Nero in Opera: Librettos as Transformations of Ancient Sources 9783110317510, 9783110317138

Table of contents :
Preface and acknowledgements
1 Introduction
1.1 Aims and outline
1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance
1.3 Background: features of 17th- and 18th-century opera
1.4 Ubiquity: the artistic reception of the Nero story
2 Nero in opera
2.1 Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43)
2.2 Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (1663)
2.3 Aureli, Claudio Cesare (1671/72)
2.4 Corradi, Il Nerone / Nero (1678/79 / 1693)
2.5 Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (1685)
2.6 Contri, Agrippina in Baia (1687)
2.7 Neri, L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692)
2.8 Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare (1692/93)
2.9 Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia (1699)
2.10 Silvani, La fortezza al cimento (1699)
2.11 Feustking, Nero (1705)
2.12 Feind, Octavia (1705)
2.13 Grimani, Agrippina (1709)
2.14 Piovene, Nerone / Nero (1721 / 1723)
2.15 ‘Cimbaloni’, Nerone detronato (1725/26)
2.16 Salfi, La congiura pisoniana (1797)
2.17 Barbier, Néron (1879)
2.18 Catelli, Nerone (1888)
2.19 Boito, Nerone (1901 / 1924)
2.20 Manén, Acté (1903 / 1908); Neró i Acté / Nero und Acté (1928)
2.21 Cain, Quo vadis? (1908/09)
2.22 Targioni-Tozzetti, Nerone (1935)
3 Nero in pieces of other performative genres
3.1 Lohenstein, Agrippina (1665) - spoken drama
3.2 Lohenstein, Epicharis (1665) - spoken drama
3.3 Biancolelli, Il Nerone (1666) - spoken drama
3.4 Boccaccio, Il Nerone (1675) - spoken drama
3.5 Leva, Il Nerone (c. 1675-80) - spoken drama
3.6 Lazarino, Gli sponsali per l’impero (1682) - spoken drama
3.7 Alfieri, Ottavia (1783) - spoken drama
3.8 Legouvé, Épicharis et Neron (1794) - spoken drama
3.9 Panzieri, La morte di Nerone (1815/16) - ballet
3.10 Cossa, Nerone (1871) - spoken drama
3.11 Pallerini, Nerone (1877) - ballet
4 Conclusions
Appendices
App. 1: frequency and distribution of key motifs and main characters
App. 2: overview of all dramatic characters and their background
Bibliography

Citation preview

Gesine Manuwald Nero in Opera

Transformationen der Antike

Herausgegeben von Hartmut Böhme, Horst Bredekamp, Johannes Helmrath, Christoph Markschies, Ernst Osterkamp, Dominik Perler, Ulrich Schmitzer

Wissenschaftlicher Beirat: Frank Fehrenbach, Niklaus Largier, Martin Mulsow, Wolfgang Proß, Ernst A. Schmidt, Jürgen Paul Schwindt

Band 24

De Gruyter

Gesine Manuwald

Nero in Opera Librettos as Transformations of Ancient Sources

De Gruyter

ISBN 978-3-11-031713-8 e-ISBN 978-3-11-031751-0 ISSN 1864-5208 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. 쑔 2013 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Einbandgestaltung: Martin Zech, Bremen Logo „Transformationen der Antike“: Karsten Asshauer ⫺ SEQUENZ Druck und Bindung: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen 앝 Gedruckt auf säurefreiem Papier 앪 Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Preface and acknowledgements The pseudo-Senecan drama Octavia can be seen as the starting point of the stage career of a particular story that provides a literary insight into the life of the Roman emperor Nero. The first (early) modern opera on a historical topic centres around the events that are presented in Octavia. Many operas on Nero followed, some of them extending the thematic focus. Moreover, there is a great number of thematically related dramas, ballets and – in more recent times – films and musicals, all of which influence the audiences’ view of the life of emperor Nero. In so far as all these performative works are part of the reception of the Latin Octavia, their textual form and intertextual connections are intriguing research topics for a Classicist. The present study singles out the librettos of Nero operas, which have had a large share in propagating the portrait of the emperor Nero, first dramatized in Octavia, as well as some paradigmatic spoken dramas and ballets, closely linked to the character and impact of the operatic pieces. This study would not have been possible without the help of a number of individuals and institutions, all of whom I would like to thank for their support. The following libraries provided reproductions of librettos: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung mit Mendelssohn-Archiv; Biblioteca Universitaria Bologna; Cambridge University Library; Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg; University of Illinois Library; Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig; British Library London; Senate House Libraries London; Biblioteca Braidense Milano; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München; Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris; Biblioteca di Parma; Biblioteca Vittorio Emmanuele, Roma; National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth; Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien; Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Wien; Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel. With the exception of L’incoronazione di Poppea (and some early 20thcentury pieces), none of these operas (for which the music has survived) belong to the standard repertoire of modern opera houses in any country. However, Feind’s and Keiser’s Octavia was performed at the Badisches Staatstheater Karlsruhe during the ‘27. Händel-Festspiele’ in 2004 (for a short description see http:// www.omm.de/veranstaltungen/festspiele2004/KA-2004octavia.html). I am obliged to the staff of the Badisches Staatstheater, particularly Katrin Lorbeer and Ulrich Reid, for lending me the score of the opera used for this production and for providing me with a copy of the programme.

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Preface and acknowledgements

Likewise, the ancient ancestor of these operas, the pseudo-Senecan Octavia, is hardly ever brought on stage. Hence I am very grateful to Joseph A. Smith, who gave me a DVD recording of his Octavia production at the Experimental Theatre at San Diego State University in April 2006 (using an earlier version of A.J. Boyle’s translation, published in 2008), which demonstrates the dramatic potential of the play. From the early stages of this project I received indispensable advice from the great expertise of the musicologist Reinhard Strohm (Oxford); Francesco Giuntini (Pisa), an expert in the field of Italian librettos, was so generous as to look at a draft of the entire manuscript in great detail and provided me with a number of invaluable comments. Paul Atkin gave me access to relevant sections of his unpublished PhD dissertation (“Opera Production in Late Seventeenth-Century Modena: The Case of L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692)”, Diss. Royal Holloway, University of London, London 2010) and engaged into a discussion on this opera with me. I have also benefited from comments by audience members and fellow speakers when I had the chance to present aspects of the research that led to this book at conferences in San Diego, London and Exeter. Benjamin Wolf helped me with the difficult Italian of some of the libretto texts; Valeria Valotto checked several of the English translations of Italian paratextual material; and Alessio Fontana offered sophisticated explanations of some of the Italian names of operatic characters. Sam Thompson took the time to read through a final draft of the entire work and eliminated a number of infelicities in the English. I am grateful to the editors of the series ‘Transformationen der Antike’ and the staff at De Gruyter, especially Katrin Hofmann, for their efforts in giving this book such a suitable home. Special thanks are due to my father, Bernd Manuwald, who was kind enough to typeset the entire volume for me. Needless to say that the remaining shortcomings are the author’s own fault, but they should not prevent readers from discovering new aspects of an exciting section of musical and dramatic history as well as of the direct or indirect influence of the Roman literary genre of fabula praetexta in a perhaps unexpected area. London, January 2013

Gesine Manuwald

Contents Preface and acknowledgements ........................................................................... V 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Aims and outline ..................................................................................... 1 1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance ........ 12 1.3 Background: features of 17th- and 18th-century opera ........................ 21 1.4 Ubiquity: the artistic reception of the Nero story ................................. 30 2 Nero in opera ................................................................................................. 37 2.1 Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43) ................................ 37 2.2 Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (1663) ................................................................................. 46 2.3 Aureli, Claudio Cesare (1671/72) ........................................................ 51 2.4 Corradi, Il Nerone / Nero (1678/79 / 1693) .......................................... 58 2.5 Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (1685) ..................................... 71 2.6 Contri, Agrippina in Baia (1687) .......................................................... 77 2.7 Neri, L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692) .................... 85 2.8 Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare (1692/93) .................................................. 95 2.9 Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia (1699) ...................................................... 123 2.10 Silvani, La fortezza al cimento (1699) ................................................ 133 2.11 Feustking, Nero (1705) ....................................................................... 150 2.12 Feind, Octavia (1705) ......................................................................... 159 2.13 Grimani, Agrippina (1709) ................................................................. 170 2.14 Piovene, Nerone / Nero (1721 / 1723) ................................................ 180 2.15 ‘Cimbaloni’, Nerone detronato (1725/26) .......................................... 193 2.16 Salfi, La congiura pisoniana (1797) ................................................... 200 2.17 Barbier, Néron (1879) ......................................................................... 208 2.18 Catelli, Nerone (1888) ........................................................................ 216 2.19 Boito, Nerone (1901 / 1924) ............................................................... 225 2.20 Manén, Acté (1903 / 1908); Neró i Acté / Nero und Acté (1928) ....... 233

VIII

Contents

2.21 Cain, Quo vadis? (1908/09) ................................................................ 240 2.22 Targioni-Tozzetti, Nerone (1935) ....................................................... 246 3 Nero in pieces of other performative genres ............................................... 3.1 Lohenstein, Agrippina (1665) – spoken drama ................................... 3.2 Lohenstein, Epicharis (1665) – spoken drama ................................... 3.3 Biancolelli, Il Nerone (1666) – spoken drama .................................... 3.4 Boccaccio, Il Nerone (1675) – spoken drama ..................................... 3.5 Leva, Il Nerone (c. 1675–80) – spoken drama .................................... 3.6 Lazarino, Gli sponsali per l’impero (1682) – spoken drama .............. 3.7 Alfieri, Ottavia (1783) – spoken drama .............................................. 3.8 Legouvé, Épicharis et Neron (1794) – spoken drama ........................ 3.9 Panzieri, La morte di Nerone (1815/16) – ballet ................................ 3.10 Cossa, Nerone (1871) – spoken drama ............................................... 3.11 Pallerini, Nerone (1877) – ballet .........................................................

255 255 261 268 277 287 298 309 315 323 329 339

4 Conclusions ................................................................................................. 347 Appendices ........................................................................................................ 359 App. 1: frequency and distribution of key motifs and main characters ....... 359 App. 2: overview of all dramatic characters and their background ............. 366 Bibliography ..................................................................................................... 395

1 Introduction 1.1 Aims and outline The ancient drama entitled Octavia and transmitted in the corpus of Senecan tragedies (though almost certainly not written by Seneca himself) is the only completely preserved example of a Roman fabula praetexta, a Latin drama about incidents from Roman history: it dramatizes events at the imperial court in 62 CE, when the emperor Nero (reigned: 54–68 CE) dismissed his legitimate wife Octavia (daughter of Nero’s predecessor Claudius and Nero’s sister by adoption) and married his beloved Poppaea, even against the advice of his mentor, the philosopher Seneca. Mainly because of its spuriousness and alleged dramatic inferiority, Octavia has suffered from greater neglect in modern scholarship than Seneca’s eight clearly authentic tragedies.1 While interest in the play has revived in recent decades (see ch. 1.2), its reception continues to be largely disregarded despite its inherent significance. For, as some scholars have recognized, Octavia constitutes the typological model for all later dramas on historical subjects: The Octavia, however, was not less popular and influential than its companions, and has even a claim to especial attention inasmuch as it may be considered the remote ancestress of the Modern Historic Play in general and of the Modern Roman Play in particular. (MacCallum [1910] 1967, 11) Whereas recent cinematic representations of life and death under the Roman empire have attracted considerable attention, the history of the dramatisation of Roman history from antiquity to the end of the 19th century is both more significant and, in recent times, more neglected. The original model for a Roman history play was a single script, surviving among the A manuscripts of Seneca’s tragedies. It is called Octavia and it contains most of the elements that became standard ingredients of the later tradition: a corrupt imperial court; a love affair; an innocent young woman victimised; a brutal, murderous emperor; turbulent crowds of citizens; troops ready to take up arms at a moment’s notice; the switching of scenes between the public spaces of the city and the palace interior; a paradoxical vision of urban civilisation cloaking vice and barbarity; the emotional atmosphere of tragedy; the theme of personal and political liberty endangered. (Wilson 2003, 1–2)

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Besides, the corpus of Senecan drama includes the tragedy Hercules Oetaeus, whose genuineness has also been doubted by many scholars.

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1 Introduction

Recently, first steps in the study of the reception of Octavia have been made: scholars have started to draw up lists of spoken and sung dramas likely to be influenced by Octavia2 and to identify lines in English drama that go back to specific verses in the Latin play.3 That the Latin Octavia may have been important for operatic history was first explicitly suggested in 1969, when K. von Fischer argued that this drama was likely to have been a model for the first opera on the subject, L’incoronazione di Poppea of 1642/43 (to a libretto by Giovanni Francesco Busenello and with music attributed to Claudio Monteverdi).4 After initial scepticism, this view now seems to have entered mainstream musicological scholarship, as exemplified by the description in the Cambridge Companion to Monteverdi (2007): While he does at least cite Tacitus, Busenello fails to mention a number of his other sources, namely Suetonius (The Lives of the Caesars, 6, 8) and Dio Cassius (Roman Histories, 61–2), which he drew upon for this characterisation of Seneca, and the anonymous tragedy Ottavia (then ascribed to Seneca himself), which not only offers the prototype for the relationship of two nurses to their mistresses (as in Busenello’s Arnalta and Nutrice to Poppea and Ottavia respectively), but provides a template for the stichomythic debate between Nerone and Seneca in Busenello’s Act I, scene 9, as well as for Ottavia’s final lament, ‘Addio Roma’. (Rosand 2007b, 236)

Independently, the impact of L’incoronazione di Poppea and the influence of its presentation of the story on later operas have been recognized: Seit Monteverdis ‚Incoronazione di Poppea‘ (Venedig 1642) gehörten die Figuren des Nero, der Poppea, der Agrippina, der Octavia, des Kaisers Claudius zu den beliebtesten Opern- und Dramenhelden der Barockzeit. (Wolff 1943b, 8–9) Dieses Thema [sc. Nero] spielte bei der Entwicklung der Oper im 17. Jahrhundert eine wichtige Rolle: 1642 gelangte in Venedig Claudio Monteverdis “L’incoronazione di Poppea” zur Aufführung, erstmalig kam statt antiker Mythologie ein historischer Vorgang auf die Musikbühne; … (Stompor 1978, 43) …, the characters and story were familiar to seventeenth- and eighteenth-century opera, the best-known earlier representation being Monteverdi’s L’incoronazione di Poppea; … (Harris 1989, xlii)

Yet, consequences have not been drawn from these observations, which raise the question of the respective roles of an influential operatic precedent and of ancient sources (i.e. Octavia and historiographical accounts) for later operas, especially since looking back to antiquity was a characteristic feature of dramma per musica in the late 17th and early 18th centuries.5 While recent monographs on

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5

See Wilson 2003, 2; Manuwald 2005 [2007], 152–153; Boyle 2008, lxxv–lxxix, lxxxvi. See Boyle’s commentary (2008) passim. Even earlier Gianini (1906, 136) and Bustico (1909, 6–7) suggested more generally that the Latin Octavia was a model for dramas on Nero, both spoken and musical ones, and that the status of classical studies was important for the development of the Nero theme. See also Strohm 1997, 2; Ketterer 2009, 1–2.

1.1 Aims and outline

3

the reception in opera of themes from both Greek and Roman antiquity exist (Ewans 2007; Ketterer 2009),6 there is not yet a specific study of the development of a narrative from ancient history (or a story based on ancient sources) throughout the history of opera. This is especially surprising with respect to the story under discussion since “[o]f all the characters of Roman history, Nero is second only to Caesar in the attention he has attracted from modern dramatists and musicians”.7 Nero’s multi-faceted career and the extraordinary deeds he committed seem to have exerted particular fascination. Hence further investigation is called for: as a contribution to more insights into the impact of the Latin Octavia (within the framework of the reception of the figure of Nero) and thus, paradigmatically, into the transformation of classical material in opera, this study assembles all musical pieces involving Nero and / or Octavia (as well as Poppaea, Agrippina, Seneca and / or Claudius) among the main characters that could be identified and looks at these operatic plots against the background of the treatment of their story in ancient texts as well as in terms of the influence of operatic themes and set-ups that were initiated by L’incoronazione di Poppea.8 This analysis will show how subject matter from antiquity has been continuously taken up and transformed over the centuries. Concentrating on the genre of historical opera, in which the Nero topic flourished particularly within specific periods, yields a well-defined sample marked by shared characteristics (supplemented by a few significant cases in other performative genres); thereby the transformation of ancient material can be studied from the start of a (modern) genre, since L’incoronazione di Poppea is regarded as the first historical opera.

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For observations on ‘ancient Rome in early opera’ see Ketterer 2009, 1–21. See Walter (1955) 1957, 268; also Porte 1987, 425–426. That the operatic history of the events connected with Nero is only roughly known is indicated by the fact that musical dictionaries typically do not contain an entry for ‘Seneca’ (see also Schubert 2004, 371 and n. 9) and that the author of a well-informed study on Seneca in opera states that he is not aware of any other opera featuring Seneca as a character besides L’incoronazione di Poppea (Schubert 2004, 397). Yet the significance of this story on the operatic stage has been recognized by Ketterer (1999, 1: “The immorality and misadventures of the Emperor Nero and his court were subjects visited several times in the first six decades of Venetian opera.”). – The development of the dramatic treatment of the story of Nero in spoken drama too is still under-researched (see Mundt 2005, 615, on Lohenstein: “Mit der folgenden Zusammenstellung soll dem Leser ein Überblick über die dramatische Bearbeitung des Nero-Stoffes vor Lohenstein vermittelt werden (…). Als Bezugsgestalt wurde Nero gewählt, da die beiden hier zu behandelnden Stoffkreise (Ermordung Agrippinas; Rolle der Epicharis innerhalb der Pisonischen Verschwörung) mit seiner Person in untrennbarem Zusammenhang stehen und die zu unserer Thematik bislang vorliegende stoffgeschichtliche Literatur ebenfalls auf die Gestalt Neros zentriert ist (spezielle Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Agrippina- oder EpicharisStoffes gibt es meines Wissens nicht). In meiner Darstellung sind alle Nero-Dramen vor Lohenstein erfaßt, die mir bekannt geworden sind (nach den Erscheinungsdaten zeitlich von 1603 bis 1660 reichend). In Anbetracht der unzulänglichen Forschungslage sind Zweifel daran, ob die Liste der hier besprochenen Stücke vollständig ist, durchaus erlaubt.”).

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1 Introduction

From the beginning, operas on Nero and on those around him included events not narrated in Octavia, and they combined incidents from different phases of Nero’s reign into one play (such as Seneca’s death in 65 CE added to Nero’s dismissal of Octavia and coronation of Poppaea in 62 CE in L’incoronazione di Poppea), though the historical incidents chosen vary. Hence it has to be checked in each case whether Octavia and / or ancient historiographical accounts might have been used as sources. Besides, there are operas that deal with Nero, but have little or no resemblance to Octavia with respect to the main plot, since they focus on other sections of Nero’s reign. These operas have been included because they too show structural analogies with Octavia as well as with earlier operas based on Octavia’s content and thus contribute to illustrating different types of relationships to the ancient sources.9 The fact that there was an ancient dramatic precedent for a piece involving figures such as Nero, Octavia, Poppaea, Seneca or Agrippina might explain the choice of subject for what is seen as the first opera on a historical event, L’incoronazione di Poppea in 1642/43.10 Operas focusing on Nero and his relationship to several

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10

Obviously, distinctions between the different status of individual texts have to be made: see Strohm 1985, 34 (with reference to Händel): “In the first place, chronologically and with regard to the literary texts, we must distinguish between predecessors and sources, i.e. between texts which Handel did not use and may never have known and those which he actually used. (Further distinctions must then of course be made with regard to what he knew about any projected text, whether it was only the fact of its having been set and performed or whether he was also aware of the occasion and the circumstances – whether he was acquainted only with the libretto or also with the music etc.)”. – Further, Ewans stresses the difference between the use of particular source texts and general knowledge about antiquity with reference to myths (2007, 5: “The first extant operatic adaptation of a Greek source text (as opposed to operas based on a Greek myth), Il ritorno d’Ulisse in patria, at once raises one of the principal issues.”, 29: “In Il ritorno d’Ulisse in patria, Monteverdi laid down the parameters for all further serious operatic adaptations from Greek tragedy and epic. This is the first surviving opera to be based not just on a Greek myth but on a Greek text; …”); similar considerations apply to plots based on ancient history. Smith (1971, 11) tentatively suggests that Sant’Alessio, to a libretto by Giulio Rospigliosi (later Pope Clement IX, 1600–1669) and set to music by Stefano Landi (1587–1639), which was first performed at the Palazzo Barberini in Rome on 18 February 1632, may be regarded as a historical opera before L’incoronazione di Poppea. Since the opera deals with the life of the fifth-century Saint Alexius, it may rather be classified as a hagiographical or Christian opera. – There is an earlier piece that includes the character of Nero: La gara musicale comedia. Di Monsignor Urbano Giorgi rappresentata in musica nella gran sala dell’imperial palaggio di Vienna il 9. Luglio M.DC.XXXIIII. Per le solenni feste solite a celebrarsi ogn’anno per il giorno della nascita dell’Augustissimo Ferdinando Secondo, per commandamento della sac: ces: maesta dell’Imperatrice (libretto presumably by Lodovico Bartolaia [or Bertolaia], with the following cast: La Poesia Prologo – Nerone Cesare Imperatore – Cantor Tebano con sua Comitiva – Cantor Persiano con sua Comitiva – Cantor Partenopeo con sua Comitiva – Cantor Arcade – Cantor Incognito – Cantor Etiopo – Cantor Ibero – Cantor di Calechutte – Cantatrice Assiria con sua Comitiva – Vespilla Sonatrice d’Arpa – Cantatrice Fenicia con sua Comitiva –

1.1 Aims and outline

5

women along the lines of the Latin Octavia then continue into the early decades of the 18th century (in Italy and Germany).11 Later operas (mainly in Italy, Germany and France), up to the early 20th century (besides a few earlier ones), also feature Nero as a character, but tend not to use his relationship with Poppaea and his repudiation of his wife as presented in the Latin Octavia as the main basis for the action: the plots of these works often centre around Nero’s accession to the throne, his treatment of the early Christians or his suicide, or they use his character as a backdrop to experiences of other individuals.12 There is also an opera named after the emperor Claudius, in which Claudius is the main character and Nero is less prominent (Aureli); since Nero does appear and the opera uses some of the plot structures found in the Nero-Octavia story, it has been added to show the development of characteristic motifs and to demonstrate how they can be applied and transferred.13 Nero in the context of the main historical characters appears in set-ups that bear some resemblance to the plot structure and / or themes in the Latin Octavia (to a greater or lesser extent) in the following pieces (listed with their librettists / composers; dates in brackets after the title refer to the first performance and / or print of the respective versions):14

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12

13

14

Cantatrice Germanica – Rubina Fanciulla Romana – Carasio Maggior Duomo di Cesare – Perseno familiare di Cesare – Lattantio Servitor del Cantor Arcade – Choro de’ Cittadini Romani). While this play builds on Nero’s well-known interests in music and song and the artistic competitions held at his court, it is not based on specific historical events, but rather presents various aspects of a singing contest, in praise of the culture at the contemporary court. Therefore, despite the inclusion of a historical character, it cannot actually be regarded as a historical opera and therefore does not form part of the series of works studied here. Gianini (1906, 136) already notes that the first period in which dramas on Nero proliferated was the second half of the 17th century, when most of them were written for musical accompaniment. Bustico (1909, 7) identifies two main phases for spoken dramas on Nero: the second half of the 15th century and the end of the 19th century. Fluch (1924, 10, 11–13) identifies the period from the middle of the 17th century to the middle of the 18th century as a flourishing period for Nero operas in Italy and Germany and sees a large amount of works on Nero again in the 19th and early 20th centuries. – In view of the number of successors of L’incoronazione di Poppea, the statement “The story itself [i.e. of L’incoronazione di Poppea] remains highly unusual even after three centuries.” (Smith 1971, 32) is surprising. Sartori’s catalogue (1991b, 221; 1992, 440) lists a work entitled ‘Il Nerone. Tragicommedia’, including the piece ‘Il vecchio ringiovanito. Intermezzi per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di Tordinona nel carnevale dell’anno 1781’ (Roma 1781; music by Marcello Bernardini, known also as Marcello da Capua [1730/40–after 1799]). The intermezzi are extant, but do not include any reference to Nero (characters: Mirina – D. Crepazio – Auretta – Ceccone). Claudius is an absent presence in some of the other Nero operas discussed, since his death is mentioned or people attend to his ashes. He appears as a character in Agrippina by Vincenzo Grimani and Georg Friedrich Händel, alongside Nero (ch. 2.13). In another opera named after Claudius, Die verdammte Staat-Sucht, oder Der verführte Claudius (1703) by Hinrich Hinsch (c. 1650/60–1712) and Reinhard Keiser (1674–1739), Nero is not included as a character. For other lists of works on Nero see ch. 1.4 and notes. – Some early 20th-century overviews of works on the Nero theme (e.g. Mühlbach 1910, 7–14; Towers 1910, 451, 466, 510; Fluch 1924,

6

1 Introduction (1) (2) (3) (4a) (4b) (5) (6) (7) (8a) (8b) (8c) (8d) (9) (10a) (10b) (10c) (10d) (10e) (10f) (11)

Giovanni Francesco Busenello (1598–1659) / Claudio Monteverdi (1567– 1643) [and possibly other composers]: L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43) Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (1663) Aurelio Aureli (fl. 1652–1708) / Giovanni Antonio Boretti (c. 1638–1672): Claudio Cesare (1671/72) Giulio Cesare Corradi (d. 1701/02) / Carlo Pallavicino (c. 1640–1688): Il Nerone (1678/79) Giulio Cesare Corradi (d. 1701/02) / Carlo Pallavicino (c. 1640–1688); adapted by Paul Thymich (1656–1694) / Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700): Nero (1693) Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (1685) Giuseppe Contri (dates not known) / Giovanni Battista Bassani (c. 1650–1716): Agrippina in Baia (1687) Giambattista Neri (c. 1655–1726) / Antonio Giannettini (1648–1721): L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692) Matteo Noris (d. 1714) / Giacomo Antonio Perti (1661–1756): Nerone fatto Cesare (1692/93) Matteo Noris (d. 1714) / Alessandro Scarlatti (1660–1725): Nerone fatto Cesare (1695) Matteo Noris (d. 1714), adapted by Antonio Piantanida (impresario of the ‘Ducale’ until 1700) / Paolo Magni (c. 1650–1737): L’Agrippina (1703) Matteo Noris (d. 1714) / Antonio Vivaldi (1678–1741) [and others]: Nerone fatto Cesare (1715) Matteo Noris (d. 1714) / Carlo Francesco Pollarolo (c. 1653–1723): Il ripudio d’Ottavia (1699) Francesco Silvani (1660–1728/44) / Giuseppe Antonio Vincenzo Aldrovandini (1671–1707): La fortezza al cimento (1699) Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Tomaso Giovanni Albinoni (1671– 1751): La fortezza al cimento (1707) Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Francesco Mancini (1672–1737): La fortezza al cimento (1721) Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Antonio Vivaldi (1678–1741) and Giovanni Antonio Guerra (dates not known): La tirannia gastigata (1726) Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Giuseppe Bencini (fl. 1723–1727): Il Nerone (1727) Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Egidio Duni (1708–1775): Nerone (1735) Friedrich Christian Feustking (1678–1739) / Georg Friedrich Händel (1685– 1759): Die durch Blut und Mord Erlangete Liebe / Oder: Nero (1705)

_____________ 10–11) list a few more Italian and German dramas and operas from the 17th to 19th centuries besides many, but not all of the operas given here. It has proved impossible to track down these further pieces: they might be re-performances of existing librettos under different titles; besides, errors in these lists cannot be excluded as they contain mistakes or ambiguities in connection with other items. Pucci (2011, 62) talks of at least 28 operas on Nero from the 18th and 19th centuries; but it is unclear how different versions and settings are counted.

1.1 Aims and outline

7

(12)

Barthold Feind (1678–1721) / Reinhard Keiser (1674–1739): Die Roemische Unruhe. Oder: Die Edelmuehtige Octavia (1705) (13) Vincenzo Grimani (1652/55–1710) / Georg Friedrich Händel (1685–1759): Agrippina (1709) (14a) Agostino Piovene (1671–1733) / Giuseppe Maria Orlandini (1676–1760): Nerone (1721) (14b) Agostino Piovene (1671–1733) / Giuseppe Vignati (d. 1768): Nerone (1724/25) (14c) Agostino Piovene (1671–1733) / Giuseppe Maria Orlandini (1676–1760); text and music adapted by Johann Mattheson (1681–1764): Nero (1723) (15) ‘Dottore Graziano Cimbaloni da Bologna’ / not identifiable: Nerone detronato dal trionfo di Sergio Galba (1725/26) (16) Francesco Saverio Salfi (1759–1832) / Angelo Tarchi (c. 1760–1814): La congiura pisoniana (1797) (17) Jules Barbier (1825–1901) / Anton Grigor’yevich Rubinstein (1829–1894): Néron (1879) (18) Attilio Catelli (1845–1877) / Riccardo Rasori (1852–1929): Nerone (1888) (19) Arrigo Boito (1842–1918): Nerone (1901 / 1924) (20) Joan Manén (1883–1971): Acté (1903 / 1908); Neró i Acté / Nero und Acte (1928) (21) Henri Cain (1859–1937) / Jean(-Charles) Nouguès (1875–1932): Quo vadis? (1908/09) (22) Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti (1863–1934) / Pietro Mascagni (1863–1945): Nerone (1935)

These operas have been supplemented by a few Italian, German and French works for the stage, mainly from the early period, which show close interaction with processes in opera; some of them, for instance, have directly influenced particular operas. They consist of two pieces defined as ‘opera scenica’ (Biancolelli; Lazarino), one described as ‘opera tragica’ (Boccaccio), one called ‘drama tragico’ (Leva), one termed ‘tragedia’ (Alfieri), one identified as ‘tragédie’ (Legouvé), two called ‘Trauerspiel’ (Lohenstein) and another one described as ‘commedia’ (Cossa), i.e. plays intended for dramatic performance without musical accompaniment. Besides, there are two ballets (Panzieri; Pallerini), which can be regarded as a variant of opera in the sense of dramatic action accompanied by music. Those dramatic compositions have been placed in a separate chapter to mark the difference in genre. At the same time, taking those pieces into account makes it possible to view the development of the plot structure in opera within the context of potential mutual influences with respect to closely related genres and to analyse the introduction or spread of particular motifs more comprehensively. The stage works discussed are the following ones: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683): Agrippina (1665) – spoken drama Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683): Epicharis (1665) – spoken drama Nicolò Biancolelli (fl. 1650): Il Nerone (1666) – spoken drama Camillo Boccaccio (d. 1701): Il Nerone (1675) – spoken drama Fernando Leva (fl. c. 1680): Il Nerone o sian Le smanie amorose di barbaro dominante (c. 1675–80) – spoken drama

8

1 Introduction (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11)

Sebastiano Lazarino (fl. c. 1680): Gli sponsali per l’impero, overo Il Nerone imperante (1682) – spoken drama Vittorio Alfieri (1749–1803): Ottavia (1783) – spoken drama Gabriel-Marie Jean-Baptiste Legouvé (1764–1812): Épicharis et Neron, ou Conspiration pour la Liberté (1794) – spoken drama Lorenzo Panzieri (175?–182?) / Giovanni Ayblingher (1779–1867): La morte di Nerone (1815/16) – ballet Pietro Cossa (1830–1881): Nerone (1871) – spoken drama Antonio Pallerini (1819–1892) / Costantino dall’Argine (1842–1877): Nerone (1877) – ballet

Even though the pseudo-Senecan Octavia, having introduced the Nero theme to the stage, can be regarded as the ancestor of all musical and dramatic plays on the subject, none of the librettists or dramatists seems to mention this play as a source. Therefore, because of the intricate history of Octavia’s reception, its blending with historiographical accounts, the possibility of both direct and indirect transmission of the historical basis due to intermediaries that may have given the story a specific interpretation, the impact of preceding dramatic treatments as well as numerous intertextual connections between all those works in a variety of directions, describing the influence of the Latin Octavia is not a straightforward task.15 Hence one must consider questions such as whether and how the operas relate to each other, how the topic has been adapted to the respective periods and places and what these differences and similarities might reveal about key characteristics of the Roman play (and the story as such) and their appeal to later periods.16 Since the distribution of librettos and the careers of some of the librettists are insufficiently known,17 it is difficult at times to determine precisely the chains of influence. Still, an overview of common motifs and their frequency, juxtaposed with features specific to a limited number of pieces, will suggest some conclusions on structural parallels and the development of characteristic features.

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16

17

See also Boyle 2008, lxxxvi: “L’incoronazione di Poppea was the first opera devoted to a historical subject of any kind. That the topic was Nero, his divorce and remarriage in 62 CE, and that this topic was to form the subject of several European operas signal the contemporary cultural importance both of Tacitus and of Octavia itself – despite the librettists’ apparent silence on the latter. … Although the relationship of the post-Busenello operas to Octavia or L’incoronazione still awaits full examination, it would not be an exaggeration to claim most, if not all, of the above [i.e. list of opera titles] as in some sense the intellectual progeny of the sole surviving fabula praetexta, the lyric qualities of which seem to have been destined to give rise to something like L’incoronazione. The recent description of Octavia as ‘Grand Opera’ may be considered profoundly proleptic.” Research into the adaptation of the Nero story in other literary genres is confronted with similar problems, for instance as regards the influence of French works on the German poet Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683; see ch. 3.1; 3.2). See similar issues faced by Porte (1987, 582) in compiling a list of poetic works on themes from ancient Rome since 1800.

1.1 Aims and outline

9

The main body of this study consists in the discussion (in chronological sequence) of the identified operatic pieces featuring Nero (ch. 2). That chapter is preceded by an introduction that provides information about the literary and historical background and context: the present section on the scope and aims of the study (ch. 1.1) will be followed by a brief presentation of the ancient sources, particularly the drama Octavia, and their reception in the Renaissance, i.e. in a period decisive for the rediscovery of ancient sources and their use in new works (ch. 1.2). Since the Nero theme entered the operatic stage in Italy and then in Germany in the 17th century and the operas most closely related to Octavia were performed there in the 17th and 18th centuries, a short presentation of features of 17th- and 18th-century opera in Italy and Germany will then be given (ch. 1.3). To put the development in musical theatre into context, a few comments on the artistic reception of the Nero theme in other literary and performative genres besides opera will be offered (ch. 1.4). This establishes the framework for the detailed presentation of individual operas (ch. 2). As a complement works of other performative genres in which Nero plays a major role are looked at in the following chapter (ch. 3). On the basis of the study of the relevant operas (and works of other genres) it will be possible to draw conclusions, to sketch the development of the Nero-Octavia subject in opera over time (in relation to other performative genres) and to assess the respective role of the Latin Octavia and historiographical accounts in this process (ch. 4). Overviews of the distribution of key motifs in the works analysed and of the characters appearing in those works (which doubles as an index) are given as appendices (app. 1 + 2). The analysis of musical works presents all pieces starring Nero in chronological sequence, in order to illustrate developments, even though the similarity to the Latin Octavia varies (ch. 2). The section on each opera (ch. 2.1 etc.) opens with factual details on the opera’s performance(s), a brief overview of the librettist’s life and education and information on the composer(s) wherever relevant facts could be established (‘Background’).18 This is followed by information on the bibliographical details of the identified libretto prints (including reprints and revised versions; see below), references to modern printed editions or electronic versions, to discography where available and to scholarship on the work, the librettist and / or the composer. In many cases a number of different libretto prints could be recognized, but it proved impossible to physically get hold of all of them; those editions and prints that have been identified, but have not been examined are marked by a preceding asterisk (‘Bibliographical informa-

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Sketches of theatrical and operatic life in individual cities, of operatic conventions as well as of biographies and characteristics of librettists and composers are heavily indebted to Oxford Music Online, which gives access to The Oxford Dictionary of Music, Grove Music Online and The Oxford Companion to Music (). The respective entries and their authors will be acknowledged at the appropriate places (for brevity’s sake author’s names are followed by ‘at OMO’, and full references are listed in the bibliography).

10

1 Introduction

tion’). The next subsection provides the list(s) of characters for the various libretto prints and gives a summary of the plot for easy reference (sometimes of different versions), in view of the fact that some of the plots are rather complex and the presentation of subtle differences in the shaping of the basic story is important for an assessment of each piece and its intertextual position (‘Synopsis’). This leads up to an analysis of an opera’s main themes, its dramaturgy and its specific characteristics in relation to what is attested in ancient sources (with full references given for each opera), to previous operatic (and dramatic) treatments and contemporary conventions (‘Analysis’). The same structure (mutatis mutandis) is used for pieces of other performative genres (ch. 3.1 etc.). Since the present work is conceived mainly as a literary study on reception, emphasis is placed on librettos and librettists rather than on the music, composers, musicians, performers or stage and costume designers. 19 As has recently been reiterated, the “complexity of opera” and the “genre’s multi-media nature require[s] an interdisciplinary approach”.20 Music is obviously important to opera, but it is only “one element in a complex synthesis of means of artistic expression”, with others also deserving attention;21 and librettos, as pieces of literature, have an existence in their own right.22 The concentration on the libretto texts finds further justification in the genre’s original name ‘dramma per musica’, which classifies opera as a form of drama. There is evidence that in the early modern period librettos were read at home, like other dramatic literature, and that they were published in collected editions, in addition to being printed in connection with performances.23 This treatment of librettos shows that they were seen as independent literary works, interacting closely with developments in spoken drama. This sets the precedent for looking at librettos mainly within a dramatic context and with respect to their intertextual relations.24 At the same time, the fact that librettos could exist independently, at least in the 17th and 18th centuries, makes the situation more complex: because for opera productions there was demand for novel versions, and it was most efficient simply to provide new scores when needed, popular librettos circulated and were set to music by different composers or groups of composers on different occa-

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20

21 22 23 24

On the libretto as a literary genre and a literary text see Smith 1971; Fuld 1994; Gier 1998; Plachta 1998; on the Venetian libretto see Mehltretter 1994; on 17th-century Italian librettos see Fabbri 2003. Piperno 2007, 138–139. – On the history of scholarship on opera and its broadening focus towards becoming a truly interdisciplinary field see also Montemorra Marvin 2006; Johnson 2007. Montemorra Marvin 2006, 1. See Plachta 1998; on ‘opera as drama’ see already Kerman (1956) 1988. See e.g. Strohm 1997, 1. See similarly Ketterer 2009, 20. – On the independent literary value of libretto texts see Plachta 1998.

1.1 Aims and outline

11

sions and for different venues. Each version was adapted to the conditions and fashions at the particular times and places of performance, which may involve the omission or substitution of scenes (or transposing the music according to the abilities of the singers and musicians available); such changes are sometimes obvious from the lists of characters or from information on title-pages or in prefaces to the respective prints.25 The comparison of the different textual versions of a single opera is an interesting topic in itself, but goes beyond the scope of the present work. Since the basic story seems to have remained virtually the same, typically only one version (usually the earliest one) will be analysed. Focusing on the characteristic elements of each opera plot should be sufficient for the purposes of examining the shaping of the Nero story.26 For the convenience of readers, in cases of less faithful translations of librettos into other languages or more significant variations in later adaptations, summaries of the plots of several versions will be given for the synopsis, with the main differences indicated. An attempt is made to document the popularity and spread of individual pieces; hence full bibliographical details of the identified versions (including brief notes where appropriate) are given in the ‘Bibliographical information’ subsections. They are arranged according to composers as far as these can be ascertained, since the attribution to composers is sometimes missing or uncertain, nor is it always clear to what extent a piece is a remake rather than a reprint.27 Since this study sketches the development of a specific story and its protagonists from antiquity into modern opera, it cannot discuss the broader question of how librettists and composers deal with ancient material and adapt it to their times more generally.28 Yet, demonstrating the transformations of a single item over the course of time and the practices at work in a specific instance provides an illustration of more widespread processes.

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26 27

28

On the multiple creations on the basis of the same libretto and on different concepts of ‘originality’ see Gronda in Gronda / Fabbri 2000, XVII–XVIII; also Piperno 1998, 51; 2007, 149. For a similarly pragmatic decision to privilege the earliest printed versions see Ketterer 2009, 19–20. Quotations from the prints of librettos and dramatic texts in their original languages are given with the orthography and punctuation of the sources consulted without modernization. Translations into modern English have been added, which should help to identify any deviations from contemporary usage. On this issue see Ewans 2007, with reference to operas based on Greek myth; Ketterer 2009, with reference to operas based on Roman themes.

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1 Introduction

1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance The emergence of operas on topics taken from ancient history is connected with a general renewed knowledge of classical texts and the scholarly engagement with them since the Renaissance. Due to the intellectual and educational circumstances in this period, subject matter from the classical world was so familiar to a considerable section of the educated public that it could be exploited for a form of contemporary entertainment, and it was in this context that a tradition of Nero operas was inaugurated. Even though over the course of time further ‘sources’, for instance earlier operas on the same story or versions of it in other genres (e.g. the novel Quo vadis?; ch. 1.4; 2.21), became influential, and the background knowledge of the public changed, the main concepts continued to take their starting point from the ancient basis, albeit to a varying extent. In the ancient world the story of Nero’s life and death, or selected aspects thereof, was narrated both in the pseudo-Senecan drama Octavia and in historiographical accounts, taken as the basis for later remakes of ‘history’.29 In addition to offering particularly rich material, the description of Nero’s career thereby stands out among the stories about historical figures from antiquity that were taken up by later writers: in this case there exists a dramatic model for at least part of the story, since the pseudo-Senecan Octavia offers a paradigmatic structure and shows that events from Roman history can be presented in a dramatically effective manner. The impact of this classical drama can be felt from the first opera on the topic onwards (L’inconorazione di Poppea). Equally from the start, more events from the period of Nero’s reign than are mentioned in Octavia were incorporated into Nero operas. Information on those could be found in the works of ancient historiographers, mainly in the early second-century CE writings of the Roman authors Tacitus and Suetonius and also in the later history of the Greek historian Cassius Dio: their accounts provide further details on the sequence dramatized in Octavia as well as on other events throughout Nero’s entire career. That all these sources in combination could be relevant for later dramatic versions of the Nero story can be seen from the subtitle of Matthew Gwinne’s (1558?– 1627) Nero (1603), one of the first historical dramas in England, which says about its sources “collecta è Tacito, Suetonio, Dione, Seneca” (‘assembled from Tacitus, Suetonius, Dio and Seneca’). By their recurrence to ancient sources, depictions of Nero since the early modern period differ from medieval representations of Nero, where he appears in

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For modern biographies of Nero (based on the examination of all available evidence) see e.g. Grant 1970; Griffin 1984; Shotter 1997; Malitz 2005; Krüger 2012. – In current classical scholarship the reports transmitted from antiquity are approached with the necessary caution; it is acknowledged that they are not neutral ‘sources’, but have been shaped by the attitude and aims of their writers (on the sources on the Neronian period and their respective bias see e.g. Grant 1970, 254–257; Griffin 1984, 235–237; Shotter 1997, 106–110).

1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance

13

a variety of narratives and chronicles. Those works tend to give Nero a novel pseudo-historical function, for instance as the opponent of the Christians, or to tell a number of anecdotes, such as Nero opening his mother’s body to see how he was born or his desire to get pregnant, which eventually produces a frog, based on material found in the Legenda aurea by Jacobus de Voragine (c. 1263/67).30 Generically, Octavia is the only completely preserved classical play that deals with events from Roman history, thus the only example of the Roman literary genre of fabula praetexta.31 Octavia is now believed to be spurious (written by an unknown author) and is dated to the time after Nero’s death, to the reign of Galba or Otho, the early or the late Flavian period or the time of Trajan (i.e. between 68 and 117 CE).32 Octavia dramatizes events that can be dated to 62 CE: in this year Nero (37– 68 CE) repudiated his legitimate wife Octavia (39/40–62 CE), daughter of the emperor Claudius, who was later exiled and then killed, and married his long-time beloved Poppaea (30/32–65 CE), after having removed the opponents of this connection, killing his mother Agrippina (15–59 CE) in 59 CE and sidelining the influential advisers Afranius Burrus (d. 62 CE) and Seneca (c. 1 BCE – 65CE) in 62 CE. The plot of Octavia and its distribution over individual scenes can be summarized as follows (Fitch 2004, 501–503, with additions):33 Scene: Octavia and her Nurse lament her plight and the destruction of her family. The Nurse urges submissiveness toward Nero for safety’s sake, but Octavia cannot overcome her repugnance toward him. – Ode: The chorus of citizens recalls how the Roman People long ago deposed tyrants; as a parallel to those tyrants’ crimes, they recount how Agrippina was murdered on Nero’s orders. – Scene: Seneca regrets his recall from peaceful exile [i.e. in Corsica in 41–49 CE, from where Nero’s mother Agrippina recalled him as a mentor for her son], and charts the increase in human wickedness, which has now reached a zenith. On cue, Nero appears, ordering two executions. In the ensuing dialogue between Seneca and Nero the former argues that Nero would be more secure by showing mercy and thereby gaining popularity, but Nero insists that power must be maintained by terror and ruthlessness. Seneca warns that the People will not tolerate Nero’s plan to divorce Octavia and marry Poppaea; Nero spurns the advice and sets the morrow as the wedding day. – Scene: Agrippina’s ghost appears early on the wedding day to blight the marriage and prophesy Nero’s downfall. – Scene: Octavia leaves the palace, hoping but doubting that she can survive the divorce. – Ode: The chorus decides to protest violently against Poppaea’s

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On representations of Nero in the Middle Ages see Fluch 1924, 7–8; Konrad 1966; Kern / Ebenbauer / Krämer-Seifert 2003, 420–424. On this literary genre see e.g. Manuwald 2001; Kragelund 2002. For various, more recent views on the date see Kragelund 1982; 2005, 69–78; Ferri 2003, 5–30; Smith 2003; Bonnet 2006; Boyle 2008, xiii–xvi. See Fitch 2004 or Boyle 2008 for bilingual editions of Octavia, including the Latin text and a modern English translation.

14

1 Introduction preferment. – Scene: Next morning, Poppaea recounts an ill-omened dream she has just had; her Nurse attempts to interpret it favourably. – Ode: A secondary chorus of Poppaea’s supporters likens her beauty to that of mythical paragons. – Scene: A messenger reports that the People are overthrowing statues of Poppaea and planning to attack the palace. – Ode: The secondary chorus warns that the rioters cannot hope to overcome the power of the Love god. – Scene: An enraged Nero determines to punish the riot by burning the city and beggaring the masses [i.e. an allusion to the fire of Rome in 64 CE]. He upbraids the Prefect for merely quelling the uprising, and orders him to deport and execute Octavia as its supposed instigator. – Ode: The chorus laments that the People’s support can doom those it favours. – Scene: A lyric interchange between Octavia, who resigns herself to death, and the chorus, which recall the fates of other women of her family, and comments on Rome’s destruction of its own.

While various questions of detail, such as problems of the text, possible actdivisions, issues of staging, authorship or date of composition, are still being debated among classical scholars, it is obvious from the main plot (and this alone is important in the present context) that Octavia, focusing on an event from recent Roman history (from the perspective of the poets and the original recipients), is closely related to its historical and cultural context by virtue of its topicality. In featuring motives and consequences of a love affair at the imperial court, Octavia demonstrates that, in such a context, they have immediate political repercussions: Nero’s dismissal of Octavia deposes the rightful empress and the last representative of the Julio-Claudian line; at the same time Nero intends to have children with Poppaea and thereby to inaugurate a new dynasty. This is one of the reasons why the Roman populace, represented by the choruses, protests against these plans, since they threaten the traditional and established dynasty. Additionally, Seneca warns Nero that the position of an emperor demands a particularly responsible behaviour: rulers should take the needs of the People into account and not succumb to their own desires. Nero is unaffected by these admonishments and carries through his plans for his personal satisfaction, which leaves Octavia in distress and causes her exile and eventual death. What is characteristic of the dramatic structure and message of Octavia is the combination of the presentation of a tyrant who is preoccupied with satisfying his desires by a marriage with his beloved with a plot that illustrates the political repercussions of such behaviour for the populace. This becomes particularly obvious in the dialogue between Seneca and Nero and also in comments by the first chorus; this connection is visualized clearly when the People react to Nero’s repudiation of Octavia and his planned marriage with Poppaea in open rebellion and measures are taken against them. In the dialogue between Seneca and Nero, Seneca sketches a kind of constitutional monarchy as an alternative to Nero’s tyrannical rule, which would allow for both the involvement of the People according to Republican tradition and a central government aiming for the welfare of the community. That Seneca is not isolated with his views is demonstrated by the behaviour of the prefect: he has been ordered by Nero to punish the rebels, but he

1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance

15

insists in conversation with Nero that killing the leaders is sufficient. Nero, however, ignores and dismisses any arguments by Seneca or the prefect: he does not hesitate to have Roman citizens, including his own mother, killed; he is concerned with punishing the People, whom he regards as impious and guilty of crimes. Hence Nero announces that Rome will soon go up in flames. This allusion to the fire of Rome in 64 CE is included as a threat for the future, so that the temporal and historical coherence is maintained and all events actually taking place during the stage action refer to 62 CE, with preceding or future ones just mentioned. In accordance with its subject matter the main protagonists in Octavia are historical individuals. Besides, the play includes figures not historically attested, such as the nurses, who support Octavia and Poppaea respectively, the prefect and a messenger. These characters are fictional as individuals, but fit in with the historical framework in terms of their function. The mixture of historical and nonhistorical figures is partly a consequence of giving dramatic shape to a historical event and is a characteristic also found in Nero operas. After a long period of neglect,34 there has been an upsurge of interest in Octavia over the last couple of decades, which has led to several new editions, commentaries, studies and also one modern production at San Diego State University in spring 2006.35 This performance proves that Octavia can be staged. It is, however, uncertain whether Octavia was ever given a full-scale production in antiquity. A fairly recent hypothesis claims that the play was first shown in the presence of Galba in the Theatre of Marcellus at the opening of the Plebeian Games on 4 November 68 CE and envisages a production of Octavia as it might have been staged in a Roman theatre in the first century CE in a section entitled ‘Grand Opera’.36 Such a precise dating cannot be ascertained for lack of evidence. Yet the implicit description of Octavia as an ‘opera’ interestingly connects the play with its later history. As for Octavia’s reception, the questions of authorship and date have been scholarly problems since at least the 14th century, when Coluccio Salutati (1331– 1406) voiced doubts on whether Seneca was the author of the tragedies and

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35

36

This was also caused by the presumed dramatic inferiority of the piece: see even the fairly recent assessment by Seita 2001, 103: “Tranne qualche momento non privo di drammaticità, nel complesso la pretesta à fallita. L’anonimo poeta s’era proposto l’obiettivo d’equiparare le figure storiche della sua opera a quelle che vediamo protagoniste di grandiosi miti in tragedie greche e latine. Senza dubbio, era un progetto ambizioso, ma l’esito non è stato all’altezza delle intenzioni per le modeste capacità letterarie dell’autore.” On the history of scholarship see Wilson 2003. – Modern works on Octavia include: Schmidt 1985; Sullivan 1985, 59–73; Sallmann 1998; Schubert 1998; Manuwald 2001, 259–339; Seita 2001; Ferri 2003; Smith 2003; Wilson 2003; Beck 2004; Codoñer 2004; Fitch 2004; Kragelund 2005; Bonnet 2006; Boyle 2008; Salles 2008. See Wiseman 2001, 10, 14; 2004, 264–265.

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1 Introduction

Octavia in one of his letters (15 October 1371), after Francesco Petrarca (1304– 1374) had already expressed uncertainty concerning this point (Familiarum rerum libri 24.5.17, 1 August 1348). However, as for the approach to and reception of individual plays in the Senecan corpus, there seems not to have been a noticeable distinction on the basis of different authorship in the medieval and early modern periods.37 Poets, librettists and performers do not appear to have been worried by scholarly problems surrounding Octavia, but rather to have appreciated its dramatic construction and the precedent it set for turning ‘history’ into ‘drama’. Octavia is the typological ancestor and starting point for all plays on historical subjects in the tradition of European theatre; not only is there just a single Roman play of this type, but there is no preserved Greek model either, apart from Aeschylus’ Persae.38 Besides, Latin dramas seem to have been more influential than Greek ones in the early modern period because they were more easily accessible to a greater number of individuals. The impact of Octavia is already felt in one of the first Humanist tragedies: Octavia is said to have inspired Albertino Mussato’s (1261–1329) Latin tragedy Ecerinis (Padua 1315), which deals with an almost contemporary national subject, the fate and actions of the tyrannical ruler Ezzelino III da Romano (1194–1259). This drama is based on the Senecan corpus as a model in theme, style and metre; the dramatic presentation of contemporary politics and history as well as aspects of dramaturgy are reminiscent of Octavia.39 For the Renaissance period it is obvious that both scholarly and dramatic interest in Latin drama extended to Octavia: the Italian translation of the Senecan dramatic corpus by Lodovico Dolce (1508/10–1568) contained all ten pieces (Le tragedie di Seneca tradotte da M. Lodovico Dolce, Venezia 1560);40 equally, the English translation of the Tenne Tragedies ascribed to Seneca (Seneca, his tenne Tragedies, translated into Englysh, London 1581) included Octavia, rendered into English by Thomas Nuce (c. 1545–1617).41 In the same period Octavia was performed at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1588.42 At this time the chronicle play had become popular in the wake of Thomas Legge’s (c. 1535–1607) Richardus

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38

39 40 41 42

However, scholarship has focused on Seneca’s genuine tragedies (for studies on the reception of the tragedies see e.g. Jacquot 1964; Lefèvre 1978; Braden 1985; for an overview of the reception of Seneca see Morford 2010). MacCallum (1910) 1967, 11: “And if this was true of the series as a whole, it was also true of the play, which, whatever may be said of the other nine, is certainly not by Seneca himself, the poorest of them all, with most of the faults and few of the virtues of the rest, Octavia, the sole surviving example of the Fabula Praetexta, or the Tragedy that dealt with native Roman themes. The Octavia, however, was not less popular and influential than its companions, and has even a claim to especial attention inasmuch as it may be considered the remote ancestress of the Modern Historic Play in general and of the Modern Roman Play in particular.” See Boyle 2008, lxxvi (with further references). See Rosand 2007a, 177–178. See MacCallum (1910) 1967, 10–19. See Boas 1914, 196, 389.

1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance

17

Tertius (performed at St John’s College, Cambridge, in 1579), the first representative of its kind and one of the first history plays in England, and Christ Church had recently seen the production of Richard Eedes’ (c. 1555–1604) Caesar Interfectus in 1582. Matthew Gwinne’s Nero (1603),43 a slightly later university drama, a tragoedia nova written in Latin, applied the interest in historical drama to the Nero theme, on the basis of classical sources, both historiographical and dramatic;44 the drama was presented as an improved substitute for the pseudoSenecan Octavia.45 Gwinne’s drama was soon followed by tragedies on Nero in English: The tragedie of Claudius Tiberius Nero, Rome’s greatest tyrant, by an anonymous author (1607); The Tragedy of Nero, by an anonymous author (1624); The tragedy of Nero, Emperor of Rome, by Nathaniel Lee (1675). By the 1600s texts of the entire Senecan tragic corpus had become available in Europe (demonstrated by various editions since the late 15th century, in the wake of a large amount of late-medieval manuscripts), and translations into a number of European vernacular languages (including Italian) as well as commentaries had been published. Besides, Seneca’s works had entered the school curriculum in a largely Classics-dominated education; this is reflected in numerous Neo-Latin treatises and school dramas in several European countries.

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44 45

Nero. Tragædia nova. Matthæo Gwinne Med. Doct. Collegij Diui Joannis Præcursoris apud Oxonienses Socio collecta è Tacito, Suetonio, Dione, Seneca was entered in the Stationer’s Register on 23 February 1603 (printed: London 1603; second edition: 1639), intended to be performed at St John’s College, Oxford; another printed edition appeared later in the same year (modern edition: Matthew Gwinne, Nero (printed 1603). Prepared with an Introduction by Heinz-Dieter Leidig, Hildesheim / New York 1983 [Renaissance Latin Drama in England 13]; Latin text and English translation also available at: http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/Nero/, edited by D.F. Sutton [1997 / 2008]). – The full title acknowledges the play’s debt to Seneca, which in this case is almost certain to include Octavia (see also Leidig 1983, 7). This is suggested, for instance, by the presence of Seneca as a character on stage, the appearance of the shadow of Agrippina and, above all, by the dedicatory poem (see n. 45 below). Gwinne was the first Englishman to bring Nero on the stage (see Walter [1955] 1957, 268). See the dedicatory poem, prefacing the drama, by John Sandsbury of St John’s College, Oxford (Iohannes Sandsbury Ioannensis): Lipsi, Neronem nunc habe, votis tuis / Oculisque dignum: quique puerilem putas / Octaviam illam, quam rudis mundus iubet / Senecae imputari, Iuste, praestentem loco / Substitue: Seneca sic enim iratus iubet. / μ   ille millenam miser / Sensit, querelas antequam posset suas / Lingua referre propria; tandem tamen. / Ex ore Gwinni pristinum servat decus. / Gagere, Buchanane, nec Beza invide. / Videte; talis Seneca qui Gwinnus fuit. / Qui iudicas, fatere; qui nescis, tace. – ‘Lipsius, now you have a Nero worthy of your desires and your eyes. Since you think that Octavia which the unlearned world bids us ascribe to Seneca to be puerile stuff, Iustus, you can substitute the present work in its place. For thus commands angry Seneca. This poor man has experienced his thousandth soulmigration before being able to give his own tongue to his complaints. But at length let him retrieve his former glory through Gwinne’s mouth. Gager, Buchanan, Beza, be not envious. Observe: Gwinne is as Seneca was. You who have judgment, confess it. You who are ignorant, keep still.’ (trans. D.F. Sutton, adapted).

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Senecan drama remained an important model for Renaissance tragedy. The famous Italian librettist Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782) even wrote an original tragedy modelled on Seneca (on a topic from L’Italia liberata dai Goti [1547/48] by Gian Giorgio Trissino [1478–1550]) at the age of fourteen. An earlier important figure is Giovanni Battista Giraldi (Cinzio) (1504–1573), who, among other works, wrote nine tragedies (some on figures from antiquity), whose style is reminiscent of Senecan tragedy. The growing interest in the character of Seneca and its philosophical doctrines due to the Neo-Stoic movement, promoted by the scholar, philosopher and political theorist Iustus Lipsius (1547–1606), who edited Seneca’s works (Antwerpen 1605), as well as the subsequent ‘Tacitism’ ensured the continued popularity of Octavia (and of the historical period it represents) among the works of the Senecan corpus until a widespread neglect of Senecan tragedies in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The intellectual and ideological context in the late 16th century and beyond also favoured the reception of the historian P. Cornelius Tacitus (c. 55/56–120 CE). The accounts of Tacitus (and of other ancient historiographers) supplement and enrich the portrait of Nero and his wives that may be gained from Octavia (or vice versa). They provide information, for instance, on the following events in Nero’s career that are taken up by some of the operas: Nero’s accession to the throne with the help of his mother Agrippina after the death of his predecessor and adoptive father Claudius (54 CE); his increasingly problematic relationship with his mother and his arrangements to have her killed (59 CE); the fortune of Poppaea’s former husband Otho, provincial governor and later emperor (in 69 CE); the influential role of freedmen and prefects at the royal court; Nero’s relationship to foreign rulers such as the kings Mithridates, Tigranes or Tiridates; the fire of Rome, perhaps caused by Nero, and the subsequent prosecution of the early Christians (64 CE); the so-called Pisonian Conspiracy, when a number of noblemen under Piso’s leadership conspired against Nero (65 CE); Seneca’s Stoic suicide, after he had withdrawn from the imperial court because of his diminishing influence on Nero and had received the death sentence from the emperor (65 CE); Poppaea’s death because Nero kicked his pregnant wife in the stomach (65 CE). The main source for most of these events consists of the relevant books of Tacitus’ Annales (c. 110–120 CE). This chronological presentation of the early Principate deals with Nero from book 13 onwards until the text breaks off during the account of the year 66 CE in book 16. Book 13 is devoted to the so-called quinquennium, the first five ‘good’ years of Nero’s reign, while he was still under the influence of his advisers Seneca and Afranius Burrus. Books 14–16 turn to the terrible events in the subsequent years of Nero’s rule, which are narrated partly as almost self-contained stories: these include the murders of his mother Agrippina and his wife Octavia (book 14), the fire of Rome and the prosecution of the Christians (book 15), the Pisonian Conspiracy and Nero’s brutal retaliation

1.2 Basis: the ancient sources and their reception in the Renaissance

19

against the senatorial aristocracy, triggering, among others, the deaths of the writers Seneca, Lucan and Petronius (books 15–16).46 Although Tacitus had little impact in the late-antique and medieval periods, he came to be an important author during the Renaissance and beyond; he was regarded as a repository of information that revealed the workings of high politics at court. Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) is the first humanist to demonstrate knowledge of Tacitus’ writings: he seems to have used Tacitus’ account of Seneca’s death for his commentary on Dante’s (c. 1265–1321) Divina Commedia. After medieval manuscripts of Tacitus’ works had been discovered and the editio princeps had been published in 1470, most of Tacitus’ writings were readily accessible. Tacitus’ popularity is shown by a huge number of editions, commentaries and translations published between c. 1580 and 1680. In this period of ‘Tacitism’, Tacitus was admired as a stylist, moralist, historian and observer of politics; he was appreciated for his psychological description of individuals, his interest in causes and motives of events and his analysis of politics. Iustus Lipsius (1547–1606) in particular was instrumental in promoting the recognition of Tacitus’ historical works as significant texts: Lipsius produced an edition of Tacitus’ works in 1574 and published a commentary on Annales in 1581. These books, in combination with Lipsius’ work on Seneca, his endorsement of Neo-Stoicism and Tacitism as well as his treatises influenced by this ideological framework, helped to focus attention on Tacitus. Lipsius’ role is demonstrated by Matthew Gwinne dedicating his Nero (1603) to him (see above).47 Another well-known source for details of Nero’s career, particularly those not included in Tacitus’ account such as Nero’s third wife Statilia Messalina (from 66 CE), the uprising of the provincial governor and later emperor Galba to displace and eventually to succeed Nero (68 CE) and Nero’s death, after he had fled from Rome to the countryside and had been abandoned by almost all his servants (68 CE), was the collection of biographies of emperors from Caesar to Domitian by C. Suetonius Tranquillus (c. 70–140 CE). Suetonius has exerted an enormous influence on the biographical tradition since the Middle Ages, both as a model and as a source, and has been widely read since the Renaissance.48 His works were frequently edited and commented on in

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47

48

On ‘the figure of Seneca in Tacitus and the Octavia’ see Taylor 2010, who, taking up earlier discussions, suggests that Tacitus, in composing the relevant sections of his history, was influenced by the dramatic shaping of events in Octavia; on Poppaea in Tacitus see Holztrattner 1995. On the reception of Tacitus in the early modern period and on ‘Tacitism’ see e.g. von Stackelberg 1960; Etter 1966; Burke 1969; Schellhase 1976 (with an overview of previous scholarship on pp. ix–xii); on Neo-Stoicism in the circle of Lipsius see Morford 1991; on Tacitus in 17thcentury Venice see Questa 1996. For a brief overview of ‘Suetonius and his influence’ see Townend 1967.

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1 Introduction

this period: they saw two editiones principes in 1470, soon followed by numerous further editions; commentaries appeared from the 16th century onwards. Both Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374) and Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) used Suetonius’ works for their writings. Suetonius’ biographies were convenient for writers dealing with early Roman emperors, since they offer a large amount of details concerning the lives of the emperors. Suetonius’ material is not organized chronologically (according to years) as the narrative in Tacitus (and also in Cassius Dio); he rather presents details arranged according to themes, though that still conveys the impression of a development of the figures described. In contrast to Tacitus, Suetonius (Nero 16.2) mentions Nero’s persecution of the Christians among the positive points and the fire of Rome among the negative ones (Nero 38), so that the two issues are not connected. Suetonius’ biography includes a description of Nero’s constant efforts to appear as an accomplished singer and actor (Nero 20–25), an aspect that is disregarded in Octavia. While there are corresponding bits of information also in Tacitus (Ann. 14.14–16), Suetonius’ report is more detailed (similarly with regard to Nero’s sexual licentiousness towards men and women). That Nero, seeing the fire of Rome, put on his stage costume and sang the ‘Sack of Troy’, as Suetonius narrates (Nero 38.2; also Cassius Dio 62.18.1), is qualified as a rumour by Tacitus (Ann. 15.39.3). Equally, the view that Nero himself was responsible for setting the city on fire, as the Octavia poet suggests (Oct. 831–833) and Suetonius claims (Nero 38.1; also Cassius Dio 62.16–18), is reported more cautiously by Tacitus (Ann. 15.38.1).49 Of the later Greek sources the most important is probably the historiographical work of Cassius Dio Cocceianus (c. 155–235 CE). This Greek historian, who spent part of his life in Rome as a senator and a holder of other magistracies, wrote an annalistic history of Rome in originally 80 books, covering the period from the Trojan ancestor Aeneas to 229 CE, while this presentation is influenced by his experiences with imperial rule in his time. The sections on Nero do not survive in Cassius Dio’s original narrative. They are substituted by excerpts of Byzantine writers who used Cassius Dio, Ioannes Xiphilinus in the eleventh century and Ioannes Zonaras in the twelfth century (books 61–63). These sources were only accessible to those who could read Greek until the Latin translation by Wilhelm Xylander (1532–1576) of 1558; thus by the time the first operas were written, this historiographical work was also available in Latin. The historical sources agree in providing a rather negative portrait of Nero, as an unrestrained lover of members of both sexes, a debauched individual, a disloyal and unscrupulous family member, a self-styled artist, a cruel tyrant and an irre-

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On Suetonius’ biography of Nero see e.g. Lounsbury 1991.

1.3 Background: features of 17th- and 18th-century opera

21

sponsible politician. This depiction of the emperor broadly matches his portrait in Octavia, although not all of these aspects are highlighted in the play. This portrayal has informed later treatments in various literary genres, with the noteworthy early exception of Encomium Neronis (publ. 1562) by the great Renaissance polymath Girolamo Cardano (1501–1576).50 The considerable number of editions, translations and commentaries of the classical texts mentioned indicate that there was an interest in ancient Rome and its ideas on government and philosophy at least from the early Renaissance onwards. Scholarly engagement with the relevant texts filtered through to basic knowledge about Roman history among literary people and audiences, even if not all of them would have read all the texts in the original. At any rate librettists must have engaged with the material in one way or another, and they have produced compositions that are not completely historically incongruous. They were obviously in a position to try their hands at dramatizing Nero’s career, for which Octavia provided the basic model.

1.3 Background: features of 17th- and 18th-century opera Since the development of the Nero theme in musical drama is part of the history of opera, this section offers a brief sketch of some essentials, focussing on the features and places that are particularly important with respect to operas on Nero. The first operatic version of the Nero story was performed in Venice, the birthplace of proper operatic activity; Venice therefore is the obvious starting point. Nero operas are then found elsewhere in Italy and in Germany, remaining limited to those two countries for the most part. After various types of performances that combined poetry with musical elements, dancing, costumes and stage decoration, presented to select audiences on particular occasions, had become popular at many European courts (for instance, Masques in Britain or court operas in Italy since around 1600), it was in Venice in 1637 that for the first time in Europe a dedicated venue open to everyone paying the entrance fee was created for the presentation of a musico-dramatic form that came to be called opera.51 Due to this city’s unique economic, social and political structure, Venice became a major centre of operatic activity and development

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Latin text and German translation in Eberl 1994; Italian translation with notes in Dell’Utri / Cigada 1998. For a brief discussion in English see Eberl 1999. To date the appearance of ‘opera’ precisely is notoriously difficult. The genre is generally assumed to have emerged in Florence in the late 16th century. The piece L’Orfeo (a favola in musica in a prologue and five acts), with a libretto by Alessandro Striggio (1573?–1630) and music by Claudio Monteverdi (1567–1643), performed in the Palazzo Ducale in Mantua on 24 February 1607, is often regarded as the first major ‘opera’ (a court opera).

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throughout the 17th and 18th centuries; over the course of time it exerted an influence on opera all over Europe.52 The evolution of opera in Venice could build on the fact that there were an infrastructure and an economic model for offering performances to the public. Since Venice did not have a princely court, the most influential individuals were the ruling patricians, who were also wealthy merchants. Beyond trade and banking, their economic enterprises extended to the arts: even before the emergence of opera, these noble families had begun to erect theatres for spoken performances. Consequently, leading families, such as the Tron, Vendramin, Grimani, Giustiniani and Contarini, became the most important backers of opera, while their respective financial means and attitudes were different. Beyond the obvious desire to enhance family prestige and to support the arts, their interest was also commercial: they invested in opera houses in a period when this art form was becoming popular. The fact that opera production was therefore run as a commercial enterprise in a competitive market meant that it had to take account of the tastes of the populace, the interests of different sections of the audience, the owners of the theatres and perhaps the dedicatees of the librettos. The ‘first Venetian opera’, performed in 1637 upon the inauguration of the world’s first public opera house,53 was Andromeda (to a text by Benedetto Ferrari [c. 1603/4–1681] and music by Francesco Manelli [1595/7–1667]); it was presented by a travelling troupe led by Benedetto Ferrari at the newly opened ‘Teatro Tron di S. Cassiano’, belonging to the Tron family. In 1639 a second venue, the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’, was opened for opera (by Giovanni Grimani); this was also inaugurated by Benedetto Ferrari and his company, while a second company under the direction of Francesco Cavalli (1602–1676) continued to perform at the ‘Teatro Tron di S. Cassiano’. The opening of the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’ initiated a long tradition of dominance by the Grimani family in Venetian operatic life: they embraced this new venture and actively pursued the creation and expansion of venues. Responding to increased demand, Giovanni

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53

This section is indebted to Rosand at OMOb and 1991; see also Kimbell 1991, 95–177; Rosand 2006a; for a concise sketch and a detailed chronological catalogue of operas (with references) see Selfridge-Field 2007; for the practical aspects of opera production in 17th-century Venice see Glixon / Glixon 2006; on the political, social and artistic history of Venice in this period see also Wolff 1937; McNeill 1974; Fabbri in ENO Guide 1992, 60–64; Selfridge-Field 1993; Muir 2007; on the ‘rise of opera’ and its intellectual background see also Donington 1981; Muir 2006; Rosand 2006b; on the beginnings of opera and its relationship to ancient (mythical) drama see Strohm 2010. – On Italian opera in the e18th century see Piperno 1998; Butler 2009; on the conventions of dramma per musica see Rosand 1991, 322–360; 2006a; on Italian dramma per musica in the 18th century see Strohm 1997, 1–29. For a list of Italian libretti prior to 1800 (with factual details) see Sartori 1990–1994; see also Allacci (1755) 1961; for Venetian librettos from 1637 to 1769 see the collection in the library of the University of California, Los Angeles, and its record on microfilm by Irene Alm (1993); for a selection of reprints see Brown 1979. On the question of whether Venetian opera was actually ‘public’ or whether various systems of patronage operated see Glixon / Glixon 2006, 295–322 (with further references).

1.3 Background: features of 17th- and 18th-century opera

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Grimani’s sons Giovanni, Carlo and Vincenzo had a further venue, the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’, built in 1678. This institution was the largest, most luxurious and most ambitious in Venice, fitted out with lavish stage equipment and engaging singers of the highest quality. The enthusiasm for the new genre of opera is indicated by this building activity, the erection of purpose-built opera houses in addition to the existing theatres: between 1637 and 1700 at least sixteen venues were built, and the number of operas produced ran into hundreds. Musical drama became a regular seasonal event: the main opera season was that of carnival, which ran from the feast of St Stephen on 26 December to Shrove Tuesday in the following spring (later extended); each opera house normally produced two operas of different character for the season. Eventually, a complex calendar of openings of new productions throughout the season was maintained by Venice’s main venues, since a number of them were in operation at the same time. So, although drama to musical accompaniment came to Venice later than to other Italian cities, it met with immediate and unprecedented success because of the particular conditions in this city: regular demand, reliable financial backing, a broad and predictable audience as well as an open and intellectual society. Yet the development was not linear: after operatic activity had flourished for about fifteen years since its inception, it started to decrease; from the end of the 1640s to the mid-1670s there were rarely more than two venues open in the same season, each presenting one or two operas (each opera being performed about 20 times on average). However, in the last twenty years of the 17th century operatic business gained momentum again, and about eight to ten operas were produced each year in four or five venues. This level remained fairly constant until the mid-18th century, when the spread of comic opera led to more and cheaper productions. The decades around 1700 were a particularly active and vibrant period in musical and dramatic history. Significant changes taking place at the time may be described as a gradual evolution from late-Baroque drama towards a classical style, which affected both text and music. A new kind of opera libretto was emerging in which, among other things, characters make decisions based on reason or on moral issues that are more important than their amatory interests (exemplified in the librettos of Apostolo Zeno [1668–1750] and then in those of Pietro Metastasio [1698–1782]). From about 1700 virtuoso singers began to be dominant figures in the theatre and, accordingly, the names of the singers acquired increasing relevance; from that time onwards the cast of the first performance is frequently recorded in libretto prints. Early Venetian operas tended to have mythical subjects, often based on the works of the Roman poet Ovid or on stories connected with Troy.54 Inaugurated by L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43), operas on historical events were added.

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On the use of subject matter from ancient Rome in opera see Strohm 2008a.

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That this tradition started with a story taken from the ancient world may be due to the special status and particular relevance of classical material at the time, which influenced both the character of the genre and the topics chosen for individual works. Plots based on episodes from Roman history or mythology remained popular, particularly in the period from about 1660 to 1730.55 From the 1660s onwards, when historical operas became more common, librettists started to point out that the plots consisted of a combination of a historical basis taken from ancient sources, fictional additions and changes they had introduced, while they maintained, in the tradition of Aristotle (Poet. ch. 9), that the resulting plot was plausible even if not entirely historically accurate.56 Even though many stories were set in a world different from that of contemporary audiences, the form of presentation and the themes addressed reflected current social and political concerns; most operatic plots had a link to the history of Venice.57 Often the subject matter taken from history or legend was connected with topical political issues by means of parallels or contrasts. For instance, heroes from any period of history tended to be depicted in positions of power or as displaying characteristic types of behaviour, which allowed audiences to identify with the figures on stage or to set themselves against them. In particular, even a republican society, as it existed in Venice in the 17th and 18th centuries, enjoyed watching tyrants and struggles between morality and vice at an imperial court on stage, so as to compare and contrast themselves with the circumstances shown.58 Tales about Roman emperors were popular. The story of Nero and his wives proved especially suitable, since it can be made to show conflicts about political power in a number of respects: it presents a powerful male who regards his personal love relationships as more important than the welfare of the community, triggering reactions from the populace; and there are arguments and struggles over power within the family, between members of different generations or on account of love affairs. The events include a whole range of figures with

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56

57 58

See Vecchi 1976, 301: “Quanto all’argomento del dramma, è da notare che i temi di storia romana entrano di frequente nel repertorio melodrammatico del Seicento, come dimostrano le opere stesse scritte da Perti per Venezia, specialmente i soggetti relativi a Nerone: dal grande Monteverdi in poi, fino al più recente dramma di G. C. Corradi, messo in musica da Carlo Pallavicino e rappresentato nel Teatro di S. Gio. Grisostomo l’anno 1679. La storia, comunque, vi è pretesto per tessere intrecci vari, cui il nome e la dignità dei personaggi devono dare autorevolezza e parvenza di realtà e di vicenda vissuta.”; Bianconi 1987, 186–189; Fabbri 2003, 203, 213; Strohm 2008a. – Religious history was never used as a source for opera librettos in Venice. See Kimbell 1991, 135. – According to Kimbell, an influential figure in this process was the librettist Nicolò Minato (1630–1698), who set out these categories, for instance, in the preface to the opera Artemisia (1656; set to music by Francesco Cavalli [1602–1676]). See Selfridge-Field 2007, 55. Ketterer (2009, 23), however, comments that “the choice of Neronian history … was not the most obvious for a Venice otherwise occupied in celebrating its own mythic origins”.

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telling characteristics and references to key issues of good governance, which could easily be transferred to the Venetian Republic. Because in Nero’s case political issues are connected with the emperor’s love relationships, these incidents feature several women in major roles; this facilitated adapting the story to the dramatic conventions, which required more or less equal numbers of male and female characters.59 That in Octavia as a Roman fabula praetexta the role of gods is toned down (in comparison with mythical stories) facilitated its adaptation in the form of operas to a Christian environment, where the presence of pagan gods on stage required justification, as demonstrated by some of the librettists’ prefaces. Additionally, some of the occupations inserted into the plot, such as making music or attending performances, reflect contemporary behaviour, which enabled audiences to empathize with the characters on stage.60 Over the course of time standard elements of the plot and the presentation of operas established themselves, with regard to, for instance, conventions applying to subject matter, dramaturgy, music, text and stage-design.61 The most common type (and most general term) of musico-dramatic works in 17th- and early 18thcentury Venice was dramma per musica, nowadays often referred to by the broad term ‘opera’ (besides particular varieties such as tragedia per musica, pastorale, festa teatrale, scherzo / divertimento comico, melodramma per musica, dramma giocoso, opera bernesca). A dramma per musica typically contains three acts and features (at least) two pairs of lovers. The lovers’ adventures involve separation through a series of complications and eventual reunion. The action proper may be prefaced by a prologue spoken by mythical or allegorical characters, providing information on the opera’s plot or aims. The first act presents the basic situation for the main plot (and any subplots) and tends to end in confusion; the second act further complicates the confusion, which reaches its climax during the third act and is resolved near the end, even as late as the final scene, to conclude with a happy ending. The first two acts frequently finish with dancing of some kind. In addition to confrontations, conflicts and love affairs between members of the same class, there are frequent scenes involving a mixture of social classes, such as the nurse giving advice to her ‘foster-child’, or featuring comic characters of lower social status. A number of standard elements or scene structures appear in many operas (with variations), for example scenes with characters sleeping and dreaming,

_____________ 59 60 61

On this convention see Selfridge-Field 2007, 57. On some of these issues see Rosand 2006; Heller 2007. Yet one should bear in mind Strohm’s (1985, 123) cautious remarks: “I also believe that there is no such thing as an all-embracing convention of Italian Baroque opera. The ‘general patterns’ mentioned above are already a dangerous abstraction; they vary from place to place, and change with the years, so that we have a dynamic, rather than a static unity of procedures, whose details are marked by contradictions and, indeed, individual choices.”

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figures appearing in disguise (e.g. dressed as someone of the opposite sex), letters getting into the wrong hands, overheard conversations, light servant scenes with ridicule and mockery or trickery and deceit. There is lavish use of machinery and other stage equipment as well as dancing; the cast is larger than in court operas to ensure an impressive production. As a result of a certain amount of standardisation, the challenge for producers was to create something new out of familiar, tried and tested elements and thus to maintain the audience’s interest. Nero operas include elements such as multiple love affairs, comic characters, mocking scenes (for instance, of philosophers), sleep scenes or fishing scenes, temporary disguise of the identity of characters, appearances of ghosts and supernatural beings, play within the play (possibly including comments on opera and drama), happy ending (sometimes in contrast to the historical record), ballets, dances, sumptuous stage settings, elaborate costumes and spectacle assisted by stage machinery.62 In terms of practicalities, the arrangement of productions was the business of an impresario, who worked with the owners of the venue, the librettist, the composer and the performers; between these men there existed complex practical and political relationships, which are not entirely clear and may have differed according to the circumstances for each opera.63 Originally, especially in Venice, all operas were new productions. A librettist could be commissioned or offer a ready-made text, which was then set to music by a composer, often at short notice; in some cases there was interaction between the two artists, in others they seem not to have known each other. The composer could be required to attend rehearsals and be available for last-minute adaptations. Alongside the performances, libretto texts were often printed, frequently dedicated to dukes, earls or other noble and public figures, which adds another entity to the complex web of connections between people interested in an opera’s production. As a consequence, librettos enjoyed an independent existence of their own, did not remain as ephemeral as opera scores or performances and could reach an audience beyond those present in the theatre; after the performances some librettists edited the texts for publication or for editions of their collected works. The printed versions often included, besides the dedication, an ‘Argomento’ and / or an address ‘Al lettore’, in which the librettists might talk about issues such as the plot, their intentions and aims, their ancient and more recent sources, the amount of fictional material, the choice of title or collaborators in the production of the piece. It was unusual for the same opera to be produced in more than one season in the same venue. However, after the original run, librettos could travel to places outside Venice, where they were set to music again. This was the easiest way of

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On the adaptation of stories from ancient Rome to contemporary conventions and concerns see also Ketterer 2009, 3, 7, 10. – Only Busenello’s version has a proper mythical prologue. Generally, prologues were not as common in Venice as they were elsewhere and tended to be relevant to the plot (see Clover 1985, 289). For further details connected with these issues see Glixon / Glixon 2006.

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creating something new for the respective place and allowed for the necessary alterations for the revival, required by the availability of musicians and singers and by the set-up of performance spaces. Most early Italian operas on the Nero theme were produced in Venice (with its many venues) in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The more popular and successful operas were restaged outside Venice in theatres throughout Italy (e.g. Naples, Bologna or Milan) and sometimes also abroad. As was common practice at the time, operas were regularly adapted to the particular conditions and requirements of each venue, including new music if necessary.64 Although the social and political context of opera performances outside Venice could be rather different, this seems not to have interfered with adopting the Venetian repertoire. Beyond Italy, first performances of Nero operas are mainly attested for Germany: since for a long time Venice had been a cultural hub and an important trade centre, it had connections not only with many places in Italy, but also with courts and cities abroad. Perhaps owing to the alliance with the Habsburgs and to military connections of some German courts, it seems to have been in close contact with central Europe. For instance, composers and other individuals involved in the opera business such as impresarios or musicians moved around and were active at courts and in cities in north and north-eastern Germany as well as in Venice. This situation must have facilitated a regular and swift exchange of libretto prints and scores as well as of performance conventions and musical styles. Several musicians and composers gained experience in Germany before going to Italy, such as Georg Friedrich Händel, whose later works exploit themes and melodies that he had originally encountered in Germany. Most of the German Nero operas were composed for the opera in Hamburg, the first public opera house outside Italy (1678), a purpose-built structure on a grand scale, based on the architectural model of the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’ in Venice. In the 17th and 18th centuries the ‘Oper am Gänsemarkt’ in Hamburg was one of the leading and most progressive opera houses in Germany, and it seems to have imitated Venetian conventions to a great extent.65 The period from 1678 to 1738 saw the performances of nearly 300 different plays. The city of Hamburg was the only major German town that had survived the Thirty Years War almost unharmed; it therefore enjoyed an enormous prosperity

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On the diffusion of opera in Italy (including changes to librettos) see Bianconi 1987, 190–204. On German opera in the 18th century see Maurer Zenck 2009. – On opera in Hamburg see e.g. Schulze 1938; Wolff 1957; Brockpähler 1964, 193–211; Zelm 1975, 24–28; Buelow 1978; 1993; Marx 1978; 1981; Meyer 1980, vol. 4; Zelm 1981; Bianconi 1987, 220–237; Dean / Knapp 1995, 38–47; Koch 2000, 22–23; Warrack 2001, 34–62; Drauschke 2004, 14–15; Jahn 2005; Schröder 2006; Gauthier 2010. For information on Hamburg librettos see Marx / Schröder 1995; for a selection of reprints see Meyer 1980; on the libretto and musical style see Lynch 1979.

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of a large middle class, being a centre of travel and commerce as well as of diplomacy and intelligence. Hence the opera house attracted a mixed and cosmopolitan audience, consisting of all ranks of local society, along with foreign visitors. The Hamburg opera was not a true ‘citizen opera’, since it was initiated and supported by the aristocracy. Still, opera in Hamburg was a business aiming for profit, run privately by respected members of the upper classes. The city council exerted a kind of censorship, making sure that librettos did not contain material that might be politically or religiously contentious. In fact, operatic life in Hamburg had started with an extended vehement argument among religious leaders and town officials about the moral decency of opera and theatre, and thus whether such performances were justified, until in 1688 a definition of opera was found that allowed both sides to accept the opera business. Because the opera house was open to everybody in principle, there was a guaranteed audience; at the same time its diverse composition and the resulting different interests influenced the subjects of operas as well as the relative share of educational, entertaining and presentational elements: a relatively high percentage of entertaining elements is often attributed to the role of dukes and patricians, whereas educational aspects and political themes are thought rather to gear towards middle-class citizens, reflecting their everyday experiences. Overall, a mixture of a display of heroic attitudes, elaborate spectacle (including dancing), broad farce as well as moral or political messages seems to have been the form of opera preferred by audiences in Hamburg. Such preferences are also obvious in the selection and adaptation of foreign operas. The various and partly conflicting expectations of members of the audience could clash with the literary aims of librettists; still, there was significant artistic freedom in the choice of topics. Moreover, although Hamburg did not have a university until the nineteenth century, it could boast a large and strong intellectual community, based on the well-known Latin schools in the city, likely to have constituted the bulk of the audience. Accordingly, librettists could expect an educated public, and operas shown in Hamburg covered a wide range of subject matter, taken from Greek mythology, Roman legend, Biblical stories or historical plots from Italian, French, Spanish and German sources. After a period of predominance of mythical operas (up to c. 1704), due to the influence of Venetian opera, dramas drawing on historical subjects became popular in Hamburg during the first decades of the 18th century. A particular characteristic of Hamburg was that the repertoire also featured operas on contemporary local history as well as plots based on stories from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.66 Still, a large number of operas dealt with ancient or medieval history. Most of the operas included comments on current political circumstances; however, those were not made directly, but via the representation of mythical or historical figures.

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See e.g. Marx 1978, 22–23; Meyer 1980, 4.65–66; Buelow 1993, 197; Schröder 2006, 197.

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The vibrant musical life in the city, which was not restricted to fixed times within the year as the carnival in Venice, attracted a number of famous librettists, composers and musicians. The important role of Hamburg in this period is further demonstrated by the fact that librettists working there had literary aspirations and prefaced the prints of their librettos with extensive introductions. In these they might talk about the subjects and sources of their operas, their chosen way of presentation, their views on opera against the background of ancient poetics of the theatre as well as of Italian, French and English models in spoken theatre and opera. These prefaces seem to address the audience as a whole; in fact, however, they presumably appeal to the more educated classes and are intended for study at home (in the tradition of learned commentaries on works of other literary genres) instead of being read during the performance. This context produced, for instance, Barthold Feind’s (1678–1721) Gedancken von der Opera (‘Thoughts on Opera’) (1708), the most influential and most important theoretical treatise on German Baroque opera from this period.67 As the published librettos show, conventions for opera titles were gradually established in Hamburg: initially, a title was based on the name of the opera’s protagonist, usually specified by an adjective indicating the person’s main characteristic (e.g. Feind / Keiser, Die edelmuehtige Octavia). Gradually double titles became more common, combining an interpretation to the story with the main character’s name (e.g. Feustking / Händel, Die durch Blut und Mord erlangete Liebe, oder: Nero).68 Other conventions and elements close to requirements were shared with those of contemporary Italian opera: operas consist of love intrigue and visual spectacle, display comic elements and lead to a happy ending. The texts were mostly in German, but they often included arias in Italian (since Hinrich Hinsch’s and Reinhard Keiser’s Claudius of 1703). A few of the Nero operas were adapted for the German town of Leipzig:69 travelling theatre companies used to perform at the annual commercial fairs in Leipzig and, by the end of the 17th century, there was some musical theatre at the university. Since Leipzig (like Hamburg) did not have a resident court, the opening of an opera house was not triggered for that reason. Hence the initiative came from individuals producing operas: in 1693 the ‘Kapellmeister’ Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700) managed to obtain permission from the new elector at Dresden, Johann Georg IV, to arrange for an opera company to perform at Leipzig during the fairs. Strungk had extensive experience in opera due to previous stays in Vienna, Hannover and Hamburg. He had a new theatre built in Leipzig, the ‘Opernhaus am Brühl’: it opened on 8 May 1693 during the Easter Fair

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For an English version see Bianconi 1987, 311–326; on Feind and his theoretical writings see Hsu 1976; Flaherty 1978, 53–65; Gauthier 2005. See Schulze 1938, 19–20; Zelm 1975, 24. On the Leipzig opera see e.g. Brockpähler 1964, 251–259; Stauffer 1993; Bauman / Härtwig at OMO.

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with a performance of his own Alceste in the presence of the elector. In the same year 1693 Strungk’s Nero was shown in Leipzig’s new opera house (ch. 2.4). From the start, opera in Leipzig was linked to the annual fairs, which provided favourable conditions. Hence, the opera ran successfully for about a couple of decades until it gradually started to decline and was eventually closed in 1720. During its creative period local composers, local performers and mostly German texts became characteristic of the Leipzig opera with its audience of wealthy citizens, university students and fair visitors. The surviving librettos show a preference for both mythical and historical themes as well as comic subjects; the music to most of the repertoire is lost.

1.4 Ubiquity: the artistic reception of the Nero story This study focuses on librettos of Nero operas and thus covers a substantial section of the reception of the ancient sources on Nero and Octavia, but obviously still only some of it: exciting details that survive from antiquity on the period of Nero’s reign as well as on his love affairs, his tyrannical deeds and his personality have established Nero as a convenient protagonist for numerous works of a wide range of literary and performative genres, such as novels, dramas or films. Some notes on these will contribute to sketching the continuing and widespread reception of the Nero theme, since the librettos, being part of this development, not only interact with ancient sources and earlier librettos, but are also linked to other manifestations of the reception of this topic (as the examples of other performative genres paradigmatically presented in ch. 3 show). The popularity of the Nero story is illustrated by figures for relevant dramatic pieces (including operas and other kinds of stage performances):70 a total of almost 100 dramatic pieces dealing with Nero has been identified in world literature.71 Even though such figures are not entirely accurate, particularly since they

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For a list of “Ouvrages lyriques, chantés, musicaux, sur des thèmes romains de 1800 a nos jours” see Porte 1987, 582–615. At the beginning of the 20th century the following list was drawn up: 26 items in Italy, 14 in France, 13 in Germany, 12 in England and ‘America’, 7 in Spain and Portugal, 1 in Belgium, 2 in Denmark, 6 in Sweden, 4 in Russia and 4 in Greece; out of these, operas, musical plays and melodramas account for 12 of the Italian pieces, 6 of the German ones, 1 of the English / American ones and 2 of the Russian ones (Mühlbach 1910, 7–9). Later counts of dramas, operas and ballets have yielded the following result: 4 pieces in England, 1 in Spain, 11 in Italy, 2 in France, 6 in Germany in the 17th century, 12 pieces in Italy, 3 in France, 1 in Spain, 2 in Germany in the 18th century, 13 pieces in France, 14 in Italy, 7 in Germany, 3 in Spain, 1 in England, 3 in Greece, 3 in Russia, 4 in Sweden and 1 in Denmark in the 19th century (Walter [1955] 1957, 268–270; see also Jakob-Sonnabend 1990, 186–187; Flury 2001, 157). Gianini (1906, VII–X) gives 39 dramatic works in Italy, including spoken and musical dramas, from Busenello to Boito; as he (1906, 135) notes, Nero has been portrayed in all sorts of dramatic

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depend on the underlying definitions and the accessibility of material, they give an indication of the spread of the Nero story. The numbers indicate that the engagement with events connected with Nero flourished in literary and musical genres during extended periods, particularly in the 17th, 19th and 20th centuries, and in a wide range of countries, languages and formats. While the topic was taken up in most European countries and in the USA, there is a clear dominance of musical pieces in Italy, followed by Germany and France. In terms of genre, besides opera, the material is particularly prominent in spoken drama, but also appears in tales, novels, romances, poetry, pantomimes, brief musical compositions, ballets and films. In the genre of spoken drama the Nero story took off at about the same time as in opera or slightly earlier (starting with Matthew Gwinne’s Latin Nero in 1603, soon followed by Nero dramas in English).72 Since the 19th century the newly popular genre of the novel has been catching up, with a significant number of works in the second half of that century and a large number of works in total. At the end of the 19th century there were even circus shows on the subject of Nero.73 Nowadays, the most common shape of new adaptations is in the form of films for cinema or television, an art form that was obviously not included in earlier studies and surveys.74 In this genre too Nero is one of the most popular Roman emperors, and there are dozens of films from the early 20th to the early 21st century in which the figure of Nero plays a main role.75 Although these may look very different from 17th-century operas, they share the characteristic that the story is given a dramatic shape with dialogues and musical accompaniment. What is noteworthy is that again the Nero story is present at the start of the genre: within a few months of the creation of moving images, a short piece appeared in

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73 74

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forms. Callegari (1891, 3–15 = 1125–1137, 334–338 = 1457–1460) lists 43 dramas, operas and similar works up to the 19th century and 69 further ones for the 19th century, some of which, however, are no longer traceable or have been lost. Bustico (1909) mentions at least 42 operas and dramas on Nero from Italy and at least 12 from other countries. For a brief discussion of dramas and operas featuring Nero see also Engel 1901; Fluch 1924; for an overview of spoken dramas on Nero in the early modern period up to Lohenstein (ch. 3.1; 3.2) see Mundt 2005, 615–627; for a summary of the development of the Nero theme see Frenzel 2005, 669–672. These dramas include, for example, Jean Racine’s Britannicus (1669), which deals with the early stages of Nero’s reign and his accession to the throne. This drama, like two earlier Agrippina dramas (Thomas May, 1628; Daniel Casper von Lohenstein, 1665), is not named after Nero, while most dramatic pieces have Nero’s name in the title (on Nero in Italian drama see Gianini 1906). See e.g. Wyke 1997, 119; Pucci 2011, 62. For a list of novels and films on Nero see Aziza 1999; for lists of literary works, particularly novels, mainly from the 20th century, comic strips and films on Nero see http://www.peplums. info/pep13a.htm. For overviews of films starring Nero see Solomon 2001, 79–80; Lindner 2007, 112–113; esp. Pucci 2011; for discussion see Wyke 1997, 110–146. On ‘Nero as performer’ in opera and film see Dahm 2009.

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which Nero was shown trying out poison on his slaves (Néron essayant des poisons sur des esclaves, 1896). The first experiment in the screening of Roman history (in Italy) was a one-reeler entitled Nerone (1909), which features Nerone killing his mother, rejecting his wife and persecuting the Christians.76 This choice of topic and the way in which it was initially presented may be explained by the fact that the new genre of historical film emerged from the tradition of historical novels (including the bestseller Quo vadis? [1895] by Henryk Sienkiewicz) and plays as well as other performance types in the 19th century, all featuring Nero. Only somewhat later was a characteristically cinematic format for the depiction of Nero and his story developed, often dated to Enrico Guazzoni’s Quo vadis? (1912), whose presentation employed specific cinematographic techniques. Since the same versions of the Nero story or similar motifs (such as complications arising from the presence of foreign kings at Nero’s court in Rome) appear in different genres, inter-medial exchanges between them or adoptions of special motifs from one genre to another have taken place; yet it is impossible to determine the sources or the chain of influence in each instance. Equally it is often uncertain to what extent later poets and scriptwriters have made direct use of the ancient texts. Hence the material may have come directly or indirectly from the ancient sources (or a combination of the two), it may have been mediated by earlier works in the same or other genres, and the shaping of the plot or particular ways of presentation in influential pieces might have played a role. In some cases, however, specific inter-medial exchanges can be identified: for instance, the drama Nerone (1871) by Pietro Cossa (ch. 3.10) provides the basis for two Nerone operas, those by the librettists Attilio Catelli (1888; ch. 2.18) and Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti (1935; ch. 2.22). A particularly telling example of cross-generic reception is the development of the Quo vadis? story: the novel Quo vadis? (1895) by Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916) was soon turned into a Spanish zarzuela (a kind of operetta) ¿Quo vadis?, first performed in Madrid on 28 December 1901 (published in 1902), to a text by Isidro Sinesio Delgado García (1859–1928) and music by Ruperto Chapí (y Lorente) (1851–1909). Later the material was developed into a five-act opera entitled Quo vadis? (1908/09; ch. 2.21), to a libretto by Henri Cain (1859–1937) and music by Jean(-Charles) Nouguès (1875–1932). Several films and TV series followed.77 With the recent musical Quo vadis? (first performed in Trier in 2005) by Gerold Theobalt (b. 1957; libretto and texts of songs), Manfred Knaak (music) and Konstantin Wecker (b. 1947; songs) (after an idea by Gerhard Weber and Peter Oppermann),

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See http://www.silentera.com/PSFL/data/N/Nerone1909.html; http://movieshive.com/movie/ Nerone_(1909). On the versions of 1912, 1925, 1951, 1985 and 2001 see Scodel / Bettenworth 2009.

