contacts as well as the direct benefits of factoring for established com panies.137 O ther commercial agents worked on a more formal basis for the individual Scottish burghs. O perating on behalf of a collective of 134 NAS, Russell Papers, RH15/106, passim; Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 56-57, 111-114. 135 Taylor, Aberdeen Council Letters, III, 225-227. Letter of appointment as com­ pany factor, 11 September 1653. This proved to be an unhappy arrangement. RGSS, X, 163. No. 363, Assignation from the Protector, 6 January 1655. This document notes a legal transaction which involved another Scottish factor in Veere, Thomas Lumsden with whom he had a dispute ongoing from 1654 and which lasted well into the 1660s. See numerous documents relating to the dispute in Taylor, Aberdeen Council Letters, III, 231, 234, 236, 295; IV, 51, 53, 204-209, 211-218. 136 DRA, TKUA, England, A II 17. John Paul 1676-1679’. Benjamin Taylor, et al., to Sir John Paul, 25 September 1674 and Paul to Christian V (English trans­ lation), 25 October 1674. 137 An example of a very successful English factor in Norway is James Collett who sought to leave Norway after eighteen years. His contribution was thought so valuable to the Norwegian economy that he was appointed to the Kommercerad (Board of Trade) and served as the factor in Christiania for the English (and British) mer­ chants who traded in the east of Norway. See R. Fladby, ed., Norske Kongebrev (6 vols., Oslo: 1962), VII, 293; A. Collett, Collett, en gammel Christiania slegt (Christiania: 1883), passim; Elgvin, En By i Karnp, 201. For an interesting discussion of English factors in Sweden see Muller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 73-76, section entitled ‘Typical English Factors’.

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m erchants from Edinburgh, David G uthrie of M ontrose worked off docum entation provided by the Scottish Privy Council.138 Andrew H u n ter served as A berdeen’s factor in Poland-Lithuania for over thirty years, residing and working in Cracow on a commission from his home tow n.139 W hile this single burgh employed H unter, the Convention o f Burghs was also responsible for the appointm ent of factors to represent the interests of their members. Alexander Skene served as a burgh factor in Veere throughout the 1650s-60s, appar­ ently unhindered by the changes of regime from Stuart kingdom to Cromwellian Protectorate to Restoration Scotland.140 Though not at the level o f the Conservator in Veere, these factors effectively rep­ resented the legitimate trading interests of the Scottish nation. Thus, the appointm ent of factors such as Nicholas M cM ath in locations like Dieppe or Jam es Browne in Bordeaux representing the Scottish burghs was not uncom m on.141 W hen not appointed by the burghs, other commercial agents were appointed by the Scottish Privy Council or the king. In 1610, Patrick G ordon took up the royal appointm ent as m erchant factor and continued in Poland until 1625.142 W hen he retired from his post he made sure his job fell to his nephew Francis G ordon, who retained the position into the 1640s— another victory for kin networking.143 Andrew Russell served as one of the main fac­ 138 See SRA, Scotica I. Scottish Privy Council to Gustav II Adolf, 18 September 1614. The Edinburgh merchants were named as Hercules Crawmont, Johannes Weir, Alexander Foster, Gilbertus Haliday, Johannes Kinnimont, Johanes Dundie and Adam Finlason ‘mercatores Edinburgenses’. 139 Andrew Hunter’s status was noted on 24 June 1619 by the Aberdeen Coun­ cil. See Taylor, Aberdeen Council Letters, I, 166; Steuart, Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, 51. 140 Skene already worked as a burgh factor from 1651, before the English occu­ pation. He was suspended as factor for failing to appear before the Royal Convention of Burghs in February in 1657, though this was later rescinded. See Taylor, Aberdeen Council Letters, III, 190. Council minute, 19 August 1651; Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, III, 440. His continued status as factor is recorded in ROSS, XI, 375, no. 751. Charter of Liferent of Andrew Skene, 5 May 1665. 141 RGSS, X, 11, no. 20. Browne is noted as factor during the early period of English occupation of Scotland in a ‘Grant of the Keepers of the Seal’, 23 August 1652; RGSS, XI, 297, no. 581. Charter, 24 March 1664 (McMath mentioned as being in Dieppe pre-1644). For more on Dieppe appointments see Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, I, 270, 273 and II, 50 and 146. 142 Bell, Diplomatic Representatwes, 215; Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 33 and 255; RPCS, XI, cxli and 174-178; Steuart, Papers relating to the Scots in Poland, xv-xix, 37 and 103-107. 141 Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Nomm and the House of Stuart, 107-108. Francis Gordon represented Christian IV of Denmark-Norway as his commercial factor in Danzig while representing the Stuart interest at the same time.

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tors for Scottish trade in R otterdam between 1668 and 1685. He undertook his role, gaining business from his good reputation, though he was never specifically elected to undertake it by any authority in Scotland. W hen he retired, his factoring business in Rotterdam trans­ ferred to his brother-in-law, William Livingstone.144 Factors like those just described interacted with the supra-national ‘British’ m erchant representatives and have been noted for their involvement in Swedish trade, particularly during Swedish-Danish conflicts.145 T he supra-national representatives were appointed by the British Crown to look after the commercial affairs o f all the subjects of the m onarchy, Scottish, English, Irish and colonial.146 William Davidson was keen to keep these positions separate in law and his notaries had to ensure he was called both ‘Conservator and Resident for his M ajesties A ncient K ingdom e o f Scotland in the Seaven Provinces of the Netherlands’ while at the same time observing that he was ‘His Majesties Sole Com m issioner at Am sterdam for the affaires of England and Ireland’.147 Not all diplomats sought such separation or revelled in their titles. W hen Robert Anstruther moved his diplomatic base to H am burg in 1629, his presence effectively superseded that of the English commercial factor, Joseph Averie. English m erchants were aided in the sourcing of commodities by Anstruther and in this way Rowland Pittes, Charles I ’s ‘Purveyor of Sea Fish’, found the sturgeon he was looking for through this ScottishBritish am bassador.148 Anstruther thus asserted his authority at the top without disentangling the various kingdoms which he represented. T he process also worked the other way so that when an English 144 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/61 (1685). For the ‘brother’ reference see Bill of Exchange, 6 February 1685 and William Livingstone to Patrick Davidson, 26 November 1685. This letter states that ‘brother Russell having resolved not to do any more in commissions hath amongst others given over yours to me’—indi­ cating that Russell had ceased some of his factoring activity at that point. Yet again factoring remained in the family as William Livingstone was Russell’s brother-inlaw. Russell was married to Livingstone’s sister Janet and the two men referred to each other as brother. See also NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/387. William Livingstone to Andrew Russell, 26 July 1680. 145 Miiller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 62. 146 SRA, Amnessamlingar och strodda historiska handlingar, vol. 24: Handlingar frin Gustav II Adolfs tid 1612-1632. Patrick Gordon to Archibald Rankin, 18 August 1617. 147 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud-notarieel Archief, vol. 596 (Protocollen van Johannes Crosse, 1664-1674), f. 46. 146 APC, July 1628-April 1629, 93-94, 413 -414. See also Zickermann ‘Britearmia ist mein patria\ 255.

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diplomat held the senior position, they too looked after the interests of Scottish m erchants, as Ambassador George Shuttleworth’s inter­ vention on behalf of Alexander Waddell in Stockholm in 1673 demon­ strates.149 These senior diplomats could also function on a variety of levels and there developed some confusion as to whom they should turn to when seeking representation. Others believed that the influence of the joint-stock companies, particularly those with monopolies, dam ­ aged free trade.150 As a result, the second half o f the century saw the rise of the consular service which led to a rash of appointm ents globally and a clam our to gain consular status from a variety of m erchants.151 Throughout the 1660s Scots em bedded into the Danish com m u­ nity were used as points of contact and factors by British merchants. David Melvin, the Royal Postmaster in Elsinore, was one such m an.152 However, it was his good friend, Sir Jo h n Paul, who becam e the first to be m ade the official British consul in Denmark-Norway in 1671.153 In a letter regarding the role of the British consul, Patrick Lyall pointed out that before Paul, passports for British skippers had

1+9 SRA, Kommerskollegii underdaniga skrivelser 1651-1840—George Shuttleworth re Alexander Waddell, 5 May 1673. iy) CSPD, 1666 1667, 443. Certificate of Robert Stadd and six other merchants hoping that the trade of Algiers would not be confined to any monopoly and that John Ward would be successful in his application to be made consul there. 151 CSPD, 1666-1667, 439. Petition of Edward Burton, merchant of London, 4 January 1667. Burton stated he was going to reside in South Barbary at his own expense with financial help from other merchants. He therefore applied for a con­ sular post. He enclosed a petition of fourteen other merchants in support of his application who all stated such a post would encourage trade. 152 p w Becker, ed., Samlmgrr til Danmarks historie under kong Frederik den tredies regiering a f udenlandske archiver (2 vols., Copenhagen: 1857), II, 303, 416, various letters mentioning David Melvin as ‘English agent’, 1660s; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 198, 218-219 and 235. 153 Becker, Samlmgrr til Danmarks historie under kong Frederik, II, 412-416, various let­ ters of John Paul, 1660s. In Paul’s case it appears he was chosen by Christian V of Denmark to represent Britain, though obviously with the consent of Charles II whom Paul served as Privy Councillor. See DRA, TKUA, England, A II 17. ‘J ohn Paul 1676-1679’. Mentioned in Charles II to Christian V, 21 December 1671 (reconfirmed in letter of same to same, 4 February 1679); That it was Christian V who chose Paul to serve in this position is confirmed in a letter to the Queen of Denmark. Same archive, Charles II to Charlotte Amelia, 21 December 1671; His popularity with the Danish king is alluded to in letters to the Swedish king. In 1676 the Swedish governor of SkAne felt that Paul was so pro-Danish in his attitude that he was even detrimental to the British interests there! See SRA, General guvemorens i Skane, Halland och Blekinge till Kungl. Maj:t, VII. Johan Gyllenstiema to Karl XI, 5 January, 13 March and 12 May 1676.

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been made out by m erchants and innkeepers where the skippers lodged and that was completely unsatisfactory.154 T he innovation of supporting a British consul brought with it an extra charge of 2.1.8 rdl. in ‘consular fees’ to skippers passing through the Sound and these were pointed out by other residents in Elsinore as being unique to British and Irish skippers.155 Paul and Lyall therefore derived a significant part o f their income from levying a tax on the subjects o f Charles II. As the role became formalised, this money would have provided a good living though Paul preferred factoring. He resigned his ‘British’ position in 1681 to serve as the main Scottish m erchant factor, and rem ained in Elsinore until his death in 1711.156 T he sta­ tus of separate Scottish consuls in addition to the main British one retained currency in D enm ark-Norway well into the eighteenth cen­ tury. T he Aberdonian, William Forbes, became a m erchant burgess o f Bergen on 31 M ay 1706 and thereafter served as Scottish con­ sul and m erchant in the city even after the T reaty of Union of 1707. O n 9 February 1716 Forbes wrote to the magistrate of Bergen to say how unhappy he was being the Scottish consul as it resulted in dam age and ruin to himself, though he was elusive as to why.157 Not all consuls found this to be the case, as Paul clearly demonstrates.

154 DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. Patrick Lyall to Christian V, 8 May 1686. Lyall has previously been assumed to be English. See Astrom, From Cloth to Iron, 92. IM In 1677 Jean van Deurs noted that all skippers passing the sound had to pay 4.1.0 rdl. for a loaded ship; 1 rdl. to the Sound clerks; 0.2.0 rdl. to the pass writer; a further 0.1.8 rdl. to the ‘seal or pass writer and 0.1.8 rdl. for the poor. All British and Irish additionally had to pay the ‘English’ (sic) resident 2.1.8 rdl. and van Deurs implies this charge was unusual and other skippers did not have to pay it. He fur­ ther observed that all English, Scots and Irish captains had the liberty to pay ‘unfree’ tolls on their return journey from the Baltic (if in credit) on a promise that if they did not return, the merchant involved pledged the English resident that they would pay the Sound toll themselves. See Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 450. Jean van Deurs to Jacob David, Elsinore, 17 February 1677. By 1683 other coun­ tries certainly had consular services in operation. 156 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 239. 157 In this letter he noted that the town bailiff Ole Larsen and Peder Hejberg were his brothers-in-law, and they witnessed his demands against several Scottish skippers and merchants. On the 27th of the same month, Forbes’s wife Maren wrote, in her husband’s absence, specifying her husband’s debts as attested by the court of Sunhordlen and counter signed again by his brothers-in-law. See Bergen Statsarkiv, Sollied Archive, ‘Forbus, William’. Letters of 9 and 27 February 1716; Nicolaysen, Bergens Borgerbog, 135. It is not clear if this is the same William Forbes who authored Metholodical Treatise concerning Bills of Exchange (1718) noted in Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 122.

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Sir Jo h n Paul continued to trade with those who were his official replacements as British m erchant consul in D enm ark such as Patrick Lyall who held position throughout the 1680s.158 Several other con­ suls now operated in the Danish-Norwegian realm and Christian V made it clear that Lyall would enjoy the same liberties and free­ doms as they did, as well as being unhindered by Danish officials.159 However, under Lyall the role was refined and the consulate moved from C openhagen to Elsinore. He often referred back to the role o f Paul and the need to establish fixed consular guidelines.160 M oreover, the roles o f Lyall and Paul show the complexities of the layering system am ong commercial agents, as the duties of factor to the largest English trading company, the national consular duties o f Scodand and the consular and diplomatic duties of the ‘British’ resident were invested in these two m en in Elsinore for a quarter of a century. This could lead to confusion and sometimes, as in the case of Lyall, appointm ents had to be re-issued with clarification of who was, and who was not, to collect ‘Consuladge Duties’. Either due to genuine confusion or rank opportunism , Isaac Holmes had started to collect consular fees from British masters passing through the Sound soon after the death o f Charles II. Thereafter, the British masters were issued orders by Ambassador Thom as Fotherby to recognise and pay Lyall adding; ‘And furtherm ore I charge you not to pay any money to Isaak Holmes or any of his substitutes, by the name of recopence [sic] or allowance (unless by the way of Voluntary Donative) unlesse he show you the King o f Denmarcks Commission or hand for the receiving of it’.161 By the end of the 1680s, Denmark-Norway had a regular British consul and by the turn of the eighteenth century

158 Lyall received his Danish authorization on 24 November 1683. Upon the death of Charles II, his appointment was confirmed on 16 August 1685 by Jacobus Secudus Dei Gratia Magnae Britanniae, Franciae et Hibemiae Rex. See DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. Perhaps because of his position, Lyall was exempted from paying taxes by special privilege in 1682. He also made himself unpopular with the Sound Toll administration, after he discovered, and apparently reported irregularities; Smout, ‘Scottish Commercial Factors’, 123-125; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 232. 159 DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. Christian V’s accred­ itation to Patrick Lyall, 24 November 1683. 160 DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. Patrick Lyadl to Christian V, 17 January 1684 and 8 May 1686. 161 DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. Ambassador Fotherby to all British masters passing through the Sound, 4 March 1686 (several English and Danish copies).

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the post was still being filled by Scots like Hugh G reg.162 However, the Scottish Privy Council observed that there was a complete lack o f a consular service to oversee the concerns of Scottish merchants in Sweden by 1689 and agreed that the Secretary of State should get the king to intervene with the Swedish authorities.163 In the m ean­ time ‘consular duties’ were temporarily returned to individual fac­ tors like Jo h n Charteris, and supplemented by visiting ambassadors as and when required.164 Through private networking and their various factoring commit­ ments, Paul and Lyall served as m ajor conduits in the trade between Britain, Denmark-Norway, Sweden and the D utch Republic, albeit their business often upset the Swedish authorities. Paul’s association with British merchants in Sweden so rankled the governor of Skane that he complained about it to Karl X I in 1676.165 But Paul was too integrated into the wider Scottish and British commercial circle outwith Sweden to be affected by these complaints. H e actively engaged in helping T h o m as Ju lian of London ship goods from G othenburg to Danzig the following year and also m aintained links with Scots like John Spreull in Hamburg, Andrew Russell in Rotterdam and of course the num erous other British traders passing through Elsinore.166 Rem em bering Patrick Lyall’s four uncles in Stockholm, the situation for their families’ trade must surely have improved when he became British consul in the Sound. He undoubtedly helped them where he could in terms of consular duties and ‘passports’, but also

162 From December 1700 until his death on 29 December 1701 he was the official British ‘King’s’ Resident in Copenhagen. From Copenhagen he travelled into Holstein in December 1701 where he died of distemper. He left debts there of £1000 Sterling, but was owed more than that sum. This was claimed by his sister Margaret Greg in November 1702. See J.F. Chance, ed., British Diplomatic Instructions 1689-1789, Vol III, Denmark (London: 1926), 1-21; CSPD, 1702-1703, 304, 492, 496. 163 RPCS, 3rd series, XIII, 1686-1689, 555-556. Petition of Robert Campbell and William Wallace, c. 1689. 164 Smout, ‘Scottish Commercial Factors’, 127. 165 Paul was in contact with an English merchant based in Stockholm, a certain Mr Fryer. The governor argued that these contacts would be harmful to the inter­ ests of Karl XI. See SRA, General guvemorens i Skime, Halland och Blekinge till Kungl. Maj:t, VII. Johan Gyllenstiema [?] to Karl XI, 5 January, 13 March and 12 May 1676. 166 Paul’s papers contain Swedish passes for Thomas Julian’s voyage dated 24 October 1677 and 26 March 1678 in DRA, TKUA, England, A II 17. John Paul 1676-1679’. Paul also handled correspondence between Spreull and Russell. See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/199. John Spreull to Andrew Russell, 29 November 1675.

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rem ained in a perfect position to inform his uncles and cousins o f their com petition— who they were, where they were bound, who they were consigned to and the value of their cargo. His status was a veritable coup for the wider Lyall family-network. Throughout 1681-1683, Isaac Holmes in Elsinore kept a journal o f all the English and Scottish skippers passing through the Sound. In the com er o f many o f the entries he added a small note observ­ ing that ‘caution’ for the ship/cargo had been provided by Lyall which in Scots context may refer to insurance.167 M any of those who received Lyall’s ‘caution’ were Scots and his other papers suggest he was a fundamental link to the Scottish commercial network, partic­ ularly between the Swedish and Dutch branches of Russell, Thomson, Turnbull and Baird. Lyall’s name appears on an anchorage bill o f Thom as Gourlay, a skipper o f the com pany.168 O n 16 M arch 1688, three Scottish merchants o f Leith (John Riddell, Jo h n Wilkie and William Lamb) instructed their skipper, William Craig, to sail for G othenburg to sell their goods there, and, if this was not possible,

167 These entries included; no. 207, 11 September 1681, Gavin Atkins of Greenock, The Mary, from Glasgow to Riga with 22 lasts of herring cargo plus 1 last herring, 800 lambskins, 3 dozen stockings for master and crew; no. 17, 5 April 1682, James Rae of Glasgow, The Janet, bound for Stockholm with 40 lasts of herring. She returned on 15 July with 227.13.10 ship-pounds of iron and 3 lasts of tar; no. 117, 21 May 1682, William Davie of Glasgow, The Providence, bound for Stockholm with 20 lasts of herring, 50 dozen stockings, 1300 ells linen, 1400 fallow linen, 200 dozen gloves, 200 fox skins. She returned 23 August with 190.5 ship-pounds of iron, 3 lasts of tar and 17 lasts of copper; no. 164, 28 May 1682, John Hastings of Leith, The Isobell, travelling between Rochelle and Riga with a cargo of salt and return­ ing 25 August; no. 179, 30 May 1682, John Redpath of Leith, The John, bound for Stockholm with 12 lasts of salt (Scots), 6 lasts herring, 250 lb sugar, 60 reams of paper with an additional 2 lasts herring and 100 barrels of oysters for the mas­ ter and crew. She returned bound for Leith with 9.5 lasts of rye on 23 July; no.3L 1, 15 September 1682, George Darling of Queensferry, The St Andrew, bound for Stockholm from Glasgow with 60 lasts herring; no. 312, 15 September 1682, Alexander Fender of Leith, The Lyon, bound for Danzig with 20 lasts of salt, 2300 lamb skins, 100 dozen woollen stockings and 200 barrels of oysters (with another 200 for the master and crew). She returned on 31 October with 70 ship-pounds of iron, 27 of potash and some hemp. It is not clear why Lyall chose to vouch for these particular vessels, but they probably indicate his direct business interests or that these gained some tax advantage due to Lyall’s position. See DRA, Da. Kane. 1681-83, Skab 15 N.252, c. 63c, ‘Den af Isak Holmes fulmaegtig, Seneca Torsen holdte journal fra alle engelske og skotske skippere saavel fra vestersoen som fra Ostersoen som har passeret Oresund’. 168 The bill was dated 19 May 1685 and it was noted that Lyall was paid some 378:24:00 (Pounds Scots?) with other amounts being paid to his employees. See NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/574. Bill of Anchorage, 19 May 1685.

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they should ask Lyall’s advice where he could have com bought cheaply.169 W hen the Scottish Privy Council wished the Scottish fleet to wait for a convoy to take them home from G othenburg in 1706. Lyall was instructed, in his role as Scottish m erchant consul, to make sure the Scots knew about this in one of his last roles as factor.170 These factors and consuls can therefore be tied into the Scottish commercial network on a num ber of levels. However, their involve­ m ent is not surprising given that it was what they were paid to do at whichever of the five levels they operated on at a given time. It is all very well to show that associations developed between given merchants in various locations and that A traded with B traded with C. While that does dem onstrate that a network had developed, the real test o f a network’s strength is revealed when things go wrong. T he occasions when networks encountered difficulty are legion, and those cases where Scots were involved in such disputes can be fairly well reconstructed.

Tiying Times: The Networks Tested T he history of Scots appearing in court cases against other Scots dates back as far as our sources allow us to systematically trace and often grants us insights into commercial networks. They were not confined to any particular location and examples from the sixteenth century exist for Sweden, Denmark-Norway, Poland-Lithuania and the Baltic cities, and often combinations of them. For example, in 1589, Blasius Dundee in Sweden testified in a Stockholm court in support o f Thom as Ogilvie’s claim for outstanding debts against a fellow Scottish m erchant based in Poland.171 In 1658 Jam es Porteous appeared in a legal case with his fellow Stockholm burgess Jam es Maistertoun (Mesterton) over a sum of money which Porteous claimed he had already paid M aistertoun.172 M oreover, Porteous had the

169 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 294. Appendix II in that collection, Document VI. Commission to a Skipper, 16 March 1688. 170 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 232. 171 J.A. Almquist, ed., Stockholms stads tdnkebocker 1589-1591 (Stockholm: 1948), 44-5, 216. m For James Porteous see Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: regis­ ter, 1601-1650, 65. Burgess of Stockholm, 6 March 1637. Mestertoun does not appear on this list.

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attestation of the City of Danzig to prove it!173 While this case reached as far as the Swedish Riksrad\ the ramifications were seldom serious, though that was not always the case. Daniel Young Leijonancker and the M om m a-Reenstiem a consor­ tium were both operators in the same fields of commerce. Confronted by such competition there are several options open to the competi­ tors. They can either fight each other or join forces to work together. In 1667, Jaco b M om m a signed contracts with Q ueen Christina, leas­ ing out the administration o f her domains in Gotland and Osel which had been granted to her as part of her pension by the Swedish authorities. Willem M om m a and Isaac Kock-Cronstrom were brought in to underwrite the project. Jaco b M om m a-Reenstiem a bound his brother A braham and friend Daniel Young Leijonancker into the lease. Each of the m en was responsible for one third of the leasing sum and one third o f the incomes. A braham took over responsibil­ ity for the G otland office, while Young served as the contact for the Royal Court and the Kommnskollegium (Board of Trade) with Jacob M om m a-Reenstiem a as Director of the project. Resistance of the burghers of Visby to the M om m a-Reenstiem a enterprise led to com ­ plaints that their rights were being infringed and they found sup­ po rt from G o tlan d ’s governor, L ennart Ribbing. T h e G overnor confiscated M om m a-R eenstiem a’s goods at Slite and a series of law­ suits followed, collapsing the co nsortium .174 By 1671, M om m aReenstiem a and Young had so seriously fallen out over their business arran g em en ts th a t th eir friendship en d ed an d J a c o b M om m aReenstiem a’s fortunes fell into decline.175 Not so Daniel Young, whose rise in Swedish society was meteoric. M ore importandy, a significant com petitor in the m any fields in which Leijonancker played had been removed. Yet his actions and the way he dealt with the M ommaReenstiem a family had been noticed, particularly by his fellow Scots.

173 SRP, XVIII, 104-106. Riksrad minute, 22 September 1658. 174 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 33; Muller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 60. I7i A complete volume of correspondence, mostly in German, survives detailing their differences, including Young’s distrust of Momma-Reenstiema’s figures. See SRA, Momma-Reenstiema Samlingen, Affarer och processer med nedan namda enskilda personer, E2593 (sometimes called 2594), vol. 126, Leyon. This folder holds Jacob Momma-Reenstiema’s many notes on money owed to him by Leijonancker, Leijonancker’s report to Abraham and Jacob Momma-Reenstiema, 1667-1679, including his observations on Jacob Momma’s figures; two identical copies of the differences between Leijonancker and Momma-Reenstiema, 1671.

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W hen Jam es Thom son wrote to Andrew Russell noting that there were not many people who dealt with Leijonancker who did not get ‘h ad ’ by him, and that he felt sure his brother would end up like the rest, he was surely alluding to the M om m a-Reenstiem a case.176 However, Thom son fared much better than M omm a-Reeinstiem a, and the two men rem ained friends until Young’s death, Thom son even being recom m ended as heir to his cloth empire. We will prob­ ably never know what made this partnership survive while others with Leijonancker failed, but com m on nationality, simple friendship and respect for each other’s business acum en may all have played a part. All these points considered, they were not of help in every case. Alexander Waddell became a m erchant and burgess of Stockholm around 1670. A relative newcomer to the city with large ambition, he occupied the same field as around a dozen other m erchants, trad­ ing goods mainly to London in an environm ent desperately short of m oney.177 O n 24 July 1672 he wrote to London that he had drawn £1 ,0 0 0 against the M arscoe-David company for goods on his ship De Hoop and the same amount against Nathaniel Wilson in Ham burg.178 Thereafter, he further supplied some £2,183 gross worth of pitch and tar to the com pany within m onths.179 Waddell hoped to secure cash in return for his goods sent, but M arscoe-David worked on a six-month credit basis, thus his commissions were rebuffed by the com pany.180 Waddell tried to draw £3,350 through Hamburg, Amster­ dam and Edinburgh and could dem onstrate to his partners that he had shipped £6,629 worth of goods to London. By O ctober 1672, W addell’s partnership with M arscoe-David had collapsed.181 T here­ after W addell’s fortunes deteriorated, though not simply as a result o f bad debtors. O th er m erchants suffered that fate and survived due to the strong support networks they had built up. W addell’s collapse

176 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/636, f. 1 & f. 7. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, 13 August 1687. 177 Waddell noted with concern the collapse of Abraham Reenstiema and the general lack of money in Sweden at this time. Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 126-127, 136. 178 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 353-354. Waddell to Leonora Marescoe and Peter Joye, 24 July 1672. 179 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 163. 180 This resulted in bankruptcy for several companies. See Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 127, 130, 153. 18' Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 127, 136.

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resulted from a more complex set of circumstances brought largely upon himself. From the surviving correspondence relating to this m an, it is clear that he was initially part of a Scottish mercantile network covering Stockholm, Copenhagen, Am sterdam and London. His associates included William, Jo h an , Jaco b and David Strang, William Halliday, and George Scott.182 While the non-payment of debts by MarscoeDavid undoubtedly crippled Waddell, it was his falling out with his Scottish business partners that finished him off. Waddell traded heav­ ily with W illiam Strang, the Swedish-born Scot and burgess o f Amsterdam living and trading in London.183 At the outbreak of the third Anglo-Dutch W ar, W addell m ade a fateful decision. O n 26 Ju n e 1672, he wrote his first letter to the M arscoe-David group in London in which he made it quite clear that he wished to transfer all his business to them and away from William Strang, due no doubt to the latter’s status as a Dutch citizen. He pointed out that both Strang and the skipper of W addell’s ship De Hoop had been informed o f this; if the situation became awkward, W addell would employ his attorney to compel Strang to comply with orders to hand over his goods.184 However, Waddell thought he could then rely on David Strang in Amsterdam (William’s brother) to consign another cargo aboard the ship St John, which led to another contributing fac­ tor in the collapse o f W addell’s fortune. T he St John was captured during the third Anglo-Dutch W ar by Scottish privateers and declared as a prize in the Scottish Admiralty Court on 19 Decem ber 1672. T he Scots Admiralty C ourt argued that the ship carried insufficient passes and some fictitious ones sup­ plied by W addell, who claimed to own both ship and cargo.185 Yet according to deposition of the skipper at the time of loading, the ship was in Holland and designed to go to Sweden. T h e ship had

182 SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01946 1/8. Alexander Waddell to Karl XI, Haffhia [Copenhagen], 6 August 1675. 18J William Strang’s father and namesake came from Forfar in Scotland and was made a burgess in Stockholm in 1649. See Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 39. Burgess, 5 September 1649; A. Reid, The Royal Burgh of Forfar: A Local History (Forfar: 1902), 136 and 417-8. 184 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 351-352. Waddell to Leonora Marescoe and Peter Joye, 26 June 1672. 185 NAS, AC7/3, Register of Decreets, 1672-1675, if. 350-366. Captain James Douglas against Louis Neilson (some sources say Laers Wolfson) of the ship St John, 19 November 1672.

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never been in Sweden and W addell was not the sole owner, but in partnership with several ‘others’. Indeed, the skipper adm itted to being employed by David Strang of Amsterdam since Septem ber and that W addell’s pass related to the previous April. Well informed from a variety of sources, the Scots Admiralty C ourt argued that both ship and goods belonged to Amsterdam and had been taken as she sailed between Archangel in Russia and that city.186 T he skip­ per and crew had pretended that the destination for the goods was Swedish-controlled Bremen and each m an aboard had been paid 25 guilders to say so by the Dutch m erchant who was also captured aboard. Peter Joye o f the M arscoe-David group also tried to mis­ lead the Scottish Admiralty through their Edinburgh advocate and claim that the ship was fully Swedish. This ruse, probably inspired by Waddell, failed and indeed brought contem pt on future Swedish claims resulting in the seizure of numerous Swedish vessels.187 At a stroke, Waddell had now both alienated himself from his debtors in London by making them push false claims, and made himself com­ pletely suspect to the Scottish Admiralty. Thereafter, another ship o f W addell’s, The Diamond, was also taken by the Scots off the Dutch coast and in total he lost three ships to Scottish privateers. His asser­ tion that they were Swedish fell on deaf ears in the Adm iralty.188 W ith Marscoe-David withholding paym ent for their goods, Waddell ‘fled his creditors’ in Sweden and moved to Elsinore where he was arrested.189

186 DRA, England A III 39, f. 143. Letter from C. Bickerstaffe on behalf of the Scottish Admiralty Court, Edinburgh, 22 November 1672. 187 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 365. Walter Cheislie to Peter Joye, 14 December 1672. Cheislie noted that upon being asked by Marescoe-David to plead certain ships were Swedes that he would comply because they asked him to but he added ‘but the last you caused me enter from Muscovia being brocht up by our privateers to this place and proven so quyte contrary to my entering him a Swed as you ordered hath dashed all to peaces the credit of anie such entries’. Waddell’s ship is the only one ship at his time that was taken with any connection to Muscovy. Marescoe-David had already been prepped that things were not all they seemed. Waddell had previously asserted to the company that his ship Halven Maendft] in the Sound was a Swedish ship and that all the cargo in her belonged to himself, though why he made this unsolicited claim is not clear and possibly indicates that he knew well enough that the ship had a Dutch connection. See Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 353-354. Waddell to Leonora Marescoe and Peter Joye, 24 July 1672. 188 S. Murdoch, A. Little and A.D.M. Forte, ‘Scottish Privateering, Swedish Neutrality and Prize Law in the Third Anglo-Dutch War’ in Forum Navale, no. 59 (2003), 53. 189 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 153.