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the history of the adaptation of the novel has returned to the musical genre, while its character has developed with the times.78 As in the case of opera, works on Nero in other genres cover the whole range of events associated with Nero’s character and his reign. The way in which the story is presented or has been modified is informed by the contemporary framework, so that connections to the time of composition can be seen or be pointed out and tastes and expectations of audiences in each context are satisfied.79 Like the opera librettists, authors of works of other genres featuring Nero build on the essential historical characters, while shaping the story with poetic freedom or even laying claim to such a procedure. Hence they may combine historical events from different periods in Nero’s reign and connect them in novel ways for the purposes of their own versions; they may also add fictional or pseudo-historical characters to the historical basis, thereby creating new plot elements, multiplying love affairs or changing historically attested family relationships.80 Just as in opera, these pieces tend to combine situations at the imper-

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On this musical see http://www.theatertexte.de/data/ahn_und_simrock/702487174/ show. – The drama The Sign of the Cross (1895) by Wilson Barrett (1846–1904) has a plot that resembles that of the contemporary novel Quo vadis?, although the ending is different; this piece too gave rise to a film adaptation under the same title (1932, directed by Cecil B. DeMille [1881–1959], screenplay by Waldemar Young [1878–1938] and Sidney Buchman [1902–1975]). At the end of the 20th century (1994) Peter Lund (b. 1965) and Niclas Ramdohr (b. 1967), in an operatic piece entitled Nero Kaiserkind – eine Art Oper (‘Nero, imperial offspring – a kind of opera’), have presented the story as a mixture of historical soap opera, including parallels to present-day problems, and of a study in deep psychology, explaining Nero’s fortune by his inborn nature and his upbringing (see http://www.theatertexte.de/data/litag_theaterverlag/ 4184321/show; http://peter-lund.de/stuecke/nero/kurz.htm; http://peter-lund.de/stuecke/nero/ leseprobe.pdf). See e.g. Ernst Eckstein, Nero. Ein Roman, 3 vols., Leipzig 1889 (English translation: Ernst Eckstein, Nero. A Romance. Translated from the German by Clara Bell and Mary J. Safford, 2 vols., New York / London 1889), in the preface ‘Zum Eingang’ (vol. 1, p. VI): “Noch sei hier erwähnt, daß die Ereignisse, die sich in Wahrheit auf einen erheblich längeren Zeitraum vertheilen, aus leicht ersichtlichen Gründen zusammengedrängt worden sind. Auch sonst finden sich kleine Abweichungen von der Chronologie, die nicht über Gebühr auffallen werden. Für diese und andere Punkte – insbesondere für die innere Motivierung der geschichtlichen Vorgänge – nehme ich selbstverständlich ganz die gleiche Freiheit in Anspruch, die der Dramatiker, einem historischen Stoff gegenüber, längst als sein unbestreitbares Recht betrachtet. Uebrigens wird ein genaueres Studium der einschlägigen Literatur den Beweis liefern, daß gar manche „Kühnheit“, die den Leser anfänglich überrascht – so z.B. die Intimität der Poppäa Sabina mit der Phönicierin Hasdra, die Beziehungen Seneca’s zu dem Fanatiker Nicodemus, die Genesis der Christenverfolgung u.a. – nicht so ganz in der Luft schwebt, sondern durch die Berichte der alten Autoren und die neue und neueste Kritik vielfach getragen wird.” – ‘It need not be mentioned here that the events, which actually are spread over a much longer period of time, have been compressed for easily discernible reasons. Generally, one will find minor deviations from the chronology, which should not be noticeable too much. With regard to these and other details – in particular the internal motivation of the historical developments – I claim the same liberty

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ial court in different phases of Nero’s career; while Nero is the dominant personality and there is a focus on his relationship to the people around him, the general political situation and the effect of Nero’s rule on the populace are also included, which is demonstrated, for instance, by Nero’s treatment of the early Christians or the fire of Rome. Even though Nero bears certain characteristics that mark him out as ‘Nero’, this figure does not appear in a uniform manner (just as in the operas). For a variety of aspects from different phases of his life are highlighted and / or combined: Nero can be presented as a brutal tyrant, who does not care for the lives of human beings and even has his own mother killed, who sacrifices the city and the livelihood of its inhabitants for the sake of his building programme, who abandons and selects women according to his passions and impulses or who appears as an artist eager for applause, but also, at the end of his life, as a helpless and destitute individual who does not have the courage to kill himself without assistance. The name of Octavia, who was brought to the fore in the first dramatic version, the classical Latin play Octavia (rather than Nero), is mentioned in the title of a significantly smaller number of pieces, but there are both dramas and novels that do so. Besides the emperor Nero as protagonist and the women with whom he is attested to have had relationships (Claudia Acte, Octavia, Poppaea Sabina, Statilia Messalina), his mother Agrippina as well as his tutor and adviser Seneca are among the characters who appear in different set-ups in pieces of all genres beyond opera. Agrippina, due to her desire for power, her efforts in bringing Nero on the throne and her devious tactics to achieve her goals, is often a significant figure in the plot. By contrast, Seneca’s role frequently is not particularly prominent. Yet he was involved in Nero’s political activities during the first part of his reign, he was regarded as the author of the drama Octavia, and he appears in this piece as the moral counterpart to Nero. In line with this, Jean-Marie Souriguère de Saint-Marc (1763–1837) opens the print (which, however, does not give the author’s name) of the tragedy Octavie (1806) with an address to Seneca, where he characterizes the subsequent play as a tribute to Seneca, apologizes for his audacity and explains that he has ventured to bring Seneca on stage together with Octavia and to set the philosopher’s Stoic wisdom against his unworthy pupil.81

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that the dramatist, when dealing with a historical subject, has regarded as his unassailable right for a long time. Besides, closer study of the relevant literature will produce proof that some ‘audacious’ elements, which may startle the reader initially – such as, for example, the intimacy of Poppäa Sabina with the Phoenician woman Hasdra, Seneca’s relationship with the fanatic Nicodemus, the genesis of the persecution of the Christians – are not entirely hanging in the air, but are frequently confirmed by the reports of the ancient authors and by recent and most recent criticism.’ See [Jean-Marie Souriguère de Saint-Marc], Octavie, Tragédie en cinq actes et en vers, Représentée sur le Théâtre Français, le 9 Décembre 1806, Paris 1806, address ‘A Sénèque’ (pp. i–iv): “Ombre illustre d’un grand homme, reçois ce faible et respectueux tribut de mes veilles.

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Other writers perhaps did not see their work in a similarly close relationship to Seneca’s writings and doctrines and / or did not regard Seneca’s participation in a plot as dramatically effective as that of other characters. Clearly, Nero as a unique character who does not care for any conventions and who is ready to commit any crime was of great interest to writers and audiences in all periods: watching evil done by others and affecting others has always exerted a certain fascination, perhaps especially if this is presented in what is not a completely fictional story.

_____________ Dans une circonstance plus heureuse, j’aurais osé faire à l’amitié l’offrande d’Octavie; permets que je la dédie à la vertu. … Rempli de tes vertueux préceptes, j’entrepris, dans le silence des déserts, de te mettre en scène avec Octavie, dont tu avais été si souvent l’appui auprès de son barbare époux. La reconnaissance m’inspira le dessein de mettre ta sagesse stoïque en action auprès de ton indigne élève. Je ne me dissimulais pas la difficulté de ma tâche, mais j’avais réussi à rendre intéressante la fille de Cynire [n. Myrrha, Tragédie de l’auteur]: je pouvais donc me complaire dans le choix d’un sujet dont tu étais le héros. Ombre généreuse, pardonne l’audace de mon essai à ma reconnaissance et au culte que je rends à tes vertus sacrées.” – ‘Illustrious shade of a great man, receive this story and the respectful tribute of my wakeful nights. In more fortunate circumstances, I would have dared to make the offering of Octavie to friendship; allow that I have made it to virtue. … Filled with your virtuous precepts, I have tried, in the silence of the desert, to bring you on scene with Octavie, from where you have so often had the support close to her barbarous husband. This recognition has inspired me to the design to put your Stoic wisdom in action close to your unworthy student. I do not deceive myself as regards the difficulty of my task, but I have managed to present in an interesting way the daughter of Cynire [n. Myrrha, tragedy of the author]: I could therefore be happy with myself in the choice of a subject, of which you were the hero. Generous shade, pardon the audacity of my attempt due to my recognition and the honours which I render to your sacred virtues.’

2 Nero in opera 2.1 Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43) Background L’incoronazione di Poppea (‘The coronation of Poppaea’; opera reggia or opera musicale in a prologue and three acts) is regarded by modern scholars as the first historical opera: this subgenre of opera therefore starts with a piece linked to the Latin Octavia, bringing the figures of Nero, Octavia, Poppaea and Seneca on stage. L’incoronazione di Poppea was first performed in the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’ in Venice during the carnival season of 1642/43. The libretto was written by Giovanni Francesco Busenello (1598–1659). Busenello produced five librettos for Venetian operas, all on historical or mythical subjects from the ancient world, which he later published in a collection entitled Delle hore ociose (Venice 1656). Like other librettists of the period, he prefaced the printed librettos with extensive introductions in which he outlined his principles of opera composition and his use of sources. In the preface to L’incoronazione di Poppea, for instance, he insists on poetic licence and explicitly contrasts his own version of the incidents described in L’incoronazione di Poppea with that in Tacitus and mentions the altered role of the character Otho / Ottone, while he makes no reference to other classical sources. Since Busenello was a member of several academies, most notably of the local Accademia degli Incogniti, which dominated cultural life in Venice in this period, he must have known key Stoic and Neo-Stoic doctrines as well as writers favoured by intellectuals of his time, such as Seneca, Tacitus and also Iustus Lipsius, who promoted these ancient authors and the Neo-Stoic views derived from them.82 Further, Busenello would have been familiar with contemporary treatments of the relevant period in Roman history, for instance, novelle written by other Incogniti, such as Federico Malipiero’s L’imperatrice ambiziosa (1642) or later Ferrante Pallavicino’s Le due Agrippine (1654).83

_____________ 82

83

On the Accademia degli Incogniti and its relevance for 17th-century Venetian librettists see e.g. Bianconi 1987, 188–189; Rosand 1991, 37–40; Heller 2003, 48–81. – The dedicatory poem to Matthew Gwinne’s Nero (1603) suggests that Iustus Lipsius had an interest in the pseudoSenecan Octavia and its contemporary remakes (see ch. 1.2, n. 45). See Heller 2003, 140; Rosand 2007a, 180.

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Because the music to this opera is not explicitly transmitted under any composer’s name (apart from the Udine libretto, which assigns the music to “Monte Verde”) and several sections are shared with other musical works of the period, the authorship of the opera’s music is in doubt. Since the late 17th century, the complete score has been attributed to Claudio Monteverdi (1567–1643). Nowadays the majority of musicologists think that Monteverdi was involved in producing the score, but was not responsible for all of the music and that he may have written the music in cooperation with younger composers, as was common at the time.84 Monteverdi’s first opera, L’Orfeo, often regarded as the first major opera, was performed in Mantua on 24 February 1607, soon followed by his second one, L’Arianna (28 May 1608). Upon the opening of the first public opera house in Venice in 1637, Monteverdi became a sought-after opera composer: he produced works such as Il ritorno d’Ulisse in patria (1640), Le nozze d’Enea con Lavinia (1641) and eventually L’incoronazione di Poppea. Although Monteverdi believed in the precedence of the word over the music, he is known to have changed libretto texts or to have discussed them with his librettists in order to create a form he approved of.85 Both text and music of L’incoronazione di Poppea have survived in several different forms. Their relationship among each other and to the ‘original’ version is not entirely clear; they presumably reflect various stages in the opera’s production history.86 As this study focuses on the text, it is based on Busenello’s collection of librettos (1656), which is likely to reflect the librettist’s final draft (available in reprints). Interestingly, an earlier publication of the libretto (1651) was entitled Il Nerone overo L’incoronatione di Poppea; i.e., the phrase Il Nerone

_____________ 84

85

86

On this issue see esp. Curtis 1989a; 1989b; Osthoff 1991, 255–256; Gianuario 1991–1992; Rosand 1994; 2007b, 238–239; Morrier 2005, 120–124; Bianconi 2009; on the relationship between text and music in L’incoronazione di Poppea see Rosand 1989. On the composer’s impact on the text see Rosand 2007a, 294–295: “Gian Francesco Busenello’s libretto for L’incoronazione di Poppea was also radically reshaped by Monteverdi, the composer once again more fully realizing the dramatic potential latent in the text. Again he intensifies the most distinctive features of the libretto, but these are very different in the later work. … Most important, rather than merely strengthening the particular defining features of the characters, in opposition or contrast to one another, as he does in Ritorno, Monteverdi explores the special psychological complexity with which Busenello has endowed them. Both through his restructuring of the text and through the music he chooses to set it, he probes their ambivalences, their vulnerabilities, their self-doubts, and their effects on one another – that is their humanity. The composer’s impact on Busenello’s libretto is manifested in many ways, but his interventions in its actual text can be reduced to two general types, which are often used to reinforce one another: intercalation or displacement (rearrangement) of lines and verbal repetitions of various-sized units – ranging from entire lines that form refrains to single words.” On this complex see e.g. Degrada 1969; Chiarelli 1974; Rosand 1985, 52–71; 2007a, 61–68, 88–128; Bianconi 1987, 194–196; 2009; Curtis 1989a; 1989b; Questa (1991) 1998, 224–227; Carter 2002, 286–296 (all with further references).

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was added as an alternative title, which became a popular title for subsequent operas, but moves the focus from Poppaea to Nero. The opera was revived in Naples in 1651 (without the scene of Seneca’s suicide), in Paris in early 1647 and perhaps in Venice itself in 1646.87 Bibliographical information88 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Giovanni Francesco Busenello (1598–1659) / Claudio Monteverdi (1567–1643) [and possibly other composers] CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: Scenario dell’Opera Reggia intitolata La coronatione di Poppea. Che se rappresenta in Musica nel Theatro dell’Illustr. Sig. Giovanni Grimani. [Venezia 1643] *Il Nerone overo L’incoronatione di Poppea. Drama musicale dedicato all’Illustriss. e Eccellentiss. Sig. D. Inigo de Guevara. Et Tassis, Conte di Onate, e Villamediana … Vicerè, Luogotenente, e Capitan Generale del presente Regno. [Napoli 1651] *L’incoronatione di Poppea. Di Gio. Francesco Busenello. Opera musicale rappresentata nel Teatro Grimano l’anno 1642, in: Delle hore ociose. Di Gio: Francesco Busenello. Parte prima. All’eminentissimo prencipe il Sig. Cardinal Ottoboni. [Venetia 1656] [several manuscript librettos in addition to these printed sources: see Rosand 2007a, 62] ELECTRONIC VERSION:

http://www.librettidopera.it/incopop/incopop.html (of Scenario, score and / or libretto) – SV 308: Bianconi 2011 (Naples score and libretto); Curtis 1989a (score; Italian text with English translation); ENO Guide 1992, 143–192 (Italian text with English translation); Gallico 1979, 92–96 (reproduction of Scenario); Gronda / Fabbri 2000, 49–105 (Italian text); Morrier 2005, 25–101 (Italian text with French translation and some comments); Rosand 2007a, 394–396 (summary of Scenario) [see also the list at Rosand 2007a, 29] MODERN EDITIONS

RECORDINGS: discography in Morrier 2005, 134–141; http://www.prestoclassical.co.uk/w/45621/Claudio-Giovanni-Antonio-MonteverdiL'incoronazione-di-Poppea videography in Morrier 2005, 142–146 SCHOLARSHIP: Kretzschmar 1894/95; Schneider 1921; Degrada 1969; von Fischer 1969; Savage 1970; Smith 1971, 28–41; Chiarelli 1974; Brizi 1976; Clover 1985, 303–313; Rosand 1985; 1989; 1994; 2007a; 2007b, 235–241; Morelli 1987; Curtis 1989a; 1989b; McClary 1989; Bérard 1991; Osthoff 1991; Questa (1991) 1998, 173–181, 224–227; Gianuario 1991/92; Fenlon / Miller 1992; Henderson 1992; Holzer 1993; Kapp 1993; McClary 1993; Ossi 1995; Carter (1997) 2000; 2002; Giuntini 1998; Ketterer 1998; 1999; 2009, 22–40; Heller

_____________ 87 88

See esp. Rosand 2007b, 235; Whenham in Whenham / Wistreich 2007, 334. See Stattkus 1985, 74; Sartori 1991a, 432; 1991b, 221–222; Fuld 1994, 144–145.

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1999; 2000; 2003, esp. 136–177; 2006; Manuwald 2005; 2005 [2007]; Morrier 2005; Bianconi 2009; Ker 2009, 222–224; for bibliography see Adams / Kiel 1989 information on the opera, librettist and composer: Rosand at OMOb; Walker at OMOa; Whenham at OMO

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

1642/43 (1656): La fortuna – La virtù – Amore || Ottone, Cavaliero principalissimo – Due soldati pretoriani – Poppea, Dama nobilissima favorita di Nerone, che da lui viene assunta all’imperio – Nerone, Imperator romano – Arnalta, Vecchia nutrice e consigliera di Poppea – Ottavia, Imperatrice regnante, che viene repudiata da Nerone – Nutrice di Ottavia imperatrice – Seneca, Filosofo, maestro di Nerone – Valletto, Paggio dell’imperatrice – Pallade – Drusilla, Dama di corte innamorata d’Ottone – Mercurio – Liberto, Capitano della guardia de’ Pretoriani – Damigella dell’ imperatrice – Lucano, Poeta familiar di Nerone – Littore – Venere – Coro de’ famigliari di Seneca – Due consoli – Due tribuni – Coro d’amori 1643: Fortuna – Virtù – Amor || Otthone – Soldati – Poppea – Nerone – Arnalta – Ottavia – Nutrice – Valetto – Seneca – Pallade – Drusilla – Mercurio – Liberto – Familiari – Damigella dell’Imperatrice – Lucano – Amor – Littori – Consoli – Tribuni – Venere, Gratie ed Amori *1651: Nerone – Ottone – Seneca – Liberto – Lucano – Ottavia – Poppea – Drusilla – Damigella – Arnalta – Nutrice – Valletto – Amore – Fortuna – Virtù – Pallade – Mercurio – Venere

1642/43 / 1656 versions: The opera opens with a prologue scene that features the allegorical figures of Fortuna (Fortune), Virtù (Virtue) and Amore (Love), whose conversation demonstrates the power of Amore. The FIRST ACT begins with the nobleman Ottone returning to Rome and lamenting his fate, as he approaches Poppea’s house, since he has to witness the love affair between his wife Poppea and the emperor Nerone (I 1). Two soldiers of the Praetorian Guard on duty during Nerone’s visit to Poppea grumble at their condition and the situation of the empire (I 2). In the morning Nerone prepares for departure, even though Poppea does not want him to go; still he leaves after taking his farewell of her (I 3). Poppea discusses her hopeful prospects with her nurse Arnalta (I 4). The next scene, set in the city of Rome, shows Nerone’s wife Ottavia abandoned and in distress, talking to her nurse about her desperate situation (I 5). The philosopher Seneca, Nerone’s tutor, approaches and tries to comfort Ottavia by telling her that this blow of fortune presents her with the opportunity of showing the glorious virtues of fortitude (fortezza) and constancy (virtù costante). Ottavia is not impressed by Seneca’s admonitions; Valletto, a ‘page of the empress’, mocks Seneca and his counsels (I 6). Seneca, remaining alone, reflects on the changeability of exalted positions (I 7). He is met by the goddess Pallade (Athe-

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na); she acquaints him with his impending death and announces that the god Mercurio will again notify him nearer the time (I 8). Nerone appears, and a long dialogue between Nerone and Seneca follows, in which Seneca attempts to dissuade Nerone from his planned marriage with Poppea and to urge him to consider the responsibilities of an emperor; yet he is unsuccessful and is eventually dismissed by Nerone (I 9). Instead, Nerone confesses to Poppea that he loves her and intends to make her empress; instigated by her, he calls for Seneca’s death (I 10). Ottone tries to remind Poppea of his love for her, but she rejects him, as she now has a relationship with Nerone (I 11). Ottone considers his situation and tries to stir himself to anger at Poppea, whom he still loves (I 12). He now acknowledges the advances of the lady-in-waiting Drusilla, who has long been in love with him (I 13). The SECOND ACT is initially set in Seneca’s villa: the god Mercurio, sent by the goddess Pallade (Athena), tells Seneca that he will have to die on this very day (II 1). This prediction is confirmed when Liberto, ‘Captain of the Praetorian Guard’, reluctantly conveys Nerone’s orders for Seneca to commit suicide (II 2). Seneca consoles his disciples, who do not want him to die, and starts preparations for his suicide, which he sees as a realization of his doctrines (II 3). In a further scene (which has not been set to music) a chorus of Virtues exalts Seneca. The scene changes back to Rome, where the page Valletto and a maid of the empress are shown teasing and making love to each other (II 4). Nerone is informed of Seneca’s death and sings a triumphant song, in company with the court poet Lucano (and other characters in some versions) (II 5). Ottone is angry with himself since he caught himself thinking of offending Poppea, while he is still in love with her (II 6). Ottavia then forces Ottone to arrange the murder of her rival Poppea, even though he is reluctant (II 7). Meanwhile Drusilla is pleased that Ottone is returning her love, while the page mocks Ottavia’s elderly nurse (II 8). Ottone informs Drusilla of what Ottavia has demanded of him and asks her for the necessary disguise; she readily promises support (II 9). The next scene features Poppea’s garden; she is elated at Seneca’s death and the freedom it means for her; she prays to Amore, wishing that he might help her to achieve her aim to become the emperor’s wife. Overwhelmed by drowsiness, she falls asleep in the arms of her nurse Arnalta and asks the latter to guard her (II 10). Amore descends from heaven to prevent the attempted murder while Poppea is asleep (II 11). When Ottone arrives, disguised as Drusilla, and encourages himself to attack Poppea, Amore intervenes. Poppea wakes up and is surprised to see Drusilla, while her servants run to pursue the armed intruder. Amore announces that he wishes to make Poppea empress and disappears into heaven (II 12). For the THIRD ACT the scene returns to the city of Rome, where Drusilla is full of joy in expectation of Poppea’s impending death and the resulting full devotion of Ottone to her (III 1). Yet Arnalta and armed men arrive, reproach Drusilla for having attempted the murder of Poppea and take her into custody (III 2). Drusilla is brought before Nerone and questioned; for the sake of her beloved Ottone she

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pleads guilty and takes all the blame, though innocent; thereupon Nerone sentences her to death (III 3). In this situation Ottone admits his guilt, which, along with Drusilla’s virtuous love, induces Nerone merely to exile Ottone (without his fortune) and to allow Drusilla to accompany him; Ottavia is sent into exile and is to be taken on board a ship (III 4). Nerone reveals the facts to Poppea and promises that she will be empress on this very day (III 5). Meanwhile Ottavia, in miserable condition, takes off the imperial insignia and prepares for exile (III 6). Poppea’s nurse is jubilant at the prospects offered by the change in the position of her mistress (III 7). Finally, the scene changes to Nerone’s imperial palace, showing Poppea’s triumphal marriage and coronation by human bodies and divinities; the opera closes with its eponymous scene (III 8). Analysis L’incoronazione di Poppea is clearly a historical opera, recognizably based on an event from Rome’s early imperial period. The historical characters (the emperor Nero; his wife Octavia; his beloved Poppaea; the philosopher Seneca, Nero’s tutor and adviser; the future emperor Otho) are presented broadly in line with their individual characteristics and positions as known from ancient sources (mainly the Latin Octavia and Tacitus’ Annales), though details differ, as indicated by the librettist Busenello himself. These figures are supplemented by standard characters who have no particular historical reference such as a nurse or a page (I 6; II 8; III 7).89 Such figures were already conventional in ancient drama, with nurses appearing as interlocutors in Octavia; however, Poppea’s nurse in L’incoronazione di Poppea has been given a personal name (Arnalta) and thus acquires a greater degree of individuality. Beyond the historical framework, L’incoronazione di Poppea can be shown to have more specific connections to the Latin Octavia. There are similarities in plot construction: both plays consist of two parts (arranged around Seneca’s death in L’incoronazione di Poppea and around Nero’s conversation with Seneca in Octavia), with the first section setting the scene and the second section showing the powerful protagonists, especially Nero, realizing their wishes. In both plays a betrayed spouse (Ottone and Octavia respectively) presents the background to the ensuing action in the opening scene (I 1; Oct. 1–272). The two female protagonists are shown in conversation with their nurses on either side of the dialogue between Nero and Seneca (I 4; II 10; Oct. 1–272; 690–761). The moral and political problems resulting from Nero’s decision to repudiate his wife and to marry Poppaea are discussed in a dialogue between Seneca and Nero (I 9; Oct. 440–592). Independent of Seneca’s attempts at dissuading, the second part of

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The figure of Drusilla bears a Roman name, which is attested, for instance, for Caligula’s sister (Tac. Ann. 6.15.1), but her character and the action in which she is involved are fictional.

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both dramas presents actions against Nero’s plans, which, because of their failure, contribute to reinforcing Nero’s position (i.e. the unsuccessful murder in L’incoronazione di Poppea and the defeated rebellion of the People in Octavia). In both pieces there is a second character in addition to Seneca, who, in the second half, takes the courage to disagree with Nero: in Octavia the prefect questions Nero’s intention to punish the rebellious People and to have Octavia killed (Oct. 846–876); in L’incoronazione di Poppea Drusilla shows great constancy, even risking her own life (III 2–4). Yet the results of these interventions are different: the prefect, who is subject to Nero, finally has to obey his commands to have Octavia taken to a remote shore and killed (Oct. 874–876), whereas Drusilla is able to impress Nerone by her fortezza and costanza (III 4). In both cases Nero decrees Octavia’s removal from Rome (III 4; Oct. 820–876); Octavia’s lament that she is given to the sea marks the conclusion of the dramatic development (III 6; Oct. 899–923; 958–971). At the same time, there are differences in the elaboration of these elements: in Octavia Nero’s love affair and his new marriage have direct political implications, and these become immediately relevant to the dramatic action through a rebellion of the People embodied by the choruses (Oct. 669–689; 820–876). In L’incoronazione di Poppea a political dimension is opened up intermittently, but the conflict in the imperial palace mainly works on a private level. Possible political repercussions of Nerone’s decision do not influence the dramatic action. Only at the start of the play do the complaints of the guards introduce the political sphere, when they criticize that Nerone neglects national security, that he plunders everybody to favour a few, that innocent individuals suffer and that criminals reap profit (I 2). This sketch of the present situation reminds of Seneca’s description of the state of the empire in his initial monologue in Octavia (Oct. 429–434). Choruses representing the view of the People are lacking in L’incoronazione di Poppea. Nevertheless, Ottavia assumes in her conversation with Seneca that he might try to influence the Senate and the People in her favour (I 6). For Ottavia, who, in contrast to this figure in Octavia, takes active steps to oppose Nerone’s plans,90 the Senate and the People are relevant entities throughout: she hopes – in vain – to make the People, the Senate, Rome and the world happy by the murder of Poppea (according to some versions of the text). Seneca, in his dialogue with Nerone, warns Nerone not to irritate these two political bodies; yet they mean nothing to Nerone (I 9). The appreciation of Republican institutions by other characters even in a monarchical system agrees with their assessment by Seneca in Octavia (Oct. 460b; 485–491).

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On the role of Ottavia in the opera within the context of the position of women in the contemporary intellectual framework see Heller 2003, 136–177; on the depiction of male and female characters in the opera through their music see McClary 1989, esp. 218–221.

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In view of these observations it seems likely that the basic structure of L’incoronazione di Poppea was inspired by the Latin Octavia, although Busenello does not mention the play as a source. The opera’s main theme, the demonstration of the superiority of the God of Love by means of these ‘historical’ events, can also be referred back to Octavia: the dialogue between Seneca and Nero in this play discusses the power of Love, who even defeats Jupiter and is the essential origin of life according to Nero (Oct. 553–571); and one of the choruses sings of the invincible power of Cupid (Oct. 806–819). With this aspect developed into the opera’s leading theme, i.e. by the emphasis on the personal relationships between the characters, a Roman fabula praetexta on a topical subject becomes an entertaining libretto for a Venetian audience.91 One of the main differences between the two plays therefore is their set-up: L’incoronazione di Poppea opens with an allegorical prologue, which shows rivalry between Fortune, Virtue and Love; thus the forces at work are presented as personified entities. In line with contemporary taste, there are several pairs of lovers, from the emperor down to servants, with most of them successfully united at the end. For instance, the action becomes more complex by the inclusion of Ottone (Otho), Poppea’s husband. Rivalry between Nero and Otho for Poppaea, which made Nero send Otho off to Portugal (ancient Lusitania) is attested in historiographical accounts (Tac. Ann. 13.45–46); but as Busenello says in the preface, he has changed Ottone’s role: here Ottone returns to Rome and is involved in the marital conflict, yet eventually presented with a bearable solution. By contrast, the philosopher Seneca, the representative of Virtue, fails (as does his counterpart in Octavia), but the steadfast lady Drusilla vindicates some of Seneca’s ideas.92 Hence, the divergent focus of the two plays becomes particularly obvious in connection with the character Seneca:93 in both cases a dialogue between Seneca and Nero (I 9; Oct. 440–592) forms the ideological nucleus, where ethical norms and absolute arbitrariness confront each other. Both conversations end with Nero unaffected and angrily dismissing Seneca, who is annoying him. In each case

_____________ 91 92

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See also Starobinski in Morrier 2005, 116. Hence the overall outlook of the play is not quite as bleak as some scholars seem to suggest: “The other work [i.e. L’incoronazione di Poppea], a modern dramma musicale, is apparently more problematic. Based on a patchwork of sources (some unacknowledged), telescoped and rearranged and mixed with characters and situations invented by the librettist, its meaning seems far from clear – or if clear, far from acceptable. Nominally it celebrates the victory of Love, the love of Poppea and Nerone that triumphs over all obstacles – over objections of state, over legality and morality. But Love, fuelled by lust and by Poppea’s ambition, is only victorious at the expense of Virtue. The philosopher Seneca dies, the legitimate empress, Ottavia, is exiled and the faithful lovers Ottone and Drusilla, emblems of constancy, are banished from Rome.” (Rosand 2007b, 242). For more detailed discussion of this character and further references see Manuwald 2005; 2005 [2007]; Rosand 2007a, 329–377; Ker 2009, 222–224.

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Seneca insists on the particular responsibility of the ruler: yet, while the Seneca in Octavia emphasizes the obligation of a Roman ruler to care for his citizens and the whole world as shown by examples from Roman history, the Seneca in L’incoronazione di Poppea (influenced by Neo-Stoic ruler ideals) calls for common sense as the guiding principle, which is valid for human beings and gods. In both plays Seneca makes it clear that something higher is expected from the ruler than from the subjects (I 9; Oct. 575). As in Octavia, the Seneca of L’incoronazione di Poppea presents a consistent position independent of personal interests, which prevents the impression that Seneca’s failure in the dialogue with Nerone is the result of possible negative character traits. Most notably, Busenello has included Seneca’s death (in 65 CE) in the plot, against the chronology in the historical record (Tac. Ann. 15.60.2–64), and shows Seneca, honoured and elevated by the gods (I 8; II 1), dying like a Stoic sage, in fulfilment of the doctrines of his writings (II 1–3). That Seneca is to have a moral weight in Busenello’s version is proved by the dramatic structure: for only after Poppea has made Nerone cause Seneca’s suicide does she place her full confidence in Love (I 10), and the unlimited joy that Nerone and Poppea express at Seneca’s death shows what an obstacle he has been for them (II 5; II 10). In both pieces Seneca functions as a contrast to the emotional and egotistic ruler wielding arbitrary powers, even if Seneca’s portrait is more complex in L’incoronazione di Poppea because he also appears as a historical personality subject to criticism by other characters (I 2; I 6; I 9; I 10). These reproaches represent the (possible) personal opinion of those individuals and are motivated by the respective situations, while other events within the dramatic action support Seneca’s credibility: for instance, the anachronistic inclusion of Seneca’s suicide in the action shows his strength and consistency. The Seneca of L’incoronazione di Poppea no longer is a philosopher linked to Roman political life and history (as in the Latin Octavia and in Tacitus), but a Stoic who argues for a life full of virtue and good sense in his writings and accordingly in his utterances on stage. Hence, when Nerone is eventually successful in dismissing his rightful wife and marrying his new love, the alternative concept indicated is not a different political structure, but another way of observing philosophical doctrines, which would lead to responsible rule.94 Although Seneca’s personality, representing Stoic and Neo-Stoic doctrines, is not undermined, his preaching remains without noticeable success. Nerone is impressed by the realization of the virtues Seneca promotes, when he sees Drusilla apply them in practice; still, he does not alter his

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Fabbri (in Gronda / Fabbri 2000, 50–51) sees strong political connotations in the libretto, constituting an example of anti-court and anti-monarchical polemic. This seems not to be an obvious issue in the plot; at the same time, the presentation of a ruler who is governed by his emotions rather than by concerns for the community functions not only as a condemnation of this individual, but also as an attack on the political system he represents.

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own life accordingly. Thus there is no change to the historical facts: the opera concludes with the triumphant union of Nerone and Poppea (III 8). Since the opera does not end with Ottavia’s dismissal and departure from Rome, as the Latin Octavia does, and instead adds Poppea’s coronation as the final scene, it is ensured that the opera concludes with a happy ending (for the main protagonists). Such an atmosphere at the end of the piece is indicated by the opera’s original classification as opera reggia, indicating a drama with royal protagonists and a happy ending.

2.2 Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (1663) Background Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (‘Nero, the desperate and thus liberating the hard-pressed empire’) is attested as a Singespiel mit Balletten (‘musical play with ballets’) that was first printed in Halle in 1663. The dedication is dated to 3 March and reveals that the piece was written on the occasion of the baptism of the young duchess Dorothea (born 17 December 1662), daughter of Augustus, (Secundogeniture) duke of Sachsen-Weißenfels (reigned: 1657–1680) and Protestant administrator of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg, and his first wife Anna Maria of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Duke Augustus, who was based in Halle, is known for his love of art and music; he was a member and then president of the literary association called ‘Fruitbearing Society’ (‘Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft’). The libretto print contains no information on the librettist or the composer, and there is no explicit external evidence either. It has been suggested that the music was provided by David Pohle (1624–1695):95 Pohle, having received his musical training from Heinrich Schütz at Dresden, first worked in various cities in Germany and then was ‘Kapellmeister’ at the court in Halle from 1660/61 (until 1678/79). His activities at Halle included composing and directing Singspiele (all lost); most of Pohle’s Singspiele were based on texts by David Elias Heidenreich (1638–1688), a well-known poet and secretary of duke Augustus and later also a member of the ‘Fruitbearing Society’. His Geistliche Oden auf die fürnehmsten Feste und alle Sonntage des gantzen Jahres, which he composed over the course of a year, were set to music as cantatas for the respective church services throughout an entire year by Pohle during 1663 and 1664, and the joint work was

_____________ 95

See Brockpähler 1964, 190–191 with n. 14. – The piece was first recorded by Johann Christoph Gottsched in Nöthiger Vorrath zur Geschichte der deutschen Dramatischen Dichtkunst (Leipzig 1757, p. 217).

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published in Halle in 1665.96 Hence it is possible that the two men also collaborated for the Singspiel on Nero, but this cannot be proved. 97 Bibliographical information CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende. In einem Singespiel mit Balletten vorgestellet. [Halle 1663] (music lost) SCHOLARSHIP: information on the possible composer David Pohle: Gille 1973; Snyder at OMO

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nero – Sylvanus, Roemischer Buergermeister – Chor der Roemerinnen – Maximus, Des Kaeysers HoffJuncker – Flavia, Stats-Jungfer am Kaeyserl. Hoff – Portius, Hoffnarr – Publius, Hauptmann über des Kaeysers Leibwach – Sergius Sulpitius Galba, Spanischer Stadthalter – Marcion, Des Frantzosischen Stadthalters / des Vindex, KriegsObrister – Chor der gefangenen Roemer – Chor der Soldaten – Phaon, Ein Bauersmann

The FIRST ACT takes place in Nero’s palace. The emperor Nero complains about a thunderstorm. Sylvanus, the mayor of Rome, reassures Nero of his position and confirms that those who do not honour Nero will feel his strength. Nero knows that the provincial governor Vindex has caused an uprising in Gaul and is determined to confront him. Sylvanus believes that the revolt will die down on its own. Nero thinks that such a deed should not remain unavenged. After Nero has left, Sylvanus exclaims that Nero has to be removed and, if Gaul alone cannot do it, Rome and ‘Spain’ will join (I 1). A chorus of Roman women appears; they lament that their husbands have died on account of Nero and hope for help from Sylvanus. They believe that everyone hates Nero and hence that he will not find support during an uprising. They all hope to become free again (I 2). Maximus, a nobleman at the imperial court, arrives and declares that he is not interested in riches, but only in Flavia, a noble lady at the imperial court, when he sees his ‘goddess’ approaching. The two of them confess their mutual love and their desire to enjoy it away from the court (I 3). The fool Portius describes life at court, which consists in enjoying food, drink and love; the act closes with a dance of Nero and his disreputable associates (I 4).

_____________ 96 97

See Heidenreich’s own description of the origin of the work (quoted in Steude 1994, 48). On cultural developments in Weißenfels during the Baroque period see the articles in Jacobson 1994; on Heidenreich and Pohle see Brockpähler 1964, 190; Steude 1994.

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At the beginning of the SECOND ACT Nero proclaims that he will not allow the union of Maximus and Flavia; this beautiful young lady is to remain at his court. Maximus objects that the two of them have been in love with each other for a long time, hoping that his prayers will soften Nero. Nero insists on his power over his subjects and draws his sword in a threatening gesture if they do not comply; thereupon Maximus claims that he will follow the emperor’s orders. Portius comments that Maximus’ love is restricted by Nero (II 1). Publius, the commander of the imperial guard, arrives to announce that there is an uprising in ‘Spain’ and that Galba, provincial governor of ‘Spain’, is on his way to Rome to challenge Nero. Nero is upset and declares his intention to torture these people; he is determined to oppose them and to attack the Roman populace. Publius and Maximus promise their support for Nero. Portius, left on his own, considers becoming a soldier himself (II 2). Flavia is seen waiting for the wedding day to arrive. Portius mocks her, and tells her that Maximus has rejected her. Flavia is disappointed, but thinks that Maximus will suffer punishment for his behaviour. The act ends with a dance of Roman, ‘Spanish’ and ‘French’ soldiers, which illustrates their alliance against Nero (II 3). The THIRD ACT takes place in the city of Rome. Sylvanus thanks Galba and Marcion, the representative of Vindex, because they are ready to support the empire and to defend the old liberty. Galba and Marcion confirm that ‘Spain’ and Gaul have already defected and are willing to fight against the pressure they are enduring under the emperor. Sylvanus adds that Rome too is ready to revolt; even if not, Galba and Marcion have enough men. They all think that because of Nero’s immoral and unacceptable reign it is their duty to oppose him. In Sylvanus’ view they can prevail without fighting: he plans to proclaim everywhere that Nero has been declared a public enemy; then nobody will stay with him and one sword will be enough to remove him. The others agree, and they all swear that Nero will have to be declared an enemy and be killed (III 1). Portius tells Maximus that he has not found Flavia; otherwise he would have told her that Maximus does not need her. Maximus warns him not to mention to Flavia any of the information he has heard. Portius reveals that he has met somebody who he thinks is Maximus’ bride and revealed the details to her, who then turned pale. Maximus is devastated, considering that he might be hateful to the lady whom he loves. He asks Portius if he knows of a safe place where he can meet Flavia; then he will clarify that he has not committed a crime against her. Portius tries to cheer up Maximus and promises that he will bring the two together again (III 2). A chorus of captured Romans and a chorus of Roman women appear: the men lament their loss of freedom, the women their loss of husbands and possessions. Maximus complains that the tyrant forces him to be disloyal. Altogether they bewail the current situation at Rome and hope for support from the gods to remove Nero. Portius commiserates with them in mocking fashion. A dance of Roman citizens who are approached and put to death by Nero in various ways closes the act (III 3).

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At the start of the FOURTH ACT Nero is in his palace (in the presence of Portius, Publius and Maximus) and reads letters, which he angrily tears to pieces and throws on the ground. Portius picks up the pieces, puts the documents together again and passes them to Publius and Maximus to read. Nero is enraged at the uprising; he feels that he has no defence and that everyone has joined the enemy. However, Publius and Maximus claim that his general and his guard are still with him. Nero is not reassured since he regards those forces as too weak, and he prepares for flight. Maximus tries to lift his spirits, pointing out that removing the emperor is easier said than done. But Nero is not fooled: he is convinced that the enemy is already near and about to kill him; it is too late for resistance, therefore the only solution is flight. Publius regards this as inappropriate for an emperor of Rome. Nero agrees in principle, but observes that it is no surprise that an emperor loses courage when everyone is confronting him. Portius then suggests he should take his own life. Nero is ready to die, and he sits down so as to sleep. Publius and Maximus encourage him to have some sleep and declare that they will assemble people so that all enemies will have to flee before the emperor, whereupon Nero promises them honours. They leave, and Nero falls asleep. Portius sings that Nero should sleep sweetly, but it is too early for himself to go to sleep: he first needs good food and drink. Then the emperor’s bedroom is closed (IV 1). Publius addresses the chorus of soldiers; they are prepared to follow him against Nero now that the latter has turned tyrant. Even Portius arms himself; he is asked to keep watch in front of the door; he, however, thinks that it is sufficient if his sword keeps watch while he goes and has some wine. A dance of Nero, to whom the shades of those put to death by him appear with burning torches, closes the act (IV 2). The FIFTH ACT opens in Nero’s palace. Nero is desperate since everyone is uniting against him; he asks his servant Portius to get a sword and help him kill himself. Portius is not keen to kill Nero, who provides excellent food and drink. Nero is disappointed. Then Portius considers that he will fare equally well under a new emperor, though he still does not kill Nero (V 1). In the next scene Maximus reveals to Flavia that the emperor wanted to forbid their love, but that he remained loyal; now that the emperor has been removed, they can be reunited. Flavia asks for pardon since she believed that he had been unfaithful. They confirm their love to each other and are full of hope for the future (V 2). The next scene takes place in the countryside, dotted with farmer’s houses. Nero appears in rags and is upset at the disgrace. The farmer Phaon offers Nero a drink of water and reports that the Senate of Rome has sent people across the country to find and kill Nero. Nero asks Phaon to organize a weapon for him, so that he can die honourably. Phaon leaves to fetch daggers. Nero laments his situation. Phaon reappears and leaves the daggers with Nero. Nero picks the sharper of the two daggers and wounds himself at the throat (V 3). At this point Publius and soldiers storm in and find Nero dying. Publius tells some people to report this to Rome (V 4).

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In the city of Rome Portius wonders what Nero is doing, as everything is crying for his death (V 5). The dead Nero is brought back to Rome. Portius commiserates with him. Galba, Sylvanus and Marcion state that the yoke that has pressed them until then has been broken. The chorus of Roman women are happy that revenge has taken place; everybody is relieved that the tyrant is dead. They all encourage each other to enjoy themselves, and they wish that the gods might help to elect the person who is worthy of the sceptre, has an honourable soul, is far from vices and cares for the fatherland. A dance during which Galba is crowned emperor closes the piece (V 6). Analysis This musical play about Nero is the first known German-language dramatic piece on Nero. It focuses on the final phase of his reign and shows a tyrannical Nero; hence the populace feels justified in taking action against him (III 1). Eventually he takes his own life and is replaced by a better emperor. Thus the piece can have a positive ending, which was probably appropriate for the occasion of its first performance. Because the story concentrates on Nero’s being dethroned and his death, while it does not include references to the repudiation of Octavia for Poppaea’s sake or a similar love affair of Nero, there is almost no direct connection to the plot of the Latin Octavia. Nevertheless, the basic set-up is comparable to Octavia since this play not only shows arbitrary decisions on the part of Nero and his tyrannical rule (refusal to grant permission for Flavia’s and Maximus’ love; killing of Roman citizen; citizens taken into custody), but also, as in Octavia (in a dialogue between Nero and Seneca, Oct. 440–592), has an explicit discussion of the current political situation when the conspirators feel that liberty has been lost and take the traditional political structure as a guideline for the rebellion (III 1). The fact that at the end a new emperor, displaying the ideal virtues, is crowned (V 6) may be due to the circumstances of the production of the piece and is a kind of break within the play, since the removal of the emperor and the restoration of liberty seemed to have been the initial goal. The basic framework of the play is based on the historiographical accounts of the end of Nero’s reign in 68 CE: there are correspondences to Suetonius’ presentation of the role of the provincial governor of ‘Spain’ (Hispania Tarraconensis) and later emperor Galba (Suet. Galba 9.2–11) as well as of C. Iulius Vindex, who was governor of ‘France’ (Gallia Lugdunensis) in 67 CE and led an uprising against Nero in 68 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.74.2; Suet. Nero 40.1; Galba 9.2; 16.2). The description of Nero’s flight and death is also close to Suetonius’ report (Suet. Nero 47–49): Nero angrily reads dispatches handed to him and tears them to pieces (IV 1; Suet. Nero 47.1); in his flight he is assisted by his freedman Phaon (here a farmer), who offers his villa in the suburbs (V 3; Suet. Nero 48.1); Nero has a drink of water out in the fields before he dies (V 3; Suet. Nero 48.3);

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Nero kills himself, with the help of others, and is dying when his pursuers arrive (V 3–4; Suet. Nero 49.3–4). Even the frightening thunderstorm at the beginning of the piece (I 1) has an equivalent in Suetonius, where an earthquake and a flash of lightning upset Nero on his flight (Suet. Nero 48.2). The plot that develops between the thunderstorm at the beginning and Nero’s death at the end is, however, fictional. Structurally it is a love story as in other Nero operas, but not focused on Nero himself; the two lovers (Maximus and Flavia) eventually come together again after a series of obstacles and misunderstandings, a type of plot that is already found in ancient Greek novels. A ‘mayor’ of Rome obviously did not exist in classical Rome; the description of the other offices too rather agrees with contemporary conventions. However, some of the names have a historical basis: the military officer C. Gavius Silvanus and the centurion Maximus Scaurus were participants in the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 15.50.3); these names therefore have a link to the Neronian period. Publius and Flavia are Roman names; the name Flavia is, for instance, attested for Vespasian’s wife (Suet. Vesp. 3). A Marcion (Marcion of Sinope) is known as an orator and founder of a particular branch of the Christian church in the second century CE. Portius could be a deliberately mangled form of Marcus Porcius Cato (234– 149 BCE), since the fool Portius is the opposite of the proverbial Roman who upheld traditional virtue and opposed degeneration. The main action is constantly punctuated with comments and actions by this fool, who is mainly concerned for his personal well-being; this creates a series of light intermezzi and provides a further (ironic) perspective to the question of proper rule. Besides, each act ends with a ballet that represents some incidents and thus adds a further level to the plot and / or moves it on. This musical play seems to have been the basis for a later piece on Nero (1685) written for Weißenfels (ch. 2.5). The later play basically keeps cast and plot, but it adds a historical and a divine dimension as well as a more elaborate action on the comic level.

2.3 Aureli, Claudio Cesare (1671/72) Background Claudio Cesare (a drama per musica in three acts) is an opera named after the emperor Claudius, Nero’s predecessor, to a libretto by Aurelio Aureli and music by Giovanni Antonio Boretti; it was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’ in Venice from December 1671 to January 1672, with the dedication dated 27 December 1672 [1671].98

_____________ 98

See Selfridge-Field 2007, 105.

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The librettist Aurelio Aureli (fl. 1652–1708) produced about 50 librettos, mostly for Venice, apart from a spell during which he worked for the duke of Parma (1688–1694) and cooperated with the composer Bernardo Sabadini (d. 1718). Giovanni Antonio Boretti (c. 1638–1672) was active as a singer and composer, creating many operas for Venice. The preface to this libretto mentions that he has been recently chosen as ‘maestro di cappella’ to the duke of Parma, but he seems not to have taken up a post there (that of ‘vicemaestro di cappella’) until April 1672. Aureli and Boretti already collaborated on the opera Eliogabalo (1668), which presented a historical tyrant on stage, and Boretti’s last opera (1672) deals with another Roman emperor of the first century CE (Domitiano, with a libretto by Matteo Noris). Bibliographical information LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Aurelio Aureli (fl. 1652–1708) / Giovanni Antonio Boretti (c. 1638–1672) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Claudio Cesare. Drama per musica. Nel Teatro Vendramino a San Saluatore. L’anno M.DC.LXXII. Di Aurelio Aureli. Opera Decima Sesta. Dedicato all’altezza sereniss. di Gio: Federico, Duca da Bransuich, Luneburgo, &c. [Venetia 1672; dedica di Aurelio Aureli, dated 27 December 1672] ELECTRONIC VERSION:

http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00048142/images/ SCHOLARSHIP: information on librettist and composer: Rosand / Glixon at OMO; Walker (with N. Dubowy) at OMO

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Claudio Cesare, Imperator di Roma – Agrippina, Imperatrice moglie di Claudio – Nerone, figlio d’Agrippina – Mitradate, Rè d’Iberia – Silano, Vecchio Console Romano sotto nome d’Osmiro – Giunia, figlia di Silano – Pallante, fauorito d’Agrippina – Drusa, vecchia Romana Nutrice di Giunia – Lepido, Duce Romano – Niso, Seruo di Corte – Un Console nel Senato di Roma – Chori: Di Alabardieri, Di Caualieri (con Claudio), Di Paggi (con Agrippina), Di Caualieri Iberi (con Mitradate), Di Guerrieri (con Nerone), Di Soldati (con Lepido), Di Consoli, e Tribuni in Senato

The FIRST ACT begins in the Temple of Peace in Rome. In the presence of civilian and military officials Claudio, the Roman emperor, and Mitradate, king of Iberia, declare peace (I 1). Giunia, the daughter of the Roman consul Silano, appears in

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the company of her old nurse Drusa. Both Mitradate and Claudio are struck by Giunia’s beauty. She entreats Claudio on behalf of her father, who has been unjustly condemned by the Roman Senate; Claudio pardons him and then has Giunia led to the imperial court (I 2). Mitradate comments on what has happened (I 3). Silano cautiously considers his own fate and that of his daughter (I 4). In a pleasant place of hers on Monte Celio Agrippina complains that her heart has lost its peace, but she emphasizes her duty towards Claudio in conversation with her favourite Pallante, which leaves the latter disappointed (I 5). Pallante expresses his love for Agrippina (I 6). Nerone comes upon Agrippina, who is asleep and dreaming; she promises that he will become emperor (I 7). Nerone considers his prospects (I 8). Niso, a court servant, tells Agrippina that Giunia is at court and that Claudio is enjoying himself with her. During their conversation an earthquake occurs, causing damage to buildings; they are not quite sure what this portent means (I 9). In a part of the imperial palace affected by the earthquake Claudio and the Roman general Lepido talk about the event (I 10). Giunia discusses her experiences at court with Drusa (I 11). Mitradate appears; he indicates his love, but Giunia feigns not to be affected (I 12). Mitradate reflects upon his lack of success; Silano overhears the end of his speech (I 13). Silano then considers the fate of his daughter (I 14). Pallante reveals his love for Agrippina to Lepido (I 15). Agrippina appears, suffering from jealousy; this is heightened when she hears from Lepido that Giunia is staying at court. She is ready to take action against this situation, while Nerone is intrigued by the mention of this beauty (I 16). Nerone tells Lepido that he would like to meet this beautiful girl (I 17). Niso calls for action (I 18). A ballet closes the first act. The SECOND ACT takes place in and around Claudio’s imperial palace. Claudio is tormented by love; he sends a page to fetch Drusa. When Pallante arrives and informs him about the precarious situation of the empire, Claudio appoints him as prefect of a legion (II 1). Claudio asks Drusa to take a piece of jewellery to Giunia and to tell her that he could make her empress of Rome. Drusa does not quite understand how this could be possible while Agrippina is alive. She leaves, followed by a page, who carries a golden sceptre and a jewelled crown (II 2). Agrippina tells the servant Niso that she is governed by fear and hope as regards the affair with Giunia (II 3). Agrippina and Niso remain to overhear a dialogue between Giunia and Drusa: when Drusa delivers Claudio’s message and his presents to Giunia, Agrippina is taken aback. Giunia is confused since she loves Mitradate; but Drusa advises her to accept Claudio because of the more advantageous position. At this point Agrippina reveals herself, threatens Giunia and then leaves (II 4). Giunia is devastated; Drusa tries to cheer her up and points out that Claudio is arriving (II 5). Claudio finds Giunia in tears; she tells him about her experiences with Agrippina; he promises to deal with the situation (II 6). Claudio orders Lepido to ask Agrippina to leave the imperial palace. Lepido believes that

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the reason is that Claudio has learned about Agrippina’s love for Pallante and decides to defend him. In the process he reveals Agrippina’s love for Pallante, which makes Claudio ban Pallante from the imperial court (II 7). Claudio indicates to Giunia that an opportunity has arisen to remove Agrippina from the throne; Giunia accepts that Fortune has been kind (II 8). Nerone is taken in by Giunia’s beauty; he persuades the unwilling Niso to support him (II 9). In a courtyard in front of Agrippina’s apartments Pallante takes leave of Agrippina (II 10). Lepido delivers Claudio’s orders to Agrippina; she accepts and bewails her fortune (II 11). Lepido laments her fate (II 12). In another part of the imperial palace Mitradate reveals his love for Giunia to Silano (II 13). Giunia considers her situation, not yet ready to give up hope. Silano in disguise, whom she does not recognize, addresses her; he tells her that he has seen her father Silano in Iberia; he claims that he misses his fatherland and his daughter, but also reveals that Mitradate, king of Iberia, loves her (II 14). Drusa arrives to tell Giunia that Claudio is calling her to the throne; Giunia obeys, but without returning his love (II 15). Drusa considers that Giunia loves Mitradate (II 16). Mitradate talks to Silano about his love, envying Claudio (II 17). Silano reflects upon the power of Cupido over Mitradate (II 18). Lepido and Pallante discuss Pallante’s situation; he feels struck by Cupido and unjust Fate (II 19). Niso shows Nerone a picture of Giunia, which only increases his love (II 20). Nerone admires the portrait (II 21). Agrippina is worried that Nerone is led by love and might not show due regard to his mother and the empire, but he assures her that he will (II 22). Niso passes Giunia’s portrait to Agrippina; since she is not in a position to kill the girl, she destroys the picture (II 23). For its first section the THIRD ACT features an amphitheatre, ready for spectacles and full of spectators. Claudio is speaking words of love to Giunia, dressed in imperial robes, and sits down with her on the throne. Mitradate and Nerone are amazed and then take their seats, while Claudio gives a sign for the gladiatorial games to start (III 1). Agrippina, without imperial robes, challenges Claudio and his treatment of her and Giunia and prepares to kill Giunia, when Claudio prevents her. Agrippina leaves, and Giunia remains worried (III 2). Mitradate reflects upon his situation, addressing himself to Fortuna and Amor; he feels cruelly treated and is ready to leave (III 3). In a conversation with Silano it becomes clear to Drusa that he too loves Giunia (III 4). Silano, on his own, realizes that Drusa did not understand that it is paternal love in his case (III 5). In a castle at the banks of the river Tiber Agrippina is imprisoned. Pallante muses upon the fatal force of Amor (III 6). Lepido and Niso join him, and they continue the conversation (III 7). Lepido and Niso fear what the future might bring in view of the complex situation (III 8). Nerone arrives and starts talking to Niso, but they do not recognize each other immediately. At this point a terrible thunderstorm arises (III 9). Niso opens the door to the prison, and Agrippina emerges, clad in Pallante’s weapons; Niso believes that this is Pallante himself and is alarmed (III 10). Agrippina reveals her identity (III 11).

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In Giunia’s chambers, linked to the imperial garden, Drusa tells Giunia that ‘Osmiro’ loves her and that her appearance will attract thousands of lovers (III 12). Silano approaches Giunia to lament his fate. She recognizes him as her father, and they are embracing when Claudio appears (III 13). Claudio thinks that Giunia has been dishonest, but she reveals to him that Silano is her father (III 14). Niso reports that Nerone has torn down the doors of the castle and is now proudly leading his mother to the Senate and that the Capitol is acclaiming him Cesare. Claudio announces his intention to punish them. Silano and Giunia consider how uncertain her situation was and how quickly it has changed (III 15). Agrippina arrives full of hatred, but Mitradate tries to calm her down (III 16). Mitradate tells Giunia not to worry; they confess their love for each other (III 17). Mitradate is full of hope (III 18). In the Roman Senate Nerone reveals what happened to the innocent Agrippina (III 19). Agrippina implores everybody for help (III 20). Claudio is irritated, and Agrippina reiterates how unjustly she has been treated (III 21). Giunia arrives, followed by a page carrying the imperial accoutrements given to her by Claudio. Giunia tells Claudio to respect Agrippina as his legal wife, and the page lays the crown and the sceptre at Claudio’s feet. Giunia asks Agrippina for pardon, which she grants. Mitradate asks for Giunia, which Claudio agrees to, overcoming himself, and asks for Agrippina’s pardon, which she also grants. Claudio designates Nerone as emperor; only Pallante remains unhappy. With Mitradate celebrating love, the opera ends (III 22). Analysis This opera is not a ‘Nero opera’ in the sense that Nero is the main protagonist and his actions form the centre of the plot. Still, this Italian opera, named after Nero’s predecessor Claudius, which follows upon Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea after about 30 years and precedes most other ‘Nero operas’, displays a number of connections with those pieces. The appearance of the character of Nerone creates an obvious link: in this opera he is in love with Giunia, as are Claudio and Mitradate, but he is still guided by his mother Agrippina (II 22). When Nerone, along with his mother, strives for taking over power (I 7–8; II 22; III 15) and is eventually appointed as successor by Claudio (III 22), this creates a portrayal of (the young) Nerone that is based on the historial record and agrees with his characterization in the Latin Octavia and Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea: Nerone is presented as a tyrannical, unscrupulous ruler, who is easily attracted by beautiful women (II 9; II 20–22). What is more important for the connection between Claudio Cesare and the Nero operas in the strict sense is the fact that, although Claudio is the protagonist of this opera, the basic conflict is the same in structural terms as in the Latin Octavia and the Nero operas with a similar plot: Claudio is faced with the same dilemma as Nero, when he is married to Octavia and in love with Poppaea. Sue-

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tonius reports that Claudius was ‘immoderate in his passion for women’ (Suet. Claud. 33.2), and Tacitus says, in connection with the situation after the death of his third wife, that Claudius could not bear a life without marriage (Tac. Ann. 12.1). The Claudio in the opera, now married to Agrippina, is in love with another woman, Giunia, and wishes to make her his empress, which means that he must remove his legitimate wife and empress Agrippina (II 6–8). The political implications of this situation are not discussed in detail, since there is no authority figure such as Seneca who would raise such questions, but the set-up mirrors that of the Latin Octavia, even though the final solution to the conflict is different. The emperor is not particularly concerned about politics; as in the historical record, he is weak and dependent on his freedmen: for instance, Claudio appoints Pallante as prefect of a legion (II 1), as Claudius is said to have given the command over the soldiers to his freedman Narcissus when asked (Tac. Ann. 11.33). In the ‘Argomento’ the librettist claims that the plot is based on Tacitus’ Annals and Histories, supplemented by fictional characters and events.99 The basis for the historical figures can indeed be found in Tacitus’ works: the emperor Claudius, his wife Agrippina and her son Nero; Mithridates, king of Armenia (son and brother of the king of the Hiberi), whom Claudius sent back from Rome to his home country in 47 CE (Tac. Ann. 11.8–9); Lucius Iunius Silanus, betrothed to Octavia, who fell into disfavour with Claudius on account of an intrigue by Agrippina and committed suicide in 49 CE (Tac. Ann. 12.3.2–4; 12.8.1); M. Antonius Pallas, who held positions at the imperial court under Claudius and Nero and is believed to have had a relationship with Agrippina and have favoured Nero (Tac. Ann. 12.2.3; 12.25.1; 12.65.2; 14.2.2). The figures Lepido and Giunia could also have been inspired by characters in Tacitus (mentioned in connection with Agrippina): M. Aemilius Lepidus is said to have had an illicit relationship with the young Agrippina (Tac. Ann. 14.2.2) and was killed in 39 CE (Cass. Dio 59.22.6–8); Iunia Silana (not the daughter of Lucius Iunius Silanus) originally was a friend of Agrippina, while later there was bitter enmity between the two women (Tac. Ann. 13.19.2). A reflection of this is perhaps the angry destruction of the portrait and the assassination attempt by Agrippina in the opera (II 23; III 2). For the servant Niso and the nurse Drusa, whose function matches that of the nurses in the Latin Octavia and in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, no ancient equivalents can be found. In the opera all historical figures (with some modifications to their historical positions and adaptations to the timing of events) appear in a fictional context, established around the appearance of the beautiful Giunia. The general political

_____________ 99

See ‘Argomento’: “Argomento di quello s’ha da gli Annali, & dall’Historia di Tacito. … Sul fondamento di questa nobilissima Historia inalzando il supposto d accidenti verisimili. Si finge, che …” – ‘Synopsis of what was taken from the Annals and the Histories of Tacitus. … On the basis of this most noble history setting up a construct of plausible incidents. It is invented that …’.

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situation is largely disregarded; only Silanus’ treatment (I 2) and Agrippina’s imprisonment (III 6) recall the tyrannical and arbitrary nature of the rule. The main focus is on a complex web of love affairs (in addition to the love affair of Pallante and Agrippina), which develops upon Giunia’s appearance, since three men, Claudio, Mitradate and Nerone, fall in love with her; hence the emperor will have to beat rivals in order to satisfy his desires. Although Giunia only responds to Mitradate’s love, she bows to Claudio’s power and promises. Yet it is she who triggers the positive turn at the end when she tells Claudio to respect his lawful wife and returns the insignia of power that she has been given (III 22). Thus she represents the type of a magnanimous woman that is also embodied by Drusilla in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea; in contrast to Drusilla, Giunia’s intervention is directly related to the emperor’s love relationships, and she provokes him to resign his intentions, which then allows for the happy ending, when Claudio and Agrippina come together again and Giunia is given to Mitradate, who has loved her all along (III 22). This set-up, namely that besides the loving emperor other men desire the woman loved by him and / or he does not win her at the end, also appears in later Nero operas (e.g. Corradi, Il Nerone; Neris, L’ingresso alla gioventù; Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare; Silvani, La fortezza al cimento). Besides, this opera includes characters that appear here for the first time as figures at the Roman imperial court, such as the servant Niso, who reappears as a servant of Tiridate in Corradi’s Il Nerone and as a servant of Poppea in Contri’s Agrippina in Baia, or the Roman general Lepido, who is introduced as a favourite of Nerone in Corradi’s Il Nerone, or the relationship between Agrippina and Pallante (the historical Pallas), which occurs in Noris’ Nerone fatto Cesare and Grimani’s Agrippina. On the other hand, this is not the first piece to involve a foreign king; this goes back to Biancolelli’s spoken drama Il Nerone (1666), which includes Tiridate, king of Armenia. Mitridate reappears in Silvani’s La fortezza al cimento, where he is introduced as king of Pontus (presumably alluding to another historical Mithridates). Here Mitradate (with a different form of the name) is the king of ‘Iberia’: while this geographical term is used to refer to the Iberian peninsula in other operas, here it must denote the Scythian tribe of the Hiberi (in the region of Caucasus). The characters of Silano and Giunia do not appear in other Nero operas. In details of the plot the opera includes conventional features that are also common in ‘Nero operas’, such as a sleep scene (I 7), a person appearing in disguise (II 14), a performane of a play or games within the play (III 1), confusions and love triggered by a picture of a woman (II 20–22). While the basic situation, an emperor in love with another woman and ignoring his empress, is reminiscent of the Latin Octavia, the complex love plot with the broad disregard of political implications and the elimination of Seneca is different and does not clearly point to Octavia as a source. At the same time it is likely that later librettists of ‘Nero operas’ will have known this opera and have been inspired by its additional characters and the construction of the love affairs.

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2.4 Corradi, Il Nerone / Nero (1678/79 / 1693) Background Il Nerone (a dramma per musica in three acts), to a libretto by Giulio Cesare Corradi and music by Carlo Pallavicino, was first performed at the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ in Venice on 31 December 1678, put on for the first part of the winter season of 1678/79.100 It was thus the first opera to show Nero and Seneca on stage in Venice after the epoch-making L’incoronazione di Poppea, and it was presented with opulent staging.101 According to the ‘Argomento’, the character of the emperor Nerone and its various appearances were to be the focus of the piece.102

_____________ 100 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 129. 101 See Selfridge-Field 2001, XVI; 2007, 129–130. 102 See ‘Argomento’: “Asceso Nerone sul Trono di Roma, si fè credere à suoi Popoli per il Solone di que’ tempi, mà cadutagli di mano la bilancia d’Astrea, in breve converti il nome di Giusto in quello del maggior Tiranno del Mondo. Lo spogliare di sostanze la Plebe per vestire la superbia de suoi caprici fù il minore d’ogni delitto. Stupri, Morti, e Ruine continui trionfi di quell’Anima indegna. Non fù senza amiratione, che egli rendesse a Tiridate la Corona d’Armenia ancorche obligato à depositarsi sul Tebro per farlo vedere à suoi piedi prima che Regnante, Vassallo. Questa funzione, che sfolgorò nel Cielo Latino con tutti i numeri della magnificenza, unita ad altre Accidenti, parte veri parte verisimili, m’invogliarano à scrivere il presente Drama, à cui imposi il titolo di Nerone.” – ‘After Nero had ascended the throne of Rome, he made his People believe that he was the Solon of these times, but when the scales of Astraea fell from his hand, the name of ‘the just’ turned quickly into that of ‘the greatest tyrant on earth’. That he robbed the People of their possessions to cover the arrogance of his desires was a minor one among all his crimes. Rapes, killings and destructions, continuous triumphs of this unworthy soul. It was not without admiration that he returned the crown of Armenia to Tiridate, even though he had been obliged to convey himself to the Tiber in order to make himself seen at his feet as a vassal before being a ruler. This incident, which shone in the Latin sky with all forms of magnificence, along with other events, some true, some similar to the truth, have prompted me to write the present drama, to which is given the title of Nerone.’; German adaptation (1693): “Kurtzer Inhalt. Ob wohl der tyrannische Nero allen Leuten zum Verdruß gelebet / hat er doch nach dem Armenischen Kriege sein rachgieriges Gemuethe auf kurtze Zeit ueberwunden und dem Tyridates die Koenigliche Krohne wieder aufgesetzet. Diese ungewoehnliche That hat gantz Rom mit unzehlicher Herrligkeit erleuchtet und dem beruehmten Conrad Gelegenheit gegeben / gegenwaertiges Schauspiel unter dem Nahmen Nero theils mit warhafftigen / theils mit warscheinenden Zufaellen auszuzieren und auf dem kostbahren Grimanischen Schau-Platze zu Venedig vorzustellen / welches sich der hochgeneigte Leser gleichergestalt wolle gefallen lassen / indem nicht allein der Chur-Saechs. Capell-Meister Herr N. A. Strunck abermahl die Music selber gesetzet / sondern auch der kuenstliche Bau-Meister Sigr. Sartorio, so wohl zum Bau als Mahlerey selbst Hand angeleget. Sollte Ihm aber der stolze und wolluestige Nero einig Mißfallen erwecken / so wird verhoffentlich die tugend-haffte Gilde diese Unannehmligkeit mit ihrer bestaendigen Treue zur Gnuege ersetzen.” – ‘Brief synopsis. Although the tyrannical Nero has lived in a way that offended all people, after the Armenian war, he did conquer his revengeful mind for a short period of time and returned the royal crown to Tiridates. This unusual deed has illuminated all of Rome with immense splendour and has provided the famous Conrad [i.e.

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Giulio Cesare Corradi (d. 1701/02) produced twenty-two librettos for theatres in Venice between at least 1675 and his death. He had a close connection with theatres owned by the Grimani family: he composed three works for the first four seasons (1678–1681) of their new, luxurious theatre, the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’, and from 1686 to 1693 he was active for their older theatre, the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’. Corradi’s first two works for the new ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’, Il Vespasiano (1678) and Il Nerone (1678/79), take advantage of the spectacular and advanced staging opportunities in this theatre; both operas present Roman emperors of the first century CE, mixing historical facts and fiction, politics and love affairs. Carlo Pallavicino (c. 1640–1688) was active in Padua, Venice and Dresden. After having started his career in Italy, he worked as ‘Vice-Kapellmeister’ and later ‘Kapellmeister’ in Dresden for Johann Georg II, Elector of Saxony, from 1666/67 to 1673. Afterwards he returned to Italy, where he remained until 1687, when he again moved to Dresden: during the carnival season of 1685 Johann Georg III of Saxony (the son of Johann Georg II), then on a visit to Venice, had become interested in Italian singers and offered Pallavicino the position of ‘Kapellmeister’, including the function of ‘director of chamber and theatre music’ (‘camerae ac teatralis musicae praefectus’), at Dresden. Pallavicino wrote his first two operas for production during the winter of 1666. In the 1670s and 1680s, he was a dominant figure in opera in Venice and elsewhere in Italy. He created twenty-one operas for four Venetian opera houses, particularly for those owned by the Grimani family. After his return from Dresden in 1673, he started to provide works for the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’ on a regular basis. When the Grimanis opened the new ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ in 1678, Pallavicino was commissioned to provide the music for the inaugural opera, Il Vespasiano. Pallavicino went on to compose ten scores during the first ten years of the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ (including Il Nerone), while he continued to work for the ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’. Other pieces with a classical background include the music to Matteo Noris’ Diocleziano (1674), to Giacomo Francesco Bussani’s Enea in Italia (1675), to Francesco Maria Piccioli’s Messalina (1679), to Matteo Noris’ Penelope la casta (1685) and to Antonio Franceschi’s La Didone delirante (1685). Because of Pallavicino’s contact with north-eastern Germany, it is perhaps not a surprise that Corradi’s and Pallavicino’s Il Nerone was adapted for Leipzig

_____________ Corradi] with the opportunity to compose the present drama under the title Nero, with events partly true, partly similar to truth, and to present it in the sumptuous venue of the Grimani in Venice. The honourable reader should allow the same thing to happen, since not only has the ‘Kursächsische Kapellmeister’, Herr N. A. Strunck, provided another musical setting himself, but also the director of construction, Sigr. Sartorio, has himself worked on the construction and painting of the scenery. Should the proud and sensual Nero provoke his disapproval, the virtuous Gilde, along with her unyielding loyalty, will hopefully make up for this inconvenience to a sufficient degree.’

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(entitled Nero; music lost) by Paul Thymich (1656–1694) and Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700), who had it performed in the opening year (1693) of the ‘Opernhaus am Brühl’ founded by Strungk himself (cf. Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare). A reworking of the piece (with the same text and some changes to the music) by Johann Valentin Meder (c. 1649–1719) was shown in Danzig in November 1695, the first German opera to be performed there.103 Il Nerone seems to have been popular: it was not only restaged in various places (including Genoa 1681 and Naples 1686), but the libretto was also reprinted several times, sometimes with major revisions. For instance, in the original version the first part of the third act is set in Nerone’s theatre; the protagonists act a comedy, full of dramatic irony. In the libretto’s second edition, in addition to a few other minor changes, the play within the play has been removed, and the scene in Nerone’s theatre has been replaced by a scene set in Nerone’s baths; besides, there are seventeen new arias.104 Bibliographical information105 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Giulio Cesare Corradi (d. 1701/02) / Carlo Pallavicino (c. 1640–1688) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: Il Nerone. Drama per Musica, Nel nuovo Teatro Grimano di S. Gio: Grisostomo. L’anno 1679. Di Giulio Cesare Corradi. Consacrato alla Serenissima Altezza d’Isabella Clara, Arciduchessa d’Austria, Duchessa di Mantova e Monferrato &c. [Venetia 1679] Il Nerone. Drama per musica, Nel nuovo Teatro Grimano di S. Gio: Grisostomo. L’anno 1679. Di Giulio Cesare Corradi. Riformato con nuove Aggiunte. Consacrato Alla Serenissima Altezza d’Isabella Clara, Arciduchessa d’Austria, Duchessa di Mantova, e Monferrato &c. [Venetia 1679]

‘Benignissimo Lettore’: “La generosità del tuo grãd’ anima essercitata in ogni tempo verso di me, e particolarmente quest’ anno nel compatire il mio Nerone, hà stimolata la pena à riformartelo coll’ aggiunta di nuoue Ariette, il Pennello à riabbelirtelo colla vagghezza di nuoui colori e l’ingegno à riadornartelo colla bizzaria di nuoue apparenze.” – ‘The generosity of your grand soul, shown towards me at all times, and particularly in the current year with your sympathy for my Nerone, has prompted the pen to revise it with the addition of new arias, the paint brush to adorn it again with the charm of new colours and the mind to grace it anew with the bizarre character of new appearances.’

_____________ 103 See Brockpähler 1964, 122; Maul 2009, 990. 104 See Smith 1969, 65. 105 See Sartori 1991b, 220–221; Selfridge-Field 2007, 129–130; on the Leipzig version see Maul 2009, 988–990, no. 48.

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*Il Nerone. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro del Falcone l’anno 1681. Consacrato all’illustriss. … Sig. Anna Panfilia Doria principessa di Melfi, marchesa di Toriglia e di S. Stefano etc. [Genova] *Il Nerone. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Regal Palazzo nel giorno del compleaños del re N. Sig. che Dio guardi. Consecrato all’eccellentiss. Signor marchese del Carpio vicerè e capitan generale nel regno di Napoli etc. [Napoli 1686]106 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Giulio Cesare Corradi (d. 1701/02) / Carlo Pallavicino (c. 1640–1688); adapted by Paul Thymich (1656–1694) / Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nero, in einer Opera mit Chur-Fuerstl. Saechs. gnaedigster Verwilligung auff dem neuen Schau-Platze zu Leipzig in der Michaelis-Messe 1693 vorgestellet. [Dresden] (music lost) ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1679 (1st print): http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00048322/images/ 1679 (2nd print): http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/01517.pdf SCHOLARSHIP: information on librettists and composers: Smith 1969; Selfridge-Field 2001, XIV–XXI; Härtwig at OMOa; Saunders at OMOa; OMOe

Synopsis107 CHARACTERS:

1679 (1st print): Nerone – Tiridate, Rè d’Armenia – Gilde, sua moglie – Pisone, Cavalier Romano – Clelia, sua sorella – Fabio, destinato sposo di Clelia – Lepido, favorito di Nerone – Seneca, Maestro di Nerone – Niso, servo di Tiridate – Choro di Cavalieri Romani, di Cavalieri Armeni, d’Alabardieri, di Pichieri, di Mori, di Dame, di Popolo Romano || Personaggi nella Comedia: Endimione – Cintia – Venere – Marte – Vulcano – Bronte 1679 (2nd print): Nerone – Tiridate, Rè d’Armenia – Gilde, sua moglie – Pisone, Cavalier Romano – Clelia, sua sorella – Fabio, destinato sposo di Clelia – Lepido, favorito di Nerone – Seneca, Maestro di Nerone – Niso, servo di Tiridate – Choro di Cavalieri

_____________ 106 This opera is listed as a separate piece with music by Carlo Porsile in some studies (e.g. Mühlbach 1910, 8; Fluch 1924, 10; Walter 1975, 268). From the information given in Sartori (1991b, 220–221), in combination with what is known about Carlo Porsile’s career, this is rather another version of the well-known piece by Giulio Cesare Corradi, printed by Carlo Porsile (see also the description of the 1686 print by Gianini 1906, VIII: “con qualche rifacimento e una introduttione al Festino, di Nicola Vaccaro”). 107 The German version (1693) is a rather faithful adaptation of the Italian original (1679), with only minor nuances in the dialogues. There are, however, differences in scene numbering in the second halves of all three acts, where scenes have been divided in the German version. For the sake of convenience, a full synopsis of the plot is therefore given for both versions.

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Romani, di Cavalieri Armeni, d’Alabardieri, di Pichieri, di Mori, di Dame, di Popolo Romano *1686: Nerone – Tiridate – Gilde – Pisone – Clelia – Fabio – Lepido – Seneca – Nisa || Nella IV scena del III atto: Teatro di Nerone, con i personaggi della commedia: Endimione – Cintia – Venere – Marte – Vulcano – Bronte 1693: Nero, Roemischer Kaeyser – Tiridates, Koenig in Armenien – Gilde, Seine Gemahlin – Piso, Ein Roemischer Ritter – Clelia, Seine Schwester – Fabius, Ihr Bräutigam – Lepidus, Des Nero Vertrauter – Seneca, Des Kaeysers Hof-Meister – Niso, Des Armenischen Koenigs Bedienter || Hierzu kommen: Das Roemische Volck – Des Kaeysers Leibwacht – Die Roemischen Damen – Die Mohren – Des Armenischen Koenigs Gefolge || Personen zur Comœdie: Endimion – Cinthia – Venus – Mars – Vulcanus – Brontes

1679 (first) Italian version: The FIRST ACT opens with the emperor Nerone seated upon a globe of the world (part of the stage machinery), surrounded by Roman knights and representatives of other countries, who sing of his splendour as the ruler of the world (I 1). Nerone’s tutor Seneca enters, announcing the approach of Tiridate, king of Armenia. Nerone declares his intention to give the Armenian crown to Tiridate. Seneca laments Nerone’s tyrannical rule, while Nerone rebukes him for being sad on a festive day. Seneca tries to encourage Nerone to behave more nobly, but Nerone finds him annoying (I 2). The stage machinery changes to reveal Tiridate, appearing on horseback in a procession, accompanied by his wife Gilde. They prostrate themselves before Nerone and address him as a god on earth. Nerone crowns them both and comments to himself on Gilde’s beauty. He proclaims festivities, while Seneca suspects imminent disaster (I 3). Tiridate reveals to Gilde that he is worried about Nerone’s admiration for her; yet Gilde criticizes him for being overanxious and emphasizes her fidelity (I 4). Tiridate acquaints the servant Niso with his worries, but Niso reassures him. Tiridate asks Niso to watch over Gilde and confirm his love to her (I 5). In a garden of the house of the Roman knight Pisone, Lepido, a ‘favourite of Nerone’, laments that Clelia is about to marry Fabio and plans violence against Fabio; he overhears voices and hides (I 6). Fabio and Clelia appear, speaking words of love to each other. Lepido emerges, dagger in hand (I 7). Pisone, Clelia’s brother, arrives and restrains him. In open confrontation, Lepido insists that his love has a claim on Clelia. He leaves, but promises that he will have her (I 8a). Thereupon Pisone promises to hasten the marriage and fix it for the present day, while he and Fabio announce that they will make Lepido’s wicked conduct publicly known (I 8b). Clelia and Fabio revel with joy and again confess their love to each other (I 9). Clelia celebrates her good fortune (I 10). In the imperial palace Tiridate laments his fate; the idea of his wife as Nerone’s trophy prompts violent thoughts (I 11). Meanwhile Nerone declares himself to be in love with Gilde, though he is uncertain as to how to proceed (I 12). He comes across the servant Niso, who has just left Gilde’s apartment, but does not recognize Nerone. Niso discloses that Tiridate is jealous of Nerone and guards his wife. Nerone reveals his identity and his love for Gilde; he tells Niso to take a

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message to Gilde, saying that he wishes to see her. Niso fears trouble, while Nerone delights in his love (I 13). When Gilde meets Nerone, he confesses his admiration for her and manages to convince her to come into his apartments. Niso, surprised at her conduct, proceeds to announce Tiridate’s arrival (I 14). Nerone claims that he has come to see Tiridate and embraces him; he tells him to prepare for a dance that evening (though he hopes that it will give him more time to talk to Gilde). Nerone goes on to sing a song of love, which he pretends to sing to Tiridate, but which is meant for Gilde (I 15). After Nerone has left, Gilde tries to find out whether Tiridate is still jealous. He asserts that he is no longer jealous and now trusts her, which makes her happy (I 16). However, when Gilde and Niso are about to leave, Tiridate stops Niso and orders him to reveal why Nerone talked to Gilde, but Niso does not disclose the truth. Tiridate tells Niso to keep an eye on Gilde and reflects on his situation, somewhat relieved (I 17). The SECOND ACT first shows a great hall ready for royal dances; Seneca laments the empire falling into ruins (II 1). Nerone declares his intention to win Gilde’s consent. Seneca warns him of impending bad fortune and of the concerns of the People, while Niso encourages him. Nerone angrily dismisses Seneca (II 2). Instead, Nerone approves of Niso’s advice. He goes off to the dances, but tells Niso to help him with his desires (II 3). Niso declares himself astonished at how much Gilde seems to have changed and reflects on the inconstancy of women (II 4). A dance of numerous noblemen and ladies, led by Nerone and Gilde, soon starts. After the first round Nerone returns Gilde to Tiridate and chooses Clelia instead; he moves with her, Fabio, Pisone and Lepido to a separate part of the hall. Nerone wishes to punish the malefactor Lepido for his audacity and wonders whether he was encouraged by his friendly relationship with Nerone: Lepido claims that he was led on by love. Recognizing that Clelia was the cause of Lepido’s anguish, Nerone announces that the punishment will be marriage with her. While Lepido is overjoyed, it is declared that Clelia and Fabio are already betrothed to each other. Pisone then encourages Clelia to accept the decision of the powerful Nerone. Fabio leaves, and Clelia refuses to agree to marriage to Lepido (II 5). Seneca arrives, reporting tumults in Rome; Nerone is not moved and dismisses him again (II 6). Nerone orders Pisone to calm down the tumult, announces the performance of a play and confirms that Clelia is to marry Lepido (II 7). When the newly formed couple is left alone, Lepido confesses his love, but Clelia insists that she will never be united with him as she is already bound (II 8). Lepido realizes Clelia’s opposition, but tries to encourage himself with the hope that she may change her mind and with the belief that women are never constant (II 9). The dance is resumed, but soon the participants move to another room, designed for musical performances. At the next stage of the festivities everyone is asked to play a musical instrument and sing a song: Nerone sings of the pain of love; Gilde sings of a lover who finds solace; Tiridate sings of a lover who is betrayed (II 10). Lepido arrives with the script for the comedy to be performed. Nerone asks him to sing a song as well, and he sings of a constant lover who

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suffers until he is given happiness. Tiridate continues to be affected by jealousy. The parts for the comedy are distributed: Gilde is to impersonate Venere, Lepido Endimione, Tiridate Vulcano, Nerone Marte, Clelia Cintia and Niso Bronte. Nerone orders them to get ready; again he sings a song of joy meant for Gilde (II 11). In an ensuing conversation Tiridate accuses Gilde of infidelity and inconstancy, whereas she pleads innocence and asks him to kill her if he regards her as guilty. Tiridate relents and pretends to believe in her innocence, although he promises to watch her carefully (II 12). Gilde talks to Niso, who says that she should be more cautious in love and speaks of her love for Nerone. Gilde is enraged; Niso swiftly changes his approach, pretending that he was only testing her. Gilde sends him away and declares that she will resist Nerone’s approaches (II 13). In a street in Rome, Fabio laments his situation and longs for death (II 14). Pisone arrives with a group of Romans and announces that the tyrant Nerone will be punished today. He tells Fabio that this will happen with Clelia’s help and he will be reunited with her, though Fabio is too upset to understand (II 15). Pisone urges his men to be courageous and to free themselves of Nerone (II 16). Seneca draws near since he has heard cries exalting Pisone and discusses Pisone’s plans with him. Pisone finds his plans justified by the present emperor’s unjust reign, while Seneca tries to restrain him (II 17). Seneca continues his attempts to calm down the situation and suggests that they should kill him instead, but he is ignored (II 18). The THIRD ACT starts in Nerone’s theatre. Fabio enters in disguise, with followers, and intends to take revenge on Nerone (III 1). The characters proceed to act out the comedy: Endimione (Lepido) appears, lamenting the torments of love, and adds in his own person to what extent these affect him (III 2). Cintia (Clelia) appears on a stage machine decorated with seven stars while Endimione (Lepido) is asleep; when he awakes, she asks for his love (while cursing Nerone for forcing her to play this part), but he refuses since she is a goddess (while privately longing for her kisses) (III 3). Cintia considers the situation and resolves to catch Endimione (Lepido) later (III 4). Vulcano (Tiridate), with a net in his hand, comes into the garden of Venere (Gilde) (III 5). He tells Bronte (Niso) of his plans to capture the unfaithful Venere (Gilde) and enlists his help (III 6). They overhear Venere (Gilde) and Marte (Nerone) making love to each other. Vulcano (Tiridate) can hardly bear to listen. He wishes to stop them, but Bronte (Niso) persuades him that it is just a play (III 7). Seneca arrives at the theatre, greatly alarmed, and warns them of Pisone’s rebellion. The others assure Nerone of their support, but Nerone flees. Fabio realizes that the plans are revealed; he leaves with his friends to try another approach (III 8). Gilde stops Niso and expresses her concern for her beloved Tiridate (though Niso continues to believe that she loves Nerone) (III 9). Fabio meets Pisone in front of Nerone’s palace and tells him that Nerone has fled. Pisone spurs the People on to fight and to attack the palace (III 10). On entering the palace they are captured by Tiridate and Seneca (III 11). Seneca reminds them of the punishments awaiting them, but they are not impressed (III

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12). Clelia flees from the theatre and is stopped by Lepido and his men. Lepido reproaches her for running away and ignoring Nerone’s ruling. He renews his confessions of love; she reacts by asking to be left in peace (III 13). In a room in the palace Nerone, holding a dagger in his hand, pretends to fight against the oncoming rebels. Then he gives up and asks them for mercy (though still talking to himself). He stops when he realizes that he is, in fact, alone (III 14). Gilde informs Nerone that Tiridate has stopped the rebels. Nerone wishes to kiss her in celebration, but she resists. Angrily Nerone tries to seize her (III 15). Tiridate comes upon them. Gilde reproaches Nerone, while Tiridate attacks him for his misconduct, unworthy of an emperor (III 16). The rebels are brought before Nerone. Pisone affirms that they did not strive for the Empire, but that he wished to exploit the unhappiness of the People as a means of recovering his sister, while Fabio wished to rescue his betrothed (III 17). Nerone admits his errors, resigns Gilde to Tiridate, pardons the rebels, returns Clelia to Fabio and promises Seneca that he will be a more just ruler. Gilde pardons Niso, and Tiridate promises to be jealous no longer. Nerone’s call for festivities ends the opera (III 18). 1693 German version: The FIRST ACT opens with the emperor Nero seated upon an elevated throne, surrounded by Roman noblemen and soldiers; it is confirmed that his fellow citizens and all nations are subject to him, as he rules like Fortuna, and he has just admitted the Armenians into the empire (I 1). Nero’s tutor Seneca enters, announcing the approach of Tiridates, king of Armenia, who is to be crowned by Nero. Seneca laments Nero’s tyrannical rule and tries to encourage Nero to behave more nobly, but the emperor is annoyed and dismisses Seneca (I 2). Tiridates and his wife Gilde arrive, to the sound of trumpets. They prostrate themselves before Nero and address him as a god on earth. Nero crowns them both and comments to himself on Gilde’s beauty. He proclaims festivities, but Seneca suspects imminent disaster (I 3). Tiridates reveals to Gilde that he is worried about Nero’s admiration for her, but Gilde criticizes him for being overanxious and assures him of her fidelity (I 4). Tiridate acquaints the servant Niso with his concerns, but Niso reassures him. Tiridates asks Niso to watch over Gilde and to confirm his love to her (I 5). In a garden of the house of the Roman knight Piso, Lepidus, a ‘confidant of Nero’, laments that Clelia is about to marry Fabius and plans violence against Fabius; he overhears voices and hides (I 6). Fabius and Clelia appear, speaking words of love to each other. Lepidus emerges, dagger in hand (I 7). Piso, Clelia’s brother, arrives and restrains him. In open confrontation it becomes apparent how jealous Lepidus is, which causes Fabius to confirm his intention to marry Clelia (I 8). Thereupon Piso promises to hasten the marriage (I 9). Clelia and Fabius revel with joy and again confess their love to each other (I 10). Clelia celebrates her good fortune (I 11). In the imperial palace Tiridates laments his fortune and admits his jealousy, while the idea of his wife as Nero’s trophy prompts violent thoughts (I 12). Mean-

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while Nero declares himself to be in love, though he is uncertain as to how to proceed (I 13). He meets the servant Niso, who has just left Gilde’s apartment, but does not recognize Nero. Niso discloses that Tiridates is jealous of Nero and guards his wife. Nero reveals his identity and his love for Gilde; he tells Niso to take a message to Gilde, saying that he wishes to see her. Niso fears trouble, while Nerone delights in his love (I 14). When Gilde meets Nero, he confesses his admiration for her and manages to convince her to come into his apartments. Niso, surprised at her conduct, proceeds to announce Tiridates’ arrival (I 15). Nero claims that he has come to see Tiridates and embraces him; he tells him to prepare for a dance that evening (though he hopes that it will give him more time to talk to Gilde). Nero goes on to sing a song of love, which he pretends to sing to Tiridates, but which is meant for Gilde (I 16). After Nero has left, Gilde tries to find out whether Tiridates is still jealous. He claims that he is no longer jealous and now trusts her, which makes her happy (I 17). But, when Gilde and Niso are about to leave, Tiridates stops Niso and orders him to reveal why Nero talked to Gilde, but Niso does not disclose the truth. Tiridates feels relieved (I 18). The SECOND ACT first shows a great hall ready for royal dances. Seneca laments the empire falling into ruins (II 1). Nero declares his desire to win Gilde’s consent. Seneca warns him of impending bad fortune and of the concerns of the People, while Niso encourages him. Nero angrily dismisses Seneca (II 2). Instead, Nero approves of Niso’s advice. He goes off to the dances, but tells Niso to help him in his desires (II 3). Niso declares himself astonished at how much Gilde seems to have changed and reflects on the inconstancy of women (II 4). A dance of numerous noblemen and ladies, led by Nero and Gilde, soon starts. After the first round Nero returns Gilde to Tiridates and chooses Clelia instead; he moves with her, Fabius, Piso and Lepidus to a separate part of the hall. Nero wishes to punish the malefactor Lepidus for his audacity and wonders whether he was encouraged by his friendly relationship with Nero: Lepidus claims that he was led on by love. Recognizing that Clelia was the cause of his anguish, Nero announces that the punishment will be marriage with her. While Lepidus is overjoyed, it is declared that Clelia is already betrothed. Piso then encourages Clelia to accept the decision of the powerful Nero. Fabius leaves, and Clelia refuses to agree to marriage to Lepidus (II 5). Seneca arrives, reporting tumults in Rome; Nero is not moved and dismisses him again (II 6). Nero orders Piso to calm down the tumult, announces the performance of a play and confirms that Clelia is to marry Lepidus (II 7). When the newly formed couple is left alone, Lepidus confesses his love, but Clelia declares that she will never be united with him as she is already bound (II 8). Lepidus realizes Clelia’s opposition, but encourages himself by the belief that women’s anger does not last (II 9). The dance is resumed, but soon the participants move to another room, designed for musical performances. Niso reflects on Gilde’s constancy and Nero’s attempts (II 10). At the next stage of the festivities everyone is asked to play a musical instrument and sing a song: Nero sings of the pain of love; Gilde sings of a lover who finds solace; Tiridates sings of a lover who is

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betrayed (II 11). Lepidus arrives with the script for the comedy to be performed. Nero asks him to sing a song as well, and he sings of a constant lover who suffers until he is given happiness. The parts for the comedy are distributed: Gilde is to impersonate Venus, Lepidus Endimion, Tiridates Vulcan, Nero Mars, Clelia Cinthia and Niso Brontes. Nero orders them to get ready; again he sings a song of joy meant for Gilde (II 12). In an ensuing conversation Tiridates accuses Gilde of infidelity and inconstancy, whereas she pleads innocence and asks him to kill her if he regards her as guilty. Tiridates relents and pretends to believe in her innocence (II 13). Niso reflects on the difficult situation concerning the relationship between Gilde and Tiridates (II 14). In a street in Rome, Fabius laments his situation and longs for death (II 15). Piso arrives with a group of Romans and announces that the tyrant Nero will be punished today. He tells Fabius that this will happen with Clelia’s help and he will be reunited with her, though Fabius is too upset to understand. Piso urges his men to be courageous and to free themselves of Nero (II 16). Seneca draws near since he has heard cries exalting Piso and discusses Piso’s plans with him. Piso finds his plans justified by the present emperor’s unjust reign, while Seneca tries to restrain him (II 17). Seneca suggests that they should kill him instead, but he is ignored (II 18). The THIRD ACT first shows Nero’s theatre. Fabius enters with some Romans, and they get ready to take revenge on Nero (III 1). The characters proceed to act out the comedy: Cupido speaks a prologue about Amor’s power (III 2). Endimion (Lepidus) appears, lamenting the torments of love, and adds in his own person to what extent these affect him (III 3). Cinthia (Clelia) appears on a stage machine decorated with seven stars while Endimion (Lepidus) is asleep; when he awakes, she asks for his love (while cursing Nero for forcing her to play this part), but he refuses since she is a goddess (while privately longing for her kisses) (III 4). Cinthia reflects on the situation and resolves to catch Endimion (Lepidus) later (III 5). Vulcan (Tiridates), with a net in his hand, appears in the garden of Venus (Gilde) (III 6). He tells Brontes (Niso) of his plans to capture the unfaithful Venus (Gilde) and enlists his help (III 7). They overhear Venus (Gilde) and Mars (Nero) making love to each other. Vulcan (Tiridates) can hardly bear to listen. He wishes to stop them, but Brontes (Niso) convinces him that it is just a play (III 8). Seneca arrives at the theatre, highly alarmed, and warns them of Piso’s rebellion. The others assure Nero of their support, but Nero flees. Fabius leaves with his friends to try another approach (III 9). Gilde stops Niso and expresses concern for her beloved Tiridates (though Niso continues to believe that she loves Nero) (III 10). Fabius meets Piso in front of Nero’s palace and tells him that Nero has fled. Piso spurs the People on to fight and to attack the palace (III 11). On entering the palace Fabius and Piso are stopped by Tiridates and Seneca (III 13).108 Seneca

_____________ 108 The scene numbering in the libretto print moves from scene 11 immediately to scene 13.

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reminds them of the punishments awaiting them, but they are not impressed (III 14). Clelia flees from the theatre and is caught by Lepidus and his men. Lepidus reproaches her for running away and ignoring Nero’s ruling. He renews his confessions of love; she reacts by asking to be left in peace (III 15). In a room in the palace, Nero, holding a dagger in his hand, pretends to fight against the oncoming rebels. Then he gives up and asks them for mercy (though still talking to himself). He stops when he realizes that he is, in fact, alone (III 16). Gilde informs Nero that Tiridates has warded off the rebels. Nero wishes to kiss her in celebration, but she resists and reproaches him for his dishonourable conduct. Angrily Nero tries to seize her (III 17). Tiridates comes upon them and attacks Nero for his misconduct, unworthy of an emperor; Niso fears for himself (III 18). The rebels are brought before Nero. Piso affirms that they did not strive for the Empire, just intended to help the afflicted People in a tyranny and Fabius seeking his bride (III 19). Nero admits his errors, resigns Gilde to Tiridates, pardons the rebels, returns Clelia to Fabius and promises Seneca to ensure a just reign. Gilde pardons Niso, and Tiridates promises to be jealous no longer. Nero’s call for festivities and a jubilant aria of all characters close the opera (III 20). Analysis109 At first glance Il Nerone seems to be far removed from the Latin Octavia (as well as from Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea and Biancolelli’s spoken drama Il Nerone) since the plot feels very different: new characters have been added and others, central for the original action, have been left out; the only connection on this level appears to be the presence of Nero and Seneca. However, while the dramatis personae have been altered, the major topics of Octavia reappear; and the play is closer to the classical version in its underlying ideas than L’incoronazione di Poppea. That Corradi’s treatment is not exclusively based on experience with historiographical sources and / or the influence of L’incoronazione di Poppea (of which the theme of constancy is reminiscent) is suggested by the important role of a political dimension along with the absence of a particular philosophical basis (as in the earlier opera). The two main issues of the Latin Octavia, Nero’s attention to his personal relationships and the political implications of a ruler’s behaviour, are key elements in the opera too, as well as the contrast between Nerone and Seneca, who argues for a way of life determined by moral and philosophical principles and at the same time takes steps to protect the empire. Seneca’s admonishments have little effect: an angry Nerone repeatedly dismisses him (I 2; II 2; II 6), as he does

_____________ 109 The analysis is based on the original Italian version (1679). The discrepancies between that and the German version (see n. 107 above) are insignificant as regards the opera’s message and its relation to the ancient sources.

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at the end of their main dialogue in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 588–589). While Nerone neither is moved by Seneca nor puts Seneca’s life in danger, the philosopher remains a crucial figure who represents moral and political principles on behalf of the emperor and the People. Details of his interventions (I 2–3; II 1–2; II 6) are similar to arguments of the Seneca in the Latin Octavia (and they are more prominent than in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone). Equally as in Octavia, Seneca does not organize active resistance against Nerone; indeed, he even tries to calm down the rebels (II 17–18; III 11–12), when, independent of Seneca, an uprising originates in Rome at the same time as Nerone’s love affair (II 6–7; II 15–18; III 1; III 10– 17). In view of these similarities with Octavia, it is significant that the opera is entitled Il Nerone and not named after one of the traditional female characters like Octavia and L’incoronazione di Poppea. On a formal level reasons for this decision are obvious since neither the character of Octavia nor that of Poppaea feature in the plot; at the same time elements that belong to different periods of Nero’s reign have been combined: Nero’s love affair is connected with the so-called Pisonian Conspiracy of 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.65.2; 15.48–59) and with the presence of a foreign king (along with his wife) in Rome. Here it is the Armenian king Tiridates, who laid down his diadem in front of a statue of Nero in 63 CE and then travelled to Rome, where he was crowned again in 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.24– 31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7).110 These additions distinguish Il Nerone from Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, whereas Corradi does not include the character of Otho, Seneca’s death or extended servant scenes as in L’incoronazione di Poppea, retained in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone. At the same time this piece had added a foreign king (without a wife), though with less impact on the plot; this feature is now taken up in opera.111 The assemblage of a variety of historical events is combined with a change of the identity of Nerone’s beloved to a fictional character.112 This makes it possible to disregard the historical givens: hence Nerone does not marry his new love, but rather returns her to her husband at the end (III 18). The fact that Nerone, despite

_____________ 110 Armenia features in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, when Nerone’s guards complain about the present political situation and in this context refer to the fact that Armenia is in turmoil, while Nerone takes no action (I 2). 111 While the mocking of servants, the presence of a sleep scene, the creation of multiple love plots and the happy ending, which also appear in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, can be put down to conventions of the period, the insertion of a play within a play, the use of machines or the extended presence of dances and ballets develop such features beyond L’incoronazione di Poppea, in some ways reminiscent of Biancolelli’s Il Nerone. 112 The first example of introducing an unhistorical beloved of Nero seems to be the spoken drama (a tragedy in five acts) Arie et Pétus, où les Amours de Néron (1660) by Gabriel Gilbert (1620?– 1680?), where Néron falls in love with Arie (Arria), wife of Pétus (Caecina Paetus). Here, however, the woman is historically attested; yet she died in 42 CE and did not have a relationship with Nero.

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his tyrannical character, granted the Armenian crown to Tiridate and the impressive virtuousness of the latter’s wife are points that have triggered this selection of events according to the librettist’s comments in the preface. Therefore the reaction of this woman to Nerone’s approaches is shaped accordingly; i.e., her loyalty to her husband and his jealousy assume a significant role (I 4–5; I 11; I 14–17; II 12–13; III 16). The fact that the object of Nerone’s love is the wife of a foreign king, who happens to be in Rome to be crowned by Nerone, makes the action more complex by involving further characters who, for other reasons, are already in close contact with each other. Consequently Nerone’s behaviour also illustrates the universal power, arbitrariness and amorality of the emperor. If Nerone had been successful in winning Gilde, that would not have had immediate consequences for the dynastic structure or the political system in Rome, but might have affected Rome’s relations to foreign nations since he would have abducted the wife of another king. Because Nerone is presented as being in love with Gilde, while nothing is said about previous relationships, all action connected with the feelings and reactions of a betrayed wife is lacking, and there is no marital, but rather a political conflict as regards the Roman imperial court. However, what is newly introduced in comparison with the Latin Octavia and further developed with respect to Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea is the presentation of jealous lovers and husbands, illustrating the problem of loyalty, since Tiridate is presented as overindulging in jealousy and being overanxious, while the motif is repeated in Lepido and Fabio both loving Clelia (I 6–10; II 5; II 7–8; II 15; III 13; III 18). The reactions of these men to Nerone’s interferences also demonstrate how the arbitrary behaviour of an emperor touches personal relationships of others: by assigning Clelia to Lepido, Nerone gives preference to a loyal follower of his, regardless of the feelings of individuals (II 5). Just as Nerone does not care for the emotions of others in his own desire for Gilde, he follows the same principles for his favourite Lepido. This shows that Nerone has no regard for those around him or the community. Accordingly, Seneca repeatedly calls to mind the potential consequences of Nerone’s tyrannical rule and encourages Nerone to behave more responsibly (I 2; II 1–2; II 6). Nerone’s intervention in the personal relationships of others, rather than Nerone’s own love affair, is what gets the rebellion, led by Clelia’s brother Pisone, under way (II 6–7; II 15–18; III 10–17). Replacing a limited rebellion on behalf of Octavia and the dynasty she represents (as in the Latin Octavia) by a revolt on a larger scale led by Pisone makes the revolt more fundamental, since it turns into broad opposition against the characteristics of the present reign. This also increases the tension of the narrative since the uproar is not organized by an undefined group of Roman citizens, but is led by individual characters who take obvious risks for the sake of removing the tyrant Nerone and regaining freedom. In order to achieve the conventional happy ending, all protagonists are eventually reconciled and reunited: Nerone does not marry Gilde and instead returns her to her husband; he pardons the rebels and promises a better reign to Seneca,

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who again appears as a moral entity. Hence the ending contrasts with earlier plays since no change in Nerone’s situation takes place; what seems to have happened is that a change in Nerone’s character has been inaugurated. With the replacement of Nerone’s beloved by a fictional character, it is indicated that there are divergences from the historical record: this partly fictional nature of the plot allows a complete reversal at the end, which would otherwise have been impossible or would have meant a sudden contradiction of the transmitted historical facts. Still, a connection with the historical figure of Nero is maintained, and the character development presented acquires historical individuality. Overall, this opera shows how the combination of a love affair at the imperial court and political dissatisfaction in connection with Nero, as introduced by the Latin Octavia, can be recreated; at the same time, by transcending the historical realities, the plot demonstrates the dangers of absolute rulership, along with a possible positive solution, when the ruler eventually decides not to interfere in the lives of individuals in his power and instead alters his own behaviour.

2.5 Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (1685) Background Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (‘Nero, the desperate suicide’) is a Singspiel (‘musical play’) first shown in the German town of Weißenfels on 5 November 1685.113 At the court of the dukes of Sachsen-Weißenfels the court orchestra (‘Hofkapelle’) performed operas in German almost every year until about 1736, typically in connection with particular festive occasions. From 1685 onwards performances took place in the new opera theatre within the Baroque Neu-Augustusburg palace, commissioned by duke Augustus of Sachsen-Weißenfels (reigned: 1657–1680) and completed by his son and successor duke Johann Adolf I of Sachsen-Weißenfels (reigned: 1680–1697), who was a great supporter of the musical arts and, like his father, a member of the ‘Fruitbearing Society’ (‘Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft’). It was in this new venue at Neu-Augustusburg that Nero was given in 1685, as recorded on the title page. This text also reveals that duke Johann Adolf I of Sachsen-Weißenfels commissioned the opera for a special occasion, which may have been the opening of the theatre, since it is stressed that the opera was performed in a newly erected dramatic venue and in the presence of high-ranking nobles. The musical activity at court was most prominent under the ‘Kapellmeister’ Johann Philipp Krieger (1649–1725; conductor of the orchestra

_____________ 113 Listed by Johann Christoph Gottsched in Nöthiger Vorrath zur Geschichte der deutschen Dramatischen Dichtkunst (Leipzig 1757, p. 250).

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from 1680). In 1746 the ducal line died out, and the town, no longer a prominent residence, ceased to have a theatre of its own.114 The libretto print does not contain information on the writer of the text or the composer of the music. Some have thought of Johann Philipp Krieger, who is known to have composed over 20 works for the stage including 18 operas to German texts, most of them for Weißenfels. Others have attributed Nero to Johann Beer (1655–1700):115 Beer was a composer, singer, musician, music theorist and writer, who came to Weißenfels in 1680 with the accession of duke Johann Adolf I. Just before Easter 1685 Beer was appointed first violinist (‘Konzertmeister’) of the court orchestra in Weißenfels. He was greatly appreciated as a singer and musician in his time; he is known to have written three operas. This piece seems to be based on the earlier play printed in Halle in 1663 (see ch. 2.2).116 Bibliographical information CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder / Auf gnaedigste Verordnung des Durchlauchtigsten Fuersten und Herrn / Hn. Johann Adolphs / Hertzogs zu Sachsen / Jülich / Cleve und Berg / Land-Grafen in Thüringen / Marg-Grafen zu Meißen / auch Ober- und Nieder-Lausitz / Gefürsteten Grafen zu Henneberg / Grafen zu der Marck / Ravensberg und Barby / Herrn zum Ravenstein / U. Bey erfreulicher Zusammenkunft Unterschiedener Hoher Fuerstl. Personen auf dem Im Fuerstlichen Schloße NeuAugustus-Burg Zu Weißenfels / Neu erbaueten Schau-Platze In einem Singe-Spiel Vorgestellet am 5. Novembr. 1685. [Weißenfels 1685] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: http://vd17.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/pict/2006/12:659266W/ http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0005/bsb00056639/images/ SCHOLARSHIP: information on the possible composer Johann Beer: Buelow at OMOc

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Venus – Nero – Sylvanus, Roemischer Buergermeister – Chor der Roemerinnen –Maximus, Des Nero Hoff-Juncker – Flavia, Staats-Jungfer – Portius, Hoff-Narr – Publius, Hauptmann ueber des Keysers Leib-Wachte – Die Tugend – Das Glueck – Galba, Spani-

_____________ 114 On opera in Weißenfels see Koch 1994, 75–81; Härtwig at OMOb; Seeger at OMO. – On cultural developments in Weißenfels during the Baroque period see the articles in Jacobson 1994. 115 See Gerhardt 1907, 374; digital version at Digitale Sammlungen. 116 See Brockpähler 1964, 374–375.

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scher Statthalter – Marcion, Des Franzoesischen Statthalters / des Vindex / KriegsObrister – Chor der gefangenen Roemer – Rhœtus, Ein Kuechen-Junge – Myrias, Ein Keller-Junge – Tisiphone / Megæra / Alecto, Drey Furien – Chor der Soldaten – Juno –Phaon, Ein Bauersmann

In the FIRST ACT the goddess Venus comes down from the heavens in a swandrawn chariot. She recalls the passing of her mortal husband Anchises into the underworld and him being visited by their son Aeneas, the founder of the Roman nation, which leads to a brief recapitulation of Roman history up to the time of Caesar and the emperor Augustus. Hoping that the supreme god Jupiter will also be propitious, Venus vanishes back into the heavens (I 1). After this scene, which functions as a prologue, Nero’s palace is shown: the emperor Nero appears, greatly alarmed and enraged at revolts in one part of his empire. Sylvanus, the mayor of Rome, confirms the general loyalty of the subjects and suggests that insurgents should be punished. Nero decides to use brutal force against the rebellion organized by Vindex, provincial governor in Gaul, while Sylvanus unsuccessfully attempts to calm him down. Nero’s reaction incites Sylvanus to make Rome and ‘Spain’ join the revolt in order to kill the tyrant for the sake of the empire (I 2). A chorus of Roman women enter, lamenting Nero’s repression and asking Sylvanus to save them. Sylvanus is doubtful as to whether they will be able to confront Nero’s power, but the chorus convince him that, once a rebellion has started, everyone will join in and oppose Nero. They feel that they are fulfilling the will of the gods (I 3). The nobleman Maximus confesses his love for the courtly lady Flavia. By chance, Flavia arrives, looking for a quiet spot where she might pray to the gods. The two of them voice their shared disgust at the lascivious way of life at the imperial court and confess their mutual love based on virtue (I 4). By contrast, the servants Portius (court fool), Rhœtus (kitchen boy) and Myrias (cellar boy) celebrate the indulgence and licentiousness as well as the sumptuous eating and drinking at the imperial court (I 5). In the SECOND ACT Nero forbids Maximus to marry Flavia, since she is to continue to stay at the imperial court and be at the emperor’s disposal. Maximus entreats him to allow their union, but Nero ensures obedience to his commands by threatening force. The scene closes with a song mocking Maximus, sung by the fool Portius (II 1). Publius, commander of the imperial guard, arrives and announces that there is another rebellion in ‘Spain’, led by the provincial governor Galba, and that large forces are marching towards Rome. In response, Nero orders his army to attack ‘France’ and ‘Spain’; he also intends to punish Rome, while Publius tries to dissuade him from this plan. Even the fool now plans to become a soldier (II 2). Flavia is happily anticipating marriage, when Portius tells her that Maximus has been unfaithful. Hence she thinks that he is unworthy of her and is determined to end the relationship (II 3). Virtue and Fortune appear. Virtue recounts how she has left the earth as a result of mankind’s degeneration (from Saturnus’ age via silver and bronze periods

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to the current time) and that she now shows herself only occasionally to assist virtuous individuals. Hence she has initially supported Nero, since the start of his reign seemed positive, but she is now disappointed at his transition into a tyrant and at his egotistic rule, disregarding his subjects. Therefore both Virtue and Fortune withdraw from the earth in reaction to Nero’s conduct (II 4). At the beginning of the THIRD ACT Galba and Marcion, a general of the ‘French’ provincial governor Vindex, meet Sylvanus in Rome. He thanks them for supporting the country suppressed by tyranny. They all decide to confront Nero with military force and conspire to dethrone and kill him; they believe that their actions are justified by his tyrannical rule (III 1). Meanwhile Portius tells Maximus that he has informed Flavia of his unfaithfulness; Maximus is devastated and asks Portius to reunite them (III 2). Choruses of captured Roman men and of Roman women lament being deprived of their freedom and about to be killed or widowed, while Maximus bemoans his misfortunes in love; they agree that the whole of Rome suffers because of Nero (III 3). An ironic song by Portius on love provides a light intermezzo (III 4). Rhœtus, Myrias and Portius enjoy a lavish meal taken from the supplies at court (III 5). The three Furies, Tisiphone, Alecto and Megæra, who administer revenge and punishment, state that Nero used to be virtuous, but now is completely debauched, libidinous and tyrannical; hence they make preparations to pursue and punish him (III 6). The FOURTH ACT is set in Nero’s bedroom, where he is reading letters and becoming enraged at the contents; he appeals to the Furies for help to quell the uproar. The fool Portius demonstrates his weakness and unsuitability for fighting, while Publius and Maximus ask for further information about the situation. Nero tells them that the entire empire is about to defect from him and he has no support left, whereupon the two men assure him of their loyalty. Nero regards both of them as too weak and considers flight instead, asking everyone still loyal to him to join him; he remains unshaken in his decision by their entreaties, which he suspects of insincerity. Portius asks Nero why he does not kill himself when he is so anxious. Thereupon Nero decides to stay and to confront his murderers, while Publius and Maximus promise to raise an army. Portius soothes Nero to sleep and then turns again to finding food and drink for himself (IV 1). Publius draws the conclusion that the tyrant must be removed to save Rome and encourages his soldiers not to be afraid. They follow him and even force Portius to arm himself and oppose the emperor, but he refuses to guard the entrance to the emperor’s chamber, since he regards this as inconvenient (IV 2). Out in the fields the goddess Juno appears in a cloud on her peacock-drawn chariot: she is still angry at the judgement of Paris (who had chosen Venus as the most beautiful goddess), although she has already taken revenge on the Trojans and Aeneas. She claims that she has arranged for Nero’s downfall to wipe out Priam’s race, which should serve as an example for the future; instead other more virtuous and heroic nations will gain power, such as the Saxons or the Habsburgs (IV 3). The FIFTH ACT returns to Nero’s palace: Nero realizes that everybody has abandoned him since his fortune has changed; therefore he wishes to be killed by

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the faithful Portius. But Portius refuses, considering all the food and drink he receives from Nero and believing that he might not enjoy the same advantages under a new emperor; however, he already makes plans for profiting as a parasite from a new emperor (V 1). The next scene shows Maximus and Flavia reunited. Maximus explains that the emperor wished to prevent their marriage, but that he remained faithful all the same; now that Nero has lost his power, there is no further obstacle for them. Flavia apologizes for her cruel reaction. They rejoice at realizing how the sad and desperate circumstances have turned to the better (V 2). Nero, dressed in simple clothes, is out in the fields, close to a farmer’s house, dissatisfied with his situation and the change of fortune. The farmer Phaon offers Nero a drink of water and tells him that the authorities in Rome have sent men to find Nero and kill him. Thereupon Nero asks for a weapon in order to die honourably. Nero just manages to stab his heart with a dagger (V 3), before the soldiers arrive and see him dying; they regard his death as just (V 4). Portius reflects on Nero’s recent fate (V 5). The body of the dead Nero is brought back to Rome. Portius and the likes of him are sad, while all others rejoice at the tyrant’s death and appeal to the gods for help to elect a new ruler who is honest, morally upright, ensures peace and cares for the country (V 6). Analysis This musical play about Nero conforms to contemporary conventions in format: it includes divine and allegorical characters, a romantic love affair, comic servant scenes and a clear moral message, outlining the responsibilities and the expected behaviour of an ideal ruler. This last feature implies a justification for the present ruling class, particularly since the piece was commissioned by the duke and performed before an assembly of noblemen. The intention to convey such a message is probably the reason why the story of Nero was chosen as the topic, with an emphasis on his death and the end of his reign, when it had turned tyrannical, although the more positive start of his reign is also mentioned. Thus, by virtue of the authority of a well-known classical figure, the play demonstrates by contrast that a ruler should be characterized by honesty, integrity and care for his subjects, who are otherwise justified in turning against him. As a result of the addition of a divine layer, the piece also indicates that the contemporary leaders of the German nations are successors to the Romans as it were, but have replaced their immoral and unjust reign by a positive alternative, as stated by the goddess Juno (IV 3). Due to the constant interspersing of the main plot with comments and actions by the fool and other comic characters, who are only concerned for their personal well-being, a light tone rather than the impression of a serious didactic piece is ensured. Cast and plot (a fictional love story joined to the last phase of Nero’s reign) are close to the earlier Singespiel on Nero printed in Halle in 1663 (ch. 2.2). However, this piece also includes a historical and a divine dimension as well as a more

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elaborate action on the comic level: this closely links the events shown on stage to the current historical situation and emphasizes the tensions between virtuous behaviour, degenerate conduct and immoral profiteering, in line with the occasion of its first performance. Because the story concentrates on Nero, his being dethroned and his death, while it does not include references to his repudiation of Octavia for the sake of Poppaea or a similar love affair involving Nero, there is almost no connection to the plot of the Latin Octavia. Nevertheless, the basic set-up is comparable to Octavia since this play conveys a political message by a characterization of Nero’s reign, illustrated by the lack of freedom among the Romans, arbitrary decisions concerning lovers and the general degeneration at court. As in Octavia, such a form of government provokes opposition; in contrast to Octavia, here the movement is successful since the tyrant is removed. In addition to this success, there is a contrasting portrayal of an ideal ruler: if such a person rules, Virtue and Fortune, who have withdrawn in disgust, might return to the earth. A similar positive alternative is indicated in the Latin Octavia by means of Seneca’s arguments in his dialogue with Nero and of references to the glorious Roman past by the chorus (Oct. 288–308; 440–592; 676–681). The notion that Nero’s reign marks the end of a process of degeneration of mankind across the ages (II 4) is reminiscent of Seneca’s presentation of the world’s development in Octavia (Oct. 391–434). Moreover, although this is a piece on a historical topic, there are references to Greek and Roman mythical stories (e.g. Judgement of Paris, IV 3; Aeneas and the Trojans as ancestors of the Romans, I 1); and gods and personifications appear at several points thoughout the action (I 1; II 4; IV 3). The section of the plot that is based on historical events and their accounts bears close correspondences to Suetonius’ description of the role of the provincial governor and later emperor Galba and of C. Iulius Vindex at the end of Nero’s reign as well as to Suetonius’ account of Nero’s flight and death (see ch. 2.2). Connections to details about Nero’s death given in Suetonius can also be found in Feind’s Octavia (ch. 2.12), which may have been influenced by the earlier Weißenfels piece.

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2.6 Contri, Agrippina in Baia (1687) Background Agrippina in Baia is characterized as a scherzo dramatico per musica (in three acts) and was first performed in the ‘Teatro Bonacossi’ in Ferrara in 1687; this venue was an important theatre in this city during the second half of the 17th century (built in 1662). The description scherzo dramatico per musica rather than drama per musica may indicate a more light-hearted character of the piece, while the defining epithet ‘dramatico’ shows that the genre of ‘scherzo’ is combined with dramatic action; thus in format it is equivalent to an opera in three acts.117 The libretto comes from Giuseppe Contri,118 though the dedication is signed ‘N.N.’. The music was written by Giovanni Battista Bassani (c. 1650–1716), who played an important part in the musical life of Ferrara, so that he became known as ‘Bassani of Ferrara’: in 1683 he was elected ‘maestro di cappella’ of the Accademia della Morte; in 1686 he was appointed ‘maestro di cappella’ of the Cathedral. Bassani produced a number of oratorios, masses, operas as well as other sacred and secular, vocal and instrumental compositions; his operatic works include a piece entitled Gli amori alla moda (1688), defined as a scherzo melodrammatico. Bibliographical information119 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Giuseppe Contri (dates not known) / Giovanni Battista Bassani (c. 1650–1716) CONTEMPORARY PRINT: Agrippina in Baia. Scherzo dramatico per musica. Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro del Signor Conte Pinamonte Bonacossi l’anno M DC LXXXVII. Dedicato All’Illustrissimo Signor Conte Ercole Estense Mosti. [Ferrara 1687] (music lost)

‘Amico Lettore’: “Diede lo spirito armonioso à questa Compositione la Virtù singolare del Sig. Gio. Battista Bassani abbastanza à te nota, e che in altro tpo hà saputo radolcirti l’Animo col melifluo di sue note. Se poi t’incontrarai in alcuna delle parole Fato, Deità, Nume, & altre simili, ti prego à considerarla per mera diceria Poetica; protestandomi Cattolico fino alli ultimi respiri.” – ‘The harmonious spirit has been given to this composition by the extraordinary virtue of Sig. Gio. Battista Bassani, sufficiently well known to you, and who, in another time, has known to soften the soul by the sweet flow of his notes. Further, if, in some of the words, you come across Fate, Gods, Spirits and other similar items, I ask you to consider these as mere poetic phrasing; I declare that I will be Catholic until my last breath.’

_____________ 117 On ‘scherzo’ see Russell / Macdonald at OMO. 118 See Allacci 1755, 18. 119 See Sartori 1990, 51.

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ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/00342.pdf http://warburg.sas.ac.uk/pdf/dbh1450ag.pdf SCHOLARSHIP: information on the composer: Smith / Vanscheeuwijck at OMO

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Agrippina, Imperatrice di Roma, relitta da Claudio – Nerone, suo Figlio, che succede all’Impero – Ottavia, Figlia di Claudio, che divene Sposa di Nerone – Buro, Prefetto delle Militie, Favorito d’Agrippina – Ottone / Sporo, Cavaglieri, Amanti di Popea – Popea, Dama Bizzarra – Seneca, Filosofo, e Maestro di Nerone – Ersillo / Niso, Servi di Popea – Due Ambasciatori Romani – Ombra di Claudio

The FIRST ACT opens with the imperial palace (in Rome) in the background, from which Agrippina emerges, crying and lamenting after the death of her husband Claudio (I 1). Buro, prefect of the military and favourite of Agrippina, and the knight Sporo encourage her to become cheerful, as it is a time of celebration. Buro adds, cryptically, that one love can triumph over another (I 2). When Agrippina asks for clarification of this comment, Sporo explains that Buro has managed to arrange for the Senate and the army to acclaim her son, the heir of the dead Claudio, as emperor in his place. Agrippina is delighted at this piece of news. Sporo departs to prepare the festivities (I 3). Agrippina remains, addressing Fortuna for support of her imperial position (I 4). In another part of the building the lady Popea is adorned by her maidservants. The two knights Ottone and Sporo, standing in different places, watch her with rising passions and wish to approach her, but Popea’s slaves Niso and Ersillo prevent them. Each of the two men confesses their love for Popea. Ersillo tells Sporo to come to the courtyard that night (I 5). Niso suggests stepping forward to Ottone and encourages Popea to feign love; this makes Ottone happy. Niso, wishing to trick Ottone, advises him that, if he wishes to taste the pleasures of love further, he should come to the atrium that night (I 6). Popea, Niso and Ersillo talk about Ottone’s delusion. Niso announces that Ottone will be disappointed in the coming night and will find the door closed to him; Popea and Ersillo agree that she will encourage Sporo. Popea sings of love (I 7). Ersillo and Niso talk about the plight of lovers and comment that Ottone will be unhappy in love, like other young lovers, because of a failure to buy love with money (I 8). In a chamber for public audiences Agrippina tells her son Nerone that Buro has succeeded in bringing him to the throne. Buro, Nerone’s mentor Seneca and Agrippina wish for his reign to be long, just and well favoured (I 9). Two Roman ambassadors arrive. One of them is confident that Nerone’s reign will bring tranquillity to an empire that has been troubled by civil strife and bloodshed. The

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other one voices the expectation that the world will respect and fear his reputation. The first ambassador informs Nerone that Rome offers him offspring from the imperial family of the late Claudio in marriage. Nerone accepts this offer with pleasure and recognizes the wishes of Rome (I 10). Popea, who arrives to overhear this arrangement being made, is distraught and wants to run towards Nerone, but is held back by Niso and Ersillo. Agrippina, Buro and Nerone express their hopes for a good and lasting future from this union (I 11). When Nerone is about to depart, Popea storms forward and accuses him of infidelity, since he has accepted marriage with Ottavia. He assures her that he will have her as his beloved mistress at the same time (I 12). Sporo and Ottone arrive, paying their respects to Nerone and confessing their love for Popea. Popea, after making a secret sign to Nerone, takes them by the hand, while she tells them that she does not wish to bind herself and prefers to live in liberty. Then, however, she takes Nerone’s hand and leaves with him (I 13). Ottone and Sporo are sad and annoyed. Yet Ersillo and Niso continue to spur them on, promising that they will have what they desire that night (I 14). In a courtyard prepared for Nerone’s wedding Agrippina and Buro are having a conversation: Agrippina is worried about the marriage and the future, as she wishes to preserve her own imperial position. She expresses her affection for Buro, and he tries to alleviate her doubts (I 15). Agrippina considers how much she owes to Buro and sings of the joys of love; then she hears her son approaching in festive mood (I 16). Nerone and Ottavia arrive, holding hands, accompanied by musicians and a huge train of people. The couple confirm their love for each other. Agrippina accepts Ottavia as daughter-in-law, and Nerone accepts Ottavia as empress (I 17). Buro affirms that all regions are jubilant; Nerone and Ottavia sit down on the right-hand throne, Agrippina on the left-hand one (I 18). Buro has gladiators perform a spectacle, before they show their reverence to Nerone, Ottavia and Agrippina and then leave with Buro (I 19). The beginning of the SECOND ACT continues in the same courtyard, with Nerone, Ottavia and Agrippina descending from their thrones. Nerone and Ottavia rejoice in their love and leave in embrace (II 1). Agrippina is troubled, as she thinks that her son’s love may lead to her own ruin. She confides her fear to Seneca, reminding him of her own role in bringing Nerone to the throne. Seneca does not understand why she is so worried (II 2). Seneca reflects on life, and he comments that earthly empires and riches are short-lived and empty, while virtue alone has an eternal life (II 3). The next scene shows the outside of Popea’s apartments at night. Ottone arrives, speaking of love. Niso, from the balcony, tells him that Popea is sleeping and advises Ottone to come back later. Ottone leaves with pangs of love (II 4). Niso checks whether Ottone has left and sees Nerone arriving, expressing his love. Ersillo meets Nerone, tells him that Popea is waiting for him and leads him to her. While he is entering Popea’s apartments, Agrippina and Ottavia (in disguise) watch him (II 5). Ottavia is distraught at the sight; Agrippina announces that she will see a greater proof of infidelity. They move into the house (II 6).

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Sporo arrives, en route to the ‘temple of his adored goddess’; as he notices that the door is open, he too enters (II 7). Inside, there is an antechamber, with a bedroom next door. While Agrippina and Ottavia and later Sporo, held back by Ersillo, watch, Nerone expresses his love for Poppea, but she wants him to devote himself completely to her and to repudiate Ottavia, which he is prepared to do. At this point Agrippina hands a dagger to Ottavia and encourages her to take action, while she withdraws to the background (II 8). Ottavia approaches Popea, dagger in hand, but Sporo holds her back. Nerone is enraged and confused, and he orders the attacker to be taken to prison. Nerone leaves, without realizing that the person is Ottavia. Agrippina comforts herself with thoughts of victory. Meanwhile, Ottavia declares herself happy to be imprisoned and even to die, as she is deprived of her love (II 9). Buro and Seneca ponder on the events: Seneca comments on the swiftness with which fates can change, while Buro is secretly happy at Ottavia’s imprisonment (II 10). Buro plans to visit Agrippina and hopes to win the rewards of love (II 11). Niso tries to run past, but Sporo catches him. Sporo asks when he will be able to be with Popea and gives Niso a golden chain to encourage an answer. Niso replies that Popea will be his before the sun has risen twice (II 12). When Sporo is about to leave, Ottone enters, holding Niso by the arm. Sporo watches them, out of sight, and hears Ottone ask for the whereabouts of his love, Popea. Sporo then steps forward. They admit that they both love Popea, which makes them both draw their swords (II 13). Popea appears, and this stops the two men. Popea declares that they are both welcome and that, now that the jewelled path to the throne has been opened up to her, they should greet her as a bride, no longer as a beloved. They are moved at these words. Popea assures them that they will find another beloved and leaves, disregarding them both (II 14). Ottone and Sporo remain behind, angered at this treatment; they are reconciled. Ersillo mocks them (II 15). In the imperial apartments Nerone is in a bad mood and sighing. Agrippina urges him to tell her the reason, and he reveals that someone attacked him while he was visiting Popea. Agrippina shows herself sufficiently astonished and compassionate, while she is of course aware of this incident (II 16). Buro and Seneca arrive and inform Nerone that the attacker was Ottavia. Agrippina advises him to punish her; they discuss details. Nerone eventually decides to exile her, which he regards as a mild punishment, and bids Seneca visit her with the news (II 17). Agrippina and Buro reflect on this decision. Agrippina promises Buro the rewards of love in thanks for his assistance. They speak words of love to each other (II 18). Popea rejoices in her success in securing the throne by means of love; she exults at Ottavia’s fate (II 19). Ersillo, Niso and Ottone arrive. Ottone professes his love, but Popea claims that she has voiced her love for him in jest and departs with Ersillo, ignoring Ottone (II 20). Ottone is devastated, and Niso tries to cheer him up, claiming that Popea may change her mind. Ottone gives Niso a diamond ring in order to win his support. Niso claims that he will help Ottone, though he confesses privately that he is only interested in the rewards that he might receive

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(II 21). Ersillo arrives and suspiciously eyes the ring. He correctly works out that it was a gift from Ottone and tries to win a share in the proceeds. He decides to bide his time, while Niso promises that he will bear him in mind in future (II 22). The first few scenes of the THIRD ACT take place in a wooded area outside Baia, around Claudio’s large tomb. Ottavia is led away by Seneca and guards. Seneca informs her of Nerone’s decision. She bemoans her fate, but Seneca urges her to show fortitude (III 1). Ottavia, on her own, sits down near the tomb and laments, when the shade of her father rises from the underworld. She is terrified; he announces that she will return to Rome before sunset and then disappears (III 2). Ottavia ponders on this incident: she is encouraged and believes that the god of love gives her hope (III 3). Agrippina, Buro, Seneca and a large throng of people appear. Agrippina tells them that Nerone will soon approach the seat of Romulo and that they should attack him with arrows; they promise to follow her orders (III 4). Nerone and Ottone overhear her instructions. As Agrippina declares that she will rule Rome according to her laws, Nerone appears. At his arrival, Agrippina, Buro and Seneca flee, while Ottone pursues them, accompanied by soldiers (III 5). Ottone returns with soldiers and tells Nerone that the fugitives have disappeared. The two of them discuss the power of jealousy; then Nerone asks Ottone to pursue the rebels (III 6). Nerone considers the allure of imperial power and bids the gods destroy him if they wish. Popea approaches, but he rejects her and departs in anger (III 7). Popea is surprised, but says that she will find other lovers (III 8). Ottavia enters in the attire of a shepherdess and asks Buro, also dressed as a shepherd and therefore not recognized by her, whether he would accept her as a daughter and keep her safe from the imperial court. He agrees, and he is about to go and gather food when Nerone appears (III 9). As soon as Nerone sees Ottavia, whom he does not recognize, he is entrapped by her beauty; he realizes that the woman resembles Ottavia, who is no longer his spouse. He starts to express his love to her, but Ottavia rebukes him. When Buro tries to intervene, Nerone holds him back. Then Nerone takes Ottavia by the hand and tells her that he is overcome by her beauty (III 10). Both Ottavia and Buro are surprised by this turn of events. Ottavia is led away by guards, but plans to make sure that Nerone gets his comeuppance (III 11). Buro, surrounded by the remaining guards, wonders what fate awaits him. He considers what to do and decides to ask for forgiveness (III 12). The next scene shows ancient towers with prisons. Ottone exits from a terrible prison cell with soldiers and muses upon the fickleness of fate, particularly for those in high positions (III 13). Popea addresses Ottone as her spouse and confesses that she loves him. Ottone at first does not believe her, but then she gives him her hand; he accepts her, and they embrace (III 14). Niso expresses his pity for Sporo now that Ottone is the one chosen by Popea, and he advises young lovers to avoid fickle women who keep saying yes (III 15). Agrippina, on top of one of the towers behind a small window, states that this is a just tomb for someone with imperial ambitions who opposes her own son. Seneca, in a cell below, longs for an end to his life. Agrippina too asks for divine justice and for death

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(III 16). Nerone, his face covered by a shawl, arrives, stating that he is not made for excessive cruelty. Agrippina and Seneca do not recognize him, and they talk about the situation. Nerone tells them that he brings word from the emperor, who has forgiven them. He frees them from the prison (III 17). Agrippina and Seneca leave the prison. They want to thank their liberator, but he has disappeared. Seneca determines that it was a divine portent, and Agrippina decides to go to her son (III 18). The scene switches to an imperial hall in the form of the heavens with various globes representing celestial signs. Ottone, Sporo and Popea discuss love and the workings of the Roman gods. Ottone is happy about Popea’s decision, while Sporo is devastated (III 19). Buro enters, deciding to stop his laments and appear penitent (III 20). During the next scene a very bright cloud can be seen in the distance, growing in size. Nerone (as Giove) and Ottavia sit on a throne of light on this cloud, from where they descend in the course of the scene. Fake deities surround them; trumpets sound on the earth. Nerone enjoys his position, while Ottavia fears the jealousy of the gods. Nerone wishes to embrace Ottavia (whom he still does not recognize), but she fears that he will treat her in the same way as ‘Ottavia’. He promises that he will not, and she reveals her identity. Buro, still dressed as a shepherd, approaches; he too reveals his identity. They are all reconciled (III 21). Agrippina and Seneca arrive and pay their respects to Nerone. Nerone takes Agrippina by his left hand and Ottavia by his right hand, and they too are reconciled (III 22). Nerone rejoins Popea and Ottone, while Sporo departs in anger. Nerone asks his mother, his spouse, his tutor, Buro and his friends to be happy, and they all confirm that they are (III 23). Analysis The series of events that form the turbulent action of this scherzo dramatico per musica is not identical with that in the Latin Octavia, mainly because the plot is set at a different time within Nero’s reign. Nevertheless, one of the dramatic conflicts in this piece is identical with a major structural element in Octavia, namely the opposition between Ottavia, the wife that the Roman People intend for Nerone, and his beloved Popea, for whose sake Nerone is ready to repudiate Ottavia (II 8). That this conflict has been moved to the time of Nerone ascending the throne (54 CE; Tac. Ann. 12.69) allows a conclusion that is plausible in relation to the character of the ruler, as the librettist indicates in the ‘Argomento’.120 In line with the chosen chronological setting the power struggle between

_____________ 120 See ‘Argomento’: “La serie di tai calamitosi Sucessi si lascia à Coturni, e per secondare il dolce genio de Teatri, si pigliano gli auuenimenti vltimi, trasportãdogli à primi anni, con darli quel fine, che deue esser verissimile alla Virtù, & Integrità d’ogni Regnante. Dalle quali cose tutte, e singole, come dagl’Episodij, & altri verisimili s’è preso il motiuo dello Scherzo presente, à cui

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Nerone and his mother Agrippina forms the second dramatic conflict in this piece, an element that is only alluded to in the Latin Octavia by the appearance of Agrippina’s shade (Oct. 593–645). In the scherzo this conflict is presented as caused by Agrippina’s desire for power for herself (I 15; II 2; III 5). Thus all conflicts remain essentially within the imperial family and the court. The early chronological setting makes it possible for the characters to express hopes and expectations for Nerone’s rule (e.g. I 9–10), which helps to prepare the happy ending. No external events from other years within Nero’s reign, such as the Pisonian Conspiracy, the presence of a foreign king in Rome, the fire of Rome or the persecution of the Christians (as in many other operas, but not in the Latin Octavia) have been added, so that the plot can focus on the interrelations between the key protagonists. The title of the opera seems to allude to Nero’s attempt to kill his mother Agrippina, when he invited her to Baiae to send her off on a specially prepared ship in 59 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.4–6). Yet in this version Nero does not kill her; instead, he sends her to prison, since she wants to rule herself and opposes him (III 16; cf. Tac. Ann. 13.2). Thus a situation is presented in which Nerone feels threatened and inhibited by his mother, which is the reason why he plans the attack on her according to the historical course of events; in the scherzo he eventually pardons her (III 17). Baia is the location of the third act since, according to the stage directions, the large funeral mound of the late emperor Claudio is located there (III 1), for which there is no historical evidence (in Feustking’s Nero Octavia deposits Claudius’ remains in the imperial mausoleum). In this act Claudio appears as a shade, predicting the future of his offspring (III 2; as does his wife Agrippina in Octavia 593–645). Since the question of Claudio’s successor is one aspect of the piece, two Roman ambassadors make an appearance (I 10). Their expectations for Nerone’s rule allude to some of the political aspects in Octavia as expressed by Seneca and the choruses (Oct. 273–287; 440–592; 669–689), for instance the ideal of fair and peaceful government or the wish for Octavia to be Nerone’s wife; yet these features are not sustained elements within the scherzo. What is present throughout is Seneca as a moral entity: he delivers a monologue on the transience of worldly goods (II 3), comments on changes of fortune (II 3; II 10), recommends fortitude to Ottavia (III 1) and longs for death in bad circumstances (III 16). He is less engaged with the principles of political structure and seems associated rather with Agrippina, who was responsible for originally bringing him to the imperial court

_____________ dà il Nome AGRIPPINA IN BAIA.” – ‘The series of such a sequence of misfortunes is suitable for tragedies, and to assist the sweet genius of theatres one catches the final incidents, transporting them to the first years, by giving them a conclusion that must be plausible in relation to the virtue and integrity of each ruler. From all such things, and individual ones, such as the episodes and other items close to truth, the starting point for the present scherzo has been taken, to which the name Agrippina in Baia has been given.’

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(Tac. Ann. 12.8.2), and providing practical support in running the empire in collaboration with Buro / Burrus (Tac. Ann. 13.2.1–2; 13.6.3; 14.52.1). Despite its focus on events at court, the scherzo’s plot is rather complex, since there are a number of love affairs that are made to coincide although the historical basis on which these have been developed places them in different years: Nerone is attracted to Ottavia and Popea; Popea is desired by Ottone and Sporo; and Agrippina and Buro are interested in each other. The figure of Buro must allude to Afranius Burrus, who became sole prefect of the Praetorian Guard in 51 CE on Agrippina’s intervention (Tac. Ann. 12.42.1; 13.20.1) and was instrumental in managing the empire during the early years of Nero’s reign (Tac. Ann. 13.2.1–2; 14.51.1–52.1). The figure of Sporo presumably refers to Sporus, a beloved of Nero, who was made a eunuch because of his resemblance to Poppaea and then ‘married’ by the emperor (Suet. Nero 28–29; Oros. 7.7.2; Cass. Dio 62.28.2–3). This historical background may explain why Sporo is here brought together with Popea, though in a different relationship. It is made clear that Sporo cannot succeed and that Ottone must win Popea (which agrees with the historical record); hence Sporo becomes the only character that is not involved in the happy ending. To emphasize the atmosphere provoked by a complicated series of love affairs and misunderstandings, other theatrical conventions of the period are used, such as characters entering in disguise, machinery (especially Nerone’s appearance on a cloud), elaborate settings as well as a happy ending. The events during the night, when several characters enter Popea’s house successively (II 4–7), or the situation that the two rivals for Popea’s love (Ottone and Sporo) almost fight each other (II 13–14) create dramatically effective scenes. The vague historical setting enables the happy ending, since only then can Nerone and Ottavia as well as Ottone and Popea be united after Nerone has had a relationship with Popea. The basis for the general reconciliation is Nerone’s selfassessment that he is not capable of extreme cruelty (III 17). That Seneca and Agrippina are forgiven and freed as a result of Nerone’s insights is a development that the philosopher Seneca can only explain with reference to a celestial portent (III 18). Such a comment ensures that the surprising turn of the plot is not too morally loaded since the possibility that Nerone could be the unknown liberator is not considered and thus, indirectly, the likelihood of such behaviour is questioned. Nevertheless, reflections or discussions on the role of Fortune, the mutability of fate (I 4), the power of jealousy (III 6) and the attraction of power (III 7) give the piece a moral tone, almost reminiscent of the tragedies of the historical Seneca. This piece turns out to be a well-constructed mix of events connected with Nero, his relationships with women and his position as ruler; after complications and misunderstandings, it concludes with a happy ending, while it indicates a moral message. There are similarities to the Latin Octavia in motifs and structural elements, even though the entire story has been changed by the addition of further elements and the setting in a different time frame.

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2.7 Neri, L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692) Background The opera L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (‘Claudius Nero’s entrance to manhood’; drama per musica in three acts) was first performed in the ‘Teatro Fontanelli’ in Modena on 9 November 1692 (with further performances later that month and the libretto dedication dated 4 November 1692).121 The librettist Giambattista Neri (c. 1655–1726) worked in Bologna and Venice, first briefly as a doctor and then as a secretary and state counsellor. Yet writing seems to have been his main interest: he produced seven opera librettos, at least seven oratorios and a large amount of occasional poetry. His opera librettos are said to have retained a 17th-century style and not to have reflected the general tendency towards elevated tone and serious subject matter found in Italian librettos from the 1690s onwards.122 The libretto of this opera shows classical influences and a more serious mood. Many of Neri’s opera librettos were apparently produced for Bologna or Venice (with the exception of the last one, written for Reggio Emilia); however, L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone was intended for Modena. This ties in with the fact that the composer Antonio Giannettini (1648–1721) was ‘maestro di cappella’ of the well-respected court orchestra of the duke of Modena from 1686 almost until the end of his life. Giannettini wrote pieces such as cantatas, oratorios and operas; and he was in close contact with musical life in Venice and in Germany. His first opera, entitled Medea in Atene (1675), already shows an interest in ancient subject matter. Modena had seen musical activity under duke Francesco I; music was again promoted for about two decades after duke Francesco II d’Este had fully come to power (1674). The reputation of music at the Este court attracted composers and artists to Modena. From the late 16th century onwards theatres were established in Modena, but musical performances seem to have taken off only in the second half of the 17th century. The ‘Teatro Fontanelli’ (named after its new owner) replaced an earlier structure (the ‘Teatro Valentini’, which had burnt down in 1681) in 1683; in 1685 it saw a revival of Giulio Cesare Corradi’s and Carlo Pallavicino’s Il Vespasiano.123 Most of the musical works written in those decades were dedicated to the duke. Yet the opera under discussion is dedicated to the duchess, his wife: it was produced in connection with the wedding celebrations of the couple.

_____________ 121 This opera and its context have recently been studied in detail by Paul Atkin (Opera Production in Late Seventeenth-Century Modena: The Case of L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692), Diss. Royal Holloway, University of London, London 2010). 122 See Saunders at OMO. 123 On operatic life in Modena see Surian / Chiarelli at OMO; Atkin 2010.

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Bibliographical information124 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Giambattista Neri (c. 1655–1726) / Antonio Giannettini (1648–1721) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

– L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone. Drama per musica Del Dott. Gio. Battista Neri, Da recitarsi nel Teatro Fontanelli di Modona. Consagrato All’Altezza Serenissima di Margherita Farnese d’Este, Duchessa di Modona, Reggio, &c. [Modona 1692] SCHOLARSHIP: Atkin 2010 information on the venue, librettist and composer: Saunders at OMOc; Surian / Chiarelli at OMO; Walker / Glixon at OMO

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Claudio Nerone, Imperatore – Curtio, Cavalier Romano Amante d’Illisa – Tigellino, Confidente di Claudio – Aspasio, Senator Stoico rittirato – Valeria, sua Figlia – Illisa, Figlia d’Ellia Catulla – Ellia Catulla, Matrona Nobile di Roma – Grippo, Servo – Accompagnamenti: Damigelli con Illisa; Paggi / Guardie con Claudio

The FIRST ACT opens in an imperial bathroom, where servants dress the emperor Claudio Nerone; his confidant Tigellino comments on the emperor’s imperial appearance. Claudio is being shaved for the first time, which marks his progress from adolescence into manhood and his succession as emperor of Rome. He is crowned as emperor and announces that the event is to be celebrated with a ball and games (I 1). Tigellino muses upon the fate and history of Rome and on how love is now assuming power (I 2). In a street in Rome the Roman knight Curtio confesses his love for Illisa, daughter of the noble Roman lady Ellia Catulla. The servant Grippo arrives, about to invite the most beautiful young people to Claudio’s ball. Curtio asks him to invite Ellia Catulla so that he can meet Illisa, but Grippo is reluctant (I 3). Grippo, on his own, reflects upon the predicament of a servant, particularly when serving lovers (I 4). Upon leaving, Grippo stops when he sees Aspasio, a retired Stoic senator, and his daughter Valeria exit from their small house. The two of them discuss and denounce the luxury they see surrounding them and praise simple life and its moral qualities instead. When they are about to withdraw back into their house, Grippo addresses them: he manages to persuade Valeria to come to the festivities although Valeria and Aspasio despise such events; Grippo promises Valeria that she will meet philosophers at Claudio’s court who will give her better

_____________ 124 See Sartori 1991a, 449–450.

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information about the secrets of nature than her father (I 5). Valeria ponders over the degenerate morals of the time in which Amore reigns, and she asserts the naturalness of her beauty (I 6). In a dressing room in Ellia’s house, her daughter Illisa is being adorned with the help of her servants and admires her own beauty (I 7). Ellia arrives, criticizes the use of make-up and perfume and forces her daughter to remove it; they argue about which of them is more beautiful (I 8). When Grippo arrives, Ellia looks at herself in a mirror, giving her daughter advice, and Illisa cries. Turning to and fro between the two women, Grippo invites them to the ball. He instructs Illisa (without her mother hearing it) to appear disguised in male clothes, for Curtio’s sake; and he flirts with Ellia (I 9). Illisa reflects on the plan and looks forward to seeing Curtio (I 10). Aspasio and Valeria arrive at a ballroom in Claudio’s palace; they lament the luxury and indecency they see and seek to withdraw (I 11). Claudio and Tigellino enter with ladies and gentlemen of the court, and these are asked to start the dance (I 12). The dance begins, and in the middle of it Ellia and Grippo come in from one side, and Curtio and Illisa (dressed as a man) from the other. Illisa uses the chance to return to Curtio a pile of letters that he had sent to her, so as to prevent her mother from finding them. Ellia is dressed up elaborately and performs a dance with Grippo; she does not accept anyone else as a partner. Ellia is impressed by the young man, who is actually her daughter; yet Illisa rejects her advances. Both Claudio and Curtio are attracted by Valeria. This makes Illisa jealous, and she withdraws among the people, followed by Curtio. Valeria is concerned about attracting attention; Aspasio tries to protect his daughter from the eyes of others. When Claudio challenges him, Aspasio and Valeria tell him about their virtuous beliefs and way of life. Claudio is annoyed at these moral doctrines, but Tigellino reassures him. Aspasio and Valeria eventually leave with Tigellino, Aspasio fearing for the future and Valeria restating her beliefs (I 13). Claudio is angry at such views; those who do not like his court should leave, but here the festival atmosphere will favour love (I 14). Upon leaving, Illisa requests firm proof of Curtio’s constancy, since she feels as if she is dying of jealousy; he confirms his love and fidelity (I 15). A dance of the ladies and gentlemen of the court concludes the act. The SECOND ACT first features a dilapidated study, with statues of philosophers and ancient poets. When Valeria arrives, Grippo tells her that one should stay clear of books when one wishes to live happily. She begins to identify and knowledgeably explain the statues to him, but he is not impressed and despises these men (II 1). Curtio passes the chamber, and Grippo catches him at the door. Curtio and Valeria discuss the role of love. To prove the point that love has long since existed, Curtio reads the mythical love story of Arethusa and Alpheius from one of the books in the study (II 2). Illisa arrives and places herself between Valeria and Curtio, with the latter not noticing her as he continues reading; she misconstrues the loving words Curtio reads as him wooing Valeria, which leads to an argument between them and Illisa turning away from him (II 3). Curtio, left alone,

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thinks about the loss of Illisa and his misfortune (II 4). Valeria returns and considers the events. Upon leaving, she runs into Claudio and Tigellino, who present their philosophy of the pleasure of love and beauty to her, which she finds attractive (II 5). When Aspasio enters, Claudio and Tigellino start arguing with him; but he has no chance to stand his ground against them. When Valeria admits that this new philosophy pleases her, Aspasio sends her away; upon departure Valeria entertains the thought that she would like Amore to come to her now that she has heard of him. Claudio continues the discussion with Aspasio and orders Tigellino to follow Valeria (II 6). Aspasio carries on with his criticism of the present government and warns Claudio of the dangers of a monarchical reign, by employing the analogy of the ship of state and equating kingdom with shipwreck (II 7). Claudio is annoyed, but unimpressed; his reign will be characterized by pleasure and love (II 8). The scene switches to a garden with a fountain, where Ellia is telling the flowers to learn from her appearance. Grippo arrives reading and takes no notice of Ellia; he claims that virtue now reigns at court. Ellia grumbles that Valeria has changed everything. Grippo asserts that the book contains beauty recipes and mocks Ellia while reading one out. Finally, when he is about to leave, she admits that she is in love with the young man she has seen at the ball. He tells her that this is a disciple of Aspasio and that he may arrange a meeting between them (II 9). In the next scene Tigellino wonders why Curtio is not enjoying himself. Curtio is still tormented by Illisa’s reaction and asks Tigellino to inform him of any news from her. Tigellino is ready to do so, adding that he himself is no longer touched by love (II 10). Illisa arrives: Curtio again protests his innocence, initially supported by Tigellino. When Curtio mentions Valeria in the argument, Tigellino thinks that she is his love and fears that this will interfere with Claudio’s desire. He therefore asks Illisa to decorate Valeria to incite Claudio further; she refuses at first, since she will thereby become more attractive for Claudio. Thereupon Curtio suggests that she leave Valeria unadorned; but then Illisa fears that Claudio will lose interest and Valeria will be all Curtio’s. Frustrated at the impossibility of arguing, Curtio leaves in desperation, cursing love (II 11). Tigellino and Illisa discuss the power of love; she offers to adorn Valeria if the latter is then taken directly to Claudio (II 12). Tigellino leaves, and Valeria arrives, who watches Illisa in astonishment. Valeria criticizes her outfit, while Illisa mocks Valeria’s appearance. In the end they agree that Valeria should sit down and Illisa adorn her (II 13). When Claudio and Aspasio arrive, still in discussion, the former is delighted and the latter enraged at the sight of the women. When Claudio rushes to Valeria, Aspasio tries to intervene. Illisa stops him and tells him that Valeria is Curtio’s beloved and suggests that he should wait with challenging the pair until they are found together. Claudio is now completely enraptured by Valeria, while she remains steadfast, though Illisa and Claudio believe that this will not last (II 14). Illisa sees her plan starting to work and muses upon her situation (II 15). Ellia enters an antechamber in the emperor’s quarters in the palace at night, cursing the distractions of study and seeking the ‘boy’ she met at the ball. Aspasio

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arrives from the opposite direction, looking for Valeria; as Aspasio hears his name mentioned, he comes forward. Yet they continue each talking to themselves, with their reflections intertwined. Eventually they take note of each other and embrace each other without realizing the other’s identity (II 16). At this point Claudio enters with servants and torches; he catches the pair embracing each other. Before they can explain the situation, Claudio becomes furious: he strips Ellia of her family honours, which throws her into distress; he reproaches Aspasio severely for his hypocrisy and then sends them off (II 17). Claudio muses upon how love is powerful even in old age and enkindles even cold hearts (II 18). A ballet of servants with torches concludes the second act. The THIRD ACT starts with a dialogue between Curtio and Grippo. Curtio confesses his disappointment at his relationship with Illisa; he throws his letters written to her (which she had returned to him) to the ground and tramples on them. When Grippo joins in, Curtio becomes furious and, challenged by Grippo, now denies his complaints. Eventually Grippo picks up the discarded letters to return them to Curtio, apart from a single one that he does not see. Grippo then departs, considering the burdensome life of a servant, while Curtio reflects on the power of love (III 1). The next scene shows Claudio and Valeria (in luxurious clothing) as well as numerous noblemen, servants and guards; Valeria allows Claudio to love her with his eyes only. Aspasio arrives and is enraged; he is about to strike Valeria, but is reproached by Claudio for doing so in front of the emperor. Aspasio confirms that he would strike wherever there is vice, whereupon Claudio reminds him of the previous night (III 2). Ellia arrives and carries out a deceptive trick, accusing Aspasio of having treated her indecently; Aspasio is horrified by these allegations. When Grippo supports Ellia’s story (as she had asked him to do), Valeria, believing the story, tells her father to return to Ellia; thereupon Aspasio again prepares to strike Valeria, but Claudio has guards lead Aspasio away to prison. Ellia leaves with Grippo, while Claudio tries to court Valeria (III 3). Valeria, left alone, finds the discarded letter (from Curtio to Illisa) and starts reading it; talk about love ties in with her present preoccupations. Tigellino arrives and hears her reading the letter; he then checks the letter and questions her. He believes that she has received this letter from Curtio and is disloyal to the emperor. She protests that she has only just found the letter; yet Tigellino does not accept her explanation (III 4). Claudio returns and asks for the background to the situation. Tigellino tells him that Valeria has not only Claudio in her heart; she agrees, though she refers to her father, whose fate affects her. Thereupon Claudio promises that he will be freed; Tigellino decides that it will be best to keep quiet for the moment (III 5). Tigellino, left alone, wonders that Curtio asked him to confirm his fidelity to Illisa and now seeks love with Valeria. When Illisa arrives, full of trust in Curtio, Tigellino shows her the letter and claims that it was written to Valeria. Tigellino leaves, pondering over the lack of fidelity among young lovers (III 6). Illisa recognizes this letter as one of those sent to her by Curtio and returned to him. When Curtio arrives, she shows him the letter and

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questions his fidelity; he confirms his loyalty and that the letter was written only for her. Curtio cannot understand the reasons for her anger and why he is accused of infidelity. Although they still love each other, they depart in tears in opposite directions (III 7). In a place with caves for prisoners Aspasio is chained to a rock, yet he remains true to his virtuous beliefs, and he laments that one woman (i.e. Ellia) has caused this situation (III 8). Valeria visits her father, along with a page carrying clothes decorated with gold. Aspasio immediately reproaches her for her crimes and indecency. Valeria tries to convert him to her current ‘better philosophy of life’; he consents and is freed. When they leave, Aspasio grabs Valeria by the arm, and they start a heated discussion on virtue and vice. Eventually they are reconciled, and Aspasio reasserts his control; Valeria announces her intention to return to his beliefs and way of life; they plan to flee Claudio’s court and follow the lead of virtue (III 9). In an amphitheatre, where the festival of Claudio’s Iuvenalia is about to begin, Illisa bewails her fate; her mother Ellia arrives and bemoans the loss of their family honour. Illisa envisages that, if Curtio were to marry her, the family’s standing would be restored. Although Ellia urges Illisa to accept the facts of life, she agrees and assumes that she will have to become virtuous out of necessity. Ellia expects them both to die unpleasantly, due to a lack of honour and the marriage respectively (III 10). Claudio, Tigellino and the People enter the amphitheatre. Grippo arrives and reports that Valeria has been caught fleeing from Rome with another man, which causes great irritation. It is assumed that Curtio is with her, and Tigellino reports that Curtio and Valeria were lovers. These revelations make Illisa feel devastated, but eventually Grippo clarifies that in fact this man is Aspasio and that the pair have been arrested (III 11). Aspasio and Valeria are led in by guards. Aspasio explains that Valeria has returned to the path of true virtue. Grippo discloses the identity of the young man at the ball. Claudio questions Valeria about Curtio, but she confirms that she does not know anything. At this point athletes enter for the start of the games, and Claudio becomes distracted; he and Tigellino take up their places to watch the contests. Aspasio observes that the life of the greats is like a game; then Aspasio and Valeria too prepare for watching the games (III 12). In the final scene Curtio arrives only to be reproached by Illisa and Tigellino. Gradually, the actual relationships and all misunderstandings are revealed and clarified. Claudio restores the family honour to Ellia so that Illisa and Curtio will be able to marry. Aspasio and Valeria announce their intention to withdraw into virtuous solitude. As they leave, Tigellino notes that only the games retain their beauty, but that youth is laughed at by the passing years. He and Claudio invoke the stars in support of Claudio’s reign (III 13).

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Analysis L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone deals with characters and a set-up based on Roman history. The title figure is called ‘Claudio Nerone Imperatore’ in the list of characters: both the emperor Claudius and the emperor Nero (as they are known today) bear both elements in their full official ancient names. Although the character is referred to as ‘Claudio’ in the body of the opera, the fact that the emperor’s confidant is Tigellino, doubtless an allusion to Ofonius Tigellinus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3), shows that the title figure is the emperor who is more commonly called Nero. Apart from Tigellino and presumably Ellia Catulla, the other characters, though bearing Romansounding names, cannot be clearly identified with historical figures attested for the 60s CE. As the title indicates, the opera relates to the time when the emperor Nero reached adulthood. This point in time was celebrated with a ceremonial first shaving (Suet. Nero 12.4) and newly instituted games called Iuvenalia (Tac. Ann. 14.15; 15.33.1; 16.21.1; Suet. Nero 11.1; 12.4; Cass. Dio 62[61].19.1). The ‘Argomento al lettore’ refers to ‘a historian’ as the source for these events;125 on the

_____________ 125 See ‘Argomento al lettore’: “Non vorrei, che ti tenessi ingannato dalle mie invenzioni; se mentre ti chiamo al Teatro ti guido ad una Festa da Ballo. Poiche volendoti sol spettatore, invito il tuo occhio, non il tuo piede. Non ti voglio introdure à raggirar il passo, dove una delle più celebri Matrone dell’antica Roma si fà scherno del Popolo più rilassato. Giunto Claudio Nerone al fine dell’Adolescenza, rifferisce l’Istorico, che la prima lanugine, che gli spuntò sul mento, tolta con un Rasojo gemmato à suon di Cetra, fù posta in una Palla d’Oro, e consagrata nel Campidoglio. Volle perciò celebrare quel Giorno di sì solenne passaggio alla Gioventù con Publici Giochi chiamata da Lui Giovenili; e con un Ballo di tutte le Dame del Tebro, frà le quali Ellia Catulla coprendo con lascivi ornamenti la deformità senile, si fè veder danzar baldanzosa al pari delle più leggiadre Donzelle. Credè questa d’esser una di quelle Sibille, che davano gli Oracoli saltando: e da dovero li diede, mà furono solo intesi da Posteri della sua Stirpe privi per così indegna vanità de gli honori del Consolato. Tal dunque tela fò vedere, qual mi suppongo che fosse: e con tal motivo vengo à levar il Personaggio della Vecchia dall’uso commune di esser sempre ò Serva, ò Nudrice, e Parte non necessaria al viluppo, rendendola Sogetto Nobile, & obligato all’intreccio. Per la tessitura, del quale appoggio pur anche gli Epissodii al fondamento Istorico; deducendoli dal genio pessimo, ch’havea l’istesso Claudio Nerone di sforzar li Senatori più gravi, e Persone più dotte ad intervenire alle di lui Feste per ridersi di loro, e porre in ludibrio il decoro di Gradi, e la maestà delle Toghe. Che perciò vedrai la Virtù schernita, e vilipesa, mà però nel fin trionfante in se stessa. Vedrai dunque il Serio misto al ridicolo; e il tenero unito al morale, con quella varietà, che dall’angustia del tempo è stata permessa alla fantasia: …” – ‘I do not wish to have you deceived by my inventions, if, while I call you to the theatre, I lead you to a festive ball. Since I want you as spectator, I invite your eye, not your foot. I do not want to introduce you to leading your step where one of the most celebrated ladies of ancient Rome becomes the object of ridicule of a too relaxed people. With Claudio Nerone having arrived at the end of adolescence, the historian reports that his first beard, which was appearing on his chin, was removed with a razor full of jewels at the sound of the lyre and placed in a golden bowl and consecrated on the Capitol. He wanted to celebrate this day of such solemn passage to manhood with public games, called by him ‘Juvenile’; and with a ballet of all the ladies of the

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basis of the details mentioned this writer is likely to be Suetonius or Cassius Dio, though elements from other historical sources have also been incorporated into the plot. The Iuvenalia as the central event of the opera suggests a setting in 59 CE. At any rate, since Claudio Nerone is already in power as emperor, the events are clearly meant to take place after 54 CE, when he ascended the throne. However, Tigellinus only became prefect of the Praetorian Guard in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3), and the lavish surroundings of the imperial court may be reminiscent of the emperor’s Golden Palace, which was built after the fire of Rome in 64 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.42). So elements from later years of Nero’s reign have also been included. The ‘Argomento al lettore’ singles out Ellia Catulla as being involved in the ball that took place on the occasion of the Iuvenalia. Suetonius notes that ‘aged matrons’ participated in the Iuvenalia (Suet. Nero 11.1). A lady of the name Aelia Catella (which might be turned into an Italian Ellia Catulla) is only mentioned in Cassius Dio, who notices the extraordinary fact of her giving a dance at the celebrations at the age of eighty (Cass. Dio 62[61].19.2). This raises the question of why the librettist singles out the character of Ellia Catulla, since she does not appear to be a particularly important individual in the historical tradition. The ‘Argomento’ gives a predominantly literary reason: thereby characteristics of Claudio Nerone and his reign could be shown, based on historical information, and the figure of an old woman was given the chance to take on a more substantial role in contrast to the usual supplementary functions of servants or nurses. This is true to some extent, and it demonstrates the writer’s familiarity with less obvious classical sources (and with operatic conventions). The introduction of such a character also offers the opportunity to introduce the customary dances and ballets with a special twist and to give the love affairs and discussions about the role of beauty and virtue further dimensions with the contrast between generations and the role of make-up. For instance, Claudio Nerone states explicitly that feelings of love can also occur in old age (II 18).

_____________ Tiber, among whom Ellia Catulla, covering her old-age deformities with lascivious ornaments, showed herself dancing outrageously like the most charming young girls. She believed herself to be one of those Sibyls who gave oracles while dancing; and indeed she gave them, but they were only understood by the descendants of her stock, deprived of the honours of the consulship because of this unworthy vanity. Thus therefore I present her, as I believe she was: and with such a motive I came to lift the figure of the old woman from the normal usage of being always a servant or a nurse and play a part not necessary for the plot, to present her as a noble individual and necessary for the plot. As for the structure, even its episodes are supported by a historical basis: derived from the bad nature that Claudio Nerone had, forcing the most respected senators and the wisest individuals to take part in his festivals in order to ridicule them and to put to mockery the honours of their position and the majesty of the toga. Thus you will see virtue ridiculed and mocked, but in the end triumphant by itself. You will see therefore the serious mixed with the ridiculous; and the gentle with the moral, with that variety that due to the constraints of time is permitted to the imagination: …’

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Beyond that, it has been suggested that this figure and others in the opera are created to express a political dimension with regard to the key political figures within duke Francesco II d’Este’s court: Claudio Nerone and Curtio are seen as alluding to duke Francesco, Tigellino to Cesare Ignazio (the duke’s confidant), Illisa to Margherita Farnese (the duke’s new wife), Valeria to Maria Beatrice (the duke’s sister), and Aspasio and Ellia Catulla to Laura Martinozzi (the duke’s mother).126 This is a possible reading, which could explain the choice of plot and of characters in an opera first shown on the occasion of the duke’s wedding. But as with all typological interpretations of historical or mythical stories, analogies are not explicit, which safeguards the solemnity of the occasion and the writer’s position. Hence this reading is not imposed upon audiences as the only or the necessary one, and the opera can be received and interpreted on different levels. In any case, the opera is not made up of a combination of events with a historical basis, dating from various periods in Nero’s reign. In fact, the name and figure of ‘Claudio Nerone’ and the intermittent use of historical information rather serve to create a distant historical setting and thereby to lend authority to a story that is mostly fictional. For, despite Nerone making the step into adulthood, the events presented do not have a specific historical reference point; not even Nero’s mother Agrippina is involved in the plot. Nero’s court seems to provide the background for an entertaining mixture of confused relationships among individuals with different views on the philosophy of life: there is a fundamental opposition of virtuous ideals and the attractiveness of a decent and simple life (Aspasio and Valeria) contrasted with a more sensuous way of life. Valeria’s appearance at court leads to complications in the love relationships, and the fear even arises that her virtuousness might change life at court (II 9); vice versa Valeria feels attracted by the ‘philosophy’ of love (II 5–6). In the end the separation of the two ways of life seems to be the only solution (III 13). This contrast is discussed at various points, particularly in conversations between Aspasio and Claudio Nerone (II 7–8) and between Aspasio and his daughter Valeria (III 9), when he turns her back to a life dedicated to virtue rather than love. The promince of this theme is also obvious from the topic of the story that Curtio reads to Valeria (II 2): in the myth of Alpheius and Arethusa, the nymph rejects the love of the river god since she does not value her beauty highly. As a consequence she flees from Alpheius and is saved by the goddess Diana, who transforms her into a spring in Sicily (Ov. Met. 5.572–641). Accordingly, the opera’s positive ending not only consists in sorting out misunderstandings and reuniting pairs, but, as indicated in the ‘Argomento’, it also means that virtue, though tested and tried, is eventually victorious. Hence it may seem surprising that the philosopher Seneca has not been included as a character, since he functions as a moral counterpoint to life at the

_____________ 126 See Atkin 2010.

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Neronian court in the Latin Octavia and in many Nero operas. Perhaps this was designed to avoid more abstract political or philosophical discussions and to enable instead a presentation of the practicality and characteristics of a virtuous life in a more immediately relevant context. Certain elements of Seneca’s standard role have been transferred to Aspasio, who is defined as a ‘Stoic senator’ in the list of characters. A reference to philosophy is also established via his daughter: Valeria is presented as interested in philosophers (I 5) and is familiar with ancient philosophy in contrast to other characters at court (II 1). Owing to Aspasio’s position and the focus on individual styles of life in the opera, the presentation of his views often remains rather generic; still, it is made clear that he favours a virtuous, decent and simple life and abhors the loose morals and sumptuous luxury of Claudio Nerone’s court. Indeed, the behaviour of some individuals at court as presented in the opera (e.g. the deception of Ellia by her daughter in disguise, Tigellino’s intrigues, the false accusations against Aspasio) is entertaining, but morally questionable. When, in his discussion with Claudio Nerone, Aspasio criticizes the present government by applying the classical metaphor of the ship of state (II 7), it becomes obvious that there is a political connotation to his opposition to Claudio Nerone’s reign of love. Claudio Nerone reacts angrily, just as Nero in discussion with Seneca in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592). Claudio cannot bear philosophical admonishments, and he sends Aspasio to prison (III 3), when the situation escalates and Aspasio, having become a victim of the intrigues at court, tries to reclaim his authority towards his daughter by force. However, the Stoic is not killed: Claudio Nerone frees him for the sake of the love for his daughter (III 5). Aspasio is even eventually reunited with his daughter, re-established and enabled to show the courage to dissociate himself from the court. Juxtaposed with the rigorousness of the Stoic, Claudio Nerone’s generosity within his reign of love appears as a positive element. At the same time it is ensured that the opera does not become too serious as it includes a number of standard operatic elements. The tone is generally lighthearted, and there is a happy ending. Mocking of philosophy by servants, which affects Seneca in some of the Nero operas that feature him, is transferred to different characters (II 1; II 9). The story is enlivened by further typical operatic features of the period, such as a person in disguise (a woman in male clothes), confusions and misunderstandings due to letters as well as dances and ballets. By creating a plausible plot on the basis of historical or vaguely historical figures, the opera creates an entertaining story with a moral dimension, which can be read in the abstract or referred to the particular occasion. Even though plot and setting are very different, the opera retains some elements that ultimately go back to the Latin Octavia. In particular, this concerns the presentation of the contrast between life at the imperial court, where love determines the emperor’s actions, and an opposing entity that is critical and appeals to moral values.

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2.8 Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare (1692/93) Background The opera Nerone fatto Cesare (‘Nero made emperor’) (a dramma per musica in three acts) was apparently very popular: it was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’ in Venice on 27 December 1692, at the start of the season, with the run continuing to at least 7 February 1693,127 and then frequently restaged in various adaptations in numerous theatres. At its first performance the piece was well received for the sumptuousness of the staging and the quality of the music. The librettist Matteo Noris (d. 1714) wrote for all main theatres in Venice over the course of his career. In the 1670s and 1680s he had a close working relationship with theatres owned by the Grimani family, both the older ‘Teatro di SS. Giovanni e Paolo’ and the newer and more luxurious ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’. In 1686, the government reprimanded those responsible for bringing Noris’ Il demone amante, ovvero Giugurta (to music by Carlo Francesco Pollarolo [c. 1653–1723]) on stage, as it was regarded as offensive for religious reasons. During the subsequent five years Noris produced librettos for Florence and Genoa. In 1692 he returned to Venice and began writing mainly for the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’, owned by the Vendramin family. From 1697 onwards, after the successful restaging of Tito Manlio (first performed in Florence in 1696, to music by Carlo Francesco Pollarolo) at the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’, he started to work once again for the Grimani. As for content, Noris is said to have sought novel subjects and to have used them imaginatively; he deliberately treated historical facts rather freely and often called his plots ‘labyrinthine’, although his works were dramatically effective. He attacked the promoters of imitation and criticized those who borrowed from classical and neo-classical works.128 Many of Noris’ works were set to music more than once. These include Nerone fatto Cesare, which has received musical settings by at least three different composers, and the libretto has seen various adaptations.129 While these various versions differ in details, the basic plot structure and the main protagonists remain the same. The first musical setting comes from Giacomo Antonio Perti (1661–1756), and this is the one that was performed at the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’ in Venice in 1692/93 (including a sinfonia by Giuseppe Torelli). Perti had been admitted as a composer to the Accademia Filarmonica in 1681. He worked as ‘maestro di cappella’ at various important musical institutions in Bologna. His first proper opera

_____________ 127 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 204. 128 See Saunders at OMOd. 129 On this aspect (and the data) see Vecchi 1976.

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was Marzio Coriolano (Venice 1683); altogether he produced music for almost thirty operas, of which only little has survived. The next version of Nerone fatto Cesare was composed by Alessandro Scarlatti (1660–1725) and presented in the ‘Palazzo Reale’ in Naples on 6 November 1695. The subject matter of a large number of Scarlatti’s operas is taken from ancient (sometimes medieval) history or from legends regarded as historical.130 In 1703 the libretto was adapted by Antonio Piantanida (impresario of the ‘Ducale’ until 1700), and this version was set to music by Paolo Magni (c. 1650– 1737) for a production in the ‘Ducale’ in Milan. The libretto included two additional characters. This remake appeared under a different title, L’Agrippina, and it was dedicated to the Spanish king Philip V. This has led scholars to connect it with the contemporary War of the Spanish Succession and to compare it with Grimani’s slightly later Agrippina (1709), which has been put by some into the same context (see ch. 2.13).131 Later, Nerone fatto Cesare was turned into a pasticcio version, which was again shown in Venice, at the ‘Teatro di S. Angelo’, during the carnival season of 1715. For this performance Antonio Vivaldi (1678–1741) wrote twelve new arias; the remaining parts of the music were provided by a number of further composers (music lost).132 Again, an interest in this libretto is not untypical of Vivaldi, since he tended to prefer older librettos and seems to have been less interested in the newer literary styles than other composers of his time. This libretto was modified and adapted to changed conditions (‘for the modern stage’), according to the information on the title page and in the address to the reader; the action seems to have become more straightforward and the setting less elaborate. There are more adaptations of the libretto and further musical settings by other writers and composers for performances on other occasions and different venues; not all of the individuals involved can be identified, but this activity testifies to the popularity of the piece and the mutability of early librettos. The opera may also have been revived under different titles, such as Nerone dichiarato Cesare. For instance, it seems to have been reworked under the title Agrippina by Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700) for performance in Leipzig in 1699 (cf. Corradi, Il Nerone).

_____________ 130 See Grout 1979, 7; see Grout 1979, on characteristics of Scarlatti’s operas. 131 See Vitali / Furnari 1991, 52 n. 30. 132 See Strohm (1982) 1985, 143–144.

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Bibliographical information133 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Matteo Noris (d. 1714) / Giacomo Antonio Perti (1661–1756) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: *Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel famoso Teatro di S. Salvatore l’anno 1693. Di Matteo Noris. Consecrato all’illustrissimo … il signor Ferdinando Torriano … [Venetia 1693] Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per Musica, Da Rappresentarsi nel Famoso Teatro di S. Salvatore. L’Anno M.DC.XCIII. Di Matteo Noris. Seconda Impressione. Consecrato All’Illustriss. & Eccellentiss. Sig. il Signor Ferdinando Torriano, Barrone de Tassis, Cameriere della Chiave d’oro di S. M. Cesarea, e suo Generale hereditario delle Poste Imperiali in Venetia. [Venetia 1693]

‘Cortese Lettore’: “In questa noua impressione si hanno leuati, e cambiati molti uersi, & aggionti, per necessità di accorciare. … Se vi ritrouerai cosa che meriti qualche lode, questa tutta si deue al Sig Giacomo Perti, il quale, con la sua Musica, che (senza hiperbole) è d’oro il più fino, hà vestite le parole; …” – ‘In this new impression many verses have been removed and changed and added, due to the need to cut. … If you find anything worthy of praise, all this is owed to Sig. Giacomo Perti, who with his music, which (without hyperbole) is made out of the finest gold, has clothed the words; …’ Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica di Matteo Noris. Da Rappresentarsi nel nuovo Teatro degl’Illustrissimi Sig. Capranica l’anno M.DCVC. Dedicato All’Illustrissima, & Eccellentissima Signora, La Signora D. Felice Ventimiglia d’Aragona Pignattelli, e Barberini, Prencipessa di Palestrina. [Roma 1695; dedica di Carlo Giannini, dated 1 February 1695] ‘Al lettore’: “Nel restante ti si presenta questo Drama nella medesima forma, che Anni sono fù cantato in Venetia con tanto gradimento, & applauso di chi lo intese, senza haverlo alterato in alcuna cosa toltane la mutatione di alcune ben’ poche Arie, la Poesia, e Musica delle quali si è presa da altro Drama per servire all’angustia del tempo, al bisogno della Scena, & al genio de Recitanti, e vivi felice.” – ‘For the rest, this drama presents itself to you in the same form in which, a few years ago, it was sung in Venice with greatest approval and applause from those who saw it, without having been altered in any respect apart from changing very few arias; the poetry and the music of those have been taken from another drama so as to serve the constraints of time, the needs of the stage and the talent of the singers; and live happily.’ Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Malvezzi l’anno M.DC.XCV. Dedicato All’Eminentissimo, e Reverendissimo Sig. Cardinale Marcello Durazzo, Legato di Bologna. [Bologna] ‘Lettore Cortese’: “Nelle nuoue Impressioni de’ Drami è Destino, che sempre appariscano da loro stessi diversi; non già, perche l’altrui temerità presuma di megliorarli, mà

_____________ 133 See Sartori 1991b, 222–223; Selfridge-Field 2007, 204–205; http://www.italianopera.org/ compositori/P/c2199682.htm; on the Leipzig version see Maul 2009, 877–878, no. 6.

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per incontrare il genio di quelle Città, che ne deuono essere spettatrici. Genio di questa Patria è il vedere rappresentato Nerone in questa sua Giouinezza adorno di quelle Doti, che lo resero così ammirabile ne’ suoi primi Anni d’Impero. Intende di fare questa giustizia al nome di un Cesare, che perorò Giouinetto a fauor di Bologna già dalle fiamme distrutta, e ne impetrò dal Senato Romano un Maestoso risarcimento. Questa poca di Gratitudine douuta a Nerone lo fà desiderar su i nostri Teatri amoroso, mà non lasciuo, glorioso, mà non superbo, non arrogante, mà giusto, giàcche vi acconsente ancora la Storia …” – ‘With regard to new impressions of dramas it is fated that they always appear different from the original; not because the temerity of another presumes to be able to improve it, but to accommodate the mind of this city, where the spectators must come from. It is congenial to this country to see Nerone represented in his youth, adorned by such gifts that will make him so admirable during his first years of rule. It is intended to do this kind of justice to the name of an emperor, who, as a young man, was supportive in favour of Bologna, already destroyed by flames, and obtained splendid compensation from the Roman Senate [Tac. Ann. 12.58.2: 10 million sesterces]. This tiny bit of gratitude owed to Nerone makes us want him in our theatres as someone full of love, but not lascivious, proud, but not haughty, not arrogant, but just, because history too agrees with this …’ [quoted also in Vecchi 1976, 302–303] *Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro a S. Bastiano. Consagrato all’altezza sereniss. di Ferdinando gran prencipe di Toscana. [Livorno 1698] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Matteo Noris (d. 1714) /Alessandro Scarlatti (1660–1725) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Nerone fatto Cesare. Melodrama da rappresentarsi nel Regio Palazzo per lo dì natalizio del nostro monarca Carlo II consacrato al merito dell’eccellentiss. signora D. Maria Borgia Fernandes de Cordova e Benavides de duchi di Grandia etc. [Napoli 1695; 134 dedica di Nicolò Serino] CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica. Da recitarsi nel Teatro Di Verona L’anno 1697. Consacrato All’Illustrissimo Signor Camillo Berlendi. [Verona 1697] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: 135 C[hristian] L[udwig] B[oxberg] (1670–1729) / Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Agrippina in einer Opera Mit Koenigl. Majestaet in Pohlen und Chur-Fuerstl. Durchl. zu Sachsen Allergnaedigster Verwilligung auff Dem Leipziger Theatro, Anno 1699 vorzustellen.

_____________ 134 Probably because of the dedication of this print by Nicolò Serino, Mühlbach (1910, 8) lists an opera Nerone fatto Cesare of 1675 to a libretto by N. Serino (composer of music unknown). Yet it seems more likely that this is another version of Matteo Noris’ libretto, as indicated by Sartori (1991b, 222). 135 The music has been ascribed to Nicolaus Adam Strungk (1640–1700) by Arnold Schering (see Härtwig at OMO).

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CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro del Falcone di Genoua questo Carneuale 1701. Dedicato all’illustriss. signora La Signora Laura Negrona. [Genova] *Nerone dichiarato Cesare. Melodramma da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di Lucca nel 136 carnevale dell’anno 1702. [Lucca 1702 ] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Matteo Noris (d. 1714), adapted by Antonio Piantanida (impresario of the ‘Ducale’ until 1700) / Paolo Magni (c. 1650–1737)137 CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

L’Agrippina. Drama per musica. Da recitarsi nel Regio Teatro di Milano. Consagrato alla Sacra Real Maestà Cattolica di Filippo V. Rè delle Spagne &c. [Milano 1703] (music lost) ‘Lettore’: “Quest’Opera, ch’è d’un Cigno Autore, e che rappresentata in più parti hà sempre ottenuto il meritato applauso, m’assicuro, che incontrerà pure il tuo gradimento. Per altro in ogni luogo è convenuto in parte alterarla per accomodarsi alla qualità, e quantità de Recitanti. E maggiormente si è dovuto farlo qui, ove si sono aggionti due Attori. Mà chi vi hà messo la mano hà solo motivo d’obedire à chi gli fà onore co’ suoi venerati commandi, nulla perciò hà intrapreso senza parteciparlo al suo primo Autore, che è suo buon’amico, e che volentieri gli ne hà lasciato l’intiero arbitrio, e questo ti basti. Godrai intanto la Musica eccellente, travaglio di puochi giorni del celebre Sig. Paolo Magni, e vivi felice. Le parole Fato, Deità &c. fai che si scrivono da penna poetica senza pregiudicare al debito di chi si professa Cattolico.” – ‘This work, which is by a great author and which was presented in many places has always received the deserved applause – I am assured that it will also meet with your approval. Besides, in every venue it was convenient to change it in part, in order to adapt it to the quality and quantity of the singers. And particularly it had to be made here where two actors have been added. But he who put his hand to this had as his sole motive to obey him whom he honoured along with his respected commands, but has done nothing without involving the first author, who is his good friend and who has happily left all decisions to him; and this should be enough for you. You will enjoy meanwhile the excellent music, a work of a few days of the famous Sig. Paolo Magni, and live happily. As for the words Fate, Deity etc., regard them as written by a poetic pen without creating guilt for him who professes himself to be a Catholic.’

_____________ 136 See Sartori 1991b, 222. –A copy of this libretto is held by the Biblioteca Statale in Lucca, and, according to Sartori, this is the only library where it is available. While staff of the Biblioteca Statale in Lucca have confirmed that the library has a copy of this libretto, it proved impossible to get hold of a reproduction. In view of the title and the list of characters, this is most likely another remake of Noris’ popular opera Nerone fatto Cesare, presented under a slightly different title. This identification has also been suggested by Vecchi (1976, 318). 137 See Sartori 1990a, 50.

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CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Nerone fatto Cesare. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi in Firenze nell’autunno del 1708 e nel carnevale del 1709. Sotto la protezione del serenissimo principe di Toscana. [Firenze 1708] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Matteo Noris (d. 1714), with modifications / Antonio Vivaldi (1678–1741) and others – RV 724 [U. 30]138 CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: Nerone fatto Cesare. Dramma per Musica. Ridotto all’uso delle Scene Moderne da penna famosa. Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di Sant’Angelo Il Carnovale dell’Anno 1715. [Venezia 1715] [music lost – according to some libretto copies, 12 arias by Antonio Vivaldi; the others composed by: Antonio Pollarolo (1), Francesco Gasparini (1), Giacomo Antonio Perti (2), Giuseppe Maria Orlandini (2), Antonio Francesco Carli (1), Francesco Antonio Pistocchi (1), NN. (9), PP. (3); composer of recitatives unknown; first performed in February 1715 at the ‘Teatro di Sant’ Angelo’]

‘Al Lettore’: “Il Dramma presente, che altre volte meritò un pieno applauso in questa Serenissima Dominante; ti si presenta ora per esigere un cortese compatimento. Lo vedrai in buona parte rescritto non mai perche non si credesse ottima la maniera del di lui famoso auttore; ma solo perche l’uso dello scrivere moderno hà voluto in esso il suo luogo per accommodarsi a’ tempi che corrono. Per altro nulla vi hà da annojarti di Storico, fuorche: che Nerone fù coronato Cesare dopo la morte di Claudio di lui Padre; che Agrippina amò Pallante gran Ministro Politico in que’ tempi in Roma. Che Seneca fù Precettore di Nerone; l’intreccio poi, e tutto di Idea, e d’una delle Idee più felici, ch’habbino adoprato la penna in genere Drammatico. Ammira l’ottimo, e vivi felice.” – ‘The present drama, which has deserved full applause several times in this most august city; it now presents itself to you to achieve kind sympathy. You will see it in great deal rewritten, but not because the manner of its famous author did not seem to be the best; but only because the conventions of modern writing should have its place in this piece so as to adapt it to the current times. Besides, nothing historical has been added, except: that Nerone was crowned emperor after the death of Claudio, his father; that Agrippina loved Pallante, a great minister of the state at Rome in those times. That Seneca was mentor of Nerone; further, the intrigue, and the entire idea, is one of the most felicitous ideas that have kept a pen busy in the dramatic genre. Admire this perfect piece, and live happily.’ Nerone fatto Cesare. Dramma per musica. Ridotto all’uso delle Scene Moderne, Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro dell’Illustrissima Accademia Il Carnovale 1716. Dedicato a sua Eccellenza la Signora Emilia Garzoni Diedo, Moglie di S.E. il Signor Girolamo Diedo Capitanio. [Brescia 1716; includes the same address to the reader as the 1715 139 version]

_____________ 138 See Ryom 1979, 126; Bellina / Brizi / Pensa 1982, 79–80, no. 32.1; on this opera see Strohm 2008b, 154–159. 139 See Bellina / Brizi / Pensa 1982, 80–81, no. 32.2. – Perhaps the arranger of this piece was Luca Antonio Predieri (1688–1767), who is attested as having worked on the other opera (Griselda) produced in the 1716 carnival season at Brescia (see Strohm [1982] 1985, 144; 2008b, 159).

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ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1693 (2nd impression): http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/02911.pdf 1695 (Bologna): http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/05467.pdf 1697: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/02646.pdf 1715: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/02979.pdf 1716: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/04302.pdf SCHOLARSHIP: Vecchi 1976; Strohm (1982) 1985; 2008, 154–159 information on librettists and composers: Grout 1979; Cross at OMO; Durante at OMOa; OMOb; Pagano / Boyd / Hanley at OMO; Saunders at OMOd; Schnoebelen at OMO; Walker at OMOb

Synopsis140 CHARACTERS:

1693 (2nd impression): Agrippina, Imp. di Roma – Nerone, suo figlio – Tigrane, Rè di Armenia – Gusmano, Ambasciat. Spagnuolo – Ate, liberta – Pallante, Ministro – Seneca – Zelto 1695 (Roma): Agrippina, Imperatrice di Roma – Nerone, suo Figlio – Tigrane, Rè di Armenia – Osmano, Ambasciatore Straniero – Pallante, Ministro d’Agrippina – Ate, Liberta – Seneca – Zelto 1695 (Bologna): Agrippina, Imperatrice di Roma – Nerone, suo figlio – Tigrane, Rè d’Armenia – Gusmano, Ambasciatore Spagnuolo – Ate, Gentildonna Liberta – Pallante, Primo Ministro – Seneca, Aio di Nerone – Zelto, Liberto Confidente di Nerone *1695 (Napoli): Agrippina – Nerone – Tigrane – Pallante – Ate – Arsinoe – Seneca – Zelta || Introduzione: Tre Grazie – Idea – Fato 1697: Agrippina, Imperatrice di Roma – Nerone, suo Figlio – Tigrane, Rè di Armenia – Gusmano, Ambasciatore Spagnuolo – Ate, Liberta – Pallante, Ministro – Seneca – Zelto *1699: Agrippina, Des verstorbenen Claudii Gemahlin – Nero, Dessen zur Kindschafft angenommener Sohn – Tigranes, König von Armenien – Gusmano, Spanischer Abgesandter – Seneca, Des Nero Hoffmeister – Acte, eine Freygelassene – Palantes, ein vornehmer Römer – Zelto, ein Bedienter am Käyserl. Hofe – Das Römische Volck / Soldaten und Bediente 1701: Agrippina, Imperatrice di Rome – Nerone, suo Figlio – Tigrane, Rè d’Armenia – Gusmano, Ambasciatore Spagnuolo – Ate, Gentildonna Liberta – Pallante, Primo Ministro – Seneca, Aio di Nerone – Gloda, serua di Ate – Zelto, Liberto, Confidente di Nerone

_____________ 140 For this popular opera plot summaries of a selection of five versions of the libretto are given (1693; 1695 [Roma]; 1701; 1703; 1715), since they exhibit interesting variations in emphasis, tone and complexity, even though the basic plot remains the same. Major differences from the original version in the later settings are noted in square brackets after the summary of the relevant scenes. Minor discrepancies in the numbering of scenes or the elaboration of details have not been noted.

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*1702: Agrippina – Nerone – Tigrone – Ate – Pallante – Seneca – Zellò 1703: Agrippina, Imp. di Roma – Ate, Liberta – Nerone, figlio d’Agrippina – Pallante, Primo Ministro – Lerinda, Principessa d’Armenia – Tigrane, Rè d’Armenia – Seneca, Maestro di Nerone – Gellia, Damigella d’Agrippina – Gusmano, Ambasciatore delle Spagne – Zelto, Servo confidente di Nerone || Comparsi: Seguito d’Agrippina, De Soldati di Nerone, De Soldati Armeni, De Soldati Spagnuoli *1708/09: Agrippina – Nerone – Tigrane – Gusmano – Ate – Pallante – Seneca – Zelto 1715: Agrippina, Imperatrice di Roma – Nerone, suo Figlio – Tigrane, Rè di Armenia – Gusmano, Ambasciatore Spagnuolo – Ate, Liberta – Pallante, Ministro – Seneca – Zelto 1716: Agrippina, Imperatrice di Roma – Nerone, Suo figlio – Tigrane, Rè d’Armenia – Ate, Liberta – Gusmano, Ambasciator Spagnuolo – Pallante, Ministro – Seneca – Zelto

1693 (2nd impression) version: The FIRST ACT opens in a street in front of the house of the freedwoman Ate at night-time, showing the ‘minister’ Pallante praising its structures and the moon (I 1). Ate appears and addresses him. Pallante explains that he received her letter and came as swiftly as he could. In the distance they see and hear people supporting the empress Agrippina. Ate warns Pallante of the plans of the emperor Nerone to take her to his home and seduce her; at the same time she confirms that she would die if her honour were taken. She swears her love for Pallante, and he swears his love in return (I 2). In a hall of the imperial palace Nerone’s mother Agrippina, empress of Rome, sits enthroned among civil and military leaders; they are all in mourning for the recently deceased emperor Claudio, Agrippina’s husband. She declares that she is about to hand over power to her son Nerone, when Tigrane, king of Armenia, is announced (I 3). Tigrane enters, followed by seven standards denoting the provinces he rules. He pays homage to Agrippina, who acknowledges it as well as his assistance in Rome’s wars. Seneca declares that Rome will not accept Nerone on the throne, as he is young, and that Agrippina provides a model of imperial behaviour. Agrippina confirms that the country’s welfare will be her concern; she then attends to business, and Tigrane leaves, assuring her of his support (I 4). After Tigrane has left, Seneca approaches Agrippina, who is still dealing with paperwork. Seneca congratulates Agrippina on her position, but also warns her of encroaching war (I 5). Pallante enters, bearing a decree of the Senate concerning Nerone, and Agrippina speaks to herself of her love for Pallante. Agrippina asks Pallante to sign some papers and Seneca to take the decree to Nerone. Agrippina opens papers received from Pallante; out of these the letter from Ate to Pallante, which had accidentally got into this pile, falls to the ground; Seneca picks it up and gives it to Agrippina, who starts reading it (I 6). Pallante has finished countersigning the papers received from Agrippina; they include government appointments. One of them has made Pallante Minister for Agrippina’s affairs, but he does not realize it, since the sheet he has countersigned appears not to contain the name of the new appointee (I 7). After Agrippina has left, Pallante looks again at the papers and tries to understand what has happened to him (I 8).

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In Nerone’s gardens within the imperial palace Nerone expresses his love for Ate, but she is reluctant and afraid of what will happen when she reveals her feelings. When they are about to part, they hear trumpets and voices of people praising Agrippina (I 9). Seneca arrives and hands the decree of the Roman Senate to Nerone, outlining the Senate’s wishes that Agrippina remain in power. Nerone tears the decree to pieces and asserts his right to the throne as the hereditary successor. In the meantime Ate and Seneca each ask Zelto about the other’s identity (I 10). Seneca, looking after the others as they leave, reflects on youthful impetuosity (I 11). In her imperial apartments Agrippina reads the anonymous letter from Ate, realizing that Pallante is loved by and loves another woman. She is angry and wishes to make her own love known to Pallante (I 12). Zelto enters running and informs Agrippina that Nerone loves Ate and has ignored the Senate’s decree (I 13). Tigrane arrives; he confesses his love to Agrippina, but realizes that she prefers Pallante (I 14). Agrippina talks to Pallante and tries to make him understand that his own countersignature on the blank appointment letter for a new minister represents the name of this minister. But Pallante does not see it, nor does he perceive her love (I 15). Agrippina leaves the letter that Ate sent to Pallante, having added to Ate’s words in a way that is intended to make clear both Pallante’s election as minister and her own love for him (I 16). Pallante, on his own, picks up the paper and recognizes Ate’s letter, but still puzzles over Agrippina’s words (I 17). He meets Zelto, who tells him to go to Nerone immediately; Pallante fears that this may have something to do with Ate (I 18). The first part of the SECOND ACT shows the Circus Maximus ostentatiously set up; it is full of people who are putting up large banners with inscriptions in praise of Agrippina as well as statues of Agrippina and Claudio. Seneca and Nerone enter, Nerone reading the inscriptions; later Agrippina and Tigrane join them (II 1). They talk about their respective claims to rule. Agrippina sits down on the throne and places Nerone and Tigrane to her right and left. Gusmano, a ‘Spanish ambassador’, arrives. He bows in front of the throne and delivers a speech in Spanish, which Seneca translates: he doubts the appropriateness of a woman’s presence on the throne and demands Nerone as emperor. Agrippina announces an answer from the Senate and the People. Tigrane declares his loyalty, but is bitter about the rebuttal of his quest for Agrippina’s hand in marriage. Nerone makes claims to the throne. Seneca praises Agrippina, and the People follow his lead. Spectacles and a ballet are being put on (II 2). Tigrane remains to reflect on his situation and his lack of success with Agrippina (II 3). In Nerone’s garden Ate is doing some needlework. When Pallante arrives, she puts it down, and they talk about their love. Pallante is worried that Nerone wants to see him, but he does not believe that Agrippina has discovered their affair although she has seen the letter. Ate, however, divines that Agrippina loves Pallante, when she looks at her additions to the letter, and is therefore worried. As they notice Nerone arriving, Pallante withdraws into hiding, and Ate returns to her work, hiding the letter (II 4). Nerone tries to make love to Ate, apparently

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unaware of her relationship with Pallante (II 5). Pallante and Zelto emerge. Ate secretly indicates that her real love is for Pallante (II 6). Nerone complains to Pallante about the political situation and his lack of power, while Zelto summons Pallante to Agrippina. Zelto then announces Tigrane, and Nerone agrees to see him (II 7). Tigrane arrives to take leave of Nerone and go to war. Nerone asserts his power and tries to persuade Pallante to rouse the People in his support, but Agrippina appears and orders Nerone to obey the laws and the Senate (II 8). Nerone, left alone with Zelto, makes it clear that he will reign and that Ate will be his queen (II 9). Ate returns, followed by Seneca not noticed by Ate; Ate considers her situation and the obstacles to her love (II 10). In a room for private audiences Pallante laments the conflict of loyalty between Nerone and Agrippina (II 11). Agrippina and Zelto discuss possible ways forward, and Zelto suggests talking to the Spanish ambassador (II 12). Agrippina questions Pallante: she checks that he has now understood his appointment, attempts to discover who wrote the letter and tries to make clear her love, but Pallante pretends not to understand (II 13). Agrippina and Tigrane discuss their relationship; Agrippina gives him false hope (II 14). The Spanish ambassador joins them, and the three of them talk about Nerone’s position; the ambassador asks for Nerone to ascend the throne, while Agrippina justifies her policy. Nerone, who has overheard part of the conversation, suddenly enters and thus breaks off the discussion (II 15). Agrippina and Nerone remain: Nerone asserts his claim as heir to the emperor Claudio, declares the Senate’s decree invalid and suggests the necessary arrangements (II 16). Nerone tells Zelto to seek out Pallante and to catch Ate. Zelto promises to himself to keep Agrippina informed (II 17). The next scene shows Seneca and Ate in Agrippina’s baths. Seneca advises Ate to safeguard her honour (II 18). Ate is hopeful for her love; when Agrippina arrives, Seneca identifies Ate as Nerone’s beloved and then leaves (II 19). Agrippina accuses Ate of a dangerous love, because of Nerone’s interest in her; but Ate believes that Agrippina knows of her love for Pallante and confesses it; Agrippina is surprised (II 20). Agrippina accuses Pallante of treachery, which he denies; Nerone rescues Ate and Pallante from Agrippina’s anger and asserts his power (II 21). The act finishes with Agrippina in deep reflection (II 22). The THIRD ACT first features the Capitol of beauty, ready for the triumph of Amore: Piacere (Pleasure), Diletto (Joy) and Lusinga (Temptation) in discussion are joined by numerous Amorini, Olympic gods and Greek heroes as well as Nerone in the guise of Amore and Ate in that of Psiche. Nerone declares his love and invites Ate to give in to love while dances are going on (III 1). Seneca appears in search of Nerone, since some people are opposed to a woman on the throne; but Nerone is preoccupied with his love (III 2). Seneca reflects upon the behaviour of Nerone, who appears more concerned with love than with politics (III 3). In a hall in Nerone’s apartments, with the imperial dining table prepared, Agrippina asks Zelto to pass her a golden cup and forces the reluctant Zelto to pour poison into the cup. She wishes to poison Nerone, Tigrane and the Spanish

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ambassador, while Ate and Pallante are to be imprisoned (III 4). In conversation with the ambassador, Nerone gets ready to deal with Tigrane (III 5). Nerone and Tigrane meet in apparent friendliness and sit down to dinner while music is being played. Nerone, Tigrane and Gusmano talk about distribution of power and order wine from Zelto, when Agrippina signals Zelto to pour the poison into their glasses, but he cleverly delays doing so (III 6). Seneca arrives to announce that Pallante is in prison on Agrippina’s orders, to the annoyance of the People, whereupon Agrippina departs. Zelto reveals that, also on her orders, there is poison in the cups and that Ate is in prison. Nerone wishes that Agrippina’s deeds be revealed to the Senate and the People of Rome. All agree that Nerone should be emperor (III 7). Tigrane comments on the situation and on Agrippina’s machinations (III 8). The next scene shows prisoners in chains, among them Pallante. Ate, also prisoner, is moved at the sight. They find out that Agrippina is responsible for their plight. Nerone arrives and overhears Ate declaring her love to Pallante. Suddenly he leads her out of prison (III 9). Pallante continues to explain and to reflect on his situation, believing that Ate can still hear him (III 10). Seneca arrives at the prison and tells Pallante that Rome wishes him to be free; Pallante begs to be taken to his darling Ate. Seneca tells him that Nerone is about to become emperor (III 11). Agrippina makes preparations to visit Pallante (III 12). Tigrane accuses Agrippina of having tried to poison him, and she realizes that Zelto has betrayed her. She tries to reason with Tigrane and pretends to love him. Seneca and Pallante arrive and hand Ate’s letter to Agrippina (III 13). Agrippina castigates herself for loving a minister and for her actions (III 14). Zelto finds Agrippina; she accuses him of treachery, but he denies any guilt. He tells her that Nerone is being proclaimed emperor; Agrippina is furious (III 15). The opera closes in a great hall ready for Nerone’s coronation. In the name of the Roman People Seneca acclaims Nerone emperor. Nerone confirms Tigrane as king, announces that he will be a gracious ruler and approves the marriage of Pallante and Ate (III 16). The two lovers express their thanks, and the People praise Nerone, among dances (III 17). 1695 (Roma) version: The FIRST ACT opens in a street in front of the house of the freedwoman Ate, showing Pallante, ‘Agrippina’s minister’, praising its structures and the moon (I 1). Ate appears and addresses him. Pallante explains that he received her letter and came as swiftly as he could. In the distance they hear people supporting the empress Agrippina. Ate warns Pallante of the plans of the emperor Nerone to take her to his home and seduce her; at the same time she confirms that she would die if her honour were taken. She swears her love for Pallante, and he swears his love in return (I 2). In the middle of the night Zelto and then Nerone appear fighting (I 3). Nerone is slightly wounded. He believes that the men he has been fighting are Ate’s lovers. He sees her open balcony and fears that she has betrayed him. Zelto helps him to climb up and then leaves to tell Agrippina of Nerone’s impetuous behaviour (I 4). [appearance of Nerone added]

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In a hall of the imperial palace Nerone’s mother Agrippina, empress of Rome, sits enthroned. She declares that Nerone is legally old enough to become Caesar and that she is to hand over power (I 5). Tigrane, king of Armenia, enters with the standards of the provinces that he rules. He gives homage to Agrippina, who acknowledges it as well as his assistance in Rome’s wars. Seneca declares that Rome will not accept Nerone on the throne, as he is young, and that Agrippina provides a model of imperial behaviour. Agrippina confirms that the country’s welfare will be her concern; she then attends to business and dismisses Tigrane, who assures her of his support (I 6). After Tigrane has left, Seneca congratulates Agrippina, but also warns her of encroaching war (I 7). Pallante enters, bearing a decree of the Senate concerning Nerone, and Agrippina speaks to herself of her love for Pallante. Agrippina asks Seneca to take the decree to Nerone. Pallante gives various papers to Agrippina; accidentally he lets fall the letter from Ate, which Seneca picks up and gives to Agrippina (I 8). Pallante countersigns papers from Agrippina listing government appointments. Pallante has been made minister for Agrippina’s affairs, but he does not realize it, as the sheet he has countersigned appears not to contain the name of the new appointee (I 9). Pallante thinks about his position in the political community and about his love (I 10). The next group of scenes is set in Nerone’s gardens, featuring Nerone, Ate and Zelto. Nerone tries to show his love for Ate, but she pulls away, saying that she is afraid that Nerone will abandon her. When they are about to part, they hear trumpets and voices of people praising Agrippina (I 11). Seneca arrives and hands the decree of the Roman Senate to Nerone, outlining the Senate’s wishes that Agrippina remain in power. Nerone asserts his right to the throne as the hereditary successor, and he proclaims his desire that Ate should be his consort (I 12). Seneca reflects on youthful love (I 13). The scene changes to Agrippina’s imperial apartments. She is reading the anonymous letter from Ate, realizing that Pallante is loved by and loves another woman. She is angry and wishes to make her own love known to Pallante (I 14). Zelto informs Agrippina that Nerone loves Ate and has ignored the Senate’s decree (I 15). Tigrane arrives; he confesses his love to Agrippina, but realizes that she prefers Pallante (I 16). Agrippina talks to Pallante and tries to make him understand that his own countersignature on the blank appointment letter for a new minister represents the name of this minister. But Pallante does not understand, nor does he perceive her love. Agrippina leaves the letter that Ate sent to Pallante, having added to Ate’s words in a way that is intended to make clear both Pallante’s election as minister and her own love for him (I 17–18). Pallante picks up the paper and recognizes Ate’s letter, but still puzzles over Agrippina’s words (I 19). He meets Zelto, who tells him to go to Nerone; Pallante fears that this may have something to do with Ate (I 20). The first part of the SECOND ACT shows the Circus Maximus ostentatiously set up; it is full of spectators and features numerous banners with laudatory inscriptions as well as statues of Agrippina and Claudio. Seneca and Nerone enter, Nerone reading the inscriptions; later Agrippina and Tigrane join them (II 1).