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O n 3 M ay 1673, Waddell wrote to the M arscoe-David Com pany to let them know that he had left Stockholm and was shocked and distressed to learn that his drafts had not been honoured by the company. This, he pointed out, was in contradiction to the Company’s promises as they had told him he could draw on them and added forcefully ‘I and my whole House could be ruined by it, for which you will have to answer severely before G od’.190 George Shuttleworth, British ambassador, had also put pressure on Kommerskollegium to write to Karl X I to intercede on W addell’s behalf but to little avail.191 But the reason for his predicam ent lay, in part, elsewhere. As a new­ com er to Sweden, Waddell was a commercial threat to others com ­ peting within the same fields of operations. H e had not developed a network willing to intervene on his behalf there, and many may have been pleased to see him go under. N or were his D utch p art­ ners, particularly the Strangs, willing to defend him, as he had been ju st too quick to drop William Strang at the outset of the D utch war. This also resulted in alienation from Strang’s numerous part­ ners in Sweden such as Alexander Buchan and Alexander Pattillo— a relative of Strang’s m other M argaret Pattillo.192 Marscoe-David in London had also been complicit in a deception and probably sought to distance themselves from this man. In short he had lost the support o f the Scottish authorities, his English contacts and his fellow Scottish traders in Amsterdam, London and Stockholm. W addell’s network had completely collapsed.193 Nonetheless, in other cases networks sur­ vived, even when the attacks became very personal in nature. Scrutiny of the Thomson-Russell papers reveals deep-rooted prob­ lems facing their network, even from within. In particular, Jam es

190 The tone of this letter is one of shock and horror and begging the Company to let him know the true extent of his finances, who owed him money and if they could furnish him with money now, for without it he could not proceed on his journey. See Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 366-367. Waddell to Leonora Marescoe and Peter Joye, 3 May 1673. 191 SRA, Kommerskollegii underdiiniga skrivelser 1651-1840—George Shuttleworth re Alexander Waddell, 5 May 1673. 192 SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01540 2/11. 2 letters about the late John Kinnemond signed by William Strang and Alexander Buchan; For Margaret Pattillo’s marriage to William Strang see Reid, The Royal Burgh of Forfar, 136. 193 Letters and addenda of 6 August 1675 from Copenhagen discuss his corre­ spondence with Envoy Lillecrona on the subject in which he notes ‘his long and ruinous arrest’. See SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01946 1/8. Alexander Waddell to Karl XI, Haflnia [Copenhagen], 6 August 1675; SRA, Brev till Magnus de la Gardie a) fran enskilda, Waddell to de la Gardie, 1675; CSPD, 1675-1676, 125-126.

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Thom son did not get on with the skipper Jo h n Gib the elder, while relations between Gib and Patrick Thom son were also strained. T he ensuing disruption also placed tensions on the Thom son brothers them selves an d m ay even have b ro u g h t on P atrick ’s m ove to Stockholm. Already by 1685, Patrick Thom son flagged up a grow­ ing rift between Gib and the Thom son brothers.194 Both then and in Ju n e the following year, Jam es Thom son complained of G ib’s refusal to freight goods o f the company unless directed by Russell in R otterdam .195 In a bid to resolve this issue, Patrick Thom son wrote to Russell to seek clarification, particularly wanting to know when any agreem ent had been reached about whom Gib took orders from .196 T he anti-Gib invective continued with Gib being accused of breaching ‘hospitality’, a grave offence among the Scots.197 Jam es Thom son again wrote to Russell stating ‘I had enough to do to com­ m and my passion, he [Gib] having (besyd what he said the last voyadge) called me the basest of men and also my wyfe that she conversed to hell in Kircaldie with the greatest of witches’.198 T he apparent lack of action taken against Gib fuelled the increasing tensions between the T hom son b rothers themselves. In an un d ated enclosure of November 1685, Patrick Thom son wrote to Russell expressing con­ cern that his brother Jam es ‘did not make me at hom e’, again rais­ ing the spectre of poor hospitality.199 Yet Gib rem ained in the pay o f the com pany and the business operation continued despite the fact that Gib opted to remove his family from Sweden— a move actually lam ented by Patrick Thom son.200 Given the level of criti­ cism used by the parties involved, it has to be concluded that the

194 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/574. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 26 August and 17 September 1685. 195 Thomson commented that ‘the man is very high and my brother not only now but before has such a kyndness for that man that he can do no wrong’. See NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/607. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, 23 June 1686. 196 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/607. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 14 August 1686. 197 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 1 5 /106/607. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, 30 September 1686. 198 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/607. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, 18 October 1686. 199 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/574. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, c. November 1685. 200 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/607. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 14 August 1686.

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strength o f the kin bonds and commercial pragmatism kept this com ­ pany together through several trying years. W ithout the glue of blood, things may have been entirely different in the company of Russell, Thom son, Turnbull and Baird.

Conclusion Fontaine has argued that the opening of English markets to the Scots in the post-1707 period led to decline in emigration to traditional locations such as Scandinavia and the Baltic while established com ­ panies like the Swedish East India Com pany replaced peddling net­ works, employed Scots at all levels and facilitated integration into the indigenous community.201 However, we have seen that the Scots were already operating at levels far more sophisticated than those offered by simply studying either the peddling model or focusing just on the higher m erchant class. In addition to simply tram ping round the Baltic and N orth Sea in the smaller 15-50 last vessels so com­ monly talked about, the foreign-based Scottish m erchant ran fleets of much larger ships which were serviced by these smaller ships202— ships so large in fact that they would not have been able to berth in most Scottish harbours. An Englishman, Samuel Tucker, noted the seizure o f some 30 English and Scots ships at the outbreak o f the third Anglo-Dutch W ar at Rotterdam by that date. Very inter­ estingly, and contrary to usual claims about how small Scottish ships were, Tucker observed that ‘the Scots ships stopt here [Rotterdam] are more in num ber and better than the English, and are brave shipps most of two hundred tonn and upwards, and very able shipps.’203 In truth, Scottish m erchants operated a much more nuanced net­ work structure than Fontaine acknowledges; one that required ped­ lars and tram pers servicing ocean-going vessels and supported by a structured system of factors and m erchant consuls.204 201 Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 36-37, 119-120. 202 For more on the subject of tramping see T. Riis, ‘Long Distance Trade or Tramping: Scottish Ships in the Baltic, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’ in T.C. Smout, ed., Scotland and the Sea (Edinburgh: 1992), 59-72. 203 PRO, SP 84/188, f. 166. Samuel Tucker to Juan Antonio Bereira, 14 April 1672. I thank Andrew Litde, University of Exeter, for bringing this document to my attention. 204 The need to scrutinize the various levels of Scottish commercial migrants has also been voiced in Pedersen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen’, 153; Kowalski, ‘The Placement of Urbanised Scots’, 80.

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T he num ber of Scottish pedlars has probably been exaggerated by both the recipient nations and Scottish contemporaries and con­ fuses our understanding o f their role. O n the one hand the larger the num ber of Scottish pedlars, the more reason there was to intro­ duce legislation to control them. This policy is common across his­ tory am ong those wishing to exclude a particular race, colour or religious group from entering their society. O n the other hand, Lithgow’s claim of 30,000 Scottish families present in Poland increased the nation’s sense o f itself and international influence. He was so persuasive that even the Polish am bassador adopted his m antra, ini­ tially reciting it to gain British military support for Poland against the Turks. Such statistics have been employed ever since, shaping our understanding of the Scottish commercial nation and distracting our focus away from the more sophisticated elements within the com­ mercial network. Individuals and collectives of merchants employed strong kin net­ works to support their endeavours at a variety of levels including apprentices, packmen, skippers and investors. These in turn made use of a complex layered factoring mechanism bolstered by the devel­ opm ent of a coherent consular service largely monopolised by Scots in Scandinavia and the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth. By the second half of the seventeenth century the Scots had enjoyed wave after wave o f migration into northern Europe, an unbroken tide stretching back well before the Scottish Reformation. T he constant refreshm ent o f their com m unities with new blood brought huge advantages over other British and Irish merchants. As discussed in the following chapters, the ability to retain strong links with Scotland aided by interaction with ‘em bedded’ Scottish communities facili­ tated subtle, informal, yet highly successful commercial networking structures.

CHAPTER FIVE

MANUFACTURING NETWORKS

Merchants and master manufacturers are, in this order, the two classes of people who commonly employ the largest cap­ itals, and who by their wealth draw to themselves the great­ est share of public consideration.' T he previous chapter revealed the expansion and establishment of complex and multi-layered Scottish commercial networks that spanned the early m odem trading world. This chapter tests those networks to see how simply trading in a commodity could lead to a deeper integration into the m anufacturing industries as amassed capital was reinvested into the em igrants’ new home country. This symbiotic process could either occur in areas where the Scots had an acknowl­ edged expertise, such as the cloth industry, or in spheres such as the production o f iron in Scandinavia. T he history of Scottish industrial development usually paints a picture of a somewhat backward soci­ ety that had to wait for full political union with England in 1707, English capital and English expertise, before any advances were made in the production of commodities. Scots were viewed, apparently, as backward in the ways o f workplace organisation before the m id­ eighteenth century.2 However, historians do acknowledge that Scotland had some large manufactories and industries considered worthy of note in the seventeenth century.3 By the time Jo h n Taylor (the W ater Poet) reached Culross in Fife in 1618 he was able to describe a coal­ mining enterprise m ounted by Sir George Bruce. Taylor delighted in teasing his readership, observing that:

1 A. Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Edinburgh: 1863 edition), 115-116. 2 H. Hamilton, ‘The Founding of Carron Iron Works’, Scottish Historical Review, vol. XXV (1927-1928), 185; C.A. Whadey, ‘The Experience of Work’ in T.M. Devine and R. Mitchison, eds., People and Society in Scotland. Volume 1, 1760-1830 (Edinburgh: 1988), 227 228. 3 Whatley, ‘The Experience of Work’, 229; K.M. Brown, Noble Society in Scotland Wealth, Family and Culturefrom Reformation to Revolution (Edinburgh: 2000/2004), 61-62.

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The mine hath two wayes into it, the one by sea and the other by land; but a man may goe into it by land and return the same way if he please, and so he may enter into it by sea, and by sea he may come forth of it: but I for varieties sake went in by sea and out by land.4

W hat Taylor had experienced was a tidal entrance to a sub-sea coal­ mine. After clearing the sand away at low tide, Bruce had built a circular sea wall to keep out the returning tide. This was continu­ ally strengthened and heightened to allow a perm anent shaft about 40 feet under the sand. Taylor noted that some 29 years after the project was begun, the mine stretched about one English mile under the sea. Any leakage was drained by a system of buckets on a chain turned by a horse-mill that brought excess water to the surface and deposited it back in the sea. Bruce concentrated his work force, employing others from his parish on the shore beside his coal mine in the production of salt annually a common combination of indus­ try later practised at M ethil.5 Bruce’s salt industry, Taylor estimated, am ounted to some 90 to 100 ‘tunnes’ of salt annually for export to England and Germ any.6 The use of the horse-mill and the concentration of industries did not represent the only developments in production ongoing in Scotland in the early m odem period. Henry Kalm eter observed the use of pumps and windmills for draining water from the mines and draw­ ing sea-water into the salt pans at Methil and Wemyss.7 N or were the Scots shy about trying to export technology or experimenting with it once abroad. Jo h n Durie served as intermediary in trying to get Axel O xenstiem a to im port a machine capable of producing 4 John Taylor, The Pennyless Pilgrimage, or the Moneyless Perambulation of John Taylor, alias the King's Majesties Water-Poet (1618), in P. Hume Brown, ed., Early Travellers in Scotland (Edinburgh: 1973), 116-117. See also Sir Anthony Weldon who reported in 1617 that the only wealth the Scots had was coal: ‘They have many hills, wherein they say is much treasure, but they shew none of it; nature hath only discovered to them some mines of coal’. Sir Anthony Weldon (1617), ibid., 98. Other observers of the mid-seventeenth century recorded ‘mines of very good coal’ at Tranent in 1661. See Jorevin de Rocheford (1661), ibid., 227. Observers of the early eighteenth century concurred as to the importance commenting that Fife coal was ‘indispens­ able to Scotland’. See T.C. Smout, ‘J ournal of Henry Kalmeter s Travels in Scotland, 1719-1720’ in Scottish Industrial Histoiy: A Miscellany (Edinburgh: 1978), 16 and 41. 5 Henry Kalmeter, noting the production of salt by 1719, included other places in Fife like Leven, Dyssartm, Methil and Kircaldy. See Smout, ‘J ournal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scotland’, 1-2, 40. 6 Taylor, The Pennyless Pilgramage, 117. 7 Smout, ‘J ournal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scotland’, 41.

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multiple copies o f letters as they were being written, thus speeding up the work of the C hancellery.8 O ne such engineering project included a machine to hasten the tanning process of hides, brought to Denm ark by a Scottish noblem an in 1661.9 Another example was the establishment of integrated wind-powered saw-mills in dedicated shipyards, such as that established by Jacob Porteous in N arva.10 Even the ancient art of pearl fishing underwent a massive intensification process in production in Sweden via Scottish enterprise. Pearls had been long exported from Scotland; Æ neas Sylvius Piccolomini (later Pope Pious II) observed the im portance of the export of pearls to Flanders during his visit to the court of Jam es I in the fifteenth cen­ tury.11 The seventeenth century saw advances, with the Scots export­ ing technical expertise. A rm ed w ith a com m ission from Axel Oxenstiem a to bring in 12 Scottish pearl-fishers and train up Swedes in the art, Robert Buchan de Portlethen opened up 25 new rivers across Sweden-Finland in less than three years (an increase from 3 rivers previously), seeding them with Scottish mussels.12 Buchan had numerous contacts in Sweden including his cousin, Colonel Alexander Gordon, and Captain Jo h n Kinnaird, Tolkomissar H enry Sinclair and the Swedish diplomatic envoy Hugh M ow att.13 With their help he integrated the significantly enlarged pearl-fishing industry directly into

8 SRA, De Geer Samlingen, E3514. John Dune to Louis de Geer, undated but probably c.1648. 9 Becker, Samlinger til Danmarks historic under hong Frederik, I, 252. Peter Chambers to Gustav Duvall, 17 July 1661. Chambers observed that some of the most impor­ tant people in Britain were involved, and that the Scot carried letters of accredi­ tation from Charles II. The man who got the patent was Willum Dangsti, though it is not clear if he was the Scot mentioned. 10 SRA, Livonica 11:1, vol. 210. Jacob Porteous to Karl XI, Narva, n.d. but after April 1683 (plus enclosures). Porteous noted that in addition to himself, his winddriven sawmills provided work for numerous others. He wanted to expand his oper­ ations even further by building ships to sail between Narva and England, France and Holland. His supplication to the king included a request that he might build dedicated houses for his workers and storage facilities for his timber. Further he wished that his brother, Reinhold Porteous, be allowed to establish a similar winddriven sawmill near Narva once he had acquired citizenship. 11 jfcneas Sylvius in Hume Brown, Early Travellers in Scotland, 27. 12 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, 15 January, 9 April, 17 April 1643 and various undated documents, 1643-1644. 13 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, various correspon­ dence, 1642-1644.

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jewellery production in a purpose-built workshop, while his son con­ tinued the family business across the Baltic Sea in Poland.14 The enlarging of such a small-scale industry as pearl fishing is merely indicative of numerous radical changes that occurred in the production techniques and m anufacturing practices of a variety of industries. These changes were the beginnings of a significant shift away from the petty rural producer to the early stages of a more urbanised capitalist industrial society. Historians continue to debate the evolution of the industrialising process and the validity of terms such as ‘proto-industrialisation’.15 This chapter cannot engage in the arguments over models, terms and theories without losing sight of its remit. Nonetheless, the link between emigration and industriali­ sation has been made before, usually in an eighteenth-century con­ text, but is also worthy of consideration here in the context o f the wider Scottish em igrant network.16 T hat is not to say that there is something unique in the Scottish examples provided here; after all, the relationships between family labour, the strengthening o f kin groups and kin-group emigration has been made for a num ber of case studies across Europe.17 W hat has yet to be established is the degree to which the process of family-based migration and industri­ alisation was linked, either in a seventeenth-century or in a Scottish context. If it was, a further question arises as to whether these indus­ trial networks differed significantly from their commercial counter­ parts explored in the previous chapter. This chapter hopes to add something to a debate that all too often considers only part o f the story of Scottish attempts to modernise in the early m odern period.

14 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, various correspon­ dence, 1642-1644. Two of the pearls found by Buchan were presented to Queen Christina for use in a particular pendant. 15 N.J.D. Pounds, An historical geograpfry of Europe, 1500-1840 (Cambridge: 1979), 216-221; F.F. Mendels, ‘Proto-industrialisation: the first phase of the industrializa­ tion process’, Journal of Economic History, XXXII (March 1972), 241-261. For inter­ esting assessments of proto-industrial theory see R. Houston, ‘Proto-industrialization? Cottage Industry, Social Change and Industrial Revolution’, The Historical Journal, 27, 2 (1984), 473-492; G. Ryden, ‘Iron production and the household as a pro­ duction unit in nineteenth-century Sweden’, Continuity and Change, 10:1 (1995), 69-104; G. Haggren, Hammarsmeder, masugnsfolk och kolare (Pieksamaki: 2001), 13. 16 See for example B. Collins, ‘Proto-industrialisation and pre-Famine emigration’ in Social History, vol. 7: No. 2 (May 1982), 127-146. 17 See the variety of works referenced by Collins, ‘Proto-industrialisation’, and Houston, ‘Proto-industrialization’.

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The Manufacture o f Cloth In the seventeenth century, one of Scotland’s main industries was the production of cloth. This rem ained largely a home-based indus­ try, encouraged by Scottish parliam entary acts dating from 1597. T he export o f raw materials was restricted, as was the im port of manufactured cloth.18 From 1661 onwards, further parliamentary acts were passed to encourage the establishment of manufactories for cloth and linen. O thers followed in the period of William and M ary in the 1690s for the specific establishment of a woollen manufactory at Newmilnes in Ayrshire.19 Such ventures were not com m on and, true, they sometimes failed, but it is im portant not to confuse an absence o f a developed m anufacturing structure in Scotland with an absence o f development in the industry by Scots.20 Contrary to con­ cepts that the Scottish cloth industry was somehow ‘blighted’, it sim­ ply evolved an alternative structure. Outwith Scotland, many were engaged in the industry, participating both in traditional aspects of it, and also in the increase in production techniques. Daniel Young Leijonancker in Stockholm became something of an omnipresent m erchant entrepreneur at a time when manufac­ turing remained, for the most part, a small-scale and predom inandy domestic activity.21 M en like him were fundamental to the economic growth of Europe, being able to reinvest their capital wherever best use could be made of it, regardless of where raw materials were bought, goods m anufactured or the end product sold.22 T here had long been a dem and for increased cloth production in the seven­ teenth century as populations grew across Europe.23 Despite claims that the increased availability of labour depressed the labour m ar­ ket, skilled workers from Scotland could apparendy find work abroad where there was dem and for particular expertise. As there was no uniformity o f development in any given sphere or production, it is 18 APS, IV, 119 (1597). 19 APS, VII, 255, 261-262 (1661); APS, VIII, 348-349 (1681); APS, IX, 317 (1693). See also W.R. Scott, ed., Records of a Scottish Cloth Manufactory at New Mills (Edinburgh: 1905), xxxiv^xlvi; Whatley, ‘The Experience of Work’, 231; I.D. Whyte, Scotland's Society and Economy in Transition, c. 1500~c. 1760 (Basingstoke: 1997), 150. 20 Whyte, Scotland's Society, 150. 21 Pounds, An historical geography, 216. 22 M B. Nergard, Mellon krona och marknad: Utlandska och svenska entreprenorer mom svensk jdmhantering fran ca 1580 till 1700 (Uppsala: 2001), 23-26. 23 Pounds, An historical geography, 217.

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apparent that some areas would develop expertise before others and therefore an abundance of skilled workers emerged in a particular sector. For example, weavers formed a proportion of the Scottish em igrants moving to the D utch Republic, Poland-L ithuania and Scandinavia.24 T heir contribution was not simply an addition to the existing cottage industry, they also moved production onto a much larger scale. T he status o f these weavers as urbanised artisans, often with full burgess privileges, suggests that these men were not simply supple­ m enting their agricultural income as part of any notional ‘proto­ industrialisation’ as espoused by theorists of that concept.25 However, they can be clearly identified with a process of enhanced and cen­ tralised production techniques in a variety of locations including Stockholm.26 Thus m anufacturers pressed for ever-increasing cen­ tralised production knowing they could obtain support from the regime, due to the political and economic im portance of manufac­ turing for Sweden. R obert Buchan de Portlethen rem inded Axel O xenstiem a that he had been the first individual to bring the spe­ cialist workers to Sweden required to improve the Swedish textile industry: tapestry workers from Antwerp, weavers from H aarlem and lace workers from T o u m ai.27 T he need for such concentration of the workforce was a point repeatedly argued in the Riksdag on behalf o f textile m anufacturers by Daniel Young Leijonancker.28 By way o f diversification from his other business interests, Leijo­ nancker invested heavily and built up a reputation in the m anufac­ ture of cloth in the 1660s.29 Along with the Stockholm councillor, 24 For examples of these individuals and groups of weavers see N. Nicolaysen, Bergens Borgerbog, 1550-1751 (Oslo: 1878), 34-36, 46, 69; Bergen Statsarkiv, Sollied Archive, index cards, Sinclair; B.C. Cassel, The City of Keidarv An Historical Memoir (New York: 1930), part VI; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 65-66, 174, 220-223; Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, 10 and 20; Catterall, Community Without Borders, 40; Pedersen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen’, 154. 25 For an assessment of the theorist’s view see Houston, ‘Proto-industrialization?’, 474-475. 26 S. Gerentz, KommerskoUegium och Naringslivet 1651-1691 (Stockholm: 1952), 203. 27 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, n.d., but 1643-1644. 28 See for example Sveriges Riddarskaps och Adels Riksdags Protokoll, XI, 309- 315. Minute, 19 October 1672. For further comment see Gerentz, Kommerskollegium och Nctringslivet, 203; SBL, XXII, 452-453. 29 SRA, Momma-Reenstiema Samlingen, Affarer och processer med nedan namda enskilda personer, E2593 (sometimes called 2594), vol. 126, Leyon. 1. Folder with c. 60 copies of letters from Leijonancker in Swedish, German and Dutch, the ear­ liest being a slip signed in 1656. The rest are 1665-1683; SRA, Momma-Reenstiema

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H ans Olofsson T om e, he obtained the rights to a textile mill on Sodermalm. H e also had a business interest in the glove factory in Tyreso, ran a kladestamp or ‘waulk-milT in Vattinge and successfully courted support from Kommerskollegium and a group of financiers, including A braham Cronstrom , backing his m anufacturing enter­ prises.30 By 3 November 1669, Leijonancker’s expenses in establish­ ing his new factory were estimated at 17,100 rdl. and he requested the minting o f some 2,000 ship-pounds of copper to be exported and the tax raised used to offset his costs.31 His ventures flourished to such an extent that, by the end o f the decade, his cloth-manu­ facturing operation in Sodermalm in Stockholm employed at least 600 spinners, with some accounts, including Leijonancker’s own, putting the total work force as high as 1,200.32 He variously retained between 3 0 -6 0 weavers, operated two dye-colouring works in the city and envisaged an expansion to include four other towns close to the capital employing a workforce o f thousands.33 Further to the construction o f workshops, Leijonancker also built houses for his workers next to his factories and ensured that most aspects of pro­ duction could be done on site.34 Having concentrated his workforce in this way, Leijonancker proved to be a m ajor motivator in shift­ ing the industry away from the pre-industrialised weavers, to whom, as described by Collins, the m anufacture of cloth was simply a by­ product o f their agricultural existence.35 Daniel Young Leijonancker employed Samuel and Henrik Tiquet from D ordrecht who became responsible for the technical manage-

Samlingen, part C: brev rill brödema Momma-Reenstiema ingangna skrivelser, sec­ tion 2, brev till Jacob Momma-Reenstiema—E2511, 43, La-Li. 5 letters, 1667-1671 from Stockholm and Lübeck; Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 60, 189, 30 Sveriges Riddarskaps och Adels Riksdags ProtokollXI, 320. Minute 19 October 1672; SBL, XXII, 452-453. 31 SRA, Kommerskollegium till Kungl. Maj:t, vol II—Re Daniel Leijonancker. 27 April and 3 November 1669. n Sveriges Riddarskaps och Adels Riksdags Protokoll, XI, 310. Minute 19 October 1672. Leijonancker noted that in Sweden within days he could collect several thousand workers and augment production from 15-20 ‘st. rak’ per year to several thousand. For further comment see Gerentz, Kommerskollegium och Näringslivet, 219; SBL, XXII, 452. Given estimates of Stockholm’s population being around 42,000 by 1676, Leijonancker must have been responsible for the employment of a serious propor­ tion of the available labour force. The population estimate comes from Pounds, An historical geography, 124. 33 Sveriges Riddarskaps och Adels Riksdags Protokoll, XI, 310. Minute, 19 October 1672. 34 Gerentz, Kommerskollegium och Näringslivet, 203-204; SBL, XXII, 452. 35 Collins, ‘Proto-industrialisation’, 131.

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m ent of the Sodermalm works in the 1670s. M any others am ong his workforce were also foreign (even the manual labourers) and he recruited at least 18 of his weavers in H am burg and the Netherlands in 1663, and another 80 masters and apprentices from overseas in 1669.36 M any of them used private houses to practise their own ‘for­ eign’ forms of worship, despite a memorial from Kommerskollegium pro­ hibiting this.37 Thus, while arguing for the development and protection o f the indigenous Swedish cloth industry in the Riksdag, this ‘natu­ ralised’ Swede encouraged the settlement and employment o f other foreign nationals, suggesting either a lack of suitably capable local weavers, a preference for foreigners, or a need for both. H e could encourage the overseas workforce by blending confessional tolerance with capitalistic expedience. Leijonancker pointed out to the Riksdag that it was illegal to import English wool into Sweden in 1672, but that the ban did not extend to Scottish wool, w hich was deem ed ju st as good, albeit th at Pom eranian wool was cheaper.38 Despite the extra cost, and through Leijonancker’s intervention and expansionism, dem and for wool, cloth and other materials grew so much that Scottish imports to Sweden increased while English imports suffered.39 This further bolstered his link to the Thom son brothers and Russell network. T he partnership resulted in the Scottish brothers being the largest importers o f wool, cloth and gloves to Norrkoping by the 1680s.40 T he industrial expan­ sion encouraged by Daniel Young Leijonancker is an example of one m an in a particular area of commerce, cloth manufacture, which is often associated with Scots in the seventeenth century. Nonetheless, the Leijonancker operation proved to be on such a scale that noth­ ing like it had previously been seen in either Sweden or Scotland, while his planned housing and integrated complexes anticipated devel­ opments in his native land by several decades. But even in areas traditionally viewed as a W alloon or Germ an preserve in Sweden, 36 SBL, XXII, 452; Gerentz, KommerskolUgium och Ndnngskvet, 191. 37 Gerentz, KommerskolUgium och Nanngsliuet, 191. 38 Sveriges Riddarskaps och Adels Riksdags Protokoll, XI, 310. Minute 19 October 1672 39 For the beginnings of the decline of English cloth exports to the Baltic see Astrom, From Cloth to Iron, 68-76, 144. 40 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/636, fl & f7. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, Accounts, January 1687; Helmfrid, jVorrkdpings Historia, III, 82. On page 34, Helmfrid notes that Scottish ships were important for Norrkoping’s own glove fac­ tory after the Thomsons ceased trading in Sweden. They brought Scottish wool in direcdy from Scodand, but also from places like Danzig.

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such as the iron industry, Scottish m erchant entrepreneurs could be found making significant inroads in both production and export.

Merchant-Entrepreneurs and the Scandinavian Iron Industry T he establishment o f the iron foundry of the C arron Com pany in Scotland is often hailed as the beginning of the Scottish experience in meaningful industrial development.41 However, before that date there were other alternatives to indigenous production albeit of a smaller scale. It is true to say that before C arron there was a small iron industry and most other metals supplies had to be brought in from overseas. O f the metals industry that did exist, N icander Nucius from Corfu observed in 1545 that: They [the Scots] are rich in mines of metals, and of metallic sub­ stances of all kinds; they have not, however, much gold, but very much silver, and of white tin, and of what is called white lead, called stagôn (stanno); and of common lead; and of liquid and terreous pitch.42

Lead was produced at Leadhills in Lanarkshire and iron had been smelted across Scodand long before that, at places like Invergarry in the G reat Glen, Furnace on Loch Fyne, or Bonawe in Argyll— places where there was a ready supply of timber for charcoal— but the product was generally inferior in quality to that produced in Scandinavia.43 T he Shore Work Accounts from Aberdeen, the ‘D undee Shipping List’ and the various port records of Stockholm and Gothen­ burg reveal that the Scots continued to import the majority of their iron from a variety of destinations including Scandinavia and the

41 Hamilton, ‘The Founding of Carron Ironworks’, 185-193; Whatley, ‘The Experience of Work’, 228, 232. 42 Nicander Nucius (1545) in Hume Brown, Early Travellers in Scotland, 61. Another observer recorded: ‘I can say but little of Scotland. It is a large country full of steep mountains and barbarous people, and with the exception of various metal mines and an abundance of cattle, it produces little of any worth’. See CSPV, 1617-1619, 414-422. Piero Contarini to Doge and Senate, c.1618. The silver deposits in Scodand were also noted by the Swede, Henry Kalmeter, in his journal. See Smout, ‘J ournal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scodand’, 18-19. 43 Hamilton, ‘The Founding of Carron Ironworks’, 185; Smout, A Histoiy of the Scottish People, 169; Smout, ‘J ournal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scotland’, 18; Whyte, Scotland's Society, 142. Sir George Hay of Kinfauns received a licence from the Scotdsh Parliament in 1621 to produce and export Scottish iron from any port in Scotland. See APS, IV, 686.

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D utch Republic throughout the early m odem period.44 As early as 1563, Frederik II of Denmark-Norway complained of a dearth of iron in Copenhagen and wrote to Jens Ulfstand in Bâhus, request­ ing him to send all the iron that the latter had received from the Scots to Copenhagen as soon as possible.45 Thus we can see that some Scots engaged in the inter-Scandinavian iron trade from a rel­ atively early date. Not only were they shipping it from a producing nation (Sweden) to their home country (Scotland), but they were also regarded as a suitable conduit between the mutually antagonistic realms o f Denm ark-Norway and Sweden or between Sweden and other third countries. T he Scots did not have the advanced pro­ duction techniques attributed to the Liège and G erm an participants in the industry, including ham m er-m en, forge-men and iron-smiths.46 T here were, however, experts in minerals targeted for their skills. T hus R obert Seaton, a ‘m aster o f m inerals’, was hired by Axel O xenstiem a in Scotland, although he died en route to his Swedish employment.47 Through their involvement in trade and shipping iron, m any Scots became part o f the wider circle of m erchant entrepre­ neurs who served as a key link for the Swedish Crown in produc­ tion by being able to re-invest profits made on the international market back into the industry.48 This Scottish role in the iron trade continued throughout the sev­ enteenth century, albeit initially at a low level com pared to other foreign groups. However, merchants who specialised in goods such as silk, rye, cloth or tim ber seldom confined themselves to one com ­ modity like their English contemporaries tended to do.49 T o do so was poor business practice. Thus it is no surprise that they should involve themselves in the shipping of iron, ‘Sweden’s most im portant

44 Taylor, Aberdeen Shore Work Accounts, passim; Dundee City Archives, ‘Register of Ships 1612-1694’, unpublished manuscript collection; Göteborg Landsarkiv, Dratselkammare, numerous documents; Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer pâ Stormaktstidens Europamarknad, HI, passim. 45 Norske Rigs-registranter, I, 389. Frederik II to Jens Ulfstand, 3 October 1563. 46 Rydén, ‘Iron production and the household’, 79; Haggrén, Hammarsmeder, 15 and passim; Nergard, Mellon krona och marknad, 25-26, 62, 65 and passim; Â. Eklund, C. Evans and G. Rydén, ‘Baltic iron and the organisation of the British iron mar­ ket in the eighteenth century’, in Salmon and Barrow, Britain and the Baltic, 134. 47 Seaton is mentioned in two letters in this capacity. See SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, c. 1643. 48 Nergârd, Mellon krona och marknad, 23. 49 For English specialisation over diversification see Àstrôm, From Cloth to Iron, 177.

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export commodity’.50 Former packmen like William Strang traded in iron throughout the 1650s and in the ensuing decades he was fol­ lowed into the trade by his sons William and David.51 Throughout this period, numerous other merchants became involved with vary­ ing degrees of success, such as David W alker and Jam es Semple, who resided in Stockholm, the latter being the largest exporter to England in the 1650s.52 For most we still have little data, but we do know that Jam es H enderson’s iron trade was significant, as he supplied the M omma-Reenstiema family with 568 ship-pounds (worth 13,148 daler) in 1650-51 alone.53 Jo h n and Jam es Maclean (in their Swedish guises o f Hans and Jacob Macklier) both contributed to the export o f iron directly and through associates like Louis de Geer or their kinsman Peter Maclean in Danzig.54 Jo h n Maclean shipped large quantities o f iron goods and bar iron throughout his long career— 1,758.5 ship-pounds of bar iron in the year 1650, much of it to Scotland.55 Despite occupation by the English, Swedish iron continued to arrive in Scotland throughout the Cromwellian period, as evidenced by the imports from G othenburg in 1653 and 1654 to Aberdeen.56 T he real expansion came during the Swedish-Danish war of 1659. Dutch participation on the Danish side led to a halt

40 This trade is called such in Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 61. 51 Reid, The Royal Burgh of Forfar, 136, 417-8; Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 87. 52 See Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1651-1688, 240. Burgess of Stockholm, 19 December 1666; Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 138; Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 87. Semple still traded in the commodity into the 1670s. 53 Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 87 and 94. See also SRA, Förteckning over Momma-Reenstiema Sämlingen, part C: brev till brödema Momma-Reenstiema ingängna skrivelser, section 2, brev till Jacob Momma-Reenstiema—E2506, 38, 1655-1657, 17 letters. 54 For Baron John Maclean in Gothenburg see SAÄ, V, 142; Maclean, The Macleans of Sweden, 1, 8, 25-26. For James Maclean in Stockholm see Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: Register, 1601-1650, 48, Burgess of Stockholm, 8 May 1609; Stockholms stads tänkeböcker, vol, VII, (Stockholm: 1964) 41, 284, 319; Uppsala University Library, Handskrifts index, Lum-Man, Makleer, Jacob, Räkning 1620, x.255:d; SBL, vol. xxiv; Register till Sveriges Ridderskaps och Adels Riksdags-Protokoll (17 vols, Stockholm: 1910), vol. for 1660 (1), 235, 237; vol. for 1660 (2), 218, 271. For Peter Maclean (Petro Makalienski) in Danzig see Steuart, Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, 7-9; B. Hildebrand, ‘Bidrag till Slaekten Makeleer (Macklier)— Macleans Historia’, Personhistorisk Tidskrift, (1962), 31-36. 55 Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer pa Stormaktstidens Europamarknad, II, 347. 56 Taylor, Aberdeen Shore Work Accounts, 347-348, 367-368. Shipments of iron in 1652, 1653 and 1654.