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They talk about their respective claims to rule. A foreign ambassador arrives and appears to doubt the rightness of a woman’s presence on the throne, while Tigrane declares loyalty, but is bitter about the rebuttal of his quest for Agrippina’s hand in marriage. Nerone makes claims to the throne; yet Seneca praises Agrippina, and the People follow his lead. Spectacles and a ballet are being put on (II 2). Tigrane remains to reflect on his situation (II 3). The scene changes to Nerone’s garden. Ate and Pallante discuss their love. Pallante does not believe that Agrippina knows of their affair, while Ate divines that Agrippina loves Pallante and is therefore worried (II 4). Nerone arrives, making love to Ate, apparently unaware of her relationship with Pallante (II 5). Pallante and Zelto join them, while Ate secretly indicates that her real love is for Pallante (II 6). Nerone complains to Pallante about the political situation and his lack of power; he then agrees to see Tigrane (II 7). Tigrane arrives to take leave of Nerone and go to war. The latter asserts his power and tries to persuade Pallante to rouse the People in his support, but Agrippina appears and orders Nerone to obey the laws and the Senate (II 8). Nerone, left alone with Zelto, makes it clear that he will reign and that Ate will be his queen (II 9). [appearance of Ate omitted] Pallante laments the conflict of loyalty between Nerone and Agrippina as well as the fact that Nerone’s desires endanger his love for Ate (II 10). [discussion between Agrippina and Zelto omitted] Agrippina questions Pallante: she attempts to discover who wrote the letter and tries to make clear her love, but Pallante pretends not to understand (II 11). Agrippina and Tigrane discuss their relationship; Agrippina gives him false hope (II 12). Agrippina, Tigrane and the foreign ambassador, who asks for Nerone to ascend to the throne, talk about Nerone’s position when he suddenly enters and thus breaks off the discussion (II 13). In conversation with Agrippina, Nerone asserts his claim as heir to the emperor Claudio and declares the Senate’s decree invalid. He tricks her into agreeing that she would like to see him enthroned (II 14). Nerone tells Zelto to seek out Pallante and to catch Ate. Zelto promises to himself to keep Agrippina informed (II 15). The next scene shows Seneca and Ate in Agrippina’s baths. Seneca tries to keep Ate from Nerone; upon departure he tells the arriving Agrippina that Ate is Nerone’s beloved (II 16). Agrippina accuses Ate of a dangerous love, because of Nerone’s interest in her; but Ate believes that Agrippina knows of her love for Pallante and confesses it (II 17). Agrippina accuses Pallante of treachery, which he denies; Nerone rescues Pallante from Agrippina’s anger and asserts his power (II 18). The act finishes with Agrippina in deep reflection (II 19). [allegorical scene omitted] The THIRD ACT first features a hall in Nerone’s apartments with the imperial dining table. Agrippina tries to force Zelto to pour poison into the cups. Zelto resists, but she threatens him. She wishes to poison Nerone, Tigrane and the foreign ambassador, while Ate and Pallante are to be imprisoned (III 1). In conversation with the ambassador Nerone gets ready to deal with Tigrane (III 2). Nerone and Tigrane meet in apparent friendliness and sit down to dinner while music is being played. Agrippina orders Zelto to pour the

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poison into the cups (III 3). Agrippina departs, and Seneca arrives to announce that Pallante is in prison on Agrippina’s orders, to the annoyance of the People. Zelto reveals that, also on her orders, there is poison in the cups and that Ate is in prison. Nerone wishes that Agrippina’s deeds be revealed to the Senate and the People of Rome. All agree that Nerone should be emperor (III 4). Tigrane comments on the situation and on Agrippina’s machinations (III 5). The next scene shows prisoners in chains, among them Pallante. Ate, also prisoner, is moved at the sight. They find out that Agrippina is responsible for their plight. Nerone arrives and overhears Ate declaring her love to Pallante. He leads her out of prison (III 6). Pallante continues to explain and to reflect on his situation, believing that Ate can still hear him (III 7). Seneca arrives at the prison and tells Pallante that Rome wishes him to be free; Pallante begs to be taken to his darling Ate. Seneca tells him that Nerone is about to become emperor (III 8). Agrippina makes preparations to visit Pallante (III 9). Tigrane accuses Agrippina of having attempted to poison him, and she realizes that Zelto has betrayed her. She tries to reason with Tigrane and pretends to love him. Seneca and Pallante arrive and hand Ate’s letter to Agrippina (III 10). Agrippina castigates herself for loving a minister and for her actions (III 11). Zelto finds Agrippina; she accuses him of treachery, but he denies that he betrayed her. He tells her that Nerone is being proclaimed emperor; Agrippina is furious (III 12). The opera closes in a great hall ready for Nerone’s coronation. In the name of the Roman People Seneca acclaims Nerone emperor. Nerone announces that he will be a gracious ruler and approves the marriage of Pallante and Ate. With the two lovers declaring their happiness the opera closes (III 13–14). 1701 version: [scenes in a street in front of the house of Ate omitted] The FIRST ACT opens in a hall in the imperial palace, with Agrippina on the throne. After the death of the emperor Claudio, her husband, she is ready to pass on power to her son Nerone when he is old enough (I 1). Tigrane, king of Armenia, is admitted, and he offers his crown to Agrippina; she does not accept, but rather suggests an alliance (I 2). After Tigrane has left, Seneca warns Agrippina of encroaching war, but she is more concerned with her love affair (I 3). [discussion about Nerone’s age and behaviour of an emperor shortened] In a room in Agrippina’s apartments the freedwoman Ate, on her own, laments her situation: she has sent a message to Pallante, ‘the first minister’, but he has not come (I 4). Pallante eventually arrives and wonders why Ate is in the imperial palace. He has not had time to read her message; so she tells him that she has been raped by Nerone. Thereupon he advises her to flee, and she reluctantly obeys (I 5). [relationships between Ate, Pallante and Nerone introduced here because of the different opening] Pallante conveys a Senate decree destined for Nerone to Agrippina, who is happy about the arrival of the man she loves. Pallante starts dealing with paperwork, and Agrippina tells Seneca to bring the Senate decree to Nerone, while Pallante gives more papers to her. While she looks at them, the letter to Pallante to Ate, which had accidentally got among

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them, falls to the ground; Seneca picks it up and passes it to Agrippina, while he praises her (I 6). Pallante countersigns papers from Agrippina listing government appointments. He has been made Minister for Agrippina’s affairs, but he does not realize it, as the sheet he countersigned appears not to contain the name of the new appointee (I 7). Pallante, now alone, looks again at the documents with the appointments, but does not understand his position (I 8). In a gallery showing Roman heroes Nerone and Ate, along with her servant Gloda, appear. [different setting; Gloda introduced, which also affects subsequent scenes] Ate is sad, but is afraid of saying anything, so as not to rouse Nerone’s anger; when forced, she reveals how she feels about what has happened to her. Nerone first becomes angry and then promises to make her his empress, while the voices of people exulting Agrippina are heard in the distance (I 9). Seneca appears and hands the Senate decree to Nerone, while Ate asks Gloda about Seneca’s identity. The freedman Zelto arrives; yet he remains hidden to overhear the conversation. While Nerone reads that the Senate wants the power to remain with Agrippina, Seneca asks Gloda about Ate’s identity. Nerone insists that he wants to reign. Ate and Gloda have fears about what might happen (I 10). Seneca and Gloda remain behind and each comment on the situation (I 11). Agrippina emerges from one of her rooms, reading Ate’s letter; she is devastated because Pallante loves another (I 12). Zelto enters running and informs Agrippina that Nerone is in love with Ate and has torn the Senate decree to pieces (I 13). Pallante arrives to announce Tigrane; he remains in hiding when Tigrane comes. Tigrane confesses his love for Agrippina, but she indicates that she prefers Pallante, and he eventually withdraws (I 14). Agrippina reveals his appointment to Pallante, and he explains his confusion about the document (I 15). Pallante fetches a pen and ink, and Agrippina adds the name to the document (I 16) [clarification added]. Pallante, now on his own, picks up the document from the table; he also finds Ate’s letter and starts reading it (I 17). Zelto enters running and summons Pallante to Nerone (I 18). Zelto meets Gloda and explains that he is looking for Pallante on Nerone’s orders. Gloda engages Zelto in a conversation; eventually they express their love for each other (I 19). [love plot on level of servants added] The first part of the SECOND ACT shows a hall in the imperial palace with a throne. [different setting] Nerone insists towards Seneca that he wants to be emperor and no longer prince, while Seneca advises him to defer to his mother (II 1). Agrippina accepts Nerone on the throne, when Gusmano, a ‘Spanish ambassador’, is announced; he brings the message that ‘Spain’ wants Nerone on the throne and is not willing to obey a female ruler. Tigrane adds that he has long wished for Agrippina to pass on her power to Nerone. Nerone insists on his intention to reign and then leaves. Agrippina voices her hope that Nerone will develop into a worthy emperor. Gusmano agrees that Nerone must defend his rights (II 2). [some changes to the discussion] Tigrane reflects on his love and the rivalry with Pallante (II 3).

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In a garden with a fountain Ate is doing some needlework; when Pallante arrives, she gladly approaches to meet him. Pallante is sad and concerned, and he tells her that Agrippina has seen and read Ate’s letter to him. He shows her the letter he has rescued and demonstrates to her that Agrippina has added his appointment. [revelation of Pallante’s knowledge added] She infers that Agrippina is in love with him and starts to question him about it, when Nerone arrives and Pallante withdraws. Ate continues with her work while Nerone silently approaches; he tries to entice her with the prospect of imperial power (II 4). Pallante emerges, and Ate leaves (II 6).141 Nerone tries to enlist Pallante’s help for gaining the throne, when Zelto arrives and summons Pallante to Agrippina. Nerone thinks about his position, while Pallante and Ate secretly enjoy their love (II 7). Tigrane arrives to announce that he is going to depart from Rome, unsuccessful in his love for Agrippina; during his discussion with Nerone Agrippina arrives and overhears them. Pallante joins the conversation, and both Nerone and Agrippina, who emerges from her hiding place, assert their power (II 8). Nerone comments on the jealousy of his mother and announces his intention to marry Ate (II 9). Seneca advises Ate of the importance of virtue and internal beauty, but Ate just feels unhappy and concerned about her honour (II 10). [role of Seneca and Ate enhanced] In a room for private audiences Pallante reflects on what he should do (II 11). Zelto and Agrippina make plans on how to deal with Tigrane and the Spanish ambassador (II 12). Agrippina questions Pallante about the letter and eventually confesses her love to him, but he remains reserved (II 13). Tigrane informs Agrippina of his intention to leave, realizing that conditions are more fortunate for Pallante. Pallante announces that the Spanish ambassador wishes to speak to her, while Agrippina tells Tigrane that Pallante should serve as minister and he as king (II 14). Gusmano enters, and they sit down for discussion, while Zelto appears in haste and follows Agrippina. Agrippina explains that Nerone is Claudio’s destined successor; yet as long as he is not mature enough, she will have the crown. Gusmano insists that a male ruler is needed, but Agrippina is not open to any arguments; suddenly Nerone arrives and demands respect (II 15). In a discussion between Nerone and Agrippina he defends his right to power and refuses to listen to the wishes of the Senate or the People; he finally makes Agrippina stop fighting and accept his rule (II 16). Agrippina departs; Nerone and Zelto talk about his relationship to Ate (II 17). Seneca tries to encourage Ate to honesty (II 18). Ate considers what has happened to her, while Seneca points her out to Agrippina (II 19). Agrippina forces Ate to confess her guilt; when she admits that she loves Pallante and he loves her, Agrippina is surprised; Ate goes on to explain the circumstances of the letter (II 20). Agrippina denounces Pallante as a traitor; they all have a discussion about their power relations. Agrippina remains behind, thinking

_____________ 141 The scene numbering in the libretto print moves from scene 4 immediately to scene 6.

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of revenge (II 21). Gloda and Zelto comment on the events and express their love for each other (II 22). [scene added because of the additional love plot] The THIRD ACT first features a gallery at the imperial court, where Ate considers her fate and her relationship with Pallante (III 1). Agrippina and Tigrane make plans to gain power (III 2). Gusmano attempts to obtain information about the relationship between Agrippina and Nerone from Seneca, who tries to explain the situation (III 3). Seneca now endorses Nerone’s aim to win imperial power (III 4). Ate is led to prison by Agrippina’s guards (III 5). [allegorical scenes omitted; these scenes added] In the imperial arcades Agrippina and Zelto have a discussion. Agrippina is annoyed at Nerone’s arrangements with Tigrane and the Spanish ambassador. She gives Zelto a cup with poison and forces him to prepare a poisoned drink for Nerone, Tigrane and the Spanish ambassador (III 6). Nerone finishes his negotiations with Gusmano, while Agrippina and Zelto overhear the conversation (III 7). Gusmano and Tigrane confirm their support for Nerone’s claim to the throne, and they are about to underline their agreement with drinks, when Agrippina orders Zelto to pour the poison into their glasses, but he cleverly delays doing so. The three men are on the verge of drinking when they are interrupted by Seneca’s arrival (III 8). Seneca informs them that Pallante is in prison (whereupon Agrippina leaves) and that the People are enraged. Seneca reveals that Pallante’s capture happened on Agrippina’s orders, and Zelto informs them that she intended to poison them and that Ate is also in prison. Nerone is annoyed and wants the Senate and Rome to know about it; the others are satisfied that he will now be emperor (III 9). Tigrane comments by comparing Rome and Armenia (III 10). In a courtyard with a view of the prisons Gusmano pities Pallante and Ate (III 11). [Gusmano’s involvement added] Meanwhile Pallante and Ate realize that they are both in prison due to Agrippina, while Ate tries to explain Agrippina’s behaviour; they again confess their love to each other. Nerone overhears most of their conversation and eventually leads Ate out of the prison (III 12). Pallante continues to proclaim his love, believing that Ate still hears him (III 13). Pallante, accompanied by soldiers, approaches Seneca outside the prison. Seneca greets him; when Pallante starts looking for Ate, Seneca reveals to him that Nerone has taken her (III 14). Agrippina reflects on her fortune as empress (III 15). Tigrane arrives and accuses her of trying to poison them; he makes it clear that he no longer trusts her and is not interested in any relationship. Pallante and Seneca appear briefly, and the latter puts Ate’s letter into Agrippina’s hand (III 16). Agrippina reflects on her emotions and her love for Pallante; she is unhappy with her own behaviour and throws the letter to the ground (III 17). Zelto comes upon Agrippina, who is in tears, and he tells her that Rome is in the process of acclaiming Nerone emperor; she is devastated (III 18). In a room ready for Nerone’s coronation Seneca, Tigrane and Pallante crown him; he announces his plans for his kingship and allows Ate to love Pallante (III 19). Pallante and Ate kneel at Nerone’s feet, and he gives Ate to Pallante. Seneca praises Nerone’s clemency, and the People shout in support of Nerone (III 20).

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1703 version: The FIRST ACT opens featuring a street close to the river Tiber, where the house of the freedwoman Ate is located. Pallante, the ‘first minister’, appears with a letter (I 1). Ate emerges from her house, and Pallante starts to declare his love to her. She acquaints him with the fact that on the following day the emperor Nerone will take her to his house; at the same time she confirms that she will remain true to Pallante or die (I 2). Zelto, a ‘loyal servant of Nerone’, appears, sword in hand, ready for a duel, but he gets lost, after a cloud has covered the moon during the preceding scene (I 3). Nerone enters, his right hand slightly wounded. Zelto enquires after the reason for this wound and learns that it happened when he tried to approach Ate’s house. Nerone confesses his love and makes ready to get to the object of his love. Lightning strikes a neighbouring house (I 4). Gellia, a maidservant of Agrippina, exits from the house in terror; she cries for help. Zelto is not particularly moved; instead, he intends to start a love affair with her, claiming to be Nerone (I 5). [appearance of Zelto and Nerone, lightning and Gellia added] In an illuminated hall in the imperial palace Nerone’s mother Agrippina sits on the throne, sceptre in hand, surrounded by consuls and leaders of the legions and the People. Everyone is in mourning for her husband Claudio. Agrippina announces that Nerone will become emperor tomorrow, following the laws of her deceased husband, and she will resign her power to her son. Servants inform her that the king of Armenia wishes to be heard, and he is admitted (I 6). Tigrane, king of Armenia, enters, accompanied by seven flag-bearers and standards representing the seven provinces subject to him, and turns to Agrippina. Tigrane introduces himself and announces that he brings offers with him. Seneca, Agrippina and Tigrane negotiate (I 7). Lerinda, an ‘Armenian princess’, enters in Spanish dress and claims to be ‘Cirene’, snatched from her father’s home by pirates. Agrippina tells Seneca to look after ‘Cirene’ (I 8). [figure of Lerinda added] Seneca tries to remind Agrippina of attending to the empire and the threats it faces; yet she is preoccupied with her own affairs (I 9). [role of Seneca enhanced] Pallante brings Agrippina written laws and decrees from the Senate to pass on to Nerone. While she goes through some of them, a letter written by Ate to Pallante, which accidentally got into this pile, falls to the floor. Seneca picks it up, and Agrippina reads it and is absorbed (I 10). In a pointed exchange Agrippina, having hidden Ate’s letter, tells Pallante that he is dismissed and a new minister has been appointed (I 11). Pallante, left alone, goes through the papers and tries to understand what has happened, but cannot see any offence (I 12). [Pallante’s confusion elaborated] In a garden by the apartments of Nerone and Agrippina, Nerone and Ate are holding hands. Nerone confesses his love; Ate is hesitant since she fears Nerone’s wrath, of which an example is shown shortly. Eventually they hear the voices of people exalting Agrippina (I 13). Seneca arrives and hands Nerone the decree of the Roman Senate. Nerone is enraged, seeing that the Senate wants Agrippina to rule; he makes it clear that he wants the power for himself, while Seneca and Ate watch each other intensely (I 14). The Spanish ambassador Gusmano asks Seneca

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for a convenient moment to approach Agrippina’s throne; Lerinda overhears the conversation (I 15). Gusmano praises Lerinda’s beauty and asks her to return with him; but she feels unhappy and pressed (I 16). Agrippina emerges reading from one of her rooms, thinking about the love letter to Pallante and how this affects her (I 17). [involvement of Gusmano and Lerinda added] Zelto enters running and informs Agrippina that Nerone is wounded and is leading Ate to the palace; he confirms that the two are in love and that Nerone has torn the Senate’s decree to pieces (I 18). Tigrane offers Agrippina marriage and a share of the power. She is torn between different wishes and obligations, represented by comments on all present (I 19) [role of Tigrane enhanced]. Agrippina and Pallante discuss his position and the papers referring to it (I 20). Agrippina proceeds to write a document that confirms his status (I 21) [clarification added]. While going through the papers, Pallante realizes that the letter from Ate has fallen into Agrippina’s hands (I 22). Gellia arrives to tell Pallante that Agrippina has heard that Nerone called him. He is uncertain what this means, but follows the order, while Gellia reflects on Agrippina and Nerone and their love affairs (I 23). A dance of masks closes the act. [involvement of Gellia and dance added] The first part of the SECOND ACT shows the Circus Maximus ostentatiously set up. It is full of people holding banners praising Agrippina and erecting bronze and marble statues of her and her late husband Claudio. Seneca observes the scene; Nerone notes the banners; Agrippina approaches. Zelto runs to Nerone to tell him something about Pallante, but Nerone stops him (II 1) [appearance of Zelto added]. Tigrane and Nerone are ready to subject themselves to Agrippina’s power; Gusmano offers the Spanish provinces as subjects to the Roman emperor. They talk about the future as well as power relations in Rome and among them (II 2). Tigrane, Gusmano and Lerinda continue the conversation. Lerinda reveals her true identity, which she thinks Tigrane has known all along; she claims to be in love with Gusmano although this is not the case (II 3). [involvement of Lerinda added] Ate is working in a garden of Nerone when Pallante arrives, being sad while she is happy. He is confused and fearful since Nerone has sent for him; moreover Agrippina has seen the letter written by Ate. Pallante hands her the letter, and she is about to tear it to pieces, but he prevents it. They both study the letter and find that Agrippina has changed it: she adores Pallante and has made him a minister (II 4). Ate returns to her work, and Nerone arrives, first observing her and then revealing himself, declaring his love. She is relieved that he has not noticed her love for Pallante. Pallante emerges (II 5). Pallante kisses Nerone’s hand as a sign of his loyalty, also relieved that Nerone has not realized his love for Ate. Ate, before leaving, confesses her loyalty to Nerone, as she is sure that Pallante will understand this correctly (II 6). Nerone starts talking to Pallante about his position, when Zelto storms in and declares that Agrippina is sending for Pallante. Then Zelto announces Tigrane (II 7). Tigrane takes leave since his bid for marriage has been unsuccessful (due to Agrippina’s love for Pallante), but Nerone assures him of his support. At the same time he asks Pallante to arrange for the

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People to carry Nerone to the throne, asserting his power. At this moment Agrippina, who had been watching unnoticed, steps forward and emphasizes her own power (II 8). Nerone confirms to Zelto that he will reign and that Ate will be his queen (II 9). [reflections by Ate omitted] In a room in Agrippina’s quarters Pallante considers his difficult situation in which he cannot comply with both Nerone’s and Agrippina’s wishes (II 10). Agrippina and Gellia enter in conversation. Agrippina checks whether Nerone really wants to adorn Ate, but Gellia confirms that this is what she heard from Zelto. Once they notice Pallante, their conversation becomes more cryptic, and Agrippina dismisses Gellia with orders (II 11). [conversation with Gellia added] Agrippina and Pallante talk about what happened, what she has done for him and what their relationship is like; he feigns to be in love with her (II 12). Tigrane is about to take leave since his advances towards Agrippina have been unsuccessful; but Agrippina is now more open (II 13). Gusmano approaches Agrippina; she answers with a speech outlining the position of the realm, overheard by Nerone. She now offers to accept Tigrane, disregarding Nerone, when he bursts forward and cancels everything (II 14). Nerone and Agrippina have a long conversation, in which he asserts his power and right to rule and she agrees (II 15). Nerone sends Zelto to keep an eye on Pallante and Ate and to summon them (II 16). Lerinda and Nerone talk about the intended marriage of Tigrane and Agrippina (II 17). Gellia and Zelto discuss love and the fidelity of men and women (II 18). [appearance of Lerinda and Gellia added] Seneca finds Ate and introduces her to Agrippina. Ate, believing that Agrippina knows about her relationship with Pallante, confesses that the two of them love each other and produces the letter, which leaves Agrippina devastated (II 19). A conversation between Zelto, Agrippina, Pallante and Nerone eventually clarifies the situation (II 20). [more emphasis on love affairs; reflections of Agrippina omitted] A dance of Arabs and sultans closes the act. [dance added] The THIRD ACT first features an antechamber in Nerone’s imperial palace, which is meant to represent a room of Amori (love deities). Nerone declares his love to Ate; he wants her to show her love too, but she confesses that she does not love him and leaves (III 1). [allegorical scene replaced by this scene] Seneca enters and observes that Nerone is preoccupied with his love affair so that he does not attend to serious dangers affecting the empire. Nerone assures him that he will soon move from Amore (God of Love) to Marte (God of War), and then leaves. While Seneca comments, the artificial chamber of Cupido (God of Love) disappears, and the imperial dining table comes into view (III 2). Agrippina and Zelto watch how a banquet is being prepared for Nerone and Tigrane. Agrippina orders Zelto to fetch the golden cup on the table for her, they have a look at it, and Zelto returns the cup, realizing that it contains poison. While Zelto tries to leave, Agrippina reiterates her intention to govern and to kill everyone who opposes, in particular Nerone, the Spanish ambassador and Tigrane; Ate and Pallante are to be imprisoned (III 3). [scene numbering slightly different]

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In conversation with the ambassador Nerone gets ready to deal with Tigrane (III 4). Nerone and Tigrane meet in apparent friendliness and sit down to dinner. Nerone, Tigrane and Gusmano talk about the distribution of power; when they order wine from Zelto, Agrippina, who overhears the conversation, signals to Zelto to pour poison into their glasses, but he cleverly delays doing so (III 5). Seneca arrives to announce that Pallante is in prison, whereupon Agrippina departs. Seneca further reports that this has happend on Agrippina’s orders and that the People are annoyed at it. Zelto, seeing that Agrippina has left, reveals that, also on her orders, there is poison in the cups and that Ate is in prison. Nerone wishes that Agrippina’s deeds be made known to the Senate and the People of Rome. All agree that Nerone should be emperor (III 6). Lerinda is worried about Tigrane’s faithfulness, due to rumours; but Tigrane assures her of his true love for her (III 7). [appearance of Lerinda added] The next scene shows prisoners in chains, among them Pallante. Ate, also a prisoner, is moved at the sight. They find out that Agrippina is responsible for their plight. Nerone arrives and overhears Ate declaring her love to Pallante. Suddenly he leads her out of prison (III 8). Pallante continues to explain and to reflect on his situation, believing that Ate can still hear him (III 9). Seneca arrives at the prison and tells Pallante that Rome wishes him to be free; Pallante begs to be taken to his darling Ate. Seneca tells him that Nerone is about to become emperor (III 10). In a workman’s shop in an obscure area Zelto and Gellia meet and confess their love for each other (III 11) [scene added; afterwards scene numbering is again identical]. Agrippina, accompanied by a slave with a torch, makes preparations to visit Pallante (III 12). Tigrane accuses Agrippina of having attempted to poison him, and she realizes that Zelto has betrayed her. She tries to reason with Tigrane and pretends to love him. Seneca and Pallante arrive, hand Ate’s letter to Agrippina and disappear again (III 13). Agrippina is annoyed at Pallante, and she castigates herself for loving a minister and for her actions (III 14). Zelto finds Agrippina crying; she accuses him of treachery, but he denies any guilt. He tells her that Nerone is being proclaimed emperor; Agrippina is furious (III 15). The opera closes in a great hall ready for Nerone’s coronation. In the name of the Roman People Seneca acclaims Nerone emperor. Nerone allows the union of Tigrane and Lerinda, announces that he will be a gracious ruler and approves the marriage of Pallante and Ate (III 16) [figure of Lerinda added]. The two lovers express their thanks, and the People praise Nerone. With dances of Roman knights and noblewomen the opera ends (III 17). 1715 version: [scenes in a street in front of the house of Ate omitted] The FIRST opens in an illuminated hall in the imperial palace, where Nerone’s mother Agrippina sits on a throne, with the imperial sceptre in hand, attended by military and political leaders, Seneca and the ‘minister’ Pallante. She announces that she will pass power on to her son Nerone, claiming that he is wise enough to fulfil his duties despite his youth (I 1). Tigrane, king of Armenia, enters and offers military

ACT

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support. Seneca declares that the Senate and Rome do not desire such a young emperor; they wish for Agrippina to remain in power until Nerone is older. Agrippina accepts, and arranges a meeting with Tigrane, hoping to strengthen her position on the throne (I 2). Seneca warns Agrippina that war is being prepared against Rome in foreign lands. Agrippina comments to herself that her heart is also under attack (from love) (I 3). Meanwhile the freedwoman Ate reflects on her love for Pallante and wonders why he is late (I 4). Pallante arrives, and Ate asks whether he has read her letter. Pallante had been detained at the Senate. Ate explains that she was accosted by the emperor Nerone, who wishes to seduce her, but she retained her honour. Ate flees as Agrippina approaches (I 5). [relationships between Ate, Pallante and Nerone introduced here because of different opening] Pallante gives Agrippina the Senate’s decree. Agrippina comments to herself on her love for Pallante. She then orders Pallante to sign papers and Seneca to take the decree to Nerone. Pallante accidentally lets fall the letter from Ate, which Seneca picks up and gives to Agrippina. Upon reading it, she realizes that it is a love letter to Pallante (I 6). Agrippina is heartbroken; she asks Pallante whether he has signed the decrees appointing the ministers of Rome. He has signed them, but asks about the minister responsible for guarding Agrippina’s personal affairs. She says that he has already signed the minister’s name (meaning that Pallante is the minister), but he does not understand (I 7). Pallante puzzles over the riddle of the minister’s name (I 8). In a garden with fountains in Nerone’s quarters Nerone speaks of his love to Ate; but Ate is evidently troubled, and Nerone does not know why. She claims that he will spurn her if she tells him; Nerone promises that she will be his empress. They hear the voice of a crowd praising Agrippina (I 9). Seneca arrives and hands the Senate’s decree to Nerone, telling him that it is the Senate’s wish that power remain in the hands of Agrippina. Nerone protests that this contravenes the wish of his father Claudio and tries to assert his right to the throne. Ate enquires after Seneca’s identity, and Seneca asks Zelto for the identity of the girl with Nerone (I 10). In her imperial apartments Agrippina is reading Ate’s letter. She bemoans the fact that another woman is in love with Pallante, and she promises to make her own love known to him (I 11). Zelto arrives and informs Agrippina about Nerone’s anger at the Senate’s decree and his love for Ate, explaining that she is a freedwoman of noble birth, formerly captured by the Roman army (I 12). Tigrane arrives; he declares his love for Agrippina and asks for her hand in marriage. Agrippina insists that Pallante hears his request (I 13). Agrippina discusses the name of the minister with Pallante, who still does not understand the riddle (I 14). She determines to make her love known to him and sits at the table to write. She declares that the name of the minister is on the paper before her, and she praises his many virtues (I 15). Pallante, now alone, picks up the piece of paper and realizes that it is Ate’s letter. Agrippina has written on it, declaring that ‘Pallante my treasure’ (Ate’s phrase) is elected minister. Pallante is worried that Agrippina

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found the letter and puzzles over her words (I 16). Zelto arrives running and tells Pallante to see Nerone (I 17). The first part of the SECOND ACT shows the Circus Maximus, decorated with statues of Agrippina and banners with laudatory inscriptions put up by the People. Seneca urges Nerone to accept the Senate’s decree; Nerone resolves to pretend that he obeys (II 1). Both Tigrane and Nerone pay their reverences to Agrippina. Agrippina declares that Nerone will become emperor in the future as he reveres the law. At this moment a messenger from Iberia is announced (II 2). Gusmano, the Spanish ambassador, protests that Iberia will not obey an empress; justice demands an emperor. Tigrane renounces his hopes of marriage, but promises military assistance. Nerone impetuously demands the throne. Agrippina declares that he will be worthy of it when he is more mature (II 3). Tigrane bemoans his failed love and Agrippina’s love for Pallante (II 4). The scene switches to a private area in the imperial palace, where Ate is doing needlework. [different setting] When Pallante arrives, she stops working. Pallante says that Nerone has sent for him and wonders whether he knows about their love. He also says that Agrippina has seen Ate’s love letter. Although Agrippina does not know that the letter came from Ate, Ate fears that Nerone might see the letter. But Pallante has the letter and shows it to Ate. When Ate is about to tear it up, Pallante points out that Agrippina has added to it. Ate divines that Agrippina loves Pallante. Nerone arrives, and Pallante hides himself (II 5). Ate conceals the letter and continues with her work. Nerone presses his suit, but Ate resists and infers that he is not aware of her love for Pallante (II 6). Pallante returns and shows his respect for Nerone (II 7). Nerone starts to discuss his destiny with Pallante, when Zelto arrives, reporting that Agrippina wants to see Pallante and announcing Tigrane’s arrival (II 8). Tigrane wishes to take his leave of Nerone, having been spurned by Agrippina (though he resists the temptation to confess that Pallante is the problem). Nerone promises that he, the next Caesar, will embrace Tigrane, and he asks Pallante to ensure that the People install him upon the throne. Tigrane bemoans Agrippina’s love for Pallante, while Nerone urges Pallante on to support his cause for power. [Tigrane’s fate elaborated] Agrippina overhears them and, revealing herself, tells Nerone that, if he wishes to be king, he must overcome his passions and vanity (II 9). Nerone declares that Ate will be his (II 10). Ate comes back, sad and longing for her love to return. Seneca overhears her, but misunderstands; he accuses her of seeking to ensnare the world through love for the emperor of the world. He admonishes her to love by means of virtue, to stay clear of great people and not to lose her honour; he bids her follow him (II 11). [role of Seneca elaborated] In a room for private audiences Agrippina and Zelto discuss Nerone’s schemes (II 12). Agrippina then talks to Pallante, to see if he has understood her message of love. She attempts to discover who wrote the letter, while Pallante feigns ignorance. Agrippina tries to make him aware of her love, but he pretends that she is joking (II 13a). Agrippina also has a discussion with Tigrane, who is preparing to leave. She encourages his love a little and tells him to remain; the

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Spanish ambassador is announced (II 13b). Agrippina talks to Gusmano and informs him that it was the Senate’s wish that she remain in power, given Nerone’s youth. Gusmano declares that a throne must have a prince. Agrippina hints (primarily to Tigrane) that she may take a new husband and that Rome may have a new emperor. Gusmano declares that the world wants Nerone as king. Suddenly Nerone appears, and they break off their conversation (II 14). Nerone lays claim to his inheritance and tricks Agrippina into saying that she would like to see him on the throne, were it not for the will of the Senate and the People (II 15). Zelto appears, and Nerone tells him to track down Pallante and to meet him where Ate is. Zelto decides to warn Agrippina (II 16). Ate and Seneca enter. Seneca leaves Ate, who does not know where she is, in what he claims to be a place of honesty and goes to inform Agrippina (II 17). Agrippina enters, thinking that Ate is Nerone’s lover, but Ate confesses that she loves Pallante (II 18). Pallante and Zelto enter. Pallante fears that Agrippina knows of Nerone’s orders. Agrippina accuses Pallante of treachery (in love). Nerone enters and rescues Zelto, Ate and Pallante by leading them away. Agrippina plots vengeance (II 19). [presence of Zelto added] The THIRD ACT is first set in arcades. Agrippina declares her love to Tigrane, though it is a ploy to secure her position on the throne (III 1). Gusmano and Seneca discuss Agrippina. Gusmano thinks that Agrippina is power-hungry, while Seneca longs for a Caesar similar to her. If Nerone is to rule, Seneca believes that he must put aside his youthfulness (III 2). Ate is led away to prison by Agrippina’s guards (III 3). [allegorical scenes omitted; these scenes added] The scene moves to Nerone’s apartments with the table laid and Tigrane and Gusmano being awaited. Agrippina hands poison to Zelto to put into the cups of Nerone, Tigrane and Gusmano. Zelto tries to flee, but Agrippina threatens him. She plans to keep the throne and to possess Pallante (III 4). Gusmano and Nerone discuss the need to win Tigrane over to Nerone’s cause, though they recognize his love for Agrippina (III 5). Nerone and Gusmano talk to Tigrane and ask for his support. They propose a toast and ask Zelto for wine. Agrippina bids him pour in the poison. All lift their glasses, but are interrupted when about to drink (III 6). For Seneca arrives with the news that Pallante is in prison, whereupon Agrippina departs. Nerone is surprised, and the People are angry about it. It turns out that Agrippina was responsible for it. Zelto reveals Agrippina’s plans to poison the others; they are all aghast. Nerone learns that Ate too is in prison. They all support Nerone and vow to make Agrippina’s crimes known (III 7). Tigrane reflects on the evils that dwell behind the beauty of Rome (III 8). The scene moves to a courtyard with a view of the prisons. Ate and Pallante, both imprisoned by Agrippina, discuss Agrippina’s jealousy and their love for each other, until Nerone suddenly appears and takes Ate by the hand (III 9). Pallante continues to describe his feelings, believing that Ate still listens to him (III 10). Pallante, freed by soldiers, approaches Seneca. Pallante explains that Agrippina imprisoned him because of his love for Ate and tries to find her. Seneca tells him to come to Nerone, who is soon to be made emperor (III 11).

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In an area of building works Agrippina, walking around on her own, bemoans the situation (III 12). [different setting] Tigrane finds her and accuses her of plotting to kill him. Agrippina understands that Zelto has betrayed her and tries to deny the plot. Pallante and Seneca arrive with Ate’s letter, put it into Agrippina’s hands and depart again (III 13). Agrippina, on her own, reflects upon her relationship with Pallante; she reproaches herself for loving a minister (III 14). Zelto arrives and finds Agrippina crying; she is horrified at the news that the Praetorian Guard and all of Rome are about to put Nerone on the throne and cries out for revenge (III 15). The scene finally moves to a round hall ready for Nerone’s coronation. Everyone acclaims him as emperor, and he expresses his commitment. He pardons his mother, and Seneca praises his royal bearing (III 16). Ate appears, and both she and Pallante kneel before Nerone; he, overcoming himself, allows them to become a couple; Seneca applauds his clemency. The opera finishes with a chorus pointing out favourable signs in the sky (III 17). Analysis142 As may be inferred from the title Nerone fatto Cesare (‘Nero made emperor’), this opera deals with an earlier stage in Nero’s career than that shown in the Latin Octavia.143 Therefore the opera exhibits few direct correspondences with the Latin Octavia in terms of plot. However, the presence of key protagonists (Nerone and Seneca as well as Agrippina) and the underlying conflict between a government as intended by the Senate and the People of Rome on the one hand and the ambitions of a Nerone who is ready to transcend the boundaries of law and decorum for the sake of his love on the other hand provide obvious points of contact with the Latin Octavia. Yet the focus of the conflict is different from Octavia, and the Senate moves its support from Agrippina to Nerone. Nevertheless, the basic opposition and Seneca’s role therein are reminiscent of Octavia. The innovative treatment of the historical material agrees with the remarks in the

_____________ 142 The libretto’s development has been indicated by plot summaries of five versions (with the main differences highlighted). This analysis is based mainly on the 1693 version, since the basic outline of the plot and thus the relationship to ancient sources and other treatments of the story do not change significantly. The modifications are, however, instructive with reference to developments in the preferred libretto structure, also in comparison with other librettos on the Nero theme. 143 In other genres, this period in Nero’s career and the character of Agrippina had been treated before: for instance, in his literary treatises Barthold Feind (see ch. 2.12) expresses his appreciation of Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683), who wrote numerous dramas on historical subjects, including Agrippina (1665; ch. 3.1). Even earlier there was Federico Malipiero’s narrative L’imperatrice ambiziosa of 1642 (see e.g. Rosand 1991, 139–140; 2007a, 333).

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initial address to the reader,144 where ‘historical facts’ on which the plot is based are listed, and it is then claimed that everything else is fiction; yet the assemblage of historical facts is already selective and tendentious. Because in this opera Nerone is not yet fully in power and Agrippina is still alive, it focuses on a power struggle between Agrippina and her son, along with their respective supporters (including the People and the Senate of Rome). Accordingly, the opera elaborates on Agrippina’s powerful position as empress (standing in for her young son) and her intention to retain this power, which is only hinted at in Octavia (Oct. 90–99; 593–645). On the other hand Nerone ignores the Senate (and thus elements of a constitutional monarchy) and the support of his mother; instead he demands his hereditary position. It is only that he uses his descent from the emperor Claudio as an argument supporting his claim, while the Nero in Octavia tries to remove the last proper descendant of Claudius and to found his own dynasty instead. In this context an additional motif comes into play (in most versions of the opera): a female ruler on the throne is rejected by a foreign nation represented by its ambassador (whereby the conflict is sketched in contemporary terms). In the power struggle between mother and son Nerone eventually gets the upper hand, in line with the historical developments. Tricky intrigues and the escalation of the conflict are mainly down to Agrippina, who eventually plans even to poison her own son (III 4–7). However, in the end she is disappointed and furious since she is successful neither in the power struggle nor in her love affair (III 14–15). As a result of this role of Agrippina, this Nerone seems less evil than his counterpart in the Latin Octavia: he insists on his claim to power, but he is mainly interested in winning Ate for himself. The opera closes with Nerone appearing as a generous and gracious ruler (III 16–17).

_____________ 144 See ‘Cortese Lettore’ (1693): “Della Storia, sù cui è fondamentato il Drama, nulla ti dico, perche il dirti, che AGRIPPINA Donna lasciua, e crudele anche viuente il marito Claudio Imperatore comandaua Roma, che fece auelenare il Consorte innamorata, come già di Pallante, del Romano Imperio, che in Roma colma di guerre arriuarono Ambasciatori, e Regi, che Nerone inuaghito di Ate liberta, generò in Agrippina sua madre odio contro di lui, temendo quella di hauer per emula vna liberta, & vna serua, per Nuora, e che in fine egli esercitasse rigori contro la madre Augusta, poiche nel principio del suo gouerno diede esempio da imitarsi con lodeuoli operationi, sarebbbe vna aperta ingiuria alla intiera tua cognitione: il di più è Favola.” – ‘About the history on which the drama has been based I say nothing to you; because saying to you that Agrippina, a lascivious and cruel lady, commanded Rome even while her husband, emperor Claudio, was alive, that she had her consort poisoned, in love, as already with Pallante, with the Roman empire, that in Rome, full of war, ambassadors and kings arrived, that Nerone, in love with the freedwoman Ate, provoked hatred against him in Agrippina, his mother, as she feared to have a freedwoman as a rival and a slave as a daughter-in-law, and that in the end he exercised strictness against his august mother, while in the beginning of his rule he provided an example to be imitated with laudable acts, would be an open insult to your comprehensive knowledge. The rest is fiction.’

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The Senate and the People of Rome are included as entities, though no representative of either of these groups appears on stage: they have views on who should be emperor, which are frequently referred to. Seneca is the person who conveys the views of the Senate to the respective addressees and also subscribes to them (I 4–6; I 10); he retains his function as a guardian of morals, political adviser and mediator. Yet this is not restricted to being Nerone’s mentor: Seneca interacts with various parties and voices self-contained moral statements. In the interest of a secure government and in obedience to the law, he originally supports Agrippina’s claim to the throne (I 4), but helps to crown Nerone in the end (III 16). The political conflict is intensified by a complex web of love relationships: Nerone is in love with Ate and is determined to win her for himself. Ate rejects him because she is in love with Pallante and Pallante with her. Simultaneously Agrippina is in love with Pallante, although he initially does not recognize it. Tigrane for his part is in love with Agrippina, who encourages him to a certain extent for political reasons. This set-up indicates that the intricacies of the plot are made more complex since the character of Pallante has been added to the key protagonists. This figure presumably alludes to M. Antonius Pallas, who held positions at the imperial court under Claudius and Nero and exerted influence on members of the imperial family. He is said to have had a relationship with Agrippina and to have favoured Nero (Tac. Ann. 12.2.3; 12.25.1; 12.65.2). Still, Nero stripped him of his offices in 55 CE (Tac. Ann. 13.14.1) and had him killed because of his wealth in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.65.1; Cass. Dio 62.14.3). In the opera Pallante’s presence provides another person to be involved in love affairs and political negotiations. The role of Pallante based on a historical character is matched by the figure of his beloved (who is also that of Nerone): ‘Ate’ recalls the freedwoman Claudia Acte known from the historical tradition (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1–3), Poppaea’s ‘predecessor’ as it were (alluded to in the Latin Octavia 193–197); the inclusion of this character fits in with the earlier chronological framework of the operatic plot. But since Ate is represented as being in love with Pallante, there is still a conflict involving Nerone’s beloved. Yet this does not affect several women in relationships with Nerone, since the young emperor is not shown as having already taken a wife. His granting of Ate to Pallante in the end is therefore even more generous. The situation is further complicated by the presence of a foreign king in Rome, who is attracted to Agrippina. By adding a foreign king to the story, Noris continues what Biancolelli, Corradi and Lazarino had done. In Noris’ version, however, this king is Tigranes rather than Tiridates. The historical Tigranes V was subservient to Nero and was instituted as king of Armenia in around 60 CE, while it was under Roman rule (Tac. Ann. 14.26). There were military confrontations with neighbouring peoples, and eventually Armenia was re-conquered and Tiridates recognized as king of Armenia (Tac. Ann. 15.1–6; 15.24–30). Even though the combination of Nerone’s and Agrippina’s struggle for power with Ne-

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rone’s dealings with the Armenian kings goes against the transmitted chronology, Tigrane as a subservient king is well suited to the opera’s plot. For Tigrane’s main function is to give further twists to the set of love affairs and to call to mind that these personal relationships take place at the imperial court and thus affect the distribution of power and the government in the world beyond Rome. This aspect is emphasized by the addition of an ambassador, a figure who does not appear in previous treatments of the plot. That this character is a ‘Spanish ambassador’ called Gusmano alludes to the fact that the challenge to Nero’s reign in 68 CE and his eventual successor Servius Sulpicius Galba arrived from ‘Spain’, where Galba was provincial governor (Suet. Nero 48.2; Galba 2; 8–11).145 The simultaneous existence of a complex web of multiple love affairs agrees with the preferred operatic format of the period and is a feature found in other operas on the Nero theme, just as the happy ending. Confusion concerning a letter, a failed poison plot, misunderstandings, intertwined dialogues and characters overhearing others are further elements that make the presentation more dramatically effective, some of which are also used in other Nero operas. 146 The amount of contemporary entertaining features varies in later adaptations of the libretto: the 1703 version, for instance, adds further characters, as stated in the address to the reader. That characters of high standing have trusted servants is a common feature of both ancient and modern drama; so having ‘Gellia Damigella d’Agrippina’ in this function follows convention. Besides, this allows additional love business on the level of servants, between Gellia and Zelto (I 5); and the opening scenes introducing various love relationships can become more complex and dramatic (I 1–5). Including Lerinda as a princess of Armenia (a character not historically attested) may follow the precedent of Nero operas in which the foreign king in Rome is accompanied by his family, i.e. by his wife and sometimes his daughter. Again, however, the Armenian connection does not play a major political role; rather, Lerinda’s presence offers the opportunity to include another love affair involving Lerinda and Gusmano (I 16; II 3) and to make use of the frequent motif of a character appearing in disguise (I 8; II 3). This version also suggests more intermezzi of music and dance. By contrast, the 1715 piece is more restrained and straightforward; for instance, the opera starts with presenting the

_____________ 145 The ambassador’s Spanish origin is emphasized when, at his first appearance, he delivers a speech in Spanish, which is translated by Seneca (II 2). Fabbri (2003, 289) suggests that this may allude to the historical Seneca’s Spanish origin. The literary motif goes back to Plautus’ comedy Poenulus, where a Carthaginian appears speaking in Punic, which is translated into Latin and exploited for comic effect (Plaut. Poen. V 1–2). – The ambassador in the opera is a ‘foreign ambassador’ called Osmano in the 1695 version, whereby the relationship to the historical events in modern Spain is left open. 146 On the range of such features in this opera see also Bianconi 1985, 649.

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rulers rather than with a romantic love affair (I 1–2), and allegorical scenes on the role of love have been left out (III 1–3).147

2.9 Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia (1699) Background Il ripudio d’Ottavia (a dramma per musica in three acts) is another libretto by Matteo Noris (d. 1714; see ch. 2.8) dealing with the historical character of Nero, but it has a focus different from Nerone fatto Cesare (1692/93) as the title indicates. Indeed, the librettist claims in the preface that this opera is ‘to introduce, as usual, exemplary novelty’.148 Il repudio d’Ottavia was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ in Venice on 13 February 1699, as the second opera of the winter season; it is reported to have been received with ‘great applause’.149 The opera was set to music by Carlo Francesco Pollarolo (c. 1653–1723). Pollarolo started his career in Brescia and had become an established opera composer by the time he arrived in Venice. In Venice Pollarolo held official positions centred on the Basilica di San Marco, but his chief activities concerned opera: from 1691 onwards at least one opera by him was performed at theatres in Venice each year. In particular he was a major figure at the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ from about 1691 to about 1707, and he had works staged at various other theatres in and outside Venice. In the course of his career Pollarolo wrote about 90 operas.

_____________ 147 For some observations on the different characters of the various versions and their respective relationship to contemporary dramatic conventions see Bianconi 1985, 637–651. 148 See ‘Lettore’: “Posti in oblivione gli orrori delle stragi, e delle morti; ormai invecchiate tiranniche rappresentanze per introdur al solito le esemplare novità, mi hò lasciato cader dalla penna il Drama presente, a cui ne i suoi tre Atti danno tre qualità diverse il Vago, il Compassionevole, e l’Eroico. Spero, che ritroverai nella invenzione col novo il facile, come anche nel dire, non ricercato dall’affettazione, nè mendicato dallo stento; scorgerai forse il chiaro, l’elenato, e la tenerezza nella parte della compassione (difficile da farsi bene per movere gl’animi) alla quale veramente hà più applicaro la mia infelice Idea, e povera Musa; povera bensì; mà non limosiniera.” – ‘Having put into oblivion the horrors of killings and of death, already hackneyed representations of tyranny, to introduce, as usual, exemplary novelty, this has allowed me to let flow from the pen the present drama, to which, in its three acts, the vague, the pitiable and the heroic give three different qualities. I hope that I will find in the invention, along with the new, the light, as also in the diction, not recherché due to affectation nor begged for due to exhaustion; I might perhaps reach the clear, the elevated and the tenderness on the part of compassion (it is difficult to do well to move the minds), to which I will indeed apply my unhappy idea and poor muse rather more, maybe poor, yet not murky.’ 149 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 235.

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Bibliographical information150 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Matteo Noris (d. 1714) / Carlo Francesco Pollarolo (c. 1653–1723) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Il ripudio d’Ottavia. Drama per musica, Da rappresentarsi Nel Teatro Grimani in S. Gio. Grisost. L’anno MIDCC. Consacrato alla Sacra Real Maestà di Giuseppe Leopoldo d’Austria, Invittissimo, e Potentissimo Re de’ Romani, dell’Ungheria, &c. sempre Augusto. Di Matteo Noris. [Venezia 1699] SCHOLARSHIP: Ketterer 1999 information on librettist and composer: Saunders at OMOd; Termini at OMO

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nerone, Imperator di Roma – Ottavia, sua Moglie – Muziano, fratello di Ottavia – Ottone, Generale dell’Armi Rom. – Popea, sua Moglie – Volusio, Secretario dello Stato – Tiridate, Rè d’Armenia – Aurelia, Dama confidente d’Ottavia – Edippo, servo di Ottavia

The FIRST ACT opens in a hall prepared for the coronation of Tiridate, king of Armenia. Tiridate addresses Nerone as emperor of the world and asks for the crown of Armenia. Nerone crowns him and tells him to sit at his side. Together they watch a parade of the Roman army. The scene changes to a gallery featuring portraits of Roman matrons, beginning with Ottavia and Popea, while groups of celestial divinities descend from the open roof. Muziano, Ottavia’s brother, recognizes that there is an image of Popea, and Volusio, ‘Secretary of State’, realizes that there is one of Ottavia, as they remark to themselves. Muziano praises Popea’s beauty, while Tiridate is enchanted by the image of Ottavia. Nerone is unimpressed. He tells Edippo, Ottavia’s servant, to call Popea (I 1). Ottone, a Roman general and Popea’s husband, arrives, announces his victory at the river Euphrates and stresses his loyalty; Nerone promises him an appropriate reward (I 2). Popea enters, to the delight of Ottone. Muziano identifies her as Ottone’s consort when asked by Tiridate. Nerone announces his plan to repudiate Ottavia and to marry Popea. Ottone is astonished at the declaration, and Popea is surprised. Nerone refers to the precedent of the divine Giove’s repudiation of his wife Giunone (Jupiter and Juno). As if miraculously, Giove’s head appears, and Popea’s picture takes on the appearance of the goddess Venere (Venus), while Muziano, Volusio, Tiridate and Nerone praise her beauty. Ottone tries to remonstrate with

_____________ 150 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 235.

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Nerone and to remind him of the fact that she is his spouse, but Nerone tells him that he is a warrior and should not spend too much time with women, recalling the example of the hero Alcide (Hercules). Popea declares her love for Nerone. The two of them leave in high spirits, accompanied by the entire company (I 3). Ottone reflects on his fate: his victory for the emperor is honoured by his wife being taken away; he believes that he will not be able to live without her (I 4). Elsewhere Ottavia is desperate about her fortune, considering herself more a widow than a wife. Still, she resolves to bear her suffering, telling herself that the emperor will return to her one day (I 5). Aurelia, Ottavia’s confidante, arrives in distress and tells her about a bad prodigy she has seen: a snake knocked Ottavia’s imperial sceptre and diadem to the floor. Ottavia is worried (I 6). At this moment Edippo enters, moving slowly and in confusion. At first he does not want to speak; finally pressed to speak by Ottavia and Aurelia, he reveals the bad news: Nerone will repudiate Ottavia and marry Popea. The women see the bad sign come true; yet Ottavia cannot believe that Nerone rejects her as she has been living only for him. She is even more hurt when Edippo reveals that her brother Muziano supported Nerone’s plans and Tiridate was the only one to take her side (I 7). Volusio enters and informs Ottavia of Nerone’s command, requesting her to part with sceptre, crown and imperial purple; she complies and feels again reminded of Aurelia’s forebodings. She tells Volusio that she resigns her position as empress and wife, but that Nerone is still the lord of her feelings and she wishes to remain his slave. The others pity her; finally Volusio tells her to go into exile. Ottavia wishes to know why Nerone has made this decision (I 8). Volusio tries to win Aurelia’a affection, claiming that her beauty would be deserving of the imperial sceptre. She declares herself uninterested in power, while she privately voices her desire for Muziano. Volusio claims that Nerone may not be emperor forever. As Aurelia is curious about Volusio’s intentions, she pretends to love him (I 9). Aurelia, now alone, recognizes Volusio’s hatred for Nerone, and she hopes to be able to exploit it. She declares her loyalty to Ottavia as well as her love for Muziano (I 10). In another part of the imperial palace Ottone is looking for Popea; when he sees her, he tries to embrace her, but she rejects him. He takes her by the hand and encourages her to go away with him; yet they have to separate when someone is drawing near (I 11). Volusio arrives with the imperial insignia and gives them to Popea at Nerone’s behest. Accepting Nerone’s authority, Popea places the crown on her head and takes the sceptre. Volusio, Muziano and Tiridate pay their honours to her, though they confess secretly that they do so through political necessity. Ottavia arrives (I 12). Ottavia greets Popea and, with fortitude, accepts her new status, while the latter claims that the recent events happened against her will and that she feels pity with Ottavia. Ottavia expresses sympathy with Popea for the terrible fate that has brought her the imperial crown and asks the others whether they accept what is happening. The others urge her to be cautious in her words before the new empress, and Ottavia believes herself surrounded by enemies (I 13).

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When Nerone arrives and sees Ottavia still at court, he angrily asks why she has not yet left. She confirms her intention to obey his orders, though she wishes to be informed of her guilt first. Nerone denies her this information and sends her away. He praises Popea’s beauty to Tiridate. When Ottavia notices this, she faints; the others show pity for her. Nerone catches sight of Ottone and tells the soldiers to arrest him. Muziano wishes to move towards Ottavia; however, Nerone prevents him (I 14). Nerone accuses Ottone of still throwing glances at Popea and threatens to blind him for his impertinence; Popea and others entreat Nerone to relent. Nerone is persuaded to exile Ottone at the same time as Ottavia; he asks the rest of the company to prepare for entertainment (I 15). A triumphant speech by Nerone and a dance close the first act (I 16). At the beginning of the SECOND ACT, elsewhere in the imperial palace, Volusio and Muziano conspire to free Rome from an impious emperor and to kill Nerone (II 1). Upon leaving, Volusio encounters Aurelia, who is in a hurry looking for Muziano; he tells her that Muziano is with Popea. Volusio declares his love to Aurelia and promises that they will become emperor and empress. He reveals the plan to kill Nerone and Popea during a hunt for birds in the wood that night. Aurelia secretly promises that Volusio, the traitor, will die first (II 2). Aurelia tells Ottavia what she has learned from Volusio: Muziano serves Popea, while Volusio plans to kill Nerone (II 3). Edippo announces the arrival of Tiridate, who adores Ottavia. Tiridate reveals his admiration to Ottavia; she declares that she has nothing to give him in return and laments her fate. Tiridate swears to help her. Ottavia asks Aurelia to go to the temple and pray for her and Nerone (II 4). Nerone and Popea prepare for bird hunting in a dark wood; they suddenly hear the voices of Volusio and then of Ottone. Nerone orders his men to look into this noise (II 5). Ottone is brought by Nerone’s guards; he confesses that he has been singing and also his continuing love for Popea, who equally realizes her continuing love for him. Volusio declares that Ottone’s virtue deserves reward. Nerone says that Ottone can sing to him and Popea when they are in their marriage bed (II 6). Ottone is appalled at Nerone’s suggestion. Ottavia and Edippo appear; Ottavia tells Edippo that Tiridate has already entered the wood. They see Ottone: he announces that he is ready to kill himself and draws his sword, when Edippo says that Nerone is approaching. Ottavia, Edippo and Ottone (with sword drawn) move forward, while from the other direction Nerone, Muziano and Popea are coming, the latter chasing a swallow sitting on a branch (II 7). Nerone and Popea try to catch the swallow (II 8). Volusio arrives with a bundle of letters and a sealed memorandum. Nerone starts reading the papers and then hands them on to Popea. Tiridate overhears and hopes that the heavens will bring justice. Nerone reads the memorandum and enquires who gave it to Volusio, who says that it was an unknown man at the edge of the wood. The memorandum betrays Volusio’s plans, and Nerone asks the soldiers to arrest him. Volusio confesses to his plot. Nerone orders him to be given over to the tribunal, along with his fellow traitors (II 9). Tiridate appears and tells Nerone that Nerone and Popea owe their lives to the man who wrote the memorandum. Nerone agrees that he is indebted in this

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way. Ottavia approaches secretly, and Tiridate declares that she was responsible. Nerone angrily throws the memorandum to the ground, takes Popea by the hand and leaves (II 10). Ottavia laments her fate and discusses it with Tiridate and Edippo. Edippo confesses that he had delivered the letter, and Tiridate offers Ottavia refuge, but she remains distressed, feeling unable to live without her husband (II 11). The scene shifts to the place of a tribunal. Aurelia pursues Muziano, who tells her that Ottavia must go far away from Nerone (II 12). Nerone ascends the throne of Nemesis (Revenge) and asks Popea to take that of Astrea (Justice), so that he can interrogate the accused Volusio and she can do the same with Ottone. Muziano announces the trial and is rewarded by Nerone for his loyalty. Ottone is questioned; he denies that he planned murder, and Volusio denies that Ottone was his fellow conspirator. Both are sentenced to death. Muziano promises to help them (II 13). Then the illuminated Via Appia is shown, where Popea, dressed as the goddess Venere (Venus), is about to be paraded and honoured, preceded by a ballet (II 14). In an atrium of the imperial palace Ottavia is supported by her servants as she prepares to leave Rome, and she expresses her anger at Muziano. They hear the prison doors being opened (II 15). Volusio and Ottone emerge and wonder who has been responsible for their release. They plot to kill Nerone and to bring justice. Ottavia plans a way of winning Nerone back to her: she approaches the two men, while Aurelia and Edippo remain hidden. Ottavia asks why Rome, with its valiant past, does not avenge her and Nerone’s other misdeeds. Volusio and Ottone volunteer to do so, while she tells them that they are in the wrong place. She promises to lead them to Nerone and to help them with their plans (II 16). Aurelia and Edippo emerge, and they depart again when Nerone and his men arrive, asserting their power (II 17). The THIRD ACT first shows the imperial bedchamber, while Ottavia, Volusio and Ottone emerge from below, daggers in hands. Ottavia spurs the two men on and makes sure that they are ready to stab Nerone. She then reveals to them the impiety of killing the powerful emperor to whom they have been loyal and throws away her dagger; they recognize Ottavia as a true heroine, respect her argument and promise to abandon their plans. When they hear voices approaching, Ottone and Volusio leave, while Ottavia remains in hiding (III 1). Nerone sends Muziano to call Popea and bids farewell to Tiridate. He begins to write of the punishment due to those who plot against Popea, but abandons the piece of paper when Popea arrives. She is extremely agitated and tells Nerone that the Roman People are tearing down her statues in anger. Fearfully, Popea begs that Ottavia be reinstated and she herself returned to Ottone. Nerone insists on his power and claims that he is unable to adapt his desires. Popea readily confirms that she will follow his wishes, and they embrace and exchange kisses (III 2). Ottavia returns and begins to speak of the vengeance that she could rightly take. However, she is stopped by Aurelia and Edippo, who appear and tell her to hide herself, since armed soldiers are about to arrive. Soon Muziano approaches with soldiers and puts Ottavia in

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chains, saying that she is to face death, while he is shedding hidden tears. She accuses him of betraying her; he says that he serves the empress, who is now Popea. She reproaches, but pardons him. He orders the soldiers to take Ottavia to Nerone, but refuses to come with her (III 3). Muziano asks Aurelia and Edippo to follow him; Aurelia finally renounces her love for him (III 4). Nerone in his bath reflects on love; he admits that he has behaved tyrannically as a result of the effects of beauty. Tiridate arrives and tries to make him pardon Ottavia since she has saved his life (III 5). Lictors and soldiers bring Ottavia enchained; she is in tears and is holding the piece of paper that Nerone was writing earlier. Nerone inveighs against her and condemns her to death since she has caused the tumult among the People and made the most loyal adherents to the throne become disloyal. She denies it and asks for Volusio, Ottone or Tiridate to confirm his accusations. Nerone ignores her, since innocence of one crime would not absolve her from others (III 6). Muziano, followed by Aurelia and Edippo, brings tools for torture and execution; Ottavia cannot believe it. Nerone tells Muziano to fetch Popea to watch the show. Ottavia says that she will not produce any further defence against the crimes that Nerone has written down against her and that she is ready to die. Suddenly they hear voices calling out for Nerone’s death, and Tiridate announces that people with weapons are approaching. Nerone throws himself into Ottavia’s arms to be saved (III 7). Muziano arrives followed by the People of Rome, who carry weapons. He reveals that he is ready to kill Nerone for his sister’s sake, and he explains that he has been pretending to abhor her in order to make possible her salvation. He asks Ottavia to decide what they should do. She in turn asks Nerone to decide. When he is silent, she tells the men to kill Nerone. Then she relents and embraces him (III 8). Volusio and Ottone enter with weapons, followed by Rome’s nobility. Ottavia addresses another speech to Nerone and makes it clear that she still loves him; he finally realizes that she is his ‘Dea liberatrice’, and they are reunited (III 9). Popea arrives impetuously, eager to embrace Nerone. At first, Nerone wishes to respond violently, but Ottavia stops him. She manages to resolve the situation and make Nerone reunite Popea with Ottone. Everyone is happy (III 10). The final scene shows an amphitheatre with a vast stage machine, full of the Roman People, Tiridate’s men and divinities. Ottavia tells Aurelia that Volusio loves her and pronounces their betrothal; Aurelia accepts the marriage. Nerone confesses that it was wrong to repudiate Ottavia. The deities climb onto the stage machine and depart. The opera closes with a triumphant chorus (III 11). Analysis Against the background of the historical events and their presentation in the Latin Octavia, the title Il ripudio d’Ottavia suggests a dramatization of the well-known story. Indeed, the opera deals with Ottavia’s rejection for the sake of Nerone’s now being in love with Popea. However, in this version Ottavia’s repudiation is

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temporary since the pair of Nerone and Ottavia (and correspondingly the pair of Ottone and Popea) is eventually reunited for the conventional happy ending (III 9–11).151 That Nerone returns his beloved to her former husband instead of marrying her is already found in Corradi’s Il Nerone. Yet as Nerone’s beloved in this version is a fictitonal character, the outcome is an unattested feature and does not contradict what is regarded as historical reality. This is the case in the present version, even though it has been argued that the opera’s ending could be seen as displaying a particular moment in history with further developments ignored, since, according to Tacitus, there was a rumour that Nero had recalled Octavia after his first attempt at removing her (Tac. Ann. 14.60.5).152 On the other hand, such a divergence from the eventual historical outcome agrees with Noris’ belief in the free treatment of models and historical facts, although with respect to this opera he insists in the initial address to the reader that the individual aspects that combine to form the plot are all ‘history’.153 In-

_____________ 151 Ketterer (1999, 1, 21–22) therefore describes the opera as a ‘tragedia di lieto fine, a genre unusual in a Nero opera’; he explains it with the piece being dedicated to the Austrian royal wedding. 152 See Ketterer 1999, 21. – Because of an obvious corruption in Tacitus’ Latin text there is some uncertainty about the precise details. 153 See ‘Lettore’: “Da chi hà scritti storici avvenimenti, e fantasie poetiche, altro io non hò preso, che i nudi fatti della storia, e nulla hò preso per vestirli, poiche nel modo, che più volte in altri miei Drami ti hò detto, io mai non fui, nè son vago d’imitatione, nè di tradutione, & il RIPUDIO D’OTTAVIA, che ti comparirà sù la Scena cospicua dei famosissimo Teatro Grimano in S. Gio: Grisostomo, è storia, non favola. Nerone fù Imperatore di Roma Studioso suonatore di Cetra, dilettante di Musica, amico del canto, fantastico, vano, e lascivo: Tale io te lo faccio vedere; Tiranno ancora; mà per amore, senza, che t’inorradiscano gli effetti barbari della Tirannide. Ripudiò egli Ottavia per Popea, moglie di Ottone. A questa diede la morte con un calcio, poiche à quella, stretta da funi le membra, e reciso da ferri le vene, fece uscir tutto il sangue nell’acque di un Bagno. La preghiera di Popea; poiche dal Popolo furono atterate le sue statue; al piede di Nerone prostrata, e piangente perche ricevesse novamente Ottavia; è historia. Historia è pure il motivo, per cui Volusio si fece capo de’ congiurati. Sono istoria i Cavalieri chiamati Augustani, adulatori; come anche è Storia la incoronatione pomposa di Tiridate Re d’Armenia, che dà principio al Drama.” – ‘From those who have written historical events and poetic fictions, I have not taken anything else but the bare facts of history, and I have taken nothing to embellish them, because of that kind, as I have told you several times in others of my dramas, I have never been, and I wish neither for imitation nor for translation, and Ripudio d’Ottavia, which appears to you on the splendid stage of the most famous Grimani theatre in S. Gio. Grisostomo, is history, not fiction. Nerone was the emperor of Rome, an eager student of the lyre, a musical dilettante, a lover of song, unrealistic, vain and lascivious: as such a person I will make you see him; still a tyrant; but through love, without the barbaric effects of tyranny disgusting you. He repudiated Ottavia for Popea, the wife of Ottone. To the latter he gave death by means of a kick, while for the former, her limbs stretched out by bonds and the veins cut by steel, he made all the blood pour forth into the waters of a bath. The pleas of Popea, because her statues had been brought down by the People, prostrated at Nerone’s feet, and crying because he admitted again Ottavia, this is history. History is clearly the motive, out of which Volusio makes himself captain of the conspirators. History are the knights called Augustani, flatterers; as is also history the pompous coronation of Tiridate, king of Armenia, which provides the starting point of the drama.’

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deed the details he lists in this context are historically attested; however, he only mentions that Nero repudiated Octavia for the sake of Poppaea and that he later killed Octavia and Poppaea (which is no longer part of the opera’s plot), while he does not comment on how things developed immediately after the repudiation; and he does not indicate that the various aspects given as ‘historical’ did not all happen at the same time.154 The new ending with a reunion of Nerone and Ottavia becomes possible since in the opera Ottavia remains virtuous and loyal to Nerone despite her rejection and Nerone can eventually be made to understand his behaviour. This significant change does not mean that the plot as a whole is far removed from the classical version; there are, in fact, several major and minor features that recall the Latin Octavia: most significantly there is a coincidence of marital and political issues, illustrated by Nerone’s intention to repudiate Ottavia and to marry Popea, along with the reactions of other characters. The political dimension not only affects a small group of noblemen at the imperial court who oppose Nerone or organize a conspiracy, but also touches the entire Roman People, who tear down Popea’s statues (III 2), which corresponds to reactions reported in Octavia (Oct. 273–287; 669–689; 780–803; 820–876). In the preface the librettist claims that Poppaea entreating Nero at seeing her statues destroyed is historical; indeed her pleas are mentioned in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.61.2–4). However, in Tacitus Poppaea does not ask for Octavia to be reinstated; instead she tries insidiously to stir Nero’s anger so as to make him remove Octavia entirely and thus confirm Poppaea’s own position. In the Latin Octavia no reaction of Poppaea to these events is shown; Nero accuses Octavia of being responsible for the uprising (Oct. 820–76). In the opera too Nerone claims that Ottavia has caused the tumult among the People (III 6). The inclusion of the People’s attacks on Popea’s statues in the opera thus indicates that the emperor’s love affair is relevant to the whole populace and they are concerned about it (as they are in Octavia), and this in turn influences the situation at court. The detail that in the opera Popea does not exploit the incident to consolidate her own status prepares for the divergent eventual solution, when she will be reunited with Ottone. Earlier, the opera’s Nerone puts on trial (in operatic tradition) two noblemen (Volusio and Ottone) conspiring against him, which reminds of the removal of Plautus and Sulla in the Latin Octavia; there these men do not feature as characters in the play, but they are also regarded as presenting a danger to the emperor’s life (II 13; Oct. 437–439; 462–471). Besides, as in the Latin Octavia, characters in the opera stress the power of Love (III 5; Oct. 554–571; 806–819); yet this is not demonstrated by supernatural intervention, even though the relationship between Nerone and his women is compared to that between the gods

_____________ 154 The reference to “i Cavalieri chiamati Augustani, adulatori”, who are also said to be historical, presumably refers to the Augustiani, groups of young Roman knights recruited by Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.15.5).

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Giove and Giunone (I 3; Oct. 201–221; 282–285). On a smaller scale, dialogues between Ottavia and her nurse / trusted servant (I 5–6; II 3; Oct. 1–272), the appearance of bad prodigies (I 5–8; Oct. 712–739), the recourse to prayers against them (II 4; Oct. 756–761) and the idea of individuals being shades of themselves or their families (II 16; Oct. 70–71; 593–645) recall details in the Latin Octavia. Although there is after all a noticeable similarity in structure in relation to Octavia, the plot differs through the addition of new characters, some of them apparently in line with the emerging operatic tradition. For instance, the presence of Otho / Ottone among the characters (Tac. Ann. 13.45–46; 14.1.2), his prominence and the additional complications arising from his continuing love to Popea, which duplicate the theme of loyalty and jealousy, recall L’incoronazione di Poppea, as do the invention of a name for Ottavia’s nurse (Aurelia) and the addition of a love affair between the nurse and another character (cf. also Biancolelli, Il Nerone; Lazarino, Il Nerone imperante). The presence of a foreign king (Tiridate) in Rome is reminiscent of Biancolelli’s Il Nerone, Corradi’s Il Nerone and Lazarino, Il Nerone imperante (on the Armenian king Tiridates see Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7); with Corradi’s piece this opera also agrees in the combination of marital and political issues, even though they are not causally related in Corradi. In this opera the foreign king is without a wife, and the poet keeps Popea as the conventional object of Nerone’s love. Further, the motifs of pictures of ladies and of writing letters, found in other operas and used to create even more complex twists of plots, are taken up, although here they rather serve to clarify relationships.155 The character Seneca, along with all aspects connected with his personality, does not feature in the opera; therefore there is no explicit philosophical dimension. Yet Seneca’s function as a political adviser and critic of Nero’s personal and political intentions has been moved to other characters: the poet has introduced Muziano, Ottavia’s brother, and Volusio, a ‘Secretary of State’; they become instrumental in taking revenge on Nerone (II 1; III 1; III 8–9). Muziano’s apparently ambiguous behaviour over most of the opera introduces the additional aspect of a person torn between political and familial loyalty. In the preface Noris stresses that the motive for Volusio to become a leading figure in the conspiracy is historical (while he does not say whether this character as such is historical). The librettist may allude to Volusius Proculus, who was commander of the fleet at Misenum under Nero (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57.1). According to Tacitus, Volusius helped Nero with killing his mother, but was not adequately rewarded in his view, and therefore was eager for revenge. Volusius is described as being in touch with the lady Epicharis, a driving force of the Pisonian Conspiracy, although he later betrays her. This set-up might be mirrored

_____________ 155 Ketterer (1999, 17) lists some scenic parallels and verbal similarities between Il ripudio d’Ottavia and L’incoronazione di Poppea, which he regards as the most important earlier opera with respect to Noris’ piece.

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in the opera by Volusio’s interest in Aurelia and their different views on the appropriate behaviour towards Nerone; yet the outcome, their betrothal, is a happier solution (I 9–10; II 2; III 11). A brother of Octavia with a name resembling Muziano is not attested in the historical record; her only full brother was Britannicus, whom Nero killed in 54/55 CE. However, the Latin Octavia suggests that Octavia was close to her brother and is appalled at the way in which he was treated by Nero (Oct. 67–69; 105; 111–124): hence the idea of a close relationship between the siblings has a precedent, here given an additional twist when Ottavia is disappointed at the apparent deceit of her brother Muziano, provoked by his care for her. Ottavia in the opera is portrayed as a virtuous and steadfast character (e.g. I 8; I 13–14; III 1; III 7; III 9): by deceiving her accomplices, Ottavia demonstrates proper loyalty and faithfulness despite being rejected (temporarily). Because of admiration for her attitude, the conspiring men abandon their attempt at assassination (III 1), and later Nerone accepts Ottavia again as his wife (III 9). Since Ottavia criticizes disloyalty towards the emperor (III 1) or reflects on the glorious Roman past in relation to the current situation (II 16) and is ready to obey Nerone or even to die in Stoic fashion (III 7), she displays features that are characteristic of Seneca in the Latin Octavia and also in other operas.156 However, Ottavia not only exhibits these characteritistics, but, in contrast to Octavia, she even actively intervenes, for instance by producing a memorandum for Nerone (II 9–10) or by enabling the reunion of Ottone and Popea (III 10). Nerone is portrayed as a contrast to Ottava: he acts egotistically and arbitrarily with no regard for the well-being and the lives of others; in a moment of danger he does not hesitate to exploit Ottavia’s love to his own advantage (III 7). That his character is in principle able to undergo changes is indicated shortly before the end when he reflects on his behaviour up to this point (III 5). Thus the conventional happy ending is ensured (due to Ottavia’s activities), but it is not too abrupt (albeit not historical) since it is based on the development of the characters as shown over the course of the action. In sum, this opera comes close to the Latin Octavia in a number of features, owing to the title and various elements of the plot. At the same time there are numerous novelties and adaptations; yet despite all differences in detail the opera successfully combines and connects politics and love affairs, as the Latin play does. The appearance of Ottavia’s name in the title is justified, since she is not only an object of Nerone’s erotic and political plans, but by her virtuousness dominates the main thread of the plot and eventually enables the new ending.

_____________ 156 Ketterer (1999, 15/17) also sees a Christian dimension in Ottavia’s behaviour.

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2.10 Silvani, La fortezza al cimento (1699) Background The title La fortezza al cimento (‘Fortitude put to the test’) of this opera (a dramma per musica / melodrama in three acts) may not suggest an immediate connection to the story of Nero and his love relationships; however, the list of characters reveals that the plot centres round Nerone, his political position and his love for a woman other than his wife. The libretto was written by Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) and was set to music in various versions. The opera was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’ in Venice on 14 February 1699, i.e. put on in the second half of the winter season.157 Not a great deal is known about Francesco Silvani’s life: he was an abbot, and between 1691 and 1716 he wrote librettos for various theatres in Venice almost every year; between 1708 and 1714 he worked for the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’. Silvani’s works for carnival tend to be heroic pieces and are usually based on historical characters and events, although the plots may be fictional. His pieces frequently have rather long and abstract titles; later productions often shortened the original title to a character’s name. The high literary esteem Silvani’s works enjoyed is clear from the publication of a number of his librettos in a collected edition, Opere drammatiche del signor Abate Francesco Silvani Veneto (Venice 1744), after his death.158 As to his writing style, Silvani occasionally borrowed from earlier literary works (both ancient and more recent ones), yet reacted strongly to charges of plagiarism. “In the preface to L’innocenza giustificata (1698, music by Vinaccesi) he declared it to be his policy to place his name on the title-pages of only those works that were entirely his own in invention, disposition and elocution. He pointed to Il principe selvaggio (1695, music by M.A. Gasparini) as a work that he wrote with the advice and assistance of others; hence it did not bear his name on the title-page.”159 Not all of the libretto prints of La fortezza al cimento give his name. Silvani’s libretto La fortezza al cimento was set to music in various versions. The first of these comes from Giuseppe Antonio Vincenzo Aldrovandini (1671– 1707), and this is the version that was performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’ in Venice in 1699. Aldrovandini was a pupil of G.A. Perti (see ch. 2.8) and joined the Accademia Filarmonica in Bologna in 1695. Bologna remained the centre of his activity until the end of his life, while his operas were widely known and

_____________ 157 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 235. 158 Available at: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/04248.pdf. 159 See Saunders at OMOf.

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appreciated. The opera was performed again, perhaps with Aldrovandini’s or Albinoni’s music, in Florence during carnival 1703 (with an added comic role). Set to music by Tomaso Giovanni Albinoni (1671–1751), Silvani’s libretto was produced in the ‘Ducale’ at Piacenza in 1707. Albinoni pursued a successful and productive career in Venice and composed a total of 48 operas. His operas were performed in Venice over a long period of time (1694–1741); this is partly due to his longevity and presence in Venice, but also to his ability to modify his style to suit changes in fashion. Albinoni was not associated exclusively with any single opera house for an extended period; on the whole, smaller theatres under the control of independent impresarios favoured him more than larger ones managed by noble proprietors. Eleven operas were written to commissions from outside Venice, mostly for centres in north and central Italy. As regards musical procedures, Albinoni tended to follow the prescriptions of the librettists quite closely and to provide a framework for a dramatically self-sufficient literary composition. The opera was also performed in Naples in 1721, to a setting by Francesco Mancini (1672–1737). Another version, entitled La tirannia gastigata, was given at the ‘Sporck’ opera theatre in Prague during carnival 1726 (dedicated on 20 February 1726); the arias were set to music by Antonio Vivaldi (1678–1741), and Giovanni Antonio Guerra, the director of the orchestra, was responsible for the recitatives. Giuseppe Bencini (fl. 1723–1727) is credited with a version entitled Nerone for Florence 1727 (music lost). Nerone was Egidio Duni’s (1708–1775) first opera, staged at the ‘Tordinona’ theatre in Rome on 21 May 1735. As a pasticcio the piece was shown in London in 1753. Bibliographical information160 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Giuseppe Antonio Vincenzo Aldrovandini (1671– 1707) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: La fortezza al cimento. Drama per Musica di Francesco Silvani, Da rappresentarsi nel Famoso Teatro Vendramino di S. Salvatore. Consagrato a S.A. Serenissimo il Sig. Principe Eugenio Franceso di Savoia, Cavalliere dell’Ordine del Toson d’Oro, Generale Marescial di Campo, e Colonello di Dragoni d S. M. Ces. [dedica di Francesco Silvani: Venezia, 14 February 1699] *La fortezza al cimento. Drama per musica rappresentato in Firenze nel carnevale del 1703. [Firenze 1702]

_____________ 160 See Sartori 1991a, 213–214; 1991b, 221; 1992, 330; Selfridge-Field 2007, 235; Strohm 2008b, 174.

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*La fortezza al cimento. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi in Pesaro nel Teatro Pubblico l’anno 1711. Consacrato all’eminentiss. … cardinale Tanari, dignissimo legato d’Urbino. [Bologna 1710] *La fortezza al cimento. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi in Pesaro nel Teatro Pubblico l’anno 1711. Consacrato all’eminentiss. … cardinale Tanari … legato delli Stati d’Urbino. [Pesaro 1711] CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*La fortezza al cimento. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di Santa Cecilia. Dedicata a … D. Francesco … Cardinal Giudice del Conseglio di Stato … [Palermo 1704] (not complete) LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Tomaso Giovanni Albinoni (1671–1751) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: *La fortezza al cimento. Drama per musica da recitarsi nel picciolo Ducale Teatro di Piacenza. Consacrato all’altezza serenissima di Francesco I duca di Piacenza, Parma etc. [Piacenza 1707; dedica di Francesco Antonio Novi]

See Sartori 1991a, 213: “Musica di Tomaso Albinoni veneziano, fuorchè la sinfonia e alcune arie che per accomodarsi alla tromba e à chi canta è stato costretto il sig. Antonio Novi napolitano direttore di dett’opera a comporle di nuovo.” – ‘Music by Tomaso Albinoni from Venice, except for the symphony and some arias, which, in order to adapt them to the sound and to those who sang, sig. Antonio Novi, from Naples, director of this opera house, was forced to compose anew.’ La fortezza al cimento. Drama Da rappresentarsi nel Regio Ducal Teatro di Milano, In occasione Di celebrarsi il Giorno Natalizio della Cesarea Cattolica Maestà di Elisabetta Cristina Imperadrice, Regina delle Spagne &c. &c. [Milano 1729; dedica dell’impresario al conte Ferdinando Daun, dated 28 August 1729] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Francesco Mancini (1672–1737) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*La fortezza al cimento. Melodrama da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di S. Bartolomeo di Napoli nel carnevale di quest’anno 1721. Dedicato all’eminentiss. … cardinale Wolfango Annibale di Scrattembach, del titolo di S. Marcello … vice-re, luogotenente e capitan generale in questo Regno di Napoli. [Napoli 1721] [first performed on 16 February 1721] ‘Cortese e discreto Leggitore’: “Il Sig. Abb. Francesco Silvani nel comporre questo Melodrama … . Ed essendosi questa più volte rappresentata, hà varie mutazioni … se gli è tolta … qualche picciola parte del recitativo, e aggiuntovene qualc’altro poco; vi sono state mutate molte arie, e fattevi nuove Scene burlesche. In far che v’hanno avuto parte più Autori …”. – ‘Sig. Abb. Francesco Silvani, in composing this melodrama … . And since it has been performed several times, there have been various changes … a tiny part of the recitative has been cut and some other little bits have been added; many arias have been altered, and new burlesque scenes have been made. In that many authors have participated …’. [quoted from Sartori 1991a, 213– 214]

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LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44), revised by Antonio Denzio (1689–after 1763) / Antonio Vivaldi (1678–1741), arias; Giovanni Antonio Guerra (dates not known), recitatives161 – RV Anh. 55 CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*La tirannia gastigata. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di sua eccellenza il signor Francesco Antonio Conte di Sporck e dedicato all’illustrissima signora, la signora Filippina, vedova Contessa di Thun, nata Contessa di Harrach, nell’carnovale dell’anno 1726. [Prague 1726; dedica di Antonio Denzio, dated 20 February 1726] (music lost) LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Giuseppe Bencini (fl. 1723–1727) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Il Nerone. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi in Firenze nel Teatro di Via della Pergola nel carnovale dell’anno 1727. Sotto la protezione dell’altezza reale … Gio. Gastone I gran duca di Toscana. [Firenze] (music lost) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Il Nerone. Intermezzo musicale da recitarsi nel Teatro Privileggiato Da Sua Maestà 162 Cesarea, e Cattolica in Vienna, L’Anno MDCCXXXI. [Vienna 1731] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Silvani (c. 1660–1728/44) / Egidio Duni (1708–1775) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Nerone. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nell’antico Teatro di Tordinona nella primavera dell’ano 1735. Dedicato all’ill.ma ed ecc.ma sig. duchessa D. Vittora Altoviti Corsini duchessa di Sisman e nipote del regnante pontefice Clemente XII. [Roma 1735] MUSIC:

various composers CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Il Nerone. Dramma per musica da rappresentarsi nel Nuovo Teatro di Gorizia nel carnovale dell’anno 1742. Consegrato al merito sublime dell’ill.me … dame e cavaglieri di Gorizia. [Udine 1742] PASTICCIO DI DIVERSI AUTORI: musica del Signor Bernasconi, Rinaldo da Capua, Stalder, Abos, Ground, Cocchi, Galuppi, Calderara, Pescetti, Jomelli, Hasse, Perez, Albuzio, Poncino [i.e. Andrea Bernasconi (1706–1784), Rinaldo di Capua (c. 1705–1780), Joseph Franz Xaver Dominik

_____________ 161 See Bellina / Brizi / Pensa 1982, 113, no. 49; Freeman 1992, 153–159, 241–242; Strohm 2008b, 174. – Nearly all the arias in La tirannia gastigata were borrowed from Vivaldi’s La costanza trionfante degl’amori e degl’odii (Venice 1716), rearranged and altered textually to fit the different context. 162 Since the early 17th century Italian musicians had close links with Vienna, and there were productions of Italian operas in Vienna. The dominance of Italian operas continued under Johann Joseph Fux (1660–1741), who was ‘Hofkapellmeister’ from 1715.

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Stalder (1725–1765), Girolamo (Matteo) Abos [Geronimo] (1715–1760), Gioacchino Cocchi (c. 1720–1788), Baldassare Galuppi (1706–1785), Giacinto Calderara (c. 1730– 1757), Giovanni Battista Pescetti (c. 1704–1766), Niccolò Jomelli (1714–1774), Johann Adolf Hasse (1699–1783), David Perez (1711–1778)] CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nerone. Drama per musica. Da rappresentarsi Nel Teatro di S.M.B. [London 1753] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1699: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/00916.pdf 1729: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/01719.pdf http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/06040_3.pdf 1753: Eighteenth Century Collections Online; Gale Document Number 3313276095 British Library copy (text in Italian and English) SCHOLARSHIP (information on librettists and composers): Strohm (1982) 1985; Talbot 1990; Cafiero at OMO; Cross at OMO; Durante at OMOa; Marx at OMO; Saunders at OMOf; Smith / Cook at OMO; Talbot at OMOa

Synopsis163 CHARACTERS:

1699: Nerone, Imperadore – Mitridate, Rè di Ponto trionfato da Nerone – Oronta, di lui Moglie – Berenice, loro Figlia (ambe Prigioniere) – Statilia, Moglie di Nerone – Flavia, Sorella di Britanico ucciso da Nerone – Plancio, Fratello di Statilia, amante di Flavia – Cilone, già Proconsole dell’Asia, amante di Berenice *1702/03: Nerone – Statilia – Cilone – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Alcea – Rullo *1707: Nerone – Statilia – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Cilone – Rullo – Alcea *1710/11: Nerone – Statilia – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Cilone *1711: Nerone – Statilia – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Cilone *1721: Nerone – Statilia – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Cilone – Fiorlisa – Grippo *1726: Nerone, imperatore die Roma – Statilia, moglie di Nerone – Flavia, vedova di Brittannico e amante di Plancio – Plancio, capitano dei Romani, amante di Flavia – Cilone, fu già proconsole in Asia – Mitridate, re di Ponto, sotto nome d’Ismeno, moro – Oronta, moglie di Mitridate e prigioniera di Nerone – Berenice, loro figlia bambina *1727: Nerone – Statilia – Rutilio – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice 1729: Nerone, Imperatore – Oronta, Consorte di Mitridate – Statilia, Consorte di Nerone – Mitridate, Rè di Ponto – Berenice, Figlia di Mitridate, e d’Oronta – Rutilio, Duce de’ Pretoriani 1731: Nerone, Imperatore – Mitridate, Rè di Ponto, Schiavo in Roma – Oronta, sua Consorte – Statilia, Consorte di Nerone – Fanete, già Proconsole in Asia *1735: Nerone – Statilia – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Volusio

_____________ 163 In addition to the earliest version of 1699, a synopsis of this opera will also be given for the 1731 and 1753 versions, since the former, an ‘intermezzo musicale’ and the later, a ‘pasticcio di diversi autori’, exhibit significant modifications. In particular, some characters have been left out, and the plot has been shortened and streamlined (see notes below).

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*1742: Nerone – Mitridate – Oronta – Berenice – Volusio 1753: Asiatici: Mitridate – Oronta, Sposa del Medesimo – Berenice, figlia del Medesimo – Romani: Nerone, Imperadore – Statilia, Sposa del Medesimo – Rutilio, Capitano delle Guardie

1699 version: The FIRST ACT opens with the triumph of the emperor Nerone over Mitridate, king of Pontus; Nerone congratulates Rome’s good fortune and rejoices that Asia has been brought to the Capitol in chains. Mitridate, however, claims that his defeat was suffered at the hands of destiny, not Rome, and makes it clear that, while his body is in chains, his soul is free. Mitridate refuses to make obeisance to Nerone, and Nerone is furious (I 1). Mitridate protests to Cilone, proconsul of Asia, that he gave himself up to Nerone, and was falsely promised that he would not suffer the insult of a triumphal procession. He confirms that, even though he now lacks the throne, he still possesses ‘virtue’ and ‘heart’, and he leaves it to the gods to witness his tribulations and to avenge him (I 2). Cilone, now alone, reflects on the extent of Mitridate’s misfortune, including the fate of his wife and his daughter. Nerone desires Mitridate’s wife Oronta, who has so far defended her reputation by her firm virtue. Cilone is in love with Mitridate’s daughter Berenice; he considers this a pure love, in contrast to Nerone’s lascivious desires (I 3). The scene moves to an anti-chamber containing the ashes of Claudio (Nerone’s predecessor and Flavia’s father). Flavia bemoans the fate of her brother Britanico, killed by the tyrant Nerone. She promises vengeance and considers employing the help of her lover Plancio, brother of Nerone’s wife Statilia. She is aware that he is related to Nerone; at the same time Plancio is in love with her, and she thinks that he has a good soul (I 4). Plancio arrives and begs Flavia to cast off her sadness. Flavia asks him to think of greater things than his love for her. She complains of Statilia’s marriage to a parricide, who has stained the throne with the blood of two wives (Octavia and Poppaea) and with the bones of Rome, a city consumed by fire: it would have been glorious to refuse Nerone’s offer of marriage. Flavia announces that she will suppress her love for Plancio for as long as Nerone remains alive (I 5). Plancio, understanding her intentions and now alone, reflects on the troubles of Rome, though he is frightened. His sister Statilia, Nerone’s wife, appears: she tells him that she is outraged at Nerone being in love with Oronta, fearing for her future in view of the fates of Ottavia and Poppea. He assures her of eventual divine justice (I 6). Statilia, now alone, tells herself that she cannot allow the beauty of a captive to oust her from her position and rouses herself to action (I 7). She confronts Oronta and challenges her for her triumph over Nerone’s heart. Oronta proclaims that this has happened against her will and that she will resist Nerone with her virtue. Statilia is impressed by this attitude and seeks forgiveness for making such an accusation (I 8). Oronta, now alone, voices her outrage at Nerone’s behaviour, which she will not forgive. She asserts her innocence and her loyalty to Mitridate (I 9).

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The scene moves to Nerone’s gardens, which contain his statue. Mitridate has been put to work in the gardens and comments that virtue has been made to serve luxurious excess. He goes on to say that the triumph has been split between himself and Rome: Rome has triumphed in battle physically, whereas his heart triumphs; Asia will speak of his glorious behaviour (I 10). Mitridate meets his wife Oronta and his daughter Berenice. He tries to steel his strength, and Oronta begs him to remain true to her. She tells him of Nerone’s assault upon her honour and declares her virtue to be strong. In order to resolve the situation, she asks Mitridate to kill her. At first Mitridate refuses; then he is uncertain what to do; Berenice begs him not to kill her mother (I 11). Nerone arrives and exults in his power over Mitridate, who is now a slave. Mitridate replies that his virtue and his heroic heart overcome his servitude (I 12). When Mitridate departs, Oronta wishes to follow; yet Nerone prevents her. She rebuffs his advances and says that, even if he approaches her with force, he will not take her innocence; she is defended by the virtue of her great blood and proclaims her loyalty to her husband (I 13). Oronta departs, leaving Nerone, Berenice and Cilone behind. Berenice tries to persuade Nerone to love dignity and virtue and constancy of heart in her mother; this, however, provokes him all the more, since an easy victory means less glory (I 14). Cilone confesses his love to Berenice; yet she rejects him, protesting that she is the daughter of a defeated king, while he is a knight of Rome. She tells him to serve the barbarous laws of his emperor; she prefers to suffer the chains of servitude (I 15). The SECOND ACT shows Flavia reading a book about the history of Rome in a chamber of the imperial palace; she comments on the descriptions of Rome’s former glory in comparison with Nerone’s deeds in the present and the recent past. When Plancio arrives, she asks him to kill Nerone as a token of his love. They then hear the voice of Oronta, who is fleeing from Nerone, and hide themselves (II 1). Nerone and Oronta embark on a long discussion: Oronta asks Nerone to respect her royal position and to conquer himself and his desires, proclaiming that history will note his disdain and her glory. She asks Nerone to kill her, but he says that she will serve him before she dies. She lifts a sword and threatens to kill herself. She does not carry out the threat immediately, and Nerone orders a soldier to take the sword. He declares that her glory will fall and her husband will see her dishonoured. Oronta is horrified at this disrespect of virtue and invokes the teachings of Seneca as well as Nerone’s descent from Agrippina. She again asks him to kill her, which he refuses. She confirms her intention to preserve her chastity to herself; Nerone orders a soldier to guard her until nightfall (II 2). Oronta, now alone, realizes that she faces a significant test of her nobility, speaks of the demands of virtue and steels herself for a noble death (II 3). In what Flavia and Plancio have just overheard, Flavia sees another proof of Nerone’s impiety; she recognizes the threat to Statilia and urges Plancio even more vehemently to take action against Nerone (II 4). Plancio realizes that his love has brought him into an awkward situation. He decides to warn Statilia of the danger she is in (II 5).

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The next scene shows Berenice and Cilone at the baths. Cilone continues to declare his love, but Berenice rebuffs him, saying that she has come in search of her father and that she cannot love him while her father is imprisoned and enslaved. Cilone hopes that things might change for the better (II 6). Mitridate approaches Berenice; he speaks of his troubled mind and his wish to overcome despair. He declares that he must not succumb to sadness, as it would not befit a king. Berenice urges her father to rest and soothes him to sleep. Even while sleeping, he continues to rage against his fate. He wakes suddenly, having been disturbed by an image of Oronta in Nerone’s arms. Berenice tries to calm him down (II 7). Statilia arrives and asks Mitridate whether he has the courage to guard his reputation. She tells him that Oronta is going to succumb to Nerone’s desires and urges him to seek vengeance (II 8). Mitridate is perturbed, but determined to take revenge (II 9). The scene moves to Nerone’s bedroom. Statilia enters with Mitridate. She gives him a sword and encourages him to seek out Oronta, to prevent the insult to them both, to avenge Rome and to prove himself worthy of his royal position. Mitridate, now alone, confirms that he is still Mitridate and has the power of a defeated king and an offended husband. He calls on the Furies, and he promises a great sacrifice, honouring the blood of Mitridate (II 10). Oronta appears with a dagger, intending to kill Nerone. Mitridate hears her and realizes that he has been mistaken about her (II 11). Nerone appears and calls to Oronta. Mitridate wishes to forestall Oronta’s attack on Nerone. Oronta and Mitridate stumble around in the dark, trying to find Nerone in order to kill him. Oronta runs into Mitridate. Believing that he is Nerone, she is about to stab him when Mitridate cries out. Nerone hears them and calls for his guards. Mitridate asks Oronta to forgive him for doubting her and says that he will now die happily. Nerone asks how Mitridate came to this place, at which point Statilia steps forward, and they explain the background. Nerone announces that Mitridate will live, though he will suffer torture and will serve as a gladiator (as this will be a greater punishment). Mitridate is defiant (II 12). Nerone again tries to seduce Oronta; Statilia is appalled, and Oronta rebuffs him again (II 13). Nerone condemns Statilia to be his slave (II 14). Statilia is outraged; still, she tells herself to suffer her fate quietly and heroically, as it will not harm her reputation (II 15). The first part of the THIRD ACT takes place in an arena for gladiatorial games, watched by Nerone and his retinue. Nerone announces that Mitridate will be among the gladiators, and he is curious to see what strength he will display in this situation; Nerone compares himself to the god Giove (Jupiter), who gives life, while he gives death (III 1). Nerone orders Mitridate to commence the fighting and promises to grant Mitridate the death that he requested; Mitridate rejects Nerone’s offer as tyrannical. On Nerone’s command, the fighting begins. Oronta arrives, full of fear. Mitridate is eventually left with only one opponent. He taunts Nerone, claiming that, of the two of them, he is the true monarch, and challenges him to fight (III 2). Plancio arrives to inform Nerone that in ‘Spain’ Galba has acclaimed himself victor and laid claim to power; in response Nerone asserts his

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power in Rome, the heart of the empire. He believes that the rebellion will not last long. And he wishes for a better victory: the conquest of Oronta (III 3). In a dialogue between Oronta and Mitridate, the latter states that he has defeated Rome’s Furies with his arm today and is overcoming Fortuna with his heart and strength; Oronta says that she hopes to triumph over Nerone, who has invited her to dinner. Mitridate is concerned, but she declares herself willing to die for honour’s sake (III 4). Meanwhile, Berenice is seeking tranquillity in the imperial garden, reflecting on her father’s great virtue. Flavia arrives and informs her that Galba has laid claim to the imperial throne from his position in ‘Spain’ and Gaul; she continues to wish for Plancio to arouse the Senate and Cilone the military, while Berenice will be free and Flavia will be avenged. Berenice is happy to support the vendetta against Nerone (III 5). Plancio and Cilone join them. Flavia and Berenice urge Plancio and Cilone to take action, but they are hesitant (III 6). Statilia appears and informs them that Nerone is planning a dinner for himself and Oronta, at which he expects Statilia to serve. She declares herself willing to accept personal insult, but not insult to Rome. She too urges Plancio and Cilone to act. Flavia and Berenice play on Plancio’s and Cilone’s feelings of love to encourage action (III 7). Plancio promises to help Statilia. He leaves to rouse the Senate, while Cilone goes to the Praetorian Guards. Statilia announces that she is ready to avenge the betrayal of her marriage bed (III 8). Oronta is led by soldiers to dinner with Nerone; she reminds herself to act in accordance with imperial ideals and fortitude, laments the fate of Rome and prepares herself for a heroic death (III 9). When she encounters Nerone, she makes it clear that she lacks kingdom and liberty, yet possesses the strong force of hate of Nerone. Nerone tries to turn her mind, in vain. He orders Statilia to come forward and pour some wine for Oronta (III 10). Statilia protests, then gives Oronta the wine. Oronta drinks, dedicating the drink to Nemesis (Revenge). Nerone is angry and pledges vengeance. He calls for Mitridate to come and be involved in a sacrifice made as part of this vendetta (III 11). Mitridate arrives and Nerone shows him his daughter, who is being dragged in by lictors. Nerone orders Mitridate to kill his daughter. If he does not, she will be stripped and compelled to walk the streets of Rome as prey to the lascivious desires of the plebs. Oronta begs for clemency. Nerone tells Oronta that she has the ability to save Berenice if she succumbs to his advances. Berenice interrupts and declares that virtue is called for; she is ready to die. Mitridate prepares to kill his daughter. He weeps (which he defines to be itself a victory for Nerone) and lifts his sword (III 12). Flavia arrives just in time and stops him. She informs Nerone that the Senate has declared for Galba and that Nerone is now an enemy of Rome. Cilone announces that the Praetorian Guards are approaching in arms and tearing down Nerone’s statues (III 13). Flavia and Statilia encourage Nerone to kill himself. Nerone, lamenting his situation, does so. Mitridate and Oronta are reinstated to their kingdom, in loyalty to Rome; and it is understood that Galba will ascend to the throne. Cilone and Plancio finally win the hearts of Berenice and Flavia. The opera ends with a

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triumphant song ‘ORON. Coronato a noi d’intorno / Scherzi placido il contento. // TUTTI. Prende Lustro, e aquista Nome, / E d’Allor cinge le Chiome / LA FORTEZZA NEL CIMENTO. Coronato etc.’ – ORONTA: ‘Crowned amidst us may our happy fellow be jovial. // ALL: Accept the honour, and gain the title, and then crown the head: FORTITUDE PUT TO THE TEST. Crowned etc.’ (III 14). 1731 version:164 The piece opens with the emperor Nerone announcing victory over Mitridate, king of Pontus, who now is in Rome as a slave. Mitridate insists that, though he may be in chains, his mind is still free. Mitridate’s wife Oronta arrives with their little daughter, and she confirms his stance. Nerone insists on his victorious power; he is attracted by Oronta’s beauty. Oronta remains steadfast and leaves accompanied by soldiers; Mitridate also confirms his courage and then leaves accompanied by Nerone’s guards. Fanete, proconsul of Asia, remains behind and reflects on the events. [pages 5–12 missing in the libretto print, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien] Nerone seems to have asked a soldier to kill Oronta, while she proclaims her innocence. Nerone pardons her, and she, on her own, ponders on her behaviour. Statilia tells Mitridate that during this very night Oronta will delight Nerone, and she instigates him to take revenge. Mitridate, on his own, encourages himself to make a move. Statilia gives him a weapon and tells him that this is the time to act. Mitridate gets ready and watches Oronta arrive, who is equally armed against Nerone. Nerone enters, wishing to show his love to Oronta, and they all start looking for each other. Oronta, in search for Nerone, encounters Mitridate and, mistaking him for Nerone, strikes him. Mitridate tells her that she has struck her spouse. Nerone is annoyed, and Mitridate leaves. Nerone continues his attempts to show his love to Oronta and announces a dinner, at which Statilia will be a servant. Statilia is outraged at the injury done to her. She enlists Fanete’s help to preserve the honour of Oronta and herself. In a theatre Nerone has Mitridate fight against gladiators. Mitridate shows his strength, and his wife supports him. Then Mitridate and Oronta take leave of each other. Fanete reports to Statilia that he is making preparations for fighting and that

_____________ 164 In this intermezzo musicale there is no division in acts or scenes, and there are no details on the setting and only few stage directions. Some characters have been left out, which makes the plot more straightforward and removes some of the political aspects connected with the scheming of Roman noblemen against Nerone. Hence the opposition appears as an action that originates at court and is mainly organized by Fanete. This leads to a focus on the juxtaposition of a tyrannical emperor acting arbitrarily and virtuous opponents, with Nerone’s wife Statilia in between, wishing to be loyal to Nerone, but also with recourse to intrigue. Owing to the limited number of protagonists and an emphasis on Nerone’s gradually increasing cruelty, the disastrous consequences of Nerone’s desire for the wife of another man are highlighted. Thus this intermezzo reflects one of the main aspects of the Latin Octavia; yet it ends with a positive solution due to the eventual victory of justice and a change of emperor, which is said to agree with the wishes of Rome.