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in the export o f the commodity to Amsterdam, formerly the largest destination for Swedish iron. W ith England sending an auxiliary fleet to Sweden’s aid, Englishmen were an obvious choice to replace the D utch iron m erchants.57 While those who study the trade from a Swedish perspective have long understood this, other factors have not been considered. W ith the Restoration of Charles II the fol­ lowing year, and the numbers o f resident Scots already in Sweden, this ‘British’ trade was heavily influenced by Scottish merchants such as those noted above, and newcomers brought in to help them.58 Robert Buchan, the pearl fisher, had dabbled in the iron trade in the 1640s.59 His kinsman Alexander Buchan has subsequendy been hailed as one of the m ajor iron exporters from Sweden by 1664.60 Jo h n (Hans) Belfrage in Vanersborg had become the second most im portant iron trader in his area by the time he served as mayor of that town in 1660.61 In 1665, it is claimed, the am ount of iron bar he traded equalled around 16% of the total ship-pounds weight of iron traded from his region that year.62 But even Belfrage’s trade seems dwarfed by that of the Lyall brothers— David, Henry, Adam and Jam es.63 T he family both produced and exported the commod­ ity, Jam es exporting 55,290 ship-pounds and David 12,706 shippounds between 1651-60, making them together the third largest

57 Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 63, 65. 58 Äström and Müller recognise that the first British iron merchants were Scots. However, during the Restoration Period, they variously ascribe English nationality to other Scots, particularly those who had trading connections with England such as William Strang, William Halliday, Patrick Thomson, Robert Watson, George Maijoribank, Alexander Pattillo, Thomas Nisbett and Robert Gardin. See Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 122-152; Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 69-71 59 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axe! Oxenstiema, 17 April and 26 September 1643. Buchan got into some trouble with Count Flemming who impounded 149 ship-pounds of iron for not paying the customs officer the required 10% duty despite Buchan’s claim that he had paid two years worth in advance. 60 Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 87. 61 &L4, I, 265-266; Svenska Mein och Kvinnor (8 vols., Stockholm: 1942-1955), I, 199; C.F. Corin, Vänersborgs Historia, vol.l, (Stockholm: 1944), 218-230; Carolinska Bibliotek, Uppsala, ‘Palmskiöldiska Sämlingen’, (unpublished manuscript), vol. 158, 69. 62 Corin, Vänersborgs Historia, vol. 1, 219. 63 James, David and Adam Lyall became burgesses of Stockholm. See Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: Register, 1601 1650, 45. James bccame a burgess on 27 April 1639. For his family see Register, 1651-1688, 145 and 150. David became a burgess on 19 June 1652. An Adam became a burgess on 29 October 1670, but which Adam is not clear.

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exporter o f the com m odity from Sweden (behind the M om m aReenstiem a brothers and Abraham Bex).64 They also cooperated with Adam R addou, the forth-largest exporter, Jam es Lyall’s brother-inlaw and a crucial m em ber of the Lyall kin-based consortium.65 O nce his exports are added into the equation, the combined family firm o f LyaU-Raddou actually exported the largest am ount of iron, totalling some 130,000 ship-pounds. T he total export decreased slightly in the following decade; Jam es exported 33,465 ship-pounds while David exported 21,980 ship-pounds worth of iron.66 This once more placed them above the M om m a-R eenstiem a brothers, thus high­ lighting their status within the iron export market since the M om m a consortium is often used as a benchm ark by historians of Sweden’s entrepreneurs. T he main m erchants acted in consort with other Scots like ‘baillie m archand’ W alter Robertson employed as supercargo on ships transporting iron to Scotland in the 1660s.67 Such Scottish m erchants involved in shipping iron continued to operate throughout the cen­ tury, though other Scots themselves were responsible for significantly interrupting that trade on occasion. W ith the outbreak of the third Anglo-Dutch W ar in 1672, Patrick Thomson wrote to Andrew Russell expressing the belief that it was still safe to buy iron as he had been assured that Sweden would rem ain neutral in the conflict.68 By 6 June 1672 iron prices in Stockholm were actually higher than expected and Thom son com m ented that: Irone hir falls deirer than was expected, reasone the burgers heir bought it deir in winter not expecting wars and dubell custome which is payd upon irone and copper this year, the Sweedes being neutral in the

M Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 138-140. Äström states that in 1651 James Lyall accounted for 5% of Stockholm’s iron export personally. See also Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 86 87; Nergärd, Mellon krona och marknad, 232, 242, 260, 262. In ‘Britain and Sweden’, 68, Müller estimates the annual export of the fam­ ily during the 1650s to have been 13,000 ship-pounds. 65 James Lyall married Margaretha Eden (1627-1653) in Stockholm in January 1644. After her death he married his second wife, Barbera Maria Dress (1632-1694), whose father Andre came from France and mother Elisabet Schaeij came from the Dutch Republic. For Raddou to have been Lyall’s brother-in-law, he must have married a sister of James, or there was another wife, or one of the names of the wives given in Svenska Adelns Attartavlor is not complete. See &L4, IV, 521. 66 Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 86-87. 67 Taylor, Aberdeen Shore Work Accounts, 566. November 1668. 68 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/147. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 27 March 1672.

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wars so that the burgers is resolved to ship out their iron and copper themselves.69

In the same letter he recounted that the Swedes were reluctant to venture out due to the fear o f encountering privateers if they sailed without a pass from Kommerskollegium. T he answer to this was that the king o f Sweden was expected to convoy his ships out in July. Scottish privateers did in fact target Swedish shipping, thereby inadvertendy interrupting the trade of many of their countrymen.70 Despite such intrusions in the iron trade caused by war, Scottish interest in the Swedish iron industry continued. Alexander Waddell supplied some 29% of the iron from Stockholm to the Marscoe-David Company in 1672.71 O n 24 Ju ly th at year he sent a bill of lading from Gothenburg regarding 200 ship-pounds of iron consigned to MarscoeDavid aboard the ship Konig David.12 Robert Clerck, a burgess of Gothenburg, exported bar iron to Dundee on the same ship as Daniel Crocket in 1668 and traded throughout the Dutch w ar.73 In M arch 1678 he sent a letter to Jacob David in London noting that he had an arrangem ent with a gendem an in Sweden for 4,000-5,000 shippounds o f iron o f a fine middling sort which he would like to send to David. H e also said he had sent quantities of similar iron to London and Edinburgh. H e asked that David send specie so that he could get the iron for a better price, though the editor of the M arscoe-David letters believes this transaction did not come off.74 From Isaac Holmes’ log, am ong other sources, it is also possible to trace numerous iron shipments bound for Scodand in the 1680s, while the familiar Thomson-Russell correspondence also shows a massive participation in the trade.75 By 1719, H enry Kalm eter could b9 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/147. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 3 June 1672. 70 This is discussed in detail in Murdoch, Little and Forte, ‘Scottish Privateering, Swedish Neutrality and Prize Law in the Third Anglo-Dutch W ar’, 37-65. 71 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 126-127. 72 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 353-354. Waddell to Leonora Marscoe and Peter Joye, 24 July 1672. 73 In 1674, in his British trade, Clerck sent goods solely to London, whilst the next year he again exported iron to Montrose, Leith and Craill, as well as Lubeck and London. Dalhede, Handelsfamiljcr pa Stormaktstidms Europamarknad, III, cd rom. 74 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 158 (editorial) and 480 and 498-499. Clerck to David, 26 July 1677, 3 January and 5 March 1678. The bearer of the March letter was called Petter de Flon, noted as a brother of Mr Johan Aldercron. 75 These entries included; no. 17, 5 April 1682, James Rae of Glasgow, The Janet, bound for Stockholm with 40 lasts of herring. She returned on 15 July with 227.13.10

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report that for every ton o f fish and malt the Scots exported to Sweden ‘they reckoned one skeppund of iron, which gave them a fine bargain’.76

The Producers: Brukspatron, Bruksagare and Bruksfdrvaltare In determ ining the networks operating between manufactures an d exporters o f Swedish iron, we find several key Scottish entrepreneurs contributing significantly to the trade. In addition to those m erchants who simply traded iron, there were also those who involved them ­ selves in the manufacture of the product and some family-firms who did both.77 T he Scots certainly did not bring new skills to the indus­ try, as there was only limited indigenous iron production in Scotland. Nonetheless, in a relatively short period of time, they moved from m erchants to producers of the product, developing their mercantile networks and establishing themselves firmly in the fabric of the Swedish metallurgical industry. Even before the 1630s were over, Peter C ahun owned a copper mine in Falun from which reasonable profits were derived.78 Another unsurprising entrepreneur, Daniel Young Leijonancker, made a sup­ plication to Queen Christina in 1652 hoping to break into the Swedish copper industry.79 Similarly, Alexander Strachan became one of the

of iron and 3 lasts of tar; no. 117, 21 May 1682, William Davie of Glasgow, The Providence bound for Stockholm with 20 lasts of herring, 50 dozen stockings, 1300 ells linen, 1400 fallow linen, 200 dozen gloves, 200 fox skins. She returned 23 August with 190.5 ship-pounds of iron, 3 lasts of tar and 17 lasts of copper. See DRA, Da. Kane. 1681 83, Skab 15 N.252, c.63c. ‘Den af Isaak Holmes fulmargtig, Seneca Torsen holdte journal fra alle engelske og skotske skippere saavel fra vestersoen som fra Ostersoen som har passeret Oresund’. See also NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106 numerous documents but in particular, R H 15/106/574. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, record of iron shipped, June 1685, 2 July 1685; RH 15/106/608. Same to Same, July 1686; RH 15/106/636. Same to Same, September 1687. See also Records of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland\ IV, 597- 598. Misc, Report. James Butchart, James Gentleman, Alexander Scott and ‘ane Sweed’ sailing from Stockholm with unspecified quantities of iron into Montrose, 1686-1690. 76 Smout, ‘J ournal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scotland, 15. Diary, 13 July 1719. 77 For an excellent synopsis of the relationship between the state, the wholesale merchants and the producers see Eklund, Evans and Ryden, ‘Baltic iron’, 132-136. 78 P. Möller, ‘Colquhon-Cahun-Gahn-Canonheilm; en boskillnad’ in Person Hislorisk Ttdskrifi (1966), 85-125. 79 SRP, XV, 1651-1653, 302. Supplication of Daniel Young, 24 March 1652.

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first to invest in the industry when it became privatised, buying the factory at Vasteras.80 O ne Jacob Thom ason kopparslagare became a burgess of Stockholm in 1678 and clearly had an interest in the industry.81 T he goldsmith, Jo h n (Hans) Clerck, paid some 130,000 daler in Novem ber that year to Catherina de Besche, the widow of Henrik de Try, in return for her brassworks in Gusum.82 However, written into Clerck’s contract was a clause stating that he could not use the complex for a three-year period. T he case shows, if noth­ ing else, that Clerck had the spare cash to buy the factory and wait a period of time for his investment to mature. These diversions into copper and brass by individuals were overshadowed by the input of Scottish e n tre p re n e u ria l fam ilies into the iron industry across Scandinavia, albeit the production of each was often inter-related. David and Andrew Lockman were early examples of the Scottish ‘iron’ m erchant-entrepreneur, buying and selling bruk [industrial] com­ plexes to the Walloons and Germ ans who have become more asso­ ciated with this activity.83 They and a third brother were m erchant burgesses in Koping, near Vasteras in the region of Vastmanland at 80 L. de Geer till Leufsta, Louis de Geer 1587-1652. Hans lif och verk (2 vols., Uppsala: 1923), 406. 81 See Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: Register, 1651-1688, 259. Burgess of Stockholm, 8 March 1678. This was not James Thomson of Russell, Thomson, Turnbull and Baird. In one letter to Russell dated 5 April 1684 from Stockholm, James Thomson of Stirling made it quite clear that there was another man of the same name operating within the Thomson-Russell network. He stated ‘Since the 8 October [1683] I have not had a lyne from my brother nor non in Scotland. I have written to James Thomson several tymes and he answered me not lykways’. (Stirling) James Thomson certainly sent respects to him and his family (as well as his own sister) through Russell. A further letter from 26 April again men­ tioned the other James Thomson as well as this man’s brother-in-law who was with Russell in Rotterdam. See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/531. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, 5 April and 26 April 1684. 82 SRP, Ny Foljd, II, 1678-1679, 1682, 45-46. Riksrad minute, 11 November 1678. Catharina de Besche had been in dispute with Abrham Cronstrom over the steel­ works since 1675. See SRP, Ny Följd, I, 1674-1675, 241, 19 July 1675. For more on Clerck see Landsarkiv i Visby, V iL A /10325, Jacob Clerck’s Arkiv; &L4, II, 24. The Gussum brass works were later owned by George Spalding. See SRA, Biographica Microcard E01832 2/6 and 3/6; SAÄ, VII, 371. 83 Georg Haggren offers the following useful definitions related to the iron indus­ try: jambruk relates to an industrial construction with at least one bar-iron forge; brukskomplex usually denotes two or more ironworks under the same owner; bruksbygd is an area with a collection of works; brukspatnm defines those owners of com­ plexes who were partially resident within them [sometimes also bruksägare]; hammarpatnm refers to an owner of a works that did not have its own blastfurnace; bruksförvaUare sometimes referred to brukspatron, but could also relate simply to the manager of a works. See Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 14.

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the beginning of the seventeenth century, along with a small com­ munity o f other Scots.84 Andrew got into trouble in Stockholm on suspicion of illegal trading of iron to G erm any contrary to the king’s orders.85 Nonetheless, by the mid 1600s, for a period o f about five years, Andrew Lockman was the C row n’s leaseholder of the iron districts o f Norberg and Vasterbergslagen. He constructed a new bar iron ham m er at Skinnskatteberg and reconstructed another killinghammare at Gunnilbo. In addition, Andrew built French blast fur­ naces at several places in Vasterbergslagen, for example at Hallsjon and at Vik in the parish of Soderbarke, in association with other ironmasters. While Andrew was busy with this project, David Lockman built a rennwerk at Hagge bruk, which he later sold to brother Andrew. T he Lockmans were symptomatic of those m erchant-entrepreneurs who m anaged to cooperate with the bergsman (combined farmers, ironmasters, and hammer-smiths) to make a significant contribution to the iron industry despite being in the shadow of the larger m er­ chant-entrepreneurs like Willem de Besche and Louis De Geer. They built blast furnaces and ham m er forges at their own expense, leav­ ing much of the actual work to the bergsman, sharing the production with them and making their profits on selling the iron on the inter­ national market. As the large-scale Wallonian iron-dynasties began to emerge, Scots too could be found alongside them. T he Scottish m erchant and financier Andrew Boij invested in the Laxaverk complex in Narke in partnership with his son Anton von Boij.86 T he Boijs were a small but im portant ‘iron’ family, but were ham pered by the lower quality of the iron they produced— a fact blamed by the Riksdag on the quality of the mine.87 Anton went on to own another bruk at Lassana in Narke while his sister Ingrid

84 O. Bjömänger, Koping, dätid-nuhd (Köping: 1974), 45, 48. I am reliably informed that details of the I^ockmans’ business at Hagge bruk are to be found in the records of the complex kept in the archives of Haksberg in Ludvika. I would like to express my thanks Dr Maj-Britt Nergard for passing on to me these references and other information regarding the Lockman brothers. 85 Stockholms stads tänkeböcker fiän ar 1592. Del XIV, 1624-1625 (Stockholm: 1979), 78-79 and 484-485. 25 and 27 May 1624. 86 SAÄ, I, 472 473; J. Kleberg, ed., Snenska Ambetsverk, Del. Vl:l Kammarkollegium 1634-1718 (Norrköping: 1957), 89; Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 94; Nergärd, Mellon krona och marknad\ 246. 87 Sveriges Riddarskaps och Adels Riksdags Protokoll, XI, 312. Minute, 19 October 1672, Observation by Herr Falkenberg.

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became an owner in her own right at G rangsham m ar in D alam a after the death o f her husband, Je an Utterklo.88 Thereafter, A nton’s own children, Anton and Anders, moved into the industry, taking over the running o f their father’s bruk,89 T he three brothers William, R obert and George Petrie also had dealings with the Swedish m et­ als industry. William founded the Brattfors works in Gastrikland before moving to Arboga in 1644 where he became a burgess and district court judge. T he family rem ained in the iron industry, even building up their bmk holdings in Gastrikland (Brattfors H am m ar and Broms Bruk) and involving themselves in the development of several works in N orrland and Finland.90 Eventually they became one of Sweden’s most im portant iron-producing families, even nam ­ ing one o f their bruk after their ancestral ‘home town’ of Montrose. T he m erchant William Halliday traded iron, and a generation later R obert could be found as bruksforvaltare for several complexes in Finland, including Billnas, Fagervik and Skogby.91 Similarly, Isaak Mackay owned many foundry complexes between 1672-1692, mostly in V astem orrland and U ppland, including Harg, Logdo and Ham marby, but also furnaces at Skom marhyttan and Torshyttan and a forge at Gamelstilla (all in Gastrikland).92 These were later passed on to his sons Isaak and Roloff, who went into partnership with William Petrie junior, son of the aforementioned iron m erchant of

88 Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 94; Ncrgärd, Mellon bona och marknad, 258. 89 SAA.TI, 473-473. 90 The need to establish new works in Finland and Norrland was explained by Petrie to the king through Bergskollegium as being due to fire damage in the exist­ ing works and a bountiful supply of timber in the regions stipulated, see SRA, Bergskollegium skrivelser till kungl. Maj:t, III—Re. Robert Petrie, 2 December 1684. For discussion of the Petrie’s involvement in Gastrikland see F. Hedblom, ed., Fran Gastrikland 1959 (Uppsala: 1959), 73-88, 171-173; G. Ryden, Hammarlag och HushalL Om relationen mellan smidsarbetet och smedshushallen vtd Tore Petres brukskomplex 1830-1850 (Uppsala: 1990); Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 40; Fraser, Montrose before 1700, 146. 91 For William Halliday see Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 87, 118; For Robert Halliday see Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 329. 92 For Isaak Mackay and Hammarby bruk see SRA, Sigrid Bielkes Arkiv VII, E2372. Isaak Mackay to Johan Giärman, 4 February 1677. In this document Mackay desires to send Giärman a quantity of iron and at the same time accept delivery of a quantity of rye to Hammarby bruk, For more on him see SRA, Ericsbergsarkivet, familjen Stenbocks papper, 1677 (2); Hedblom, Fran Gastrikland, 35-36, 205; Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 43, 83, 152-3, 210. I thank Dr Georg Haggren for providing me with some of this information from Petrus Norberg, ‘Gästriklands hyttor och hamrar’ in Blad för bergshanteringens vänner (1959). This shows that Mackay participated in the Berg peasant-forge (begsmanshammare) throughout the 1680s.

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the same nam e.93 Thus the pattern of Scottish families supporting each other and forming networking partnerships in Sweden m ain­ tained itself for yet another generation. Another Scot involved in the iron trade was Jo h n (Hans) Kinnemond. He arrived in Sweden in 1628 and became a merchant burgess in Stockholm some years later.94 His prim ary profession was that o f a silk m erchant although he also dealt in other goods. Having pre­ viously traded in iron, K innem ond moved into its production after settling in to m arried life with his wife, Barbro N eum an.95 H er fam­ ily already had interests in iron production with Kristoffer N eum an owning the Farna works in the 1640s, while K innem ond himself owned one nearby at N orn in Bergslagen.96 However, the owner­ ship o f this bruk was complex and contested. Kinnem ond initially owned the bruk, though by 1650 he acted as the co-owner and m an­ ager on behalf of the M om m a-Reenstiem a family.97 His other p art­ ners in the venture included H ans N eum an (his brother-in-law) and Willem M omm a, while Kristoffer Neum an advanced him cash for the project. K innem ond was expected to provide Willem M om m a with 3% commission on production and 8% interest on all advances.98 T here were complications with these business relationships, leading to a lawsuit against K innem ond by the M om m a family. However, by 1654, the N orn works were again firmly in K innem ond’s posses­ sion after the M om m a-Reenstiem as lost their legal action against

William Petrie junior continued the family tradition of diversification and by 1710 was a main supplier of hemp to Anders Nyman’s rope-making factory in Norrkoping. See Helmfrid, Norrkopmgs Historia, III, 235. For Isaak Mackay (junior) see SRA, Ericsbergsarkivet, familjen Stenbocks papper, 1677-1692 5a, 1690 2a, 1693 la; SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01627 1/5. Numerous letters including 23 September 1694, 25 June 1695 and 11 May 1704. This last mentions the la te ’ Isaac Mackay. Haggrén, Hammarsmeder, 40; D. Fraser, Montrose before 1700 (Montrose: 1967), 146. 94 Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 42. Burgess of Stockholm, 7 March 1646, 95 SAÂ, IV, 127. % Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 161-163. 97 SRA, Fôrteckning over M omm a-Reenstierna Samlingen, Account Book, 1650-1652, E2660, f. 95; Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 57, 161-163. 98 Their account book for 1650-1652 shows that Kinnemond also engaged in the import of rye which was distributed through the same networks as his other exports without need for cash payments SRA, Fôrteckning over Momma-Reenstiema Samlingen, Account Book, 1650-1652, E2660, f. 95; Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 117.

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h im ." In his relation o f the kin networks of the M om m a-Reenstiem a family, Leos M üller observes that the association of that family indi­ cated that they ‘had probably become less dependent on their kin­ ship network at Nyköping’.100 Ironically, that break proved a cosdy move and indeed they lost out to the very sort of kin network they had themselves left behind. K innem ond dum ped his non-family part­ ners and secured his kin-group sole ownership of the plant very much to the detrim ent o f the M omm a-Reenstiemas. O f even greater im portance than K innem ond were the afore­ m entioned Lyall brothers. In addition to their export trade, they became im portant brukspatron, partly through the inheritance by Jam es Lyall o f the iron-works of his father-in-law, Andry Dress, in Rockham m ar.101 T h at bruk remained in the Lyall family for generations, m anaged first by his son Adam Jacobsen Lyall on behalf of himself and his sisters.102Jam es Lyall in partnership with his traditional part­ ner, Adam Raddou, leased all o f the Crow n’s forges and mines in the district of N ora and Linde during the 1660s, adding Fällingsbro and Ervalla to their portfolio between 1672-77. W ith his brother David, he also leased a variety of farms in Norrbärke and Söderbärke, gaining both iron and church tithes in the process.103 Meanwhile David Lyall took on a half share in the Älvkarleö and H am äs bruk in Älvkarleby with his wife’s brother-in-law Claes Depken (till Anckarström), who also happened to be Bergmästare (Master of the Mines) in U ppland and V ästem orrland.104 In 1669, David also initiated plans to build a complex at Axmar in Ham range parish, which received its privilege in 1671 through his partner Claes Depken. By 1673, some 48 tax-paying individuals, mosdy Walloons, had moved into the area although David had sold the complex to Albrecht Behm

99 SRA, Förteckning over Momma-Reenstiema Sämlingen, part C: brev till brödema Momma-Reenstiema ingängna skrivelser, section 3, Aflarer och processer med nedan närnda enskilda personer, E2591, vols.123 and 124. 100 Müller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 161. 101 SRA, Landshövdingamas Skrivelser tillKung. Maj:t. Uplands Län—Jacob Lyall, Bruksförvaltare i Knutby sn, Stockholms län, 11 June 1688 and 21 October 1690; SAA, IV, 521; SBL, XXII, 449. 102 James LyalTs daughters married Bishop Johannes Brodinus in Västeras and Petrus Bang in Viborg. See SBL, XXII, 449. 103 SBL, XXII, 450; Nergard, Mellon krona och marknad, 247, 259. 104 Hedblom, Fran Gastrikland, 183-184; SBL, XXII, 450. David’s descendants eventually owned the bruk outright after 1772.

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before it was operational.105 Nonetheless, the family continued in the industry with David Lyall junior joining the family business in Alvkarleo around 1678 after graduating from Uppsala University.106 T he Lyall brothers made their fortune through the production of iron, the sale of bruk and the successful distribution of their product on the international m arket.107 T heir influence in the iron industry continued into the subsequent generations of all the brothers. Adam Jacobsen Lyall took over his father’s works at Rockham m ar as well as Brostorps hammare. He also leased K ungsham m aren along with Jo h an Petrie and Norrby Bruk in Fallingsbro with one of his sisters. His half-brother, Jacob, founded in 1684 what later became known as Vallnora bruk in Knutby, Uppsala, and leased the O rtala bruk in Vaddo from the Crown. Additionally, Jacob bought shares in his siblings’ works at Brostorps.108 O ther descendants also went on to continue the family tradition in the iron industry while some, like the cousins Adam Jacobsen Lyall and Adam Henriksson Lyall, adapted the technology to other aspects of the metallurgical industry in their silver-works at Hallefors.109 Elsewhere, Scots with more tenuous rights to bruk approached Bergskollegium to clarify their situation. M erchant and Stockholm burgess D avid Fife lent the noblew om an A nna H iem ehook 31,500 daler kopparmynt (£1,313 Sterling) and received farms and other security in Fallingsbro where Fife now had his forges {bruk and hammer). As a commoner, Fife had no right to the pawned properties and sought clarification o f his status. In the view o f Bergskollegium, there was no loss of revenue to the Crown and they suggested a continuation o f the present arrangem ent.110 However, i f

105 Haggrén, Hammarsmeder, 18-19. 106 The two David Lyalls, father and son, are often conflated in secondary sources and, like the two Isaak Mackays identifying which is which is often difficult. David Lyall senior died in 1676. David Lyall junior was bom in 1660 and after gradua­ tion from Uppsala University, joined the family in the iron industry c. 1678. The easy way to separate them is to realise that there is a two year gap between their participation in iron works management and anything pre 1676 relates to the father and anything post 1678 relates to the son. See Haggrén, Hammarsmeder, 18-19 and 158. 107 Nergârd, Mellon krona och marknad, 232, 242, 260, 262. 1(* SAA, IV, 521; SBL, XXII, 449-450; Nergârd, Mellon krona och marknad, 259-260. 109 SAÀ, IV, 521; SBL, XXII, 450; Nergârd, Mellon krona och marknad, 261. 110 SRA, Bergskollegii skrivelser dll Kung. Maj:t. 1640-1840—Re. David Feif (Fife), 21 December 1689; Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1651-1688, 217. Burgess of Stockholm, 27 October 1673.

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Fife sought to use his ethnicity as a bargaining point with Bergskol­ legium, he certainly had good reason to think it might work. Scottish entrepreneurs quickly embedded themselves into the national structures overseeing mining and industrial production. Robert Kinnem ond became a secretary in Bergskollegium (Board of Mining) in 1683 and an assessor there in 1690. H e eventually rose to become Bergsrad (senior councillor) within the body around 1713.1,1 Kinnem ond’s pres­ ence in this organ is of note; when men like David Fife or Robert Petrie petitioned Bergskollegium in the 1680s, K innem ond’s signature on correspondence relating to the application is indicative of a poten­ tial ally of Scottish background within the council— though we can­ not assume that this was the case.112 Nonetheless, the network became even tighter when ownership and those directing the production process were related by blood. This happened spectacularly when the Lyall family becam e involved with Bergskollegium. David Lyall junior received his appointment there in 1688 and served as bergmdstare (Master of the Mines) in U ppland and V astem orrland from 1691, giving him responsibility over the labour market and setting his own agenda for the production process through his numerous suggestions to new bergsordningar into the eighteenth century.113 Along with his two cousins nam ed Adam, David junior was eventually naturalised as a Swede in 1717, ennobled in 1719 and continued in his role as bergmdstare until 1722. Indeed his cousin Adam Henriksson Lyall took on the same position of bergmdstare in Oster and Vasterbergslagen in 1700 before also being made an assessor in Bergskollegium in 1713.114

111 SRA, Bergskollegii skrivelser till Kung. Maj:t. 1640-1840—Re. Robbert Kinnimundt, sec. i Bergskollegium och Bergsrad. Various letters and co-signed doc­ uments, 1683— 1719. This is likely a son of the Stockholm burgess of the same name. If it was not, then he must have been an old man when he took up his position. See Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 42. Burgess of Stockholm, 16 January 1647 112 See for example SRA, Bergskollegium skrivelser till kungl. Maj:t, III.—Re. Robert Petrie, 2 December 1684. 113 SRA, Bergskollegium skrivelser till kung. Maj:t, XIX—Re. David Lyall, 17 September 1684—3 February 1722; SRA, Kungl. brev avseende Gavle— Re. David Lyall. Brev till Bergskollegium re Borgmastare David Lyall i Orten, 28 March 1693; SRA, Kammerskollegium till Kungl. Maj:t.— Re David Lyall, 2 May 1694; SBL, XXII, 450; Hedblom, Fran Gastrikland, passim. Haggren, Hammarsmeder, 178, 242, 249, 255-6, 264, 286, 288-9; Nergard, Mellon krona och marknad, 261 114 SRA, Bergskollegii skrivelser till Kung. Maj:t. 1640-1840—Adam Henriksson Lyall, 1699-1741; SBL, XXII, 449-450. Indeed, Adam went on to become a regional governor in 1744.

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T hrough the Lyall kin group, the network linking bruk ownership to production and export is succincdy encapsulated. But as we have also seen, the kin group need not be exclusively Scottish, nor, importandy, did Scots confine themselves to Sweden or any other geo­ political boundary in their expansion into the iron industry. H aving shown that the Scots integrated into the Swedish iron industry, the question remains as to how long they actually m ain­ tained a Scottish network once they became established. We can show, for instance, that iron producers like Jo h n Kinnem ond m ain­ tained a working relationship with recognised Scottish iron exporters like Alexander Buchan. He in turn kept up his dealings with Scots elsewhere including the D undonian David Melvin in C openhagen.115 Further, if we focus on a few key communities we can see some closer associations at work. Christina Dalhede has noted that in 1634, some 130 Arboga burgesses dealt in 26% of the domestic iron indus­ try. O f this quantity some 1,937 ship-pounds were produced locally, probably in Boij’s factories, while 4,131 ship-pounds were imported— mostly by Andrew Boij and fellow Scot, William Petrie senior.116 Among the other Scots involved in the iron industry in the Arboga region were Jam es Lyall, Jam es Crawford, Thom as Clemenstone, R obert Petrie junior and Peter Boij, indicative of a fledgling Scottish community in the town.117 This network grew to include those involved in industries based in the region associated to the iron industry. Clearly the iron foundries needed wood to operate their furnaces and it should be no surprise that Boij sourced this commodity from H ans Carnegie, a fellow Scot and citizen of Gothenburg, who was granted four sawmills in the same region in 1627.118 O ther Scots also set up industries around the Arboga iron works, including Colonel Alexander Ham ilton (D ear Sandy) who established one of his can­ non foundries there in 1629.119 Perhaps because of the opportuni-

115 SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01278 4 /6 , E01540 2/11 and 3/11 [in con­ nection with the affairs of John Kinnemond]. See particularly letters from 2 November 1653 and another from 1671 in Biographica ‘attested as a correct translation (from English to Swedish) by William Smith and David Melvin’. 116 Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer, II, 413. 117 Deduced from Hedblom, Fran GdstriJdand, 76-77; Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer, II, 416, 419-420, 423. 118 C.F. Corin and F. Sleman, eds., Stadshistoriska Institutet, Privilegier, Resolutioner och Forordningar for Sveriges Stdder, vol. 6 (Stockholm: 1985), 628. Gustav II Adolf’s con­ tract with John (Hans) Carnegie, 16 April 1627. 119 Monro, His Expedition with the worthy Scots regiment called Mack/yes, II, 1. Note

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ties the Scottish ‘iron’ community offered, Stockholm-based Scottish m erchants, such as Jam es M aistertoun, chose to take on farms in the Arboga area, as did some retiring Scottish soldiers like Thom as T hom pson.120 R obert Petrie, a Stockholm burgess and brother of William, also moved into the region in 1644 where he remained until his death in 1690, bringing in Scottish apprentices like Jo h n G uthrie.121 The correspondence of these men confirms that networks o f kith, kin and nationality operated in Arboga throughout the sev­ enteenth century. In Sweden there is incontrovertible evidence that the Scottish iron production and delivery networks were a success, though that was not the case throughout Scandinavia.