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Rome supports this move. Oronta appears surrounded by soldiers; she is ready to die. When Nerone arrives and offers his kingdom to her, Oronta insists that she may have lost her freedom, but is still steadfast and hates Nerone; she only wants his death or her own death. Statilia enters with a saucer and asks Oronta to drink, which she is ready to do. Mitridate and then his daughter among soldiers appear. Nerone forces Mitridate to kill his daughter, which fills him with agony. When he is about to carry out the order, Fanete enters and stops them. He tells them that the Senate has acclaimed Galba emperor and made Nerone a public enemy, now the Praetorian Guards are looking for Nerone in order to kill him. Mitridate regards this as a just punishment. Statilia comes forward and affirms that, though hurt, she is still Nerone’s wife; she hands him the sword with which Agrippina was killed and asks him to take his own life. Nerone does not see any other option and falls upon the sword. The others think that justice has now been achieved. They exult Rome and this liberation, and Mitridate promises loyalty. 1753 version:165 The FIRST ACT opens in a spacious square in the city of Rome, between Nerone’s palace and a magnificent temple, where the emperor Nerone celebrates the victory over Mitridate and demonstrates the power over him (I 1). Mitridate is outraged at Nerone’s behaviour, since in his view he was not cast from the throne, but resigned it. He mentions his feelings to Rutilio, captain of the guards, who is sympathetic and confesses his love for Mitridate’s daughter Berenice (I 2). In a small room Mitridate’s wife Oronta and Nerone’s wife Statilia are having a conversation: Oronta is critical of Nerone and Rome and confirms that her heart is invincible and her virtue steady, which will not even be influenced by Nerone’s advances, as Statilia expected (I 3). Statilia, left alone, realizes that Oronta is not responsible for the offence she suffers, caused by Nerone’s behaviour. Hence she forgives her, while she encourages herself to be loyal (I 4). The next scene is set in a pleasant grove belonging to the palace, interspersed with various statues. In the middle there is a statue of Nerone, at which Mitridate

_____________ 165 As indicated by the fact that this opera’s music is a ‘pasticcio di diversi autori’, the piece is a remake of the original; it preserves the main plot and message, but simplifies the set-up (apparently a condensed version of the 1727 and 1729 incarnations of the opera): Cilone is changed to Rutilio, and the pair of Plancio and Flavia is left out. Since this eliminates the set-up that a brother of Statilia, Nerone’s wife, is in love with a sister of Britannico, who, as a potential heir to the throne, has been killed by Nerone, with all its concomitant difficulties and political implications, the political and historical dimensions are reduced, also because reflections on the history and present situation of Rome have been omitted. These changes turn the opera into a more general presentation of a conflict between power, lust and virtue with only a limited number of specific allusions to a Roman historical context. Due to these alterations the opera is shorter and focused on the main plot. The story concentrates on the key protagonists and concludes with the overthrow of the vicious character and a triumph of virtue, which enables the expected happy ending.

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is working, lamenting his change of fortune (I 5). Mitridate meets his wife Oronta and his daughter Berenice: Oronta informs the two others of the fact that Nerone loves and pursues her; she therefore asks her husband Mitridate to kill her. He refuses in view of the virtue she displays (I 6). Nerone arrives and tells Mitridate that fate has eventually decreed his overthrow since Nerone has conquered peoples bordering on his country. Mitridate acknowledges that Nerone has triumphed over his kingdom; at the same time he states that Nerone cannot triumph over his fortitude. Nerone is surprised at the proud sprit Mitridate retains; he announces that he will apply force. Mitridate continues to keep his steadfastness and his attitude of internal rebellion (I 7). Equally, Oronta tells Nerone that he, the tyrant, is the cause of her present unhappy situation, yet he will not rob her of her innocence (I 8). Berenice urges Nerone to respect royal dignity and the greatness of a noble mind. Nerone’s passion is even more inflamed by Oronta’s haughty virtue (I 9). At the same time Rutilio confesses his love to Berenice, while she tells him that he cannot love her in her present situation (I 10). The SECOND ACT first shows the baths of the palace: Oronta is pursued by Nerone. She asks him to kill her; he refuses to do so unless she first indulges his amorous will. Hence she eventually agrees to be obedient to Nerone’s commands, asking the favour that the sun be not a witness to her frailty; Nerone desperately wishes for the night to come (II 1). Berenice arrives, looking for her father, and asks Rutilio about him. He tells her that the emperor’s command has destined him to humiliating service in the imperial baths. She is devastated, while Rutilio encourages her to hope for better times, alluding to his love for her and his readiness to assist her (II 2). At the same time Statilia tells Mitridate that Oronta, the cause of all her wrongs, is now Nerone’s consort. Yet Mitridate believes that Oronta will maintain her chastity and innocence and will overcome this unjust attack (II 3). Berenice, left on her own, laments the calamities that are falling upon her from all directions (II 4). The next scene shows a gallery leading to Nerone’s apartments at night; Statilia hands Mitridate a sword so that he can show himself worthy of the crown of Ponto (II 5). At the same time Nerone wants to demonstrate his love for Oronta, whereas she intends to remain steadfast. Both Mitridate and Oronta move towards Nerone with swords in their hands in order to kill him. In the darkness Oronta mistakes Mitridate for Nerone and wounds him. Nerone hears noises and calls for lights; they all realize what happened. Mitridate invites Nerone to stab him to death; instead, Nero condemns him to death in gladiatorial combat (II 6). Nerone calls Oronta to a banquet of Augusto, the offended lover (i.e. himself), while Oronta continues to profess her steadfastness (II 7). Nerone orders Statilia to wait at their banquet because she has tried to hinder his love affair (II 8). Statilia asks Rutilio to support her cause, to avert the impending danger and to avenge the wrong done, which he promises (II 9). Rutilio points out to Oronta that it is not Rome, also unhappy with the ruler, but the tyrant who causes her afflictions. Oronta comments that, if Rome suffers such an unworthy yoke, it will be worthy of its ruler (II 10).

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The first part of the THIRD ACT takes place in a circus for gladiatorial fights, featuring a throne on one side. Nerone enters and moves to the throne, while Mitridate fights with gladiators. Mitridate is determined to show his valour even in this unworthy situation; when he has killed all the gladiators, he asks Nerone to let loose the lion and the raging tiger. Nerone tells him to reserve his courage for more glorious trials, since he still has another one to expect (III 1). In apartments in the palace Statilia and Rutilio assure Berenice of their support. Rutilio announces that Rome is already weary of suffering a hated tyrant’s reign and that Gaul and ‘Spain’ have chosen Galba as a successor to the imperial throne. Statilia makes it clear that she, although a member of the imperial family, feels like a citizen of Rome (III 2). The next scene shows Nerone’s gardens, adorned with various walks, where the imperial banquet is spread in the middle. Nerone asks Oronta to demand of Caesar throne or liberty, but she rejects all gifts from him (III 3). Statilia, reduced to the status of a servant, offers Oronta a drink, which she says is honoured and augmented with the blood of two ill-fated consorts (i.e. Octavia and Poppaea) and her own tears. Oronta dedicates the draught to the divine powers of Averno (Lake Avernus, believed to be the entrance to the Underworld) and asks them to let loose their rage against the impious Nerone. Nerone orders the king of Pontus to be brought in. Statilia warns him that nature stands aghast and trembles at his savage cruelties (III 4). When Mitridate is led in, Nerone tells him that now the hour has come for him to show his unyielding temper and mighty courage. Nerone asks him to kill his daughter unless Oronta returns his love. Shuddering at the thought, Mitridate makes ready to carry out this command; Mitridate, Oronta, and Berenice take leave of each other (III 5). As Mitridates is going to strike, Rutilio enters and prevents it. To Nerone’s bewilderment, Rutilio tells him that finally the Senate has risen from its lethargy, shaken off the unworthy yoke of Nerone’s command, called Galba to the imperial sovereignty and declared Nerone his country’s enemy. The Praetorian Guards and the legions are pursuing Nerone in order to kill him. Nerone realizes how desperate the situation is; and as no one follows his order to kill him, he stabs himself. Oronta and Mitridate as well as Rutilio and Berenice are united; a happy chorus closes the opera (III 6). Analysis166 The title of this opera La fortezza al cimento (‘Fortitude put to the test’) recalls Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, where Seneca urges Ottavia to show fortitude. With its selection of historical characters and the combination of polit-

_____________ 166 The analysis is based on the original full version of 1699 (for comments on the later versions see preceding notes).

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ical issues with love affairs this opera finds its place in the tradition of Nero plays, even though it consists of a rather free mixture of historical characters, as the poet indicates in the initial address to the reader.167 Although the plot is set in another

_____________ 167 See ‘Discorso al Lettore per spiegazione del Dramma’: “Aurai di Storico in esso la morte di Nerone, ed il suo costume fiero, e lascivo; a cui per dare maggior risalto, vi ho introdotta la FORTEZZA di MITRIDATE già Re di PONTO, e l’Invincibile onestà di ORONTA di lui Sposa, tentata con tutta la forza della Tirannide dalla libidine di Nerone. Ho creduto bene introdurre la pompa di queste Virtù in due Principi forestieri, perchè fra Romani chiamati fin da Tiberio, Uomini nati alla servitù, non vi era cuore in que’ miseri tempi, che ne fosse capace. Senza valermi di MITRIDATE, che veramente fu in Roma, Regnante Claudio, averei potuto introdurre Tiridate; ma egli fu troppo amico di NERONE, nè d’esso si ha alcuna memoria d’una grande fierezza, come la mostra Tacito in MITRIDATE, riferendo la risposta da esso data a CLAUDIO. A scuotere l’ire sopite del Senato contro NERONE, servono gli amori fra CILONE, già Proconsole in Asia, e BERENICE Figlia di MITRIDATE; e di PLANCIO con Antonia Figlia di CLAUDIO, a cui per venerazione, si cangia il nome in quello di FLAVIA. Questa Principessa, che veramente morì prima di NERONE, violentemente da esso condannata in pena del riffiuto delle sue nozze, è introdotta, con la licenza conceduta alle Muse, perchè procuri la rovina di NERONE in vendetta della morte da lui data a Britanico suo Fratello; motivo assai grande a questa Dama di stimolare a questa impresa l’animo di PLANCIO, sebbene cognato di NERONE. Non si risolve però questo Cavaliere, se non quando veduto perduto il Cognato negli amori d’ORONTA, ed imminente la rovina, o la morte di STATILIA sua Sorella, ultima Moglie di NERONE registrata in Suetonio; viene dalla stessa STATILIA persuaso all’eccidio del Marito, degno egualmente dell’odio della Moglie per la sua infedeltà, e per lo pericolo, che ella doveva temere evidentemente della sua morte, con l’esempio di Ottavia, e di Popea; come pure di Roma stanca ormai di sofferire un giogo così barbaro, ed ingiurioso. Eccoti, o Lettore, dilucidato il mio Dramma, in cui ho voluto donare alla Scena l’arbitrio, che si piglia il Senato di restituire à Mitridate il Regno, in mancanza di Galba già acclamato all’Impero.” – ‘In this the death of Nerone has something of history, and his fiery and lascivious conduct; to give greater prominence to this, I have introduced the FORTEZZA of MITRIDATE, then King of PONTUS, and the invincible honesty of ORONTA, his wife, tested by all the force of the tyranny of Nerone’s libido. I have considered it a good idea to introduce the splendour of this virtue in two foremost foreigners, since among the so-called Romans since Tiberio, people born into servitude, there was no heart in these miserable times that was capable of this. Instead of using MITRIDATE, who actually was in Rome while Claudio reigned, I could have introduced Tiridate; but he was too much of a friend of NERONE, and for him there is no record of great fierceness, as Tacito shows in MITRIDATE, when he reports the answer he gave to CLAUDIO. As for moving the quiet anger of the Senate against NERONE, this is obtained by the loves between CILONE, then Proconsul in Asia, and BERENICE, the daughter of MITRIDATE, and of PLANCIO with Antonia, the daughter of CLAUDIO, for whom, in respect to her, the name has been changed to that of FLAVIA. This princess, who actually died before NERONE, violently condemned by him in punishment for her refusal of his marriage, is introduced, with the licence granted to the Muses, because she arranges the ruin of NERONE in revenge for his killing of Britanico, her brother; a sufficiently powerful motive for this lady to raise up the soul of Plancio to that enterprise, even though he is the brother-in-law of NERONE. But this knight does not come to a decision before he has not seen his brother-in-law lost in love for ORONTA and the ruin imminent, or the death of STATILIA, his sister, the last wife of NERONE, as recorded in Suetonio; he is persuaded by STATILIA herself to kill the husband, equally worthy of his wife’s hatred because of his disloyalty and the danger that she must clearly fear with respect to her own death, with a view to the examples of Ottavia and Popea; just as that of Rome, already tired of suffer-

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period of Nero’s reign (towards its end) and some of the protagonists are different, the basic conflict is still the same as in the Latin Octavia: Nero, who is already married, desires the wife of another man, but ignores boundaries of any kind because of his imperial power; by contrast, the other characters represent and defend moral standards. The particular twist in this version, which emphasizes its message, is the fact that it is the representatives of a foreign people who uphold moral values and that it is the wife of the foreign king who invokes the teachings of Seneca in order to appeal to moral decency (II 2). While in the course of the play the general term virtù (‘virtue’) is mostly used to indicate the qualities of the foreign royal family that are challenged and put to the test by Nerone and by which they are victorious over his cruel wielding of power and mere force, the title, the address to the reader and specifications in a few scenes reveal that this term primarily denotes fortezza (‘fortitude’) in various shapes, i.e. the strength to adhere to one’s moral beliefs in times of crisis. In contrast to other plays on Nero that include a wife of his, in this version his present wife is not Octavia / Ottavia, but Statilia (Messalina), Nero’s last wife, whom he married in early 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.68.3; Suet. Nero 35.1; Otho 10.2; Schol. ad Iuv. 6.434). This change enables the poet to separate Nero’s repudiation of his wife from the problems surrounding the legitimate continuation of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and to create a new ending without contradicting wellknown historical details. At the same time this chronological setting makes it possible to characterize Nerone by reference to earlier misdeeds, i.e. his responsibility for the deaths of his two previous wives and for the fire for Rome (I 5). Statilia in the opera does not remain in passive lament, but intervenes actively (II 8–10; III 8; III 11), similarly to Ottavia in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (II 7), eventually even encouraging Nerone to kill himself (III 14). While Statilia is impressed by Oronta’s steadfastness (I 8), she also presents Mitridate with the incorrect information that his wife is going to succumb to Nerone’s desires, which triggers the scene in which husband and wife almost kill each other (II 12). Because Statilia relies on scheming to achieve her goals, despite her basic moral integrity, she is reminiscent of Aniceto in Lazarino’s Il Nerone imperante. With Octavia eliminated, the reactions of descendants of Claudius to Nero’s tyrannical rule are exemplified instead by the introduction of Flavia, Silvani’s replacement of Antonia, Claudius’ eldest daughter, killed by Nero in 65 CE allegedly for being involved in the Pisonian Conspiracy, though apparently because she refused to marry him after Poppaea’s death (Suet. Claud. 27; Nero 35.4; Tac. Ann. 13.23.1; 15.53.3–4): she bemoans the fate of her brother Britanico (I 4), just as Octavia in the Latin Octavia does (Oct. 67–69; 103; 166–173), and, in view of the historical background, she has good reason to be opposed to Nerone. Since

_____________ ing such a barbaric and unjust yoke. Well, reader, my drama has been explained, in which I have wished to show on stage the liberty that the Senate took to restore the kingdom to Mitridate, since Galba had not yet been acclaimed emperor.’

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Flavia is in love with Plancio, Statilia’s brother, another conflict of loyalty between family and empire is added. In line with preceding Nero dramas (since Biancolelli’s Il Nerone), this opera includes the presence of a foreign king in Rome. Yet, this king is no longer Tiridates (or Tigranes), but Mithridates (cf. Aureli, Claudio Cesare), even though the poet himself admits that the historical Mithridates, king of Pontus, was brought to Rome during Claudius’ reign (Tac. Ann. 12.15–21). However, the poet goes on to explain that this character is better suited to his purposes, since Mithridates is believed to have had a stronger and more independent mind. The fact that Nerone himself falls in love with the wife of the foreign king is combined with the existence of a present wife of his (contrast Corradi’s Il Nerone), while Nerone’s beloved is reluctant as in other versions. Further, in contrast to most other dramatic presentations, this king is accompanied not only by his wife, but also by his daughter (cf. also Lazarino, Il Nerone imperante), which allows for a more complex plot, since his daughter too becomes an object of love. The daughter’s name Berenice was that of several wives and daughters of the Ptolemaic kings and therefore can evoke suitable associations of an Eastern kingdom. This Berenice is loved by Cilone, proconsul of Asia, who is probably modelled on the historical Iunius Cilo, who was procurator of Bithynia and Pontus in 49 CE. He is linked to Mithridates, since, according to Tacitus, it was him who brought Mithridates to Rome (Tac. Ann. 12.21). While Cilone is thereby defined as a person who has to carry out the emperor’s orders, he turns against Nerone in the course of the action in the opera. The assemblage of characters and the connections between them might lead to the assumption that the opera mainly consists of a complex web of love affairs (in line with contemporary conventions, even though there is no love plot on the level of servants). In fact, however, there are also significant political aspects: on the one hand Nerone treats the defeated king in undignified fashion from the start although the latter was promised that he would not suffer the insult of a triumph (I 2). That Nerone gradually increases his cruelty against the king (I 10; II 12; III 1– 2) agrees with his characterization as an uninhibited ruler. The male partners in the two couples of Flavia / Plancio and Berenice / Cilone are confronted with a moral conflict between loyalty towards Nerone and a desire for revenge on the part of their beloved (I 4–5; II 1; II 4–6; III 5–7). These love relationships of influential Romans, along with the uprising of Galba, give rise to action against Nerone, when the individuals aiming for revenge unite (III 5–8). A key element in the development towards Nerone’s end is a simultaneous, albeit separate movement, namely that Galba is reported to have laid claim to power and been accepted by the constitutional bodies in Rome (III 3; III 5; III 13; cf. Biancolelli, Il Nerone), which makes Nerone kill himself (III 14). The plans for opposition to Nerone include the involvement of the People and the Senate of Rome (III 5; III 13), which exhibits similarities to the constitutional monarchy envisaged by Seneca in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 472–491). With Nerone’s last wife as his present partner, the action is set at a later stage in Nero’s career than a

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conflict with Octavia would indicate. Hence Nerone’s love affair can be combined with his dethroning and the accession of his successor Servius Sulpicius Galba to the throne (68 CE; Suet. Nero 48.2; Galba 2; 9.2–11), which emphasizes the political dimension and the deficiencies of Nerone’s reign. What is highlighted is the fortezza of both male and female characters, who oppose Nerone and retain their chastity, honesty and steadfastness against him. The solution is not to educate Nerone, but to remove him. Hence it is appropriate that the character of Seneca is missing from the dramatis personae, which also agrees with the alleged chronological setting within Nero’s career (since Seneca died in 65 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.60.2–64): at this stage no mentoring is required or would make sense; there is no philosophical level to the action; and Seneca’s arguments on political issues are voiced by other characters (I 14; II 2; III 10). From the outset, some characters react to and criticize Nerone’s tyrannical and egotistic rule and oppose it by their inherent virtues. The problems of Nerone’s rule are highlighted most obviously in a long discussion between Nerone and Oronta (II 2), which recalls dialogues between Nerone and Seneca in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592) or Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (I 9). Flavia’s reading a book on the history of Rome and comparing earlier conditions to the present situation (II 1) is similar to songs of the choruses and Seneca’s introductory monologue in the Latin Octavia, which indicate a decline under the current emperor (Oct. 288–376; 377–434). These elements serve to set off the unbearable characteristics of the present dominated by Nerone against earlier and better times, and they maintain the expectation that a return to traditional values might be possible. It is clear from the outline of the action and the address to the reader that Silvani was aware of Nero operas before him and also looked to classical sources, while he claimed poetic freedom to assemble a new story out of these elements. He does not mention the Latin Octavia in his preface, but details not found in earlier operas on the subject, such as the lament over Britannicus’ death (I 4) and the comparison of Rome’s present condition to earlier stages (II 1), may suggest familiarity with this play. Silvani also made good use of dramatically effective scenes used in earlier plays, such as a sleep and dream scene (II 7; cf. Biancolelli, Il Nerone; Lazarino, Il Nerone imperante) or characters almost killing each other (II 12; cf. Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea). Still, the ending is different from other versions in which Nero either marries his beloved or returns her to her husband. Here the tyrannical monarch has been abolished and the (conventional) happy ending is achieved by the fact that the virtuous characters are victorious. This may be interpreted as a sign of the ‘divine justice’, which, at an early stage, Plancio had announced as something eventually to be achieved (I 6).

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2.11 Feustking, Nero (1705) Background The next Nero opera in chronological sequence is the first piece written for a public opera house outside Italy. The drama (a Singspiel, ‘musical play’, in three acts) entitled Die durch Blut und Mord Erlangete Liebe / Oder: Nero (‘The love obtained by blood and murder, or: Nero’), to a libretto by Friedrich Christian Feustking and with music by Georg Friedrich Händel (HWV 2; music lost), was first performed in the ‘Oper am Gänsemarkt’ in Hamburg on 25 February 1705, shortly before the end of the season, and there were only very few further performances that year. The text of the opera is entirely in German; there are, for instance, no Italian arias, as in other operas shown in Hamburg at the time. The libretto may have been influenced, like Feind’s Octavia of the same year (ch. 2.12), by an earlier piece composed for Weißenfels.168 The librettist Friedrich Christian Feustking (1678–1739) was born in a village in the German region of Holstein around 1678. From 1696 onwards he attended a secondary school (Gymnasium) in Hamburg (presumably the Johanneum), and from 1699 he studied theology in Wittenberg (at the same time Barthold Feind, another librettist, studied at the same institution). Feustking is said to have quit his studies in Wittenberg in 1701 since he had been expelled from the city for ten years because of his critical writings against a professor.169 In 1702 he came to Hamburg, where he worked as a private teacher and writer. Among his poetic products were the librettos of three operas, which were all produced in Hamburg during the season of 1704/05. The libretto to Nero (like that to Octavia) was discussed in Theatralische / Galante und Geistliche Gedichte by Christian Friedrich Hunold (published under the pseudonym Menantes) in 1706 (pp. 88–91). In the first half of 1705 Feustking became vicar in the village of Tolk near the town of Schleswig. From there he continued to issue pamphlets in a literary quarrel with his opponents Barthold Feind and Christian Friedrich Hunold.170 This fierce argument, which was presumably the reason why Feustking moved to Italy in 1706, demonstrates that the librettists of this period were active as literary people; and they had other occupations besides working for the theatre.

_____________ 168 See Koch 1994, 94–95. – See ch. 2.12 with notes. 169 See Stompor 1978, 34. 170 See Händel-Handbuch 1985, 4.24: “Die Libretti zu Almira und Nero (Feustking) führten zu einer öffentlichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Feustking und seinen Gegnern Barthold Feind und Christian Friedrich Hunold (genannt Menantes). Feind und Hunold bekannten sich zu einer andern literarischen Richtung als Feustking. Sie vertraten den Standpunkt, daß man in einem Opernlibretto auf Eigennamen nicht reimen dürfe, wie Feustking es in Anlehnung an ältere italienische und deutsche Praktiken tat. Die Fehde wurde weniger in sachlicher als in persönlich beleidigender Form in Streitschriften ausgetragen.”

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The composer Georg Friedrich Händel (1685–1759) came to Hamburg in 1703, after a thorough musical education and employment as a church musician; perhaps he was attracted by the good reputation of the Hamburg opera house. Händel initially played the second violin in the opera’s orchestra; later he also played the harpsichord and conducted from there. When in 1704 Reinhard Keiser, the present director of the opera, was unable to finish the music for an opera, since he had to leave Hamburg, Händel was asked to set to music a libretto entitled Almira (Der in Krohnen erlangte Glücks-Wechsel oder Almira, Königin von Castilien), initially prepared for Keiser (a Venetian libretto adapted by Feustking; originally L’Almira by Giulio Pancieri [166?–173?] with music by Giuseppe Boniventi [c. 1670–73 – after 1727], Venice 1691). This developed into Händel’s first opera, performed in Hamburg on 8 January 1705; it proved a great success and was frequently repeated throughout the season. It was soon followed by Händel’s second opera, Nero.171 Soon afterwards Händel moved to Italy and then (in 1710) to England, where his fame as an opera composer (and later of oratorios) continued until his death. Händel’s operas composed in Italy include Agrippina (1709; ch. 2.13); among the numerous operas written in London are several further ones dealing with topics from ancient mythology or history. Bibliographical information172 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Friedrich Christian Feustking (1678–1739) / Georg Friedrich Händel (1685–1759) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Die durch Blut und Mord Erlangete Liebe / Oder: Nero. In einem Singspiel / Auf dem Hamburgischen Schau-Platz vorgestellt. Anno 1705. [Hamburg] (music lost) MODERN EDITIONS – HWV 2: Händel-Jahrbuch 1977, 69–133; Harris 1989, 59–122 SCHOLARSHIP: Händel-Handbuch 1978, 1.63; 1985, 4.23–24; Stompor 1978, 43–46; Harris 1989, xlii– xliii; Roberts 1990; Dean / Knapp 1995, esp. 69–72; Marx / Schröder 1995, 133; Schröder 1996; Kimbell 2009; Mücke 2009 information on the opera and the librettist: Marx 2008, 408–409; Hicks at OMOb; Schröder at OMO

_____________ 171 On formal similarities between Almira and Nero as well as on characteristics of German operas as distinct from contemporary Italian operas see Harris 1989, xxxi–xxxviii; on Händel’s engagement with early German opera see Braun 1985. 172 See Marx / Schröder 1995, 133, no. 83.

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Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nero, Roemischer Kaeyser – Agrippina, die kaeyserliche Mutter – Octavia, die kaeyserl. Gemahlin / nachmals verstossen – Sabina Poppaea, eine edle Roemerin / Neronis Geliebte – Tiridates, Armenischer Kron-Prinz – Cassandra, Kron-Prinzessin aus Meden / in Tiridates verliebt – Seneca, kaeyserl. geheimter Raht – Anicetus, des Kaeysers Mignon oder Liebling – Graptus, Claudii freygelassener Knecht – Ein Flamen oder Priester – Chor der Priester – Chor des Roemischen Volcks – Taenze von Combattanten oder Fechtern, von Priestern, von Arlequins und Policionellen, von Mordbrennern, von Cavalliers und Dames

The FIRST ACT opens with the funeral and deification of the emperor Claudius, Octavia’s father, solemnly celebrated by Nero, in the Campus Martius (I 1). Then Nero, Octavia’s husband and the new emperor, confesses his love to the noble Roman lady Poppaea, who hesitates to take Octavia’s place out of a sense of shame. Nero assures her that he no longer loves his wife and that Otho, her husband, has gone to ‘Portugal’. This conversation is overheard by Nero’s mother Agrippina, who is annoyed at it and concerned for Octavia (I 2). The Armenian prince Tiridates also reveals his love for Poppaea, but she rejects him (I 3). Tiridates trying to win Poppaea’s affection is overheard by the Median princess Cassandra (disguised as a man), who herself is in love with Tiridates and to whom he has pledged loyalty (I 4). Cassandra is devastated at Tiridates’ unfaithfulness; her complaints are riddles to Tiridates, who does not recognize her (I 5). She continues to lament her fate (I 6). In a funeral chamber Octavia collects Claudius’ bones and ashes into an urn. She feels sad and is fully aware that Nero poisoned Claudius (I 7). The scene changes to the imperial mausoleum: Octavia deposits the remains of Claudius in the presence of priests, among them Nero in disguise. Octavia reveals to the Flamen (high priest) that her sorrow is exacerbated by the fact that both her father and her brother (i.e. Britannicus) were killed by Nero and adds that she now fears for her own safety (I 8). At this point Nero steps forward, accuses Octavia of greater loyalty to her dead relatives than to him and dismisses her (I 9). Nero confirms that Octavia is to be removed from the imperial court and later killed. He is not at all moved by objections from his mother Agrippina and his adviser Seneca; instead he announces that he will also send Agrippina away in due course (I 10). These decisions are followed by a comic interlude: Graptus, a freedman of Claudius, ridicules the hypocrisy at funerals (I 11). In a big hall, leading to a flight of rooms, Cassandra and Poppaea discuss love and its consequences. Cassandra gives Poppaea a portrait of Tiridates, indicating that this is the person who has abandoned her; Poppaea recognizes him (I 12). Poppaea shows this picture to Tiridates; he becomes rather confused and eventually has to confess a remarkable likeness with himself; he weakly explains that someone robbed him of the portrait while he was travelling (I 13). Nero finds the portrait with Poppaea, who tries to hide it, and believes that it represents a lover

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of hers (I 14). Nero suspects Poppaea of infidelity and considers abandoning her; in this state of mind he is almost moved by the admonishments of Seneca, who demands that a king should not be governed by desires and that Nero should reunite himself with Octavia (I 15). The first act closes with a dance of harlequins and similar figures, led by Graptus; Seneca regards this as a sign of depraved morals (I 16). The SECOND ACT begins with Octavia fishing in a pond next to the royal palace. Agrippina enters running out of the palace, just escaping death from a piece of masonry dislodged from the palace; she holds her son responsible for these machinations and for the attempt at murdering her. Agrippina and Octavia commiserate with each other, and Agrippina informs the other that the reason for Nero’s behaviour is his love for Poppaea (II 1). Anicetus, ‘a favourite of the emperor’, announces that Nero wishes to receive Octavia. She hesitates at first and then gladly follows this request, cheered on by the People (II 2). Agrippina and Seneca are left behind. Agrippina attempts in vain to bribe Seneca into killing Nero (II 3). Seneca, now alone, confirms that he cannot bring himself to take part in shedding blood to serve a desire for power (II 4). Meanwhile Tiridates wonders how Poppaea might have acquired the portrait from Asia, which he gave to Cassandra, and he reflects on the desperate state of his love affair (II 5). The next scene is set in an imperial parlour. Nero and Octavia are reunited. On Octavia’s request and Seneca’s advice Nero agrees to admit Agrippina (II 6). Nero and Agrippina are also reunited. Tiridates asks to be given the kingdom of Armenia as soon as possible after he has come to an agreement with the Roman general Corbulo, which Nero promises. Besides, Nero announces that he intends to entertain the Roman People by a production of a drama written by himself, featuring the Judgement of Paris. Seneca disapproves of this plan, but is unable to exert any influence on Nero (II 7). So Seneca laments the decline of Rome’s morals and political freedom into vice and luxury (II 8). Cassandra, disguised as a foreigner from Parthia, reports to Tiridates her own death out of grief over being abandoned by her lover; thereupon Tiridates is devastated and about to kill himself with his sword, but loses his senses just prior to that (II 9). Anicetus and Seneca find him, still out of his senses, and Seneca leads him away (II 10). Again the act ends with a light finale: Graptus sings a mocking aria about various ancient philosophers and schools of philosophy (II 11). The THIRD ACT first shows a stage in a pleasure garden, where Nero’s drama is about to be performed: Nero represents the Trojan hero Paris, while Poppaea, Octavia and Agrippina are the three goddesses Venus, Juno and Pallas (Athena) (III 1). In the imperial garden Cassandra reflects on her own situation and on Tiridates’ madness (III 2). Anicetus explains the analogies between the drama and the present situation: Venus (Poppaea) has won the contest and will soon be united with Nero; he is uncomfortable with the order to feign love for Octavia, but decides to do his duty as a servant (III 3). Graptus adds a comic commentary to Anicetus’ thoughts (III 4). Tiridates, still out of his senses, mistakes Graptus for Cassandra, while Graptus protests that he is clearly not a woman (III 5). After

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some more lamenting Tiridates falls asleep under a tree (III 6). Reminding Poppaea of the pageant and the victor’s apple, Nero again confesses his love; on Poppaea’s instigation he promises to remove and kill Octavia (III 7). Tiridates starts to sing while still asleep. Nerone and Poppaea wonder at him, and Poppaea suspects that the foreigner from Asia is actually Cassandra. Cassandra (as herself) then steps forward and explains the situation (III 8). Tiridates is finally cured when he wakes up and is shown Cassandra in her own likeness (III 9). The next scene presents the city of Rome in flames; according to Agrippina, Nero is responsible for the fire (III 10). Anicetus warns Octavia that Agrippina is planning mischief and confesses his own love for her, but he is rejected (III 11). Yet Nero and Seneca discover them together; Nero regards this as proof of Octavia’s disloyalty although she protests her innocence. When Anicetus confesses the truth, Nero pardons him. But, despite Seneca’s admonishments, he sends Octavia into exile and orders Agrippina to be imprisoned (III 12). In her chamber Poppaea voices her joy in a triumphant aria (III 13). The final scene is set in an area near the Capitol. The opera closes with the coronation of Tiridates and the union of the two pairs of Nero and Poppaea as well as of Tiridates and Cassandra; even Seneca and Anicetus take part in the general well-wishing and praise (III 14). Analysis This opera is named after Nero (rather than Octavia or Poppaea). According to the librettist’s preface, Nero is meant to be the main character, a well-known example of a terrible individual, so that, in the writer’s view, no further background information is needed.173 The basic features of the plot and the setting are close to the Latin Octavia (and the historical record): Nero is in love with Poppaea and hence

_____________ 173 See ‘Vorrede’: “So tritt nunmehro auch der von allen Geschicht-Schreibern so grausahm beschriene Bluthund Nero auff hiesigen Schauplatz: Ein solches Tieger-Thier / das sich nicht gescheuet / der jenigen das Leben zu rauben / die ihm Leben / ja Cron und Zepter gegeben hatte: Ein solcher Wueterich / der seine tugendhaffte Gemahlin erwuerget / und mit unzehlichen Lastern das Hermelin seines Purpurs beflecket / verunehret / geschaendet: Ja ein solcher Unmensch / der zuletzt alle ihm erwiesene Dienste und Wohlthaten mit Blut und Mord belohnete. Und dahero achte ich es unnoethig zu seyn / den Inhalt gegenwaertiges Singspiels weitlaeufftig zu beschreiben / in Betrachtung / daß der Nahme Nero schon genug ist / das jenige zu erklaehren / was man sonst im Anfang zu entwerffen pfleget.” – ‘Now the bloodhound Nero, described by all historians as cruel, enters this stage. Such a tiger who was not ashamed to take away the life from her who had given him life, even crown and sceptre; such a violent person who has throttled his wife and has stained, dishonoured, abused the ermine of his purple gown with innumerable vices. Indeed, such an un-human person who eventually honoured all the services and benefits rendered to him with blood and death. And therefore I believe it to be unnecessary to indicate the contents of the present musical play in detail, considering that the name of Nero is already sufficient to explain what one usually sketches at the beginning.’

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intends to repudiate his present wife Octavia; in the end Octavia is exiled and Nero marries Poppaea (62 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.59.3–64), while this development cannot be stopped by Seneca’s frequent admonishments. Beyond that, the opera features further historical figures, not included in the Latin Octavia, but attested in connection with these events in ancient historiographers: Anicetus, a confidant of Nero, recalls the historical Anicetus, Nero’s former tutor (Tac. Ann. 14.3.3; Suet. Nero 35.2), who was involved in Agrippina’s assassination (Tac. Ann. 14.3.3; 14.7.4–5; 14.8.2–5) and in Octavia’s removal (Tac. Ann. 14.62; Suet. Nero 35.2).174 Otho is mentioned, as husband of Poppaea and governor of ‘Portugal’ (Tac. Ann. 13.45–46; 14.1.2), though he does not appear as a character (as in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea or Biancolelli’s Il Nerone).175 Since the poet admits in the preface that he has combined events against the established chronology,176 it is not surprising that Agrippina, Nero’s mother, is still alive (on her death in 59 CE see Tac. Ann. 14.1–8), while she appears as a shade from the underworld in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 593–645). On the other hand, the fire of Rome (dated by ancient historians to 64 CE: Tac. Ann. 15.38–44;

_____________ 174 Because of the presence of the figure of Anicetus, who is characterized as “Anicetus, des Kaeysers Mignon oder Liebling” in the list of characters, Harris (2001, 39–41) has offered an interpretation of the opera that is based on an alleged homosexual relationship between Nero and Anicetus. While it is true that the introductory characterization suggests such an aspect to the opera, in the body of the text Anicetus functions as a typical imperial servant, who conveys messages and even falls in love with Octavia. This initial characterization rather explains why Nero places so much trust in Anicetus and pardons him in the end, while the aspect of homosexuality does not come to the fore. The theme is not sufficiently prominent in the plot to warrant further conclusions on the interest of a homosexual Medici prince in Händel’s operas (see criticism in Strohm 2007, 220). 175 According to Harris (1989, xlii) and Dean / Knapp (1995, 69) the opera seems not to have any direct contemporary or recent dramatic model; instead the poet may have confined himself to ancient sources. At the same time Dean / Knapp (1995, 69) state that the framework of the plot is that of Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (saying later [70]: “Feustking can scarcely have known that he was following Monteverdi’s opera.”), which betrays the opera’s modern ancestry, even though there are differences in details. Stompor (1978, 43) confirms that Feustking does not mention any Italian model, but only ancient sources for the opera. Yet he also suggests that Feustking might have known Corradi’s Il Nerone, which had been shown in Leipzig in 1693. Wolff (1957, 1.250) assumes a great similarity between Feustking’s Nero and L’incoronazione di Poppea. 176 See ‘Vorrede’: “Im uebrigen hat der Verfasser die Aehnlichkeit der Geschicht mit einigen Fictionibus gleichsahm verdunckeln muessen / auch dahero ein und andere wieder die ZeitRechnung streitende Dinge / oder    μ einzumischen sich nicht entlegen koennen / welches ihm verhoffentlich so wenig zur Ignorance kan ausgeleget / so wenig es dem Plauto mag verdacht werden / daß er in Amphitruone den Schwur me hercle oder bey dem Hercules, gebrauchet / der doch erst nachmahls von der Alcmena gebohren ward.” – ‘As for the rest, the author almost had to hide the similarity of the story with some fictions and could not restrain himself from inserting one or two items against chronology, which hopefully will not be attributed to his ignorance, just as one does not criticize Plautus that he uses the oath me hercle or ‘by Hercules’ in Amphitruo, although Hercules will only be born later by Alcmena.’

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Suet. Nero 38) is also included in the plot (III 10), something threatened for the future in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 831–833), but there (as in Suet. Nero 38.1) clearly attributed to the emperor himself. Besides, the foreign king Tiridates, who came to Rome later in the 60s CE, is present in Rome at the time of Nero’s separation from Octavia, recalling earlier Nero dramas. When Tiridates asks to be given the kingdom of Armenia when he has come to an agreement with the Roman general Corbulo, this may be a reference to Cn. Domitius Corbulo (cos. suff. c. 45 CE), a general of many military successes, including the conquest of Armenia. Here Tiridates’ presence (attested for 66 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2– 24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7) does not alter the basic Nero-OctaviaPoppaea plot since it does not interfere with the traditional relationships among these three characters in the end. However, the inclusion of Tiridates adds another dimension to the love story: he loves Poppaea, despite having pledged loyalty to Cassandra. This duplicates the set-up of one man dealing with two women (with the two groups being linked by the figure of Poppaea), provides parallels and contrasts with the main love plot and thus emphasizes the theme of love as a key element of the opera. The situation among all the lovers is made particularly complex by a further addition: while Tiridates is not in Rome with his wife (as in other operas), his beloved, the Median princess Cassandra (at first in disguise), is present, and she feels betrayed by his behaviour. Thereby the motif of a betrayed woman is also doubled, and there is the added business of revealing Cassandra’s true identity as well as the name of the person depicted in the portrait that she carries. The presence of the two characters of Tiridates and Cassandra enables an ending consisting in a double marriage, after all misunderstandings have been resolved. This closure as well as the appearance of the beloved of the foreign king in disguise and the confusion arising from a portrait of one of the protagonists are reminiscent of Lazarino’s Il Nerone imperante. Here, however, in an innovative use of traditional features, the resolution of the confusions caused by the portrait and the lifting of the disguise of Tiridates’ beloved have been combined with the conventional sleep scene, with Tiridates asleep (III 6; III 8–9). That Agrippina is still alive (as in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone or in Noris’ Nerone fatto Cesare) makes it possible to develop the relationship between Agrippina and her son as well as her attitude towards Nero’s marriage plans on stage, details that are only hinted at in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 90–99; 126–129; 593–645). Agrippina joins Seneca in arguing against Nero’s plans for a new wife (I 10) and supports Octavia (II 2). Her assassination by her son is foreshadowed when she, almost killed by a falling piece of masonry, regards Nero as the cause (II 1); she also considers him responsible for the fire of Rome (III 10). The addition of Agrippina, who suffers from Nero’s arbitrary wielding of his power (III 12), thus serves to intensify the presentation of Nero’s cruelty towards family members. However, she, on her part, attempts to arrange for Nero’s death (II 3). The motifs of Agrippina’s opposition to Nero’s marriage with Poppaea, of Nero’s turning

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against her and of her announcement of Nero’s death in her monologue in Octavia (Oct. 593–645) are thus distributed over several scenes and integrated into the plot, in line with the fact that Agrippina is a real character in the opera. Seneca is also present as a character, just as in the Latin Octavia, Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea and other operas. In his ‘traditional’ function as a mentor and political adviser, Seneca tries to educate Nero and to encourage him to act like a responsible ruler, to remain loyal to Octavia and not to be governed by personal desires (I 10; I 15; II 6–8; III 12). Seneca himself remains untainted by moral degeneration, lamenting the decline of Rome’s standards to the present intolerable state (II 8), and he stays true to his principles when Agrippina cannot bribe him into killing Nero (II 3–4). He even seems initially successful in convincing Nero to reunite himself with Octavia and to reconcile himself with his mother (II 6–7), although this is prepared for by Nero wrongly suspecting Poppaea of ‘betraying’ him (I 15). Yet against Poppaea’s attractiveness and her influence on Nero, Seneca’s moral admonishments lose their effect (III 7). Overall, Seneca’s capacity as a philosopher is not highlighted since he does not deliver fundamental expositions on moral or political behaviour. Indirectly, however, Seneca is presented as belonging to this group when an appearance of his is followed by a mocking aria about various ancient philosophers and schools of philosophy, sung by the freedman Graptus (II 11). A Graptus is attested as a freedman at the imperial court, where he had been since the time of emperor Tiberius; that he denounces a nobleman in the Neronian period might have suggested his critical and irreverent attitude in the opera (Tac. Ann. 13.47.1). Within the tradition of Nero operas, ridicule of philosophers as an entertaining element goes back to Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea. Other comic interludes in this opera or the feature of a play within the play (II 7; III 1; III 3), as in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone or Corradi’s Il Nerone, are in line with the conventions of the period, as are dancing (I 16), an idyllic scene where the characters are shown fishing (II 1) and a high proportion of ballets.177 The element of a play within the play (II 7; III 1; III 3) has a particular nuance since it is a play written by Nero, which alludes to the artistic pretensions of the historical Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21). These traditional elements of operatic presentation contribute to emphasizing the contrast between what is morally right and the degeneration under Nero’s rule: Seneca criticizes the dancing (I 16) and the performance of Nero’s play (II 7). And when Octavia is fishing peacefully,

_____________ 177 See Dean / Knapp 1995, 69 [critical of the libretto]: “… he [sc. Feustking] throws in sub-plots and extra characters galore and every stock device known to the operatic repertory – disguise, attempted suicide and matricide, temporary insanity, a misinterpreted portrait, slumber on stage, intrigues by the queen mother, a comic servant mocking his social superiors, the burning of Rome, a play within a play (Nero in his capacity as author), and much else.”, 70: “In Act II we find Octavia fishing, a harmless and sensible hobby often indulged in by misused heroines in Baroque opera.”

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Agrippina, who has just escaped from a falling piece of masonry, enters: she regards this incident as an assassination attempt on the part of her own son (II 1). That the opera starts with the funeral and deification of the recently deceased emperor Claudius (in 54 CE; Tac. Ann. 12.66–69) and that Octavia later buries his ashes, accusing Nero of having killed her father and her brother (I 1; I 7–8), recalls the Latin Octavia, where Octavia’s grief over the death of her brother Britannicus and her father Claudius (Oct. 25–33; 67–69; 103; 166–173) is expressed vividly (cf. Silvani, La fortezza al cimento). Beyond that, Octavia’s lamenting and her performance of rituals in honour of her father serve as arguments for Nero to repudiate her since he gets the impression that she feels a greater attachment to her family than to him (I 9–10). When a song ridiculing the hypocrisy at funerals follows (I 11), Nero’s imperial court is clearly shown as a place where ordinary moral behaviour is not upheld. The deaths of Octavia’s father and brother, along with her own repudiation, remove the Julio-Claudian family from power, which adds a dynastic aspect to Nero’s conduct. However, this political focus is not developed, and except for some admonishments to Nero on the part of Seneca to behave more responsibly, a political dimension is not prominent within the plot because there is no opposition with respect to either domestic or foreign policy: in comparison with other operas, there is no conspiracy, no rebellion of the People, no debate of the position of the foreign king in Rome, no consequences to the distribution of power in the world, no uprising in the provinces and no discussion of the dynastic obstacles to Nero’s new relationship. Therefore, while the basic plot, the dramatis personae and the complex love affairs are similar to the Latin Octavia (further developed by elements of the operatic tradition), the opera’s connection to Octavia seems slight as regards the political meaning; for despite the historical setting there are no references to the specific political situation in Rome. However, with a clear condemnation of a morally depraved ruler, the opera comes close to the Latin Octavia.178

_____________ 178 For a description of the opera’s message see also Stompor 1978, 44: “Wie schon bei “Almira” hat Feustking auch hier wieder nach den historischen Motiven ein fesselndes Bühnengeschehen gestaltet, das deutlich auf eine Anklage der Tyrannei und Verurteilung von höfischen Lastern hinzielt. Die Handlung ist kühn und phantasievoll konzipiert und wird von interessanten, profilierten Charakteren getragen. … Im Mittelpunkt der … Handlung steht die raffiniert und brutal betriebene Trennung Neros von seiner Frau Octavia und dessen Verbindung mit seiner Favoritin Poppea, die er schließlich auf den Thron erhebt. Enthüllt werden dabei die Verworfenheit des von Nero errichteten Gewaltregimes und seine heimtückischen Machenschaften.”

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2.12 Feind, Octavia (1705) Background Die Roemische Unruhe. Oder: Die Edelmuehtige Octavia. (‘The Roman unrest, or: The magnanimous Octavia’) (a Musicalisches Schau-Spiel in three acts),179 to a libretto by Barthold Feind and with music by Reinhard Keiser, was first performed in the ‘Oper am Gänsemarkt’ on 5 August 1705 and thus was the second opera on the subject of Nero shown in Hamburg in 1705 (after Feustking’s and Händel’s Nero; see ch. 2.11).180 The libretto comes from Barthold Feind (1678–1721) and was later published in a collection of Feind’s writings, entitled Deutsche Gedichte (Stade 1708), which includes several of his librettos with their prefaces as well as his literary treatise Gedancken von der Opera, revealing contemporary views on opera;181 the libretto to Octavia (like that to Nero) was discussed in Theatralische / Galante und Geistliche Gedichte by Christian Friedrich Hunold (published under the

_____________ 179 In the original score the opera was entitled Octavia Drama musicale del R-do Cesare 1705 (see Schulze 1938, 85–86). – There are a few minor differences between the libretto and the score: the score has additional arias in I 11, III 9 and III 15, and the numbering differs for scenes I 5 and II 13 and following. But these divergences do not affect the meaning or the overall structure of the opera. Yet Schulze (1938, 85–86) says that the libretto and the score differ considerably and that the libretto represents a revised and abridged version. – The present synopsis and analysis are based on the libretto print of 1708 (available as a 1989 reprint). 180 The relationship between the two composers Händel and Keiser, who both produced an Almira and a Nero / Octavia in Hamburg in the same or two successive years, has been much discussed among musicologists. This situation may have arisen less due to reasons of rivalry, but rather owing to practical concerns, since Keiser was away in Weißenfels in 1704/05, where the first performance of his Almira took place. When he returned to Hamburg, he might have wished to display his virtuosity there by his Octavia in comparison with Händel’s Nero (on the relationship of the two men see Wolff 1957, 1.243; Stompor 1978; Baselt 1979; Braun 1985; Roberts 1990; Dean / Knapp 1995, 38–39, 71; Pegah 2004 [with slightly different solutions]; see also n. 185 below). – For different views on the relationship between Nero and Octavia see Stompor 1978, 46: “Keiser mißfielen die unerwarteten Erfolge des jungen Debutanten [i.e. Händel]. Er wollte zeigen, wie viel besser er eine Oper komponieren könne und vertonte das von Feind umgestaltete Nero-Textbuch noch einmal.” vs. Dean / Knapp 1995, 71: “What is indisputable is that there is no real parallel between the librettos. Feind deploys some of the same characters – Nero, Seneca, and Tiridates as well as Octavia – and there is an inevitable similarity in their postures, but the central intrigue is quite different. Agrippina, Otho, and above all Poppea are conspicuous by their absence. Octavia is very much the central figure. Nero falls in love with Tiridates’s betrothed Ormoena and orders Octavia to kill herself so that he can marry her. This provokes an unsuccessful rebellion led by Piso. Octavia, primed by Seneca, poses as a ghost when Nero is asleep and causes his better nature to reassert itself, with the result that the rebels are pardoned, three pairs of lovers reconciled, and all ends in sweetness and light, a conclusion much closer to traditional opera seria.” 181 For an English version see Bianconi 1987, 311–326; on Feind and his theoretical writings see Hsu 1976; Flaherty 1978, 53–65; Gauthier 2005.

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pseudonym Menantes) in 1706 (pp. 108–114). Barthold Feind’s father had been a scholar and teacher in Hamburg; Feind himself attended the Johanneum, a wellknown humanist school (‘Gymnasium’), in Hamburg and then studied law in Wittenberg and Halle. Later he returned to Hamburg, where he worked as a lawyer and writer, and he took an active part in local politics. Because of his satiric writings he had to leave the city in 1707 and was hanged in effigy; some of his writings were burned. Hence he moved to Stade; a few years later, however, he was able to return to Hamburg, having been rehabilitated. He became involved in the Swedish-Danish War, and was imprisoned for a while. Finally he was appointed vicar at the cathedral in Hamburg, where he remained until his death. Feind produced dramatic scripts in Hamburg from about 1702 onwards; Octavia was his first collaboration with the composer Reinhard Keiser. Feind is regarded as one of the most important librettists of his time and wrote a number of librettos for composers such as Christoph Graupner and Georg Friedrich Händel besides Reinhard Keiser. Feind shows himself well aware that ancient sources frequently provided the basis for opera librettos when he says in the preface to Masagniello furioso. Oder: Die Neapolitanische Fischer-Empoerung (1706) that, for a change, the subject of this opera has not been taken from antiquity.182 The libretto to Octavia was set to music by Reinhard Keiser (1674–1739).183 Keiser received his main musical education at the ‘Thomasschule’ in Leipzig (1685–1692). Afterwards he first worked for the court in Brunswick and then moved to Hamburg in c. 1695–97, where he quickly assumed an important position in the city’s musical life. From 1703 onwards he was a co-director and director of the opera house at various points. In those years, during which the Hamburg opera house saw a series of crises, Keiser produced music for Hamburg and other north-German venues as well as for Copenhagen. From 1723 Keiser again focused on the Hamburg opera, then directed by Georg Philipp Telemann (1681–1767). Yet, after having become musical director (‘Kantor’) at the cathedral in Hamburg in 1728, Keiser no longer composed operas. During his time in Hamburg Keiser produced more than 60 works for its opera house. Keiser published a collection of arias and recitatives from his operas Almira and Octavia in 1706 (COMPONIMENTI MUSICALI. Oder: Teutsche und Italiaenische ARIEN, nebst unterschiedlichen Recitativen aus ALMIRA und OCTAVIA. Wie solche gesetzt und auffgeführet worden durch Reinhard Keysern / Hoch-Fuerstl.

_____________ 182 See Feind 1708, Masagniello furioso, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 255. 183 The choral arias / minuets ‘Amor, Amor reitzt zum springen’ and ‘Hebet und senket’ (I 13) are by Pantaleon Hebenstreit (1667–1750), presumably survivals from a first version of Octavia planned for Weißenfels, where Hebenstreit was dancing-master (see n. 185 below; see also Roberts 1990, 64; Marx / Schröder 1995, 331).

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Mecklenburgischen Capell-Meistern / und der Hamburgischen Opern Directorn, Hamburg 1706).184 Octavia was Feind’s first libretto, and it initiated a series of eight historical dramas with librettos by Barthold Feind and music by Reinhard Keiser. The germ of Octavia seems to go back to Keiser’s stay in Weißenfels in 1704/05. In the preface to the opera Feind claims that he maintained only a few elements of a half-finished Weißenfels libretto that he was given and instead produced his own new version; he stresses his independence and his intention to create a new and different piece.185 Feind also insists on the dramatist’s right to combine elements

_____________ 184 Previously, Reinhard Keiser had composed Die verdammte Staat-Sucht, oder Der verführte Claudius (Sing-Spiel in three acts; music lost), to a libretto by Hinrich Hinsch (1650/60–1712), first performed in the ‘Oper am Gänsemarkt’ in Hamburg in 1703, centring round Messalina, the wife of the emperor Claudius, Nero’s predecessor, and her love affair with Silius, a Roman nobleman. This piece became an important source for borrowings for Händel’s later operas, for instance Agrippina (ch. 2.13). 185 See Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, pp. 118–119: “Das Sujet dieses Schau-Spiels ist zuerst in Weissenfels / ehe und bevor Nero allhier aufgefuehret / verfasset / und biß auf die Helffte ausgearbeitet worden. Nachdem man mir aber das Werck gezeiget / und anbey dessen Vollziehung aufgetragen / so habe bey der Durchlesung befunden / daß es die Umstaende schwerlich zuliessen / des Herrn Verfassers Propos auszufuehren / ich auch lieber etwas neues selbst machen wollte / als andre Arbeit zumustern: darum ich ausser den Namen der Octavia, und einige Reflexions auf die Auffuehrung des Piso, nichts behalten.” – ‘The plot of this drama was first composed in Weissenfels, before Nero was staged here, with half of it written up. After I was shown the work and asked to complete it, I found in reading through that the circumstances hardly allowed me to realize the intentions of the original author and I preferred to create something new myself rather than dealing with other people’s work. Therefore I have not kept anything except the name of Octavia and some reflections on the behaviour of Piso.’; see also Feind, Lob-Schriftt auff den beruehmten Virtuosen Herrn Reinhard Keysern, stanza 11 (in: Keiser, Componimenti musicali): “Blaest nicht die Eifersucht den Neid in manche Brust? / Steht freche Schaelsucht nicht bereit / dein Lob zu daempffen / Wie in Octavien die suesse Liebes Lust? / Hier sieht man warlich dich mit allen Kuenstlern kaempffen. / Wie / wenn die Heroin ihr Ungelueck bethraent / Verworffen vom Gemahl in ihrer Unschuld irret / Duenckt nicht gantz eigentlich / als wenn der Nachklang girret / Der Turtel-Taube gleich / die nach den Gatten sehnt: / Auch unsre Schau-Burg so nach deinem Widerkommen / Gesehnet / als Weissenfels den Kaeyser ihr genommen.” – ‘Does jealousy not create envy in the hearts of some? Is not daring jealousy ready to subdue your praise, such as the sweet desire of love in Octavia? Here you can indeed be seen fighting with all artists. Just as when the heroine cries about her misfortune, abandoned by her husband, errs in her innocence, does not seem to be completely real but for the echo, similar to the dove who longs for her husband: our theatre too was thus longing for your return when Weissenfels had taken Kaeyser away from it.’ – The libretto of a Singspiel entitled Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder, performed in Weißenfels on 5 November 1685 (ch. 2.5), cannot be the model alluded to (which has been suggested, for instance, by Stompor 1978, 43), since it features neither Octavia nor Piso. If there is any connection to the extant Weißenfels piece, this play might have provoked the inclusion of Nero’s flight from Rome in Feind’s opera. For this Weißenfels libretto contains a corresponding series of scenes; yet there they are natural and in line with the historical tradition because the play deals with Nero being deposed. In Feind this event becomes connected with Nero’s love affairs and his dismissal of Octavia several years earlier, but this detail is convenient for displaying Nero’s change of mind

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against the chronological order for the sake of effective scenes, memorable characters and an impressive presentation of the message.186 As a result of his education at a humanist school, Feind was widely read in classical literature; in his literary writings he mentions the names of Aristotle, Plato, Sophocles, Xenophon, Plautus, Terence, Cicero, Petronius and Tacitus and also refers to some of their works. Besides, he was familiar with the major librettists and dramatists of his time. For instance, he refers to Matteo Noris and Francesco Silvani in his writings;187 borrowings from Andreas Gryphius’ Papinianus (1659) and Daniel Casper von Lohenstein’s Cleopatra (1661) have been detected in Feind’s Octavia.188 Further, it has been suggested that parts of Octavia’s action were taken over from Giulio Cesare Corradi’s Il Nerone (ch. 2.4) or that the twelve Italian arias in the libretto might come from this opera.189 Bibliographical information190 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Barthold Feind (1678–1721) / Reinhard Keiser (1674–1739) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Die Roemische Unruhe. Oder: Die Edelmuehtige Octavia. Musicalisches Schau-Spiel, in: Barth. Feindes / Lt. Deutsche Gedichte / Bestehend in Musicalischen Schau-Spielen / Lob- Glückwünschungs- Verliebten und Moralischen Gedichten / Ernst- und Schertzhafften Sinn- und Grabschrifften / Satyren / Cantaten und allerhand Gattungen. Sammt einer Vorrede Von dem Temperament und Gemühts-Beschaffenheit eines Poeten / und Gedancken von der Opera. Erster Theil. Mit Kupffern und einem vollständigen Register. [Stade 1708] MODERN EDITIONS: Chrysander 1902 (score); Marigold 1989 (libretto; reprint of 1708 edition) SCHOLARSHIP: Wolff 1957, 1.250–258; Deane 1974; Zelm 1975; Flaherty 1978, 53–65; Baselt 1979;

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and character as suggested in the preface. The Weißenfels libretto also features the motif of dissatisfaction with Nero’s policy among his subjects. Braun (1985, 64) suggests that the Weißenfels piece may have been inspired by the performance of Nero in Leipzig in 1693 (ch. 2.4) and written by Erdmann Neumeister (1671–1756), who was court deacon at the time. – On the difficult question of the pre-history of the libretto to Feind’s Octavia see e.g. Wolff 1957, 1.251 n. 53; Zelm 1975, 53; Händel-Handbuch 1985, 4.24; Koch 1994, 94–95; Schröder 1996, 328– 329 and n. 18; Drauschke 2004, 17. See Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 119. See Feind 1708, Gedancken von der Opera, p. 84; Sueno, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 334. See Watanabe-O’Kelly 1982. See Wolff 1957, 1.251 n. 53; Bianconi 1985, 651; Dean / Knapp 1995, 71–72. See Marx / Schröder 1995, 331, no. 234.

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Marx / Meyer 1980, 4.100–103; Watanabe-O’Kelly 1982; Marigold 1983, 11*–50*; 1989, 9–90; Roberts 1990; Schröder 1995, 331–332; 1996; Koch 2000; Drauschke 2004; Pegah 2004; Manuwald 2005 [2007] information on the opera, librettist and composer: Marx 2008, 610–614; Buelow at OMOa; Roberts at OMOa; OMOb

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Flora mit einigen Zefiren und Amouretten – Nero, Roemischer Kaeyser – Octavia, dessen Gemahlin – Tiridates, Koenig aus Armenien – Ormoena, des Koenigs Gemahlin – Livia, eine Latinische Princessin / mit dem Kaeyser verwandt – Piso, ein Campanischer Fuerst und Roemischer Patritius – Clelia, eine Florentinische Princessin – Fabius, Kaeyserl. General – Seneca, ein Stoischer Philosophus und Kaeyserl. Raht – Lepidus, ein CammerHerr – Davus, Hof-Fourir – Sporus, des Kaeysers Freygelassner. Im Spiel stumm – Einige Roemische Fuersten / Cavalliers, Dames, Edel-Knaben / Fischer / Soldaten / Gratien / auffruehrische Buerger. etc.

The FIRST ACT opens in a great hall with everything ready for the coronation of Tiridates, king of Armenia, and his wife Ormoena. The Roman People praise the emperor, while the philosopher Seneca, the emperor’s adviser, comments with sceptical remarks, doubting whether this flattery will ensure the emperor’s position (I 1). Nero and his wife Octavia confirm their love for each other, and Nero has Tiridates called in (I 2). Octavia expresses her surprise at this turn of events, when the arrival of Tiridates is announced (I 3). Nero crowns Tiridates and Ormoena, to the disapproval of two Romans, the ‘imperial general’ Fabius and the ‘Campanian duke and Roman patrician’ Piso; Nero falls in love with Ormoena and announces festivities on this very night in honour of the new royalty (I 4). Octavia realizes Nero’s infidelity and laments her fate. Still, she tells herself to be magnanimous and loyal, which might impress him (I 5). The scene changes to an open square in the city of Rome; it shows the ‘Latin princess’ Livia, who laments the torments of love (I 6). Fabius enters and confesses his love, but she is not equally touched (I 7). He reflects on his experiences and hopes for a better future (I 8). Fabius and the chamberlain Lepidus discuss the peace treaty with Tiridates and the reactions among the populace; an uprising led by Piso is expected (I 9). When Piso enters, he expresses his love for Octavia (I 10). The ‘Florentine princess’ Clelia informs Piso that Nero has had the house of ‘Lucius’ destroyed because of his opposition to the peace with Tiridates; this supports Piso’s planning (I 11). When he has left, Clelia reveals that telling him this news was a trick to have him go away and give her time to deal with her complicated erotic situation (I 12). The scene changes to a courtyard of the imperial palace including an amphitheatre, while Gods of Love are floating around, suspended by machines. All the protagonists perform a dance (a minuet) and sing an aria in praise of Love, while

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they comment on the situation and their respective love affairs; a sumptuous banquet follows (I 13). The beginning of the SECOND ACT features a park between the Capitoline Hill and the Colosseum. Lepidus arrives and confesses his love to Clelia, who does not return his affection; she leaves, and he follows her (II 1). Nero meets Ormoena; he declares that he is in love with her and announces his intention to remove Octavia. Ormoena hesitates to leave Tiridates and to replace the empress and Nero’s rightful wife; she fears becoming a potential cause of the latter’s death (II 2). After she has eventually agreed, as Nero tries to dismiss all her fears, he immediately orders the unwilling Lepidus to tell Octavia to take her own life (II 3). Tiridates laments the torments occasioned by love and hears (as well as Clelia from afar) of Nero’s orders from Lepidus (II 4). Clelia bemoans the fact that she did not manage to meet her lover (II 5). In a street in the region of Tibur Octavia bemoans her fate, but urges herself to bear it heroically (II 6). Piso enters and informs Octavia that Nero has decided to repudiate and kill her; she accepts the news with quiet mind. In loyalty to her husband she rejects the approaches of Piso, who loves her (II 7). Meanwhile Clelia longs for Tiridates (II 8). The next scene shows a big pond in the imperial park, where the emperor and his entourage are fishing. The main protagonists catch different fish, while others, primarily the comic character Davus (a kind of logistics servant), comment on the connection between their catch and their respective current situations. Eventually Nero orders the group to move to a dramatic performance and asks Octavia to repair to an estate out of town, where she will receive further instructions from Lepidus. At this point a violent thunderstorm and torrential rain break out, but pass by rather quickly (II 9). However, this incident leads to a dialogue between Octavia and Ormoena: Ormoena addresses the former reverently, but Octavia suspects her of aiming at her position (II 10). Ormoena thinks about her situation (II 11). In the Julian Street Tiridates complains about the bad consequences of his visit to Rome and tells Fabius his plight (II 12). Livia enters and kindles the love of both men; she rejects Tiridates’ advances by reminding him of his wife (II 13). Meanwhile, Piso organizes a campaign against Nero’s policy because liberty has been suppressed, the constitutional monarchy is disregarded and brutal force reigns (II 14). Octavia is shown on a rural estate, where she prepares for her death (II 15). When she points the dagger at herself, Piso intervenes and saves her life. Nero watches the beginning of the scene, but leaves when he is overwhelmed by his emotions at seeing Octavia’s plight (II 16). The act finds a light closure, when Davus visits a cemetery to gather the ingredients for a love potion and inspects some of the graves, on which he comments comically (II 17). The THIRD ACT moves to the philosopher Seneca in his study, praising tranquillity (III 1). When Nero enters and orders him to attend the performance in the theatre, Seneca voices criticism of the present political situation in Rome and of Nero’s behaviour against this background, but Nero dismisses his objections (III 2). As a complement to Seneca’s portrayal, the comic character Davus subse-

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quently ridicules him (III 3). The next scene is set in Nero’s private theatre, packed with his entourage and the Roman People. The theatrical performance gets under way; while it is in progress, the rebellion breaks out (III 4). Near the Esquiline Hill Piso is soon taken into custody by Fabius and the emperor’s men; Piso’s followers are dispersed (III 5). Fabius and Livia confess their mutual love, and Fabius sets out to ask for Nero’s permission for their union (III 6). The revolt has made Nero flee Rome. Out in the fields he thinks about his downfall, his present desperate situation and his previous misdeeds (III 8). On Seneca’s advice, Octavia appears to the sleeping Nero in the guise of her own ghost, laments her fate and reproaches Nero with her murder (III 7; III 9).191 Nero is moved by this appearance and wishes to reconcile himself with Octavia, which he believes to be impossible (III 10). When Fabius and his men arrive, Nero hides himself. However, they tell him that Piso’s rebellion has been suppressed and that Piso has been taken into custody. Nero is full of gratitude and gives his permission to Fabius’ marriage (III 11). When the action returns to Rome, Tiridates and Ormoena are reunited, and Piso has been sentenced to death because of his role in the rebellion and his failure to prevent Octavia’s death. People wait for Nero to arrive and to implement the sentence (III 12). Clelia eventually answers Lepidus’ love since she has no longer anything else to hope for after Tiridates has gone (III 13). Seneca moves to the Capitoline Hill (III 14). Nero arrives in imperial splendour, ready to punish the rebels. As Piso is about to be executed, Seneca pleads for him and tells Nero that it was Piso who saved Octavia’s life and that she appeared as her own ghost. Nero is relieved; all couples are reconciled and united, and Piso receives a plot of land. A praise of Love, who turns misfortune and grief to the better by playfulness and laughter (recalling the earlier aria on Love), closes the opera (III 15). Analysis This opera, named after Octavia, presents the historical and dramatic figures Nero, Octavia and Seneca; it revolves around a plot that is focused on Nero’s intention to abandon his wife Octavia because of a new love as well as on the opposition of others to his plans and to his way of ruling. While there are additional characters and plot features, the basic set-up displays similarities to various elements of the Latin Octavia: the inclusion of Seneca as a character, whose conversation with Nero has no immediate effect (I 1; III 2; Oct. 377–592); the appearance of a shade of a female close relative of Nero, who reproaches him (III 9; Oct. 593–645); or the fact that a servant, whose loyalty has just been confirmed, is ordered to arrange for Octavia’s removal despite his reluctance (II 3; Oct.

_____________ 191 This scene is illustrated by an engraving in the 1708 print of Feind’s librettos.

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844–876; cf. also Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea; Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia). At the same time, in line with his claim to poetic freedom, as outlined in the preface, the poet has combined Nero’s desire for a new partner in 62 CE with his flight from Rome, which, according to Suetonius, occurred shortly before Nero’s death in 68 CE (Suet. Nero 47–49), and with the so-called Pisonian Conspiray of 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.65.2; 15.48–59).192 Moreover, the librettist has added the presence of the Armenian king Tiridates in Rome, which is attested for 66 CE in the historical record (Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7).193 The combination of these incidents allows for a more differentiated character portrayal of Nero, one of the aims of the opera according to the preface.194 Another prerequisite for the nuanced presentation of Nero is the different identity of his new love: it is not the ‘historical’ Poppaea, but the fictional character Ormoena, the wife of king Tiridates. No person of this name appears in the historical record or in earlier operas on the subject, but objects of Nero’s love other than Poppaea appear elsewhere. Feind admits in the preface that he has invented a significant part of the story, in order to create a plausible plot as the overall result.195 Indeed, a love affair between Nero and a non-historical character has no predetermined result and gives the poet greater freedom to shape a probable story.196 In the end, Feind’s Nero does not marry his new love, but repents and is reunited with his rightful wife Octavia (cf. Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia), while Ormoena is returned to her husband (like Gilde in Corradi’s Il Nerone). The reason for this turn of events is that, according to the preface, one of the central aims of the opera is to present Nero as a developing character, as a ‘Sanguineo-Phlegmaticus’, who experiences a change of fortune and is greatly affected thereby.197 Therefore Nero, though first appearing as the typical lascivious, egotistic and tyrannical ruler, comes to experience the instability of good fortune by the political turbulences and by Seneca’s advice and intervention, which gradually makes him realize the situation: watching Octavia’s preparations for the suicide ordered by him, Nero is moved by the sight (II 16); he is admonished by Seneca, though without any immediate impact (III 2). The final effect is caused by his flight from Rome as a consequence of the rebellion and the appearance of

_____________ 192 See Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 119. – Besides, Feind identifies Petronius (Sat. 27.5– 6) as the model for one of the scenes (III 8), since this author well described Nero’s lascivious character (Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 119). 193 See also Schröder 1996, 327. 194 See Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, pp. 119–120. 195 See Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 120. 196 On the poetic potential of this change see also Drauschke 2004, 17. 197 See Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, pp. 119–120. – On this aspect see e.g. Wolff 1957, 1.251; Drauschke 2004, 17.

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‘Octavia’s shade’ as arranged by Seneca (III 7–9). This scene takes up the motif of the confusion of a male protagonist owing to wrong information about his beloved conveyed by herself (as in Feustking’s Nero). The cause for Nero’s internal development therefore is an external reason, but what Nero experiences has been predicted by Seneca from the outset and agrees with the moral and political doctrines he promotes. In Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea Nerone eventually appreciates Drusilla’s virtue and is therefore moved to reduce the punishment; thus the two pieces agree in that both operatic Neros are open to positive influences. Yet in L’incoronazione di Poppea Nerone’s overall attitude remains unchanged (as in the Latin Octavia). A Nero responsive to better insights requires a different object of his love (as in Corradi’s Il Nerone) or an even more obvious deviation from the historical record. Such a development in this opera is supported by the behaviour of Nero’s beloved: Ormoena does not actively pursue a marriage with Nero as Poppaea does in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.1; 14.61–62.1) or in L’incoronazione di Poppea; instead she is rather reluctant, just as her counterparts in the Latin Octavia and in some earlier operas. Since a reunion has two partners, another factor contributing to the eventual solution is the specific character portrayal of Octavia. She is called ‘noble’ or ‘magnanimous’ in the title, and she remains loyal and ready for reunion despite Nero’s rejection, thereby recalling Nero’s wife in Silvani’s La fortezza al cimento and also Drusilla in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea. As if adhering to philosophical doctrines, Octavia remains tranquil, loyal and generous even in bad fortune (II 6). When she first hears of the emperor’s command to take her own life, she reacts like a Stoic sage (II 7): she will follow the order with pleasure, thereby recalling the Seneca of L’incoronazione di Poppea. Another element enabling the opera’s particular set-up is the shaping of Seneca’s activity and his interaction with Nero. Seneca functions both as a reminder of the instability of good fortune and as a supporter of Octavia. His portrayal exhibits similarities to the Latin Octavia (Oct. 377–592) with respect to both formal structure and content: Seneca’s major appearance consists of a monologue (III 1) and a subsequent dialogue with Nero, in which Nero is not convinced by Seneca’s criticism of Rome’s disappointing situation in domestic and foreign politics and by attempts to dissuade him from a relationship with his new love (III 2). Like his predecessors, this Nero dismisses Seneca and his reservations (Oct. 588–589; Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea; Corradi, Il Nerone). In the Latin Octavia the dialogue between Seneca and Nero on principles of proper rule turns to Nero’s marriage plans in its second part (Oct. 530–592). In the opera Seneca and Nero never discuss this latter topic. However, other characters, even Ormoena herself, express criticism of Nero’s intentions (II 2), while he brushes this aside like his classical model; Piso organizes a campaign because of Nero’s tyrannical reign (II 14). Thus Seneca is not isolated in his resistance, just as in the Latin Octavia his views are supported by a prefect (Oct. 846–876) and by choruses representing the Roman People (Oct. 669–689; 820–876; 877–898). Consequently, even though the opera’s Seneca argues on a moral and philosoph-

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ical level, the final political and social result agrees with the intentions of other figures looking at the issue from different perspectives. Since in the opera the dialogue between Seneca and Nero is set in Seneca’s study and is motivated by Nero’s disapproval of Seneca’s continuous reading (III 1–2), Seneca is introduced as a philosopher. Throughout Seneca is presented as a philosopher whose doctrines do not prove immediately successful with a variety of characters (I 1; I 14; II 9); accordingly, the comic character Davus ridicules him (III 3; cf. Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea; Feustking, Nero).198 Still, even after his dismissal by Nero and his ridicule by Davus, Seneca continues to contribute to the eventual positive solution. His taking action, which is based on the same principles as his advice, is clearly successful; he therefore remains a plausible representative of morals. Even though the change of fortune in the wake of the rebellion is its initial cause, Nero’s transformation is triggered when Seneca and Octavia devise the plan that Octavia should appear to Nero as her own ghost, remind him of her fidelity and reproach him for his fury (III 7; III 9). This effective means brings his misdeeds home to Nero and provokes his repentance; Nero then starts to realize what Seneca has preached. Thereby Seneca is instrumental in causing Nero’s repentance, though by his interferences rather than by convincing Nero of philosophical concepts. In the final scene Seneca helps Nero draw the consequences of his change by letting him know the facts: he informs Nero that Piso saved Octavia’s life and that she was her own ghost, which provides relief to Nero and leads to a general reconciliation (III 15). A trial for the political rebels (III 12–15) recalls Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia. This scenario at the end of the opera shows that the philosopher Seneca contributed to initiating a moral transformation in Nero, supported by the dramatic development of the rebellion.199 The political dimension of the plot is mainly represented by the addition of the Pisonian Conspiracy, in which Seneca is not involved. It remains unclear whether Nero, who reconciles himself with the leader Piso, will be affected by the plans of the conspirators. The two aspects of the story and its outcome are encompassed by the double title of the opera, thereby distributing the two aspects that make up the Latin Octavia among different individuals, yet still combining personal and political issues. The simultaneous presentation of multiple love affairs, the inclusion of a scene showing the main characters going fishing (II 9) and a sleep scene (III 7–9)

_____________ 198 This scene is a tribute to the conventions of the period since in his theoretical treatise Feind laments that a comic character is now required for each opera (Gedancken von der Opera, pp. 103–104). – On the ridicule of philosophers as a conventional motif see Wolff 1957, 1.144–145; also Watanabe-O’Kelly 1982, 211. 199 See Feind’s own characterization of Seneca (Feind 1708, Octavia, ‘Vorbericht’, p. 120). – After Nero has been saved and rescued and his whereabouts are reported to Seneca, he hopes that Nero is well and thanks the gods for Nero’s good fortune (III 14). This perhaps somewhat surprising reaction might indicate that Seneca did not intend to depose Nero, but rather to teach him a lesson.

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or the performance of a play within the play (III 4) as a comment on the main plot (just as scenes of ridicule by servants) are tributes to conventions of the period, also found in earlier dramatizations (e.g. Biancolelli, Il Nerone; Corradi, Il Nerone; Silvani, La fortezza al cimento; Feustking, Nero). In fact, because of the close chronological connection between Feind’s libretto and the preceding version of the same events by Feustking and due to the tensions between the two librettists, some of those features in Feind might have been intended to top Feustking’s version: for instance, in Feustking it is only Octavia who goes fishing, while this applies to all characters in Feind and is used as an occasion for comments on their respective situation (II 9); there is an even larger number of pairs of lovers, with lots of crossover and misunderstanding.200 Although there are various kinds of overlap between this libretto and a number of earlier pieces on Nero, the largest number of significant similarities concerns Corradi’s Il Nerone (ch. 2.4; although the two pieces differ in details of staging and plot): the assemblage of protagonists is broadly the same, particularly since, in addition to the main ‘historical’ characters, there are an additional couple of Fabius and Clelia, which leads to further complications, the involvement of an imperial servant Lepidus and a wife of king Tiridate (Gilde / Ormoena); the Pisonian Conspiracy, led by the character Piso, plays a major role; in the end Nero repents, and all chracters are reconciled. It is therefore possible that for the Hamburg opera structures from Corradi’s version have been combined with features ultimately based on the Latin Octavia and other ancient sources, while contemporary formal constraints have also been observed. The fully developed concept of a change in the character of Nero as well as a fusion of elements connected with the story of Nero that appear elsewhere, but not in this particular combination, suggest that Feind fulfilled the claims of his preface and created a distinctive version. As Corradi’s opera, in German adaptation, had recently been performed in Leipzig (1693), its libretto is likely to have been known to opera producers in northern Germany. In this context the precise impact of the underlying Weißenfels libretto must remain uncertain, since Feind’s report in the preface may have been influenced by his argumentative purposes. At any rate, because of Feind’s wide reading and his literary interests, it is plausible that it was he who combined material from ancient and modern predecessors to create the final version of this opera’s libretto.

_____________ 200 See Bianconi 1985, 651–652.

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2.13 Grimani, Agrippina (1709) Background The next opera in chronological sequence is again an Italian one. As the title Agrippina suggests, it focuses on an earlier period in Nero’s career, Nero’s accession to the throne, while it retains a framework similar to that of other operas on Nero and Octavia. The libretto to Agrippina (a dramma per musica in three acts) has been transmitted without an author’s name, but its early attribution to Vincenzo Grimani need not be doubted;201 it was set to music by Georg Friedrich Händel. The opera (HWV 6) was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ in Venice on 26 December 1709, i.e. right at the start of the season, and ran through the winter of 1709/10.202 Agrippina focuses on human characteristics and emotions, while the amount of spectacle is reduced. There is an emphasis on clearly drawn characters pursuing their self-interests without any moral considerations.203 All three librettos ascribed to Grimani (also Elmiro re di Corinto [1686] and Orazio [1688])204 share the emphasis on the lively interaction of such characters in a historical setting. On a formal level Agrippina is regarded as one of the last examples of Venetian 17thcentury libretto style, already slightly old-fashioned at the time.205 The character of the piece therefore supports the attribution to Vincenzo Grimani (1652/55–1710). He was a member of the Grimani family, who owned several opera houses and dominated operatic life in Venice. Being co-owner of the theatre (rather than a hired librettist) Grimani was not required to appeal to contemporary taste to the same extent in order to have his libretto performed. The

_____________ 201 See Saunders 1987, 89: “According to reliable eighteenth-century sources, Vincenzo Grimani is the librettist of “Agrippina”, which was issued anonymously as befitted the work of a nobleman presented under his own auspices.” – For the evidence and a review of earlier contributions to the discussion see esp. Strohm forthcoming. 202 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 292. 203 See Saunders 1987, 90. – See also Dean / Knapp 1995, 118: “There is no compelling reason why this story should be turned into the violent and melodramatic tragedy we might expect in the Romantic age. Agrippina belongs to a class of libretto that, until the recent recognition of Monteverdi and Cavalli, was commonly dismissed as absurd or contemptible. It is nothing of the sort. It is an anti-heroic comedy of a type popular throughout the seventeenth century in Italy, especially Venice; Monteverdi’s L’incoronazione di Poppea treats several of the same characters in a similar spirit.” 204 These librettos were issued anonymously (see e.g. Saunders at OMOb); yet it is now believed that Grimani is the author but suppressed his name. A fourth work (Teodosio [1699]) may be incorrectly attributed to Grimani (contrast Strohm 1974, 170; Dean / Knapp 1995, 117 and n. 6 and Saunders at OMOb). 205 See e.g. Strohm 1974, 167; Händel-Handbuch 1985, 4.44; Saunders 1987, 90; at OMO. – Ketterer (2009, 61) calls Agrippina a ‘transitional opera’, since it also shows signs of the style of the new period.

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opera’s set-up may be designed to satirize the lack of morality at the imperial court, where egotistic intrigues and amoral tactics dominate. Some scholars therefore think that the imperial court reflects the Vatican and that the figure of the weak emperor Claudio (who appears as a lover rather than a ruler and only has few arias) alludes to Pope Clemens XI.206 Others have connected the opera with the contemporary context of the War of the Spanish Succession and the proHabsburg feelings of the Grimani family, and have regarded the characters as reflecting specific historical figures.207 Agrippina was the second and last opera that Georg Friedrich Händel (1685– 1759; see ch. 2.11) wrote in Italy, and it effectively established his international reputation: according to contemporary sources it was performed twenty-seven times and was enthusiastically received during its first season. For this opera (as for others) Händel re-used music from earlier works of his own and from pieces by other composers, as it was his custom to borrow musical ideas from those sources.208 Here Händel exploited a particularly high number of borrowings,209 including pieces from the operas Claudius (Hamburg 1703) and Octavia (Hamburg 1705) set to music by Reinhard Keiser.210 Although the plots of Agrippina and of Octavia (to Feind’s libretto) are rather different, Händel re-used six arias from the earlier opera in Agrippina (modified to fit his own style and the new context). The libretto to Agrippina seems to be one of the few original texts that Händel set to music.211 As for the history of the work, Händel is likely to have been commissioned in 1707 or 1708, although he may only have been able to start working at a later date.212 Since there are significant differences between Händel’s autograph and other manuscripts or printed sources, the opera was obviously subject to revision before performance and possibly during its initial run; pre-

_____________ 206 See Strohm 1974, 169–170; forthcoming; Bianconi 1985, 637; Händel-Handbuch 1985, 4.44; Selfridge-Field 2007, 293; sceptically Dean / Knapp 1995, 117; Harris 2001, 40. 207 See Vitali 2009, 12 little political engagement is assumed in Vitali / Furnari 1999, 52 n. 30); also accepted as a possible reading by Strohm forthcoming. – Ketterer (2009, 69) believes that it is difficult to identify precise political references in the opera and hence prefers a cosmological and literary approach; he interprets Ottone as a pastoral figure. 208 See e.g. Dean 1969; Roberts 1986. 209 See Hicks at OMO. – On the borrowings and their effect on meaning and tone of the opera see Sawyer 1999. 210 See e.g. Bianconi 1985, 652; Dean / Knapp 1995, 648–651. 211 See e.g. Händel-Handbuch 1978, 1.89; Harris 1989, li; Dean / Knapp 1995, 16, 117; contrast Strohm 1974, 170; Händel-Handbuch 1985, 4.43. – Strohm suggests that Grimani may have used an older libretto (even one by himself) and added topical references to the papal court for the present series of performances. Ketterer (2009, 66) assumes that older librettos on the JulioClaudian emperors contributed poetic elements to Agrippina. 212 See Händel-Handbuch 1978, 1.89; 1985, 4.43; Marx 2008, 501–502; Schipperges 2009, 43; Strohm forthcoming.

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sumably the opera was adapted to local conventions and conditions upon Händel’s arrival in Venice.213 There were revivals of Agrippina in Naples (1713, at the ‘Teatro San Bartolomeo’, with additional music by Francesco Mancini [1672–1737]), in Vienna (1719, with additional music) and in Hamburg (1718–1722, retaining the Italian text).214 Bibliographical information215 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Vincenzo Grimani (1652/55–1710) / Georg Friedrich Händel (1685–1759) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Agrippina, Drama Per Musica. Da Rappresentarsi nel Famosissimo Teatro Grimani di S. Gio: Grisostomo. L’anno M.DCCIX. [Venezia 1709] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Vincenzo Grimani (1652/55–1710) / Georg Friedrich Händel (1685–1759); additional music: Francesco Mancini (1672–1737) CONTEMPORARY PRINT: *Agrippina. Drama per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro di S. Bartolomeo nel presente carnevale dell’anno 1713. Consecrato all’eccellentissima signora Camilla Barbarini Borromeo vice-regina in questo Regno. [Napoli 1713; dedica di Andrea del Pò, dated 15 February 1713]

‘Amico Lettore’: “In questo Drama, ch’è di ben degno Autore, è convenuto aggiungersi le Scene buffe … e tolte molte arie … . La Musica, secondo si rappresentò in Venezia nell’anno 1709, fu del Sig. Giorgio Enrico Hendel, detto il Sassone; ed ora, che si è variato in qualche parte il Drama, vi si son poste molte arie del Sig. Francesco Mancini, vice maestro della Real Cappella di Napoli, le quali si distinguono con questo segno % ed anche dal medesimo Sig. Mancini sono state poste in Musica tutte le Scene buffe …” – ‘For this drama, which is by a well-respected author, it was agreed to add some comic scenes … and to remove many arias … . The music, according to which it was performed in Venice in the year 1709, was by Sig. Giorgio

_____________ 213 See Strohm 1974, 167–168; Hicks at OMO. – Dean / Knapp (1995, 128) think that the opera was written in a hurry shortly before the production, conforming to Händel’s usual practice. The changes would then have to be explained as last-minute adaptations or alterations during the long run of the opera in this season. 214 See Schipperges 2009, 42. – On Hamburg see Dean 1983, 169: “It is well known that soon after Handel established himself as a dramatic composer in London his operas became increasingly popular in Hamburg. Between 1715 and 1734 fifteen of them, including the Venetian Agrippina, were staged there, and several remained in the repertory until the closure of the Hamburg Opera in 1738.” 215 See Sartori 1990a, 50–51; Dean / Knapp 1995, 133–134; Selfridge-Field 2007, 292–293.

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Enrico Hendel, called ‘the Saxon’; and now, as the drama has been changed in some parts, there are many arias by Sig. Francesco Mancini, vice conductor of the royal orchestra in Naples, which are marked by this sign %, and also by the same Sig. Mancini all the comic scenes have been set to music …’ [quoted from Sartori 1990a, 50] CONTEMPORARY PRINT: *Agrippina. Drama per muscia da rappresentarsi nel Teatro d’Hamburgo l’anno 1718. [Hamburg] MODERN EDITIONS – HWV 6: Wolff 1943a (in German translation); Harris 1989, 275–334; Bianconi 1992, 35–76 ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1709: http://www.librettidopera.it/agrippina/agrippina.html http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/00425.pdf SCHOLARSHIP: Wolff 1943b; 1973; Strohm 1974, 167–170; 1985, 40; forthcoming; Händel-Handbuch 1978, 1.77–92; 1985, 4.43–44; Bianconi 1985; Saunders 1987; Harris 1989, l–liv; Dean / Knapp 1995, esp. 114–139; Sawyer 1999; Ketterer 2009, 61–85; Schipperges 2009; Vitali 2009 information on the opera, librettist and composer: Marx 2008, 500–502; Hicks at OMOa; OMOb; Saunders at OMOb

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

1709: Claudio, Imperatore – Agrippina, Moglie di Claudio – Nerone, Figlio d’Agrippina – Popea – Otone – Pallante, Liberto – Narciso, Liberto – Lesbo, Servo di Claudio *1713: Claudio – Agrippina – Nerone – Poppea – Ottone – Pallante – Narciso – Zaffira – Lesbo

1709 version: The FIRST ACT opens in the apartments of Agrippina; she acquaints her son Nerone with the good news that the incumbent emperor Claudio, her husband and Nerone’s stepfather, on his way back from a successful exploit to Britannia, has died in a shipwreck, which she herself has just learned from the arrival of a letter. Agrippina therefore is in high spirits since she believes that the long-awaited chance to crown her son as Roman emperor has eventually arrived. As a first step towards realizing this aim, she tells Nerone to hide the truth and to pretend to be sad and dutiful; she urges Nerone to win the People’s affections with promises and gifts (I 1). Also, Agrippina plans to involve the two freedmen Pallante and Narciso, both of whom desire her, into her scheming (I 2; I 4). By promising them her love and imperial power in two similar, subsequent scenes, Agrippina ensures that they will suggest Nerone when it comes to acclaiming a new emperor (I 3; I 5). After they have been successfully enlisted, Agrippina reflects on the fact that the raison d’état calls for using every means, particularly trickery and fraud (I 6).

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In the Capitoline Square Nerone, following his mother’s advice, tries to make himself agreeable to the People by distributing gifts of money (I 7). Pallante and Narciso congratulate Nerone on his actions, but secretly plot to turn the situation to their advantage, while each believes that he is the only one to know everything. Nerone continues to take heed of his mother’s suggestions for cunning behaviour (I 8). Agrippina enters; she informs the People of Claudio’s death and reminds them of their right to choose a new emperor. Led by Pallante and Narciso, the People acclaim Nerone as the new emperor. Nerone and Agrippina immediately ascend to the throne together, while the sound of trumpets is heard (I 9). Claudio’s servant Lesbo arrives with the good news (as he thinks) that Claudio has survived after all, having been saved by Otone. The other protagonists are disappointed (as they make obvious by their asides), but they feign to be happy and relieved, Agrippina and Nerone stepping down from the throne. Lesbo announces Otone’s arrival, while he mentions in an aside that he must fly to Poppea to make an appointment for Claudio (I 10). Otone enters and relates in detail what happened, particularly that Claudio has promised him the throne after his own death. The others are overwhelmed and enraged, as they again show in asides (I 11). Before he leaves, Otone requests a private conversation with Agrippina; he tells her that he loves Poppea and announces that he could only enjoy the promised power when united with his Poppea. He asks for Agrippina’s help in accomplishing this; she readily promises her support (I 12). Otone is elated at his good fortune (I 13). In her rooms Poppea considers the situation that Otone, Claudio and Nerone all have confessed their love to her and she now is in a position to choose and to deal with them however she likes (I 14). Lesbo arrives and tells Poppea that Claudio has been saved and is full of love for her; Poppea states her great sadness during Claudio’s absence (I 15). Lesbo goes on to inform her that Claudio will visit her that night; Poppea voices her fear because of Agrippina, but Lesbo gives her assurances, promising that he will be a vigilant custodian. Poppea affirms that she will be pure and constant and will greet Claudio as her sovereign, not as a lover. Agrippina overhears the second half of this conversation (I 16). Left alone, Poppea confesses that she loves Otone (I 17). Before Claudio arrives, Agrippina tells Poppea that Otone has betrayed her, since he knows that Claudio also desires her; therefore he has relinquished her to Claudio for the sake of his ambition of gaining the throne. When Poppea is devastated, Agrippina advises her to seek revenge: she is to tell Claudio that Otone has forbidden her to love Claudio, at the same time to make him desire her even more, but not to comply with his demands before he has fulfilled her wishes (I 18). Poppea thinks about these developments and about Otone’s unreliability (I 19). Lesbo escorts Claudio to Poppea (I 20). Claudio is full of joy and expectation, but soon notices that Poppea is sad. Poppea reacts as ordered by Agrippina, and Claudio promises not to make Otone his heir. When Claudio requests the fulfilment of his wishes, Poppea urgently waits for Agrippina to rescue her (I 21). Just in time Lesbo reappears, announcing that Agrippina is coming and Claudio

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will have to leave (I 22). Agrippina and Poppea exchange their joy at the successful transaction of their plans; Agrippina calls herself Poppea’s friend, and Poppea is willing to continue following her (I 23). Poppea tells herself that revenge will be just if one has been offended (I 24). The SECOND ACT begins in a street in Rome, next to the imperial palace, which has been prepared for the celebration of Claudio’s triumph. Pallante and Narciso realize that Agrippina has deceived both of them in the same way; hence they plan to take revenge by cooperating and decide to support Otone for Caesar (II 1). Otone enters to be crowned (II 2). Agrippina, Poppea and Nerone appear from the imperial palace. Otone wants to move close to his beloved, but Agrippina convinces Poppea that he is impertinent and makes her reject him. Otone still believes that Agrippina intervenes on his behalf and is therefore confused by the situation (II 3). Eventually Claudio enters on a triumphal chariot, celebrating his success in Britannia; everyone congratulates him. Otone is waiting for his promised reward, but Claudio reproaches him with betrayal and malice and only spares Otone’s life because he has saved his own. Otone appeals to everyone for help, but nobody supports him (II 4). Otone, left on his own, is completely confused (II 5). Poppea, alone in a garden, suffers equally and hopes that everything is untrue (II 6). When she sees Otone approaching, she pretends to be sleeping and speaking in her dreams, accusing Otone of betrayal; thereby Otone finally learns what happened. Hence he subjects himself to Poppea’s decision and tells her to kill him with his sword if he is guilty. He tries to convince her that her love is more important to him than power and that Agrippina has deceived them. Because Poppea regards their present location as unsafe, she breaks off the discussion and postpones her decision (II 7). Poppea realizes that she has been deceived and also grasps Agrippina’s motives (II 8). Lesbo enters and announces that Claudio is to pay her another visit (II 9). Poppea is aware of her precarious situation, but is determined to run the risk (II 10). Suddenly Nerone arrives; Poppea tells him that she must see proof of his often confessed love and asks him to come to her room (II 11). Nerone is happy at this prospect (II 12). Agrippina considers her own difficult situation: others are active and courageous too, and she has revealed important aspects of her plans when she believed that Claudio was dead (II 13). By again promising her love to both, she orders Pallante and Narciso to kill each other as well as Otone, but they now see through her scheming (II 14–16). Agrippina believes that, in order to achieve complete peace of mind, Claudio must also be removed (II 17). Claudio arrives, voicing his love for his wife. Yet Agrippina is depressed, since Claudio’s life is in danger because Otone is thinking of revenge. To forestall his plans, she suggests that a successor be appointed, recommending her son Nerone since he would always follow Claudio’s wishes. Claudio approves in principle, but asks for some more time to consider such an important decision (II 18). When Lesbo enters and tells Claudio to come to Poppea immediately, under the twin pressures of time and

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erotic desire, Claudio promises to comply with Agrippina’s wishes (II 19). A triumphant aria by Agrippina ends the second act (II 20). The opening of the THIRD ACT returns to Poppea’s rooms, featuring three doors. She announces her plan to rescue Otone, since she is partly responsible for his desperate position, and to deceive the woman who has deceived her (III 1). Otone repeats that he is not guilty and that Agrippina has deceived them. Poppea is willing to believe him and to remedy the situation by a clever plan: for this purpose she asks Otone to hide himself behind a door, to stay quiet and to trust her in spite of what she is going to say, which he does (III 2). Poppea waits for Nerone and Claudio (III 3). Soon Nerone arrives, and Poppea tells him that he is late and she fears that Agrippina might come shortly. Therefore she asks him too to hide himself until Agrippina has gone, when she will confess her love to him. Nerone also hides behind a door, opposite the one behind which Otone is hidden (III 4). Poppea hopes for the success of her scheming (III 5). Finally Claudio and Lesbo arrive. Poppea accuses Claudio of deceiving her and not actually loving her; she claims that Claudio has not fulfilled her wishes. She puts all the blame on Nerone and tries to convince Claudio that she has meant him, not Otone, all along; she reveals to him that Agrippina had Nerone acclaimed emperor before his return. In order to prove that Nerone continually bothers her, she reveals his presence (III 6). Claudio reproaches Nerone for molesting ladies and sends him off. Poppea manages to give Nerone (unheard by Claudio) a message for Agrippina: those who try to deceive others will be deceived themselves (III 7). Claudio is happy at Poppea’s honesty; she tries to get rid of him, which she again manages by claiming that Agrippina is on her way (III 8). After the two other men are out of the way, Poppea opens the door behind which Otone stands (III 9). They both confess their love despite all possible obstacles (III 10). In an imperial hall Agrippina reproaches Nerone since due to his love he destroys her schemes to place him on the throne. Nerone tells her that Poppea has seen through these schemes; but Agrippina is not willing to give up yet (III 11). Pallante and Narciso plan to reveal everything to Claudio in order to take revenge (III 12). They tell Claudio that Agrippina has threatened them with death, placed Nerone on the throne before Claudio’s return and made them support her by deceit. Claudio realizes that this confirms what Poppea told him and assures the two men of his protection (III 13). Agrippina enters, reminding Claudio of his promise to make Nerone emperor, but he is reluctant, owing to the information just received. Yet Agrippina manages to convince him that she only ascended the throne in support of him and even makes Pallante and Narciso testify to that; she goes on to accuse Poppea of deceit (III 14). After Poppea, Nerone and Otone have arrived, Claudio demonstrates to Agrippina that Nerone had visited Poppea; in order to atone for this, he orders Nerone to marry Poppea, and he renews his promise of succession for Otone. Everyone is horrified, since this goes against their wishes. After some discussion Claudio changes his orders: he makes Nerone his successor, and he unites Poppea and Otone. Everyone is satisfied with this result; Agrippina states in an aside that she will die happily since Nerone will

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have the throne. Claudio asks Giunone (Juno) to bless the marriage of Otone and Poppea. The opera ends with the descent of Giunone and her followers, who perform a dance (III 15). Analysis As the title suggests, this opera deals with an earlier phase of Nero’s career, his accession to the throne with the help of his mother Agrippina, thus recalling Noris’ Nerone fatto Cesare.216 Yet in Agrippina the title character has a more active and prominent (political) role, pursuing the sole aim of placing Nerone on the throne by any means (so that the opera is rightly named after her); besides, Nerone’s predecessor Claudio is involved, and a triple love relationship around Poppea is constructed. Since both Poppea and Ottone appear (as in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea and Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia) within the framework of earlier events surrounding Nerone’s accession to power, this opera shares a number of elements with operas focusing on Nero’s love relationships later in his reign rather than with Noris’ Nerone fatto Cesare. In the preface to Agrippina, as in those to other librettos, it is claimed that a plausible plot has been created on the historical basis.217 Indeed, although the simultaneity of some of the events in the opera goes against the historical chronology, the plot’s construction leads to a result that at least outwardly agrees with the historical record, and almost all characters are historical.218 This final solution is presented as the outcome of an eventually successful intrigue on the part of Agrippina. According to Tacitus, Agrippina brought her son to the throne by poisoning her husband Claudius and then arranging a transfer of power to Nero (Tac. Ann. 12.66–69), and she is described as using intrigue even against her own son when she feels that his love affairs jeopardize her long-term plans (Tac. Ann. 13.13.2–3). The plot in Agrippina, leading to Nerone’s accession to the throne, bears little direct similarity with the Latin Octavia even though the dramatis personae are partly the same. Octavia and Seneca, who are essential elements of Octavia’s plot, do not appear in Agrippina. Besides, there is no basic opposition against what is happening at the imperial court, either among individuals close to the

_____________ 216 See Wolff 1943b; Strohm forthcoming. – For a comparison between the two pieces with respect to their dramatic structure see Bianconi 1985, 637–651. 217 See ‘Argomento’: “Da tali fondamenti istorici s’intreccia con verisimili il presente drama intitolato l’Agrippina, in cui intende sanamente le solite frasi poetiche dettate dalla penna senza pregiudizio della religione.” – ‘From such a historical basis does the present drama, entitled Agrippina, develop its plot with elements close to truth; in this drama one hears properly the usual poetic phrases given by the pen without any damage to religion.’ 218 See also Dean / Knapp 1995, 117.

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court or among the population at large. Instead, the drama focuses on the court and the characters immediately involved; the individuals do not offer far-ranging visions, but are concerned with their immediate future. Still, there is a connection between Agrippina and the Latin Octavia in the attitude of characters. In both pieces it is revealed that decisions for imperial power and the future of the dynasty are triggered by egotistic and personal concerns: in Octavia it is Nero’s love and his wish to strengthen his absolute power; in Agrippina it is Agrippina’s aim to secure power for her son. In both dramas characters are ruthless in pursuing their aims: in Octavia Nero does not hesitate to repudiate his legitimate wife Octavia, the last proper representative of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, and to dismiss his adviser Seneca; in Agrippina the title character has recourse to any sort of intrigue. Agrippina’s key role in placing her son on the throne (along with his later ingratitude) is indicated in Octavia, although in this play she only appears as a shade (Oct. 90–99; 126–129; 593–645). In both cases the presentation of the behaviour of politicians or members of the imperial court, illustrated in discussions and by the characters’ deeds, is a key aim, while the overall outlook is different. Further divergences between Agrippina and the Latin Octavia follow as consequences of the changed chronological framework: the aim in Agrippina, set at the time of the transfer of power from Claudio to Nerone, is to acquire the imperial throne for Nerone, whereas in Octavia Nero is already in power and takes steps to strengthen his position. Accordingly, Octavia’s Nero, as emperor, feels free to take the beloved he wishes according to his desires, and intends to use her to free himself from the present dynasty and to found his own instead; in Agrippina his mother believes that he puts her activities to win him power at risk by his love for Poppea, while she exploits the love of others as elements in her plans. The opera is characterized by its prominent focus on scheming and intrigue (sometimes disappointed temporarily), most emphatically operated by Agrippina and to a lesser extent by other characters. This is in some ways reminiscent of Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, where Poppea persuades Nerone of Seneca’s being an obstacle and Ottavia starts an attempt at assassinating Poppea. However, what is characteristic of Agrippina is that almost all main characters become involved in intrigues pursuing particular plans, even though not always out of egotistic reasons, but also for the benefit of others.219 That they try to achieve their goals by deceit is in line with the fact that there is no moral entity, represented by Seneca or another character, voicing criticism of the conduct or plans of other characters or trying to dissuade individuals at the imperial court from their intentions. Thus the opera makes a statement on politics such as other dramas or operas on the Nero theme, yet in the sense that ingenious ways of achieving one’s goals and of obtaining power are presented. There is hardly any positive moral outlook, and there is no general discussion on, for instance, the proper behaviour of an emperor, the best political system or the repercussions of a ruler’s behaviour on the subjects, as in the Latin Octavia or in earlier operas. Poppea too is active for her own benefit and that of her true lover, while in other versions she is either passive or works towards gaining Nero. Poppea’s

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interventions contribute to the unusual result that she is united with Ottone in the end. This change is caused by the new and unhistorical set-up: the opera’s focus is not the outcome of the love affair in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.59.3–64); instead the rivalry between Otho and Nero for Poppaea (of c. 58 CE; Tac. Ann. 13.45–46) is connected with Nero’s accession to the throne in 54 CE (Tac. Ann. 12.69), which happens while his predecessor Claudius is still alive. Further, it is in line with Agrippina’s specific role as a scheming individual that the two freedmen Pallante and Narciso have been added to the opera’s dramatic characters; thus it can be shown that Agrippina even exploits love shown to her for her aim of winning power for her son and that she sets one man against the other. Both Pallante and Narciso are presented as in support of and in love with Agrippina, which seems to go back to an ancient misunderstanding, documented in historical sources (Cass. Dio 61[60].33.3a); according to Tacitus, it was only M. Antonius Pallas who held positions at the imperial court under the emperors Claudius and Nero, exerting influence on members of the imperial family, and who was said to have a relationship with Agrippina (Tac. Ann. 12.2.3; 12.25.1; 12.65.2), while Agrippina and Narcissus were hostile to each other (Tac. Ann. 12.57.2; 12.65; 13.1.3). When the opera shows two men interested in Agrippina and deceived by her, this enhances her position and complicates the web of love affairs within the plot; besides, it is a telling feature of the situation at court. Even elements of contemporary operatic conventions are adapted in a way so as to highlight the opera’s focus on scheming and intrigue. The traditional sleep scene (II 7) receives a new and interesting twist in that Poppea merely gives the impression that she is sleeping, so as to convey to Ottone the allegation made against him that he has been disloyal to her. Even for this step in the plot, which is designed to resolve their relationship, trick and deceit are used. The conventional introduction of multiple love affairs is made particularly complex because three (rather than the standard two) men love the same woman. This is visualized and dramatically exploited with the intricate and comic set-up at the beginning of the third act, where Poppea, in a dominant position, handles her three lovers virtually at the same time and deceives two of them for the sake of her true love to Ottone. Overall, there are few conventional scenes for dramatic effect (such as characters in disguise, mistaken identity and any additional scenes). Instead, the plot is entirely down to earth without any divine appearances or other apparitions; it presents a closely-knit plausible action in which individual scenes are linked by liaison de scènes in the tradition of French drama, i.e. one person usually remains on stage from one scene to the next to establish continuity.220

_____________ 219 See Hicks at OMO; for a discussion and overview of those intrigues see also Sawyer 1999. 220 This principle, which is rarely applied consistently in opera librettos, and the influence of French drama and dramatic theory have been pointed out by Bianconi (1985, esp. 635, 637). – I am grateful to the staff of the archive at the Teatro La Fenice in Venice for providing me with a copy of this article.

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Overall, the opera presents a bleak picture of the procedures and human interrelations at the imperial court, since virtually everyone becomes involved in pursuing their aims by deceit. Due to his own involvement in secular and clerical politics, the librettist would have had ample experience of such proceedings in his time. It is therefore assumed that, indirectly and by analogy, the opera describes and reflects political methods of the time that rely on intrigues and political intelligence. The situation at the imperial court under Nero that is painted in the Latin Octavia is based on historical experiences and was probably designed to make a political statement to its orginal recipients: even though Nero is successful at the end of the play, his future fate has been adumbrated by the shade of his mother, and the character Seneca has sketched a different way of government. Such alternative prospects are lacking in Agrippina.

2.14 Piovene, Nerone / Nero (1721 / 1723) Background The libretto of this opera, straightforwardly entitled Nerone (a tragedia per musica in three acts), was written by Agostino Piovene; it was set to music and arranged several times by different composers, initially by Giuseppe Maria Orlandini. The opera was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’ in Venice on c. 11 February 1721 (music lost), that is towards the end of the winter season.221 Generically, this opera is called a tragedia per musica, as distinct from the more frequent dramma per musica in this period.222 Little is known about the life of Agostino Piovene (1671–1733). He was a Venetian patrician and a member of the prominent music society Accademia Filarmonica in Venice. Between 1709 and 1721 he wrote eight librettos for theatres in Venice, all of them for the larger and more prestigious houses such as the ‘Teatro di S. Cassiano’ and the ‘Teatro di S. Giovanni Grisostomo’. From Publio Cornelio Scipione (1712) onwards, classical subjects, from Roman history and Greek myth, dominate. His wide reading and his familiarity with Greek tragedy and neoclassical theory allowed him to create effective and sophisticated dramas. Giuseppe Maria Orlandini (1676–1760) became a member of the Accademia Filarmonica of Bologna in 1719.223 From 1717 to 1731 he lived primarily in Bologna; in 1732 he returned to Florence, where he had spent his early years,

_____________ 221 There were almost fifty further performances of Orlandini’s version between 1723 and 1738 (see Selfridge-Field 2007, 358–359). 222 See Strohm 1981, 43. 223 On Italian academies see Brown / Fenlon at OMO.

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and was appointed ‘maestro di cappella’ of the Grand Duke of Tuscany and of Florence cathedral (Basilica di Santa Maria del Fiore), in addition to various minor positions. Orlandini not only wrote music to a libretto on an ancient historical subject (Nerone), but previously also to two pieces based on classical mythology, Antigona (1718) and Ifigenia in Tauride (1719). His operas had widespread success (Antigona and Nerone became known throughout Europe), and he was highly regarded as an opera composer. A version by Giuseppe Vignati (d. 1768), Nerone in three acts, was first shown at the ‘Teatro Regio Ducal’ in Milan on 26 December 1724. All opera scores by Vignati are lost, and little is known about the life of this composer, who was active as ‘maestro di cappella’ and played the harpsichord for various institutions in Milan. The opera was also arranged as Nero by Johann Mattheson for Hamburg. There it was performed many times in 1723 and in the following years (first shown on 17 November 1723); the libretto was printed at least four times during this decade (1723, 1724, 1727, 1729).224 The opera’s success is attributable both to its subject and to the impact of Orlandini’s music (Arsace, another tragedia per musica with music by Orlandini, was also performed successfully in Hamburg during those years). Mattheson’s name is not mentioned in the librettos, but he describes his work in his treatises Der Musicalische Patriot and Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte. According to these works, Mattheson translated the libretto into German (apart from the arias that remained in Italian), composed new recitatives, added some arias (in Italian) and transposed others; in the Hamburg score all the vocal roles have been modified, with the exception of Poppaea and Octavia.225 Johann Mattheson (1681–1764) had been educated at the Johanneum, a wellknown humanist school (‘Gymnasium’), in Hamburg, where he had received substantial training in the liberal arts and also musical instruction from the musical director (‘Kantor’), Joachim Gerstenbüttel (1647–1721). Mattheson was a versatile musician in both practical and theoretical terms. Over his musical career, he not only performed in about 65 new operas, but also wrote several of his own; he claims that he sang leading roles in the operas Almira and Nero (with music by Händel; ch. 2.11) at Hamburg in 1705 (the two men being both friends and rivals); he also conducted from the harpsichord. Besides, Mattheson discussed and documented the key players and the changing styles in the musical world of his time in detail; his works are still important sources on musicians and musical conventions of the period (Der Musicalische Patriot [1728], Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte [1740], Die neueste Untersuchung der Singspiele [1744]).226

_____________ 224 On Nero in Hamburg see Strohm 1981. 225 See Marx 1982, 74. 226 Johann Mattheson, Der Musicalische Patriot / welcher seine gründliche Betrachtungen / über Geist- und Weltl. Harmonien / samt dem, was durchgehends davon abhänget / In angenehmer Abwechselung so solchem Ende mittheilet / Daß Gottes Ehre / das gemeine Beste / und eines

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Bibliographical information227 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Agostino Piovene (1671–1733) / Giuseppe Maria Orlandini (1676–1760) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nerone. Tragedia per Musica. Rappresentata Nel famoso Teatro Grimani di S. Gio: Grisostomo, Il Carnovale dell’Anno 1721. [Venezia 1721] (music lost, but preserved in Mattheson’s version) LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Agostino Piovene (1671–1733) / Giuseppe Vignati (d. 1768) CONTEMPORARY PRINT: Nerone. Drama per musica. Da rappresentarsi nel Regio Ducal Teatro di Milano, Nel Carnovale dell’anno 1725. Dedicato All’Illustrissimo, & Eccellentissimo Signor Girolamo del Sacro Romano Impero Conte Colloredo &c. Libero Barone di Waldsee, Visconte di Mels, Signore di Oppoczna, Tloskau, Staaz &c. Cavaliere della Chiave d’Oro, Intimo Consigliere di Stato di S. M. C. C., Governatore, e Capitano Generale dello Stato di Milano &c. [Milano 1724] (music lost) LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Agostino Piovene (1671–1733) / Giuseppe Maria Orlandini (1676–1760); text and music adapted by: Johann Mattheson (1681–1764) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: Nero in einem Sing-Spiele auf dem Hamburgischen Schau-Platze vorgestellet / im Jahre 1723. [Hamburg] – “Die Music (ausser den wenigen mit dem * bezeichneten Arien) ist von dem Hrn. Orlandini, Capell-Meister des Groß-Herzogs von Florenz.” Nero in einem Sing-Spiele auf dem Hamburgischen Schau-Platze vorgestellet im Jahre 1724. [Hamburg] – “Die Music (ausser den wenigen mit dem * bezeichneten Arien) ist von dem Hrn. Orlandini, Capell-Meister des Groß-Herzogs von Florenz.” *Nero in einem Sing-Spiele auf dem Hamburgischen Schau-Platze vorgestellet im Jahr 1727. [Hamburg] *Nero in einem Sing-Spiele auf dem Hamburgischen Schau-Platze vorgestellet / im Jahre 1729. [Hamburg]

_____________ jeden Lesers besondere Erbauung dadurch befördert werde. Ans Lichte gestellt von Mattheson. Hamburg, im Jahr 1728 (repr. Leipzig / Kassel 1975), in: Bibliothek der Deutschen Literatur. Zweite, vollständig überarbeitete und erweiterte Ausgabe. Mikrofiche-Gesamtausgabe nach Angaben des Taschengoedecke. Eine Edition der Kulturstiftung der Länder im K.G. Saur Verlag. Bearbeitet von Axel Frey, München / Leipzig 1999; Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte, woran der Tüchtigsten Capellmeister, Componisten, Musikgelehrten, Tonkünstler etc. Leben, Wercke, Verdienste etc. erscheinen sollen. Zum fernern Ausbau angegeben von Mattheson. Hamburg. 1740. In Verlegung des Verfassers. Vollständiger, originalgetreuer Neudruck mit gelegentlichen bibliographischen Hinweisen und Matthesons Nachträgen herausgegeben von Max Schneider, Berlin 1910 (repr. Kassel / Basel / Paris / London / Graz 1969) [pp. 93–101 on Händel; 133–135 on Keiser]; edited again in Marx 1982. 227 See Sartori 1991b, 221; Martino 1994, 216; Selfridge-Field 2007, 358–359.

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ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1721 (Italian): http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/03147.pdf http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00049308/images/ 1723 (German): http://digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/dms/werkansicht/?PPN=PPN6320 59230&PHYSID=PHYS_0001&USE=800 1724/25 (Italian): http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/06038_1.pdf SCHOLARSHIP: Strohm 1981; Ketterer 2010, 155–157; Giuntini / Strohm forthcoming information on the opera, librettists and composers: Marx 1982; 2008, 687–691; Buelow / Marx 1983; Marx / Schröder 1995, 294–295; Buelow at OMOb; Giuntini at OMOa; OMOb; Hansell at OMO; Talbot at OMOb

Synopsis228 CHARACTERS:

1721: Nerone, Imperadore di Roma – Ottavia, Imperadrice Moglie – Poppea, Favorita di Nerone – Agrippina, Madre di Nerone – Ottone, Cavaliere Romano Marito di Poppea – Tiridate, Re di Armenia – Narciso, Liberto di Nerone 1724/25: Nerone – Agrippina – Poppea – Ottavia – Tiridate – Ottone – Flacco 1723 = 1724: Nero, Roemischer Kaiser – Octavia, seine Gemahlinn – Poppea, des Neronis Geliebte – Agrippina, des Kaisers Mutter – Otto, ein Roemischer Ritter / der Poppeen Gemahl – Tiridates, Koenig von Armenien – Narcissus, des Neronis Freygelassener

The FIRST ACT opens in a courtyard of the Golden Palace of the emperor Nerone, ready for the coronation of Tiridate, king of Armenia. When Tiridate’s arrival and his wish to receive the crown from the Roman emperor are announced, Nerone asks Poppea, his beloved, to crown Tiridate. Poppea is surprised at the honour given to her as an ordinary citizen; yet Nerone declares that her beauty justly gives her dominion over kings and kingdoms. Despite her embarrassment, Nerone tells Poppea to sit on the throne, saying that, even if she is a humble subject today, she may be empress tomorrow. Poppea is concerned because of the reactions of Rome and of her husband Ottone, a Roman knight; however, Nerone

_____________ 228 In order to pursue the development of this libretto in both Italy and Germany, the plots of two Italian versions as well as that of the German adaptation have been studied. The comparison reveals that the German adaptation is almost exactly identical to the original Italian version of 1721, while the later Italian piece has been modified. Therefore there is no separate synopsis for the German libretto. The synopsis presented takes account of the Italian 1721 version (set to music by G.M. Orlandini, and equivalent to the German adaptation) and the Italian 1724/25 version (set to music by G. Vignati). The two settings differ in the name of Nerone’s Liberto and in some details of the construction and numbering of scenes. The names of the Liberto are given as ‘Narciso / Flacco’ (the earlier version coming first). Divergences of the later version from the first one are given in brackets at the end of the description of the respective scenes or, in case of more substantial differences, by spelling out both alternatives separated by a forward slash (the earlier version coming first).

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makes it clear that he is not interested in their feelings. Poppea hopes for her husband’s forgiveness, but finds the throne too attractive to be spurned (I 1). Tiridate asks for the crown and assures his loyalty. Poppaea crowns him, and guards receive gifts as symbols of Rome’s glory. Nerone gives orders for Tiridate to move to the palace and for preparations to be made for celebrating the triumph over the Parthians later that day (I 2). By this display of power Nerone tries to entice Poppea to become empress; but she hesitates because Ottavia is still Nerone’s rightful wife and empress and because of the feelings of her husband Ottone. Nerone considers these objections as irrelevant in view of his power and encourages her to leave her present husband for a more elevated position. Poppea is torn between obedience to Nerone and her duty to her husband, but decides that she cannot reject Nerone’s commands. Nerone orders Poppea to be led into his apartments and Ottavia to resign the imperial insignia and await her fate (I 3). Narciso / Flacco, a freedman of Nerone, encourages Poppea to accept the offer of being empress and not to worry about Ottavia or Ottone and her sense of duty. Poppea is concerned that things may end disastrously (I 4). Meanwhile, Nerone’s mother Agrippina severely reproaches Narciso / Flacco for neglecting her and supporting Nerone instead. She protests that she has lost her power and is not treated as befits her imperial status, since Nerone does not show sufficient respect for her. Agrippina commands Narciso / Flacco to tell Nerone of her anger and to remind him that he is emperor because of her [additional comment of Flacco] (I 5). Narciso / Flacco departs; Agrippina, Ottavia and Ottone lament their losses, ask the others for help and reproach Nerone for their respective situations. Ottavia at first plots revenge, but then restrains herself, since Nerone is still her husband. Agrippina declares that she will pursue Nerone and make clear her anger and her power [additional aria of Agrippina] (I 6). Ottone finds that his and Ottavia’s fates are similar, but he cannot be as virtuous as she is, while she tells him that the affections of human beings are within their own power. He, however, thinks that she contributes to Nerone’s tyrannical behaviour when she does not react to his injustices. She refuses to be provoked and remains loyal in her love for Nerone (I 7). Ottone cannot be as patient as Ottavia; he declares that he loves Poppea as much as Ottavia loves Nerone. If he cannot have her back, he will plot revenge, even if he dies for his honour [different aria of Ottone] (I 8). The scene changes to Ottavia’s apartments: Narciso / Flacco is reluctant to deliver Nerone’s message, but Ottavia encourages him. Narciso / Flacco informs Ottavia that she is to resign the imperial insignia. She readily obeys; she asks Narciso / Flacco to tell Nerone of her sadness and her continuing love for him (I 9). When Agrippina sees Narciso / Flacco taking the crown away, she reproaches him. She goes on to say that she will not display as much tolerance and virtue as Ottavia, and she orders him to return the crown to Ottavia and to inform Nerone that he has done so on her orders. Narciso / Flacco hesitates, but when Agrippina angrily reminds him of her imperial status, he obeys (I 10). Agrippina is concerned that Nerone’s treatment of Ottavia may lead him to maltreat her too, and she resolves to defend her power. When she sees Poppea approaching, she

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addresses her: she accuses her of aiming for the crown, which she herself has returned to Ottavia. Poppea denies that she seeks the crown; she protests that she cannot refuse an imperial command, while she was overcome by Nerone’s offer. She claims that she seeks Ottavia’s forgiveness and Agrippina’s support. Agrippina does not trust Poppea and tells her to pay her respects to Ottavia as the empress, to leave the imperial court and to tell Nerone of both her refusal and Agrippina’s orders [shorter introductory speech by Agrippina] (I 11). Narciso / Flacco returns to Ottavia with the crown; she refuses to accept it unless Nerone offers it to her. Poppea throws herself at Ottavia’s feet and asks her pardon; Ottavia rejects this attempt, since she believes that such a request is unnecessary if there is real remorse and that it means nothing without support from Nerone. Poppea claims that she wants protection from Nerone’s love, but Ottavia can offer none. When Nerone arrives suddenly, he is enraged at finding his beloved at Ottavia’s feet. He forbids Ottavia from addressing him as husband and rejects her plea to be informed of her guilt or to defend herself. Nerone also says that he will tell Rome of her failings and his repudiation of her. Ottavia declares that her only crime is her innocence and reminds him of the beginning of their union. She asks to be accepted as his slave and to kiss his hand in servitude, even if she cannot be his wife and beloved. Nerone does not listen and orders Narciso / Flacco to bring the crown into his apartments and to confine Ottavia in the palace to await his judgement by the end of this day. He is also angry at Poppea’s hesitation. Nerone and Poppea leave as Agrippina is approaching [shorter dialogue and additional aria of Nerone] (I 12). Agrippina is enraged and ready to separate Nerone from Poppea under any circumstances. She pauses, imagining that Nerone is laughing at her impotence. Yet she reminds herself of her former strength and that it was her doing that brought Nerone to the throne. She resolves that she will not fear her own son and will rather force him to obey her (I 13). Ottavia realizes that her love for a disloyal and unfaithful man is the reason for her disaster; she tries to tell herself to hate him, but she does not have the courage and therefore is doomed to her fate, accepting that she will love him even when she dies [last two scenes shorter and combined into one scene] (I 14). The SECOND ACT displays Nerone’s triumphal procession through the streets of Rome; the scene then changes to an amphitheatre prepared for gladiatorial combat. Nerone and Poppea are in a carriage pulled by a big elephant; Tiridate, Ottone and Narciso / Flacco are on horseback. They all step down, and Tiridates proclaims that he is struck by the splendour of the procession. In an aside, Ottone swears vengeance on Nerone if Poppea does not return. Poppea assures Ottone of her sympathy; yet he is determined to take vengeance. Poppea laments, torn between love and duty, though she feels obliged to follow the emperor’s orders [fewer scene descriptions; scene slightly altered] (II 1). The characters arrive at the theatre ready for the display. The triumphal chariot is opened up to become an amphitheatre, and the gladiators arrive / Poppea bemoans her situation and then leaves with the remaining guards and the People (II 2). Tiridate confesses to Ottone that the other’s condition affects him and promises to support him in

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taking revenge on Nerone in order to maintain justice and honour. When Ottone is intent on proceeding to action immediately, Tiridate suggests that they should first see whether Nerone is willing to resign Poppea in peace and only use force if he is not, as this will then be justice rather than treason; Ottone agrees (II 3). Tiridate, however, only pretends to support the idea of violent revenge. He hopes instead to return Ottavia to Nerone and Poppea to Ottone by his schemes and thus to resolve matters peacefully (II 4). Agrippina meets Nerone in his apartments in the Golden Palace: she tells him off for being angry with her and demands to know the reasons, but before he can say anything, she starts a long recapitulation of everything she did for herself and for him to gain power. She complains that he has maltreated both her and Ottavia and attacks his behaviour in connection with Poppea. Nerone interrupts her, suggesting that she wished to help herself as much as him and that everyone believes that he ascended the throne in order to give her power. He says that Rome wants a male Caesar, not a female ruler, but that she is not happy without power. He declares that he can repudiate wives as he wishes, and he tells Agrippina that, if she wants power, she should challenge him properly. Agrippina accuses him of ingratitude and bemoans her situation. Rhetorically, she tells him to take her life along with her power. Nerone asks what he should do to placate her: he agrees to all her demands with the exception of returning Poppea to Ottone. Agrippina declares that not only she, but also Rome itself, is worried and annoyed. Nerone declares that he is the emperor; yet Agrippina reminds him that he is not a tyrant. They eventually reach a compromise, when Nerone offers that Poppea should be free to decide herself [dialogue shorter] (II 5). Nerone, left alone, voices his anger at Agrippina and announces that she will have to put up with Nerone’s laws, like Seneca and Burro. Nerone orders Narciso / Flacco to arrange a meeting between Poppea and Ottone and to warn Poppea that the meeting will be overheard by Nerone and that their words might contribute to Ottone’s death [additional aria of Flacco] (II 6). During this meeting Ottone tries to obtain a proper answer from Poppea, who on her part tries to make it clear that she is afraid of being overheard. Eventually Ottone attacks Nerone’s tyranny and Poppea’s immodest conduct; thereupon Nerone appears and leaves with Poppea. Ottone realizes that they have been overheard, fears for his safety and therefore calls for friends and weapons to take revenge [some speeches shorter] (II 7). Tiridate enters with armed followers and tells Ottavia that Ottone and his men will arrive shortly to kill Nerone and that they think that he supports them, but that he in fact wishes to help her and to give her the chance to save Nerone. Ottavia is sad about Nerone’s infidelity, though she would still like to save him; she expects to die without any guilt if she should die in this process [additional aria of Tiridate; conversation and reaction distributed over two scenes] (II 8 / 8–9). Meanwhile Nerone calls Poppea to the imperial bed and the Roman throne. When she is reluctant in fear of this crime, Nerone brushes her objections aside since he thinks that royalty can do what they want. He says that Ottone will be

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punished by honourable exile as he will be asked to lead the Roman armies to ‘Mondo Ibero’ (i.e. ancient Lusitania, roughly modern Portugal) and that Ottavia will be removed. Poppea is frightened and longs for Ottone’s return [different ending without aria of Poppea] (II 9 / 10 [change of scene to retreat in imperial palace indicated]). Ottone appears with armed men, ready to kill Nerone. He is intercepted by Ottavia, who confirms her loyalty and declares that he must kill her first in order to get to Nerone. Ottone in his desperation is almost ready to do so, when Ottavia calls for assistance, and the Armenians enter to defend her. Ottone realizes that Tiridate has deceived him. He leaves his dagger in Ottavia’s hand and departs. Ottavia hopes that this intervention is sufficient for a reconciliation with Nerone (II 10 / 11). Nerone, however, reproaches her for being in front of his door, dagger in hand and accompanied by armed foreigners. She tries to explain that they have saved him, having come for this purpose, and that the conspirators, who pose the real danger, have just left. She suggests that he should ask Tiridate for the truth and stresses that her only crime is excessive love for him. Still, Nerone is unwilling to be convinced and regards the scene as proof of her betrayal, announcing that she will be punished (II 11 / 12). The act closes with Ottavia’s lament about her situation (II 12) / with a triumphant and forward-looking aria by Nerone (II 13). The THIRD ACT takes place in an atrium in the shape of a tribunal. It shows Tiridate pursuing Ottone, forcing him to agree to confessing his deed to Nerone and thereby saving Ottavia, for the sake of justice and duty (III 1). Ottone bemoans being deprived of his wife and of just revenge, defeated by his alleged accomplice and forced to trigger even greater troubles for himself / Ottone bemoans his fate, when Poppea arrives and tries to console him. However, he feels betrayed and believes that becoming empress is now all-important for her. When he has left, she laments being torn between her former and her current lover (III 2). Nerone brings Ottavia’s case to court, declaring that even members of the imperial family must be subject to the laws given by him and to public judgement. Ottavia is accused of having committed adultery with Niceto, who has already been found guilty and sent into exile far away from Rome, and of having attempted Nerone’s murder in the company of armed men. She is to be punished by divorce and exile from Rome. As Nerone is about to sign the verdict, Ottavia interrupts, declares herself innocent and criticizes this form of justice, as she has had no opportunity to offer a defence [dialogue shorter; adultery left out] (III 3). At this moment Ottone arrives and tries to save Ottavia by confessing his guilt, but Nerone is unwilling to listen to him and sends him away to Iberia. Ottavia continues to declare her innocence; she throws down her imperial cloak and announces that she will go into exile voluntarily, hoping to satisfy Nero thereby. She faints, falling into the arms of the guards. Nerone is not impressed and insists on his verdict [additional aria of Ottone; dialogue distributed over two scenes] (III 4 / 4–5). Poppea arrives, declaring that she is willing to resign the throne in Ottavia’s favour, since she cannot bear this situation. Nerone accuses her of a lack of love

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for him, as he is removing Ottavia for her sake. He is aware that Poppea has power over his heart, and as proof he asks her to hand the order of exile to Ottavia. At this point Ottavia comes to her senses again; she hopes that she is in the Elysian Fields, but soon realizes that she is still in the cruel Roman world (III 5 / 6). Agrippina enters and sees Nerone sitting in judgement, Ottavia unhappy and Poppea holding the signed order. She takes the order from Poppea and reads it. She accuses Nerone of cruelty, hoping that Rome will hear her accusations. Nerone does not listen to her and insists that he does not need her approval. Instead he orders Narciso / Flacco to carry out his instructions. Agrippina declares that she stands in Ottavia’s defence and tears up the signed order. She leaves with Ottavia, but Nerone is determined to punish both women as he enjoys absolute power (III 6 / 7). Narciso / Flacco tries to convince Poppea that access to the throne is now open to her. Poppea hesitates, full of fear, since she doubts whether she will enjoy a better fate than Ottavia. Narciso / Flacco tells her that Nerone has only been unfaithful for her sake and that joy is awaiting her (III 7 / 8). Narciso / Flacco voices his compassion for Ottavia (III 8 / 9). Agrippina and Ottavia meet in the throne hall: Agrippina hopes that the sight of Ottavia’s misfortune and Poppea’s coronation will move the People to rebellion against Nerone. Ottavia reminds her that he is the emperor and her son, but Agrippina says that he is a tyrant and no longer her son [less detailed scene descriptions] (III 9 / 10). Ottavia accepts her fate and bids farewell to Rome (III 10 / 11). Nerone has Poppea crowned by Tiridate. Narciso / Flacco invites all to come and pay homage to the new empress of the world and to the imperial lovers, including the four elements and the gods of Love, Marriage and War, who descend on stage machines with their followers and sing and dance (III 11 / 12). Agrippina and Ottavia arrive. Agrippina calls for an end to the festivities, but Nerone announces that he has had enough of her interventions and that both women shall be punished. He leaves with Poppea, and Tiridate soon follows them. Agrippina remains to curse Nerone and to tell him to kill her himself. Ottavia is led away, taking leave of Rome. Four assassins with daggers in their hands appear. Agrippina declares that she is ready for her fate and that they should stab her in the belly that bore Nerone. The opera ends as she throws herself at the foot of the throne and the assassins approach her / Agrippina and Ottavia arrive. Agrippina calls for an end to the festivities, but Nerone declares that he has had enough of her interventions and that both women shall be punished. Agrippina curses Nerone and tells him to kill her himself, while Ottavia takes leave of Rome. Agrippina declares that she is ready for her fate, and she then disappears with Ottavia. Nerone is relieved and tries to cheer up Poppea; with a praise of Poppea the opera ends [additional utterances of Poppea and Tiridate; ending distributed over two scenes; different ending] (III 12 / 13–14).

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Analysis229 Following earlier precedents, this opera is simply entitled Nerone: this indicates the context of the opera’s setting, but gives no hints as to which sections of the Nero story are shown or what particular aspects might be highlighted. As the initial address to the reader suggests, this may be deliberate since the librettist regards the story as so well known that a synopsis may be omitted. According to this preface, the librettist is conscious of the fact that the story presented has been narrated by many writers and has been turned into tragedies in various languages by a number of poets. Among the standard elements listed are Nero’s immoderate passion, which spurs him on to commit double adultery, the ambition of his mother Agrippina, the cruelty of her son who eventually kills her and the presence of the Armenian king Tiridates in Rome. The librettist is aware that in the historical sequence these events happened at different points in time, but he claims that poetic licence allows writers to combine them all into one play covering a single day.230 Indeed, all these details can be found in earlier operas and feature in this

_____________ 229 The analysis is primarily based on the original 1721 setting. 230 See ‘Lettore Cortese’: “Sarebbe superfluo, ch’ io vi rendessi conto minutamente di tutti gli avvenimenti, che vengono in questo mio Componimento Dramatico rappresentati. La passione immoderata, dalla quale se lasciò indurre Nerone a divenire doppiamente adultero, ripudiando l’Imperadrice Ottavia sua moglie ingiustamente trattata come impudica, ed isposando Poppea unita anch’essa ad un Cavaliere Romano con vincolo di matrimonio; l’ambizione di Agrippina sua Madre, che, vaga di signoreggiare, non restò di fare ogni sforzo per conservarsi l’autorità, ed il comando; come pure la crudeltà dal figliuolo usata contro alla stessa, fino a volere che fosse uccisa; sono tutte cose abbastanza note per se medesime. Molti rinomati Scrittori ne han favellato; ed eziandio i Poeti più illustri sopra sì fatti argomenti hanno formate in più lingue varie Tragedie. Come fanno parte della medesima Storia, così parimente non hanno bisogno di alcuna precedente dichiarazione, l’andata in Roma di Tiridate Re dell’Armenia ricevutovi con accoglimento magnifico, ed incoronato pubblicamente; i sontuosi spettacoli, che furono celebrati per ordine di Nerone, i doni largamente dispensati al popolo; le vittorie ottenute da’ suoi Generali contro de’ Parti; e la solenne pompa del suo Trionfo. Egli è ben vero, che molte delle cose da me quì sopra rammemorate, in varj tempi; ed in varj luoghi son succedute; ma egli è vero altresì, che unendole alquanto alterate in un solo giorno, e formandone una sola favola, non ho altro fatto, che usare una libertà, la quale è tutta propria della Poesia, e che a simili componimenti non è vietata.” – ‘It would be superfluous for me to give you a detailed account of all the events that will be represented in my dramatic composition. The immoderate passion, by which Nerone lets himself be driven to become an adulterer twice, repudiating the empress Ottavia, his wife, unjustly treated as not chaste, and marrying Poppea, also joined to a Roman knight by the ties of marriage; the ambition of Agrippina, his mother, who, eager to rule, does not hesitate to make every effort to maintain her authority and the power; how in fact the cruelty of the son was used against her, up to the wish that she should be killed; all these things are sufficiently known by themselves. Many famous historians have told them; and the most illustrious poets have composed various tragedies on these facts in many languages. As they form part of the same story, thus, equally, these are not in need of any preceding explanation, the journey to Rome of Tiridate, King of Armenia, received with a magnificent welcome and crowned publicly; the sumptuous spectacles that were celebrated on Nerone’s orders, the presents generously distributed

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version; this indicates that these items had become conventional elements of a Nero plot.231 A notable special case is the figure of Seneca, who is neither mentioned in the preface nor appears as a character in the play. Still, the presence of Seneca (and Burro) at the imperial court is assumed; they are mentioned as men close to Nerone and then suffering from their opposition to him (II 6). Nevertheless, although the librettist stresses that the dramatized subject matter is familiar, he has decided to present it again. At the same time he offers a further variant of the events: by a slighty different mixture of protagonists, their characterization and their motives, he manages to bring another variation to the story. The ‘single day’,232 to which the plot has been reduced, is the day of the coronation of the Armenian king Tiridate and the day on which Nerone publicly demonstrates his claim to Poppea and leaves with her at the end, while the three individuals who have opposed this new relationship have been removed: Nerone’s wife Ottavia is ordered into exile; Poppea’s husband Ottone is sent to Lusitania, and Nerone’s mother Agrippina will be killed. Historically, this is an anachronistic assemblage of Octavia’s repudiation and Nerone’s marriage with Poppaea in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.59.3–64), Tiridates’ visit to Rome in 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7), Otho’s secondment to Lusitania (modern Portugal) in 58 CE (Tac. Ann. 13.46.3) and Agrippina’s assassination in 59 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.1–8). The combination of these events in the opera leads to a plot whose structure differs from that of the Latin Octavia, but the basic set-up remains similar: in both plays Nerone pursues his love for Poppaea without any regard for others, and although not all concomitant actions triggered by Nerone have been completed by the end, it is clear what he intends and that he will be successful. There are forces opposing him, but they do not have an immediate effect. The mention of Ottavia’s alleged adultery with Niceto (III 3; like the presence of Anicetus in Feustking’s Nero) agrees with historigraphical accounts (Tac. Ann. 14.62); the motif that Agrippina demands to be stabbed in the very place that bore Nerone recalls historiography and the tragedies of the historical Seneca (III 12;

_____________ among the People; the victories obtained by his generals against the Parthi; and the solemn pomp of his triumph. It is indeed true that many of the things which I have mentioned above fall in various times; and they have happened in various locations; but it is equally true that by combining them, somewhat altered, in a single day and creating a single story out of them, I have not done anything else but used a kind of liberty which is entirely a property of poetry and which is not denied to similar compositions.’ 231 According to Ketterer (2010, 155) Piovene’s Nerone shows that the poet knew earlier librettos on the topic, such as Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea and Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia. Influence of Jean Racine’s Britannicus (1669) can also be detected (see Giuntini / Strohm forthcoming). 232 By referring to this detail, the librettist demonstrates his awareness of the three unities required for drama, as they were developed in the Renaissance (e.g. by Lodovico Castelvetro, c. 1505– 1571) on the basis of Aristotle’s Poetics; he thus asserts the literary quality of his piece.

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Tac. Ann. 14.8.5; Sen. Oed. 1038–1039). Although these details are not crucial for the construction of the opera’s plot, they not only embellish the story, but also convey historical credibility. Because they are not common elements of the operatic tradition, their presence may indicate that the librettist was familiar with the ancient sources. The love affair itself does not deviate from the classical givens: Nerone loves Poppea; he wants to make her his empress and wishes to repudiate Ottavia. In contrast to Busenello’s L’incoronzione di Poppea, but similar to almost all other operas featuring a beloved of Nero, Poppea is reluctant to accept Nerone’s offers: she feels obliged to follow Nerone’s instructions, but makes several attempts to prevent him from realizing his intentions; she is concerned about the possible consequences (as she has an ominous dream in the Latin Octavia 712–739) and wishes to honour Ottavia’s position; it is stressed several times that Poppea is torn between her sense of duty towards the emperor and her love for Ottone (I 1; I 3; I 4; I 11; II 1; II 9; III 7). Poppea’s emotional conflict develops into a contrast with consequences for the plot because Ottone appears as a character, as in other operas. Since in this piece Poppea is Ottone’s wife, Nerone’s claim to her and his repudiation of Ottavia result in double adultery, as described in the address to the reader. It is also Ottone who triggers the movement towards revenge against Nerone and thus the catastrophic outcome for some of the individuals involved, because he is desperate at losing his wife Poppea. His unsuccessful attempt at murdering Nerone (II 3; II 8; II 10) recalls his equally unsuccessful attempt at murdering Poppea in L’incoronazione di Poppea, although here he acts of his own accord. Within the plot of this opera Ottone fails because of Ottavia’s unwavering loyalty as she cannot bring herself to oppose Nerone: as in Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia, she even saves Nerone (II 10–11). Her quiet acceptance of what Nerone does to her – after a brief outburst of opposition (I 6) – recalls the Stoic serenity of a Seneca; it is an attitude of the kind that the character Seneca recommends to Ottavia in L’incoronazione di Poppea. Piovene’s Ottavia is similar to the heroine in Feind’s Octavia and in Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia in that she stays virtuous and loyal, continuously declaring her innocence. The wish to be Nerone’s slave (if it is not possible to continue as his wife) is already a motif in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone and Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia, while Nerone’s wife Statilia in Silvani’s La fortezza al cimento is forced by Nerone to suffer the status of a slave. In Piovene’s libretto, in contrast to other pieces, Ottavia reflects on her own attitude, since even to herself it is not entirely unproblematic (I 14; cf. also I 7). As the eventual outcome shows, Ottavia’s weakness due to her love means that Nerone is able to push through his interests. In contrast to Ottavia, Agrippina actively tries to dissuade Nerone from his plans and thus resembles Ottone in her reaction (I 6; I 10). Although this opera does not deal with Nero’s accession to the throne, Agrippina plays a prominent role as a living person (cf. Feustking, Nero); this character can almost be compared to Grimani’s Agrippina in the opera named after her. A number of refer-

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ences to Agrippina’s deeds on behalf of Nerone (I 13; II 5), recalling the Latin Octavia (Oct. 90–99; 126–129; 593–645), give the action a dynastic and political dimension, while Agrippina’s interventions are not entirely selfless actions for the sake of the empire: they are also prompted by disappointment at her loss of power and influence on Nerone (I 5). In the absence of Seneca as a character, Agrippina is the main figure to oppose Nerone on an argumentative basis. In the discussions between Agrippina and Nerone (II 5; III 6) points familiar from the dialogue between Seneca and Nero in the Latin Octavia come up (Oct. 440–592), for instance when Nerone declares that a monarch can act as he pleases and may take or repudiate wives according to his wishes, that he makes laws that all others have to obey or can ignore the wishes of the People. The presence of Tiridate in Rome (66 CE) at the time of Nero’s love affair with Poppea (62 CE) was turned into a part of the same story by earlier poets, according to the librettist. While this feature does not agree with the transmitted historical chronology, it is found in a number of earlier Nero operas. In Piovene’s version Tiridate is in Rome to be crowned by Nerone. Tiridate is on his own, without his family; he himself or members of his family are not engaged in love affairs of their own. Yet Tiridate is actively involved in the plot: because this Tiridate is compassionate and has a sense of justice, he becomes a participant in the action of revenge planned by Ottone against Nerone, however not with the intention to remove or overthrow Nerone, but rather to reconcile the two couples, Nerone and Ottavia as well as Ottone and Poppea (II 3–4). However, he does not accurately judge their options and opportunities: by offering his pretended support to Ottone for the sake of his noble aims, he ultimately becomes a major element in the lack of success of Ottone’s measures (II 8; II 10–11). Ottone’s action against Nerone is motivated by his dissatisfaction and a desire for revenge (I 6–8; II 1; II 7); it therefore largely lacks a political dimension. Hence political opposition is discussed rather than practically shown, since the actual opposition is provoked by the disruption of a marital union. The two attempts to stop Nerone by Ottone and Agrippina respectively fail for different reasons: Ottone’s attempt is thwarted by the noble virtuousness of Ottavia, who is constant in her love even in adversity, and the (well-intended) dishonesty of Tiridate; Agrippina is unsuccessful (just as earlier ‘Senecas’) because of Nerone’s stubbornness and his confidence in his absolute power. These oppositions result in a moral contrast between the two sides, in a display of the slim chances of moral integrity, legitimate intentions, activities prompted by emotions and reasonable argument against sheer force and in a demonstration of the difficulties of realizing noble aims and of reacting appropriately to outrageous situations. By including a trial scene (III 3–6; cf. Biancolelli, Il Nerone; Corradi, Il Nerone; Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia) and a reluctant messenger (I 9; III 6–8; cf. Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea; Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia; Feind, Octavia), the librettist adopts operatic conventions. At the same time these elements serve to demonstrate Nerone’s amoral use of power: the trial is full of injustice since the accusation is problematic and the announcement of the sentences by Nerone and

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Poppea is meant to hurt Ottavia. Under those circumstances there is nothing to be done even for a hesitant messenger; in that he resembles the prefect in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 844–876). In contrast to other pieces of the period, this opera in its original version does not have a completely happy ending. Like a tragedy and the Latin Octavia, it ends with a catastrophe: Nerone will have Poppea, while Ottavia, Agrippina and Ottone will be punished, their entreaties having been ignored. That this opera may be different in this respect is obvious by its classification: it is defined as a tragedia per musica rather than as, for instance, a dramma per musica.233 This solution remains close to the perhaps disillusioning course of events in the historical record, apart from the fact that the removal of the three individuals did not take place at the same time. In this operatic version no change of Nerone’s character has been achieved, nor have others been able to take over power. It is therefore in essence a demonstration of the dominance of absolute and disloyal power, which is shown to affect primarily private issues, but will also have political consequences, as indicated in Nerone’s dialogues with Agrippina. This message is one of the aspects that creates a connection to the Latin Octavia: there, too, attempts to oppose Nero are included and alternative options are sketched; yet in the end Nero is successful although it is indicated that this may not last for ever.

2.15 ‘Cimbaloni’, Nerone detronato (1725/26) Background The short ‘opera’ (a dramma per musica, consisting of one act) Nerone detronato dal trionfo di Sergio Galba (‘Nero removed from the throne by the triumph of Sergius Galba’) was first performed in the ‘Teatro di S. Salvatore’ in Venice in 1725 more veneto, i.e. in the winter of 1725/26, presumably in early 1726. As the set-up of the libretto indicates, this play belongs to the sub-genre of what has been called ‘satirical opera’ or ‘commedia dell’arte opera’, a kind of opera that began to appear by the 1720s and satirizes and parodies the serious dramma per musica, for instance by incorporating or making extreme use of typical opera conventions.234 Thus, the single act of Nerone detronato is headed ‘Atto primo, e per brevità secondo, e terzo. Perchè Gaudent brevitate Moderni.’ (‘First act, and, due to its brevity, second, and third. For modern people enjoy brevity.’); i.e., even a short opera pretends to consist of the standard three acts, while making fun of the

_____________ 233 Significantly, the generic identification (drama per musica) and also the ending have been changed in the second Italian version: it closes with Nerone being relieved at having removed Ottavia and Agrippina, while Poppea is being praised as the new empress. The union of Nerone and Poppea and the resulting joy of other characters ensure a sufficiently happy ending. 234 See e.g. Weiss (1982) 1984; Selfridge-Field 2007, 49.

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normally resulting length of the pieces. Another obligatory convention is the happy ending: in this play, as the stage directions, indicate, ‘hyperbolic incidents’ suddenly occur, turning the tragic into a happy ending (scene 12).235 This artificial construct, which recalls a deus ex machina in ancient Greek theatre, along with the explicit statement of the change of atmosphere at this point, shows the perceived conventionality of such a requirement. Interestingly, the well-known story of Nero has been chosen as the subject matter for such a piece. Apparently, Roman history, and this section of Roman history in particular, suited the poet’s (ironic) purposes, as indicated in the ‘Argomento Dell’Istoria Romana’ (which does not actually rely on Roman history or refer to authoritative classical historians as serious operas would): achievements of warring mythical and historical heroes and peoples, starting from Greek antiquity, are mentioned, since these men, in contempt of vice, were eager to show proof of their virtue in the struggle against enemies; by contrast the present story will show how vice has always been harmful.236 It has been assumed that Piovene’s Nerone (1721) was the particular focus of this satire;237 this would have been the most recent serious piece on Nero, but a specific target is not immediately apparent. It is one of the techniques of this kind of opera to use pseudonyms for the individuals involved in the production. Hence, according to the first print, the libretto comes from ‘Dottor Graziano Cimbaloni da Bologna’ (‘Espositore della Flemma, & ammirabile pacifico della Torre delli Asinelli’); the music was

_____________ 235 As indicated by the stage direction: “Quì succedono gl’accidenti Iperbolici della Pistolla, terminando il Tragico in lieto fine, …” – ‘Here occur the Hyperbolic incidents with the Pistol, turning the Tragic into a happy ending, …’ [trans. P. Weiss]. 236 See ‘Argomento Dell’Istoria Romana’: “Nacquero in Grecia molti Eroi, che sprezzando i vizi volero far prova del loro coraggio contro gl’inimici. Li Mori, che tuttavia stanno assediando Ceuta s’inagannano, perche si passa lò stretto, e s’arriva in Gibilterra. Anche nell’Indie tanto Orientali, quanto Occidentali vi sono le loro controversie. Cartaggine è già distrutta, e se il Nillo non bagnasse le Campagne del gran Cairo dove vi sono tante migliara di persone, morrirebero dalla fame, Artaserse Rè di Persia ebbe duoi figli, & il Rè di Marocco ne hà havuti sei, e pure con tutto questo il vizio è stato sempre di pregiuditio, cioè voglio dire ruvina dell’Uomo, e questo hà dato motivo di formare il presente episodio, nel quale vedrai lò strattagemma di condurre à termine la quì annessa discrizione, gradisci, e giubila, Addio.” – ‘Many Heroes were born in Greece, who, disdaining all vices, decided to test their mettle against their enemies. The Moors, who nevertheless are laying siege to Ceuta, are sorely mistaken, for once the strait is passed, there’s Gibraltar. And even in the Indies (both East and West) their controversies fester. Carthage meanwhile is destroyed, and were it not for the fact that the Nile overflows and wets the Lands of great Cairo, where so many thousands live, they would all die of hunger. Artaxerxes king of Persia had two sons, & the King of Morocco six, and yet, all this notwithstanding, vice has always been harmful, that is (I mean to say) Man’s ruin, and this has furnished the matter for the present episode, in which you shall witness the stratagem wherewith the herein mentioned description is brought to its conclusion, enjoy, and rejoice, Farewell.’ [trans. P. Weiss]. 237 See Selfridge-Field 2007, 569.

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contributed by a ‘Sig. non si sà, di Patria incognita. Astrologo à prima vista.’ For the singers, similarly, standard professions, albeit unlikely for such individuals, are given, which combines the historical plot with contemporary everyday Venetian reality.238 The librettist’s pseudonym might have been chosen since Dr Graziano is one of the principal masks of the commedia dell’arte, denoting the elderly doctor, who is presented as being educated in Parma or Bologna, both places being among the most prestigious universities in Italy; he pretends to be knowledgeable in a variety of areas such as medicine or law and creates obstacles for the plot.239 The person who is behind this name here cannot be established with certainty, and identifying a real individual is even more difficult for the composer. It has been suggested that the librettist was Pompilio Miti: it is assumed that the same pseudonym is used for husband and wife, and the singer of Poppea, named ‘Vittoria Cimbaloni’, has been identified as Vittoria Miti.240 Pompilio Miti wrote the text of an Ottaviano trionfante di Marc’Antonio (music by Giacomo Maccari [c. 1700–1744]), a short operatic piece in similar satirical style (first performed in the same theatre during the carnival season of 1735). Other scholars have identified the composer as Giovanni Battista Pescetti (c. 1704–1766), an opera composer and harpsichordist active in Venice (1725–1732 and from 1747) and London (1736–1745),241 and attributed the libretto to G. Pimbaloni.242 The opera was revived (for instance in Naples) and the libretto was reprinted in Italy several times during the 18th century. Bibliographical information243 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: ‘Dottor Graziano Cimbaloni da Bologna’ / not identifiable CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Nerone detronato dal trionfo di Sergio Galba. Dramma per Musica, da recitarsi nel Teatro propè S. Salvatore, Dedicata Al Molto Illustre mio Caro il Sign. Dott. Paracelso

_____________ 238 For the singers involved the following professions are given: Computista del Nobil. Ponte di Rialto – Ricamatrice della Regina Isota – Spargirico di Negroponte – Conzateste della Sig. Principessa Majorica – Ortolano di Camera di S. A. il Castello di Bergamo – Mastro di Ballo dell’Isole Canarie, for the ‘Inventor delle scene’: Scudiere, e Mastro di Cerimonie all’ultima tule; for ‘Il vestiario di vaga invenzione’: Bottaro per il Moscato di Levante; for the director of the dances: Cirusico di Madamma Carriola. 239 See Weiss (1982) 1984, 215. 240 See Weiss (1982) 1984, 215. 241 See e.g. Towers 1910, 451; Selfridge-Field 2007, 569; Hill at OMO; sceptically Weiss (1982) 1984, 215. 242 See Hill at OMO. 243 See Sartori 1991b, 222; Selfridge-Field 2007, 569.

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CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Il trionfo di Galba o sia Il Nerone detronato, divertimento teatrale per musica, Da cantarsi nel Teatro da San Sebastiano di Livorno. Dedicato a sua eccellenza Don Emmanuele d’Orleans, Conte di Charny, Cavaliero dell’Ordine di S. Giacomo, Commendatore di Almuradiel nell’Ordine di Calatrava, Gentiluomo di Camera di sua Maestà, Governatore di Centa, Governatore e Capitan Generale di Provincia, e Comandante Generale delle Truppe di sua Maestà in Italia ec. [Lucca 1732; dedica di Anton Maria Vitalba Comico di S.A.S.] LIBRETTO / MUSIC: 244 ‘Dottor Bombardo da Bologna’ / not identifiable CONTEMPORARY PRINT: *Il Nerone detronato o sia Il trionfo di Sergio Galba. Divertimento teatrale da cantarsi in musica dalla compagnia de’ comici nel Teatro de’ Fiorentini, dedicato all’ill.mo signore D. Giuseppe Carnevale avocato primario della gran Partenope. [Napoli 1743] CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

*Il trionfo di Galba o sia Il Nerone detronato, divertimento teatrale per musica, da cantarsi nel teatro della sala regia, e nel nuovo sopra Toleda. Dedicato alla Comit. [Napoli 1784] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1725: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/04482.pdf 1732: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/04277.pdf SCHOLARSHIP: Weiss (1982) 1984 information on the possible composer (Pescetti): Hill at OMO

Synopsis245 CHARACTERS:

1725: Nerone – Poppea – Ottone – Ottavia – Sergio Galba – Paggio – Ombra che parla 1732: Nerone – Popea – Ottavia – Tiridate – Ottone – Paggio – Sergio – Ombra *1743: Nerone – Poppea – Ottavia – Ottone – Sergio Galba – Tiridate – Paggio – Ombra

_____________ 244 In this version the pseudonym has been slightly changed; still the ‘Dottor’ retains the characteristic of a Bolognese background. 245 The 1732 and 1743 versions additionally include the character of Tiridate; thus another element connected with the Nero story, which had become standard over the course of time, is ridiculed, although the satirical elements have been reduced and the plot has been simplified. To illustrate the differences summaries of the 1725 and the 1732 versions are given.

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1725 version: The opera is set in a sumptuous room with a throne: in the company of a page and guards, the emperor Nerone and his beloved Poppea speak words of love to each other, and Poppea takes a seat on the throne. Nerone announces that he will send Ottone, Poppea’s present husband, into exile, which the page laments (1). Poppea voices apprehensions because of Nerone’s wife Ottavia, but Nerone assures her that he will repudiate Ottavia and have Poppea as queen, which makes Poppea happy (2). Ottavia arrives and asserts her position, which leads to a heated dialogue between the two women (3). A discussion between Nerone and Ottavia about this situation (4) as well as an animated debate between Nerone and Ottone follow (5). Ottone bemoans his fate, realizing that one may lose wives in a tyrannical system (6). Nerone rejoices at Seneca, his former tutor, and his mother being dead already, since he therefore can now act as it pleases him; he then falls asleep (7). At this point Seneca’s shade emerges and reproaches Nerone for not having followed his precepts. Nerone needs some time to realize what is going on; finally he understands that the soul of his mother and the spirit of Seneca have appeared to him in his sleep and have reproached him (8). Poppea arrives and urges Nerone to flee since Sergio (Galba) is approaching with a powerful band of armed men; Poppea goes on to reveal that Ottone is Nerone’s enemy too and is united with Sergio: they both aim at Nerone’s death. Nerone is alarmed and resolves to flee to save his life for the sake of Poppea’s love (9). Ottone and Poppea meet, and Ottone makes an attempt at reconciliation, but Poppea rejects him and leaves. Ottone reflects on the situation; he is forced to vengeance because of the inconstancy of Amore (10). Sergio enters on a triumphal chariot, followed by soldiers and Ottavia, and starts a victorious song. At this point Nerone, with Poppea, and Ottone step forward (11). Ottone again lays claim to Poppea, who already was his lawful wife and destined for him by the gods, but Nerone rejects this idea. Sergio criticizes Nerone as an insolent villain, asserts his claim to power and asks the guards to strip Nerone of his imperial attire. They follow his orders and hand the laurel over to Sergio. In his final speech Nerone complains about such a treatment of a monarch. After a brief comment by Ottavia, ‘hyperbolic incidents’ occur; thus the piece closes with the conventional happy ending (12). 1732 version: The opera opens in a sumptuous room with a throne: in the company of a page and guards, the emperor Nerone and his beloved Popea speak words of love to each other, and Popea takes a seat on the throne. Nerone announces that he will send Ottone, Popea’s present husband, into exile, which the page laments (1). Popea voices apprehensions because of Nerone’s wife Ottavia, but Nerone assures her that he will repudiate Ottavia and have Popea as queen, which makes Popea happy (2). Ottavia arrives and asserts her position, which leads to a heated dialogue between the two women (3). A discussion between Nerone and Ottavia about this situation (4) as well as an animated debate between Nerone and Ottone follow (5). Tiridate expresses his sympathy for Ottone, while the latter insists that he is still Popea’s husband; Tiridate suggests that Ottone

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needs to take action (6). Ottone, on his own, bemoans the situation, which is shameful for him and invites vengeance (7). In an atrium Nerone rejoices at Seneca, his former tutor, and his mother being dead, since he therefore can now act as it pleases him; he walks towards the throne and falls asleep (8). At this point Seneca’s shade emerges and reproaches Nerone for not having followed his precepts. Nerone wakes up and needs some time to realize what is going on; finally he understands that the soul of his mother and the spirit of Seneca have appeared to him in his sleep and have reproached him (9). Popea arrives and urges Nerone to flee since Sergio (Galba) is approaching with a powerful band of armed men; Popea goes on to reveal that Ottone is Nerone’s enemy too and is united with Sergio: they both aim at Nerone’s death. (10). Ottavia arrives, enraged at her situation, but still in love with Nerone (11). In a hall with a triumphal chariot Sergio enters with soldiers and starts accusing Nerone. He eventually relents, and they are reconciled. The piece closes with a song on Galba’s triumph (12). Analysis As the title indicates, the plot of this opera is intended to take place in a later period in Nero’s career, at the time of his dethroning and the succession of Servius Sulpicius Galba (68 CE; Suet. Nero 48.2; Galba 2; 9.2–11). Nevertheless, the piece can be regarded as belonging to the tradition of Nero operas going back to the set-up in the Latin Octavia, since, against the transmitted chronology, the end of Nero’s reign is connected with his love relationships, i.e., his intention to marry Poppaea and repudiate his wife Octavia (62 CE). Thus the composition of events is similar to Silvani’s La fortezza al cimento, in so far as this opera also ends with Galba ascending the throne. Apart from the obvious addition of Sergio (Galba) because of this combination of events, the original version of Nerone detronato does not feature further (historical) characters (such as a foreign king like Tiridates or Roman noblemen like Piso) beyond the historical characters involved in the love plot, Nero, Octavia, Poppaea (present in the Latin Octavia), and, to emphasize the tensions, Otho as Poppaea’s husband, a common addition since Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (besides supplementary figures such as pages or guards). The first part of the play focuses on Nerone’s love for Poppea and its consequences. The fact that this new relationship has an impact on existing bonds is brought to the fore by direct confrontations between the individuals concerned: Ottavia and Poppea, Nerone and Ottavia as well as Nerone and Ottone. Such oppositions are avoided in the Latin Octavia, but have become frequent elements in the operatic tradition. At this stage in the action, there are no dramatic characters not immediately affected who oppose or criticize Nerone’s plans (in contrast to many other versions), since his mother Agrippina and Seneca are dead as Nerone realizes with pleasure (7). Precisely at this point the ingenious device of the

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appearance of Seneca’s shade reproaching Nerone (8) makes it clear that there still is a superior moral entity, critically observing Nerone’s conduct. The opera thereby includes the figure of Seneca (died in 65 CE) as a moral adviser, just as a number of plays following the Latin Octavia do, and it adopts the frequent motif of the appearance of a shade, inaugurated by Agrippina in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 593–645), combined with the conventional operatic sleep scene. Opposition on the level of living human beings starts at about the same time, which leads to the combination of politics and a love affair, as it is characteristic of Nero operas in the tradition of the Latin Octavia. Yet Galba’s attempt to ascend the throne, just as the Pisonian Conspiracy, is primarily a simultaneous event rather than causally connected with Nerone’s love for Poppea. It is only the activity of Ottone, who turns against Nerone and unites himself with Sergio, that is motivated by Nerone’s love for Ottone’s wife; this creates a direct link between the political aspect and the emperor’s love relationships, although the connection is not as close as in the Latin Octavia, since here no further reasons for Nerone’s relationship with Poppea apart from his personal desire are mentioned. Ottone’s participation in the uprising has some backing in the historical record, as Otho is said to have supported Galba’s claims to the throne (Plut. Galba 20). Nerone’s initial reaction to the unrest, namely to take flight (9), recalls reports about his death (Suet. Nero 47–49) that have been taken up in some operas; here he does so at Poppea’s instigation, and the motif is not developed further, since this would remove Nerone from the scene. Instead, the main characters meet at the end of the play (12) and voice their respective claims to power and to women, whereby aspects featuring in the dialogue between Nero and Seneca in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592) are mentioned. At this point, when the conclusion might turn into something pretty prosaic and not particularly glamorous, the occurrence of ‘hyperbolic incidents’ assures a happy ending, although the specific consequences for the protagonists are not spelt out. This opera takes its starting point from a focus on the basic set-up of a plot that has been frequently shown on the operatic stage: Nerone is in love with the wife of someone else, he, as a tyrannical ruler, lays claim to this woman, repudiates his existing wife, and this situation leads to a variety of consequences for the individuals involved. At the same time this plot featuring the well-known figures develops in the conventional way only outwardly: the appearance of a rival and successor to the throne puts an end to Nerone’s new relationship, without it having been fully realized. Nerone himself is shown initially as enjoying his absolute power; in response to the external threat, however, Poppea has to press him into flight, to which he agrees for her sake (9). In the end he complains about how he, though the monarch, is being treated (12). His opponents arrive on stage with a triumphal procession (11), often used for victories associated with Nero elsewhere; here this transfer has been suggested by the title. Ottavia, about to be repudiated by Nerone, eventually appears among the winners (11), though she has not contributed to achieving this victory. Poppea is basically ready to exchange her husband for being Nerone’s empress; she prompts the removal of his legitim-

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ate wife (2), rejects attempts at reconciliation of her husband Ottone (10) and tries to support Nerone until the end (9); yet, as may be inferred, she will have to arrange herself again with Ottone. For Ottone is determined to have her back despite her resistance. His plans for vengeance develop with hesitation (10), and he has no time to act against Nerone before Sergio appears. As in the case of other protagonists, a well-known motif is alluded to pathetically, but does not lead anywhere within the plot. Even the appearance of Seneca’s admonishing shade seems to be a combination of traditional motifs, when Nerone afterwards states that the soul of his mother and the spirit of Seneca appeared to him (8); this makes fun of the moral weight that these two figures, especially Seneca, have in some other operas. Overall, this opera shows itself to be a parodic variant of the tradition of Nero operas: this is apparent throughout not only from the one-act structure, but also by ridiculous dialogues full of jokes and word play, the colloquial tone and the use of dialect. The confident modificaton of conventions is based on a self-conscious approach and high literary awareness; hence the writer must have been well acquainted with classical and contemporary sources. Such a treatment is only possible when a tradition in both form and substance has established itself in the minds of producers as well as audiences.

2.16 Salfi, La congiura pisoniana (1797) Background The opera La congiura pisoniana (‘The Pisonian Conspiracy’) (a dramma per musica in three acts), to a libretto by Francesco Saverio Salfi and music by Angelo Tarchi, was first performed at the ‘Teatro alla Scala’ in Milan in January 1797, just after the French army of Italy under Napoleon seized Milan from Austria. As the librettist suggests in the preface, the opera was inspired by a French play (Paris 1794) by Gabriel-Marie Jean-Baptiste Legouvé (1764–1812), entitled Épicharis et Néron, ou Conspiration pour la Liberté (‘Epicharis and Nero, or Conspiracy for Liberty’; ch. 3.8).246 The opera’s librettist, Francesco Saverio Salfi (1759–1832), born in Cosenza, initially was ordained as a priest and was a keen supporter of the French revolution. He later moved to Naples, and in 1794 he fled to Genoa, where he resigned

_____________ 246 ‘Al Popolo di Milano’: “La congiura di Pisone è degna e delle circostanze e del teatro per farne uno spettacolo instruttivo ed interessante. Il cittadino Legouvé ne ha dato un saggio in una sua tragedia, ed io non posso tentarne che un debole quadro nel presente dramma.” – ‘To the people of Milan: The Pisonian Conspiracy is worthy both of the circumstances and the theatre to yield an instructive and interesting spectacle. The citizen Legouvé has provided a study thereof in one of his tragedies, and I can attempt nothing but a weak portrait thereof in the present drama.’

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from his religious duties, and then to Milan, where he worked for the theatre and played an active role in republican activities. In 1798 he went back to Naples, where he accepted an office in the government, then fled to France in 1799 and returned to Italy again in 1800, teaching history, philosophy and law in Brescia. In 1815 he finally moved to France, where he continued to be active as a writer and retain a key interest in Italian politics.247 Angelo Tarchi (c. 1760–1814) was a successful and prolific composer of operas (c. 50 works known): he started off with comic operas in Naples and later wrote for theatres in Rome, Florence and Milan, where his first serious opera was performed in 1783; he also worked in London for a brief spell and had works staged in Paris. Several of his compositions are based on topics from classical antiquity, e.g. Ifigenia in Aulide (1785), Virginia (1785), Mitridate re di Ponto (1785), Ifigenia in Tauride (1786), La morte di Nerone (1792), L’apoteosi d’Ercole (1790) or Le Danaidi (1794). Bibliographical information248 LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Francesco Saverio Salfi (1759–1832) / Angelo Tarchi (c. 1760–1814) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS: La congiura pisoniana. Dramma per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Grande alla Scala il carnevale 1797. Sotto gli auspicii della Repubblica Francese. [Milano 1797] (music lost) La congiura pisoniana. Dramma per musica da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Nazionale di Brescia. La Fiera dell’Anno 6. Republicano. [Brescia 1808] (music lost) ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1797: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/06085_8.pdf http://badigit.comune.bologna.it/cmbm/images/ripro/libretti/Lo05294/Lo05294_00 1.asp 1808: http://www.museodeldiscodepoca.com/archivio/visualizza_scheda.php?id=D00009 8391 SCHOLARSHIP: Ketterer 2006, esp. 104–111; 2009, 173–175 information on librettist and composer: Ferrari 2009; Libby / McClymonds at OMO

_____________ 247 On the political aspects of Salfi’s career see Ferrari 2009; on the political aspects of his writings see Visconti 2006. 248 See Sartori 1990b, 189.

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Synopsis249 CHARACTERS:

1797: Nerone, imperatore di Roma – Ecaride [with the note: “Si è cambiato il nome di Epicari per più adattarlo al genio della musica, e della lingua.” – ‘The name of Epicari has been changed to adapt it better to the spirit of the music and the words.’] – Pisone, console – Flavio, tribuno militare – Livia – Tigellino, prefetto del pretorio || Congiurati – Cortigiani – Guardie – Popolo ec. 1808: Nerone, imperatore di Roma – Ecaride [with the note: “Si è cambiato il nome di Epicari per più adattarlo al genio della musica, e della lingua.” – ‘The name of Epicari has been changed to adapt it better to the spirit of the music and the words.’] – Pisone, console – Flavio, tribuno militare – Livia – Tigellino || Congiurati – Cortigiani – Guardie – Popolo ec.

1797 version: The FIRST ACT opens in front of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine in Rome with the Circus Maximus in the background, decked out for triumphal celebrations. The emperor Nerone arrives with his retinue, riding on a chariot drawn by four white horses. The People watching voice the expectation that with him august majesty and glory will return to Rome. Nerone replies that he returns as a winner in the arena, and he already feels almost divine. Tigellino, the prefect of the Praetorian Guard, presents Nerone with an edict from the Senate, kneeling before him; Nerone declares that everything is subject to him. He is then led into the temple by religious officials, among further approving shouting of the People (I 1). The two women Ecaride and Livia appear, with Livia trying to hold back Ecaride. Ecaride laments over the fate of unlucky Rome that once saw men such as Camillus and Scipio celebrate triumphs and is now ruled by a tyrant; she feels empathy for the fates of Nerone’s mother Agrippina and his wife Ottavia, as they have suffered from an assassin relative. She, a Greek maiden, plans to avenge Rome and to spread the blood of a tyrant with her hands; if necessary, she is ready to die like the early Roman heroines Lucretia and Virginia to save Rome (I 2). After Ecaride has left, Livia ponders what she has just heard; she wonders at Ecaride’s determination and the lack thereof among Romans (I 3). The next scene shows the consul Pisone deep in meditation in a little wood in Agrippina’s gardens. Pisone laments the tyrant and the unjust reign; remembering the example of Bruto, who killed Cesare, he encourages himself to return Rome to freedom (I 4). The military tribune Flavio arrives, intending to fetch Pisone to take action together with him and others ready to go. Pisone notes that time and

_____________ 249 The 1808 version is almost identical with the 1797 version, with the exception of the following details: in I 4 of the later version Pisone sees an appearance of spectres, and a chorus explain that this is his father asking for vengeance; in II 13 a chorus appears at the end of the scene in support of Nerone; in the last scene of the second act (II 16, in correct numbering) the People storm in, some running towards Nerone, whereupon he hits himself, and others trying to free Pisone and Ecaride.

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place must be chosen and tells Flavio to wait for him with the others and promises that he will join them. Flavio is eager to assassinate Nerone and thus to regain his inner peace (I 5). Pisone remains to continue his reflections about the political situation, when he notices Ecaride and decides to watch and overhear her (I 6). Ecaride believes that she sees Ottavia’s shade; she empathizes with her and tries to comfort her; she assures her that she will take revenge and that the other may therefore calm down (I 7). Pisone reappears to surprise Ecaride. Ecaride is taken aback and concerned; Pisone tells her that he wishes to admire and imitate her. When she informs him that she intends to do what every Roman should do, namely to free the earth from a tyrant, he is amazed, since she is a woman and a foreigner. But she feels like a Roman citizen, led by the spirit of Bruto; even if she was not born a Roman, she wants to die as a worthy daughter of Rome; she finds no joy in living among the many slaves in Rome. Pisone assures her that there are many hidden heroes in Rome and announces that he will reveal details soon, if she promises silence. She does so and then leaves (I 8). Meanwhile servants prepare an expiatory sacrifice in the presence of Nerone, Tigellino and Pisone. Nerone is convinced that everyone fears him and there can be no novel disaster. Tigellino confirms that there is nothing to fear as the heavens respect his power. Nerone announces that he will offer the accustomed spectacle in the circus to the People the next day. Suddenly a frightening portent appears, and all are terrified. Nerone fears that it might predict threatening ruin, but Pisone regards it as propitious and hopes for impending peace in the empire (I 9). The next scene is set in an interior ready for the meeting of the conspirators, badly lit; there are statues of various philosophers and an altar dedicated to Revenge; in the middle there is a group showing Bruto in the act of killing Cesare, as well as Pompeo. Pisone is leading Ecaride there. He explains that in this secluded venue citizens are allowed to talk about liberty and to think about revenge on tyrants; they will offer an example of virtue. Ecaride is impressed, though she wonders why Rome is still enslaved. A conversation among the conspirators ensues. When asked to determine a venue for the action, Pisone says that Nerone has promised the usual spectacle in the circus and that in this context the tyrant will fall. Ecaride demands the privilege of the first strike, but Flavio intervenes, saying that they are all equal. Ecaride prepares for the deed and kneels in front of the statue of Bruto, praying for support. They all proclaim that they want revenge, peace and liberty, and they swear by the altar and their weapons that they will immerse their daggers in the chest of the vile man (I 10). The beginning of the SECOND ACT shows the military tribune Flavio in apartments in the imperial palace. He is agitated because Nerone is terrified and disturbed (II 1). Pisone joins Flavio, informs him that Nerone has summoned him and enquires whether the other knows the reason. He does not and only mentions that Nerone seems worried by a new furor. While Nerone arrives, Pisone tells Flavio to fetch their men (II 2). Nerone enters with Tigellino and guards. He asks Pisone for his views about his future; Pisone is uncertain. Nerone announces that he will punish Rome (II 3). Ecaride is brought in by guards, watched by Tigellino.

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Nerone accuses her, and it turns out that, because of a letter, Nerone thinks that Ecaride hates him and is conspiring against him. But having insisted on the right of defence, Ecaride and Pisone manage to convince Nerone of her innocence by pointing to the fact that she is a woman and an unknown stranger, and she offers her death if he does not believe them. In the end Nerone dismisses them (II 4). Nerone discusses the incident with Tigellino; in fact he is still suspicious and orders Tigellino to follow them (II 5). In an atrium Livia expresses concern for Ecaride, who tries to calm the other down; but Livia still foresees disaster (II 6). Ecaride, now on her own, decides to look for Pisone. He comes along and addresses himself to the night, which he regards as a helper (II 7). Then Ecaride and Pisone notice each other’s presence; he explains that he has come back alone because the others have abandoned the cause. While Pisone wonders what they will be able to do on their own, Ecaride reveals her hidden dagger and makes it clear that she is determined to kill the tyrant (II 8). Some conspirators enter, ready to take revenge on Nerone (II 9). Flavio appears and reports that Nerone has discovered everything; upon Pisone’s encouragement they all get ready (II 10). Nerone and Tigellino approach with guards, surround the atrium and surprise the conspirators. Nerone accuses Pisone, taking up his former assurances, but Pisone remains magnanimous. The guards put the conspirators into chains (II 11). Ecaride entreats Nerone just to punish her, but he challenges her to betray her co-conspirators; yet she remains steadfast (II 12a). Nerone delights in his rule over Rome and informs Tigellino of his intention to destroy Rome by setting it on fire, so as to recreate the spectacle of Troy (II 12b). Ecaride and Pisone are in chains deep in a horrible prison tower. They lament the tyrant and the reward for virtue; Ecaride repeats that she is happy to die for liberty, while they notice that Rome is burning (II 13). Nerone arrives at the top of the tower, with guards and courtiers, and points the prisoners to the flames as a sign of his strength. They are appalled and regret that they have not been able to save Rome (II 14). Tigellino announces that there is an enraged uprising of the People, which creates hope for Pisone and Ecaride and despair for Nerone. He intends to punish Pisone and Ecaride, but decides to reserve them for more severe torture (II 15). The THIRD ACT features deserted countryside, where Nerone appears disguised as an ordinary person; he does not know where he is and bewails this change of fortune (III 1). Nerone asks Tigellino for any good news, but Tigellino can only tell him that the People have betrayed him and demand that the Senate condemn Nerone to death. Nerone accepts that his death his imminent and regrets these effects of his clemency (III 2). Nerone, now on his own, realizes that the ultimate danger is approaching and does not see a solution. He feels pursued by all his victims and tries to steel himself for the final deed of killing himself (III 3). The People storm in, crying for the tyrant’s death. At this point Nerone kills himself, with Tigellino enhancing the force of the stroke (III 4). Ecaride, surrounded by maidens, and Pisone with conspirators appear; the People carry the insignia of liberty; soldiers of the Praetorian Guard follow. The chorus praises the virtue of

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the new Amazon. When they see that Nerone lies in his own blood, Ecaride, Pisone and others rejoice that Nerone’s blood means peace and liberty for them, and they hope that other tyrants will suffer equal revenge (III 5). Analysis In comparison with other Nero operas, this piece is unusual: it is not named after one of the main characters or after any of their characteristic features, but rather after an event within Nero’s reign, the Pisonian Conspiracy, taking its inspiration from Legouvé’s drama. This title fixes the action in time and defines the characters involved; the plot centres round this incident, the plans of Roman noblemen to assassinate Nero during the games in the circus at the Ludi Ceriales in 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.53), and does not focus on the relationships of the emperor Nerone to women. Nerone appears as an emperor, who regards himself as an absolute ruler (I 1) and feels entitled to set Rome on fire (II 12b), while nothing is revealed about his personal life or his position within his family. There is a reference to the fact that he has killed his mother Agrippina and his wife Ottavia (I 2; cf. Tac. Ann. 14.1–8; 14.63–64), though these deeds do not gain prominence. In fact, there is not only no love affair at the imperial court, but also no love affair among other characters, although the maiden Ecaride moves among male conspirators. Besides, almost all characters have a historical basis. In addition to the emperor Nerone, the consul Pisone alludes to C. Calpurnius Piso, after whom the conspiracy is named: according to Tacitus he was a popular bon vivant; he came from the family of the Calpurnii and had links to many respected families via the nobility on his father’s side (Tac. Ann. 15.48). The father appears in the 1808 version of the opera as the figure who incites the son to avenge Rome. Flavio points to Flavius Scaevinus, a leading participant in the conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 15.49.4; 15.53.2; 15.54–56; 15.59.1; 15.66.1; 15.70.2; 15.74.1), whose freedman revealed the planned assassination of Nero (Tac. Ann. 15.55; 16.18.3). Tigellino represents Ofonius Tigellinus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3); he assisted Nero in the removal of Octavia (62 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.60.3). For Ecaride, whose name is different from the classical model Epicharis, it is explicitly noted in the list of characters that the name has been changed for reasons of musicality. Epicharis is characterized in Tacitus as one of the most virtuous and steadfast members of the conspiracy; she drives the men to action, cannot be forced to betray her companions under torture and eventually kills herself (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57). There was another woman actively involved in the conspiracy, Claudia Antonia, a daughter of the late emperor Claudius (Tac. Ann. 15.53.3). The figure of Livia in the opera, however, appears to be fictional. Her name is a common Roman name and attested for several women of the imperial family; but none of them fits the Livia in the opera (I 2–3; II 6). This Livia seems rather to be modelled on the literary precedent of Ismene, Antigone’s sister, in

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Sophocles’ tragedy Antigone: in contrast to her sister Antigone, who actively defies the orders of the ruler Creo (not to bury her dead brother, since he has fought against the city) because she thinks that they violate higher laws, Ismene is doubtful about women single-handedly engaging in deeds that would be expected of men. The description of the development of the conspiracy takes account of details mentioned in Tacitus: for instance, the plan to assassinate the emperor on the occasion of games in the circus (I 10; Tac. Ann. 15.53.1), Flavius Scaevinus demanding the first strike for himself, while he here intervenes when Epicharis does the same (I 10; Tac. Ann. 15.53.2), or Epicharis being challenged to betray the other conspirators (II 12a; Tac. Ann. 15.57). At the same time, the opera’s plot presents major historically attested events, the fire of Rome (64 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38) and Nero’s death in the countryside (68 CE; cf. Suet. Nero 48–49) in addition to the Pisonian Conspiracy (65 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.65.2; 15.48–59), in a different order; hence no causal connection between them is created: the conspirators assemble, since they are no longer willing to tolerate the delusion and lack of freedom under the tyrant Nerone and wish to ensure freedom and peace instead. The fire of Rome follows (II 12b–15), intended to be a punishment for the People in Octavia (Oct. 831–833); this leads to an uprising of the People, and, in contrast to the historical record, the conspirators are still alive and even present at Nerone’s death (III 2–5). Nerone’s end, however, is not connected with the appearance of a potential successor such as Galba. Hence the arrangements for government after Nerone’s removal remain open, and peace and freedom can be celebrated, since there is no expectation that the monarchical ruler will be replaced by another one. With its many links to the historical basis and the elimination of a developed personal level, the opera focuses on the political aspect, one of the themes of the Latin Octavia, with a number of further similarities in details: Ecaride laments the fortune of Rome, which has seen great heroes such as Camillus (presumably Marcus Furius Camillus, conqueror of Veii in 396 and defender of Rome in 387 BCE) and Scipio (referring to the Cornelii Scipiones, who led successful military campaigns and conquered new territory for Rome in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE) in the past, but now suffers from a tyrant (I 2). She recalls the early Roman heroines Lucretia and Virginia, who died to preserve their honour (Liv. 3.44–58), as models (I 2). All these figures belong to the period of the establishment and defence of the Roman Republic, and their almost legendary deeds were examples of deeds governed by virtue and concern for the country in ancient Rome. In Octavia the chorus (consisting of Roman citizens) complains that the old virtue of those Romans who had driven away the kings because of the rape of Lucretia no longer exists (Oct. 288–308). Later they reflect on where the power of the Roman People had gone, while they used to conquer other nations, give power to the People and make laws (Oct. 676–682). The opera (more prominently in the 1808 version) also features a chorus reflecting on the political developments (I 4; II 13; III 5). Brutus, Caesar’s assassin in 44 BCE, who is a dominant model for the conspir-

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ators in the opera and honoured with a statue in the conspirators’ meeting place (I 8; I 10), is equally mentioned in Octavia: when Seneca tries to convince Nero that it is better to rule not by force, but by caring for the People as a pater patriae, Nero retorts that it would be madness for a ruler not to remove suspicious individuals if he has the power to remove them. He mentions Brutus to illustrate this principle: after Caesar had achieved the greatest successes, he had found his death due to an impious crime committed by citizens, including Brutus, who took up arms against the person who saved him (Oct. 495–502). Just as Nerone in the opera in view of the news from Rome (III 2), Nero in Octavia laments that he has not been strict enough, when there is an uprising of the People because of the repudiation of his wife Octavia (Oct. 820–824). The opera’s focus on political freedom and liberation is no coincidence: it was meant to show these aspects allegorically with reference to the time of the first performance. The original libretto is dedicated ‘to the People of Milan’ (‘Al Popolo di Milano’) by the librettist, who calls himself ‘citizen Salfi’ (‘cittadino Salfi’) in this context;250 the piece is described as ‘under the auspices of the French Republic’ (‘sotto gli auspicii della Repubblica Francese’). That the People – just as the Roman People in the early history of ancient Rome – directly participate in the expulsion of the tyrant Nerone, points to the French Revolution. The key role of Ecaride may perhaps be interpreted against this background: the socalled Poissardes (‘fishwives’), who marched to Versailles in 1789 and forced Louis XVI to come to Paris, demonstrated the power of women; and the declaration of the rights of women (Déclaration des droits de la femme et de la citoyenne), which Olympe de Gouges wrote in 1791 and published in a booklet addressed to the queen, brought the question of equality of men and women to the fore. Hence the fire of Rome, the Pisonian Conspiracy and the fall of Nerone depicted in the opera can be seen as an allegory for the fall of Louis XVI and the liberation from the rule of the Austrian Habsburgs in Italy. In the very year of the first performance of this opera Milan became the capital of the newly founded Cisalpine Republic.251 The stimulus to interpret the Pisonian Conspiracy as a comment on the current political situation is provided by Legouvé’s drama, where this incident is applied to the French Revolution. Some of the motifs (such as references to exemplary Republican heroes) and the focus on Epicharis as opponent to Nero agree with this play. However, in the opera the focus on Nerone is more dominant, and more events are included within a single play (for instance, the fire of Rome), so that there is more spectacular action, whereas in the play the thoughts and negotiations among the conspirators are described in greater detail.

_____________ 250 This is replaced by ‘Al Popolo di Brescia’ and ‘L’Impresario’ in the 1808 version. 251 On the relationship to contemporary politics see Ketterer 2006, esp. 104–111; 2009, 173–175.

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2.17 Barbier, Néron (1879) Background Néron is an opera in four acts with music by Anton Grigor’yevich Rubinstein [Rubinshteyn] to a French libretto by Jules Barbier. It was first performed in the ‘Theater am Dammtor’ (as the new building of the Hamburg opera house, opened in 1827, was called) in Hamburg on 1 November 1879 (in German). The Russian premiere took place at the ‘Mariinsky Theatre’ in St Petersburg on 29 January / 10 February 1884 (in Italian, by the resident Italian opera troupe); the French premiere (to the original libretto) happened at the ‘Grand Théâtre des Arts’ in Rouen on 14 February 1894. Jules Barbier (1825–1901) was a productive dramatist and librettist, who worked with all the more important French composers of the time. He produced pieces on topics from Greek myth and fiction, such as Deucalion et Pyrrhe (1855), Philémon et Baucis (1860) and Daphnis et Chloë (1899), and he often composed librettos on the basis of classic literary works (e.g. by Corneille, Shakespeare or Goethe): his most famous librettos include Faust (1859) and Les Contes d’Hoffmann (1881). A particular interest in historical subjects cannot be observed, so that the libretto for Néron may be due to the genesis of the piece. Anton Grigor’yevich Rubinstein (1829–1894) composed Néron on longstanding commission from Émile Perrin (1814–1885), director of the Opéra de Paris from 1862 to 1870. By the time Rubinstein had finished, Perrin was no longer in charge of the Opéra de Paris; so the work was never performed there. However, the classification as Grand opéra (the most lavish type of opera in 19th-century France) may be due to the fact that the piece was originally intended for performance at the Opéra de Paris. The narrative of Néron shows the eponymous emperor in pursuit of the girl Chrysa (daughter of the freedwoman Epicharis), who is a devout Christian; the Christians are given over to the People as scapegoats after the fire of Rome. Hence this piece adds a further dimension to the tradition of Nero operas since it is the first opera (and apparently also the first drama) in which the situation of the early Christians in imperial Rome plays an important role and is linked to the fire of Rome.252

_____________ 252 It has been suggested that this focus, with a conflict between an emperor and a group with a particular religious belief, might have been provoked by the behaviour of the French king Charles IX (1550–1574), who is said to have shot at Huguenots from a window in the Louvre during St Bartholomew’s Night in 1572 (see Engel 1901, 485).

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Bibliographical details LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Jules Barbier (1825–1901) / Anton Grigor’yevich Rubinstein (1829–1894) EDITIONS:

Nero. Große Oper in vier Acten, nach der französischen Dichtung von Jules Barbier für die deutsche Bühne bearbeitet. Musik von Anton Rubinstein. Vollständiges Textbuch. Den Bühnen gegenüber als Manuskript gedruckt. [Leipzig s.a.: c. 1879/80] Nero. Oper in vier Acten von Jules Barbier. Musik von Anton Rubinstein. Vollständiger Clavierauszug mit Text vom Componisten. [Leipzig 1884] Néron. Opéra en Quatre Actes et Sept Tableaux. Paroles de Jules Barbier. Musique de Ant.e Rubinstein. Partition Piano et Chant, réduite par l’Auteur [Paris s.a.: 1884] Jules Barbier, Néron. Opéra en quatre actes. Musique de A. Rubinstein. [Paris 1885] ELECTRONIC VERSION:

1879/80: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0006/bsb00060646/images/ (information on the opera, librettist and composer): Porte 1987, 373–426 passim; Smith at OMOa; Taruskin at OMOa; at OMOb

SCHOLARSHIP

Synopsis253 CHARACTERS:

1879/80: Nero Claudius, Imperator – Julius Vindex, Fürst von Aquitanien – Tigellinus, Präfect der Prätorianer – Balbillus, Astrolog – Saccus, Poet – Sevirus, Oberpriester im Tempel Evander’s – Terpander, Citharist, Freigelassener Agrippina’s – Poppäa Sabina, Otho’s Gattin, Nero’s Geliebte – Epicharis, eine Freigelassene – Chrysa, ihre Tochter – Agrippina, Wittwe des Kaisers Claudius, Mutter Nero’s – Lupus, ein römischer Knabe – Calpurnius Piso / Faenius Rufus / Sporus / Valerius Messala, Verschworene – Thraseas Paetus, Senator – Salvius Otho, Statthalter von Lusitanien – Delia, Sclavin Poppäa’s – Ein christlicher Greis – Der Anführer einer Gauklerbande – Ein öffentlicher Ausrufer – Ein Getränke- und Früchte-Verkäufer – Ein Centurio – Erscheinungen: Kaiser Claudius, Britannicus, Seneca, Burrus, Lucanus, Petronius, Octavia u. A. – Senatoren, Patrizier, Augustanen, Prätorianer, Priester, Lictoren, Schauspieler, Tänzer, Musiker – Christen, Griechen, Gallier, Germanen, Aethiopier, Römisches Volk, Sclaven – Vestalinnen, Römische Frauen, Courtisanen, Tänzerinnen, Sclavinnen 1884: Nero Claudius, Imperator – Julius Vindex, Fürst von Aquitanien – Tigellinus, Präfect der Prätorianer – Balbillus, Astrolog – Saccus, Poet – Sevirus, Oberpriester im Tempel Evander’s – Terpander, Citharist, Freigelassener Agrippina’s – Poppäa Sabina, Otho’s Gattin, Nero’s Geliebte – Epicharis, eine Freigelassene – Chrysa, ihre Tochter – Agrippina, Wittwe des Kaisers Claudius, Mutter Nero’s – Lupus, ein römischer Knabe – Calpurnius Piso / Faenius Rufus / Sporus / Valerius Messala, Ver-

_____________ 253 The synopsis is based on the German version, since the opera was first performed in that language.

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schworene – Thraseas Paetus, Senator – Salvius Otho, Statthalter von Lusitanien – Delia, Sclavin Poppäa’s – Ein christlicher Greis – Der Anführer einer Gaukler-Bande – Ein öffentlicher Ausrufer – Ein Getränke- und Früchte-Verkäufer – Ein Centurio – Erscheinungen: Kaiser Claudius, Britannicus, Seneca, Burrus, Lucanus, Petronius, Octavia und Andere – Senatoren, Patrizier, Augustanen, Prätorianer, Priester, Lictoren, Schauspieler, Tänzer, Musiker – Christen, Griechen, Gallier, Germanen, Aethiopier, Römisches Volk, Sclaven – Vestalinnen, Römische Frauen, Courtisanen, Tänzerinnen, Sclavinnen [1884]: Néron – Vindex, descendant des rois d’Aquitaine – Tigellin, Préfet du Prétoire – Balbillus d’Éphèse, devin – Saccus, poète – Sévir, grand-prêtre du temple d’Evandre – Terpnos, cythariste, affranchi d’Agrippine – Pison / Rufus / Sporus / Messala, conjurés – Thraséas / Othon / Galba / Cassius, garde favori de Néron, Personnages muets – Un Vieillard – Un Chef d’Histrions – Un Crieur public (dans la coulisse) – Un Marchand de rafraîchissements – Un centurion – Les ombres de Claude, Britannicus, Sénèque, Burrhus, Lucain, Pétrone, Scevinus, Octavie, etc., etc. – Epicharis, courtisane – Chrysis, fille d’Epicharis – Poppée, femme d’Othon, maîtresse de Néron – Agrippine, veuve de l’Empereur Claude, mère de Néron – Lupus, gamin de Rome (rôle travesti) – Délie, esclave de Poppée – Sénateurs, Patriciens, les Augustans (Compagnons de nuit de Néron), Gardes, Soldats, Prêtres, Lutteurs, Gaulois, Germains, Grecs, Chrétiens, Mimes, Danseurs, Musiciens, Peuple, Esclaves, etc., etc.; Vestales, Femmes romaines, Courtisanes, Danseuses, Femmes esclaves, etc., etc. 1885: Néron – Vindex, descendant des rois d’Aquitaine – Tigellin, chef des gardes de l’Empereur – Balbillus d’Éphèse, devin – Saccus, poète – Sévir, grand prêtre du temple d’Evandre – Terpnos, cythariste, affranchi d’Agrippine – Pison / Fenius Rufus / Sporus / Messala, conjurés – Un chef d’histrions – Un crieur public – Un vieillard – Un marchand – Un romain – Un centurion – Thraseas / Cassius / Othon / Galba, personnages muets – Lupus, gamin de Rome, rôle travesti – Poppée, femme répudiée d’Othon, maîtresse de Néron – Epicharis, affranchie, courtisane – Chrysis, fille d’Epicharis – Agrippine, mère de Néron – Délie, esclave de Poppée – Les ombres de Claude, Britannicus, Sénèque, Burrhus, Lucain, Pétrone, Octavie, Scévinus, etc. – Sénateurs, Chevaliers, Les Augustans (compagnons de nuit de Néron), Gardes, Soldats, Prêtres, Licteurs, Chrétiens, Mimes, Danseurs, Musiciens, Grecs, Gaulois, Germains, Éthiopiens, Peuple, Esclaves, Vestales, Femmes romaines, Courtisanes, Danseuses, Femmes esclaves, etc.

German version: The FIRST ACT is set in the house of the freedwoman Epicharis in Rome. It opens with a chorus on the power of love and the advice to enjoy it while one can (I 1). Epicharis, accompanied by servants, appears and welcomes her guests. Piso and Rufus, conspirators against Nero, enquire what Vindex, prince of Aquitania (part of Gaul), thinks of Rome; he answers that he is looking for men. The poet Saccus points out to him men such as Piso and (Faenius) Rufus, with whom he contrasts Nero, who is rather an artist and eager for applause from the undiscriminating People. Vindex pities Rome for its fate; this encourages the conspirators. Epicharis, however, thinks, that the time for actions such as that of Brutus has passed and invites the guests to enjoy wine, song and love. The chorus again express the view of making use of the time, supported by Epicharis (I 2).