Contesting Iron Networks: Foreign Patronage versus Regional Power In Sweden the em bedded community of Scots worked hand-in-hand worth their native countrymen in Scotland and her satellite com ­ munities. In Denm ark-Norway there were also serious attempts to gain a foothold in the production of iron by foreigners operating in Norway. T he English opened up some iron works in the Bratsberg region where the D utch also wished to develop the area.122 William Lydall, described as ‘an Englishman’, had also established and built an ironworks in the Akershus (previously Ákershus) region of Norway at a place which the D utchm an Hugo Bedow had previously held. In 1578 King Frederik II gave Lydall and his associates leave to continue their business for the next 10 years, after which they would

that Monro mentions his foundry as being in i Vrbowe\ See also de Geer till Leufsta, Louis de Geer, 138. This author states categorically that his foundry was in Arboga. For a concise biography of Hamilton see C.B.R. Butchart, ‘Sir Alexander Hamilton, General of Artillery’ in Aberdeen University Review, XLII (1948), 296-302. For more on the Arboga arms factory see M. Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus: A History of Sweden (2 vols., London: 1953), II, 108-115. 120 Thomas Thompson bought tax rights to two farms in the area although legal disputes followed in the 1640s involving the Arboga factor, Anders Nilsson. See S. Hedar, Kammarkollegiets Protokoll, vol. 1, (Stockholm: 1934), 7-8, 32. James Maister­ toun was bom in Scotland in 1625. He moved to Sweden, became a merchant in Stockholm and by 1660 owned a farm in Arboga, perhaps enticed there by his countrymen. See E.E. Etzel, ‘Notes on Swedo-Scottish Families’, Scottish Historical Review, vol. IX (1912), 271. 121 G. Hellström, Stockholms Stads Herdaminne (Stockholm: 1951), 588-589. 122 Norske Rigs-regLStranter, II, 157 Frederik II to Paul Hvitfeldt, 13 May 1575.

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have to request permission. In addition, Lydall had to hand over a tenth o f all the iron to the Crown by taking it to Akershus casde. T he king also granted Lydall 10 years’ access to land at Breck, and ensured that the local farmers supplied him with wood. In 1579 the royal authorisation for the ironworks was extended for a total of 20 years, which included permission for Jo h n Fuxell (LydalTs brotherin-law), Lydall and his descendants to construct additional ironworks in Akershus. By 1584 Lydall had been granted 3 farms around Akershus casde, but as he had ceased working with iron the king w anted his land back and that particular English operation was over.123 Soon after Lydall ceased operating, the Swedes started to work on iron production in the M ostadm ark area just outside Trondheim , with varying degrees o f success.124 T he real breakthrough in that region followed the discovery by the priest Bem t Brunsmann (Brunsmand) in 1650 of a large ore deposit, and this led to intervention by Sir William Davidson of Curriehill and a small cohort of Scots. Davidson operated both as m erchant entrepreneur in the D utch Republic and as British resident for the exiled Charles II through­ out the ‘C rom w ellian U su rp atio n ’ in Scotland. H e brought to M ostadmark a highly developed British and Dutch commercial net­ work, aided by the fact that he twice m arried into Dutch families with all the implied benefits for a m erchant abroad.125 His interest in commercial activity in Scandinavia can be traced through his cor­ respondence with the M om m a-Reenstiem a family in Sweden in the 1640s, and the Marselis consortium in Denm ark thereafter.126 T h a t he should transfer his capital to Norway on a speculative venture should therefore come as little surprise, particularly given the small em bedded British community there on whom Davidson probably

123 Norske Rigs-registranter, II, 257, Frederik II, various letters 1578-1584, 258, 316, 319, 550. 124 L. Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’ in Malvik Bygdebok (3 vols, Trondheim: 1957-9), I, 237. 125 For his better known Dutch interests see Rooseboom, The Scottish Staple in The Netherlands, 196-201, 216, 219. 126 SRA, Förteckning over Momma-Reenstiema Sämlingen, part C: brev dll Brödema Momma-Reenstiema ingängna skrivelser, section 1, brev dll Abraham Momma-Reenstiema—E2492, 24, A-E. William Davidson, Holland Afiarsman, Amsterdam (c.33 letters) section 3, Aflarer och processer med nedan nämda enskilda personer, E2582, 114, 1648; For a hint at his dealings with the Marselis family in Denmark see J.T . Lauridsen, Marselis konsortiet (Arhus: 1987), 258.

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thought he could draw for support and local knowledge. These included Scottish merchants such as Jam es Hay, Daniel Campbell, Andrew and William Robertson (Skotte), William C ouper (William H enrichsen Scott) or J o h n Thom m essen (H ans Skotte) an d the Englishman, Thom as H am m ond, who had arrived in Trondheim in 1655.127 T he Scottish community grew to include other Scots like William H unter, described as a Swedish citizen, who was of Scottish origin and served as a factor for Davidson in both the Dutch Republic and Norway. He became a strong part o f the Trondheim com m u­ nity after his m arriage to M arta O lsdatter Blix.128 A nother Scot meshed into the Trondheim community was Alexander Feam (Skott) who m arried a daughter of M ayor Laurits Bastiansen and worked occasionally as a translator of English in the Trondheim council; this also involved him in Davidson’s affairs which were sometimes con­ ducted in English.129 Indeed, it is possible that any one of these indi­ viduals tipped off Davidson to the investment opportunities in the first place. From early in 1656, Davidson invested 1000 rdl. in the Mostadmark ironworks and a further 400 rdl. soon after. In return for this loan, Brunsmann promised free transport of iron and offered his shares, 127 For more on Hay in Trondheim see Personalhistorisk Tidsskrifi, II (1881), 44. For Campbell see O. Ovenstad, Miliberbiografier: Den Norsk* Hors Officner (Oslo: 1948), 202. For more on Hammond in general see Norske Rigs-registrants, XII, 284; Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, V, 29 and 217, VI, 42; Norsk Biografisk Leksikon, V, 329. 128 Hunter signed notarial documents for Davidson in the Dutch Republic. See Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, vol. 596 (Protocollen van Johannes Crosse), if. 76a-b, 8 July 1671. I am grateful to Dr Douglas Catterall for providing me with copies of this and other documents relating to Davidson from this archive; Berg, Trondheim ftr Cidgnon, 172-173. Marta was the step-daughter of Anders Laursen who gave Hunter a farm in June 1683. Hunter is referred to as his ‘svigerson* though he was his step-son-in-law, showing the close relation of step­ father and daughter. His association with the metal industry and his description as a Swede suggest a relationship between this William Hunter and the Gothenburg smith-burgess of the same name who came from Scotland. See H. Almquist, Göteborgs Historic (2 vols., Gothenburg: 1929-1935), I, 320-321; E. Langström, Göteborgs Stads Borgarelängd 1621-1864 (Gothenburg: 1926), 16. 129 Berg, Trondheim fer Cidgnon, 338-339. He married Bastiansen’s daughter on 13 May 1671, just before the mayor died. For an example of Davidson conducting his business in English see Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, II, 153. Application written in English concerning confirmation of a deed relating to the transfer of about 30 taxed prop­ erties, several non-taxed properties, some sawmills and two salmon warps to William Davidson with a value of 1500 daler, 17 December 1673. The deed was from Susan Pedersdatter Krabbe, wife of the late Mayor Bastiansen. That anyone other than Feam translated this document for his mother-in-law is unlikely, thought there were other Scots and Englishmen around who could have done so.

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which were worth three quarters and one sixteenth, as collateral.130 T h at same year Frederik III set down the privileges of the iron works, detailing the extent o f the complex and nam ing Brunsmann as the director of the venture. Davidson appeared happy with these privileges, though by the following year he wished to install the Edinburgh m erchant Alexander W ishart as his factor and director of the works.131 This led to a situation where two types of network were brought into conflict. O n the one hand there was the regional network represented by Brunsmann and the local Trondheim busi­ ness class. O n the other was the patronage network of Sir William Davidson trying to run a business operation from a distance using a com bination of non-indigenous m anagem ent but coupled with a considerable degree of financial clout. T he problems initially arose through a dispute between Alexander W ishart and Bem t Brunsm ann which continued throughout 1659 and 1660.132 R esolution could have followed after the death o f Brunsmann, but the conflict was perpetuated by his inheritors, led by his widow (and subsequent m anager for the works), M argarete Monsdatter Brunsmann.133 After a relatively short legal battle, Davidson received the satisfaction he sought through his factor Jacob M adsen around M ay 1661.134 His problems were not over, however, and a new legal case ensued between Davidson and borgermester Laurits Bastiansen (Stabel) who had previously held the farms within the grounds of the ironworks and had lost them to Davidson as the works expanded beyond their original circumference.135 For Davidson

130 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jem verk’, 239; B. Sogner, Trondheim bys historie. II. Kjgpstad og stiftsstad 1537-1807 (Trondheim: 1962), 190. 131 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 240. For Wishart’s Edinburgh status see Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, vol. 833 (Protocollen van Zeger van de Brugge), f. 60. 5 January 1671. An Alexander Wishart, merchant-burgess of Edinburgh, was brother of George Wishart, Bishop of Edinburgh. With no records discovered yet for another of this name, it would appear to have been this man, though that is obviously open to challenge as more evidence comes to light. See Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh (9.vols., Edinburgh: 1927-1967), V, 301. Extract, 20 August 1662. 132 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 240. 133 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 241. 134 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 16, 39. Frederik III to Trondheim Rad, 11 M ay 1661 and 15 February 1662. In this second letter the king ordered Claus von Ahlenfeldt to ensure that the inheritors of the Brunsmann estate satisfied Davidson’s claims. 135 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 240-241.

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the problem was exacerbated due to the lack of any support net­ work in the region. As a Norwegian historian has observed, ‘Director W ishart was a foreigner in this country and little known am ong the local com m unity’.136 Not only that, but the Bastiansen cam p was well-connected regionally. Bastiansen was a local m an, a burgess, a councillor, a noblem an and the m ayor of T rondheim .137 In addition, the president of the Trondheim council happened to be Bastiansen’s brother-in-law, Lorents Fransten, and he served as Bastiansen’s agent in Copenhagen, putting a strong Norwegian kin network at odds against Davidson’s commercial network.138 T hat being said, Davidson proved capable of employing higher patronage networks. Davidson clearly had the ear of the DanishNorwegian nobility, including Hannibal Sehested, Viceroy of Norway, and Frederik III himself. Both Swedish and Dutch residents informed their respective governments of Davidson’s arrival in the spring of 1664. Neither could work out what his presence m eant, only that the noblemen were patronising him probably in the hope of secur­ ing a large loan for the Danish king.139 Davidson also had well-connected financial backers in Copenhagen among the Scottish community including no less a person than Sir Jo h n Paul, sometime British con­ sul in D enm ark.140 Frederik III needed money and William Davidson had it. Thus by May 1664, and with both sides bringing their net­ works to bear, a royal order was issued to ensure an agreem ent was put in place between Bastiansen and Davidson regarding the run­ ning of the works. Bastiansen agreed to give up M ostadm ark’s and Hommelvik’s smallholdings and woods in exchange for other land elsewhere. T he king’s commissioners were told in no uncertain terms

136 In Norwegian he states ‘Direktor Wichert var fremmed i landet og lite kjent med de lokale forhold’. See Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 240. 1,7 That he was a nobleman is inferred from his right to maintain his noble­ m an’s privileges. See Fladby, Norsk* Kongebrev, I, 127. Frederik I ll’s licence to Bastiansen, 15 April 1667. 158 Noted in an enclosure in Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 127. Frederik Ill’s licence to Bastiansen, 15 April 1667. 139 Davidson’s presence caused suspicion among many who believed that there had to be more to his visit as it was claimed his transactions were personal, yet he had audiences with the king. See Becker, Samlingn til Danmarks historic under kong Frederik, II, 24 and 29. Gustav Lilliecrona to Karl XI, Copenhagen, 21 April and 12 May 1664. Same volume, 293. Jacob le Maire to the States General, Elsinore, 3 and 20 May 1664. 140 For John Paul’s claims against Davidson’s estate see Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, III, 87, 90, 232. Various royal letters between 1683 and 1685.

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that Davidson had to be helped in this case, highlighting the com ­ mercial importance of the ironworks to Frederik III.141 Within months, Reinholt von Hoven had an order from the king to ensure that Davidson received all his privileges. These now included ensuring that Bastiansen had to surrender his sawmills within the circumfer­ ence o f M ostadm ark which was to be backed up by the interven­ tion of the Viceroy o f Norway.142 Thus in addition to the production of iron and utilisation o f sawmills, the works also received rights to produce tar. Even despite the fact that this was seen to conflict with the tar privileges o f Trondheim , the process was allowed to con­ tinue, being shrugged off as ‘insignificant’.143 It certainly was. Alexander W ishart drew up a production report in which it was revealed that in the first nine years o f production, M ostadm ark had cost some 21,589 rdl., but only taken in 4,333 rdl. This related to some 571 ship-pounds o f iron and some quantities of tar.144 Poor returns were ham pered by internal dissention among the workforce with bergshrwer (Clerk o f Mines) Cristian Richter voicing dissatisfaction with masmester Lars.145 U ndaunted, Davidson continued to expand his Norwegian inter­ ests and in 1665 he reconfirmed W ishart as Director of Works and appointed the bailiff and steward of Reins Kloster, Jen s Pedersen, as an additional factor, particularly in regard to tar production.146 Frederik III reaped the rewards of his support for Davidson, who deployed additional capital in support of the Royal Salt C om pany in Norway and considerable cash loans secured against future royal income from the Sound Tolls.147 W hen Charles II declared war on 141 On the same day as this order was issued, Davidson’s privileges were for­ merly recognised by the king and Bastiansen was even ordered to help Davidson secure the additional smallholdings within the circumference of the works. See Fladby, Norsk* Kongebrev, I, 127. Frederik III, various orders to Claus von Ahlfeldt, 27 April and 7 May 1664. 142 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 138. Frederik III to Reinholt von Hoven, 24 August 1664; Frederik III to Viceroy, 1 August 1665. 143 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 181. Confirmation of the Mostadmark privileges, including the right to produce tar, 2 August 1665. See also 212, numerous docu­ ments, 13 March 1666. 144 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 242. 145 Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 242. 146 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, vol. 596 (Protocollen van Johannes Crosse), ff.46a-f; Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 212. Frederik III to Trondheim Rad, 21 December 1665. 147 The loans against the Sound Toll were granted in August 1665, with Davidson again connected to the Marselis consortium in the Dutch Republic. See Becker,

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his cousin Frederik III in October 1666, Davidson found his Norwegian operations compromised and his property and goods im pounded.148 H e m anaged to overcome these by pressurising Frederik III to stick to his financial obligations. He shrewdly softened the D ane with still more concessions, including further loans to the Salt M onopoly and the export o f Norwegian tim ber aboard Dutch ships to the English colonies in A m erica.149 As a result his goods and Norwegian con­ cerns were released back to him .150 T he strength of Davidson’s net­ works in four countries is clearly apparent in that single granting of the English trade concessions to a Scot who, under the English Navi­ gation Acts, had no right to even trade to America, let alone with goods of one enemy aboard ships of another. Despite the evident strength of Davidson’s international patronage network, the poor perform ance of M ostadmark, the infighting of the staff and the interruptions of the Stuart-Dutch w ar all took their toll on his operations in Norway. In the intervening gap afforded to him by the war, the Bastiansen network began to make inroads back into the Davidson holdings despite Davidson’s earlier support from Frederik III and apparent accom m odation between the contesting parties. In April 1667, the m ayor received a licence from the king to keep his noblem an’s estates and sawmills in Hommelvik and M ostadmark, regardless of any previous deal made between him and Davidson. T he goal posts in Norway continued to shift awkwardly for Davidson when residency became an expected part for ownership of businesses like M ostadmark. Therefore, Davidson applied to the king to state

Samlinger til Danmarks historic under kong Frederik, II, 97. Gustav Lilliecrona to Karl XI, Copenhagen, 31 August 1665, the same month as he got the privileges to the Salt Monopoly. See also Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 213. Copy of the Commission of the Salt Company Directors, signed by William Davidson on behalf of himself and the other directors, Cristianshavn, 5 March 1666. 148 The declaration of war by Charles II came in October 1666 and was recorded in Copenhagen by Gustav Lilliecrona on 15 October. See Becker, Samlinger til Danmarks historie under kong Frederik, II, 171-172. Gustav Lilliecrona to Karl XI, Copenhagen, 15 October 1666. 149 For the export of Norwegian deals of timber only months later see CSPD, 1666-1667, 384. License for Davidson, ‘West Indies and Norway M erchant’, December 1666. 150 Becker, Samlinger til Danmarks historie under kong Frederik, II, 171-172. Gustav Lilliecrona to Karl XI, Copenhagen, 15 October 1666; On 17 December 1667 Nils Toller had a share to the value of 3,200 daler in Davidson’s stake of the Royal Salt Company. See Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 261. Declaration by Court Adeler, 17 December 1667.

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that a family m em ber would move to Trondheim to settle and thus satisfy this new regulation. But given his circumstances, he asked that he personally should be exempt from taxes, excise and sim ilar fees except for customs. Davidson’s privileges were extended for a further 20 years for an annual price of only 12 daler per annum .151 Davidson also took possession of Leira (Strinda) and Draksten sawmills as well as Draksten farm in Klaebu from Commissioner Paulsen.152 Nonetheless, problems continued and the spectre of Bastiansen loomed ever larger. W ith so many o f his countrymen in managem ent and in situ, all seemed promising for Davidson’s venture and his move to Trondheim should have been a smooth one. Frustratingly for him, his director Alexander W ishart had raised an action against him in the Scottish courts; this had a huge impact on Davidson, who saw the move as a betrayal of trust and breach of contract. He countered W ishart’s action with a whole series o f litigations of his own in pursuit o f W ishart’s house, goods and followed by threats to his life.153 William H unter, the ‘Swede’, and David Jacobsen were thereafter brought in to administer various sections of Davidson’s commercial em pire in Norway.154 T he change o f m anagem ent and the hiring of expen­ sive foreign workers m eant that debts at M ostadmark had m ounted by 1670.155 Further, the restitution of Davidson’s sequestered pro p ­

151 Fladby, Norsk* Kongebrev, II, 54. Royal Order, 28 October 1670. 152 Fladby, Norsk* Kongebrev, II, 63. Commissioner Nicolaus Paulsen to William Davidson, 1 December 1670. Some of these, like that at Leira, had only been built a few years before due to the fact that his mills near Mostadmark had been closed down by Davidson in 1664. See Fladby, Norsk* Kongebrev, I, 154. Licence for Iver Baltersen to build Leira sawmill, 8 August 1665. Draksten must refer to Dragsten as mentioned in O. Tulluan, KUbuboka bind II. Gards og ¿Ettesoge (Klaebu: 1973), 504-588, although Davidson is not mentioned as one of the proprietors in that source. 155 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud-notarieel Archief, vol. 833 (Protocollen van Zeger van de Brugge), f.60. 5 January 1671; Same archive, vol. 596 (Protocollen van Johannes Crosse), ff. 46a-f, c. 1671. These also reveal something of the unfor­ giving nature of Davidson which may help to explain his success in business. All these notarial documents contain repeated invective describing Wishart as formerly Davidson’s most disloyal, false, unfaithful, deceitful and treacherous servant and administrator in Mostadmark ironworks in Norway. Even when Davidson met with the representatives of Wishart in the Dutch Republic, the notarie working for him noted the foul and abusive language employed by Davidson. 154 For more on Hunter’s and Jacobsen’s appointments see the claims against Davidson’s estate related in Fladby, Norsk* Kongebrev, II, 245. 1 September 1680 and III, 27. 22 October 1681. 155 Clauses in some of his patents seeking religious toleration confirm the pres-

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erty promised by Frederik III in 1666 had not been completed.156 These problems were exacerbated when locals from Trondheim sought compensation for the sufferings endured by their loss of privileges at Davidson’s expense.157 A fellow Scot, Alexander Feam , also came into conflict with Davidson after the death of Bastiansen. Davidson pursued Bastiansen’s widow throughout 1671-1673, leaving Feam ‘in the wrong network’, as he had become guardian for Bastiensen’s children.158 However, Davidson’s main patron in Copenhagen had been Frederik III, who had died in 1670. T he Scot did not have the same positive relationship with Christian V .159 Thereafter, num er­ ous other Norwegians pursued Davidson through the Norwegian Supreme Court. King Christian clearly favoured his indigenous sub­ jects over Davidson, from whom he dem anded an explanation by what right he intended to testify against Peder Paulsen (a Davidson employee), and also for refusing to comply with a Norwegian court order. T he absence of royal patronage undoubtedly lost Davidson the case against Paulsen, who was awarded 1500 daler by the court.160 Thereafter William H unter also took action against Davidson, who spent the rem ainder of his life in legal battles against a host of com ­ plaints from Trondheim civic and mercantile society, Norwegians

ence of non-Lutherans among his fifteen strong work-force. Leif Halse notes that in addition to Wishart, there were 13 employees at the work, of whom he named Lars 'masmester , Simen ‘hammarsmecT and Peder Johnsen Svensk. See Halse, ‘Mostadmarkens Jemverk’, 243. For Davidson seeking religious toleration for his workforce (thus confirming the presence of non-Lutherans) see Fladby, Norsk/ Kongebrev, II, 54, enclosure, 28 October 1670. 156 Nygard, Fortegnelse over kongeltge resolutioner gennem rentkammeriet, I, no. 1010. Supplication of William Davidson, 24 July 1670. 157 Two letters from the Danish king in 1670 included variously demands for payment of 37,541 daler and demands to pay 21,541 daler to William Davidson by the viceroy. See Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, II, 51-52. Royal letters dated 12 October 1670. 158 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, II, 52-55, 63. Numerous letters October-December 1670; II, 127, 18 September 1672. order to the viceroy to support William Davidson against the inheritors of Bastiansen’s estate plus enclosures; II, 146. Confirmation of a deed from Alexander Feam (as guardian) on behalf of Ole Lauritsen Stabel regarding a small farm on Stjordal, 16 June 1673. I>9 Christian V did reissue Davidson’s privileges and notarial instruments were drawn up to confirm this to the various parties. See Trondheim Statsarkiv, Privatarkiv 211, Roros Kobberverk, Klass 21, Fremmede verker vedkommende, 21.1.2-21.1.41. Christian V’s confirmation documents October-December 1670; Abbreviations of some of these can be found in Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, II, 52-55, 62-63. 160 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, II, 201, 213 and 245. Letters dated 22 February 1677, 23 March 1678 and 1 September 1680.

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and Scots alike. In this case the regional networks ultimately pre­ vailed over the patronage network of Davidson that had relied so heavily on the sponsorship of Frederik III.161 True, Sir Jo h n Paul had been aw arded security for the mines, sawmills materials and landed property of Davidson’s estate, but ultimately these were put back under the control of the local Trondheim man, David Jacobsen.162

Conclusion As noted at the outset of this chapter, Scottish industry was thought not to have left the rural homestead until the mid-eighteenth century. Early m odem Scots are often described by historians as being back­ ward in their thinking and it was only the forging of the full political U nion that facilitated serious entrepreneurial development am ong them. High costs, lack o f a skilled workforce, insufficient capital and a limited home market are all supposed to have been factors in crip­ pling the development o f both the cloth and iron industries.163 This chapter suggests an alternative scenario. It shows that those same Scottish commercial networks that facilitated the transition from pedlar to m erchant citizen also allowed for the next step to super­ capitalist investing in numerous industries and manufacturies includ­ ing both cloth and iron. Those families and individuals researched were not only significant players in the developing industrialising processes in Scandinavia, they were central to it. Individuals like Daniel Young Leijonancker and Jo h n K innem ond in Sweden, or William Davidson with interests in Denmark-Norway and the Dutch Republic, were among the true super-capitalists of their day. All three were involved in multiple entrepreneurial ventures and were fiercely defensive of their commercial empires as evidenced by the legal cases brought by them against those who crossed them. T here are other features of the Scots involvement in Scandinavian industrial development that may have quite im portant implications. T he interest of the Scots in the iron industry in particular alerts us to previously limited interpretations of Scottish industrial develop­

161 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, III, 13, 27, 34, 53, 80, 83 162 Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, III, 232. Royal order, 13 June 1685. 163 See for example Hamilton, ‘The Founding of Carron Iron Works’, 185; Whadey, ‘The Experience of Work’, 227-228; Whyte, Scotland's Society, 150.

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ment. These often state that Scotland had to await the intervention o f English businessmen before the iron industry in Scotland could take off with the establishment of C arron Iron Works in 1759. As the evidence above shows, Scots entrepreneurial families had the expertise to produce, export and ship iron from one of Europe’s most prolific iron-producing countries. They did not have to try to build up an indigenous industry that simply would have been unable to compete on the international market. They were far too shrewd for that. Instead they developed networks that enabled them to be supplied with iron whenever they required it. There was no Scottish monopoly on iron, there was something fundamentally better. These families ensured that Scots had a significant stake in the Swedish iron industry and this was even evident to the Swedes themselves. T he Swedish industrial agent (spy is too harsh) H enry K alm eter hit the nail on the head when he pointed out that Scottish trade in the Baltic coupled with minimal dem and removed the need for Scottish iron production at home, particularly using inferior resources to those available to them in Sweden.164 W hen iron was required, the Scots sent to Sweden to get it, often from their countrymen em bedded in the Swedish iron industry. As with the more familiar mercantile networks, these super-capital­ ists used any network they could infiltrate, create or sustain in their pursuit of profit. M any of these were m ade with their fellow coun­ trymen as evidenced by the very positive and successful partnership of Patrick Thom son and Daniel Young Leijonancker. They m an­ aged to build a very successful commercial empire based on mutual trust and an availability of liquid capital. But they also had the benefit of both being physically present in the same location as the manufacturies they controlled. K innem ond too had both physical presence and a strong kith and kin network to rely on. As a tran­ sient opportunist speculator in Norway, William Davidson did not have the local network in place to ensure that his endeavours at M ostadmark could survive. Instead he relied too much on the idea that capital would be able to overcome the numerous existing regional networks. His successor Jo h n Paul fared no better and in the end the regional power grouping defeated the foreign interlopers while the only Scots to do well out of the venture were those who had 164 Smout, Journal of Henry Kalmeter’s Travels in Scotland’, 18; Whyte, Scotland's Society, 142.

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rem ained within the Trondheim area throughout. Em bedded net­ works usually proved more resilient than foreign speculative ventures, particularly where subtle integration could be coupled with the reten­ tion of traditional networks o f kith and kin or place and nation. As the next chapter shows, some Scottish families took this integration process further so that even contemporaries may have been largely unaware of the networks of Scots forming around them. W hat is evident from the forgoing chapters, however, is that the contentions that Scotland could not produce a ‘m erchant in the Restoration period [who] could m atch the scale and diversity of operations of Edinburgh’s m erchant princes of the pre-Covenanting era’, or that those entrepreneurs Scotland did produce displayed a ‘lack of enter­ prise and vision’, are simply indefensible.165

165 For these quotes see Whyte, Scotland's Society, 152, drawing largely on W hadey and Devine.

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205

Scottish Family Ownership and Management of Scandinavian Metal Works 1650-1700 (Sweden unless stated otherwise) Works

Date

Principle Owners

Älvkarleö (Uppland) Àvike (Väster Norrland) Axmar (Hamrange) Billnäs (Nyland, Finland) Brattfors Hammar (Gästrikland) Brömska Bruk—Äbro (Ockelbo, Gästrikland) Bröstorps Hammare (Nora Linde) Fagervik (Nyland, Finland) Fällingsbro and Ervalla Fällingsbro Bruk och Hammar (Crebro) Fäma (Bergslagen)

1662 16861693

David Lyall, Claus Depken Eric Tait

1670-1672 1699

David Lyall, Claus Depken Robert Halliday

1640 1700s

William Petrie, Isaak Mackay

1670s

Robert Petrie

Late 1600s 1699

Adam Jacobsson Lyall & sisters Robert Halliday

1672-1677

James Lyall

1680s 1650

David Fife John Kinnemond, William Momma, Hans Neuman Isaak Mackay (sr. and jr.)

Gammelstilla Forge (Gästrikland) Gottbohl (Nora Linde) Grängshammar (Dalama) Gunnilbo Hammer Forge (Norberg and Västerbergslagen) Gusum Brass Works (Östergötland) Hagge Bruk (Norberg and Västerbergslagen) Hammarby (Gästrikland)

1672-1704

Mid 1600s 1677-1704

H arg (Uppland) Hamas (Uppland) Hofors (Gästrikland)

Late 1600s 1662 1675-1706

Lyall Family Late 1600s

Ingrid Boij

Mid 1600s

Andrew Lockman

1678-1700s

Hans Clerck and later George Spalding David Lockman

Mid 1600s

James Lyall (via Dress Family). From 1677, Isaak Mackay (sr. and jr.) Isaak Mackay, William Petrie David Lyall, Claus Depken Robert Petrie (sr. and jr.) and William Petrie (jr.)

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Table (iconi.) Works

Date

Principle Owners

Hällsjön Blast Furnace (Norberg and Västerbergslagen) Kungshammaren (Nora Linde) Laxâverk—Lassâna (Närke) Laxâverk—Lerbeck (Närke) Lögdö (Västemorrland)

Mid 1600s

Andrew Lockman

1694 Late 1600s

Adam Jacobsson Lyall, Johan Petrie Anton von Boij

1660s

Andrew Boij, Anton von Boij

1685-1692, 1692-1718 1662-1682

Isaak Mackay (sr. and jr.), Eric Tait William Davidson, John Paul

1650 1698 1676-1694 1684-1700

John Kinnemond Adam Jacobsson Lyall and Johan Petrie Jacob Ross Jacob Lyall

1660s

James Lyall (via Dress Family)

Mid 1600s

Andrew Lockman

1699 1672-1704

Robert Halliday Isaak Mackay (sr. and jr.)

Late 1600s

Andrew Boij, Anton von Boij

1700s 1672-1705

Johan Davidson Lyall (via Lohe family) Isaak Mackay (sr. and jr.)

Late 1600s Mid 1600s

Ingrid Boij Andrew Lockman

1684 Date not given in Source 1690s- early 1700s

Jacob Lyall, John Lyall Alexander Strachan

Mostadmark Bruk (Trondheim, Norway) Nom Bruk (Bergslagen) Norrby Bruk (Fällingsbro) Orisberg (österbotten) Ortala Bruk (Väddö, Stockholm) Rockhammar (Nora Linde) Skinnskatteberg Hammer Forge (Norberg and Västerbergslagen) Skogby (Nyland, Finland) Skomarhyttan Blast Furnace (Gästrikland) Snavlunda-Arboga (Närke) Strömsberg (Uppsala) Torshytte and Blast Furnace (Gästrikland) Uttersberg Bruk Vik Blast Furnace (Norberg and Västerbergslagen) Vällnora Bruk (Uppsala) Västeräs Copper

Väsdand (Uppsala)

Johan Lyall

CHAPTER SIX

HIDDEN COMMERCIAL NETWORKS

[The entrepreneur] by directing that industry in such a man­ ner as its produce may be of greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for the society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own inter­ est he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it.' T h e previous two chapters looked at the obvious and overt com ­ mercial networks formed by Scots in N orthern Europe, w hether m er­ chant or manufactory in nature. However there was a level of Scottish commercial network operating, even higher than that of the supercapitalists. It consisted o f a covert com m ercial network, thus far largely overlooked by economic historians. For instance, it has been estimated that at the end of the seventeenth century, four particu­ lar Scots handled between half to two thirds of Scottish trade between the Baltic and Scotland.2 W hat is not perhaps fully considered is what actually constituted ‘Scottish’ trade. If a Scottish consortium in Sweden shipped goods bought from other Scottish m erchants to R otterdam where they were exchanged or re-exported to LondonScots, they would not necessarily pass through the hands of one of the official Scottish factors. T he money raised and the benefits to Scottish mercantilism through the employment of Scots and the even­ tual repatriation of capital are often omitted from ‘guestimates’ of the size and strength o f Scottish commercial activity. This chapter evaluates some of these covert networks and asks if it is possible to draw any conclusions about their importance to Britain and Scandinavia in general and Scotland in particular.

1 A. Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Edinburgh: 1863 edition), 115-116. 2 Smout, ‘Scottish Commercial Factors’, 127.

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Scots in Foreign Commercial Enterprises Rem em bering the blocks placed on the establishment of Scottish monopolies discussed in chapter four, it is often supposed that it was the 1707 Union with England that ‘introduced Scottish nobles to colonial trade’.3 This is because it is usually assumed that Scots had to enter colonial trade through English colonies. This is only part o f a much more complex relationship between Scots and commer­ cial enterprises outwith Europe. In fact the Scottish nobility had been involved very early on in Stuart colonial schemes, not least those mixed British ventures led or sponsored by William Alexander Earl o f Stirling (Nova Scotia— 1620s), Jam es Hay Earl of Carlisle (Bar­ bados— 1620s) and Jam es D rum m ond Earl of Perth (Perth Amboy— 1680s).4 Further, there is ample evidence to show that at least some non-ennobled Scots were fully engaged in the East Indies trade at least 127 years before 1707. For exam ple, W illiam C arm ichael approached the EIC with useful intelligence against the Dutch East India Com pany (VOC) in 1614, after 32 years service for the Portu­ guese in the Mollucas (thus placing him there in 1582).5 By the seventeenth century many Scots had become so enriched through commerce that, despite the celebrated poverty of their homeland, they became players in international commerce, though often em bedded within the commercial structures of foreign powers. In theory, Sir Jam es Campbell, a successful English-born m erchant in London society at the end o f the sixteenth century, offered a wellplaced link to Campbell kinsmen seeking to enter English com m er­ cial enterprises— unless he behaved in an anomalous way com pared to his kinsmen as discussed in chapter one.6 After Jam es VI became 1 Brown, Noble Society in Scotland, 62. 4 For the most recent survey of these see Dobson, ‘Seventeenth-century Scottish Communities in the Americas’, 107-112, 114-115 and 124. 5 CSPCoL East Indies, China and Japan (5 vols., London, 1862-1892), I, 1513-1616, 296. Court Minutes, 8-9 June 1614; Vol. II, 1617-1621, 163. Carlton to Secretary Lake from The Hague, 30 April 1618; Vol. Ill, 1622-1624, 41. Carmichael to the King, c. 1622. William Carmichael later spent four years in The Hague between 1614-1618 fighting the Dutch for compensation for goods they had taken from him while he worked with the Portuguese in the Mollucas in 1612. Carmichael argued that since he was a subject of James VI his goods could not be considered ‘legitimate prize’ in the Portuguese-Dutch conflict. The case was not resolved, and so Carmichael wrote to James VI in 1622 seeking ‘letters of reprisal’ against any Dutch shipping found in British waters in order that he could recoup his fortune. 6 For more on his position in London society see his entry in the Oxford DNB.

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the m onarch of G reat Britain and Ireland in 1603, new opportuni­ ties presented themselves for Scottish merchants wishing to expand their trade with Russia, G reenland and the East Indies through their quiet infiltration of the various English companies established for trade in these areas. William Scott argued that the 1617 patent for a Scottish East India Com pany had not been required as there were already several Scottish courtiers with positions within the EIC and English limitations to Scottish inclusion were ‘more apparent than real’.7 The above-named Sir Jam es Campbell exercised a significant influence in London until the 1630s and the extent to which he helped his ‘countrymen’ awaits investigation. Nonetheless, within years o f Jam es’ accession Scotsmen like H arry Shanks, Jo h n W edderbum , George Brown or Augustus Spalding all served as employees of the EIC in Jav a in the early seventeenth century.8 Elsewhere, the Scot­ tish Muslim, George Strachan, took on the role of factor for the EIC in Baghdad, being best suited for the job through his linguis­ tic abilities.9 In England itself, commercial opportunities also presented them ­ selves to Scots, for example David Ramsay, M aster of the King’s Clock, being made first M aster of the Clockmaker’s Com pany of London by Royal C harter on 22 August 1631 after many years of service to both Jam es VI and Charles I.10 In 1663, in addition to his other Dutch and Danish-Norwegian ventures, Sir William Davidson had also secured himself a position on the board of the [English] Royal African Company by 1663 and a directorship of the [Norwegian] Royal Salt Com pany in 1665.11 Davidson is indicative of the ease with which entrepreneurs moved between monopolies be they Dutch,

7 W.R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720 (2 vols., Cambridge: 1910), I, 147. 8 For Shanks, Wedderbum and Brown see NAS, Trinity House of Leith Papers, GD 226/18/21/7, 24 April 1625 and GD 226/18/21/8, 5 May 1629. I would like to thank Professor Allan I. Macinnes for these references. For Spalding see GMVOC, I, 109, footnote. 9 G.L. Dellavida, ed., George Strachan: Memorials of a wandering Scottish scholar of the seventeenth century (Aberdeen: 1956), 51-68. 10 HP 7/16/1A-2B. Hartlib to John Durie, 20 September 1630 at ‘M r David Ramsayes house, Master of the King’s Clockes, & one of his Bedchamber’; J . Smith, Old Scottish Clockmakers, from 1453 to 1850 (London: 1921), 306-308; Oxford DNB. 11 CSPCol. America and W. Indies, 1661-1668, 120-121. Warrant for the King’s signature for the Royal African Company, 10 January 1663; Fladby, Norske Kongebrev, I, 213. Copy of the Commission of the Salt Company Directors, signed by William Davidson on behalf of himself and the other directors, Cristianshavn, 5 March 1666.

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Portuguese, English or otherwise. Augustus Spalding initially served the EIC in Bantam between 1607-1613, though by 1620 he worked for the D utch V O C in West Java, one o f m any Scots to do so throughout the century.12 T he D anish-bom William Lyall of Elsinore travelled to the East Indies in the 1630s and 40s where he eventu­ ally became governor o f T ran quibar.13 H e was joined by other fam­ ily members arriving direcdy from Scodand, such as Robert Lyall, who also served in the Danish East India Com pany in the mid1630s.14 Yet another m em ber of the family, Jo h n Lyall (Johannes Laelius Scotanus) joined Dutch V O C service in Batavia in 1641.15 O ne of the Swedish members of this family, Adam Lyall, moved to London and joined the [English] Easdand Com pany in 1666 and was followed by his brother Jam es in 1669.16 A nother Scot, Jam es

12 GMVOC, I, 109, footnote. For more on the early VOC Scots see Murdoch, ‘The Good, the Bad and the Anonymous’, 63-76. 13 William Lyall was bom c. 1593 at Elsinore, the son of the mayor of Elsinore, Hans Willumsen Lyall. Lyall served first in the Dutch East India Company, and was later appointed a Danish naval captain on 1 May 1628. He returned from the East Indies on 14 September 1635. Lyall’s ship on his most significant voyage in the East Indies was Chritsianshavn that left Denmark in 1639. Lyall was appointed as Governor of Tranquebar between 1643-1648. See GMVOC, II, 1639-1655, 282. Cornelius van der Lijn, 31 December 1645 and footnote; See also the same author on 285, 21 December 1646 and 348-349, 18 January 1649; For an example of a Danish historian associating Lyall with Scotland see Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 231-235. 14 Charles I wrote to Christian IV on behalf of Robert Lyall and James Logae [Logie] looking for money outstanding in relation to the service of the two men in the Danish East India fleet. See DRA, TKUA, England, A I 3. Charles I to Christian IV, 4 December 1637. 15 C.W.Th. Baron van Boetzelar van Asperen Dubbeldam, Beschryvingc van de Oostindisch Compagnie, vierde bock (Hague: 1954), 84. Letter of the Church Council of Batavia, 2 January 1641. Lyall had first been suspended by the Batavia Church Council, then reinstated after proving his good conduct. But, as the Council reported, he did not stick to it and ‘as they say about the dog, went back to his own vomit wherefore we were constrained to take the same course’ (i.e. suspending him) with the brethren of Tatoen and Xincan. The Church Council concluded their letter about him stating that not much good was expected of him and commending him to the Lord, whom they hoped would have mercy on him and give him a better disposition of body and soul. Thus Lyall was sent into the VOC army near Malacca. 16 Astrom, From Cloth to Iron, Roseveare, 138; Markets and Merchants, 123; Muller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 87. Another important member of this family in London with a strong Swedish connection was Henry LyaJl. He certainly had busi­ ness relations in the 1690 with the Swedish resident, Christoffer Leijoncrona and and accepted bills from Count Stenbock for as much as £500 sterling at a time. However, as to which of the various branches of the LyaJl family he sprang from, we cannot yet state with certainty, only that he wrote to the Swedes in English and his correspondence is filed among those of foreigners suggesting he came was

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Young, first became a burgess o f G othenburg before moving to live among the Swedes on the Delaware where he traded with the indige­ nous population.17 These represented a hugely significant type of individual who m anaged to balance the process of integration while still retaining some demonstrable links with wider Scottish (and British) and foreign commercial networks previously outlined. Perhaps the greatest inroads of this sort outside Britain were made in Sweden where it was not just individuals, but entire networks who wormed their way into similarly ‘em bedded’ positions. W ithin only seven years of his arrival in Sweden, Jam es Fife of M ontrose had become both a councillor in Stockholm and, in 1631, a director of Skeppscompagniet (The Stockholm Shipping Com pany).18 A nother im­ portant ship-owner in her own right was M argaretha Strang (nee Pattillo), widow o f the Forfar m erchant burgess of Stockholm, Wil­ liam Strang, from whom she probably inherited her ships in the early 1660s.19 O ther Scots also bought into Swedish shipping. By the mid 1660s, the Vastervik Skeppscompagnie (Vastervik Shipping Company) had become the largest in Sweden, with 14 ships totalling 2,700 lasts in 1666. Daniel Young and Sophia Forbes were both shareholders and directors of the company. However in 1666 Young, Forbes and their partn er Jacob M om m a-Reenstiem a left the company, taking with them six ships and forming a new partnership.20 O ne o f their cither British or bom in Britain of one of the above named ‘Swedish’ Lyalls. See SRA, Anglica, 190. Brev fran utlanningar till Christoffer Leijoncrona, vol. L. Henry Lyall to Christoffer Leijoncrona, 19 August 1697 and 29 July 1698. 17 E. Langstrom, Goteborgs Stads Borgareldngd 1621-1864 (Gothenburg: 1926), 18; A. Aberg, Kvinnoma i Nya Sverige (Stockholm: 2000), 100-104; Dobson, ‘Seventeenthcentury Scottish Communities in the Americas’, 127. It is not clear what relation, if any, this man was to Daniel Young Leijonancker though it is possible he was one of Daniel’s 32 children. 18 SBL, XV, 507-510; SAA, I, 676-677; Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 26-29, 32. By October 1631 he and two others approached the Riksrad seeking funding for the furnishing of four of their seven ships to be sent to Spain and France. Sec SRP, II, 117 and 204. Riksrad minutes, 14 October 1631 and 26 October 1632. 19 For reference to widow Margaretha Strang as a ship owner see Muller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 182; For her marriage to William Strang see Reid, The Royal Burgh of Forfar, 136, 417-418. 20 Sophia Forbes was the wife of Axel de la Gardie. Her business dealings were her own affair and her trading continued throughout her life. For instance she traded some four boadoads of roofing beams from Amo in July 1688 as sole mer­ chant. She was clearly an independent woman and has been described as ‘en synnerligen energisk kvinna’. Sophia later became involved in a personal court case against Baltazar Schmeer (1697) over outstanding business dealings. See H. Hofberg, Svenski Biographiskl Handlexikon (2 vols., Stockholm: 1906), I, 232; £4/1, II, 793; Muller, The Merchant Houses of Stockholm, 181.

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employees remained behind, George Guthrie, who continued to work as the com pany book-keeper.21 He also undertook the same job for the Swedish T a r Com pany and thus acted as something of a con­ duit between the two ventures. H ere too Guthrie had a Scottish employer, Jam es Porteous, a burgess of Stockholm since 1637 and a director of the Swedish T a r C om pany by the 1660s.22 An associ­ ate of the T ar Company and recent Stockholm burgess, Jam es Semple, procured a recom m endation from the British ambassador for the free export o f 150 lasts of pitch from Sweden for which he paid the Swedish T a r Com pany for permission in 1669.23 It is probably no coincidence that this occurred while his countryman, Jam es Porteous, was one o f the directors. Semple’s association with the Swedish tar industry became less formal when it hit financial problems in 1671. T h a t year he procured a licence to export 4,000 lasts of pitch and tar per annum to Britain for a period of three years.24 Given the outbreak of the third Anglo-Dutch W ar, this concession was to embar­ rass the ‘renovated’ Swedish T a r C om pany o f 1672.25 Through his grant, some 1,200 lasts o f tar and 200 o f pitch were imported into London throughout the 1673-1675 period. T he Stuart Royal Navy was thus provided with vital supplies to fight the Dutch, testing the neutrality of the Swedes under the terms of the Triple Alliance o f 1668.26 At the same time as Semple bought rights to export tar, the

21 &L4, III, 402; SBL, XVII, 494-97. Guthrie was bom in Sweden in 1644 but remained a Scottish citizen until his ennoblement in Sweden in 1681. 22 Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 65. Burgess of Stockholm, 6 March 1637; Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 304. His position in this capacity is noted in connection with a letter from the Directors of the T ar Company to Charles Marescoe, 9 October 1669. 23 Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: Register, 1651-1688, 39. Burgess of Stockholm, 19 December 1666. His association with the Swedish Tar Company was noted in a letter toCharles Marescoe in London who was to receive the goods. See Roseveare, Marketsand Merchants, 304. Directors of the Swedish Tar Co. to Charles Marescoe, 25 September 1669. 24 SRA, Kommerskollegii Underdaniga Skrivelser 1651-1840—Re. James Semple, 5 December 1671. 25 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 123. 26 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 164. For an insight into the Triple Alliance, see Israel, The Dutch Republic, 781-784. The Swedish T ar Company knew that the goods they traded were considered contraband, yet apparently signed passes to ship tar to London such as the 92 lasts aboard The Calmar. She was owned by seven ‘Swedes’ and her cargo belonged to a London Merchant called Samuel Sowton. Additionally, her ‘papers ran in the name of the Tar Company for the more cer­ tain supply of the King’s stores and securing them from the enemy, being all done in Sweden by the knowledge and advice of Henry Coventry, then Ambassador

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financial difficulties current in Sweden saw entrepreneurs like Alex­ an d er W addell hoping to buy directorships in the Swedish T a r Company, though circumstances foiled his endeavours.27

Beyond the Monopolies Those em bedded in the monopolies of foreign states represent only one type o f link in the commercial networking undertaken by Scots. Others combined their commercial status with civic or state posi­ tions in the foreign states in which they resided. T he Scottish fac­ tors who seriously bent the rules in the Dutch Republic in order to act as both brokers for the Dutch coal merchants and factors for the Scots who shipped the coal to Rotterdam have been discussed elsewhere, but their integrated position within the fabric of the host society linking both new and old countries was replicated elsewhere.28 The Danish branch of the Lyall family effectively become heredi­ tary keepers o f the Elsinore Toll after Alexander Lyall moved to the town and became its mayor and senior ‘toll officer’ in the 1540s.29 G enerations of the family followed in these positions well into the seventeenth century and m aintained close contacts with Scotland throughout the period of study.30 M embers of Scottish families look­ ing after various tolls were something of a recurring feature across Scandinavia. Albert Ritchie of Montrose worked as a customs officer

Extraordinary there’. This document was written to the Earl of Rothes after The Calmar was taken into Leith and judged prize by the Admiralty Court of Scodand for carrying contraband, even though it was destined for the Royal Navy. See CSPD, 1673, 462-463; For the full legal case see NAS, AC7/3, Register of Decreets, 1672-1675, ff. 235-280. Judgement, 4 October 1672; SRA, Anglica, Bihang Scotica II (unfoliated). Numerous documents appealing the judgement. Murdoch, Little and Forte, ‘Scottish Privateering, Swedish Neutrality and Prize Law in the Third AngloDutch War’, 57 and 62. 27 Alexander Waddell mentioned to Leonora Marescoe that he hoped to gain a directorship in the new Tar Company and if he got it he would have given exclu­ sive commissions to the Marescoe-David consortium in London. However, he did not get it. See Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 353-354. Waddell to Leonora Marescoe and Peter Joye, 24 July 1672. 28 Catterall, ‘Scots along the Maas’, 185-186. 29 K.R. Erslev, Danmarks Leri og Lensnuend, 1513-1596 (Christiania: 1879), 95; Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 231; T.C. Smout, ‘The European Lifeline’ in G. Menzies, ed., In Search of Scotland (Edinburgh: 2001), 121. 30 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 68, 197, 229-235, 258-259; Smout, ‘The European Lifeline’, 121.

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in Nykobing in D enm ark in the early 1620s along with his fellow M ontrosian, George R obert.31 Henrik Sinclair received full control of Stora SjotoUen (the sea tolls) at G othenburg in 1632 and proved a very useful contact for countrymen like Robert Buchan de Portlethen throughout the 1640s.32 A similar position was later granted to his relative Jo h a n Sinclair at Lille Edet and later over the ‘small tolls’ in Bahuslan, the ex-N orw egian region o f Sweden ju st north o f Gothenburg.33 In Norway, David Gordon worked as a customs officer in Ryfylke in the 1670s.34 These were royal appointments and one can only speculate, given the proven linkages between families out­ lined in chapters one and two, how these men responded to approaches from their Scottish kin seeking to avoid paying duty on their car­ goes. It must be conceded that evidence of partisan behaviour to fellow Scots is difficult to prove. If there was never any dubious

31 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 268-9. 32 SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01300 3/11. Undated letter to Queen Christina in Swedish mentioning customs officer Henrik Sinclair. Three further letters all on the same subject and one dated 19 January 1648 mentioning the late Henrik Sinclair; For Robert Buchan and Henry Sinclair’s contact see SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, various correspondence, 1642-1644; H. Almquist, Goteborgs Historia (2 vols., Gothenburg: 1929-1935), I, 109; Lings trom, Goteborgs Stads Borgareldngd, 23; Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer, II, 241. 33 Johan Sinclair served as a customs inspector at Lilia Edet from the early 1650s until 1672. In 1656 he became involved with Anders Wetterman and the follow­ ing year both were condemned by the Gota Hovratt. Sinclair was later described as ‘en av varsta kverulanter’ (one of the most cantankerous men) in Sweden. However, this did not prevent him from remaining as the customs inspector of the small tolls in Bohuslan between 1665 and 1672. See SRA, Adolf Johans Arkiv i Stegeborgssamlingen. 4 letters from Johan Sinclair, 1651-1652, Lilia Edet; SRA, Kommerskollegium till Kungl. Maj:t, I, 1651-165—Re. Johannes Sinclair, ‘Inspektor over smatullama i Bohuslan 1665-1672’; Corin, Vdrursborgs Historia, I, 94, 132, 136-7, 154. 34 O.I. Melbye, Tollere Qjennom 300 Ar, 1563-1886 (Oslo: 1977), 71. The most important such position given to a British subject in Norway went to Anthony Knipe, who although called a Scot in several sources was undoubtedly an Englishman. Knipe was a peculiar man. A former burgess of Gothenburg he had been thrown out after a dispute with his fellow councillor, John Spalding. On moving to Norway he began to work as a customs officer and by 1650 was made Director of Customs for life. His contrary nature got the better of him and he had to leave the coun­ try by 1654. For his Norwegian career see NRA, Danske Kanselli: Norske Kansellinnleg 1121/50, 245. Letter dated 3 February 1650; NRA, Danske Kanselli: Norske Kansellinnleg 1121/01, skap 14, pakke 18B, 4A08331 and pakke 344, 4A08333; DRA, TKUA England A II 16, 1649-1659. Letter by John Edwards, 21 October 1652; C. Rise Hansen, ed., Aktstykker og Oplysninger til Rigsraadets og SUendermademes Historie i Frederik Ill's Tid (2 vols., Copenhagen: 1959 & 1974), II, 337. Risgsraad minute, May 1652; Norske Rigs-registranter, X and XI, passim; Norsk Biografisk Leksikon, VII, 431; Melbye, Tollere Gjennom 300 Ar 1563-1886, 108.

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practice in terms o f benefiting their family or their own trade, then these men were clearly worthy of the praise of their royal paymas­ ters. For some in commercial spheres in Scandinavia, there was no need to bend the rules as they had embedded themselves to such a degree which they had an inordinate degree of commercial influence which they certainly did use to the advantage of kith and kin. O f the Scottish m erchant families in Sweden, some were partic­ ularly good at finding commercial office. John (Hans) Spalding became a merchant and councillor in Gothenburg by 1640 and Kommerspresident (President of Commerce) in the city by 1658— a position he kept until his death in 1667. This position later returned to his family when his son Gabriel became President of Commerce in the city in 1678.33 Both men traded with their countrymen in Sweden, but also in Scodand, England and the Dutch Republic.36 M oreover, taking the year 1663 as an example, any dealings between Gothenburg, Vanersborg or Stockholm would have fallen under the scrutiny of Scots in positions which would allow them to influence trading deci­ sions. T hat year Gabriel Spalding served as Kommerspresident in Gothen­ burg, Jo h n Belfrage served as m ayor of Vanersborg while Andrew Boij served as mayor of Stockholm; all these men maintained demon­ strable links with their native countrymen throughout their tenure.37 The role o f m ayor was also taken on by ‘Scots’ in other foreign cities. Sir Jam es Campbell became Lord M ayor of London in 1629, significandy enhancing his family’s trading prospects in the city.38 Charles Ramsay junior took on the m ayor’s job in Elbing in the 1690s.39 Scots also undertook similar roles in other Swedish towns 3' RPCS, 3rd series, IV, 1673-1676, 306; SAÄ, VII, 370-371; Längström, Göteborgs Stads Borgarelängd, 13; Almquist, Göteborgs Historia, 369. A. Grosjean and S. Murdoch, ’The Scottish Community in Seventeenth-Century Gothenburg’ in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 199-216. 36 Deduced from Göteborg Landsarkiv, Drätselkammare and Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer, III, CD Rom database, passim. 37 For Belfrage see Marryat, One Tear in Sweden, 486; SAÄ, I, 265-266; Svenska Män och Kvinnor (8 vols., Stockholm: 1942-1955), I, 199; Corin, Vänersborgs Historia, I, 80, 118, 125, 218-230. For Boij see Marryat, One Tear in Sweden, 486; &L4, I, 472-473. Andrew Spalding served as, justisborgmästare (legal mayor) in Gothenburg on 29 October 1696. In some sources he is also described as civic mayor or borgmästare. See SRA, Biographica Microcard E01832 2 /6 and 3/6; Spalding, Geschichtliches, urfamnden, stamm-tafeln der Spalding in Schottland, Deutschland und Schweden, Appendix IV, Family tree for Jacob Spalding in Sweden; &L4, VII, 371; Berg, SamUngar till Göteborgs Historia Christina Kyrkas böcker, I, 278, 280. 38 Oxford DNB. 39 Elbing Club, Elbing: Als ehemaliger englischer Handelsplatz (Elbing: 1977), 22.

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such as Abo in the 1640s (John Guthrie) and Jonköping in the 1680s (Alexander Haijock) and again in G othenburg in the 1690s (Andrew Spalding).40 Across the border in Denm ark, Jo h n Anderson ‘Scotus M ontross’ served as a m ayor of Stubbekobing after O ctober 1661 while Jacob Ross occupied the same post in Fredericia in the 1670s.41 At a more senior level, the trading aspects of the Scottish com­ mercial network were bolstered when the newly ennobled Daniel Young Leijonancker served as a commissioner in the Kammarkollegmm (D epartm ent o f Finance) from 1669-1674, and as a representative in the Riksdag (Swedish Parliament) in 1672, 1675, 1678, 1682-83 and 1686. He was also made a Kommersräd in Kommerskollegium (Coun­ cillor on the Board of Trade) in 1682 in which capacity he rem ained until the autum n of 1684.42Joining Leijonancker in the Kammarkollegium were several Swedish-bom Scots. George G uthrie acted initially as a book-keeper in 1670 before being promoted to commissioner within the book-keeping office.43 Jakob Boij also served as a commissioner from 1674 while Robert K innem ond served as a notary there in 1678.44 A later addition cam e through the person of Jo h an Porteous who became a notary in Kammarkollegium in the 1690s, later pro­ moted to Kommisarie (senior commissioner) on 29 April 1712.45 T he implications for Scottish commerce arising out of these ‘embed­ ded’ positions in the Swedish mercantile structure are quite profound. For instance, when we realise just who Daniel Young Leijonancker was in terms of Swedish commercialism by the time he became a p artner of Patrick Thom son, the shrewdness of the networking by Thom son becomes apparent. T hom son had aligned with a true ‘Swedish’ commercial heavyweight whose influence was so strong that even after his death Thom son benefited from his friendship with

40 For Spalding see Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 10-12; For Guthrie see Borgarstandets Riksdagsprotokollfore Jrihetstiden (Uppsala: 1933), 364 and 417; Stockholms stads tänkeböker {ran at 1592. Del XIV, 1624-1625 (Stockholm: 1979), 456; For Haijock see SAA, VII, 30 and II, 134. 41 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 269 and 274. 42 Kileberg, Svenska Ambetsverk, Del. VIA Kammarkollegium, 67; &L4, IV, 523; Gerentz, Kommerskollegium och Nänngslwet, 56, 59, 139, 142, 191, 202, 219. 43 SAÄ, III, 402; SBL, XVII, 494-97. ** For Jakob Boij see Kileberg, Svenska Ambetsverk, Del. VIA Kammarkollegium, 89. For Robert Kinnemond see the same volume, 108. Kinnemond, though Swedish bom, was not naturalised as a Swede until 1680. 45 SRA, Kommerskollegii underdäniga skrivelscr 1651-1840—Johan Porteous, 07 April 1700, 27 January 1703, 28 June 1710, 25 October 1720 and 19 June 1724; Kileberg, Svenska Ambetsverk, Del. VI:I Kammarkollegium, 70.

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the man. The Kommerskollegium wrote to Karl X I saying that Thomson should receive the same privileges as a Swedish citizen and should even perhaps be allowed to continue Leijonancker’s cloth supply with the army without having to become a subject— his entrepreneurial skills were simply too im portant.46 Significant from the perspective of Scottish com m ercial networking is the fact that Leijonancker ensured the continued flow of capital and commodity from and to Scodand and Scottish communities elsewhere while Patrick Thomson was certainly not the only one to benefit from his direct partnership with the Kommersrad. Leijonancker used his influence to establish better trading condi­ tions for Thom son’s other Scottish associates and by 26 June 1686, Thom son informed Russell of his ability to purchase certain ‘half freedoms’ for the im portation o f wool and manufacture of tobacco, and in particular a ship and cargo to be bought and imported to Sweden by Jo h n Gib (younger).47 O n 10 October, Thom son made it clear that Leijonancker had arranged specific details of exacdy how and where to buy the ship and that the ‘freedoms’ mentioned applied to the city of Stockholm only.46 W hen writing about the sub­ ject again on 23 O ctober he noted that Gib was to receive seals and letters from Leijonancker which would prove his ship was Swedish and therefore allow him to sail ‘toll free’, and this would have applied to her passage to and from Stockholm and through the Danish Sound. Further, Leijonancker was able to procure a grant for Thomson to im port Scottish wool free of all customs for a period of five years.49 A nother o f the Thomson-Russell ships, Maria (The Mary), was also registered as a Swedish ship despite being owned by the Scot Jam es Jaffray and skippered by Jasper Stewart, a burgess of Stockholm.50 The reason, in part, was to use Swedish neutrality as a means of 46 SRA, Kommerskollegii underdaniga skrivelser 1651-1840— Patrick Thomson, 30 May 1689. 47 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/608. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 26 June 1686. Other Scots dealing in tobacco in Sweden included the Scots James Lyall from Montrose and George Gardin who took in the commodity direcdy from the Delaware. See Dobson, ‘Seventeenth-century Scottish Communities in the Amer­ icas’, 127. 48 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/608. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 10 October 1686. 49 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/608. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 23 October 1686. 50 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/772. Swedish Privy Council Pass, Stockholm, 13 January 1694.

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getting the ship from Aberdeen in Scotland to Rochelle in France and then on to Sweden, without becoming subject to the em bargo on British ships trading with France at a time when the joint British kingdoms were at w ar with that country. Though not stated explic­ itly, the hand o f the late Daniel Young Leijonancker in arranging the flagging of this ‘Swedish’ vessel seems to have been present and the practice had an established pedigree. M any of the Swedish (and Danish-Norwegian) ships passing through the Sound that year appear to have had an exceptionally high num ber of skippers of Scottish origin or others who traded in commodities from Scotland. For instance, Robert Wilson o f Abo sailed between St M artin and his ‘hom e’ port in Finland. Edward Hill on The Hope of Stockholm sailed between Leith and Danzig while Joshua Smeaton (Smitton) on The Johannes of Stockholm took the Leith to Stockholm journey. Jacob Sanderson also plied his trade between his ‘hom e’ port and D undee on The Jacob of Stockholm.51 T hat it may not only have been the Swedes who re-flagged their vessels is evidenced by a Bergen ship skippered by Jo h an Allan travelling between Leith and Danzig with salt and other goods.52 Clearly Leijonancker had no influence over Allan’s vessel, but the num ber of Scots trading as Swedes certainly increased after Leijonancker and Thom son became partners. N or were the Thomsons reliant solely on Leijonancker in order to beat the system. In 1685 Patrick T hom son wrote to Andrew Russell explaining that the Dutch paid more customs in Sweden than the Scots and therefore ‘if posibill convey [our goods] as Scots heirin o r caus Jo h n Gib keip up his pas as from Scotland’.53 T he implication here is that Gib had previously been trading under cover of a D utch pass no doubt procured for him by Russell and that the skippers

51 DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. ‘Specification paa Svenske skibe 1 januarii til 1 deccmbris 1694’. Other Swedish ships trading with Scotland included that of Oluf Michelscn on the Kongsbach ship Pelican sailing between Leith and Copenhagen. Mattias Sahlstom on The Maria of Stockholm traded between Glasgow and Stockholm. 52 DRA, TKUA, England, A II. Patrick Leyel 1683-1698. ‘Specification paa Danske og Norske skibe 1 januarii til 1 decembris 1694’. Other Danish-Norwegian vessels trading with Scottish ports included Peder Jacobsen of Christiansand going to Danzig with salt from Leith while Nils Pedersen from Copenhagen went only as far as Copenhagen with his Leith salt. For discussion of Allan see Pedersen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen’, 155. 53 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/574. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 17 September 1685.

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used the docum entation best suited for a particular voyage whilst keeping options open to adapt as conditions dictated. O ther Scottish vessels across the globe also engaged in covert tramping under whichever flag of convenience they could get doc­ um entation for. For instance, a Scottish skipper arrived in Bengal in 1706 on his ship Francis Boot, carrying pepper, cardam om and other spices, but under the flag of the King of Cochin.54 Alexander Ham il­ ton variously operated on behalf of the EIC but sometimes for indige­ nous sultans.55 A nother Scot put his ship into the service of the King of Siam as did m any English interlopers around the same time period.56 Neither they nor the other ‘global tram pers’ have featured in most calculations of the commercial potential of Scottish networks in the pre-1707 period simply because the nature of their business makes tracing their activities almost impossible. Nonetheless, in the case o f the Swedish-flagged Scottish vessels, we can state for sure that they have certainly over-inflated the numbers of ‘true’ Swedish vessels that did pass through the Sound in the second half of the seventeenth century and account in part for the drop in numbers of British vessels. T he commercial structures of Sweden had been so effectively penetrated by Scottish citizens that they were able to work the system both to the advantage of themselves and their country­ m en in the extended Scottish com m ercial networks be they in Scandinavia, the Dutch Republic, Britain or beyond.

The Covert Scottish Commercial Factor In a previous chapter, five levels of Scottish factoring were discussed. Additionally, and covertly, numerous other Scottish factors worked in northern Europe, hidden from view in foreign-service and often obscured behind Scandinavian, G erm an and Dutch surnames. This ‘sixth layer’ can also be shown to have been part of the wider com­ mercial network. Participants involved with it interacted with the known Scottish and British merchant consuls operating in Scandinavia

54 GMVOC, V, 1686-1697, 436. Missive, 30 November 1706. 55 A. Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies (2 vols., Edinburgh: 1727); G.P. Insch, The Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies (Edinburgh: 1932), 267. 56 Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 365.

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m entioned previously, and add an interesting and complex dim en­ sion to the commercial framework. Some of these men began their commercial agencies while working in the arm ed forces, while oth­ ers trod the familiar route of packm an to m erchant before alighting on their factoring career. Given that many o f the Scottish military regiments were self-con­ tained units, it is unsurprising to learn that they had to appoint reg­ imental proviantmastare (masters of supplies) to source their food, clothing and even weapons. T h e Aberdonian, Jam es Forbes, had an uncon­ ventional military career in Sweden. H e arrived with his father and brother sometime around 1600 but had to wait until August 1624 before receiving all the privileges of a burgess of Stockholm.57 Perhaps surprisingly for a m an of 46, Forbes decided to enter military ser­ vice and his business dealings suggest it was a shrewd career move. A private soldier in the Narke och V arm land regiment in 1626, Forbes’ progress through the ranks was swift and by 1628 he had become a captain in the Sodermanland regiment.58 During this period, his combined business acum en and new found military rank ren­ dered him a perfect interm ediary between the Riksrad and the mil­ itary, especially in m atters relating to Swedish-occupied Prussia.59 This paid off for him and in 1631 he was naturalised, ennobled and introduced into the Swedish nobility under the tide of Forbes o f Lund.60 H e thereafter used his influence to promote his brother Peter, who soon became kommissforualtare in Swedish Prussia in 1631, a com­ mercial factor at the Royal Armoury by 1633 and senior accoun­ tant for the Swedish forces in G erm any in 1634.61 Peter Forbes was naturalised as a Swedish nobleman on 2 M arch 1651 and intro­ duced into the House of Nobility in 1652.62 He later became Swedish

57 Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 22. Burgess of Stockholm, 30 August 1624; Tayler and Tayler, The House of Forbes, 402 and 470; Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 128 and 215. 58 KRA, Muster Roll, 1626/8,10; 1627/12; 1629/3,8,10,12,13,15. 59 SRP, I, 177 and 202. Riksrad minutes, 18 July 1629 and 25 August 1629; SRP, II, 48. Riksrad minute, 3 December 1630. 60 SAA, II, 780-790. 61 RAOSB, first series, VI, 537-8. Memorial for Petter Farbus, kommissforvaltare i Svenska Preussen, 27 November 1631; See also SRA, Krigskollegium Kancelliet: Adressatregistratur till Krigskollegiets Registratur 1631-1654— ‘Belangande n^gra soldater som efter regementama i Preussen kvarblevo vilka han underhallit hava 11 March 1636’. 62 SAA, II, 790.