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Epicharis departs (with guests and courtesans) into the triclinium, while Vindex remains behind, again lamenting Rome’s fate (I 3). When Vindex is about to go, Epicharis’ daughter Chrysa arrives, completely beside herself, and asks for his protection: she is pursued by a group of drunken men and has just managed to escape them; she explains that she was out at night to fulfil a vow for her mother, whom she loves and who only visits her at night and never mentions her name. Vindex reassures Chrysa of his support and disappears with her (I 4) when the pursuers (the Augustani), wearing masks, enter, eager to win power over Chrysa. Nero also comes on stage, followed by Tigellinus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard, and the astrologer Balbillus (I 5). Epicharis returns with her guests and servants, trying to find out what happened; she denies that anyone is hiding in her house. She asks the intruders to put down their masks and threatens to make a complaint to the emperor Nero, not knowing that she is speaking to him in disguise, which amuses those who are aware of his identity. The situation escalates into open confrontation between Epicharis and her guests on the one hand and Nero and his followers on the other hand (I 6). Vindex, still guarding Chrysa, confronts Nero, who reveals his identity. To save the situation Saccus suggests that they should stop fighting and rather celebrate a (mock) marriage. Nero is in favour of the plan, pardons everybody and wishes to proceed to marrying Chrysa. Vindex continues to oppose these plans, but eventually agrees (I 7). Chrysa is brought in. Epicharis and Chrysa, both rather moved, recognize each other as mother and daughter. Vindex grants Chrysa to Nero. She is somewhat terrified at the prospect of a union with Nero. Nevertheless servants start preparing her for the marriage with Nero. Balbillus takes auspices and carries out other elements of the marriage ritual in parodistic fashion. Epicharis prepares for Chrysa a drink from a cup that a servant had brought on her orders. The marriage is celebrated, with some exaggerated rituals and a ballet. Agrippina’s freedman, the lyre-player Terpander, is forced to play the lyre and Vindex to sing. Suddenly Chrysa falls lifeless into the arms of her mother: Epicharis declares that she prefers seeing her daughter dead to seeing her in Nero’s arms. Terpander, however, wonders whether this is really death or just sleep. Nero departs in disappointment and orders his men to take Vindex into custody. Epicharis remains with Chrysa (I 8). The FIRST HALF OF THE SECOND ACT takes place in Poppäa’s apartments in the imperial palace. Poppäa, getting dressed by her maids, is informed by Balbillus of what happened to Chrysa and Vindex. She is anxious about the future. Balbillus tries to calm her down, reminding her of the fact that Nero’s wife Octavia has been repudiated. Yet Poppäa only sees that Nero has become interested in Chrysa. Balbillus assures her that she will gain the throne, which satisfies her. He then departs, and Nero arrives (II 1.1). Both Nero and Poppäa are somewhat sceptical of one another’s continuing love; yet they soon confirm it (II 1.2). The prefect Tigellinus joins them and announces that Octavia has been put to death. Poppäa fears that this might cause unrest among the Senate and the People, who were favourably disposed towards Octavia; but Nero confirm that the throne is

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now Poppäa’s (II 1.3). Nero celebrates his power among his loyal followers (II 1.4); at the same time he is angry with ungrateful opponents and orders the senator Thraseas to be put to death (II 1.5). Terpander arrives as a messenger from Nero’s mother Agrippina to ask Nero for reconciliation and Poppäa, who is offered jewellery, to agree to it. They accept it, and Nero prepares to perform a song, accompanied by Terpander. During this song Thraseas and other individuals condemned to death appear in the background, which interrupts the singing; Nero confirms Vindex’ death verdict, while Poppäa wants to know the details (II 1.6). Epicharis arrives and asks for Chrysa, who has been carried away, to be returned to her; her argument reveals that Chrysa is still alive. Nero is determined to find her. Thereupon Poppäa demands that either Chrysa or she herself should be killed. Nero kisses Poppäa, though he is focused on the portrait of Chrysa on the jewellery given by Agrippina. They depart in different directions (II 1.7). For the SECOND HALF OF THE SECOND ACT the scene changes to a square in Rome in front of the temple of Evander (a mythical Roman hero associated with the beginnings of Rome and honoured like a god). The conspirators lament Thraseas’ death, but remain steadfast in their intentions. Various groups of people arrive, some praising Nero, some confessing their Christian faith, others mocking the Christians; the conspirators comment on the state of Rome under Nero. Epicharis and Vindex appear and enter the house (II 2.1). A group of entertainers passes, presenting dances and mock battles (II 2.2). The People see Nero approaching as well as a large train of lictors, senators, guards and family members. Agrippina arrives in a luxury litter. She pleads for Nero’s favour; he asks the Romans to praise his mother. Poppäa, veiled, appears with Balbillus; she tells Epicharis that her daughter is with Agrippina. Vindex and Epicharis decide to take action. The act ends with praise of Nero from the People and the priests (II 2.3). The FIRST HALF OF THE THIRD ACT shows a simple chamber in Epicharis’ small house. Chrysa, on her own, laments her fate, but also confesses her love for Vindex. A herald is heard to proclaim that no one is to leave the city of Rome (III 1.1). When Vindex arrives, Chrysa rushes towards him. She discloses her fears to Vindex, who tries to calm her down. He tells her that Nero has killed his own mother; he assures Chrysa that he is protecting her and that she will be reunited with her mother. When Chrysa prays to the ‘father in heavens’ for protection, Vindex wonders what god she is addressing. Chrysa, after finishing her prayer, pardons Vindex for offending her earlier, and he confesses his love to her. Chrysa tries to prevent him from touching her hand and reveals that she is a Christian; Vindex is astonished and then voices his wish to become a Christian too. They rejoice in their love and in their Christian beliefs (III 1.2). Epicharis appears, happy to have her daughter back; she narrates that she was imprisoned and tortured by Nero, who wanted to know her secrets, but that she remained steadfast and was then freed by Poppäa. Epicharis is happy about her daughter’s love, and the three of them make plans for flight (III 1.3). After Vindex has left, mother and daughter

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discuss Chrysa’s love: Epicharis tries to make sure that Chrysa is fully aware of her situation. They are happy about being reunited (III 1.4). Suddenly Nero appears and laughs at the two women; he is enraged because his love for Chrysa has not been returned and his power and wealth have had no effect. In case Chrysa fears Poppäa, Nero offers to repudiate her; enraged at Chrysa’s reluctance, he orders her to follow him as his slave, tied to his chariot as booty; but she continues to resist him (III 1.5). Poppäa appears, wondering whether Nero has betrayed her. She has brought Vindex, who appears sword in hand and then leaves with Chrysa and Epicharis. Nero, with a dagger in his hand, makes an attempt at pursuing Vindex, but soon realizes that this will be unsuccessful (III 1.6). Poppäa approaches Nero triumphant and provocative when Saccus enters to announce that Rome is on fire. Nero is not surprised: he reveals that he has arranged it. Nero assumes that the People, who can be heard offstage, will ask for the criminals and orders the Christians to be given over to them. Poppäa is outraged at Nero’s offences and proclaims her intention to kill Chrysa, while the People are heard to demand the death of all Christians. Nero leaves with Poppäa (III 1.7). The SECOND HALF OF THE THIRD ACT moves to a square in Rome with the fire in the background. The People express their terror and confusion at the events as well as their intention to kill the Christians according to Nero’s advice; then they leave (III 2.1). Epicharis and Vindex, supporting Chrysa, appear. Chrysa laments that she does not have any more strength and declares that she wishes to die immediately. Vindex spots Nero and Poppäa on the tower of Mäcenas. Nero enjoys the sight and starts singing about the fall of Ilion (Troy); the others comment on his behaviour (III 2.2). The fire is continuously increasing, as is the terror of the People. Chrysa suddenly takes steps to confront Nero; she asks the People whether they are not aghast at this deed of hell and tells them that they are killing innocent Christians instead of this evil being. Everyone is amazed at her courage. Chrysa goes on to inform the People that she is a Christian and to ask them to follow Nero’s orders. When Chrysa falls down, mortally wounded, Poppäa is satisfied that revenge has been taken, while Epicharis is devastated. Vindex declares that he is ready to take vengeance for Chrysa and Rome, and draws his sword. On Nero’s orders the People try to pursue Vindex, but the fire prevents them. While all leave, Epicharis remains with her dead daughter, with the flames in the background, and hopes that Chrysa’s god will avenge them. The house behind them falls down and covers the two women in the rubble (III 2.3). The FIRST SECTION OF THE FOURTH ACT takes place at a crossroads in Rome. Tigellinus and Balbillus comment on the wild fury of the masses and infer that Nero has flown at the right point in time. As this has deprived them of his favour, they are looking for other ways to win advantages for themselves; they have rewarded themselves with precious items and are now ready to serve Galba if he is prepared to pay them equally well (IV 1.1). They flee when the Roman boy Lupus arrives to convey great news to the People: he reads from a sheet of parchment

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that Nero has flown, after having killed Poppäa, and that Galba, Vindex and their cohorts are on the approach. All rejoice and then leave (IV 1.2). For the SECOND SECTION OF THE FOURTH ACT the scene changes to the interior of the Mausoleum of Augustus, where Nero is on his own at night and in bad weather. In sadness he recognizes that his time is over; he asks Jupiter to make a judgement and to destroy the world together with him. Nero then realizes where he is and compares himself to Augustus. In the dim light Nero’s dead victims appear (including Claudius, Britannicus, Octavia, Seneca, Petronius, Lucanus, Burrhus) and reproach him with his deeds; he is terrified and eventually faints when the shades disappear (IV 2.1). Saccus finds him, makes attempts to revive him and tells him that everything is ready for flight. Nero is still terrified by what he has seen; Saccus tries to soothe him while he silently mocks him (IV 2.2). The THIRD SECTION OF THE FOURTH ACT shows a path in the countryside, lit by the moon. A chorus of Gallic legions ironically comments on Nero’s reign; they salute Vindex and Galba; they are ready to take revenge and kill Nero. Vindex enters and spurs them on to revenge (IV 3.1). After they have left, Nero appears, still determined to show his power and to punish the People. When the opponents are heard approaching, Nero kills himself with Saccus’ help (IV 3.2). At this point Vindex and his men arrive and see him die. They are happy that Nero is dead and the world has been avenged. A cross appears in the sky, and a chorus of Christians praising their god is heard. Vindex comments that they have restored peace to the citizens of Rome and that a powerful god will be with them (IV 3.3). Analysis According to the initial stage direction, the narrative of Néron covers historical events from the years 59 (assassination of Nero’s mother Agrippina; Tac. Ann. 14.1–8) up to the end of Nero’s reign in 68 CE with the rebellion of C. Iulius Vindex and Servius Sulpicius Galba, which contributed to Nero’s downfall according to ancient reports (Tac. Ann. 15.74.2; Suet. Nero 40–42; Galba 9.2–11), including the repudiation and killing of Nero’s wife Octavia (62 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.59.3–64) and the fire of Rome (64 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38). These events have been closely linked, so that Nero’s death appears as the immediate consequence of his evil deeds. The condensation of events means that the historical development of the love affair between Nero and Poppaea is not depicted in full: it is only that Nero has repudiated and killed his wife Octavia and is now in love with Poppäa (II.1), but a new marriage is not realized. Still, with regard to Nero’s relationship to the two women, the situation resembles the set-up in the Latin Octavia. However, it is modified by the fact that Nero also loves the fictional figure Chrysa, Epicharis’ daughter, and a (mock) marriage is celebrated in exaggerated fashion (I 7–8). However, Chrysa remains reluctant and does not return

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his love, so that Nero offers to repudiate Poppäa (III 1.5), thus repeating his wellknown behaviour towards Octavia. Hence, the political details, important for the action in Octavia, that Octavia is loved by the People and is regarded as Nero’s legitimate wife by the Senate and that her treatment by Nero may cause repercussions among the People (Oct. 486– 491; 572–573; 780–805), have been taken up as concerns of Poppäa (II 1.3). A senatorial opposition is not developed as a theme, but the killing of the senator Thraseas, alluding to the heroic death of Thrasea Paetus caused by Nero (Tac. Ann. 16.24–29; 16.33–35), is part of the plot (II 1.5). Several Roman men, including Piso and Rufus, are introduced as ‘conspirators’: Piso must be the eponymous leader C. Calpurnius Piso of the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 14.65.2; 15.48), and (Faenius) Rufus alludes to Faenius Rufus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard, said to be honest, but not very active, and an important member of the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3; 15.50.3). The actual resistance against Nero and the liberation from his rule is portrayed – due to the historical condensation – as coming from outside Rome, from the generals Vindex and Galba, even though one of the leaders, Vindex, is involved as an individual in the action taking place in Rome. Since Vindex is not only introduced in his historical function, but also as the man who is in love with Chrysa, he equally has a personal motivation to oppose Nero and to end his rule. The complications of the love affair between Nero and Poppäa, which arise because Nero falls in love with Chrysa and wants to force a relationship, thus receive a political component because it is Vindex who loves Chrysa. As in the Latin Octavia, a woman who suffers from injustice from Nero gives additional momentum to a rebellion against his rule. Owing to the integration of various historical events from a large timeframe, the development of the plot of the opera shares few similarities with the Latin Octavia. Nevertheless, in addition to the basic set-up there are correspondences in individual scenes. What is most remarkable is the appearance of the shades of those who have suffered death at Nero’s hands. This series takes up the appearance of shades, a popular motif in many earlier operas, and the great number presents Nero’s rule from the perspective of the victims, just as the speech of Agrippina’s shade in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 593–645). Besides, Nero’s characterization is given a further dimension since his artistic aspirations are alluded to (Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21): he sings about Ilion (Troy) while Rome burns (III 2.2; Tac. Ann. 15.39.3). The lyre-plyer Terpander, aptly named after the alleged inventor of this instrument in the 7th century BCE, has to accompany Nero’s singing (II 1.6).254

_____________ 254 His name in the French version, Terpnos, alludes more specifically to Terpnus, ‘the greatest master of the lyre in those days’, whom Nero is said to have imitated (Suet. Nero 20.1).

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The most important feature of this opera is the addition of Christianity to the plot. The Christians were held responsible for the fire of Rome (Tac. Ann. 15.38– 44), though it is made clear here (III 1.7), as it is in Suetonius (Nero 38.1) and suggested in Octavia (Oct. 831–833), that Nero himself was responsible. Yet, Chrysa’s death as a martyr, just as the hope of being avenged and supported by God, endows the end of Nero’s rule with a new dimension. It is Vindex and Galba who are instrumental in bringing about political change, but because of the cross in the sky that appears at the end of the opera this change of power after Nero’s evil deeds can be interpreted as one of attitude. By contrast, Nero continues to address himself to Jupiter for help until the end (IV 2.1). Nero is also influenced by the astrologer Balbillus, who, according to Suetonius, suggested to him, in reaction to a bad omen, to kill distinguished men, which prompted Nero to take action against the Pisonian Conspiracy (Suet. Nero 36.1). Nero’s supporters, Balbillus and Tigellinus, i.e. Ofonius Tigellinus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3), are shown to have questionable moral standards in comparison with Chrysa and her family: when Nero’s standing is declining, they look for ways to reward themselves and are happy to serve Galba if he pays them well (IV 1.1); they obviously do not care about different political and religious convictions. Chrysa’s mother is called Epicharis, which recalls the woman of the same name who was an important figure in the Pisonian Conspiracy according to Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57: cf. Salfi, La congiura pisoniana). The Pisonian Conspiracy is not included as a separate event in this plot, and this Epicharis is not involved in political opposition to Nero. On the contrary, she is rather apolitical at the beginning, but her beliefs contrast with those of Nero; when he lays claim to Chrysa, she becomes opposed to him, is imprisoned and tortured (III 1.3). This enhances her daughter’s reluctance towards Nero’s advances on the grounds of her Christian beliefs. That Epicharis plays an important role in a Nero plot could have been influenced by Salfi’s opera; her death, just as that of her daughter, however, is portrayed in an individual way closely linked to the particular plot. The two women are personified victims of the persecution of the Christians, for which Nero is directly responsible. Therefore he also appears as a kind of personification of the ‘antichrist’.

2.18 Catelli, Nerone (1888) Background The opera Nerone (a melodramma in four acts) was first performed in the ‘Teatro Carignano’ in Torino on 21 November 1888 and printed in Torino in the same year. The libretto, written by Attilio Catelli (1845–1877), was based on the successful play Nerone (1871) by Pietro Cossa (ch. 3.10), like Targioni-Tozzetti’s

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opera Nerone (1935; ch. 2.22); the music was provided by Riccardo Rasori (1852–1929). The librettist Catelli composed several further works, including Giudetta (parodia in tre atti, 1871) and Il conte di Rysoor (melodramma in quadre atti, 1885), the latter also set to music by Riccardo Rasori. Bibliographical information LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Attilio Catelli (1845–1877) / Riccardo Rasori (1852–1929) EDITION: – Nerone. Melodramma in 4 atti. [Torino 1888] SCHOLARSHIP: Porte 1987, 373–426 passim

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nerone, Imperatore Romano – Cluvio Rufo, Principe del Senato – Menecrate, buffone deforme – Faonte, liberto – Nevio – Icelo, amico di Nevio – Mucrone, taverniere – Atte, liberta – Egloge, schiava greca istriona – Varonilla Longina, patrizia || Cori e comparse: Senatori – Cittadini – Schiavi e schiave – Pretoriani – Legionari – Gladiatori – Istrioni

The FIRST ACT opens in a square in Rome close to the emperor’s Golden Palace at a time in the morning. A troupe of actors and dancers enters, including the actress Egloge, a Greek slave; people gather around them. The actors prepare their performances, and the women begin to dance. Watching them, Nevio and his friend Icelo start a conversation: Nevio draws Icelo’s attention to Egloge and confesses that he loves her, while Icelo is sceptical. Nevio takes Icelo by the arm and joins the crowd. When the dance stops, the People ask Egloge about the future. She tells them that the stars have predicted love and delight for her; for today she will sing rather than predict the future. Nevio privately expresses his agreement with the stars. Upon encouragements from the People, Egloge sings the story of a poor female slave in a golden palace, who was given a great amount of jewellery and expensive clothing by a great prince, but who longed for love, and eventually died of heartbreak among luxury. Her singing is accompanied by a dance, and while she sings, Nerone and the misshapen buffoon Menecrate appear on the balcony of Nerone’s Golden Palace. After she has finished her song, Egloge decides to return to more cheerful subjects, and offers to predict the future. Meanwhile, Nerone draws Menecrate’s attention to Egloge, and the two men leave. Egloge starts predicting their fortune to people surrounding her. Nevio steps forward and enquires about his future. Egloge reveals that he is deeply in love with a slave and, with a

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shriek of terror, foresees that he will be involved in Nerone’s death. The People cry in horror, declare that Nevio is a traitor and run away. Egloge tries to follow them, but Nevio stops her and leads her to the middle of the stage (I 1). Nevio confesses his love to Egloge and his desire to free her from slavery. She hesitates and asks him to meet her the following day. She pauses, for she has an image in her mind of a handsome young man, and this image seems to inspire love in her, yet it is not the image of Nevio. Nevio urges her to forget this image, and she agrees. They clasp hands and then get ready to leave (I 2). Menecrate arrives and tells Egloge to follow him to Nerone’s palace. Nevio tries to prevent this, but Menecrate asks soldiers of the Praetorian Guard to intervene. Egloge says that she will follow. Nevio tells her that Nerone’s palace is home to dishonourable licentiousness. Menecrate rebukes him, saying that Nerone’s parties are places where actors and philosophers, senators and slaves mingle. Egloge is ecstatic at the thought of such pleasure, and she is overcome at the thought of Nerone. Egloge and Menecrate leave, while Nevio watches them threateningly from behind (I 3). The scene changes to a room in the Golden Palace, full of statues and works of art; the time is around midday. Nerone is shown dictating verses to a freedman. After he has sent the scribe away, he muses upon the fact that only art, unlike power and riches, brings eternal glory. He considers that, even if he had been poor, he would have been honoured by the Muses. As it is, the world obeys his command, and he is like a god on earth. Pausing in front of a statue of a woman, Nerone reflects that a man without power has created this eternal work. Then, angered at the thought of this man’s immortality, he decides to destroy the statue and picks up a hammer. However, he stops and throws away the hammer when he notices the freedwoman Atte (I 4). Atte announces that the leader of the Senate and some respectable senators are waiting, and Nerone tells them to come in (I 5). Rufo, the leader of the Senate, greets the emperor and announces bad news: a rebellion has started in Gaul; the army has saluted Galba as their new ruler. Nerone promises to confront the rebellion and asks for his weapons. Atte encourages him, the successor of the Cesare who conquered the world. Rufo hands Nerone a piece of parchment. Nerone again asks for weapons. Menecrate, laughing, cannot believe the request (I 6). Menecrate ridicules Nerone; he also whispers to him that Egloge is present. Nerone throws the parchment to the ground, but Atte picks it up and begins to read out the text about Galba. Nerone becomes angry with her and sends her away. She teases him for being a silly young man. He pauses, shrugs and tells himself that Galba is still far away (I 7). Egloge arrives, somewhat nervous. Nerone tries to put her at ease, questioning her about her name and origin (she is from Greece). He enquires whether there is anything she might wish from Cesare. She requests liberty, to be like a bird, the light or the wind. Nerone promises to make her the mistress of the world; she can hardly believe it. He asks her to declare her love for him, and she does so (I 8). When Nerone has left, Atte enters. She tells Egloge that she has power over Nerone’s heart and Egloge’s own fate, but that she wishes to save her. Egloge

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realizes that this is Atte the freedwoman. Atte declares that Egloge is her rival; yet Egloge wishes to live in peace with Atte. Atte promises her riches and freedom, and tells her to return to her homeland. Egloge refuses. Eventually, Atte draws a dagger, which makes Egloge flee (I 9). Nerone appears again. Egloge throws herself into his arms and cries for help. Atte lifts the dagger threateningly and swears to heaven (I 10). The SECOND ACT takes place in a tavern in Trastevere during the night. Menecrate enters and asks the landlord Mucrone whether he knows a tribune called Nevio. At first Mucrone is reluctant, but, being offered money, he reveals that he knows him and that he is staying close by with friends. Menecrate sends Mucrone to fetch Nevio. After Mucrone has left, Menecrate announces revenge upon the man who has mocked him for so long (meaning Nerone). Then he hears the voices of Nevio and others. Menecrate eavesdrops on them and then proceeds to exclaim with joy that he sees his plans for revenge materialize (II 1). Nevio at first refuses to talk to Menecrate. However, Menecrate claims that another person has sent him, and he hints that it is Egloge. Nevio says that he once loved her, but that he is no longer interested, now that she has been corrupted by the emperor. Menecrate suggests that she is at risk of being killed by Atte, but Nevio is willing to leave her to her fate. Menecrate is disappointed and concludes that Nevio is motivated only by honour, not love (II 2). Nevio’s friends arrive and criticize him for having left them, which he denies; they order wine from Mucrone. They drink and forget their grievances. Suddenly they hear cries for help outside (II 3). It is the patrician lady Varonilla, who claims that she is being pursued by a slave. This ‘slave’ is Nerone, whom the others do not recognize. He fights with Nevio, but is thrown to the ground. Nerone calls for mercy. Menecrate appears, pulls out a dagger and calls for the ‘slave’s’ punishment. All join him in requesting his death (II 4). Atte arrives, together with soldiers, legionaries and patricians, and tells them to stop because this is Nerone. Menecrate quickly hides himself among the soldiers. When there is a moment of silence, Nerone stands up and taunts Nevio and his friends. Nevio, however, condemns Nerone’s tyranny, and claims that the People will rise up against him. Nevio adds that he is ready to be arrested and taken away. Nerone admires his rhetorical artistry and lets him go free; he also pardons Nevio’s friends. The soldiers, together with Mucrone, sing praise for Nerone’s clemency. Nerone privately confesses to bloodthirsty thoughts, while Atte is disgusted and asks herself how she can love that man. Menecrate foresees that the emperor will live for now, but will later die a long and cruel death. Nevio and his friends promise to restore Rome’s glory (II 5). The THIRD ACT is set close to the banks of the river Tiber near Rome; to the right are the ruins of an ancient temple, half-covered by tree foliage, in the background the city can be seen in smoke. It is night, and the moon is shining. A boat arrives with a fisherman and Nevio, who disembarks; then the boat withdraws to the opposite side of the river. Nevio reflects that the man who wished to burn the walls of Rome still lives and that this man has also taken away his own happiness

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in love. The image of his love remains with him. He hears the voice of fishermen singing, and recognizes this as the signal indicating the arrival of his friends (III 1). From both sides fishing boats appear, carrying conspirators disguised as fishermen. Suddenly Menecrate emerges from the ruins and joins the conspirators. They first regard him as a traitor, but Nevio allows him to explain. Menecrate confirms that he is here for revenge; he outlines that during the Pisonian Conspiracy, under torture, the freedwoman Espicari lost her life, whereupon he, out of his great love for her, swore the death of the tyrant and only donned the clothes of a buffoon as a means to an end. He drops his costume and reveals himself as Caio Petronio. They accept him as a fellow conspirator. Nevio summarizes that Gauls and Germans have started uprisings, that the People in Rome are upset and that they should break the yoke restraining them. Menecrate encourages the others to take action that very night, and all agree. He promises that during the planned orgy he will disperse the Praetorian Guard. The others confirm that the despot will fall (III 2). The setting changes to the imperial dining room in the Golden Palace: lights, flowers and Asiatic perfumes are everywhere; slaves present dances. Menecrate enters and drinks to the health of the drunken Cesare. Nerone rebukes him, but Menecrate asserts that Nerone is drunk with love for Egloge, and Atte hands her a glass. Slaves dance, and the chorus praise wine, love and women. Nerone proclaims that he wishes to be divine and to be worshipped and that he will wage war on Giove (Jupiter). The chorus support him. Nerone then asks Egloge why she is not singing (to Atte’s displeasure). Nerone sings about enjoying life, and he claims that beauty and love help him to ignore what may happen. The dances begin; when a thunderstorm is heard from outside, the dancing slowly stops. Atte rebukes the dancers and urges them to continue, asking if they fear the anger of heaven. She sings of the abyss that opens in the course of every life, but suggests drinking and forgetting the future. Atte’s song becomes darker and more strident, as though accompanied by the approaching thunder. She observes that Egloge is trembling, but tells her to expect joy, not death. Egloge cries out and reveals that there was poison in the glass: all are horrified. Egloge sings her final song, saying that this is how she dreamed to die and pardoning Atte. Nerone is full of grief. Menecrate thinks of his revenge and the plans for that night. The freedman Faonte, Rufo and the chorus express their sympathy with Nerone. Egloge dies. Nerone anxiously bends over her, looks at her, but then realizes that she is dead (III 3). Faonte steps forward and informs Nerone that the People are turning against him; the chorus confirm that Rome is in tumult. Nerone orders Menecrate to assemble the Praetorian Guard and the legionaries, but Menecrate tells Nerone in a terrible voice that this is his final hour and then leaves swiftly. Nerone and the chorus are alarmed. All leave in confusion; Nerone feels abandoned. A bolt of lightning makes him afraid, and he recognizes that he is alone with his fear (III 4). Atte returns, and Nerone is doubtful about her intentions, but she confirms that she loves him and suggests flight. They hear voices from outside calling for Nero-

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ne’s death. Faonte arrives to report that the People are about to rush in. Nerone, Atte and Faonte flee, while the People, in arms, storm into the room from the opposite side (III 5). The FOURTH ACT shows a wooded area close to Rome and a small hut to the right, with a place to sleep inside, and the stormy Tiber in the distance; the storm is abating, and it is the middle of the night. Nerone and Atte are exhausted. Faonte draws their attention to the hut and proposes a little rest, since the stormy river forbids fleeing any further. Nerone reflects on his being Cesare, now forced to rest under such a humble roof, and remembers his Golden Palace. Faonte and Atte encourage him to take a rest; Faonte promises that he will keep guard (IV 1). Nerone lies down in the hut, and Atte takes a seat on the wooden stool by him. Nerone asks her to sing a song that he heard from her when he was younger and thus to sing him to sleep. She remains lost in recollection and then starts singing a love song in a low voice. Nerone falls asleep. Atte fears for the punishment that he will suffer at the hands of the People and considers killing him while he sleeps in order to protect him from suffering. However, she feels that her old love for him returns as she watches him, and she cannot bring herself to kill him. Nerone is delirious; he sees images of Galba, Seneca and Britannico. He comes round, and Atte tries to comfort him and assures him of her love. They prepare to continue their flight (IV 2). Faonte tells them to stop since they are being hunted from all sides. Atte encourages Nerone to be brave and to kill himself. Nerone is fearful, while Atte tries to convince him that life cannot be of more value than honour. At first he lacks the courage to kill himself, but Atte helps him, and he dies (IV 3). Menecrate, Nevio and the People storm in from various directions, carrying arms and torches, looking for Nerone. Atte tells them that Nerone is dead. Menecrate announces his death to the People; with all in great surprise the opera closes (IV 4). Analysis According to the initial stage direction, this opera is set in 68 CE, the last year of Nero’s reign. Therefore one expects that, despite its unspecific title Nerone, which does not indicate a particular aspect of this character’s biography, the piece will deal with the end of Nero’s reign and his death. However, the beginning of the opera does not immediately confirm such expectations. Instead, the opening of the play suggests that it presents another of Nero’s love affairs, involving fictional characters and a conflict between the emperor and rival lovers. In combination with dance performances, this allows for a light and entertaining start, although bad developments at some point in the future are soon adumbrated. While it quickly becomes clear that debauched morals are operating at Nero’s court (I 3), the atmosphere begins to change with respect to the political background when Rufo, the leader of the Senate, brings disturbing news for the emperor and reports that a rebellion, supporting Galba, has started in Gaul (I 6–7). Still, this element

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does not dominate the action from this point onwards: for the remainder of the first act continues to focus on the love story, which acquires greater tension with the rivalry between Nerone’s current beloved Atte and his new love Egloge. Although the latter here is a Greek dancer, a connection to Nero might be suggested by the fact that a woman of this name is attested as Nero’s nurse (Suet. Nero 50). With this set-up the main threads of the plot have been prepared. They all go back to ancient sources, although this might not be immediately obvious, since details and motifs from various contexts have been assembled in a new way: a love affair between Nero and the freedwoman Claudia Acte is attested in Tacitus’ Annales (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; see also Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1–3; Oct. 193–197), where it is dated to the period prior to Nero’s marriage with Poppaea (62 CE), and Acte is not described as playing a dominant role at court. Therefore there is no mention of a rivalry between Acte and other objects of Nero’s love. Ancient historiographers report that Acte attended Nero’s burial (Suet. Nero 50), just as she sticks to Nero in the opera until the very end. However, the topic of a conflict between a previous and a new partner of Nero comes up with respect to the relationship between Poppaea and Octavia in Tacitus (and also in the Latin Octavia and in other operas), although there the new partner requests confirmation of her position (Tac. Ann. 14.1; 14.60.2; 14.61.2–4), while in this opera the existing one takes revenge on the new one. The solution to offer Egloge a poisoned drink is not historical, but poisoning individuals at dinner parties at the imperial court as a means of removing them is a measure well known from Tacitus’ account of the period (Tac. Ann. 12.66–67; 14.3.2) and also used as a motif in other operas (e.g. Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare). Suetonius gives details about the activities of the provincial governor and later emperor Galba in taking over power towards the end of Nero’s reign (Suet. Galba 9.2–11). To the unrest in the province the opera adds a group of conspirators in Rome (II), led by the tribune Nevio, perhaps inspired by Q. Naevius Cordus Sutorius Macro, prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Tiberius, involved in the overthrow of Seianus and in placing Caligula on the throne (Tac. Ann. 6.15.2; 6.23.2; 6.29.3; 6.38.2; 6.45.3–48.2; 6.50.3–4; Suet. Cal. 12.2; 23.2; 26.1). The effect is something like a Pisonian Conspiracy moved to 68 CE. At the same time there is a connection to the actual Pisonian Conspiracy (65 CE), when for one of the opera’s conspirators, Menecrate, the motif for his opposition to Nerone is the cruel death of his beloved, the freedwoman Espicari, as a consequence of the Pisonian Conspiracy (III 2). The heroic and exemplary death of the freedwoman Epicharis in the context of the Pisonian Conspiracy is described in detail in Tacitus’ Annales (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57). When Menecrate discloses his real identity and reveals himself as Caio Petronio (III 2), this might be a reference to Petronius Arbiter, a connoisseur at Nero’s court, generally regarded to be the author of the satirical novel Satyrica, although the praenomen is disputed; his death in the aftermath of the Pisonian Conspiracy is recorded in Tacitus’ Annales (Tac. Ann. 16.18–19). At any rate, this personal prehistory yields a particular motif for the opposition against Nerone. Nevio’s friend Icelo seems inspired by

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Icelus Marcianus, a freedman of Galba, who reported Nero’s death to the future emperor (Suet. Nero 49.4; Galba 14.2; 22). Cluvio Rufo, who here is the leader of the Senate, alludes to Cluvius Rufus (cos. suff. before 65 CE and historian). As in Cossa’s drama, Varonilla Longina is presumably the daughter of a Longinus, whose character may be based on C. Cassius Longinus, consul in 30 CE and exiled to Sardinia in 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 16.7–9), known for his ancestral wealth (Tac. Ann. 16.7.1). Towards the end of the opera Nerone flees in the company of Atte and Faonte (IV). While the presence of Atte does not agree with the historical account, several details of Suetonius’ description of Nero’s flight and death have been taken up (Suet. Nero 47–49): Nero angrily receives dispatches handed to him and tears them to pieces (I 7; Suet. Nero 47.1); in his flight he is assisted by his freedman Phaon, who offers his villa in the suburbs (IV 1; Suet. Nero 48.1); Nero reflects on the contrast between his previous luxury and his present situation (IV 1; Suet. Nero 48.3); Nero lies down on a simple bed (IV 1–2; Suet. Nero 48.4); Nero kills himself and is all but dead when his pursuers arrive (IV 3–4; Suet. Nero 49.4). Although in some respects Nerone’s characterization in the opera remains rather vague or schematic, his portrait is given some specific personal touches. For instance, his reflections on art and his conviction that he would have been honoured by the Muses in any case, his envy of other artists (I 4) and his love for songs allude to the fact that Nero liked to see himself as a musician and poet and appeared in performances (Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21). Besides, while presenting himself as a tyrant, he is actually rather weak and fearful and equally excessive. Comments on the mixed background of guests at Nerone’s dinner parties (I 3) and the presentation of their luxury and licentiousness (III 3) may be inspired by the perhaps best known description of an early imperial dinner party, the Cena Trimalchionis in Petronius’ novel Satyrica. Overall Nerone is depicted as a monarchical ruler who wants everything for himself (power, satisfaction of his desires in love affairs, admiration and immortality as an artist) and uses his power tyrannically to achieve this; for instance, even though he already has two women he loves in the palace, Nerone still pursues another woman, the patrician lady Varonilla, in the street. Yet, shortly before his death Nerone is haunted in his dreams by recollections of Galba, Seneca and Britannico, which might suggest an underlying feeling of unease (IV 2). This particular selection of people is perhaps significant, excluding his mother Agrippina and individuals such as Octavia or Burrus. Yet the three men who do appear can be connected with Nerone’s aim to gain and maintain absolute power: two of them have been removed for this reason, Britannico as a possible rival to the throne and Seneca arguing for more responsible government; Galba challenges Nerone towards the end of his reign. This sleep scene, the rural setting with fishing boats in parts of the play, the complication of love relationships and the proliferation of dances and songs supplement the basic story with typical operatic elements. However, there is not

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an entirely happy ending as in many other operas: while the tyrant is dead at the end, the People are rather surprised and confused; this outcome is unexpected and has not been brought about by them. The ending is determined by the sequence of political events, and the topic of love is only alluded to by the behaviour of Atte, who remains faithful to Nerone. In addition to Nerone, most of the key dramatis personae are attested in the historical record: Rufus, Acte, Phaon, perhaps Petronius and Naevius, though not all of them are described in their historically attested positions. Besides, the plot is recognizable as dealing with the end of Nero’s reign, because of the figure of Nero, and its setting in place and time is indicated by details and events referred to such as the Golden Palace, the Pisonian Conspiracy or the uprising of Galba. Yet the story itself cannot be matched against any known course of events during Nero’s reign. Despite the new take on the Nero story provided by this opera, there are equally features reminiscent of the Latin Octavia, most obviously the rivalry between two women, caused by Nero’s sexual desires and endangering the position of the woman who already has a relationship with Nero. In contrast to Octavia, in the opera the two women meet, and the conflict escalates into a deadly attack (I 9–10). Opposition against Nero develops in Rome in both cases; in the opera it is not provoked by Nerone’s unfaithfulness, yet the leader Nevio is also motivated by the fact that Nerone takes away the woman he loves (I 3; III 1), even though he later distances himself from Egloge when she is in Nerone’s power at the imperial court (II 2). The aims of the opposition are the removal of the tyrant and the restoration of Rome’s glory, i.e. a return to earlier conditions, whose paradigmatic nature, as opposed to the present situation, is also highlighted in Octavia (Oct. 278–308; 391–434). In contrast to Octavia the rebels come close to their goal by the tyrant’s death. The message of the opera might resonate with audiences in a period of unification and the expulsion of foreign rulers in Italy. In comparison with the underlying play Nerone by Pietro Cossa (ch. 3.10), which follows a traditional five-act structure, the motifs of both love and politics have been enhanced: in the opera there is a love relationship between Nevio and Egloge, so that the aspect of Nerone’s erotic desires intruding upon the personal lives of others (such as Otho in the case of Poppaea) is added (the same is true for Petronio and Epicharis); the rebellious movements in Rome are described in greater detail and are personalized, including in particular the role of Menecrate (a fool in Cossa’s play), who in the opera has only adopted the guise of a fool and is actually Caio Petronio (a separate character, an old gladiator, in Cossa’s play) with specific experiences. An appearance of the astrologer Babilio has been omitted. Besides, in line with its different emphasis on the fate of individuals suffering from Nerone’s arbitrary rule, the opera ends with their reaction to Nerone’s death, while the final scene in Cossa remains focused on Nerone himself and his death.

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2.19 Boito, Nerone (1901 / 1924) Background Arrigo Boito (1842–1918), an Italian librettist, composer, poet and critic, produced a Nerone, a tragedia to his own libretto, after having worked on this subject for a long time, from about 1862. The libretto was published in 1901, but Boito kept revising the score, for which he carried out an extensive study of classical metres and ancient music, and never finished it. Hence, after Boito’s death, Arturo Toscanini (1867–1957), a composer and the artistic director of the ‘Teatro alla Scala’, and the composers Vincenzo Tommasini (1878–1950) and Antonio Smareglia (1854–1929) revised the work and put it into performance shape. The opera was first shown at the ‘Teatro alla Scala’ in Milan on 1 May 1924. Nerone therefore exists in two versions: as a five-act version not destined for immediate representation on stage in the libretto of 1901 and as a four-act version in the score. Nowadays Boito is mainly known as the librettist of the operas Otello (1887) and Falstaff (1893) to music by Giuseppe Verdi (1813–1901). Boito had a long and close friendship with Verdi; this is demonstrated, for instance, by their extant correspondence. Boito’s own opera Mefistofele (after Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s Faust) was a great success in its second version, first performed in 1875 (first version 1868). He also translated German works set to music by Richard Wagner (1813–1883) into Italian. Boito belonged to the poetic circle of Scapigliatura and was a well-known figure in the artistic movements in Italy at the time. In connection with this never-ending work on Nerone, Boito is known to have read Tacitus, visited ancient sites in Rome and consulted classical dictionaries; he immersed himself in the classical context and was able to refer also to less obvious sources.255 Detailed stage directions describing settings in ancient Rome, use of technical vocabulary, allusions to a number of stories from classical mythology as well as mentions of names and works of ancient authors reveal an extensive knowledge of antiquity on the part of the librettist; this serves to create the appropriate classical background to the narrative.

_____________ 255 See Alberti 1994; Cresci Marrono 1994. – See esp. a remark in a letter by Boito dated to 19 April 1862: “E in questo momento, per farla ridere, sono sotto l’influsso magnetico di Tacito; e medito un gran melodramma che sarà battezzato con un terribile nome: Nerone.” (Lettere di Arrigo Boito. Raccolte e annotate da Raffaelo de Rensis, Roma 1932, 250) – ‘And at this moment, to make you laugh, I am under the magnetic influence of Tacitus; a great melodrama is being considered, which will be christened with a terrible name: Nerone.’

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Bibliographical information LIBRETTO AND MUSIC: Arrigo Boito (1842–1918) EDITIONS:

Arigo Boito, Nerone. Tragedia in quattro atti. Riduzione per canto e pianoforte di Ferruccio Calusio. [Milano et al. 1924] Arigo Boito, Nerone. Tragedia in cinque atti, in: Arrigo Boito. Tutti gli scritti, a cura di Piero Nardi, Milano 1942, 181–319 [p. 182 ‘Avvertenza’: “Il testo della Tragedia, che qui si presenta sotto forma di libro, non è in tutto conforme a quello destinato alla rappresentazione lirica. Nella presente edizione sono aggiunte molti particolari del dialogo e delle didascalie, e ciò fu fatto col semplice intento di chiarire nella mente di chi legge (e non ha il soccorso dell’imagine visiva) l’espressione di alcuni passi o le loro condizioni pittoriche o plastiche. A. B.” – ‘The text of the tragedy, which presents itself here in the form of a book, does not agree in everything with the text intended for lyric representation. In the present edition many details of the dialogue and the stage directions have been added, and this was done with the simple intention to clarify in the mind of those who read (and do not have the assistance of a visual image) the expression of some passages or their pictorial or plastic shape. A. B.’] Arigo Boito, Nerone. Opera in Four Acts (Libretto by Arrigo Boito) (sound recording by Hungarian State Opera Orchestra and booklet). [1983, Hungaroton] ELECTRONIC VERSION: 1924: http://193.204.255.27/operaliber/index.php?page=operaLiber/booklets/view&id= neroneb. xml&act=1&bookletTitle=Nerone SCHOLARSHIP: Gui 1924; 1983 edition; Porte 1987, 373–426 passim; Alberti 1994; Cresci Marrone 1994 information on the opera and the librettist / composer: Ashbrook at OMOa; at OMOb

Synopsis256 CHARACTERS:

1924: Nerone – Simon Mago – Fanuèl – Asteria – Rubria – Tigellino – Gobrias – Dositèo – Pèrside – Cerinto – Il tempiere – Primo viandante – Secondo viandante – Lo schiavo ammonitore – Terpnos || I varii aggruppamenti del coro: Ambubaje – Fanciulle Gaditane – Acclamatori – Cavalieri Augustani – Liberti – Fautori di parte prasina – Fautori di parte azzurra – Popolo – Schiavi – Plebe – Senatori – Una compagnia di Artisti Dionisiaci – Tre decurie di Guardie Germane – Eneatori – Sacerdoti del Tempio di Simon Mago – Matrone – Classarii – Pretoriani – Cristiani – Aurighi della fazione verde – Aurighi della fazione azzurra || Pantomimi, danzatrici, apparitori: Una

_____________ 256 The synopsis of the four-act performed version is followed by a summary of the fifth act, only found in the printed version of the piece.

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puella Gaditana – L’Arcigallo – Un venditore d’idoli – Un venditore di tavole votive – Un mercante orientale – Un flamine – L’auriga vincitore – L’auriga vinto – Un lanista – Due Mercurii – Due Caronti – Alcuni Etiopi – Viandanti – Lettigarii – Clienti – Servi – Danzatrici Gaditane – Corrieri Mauritani – I due Consoli – Littori – Preconi – Due Tribuni della plebe – Legionarii – Galli – Greci – Rheti – Indiani – Armeni – Egiziani – Fanciulli patrizii – Fanciulli cristiani – Fanciulli Asiatici – Cavalieri – Phalangarii – Matrone – Marinai – Citaredi – Sistrati – Auledi – Ieroduli – Flabelliferi – Tre Tempieri – Alcuni Decurioni – Alcuni Centurioni – Guardie Germane – Gladiatori – Alcuni bestiarii – Istrioni –Sagittarii 1942: Nerone – Simon Mago – Fanuèl – Asteria – Rubria – Tigellino – Gobrias – Dositèo – Terpnos – M. Anneo Lucano – Sporus – Uno schiavo || I varii aggruppamenti del coro: La confraternita della Gran Madre degli Dei – Ambubaie – Fanciulle Gaditane – Acclamatori – Cavalieri Augustani – Liberti – Fautori di parte prasina – Fautori di parte azzurra – Popolo – Schiavi – Plebe – Senatori – Una compagnia di Artisti Dionisiaci – Tre decurie di Guardie Germane – Eneatori – Sacerdoti del Tempio di Simon Mago – Matrone – Classarii – Pretoriani – Cristiani – Aurighi della fazione verde – Aurighi della fazione azzurra – Il Coro delle Eumenidi d’Eschilo – Spettri || Pantomimi, danzatrici, apparitori: Burrhus – Vatinius – Alituro – Fòloe – Valens nella parte di Zeto, un altro patrizio nella parte d’Anfione – Una Puella Gaditana – L’Arcigallo – Un venditore d’idoli – Un venditore di tavole votive – Un mercante orientale – Un flamine – L’auriga vincitore – L’auriga vinto – Un lanista – Due Mercurii – Due Caronti – Alcuni Etiopi – Viandanti – Lettigarii – Clienti – Servi – Danzatrici Gaditane – Corrieri Mauritani – I due consoli – Littori – Preconi – Due tribuni della plebe – Legionarii – Galli – Greci – Rheti – Indiani – Armeni – Egiziani – Fanciulli patrizii – Fanciulli cristiani – Fanciulli asiatici – Cavalieri – Phalangarii – Matrone – Marinai – Citaredi – Sistrati – Auledi – Ieroduli – Flabelliferi – Tre Tempieri – Alcuni Decurioni – Alcuni Centurioni – Guardie Germane – Gladiatori – Alcuni bestiarii – Istrioni – Sagittarii – Le Dirci – Lo spettro di Agrippina

1924 performed version (four acts):257 The FIRST ACT opens around tombs along the Via Appia just outside Rome; the scene is dimly lit by moonlight. Simon Mago, the high priest of a mystery religion, is digging near the graves, watched by Tigellino in disguise, actually a commander of the guards loyal to Nerone. The emperor Nerone arrives, tormented by pangs of conscience, as he has murdered his mother not long before; he compares himself to the mythical character Oreste. Nerone carries his mother’s ashes to bury them in secret; he is assisted by Tigellino and Simon Mago, who undertakes a mystical ceremony to win absolution from his sins for Nerone, while passers-by are seen and heard in the distance. During the ceremony a female figure appears, whom Nerone believes to be an Erinni (Erinys), and he flees in alarm. In fact it is Asteria, who has pursued the cruel emperor as she is in love with him. Simon Mago catches her and recognizes that the girl provides an opportunity to carry out a trick that will help him gain power over the intimidated Nerone. He invites her to come back the following

_____________ 257 This synopsis is inspired by the section ‘The plot of the opera’ in the 1983 edition (p. 10).

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evening, when he also expects Nerone. Simon Mago disappears into the interior of a secret burial place of the Christians, so as to hide the instruments used in the recent burial and ceremony. As the first signs of dawn are appearing, Asteria is about to retire to rest on a Christian sepulchre, when Rubria, a Christian woman, arrives. Asteria is so deeply moved by Rubria’s recitation of the Lord’s Prayer that she joins her in throwing flowers on a sepulchre. Suddenly she remembers Nerone, who, to her, is the only god, and escapes. As Rubria resumes her prayer, Fanuèl, an apostle of the Christians, arrives. He has come to say farewell: he is about to start on a journey because he feels there is more need for him elsewhere. Before the final farewell, Rubria wants to confess a sin that she has kept secret so far. At this moment Simon Mago, who hates the Christians, appears at the entrance to the Christian burial place. Recognizing the danger, Fanuèl decides to stay, and he sends Rubria off to warn the other Christians that their crypt has been discovered. Simon Mago and Fanuèl enter into a conversation. From the top of a sepulchre, Simon Mago shows Fanuèl the crowd of Romans moving towards them to greet Nerone. Simon Mago envisages that Fanuèl’s superhuman power will make him king and prophet of the whole world, to rule from a church raised above the seven hills of Rome. Simon Mago wants to buy himself some of this power – with money. Fanuèl curses him, and they depart in opposite directions. Nerone returns with Tigellino. Nerone is still in fear because of his meeting with Asteria and terrified of the Romans, who are moving towards him. But Tigellino reassures Nerone that both the Senate and the People believe his story about Agrippina and will welcome him with jubilation. The crowd, including all major groups in Rome, greets Nerone as the returning Apollo. The SECOND ACT shows a service in Simon Mago’s underground temple. People from all walks of life have gathered in the front part of the temple. Suddenly the curtain separating the two parts of the temple is flung open, and the priests performing the ceremony in the sanctuary become visible, with Simon Mago on the top of the altar steps. Simon Mago lifts an ornate goblet, from which blood bubbles forth. The dense cloud of smoke from the burning brazier hides his figure from the eyes of the worshippers, when the dividing curtain is drawn. The worshippers believe that Simon Mago has ascended to heaven. While there is chanting and worshipping in the front part of the temple, Simon Mago, together with other priests and disciples, including Dositèo, Gobrias and Cerinto, starts a drinking bout in the sanctuary, making fun of the credulity of the praying people. Eventually, they cause the worshippers to leave the place. After the worshippers have departed, the temple, filled with implements to create illusions, is rearranged for the reception of Nerone. Simon Mago places Asteria on the altar and instructs her how to act, so as to ensure that Nerone will continue to take her for a goddess. He and Dositèo hide in a cavity in the wall, from where he shouts through the mouth of a stone face as the Voice of the Oracle, to prevent the exposure of Asteria. Simon Mago leads Nerone inside the chamber, and initially the procedure starts as planned. But soon Nerone, having

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entreated the apparition for the remission of his sins, masters his initial terror and confesses to once having raped a Vestal virgin in the temple of Vesta: he does not shrink from committing another sin and kisses Asteria, who is thus revealed as herself. Nerone then understands how Simon Mago and his men are deceiving him: he thrusts a burning candle into the mouth of the oracle, and then begins to smash everything to pieces. Nero calls for his staff and orders them to arrest Simon Mago and Asteria. He then declares himself god instead and begins to play the harp as the Greek god Apollo Musagetes. The THIRD ACT features an orchard outside Rome, illuminated by the last rays of the setting sun. The Christians listen as Fanuèl speaks of the teachings of Jesus. Some women plait garlands of flowers, singing joyfully as they work; Fanuèl watches Rubria. When Asteria staggers in, covered in wounds, everyone leaves except for Fanuèl and Rubria. Asteria happily recognizes Rubria as the woman whom she heard praying on the Via Appia the night before. She has kept one of the flowers she picked up there. Fanuèl and Rubria give her water and care for her wounds. From Asteria’s account of what happened it emerges that she was thrown into a snake pit on Nerone’s orders, but managed to escape alive. She has now come to warn the Christians of their danger, since Simon Mago is seeking their lives. Rubria tries to persuade Fanuèl to flee, but he first wants to hear the continuation of Rubria’s confession, which was interrupted the previous day. Meanwhile Simon Mago arrives, disguised as a blind beggar, accompanied by Gobrias. When Fanuèl recognizes him, Simon Mago feigns repentance and asks Fanuèl to use his power to work a miracle to free him from the soldiers who dog his steps. When Fanuèl refuses, guards, who have approached in hiding, obey a sign from Simon Mago and arrest him. In moving words and confident in his faith, Fanuèl bids farewell to the Christians, who accompany him to prison. Only Rubria, tormented by love to him, remains. The FIRST PART OF THE FOURTH ACT is set in the Circus Maximus at the conclusion of a chariot race, while the partisans of the Green and the Blue Factions continue to shout and scuffle in the auditorium. Simon Mago is there with the man who guards him in front of a programme suspended on one of the columns, while the next stages of the entertainment, gladiatorial fights, dancing and pantomime, are getting under way. The Simonians and the mob ridicule the Christians on their way to death, obliged to recreate a bloody episode from Greek myth. The Christians begin to sing the Credo, when one of the seven Vestal virgins steps forward and asks Nerone’s pardon for the Christians. At Nerone’s order, Simon Mago removes the veil from her face, and she is revealed as Rubria, a Vestal virgin who has turned Christian. They take off her robes and push her into the arena. Finally the time comes when Simon Mago has to carry out Nerone’s orders to fly like Icaro (Icarus) by jumping from the tower in the Circus Maximus. At that point the crowd in the Circus Maximus notices that Rome is on fire, and people turn in flight. Gobrias had mentioned to Simon Mago that he would start the fire with Asteria’s help. When Tigellino told Nerone that he had heard of the plan for a fire and that the Praetorian Guard were to forestall it at a signal from

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him, Nerone claimed that he was aware of the fire and pleased about it, since it would allow him to rebuild the burnt city to his own liking. In the SECOND PART OF THE FOURTH ACT Asteria leads Fanuèl into a subterranean chamber of the Circus, where the dead and dying are kept. They shrink back in disgust when they discover Simon Mago’s corpse, while they are seeking Rubria among the dead people: she has received a fatal wound from an arrow, but is still alive. Finally she can confess her sin: she has not been an absolute Christian, but had tried to reconcile the service of Vesta with the new faith. While Fanuèl narrates a story from the New Testament on her request, she confesses her love for him. Fanuèl calls Rubria his betrothed and kisses her, and she soon dies. Fanuèl and Asteria eventually find a route to escape from the burning Circus. Asteria returns for a second; in her jealousy she wants to ask Rubria what Nerone’s kiss was like, but she becomes aware that she is talking to a dead person. She places the flower Rubria gave her on the Via Appia onto her dead body. Part of the vault collapses, and Asteria saves herself by following Fanuèl. 1942 printed version (five acts): [The first four acts in the printed version are basically the same as those in the performed version that were set to music; there are a few minor variations, and some stage directions are more detailed. The main difference is the presence of an entire fifth act; only this act is therefore summarized here.] The FIFTH ACT takes place in Nerone’s theatre during the night, while the fire of Rome continues. Several followers of Nerone are having an orgiastic drinking party. When the curtain on the stage is opened, a temple of Athena with an altar in front becomes visible. The Eumenide (Eumenides / Erinyes) of Orestiade (Aeschylus’ Oresteia) appear, pursuing Oreste. Nerone, in tragic garb, represents the mythical character Oreste; he defends himself with references to the orders of the god Apollo and asks the goddess Pallade (Athena) for protection. The Eumenide continue to confront him and accuse him of matricide, joined by some of the characters. He feels justified because of his mother’s disposition and her deeds. The shade of Agrippina, Nerone’s mother, appears, while the chorus continue to accuse Nerone as the matricide Oreste. Nerone protests that he is Nerone and feels intimidated by his mother’s gaze. He asserts that he did not kill her, but that it was Erculeo. At this point Erculeo emerges, but Tigellino and Gobrias force him off the stage, while it is recalled how Agrippina was killed in a house close to the shore. Agrippina’s shade disappears, and Erculeo is finally put to flight. The remaining characters celebrate a triumph, and the poet Lucano exclaims that Eschilo (Aeschylus) has been defeated. Nerone runs from the stage into the orchestra; at this point Asteria enters, while all others flee and ask Nerone to flee as well. But Nerone is captivated by the sight of Asteria and addresses her. The clouds of smoke over Rome have become thicker, and only Nerone’s theatre is still illuminated; at the back of the stage ‘Nero Caesar’ appears in golden letters. Nerone and Asteria, left alone, start a conversation. Nerone is confused by her appearance; she asks him to kill her

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and brandishes serpents in her hand, which makes him address her as Erinni (Erinys). Asteria hands him a small dagger that she has brought with her. Nerone reveals that he has been terrified by voices and asks Asteria to embrace him and not to leave him; they embrace. Gradually a terrible vision arises: the orgiastic figures in the floor mosaic transform into the bodies of Dirci (Christian women) sacrificed in the Circus, the corpses of women and children killed. Nerone and Asteria are confused and terrified. After these appearances have vanished, Nerone asks Asteria what she wants, and she says that she wishes to die destroyed by his love. They embrace again, while she stabs herself with the dagger and dies. Nerone tries to flee, but is surrounded by horrible apparitions. The earth shakes, a part of the wall collapses, and Christians become visible in the distance. The spectres denounce him while he tries to get help from the statue and altar of Pallade; as this is not forthcoming, he hits the shield of the statue. Eventually he falls to the ground unconscious while the stage darkens amid roars of thunder. Analysis Although this opera is named after Nero like many others, it is not primarily about Nero, his love relationships or the situation at the imperial court; Nerone does not even appear in the second part of the fourth act (the final act in the performed version). Instead, the piece focuses on the presence and influence of different cults in early imperial Rome. This is connected with the character of Nero to indicate a historically defined setting in time; however, this framework is not used to recreate a particular ancient story. In fact, the plot is largely fictional, although it includes a number of historical events, such as the assassination of Nero’s mother Agrippina (59 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.1–8) and the fire of Rome (64 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38), in new combinations. The conflict that arises from the confrontation of different beliefs is embodied by two female protagonists: Asteria hesitates to turn to Christianity, which she finds attractive, since she regards such a switch as treason on her ‘god’ Nerone, though Nerone’s sexual attraction also plays a role; for in this opera it is the female partner who desperately wants her desire for love fulfilled. Rubria, too, is torn between two forms of belief: she has become a Christian, but remained a Vestal virgin at the same time, a fact that she regards as a sin. Asteria is involved in Simon Mago’s deceit of Nerone and is therefore punished (Acts II; III); but she eventually enjoys a brief moment with him before she dies (Act V). Rubria becomes a victim of Nerone’s erotic desires as a Vestal virgin and is pursued by him as a Christian (Acts II; IV.1). This seems to be a development from the note in Suetonius that Nero ‘debauched the Vestal virgin Rubria’ (Suet. Nero 28.1), while Asteria’s name may be taken from that of a female titan, Leto’s sister and Hecate’s mother.

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Clearly identifiable historical characters known from ancient sources are Nerone and Tigellino, who presumably represents Ofonius Tigellinus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3). Simon Mago, who appears in no other Nero opera, is mentioned in the Bible (Acts of the Apostles 8.9– 24) as a magician active in Samaria, who converts to Christianity, when he notices that the inhabitants of Samaria turn to Christianity. When Petrus and Johannes come to Samaria, in order to convey the power of the Holy Ghost to the faithful by means of touching them with their hands, Simon tries to buy this faculty from them. However, they do not regard him as upright and ask him instead to do penitence. Under the name Simon Magus, this character features in apocryphal accounts: he is regarded as the founder of the Simonians and the father of Gnostic beliefs. According to Justin Martyr, Simon Magus was in Rome in the time of emperor Claudius (Apol. Mai. 26.1–2), while the Acts of Peter and Paul include a discussion between these apostles, Simon Magus and the emperor Nero. The famous levitation and precipitation of Simon Magus (Act IV.1) is related in the apocryphal texts Acts of Peter (31–32) and Acts of Peter and Paul; both connect an attempt at flying in Rome with a proof of the divine forces of Simon and Petrus, ordered by Claudius or Nero respectively. In the opera the fall of Simon Mago in the Circus Maximus becomes punishment for his attempt to terrify Nerone with the plot of the fake goddess (Act II). This may be seen as poetic justice since Simon Mago has not only deceived Nerone, but also his own adherents. The confrontation between Simon Mago and Fanuèl, and in particular Simon Mago’s prophecy that Fanuèl will rule over the entire world from a church raised above the seven hills of Rome (Act I) suggest that Fanuèl is meant to embody St Peter (see Mt 16.18), on the basis of the hindsight knowledge that St Peter’s church will be located in Rome. The conflict between Peter and Simon Magus is narrated in detail in the Acts of Peter, and there is also an allusion to a specific episode related in the Acts of Peter (35–36): Peter leaves Rome, runs into Christ on his way and asks him the famous question ‘Quo vadis, domine?’ (‘Where are you going, master?’); upon Christ’s reply that he was going to Rome to be crucified, Peter returns to Rome. Fanuèl too intends to leave Rome, but then stays with the Christians when he sees them in danger (Act I). The setting of Neronian Rome enables the discussion of the persecution of the Christians, which was connected with the fire of Rome already in ancient accounts, though they tend to indicate more or less clearly that Nero was responsible himself and the Christians were rather used as scapegoats (Tac. Ann. 15.38– 44; Suet. Nero 38.1; Oct. 831–833). Here it is suggested that a religious group has caused the firre, and Nerone’s responsibility consists in the fact that he knew about the plans in advance, but took no steps to prevent them, on the contrary was happy about them. Nerone further appears as a matricide and as a rapist of a Vestal virgin; he lays claim to being a god; he is cruel towards those whom he regards as his enemies; and he sacrifices the city of Rome for the sake of his plans for new constructions. At the same time he is shown as someone who is tortured by fear on account of the assassination of his mother to such an extent that he can

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fall victim to Simon Mago’s intrigue. Simon Mago does not dominate the course of the action, not even the fire of Rome is directly attributed to him, but rather to his followers. As a whole, the plot bears little relationship to most of the other operas dealing with Nero or to the Latin Octavia, apart from the fact that there are reflections of the importance of Republican institutions when Tigellino assures Nerone that the Senate believed Nerone’s version of his mother’s death. The fifth act, which exists in the libretto version, adds a metaliterary classical dimension in that Nerone is compared to Orestes and is pursued as a matricide like the mythical figure in the drama by the Greek playwright Aeschylus. Taking up allusions that have already been made at the beginning of the piece, this section thus emphasizes that Nerone is responsible for a terrible deed, but now feels bad about it. Further, the ‘love affair’ between Nerone and Asteria is brought to a proper conclusion, since the two of them are united and Asteria dies after she has reached her goal. Owing to the various apparitions and the play with Nerone as Oreste this act is probably challenging to perform; the death of Rubria at the end of the fourth act provides an equally effective conclusion to the opera.

2.20 Manén, Acté (1903 / 1908); Neró i Acté / Nero und Acté (1928) Background Joan Manén (1883–1971) was a violinist and composer, who had learned to play the violin and the piano from a very young age and started to write musical works in his teens, though he was almost entirely self-taught as a composer. Acté (an opera in four acts) was his second opera, set to music to his own libretto. It was first performed at the ‘Gran Teatre del Liceu’ in Barcelona on 3 December 1903 (printed: 1908). At a later stage in his career Manén destroyed, disowned or radically revised all works composed before 1907. This is the reason why he rewrote Acté, now entitled Neró i Acté. This new version was first produced in German (as Nero und Acté) in Karlsruhe on 28 January 1928; it then enjoyed performances in several German cities before it was given in Catalan in Barcelona in 1933. Bibliographical information LIBRETTO AND MUSIC: Joan Manén (1883–1971) EDITIONS:

Joan Manén, Acté. Musikalisches Drama in vier Aufzügen. Text und Musik von Joan Manén. Deutsche Übersetzung von E. Schultz-Hencke. [Leipzig / Brüssel / London s.a.: 1908]

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Joan Manén, Op. A-21. Nero und Acté. Tragische Oper in vier Aufzügen. Klavierauszug mit Text. [Leipzig 1928] Joan Manén, Op. A-21. Nero und Acté. Tragische Oper in vier Aufzügen / Nerone e Atte. Opera in quattro atti. Versione ritmica dal catalano di Rinaldo Küfferle / Neró i Acté. Tragedia per a muscia en quatre actes. Klavierauszug mit Text [s.l. s.a.: 1935] SCHOLARSHIP (information on the librettist / composer): Salter at OMO

Synopsis 258 CHARACTERS:

[1908]: Nero – Agrippina – Acté – Tigellinus – Markus – Parthos || Prätorianer – Hofstaat des Nero – Philosophen – Dichter – Musiker – Schauspieler – Vestalinnen – Christen – Sklaven – Tänzer – römisches Volk 1928 / [1935]: Acté, eine griechische Sklavin, Geliebte des Nero – Agrippina, Mutter des Nero – Nero, römischer Kaiser – Tigellinus, Oberhaupt der Prätorianer-Wache – Markus, Apostel der Christen – Parthos, ein junger griechischer Flötenspieler aus dem Kreise der im Palatin lebenden Musikanten || Chor: Frauen der Agrippina, Gefolge Neros, Volk und Christen

[1908] version: The FIRST ACT is set in a large hall on the Palatine. The opera opens with a chorus on Orestes and his mother Clytaemnestra, who murdered his father and was then killed by her son in revenge. Nero’s mother Agrippina interrupts the singing: she feels unhappy and threatened herself, but she is determined not to give up. Nero appears, and the chorus greet him. He welcomes Agrippina solemnly, while she stares at him and remains silent at first, explaining that she had just been reminded of Clytaemnestra’s fate. Nero tries to calm her down. Agrippina abruptly requests that Nero separate himself from Acté; yet he claims that he is in love with her. Agrippina reminds him of her services for him, while he insists on his power to make decisions. Nero acknowledges that Agrippina has provided him with the throne, yet he does not allow his love affairs to be determined by her. Agrippina turns for help to Vesta, the goddess of the hearth, home and family, but the fire in her tripod is dying. Agrippina leaves, while Nero reflects on the incident and possible plans for the future. Tigellinus, who has joined Nero, encourages him and presents Agrippina’s intentions in a bad light. Acté’s voice is heard from afar; Nero listens with pleasure while Tigellinus with-

_____________ 258 There are minor differences in the music, the dialogues, the description of scenery and the amount of dancing and singing between the versions, with more significant variations in the third and fourth acts. The basic plot, however, remains the same. For the sake of convenience a full record of both incarnations of the opera is given with the major divergences of the later version indicated at the respective points.

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draws. When Nero and Acté meet, they are enraptured and confess their mutual love. The SECOND ACT takes place in the gardens of the Palatine at night. In the moonlight the Christian apostle Markus preaches; he warns of worldly pleasures and temptations, and he recommends pure love and issues of the mind instead. Acté, sitting at his feet and listening to him, is receptive to these doctrines; at last she bids farewell to Nero and joins the Christians. She bribes the young Greek flute-player Parthos into leading her to the Christians, not telling anybody her whereabouts and returning a ring to Nero. Parthos is reluctant, but the gold Acté offers is more powerful. Agrippina appears, watches them and ridicules Acté from a distance. Nero and his entire retinue enter; Agrippina and then Nero are carried over in their litters. Nero and Agrippina greet each other and realize that Acté is missing. Nero orders Tigellinus to fetch her. In the meantime Nero has the chorus dance for him; then he takes over and sings a song, accompanied on the harp. The chorus congratulate him when Tigellinus arrives and reports that Acté has gone missing. Nero is devastated, and Tigellinus suspects that Agrippina might know the reason; she claims that she has no idea and suggests that Parthos might know more. Even though Parthos tries to flee from his place within the chorus, Tigellinus notices him, grasps him and drags him before Nero. Parthos first denies any knowledge, but then Acté’s ring is discovered on his left hand. Nero is enraged and enquires of Parthos where the ring came from. He answers that Acté had given it to him, ordering him to pass it on to Nero. Nero and his men try to elicit more information from Parthos; yet he says that he does not know anything. Parthos is threatened with torture; yet he still does not give away any information. Agrippina then says that she knows where Acté is; Nero entreats her to let him know, but she first demands her power back. So Nero’s love and Agrippina’s desire for power confront each other. Nero becomes more and more enraged, and he finally orders Tigellinus to take Agrippina into custody until she reveals where Acté is. Tigellinus and the others are horrified; nevertheless, Nero insists on his power. The THIRD ACT shows a forest, with an entrance to a rock cave in the background; it is a dark and stormy night. A Christian choral song is heard from beneath the stage. Nero comments that this sweet song is to praise Acté. He thinks that Parthos’ statements have proved true and wants to take action, but Tigellinus warns him not to chase away the prey before he has caught it in his net; Nero agrees to wait. The Christians, including Acté, emerge from their cave and sing a song on stage; they then move away in the opposite direction, when they are caught by soldiers of the Praetorian Guard. Acté is seized by Nero; he reproaches her for having been unfaithful to him, as she initially confessed her great love and was affectionate towards him. Acte tries to explain that he cannot be aware of her situation and her feelings, as she has found real sense in life by means of this new faith. She tries to explain that she now loves him in a different way; she asks to be forgotten and be left in peace

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together with her brothers, praying for him. But Nero is becoming angry and mocks her god instead. He is about to kill her, when he believes he sees a vision, is terrified and lets his sword slip from his hands. It is Markus who places himself between Acté and Nero and holds him back. Tigellinus advises Nero to have Markus put in chains as the man who has stolen Acté’s heart by trickery and deceit. Markus admits that he has led her on to this only safe way to truth and to god, upon which Nero orders them to move towards Rome. They set off in a composed manner, followed by the Praetorian Guard and eventually by Nero, leaning on Tigellinus. The FOURTH ACT displays a terrace of the Palatine, including an imperial stand. Nero is reclining on a triclinium, staring into space in a dark mood; Tigellinus is behind him, and female dancers are moving around. Nero is still full of desire for Acté, while Tigellinus tries to console him, explaining that it is stupid of her to put up resistance, but that they have confused her mind and no one can counter her faith. Nero tells him to be silent; he describes his torments, torn between love and hatred. Tigellinus reports that he has overheard a conversation between Markus and Acté, who are calm and ready for death; Nero is still devastated. Suddenly the song of the prisoners about to die is heard. Nero meets Markus and Acté and confronts them. Acté again pleads with him and says it is just fate and herself who are responsible. Yet Nero jumps at Markus and tries to strangle him, who cannot protect himself since his hands are in chains. Markus and Acté are dragged away by the Praetorian Guards, while the sky is reddening as Rome begins to burn. Tigellinus informs Nero of the fire and that the People, regarding the emperor as responsible, are on the approach. Nero orders the Praetorian Guards to see to this. Tigellinus suggests that the Christians should be identified as responsible. Nero conveys this to the People, and from the stage he throws Acté into the crowd. Nero is out of his senses, while Tigellinus points out that this is a sacrifice for Nero’s love. Nero leans on Tigellinus’ shoulder, as they watch Rome burning. 1928 / [1935] version: The FIRST ACT is set in a large hall on the Palatine. The opera opens with a chorus on Orestes and his mother Clytaemnestra, who murdered his father and was then killed by her son in revenge. Nero’s mother Agrippina interrupts the singing: she feels unhappy and threatened herself. She recalls that she has made her son Nero emperor, and she now fears that he opposes her. It suddenly comes to her mind that the Greek slave-girl Acté, Nero’s beloved, might be the reason for a change in his behaviour. Tigellinus, the prefect of the Praetorian Guard, appears and announces Nero’s arrival; the chorus greet Nero. He welcomes Agrippina solemnly, while she stares at him and remains silent at first, explaining that she had just been reminded of Clytaemnestra’s fate. Nero tries to calm her down. Agrippina abruptly requests that Nero separate himself from Acté; yet he claims that he is in love with Acté. Agrippina reminds him of her services for him, while he insists on his power to make decisions. Nero acknowledges that

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Agrippina has provided him with the throne, yet he does not allow his love affairs to be determined by her. Agrippina turns for help to Vesta, the goddess of the hearth, home and family, but the fire in her tripod is dying. Agrippina leaves, while Nero reflects on the incident and on procedures for the future. Tigellinus, who has joined Nero, encourages him and presents Agrippina’s intentions in a bad light. Acté’s voice is heard from afar; Nero listens with pleasure while Tigellinus withdraws. When Nero and Acté meet, they are enraptured and confess their mutual love. The SECOND ACT takes place a few days later and is set in the gardens of the Palatine at night. In the moonlight the Christian apostle Markus preaches; he warns of worldly pleasures and temptations, and he recommends pure love and issues of the mind instead. Acté, sitting at his feet and listening to him, is receptive to these doctrines; at last she bids farewell to Nero and joins the Christians. She bribes the young Greek flute-player Parthos into leading her to the Christians, not telling anybody her whereabouts and returning a ring to Nero. Parthos is reluctant, but the gold Acté offers is more powerful. Agrippina appears, watches them and ridicules Acté from a distance. In the morning Nero and his entire retinue enter; Nero rides in a triumphal chariot, and Agrippina is carried in a litter. Nero and Agrippina greet each other and realize that Acté is missing. Nero orders Tigellinus to fetch her. In the meantime Nero has the chorus dance for him; then he takes over and sings a song, accompanied on the harp. The chorus congratulate him when Tigellinus arrives and reports that Acté has gone missing. Nero is devastated and suspects that Agrippina might know the reason; yet she claims that she has no idea and suggests that Parthos might know more. Even though Parthos tries to flee from his place within the chorus, Tigellinus notices him, grasps him and drags him before Nero. Parthos first denies any knowledge, but then Acté’s ring is discovered on his left hand. Nero is enraged and enquires of Parthos where the ring came from. He answers that Acté had given it to him, ordering him to pass it on to Nero. Nero and his men try to elicit more information from Parthos; yet he says that he does not know anything. Parthos is threatened with torture; yet he still does not give away any information. Agrippina then says that she knows where Acté is; Nero entreats her to let him know, but she first demands her power back. So Nero’s love and Agrippina’s desire for power confront each other. Nero becomes more and more enraged, and he finally orders Tigellinus to take Agrippina into custody until she reveals where Acté is. Tigellinus and the others are horrified; nevertheless, Nero insists on his power. The THIRD ACT moves to the catacombs; Acté is being baptized by Markus in the presence of other Christians. Then Tigellinus with soldiers of the Praetorian Guard and Nero storm in. They find Acté and chase the other Christians away. [different setting; baptism added; actions of Nero and Tigellinus shortened] Nero is angry with Acté and reproaches her for having been unfaithful to him, as she initially confessed great love and was affectionate towards him. Acté tries to explain her internal change, claims that she has found real sense in life by means

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of this new faith and distances herself from her earlier love [slightly different dialogue]. Nero cannot understand this behaviour and wishes to reinstate their earlier relationship. Nero is about to embrace [replaces attempt at killing] and kiss Acté, when Markus appears like a vision. Nero has Markus put in chains by Praetorian Guards since he thinks that this is the man who has stolen Acté’s heart by trickery and deceit. Markus accepts this in a composed manner, and Nero orders him to be brought to the Palatine. Markus and Acté set off, followed by Praetorian Guards; devastated, Nero leans on Tigellinus. The FOURTH ACT returns to the Palatine. Nero reclines on a Roman bed, with Tigellinus behind him watching him, and female dancers are moving around. Nero stares into space in a dark mood. He is still full of desire for Acté and feels like a slave of his heart, while Tigellinus tells him to act like Caesar and forget this love affair [more emphasis on duties of a ruler and less on beliefs in this dialogue]. Tigellinus also reports that he has overheard a conversation between Markus and Acté, who are calm and ready for death. Suddenly the song of the prisoners about to die is heard; as they pass by, Markus and Acté are led to Nero. Nero is still angry with Markus, whom he regards as a rival, while Acté tries to calm him down. Yet Nero jumps at Markus and proceeds to strangle him. After Markus is dead, Nero is determined to enjoy Acté, though she resists. Eventually he lets her go. [Nero’s actions towards Acté added] Tigellinus and soldiers of the Praetorian Guard appear, and there is a view of burning Rome. The People are rebelling and approach to kill the emperor. Tigellinus advises Nero to have the Christians announced as responsible for the fire. Nero points the People to the Christians; he shows them the dead Markus, and Acté is given over to the crowd. The People leave; Nero and Tigellinus remain, watching Rome burning. Nero asks for his lyre; he starts to sing and to accompany himself on the lyre, but he is not able to create a song and eventually falls down in cramps and epileptic fits; Tigellinus smiles sarcastically. [Nero’s singing and Tigellinus’ reaction added] Analysis This opera once again presents Nero and a love relationship of his on stage, but its plot and set-up are rather different from the Latin Octavia and from operas that follow its structure and themes more closely. In this opera Nero is, as always, in the grips of passionate love, but it is the woman in the relationship who breaks off the love affair, as she turns to a different, Christian form of love. The figure of Acté is shaped after the model of Claudia Acte, the freedwoman known from the historical tradition (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1–3), Poppaea’s ‘predecessor’ as it were (alluded to in the Latin Octavia 193–197), who, however, remained faithful to Nero and attended his funeral (Suet. Nero 50). In this opera Nero appears as the person who has to suffer tor-

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tures of unrequited love, even though he simultaneously remains the traditional brutal and ambitious ruler. The individual problem of the love relationship between Nero and Acte is linked with the political situation in Rome in two ways: in the first part of the opera Nero’s love to Acté plays a role in the struggle for the foremost power in Rome, which develops between Nero and his mother Agrippina after he has ascended the throne, since Agrippina believes that Acté is responsible for her diminishing influence on her son. Her strategy to blackmail Nero with her knowledge of Acté’s whereabouts is unsuccessful (Act II); hence she is arrested and does not play a role in the rest of the opera. Since Agrippina is integrated into the action as a living character, these events are, historically speaking, set before 59 CE, when Nero killed his mother (Tac. Ann. 14.1–8). The second link between the fortunes of Acté and of Rome is established in the opera’s second part, where the punishment of the Christians, originally ordered because of Nero’s personal motives, is connected with their blaming and the sacrifice of Acté on the occasion of the fire of Rome, which, historically, took place in 64 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38; Oct. 831–833); here the People regard Nero as responsible, which is confirmed by ancient accounts, even though the deed was attributed to the Christians. Nero’s sole support remains Tigellinus, i.e. Ofonius Tigellinus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero since 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3); throughout the action Tigellinus is partly concerned for Nero, partly happily planning intrigues. A moral authority, set against the activities determined by egotism on the part of Nero, Agrippina and Tigellinus, is embodied by the Christian apostle Markus. Presumably he is meant to represent the evangelist Mark, since, according to church tradition (1 Pet 5.13), he is assumed to have been in Rome, along with Paul and Peter, at the time of the persecution of the Christians. The character Markus not only preaches Christian ideals, but also actively defends Acté, for which he pays with his own life (Acts III–IV). Hence in terms of the choice of characters and the combination of events associated with them in this opera there is a reliance on historical and biblical sources, though not an obvious direct link to the dramatic Latin Octavia. Nevertheless, there is a connection in concept since there are no entertaining subplots, and Nero’s tyrannical rule is confronted with an opposing force, which, in contrast to Agrippina in the opera, does not act out of personal interests, but attempts to influence Nero’s behaviour on a moral level, although it is defeated in the end (Seneca in Octavia; Acté and the Christians in the opera).

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2.21 Cain, Quo vadis? (1908/09) Background The novel Quo vadis? by Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916) was published in 1895 (in Poland) and proved a great success for the Polish author, who was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1905; the book has been translated into more than forty languages.259 The subject matter was soon turned into a Spanish zarzuela (a kind of operetta) entitled ¿Quo vadis?, first performed in Madrid on 28 December 1901 (published in 1902), to a text by Isidro Sinesio Delgado García (1859–1928) and music by Ruperto Chapí (y Lorente) (1851–1909).260 Then the material was developed into a five-act opera entitled Quo vadis?, to a libretto by Henri Cain and music by Jean-(Charles) Nouguès.261 Henri Cain (1859–1937), who created the libretto on the basis of Sienkiewicz’ novel, was born into an artistic family; he was not only an extremely productive librettist, but also wrote dramas and novels and was active as a painter like his brother. Jean(Charles) Nouguès (1875–1932) came from a wealthy family and devoted himself to composing operas and having them performed. Thousands of performances of his works during his lifetime are recorded; Quo vadis? was his most successful opera. The opera was first printed in Paris 1908 and first performed on 10 February 1909 at the ‘Opéra Municipal’ in Nice. It was shown to great acclaim also in Paris (‘Théâtre Lyrique Municipal [Gaîté]’, Nov. 1909), London and at its first NorthAmerican performance in New York in 1911. Bibliographical information LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Henri Cain (1859–1937) / Jean(-Charles) Nouguès (1875–1932)

_____________ 259 On the portrayal of Nero in the novel see Michaud 1999. 260 Engel (1901, 482) suggests that the novel itself was influenced by Pietro Cossa’s drama Nerone (ch. 3.10). There are some shared motifs (as is the case for other pieces on Nero), but the plots of the two pieces are quite different. 261 There is a further opera based on the novel: Gino Custer de Nobili (1881–1969) / Gustavo Giovanetti (1880–1968), Petronio. Dramma lirico, in tre atti e quattro quadri, ispirato da alcuni episodi del romanzo Quo vadis? di Enrico Sienkiewicz (printed: Milano s.a.; first performed: Rome, 20 March 1923); characters: Caio Petronio, arbiter elegantiarum – Sofonio Tigellino – Claudio Cesare Nerone – Furio / Giunio / Laonte, cavalieri romani – Matho, liberto di Petronio – Evnica / Olimpia, schiave di Petronio – Enotea, indovina || Cori e danze: giovani schiave greche, cavalieri romani, coro interno di giovinette, coro interno di cristiani, psaltriae, sambucistriae, auleti, symphoniaci, tricliniarchi, valletti; mimi: baccanti, satiri; schiavi etiopi, tessali, frigi, ecc.; un medico.

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EDITIONS:

Quo Vadis? Opéra en 5 Actes et 6 Tableaux, d’après le Roman de Henryk Sienkiewicz (Traduit par B. Kozakiewicz et J.L. De Janasz). Poème de Henri Cain, Musique de Jean Nouguès. [Paris 1908] Quo Vadis? Opéra en 5 Actes et 6 Tableaux, d’après le Roman de Henryk Sienkiewicz (Traduit par B. Kozakiewicz et J.L. De Janasz). Poème de Henri Cain, Musique de Jean Nouguès. Partition piano et chant. [Paris 1908] Quo vadis? Oper in fünf Akten (sechs Bildern) nach dem Roman von Henryk Sienkiewicz von Henri Cain. Deutsche Übersetzung von Hans Liebstoeckl. Musik von Jean Nouguès. [Leipzig 1910] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS (Partition piano et chant [Paris 1908]): http://archive.org/stream/quovadisopraen00noug#page/n7/mode/2up http://hdl.handle.net/1802/3788 SCHOLARSHIP (information on librettist and composer): Langham Smith at OMO; Smith at OMOb

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

1908: Lygie – Eunice, esclave de Pétrone – Poppée, femme de Néron – Iras, esclave de Pétrone – Myriam – Nazaire, fils de Myriam – Lilith, suivante éthiopienne de Poppée – Psyllia, femme de Sporus – Vinicius – Pétrone – Chilon Chilonidès – Pierre (l’Apôtre) – Néron – Sporus, cabaretier – Demas, carrier – Un jeune chrétien – Lydon, gladiateur – Tigellin, augustan – Vitellius, augustan – Vatinius, augustan – Le jeune Nerva, augustan – Un centurion – Un matelot – Ursus, serviteur de Lygie – Croton, gladiateur – Théoclès, médicin – Pythagore, favori de Néron || Augustans – Esclaves – Joueurs de flûtes et de cithares – Hommes du peuple – Matelots – Carriers – Belluaires – Gladiateurs et Valets de cirque – Soldats de la Garde Prétorienne – Enfants – Vestales 1910: Lygia – Eunike, Sklavin des Petronius – Poppaea, Gemahlin des Kaisers Nero – Iras, Sklavin des Petronius – Myriam – Nazarius, Sohn der Myriam – Lilith, aethiopische Amme der Poppaea – Psyllia, Weib des Sporus – Vinicius – Petronius – Chilon Chilonides – Der Apostel Petrus – Kaiser Nero – Sporus, Schenkwirt – Demas, Steinbrecher – Ein junger Christ – Lydon, Gladiator – Tigellinus, Vitellius, Vatinius, Günstlinge Neros – Der junge Nerva – Ein Zenturio – Ein Matrose – Ursus, Diener der Lygia – Croton, Gladiator – Theocles, Arzt – Pythagoras, Günstling des Nero || Höflinge – Sklaven und Sklavinnen – Flöten- und Zitherspieler – Volk – Matrosen – Steinbrecher und Tierbändiger – Gladiatoren und Zirkusknechte – Soldaten der prätorianischen Garde – Kinder – Vestalinnen

French version: The FIRST ACT is set in Rome in the house of Pétrone. The slave women Eunice and Iras adorn the altar of Vénus in the garden (which includes a statue of Pétrone) for the impending festival of Vénus, when Chilon Chilonidès appears, limping and clothed in rags. He presents himself as a philosopher, but this is merely a guise, and he is actually a private investigator working for profit.

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Talking to the two women, he concludes that Eunice secretly loves Pétrone. When Pétrone arrives with his friend Vinicius, Chilon is hidden behind a curtain. Vinicius confesses to Pétrone that he has fallen in love with Lygie, of whom he does not know more than that she lives in the house of the Roman Aulus. So as to dissuade him from this love, Pétrone is ready to give Eunice to him as a present. She opposes this plan; and he relents when she admits that in this house there is someone whom she loves. On Eunice’s advice Chilon is revealed, and he is to say how Lygie could be found. He knows that Lygie, the daughter of the king of Lygia, is in Aulus’ house as a hostage; a giant called Ursus is her loyal servant. Vinicius remembers that he has seen this person when he met Lygie at the baths. At this encounter he addressed Lygie, but she only drew a fish into the sand amid smiles. Chilon is charged to find out what this sign means (being given a lot of money). Pétrone hints that Lygie might come to the banquet that Néron is to host the following day. Then Pétrone prepares to leave, since he must go to the emperor and praise his verses; flattery might help, but he indicates that he will tell the truth on his last day. After both men have left, Eunice embraces the statue of Pétrone. The SECOND ACT takes place on the terraces of the Palatine Hill at night. Poppée watches the banquet inside the palace disconcertedly. Her Ethiopian nurse Lilith approaches and reports that the woman next to Néron is Lygie and that Pétrone had arranged for her to be taken from Aulus’ house and brought to the banquet. Poppée is extremely suspicious and angrily tells Pétrone, who is led to Poppée by her nurse, that she will not be displaced by an intrigue. Pétrone assures her that he had Lygie fetched because of Vinicius. Poppée enters the banquet hall and is praised. Vinicius and Lygie remain on the terrace, and he confesses his love to her. She answers that she is a Christian and rejects him when he tries to embrace her. When she starts to flee, Ursus jumps forward out of the bushes, throws Vinicius to the ground and carries Lygie away. At this moment a group of orgiastic revellers emerges from the banquet hall onto the terrace, including Néron with Poppée. The group praises Néron as a ruler and a poet, and his servant Tigellin points him to Rome in flames, remarking that his wishes have been fulfilled. Néron thanks his men since they have provided subject matter to the poet and is about to sing about the terrors of the fire like Homer. However, he is interrupted by loud cries of the People, who denounce him as an arsonist. Since the guards are unable to hold back the People and none of the servants is ready to sacrifice himself as the arsonist in Néron’s place, Pétrone goes to confront them. In the meantime Néron encourages his guests to carry on with the orgiastic partying to drown the cries; so there is dancing and music with burning Rome in the background. The THIRD ACT shows an area under a bridge across the Tiber, with houses of men working in a quarry, including that of Demas, on one side, and the tavern of Sporus, full of gladiators and workers from the circus, in the foreground; sailors and workmen from the port are busy near the river. Chilon is making enquiries

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among the various groups. Sitting in front of the tavern, he finally admits, exhausted, that he has not made any progress in his enquiries concerning the sign of the fish. A conversation with Sporus makes it clear that the Christians, who have set Rome on fire, will soon be led into the arena. In response to Chilon’s questions after a young lady with a giant servant, Sporus points him to Croton, the strongest of the gladiators. Sporus is equally unable to explain the sign of the fish, which Chilon draws on the bench, when his wife calls him into the house. Then Demas approaches Chilon, since, owing to the sign, he regards Chilon as a Christian, and explains to him that the Christians are hidden and are safe. For during the night the apostle Pierre will visit them. Chilon asks after Lygie and Ursus, whereupon Demas reveals that they are in his house with his wife Myriam and their son Nazaire. While Demas goes into his house, Chilon searches for Croton, with the assistance of Sporus, to whom he gives a lot of money. After these two men have departed, Myriam, Lygie and Nazaire leave the house. Myriam appears to have lost courage because Pierre has gone; Demas trusts in his return. Pierre indeed returns and tells the assembled Christians how Christ appeared to him and answered his question ‘Quo vadis, domine?’ (‘Where are you going, master?’) by ‘venio Roman iterum crucifigi’ (‘I am going to Rome to be crucified a second time.’), since Pierre had left his people. After the other Christians have slowly withdrawn, Lygie kneels in front of Pierre and confesses that she has fallen in love. Pierre consoles her and assures her that god does not forbid love. In the middle of the night Chilon appears with Vinicius and Croton. Vinicius is elated by the prospect of being near Lygie. Croton is to hold Ursus back and enters the house with Vinicius. While Chilon looks forward to receiving a lot of money soon, a cry is heard from the house. Then Ursus appears with Croton’s dead body, which he throws into the river, and returns into the house. Chilon – disappointed in his expectations – threatens to betray the Christians to Néron out of revenge. The FIRST SECTION OF THE FOURTH ACT moves to the stone vaults of the Colosseum. Men and women, emaciated and some bleeding, lie on the ground, among them Demas and Myriam, who hides her dead son under her clothes, as well as Lygie and Ursus. The Christians lament their fate, when Pierre appears to them and encourages them with the expectation of eternal life. Vinicius approaches; completely desperate, he is searching for Lygie. Pierre, at whose feet Vinicius throws himself down, shows him where she lies. Eagerly Vinicius whispers a plan to save Lygie to Pierre, which is to be realized in the evening. Pierre, however, points him to trust in god and leaves. Vinicius and Lygie assure each other of their love, which has developed when Vinicius was nursed to health in Demas’ house and converted to Christianity. While they paint a wonderful future, Pétrone reports that the Christians, including Lygie, are to be led into the arena. The Christians start with a song in praise of god, which moves Pétrone and surprises him. Vinicius wishes to die with Lygie, but she is torn from his arms and led away, while Pétrone holds Vinicius back.

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The SECOND PART OF THE FOURTH ACT features the arena in the circus and the imperial box. A defeated Gaul is being killed according to the wishes of the audience. Néron appears with Poppée and sits down in the box; the People praise him. He announces a special spectacle, a barbar is to fight against an ox, but beauty should be involved in this fight too. Ursus appears in the arena; the imperial servants mock Chilon, who starts to shake when he sees Ursus. When Lygie is led into the arena, Pétrone covers the head of the completely desperate Vinicius. Pétrone informs him about the fight: Ursus is able to defeat the ox; the People jubilate. Vinicius rushes into the arena and pleads for Lygie; Néron pardons her. Vinicius carries Lygie out of the arena amid jubilant cries of the People. Néron is enraged at this development and wants the other Christians to die for the sake of revenge, while Chilon is unable to watch. When Demas calls to him, he asks him to pardon him for his betrayal. And when Néron regards him as drunk, Chilon accuses Néron of arson. Tigellin clutches him, and he is thrown into the arena. From there Chilon continues to accuse Néron as a murderer, arsonist and matricide, whose death will not be long in coming. On Néron’s order, Chilon is killed; but there is tumult among the People. The FIFTH ACT takes place on Pétrone’s country estate, where guests sit at festively set tables on the terrace, including Pétrone himself, Vinicius and Lygie. Pétrone reads to his guests from a letter that he is about to send to Néron. It is his farewell letter, in which he asks Néron to stop producing bad art, even if he wishes to continue with killing innocent people. This letter is sent off to Néron. Lygie and Vinicius are taken aback and try to persuade Pétrone to flee with them to Sicily. Pétrone, however, is determined to end his life and bids farewell to the pair, as he cannot share their beliefs. When Pétrone asks Eunice to pass the poisoned cup to him and calls for the doctor Theoclès, who is to open his veins, Eunice begs to be allowed to die with him. Only then does Pétrone realize that someone has loved him. The two of them kiss and enjoy a brief moment together; then they die in a close embrace after the doctor has opened their veins. By the time Néron’s soldiers arrive, they are dead. Analysis In its basic structure, this opera follows Sienkiewicz’ novel of the same title.262 This means that it is not Nero and events at the imperial court, but rather a love story set at the time of Nero’s persecution of the Christians and the fire of Rome (64 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38; Oct. 831–833), for which the Christians are held responsible, that form the centre of the action.

_____________ 262 A detailed analysis of the transformation of the novel into the opera would go beyond the scope of the present study.

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The characters are partly historical, partly fictional. In addition to Néron and Poppée, Pétrone too is based on a historical figure: Petronius (d. 66 CE) belonged to the inner circles at the imperial court, and Nero made him an arbiter elegantiae, the top decision maker on issues of art and taste (Tac. Ann. 16.17.1; 1618– 19). In the opera Pétrone is shown to praise Néron’s artistic ambitions out of flattery and to voice his true views only when about to commit suicide (Acts I; V). That Pétrone killed himself (near Cumae) is recorded in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 16.19). The prefect of the Praetorian Guard Ofonius Tigellinus (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3) is said to have accused him of connections with leading members of the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 16.18.3); Petronius then forestalled the consequences to be expected. Tigellinus, who was also involved in the removal and killing of Nero’s wife Octavia (Tac. Ann. 14.60.3), appears in the opera as Néron’s loyal servant Tigellin and plays a problematic role throughout. Marcus Vinicius might be inspired by the historical Marcus Vinicius, who, coming from a noble family, was consul in 30 and 45 CE, was married to Iulia Livilla, a daughter of Germanicus, in 33 CE (Tac. Ann. 6.15), participated in Claudius’ campaign in Britannia in 43 CE and was killed in 46 CE on the orders of the empress Messalina (Cass. Dio 60.25.1; 60.27.4), or by Vinicius, the initiator of a conspiracy at Beneventum, similar to that of Piso at Rome (Suet. Nero 36.1). Néron’s adherents at court carry names that allude to the future emperor Vitellius (reigned: 69 CE), the future emperor Nerva (reigned: 96–98 CE) in his youth and the fool at Nero’s court Vatinius (Tac. Ann. 15.34.2). The name of the landlord of the tavern recalls the young Sporus, a beloved of Nero, who was turned into a eunuch because of his resemblance to Poppaea and then ‘married’ by the emperor (Suet. Nero 28– 29; Oros. 7.7.2; Cass. Dio 62.28.2–3). The names of some further characters are reminiscent of figures and ideas from the ancient world even if there is no direct match with the individuals who bear these names in the opera: Demas was a man who collaborated with Paul and later left him (Phlm 24). Croton is presumably named after Milon, who lived in Croton in the 6th century BCE and was the most famous athlete in antiquity (e.g. Cic. Fat. 30; Anth. Pal. 2.228–230). Chilon Chilonidès, who presents himself as a philosopher, bears the same name as Chilon of Sparta, who was regarded as one of the Seven Sages according to Plato (Plat. Prot. 343a4–5). Chilon’s remorse prior to his death recalls the sinner on the cross next to Christ as he realizes and acknowledges his deeds just before his death (Lk 23.39–43). The strong Ursus (i.e. ‘bear’) has a Latin nam indicating his key characteristic by its literal meaning. The encounter between St Peter and Christ, which provides the title for the novel and the opera (as well as other adaptations), forms an important basis for the beliefs of the Christians and is taken from the Acts of Peter (35). In the opera Pierre himself appears among the prisoners, but his death is not an element of the plot. Néron’s characterisation agrees with the model of an emperor who rules autocratically and with force and only thinks of his own pleasures, as Nero is

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presented already in the Latin Octavia. Néron’s desire to prove himself as an artist (Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21) is more pronounced in this opera than in other works (Acts I; II; V); the opportunity to produce a song like Homer is even presented as the foremost consequence of the fire of Rome (Suet. Nero 38.2). Néron is confronted with the wishes of the People who oppose him twice, at the fire or Rome and at the games; but this does not affect the way he rules. An individual, moral counterforce that tries to influence Néron is not present in this opera. Pétrone does not fulfil this function either; he is popular among the People, so that he might influence them, but he only turns openly against the emperor at the point of his death (Acts I; II; V). Besides, his opposition mainly concerns aesthetic issues. Only Chilon, the ‘philosopher’, who sympathizes with Christianity at the end of his life, reveals Néron’s present and past misdeeds, such as the assassination of his mother Agrippina (Act IV). A real moral alternative is provided by the Christians, who are characterized by a way of life based on decency, honesty and true love in contrast to the moral degeneration at the imperial court, and they continue to trust in god despite their terrible experiences. Poppée appears intent on maintaining her power and her influential position just as her husband Néron; she is inserted in the plot since she is determined to use any measure necessary to defend her close relationship with Néron against the presumed rival Lygie. This aspect of the opera includes a reflection of the dramatic struggles of two women, rivalling for Nero’s love, as it is shown in many operas since the Latin Octavia. The involvement of a nurse is a common motif in this context, although the Aethiopian nurse Lilith does not appear elsewhere. Since the aim of the opera, which does not cover the political end of Néron’s rule, is focused on presenting the moral superiority of the surpressed Christianity against Néron’s rule, which they are unable to conquer, the uprising of the People shown in the opera does not have any consequences for Néron’s exercising his power. Still, the motif that the People do not approve of Néron’s actions is already present in the Latin Octavia, when they want Octavia rather than Poppaea as their empress. Hence it seems that basic structures of the Latin play reappear in this opera even though the main theme and plot are different.

2.22 Targioni-Tozzetti, Nerone (1935) Background The opera Nerone (in three acts) was first performed at the ‘Teatro alla Scala’ in Milan on 16 January 1935; the conductor was the composer Pietro Mascagni himself. Like Catelli’s Nerone (1888; ch. 2.18), the libretto is based on the successful drama Nerone (1871) by Pietro Cossa (ch. 3.10). The librettist Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti (1863–1934), born in Livorno of a distinguished Tuscan family, was a professional writer and a professor at the

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Naval Academy in Livorno, and he served twice as mayor of his hometown. As a librettist he worked primarily with his friend Pietro Mascagni; their collaboration lasted throughout their artistic career. The composer Pietro Mascagni (1863– 1945), also from Livorno, composed about fifteen operas as well as several instrumental and vocal works; he was a celebrated composer and conductor in his time. Nerone, completed just before the death of Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti, was the last work of the two men; their first joint production was the opera Cavalleria rusticana (1890), whose libretto was written by Targioni-Tozzetti in cooperation with Guido Menasci (1867–1925, also from Livorno and co-librettist with Targioni-Tozzetti for two other operas with music by Mascagni), adapted from a play of the same title (1883) by Giovanni Verga (1840–1922). Giovanni Verga was one of the main exponents of the contemporary literary movement of ‘verismo’263 (‘realism’), a style embraced by Mascagni in the area of opera. Mascagni had thought about composing an opera on Nero since 1891, when he read Pietro Cossa’s play, also based on the principles of ‘verismo’, but had then abandoned the plan because of Arigo Boito’s Nerone (ch. 2.19).264 When he returned to the idea in 1932/33, he initially collaborated with the librettist Arturo Rossato (1882–1942). Rossato took over parts of the text by Giovanni TargioniTozzetti and Guido Menasci of the piece La Vistilia, a libretto they had composed for Mascagni on the basis of a novel by Rocco de Zerbi (1843–1893), set in ancient Rome; on the music to this libretto Mascagni had worked on and off since about 1890, but he did not regard its subject matter as an appropriate topic for a ‘Roman opera’ that he wanted to write. Mascagni too transcribed passages from La Vistilia into the new opera. After Mascagni had fallen out with Rossato, he replaced the librettist with his friend Targioni-Tozzetti, who changed the existing text and added new material. To Rossato’s annoyance, Targioni-Tozzetti was then put down as the sole librettist.265 Mascagni claims that he did extensive research on earlier depictions of Nero and then decided to follow Cossa and present a human Nero and highlight his artistic nature, ‘to give the people an interpretation of Nero a little less traditional, a little less the tyrant and the puppet’.266

_____________ 263 On ‘verismo’ in opera see e.g. Kimbell 1991. 264 For Mascagni’s own views on the Nero opera see his comments in the autobiography compiled by Stivender (1988, 242–249). 265 For production details see Mallach 2002, 269–270. 266 See Mascagni in Stivender 1988, 242: “Nerone was an act of faith: in God, in myself, in art and in the Italians. … I wanted to give the people an interpretation of Nero a little less traditional, a little less the tyrant and the puppet; I wanted to depopulate history of its grim figures, to give these again, even with their defects and vices (since this is a heritage of every man and every epoch, a necessary ballast), a prestige, a halo, a significance worthy of ancient Roman grandeur. In short; to substitute living men for old statues carved in series down the centuries.”, 244: “I believe that few musicians have gone about setting Nero to music because they have always considered him an emperor, a political man; instead he was neither. His life was that of an artist,

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Bibliographical information LIBRETTO / MUSIC: Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti (1863–1934) [and Arturo Rossato (1882–1942)] / Pietro Mascagni (1863–1945) EDITION: Nerone. Dalla “Commedia„ di Pietro Cossa. Tre atti (quattro quadri) di Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti. Musica di Pietro Mascagni. [Livorno 1935] ELECTRONIC VERSION:

http://www.liberliber.it/mediateca/libri/t/targioni_tozzetti/nerone/pdf/nerone_p.pdf RECORDINGS:

“Only one recording of Nerone is available, a 1986 rendition with the Hilversum Radio Symphony Orchestra and the Dutch Radio / TV Chorus under Kees Bakels (Bongiovanni). Bakels leads a strong, well-paced performance, doing more than justice to Mascagni’s last opera. The two important women in the cast, Lynne Strow Piccolo as Atte and Rosanna Didonè as Egloge, are both excellent and make up for the limitations of the coarse Bulgarian tenor Georgi Tcholakov in the title role. At least two versions of the opera’s gem, Egloge’s aria “Danzo notte e dì,” are available on CD, as is a rendition by Plácido Domingo of Nero’s act 3 “Quando, al soave anelito.” ” (Mallach 2002, 305) for further details see: http://www.mascagni.org/works/nerone/recordings; Flury 2001, 323 SCHOLARSHIP: Porte 1987, 373–426 passim; Mallach 2002, 269–275 information on the opera, librettist and composer: Flury 2001, 153–157; Black at OMO; Girardi at OMO

_____________ unsuccessful if we will, but an artist. Indeed, in this non-success, in his aspiration of wanting to be one and not attaining it, lies the interesting drama of his existence. One could repeat about him that which has already been said of other men, i.e., that he wanted to be great but contented himself with vanity.”, 245: “I studied my character in both the classic and modern writers, in the writings of his bitterest critics and most implacable enemies, and I became convinced that he was much less despicable than is generally believed. In the libretto of Monteverdi’s Incoronazione di Poppea, written in 1640, Nero is good; Suetonius, calling him a born artist, claims to have “held in his hands the tablets on which he (Nero) wrote his poems,” and as a poet proclaims him to be superior to Lucan. … At any rate, I wanted to create a human Nero and believe I did not go astray. For this reason I used Cossa who presented a Nero made human, without trappings. Everything curious, fatuous, comic, quaint and bewitching which reverberated from this most interesting character was a reason for its attraction for me and was a musical color since it was a movement of spirit, passion, torment, illusion and delirium. And these are the colors of music.”