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military accountant in Prussia in 1656, after which he also undertook a role as military supplier of goods and cash— in other words, the senior Swedish military factor in the region.63 In November that year, K arl X asked Peter to clothe and furnish his Scottish troops of Cranstoun’s regiment and so a Scottish factor in Swedish service put clothes on the backs of his countrymen serving the same Crown.64 T h at a British network played a role is evidenced by the fact that Forbes bought some o f the goods from British merchants trading out o f Elbing, such as William D urham and Nathaniel Spenser. M ore importandy he borrowed the money to do so from the Scottish entre­ preneur and fellow Stockholm burgess, Andrew Boij.65 At the same time the Forbes brothers were operating, another sibling duo, Jo h n and Peter Bursie, undertook factoring for the Swedish military. T hroughout the 1640s and 1650s, both becam e involved in the provision and even m anufacture o f arm s and am m unition.66 In Denmark-Norway too, factoring for the military became big busi­ ness for Scottish m erchants like David Melvin. H e furnished the K ronborg garrison with clothes and equipm ent in 1660 and agreed a loan worth 60,000 rdl. to build a new magasin (provisions store) capable of supplying the casde and a fleet of 10-12 ships then being prepared by the Danish king to police the Sound.67

63 SRA, Kammararkivet 554, Preussiska Rakenskaper frân Karl X Gustavs Krig 1655-1660, vol. 21. Kassarakenskaper Elbing 1656. 64 SRA, Kammararkivet 554, Preussiska Rakenskaper frân Karl X Gustavs Krig 1655-1660—‘Quittentier till Renttmasteren Petter Forbus’, particularly f. 1. Karl X to Petter Forbus, 10 November 1656. 65 SRA, Skoklostersamlingen E8558b. Peter Forbes to Johan Kock, resident in Danzig, from Elbing, 28 December 1655; SRA, Kammararkivet 554, Preussiska Rakenskaper frân Kari X Gustavs Krig 1655-1660-—‘Kassarakenskaper Elbing 1656’, particularly f. 5. Order of Karl X, 30 October 1656; Same collection, Huvudbok 1658:1, ff. 118, 147-151. Documents mentioning Forbes’s dealings with Durham, Spenser and Boij. 66 For John Bursie’s role in arms dealing and manufacture see KRA, Krigskollegium Kancelliet: Adressatregistratur till Krigskollegiets Registratur 1631-1654 including those addressed ‘Till Factoren Hans Bursie’ and entitled ‘om de artilleri och rustkammarpersedlar han bor leverera 14/8 1639’; ‘att tillhâlla sina underhavande pistolsmeder och lâdmakare att gôra sitt arbete oforfalskat och varaktigt 10 December 1640’; ‘svar pa hans skrivelser 22 February 1642’ and ‘om det odugliga muskoter han vid sitt faktori later forfardiga 4 March 1644’. The last letter is dated 16 May 1651. For Peter Bursie see KRA, ‘Krigskollegium Kancelliet: Adressatregistratur till Krigskollegiets Registratur 1631-1654’, especially that entitled ‘om nâgra artilleri och rustkammarpersedlar som till Vadstena forordnas skola 7 March 1640’. See also &L4, V, 53. 67 S. Nygârd, éd., Fortegnelse over kongelige resolutioneT gennem rentkammmet, 1660-1719

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Integrated Scots like Melvin, the Forbes brothers and the Bursies developed a particular strand o f the Scottish commercial network which thrived on Swedish expansion a n d /o r Danish defence.68 Still m ore Scots worked in a civilian capacity right in the heart of the Swedish commercial empire. Peter Chambers (a.k.a. Schamburg/Patrick Chalmers) had worked initially for Jam es M aclean in Stockholm in the 1640s before becoming a burgess in the city himself in 1650.69 From 1656 he served Sweden as their m ain commercial agent in Copenhagen with additional duties in Ham burg, Liibeck and Elsinore until 1674. His correspondence shows the depth of his factoring duties stretching across royal, governmental, com pany and private business.70 Im portant from a Scottish networking perspective is the fact that among these num erous documents are many that show his

(10 vols., Copenhagen: n.d.), I, nos. 37 48, 52, 85, 161 and 180. Various suppli­ cations, 26 November 1660— 21 April 1661. Some of his payment was to be drawn from the Frederikstad’s customs, while it is clear that as early as 1660 he was in league with the Dutch Republic through their envoy. For the later sum of money see Becker, Samlinger til Danmarks historie under kong Frederik, II, 303. Jacob le Maire to the States General, 14 March 1665. 68 Marian Malowist has argued that Swedish merchants opposed Swedish expan­ sionism as there was little to be gained from such conquests, plus the process resulted in higher taxes. The Scots noted here clearly did not share the reticence of the Swedes which may partly explain the involvement of foreign factors. See M. Malowist, ‘Movements of Expansion in Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’ in P. Burke, ed., Economy and Society in Early Modem Europe: Essays from Artnales (London: 1972), 108. 69 SBL, VIII, 347; SRA, Forteckning over Momma-Reenstiema Samlingen, part C: brev till Brodema Momma-Reenstiema ingingna skrivelser, section 2, brev till Jacob Momma-Reenstiema- E2502, 34, C. 1649 1678 70 Numerous letters from this man survive. For his ‘Danish correspondence’ see SRA, Danica 429. numerous letters, 1657-1674; SRA, Brev till G.O. Stenbock. 30 letters 2 December 1667-10 April 1669 and 1 letter 6 June 1674; SRA, Brev till G.C. von Hoen 18a, 1656-1657; SRA, 1657 73 (from Copenhagen) Skoklostersamlingen II Fol. vol. (64), Brev till Carl Gustaf Wrangel and same archive, obundna serien, 1657-75 (288). Same archive, Brev till Per Abrahamson Brahe, Fol. vol. (28); SRA, Brev till Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie 1657-64, 1678 (1 volume); SRA, Brev till Porteous de la Gardie (12) 1665-1673; SRA, Brev till Porteous de la Gardie (13a) 1666-1668; SRA, Brev till Brahe (8) 1669; SRA, Brev till G.T. Oxenstiema (28:3), 1672; SRA, Brev till St Bielke (6), 1672-1673; SRA, Forteckning over MommaReenstiema Samlingen, part C: brev till Brodema Momma-Reenstiema ingangna skrivelser, section 2, brev till Jacob Momma-Reenstiema—E2502, 34, C. 1649-1678 [note: letters from 1654 noted in SBL are now missing from this volume]. See also section 3, Aflarer och processer med nedan namda enskilda personer, E2582, 114, C-De Geer, Peter Chambers 1657, Vaxelaffarer; SRA, Adolf Johans Arkiv i Stegeborgssamlingen, 38 letters from Peter Chambers to Duke AdolfJohan, 1660-1675; SRA, Drottning Hedvig Eleonoras Arkiv, vol. 1. Enskilda Personer till Hedvig Eleonora, K172— Peter Chambers, 1661-77 (8).

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continued mercantile association with fellow Scots in Sweden after he left the employ of Jam es Maclean, including merchants like Jam es Porteous, Jo h n (Hans) Primrose, William Petrie and Robert Erskine.71 Cham bers also kept contact with Scots in the Swedish military, such as Colonel Ludovick Leslie, who asked Cham bers to use his influence to procure a commission from Karl X allowing him to raise a reg­ iment for Swedish service. W hen the question arises of why this sol­ dier should ask a m erchant factor to intervene on his behalf, we return once more to the kin network, as the two men were also first cousins.72 Simultaneously to the Swedish employment of a Scot in DenmarkNorway in a commercial capacity, another was employed in Swedish Bremen (Bremen Stift). Jo h a n K innaird served Sweden’s interests in the region between 1658-1676. Having begun his career as kammarskrivare (a com pany secretary) he then took over the role of proviantmüstare and commercial agent in Bremen Stift before returning to G othenburg in 1677.73 O ne o f his contacts must therefore have been Krigsràd M ajor General Patrick M ore from Perth, who served as C om m andant in Buxtehude from 1650-1675 and also engaged in significant trade in the town.74 T he departure of these men was soon followed by the arrival of another Scot in the Stift. George G uthrie becam e senior com m issioner and com pany director for

71 SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01711 7/8. Letters dated 30 April, 20 May and 23 December 1656. For the citizenship of Primrose see Stockholm Stadsarkiv, ‘Borgare i Stockholm’: register, 1601-1650, 68. Burgess of Stockholm, 6 March 1637. 72 SRA, Coyetska Samlingen E 3398, vol. 2, f. 173. Memorandum of Ludovick Leslie, undated but c. 1657/1658. The memo is addressed to his cousin ‘Patrick Chalmers’. This date is deduced from the fact that in the memo Leslie talks of his 28 years service to the Swedish Crown (he enlisted in 1629), and also the fact that he calls Oliver Cromwell ‘Lord Protector’, which certainly dates it beyond the 1652/3 date, as it is catalogued to the earliest possible date of 1654. 73 SRA, Bremen-Verden Reviderade Rakenskaper, I. Huvudserie 1645-1711: Kammarens i Stade Personal, II, Tjanstlorteckning— ‘J ohan Kynnairdt 1658-1662, Kammarskrivare och 1671-1676, Proviantmastare’. 74 F. Rudelius, Kalmar Regementes Personhistoria 1623-1927 (2 vols., Norkoping: 1952), I, 21. Some mention of his trade can be found in Stadtarchiv Buxtehude, StH. 38. M l (1669), M2 (1678) and M3 (1678)—Three folders of documents detailing oblig­ ations and financial dealings between Patrick More and the Council and Mayor of Buxtehude; Zickermann, ‘Briteannia ist mein Patna', 267-268. For his application for a birth-brieve from Scotland see RPCS, 3rd series, I, 1661-1664, 355-356. Birth brieve, 14 April 1663.

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Swedish trading interests in Bremen and V erden in O ctober 1681, a position he held until at least 1685.75 Perhaps unsurprisingly, the now familiar figure o f Daniel Young Leijonancker also served as a commercial agent for Sweden on sev­ eral occasions. Due to his position in the commercial comm unity, he was appointed the leader of two Swedish trade delegations. T h e first was sent from KommerskolUgium to G othenburg around 1666, while the second saw him lead a full Swedish commercial delega­ tion to Liibeck and W ismar the following year.76 In fact, the deeper the subject is looked into, the clearer it becomes that it was not unusual for Scots to undertake these missions on behalf of the Swedes. For instance, the same year that Leijonancker headed for Liibeck, another Scot, Jo h n (Johan) Williamson Lyall, wrote and signed a deposition to the Swedish resident in London (in English) in 1667 stating that the Swedish T rade Commissioner, Jo h an Bierman, helped him become a citizen o f G othenburg and also captain of his ship St Johann while Lyall was in Amsterdam as a representative of KommerskolUgium.77 Thereafter the Swedish-bom Scot, Jo h an Porteous, served

75 George Guthrie came into conflict with the governor of the province, Henrik Horn. On 20 February 1682 an instruction had been issued to support the newly installed Staatskommissar Guthrie. The first article stated that Guthrie should be in charge of the ‘Kammarwesen along with the Governor in order to improve the royal revenues and to better facilitate the means to administer the economy. He was to be paid 800 rdl. per annum for this. Governor Horn thought that Guthrie planned too many changes. Guthrie thought himself answerable to the king alone, but Horn felt he was second to him as governor. Guthrie felt that the chamber could not be a viable institution with the governor’s interference and wanted it to become more independent. His suggestions were heard in Stockholm on 3 December 1682, though to Horn and not Guthrie’s advantage. See SRA, Kammarrevisionene och Kammarrättens skrivelser till Kungl. Maj:t 1695 (1684)— 1840—Letters from Field Marshall and General Governor Henrik Horn regarding ‘Statskommissarien’ in Bremen. Four letters between 8 August 1684— 22 May 1685; SRA, Bremen-Verden Reviderade Räkenskaper I. Huvudserie 1645-1711: Kammarens i Stade Personal, II, Tjänstförteckning—Georg Guthrie, 1681-1684; B.C. Fielder, Die Verwaltung der Herzogtümer Bremen und Verden in der Schwedenzeit 1652-1712— Organisation und Wesen der Verwaltung (Stade: 1987), 75, 106, 168, 191, 326-327. 76 SRA, Momma-Reenstiema Sämlingen, part C: brev tili Brödema MommaReenstiema ingängna skrivelser, section 2, brev tili Jacob Momma-Reenstiema— E2511, 43, La-Li. Daniel Leijonancker to Jacob Momma-Reenstiema, Lübeck, 17 and 21 September 1667 (both letters severely damaged); Kileberg, Svenska Ambetsverk, Dei. VIA Kammarkollegium, 67; SAÄ, IV, 523; Gerentz, Kommerskollegium och Näringslivet, 56, 59, 139, 142, 191, 202, 219. 77 SRA, Anglica, VII, 542, 1660-1670. ‘Deposition by Johan Williamson Leyel’, 11 December 1667. Grosjean and Murdoch, ‘The Scottish Community in Seventeenth Century Gothenburg’, 204.

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as the Swedish trade commissioner to T he Hague and the Dutch Republic in 1688.78 After the conquest of England by William of O range in 1688, and his subsequent acceptance of the vacant Scottish throne in 1689, Porteous travelled to Britain to assess the implica­ tions of regime change on Swedish com m erce.79 O n leaving Britain, Porteous went on another Swedish trade mission, this time to the Spanish Netherlands, from which he did not return to Sweden until 1693.80 Interestingly, Porteous m aintained contact with family mem­ bers such as George Porteous in Edinburgh and hoped to secure his birth brieve from his family’s home-town.81 T he fact that he sought that docum ent m eans that he had not yet been naturalised as a Swede and was therefore officially a Scottish citizen while under­ taking his Swedish trade missions. J o h n (Johan) Spalding also served as a Swedish trade commis­ sioner abroad— in his case Dunkirk in the Spanish Netherlands from the 1660s right through until the 1690s.82 His cousin, Jo h an Spalding, served as a m erchant consul in Plau in Mecklenburg.83 T he Spaldings

78 A document recording his instructions for 1688 still survives SRA, Kanslikollegiets Skrivelser till Kungl. Maj:t 1656-1718—Johan Porteous, ‘ett ars traktamente for Komm. Sec. i Holland, 22 October 1688’. For his diplomatic dispatches through­ out this period see SRA, Oxenstiemasamlingen, El 126. Oxenstiema of Cronenborg to Greve Gabriel Turesson Oxenstiema, bundle 51, including letters from Porteous from The Hague and Brussels, 1684-1692; SRA, Sjoholmsarkivet, Gyldenstolpeska Samlingen, 3432:25. J. Porteous to Nils Gyldenstolpe, 1687 to 1689; SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01711 7/8. Collegium statement re career of Johan Porteous, (no date, no place); J. Kleberg, Svenska Ambetsverk, del VI:Iy KammarkolUguan 1634-J718 (Norrkoping: 1957), 70. 79 Only one letter has so far been identified as having originated in London. See SRA, Oxenstiemasamlingen, El 126. Johan Porteous to Oxenstiema, London, 15/25 April 1689. 80 SRA, Oxenstiemasamlingen, El 126. Johan Porteous to Oxenstiema, numer­ ous letters, Brussels, August 1690 onwards; SRA, Biographica Microcard, E01711 7/8. Collegium statement re the career of Johan Porteous, undated. 81 SRA, Anglica, 190. Ch. Leijoncrona brev fran utlanningar, E-F, 1689-1709. James Forbes to Leijoncrona, Edinburgh, 25 March 1690 (in German with French); SRA, Anglica, 191. CH. Leijoncrona, Brev fran udanningar, P, 1691-1709. George Porteous to Leijoncrona, Edinburgh, 29 April 1690. This letter is frustrating as it mentions an enclosure to Johan Porteous which is now missing. It could have informed us of the extent of the contact. 82 SAA, VII, 371-372. His name was undoubtedly Johan, though Scottish mer­ chants simply called him John. 83 Johan Spalding was a son of Andrew Spalding. In addition to his own con­ sular status, he began a dynasty of merchants and diplomats. His children included Johan (a merchant in Malchin), Georg (consul in Plau) and Thomas a (senator in Giistrow). See Spalding, Geschichtliches, urkwnden, stamm-tafeln der Spalding in Schottland, Deutschland und Schweden, Appendix IV, Family tree for George Spalding, 74-75.

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provide the perfect exam ple of the covert network in operation, engaging in both legal and illegal commerce with the wider Scottish com m unity. J o h n ’s illicit trade was with his b ro th er G abriel in Gothenburg, particularly during the British-Dutch and Franco-Dutch wars o f the 1670s, when they engaged in ‘dubious’ trade in contra­ band— a word employed by Jo h n Spalding himself to describe their cargoes.84 Indeed it is here that the Scottish network of the Spalding family is perhaps most interesting. Both Gabriel and Jo h an Spalding were Swedish-bom, but they remained Scottish citizens until the con­ clusion of the third D utch w ar in 1674. As noted in the previous chapter in relation to Alexander Waddell, num erous Swedish ships were taken as prizes o f the Scottish admiralty, despite Sweden’s neu­ trality in the conflict. As far as the Scots were concerned, if a ship was Dutch-built, Dutch-owned, had any Dutch-owned cargo, had any Dutch crew, or was destined for the Dutch Republic, it could be confiscated. This is where the Spalding example gets interesting. Several ships were taken en route to the Dutch Republic on which Gabriel Spalding either had cargo or was part owner of the goods. Sometimes he directed his skippers to say they were going to Dunkirk if they were taken by Scots along the D utch coast— and this hap­ pened several times. Note the Scottish adm iralty’s response: T he ship was destined for St M artin, the pass was not appropriate to the ship and there was suspicion it had been loaded at a port belonging to the Dutch Republic. However, a letter was found on board directed to Jo h n Spalding ‘a knowne m erchand in Dunkirk from H enrie Browne [Henrik Braunjohan] at G othenburg and who was m arried to the said Spalding’s sister’.85 A letter was also found from J o h n ’s brother Gabriel suggesting that after the ship was ready to set sail, the owner altered the port o f destination to Dunkirk. T he judge believed that even Dunkirk was not the destination and Spalding’s letters were simply a cover. T he Scottish Admiralty decreet contin­ ued that ‘the cargo is blatandy contraband and the Dunkirk pass was just a ploy to allow the ship to go along the coast o f H olland’.86

94 SRA, Ericsbcrgsarkivet autografsamlingen. John Spalding to Bengt Oxenstiema, 3 May 1677; Steve Murdoch, Andrew Little and A.D.M. Forte, ‘Scottish Privateering, Swedish Neutrality and Prize Law in the Third Anglo-Dutch War, 1672-1674’ in Forum Navale, no. 59 (Summer 2003), 52-53. 85 NAS, AC7/3, Register of Decreets, 1672-1673, ff. 202-221. Decrect, 4 October 1672, Captain Patrick Gordon against Andreas Nielson, master of The Fortune. 86 NAS, AC7/3, Register of Decreets, 1672-1673, ff. 202-221. Decreet, 4 October 1672, Captain Patrick Gordon against Andreas Nielson, master of The Fortune.

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Yet for all that, Spalding’s ships were consistendy released by the Scots while those of other Swedes (and some Scots like Waddell) were confiscated.87 O n conclusion of the w ar both Spalding men were given birth-brieves by the Scottish authorities and allowed there­ after to take up Swedish citizenship.88 T he im portant points to note are that the Spaldings, like Jo h an Porteous, were well known in Scotland. In this case, their familial relationships, and their connec­ tions in their family’s native country seem to have aided them in avoiding the fate of other ‘Swedes’ during the war. M ore significantly, it is also possible to dem onstrate that they traded with the wider Scottish mercantile network.89 Jo h n Spalding was am ong those who visited the Scottish skipper Robert Jaffray when he was in prison in Dunkirk in August 1693. From Jaffray’s letter mentioning the visit, it was clear that Spalding had contact with Andrew Russell’s net­ work, claiming that he had occasion for money from either Jaffray or his owners and that the Scottish ship operated on Swedish passes which led to intervention from K arl X I.90 W hat these examples show us is that Scottish citizens held a dis­ proportionately high influence am ong the commercial agents and trade commissioners sent overseas on behalf of Sweden, as well as am ong those who found positions in Kommerskollegium, Kammerkollegium, and the boards o f commerce in the various Swedish towns. O ne has only to recall the Scottish citizens who served as official Swedish trade commissioners in Dunkirk, Brussels, T h e D utch Republic, Bremen, W ismar, Liibeck, Plau, Elsinore, Copenhagen and London,

87 For more on the fate of other Swedish ships taken by Scottish privateers see Murdoch, Little and Forte, ‘Scottish Privateering, Swedish Neutrality and Prize Law’, 37-65: SRA, Anglica, VII, 543, 1670-1691—undated 3 page document about a ship of the Duke of Holstein loaded by Scottish merchant William Davidson and brought up in Leith by Scottish privateer, Captain Murray. 88 For Charles II’s evidence of the noble Scottish origins of the Spaldings see SRA, Biographica E01832. Letter dated 3 December 1674; See also RPCS, 3rd series, IV, 1673-1676, 306. Birth brieve from the Scottish Privy Council, November 1674. 89 O f the two brothers, Gabriel Spalding in particular had a continuous trade with Scotland. See Göteborg Landsarldv, Drätselkammare and Dalhede, Handelsfamiljer, III, CD Rom database, passim; Grosjean and Murdoch, ‘The Scottish Community in Seventeenth-Century Gothenburg’, 216-217. 90 What is not clear from the letter is whether this money was part of Spalding’s consular charges for becoming involved with Jaffray as a ‘Swedish’ skipper, or, if he used the occasion to mention that he had need of money from Jaffray for some other private purpose. See NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/802/12. Robert Jaffray to Andrew Russell, 8 August 1693.

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and a peculiar pattern of Scottish participation (or infiltration) emerges. Add to that the earlier information regarding entrepreneurs w ithin monopolies and civic office and we are left with some intriguing questions about the importance of these networks both in Scandinavia and Scodand.

Enriching Scotland Adam Smith may have been right when he stated that the entre­ preneur ‘neither intends to prom ote the public interest nor knows how much he is promoting it’.91 Nonetheless, the im portance of these individuals is that, inadvertendy or not, they did prom ote the pub­ lic interest both in their native and chosen countries. They provided raw materials to facilitate commercial growth and in many cases repatriated capital and goods back to Scodand, thus adding an addi­ tional strand in our understanding of the Scottish economy. T h ere were a num ber of ways in which the Scots could return their wealth from wherever they m ade their fortune. After enlisting in the V O C for a commercial mission to the D utch East Indies, David Cowe (Cauwe) empowered David Jan z ‘Schotsm an’ to send his clothing and m erchant goods to Alexander Cowe in Culross in Fife, but m ore interestingly, also his monthly wages.92 So the money made from Cowe’s service in the Dutch East Indies was being redirected straight back to Scodand, even while the employee was at the other side o f the world. A nother obvious way to repatriate capital was simply to leave the money to a family in a will.93 This could then be returned to the family via a factor chosen for the purpose. Again, the Dutch archives are replete with examples showing Scots in the East Indies w riting wills ensuring the transfer of all their back pay and possessions to inheritors in Scodand should they die in V O C service.94 In o th er

91 Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 115-116. 92 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, vol. 101 (Protocollen van Nicolaas van de Hagen), ff. 42-53. Notarial document, 19 August 1619. 93 For a discussion of the importance of wills within kin-networks see Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 50-65. 94 Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Oud Notarieel Archief, vol. 201 (Protocollen van Jacob Duyfhuysen jr), 241. Notarial document, 25 March 1641. The VOC m us­ keteer Robert Kintore aboard the Nteuw Rotterdam named his father James Kintore

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cases, an arrangem ent could be made to sell off the assets of the deceased and return specie to Scotland, avoiding the problems inher­ ent in administering estates at a distance. This benefited both the Scots at home and abroad. Alexander Fraser in Dundee claimed the inheritance of his wife’s late uncle, R obert Rind, a Scottish burgess and ships’ broker o f Stockholm in 1657.95 T he Elsinore burgess Peter Cooper merely bought the inheritance of Jo h n M acLagan of Malmo from his heirs in Scodand in 1603 to the advantage of both parties, and this was com m on practice.96 However, the repatriation of capital could be fraught with difficulty, especially when debtors abroad proved unwilling to cooperate with returning it. Some people were fortunate enough to have organisa­ tions to support them. Jo h n Norvall was sponsored to the am ount of £ 2 9 by the m erchant guild in Stirling in order to travel to England to recover debts owed to him in 1634.97 Q uite often pressure at higher levels had to be deployed to smooth the inheritance claim. Robert Cooke ‘from Scotland’ managed to engage the support of Charles II in London and Sir Jo h n Paul in Copenhagen in dealing with the Council of Wismar. With their help he sought to recover the estate of the late burgess o f W ismar and his relative, Archibald Cooke.98 Jam es Semple o f Stockholm died by 1678 and his family became involved in a dispute over the transfer of his estate in Sweden to his closest male relatives. Sir William Semple of C athcart was his first cousin once removed while Jam es Thom son of H M ’s Exche­ quer was his cousin through Semple’s m other. They applied to the Scottish Privy Council for support because the magistrates of Stock­ holm and others on whose land Semple’s estate lay were unhappy about transferring it until the relationship was proven. T he Council ordered the Director of the Chancery to expedite such proof as soon

in Scalloway, Shetland as his heir, but if his father was dead then all was to be divided between his full and half-siblings. The same notary recorded the will of John Edmane from Stirling who was a sailor aboard the same ship. Edmane named his siblings at home in Stirling as his equal heirs. See vol. 205, 14 December 1643. This archive contains many more examples showing similar documents. 95 In June 1639, Rind donated 800 daler to the poor-house of Stockholm, indi­ cating just how wealthy he was. See Fischer, The Scots in Sweden, 30, 34. 96 Riis, Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot, II, 215. 97 Extracts from the Records of the Merchant Guild of Stirling, AD 1592-1846 (Stirling: 1916), 52. Extract, 11 July 1634. 98 DRA, TKUA, England, A II 17. John Paul 1676-1679’. John Paul to Christian V, 24 September 1677.

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as possible and that thereafter the estate be transferred." These cases were relatively simple, but that was not always so. T he more parties involved the m ore complicated capital repatri­ ation became, even— or especially— within the family where issues o f seniority or legitimacy were involved. For example, when Colonel Alexander G ordon died, his widow and former executors, Colonel H ugh Ham ilton and C aptain R obert Hay, became embroiled with G o rd o n ’s cousin, R obert Buchan de Pordethen. H ugh H am ilton owed G ordon’s widow money, and thus she could not repay Buchan 2.000 rdl. in Scodand which G ordon had promised to repay him against a loan Buchan had made to G ordon’s mother. G ordon there­ fore made Buchan his inheritor but, as a farther complication, G ordon h ad made a will which implied he had no children. This was not the truth, as he had three illegitimate children but m arried his con­ sort and thus legitimised them. H am ilton and H ay gave up their roles as G ordon’s executors when his widow moved into a new house­ hold in Brandenburg. A further complicating factor was that Buchan claimed to have approached Ham ilton for help in his cause, partic­ ularly in selling G ordon’s land to raise funds and, after advising him not to sell G ordon’s lands, H am ilton obtained them for himself. Finally after several years, and num erous sessions of the Riksrad, Q ueen Christina o f Sweden decided that Buchan should receive 2.000 rdl., but without interest.100 Colonel Francis Johnstone in Riga was very careful to draw u p instructions relating to the distribution of his estate in a bid to avoid any such confusion.101 Some of his capital was to be disbursed am ong his immediate kin group including George, Henrik, Patrick and Franz

90 RPC:S, 3rd series, V, 1676-1678, 144-145. 100 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, various correspon­ dence, n.d.; These letters, though undated, relate direcdy to the case being argued in the Riksrad in 1653 and are probably therefore from the early 1650s. For the verdict see SRP, XV, 407-8, 417-9, 424-6, 434-5, various Riksrdd minutes, May— August 1653. For similar examples of disputes involving Scots in Norway see Peder­ sen, ‘Scottish Immigration to Bergen’, 157- 158. 101 Colonel Francis ‘J ohnstoun’ entered Swedish service in 1624 and eventually became colonel and chief of the Viborg regiment stationed in Riga between 1646-1656. He had died by 1663. Mary ‘J onston’, wrote to the Scottish Privy Council as the heir of late ‘Commander Francis Jonston’. See KRA, Muster Rolls for Viborg Regiment, 1624-1656; Several of his letters can be found in KRA, Krigskollegiets Registratur 1631-1654 and dated between 23 October 1633 to 11 August 1654.

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Johnstone, with small am ounts going to his servants.102 T he major­ ity was to pass to his wife Anna and, on her death, be employed to support his blood relative Eward Johnstone for whom he acted as guardian in Riga. Significantly, both wife and ward were only to benefit from the estate for the duration of their lives. Johnstone left instructions that after they died everything then had to revert for the benefit o f a surviving blood relative in Scotland— 'einen von meinen nechsten venvandten auss Schottland\m It was not to pass into his wife’s family or into the hands of Ew ard’s family, despite his own close blood relation to the colonel, thus enriching the Scottish rather than Rigan branch of the family. A part o f the colonel’s estate was tied up in debts with several thousand rdl. being owed to him by the Swedish Crown and 7,000 rdl. outstanding from Colonel Igelstrom.104 According to his testa­ m ent o f 1657, he authorised his countryman Colonel Patrick Ogilvie, governor of Riga castle, to serve as his factor. In the event of Ogilvie’s death H enrik Johnstone and Captain Patrick Johnstone were to take possession of his goods until Henrik had travelled to Scotland to put matters in the hands o f Johnstone’s brother.105 M atters became more complicated when Jo h n Forsyth in Riga allegedly sent various let­ ters to Colonel Johnstone’s heir in Scotland, M ary Johnstone, appar­ ently misrepresenting the disposition left with Thom as Clayhill in Riga with the intent of defrauding her from her inheritance.106 The Scottish Privy Council was therefore asked to intervene in the issue,

102 Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive— NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess of Annandale’, Bundle 126. Memorial of un-clarified items relating to the will of Francis Johnstone, 5 May 1657. 103 Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive— NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess of Annandale’, Bundle 126. Testament of Francis Johnstone, 20 July 1657. Cressy argues that the way a will was drawn up reflects the most important kin at a given historical moment. However, it is clear that in terms of ‘closeness’, Eward was undoubtedly more important in his life than those unnamed nephews and nieces of his brother in Scotland. Nonetheless, they were to finally inherit while Eward was only to make use of Colonel Johnstones’ goods for the duration of his life. For similar examples see Cressy, ‘Kinship and Kin Interaction’, 53. ,(H Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive— NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess of Annandale’, Bundle 126. ‘Swedish’ Memorial, 5 May 1657; Memorial of un-clarified items, 5 May 1657; ‘German’ Memorial, 11 June 1657; Memorial relating to Colonel Igelstrom, 3 June 1659. 105 Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive— NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess of Annandale’, Bundle 126. Memorial of un-clarified items relating to the will of Francis Johnstone, 5 May 1657. 106 This is most likely John Forsyth, merchant of Dundee, whose son Andrew

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which given the distance involved m ay have seemed to have given M ary little chance o f satisfaction.107 Nonetheless she invoked her kinnetw ork and received confirm ation from W illiam Jo h n sto n e o f Bishopcleuch that she was the rightful heir of the colonel’s estate. M ore im portandy Jam es Johnstone, 2nd Earl of Annandale, con­ curred and intervened on behalf of his distant cousin’s daughter.108 While M ary did not have the power to contest the will, A nnandale did. In 1664 A nnandale despatched his factor, George Galbraith, to Riga in pursuit of 7,000 rdl. which he claimed ‘by right of progress’.109 Having vouched that M ary was the legal heir, this indicates that he had bought her inheritance rights from her, relieving her of any legal burden and allowing him the chance to both aid a distressed relative and undoubtedly turn a small profit in the process. T he repatriation of capital hit real problems when the wealth left behind was completely tied up in grants of land.110 This often led to the most protracted of cases, such as that of Baron Hugh Hamilton. Though a soldier, Hamilton also speculated in a variety of ventures facilitated by his amassed estate. After many years in Sweden he returned to settle in Ireland in 1662 hoping to retire on his profits. Before leaving, H am ilton sold his Swedish estates to Karl XI an d m aintained correspondence with him. Despite promises of paym ent

Forsyth was a merchant of Riga and received his birth brieve fromScotland in March 1663. Sec RPCS, 3rd scries, I, 354;RGSS, XI,1660-1668,199-200, no. 401, 24 March 1663. 107 RPCS, 3rd series, I, 493-494. I0ft RPCS, 3rd series, I, 493-494. 109 Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive- NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess o f Annandale’, Bundle 126. Contract between Earl of Annandale and George Galbraith, 1664. A document signed by Patrick Vaus on 3 June 1659 notes that he acted for the Scottish heirs of Colonel Johnstone’s estate in the pursuit of Colonel Igelstrom, showing the length of the family dispute with him. Other documents in the col­ lection mention that the initial loan dated back to 1655. 110 Although thought to be available to Swedish noblemen only, Scottish soldiers often got lands in Sweden. Indeed Hugh Hamilton received no less than five different sorts of land grants in Sweden. These included 1. Land bought from the Swedish Crown for cash. 2. Crown lands handed over by other Scottish officers in lieu of cash payment for debt. 3. Donations of Crown land in return for good services. 4. Crown land in return for raising levies abroad for Swedish service. 5. Lands bought from other gentlemen, with the mortgages given as a donation from the Swedish Crown. The nature of monies raised from these various land deals is fully explained in SRA, Biographica 5 E01463 5/8: ‘My Lord Glennalys estate in Sweden’, byHugh Hamilton of Deserf (Glenawly’s nephew), 3 November 1690. The document is produced in more detail in Appendix A 6:2.

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from the sea tolls, the Swedish king failed to refund the full capital due. Ham ilton therefore returned to Sweden in 1669 to reclaim his investments and sent a stinging letter to the Riksrad.U] T he Swedish Crown owed H am ilton’s estate m ore and this was still being pur­ sued by his nephew and namesake in 1690.112 O thers were more fortunate than Ham ilton and received swifter returns after selling their foreign lands. T he resulting repatriation of capital certainly enriched particular families, but also created employment through the building projects undertaken by the returning sojourners. For example William Forbes of M enie and Craigievar (Danzig Willie) became a burgess of Danzig around 1580. After his return to Scodand he developed his estate at M enie in the Aberdeenshire parish of Belhelvie in 1607 with the profits of his Baltic trade. He later used his accumulated wealth to purchase more land at Fintray and build up the large estate of Craigievar, thus benefiting several parishes with the money he had made abroad.113 In fact, Forbes was fol­ lowing in the footsteps of earlier Belhelvians such as David Skene who sojourned to Posen, became a burgess in 1586 and returned to Belhelvie by 1593 to take over the running of the Mylne of Potterton, though not before his brother left for Poland to m aintain the famil­ ial connection in a move which David’s son and namesake eventu­ ally made as well.114 Scottish soldiers as well as merchants also invested their fortunes in estates in Scodand despite being abroad for peri­ ods of up to thirty years, as in the case of Alexander Leslie (future Earl o f Leven) of whom it was observed by the Swedish Riksrad that ‘he has placed all his goods, earned with sweat and blood, in Scodand and bought property there’.115 It is also clear from the correspondence

111 During this trip, Hamilton claimed he had run up debts exceeding 2000 rdl. KRA, Karl Vigo Key Arkiv. Hugh Hamilton to Rigsrad and Kammarpresident Baner, 9 September 1670. The letter is reproduced in translation in Appendix A6:l. 112 SRA, Biographica 5 E01463 5/8. ‘My Lord Glennalys estate in Sweden’, by Hugh Hamilton of Deserf (Glenawly’s nephew), 3 November 1690. This letter is reproduced in Appendix A6:2. 113 R. Lippe, ed., Wodrow's Biographical Collections (Aberdeen: 1890), 81; Fischer, The Scots in Eastern and Western Prussia, 194; A. Grosjean and S. Murdoch, Belhelvie: A Millennium of History (Aberdeen: 2001), 22 and 32; A. Grosjean, ‘Returning to Belhelvie, 1593-1875: The impact of return migration on an Aberdeenshire parish’ in M. Harper, ed., Emigrant Homecomings: The Return Movement of Emigrants, 1600-2000 (Manchester: 2005), 219-220, 223, 226-227. 114 Grosjean, ‘Returning to Belhelvie’, 218-219. 115 SRP, VII, 276. Riksrad minute, 9 August 1638. The minute records ‘Han

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of other less familiar soldiers that their intention was to return hom e after their protracted sojourns with whatever wealth they had accrued; and once more we are drawn to the correspondence o f D rum m er M ajor Jam es Spens who stated in 1633 that after many years in Swedish service in Riga and an anticipated seven more years in the V O C in Jav a he hoped to return to his family in Edinburgh.116 While the return of Scots to their country of birth was com m on and perhaps less than surprising, the arrival in Scotland of foreign bom Scots keen to invest in their family estates is also worthy o f note. T he Rotterdam bom and Swedish raised Robert Forbes even­ tually settled in his ancestral barony of Towie in Aberdeenshire just before his death in 1678.117 Similarly the Swedish bom-Scots Gustavus, Malcolm and Jam es Ham ilton and Jam es Maclean all retired to and invested capital in family estates in Ireland.118 While many returnees enriched their families or a particular locality, others invested in the physical, intellectual and spiritual landscape of Scotland. Esther Mijers has previously dem onstrated the im portance of Scot­ tish migrants to the political and intellectual landscape of Scotland through the return of Scots from overseas universities.119 However non-academics also had a role to play in this process. Colonel Andrew R utherford o f ‘M ontpolin’, colonel of the K ing’s Guards in France, sent 60 pounds Scots to his Alma Mater in 1658 towards new con­ struction work at the University of Aberdeen.120 M r Patrick Sandilands of Cotton chose to make a similar donation to construction work at K ing’s College Aberdeen of ‘ten rix dollars’ in M ay 1688, as did M r Jam es Sandilands of Craibstone the following m onth.121 O th er haflver lagt allt sitt godha, som han varffvatt haflver medh svett och blodh, neder i Skotdandh och kopt sigh godz’. 116 NAS, Miscellaneous Papers, R H 9/2/243. James Spens to his parents, 1633. 117 S. Murdoch, ‘Children of the Diaspora: The ‘Homecoming’ of the SecondGeneration Scot in the Seventeenth Century’ in Harper, Emigrant Homecomings, 65. I1H Murdoch, ‘Children of the Diaspora’, 69. 119 E. Mijers, ‘Scottish Students in the Netherlands, 1680-1730’, in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 301-326. See also R.W. Smith, English-Speaking Students of Medicine at the University of Leiden (Edinburgh and London: 1935); J.K . Cameron, ‘Some Scottish Students and Teachers at the University of Leiden in the late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries’ in G.G. Simpson, ed., Scotland and Low Countries 1124-1994 (East Linton: 1996). 120 Fasti Aberdonenses: Selections from the records of the University and King’s College of Aberdeen, 1494-1854 (Aberdeen: 1854), 540. For more on Rutherford’s service in France see Glozier, Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King, 43, 47, 57-68, 80, 107, 251-255. 121 Fasti Aberdonenses, 553 554.

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individuals and groups were in a position to bequest much larger sums. T he Aberdonian, Rev. Patrick Copeland, travelled to the East Indies as the chaplain on numerous voyages with the EIC. O n his return he donated several sums o f money totalling 6,000 merks Scots for the establishment of a C hair of Divinity at Marischal College in A berdeen.122 Rev. Jam es W att, minister of Snaith in Yorkshire, could have sold his Scottish possessions and moved his capital down to England. Instead he chose to live off his English income and m or­ tify his Scottish property for the m aintenance of a bursary at King’s College A berdeen.123 O thers paid for scholars to attend university, or ensured they had a suitable library to study with. T he British consul in Poland, Francis G ordon, returned to Scotland in 1642 ‘after threttie yeers peregrination’ and donated ‘42 fair volumes, most pairt physicall’ to the Univeristy of Aberdeen.124 T he soldier-engineer Sir Alexander (Dear Sandy) Hamilton donated ‘three rair and fair volumes upon Ezechiell and visions therof, set forth by Baptista Villalpandus’ in 1648 to King’s College library in Aberdeen and perusals of donations to other universities reveals that Aberdeen was far from unusual in the benefits it derived from overseas.125 Churches also received donations of money from benefactors abroad. At his death in 1678, Hugh Hamilton left the interest of his Swedish capital (about £201 Sterling) in perpetuity to the parish of Erigilkeroy (Ireland), to be disbursed annually. O thers contributed items such as silverware and church bells. A few examples include those hang­ ing in A uchterm uchty Parish Kirk (dated 1618); Kirkmichael in Dumfries (undated) and Kirkoswald Parish Church in Ayrshire (dated 1677). Sometimes we can even ascertain the point of origin, as with that in Kineff Kirk near Stonehaven inscribed ‘Pieter Ostens Te Rotterdam— Ao: 1679’.126 St M achar’s Cathedral in Aberdeen received

122 Fasti Aberdonenses, 323; J. Keay, The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company (London: 1991), 91. I would like to thank Dr Shona Vance for alerting me to this source. 123 Fasti Aberdonenses, 534. 124 Fasti Aberdonenses, 535. 125 Fasti Aberdonenses, 535. See Hieronymus Prado and Juan Bautista Villalpando, Hieronymi Pradi et Ioannis Baptistae Villalpandi e Sodetate Iesu in Ezechielem explanationes et apparatus urbis, at Templi Hierosolymitani. Commentariis et imaginibus illustratus opus tribus tomis distmctwn (3 vols., Rome: 1596-1604). Still available for consultation in Aberdeen University Library, Special Collections, call no. pi f2244 Pra. 126 Numerous Scottish churches contain seventeenth century Dutch bells, some commissioned by the parishioners and some donated by parishioners abroad. The

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the ‘Danzig chalice’ m ade by the Scot Christian Young (Junge) in 1617, the year before the m aker became a burgess o f D anzig.127 Andrew Thom son and Peter Specht of Danzig both presented K ing’s College in Aberdeen with silver communion cups in 1643 for use in the chapel.128 R ather than prom oting the fabric o f buildings or presenting riches for public use, many overseas Scots chose to aid those less fortunate than themselves through the support of the poor and the sick. O n an individual level, David Aikenhead, a m erchant in Poland an d m em ber of the M erchant Com pany of Edinburgh, left £3,500 Scots in 1693 ‘towards the m aintenance of a poor decayed M erchant o f the Com pany above the age of 50 years’.129 Some expatriates could afford more. H arry Shanks wrote his will just before he died in J a v a in 1629 and left his fortune to the Trinity House Hospital in L eith.130 T he professional soldier Robert M onro was so concerned about his countrymen injured during the Thirty Years’ W ar that he left Germ any in 1634 with the intention of establishing a hospital for veterans, and was granted permission to do so by Charles I.131 The Aberdonian, Robert Gordon, moved to Danzig in 1690 and rem ained there as a m erchant for some thirty years. O n his return he provided a large endowment to establish G ordon’s Hospital in Aberdeen that even­ tually became a school and is now a university.132 Indirecdy, G eorge W atson’s education am ong the m erchant comm unity o f R otterdam ruin of St Colm’s Kirk in Belhelvie parish, contained a bell made by Henrick T er Horst in Deventer in 1633. It hung in the belfry until the 1960s when it was stolen. The Press and Journal, 21 March 1964; Grosjean and Murdoch, Belhelvie, 8-9. 127 Rev. Dr A.S. Todd, St Machar’s Cathedral (Derby: 1988), 13. Todd speculates that there may have been a link between Jung and William Forbes (Danzig Willie) mentioned above. Forbes was the brother of the incumbent Bishop of Aberdeen, but the Danzig community of Scots was so large that, though a connection is prob­ able, the possibility remains that there may have been no connection at all. 128 University of Aberdeen, Marischal Museum, ABDUA 36869 and ABDUA 368970. 129 N.H. Miller, The Company of Merchants of the City of Edinburgh, 1681-1981 (Edinburgh: 1981), 33. 130 NAS, Trinity House of Lieth Papers, GD 226/18/21/7 and 8. Documents dated 24 April 1625 and 5 May 1629. 131 RPCS, II, 5. Charles I to Privy Council, 4 May 1634. RPCS, V, 334-336. Robert Monro to Privy Council, June 1634; W. Brockington, ‘Robert Monro: Professional Soldier, Military Historian and Scotsman’ in S. Murdoch, ed., Scotland and the Thirty Tears’ War, 1618-1648 (Leiden: 2001), 219. 132 Fasti Ecclesiastica, vol. 1 (Aberdeen: 1889), 357, 359; Fischer, The Scots in Germany, 268; Bieganska, ‘Andrew Davidson (1591-1660) and his descendants in Poland’, 13; Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, 44; Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 4.

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in the 1670s added to his eventual ability to leave money for the founding of G eorge W atson’s Hospital in 1723 and, like R obert G ordon’s, his hospital eventually became an im portant educational establishment.133 Such unquantifiable repatriation o f wealth and the resulting cul­ tural and economic enrichm ent quite often came from Scots who did not necessarily consign so much as a deal of timber, pound of tobacco or keg of wine to their native land. And they were not the only ones covertly enhancing the Scottish economy and fabric of the nation. O thers also contributed through their trade in these com­ modities, albeit they did so through smuggling. All the same the smugglers enriched the Scottish economy immeasurably through a global network of illegal commercial activity. In the Americas, Scottish smuggling was ‘endem ic’. Captain William Kidd was notable for his flaunting o f the English Navigation Acts as well as involvement with smuggling and piracy— and he was far from alone.134 In November 1696 a report from Philadelphia reported no less than nine fully laden vessels heading directly to Scotland carrying cargoes o f tobacco while Gustavus Ham ilton also shipped the same commodity without officially clearing it (albeit measures were imposed to try to tighten loopholes in 1696).135 Anywhere there was a port there would also be smuggling and the Scots in the north were as guilty of it as any­ one else. Patrick Lyall wrote to the Swedish College of Comm erce in 1669 confessing to the illegal shipment of 100 ship-pounds of iron that he had ‘neglected’ to enter into customs books.136 Lyall got caught, but smuggling rem ained lucrative.137 m Miller, The Company of Merchants, 27-29. 134 Smout, Scottish Trade on the Eve of Union, 80, 144, 178; Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 403; D. Dobson, Scottish Emigration to Colonial America (Georgia: 1994, 2004 edition), 47, 53, 91; Dobson, ‘Seventeenth-century Scottish Communities in the Americas’, 121-122; A.I. Macinnes, ‘William of Orange— ‘Disaster for Scotland’?’ in E. Mijers and D. Onnekink, eds., Redefining William III: The Impact of the KingStadholder in its International Context (Forthcoming, Ashgate 2006). 135 Whyte, Scotland's Society, 157; Dobson, Scottish Emigration to Colonial America, 53, 60, 94. I have not yet ascertained if this was Gustavus Hamilton of Enniskillen, discussed above, or Gustavus Hamilton, the son of Sir Frederick Hamilton, if either of these men at all. 136 He had revealed the matter to the General Customs Administrator, but it is not clear from the letter of the College of Commerce if he did so before or after he was betrayed by an unnamed ‘treacherous visitor’ who had instigated the deal. SRA, Kommerskollegii underdaniga skrivelser 1651-1840— Re. Patrick Lyall, 9 October 1669. 137 ‘English’ goods were also smuggled through the Sound on a ‘Swedish ship’

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As noted in the previous chapter, the request of R obert Clerck to be sent specie from London is indicative of the m ovem ent of a com­ modity seldom m entioned in customs books. Like other smuggled goods, money, too, arrived in Scotland illegally throughout the seven­ teenth century, Jam es Nimmo adding some £4,000 ‘free stock’, mostly through melting down some ‘eightie ston waight of bullion’ in 1697 alone.138 This was English clipt money that was recalled and sup­ posed to be re-coined in England though Nimmo offered a better deal to those seeking to get rid of it. Unspecified quantities of var­ ious specie circulated freely, to the consternation of the Scottish Privy Council who set out to prosecute individuals found guilty of doing so as early as 1611.139 The Stockholm Scot, Jam es M aclean (Mackleir), received ‘a sack’ from Amsterdam containing 250 ducats from Louis de G eer in 1640 avoiding any official scrutiny.140 Along with his iron, Patrick Lyall smuggled some 1800 daler copper-mint in cash out o f Sweden in 1669 which, at an exchange of 24 daler copper-m int to £1 Sterling equated to some £ 7 5 Sterling.141 His relative Jam es Lyall shipped 300 pieces of copper money plate to London in 1678, though the exact value remains elusive due to the variety of copper money plate m inted.142 O n 28 M ay 1685, Patrick Thom son wrote to Russell which then became stranded near Stavanger. It was allowed to pass due to the intervention of the ‘English’ envoy, possibly Sir Gabriel Sylvius, but perhaps Patrick Lyall as consul in Elsinore. See Nygard, Fortegnelse over kongelige resoluhoner gennem rentkammeriet, II, no. 5027. 22 May 1686. Sir Gabriel Sylvius resided in Denmark from June 1685 to June 1686 and his dispatches to Lord Middleton still survive. He thereafter became British Resident in Hamburg in 1686. See L Bittner and L Gross, Reportorium der diplomatischen vertreler aller lander, vol. 1, 1648-1715 (Oldenburg and Berlin: 1936), 180-181. 138 W.G. Scott-Moncrieff, Narrative of Mr James Ntmmo, 1654-1709 (Edinburgh: 1889), 102. 139 RFCS, IX, 248-260. Minute, 13 September 1611. They wanted to catch and prosecute all those who imported ‘Swaden, Zeland and other dollars’ imported from Holland, which they described as ‘a sort of verie base and unworthy coyne of aucht deneiris fyne’. 140 E.W. Dahlgren, ed., ‘Louis de Geers brev och afParshandlingar 1614-1652’ in Historiska Handlingar, vol. 29 (1934), 369-371. Louis de Geer to Dirck de Keyset, 22 December 1640. 141 SRA, Kommerskollegii underdaniga skrivelser 1651-1840—Re. Patrick Lyall, 9 October 1669. 142 Swedish copper money plate had a value of 10 daler silvermint in 1644. However, by the 1670s these 10 daler silvermint value copper plates were no longer manufactured, but lesser weights worth 8, 4, 2 and one daler were used. In 1674, 5 and 3 daler silvermint valued plates were also produced but the value of Lyall’s remains a mystery for the time being. For James Lyall’s shipment of copper plate see Roseveare, Markets and Merchants of the Late Seimteenth Century, 499. T. Perman to Jacob David, 2 March 1678.

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from his home in N orrkoping asking advice on banking a quantity of money to the sum of 20,000 daler copper-mint into the ‘bank of Stockholm’ for six months and then taking it out at 6% profit.143 This equated to a movement of some £833.33 Sterling in cash with an expected profit of £ 5 0 , albeit within Sweden. But the fact that they had such quantities of cash is of interest in itself, especially when we see that some of it moved outwith Sweden’s borders. A letter of Patrick Thom son to Andrew Russell from 17 O ctober 1685 shows that Lyall had sent a letter to Thom son in regard of some money (600 daler, denom ination not specified) he had put aboard Delien from the money Thom son had sent him for anchorage. By 28 O ctober Thom son wrote Russell that he had sent a bill payable in Amsterdam to Lyall in order that he could place it on a more suitable ship should the occasion arise, clearly an indication that cash was being moved around quite freely via transferable bills of exchange and specie.144 This again allowed for the repatriation of capital to Scotland or Scottish m erchants while avoiding customs payments. Clearly laundered and illegally traded money was of little benefit to the Scottish treasury, but nonetheless it did give Scottish entrepre­ neurs an additional strand of working capital to reinvest in com­ merce, be such ventures legal or otherwise. O ther commodities were easier to hide than the large copper-m int plates coming out of Sweden or tobacco from the Americas. Some m erchants also moved easily hidden but valuable goods like pearls, rubies, diamonds and jewellery.145 Robert Buchan de Pordethen com­ plained to Oxenstierna about his finances and pointed out that he could readily return to Scotland taking his pearls with him. T here was a large quantity involved and mostly covertly gathered with the tacit support of the chancellor himself.146 Pearls could also be taken directly out of Scotland with some suppliers looking for quantities and explicidy stating that they were not to be sourced in such a way as to ‘enrich London m erchants’, an undoubted hint that no duty was to be paid.147 The value of this trade should not be underestimated

143 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/574. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 28 May 1685. 144 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/574. Bill of Anchorage, 19 May 1685 and various letters of Patrick and James Thomson ( 1685). 143 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstierna, n.d. but c. 1644. I4*' SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstierna, 19 August 1643. 147 HP 16/1/29A-31B. Mr Poleman, possibly to Samuel Hartlib, Amsterdam, 26

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as Buchan had enough pearls to account for the purchase o f an entire ship and cargo o f Umber in 1643.148 While pearls m oved around as valid capital, so too did other jewels. Among the items destined for Scotland from the estate of Colonel Francis Johnstone were 3 large rubies and 2 large diamonds. He mentions them in an inventory appended to his will and dated 25 O ctober 1656 and they were am ong the goods to be returned to his family in Scotland.149 T he flow of capital and goods back into Scotland through the var­ ious hidden commercial networks is actually quite remarkable and adds an im portant dimension to the study of Scottish commercial activity in the early m odem period.

Conclusion T here are a num ber of considerations to be m ade when concluding this chapter, particularly those that appear to run contrary to p er­ ception relating to the entrepreneurial activities of the Scots. It has been stated that prior to the Union of 1707, ‘the Scots were poor, and getting poorer’; that Scotland was generally backward econom ­ ically and populated by m erchants who had little capital to invest and that union with England might represent a panacea to her prob­ lems. 150 Yet despite a num ber of historians having shown that union was of little economic benefit to Scotland, there is some persistence

September 1659. This is almost identical to an English letter of Hartlib to John Evelyn of three days later. See British Library Add. MSS 15948 f. 66A B. Samuel Hartlib to John Evelyn, 24 September 1659. The two copies arc probably taken from the same letter and the authorship simply confused. 148 SRA, AOSB, E575. Robert Buchan to Axel Oxenstiema, 1 September 1643. 149 They were not mentioned in the inventories of goods to be given to his friends and family in Riga. They included a large gold chain with portraits of the Swedish royal family to be given to Eward Johnstone. His wife was to receive another gold chain, money and household goods while his friend and executor Colonel Patrick Ogilvie was bequeathed a large gold bracelet with Colonel Johnstone’s name inscribed on it. Some other items from the inventory, including 16 portraits are marked as missing while various suits of clothes are earmarked for distribution. See Earl of Annandale and Hartfell Private Archive—NRAS, 2171, ‘Marquess of Annandale’, Bundle 126. 25 October 1626 and 11 June 1657. 130 The quote is from Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 424. Astrom, observed that despite the presence of significant exporters like the Lyalls and Simon Storie in Sweden, the numerous other Scots had little capital, a statement that does not appear to bear scrutiny given the examples in the previous chapters. See Astrom, From Cloth to Iron, 141. See also Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 224-225.

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in locating Scottish economic history around the doom ed endeav­ ours of the Com pany of Scotland between 1696 and 1707 and the com pany’s attempts to colonise Panam a in particular.151 It has been calculated that the Com pany of Scotland received pledges for as much as 50% o f the liquid capital of Scotland, some £400,000 Sterling, with most of the actual investment coming from Edinburgh, Glasgow and the landed classes.152 Perhaps because of the scale of this investment, m any historians cannot see past the 1696 ‘Darien Schem e’ that was, in any case, illegal under the act establishing the Com pany, which strictly forbade settlement on any territory ‘possest by any European sovereign, potentate, prince or state’.133 William II & III was bound to oppose the settlement because the Com pany of Scotland was in breach of the very Act that cre­ ated it— a point largely underplayed by generations of scholars.134 This is undoubtedly due to the fact that T he Com pany of Scotland lost over £150,000 Sterling or between 18-25% of the liquid capi­ tal available in Scotland at the time of Union, albeit estimates vary.155 Yet there has seldom been any focus on where the rest of the 75-82% of Scottish capital was invested despite the known creation of at least twelve new joint-stock companies in Scotland between 1696-1702, albeit investment did slow after the failure of D arien.156 We simply must rem em ber those entrepreneurs mentioned by Adam Smith in the opening quote o f this chapter— those who were not engrossed 151 Read variously Insch, The Company of Scotland, passim; D. Ogg, England in the reigns of James II and Vtflliam III (Oxford: 1955), 277-288; Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 226; Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 375-382; Whyte, Scotland’s Society, 157. 152 For the largely Edinburgh based investment in the Company, see Insch, The Company of Scotland, 35. For the intention to raise £400,000 which equated to 50% of the capital available in Scotland, ibid., 65; Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 379; Whyte, Scotland's Society, 67, 155-158. 153 APS, IX, 377-80. Prior to this Act, William of Orange ordered the Marquis of Tweedale to instruct the Scottish parliament ‘to pass an Act for the encourage­ ment of such as shall acquire and establish a plantation in Africa or America, or in any other part of the world where plantations may be lawfully acquired, in which Act you are to declare that we will grant to our subjects of that kingdom [Scotland], such rights and privileges as we grant in the like cases to the subjects of our other dominions, the one not interfering with the other’. CSPD, 1694-1695, 428. Document dated 17 April 1695. 154 See Dobson, ‘Seventeenth-century Scottish Communities in the Americas’, 129-131. 155 Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 381; Whyte, Scotland's Society, 67, 155. I V> Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies, I, 361.

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in national concerns like the Com pany of Scotland, but their own interest. M any contem porary investors, like M r Jam es Nim mo, a m an who speculated in ventures as diverse as exporting butter or re-m inting specie between 1695-1705, did not even m ention the C om pany of Scodand or the Darien setdement in his memoirs, and he was not alone in apparendy being under-whelmed by the ven­ ture.157 Jam es G ordon, an individual with relatives in the colonies and who was in London when the Com pany of Scodand was wound up has also left us a diary covering the 1692-1710 period. T here is, again, no m ention of the Darien scheme and 1 M ay 1707 is hailed as ‘a day o f thanksgiving for the happy conclusion of the Treaty of Union ‘twixt England & Scodand which com m enced this day’.158 T here appears to be little in their memoirs of the ‘shame and despair’ and ‘indignation against the king and the English’ we are sometimes told swept through Scodand after the D arien fiasco.139 U ndoubtedly feelings did run high in certain quarters, and for sure m ore personal testimony could be brought to bear to support any polemical standpoint chosen, but the ease with which some histori­ ans have equated the demise of one particular joint-stock com pany with an entire commercial nation is exasperating. T.C . Smout and Ian W hyte, among others, have correcdy argued that the Union o f 1707 was far from being S cotland’s econom ic saviour— it was an im portant episode but not decisive and actually ‘economically m arginal’.160 As discussed over the previous three chapters, much o f liquid cap­ ital belonging to Scots was not necessarily located in Scodand any­ way, but deployed by significant entrepreneurial families furth o f the country. Allan M acinnes has uncovered evidence to show that con­ tem porary com m entators believed Scots were in control of as m uch as 66% o f Irish trade, a position they had achieved because they were ‘very national, and very helpful to each other against any T hird [party].161 T he im pact of the Scots in London awaits quantification,

157 Scott-Moncrieff, Narrative of Mr James Nimmo, 100-104. 158 G. Henderson and H. Porter, eds., James Gordon's Diary, 1692-1710 (Aberdeen: 1949), 157-158. 159 Calder, Revolutionary Empire, 381. 160 Whyte, Scotland's Society, 159-160; Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 226. Ihl J. Cary, A Discourse concerning the Trade of Ireland and Scotland as they stand in Competition with the Trade of England (Bristol: 1695 & London: 1696). 1 thank Professor

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as do assessments o f the available capital of Scottish communities in other economic centres in the pre-1707 period.162 But what these three chapters have shown in particular is that m any Scots had considerable capital to invest in commerce and combined this with a disproportionate degree o f influence within Swedish commercial companies, institutions and commercial networks at all levels includ­ ing the Swedish Parliament, Boards of T rade (national and city) and many o f her commercial monopolies. W hat happens to guestimates of capital available to Scottish investors when the activities of Scottish Scandinavian-based en trep ren eu rial families like the D avidsons, Kinnemonds, Lyalls, Young-Leijonanckers, Spaldings, discussed above are factored into Scotland’s economic equation? This question can­ not be ignored as all these families had demonstrable commercial connections with Scots in Scotland, England and the Scottish satel­ lite communities in Europe and members of them returned and set­ tled in Britain.163 Perhaps a retrospective emphasis on the Darien scheme has drawn scholarly attention away from more successful and lucrative aspects of Scottish economic networks, although there is a long way to go before statistically significant quantification of them can be undertaken.164 The evidence from these chapters suggests that the Scottish com­ mercial networks in N orthern Europe at the end of the seventeenth century were more effective than those of the Scots lulled into try­ ing to emulate English and Dutch mercantile monopolies and colo­ nial ventures— their unobtrusiveness appears to have been their success.165 The benefit undoubtedly favoured the individual, the family

Macinnes for sharing his research findings with me and passing on this reference. Patrick Fitzgerald has also described the Scottish merchants trading in Ireland in this period as men of some substance and a significant conduit in Irish-American trade. See Fitzgerald, ‘Scottish Migration to Ireland in the Seventeenth Century’, 46. 162 Catterall, ‘Scots along the Maas’, 185. Here Catterall calls for any re-evalu­ ation of Scotland’s economic and political status to move beyond the confines of Scotland’s geographical borders, but to include all the overseas communities of Scots who formed an integral part of the nation culturally and economically. I6i For a comprehensive discussion see the various contributions in Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, passim. 164 As Douglas Catterall has pointed out, Scotsmen (and Rotterdamers) could very often flourish even when it appeared that Scodand (or Rotterdam) herself did not. Catterall, ‘Scots along the Maas’, 170. 165 Grosjean and Murdoch, Scottish Communities Abroad, 19. For the argument that emuladon of the English and the Dutch was the main concern of the Scottish mer­ cantile class see Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 224.

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or the specific consortium concerned rather than the Scottish trea­ sury direcdy. Nonetheless, economic achievement for many Scots cam e through complete infiltration of other peoples’ com m ercial empires, anticipating the role o f later countrymen within the post1707 British Empire. Scrutiny of sources such as Jo h n Steuart’s let­ ter book show that similar networks with Scandinavia, the Baltic, the Dutch Republic and France continued long after the 1707 Union and were not immediately replaced by Scots trying to grab a share of England’s economic wealth or any dram atic shift west across the Adantic.166 Indeed, the formation of the Swedish East India Company [SOIC] with the help o f Colin Campbell and a host o f other Scots confirms that em bedded infiltration continued as a useful economic device for Scots throughout the eighteenth century even to the point where the SO IC functioned as something of a ‘legitimised interloper’ company in competition with the EIC monopoly allowing an addi­ tional route for Scots m erchants to access the Eastern trade.167 T he formation of the SO IC in 1731 occurred in the same year as the form ation o f the first joint-stock com pany in L ithuania, Societalis Commerciorum, a project o f nine Kedainiai Scots including the m ayor of the town, Andrew Leith. They described themselves as Nationis Magna Britannia, established contacts with other Scottish concerns in Königsberg, Danzig and Riga and sought investment from Britain and thus established yet another commercial network similar to those operating throughout the previous century.168 W hether operating in the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries, Scottish commercial networks were complex. A case study of the Thomson-Russell accounts for 1686-1687 shows how the various strands of the Scottish network discussed in these three commercial 166 W. Mackay, ed., The Letter-Book of Baillie John Steuart of Inverness, 1715-1752 (Edinburgh: 1915). 167 For an excellent review of the SOIC as an interloper company see L. Müller, ‘The Swedish East India Trade and International Markets: Re-exports of teas, 1731-1813’ in Scandinavian Economic History Revieiv, vol. 51, no. 3 (2003), 28-44. See also A.A. Cormack, ‘Scotsmen in the first Swedish East India Company, 1731-1745’, Banffshire Journal (Banff: 1975); G. Behre, ‘Scots in “Litde London”. Scots setders and cultural development in Gothenburg in the eighteenth century’, in Northern Scotland, VII, no. 2 (1986), 133-150; E. Grage, ‘Scottish merchants in Gothenburg, 1621-1850’ in T.C. Smout, ed., Scotland and Europe 1200-1850 (Edinburgh: 1986), 112-115. C. Campbell, A passage to China: Colin Campbell's diary of the first Swedish East India Company expedition to Canton, 1732-33, edited by P. Hallberg and C. Koninckx (Gothenburg: 1996). 16,1 Zirgulis, ‘The Scotdsh Community in Kedainiai’, 240-241.

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chapters mesh neatly together. James Thomson in Norrkoping imported cloth and gloves to Sweden on behalf of (among others) merchants such as Robert Turnbull in Scotland; Andrew and Henry Spalding, Jo h n Anderson and William Guthrie in Sweden; and one of the largest accounts belonged to Patrick Lyall, the British m erchant con­ sul in D enm ark.169 These goods were sourced for the Thomsons by itinerant factors such as Patrick May or resident merchants like Jam es Adie in Danzig.170 Once delivered to Sweden, the various commodities were moved on to other merchants, with the largest am ount going to Kommersrad Daniel Young Leijonancker.171 W ith the capital raised, the Thom sons then bought iron from numerous vendors including Jam es M aistertoun and Alexander Pattillo who very often sourced it from mines belonging to Scottish families— the Petries, Mackays and, of course, the Lyalls. Indeed, Jam es Thom son shipped more iron out o f Norrkoping than anyone else.172 He consigned it to Patrick Thom son in Stockholm who re-consigned it to Andrew Russell in Rotterdam. It was transported aboard, among others, The Mary (Maria), the sometime Swedish and Dutch flagged (but clearly Scottish) ship skippered by the Bo’ness m ariner, Jo h n G ib.173 O n the way it would have passed Patrick Lyall, British consul in Elsinore, who must have been complicit in the ‘Swedish’ deception as he knew the move­ ments of all ships passing. Thus Scottish merchants in England, the Dutch Republic and Danzig consigned their goods to Sweden on a ship that sailed through the Danish Sound under Swedish flag. It returned from Sweden, being consigned by a Scottish m erchant to another countryman in the Dutch Republic, carrying iron bought from Scots who in turn had often sourced it from other Scots who not only dealt in it, but produced it as well. Neither the origin of the goods nor their destination have been considered by historians; 169 NAS, Russell Papers, R H 15/106/636. James and Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, various letters and accounts, 1687. 170 For Patrick May see NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/574. Various letters of Patrick Thomson (1685); RH 15/106/576/4. Patrick May to Andrew Russell, 10 July 1685 and 576/6, David Melvin to Andrew Russell, 11 July 1685; RH 15/106/608. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, 26 June 1686; RH 15/106/609/1. Patrick May to Andrew Russell, 6 July 1686 and passim. 171 In only two months in 1686 he had received some £13000 worth. See NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/636. James Thomson to Andrew Russell, ‘valued compting, January 1687’. 172 Helmfrid, Norrkopings Historic, III, 33. 173 NAS, Russell Papers, RH 15/106/636. Patrick Thomson to Andrew Russell, ‘Invoice of iron shipped aboard The M aiy\ 24 June 1687.

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on paper this looks like a straight transaction between Swedes and D utchm en since the sources consulted are usually the port books and the Sound Toll registers.174 Looked at from another perspective, the analysis presented in these chapters also demonstrates that something of a rethink is required in terms of placing Scodand in the context of British-Scandinavian economic growth. H enry Roseveare assured us that the presence of Scottish m erchants in Sweden represented ‘a new phenom ena’ to Stockholm in the late seventeenth century and categorically stated that they had litde to do with Stockholm’s foreign trade.175 This does not square with the known facts. In D ecem ber 1679, A braham W olters com m ented that the Englishmen in the Stockholm com m u­ nity were inexperienced young idlers who spent ‘whole days in wine— and tobacco houses (which are very expensive here)’.176 In the 1690s the ‘English colony’ consisted of 10-12 people, o f whom 6-7 earned more than they spent’.177 Despite such observations it has been argued that at the same time Swedish trade with England increased and that A braham M om m a-Reenstiem a preferred to sell his goods to ‘Englishmen’ rather than anyone else.178 Part of the answer to these apparent contradictions lies in the fact that much of Swedish-British trade was conducted through Scottish networks operated by likes o f R obert G ardin, William Halliday, George M aijoribanks, Alexander Pattillo, William Strang, Patrick Thom son and R obert Watson whom historians have often erroneously assumed to be Englishmen.179 T heir British names and the fact they consigned cargo to London and Hull has led the unwary to include these men and their networks in cal174 Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 67. Müller notes the decline of English (mean­ ing British) shipping, but was apparently unaware of the re-flagging practices of the Scots at this time. 175 In commenting on Alexander Waddell’s presence in Stockholm, Roseveare added that he was a ‘member of that large Scottish community now settled in Stockholm’ (my italics). As Alexia Grosjean has pointed out, the settlement of the Scottish merchant community can be dated back to the 1560s at least and was continuously reinforced thereafter. There was certainly no innovation in their pres­ ence in the 1670s. See Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 171; Grosjean, An Unofficial Alliance, 138-143; Müller states that ‘they did not play a very significant role in Stockholm’s foreign trade’, yet admits to omitting the Scottish Lyall family due to their long residence in Sweden. See Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 76. 176 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 559. A. Wolters to John Gosselin, 27 December 1679. 177 Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 149 quoting John Robinson, 1695. 178 Roseveare, Markets and Merchants, 171. 179 Äström, From Cloth to Iron, 136-137; Müller, ‘Britain and Sweden’, 69-71.

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culations of Swedish-English commercial connections.180 Picking up the point raised by Roseveare, that the M om m a family preferred to trade with ‘Englishmen’, a simple analysis shows he overestimated their importance. While a few men like Samuel Sowton were undoubt­ edly English trading partners, the M omm a family dealt with at least eighteen Scots within Sweden and many more abroad. O f those based within Scandinavia, the likes of Jo h n Kinnem ond, the Lyall family and Daniel Young Leijonancker were am ong the most impor­ tant merchants in Sweden o f any nationality, Swede or foreigner.181 The brief synopsis of em bedded commercialism offered above reveals an altogether different conclusion to Anglo dom ination of BritishSwedish commerce. T he apparently strong ‘English-Swedish’ rela­ tionship is considerably diminished while an alternative view o f British commercial activity unfolds. Scottish networks played a far more significant role in British-Scandinavian commerce than previously understood. They ran numerous prosperous businesses, controlled or influenced large spheres of non-Scottish commercial empires, and many returned to Scotland rich men. M ore importantly, m any who remained abroad had their capital and goods repatriated, significantly enriching the fabric of Scottish society at large, WTiere the hom e­ ward journey was not made by the emigrant Scot, they often returned something even more im portant— their children.182 Second genera­ tion Scots such as Adam and Jam es Lyall, Jam es M aclean, Gustavus and Malcolm Hamilton demonstrably served as network anchors for their kith and kin once settled in the British Isles, while m any others pushed their networks further across the globe. Clearly the combination of the overt and concealed commercial structures had a beneficial effect for the Scottish mercantile com­ munity. K ith and kin networks, joint-stock com panies an d even 180 Indeed after asserting that the Lyall family were ‘demonstrably Scottish’ this is the only family Astrom could declare ‘constituted the only real Anglo-Scottish family with members both in Stockholm and London’. See Astrom, From Cloth to Iron, 138 and 163. 181 These include within Sweden: Colonel John Bordon, David Campbell, Peter Chambers, James Henderson, Henrik and Jacob Forbes, John Kinnemond, William Lindsay, Henry and James Lyall, James Porteous, James Semple, Jacob Spalding, William Strang senior, David and William Strang, Alexander Waddell and Daniel Young till Leijonancker. Beyond Sweden we must not forget Sir William Davidson. Letters to and from these individuals and the Momma family can be found through­ out SRA, Forteckning over Momma-Reenstiema Samlingen. It has not yet been established if Henrik Davisdon was a relative of Sir William Davidson. 182 Murdoch, ‘Children of the Diaspora’, 55-76.

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numerous locations and institutions in Scotland became enriched through the co-operation of the native and embedded communities at home and abroad, linked as they were through a series of dynamic networks. This resulted in a subde transfer of capital, goods and cul­ tural commodities back into Scotland, while the host societies also benefited from opportunities afforded by the substantial business acu­ men of the participants em bedded in their own societies. All that considered, the question arises as to where else Scots had constructed networks to the same degree as they had across Scandinavia and the Baltic. Undoubtedly research into other regions will reveal more, though we must be patient and not anticipate the result of research yet to be undertaken.

SECTION THREE

SUBVERSIVE N E T W O R K S

CHAPTER SEVEN

ESPIONAGE AND THE ‘SUBVERSIVE-NETWORK’

Primo nouembris rediit seruitor meus ex Anglia cum literis Regis Magna Brittannue ad suam Maiestatem, quarum exemplar hisce inclusion ad dominationem vestram mitto vna cum informatione anglice mihi scripta a secretario latina lin­ gua domino Thome Read quam do. vestra per Andream Schaw, locum tenentem, olim seruitorem meum, intelligere potent.' The previous chapters have all shown how individuals utilised their networks to establish themselves in a variety of locations, situations and occupations. These usually saw the promotion or support of other members o f the same kith, kin or nation. Indeed the picture presented thus far is perhaps overly suggestive of an international Scottish network that put Scotsmen first at the expense of all else. Obviously that does not reflect the reality of a nation built up of numerous partisan and fractious elements, each convinced of the just nature of its own position, be it political, confessional or cultural. Like so many other nations, Scotsmen were time-served practition­ ers in the art o f espionage. Jam es VI employed numerous sets of spies and agents across Europe, particularly in the years immediately preceding his accession to the throne of England. It has been shown previously that these networks could often be quite crude, even lead­ ing to Jam es virtually entrapping himself on several occasions.2 O f course there is a fine line between the activities of accredited diplo­ mats and those engaged in espionage. In April 1612, while working to secure a peace treaty between warring Sweden and Denmark, the brothers Sir Robert Anstruther and Sir Jam es Spens were supplied with instructions from the Court in London.3 The two men exchanged

1 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 11 November 1622. 2 J. Duncan Mackie, ‘The Secret Diplomacy of King James VI in Italy prior to his Accession to the English Throne’ in Scottish Historical Review, XXI, no. 84 (1924), 272-274. 3 SRA, Anglica, III. Copy of Instructions, James VI & I to James Spens, 20 April 1612.

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information that can only be regarded as ‘highly sensitive’ in the form of royal correspondence between King Jam es and the two Scandinavian kings. This letter was so fresh that Anstruther had not even had time to copy it in Latin, but wrote it out in Scots, telling his kinsman that the ‘ornate et verbatim in Latine’ would follow in the next dispatch.4 T he following day Anstruther wrote again not­ ing receipt of a copy letter of Gustav II Adolf to Christian IV, show­ ing that the traffic in royal correspondence was a two-way affair.5 O ther information was even too sensitive to commit to paper, Anstru­ ther noting ‘without forder troublen your Lfordship] I taik my live, referring much more unto the bearer than to this peaper [ ...] I trust m uch in M r Fenton’s m em orie’.6Jam es Spens employed Jam es Ramsay as a courier between himself and Axel Oxenstiema specifically because he was a kinsman and well versed in Spens’ affairs for over 20 years, stating ‘you can trust him as you would me in person’ to explain all matters accurately and faithfully, especially those that Spens would not want to be caught putting on paper.7 Perhaps this traffic in information was, for the most part legitimate, but Anstruther sometimes invoked linkages of kinship and friendship when he felt under-inform ed about Swedish matters, particularly when this m ade his own position less than certain. O n one occasion when he intu­ ited foul play in Stockholm he wrote: nou brother I must confess it did not a litell grieve me to heir this, therefore I beseech you as my brother and freende, to laite me knoe, whither it be indeed or not, for in good faith I do believe it to be so, and I do remember your selfe saide no lesse to me, at your last cominge from Swedland.8 4 SRA, Anglica, V. Scots language copy of a letter, Christian IV to Gustav II Adolf, 17 J uly 1612. 5 SRA, AOSB, E724. Robert Anstruther to Sir James Spens, 18 July 1612. 6 SRA, AOSB, E724. Robert Anstruther to Sir James Spens, 18 July 1612. 7 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 3 August 1614. ‘Illustris ac generose domine, postquam finem scribendo posui, ex occasione data communicandi cum rege Daniae in eius vltimo decessu, quaedam, quae dominationi vestrae communicanda estimo, didici, sed cum seruus meus, qui literas meas latine scribit, aberat, aliis haec concredere non statui, itaque mea lingua fere ipsa verba inter nos communicata scripsi, et in mandatis huic latori dedi, vt ea omnia accurate et fideliter do:oni v:rae exponeret, cui do:io v:ra potest fidem adhibere sicut mihi ipsi, dum sit et consanguineus meus et his viginti annis in omnibus meis negotiis versatus. Audax sum do:nem v:ram his incongruis verbis perturbare, cuius fauore me et mea recommendans iubeo plurimum valere’. Ramsay is named as the courier in SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 3 September 1614. 8 SRA, AOSB, E724. Robert Anstruther to James Spens, 13 January 1625.

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On other occasions the fact that the information exchange involved espionage is spelled out in an A nstruther letter from 1624 wherein he passes information relating to the Danish envoy Peter G alt’s with­ drawal from Stockholm which Anstruther affirms is ‘secret informa­ tion’.9 Not only that, but this sophisticated diplomat, embedded in the Court of Christian IV, actually contracted himself as a corre­ spondent of the Swedish Chancellor after having met him during the K nared treaty negotiations of 1612-1613.10 Jam es Spens subse­ quently brought a favourable response from Gustav II Adolf and undoubtedly served often as the go-between.11 Anstruther thereafter referred to Oxenstiema as an intimate friend, and they met numerous times throughout the duration of his political career, though written com m unication was m inim al.12 O xenstiem a always m aintained a front, proclaiming A nstruther’s loyalty to Denmark-Norway, though A nstruther’s own actions suggest his respect for Christian IV dimin­ ished over tim e.13 M ore importantly, Anstruther became an im por­ tant cog in the Swedish espionage agency, linked to it through blood ties to Spens. R obert A nstruther was only one covert Scottish agent o f the Swedish state and he was part of a much larger espionage counternetwork orchestrated by Jam es Spens. It was such a successful assem­ blage that the ‘victims’ of its operations were often oblivious to the fact they had been targeted. T hat was certainly the case for some Scots in the employ of Sigismund III Vasa of Poland-Lithuania. It

9 SRA, AOSB, E724. Robert Anstruther to Janies Spens, 1 August 1624. 1(1 SRA, AOSB, E556. Robert Anstruther to Axel Oxenstiema, 29 April 1613. In this letter he suggests the use of a secretary between himself and Oxenstiema should the Chancellor not be able to read his Danish—a rather curious statement perhaps used as a way of suggesting the employment of a go-between for other purposes. 11 SRA, Anglica, Engelska beskickningars memorial, 1591-1692. Robert Anstruther to Gustav II Adolf, 10 January 1614. 12 For example see SRA, AOSB, E724. Robert Anstruther to James Spens, 1 August 1624. 13 Anstruther had worked for Christian IV since 1606 and that should have made him suspect to the Swedish leadership. Oxenstiema played on this saying Anstruther had been a ‘good Dane’ all his life in 1633. Yet Oxenstiema both praised his work and believed he was a man of integrity. For Oxenstiema’s praise and trust of Anstruther see several letters from RAOSB, VIII, 570. Axel Oxenstiema to Charles I, 26 April 1633; and 669, Oxenstiema to Riksrad, 6 May 1633. For the ‘Good Dane’ comment see 688, ‘Dartill medh att Amstrytter altijdh haver varit godh Dansk’. For Anstruther’s distancing himself from Christian IV after 1629 see Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 71-72.

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has been estimated that some 160 Scots were appointed courtiers o r servitors to the kings o f Poland-Lithuania throughout the sixteenth century with more following in the seventeenth.14 Regiments o f Scottish troops and numerous officers served in the Polish-Lithuanian arm ed forces, and through Jam es M urray, Scots can be accredited with a m ajor p art in the founding of the Polish navy.15 In com bination all this shows that one small Adantic nation, Scotland, punched well above her weight in terms o f military, naval and trading significance in the Polish-Lithuanian dom inated areas of the Baltic.16 Inform ation such as the aforementioned is useful in indicating a generally posi­ tive relationship that must have existed between the Polish-Lithuanian Com m onwealth and the Scottish people in the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Indeed, a leading scholar on the study o f the Scots in Poland, A nna Biegariska, has concluded that: The Scots were aware of their origin and maintained close links with their fellow countrymen. They were also loyal to Poland, a country which they chose as their new homeland, and were conscious of the advantages they enjoyed there.17

Undoubtedly that was true for the majority of Scots within the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth. However, there is also a tem ptation to over-celebrate such connections, particularly am ong those authors trying to prove a long term ‘national friendship’ for some political purpose o r other, be it in Poland, Sweden or elsewhere.18 Indeed, it is extremely hard to find very many negative assessments of Polish14 A. Biegariska, ‘J ames Murray a Scot in the making of the Polish navy’, in Scottish Slavonic Review, no. 3, (Autumn 1984), 1. 15 R.I. Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’ in Murdoch, Scotland and the Thirty Years’ War, 191-212; Bieganska, ‘J ames Murray a Scot in the making of the Polish navy’, passim. 16 See variously Steuart, Papers relating to the Scots in Poland, passim; Bieganska, ‘Scottish merchants and traders in seventeenth and eighteenth century Warsaw’, passim; Bieganska, ‘A note on the Scots in Poland, 1550-1800’, passim; Biegariska, ‘Andrew Davidson, (1591-1660) and his descendants’, 15-16; Bieganska, ‘In Search of Tolerance’, passim. 17 Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 27. See also Bieganska, ‘A note on the Scots in Poland, 1550-1800’, 159 where she states ‘on the whole, the immi­ grants were loyal toward their new country’. The sentiment of ‘loyalty’ is repeated throughout these articles. 18 This point is made in Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 103. Polish examples include; W[aclow] B[orowy], Scots in Old Poland (Edinburgh: 1941); S. Seliga and L. Koczy, Scotland and Poland: A Chapter of Forgotten History (Scotland: 1969); For a Swedish example see N. Andren, et al., Sweden-Britain: A Thousand Years of Friendship (Stockholm: 1997).

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Scottish relations, suggesting that such relations either did not exist or, more likely, are generally overlooked. For sure, mention is made of actions against pedlars, but did the Scots ever try to undermine this Commonwealth itself? In the early seventeenth century there were within the very heart of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and furth of her borders, a group of Scotsmen bent on ensuring that both militarily and polit­ ically Poland-Lithuania would never receive significant support from any of the British kingdoms in her struggle with her neighbours, par­ ticularly Sweden. As noted in chapter three, Andrew Keith was ban­ ished from Sweden, along with all of Sigismund’s overt Catholic supporters, after their defeat at the batde of Stângebro (1598). T he resulting exile ‘Swedish’ community in Poland-Lithuania grew and eventually am ounted to some 400 individuals, some of whom were Scots.19 As king of Poland, Sigismund III Vasa tried to strike back from his other southern Baltic territories, leading to the Polish-Swedish W ar (1600-1629) and the establishment of a Swedish Catholic ‘Émi­ gré Chancellery’ in Poland headed up by Gabriel Gôransson Posse.20 According to various sources, Keith did not remain idle either. It has been claimed that the Scot ran a network of some ten ‘well edu­ cated and intelligent individuals’ in his secret-service operations against Sweden on behalf of Sigismund III Vasa.21 K eith’s activities caused Karl IX great annoyance and led to the Swede writing to Jam es VI to complain about them .22 Nonetheless, many of K eith’s colleagues rem ained engaged in their covert activities across northern Europe. Sigismund III employed Laurence Liddel as a spy for gathering intel­ ligence in Russia.23 Jam es Ross is said to have began working as a Keith agent around 1600, a position (if true) he managed to con­ ceal very well.24 O ther Swedish spies were also recruited, and have become more well-known, such as Arnold Messenius who went on

19 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation m Scandinavia, I, xxxix. 20 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinai’ia, I, xxx, xl, 403. For Posse see ibid., II, 264, 287- 288. 21 Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 25. Bieganska cites AP, Gdansk: MS300, 53/1012: MNBC; MS 1772, fos. 474 passim. Bieganska is not explicit as to whether the men in Keith’s circle were Scots or not, only that he controlled them. 22 Fischer, The Scots m Sweden, 67. 23 Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 25. 24 SRP, I, 1628, 120-122. Riksrad minute, 10 December 1628; Bieganska, ‘The Learned Scots in Poland’, 25.

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trial in 1624.25 Ross m anaged to remain in operation for many years longer than Messenius, allegedly reporting back to other handlers in Poland like Posse. Eventually suspected, Ross was interrogated by the Swedish Riksrad on 10 Decem ber 1628 accused of espionage on behalf o f the exiled king, Sigismund III Vasa.26 The problem with the Scottish spies working for the Poles against Sweden was that there were m any more o f their countrymen working for Sweden within Poland-Lithuania. T he result of this cross-over of service led to some spectacular examples of espionage networking and real prob­ lems for unwary individuals like Jam es Ross. Throughout his life, Sir Jam es Spens of Wormiston proved to be steadfast in his loyalty to the Swedish Crown. In O ctober 1612, while serving as the British ambassador at the intra-Scandinavian K nared negotiations, Spens signed an oath of loyalty to Gustav II Adolf, albeit with a clause reaffirming that his ultimate allegiance rem ained to Jam es VI & I.27 In effect, Spens bound himself to work tirelessly against Sw eden’s enemies, particularly C hristian IV o f D enm ark-N orw ay, but also the Russians, Polish-Lithuanians and M agistrates of the city of Danzig. W henever Spens travelled to the Stuart C ourt he usually carried a specific request from Gustav II Adolf for some form of military or diplomatic assistance against the Poles, even if Sweden and Poland were actually in a state of truce. At the end of 1614, for instance, Spens urged Jam es V I to allow the recruitment of 800 Scots for Samuel Cockbum ’s (Cobron) Scottish regiment.28 King James was persuaded to allow this levy and specifically agreed to their use against Muscovites or Poles, and also added that he would make sure Christian IV would not interfere with their tran­ sit to Sweden.29 Ironically, as these troops prepared to go to w ar with Poland-Lithuania, King Jam es also found himself intervening in the most polite terms with Sigismund III on behalf of a Scottish Catholic in Polish service, Captain Thom as Buik, who had a q u ar­ rel with both the civic leaders of Riga and Sigismund III himself.3(1 25 Garstein, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia, II, 288-292. 2b SRP, I, 1628, 120-122. Riksrad minute, 10 December 1628; Bieganska, ‘T he Learned Scots in Poland’, 25. 27 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens’s oath of loyalty to Gustav II Adolf, 28 October 1612. 28 SRA, Anglica, IV, f. 14. Gustav II Adolf to Spens, 17 December 1614. 29 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 1 March 1615. 30 These letters from October 1614 are reprinted in Steuart, Papers relating to the Scots in Poland, 35-36. James Vi’s instructions on how Buik was to proceed with

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The letters, signed in diplomatic and friendly terms tell us, if noth­ ing else, that a corpus of royal letters do not necessarily indicate a positive relationship— especially when one party has just authorised a military force for use against the recipient of such kind corre­ spondence. M ore importantly, the letter shows that Buik was in con­ tact with Jam es Spens in Sweden, one of m any ‘Scottish-Poles’ who became im portant to Spens’s anti-Polish network. Sir Jam es Spens was rigorous in his efforts to derail Sigismund III Vasa on behalf of Gustav II Adolf, and did not simply respond to requests from his superiors, but became in the process quite pro­ active. O n one occasion during the reign of Karl IX of Sweden, Spens had tried to bribe Patrick G ordon, at that time British m er­ chant consul to Danzig and Poland-Lithuania, to supply him with information from the Polish Court. G ordon refused, which actually raised him in Spens’s estimation since, as Spens argued, he thereby proved his honesty and integrity as an individual. W hen Gordon briefly left his Polish duties in 1615, it was on a mission to London on behalf of C ount K rysztof Radziwill, the Calvinist Lithuanian noblem an.31 Spens pointed out to the Swedish Chancellor, Axel Oxenstierna, that he might be worth targeting again since he was no longer under any binding obligation to Sigismund III Vasa.32 Information relating to whether he was either asked by Oxenstierna or engaged in Swedish service is scarce. G ordon had been in Sweden during the reign o f Sigismund III Vasa in the 1590s where he served as tutor to Count Gustav Eriksson Stenbock and his brother.33 He left in the retinue o f Sigismund III and moved to Danzig, leaving behind some unresolved financial claims in Sweden. G ordon certainly wrote directly to Axel Oxenstierna from London months later, reminding the chancellor of his lengthy stay in Sweden, and that he still had some claims there which he hoped to recoup.34 He stipulated his intention to visit Sweden to pursue these claims, or to send a factor in his place to do so. G ordon even established that future communication could be set up through one Johannes

Sigismund can be found in SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstierna, 1 March 1615; Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ War’, 198. 31 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstierna, 1 July 1615. 32 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstierna, 1 March 1615. 33 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstierna, 1 March 1615. H SRA, AOSB, E604. Patrick Gordon to Axel Oxenstierna, 6 December 1615.

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Fordelius in Danzig, hinting that through that m an O xenstiem a m ay learn m uch about the state o f Britain. This hardly am ounts to definitive proof that he was prepared to engage as an agent and he concluded by stating that he had nothing to offer at that particular juncture. However, a particularly interesting letter is one from August 1617 to his ‘loving friend and brother’, Archibald Rankin.35 Rankin was both a G endem an o f the Bedcham ber to Charles, Prince o f Wales, and his representative in Sweden. The contents of the GordonRankin letter prove that Patrick G ordon was both passing on diplo­ m atic inform ation to R ankin about the French and seeking safe conduct from Axel O xenstiem a to travel to Sweden.36 This he had been granted, confirming a positive reception to his earlier letter to O xenstiem a in 1615. O n this journey, G ordon revealed, he was to travel to Sweden in the com pany of a Swedish gendem an, though he does not name him. It is clear from another letter sent by Jam es Spens to Axel O xenstiem a that, thereafter, G ordon did not mind sharing at least some inform ation with Spens. Sir Jam es reported that G ordon had shown him a copy of a letter detailing the sched­ ule for the next meeting of the Polish Sejm and Polish fears relating to their nervousness about a T u rkish/T artar attack instigated, accord­ ing to the Poles, on advice from Russia.37 H e also disclosed the immi­ nent arrival o f Jo h n W eir en route from Poland, allowing Spens time to investigate the circumstances surrounding his mission.38 W eir was described by G ordon as an envoy of ‘Count Putskenski’ (Maximillian Przerebski, Polish envoy in Vienna) but in other sources an agent o f Spain. This does not in itself m ean that G ordon had been bought by Spens, but he was clearly not concerned about sharing informa­ tion potentially useful to the Swedes through the am bassador or via G ordon’s ‘friend and brother’ Rankin. 35 SRA, Amnessamlingar. Strodda historiska handlingar, vol. 24: Handlingar frin Gust. II Adolfs ud 1612-1632. Patrick Gordon to Archibald Rankin, 18 August 1617; S. Tunberg, et al., Den Svenska Utrikcs Forvaltningens Historic (Uppsala: 1935), 74-5. 36 See Rankin’s dispatches from London. SRA, AOSB, E692. Dispatches from Archibald Rankin to Axel Oxenstiema, 20 December 1617, 2 January 1618, 20 March 1617/18 and 3 May 1618. 37 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 28 December 1618. 38 This man is various called ‘J ohan VVeijer’ and ‘J ohannes Weiher’. He may actually have been the ‘J oannes Weir’ mentioned as a merchant of Edinburgh trad­ ing with Sweden in 1614. See SRA, Scotica I. Scottish Privy Council to Gustav II Adolf, 18 September 1614. For John Weir in the context of agent see A. Norberg, Polen i Suensk Politik ¡617-1626 (Stockholm: 1974), 59, 64.

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Spens also gleaned information about Polish plans to attack Sweden through the Scottish ambassador in the service of Denmark-Norway, Sir Andrew Sinclair. In 1617, Sinclair tipped Spens off that Christian IV had been asked to allow a Spanish fleet combining 6,000 sol­ diers on Dunkirk vessels through the Sound to bolster the forces of Sigismund III.39 Archibald Rankin in London also knew that Polish plans were afoot and he kept Axel O xenstiem a informed through his various contacts with D r Jam es Robertson, Sir Jam es Spens and other Swedish-based Scots or Swedes with Scottish families like Jo h an Skytte.40 Rankin also held the Englishman, Sir Dudley Diggs, in par­ ticularly high regard though it is not clear to what extent there was any intelligence exchanged with him.41 Rankin made it his business to keep a close eye on Swedes in the retinue of the Polish envoy, ‘H err TinnagelT.42 In May 1618, Rankin divulged that he had gleaned information from an English skipper who claimed he had been ap­ proached to carry Sigismund III on a particular mission. T he infer­ ence is that his destination was to be London, but that Polish-Vasa business was now to be pursued by ‘the fool Tinnagel’.43 It is in this letter of M ay 1618 that Rankin warns of a new O rder of Chivalry called Cavalieri de Jhesu who intended to subdue Sweden with the ‘Sword of Paul’. Rankin continued that ‘those old dogs, the Jesuits, have come up with these young dogs, for they cannot achieve any­ thing with the Keys of Peter’.44 Such information warned the Swedes in advance o f an apparent plan to infiltrate (and invade) Sweden with the ultimate goal o f enforcing the Counter-Reform ation there. R ankin’s mission as an agent continued from his secure position in the royal household of the Prince of Wales. From there he m ain­ tained verbid and written correspondence with Sweden, particularly

39 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 17 March 1617; Norberg, Polen i Svensk Politik, 41. 40 Rankin names Spens as a faithful servant of the King of Sweden and tells Oxenstiema that he had written to Robertson to inform him about his pro-Swedish activities while in Denmark and that Skytte had arrived safely. SRA, AOSB, E692. Archibald Rankin to Axel Oxenstiema, 20 December 1617. Skytte arrived in London from The Hague in the hope of bringing James VI and I into closer alliance with Sweden, but James wanted to see a treaty between Denmark and Sweden first. Norberg, Polen i Svensk Politik, 57. 41 SRA, AOSB, E692. Archibald Rankin to Axel Oxenstiema, 3 May 1618. 42 SRA, AOSB, E692. Archibald Rankin to Axel Oxenstiema, 20 March 1618. 43 SRA, AOSB, E692. Archibald Rankin to Axel Oxenstiema, 3 May 1618. 44 SRA, AOSB, E692. Archibald Rankin to Axel Oxenstiema, 3 May 1618.

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in relation to Polish activities.45 As noted above, King Jam es h ad written to Gustav II Adolf urging him to form an alliance with his cousin Sigismund III Vasa against the non-Christian Turkish threat. T he Novem ber 1620 request for troops from Jerzy Ossolinki seemed to Jam es to make a great deal o f sense.46 Yet despite Stuart diplo­ matic efforts, Swedish-Polish hostilities had already commenced in July 1621 with Gustav II A dolf’s landing of an arm y of 17,850 m en at Pem au.47 Scots were involved on both sides with one, Jo h n Forbes, seeking to raise a com pany for Sigismund III in Ju n e 1622 in Britain. He failed and was arrested on the accusation of the French am bas­ sador who believed that he was actually raising men to aid the French Protestant dissidents of La Rochelle.48 T he following year Jam es sent his kinsman, Sir Robert Stewart, to Poland to explain the affair. However, Stewart chose to use his visit to promote him ­ self with Sigismund III, perhaps due to a lingering grudge he held against Gustav II A dolf and Axel Oxenstiema. Having previously served in the Swedish army, Stewart found himself having to write to both the Swedish m onarch and chancellor seeking satisfaction for himself and other associates in relation to the 30,000 rdl. worth o f copper he had been promised as paym ent agreed for his services during the K alm ar W ar (1611-1613).49 W hether inspired by this or not, Sir Robert contracted himself on 20 April 1623 to raise 10,000 men for Sigismund’s service in what was alleged to be a force designed to attack Sweden. H e was to com m and these soldiers in an inva­ sion of Alvsborg (Gothenburg) while Sigismund and the Spanish under Jo h an W eijer (John Weir?) would attack Sweden’s eastern 45 SRA, AOSB, E724. James Spens to Axel Oxenstiema, 7 March 1719: ‘Quid in Russia factum sit, quibus conditionibus pactae indutiae, per quot annos et eiusmodi alia, minime latere do. v:ram scio et adhuc minus (inita turn Turca pace, apud quem suum legatum habet) quid moliturus sit deinceps rex Poloniae. Ex Polonia de his rebus literas accepit Archibaldus Rankin, quas ad do. v:m se misisse dicebat.’ 46 Frost, ‘Scottish Soldiers, Poland-Lithuania and the Thirty Years’ W ar’, 201. 47 Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, I, 203; R. Frost, The Northern Wars, 1558-1721 (Harlow: 2000), 103. 48 APC, 1621-1623, 283 and 288 and CSPD, 1619 1623, 417, Captain Jo h n Forbes to English Privy Council. See also APC, 1621-1623, 26. Warrant for recruits for Poland under Captain Christopher Colby, 27 July 1621. Ibid., 32. Letter to Lord Deputy of Ireland noting the Polish ambassador’s request for men, 6 August 1621. 49 SRA, AOSB, E734. Robert Stewart to Axel Oxenstiema, 5 and 7 May and 19 June 1615. For discussion of the payment for his regiment see RAOSB, II, 1606-1624, 51-52. Riksrad to Gustav II Adolf, 14 June 1612.

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coast at K alm ar. Simultaneously, disaffected Swedish nobles and Catholics would attack with a fifth column from within Sweden itself.50 News o f Stewart’s activity quickly filtered back to Sweden from agents in Poland, Britain and Denmark, particularly through the dispatches o f the Swedish Toll Commissioner, Anders Svensson. This agent proved to be a valuable source of information relating to Danish intentions towards Stewart and his levy.51 By Ju n e 1623, it was believed Stewart had been granted permis­ sion to recruit an arm y in Scodand, England and Ireland, although he had still not m anaged to gain an audience with Christian IV relating to free passage for them through the sound.52 Axel Oxensdema immediately wrote to the Swedish representative negotiating a truce with the Poles to ensure that a condition of that truce would be that any troops raised by Stewart could not be used against Sweden.53 T o guarantee that would be the case, Gustav II A dolf drew up instructions for Sir Jam es Spens which were explicit in their con­ tent. He was to proceed with haste to the C ourt of G reat Britain and do his utmost to prevent Robert Stewart and his accomplices from raising soldiers for the king o f Poland’s service. He was also to add, however, that should King Jam es allow both sides to recruit then the Swedish king would be satisfied of Jam es’s neutrality in the conflict.54 T he same instructions also urged that Jam es Spens junior be allowed to raise a regiment of Scots to be transported to Gothenburg the following spring.55 By O ctober 1623, however, an Irishman called simply ‘Michael’, en-route to the Polish king, brought news to Svensson that Jam es VI & I had said that Stewart could hire as many men 50 L. Tandrup, ed., Svensk agent ved Sundet; Toldkommiss ***----'\ t f & T T + G y /

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