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Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Claudio Cesare Nerone – Atte, liberta – Egloge, danzatrice greca – Menecrate, commediante, compagno di Nerone – Clivio Rufo, Principe del Senato – Vinicio, Prefetto del Pretorio – Icelo, centurione – Faonte / Epafrodito, liberti di Nerone – Babilio, astrologo – Mucrone, taverniere – Nevio, mimo – Petronio, vecchio gladiatore – Eulogio, mercante di schiavi – Un pastore – Coro: fanciulle greche, patrizi, senatori, pretoriani, liberte, liberti, popolo – Comparse: una schiava d’Etiopia, legionari, schiave, schiavi e suonatrici di flauto e di cetra

The FIRST ACT opens in a tavern in the suburbs of Rome at night. The landlord Mucrone sees a ghastly comet and wonders what this means for him and for Rome (I 1). The mime actor Nevio, the old gladiator Petronio and the slave-trader Eulogio enter and ask for drinks; they too discuss the difficult situation in Rome. Nevio tells the others about the Christians and Christ (I 2). The Greek dancing girl Egloge rushes in and cries for help (I 3). Her pursuers are Nerone and his companion, the comedian Menecrate, disguised as slaves; they too enter the tavern, where Nevio challenges them. A fight ensues, and Nerone reveals his identity. He states that this was an instance of lese-majesty, but announces his intention to be mild this time. Nevio uses the chance to tell Nerone about the crimes committed in his name and the general situation; Nerone mocks his speech. Menecrate departs with Egloge; Nevio and Petronio also leave without greeting Nerone (I 4). Nerone questions Mucrone about his tavern; he offers Falernian wine to Nerone; at last Nerone chases him away (I 5). Nerone reflects on the joys of wine and love. The freedwoman Atte arrives, greets him and tries to cheer him up. They drink and enjoy themselves, though Nerone also considers the difficult political circumstances in both foreign and domestic policy. Eventually Menecrate arrives; Nerone is overcome by his drunkenness (I 6). Menecrate arranges for Praetorian Guards under the leadership of their prefect Vinicio to guard Nerone. The People gather to watch Nerone in the tavern. Nerone is carried away in a long train, followed by the People and finally Atte, Vinicio and Menecrate. The act ends with Nerone and Rome being cheered (I 7). The SECOND ACT shows a grand terrace in Nerone’s Golden Palace. Nerone enters, singing lines inspired by Sophocles’ tragedy Oedipus Tyrannus, about being saved from death by herdsmen, who picked Oedipus up from the mountain and loosened the ropes around his feet. Menecrate enters and praises him. He tells Nerone that the astrologer Babilio and Greek girls are waiting for him and asks him whom he would like to see first. Nerone wants to see the astrologer first and learn his fate (II 1). Babilio declares that the divinities are propitious and that human force can do nothing against fate. He says that the comet is the same as the one at the death of Giulio Cesare (Julius Caesar); he thinks that it is a sign of a bad situation. Finally, Babilio reveals that Nerone will die one hour after him. Nerone promises to do all he can to safeguard the life of Babilio, who thereby

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feels imprisoned (II 2). Then Nerone catches sight of Egloge and enquires after her background. It turns out that she is a Greek slave; she knows very well who Nerone is, but is not afraid of him or of death. Thereupon Nerone frees her and calls her empress of his heart. They both praise love (II 3). Nerone’s freedman Faonte announces the Greek girls; their arrival triggers a duet between them and Egloge (II 4). The next scene features a dialogue between Atte and Egloge. Egloge introduces herself, and after a while realizes who Atte is. They both assert their fearlessness in relation to Nerone. Atte attacks Egloge, but voices her determination not to concede (II 5). Nerone rushes in, Egloge asks for his support, and he repudiates Atte (II 6). Menecrate announces that the leader of the Senate and the prefect of the Praetorian Guard wish to speak to Nerone; this does not suit Nerone, but he is willing to see them. Upon arrival they greet and praise him; they have come because the Praetorian Guards have not been paid for several months and the Senate has received a message from ‘Spain’, but Nerone is not interested (II 7). After they have left, Nerone reads the message, which says that the army in ‘Spain’ has proclaimed Galba emperor. Nerone asks for Rufo, the leader of the Senate, Vinicio and Menecrate when Egloge enters. He enjoys her presence and comforts himself by the thought that Galba is still far away; with Nerone and Egloge embracing the second act ends (II 8). The FIRST SECTION OF THE THIRD ACT features a triclinium, where Nerone and his friends are having an orgy. Nerone performs a poem on love. In the meantime Atte puts poison into Egloge’s glass. At the end Nerone embraces Egloge, all applaud and lift their glasses, while Atte flees unobserved. Nerone notices that Egloge is pale, suddenly suspects what is going on and realizes that Atte has left. Egloge dies, and Nerone is devastated. Faonte rushes in and reports that the People are rising in revolt against Nerone. All guests flee. Nerone comments on this unlucky night (III 1.1). Menecrate still smiles and thinks that their comedy is now finished. Nerone has no understanding for this kind of mood (III 1.2). Nerone tells his freedmen Faonte and Epafrodito to alert his friends and not to betray him (III 1.3). Left on his own Nerone reflects on his loneliness (III 1.4). Atte arrives and states that she has not abandoned him. Nerone is not too happy to see her, but she claims that she has come to save him. Nerone does not understand this statement’s full meaning: in fact she has brought him some poison, yet Nerone does not accept it (III 1.5). Faonte and Epafrodito return: they have not been able to enlist any help; the friends have fled and are abusing Nerone. Only Vinicio with the support of a few Praetorian Guards opposes the raging People. They also tell Nerone that Babilio is among the dead. Faonte suggests flight and offers Nerone a hut on the Via Salaria. Nerone is ready to flee and asks Atte to come with him. He lifts the cloak that covers Egloge and, moved, looks at her body. He admires her beauty and remarks that she will remain in the imperial palace. Nerone and his loyal followers (Atte, Faonte, Epafrodito) flee in the darkness, while lightning appears (III 1.6).

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After an orchestral interlude the SECOND SECTION OF THE THIRD ACT displays a humble and simple room in a hut on Faonte’s farm between the Via Salaria and the Via Nomentana. Nerone is unhappy about the surroundings, but Faonte thinks that this provides at least some rest. They offer a drink of water to Nerone. He asks for a dagger and sends Faonte to reconnoitre (III 2.1). Nerone lies down on the simple bed; Atte covers him with a cloak. Nerone eventually falls asleep and Atte looks after him. In his sleep Nerone sees Galba arriving and is haunted by his victims (III 2.2). Faonte arrives with news that Rome confirms the elected emperor and the Senate has judged Nerone a public enemy. Nerone decides to die, but does not quite have the courage: yet with Faonte’s help he kills himself with a dagger (III 2.3). The legionaries arrive only to find Nerone dying; with his death the opera ends (III 2.4). Analysis The fact that Targioni-Tozzetti’s Nerone is an opera based on Pietro Cossa’s drama Nerone, like Catelli’s Nerone, does not mean that it lacks an individual outline and message.267 The changes with respect to Cossa’s play (including a different act structure) lead to a reduction of the political dimension (particularly by the elimination of Nerone’s behaviour towards the patrician elite and by less emphasis on the opposition against him) and to an intensified presentation of the lower social classes in the contemporary style of verismo. This opera focuses on Nerone’s affair with his new beloved Egloge to the disadvantage of Atte and the simultaneous uprising of the People (though not causally connected), which causes Nerone to flee and eventually kill himself. Thereby the love relationship between Nerone and Egloge is more straightforward since there is no rival who also loves Egloge, and she is not afraid of Nerone (II 3; 5). The uproar among the People appears motivated since the worries and complaints on the lower levels of society are presented at the start of the opera (I 1–4), though the activities of indi-

_____________ 267 For Mascagni’s own view of the opera’s relationship to Cossa’s drama see Stivender 1988, 247: “I began my journey on the harsh road of art with Targioni-Tozzetti: his artistic collaboration was always a good omen for me. As I wished, he did not depart from the essential lines of Cossa’s work in so far as was possible. Nevertheless, we eliminated the first act of the play, thus reducing it to three acts and four scenes; we modified the figures of Atte and Egloge in certain respects, and omitted, in the tavern act, the character of Varonilla, the daughter of the slain Cassius Longinus. When someone asked Cossa why in his drama he had not used dramatically the tremendous clash between worn-out paganism and rising Christianity, he replied that he did not want to do badly what Gazzoletti had done so well in his San Paolo. I, instead, wished that his titanic struggle might be made apparent, without dominating. An important scene, which Targioni-Tozzetti wrote only on the eve of his death, we added to the finale of our first act where they speak of the God of the Christians.”

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vidual rebels in Rome have been reduced. That a revolt outside Rome takes place at the same time (II 7–8) provides the final trigger for Nerone’s death (III 2.3–4). The opera’s plot bears little similarity to the Latin Octavia, not only because of the setting at a later point in time, even though the themes both of the rivalry of two women for partnership with Nero and of unrest among the People because of Nero’s reign reappear. Yet the complications that follow from Nerone’s new love relationship do not have immediate political consequences in contrast to the new relationship with Poppaea in the Latin Octavia (while the connection between the two aspects is closer in Catelli’s opera). However, Nerone’s focus on his relationship with the fictional figure Egloge (although a woman of this name is attested as Nero’s nurse, Suet. Nero 50) demonstrates that for Nerone in this opera, as for Nero in Octavia, his personal wishes are more important than the People of Rome. Besides, Nerone himself reads the news about Galba’s revolt (in contrast to Catelli); however, he does not react to this development, but rather turns to Egloge (II 7–8). Shortly before his death Nerone is upset in his sleep by the impending arrival of Galba and the victims of his own crimes (III 2.2). An appearance of victims, who have died at the hands of Nero, is a frequent element in Nero operas since the appearance of Agrippina’s shade in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 593–645). In contrast to this original scene, the appearances here (as in Catelli) include Galba, who is about to end Nerone’s rule. As in Catelli’s opera, in this version details from ancient historical accounts have been used, even though not exactly in their historically attested form: a love affair between Nero and the freedwoman Claudia Acte is mentioned in Tacitus’ Annales (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; also Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1– 3; Oct. 193–197), where it is dated to the period prior to Nero’s marriage with Poppaea (62 CE); there is no reference to a rivalry between Acte and another of Nero’s beloved. The topic of a conflict between a previous and a new partner of Nero comes up with respect to the relationship between Poppaea and Octavia in Tacitus, although there it is the new partner who requests confirmation of her position (Tac. Ann. 14.1; 14.60.2; 14.61.2–4), while in the opera the existing one takes revenge on the new one (III 1.1). Poisoning individuals at dinner parties at the imperial court is a measure well known from Tacitus’ account of the Neronian period (Tac. Ann. 12.66–67; 14.3.2) and also used in other operas (e.g. Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare). Details about activities of the provincial governor and later emperor Galba in taking over power towards the end of Nero’s reign (68 CE) are known from Suetonius (Suet. Galba 9.2–11). To the unrest in the province, the opera adds a group of dissatisfied men in the city of Rome, which vaguely recalls the Pisonian Conspiracy of 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.65.2; 15.48–59). Clivio Rufo, the leader of the Senate, alludes to Cluvius Rufus (cos. suff. before 65 CE and historian). The centurion Icèlo seems inspired by Icelus Marcianus, a freedman of Galba, who reported Nero’s death to the future emperor (Suet. Nero 49.4; Galba 14.2; 22). The mime actor Nevio is perhaps based on Q. Naevius Cordus Sutorius Macro,

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prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Tiberius, involved in the overthrow of Seianus and in placing Caligula on the throne (Tac. Ann. 6.15.2; 6.23.2; 6.29.3; 6.38.2; 6.45.3–48.2; 6.50.3–4; Suet. Cal. 12.2; 23.2; 26.1). The comedian Menècrate might allude to Menecrates, a lyre-player at Nero’s court (Suet. Nero 30.2; Petron. Sat. 73.3; Cass. Dio 63.1.1). In the opera’s third act Nerone flees in the company of Atte, Faonte and Epafrodito. While the presence of Atte does not agree with the historical account, several details of Suetonius’ description of Nero’s flight and death have been taken up (Suet. Nero 47–49, some of which also appear in Catelli): in his flight Nero is assisted by his freedman Phaon, who offers his house in the suburbs (III 1.6–2.4; Suet. Nero 48.1); Nero reflects on the contrast between his previous luxury and his present situation (III 2.1; Suet. Nero 48.3); Nero lies down on a simple bed (III 2.2; Suet. Nero 48.4); Nero drinks water (III 2.1; Suet. Nero 48.3); shortly before his death he learns from a letter delivered by one of Phaon’s couriers that he has been declared a public enemy (III 2.3; Suet. Nero 49.2); Nero kills himself with the help of someone else, namely Faonte or his private secretary Epaphroditus (later killed by Domitian because of this deed, Suet. Dom. 14.4), and is dying when his pursuers arrive (III 2.3–4; Suet. Nero 49.3–4). The astrologer Babilio reflects the astrologer Balbillus, whom Nero is said to have consulted after the appearance of a comet (Suet. Nero 36.1). In the opera Babilio connects the end of his own life with Nerone’s fate (II 2); this could be inspired by Tacitus’ report on the importance of the astrologer Thrasyllus and his son for Tiberius and Nero (Tac. Ann. 6.20–22; Suet. Tib. 14.4; 62.3; Cass. Dio 55.11): Thrasyllus predicted the danger to his own life when Tiberius subjected him to his standard initial trial for astrologers, as a result of which he would have died if he had not met Tiberius’ expectations (Tac. Ann. 6.21). Thrasyllus’ son predicted that Nero would become emperor (Tac. Ann. 6.22.4). With regard to Nerone’s characterization, it is noteworthy that Nerone’s presentation as an artist (Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21), which can also be seen in Catelli’s version, is emphasized further, since the setting has been shaped accordingly:268 Nerone appears as a singer at the beginning of both the second and the third acts (II 1; III 1.1); a comedian is the only one to be defined as Nerone’s companion in the list of characters; accordingly, he interprets Nerone’s perilous situation as the end of the comedy (III 1.2), as if this was part of a dramatic performance. Egloge is a dancing girl; and the patrons in the tavern where Nerone meets the ‘People’ include a mime actor and perhaps other artists. It agrees with such a characterisation of Nerone that he does not enjoy his power; instead he suffers from his position. He does not commit any cruel deeds in the course of the plot: these are recalled by the appearance of his victims. At the end Nerone is presented as someone who does not have the courage and the

_____________ 268 For Mascagni’s views on Nero as an artist see Stivender 1988, 244 (see n. 266 above).

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strength to kill himself, but needs help to carry out this action. In contrast to Catelli’s opera, where Atte assists Nerone in killing himself with a dagger, she here offers him the opportunity to kill himself with poison (III 1.5), just as she killed Egloge. Nerone refuses; hence it is only her who tries to recreate the former closeness between the two of them. In accordance with Suetonius’ report, Nerone accepts the support of his loyal servants, although here it is Faonte and not Epaphroditus. The loneliness and desperation of the dying Nerone determines the closing image; the political situation, which has been indicated by the report that Nerone has been declared a public enemy (III 2.3), is ignored in dramatic terms. Just as in the opera as a whole, the human being Nerone with its weaknesses and contradictions comes to the fore at the end. Like the Latin Octavia, which would have included a topical reference to Nero’s reign, this opera might be read as a comment on the ruler in power. There is unconfirmed evidence that the Duce (Benito Mussolini) was unhappy with the choice of the protagonist,269 but nothing to prove that this connection was intended.

_____________ 269 See Mallach 2002, 271: “The Duce’s sensitivity on the subject is suggested in a widely reported and possibly true story, in which he was said to have approached Mascagni and disdainfully told him, ‘I am not at all happy with you – did you have to pick Nero in particular for a subject?’ ”; also Flury 2001, 18: “Whether he also saw the opera as a way of currying favor with Mussolini is debatable, since the portrait is not a flattering one. In fact, Mascagni was obliged to publish the score at his own expense, and although Mussolini used his influence to allow the premiere of Nerone to be held at La Scala, Milan, on 16 January 1935, he did not attend in person, preferring to await the outcome before committing himself.”

3 Nero in pieces of other performative genres 3.1 Lohenstein, Agrippina (1665) – spoken drama Background Daniel Casper [von Lohenstein] (1635–1683) was born in the Silesian town of Nimptsch on the river Lohe. In 1670 Daniel Casper (together with his father) was given a peerage; from that point onwards he adopted the name ‘von Lohenstein’, which became the name by which he is known today. After having been educated at the grammar school in Breslau, Lohenstein studied law in Leipzig and Tübingen and travelled throughout Europe before he settled in Breslau in 1657, where he composed the majority of his poetic works. From 1668 Lohenstein worked as a senior civil servant for the Duchy of Olenica (Oels) and the city of Breslau. For part of this period the mayor of the town was Christian Hoffmann von Hoffmanswaldau (1616–1679). Thus Breslau was effectively governed by two of the most important German poets of the time. In 1675 Lohenstein was given the title of ‘Imperial Counsellor’ (‘Kaiserlicher Rat’). Most of Lohenstein’s literary works are dedicated to the rulers of Silesia. Agrippina is dedicated to the mother of the last Silesian Piast duke, duchess Luise of Anhalt-Dessau (1631–1680).270 All of Lohenstein’s six tragedies (‘Trauerspiele’) are historical plays; four of them are set in the Roman empire. The two ‘Roman tragedies’ Agrippina and Epicharis (ch. 3.2) were printed in 1665 and performed in May 1666 by students at the Elisabeth grammar school in Breslau. Lohenstein clearly had intimate knowledge of the ancient sources (as well as of contemporary presentations of the story). He sometimes even has characters quote almost verbatim from ancient authors; in those cases and with respect to noteworthy facts he provides detailed footnotes that give the references in the ancient sources.271 Lohenstein’s play Agrippina seems to be the first dramatic work focussing on Agrippina after Thomas May’s (1594/5–1650) The Tragedy of Julia Agrippina; _____________ 270 Dedication: “Der Durchlauchtigen / Hochgebohrnen Fürstin und Frauen / Frauen LOUYSE, Hertzogin in Schlesien / zu Liegnitz / Brieg und Wohlau / gebohrner Fürstin zu Anhalt / Gräfin zu Ascanien / Frauen zu Zerbst und Berenburg / Meiner Gnädigen Fürstin und Frauen.” 271 On the sources see e.g. Asmuth 1971. – Besides the ancient sources Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio, the French drama Arie et Pétus, où les Amours de Néron (1660) by Gabriel Gilbert (1620?–1680?) seems to have influenced Lohenstein’s version (see Mundt 2005, 633).

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Empresse of Rome (printed: London 1639; performed: 1628).272 Agrippina is the title character again in the operas Agrippina in Baia with a libretto by Contri (1687; ch. 2.6) and Agrippina with a libretto by Grimani (1709; ch. 2.13); despite differences in the plot there is also an emphasis on Agrippina’s scheming and desire for power in those pieces. Lohenstein’s dramas were known to German librettists such as Barthold Feind, who wrote an Octavia in 1705 (ch. 2.12). Bibliographical information TEXT:

Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683) (followed by numerous later editions; see esp. Mundt 2005): Agrippina. Trauerspiel [Breßlau 1665] Daniel Caspers von Lohenstein Ibrahim Sultan Schauspiel / Agrippina Trauerspiel / Epicharis Trauerspiel / Und andere poetische Gedichte, so noch mit Bewilligung des S. Autoris. Nebenst desselben Lebens-Lauff und Epicediis, zum Druck verfertiget [Breßlau 1701] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1701: http://www.slub-dresden.de/sammlungen/digitale-sammlungen/werkansicht/ cache.off?tx_dlf[id]=25454 1955 edition: http://www.zeno.org/Literatur/M/Lohenstein,+Daniel+Casper+von/ Dramen/Agrippina CONTEMPORARY PRINTS

SCHOLARSHIP: Asmuth 1971; Mundt 2005

Synopsis273 CHARACTERS:

Agrippina, Des Käysers Nero Mutter – Nero, Römischer Käyser – Octavia, Des Käysers Gemahlin – Burrhus, Des Käysers oberster Hoffmeister – Seneca, Sein geheimster Rath – Otho, Ein edler Römer – Sabina Poppæa, Des Otho Ehfrau – Paris / Anicetus, Des Käysers Getreue – Acte, Des Käysers Freygelaßene und Buhlschafft – L. Agerinus / Mnester, Der Agrippinen Freygelaßene – Des Britannicus Geist – Sosia, der Agrippinen Bediente – Herculeus Trierarchus – Oloaritus, ein Hauptmann von der Leibwache – Agrippinens Geist – Zoroaster, ein Zauberer nebst seinem Diener – Ein Hauptmann von der Leibwache

_____________ 272 Some early 20th-century studies mention a dramma per musica entitled L’Agrippina minore by Carlo Antonio Marchesini (Verona 1673), but it is has proved impossible to verify this information. 273 This English synopsis is based on Lohenstein’s own German summary (conveniently available at http://www.zeno.org/Literatur/M/Lohenstein,+Daniel+Casper+von/Dramen/Agrippina/ Inhalt), with some explanations on characters and settings added.

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– Stumme Personen: Etliche Freygelaßene des Käysers, Etliche Hauptleute, Trabanten, Todten-Gräber, Nachrichter Reyen: Der Gerechtigkeit / der Tugenden / der Laster / der Rache / der Belohnung – Rubria und sechs andere Vestalische Jungfrauen – Reyen der See- und Berg-Göttinnen – Reyen der Liebe / der Zeit / des Todes und der Ehrsucht – Reyen der drey Furien Megæra, Alecto, Tisiphone, der Geister des Orestes und Alcmæon, welche zugleich zwey Harpyien aufführen Das Schauspiel beginnet den achtzehenden Mertz nach Mitternacht / währet den Tag durch biß wieder nach Mitternacht. – ‘The play starts just after midnight on 18 March and lasts the entire day until again shortly after midnight’ [i.e. in 59 CE].

The FIRST ACT [is set in a room in the imperial palace]. [The Roman nobleman] Otho, invited to dinner with emperor Nero, praises the beauty of his wife Sabina Poppæa and looks down on the emperor’s wife Octavia. The emperor’s loyal freedman Paris enters and reports that Nero’s mother Agrippina has joined forces with Rubellius Plautus, whom she intends to marry, setting herself against the emperor, aiming to take his sceptre and his life. Nero sends [his steward] Burrhus and [his adviser] Seneca to put Agrippina to death because she is guilty. Agrippina and Octavia lament their respective situations and their persecution by the emperor. Burrhus and Seneca, along with some of Nero’s men, storm into Agrippina’s room and attack her because of her alleged unfaithfulness. She defends herself vehemently and claims that her accusers will be punished and her supporters raised to high honours. Justice is presented in a chorus: eventually Virtue will win and the Vices die. The SECOND ACT [moves to a private apartment of the emperor]. Nero intends to enjoy Sabina Poppæa; she urges the loving emperor to repudiate Octavia and to kill Agrippina, since these two women stand in the way of their love. Paris provides assistance and advises the emperor that he should appoint Otho as provincial governor of ‘Portugal’ to avoid any jealousy. Agrippina and Octavia look to Burrhus and Seneca for assistance and try to incite them against the emperor, but in vain. When this plan fails, they try to provoke Otho to jealousy of the emperor because of his wife, equally without success. The emperor sends Otho to ‘Portugal’ as a provincial governor. In the chorus Rubria laments in front of her sisters, the Vestal virgins, that Nero has raped her and predicts his downfall. The THIRD ACT [takes place in a large hall]. Burrhus and Seneca hear from the emperor’s freedwoman Acte, his beloved, that Agrippina is driving Nero to indecent behaviour; thereupon they ask her to enter the room and to tell him that the imperial guard is dissatisfied because of suspected evil deeds. Agrippina eagerly incites the emperor to unchastity in order to turn him away from Sabina Poppæa; however she is interrupted when Acte enters. Paris then sketches for the emperor the unbridled desire of his indecent mother, worthy of being punished by death. He manages to make him agree to have her killed, and after some discussion Nero agrees to the proposal of [his loyal freedman] Anicetus to drown Agrippina on an artificial ship that will break into parts by itself. To make her embark on that ship,

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Nero moves to Bajæ; he invites Agrippina to follow him with demonstrations of his love and kisses her when taking leave. In the chorus sea and mountain goddesses demonstrate Agrippina’s shipwreck. The FOURTH ACT [shows the emperor’s bedroom]. Britannicus’ shade appears to the sleeping Nero, accusing him of fratricide and indicating that the attempt to assassinate Agrippina by means of the ship has been unsuccessful. When the emperor wakes up, Paris confirms this with horror and reports that Agrippina’s freedman Agerinus is about to arrive. Seneca advises the fearful emperor to kill his mother, which Anicetus undertakes to carry out, suggesting the following trick: the emperor should pretend that Agrippina sent Agerinus to assassinate Nero. To prove this, during questioning, Nero throws a poisoned dagger between Agerinus’ legs as if the messenger lost it. Agerinus is tortured to admit the assassination attempt, but without any effect, and is eventually put to death. The chorus shows how even the strongest natural love can become powerless due to time and death, but can be changed into a terrible form by the desire for honour. The FIFTH ACT [features Agrippina’s bedroom]. Agrippina, having escaped wounded from the shipwreck, laments the evil trickery of her son, considers the crimes she has committed and predicts her approaching death. At this point Anicetus and [the officers] Herculeus and Oloaritus storm into her room while all of Agrippina’s people leave. Herculeus hits Agrippina on the head with a club, and Oloaritus kills her, lying naked in her bed, with many stabs. Nero arrives, looks at his dead mother and both praises and criticizes her appearance and her deeds. Seneca provides Nero with a number of arguments of how to explain the assassination of his mother in Rome; Nero recalls all those exiled on account of Agrippina and orders her to be buried as cheaply as possible. On Poppæa’s prompting Nero decides to repudiate Octavia on the same day; at this point he is terrified by Agrippina’s shade. Burrhus raises his spirits again and tells the soldiers to show their loyalty to the emperor. [The scene changes to a desert waste.] By Agrippina’s pyre Paris and Anicetus mock the simple funeral while Agrippina’s freedman Mnester takes his own life. With the help of a magician [Zoroaster] and funeral sacrifices Nero tries to soothe and placate his mother’s shade; he is, however, terrified by Furies appearing and the shades of Orestes and Alcmæon so that he, along with the magician, loses his consciousness. In the chorus the Furies illustrate the tortures of a bad conscience. Analysis Lohenstein’s piece stands out from other Nero dramas and operas since he stays particularly close to the reports by the ancient historiographers Tacitus and Suetonius; in an almost scholarly manner he documents some of the references in notes. The plot shown is therefore historically ‘correct’ in terms of the ancient sources; it is only that the events reported in Tacitus for the period from Nero’s accession to the throne until 59 CE (Tac. Ann. 13–14) have been condensed into a single

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day (according to the rules on the unity of time), and some happen in a slightly different order. The material from Tacitus is supplemented by details taken from Suetonius’ biography of Nero. At the same time each act ends with an allegorical, sometimes somewhat fanciful, chorus commenting on the action, just as contemporary operas often have a dance or ballet in this position. That the action is dated to 18 / 19 March agrees with the information that in 59 CE Nero, feigning reconciliation, invited his mother to Baiae on the occasion of the festival of Quinquatrus (19–23 March), in order to kill her by means of a prepared ship (Tac. Ann. 14.4.1; Suet. Nero 34.2). What does not agree with the historical chronology is that Nero in the drama decides to repudiate Octavia on the same day on which his mother dies (Act V), because this happened a few years later in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.60–64); since this intention is not carried out in the drama, the historical chronology is preserved. The names of all major characters are attested in Tacitus and / or Suetonius, except for figures such as Agrippina’s servant Sosia (who appears as Agrippina’s interlocutor in the final act) and the magician Zoroaster, who do not bear names in the historical record; and most of the characters’ actions too are based on those accounts:274 the plot starts with Otho praising Poppaea (Tac. Ann. 13.46.1), which has the expected effect on Nero. Indeed, the portrait of Nero as a vehement lover who is never satisfied is emphasized, since in addition to his wife Octavia and his new love Poppaea his relationships to Acte (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; Suet. Nero 28.1) and Rubria (Suet. Nero 28.1) are included. As in Tacitus, Poppaea encourages Nero to remove her husband Otho from Rome and to take action against his mother and his wife (Tac. Ann. 13.46.2–3; 14.1; 14.61.2–62.2). However, Agrippina tries to preserve her position: the climax of her deceitful and morally questionable activities is her attempt to seduce her son; this is reported by Tacitus on the authority of the historian Cluvius and on balance accepted as plausible (Tac. Ann. 14.2). That Nero later admires the dead body of his mother is also mentioned as a rumour by Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.9.1) and described as an additional gruesome detail transmitted by some in Suetonius (Suet. Nero 34.4). By including these features Lohenstein enhances the appalling aspects of the activities. Similarly, the sword thrown at Agerinus’ legs is poisoned, in contrast to the reports in Tacitus and Suetonius (Tac. Ann. 14.7.6; Suet. Nero 34.3). Although Agrippina is still alive at the start of Lohenstein’s play, which is set slightly earlier in time than the action of the Latin Octavia, the basic problem is the same in both plays: Nero wants to follow his love for Poppaea and therefore needs to remove his mother Agrippina (already dead in Octavia) and his legitimate wife Octavia. Because of the focus on the early stages of the affair, Octavia’s reaction is not presented in greater detail. The story of Agrippina’s shipwreck is _____________ 274 In some cases the form of the names is slightly different from what is found in modern editions of the ancient texts, due to the fact that the names in the text of the ancient historiographers were read differently in the past (for references see app. 2 and Mundt 2005).

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not part of the action in the Latin Octavia, but it is narrated in the first choral ode to characterize the current ruler (Oct. 309–375). In Lohenstein’s drama too the shipwreck is not shown, but presented in a chorus (‘Reyen’) at the end of the third act. In Octavia it is Agrippina who appears as a shade and announces Nero’s end (Oct. 593–645); here it is Britannicus, though he too accuses Nero of his evil deeds and predicts misfortune (Act IV), and Agrippina’s shade briefly features terrifying Nero (Act V). In Lohenstein’s play there is no really positive figure: it is not only that the title character Agrippina, greedy for power, acts in a disreputable fashion; even Seneca, who embodies a representative of positive alternatives in other Nero pieces, appears as a tricky adviser of Nero, and it is he who ultimately suggests the crime of matricide, an aspect of his character adumbrated in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.7.3). With the action focused on the relationship between a few individuals, there is no balance from outside either: there is only a brief mention of the behaviour of the military, and a reaction of the People is not shown. Since other characters are also morally problematic, Nero is not singled out in this respect; by contrast he sometimes appears as driven by the wishes of other people such as Poppaea. In the end Nero has achieved his aim of removing his mother, but he has already been terrified by his brother’s shade and is finally tortured by the pangs of a bad conscience. To emphasize this, the final chorus includes the appearance of the mythical matricides Orestes and Alcmeon, who are pursued by Furies. That after the completion of the matricide Nero was first confused and upset is reported in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.10.1); according to Suetonius Nero said that his mother’s shade and the Furies were pursuing him and therefore tried to placate his mother’s shade with rites performed by magicians (Suet. Nero 34.4). In Lohenstein the magician is called Zoroaster, a name developed from that of the Iranian prophet Zarathustra. Zoroaster is introduced acting as a terrifying magician; the description of his rituals might have been inspired by ancient texts such as Seneca’s tragedy Medea (740–877) and Lucan’s epic (6.507–830) as well as contemporary procedures. Owing to the emphasis in this drama, which concludes with Nero as the winner according to the historical record, Nero tortured by the recollection of his deeds (Suet. Nero 34.4) is the result at the end. That, however, such situations can affect all human beings and Nero is a paradigm is the conclusion in the last words of the final chorus, addressed to all mortals. The motto of the entire piece, which quotes a remark by Tacitus with respect to Agrippina,275 recalls the precariousness of power not based on strength. In view of the way in which Lohenstein presents the figures in the drama, such strength is understood in moral terms; thereby Agrippina is a victim of her son, but has a share in the guilt because of _____________ 275 Tac. Ann. 13.19.1: Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fluxum est, quam fama potentiæ non suâ vi nixæ (‘Nothing of all things human is so precarious and transitory as the reputation for power that has no strong support of its own.’).

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her unrestraind desire for power (cf. Oct. 86–97). That a ruler should be a moral example is voiced by the character Seneca in conversation with Nero in the Latin Octavia, though without effect (Oct. 572–575). One may wonder how the presentation of an empress acting in a morally questionable way can be combined with the dedication of the piece to duchess Luise of Anhalt-Dessau. Lohenstein himself explains the connection in the letter of dedication:276 this empress with all her vices (Agrippina) could most easily receive pardon by the virtues of the duchess and find protection from the sovereign of the country. The effect would be that Agrippina might be able to borrow appearance and adornment from the duchess, since the shining sun evokes even the dark vapours from the earth and changes them into beautiful rainbows. At any rate the drama’s moral message is independent of the position of the recipients; when the drama was composed, the duchess was not yet running the country for her underage son after the death of her husband (1672–1675), so that there was no direct connection to Agrippina’s position.

3.2 Lohenstein, Epicharis (1665) – spoken drama Background Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683; see ch. 3.1) wrote two ‘Roman tragedies’ Agrippina and Epicharis; both were printed in 1665 and performed in May 1666 by students at the Elisabeth grammar school in Breslau. The tragedy (‘Trauerspiel’) Epicharis is dedicated to duke Otto of NostitzRokinitz (1608–1664), who was governor (‘Landeshauptmann’) in the area of Breslau and courtly counsellor.277 In the ‘Dedicatio’ (written in Latin for a male recipient, in contrast to the German dedication to the duchess in the case of Agrippina) Lohenstein explains the dedication, among other things, with admiration for

_____________ 276 See Letter of dedication: “Agrippine / welche Rom anbethen / der Käyser verehren / die Völcker bedienen musten / meynet nunmehr den Gipffel ihrer Ehrsucht erlangt zu haben / wenn sie sich zu Eur. Fürstl. Genad. Füssen legen darff. Denn ihre Laster wissen nirgends / als bey denen Tugenden einer grossen Hertzogin Genade / und die / welche dem Mord-Eisen ihres Sohnes nicht entfliehen kan / nur bey einer Mutter des Landes Beschirmung zu finden. … Ja diese anitzt mit so vielen oder mehrern Flecken auf dem Schau-Platze erscheinende Käyserin hoffet von so Erlauchten Augen / Gestalt und Zierde zu borgen. Weil die strahlende Sonne auch die trüben Dünste der Erden empor zeucht / und in schöne Regenbogen verwandelt.” 277 Dedication: “Illustrissimo & Generosissimo Domino Dn. Ottoni Baroni de Nostitz, Dynastæ in Rokinitz, Seiffersdorf, Herzogs-Waldau, Lobris, Profen & Neuendorf, Sacræ Cæsareæ Majestatis Consiliario & Ducatuum Suidnicensis & Jauraviensis plenipotenti Capitaneo.”

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the way in which the duke held office and his sponsorship for the arts as the Maecenas of his time.278 Lohenstein was the first dramatist to produce a drama named after Epicharis, who was involved in the Pisonian Conspiray according to Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57). Epicharis is the title character again in Legouvé’s later spoken play (ch. 3.8). Though she does not appear in the title of any of the Nero operas, she plays an important role in Salfi’s opera (based on Legouvé’s play; ch. 2.16). The Pisonian Conspiracy is a motif in a number of Nero operas: after an initial appearance in Corradi’s piece (ch. 2.4), it is part of the plot in the opera to a libretto by Feind (ch. 2.12), who knew Lohenstein’s works. Bibliographical information TEXT:

Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683) (followed by numerous later editions; see esp. Mundt 2005): Epicharis. Trauerspiel [Breslau 1665] Daniel Caspers von Lohenstein Ibrahim Sultan Schauspiel / Agrippina Trauerspiel / Epicharis Trauerspiel / Und andere poetische Gedichte, so noch mit Bewilligung des S. Autoris. Nebenst desselben Lebens-Lauff und Epicediis, zum Druck verfertiget [Breßlau 1701] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1701: http://www.slub-dresden.de/sammlungen/digitale-sammlungen/werkansicht/ cache. off?tx_dlf[id]=25454 1955 edition: http://www.zeno.org/Literatur/M/Lohenstein,+Daniel+Casper+von/ Dramen/ Epicharis CONTEMPORARY PRINTS

SCHOLARSHIP: Spellerberg 1967; Asmuth 1971; 1978; Szarota 1978; Mundt 2005

_____________ 278 See ‘Dedicatio’: “Quod vero hoc exiguum Opellæ magno Nomini tuo, illustrissime Domine, inscribere audeam, causas habeo magnas & pluras. Nam & humiles Hederæ contra Obtrectationem Protectore indigent. Et inter tot Tibi devinctos Debitores ego hoc tantillo magnum æs alienum diminuere aveo. Etenim Exteri quoque noverunt, Te raro Sæculi Exemplo ob Fidem & ingentes Animi Dotes OPTIMORUM PRINCIPUM OPTIMUM MINISTRUM; ob ingentia Merita, Patriæ Columnam, ob singularem erga Literas Favorem, temporis nostri Mæcenatem jure optimo audire. Accessit Gratiæ tuæ in me nihil merentem Propensio, cui præter hos subscivis aut in rheda animi Seriora nauseantis gratia deproperatos numeros Doctrinæ Fortunæq; meæ Obscuritas aliud referre prohibet.”

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Synopsis279 CHARACTERS:

Epicharis – Nero – Sabina Poppæa – Tigillinus – Fenius Rufus – C. Piso – L. Annæus Seneca – Paulina, seine Ehfrau – Plautius Lateranus – Afranius Quinctianus – Flavius Scevinus – Antonius Natalis – Subrius Flavius – Sulpitius Asper – Annæus Lucanus – Atilla, seine Mutter – Tullius Senecio – Cervarius Proculus – Vulcatius Araricus – Julius Tugurinus – Munatius Gratus – Martius Festus – Glicius Gallus – Annius Pollio – Granius Sylvanus – Statius Proximus – Maximus Scaurus – Venetus Paulus – Volusius Proculus – Vejanus Niger – Epaphroditus – Cotualda, ein deutscher Hauptmann – Statius Annæus, des Seneca Freind und Artzt – Milichus, des Scevini Freygelaßener – Corinna, sein Weib – Lucius und Sejus, seine zwey Knechte – Ein Diener des Piso – Stumme: Dyphax, Nicetus und Palurus, Knechte des Seneca – Cassius, ein großer Soldat – Ein Theil der Römischen und Deutschen Leibwache – Unterschiedene Hencker und Schergen Reyen des Geschreyes und der Wahrsager – Reyen der Klugheit / des Gelückes / der Zeit und des Verhängnüßes – Reyen der Tyber und der sieben Berge in Rom – Reyen / darinnen Europa, Asia, Africa, Rom und die Sibylla von Cuma Das Trauerspiel beginnet den siebenden April des Morgens, währet den ganzen Tag und die Nacht durch biß wider an den Morgen. – ‘The tragic play starts in the morning of 7 April, lasts through the entire day and the night until the following morning’ [i.e. in 65 CE].

The FIRST ACT [first shows a burnt-out house and garden]. Epicharis recounts her extraordinary experiences and narrates how Volusius Proculus [commander of the fleet] has boasted of planning to kill Nero. As soon as she has discovered his recklessness and also that many of the conspirators aim to crown C. Piso emperor instead of Nero, she decides to distance herself from Proculus and to persuade the other conspirators to reintroduce a free citizen democracy. When she is outvoted, Scevinus, Subrius Flavius, Sulpitius Asper, Maximus Scaurus, Venetus Paulus and herself agree on the plan to kill Piso after Nero and crown Seneca emperor. [In Natalis’ apartments] Antonius Natalis and Sulpitius Asper try to include Seneca in the conspiracy against Nero; Seneca refuses at first, but eventually agrees reluctantly. All the conspirators discuss how they could best remove Nero and decide on the following plan: at the festival of Ceres in three days’ time Plautius Lateranus should fall down at Nero’s feet asking for a financial contribution and then thrust him off the throne; the conspirators should then attack Nero immediately. Epicharis takes a glass of wine, pricks herself and pours drops of her own blood into it; she asks the other conspirators to follow her example. Thereupon the glass is passed round, everyone drinks from it, and Nero is cursed and threatened. In the chorus Rumour presents a number of miracles, which the seers interpret as Rome looking for a new head in vain. _____________ 279 This English synopsis is based on Lohenstein’s own German summary (conveniently available at http://www.zeno.org/Literatur/M/Lohenstein,+Daniel+Casper+von/Dramen/Epicharis/Inhalt), with some explanations on characters and settings added.

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The SECOND ACT [opens in a pleasure garden]. When Volusius Proculus tries to win Epicharis’ love and to be admitted to the conspiracy without success, he becomes enraged and threatens revenge. [In his apartments] the melancholic Flavius Scevinus seals his will, gives freedom or money to his slaves and hands an old dagger to his freedman Milichus, asking him to sharpen it, to provide plaster and to invite guests. Milichus and his wife Corinna consider Scevinus’ behaviour and conclude that Scevinus is planning a major scheme against the emperor; Corinna persuades Milichus to report this to Nero. [The scene changes to a path in the imperial pleasure garden.] Proculus accuses Epicharis in front of Nero, saying that she is conspiring against him. Although Epicharis has Proculus appear in a bad light through her defence, Nero orders her to be taken into custody. Epicharis assures Sulpitius Asper [who was asked by Nero to put her into chains] that she could not be brought to say anything about her co-conspirators by any torture, and she advises them to bring forward the attack on the emperor. In the chorus Prudence, Fortune, Time and Fate fight, partly to overthrow Nero, partly to maintain him. The THIRD ACT [again features a pleasure garden]. Milichus and Corinna report to the emperor that Scevinus is planning to take his own life. Thereupon the emperor sends Epaphroditus to take him into custody. In Scevinus’ apartments Sulpitius Asper informs the other conspirators of Epicharis having been taken into custody and advises them to attack Nero as soon as possible. Epaphroditus leads Scevinus away as a prisoner. Then Sulpitius Asper, Lateranus, Quinctianus and Lucanus make an effort to persuade Piso and Natalis, but because of the two men’s fearfulness their entreaties remain without effect; they suggest that Piso should proclaim himself as the leader in Rome, since otherwise they would be betrayed. Nero and Tigillin put pressure on Scevinus to reveal his plans, yet he defends himself steadfastly until Corinna suggests to the emperor that he should question Scevinus and Natalis separately as to what they discussed secretly with each other on the preceding day and what they have said about Piso. When it becomes clear during the questioning that they provide two different versions, Nero orders both to be tortured, but indicates that he will pardon the person who confesses first. Thereupon Natalis betrays himself, Scevinus and Piso; then Scevinus has to declare himself as well and betray Lateran, Lucan, Quinctian and Senecio. Eventually Natalis even mentions Seneca; Nero sends Granius Sylvanus to Seneca to question him as to whether he remembers his discussions with Natalis. Epicharis is tortured until she loses consciousness; but no confession can be won from her through either the encouragement of the other confessors or torture. Lucanus, Quinctianus and Senecio are moved by threats to confess their guilt; the first betrays his mother Atilla and Julius Tugurinus, the second Manatius Gratus and Martius Festus, the third Annius Pollio and Vulcatius Araricus. The emperor orders all of them to be taken into custody. In the chorus the Tiber and the seven hills of Rome lament Nero’s tyranny. The FOURTH ACT [first shows the prison]. Epicharis, recovering from pain and loss of consciousness, incites Subrius Flavius, Sulpitius Asper, Martius Festus,

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Maximus Scaurus and Venetus Paulus against Nero, and she writes to Piso via Maximus Scaurus and to Seneca via Festus. [In the emperor’s apartments] Nero, Sabina Poppæa and Tigillin mistreat the prisoners. Atilla, who is reluctant to confess, is beaten with rods; Munatius Gratus has his tongue removed. Thereupon Subrius Flavius wants to draw the sword against Nero, but is held back by Fenius Rufus. Eventually the latter is recognized by Scevinus and bound by Cassius. The conspirators betray Subrius Flavius and Sulpitius Asper. These two men first deny everything courageously, but in vain, since they are convicted by their writings, and then do not hesitate to recount Nero’s evil deeds to him. Thereupon Subrius Flavius is dragged away, Sulpitius Asper is beheaded, and the others are led into the prison. When Granius Sylvanus reports to the emperor that he has seen no signs of imminent death on Seneca [i.e. preparations for suicide], Nero asks him to order Seneca to take his own life, ignoring his pleas. [In Piso’s apartments] Maximus Scaurus hands Epicharis’ letter to Piso; in the meantime Epaphroditus storms in with a group of men and makes Piso, who first opposes Nero with some womanish hypocrisy, open his veins himself; this example is followed by Maximus Scaurus in a more courageous fashion. This option is not allowed to Lateran, who is dragged away. In the chorus the three parts of the world lament the plight of the Romans; the Sibylla of Cuma shows in a mirror the tyrannical emperors that Rome has had and will have. The FIFTH ACT [is first set in Seneca’s apartments]. Martius Festus tries in vain to motivate Seneca to resentment against Nero; Seneca consoles himself with virtue and sagacity against all eventualities of fortune. [The German captain] Cotualda announces his death to Seneca and prevents him from sealing his will. Seneca prepares for death, blesses his friends, complains about the court and Nero and consoles [his wife] Paulina. When she asks to die with him, he encourages her to die and passes the knife with which he has cut his own veins on to her; she too cuts her veins; then she is carried out of the room on Seneca’s orders, while Statius Annæus hands Seneca a glass of poison. But when neither the veins pour forth blood properly nor the poison shows any effect, he enters a tub of hot water and courageously passes away. Fenius Rufus and Subrius Flavius are beheaded; the former dies heroically, the latter faint-heartedly and disgracefully. [The scene changes to] the prison, which Nero and Poppæa enter. They have Epicharis, who is cursing them, tortured again; eventually, after Lucanus has cut his veins, Quinctian, Senecio and Scevinus have been beheaded, Cervarius Proculus and Natalis have been pardoned and Milichus has been given presents, Epicharis strangles herself on the torture rack. Analysis This play focuses on a single event within Nero’s reign and does not combine the plot with one of Nero’s love affairs or his dethroning and death as some of the later operas and dramas do. The piece gives an account of the Pisonian Conspir-

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acy in 65 CE, mainly following Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 15.48–74): it includes a large number of names of individuals (sometimes mentioned just once in Tacitus)280 and closely observes details given in the historiographical account such as who betrayed whom and who was killed when and in what way. For some figures who are not named in Tacitus (such as Milichus’ wife or the officer who announces his death to Seneca) Lohenstein has added names on the basis of his sound knowledge of classical literature. The learned notes, which provide references for quotations or facts used in the text (just as in Agrippina), suggest that a close connection to the ancient sources is to be emphasized. The fictional date of the action has also been developed from Tacitus’ account, where it is reported (Tac. Ann. 14.53.1) that the conspirators envisage the day of circus games on the occasion of the festival of the Cerealia (19 April) as the date for Nero’s assassination; hence the action is meant to take place a few days earlier.281 That an impression of historical correctness was to be created may also be inferred from the fact that the last act does not conclude with the usual chorus in which mythological figures or personifications reflect on events. At this point Nero himself has the last word: he, after having overwhelmed the conspirators, demonstrates his power and announces, among other things, rewards for Milichus and Tigellinus, gifts of money and corn to the soldiers and the people, more horse-racing at the Cerealia and changing the name of the month of April to Nero (Tac. Ann. 15.71.1; 15.72.2; 15.74.1). However, with respect to its protagonist the drama displays significant changes in comparison with Tacitus’ version: Tacitus reports that a certain Epicharis, who had never before participated in an honourable pursuit, intervened when the conspirators were slow to carry out their plans, that she turned to Volusius Proculus, who was dissatisfied because, in his view, he had not been rewarded sufficiently for his participation in Agrippina’s assassination and that he betrayed her to Nero, though she could not be convicted, but was taken into custody (Tac. Ann. 15.51). When she was tortured after the discovery of the conspiracy, she did not betray anyone and hanged herself on the second day of questioning. Epicharis, a freedwoman, thus gave an example of steadfast courage, while men of noble status betrayed their closest friends and relatives even without torture (Tac. Ann. 15.57). Epicharis’ positive portrayal in Tacitus is taken up in Lohenstein, who enhances Epicharis’ role within the group of conspirators. In the ‘Dedicatio’ Epicharis is called ‘a freedwoman, but an illustrious woman’ (libertina sed illustris mulier Epicharis). However, in this version she is not a freedwoman with a possibly problematic past, but, as her extended initial presentation of herself reveals _____________ 280 For details see references in app. 2 and Mundt 2005. 281 Yet the indication in the first act (1.710–714) that the festival will take place in three days’ time (from 7/8 April) does not take account of the fact that circus games were given on the last day of the festival.

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(1.103–338), she ultimately is of noble descent and has fought courageously and selflessly against persecution by Nero in the interests of others on earlier occasions; even the fire of Rome is mentioned in this context (1.237). Epicharis’ story (by which she becomes eligible as a protagonist according to the rules on social status of dramatic characters) agrees with the novel L’Ariane (1632) by Jean Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin with respect to the structure and the figures involved. That Epicharis is the last to die among the conspirators mentioned is another difference from Tacitus;282 this detail, however, can be found in the drama La mort de Seneque (1644) by François Tristan L’Hermite. Hence Lohenstein is likely to have used these works, even though he does not mention them among his sources,283 while he gives precise references elsewhere; apparently these adoptions should not be revealed.284 Because of Epicharis’ positive role in this play it is she who forms the contrast to Nero’s brutality. Nero’s tyrannical rule is directly shown since he is involved in questioning and torturing the accused and hands out death warrants, on occasion (in contrast to Tacitus’ report) alongside his wife Poppaea. The piece includes Seneca’s death in the context of the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 15.60.2–64), but the character Seneca does not acquire a particular standing as a moral guide, even though he intends to present the exemplary attitude of a Stoic sage by his death (Act V). Epicharis, by contrast, is not only important in triggering the realization of the conspirators’ plans and remains steadfast when tortured, but she also supports a different political concept, at least in the beginning: unlike the other conspirators she does not merely aim for a change of emperor; therefore her objections trigger a longer discussion on the best form of government (1.391– 490). Epicharis argues for the liberation of the citizens from the rule of a single monarch and for the participation of citizens in wielding power. The other conspirators, however, argue that it is not possible that ‘council and citizens’ (1.452) rule the empire and that it is better if one person is at the helm rather than many. In its general political dimension this discussion, in which each party tries to support their position by examples from Roman history, is reminiscent of the conversation between Seneca and Nero in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592). _____________ 282 See Asmuth 1987, 97. 283 That besides Tacitus’ historical narrative several early modern treatments have influenced Lohenstein’s treatment, namely the drama La mort de Seneque (1644) by François Tristan L’Hermite (1601–1655), the novel L’Ariane (1632) by Jean Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin (1595– 1676) and the prose treatise La mort et les dernier paroles de Seneque (1637) by Pierre Antoine Mascaron (d. 1647), seems to be the view of modern scholarship on Lohenstein (see Asmuth 1978; Mundt 2005, 706–707). 284 Similarly, the librettist Busenello only mentions Tacitus as a source for L’incoronazione di Poppea and does not refer to the Latin Octavia, which he is likely to have used as well (ch. 2.1). In both cases the writers presumably intend to convey the impression that they have created a drama on the basis of the historical record on their own rather than having been guided by existing dramatic structures. The difference obviously is that Busenello suppresses an ancient source, while the models are contemporary ones in Lohenstein’s case.

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Just as in Octavia, where Seneca cannot win in view of Nero’s powerful position, Epicharis is not able to convince the other conspirators. Since the play closes with the killing of conspirators, which agrees with the historical facts and confirms the historical Seneca’s statement chosen as the motto of the play, 285 there is no positive perspective at the end, so as to suggest that the political system or the ruler might be changed. What remains is the position of the character Seneca expressed with the authority of the Stoic philosopher, when he hopes for the conspiracy’s success because of Nero’s vices (1.594; 1.602), but believes that one has to endure any kind of government (1.531) and that the killing of noblemen is not glorious for anyone (1.577); i.e., despite Nero’s brutality the monarchical system is not called into question. Accordingly, in the ‘Dedicatio’ Lohenstein says that it is good fortune (for the people of Breslau) to live under the (moderate) rule of the Habsburgs; to watch the presentation of Nero’s terrible reign under such (moderate) circumstances is qualified as pleasant.286 This shows on the one hand that the story of Nero could be seen as entertaining and unproblematic and on the other hand that its political potential could be used to confirm the current government by means of a contrasting example.

3.3 Biancolelli, Il Nerone (1666) – spoken drama Background Il Nerone is the first piece on the Nero theme in Italy after Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (ch. 2.1) had brought it to the Italian stage. The text of Il Nerone was written by Nicolò Biancolelli and printed in Bologna in 1666. The

_____________ 285 Sen. Ira 3.42: Istud tempus, quod alienæ destinas morti, fortasse citra tuam est (‘This point in time, which you set for the death of someone else, is perhaps near your own.’). – The modern reading of the Latin text has circa; but in Lohenstein’s time citra could be understood in the sense of circa (on the changes in the meaning of citra see Aßmann 1932). 286 See ‘Dedicatio’: “Magna Felicitas est, clementi subesse Imperio. Major nostra; quod in OPTIMOS AUSTRIÆ PRINCIPES incidimus. Istud autem Germanæ fidei præcipuum: quod hactenus tot Subditorum Myriades nullum Clementem aut Ravalliacum tulerint. Attamen nullum tempus tantâ felicitate luxuriat, quo non expediat, animum firmare constantibus Exemplis. Et sub molli Imperio dulcius cernimus peregrinam gliscere Tyrannidem. Nam & Maris Impetus in Portu delectat, & pulcherrimi sunt in hostili segete ignes. Roma Magnitudine sua laborans Mundi naufragiis lætabatur. Maronis Musa in aureo Augusti Sæculo innocenter Trojanum, sed turpiter Nero in Mœcenatis turre Romanum canebat Excidium. Sub optimo Trajano festales cachinnantia Amphitheatra Carthaginis illustrabant Cineres. Nostrum Carmen sub clementissimo INVICTISSIMI LEOPOLDI Imperio Neronis detestandam Sævitiam ridet. Fidelium Subditorum Incolumitas trucidatorum ab eo Lachrymis hilariter adgemit. Innocentia toto pectore lætatur, deficere ipsi causam, se qualiscunque Principis cæde cruentandi.”

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piece is defined as an ‘opera scenica’ (with a text in prose and no record of music). The drama introduces some features to the presentation of the Nero theme (such as the presence of a foreign king) that were taken up in operas. Nicolò Biancolelli (fl. 1650) is said to have been a professional comic actor and later to have written for the theatre, being active in Bologna.287 His other works include a piece on the English queen (La regina statista d’Inghilterra, et il conte di Essex, vita, successi, e morte. Con nuove aggiunte, 1668 and later editions), which suggests a continued interest in dramatizing historical subjects with a political dimension. Bibliographical information TEXT:

Nicolò Biancolelli (fl. 1650) [dedica di Antonio Mario Monti, dated 20 May 1666] CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Il Nerone. Opera scenica del signor Nicolo’ Biancolelli. Dedicato Al Molto Illustre Signore Giacomo Maria Marchesini. [Bologna 1666] ELECTRONIC VERSION: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/06027_4.pdf

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nerone – Agripina, Madre di Nerone – Ottavia, Moglie di Nerone – Seneca, Maestro di Nerone – Palante / Ottone, Consiglieri – Popea, Moglie d’Ottone – Ernesto, Secretario – Tiridate, Rè di Armenia – Sergio Galba – Vernechia / Oliveta / Rullo, Servi di Corte – Giangurgolo, Giardiniero – Ernando / Teodoro, Accusatori

At the beginning of the FIRST ACT Nerone speaks to his aides, Palante and Ottone, in Rome. He states that Rome had been set on fire on his order, which he presents as the act of a magnanimous ruler: the fire has stopped men from living in caves and chaos, and everything will be rebuilt in greater splendour. According to him this act of rebuilding is rightly the province of a male Caesar and should not be entrusted to capricious femininity. He adds that he has learnt humanity from his father, whereas his mother, Agripina, is unworthy of such a powerful royal position. Nerone expects to be respected by the People. Invited by Nerone, Palante comments on these views: he begins by claiming that noble spirits in particular must avoid adulation and goes on to say that Nerone is best able to guide Rome; yet he also states that he believes in the ability of Agripina (and other women) to _____________ 287 See Fantuzzi 1782, 188–189.

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rule successfully. Nerone is enraged at this reply. After Palante has left, Ottone praises Nerone, claiming that the emperor will know how to honour the faithful, protect the unfortunate, calm down uprisings, overcome misfortune and, in general, provide a more stable rule than would be possible under a female ruler. Ottone cites the behaviour of various famous women from history to support his argument. Nerone is pleased and promises to reward him for his words. Seneca, Nerone’s tutor, however, rebukes Ottone for choosing historical examples of immoral women, rather than the many examples of modest and noble ones, and warns against mendacious speeches. He advises that Nerone’s mother Agripina should rule, while Nerone, still young, should take the opportunity to learn the subtleties of statecraft. Nerone angrily says that he is only restrained from giving vent to his anger and punishing Seneca because of Seneca’s position as his mentor, but he does tell him to stop arguing. The courtly servant Rullo denies the ability of women to govern and wins Nerone’s approval (I 1). A page brings a letter from ‘Portugal’, which asks for a new governor to set matters right. Nerone sees this as a good opportunity to enjoy Ottone’s wife Popea and therefore asks Ottone to set off. Ottone obeys, though full of grief (I 2). Meanwhile, Popea, on her own, speaks of her love for Nerone and of her wish to be rid of her husband. Rullo approaches, and Popea asks him to confirm whether her husband is being sent to be governor of ‘Portugal’. Rullo does so, but mainly gives foolish answers to her questions. Popea decides that there is no point in talking to madmen and leaves. Rullo catches sight of Ottavia and prepares for overhearing her (I 3). Ottavia bemoans her fate, being rejected by her beloved husband Nerone. She declares her anger at Popea and her desire for vengeance (I 4). Ottavia then discusses her situation with her servant Vernechia, who has been sent by Ottone and announces that he has been ordered to go to ‘Portugal’. Ottavia asks Vernechia to tell Ottone that he should show due reverence to his wife’s majesty (I 5). When Ottone tries to gain information about Ottavia’s reaction from Vernechia, he does not understand her reply or Ottavia’s message. After some considerations Ottone decides to go to ‘Portugal’, while keeping an eye on things and being mindful of his reputation (I 6). In a conversation between Ottone and Nerone, the latter reproaches Ottone for still being in Rome. Ottone explains that he needed time for essential preparations, but Nerone counters that he will be punished if he is still in Rome the following day. Ottone fears that he is leaving to his death (I 7). Ottavia enters and addresses Nerone suppliantly, not as a wife but as a slave: yet he turns away and leaves. She is devastated at his impious and inhuman behaviour, bemoans her fate and resolves to die (I 8). Agripina arrives and expresses compassion for Ottavia and anger at Nerone. The two women agree to collaborate in bringing vengeance (I 9). Rullo, on his own, reflects on the pleasures of overhearing other people’s conversations. He realizes that Agripina and Ottavia are plotting an emperor’s death and resolves to divulge their plans (I 10). The scene switches to a bedroom with Nerone and Popea in bed, speaking words of love to each other. However, Popea announces that she will not kiss

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Nerone until Ottavia is dead. Nerone accidentally swears that Popea will die, while meaning to say ‘Ottavia’. He tells Popea not to be afraid because of this omen (I 11). Rullo arrives and informs the couple about the plans of Agripina and Ottavia. Nerone immediately announces that this will have to be paid for by death and instructs Rullo to tell Agripina to come to his favourite spot on the festival of the Quinquatrus, for which there will be a specifically constructed ship (I 12). The bedroom scene closes. In the next scene Seneca, on his own, bemoans the situation of the People suffering under a terrible ruler (I 13). Vernechia arrives singing and telling stories of the gods; she has been ordered to accompany Agripina and is waiting for Rullo (I 14). When Rullo and Agripina come, Agripina agrees to go to the appointed place on the Quinquatrus, though she foresees trouble. Rullo tries to comfort her (I 15). Seneca confirms to Agripina that she need not be in fear and he will pray for her safety; she feels reassured by his expressions of fidelity. Rullo tries to hasten her departure (I 16). Seneca, alone again, is concerned about the future: he reflects that he should not teach those who are unable to follow true and emphatic admonishments, and he observes Nerone’s inability to learn self-control and good conduct (I 17). Nerone announces to Seneca that he is to acquaint him with an important secret that will require his wise counsel: Ottavia is an adulteress, as is proved by accusers and by the look of her eyes; justice demands that she is repudiated. Seneca remains sceptical and even calls Nerone a monster, which provokes his anger. Upon Seneca’s departure Nerone confesses that Ottavia is not an adulteress, but that he has called her so because he desires Popea (I 18). Vernechia bewails the fate of the unfortunate Agripina (I 19). Nerone enquires of Vernechia what she is lamenting. She tells him about Agripina’s death: Nerone rejoices and promises to give Vernechia a villa as a reward. Vernechia is astonished at his joy and also at the promise (I 20). Then Rullo comes to inform Nerone that Agripina was saved and is not dead. Nerone orders him to kill the fisherman who saved her as well as Agripina herself by his own hand (I 21). Meanwhile Vernechia congratulates Agripina on her escape, though Agripina is still worried (I 22). Rullo laments his position, as Nerone has asked him not only to be a murderer, but also to imprison Seneca (I 23). When Seneca appears, Rullo addresses him in comic riddles, but eventually reveals that Nerone has ordered him to take Seneca prisoner. Seneca states that he will walk to prison himself, but Rullo keeps behind him to make sure that he does not run away (I 24). Agripina thinks about the fact that Nerone, her own son, whom she bore and nourished, has turned against her (I 25). When she sees Rullo approaching, dagger in hand, she immediately knows why he has come. He hesitates, but Nerone gives him a sign to proceed, and she too encourages him. So he eventually obeys Nerone and kills Agripina (I 26). The SECOND ACT begins with Ottavia on her own. She bemoans Agripina’s terrible death and claims that Nerone will pay for his crimes (II 1). A dialogue between Ottavia and Popea follows: Popea shows little respect for Ottavia, since she knows that Ottavia has been repudiated and no longer deserves the honours of

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an empress. Ottavia becomes enraged, hits her on the cheek, and Popea cries out for Nerone (II 2). Nerone appears, and Popea asks him to take immediate revenge on Ottavia and thus to show his love for her: he sends Ottavia away and tells her to live in the furthest quarters of his palace, while also accusing her of adultery (II 3). Nerone further orders Rullo to fetch Seneca. In the meantime he leads Popea as empress to the throne and tells Ottavia that he wishes she would die. Popea is full of joy, while Ottavia refrains from contradicting a powerful individual (II 4). When Seneca has been summoned, Nerone tells him that it is time to condemn Ottavia and he must be the judge. Seneca states that Ottavia has committed a great fault, behaving indecently, and therefore deserves severe punishment if she is guilty; she, however, protests her innocence (II 5). Seneca questions three accusers with different backgrounds; they all claim that they have been forced by Ottavia to have sexual intercourse with her. Despite the threefold testimony, Seneca is convinced that these accusers are false and declares Ottavia innocent. Nerone is dissatisfied with the result; he still tells Ottavia to go into exile, but first to watch him giving the imperial insignia to Popea. Seneca leaves, but urges Ottavia to be steadfast. Ottavia starts watching and then also leaves. Nerone crowns Popea and defines her as the absolute empress over all his wishes (II 6). The servant Olivetta reflects on the attention of others to her (II 7). The gardener Giangurgolo enters and tries to win her love, but she rebuffs him and calls for assistance (II 8). Rullo comes and enquires about the tumult. He has a word with Giangurgolo, who eventually leaves. Olivetta suggests to Rullo that they should continue their courtship (II 9). At this point Seneca comes to tell them that on the occasion of the arrival of king Tiridate of Armenia the emperor plans to perform a comedy and that they are to go to the palace and take up their roles. Rullo asserts that he cannot represent anyone but a parasite and Olivetta says that she can be no one but a cook. Seneca assures them that they can be what they wish (II 10). Tiridate approaches Nerone with respect, asking him to be allowed to kiss his hand and to be crowned by him as king of his country, which Nerone grants (II 11). When pages bring the royal insignia, Nerone crowns Tiridate and tells him to follow him to court (II 12). Meanwhile, Ottavia, on her own, bemoans her fate: she, an empress of the universe, is bereft of everything and faces the troubles of a long voyage; although she is about to leave, her heart still loves Nerone (II 13). Seneca tries to lift Ottavia’s mood, assuring her that her innocence has been proved to her father and that in time things may improve. Ottavia thanks him and leaves reassured (II 14). Tiridate meets Seneca and asks him about his situation. Seneca reveals that he is in Rome at Nerone’s request: he had hoped to gain tranquillity; instead he finds himself in a city full of vice. Thereupon Tiridate invites him to move to his country, which is healthier and provides opportunities for wealth. Seneca, however, declares that he only values good deeds and truth; Tiridate regards this quest as labyrinthine. They then prepare to watch the comedy (II 15).

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The next few scenes consist of the comedy acted out by the characters: it starts with Rullo, disguised as the god of love in ridiculous fashion, speaking the prologue. Next Nerone and Popea appear, disguised as the shepherds Lucinda and Coridone; they show their love for each other, and Lucinda eventually agrees to Coridone’s advances. Rullo appears as the shepherd Lupino and Olivetta as the nymph Elisa, also making love to each other. Finally Giangurgolo arrives, as the shepherd Favonio, somewhat jealous (II 16–20). At the end all the characters depart, and the act concludes with dancing of nymphs and shepherds. The THIRD ACT starts with a conversation between Tiridate and the secretary Ernesto: Tiridate confesses that he is overcome by the gracious welcome he has received; he thanks Ernesto and gives him a chain in recognition of his services. When Tiridate checks whether everything has been prepared for his departure, Ernesto tells him that the coach is ready and will be attended by most of the Roman nobility (III 1). Meanwhile Vernechia asks Rullo whether there is any news in Rome; he tells her that Nerone has condemned Seneca to death, though he does not know the reason. Vernechia is on her way to court to deliver some letters, but Rullo wants to have a meal first (III 2). The next scene shows a room at the front of the stage, where Seneca is dying and giving his last speech. He bemoans his fate and accuses Nerone, who has already killed others such as his mother Agripina and Ottone; he declares that Nerone will receive divine punishment and announces that he will make Nerone’s misdeeds known to the whole world. However, he relents from his anger shortly before he dies (III 3). Elsewhere Nerone wishes to remain alone and to order his confused thoughts: on the one hand his conscience is troubled, on the other hand he reassures himself that he is the monarch and no one can confront him. He sleeps, and the Parcae perform a dance, threatening Nerone; realizing this, he is not sure whether he dreams. While he sleeps, Death draws near and tells him that the fatal hour is approaching to placate with his death the heavens and the fates. When Nerone wakes up, he is determined not to let himself be influenced by such appearances (III 4). Ernesto arrives with two letters for Nerone: they tell him that Miridante, ruler of Persia, is stirring up the populace there against Nerone and that the exiled Palante has won the support of the inhabitants of Sparta and is about to subject this kingdom to himself. Nerone swears vengeance on both of them (III 5). Popea arrives and asks why he is devastated; she also tells him that Sergio Galba is at the gates of Rome to catch and kill him. Upon this further piece of bad news, Nerone kicks Popea in the stomach (III 6). Popea laments her fate and accuses Nerone, declaring this punishment justified if she was the cause of Agripina’s death and saying that she will die with her unborn child. She falls to the ground in mid-speech (III 7). Rullo comes, reporting how Nerone and his supporters are fighting the rebellion; he finds Popea and carries her outside (III 8). While trumpets are sounding, Nerone, on his own, carrying a sword, realizes that his enemies are winning and that he is abandoned; he considers what to do (III 9). Ernesto arrives with a bloody wound, informing Nerone that Sergio Galba is looking everywhere to find Nerone and kill him. Ernesto hands Nerone a dag-

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ger and poison: dying by his own hand is the best solution left for him (III 10). Nerone thinks about his fate and eventually kills himself with the dagger (III 11). Sergio Galba and some soldiers storm in; they are victorious, and Sergio Galba announces that mildness and justice will now reign. They catch sight of Nerone and realize that he has killed himself; Sergio Galba promises to give him a good burial. He declares that he and his men have ignored danger to free the People from Nerone’s tyranny and asks them to applaud the victory. With all crying ‘Long live Sergio Galba’ the piece closes (III 12). Analysis The play Il Nerone is based on a complex plot covering numerous incidents and including a large number of characters; yet in essence it follows the basic pattern of the Latin Octavia: it involves the historically attested figures Nero, Seneca, Octavia, Poppaea and Agrippina, and it revolves around a love affair of Nero and his position as ruler. Additionally, this drama offers a fuller panorama of events at Nero’s imperial court, since it combines the climax of his love affair with Poppaea in 62 CE with other events recorded in historiographical accounts for the period between 59 and 68 CE. It also increases the number of fictional characters, which allows further twists. Hence Biancolelli must have had some knowledge of the Neronian period from historical sources, besides the probable influence of Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea. As in L’incoronazione di Poppea, the character of Otho is added as a dramatic character to the historical cast of the Latin Octavia, but he is shown at an earlier stage in his career, since here Ottone is not returning, but rather being sent off to Portugal (ancient Lusitania; Tac. Ann. 13.46.3). Ottone’s removal is intended to allow Nerone to enjoy Popea (I 2; I 6–7). Further, like L’incoronazione di Poppea, this piece includes Seneca’s death on Nerone’s orders (III 3; cf. Tac. Ann. 15.60.2–64). Overall, the figure of Seneca retains the traits of a philosopher and adviser when he comments on Nerone’s way of governing (I 1), considers the situation of the People in Rome under Nerone’s rule (I 13), expresses high moral values and shows himself unaffected by offers of an easy life (II 15), questions Nerone’s accusation of Ottavia (I 18; II 6), bears his fate like a Stoic (I 24), comforts Agripina or Ottavia (I 16; II 14) and warns of future retribution for Nerone (III 3). His attempt to lift Octavia’s mood is more successful than the similar intervention in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, which strengthens Seneca’s position as a trusted guide. At the same time he is unsuccessful in teaching Nerone, and the two men clash in their views on Nerone’s behaviour towards Ottavia (I 17–18; cf. I 1), as they do in the Latin Octavia and in L’incoronazione di Poppea. Seneca is given a new role when Nerone makes him preside as judge over the trial to condemn Ottavia (II 5–6), which is a reflection of the trumped-up charges of adultery in connection with her removal, mentioned in Tacitus (Tac. Ann.

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14.60.2–3; 14.62.1–63.1) and Suetonius (Suet. Nero 35.1–3). Although in the play Seneca feels some sympathy for the accusers, he is not taken in; instead, he confirms and declares Ottavia’s innocence. Beyond the immediate aim within the drama, namely Nerone’s intention to arrive at a clear decision on Ottavia, such a trial serves to demonstrate the role of trials and thus of the judicial system at Nerone’s court: Nerone dislikes the outcome of the trial and is not influenced by it; he still sends Ottavia away and proceeds to crown Popea. Clearly, Ottavia and Ottone are greater obstacles to the union of Nerone and Popea than Seneca, in contrast to L’incoronazione di Poppea, where Nerone and Poppea are relieved at Seneca’s death and only then start enjoying their love relationship (II 5; II 10). Besides that of Seneca, the drama also features the death of Nero’s mother Agrippina (in 59 CE): beyond being a personal conflict between mother and son, the opposition between them becomes an argument on the most appropriate ruler since the drama starts with an extended discussion on the qualities and justification of male and female rulers (I 1). As in the historical record, Agripina is eventually eliminated (I 26), so that Nerone is free to follow his desires. The method employed by Nerone, a first, unsuccessful attempt with a specially prepared ship on a particular date followed by the assassination at the hands of servants engaged by the emperor (I 12–26), agrees with Tacitus’ report (Tac. Ann. 14.1–8). Like L’incoronazione di Poppea (but unlike the Latin Octavia), this drama includes Popea’s coronation (II 4; 6), though here it is not the final climax of the plot (as indicated by the title for the earlier opera), since the story covers further events until Nerone’s death. As in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.61.2–4), but in contrast to the Latin Octavia, Popea is rather self-confident and actively works towards the removal of Ottone and Ottavia (I 11). Yet, her relationship with Nerone is subjected to a bad omen from early on (I 11), as in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 712– 739); and while Poppaea’s subsequent sad fate, known from historiographical accounts (Tac. Ann. 16.6; Suet. Nero 35.3), is only adumbrated in the Roman play, its realization is included in this drama (III 6–7). Earlier, however, Popea is proud and sure of victory, which is demonstrated, for instance, in a direct confrontation between Popea and Ottavia (II 2), a type of scene not included in the Latin Octavia or in L’incoronazione di Poppea. Apart from a brief outburst in that scene, Ottavia is full of grief, though she still loves Nerone; like her counterpart in the Latin Octavia, she does not take active steps to change her situation. Instead, Ottavia bemoans her fate in monologues and discusses it with a female servant (I 4–5; 8). Such a figure of a confidante also appears in the Latin Octavia; here she is given a (fictional) personal name (Vernechia; suggesting an unattractive old woman), like Poppea’s nurse Arnalta in L’incoronazione di Poppea. The nurse thus receives an increased degree of individuality. As regards the assemblage of characters, this is the first of many pieces to add the presence of a foreign king in Rome to a presentation of Nero’s changing love relationships (II 11–12; II 15; III 1). The historical record shows that such an event took place during Nero’s reign, though not in the same year: the Armenian king Tiridates laid down his diadem in front of a statue of Nero in 63 CE and then

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travelled to Rome, where he was crowned again in 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7). Tiridate’s presence is a sideaspect that illustrates Nerone’s dealing with political figures, while Tiridate or members of his family are not involved in love affairs of their own in this drama. Besides, this piece gives a brief appearance to the figure of Palante. This character is presumably modelled on M. Antonius Pallas, who held positions at the imperial court under Claudius and Nero and is said to have had a relationship with Agrippina (Tac. Ann. 12.2.3; 12.25.1; 12.65.2); Nero removed him from his offices in 55 CE (Tac. Ann. 13.14.1) and had him killed because of his wealth in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.65.1; Cass. Dio 62.14.3). In the drama Palante is at court in the first scene (I 1); later a Palante, who is likely to be the same person, is reported to be exiled in Sparta (III 5). This aspect is not in the historical record, but it might be a reflection of Pallas’ loss of favour and power. In the latter scene Palante’s activities are mentioned along with those of Miridante, governing Persia (III 5): this person presumably alludes to the historical Mithridates who was ruler of Pontus, appointed or confirmed by the emperor Claudius, later dethroned, brought to Rome and eventually killed (in 68 CE; Tac. Ann. 12.15–21; Cass. Dio 60.8.2). The reference to two noblemen abroad, one of them an exile, stirring up a rebellion against Nerone could be a reminiscence of the mention in the Latin Octavia of Plautus and Sulla, who Nero wants to be killed since even in exile they continue to present a threat (Oct. 462–469). In the play the awareness of danger from nations and regions outside Rome prepares the uprising under Sergio Galba (III 6); this eventually leads to Nerone’s end and a transfer of power, when Servius Sulpicius Galba becomes emperor, in line with the historical record (68 CE; Suet. Nero 48.2; Galba 9.2–11). That Nerone kills himself as a reaction to these developments and is assisted by a servant recalls Suetonius’ description of his death (Suet. Nero 49.2–4), although in the drama Nerone does not flee from Rome. The play’s plot displays a straightforward structure and clear progression in time: one by one Nerone removes Ottone, Agripina, Ottavia and Seneca, and he unites himself with Popea, which is followed by Popea’s death and then his own suicide, with Sergio Galba assuming power. As the exact timing of these events is left open, there is no noticeable clash with the historical record, according to which these events did not happen in this order. For instance, the piece opens with a reference to the fire of Rome (in 64 CE; Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38; Oct. 831–833), for which Nerone proudly takes responsibility, and then proceeds with allusions to a conflict over power with Nero’s mother Agrippina, which dates to the earlier stages of Nero’s reign before he caused her death in 59 CE. Her death is soon followed by that of Seneca, which took place in 65 CE. However, the vague dating allows further interaction between characters, such as Ottavia and Agripina (I 9) or Agripina and Seneca (I 16). As in the Latin Octavia, this Nerone enjoys his power and uses it to gratify his desires; he does not care for his People and tries to remove individuals whom he regards as dangerous or inconvenient. In the Latin Octavia Nero is victori-

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ous within the play by removing all obstacles; it is merely indicated in the speech of Agrippina’s shade that he will later suffer a terrible death as punishment (Oct. 593–645). By contrast, this drama, including a fuller panorama of historical events, covers Nerone’s end and the transfer of power to Sergio Galba. Since Sergio Galba announces that mildness and justice will now reign and the aim was to free the populace from Nerone’s tyranny and since the People congratulate him on his success (III 12), there is a happy ending on the political or societal level. What is outlined as a vision in the Latin Octavia, the concept of a less autocratic government as described by Seneca (Oct. 440–592), is presented as about to be realized. At the same time there is no happy ending on the personal or individual level since the emperor and his beloved are dead (as well as other protagonists), and further love affairs on the level of servants have only been hinted at. Such elements, such as love affairs between servants (II 7–9; III 2), a sleep scene with dream appearances (III 4), dancing and a comedy performed within the drama (II 16–20), adapt the story to contemporary conventions. The motif of a play within a play, enacted by the characters and showing further love affairs, is another feature that becomes common in later pieces on the Nero theme. Just as many other works to come, this opera scenica is named after Nerone (and not after either Ottavia or Popea). This is justified since the plot’s focus is on Nerone’s career as the structural principle, including major events from the period between 59 and 68 CE. It is made clear that Nerone’s attention to his personal relationships and his irresponsible government are ruining the empire, for which a solution is found at the end, when a change of ruler is about to happen. While Biancolelli has put more emphasis on love affairs, and the connection between their consequences and the political situation is not as immediate as in the Latin Octavia, this plot has a stronger political-historical dimension (like the Latin play) than Busenello’s version, where Love dominates.

3.4 Boccaccio, Il Nerone (1675) – spoken drama Background This play, again entitled Il Nerone (an opera tragica in three acts), is defined as an opera tragica (cf. Piovene’s Nerone: tragedia per musica; ch. 2.14); hence it does not have a happy ending in the conventional sense and no extended scenes of comic relief or ridiculous figures. It is written in prose and there is no record of music.288 After Biancolelli’s Il Nerone this is the next Italian piece featuring Nero as protagonist; Nero only became popular as the main character in opera some_____________ 288 Yet when Mühlbach (1910, 8) lists the piece, he indicates music by A. Pisani.

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what later in the century. This drama does not have Octavia among the characters and seems to be set at a later point in Nero’s career; it has a strong political focus since Nerone desires a Claudian princess and the play includes a version of the Pisonian Conspiracy. Thereby it develops motifs included in the Latin Octavia in ways that will be taken up by later operas. The piece is by the ‘Barone’ Camillo Boccaccio (d. 1701). Boccaccio also produced the text for at least another drama, an opera scenica, entitled Gli amori nella disperatione fortunati (Bologna 1698). On the title pages of the prints of both pieces he is described as a ‘Patritio Fanese’. A theatre opened in the Italian town of Fano in 1677;289 yet both pieces were printed in Bologna. No further details are known about Camillo Boccaccio. Bibliographical information TEXT:

Camillo Boccaccio (d. 1701) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS:

Il Nerone. Opera tragica di Camillo Boccaccio, Patritio Fanese, Libero Barone del Sacro romano imperio. Ded. all’augustissimo imperatore Leopoldo I. [Fano 1675] Il Nerone. Opera tragica di Camillo Boccaccio, Patritio Fanese; Libero Barone del Sacro Romano Imperio, & Aulico familiare di S. M. C. [Bologna 1679] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1675: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/02620.pdf 1679: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/02621.pdf

Synopsis290 CHARACTERS:

1675: Nerone, Imperatore – Poppea, sua Consorte – Plotina, prima Dama di Corte – Tigellino, Capitano de Pretoriani, e primo Ministro di Nerone – Rufo, Capitano de Pretoriani – Subrio, uno de Tribuni de Pretoriani – Silvano, l’altro de Tribuni – Antonia, Principessa della Stirpe de Claudij – Corbulone, Cavaliere Romano, inamorato d’Antonia – Affrico, Console – Seneca, che abbandona la Corte – Paolina, sua Moglie – Paggio di Antonia – Trasullo, Sacerdote Interprete – Musico, che canta alla Tavola di Nerone – Servi muti 1679: Nerone, Imperatore – Poppea, sua Consorte – Plotina, prima Dama di Corte – Tigellino, Capitano de’ Pretoriani, e primo Ministro di Nerone – Ruffo, Capitano de’

_____________ 289 On theatrical life in Fano see Fabbri at OMO. 290 The reprint of 1679 does not include a dedication; besides, there are a few minor discrepancies in spelling and in the arrangement of the material on the pages. But there do not seem to be differences in plot between the two versions.

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Pretoriani – Subrio, uno de’ Tribuni de’ Pretoriani – Silvano, l’altro de’ Tribuni – Antonia, Principessa della Stirpe de’ Claudij – Corbulone, Cavaliere Romano, innamorato d’Antonia – Affrico, Console – Seneca, che abbandona la Corte – Paolina, sua Moglie – Paggio di Antonia – Trasullo, Sacerdote Interprete – Musico, che canta alla Tavola di Nerone – Servi muti

The FIRST ACT features the imperial throne hall, where a conversation between the emperor Nerone, his wife Poppea and Tigellino, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard and Nerone’s first minister, takes place, while Subrio and Ruffo, a tribune and another prefect of the Praetorian Guard, comment in asides. Nerone has been plagued by bad dreams (and fears that they have been brought on by the fate of his mother). Poppea seeks to reassure him, while Tigellino is ready for action if necessary. Nerone fears treachery in Rome and threatens a bloody retribution. Subrio is on the point of drawing his sword (for an uncertain purpose), but is restrained by Ruffo, who urges him to be more cautious. Poppea successfully calms Nerone, who orders the Praetorian Guards to be alert in order to save his life and to preserve the peace of the People and the stability of the monarchy. Nerone decides to seek divine assistance and to consult the oracles of Jupiter (I 1). Subrio and Ruffo share their views on the current political situation: Subrio can no longer bear the tyrannical and bloody rule of Nerone over his fatherland and rebukes Ruffo for holding him back; Subrio is ready to kill Nerone. Rubrio is also unhappy, but he advises Subrio to keep quiet for the time being, develop his plans and gather companions. Subrio is unconvinced of the wisdom of seeking co-conspirators (I 2). Seneca, the philosopher and adviser of Nerone, reflects on the situation: he has realized that Nerone is becoming hostile towards him, rules according to his own feelings without rational thought or concern for morals or justice and prefers other advisers. Seneca therefore decides to withdraw from the court (I 3). A dialogue between Poppea and her confidante Plotina follows: Poppea fears that Nerone is transferring his love elsewhere; Plotina tries to dissuade her. But Poppea feels that Nerone will not be satisfied with just one woman; Ottavia’s fate is a warning example for her. She asks Plotina to observe Nerone closely by means of a trusted servant; Plotina promises her support (I 4). Tigellino appears and has a stilted conversation with Poppea, who is concerned that he is carrying out orders from Nerone that may be to her disadvantage. Both Poppea and Plotina rebuke Tigellino. When they leave, Tigellino considers Nerone’s new love for Messalina and foresees awkward consequences; he also concludes that there is nothing he can do, and he does not wish to share Seneca’s fate (I 5). Plotina meets Silvano, another tribune of the Praetorian Guard: she tries to find out where he is going and eventually manages to discover that he is on his way to Seneca’s villa in order to see how he is coping with his fate. Plotina decides that Silvano is virtuous and innocent, and she concludes that Tigellino is the man whom Poppea should fear (I 6). The set changes to a Temple of Jupiter, surrounded by Nerone, Tigellino, members of the court and the priest Trasullo (the scene being described as ‘Comi-

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ca’). Nerone addresses himself to the oracular powers of the god: he outlines his situation and admits that he has killed numerous relatives, committed arson and been responsible for executions and torture. Now Rome is turning against him, and he wishes to know what to do. The oracle declares that heaven cannot bear long-standing sins and that Nerone’s own hand will bring retribution. However, Nerone and Tigellino cannot agree on how to interpret the oracle. Tigellino believes that it gives support to Nerone’s actions, while Nerone fears the opposite. He summons Trasullo and seeks his interpretation. Trasullo claims that it means that the heavens are unhappy with Nerone’s behaviour and ask for revenge by means of his killing himself by his own hand. Having dared to give such an interpretation, Trasullo is threatened. He flees into the temple, grasping the statue of Jupiter, while Nerone sets off to the palace (I 7). A dialogue between the consul Affrico and the Roman knight Corbulone follows: Corbulone has suppressed rebellions in the Roman provinces, but instead of being honoured with a triumph, he has been stripped of his command. He is moved to tears by seeing his country stained with the blood of innocent countrymen and by the terrible situation in Rome. Affrico suggests that they should keep quiet and wait until the heavens bring vengeance upon the corrupt reign under which they live. However, Corbulone thinks that patience is not a virtue and rather increases the evil; he loves his fatherland, but hates Nerone. The more timid Affrico cannot stop him, and Corbulone suggests that he may act on that very day. First, however, he wishes to visit Antonia, a princess from the Claudian family (I 8). Ruffo and Subrio arrive; all are unhappy about the present state of things. Therefore they solemnly decide to conspire against Nerone; they are to meet at night and make plans (I 9). In the imperial apartments Nerone is at a table, with pen, ink and paper. He soliloquizes that, though he has power over the entire world, this is of no use to him if he cannot do what he wishes to do. He admits that he loves Poppea, but that he is also passionate about Statilia Messalina, the wife of consul Affrico, who has already indicated her willingness to Tigellino. Now he is writing her a love letter (I 10). When Poppea arrives, she sees that he is writing a love letter; but he tears it to small pieces so that she cannot see the details. Poppea wishes to know with whom he is in love, and they start to argue. He kicks her in the stomach, and she accuses him of having cruelly affected two lives, before she falls down unconscious. Nerone is shocked and asks servants to look after Poppea (I 11). At the beginning of the SECOND ACT Poppea is in bed with ladies around her. She utters her dying words, accusing Nerone of inhumanity towards the unborn child, while castigating herself for abandoning her husband and committing adultery with Nerone. She calls on the goddesses of vengeance and consigns Nerone to them (II 1). In conversation with Tigellino Nerone regrets what he has done and hopes that he will not lose Poppea (II 2). At this point Plotina arrives, announcing that Poppea has died with Nerone’s name on her lips and asked her to kiss Nerone’s hands and his foot, which killed her, on her behalf. Nerone feels guilty. Tigellino suggests that there are other beauties in the world and mentions

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Statilia Messalina, but Nerone is too upset to accept his argument. He leaves in anguish, and Tigellino reproaches Plotina for having made the situation worse by her grief (II 3). The following scene (again described as ‘Comica’) switches to Ruffo and Silvano: Silvano reports that he had been sent to Seneca to enquire how he was doing after having fallen from the emperor’s favour. Since Seneca appeared happy and calm, and this angered Nerone, Silvano has been ordered to tell Seneca to take his own life by whichever means he wishes. Faced with this order, he asks for Ruffo’s advice; they agree that he will have to go as ordered (II 4). Left alone, Ruffo reflects on the situation and on Seneca’s fate: he concludes that something must be done soon or everyone will face peril (II 5). An apartment in the house of the Claudian princess Antonia shows Corbulone and Antonia in conversation. Corbulone has expressed his love, which is returned. Antonia urges him to carry on with his plans; they both wish to see Rome without a tyrant. They are interrupted by a page, announcing that Tigellino has come to talk to Antonia on the emperor’s orders; they hide Corbulone in an adjacent room (II 6). Tigellino tells Antonia that Nerone wishes to have her as his wife and empress, thus honouring the Claudian family, and describes the advantages of this situation for her. She refuses, recalling the fate of her sister (i.e. Octavia) and condemning Nerone’s immoral reign. He tries to change her mind, unsuccessfully, and returns to convey her refusal to Nerone (II 7). Corbulone re-enters and praises Antonia for her reaction. She assures him that she will be steadfast against Nerone’s entreaties or menaces. Corbulone resolves to begin putting his plot against Nerone into practice (II 8). In a soliloquy the priest Trasullo laments the way in which he has been treated and predicts a horrible fate for Nerone as well as a terrible reputation in future centuries (II 9). In Seneca’s villa Seneca and his wife Paolina discuss their situation: Seneca feels happy, relaxed and secure in his private life away from the court, while his wife is still afraid that Nerone will do something to disturb them. Seneca is ready to give up whatever is necessary, even his life: his wife is unsure how she would survive without him (II 10). Silvano arrives and tells them that Nerone has ordered Seneca to take his own life and that he must do so within four hours. Seneca accepts the order, but bids Silvano tell Nerone that, if he carries on in this way, things will end badly for him. Seneca is calm and ready to go, but his wife is shocked; he eventually sends her away and prepares for death (II 11). In the meantime Ruffo and Affrico are making plans on how to assassinate Nerone on his return from the gladiatorial games he has put on to console himself over Poppea’s death (II 12). Silvano, on his own, expresses horror at Seneca’s fate, and he realizes that his own life depends upon Nerone’s goodwill (II 13). Affrico and Corbulone discuss their plans, ready for action. They agree to send messages to Pisone and Licinio, informing them of their plans (II 14). Paolina meets Nerone, Ruffo and Subrio at court and begs Nerone to take her life as well; he asserts that he does not punish without crime and that he will treat her well. At this moment a crow appears, which Nerone regards as a bad omen. He therefore decides to return to the palace, but is persuaded by Subrio to move to

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the amphitheatre. Upon leaving, he trips and almost falls and loses his crown; he regards this as another omen, so that he is even more convinced to return to the palace and cannot be persuaded to attend the planned spectacle (II 15). Paolina on her own considers these signs, Nerone’s fate and her own situation (II 16). Corbulone and Affrico are forced to postpone their plans and consider the supernatural intervention that has caused this situation; they arrange another meeting with Subrio and Ruffo to make further plans (II 17). In a gallery Nerone talks to Silvano. Nerone enquires how Seneca received the orders for his death; upon hearing that he accepted them with quiet countenance, Nerone reflects angrily on Seneca’s desire to influence his behaviour (II 18). He continues in conversation with Tigellino. The latter reports that Antonia has rejected Nerone’s offer. Nerone is enraged and orders Tigellino to tell her that, if she refuses to marry him, she will die. Tigellino tries to persuade him to spend more time winning her over. Nerone agrees that Tigellino should try further persuasion, and he also orders Tigellino to visit Messalina and ask her to come to see him (II 19). The THIRD ACT starts with a night scene (again defined as ‘Comica’), with Nerone in disguise and with sword in hand: he wishes to explore the atmosphere in Rome and settle his love relationships; he plans to visit Messalina (III 1). Tigellino arrives and asks what Nerone is doing. Nerone seeks news concerning Messalina; Tigellino tells him that Messalina is waiting for him, but that he must leave her before Affrico returns (III 2). Affrico and Corbulone appear and see Nerone and Tigellino outside Affrico’s house. They do not recognize them; still, they think that they look suspicious and therefore draw their swords. Nerone is wounded in the hand, and both he and Tigellino flee. Corbulone is troubled by the presence of these men. The two of them agree that their plans must continue (III 3). Subrio arrives and reports what has happened to Nerone; he also says that Ruffo cannot join them since he is now obliged to remain in post with the Praetorian Guard. Affrico and Corbulone wonder whether Nerone was one of the men with whom they fought. They all agree to separate and to meet again when Ruffo is off duty (III 4). The scene switches to an apartment of Antonia, where Tigellino tries to change her mind, by outlining the pleasures of being empress. But she does not allow herself to be persuaded, remembering Ottavia’s fate. He tells her that she must either accept or die, and he offers her a choice between the crown and poison. She prefers death and chooses the poison. After Tigellino has left, she drinks it heroically (III 5). Corbulone arrives and finds Antonia dying; she assures him of her fidelity and explains the reasons for her death. He is intent on revenge (III 6). The next scene (again marked as ‘Comica’) shows Silvano and Subrio on patrol; they search every corner for opposition against Nerone. They wish to catch the person who has injured the emperor, but they do not find anyone and return to their other duties (III 7). In an apartment of his, Nerone discusses with Tigellino what has happened. Tigellino has revealed that it was Affrico who injured the emperor. Nerone intends to execute Affrico, but Tigellino encourages him to take Affrico prisoner

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first and to find out the name of the man who was with him. Nerone believes that, with Affrico dead, it will be easier to win Messalina. Tigellino also informs him of Antonia’s continued refusal, and he orders her to be killed if she has not yet committed suicide. Tigellino begins to be horrified by the blood that is being spilt (III 8). Plotina laments that she will never be happy again without Poppea and decides to withdraw from the court (III 9). Silvano meets Plotina and asks for Tigellino’s whereabouts. During their conversation Plotina voices her unhappiness. Silvano declares his love for Plotina, but she does not think that he means it seriously and leaves (III 10). Corbulone and Ruffo discuss the recent execution of Affrico and make plans for immediate action. Corbulone is to provide the pretext for Ruffo to lead the Praetorian Guards away from the palace (III 11). In an imperial hall Nerone is at a table with lights, servants and a musician; he is not pleased with the music and is troubled (III 12). Tigellino arrives and reports that Affrico and Antonia are dead and that Corbulone, stripped of the command of the Armenian legions, is openly attacking the government and making plans against Nerone; Nerone orders him to be killed too. A message from ‘Spain’ arrives, and Tigellino reads out the letter, which is about an uprising among the military, proclaiming Galba emperor of Rome. Nerone announces punishment for Galba and his troops and also orders that messengers be sent to various commanders in the provinces (Vindice in ‘France’ and Ottone in ‘Portugal’) to tell them to make preparations to combat the danger. Tigellino recalls previous problems with the army and recommends that they be paid off (III 13). Silvano arrives, announcing that the Praetorian Guards have left the palace. Nerone tells Tigellino to take measures to stop this, including opening the treasuries as necessary, and asks Silvano to help him (III 14). Tigellino reports that the People under the leadership of Corbulone, followed by the Praetorian Guard along with Ruffo and Subrio, have conspired against Nerone and are about to demonstrate their feelings against imperial statues. Nerone is devastated; he asks Tigellino and Silvano to kill him before others do so, but they flee. Nerone feels abandoned by his loyal supporters and, in desperation, stabs himself to death with a table knife (III 15). Silvano and Plotina reflect upon the situation, the justice of Nerone’s death and the role of the gods. They decide to leave the palace in secret (III 16). The following scene (again described as ‘Comica’) features Subrio, Corbolone and Ruffo with soldiers in front of the Temple of Jupiter. They are happy about Nerone’s death; Pisone and Licinio are to be informed. Ruffo determines that Tigellino will have to die as well; first the men offer thanks to Jupiter for their success (III 17). Trasullo arrives and congratulates them on having freed Rome. He prophesies that there will be good fortune in the future when the warlike piety of one of their heroes will come from subjugated Judaea to triumph on the Capitol in Rome and to bring peace. The others respect this obscure, though encouraging prophecy (III 18).

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Analysis Boccaccio’s Il Nerone offers interesting twists on many core elements of the original story of Nero and Octavia, since these have been adapted and transferred to other representatives as well as supplemented by typical dramatic features of the period. The piece does not include Octavia as a character; it is obviously meant to be set at a later point in time in the 60s CE, when Nero is already married to Poppea, both of them are about to die (Poppaea in 65 CE; Nero in 68 CE) and Galba is proclaimed emperor in ‘Spain’ (III 13; Suet. Galba 10.1–3; 68 CE). Still, Poppea in this piece suffers a fate similar to that of the (dramatic) Octavia, which is mentioned as a precedent (I 4; II 7; III 5): Poppea is afraid of Nerone’s love moving to another woman, while her trusted servant tries to calm her down (I 4; Oct. 34–272). In the end Poppea is proved right, and she dies as a result of being kicked in the stomach by Nerone (I 11; II 1), as reported in ancient sources (Tac. Ann. 16.6; Suet. Nero 35.3). The woman who is the object of Nerone’s plans (even though they do not come to fruition) is Statilia Messalina: she was Nero’s last wife, whom he married in early 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.68.3; Suet. Nero 35.1; Otho 10.2; Schol. ad Iuv. 6.434). In this drama she is the wife of the consul Affrico; his name may allude to her historical husband at the time, M. (Iulius) Vestinus Atticus (cos. 65 CE), originally a friend of Nero’s and later killed by him (Tac. Ann. 15.68.3–69.3; Suet. Nero 35.1). Statilia as Nerone’s wife also appears in Silvani’s La fortezza al cimento (ch. 2.10), where she is fearful because of Nerone’s interest in another woman. By the conventional multiplication of love affairs, Boccaccio additionally introduces Antonia, who is loved by Corbulone and also another object of Nerone’s desire. Dramaturgically, this results in a complex set of overlapping love relationships; at the same time this means that, due to Nerone’s interference, the love between Corbulone and Antonia cannot be successful since she decides to die to preserve her integrity and fidelity (III 5–6). Antonia’s description as ‘Antonia, Principessa della Stirpe de’ Claudij’, along with her references to her unfortunate sister Ottavia (II 7; III 5), alludes to Antonia, Claudius’ eldest daughter, killed by Nero in 65 CE allegedly for participation in the Pisonian Conspiracy, though apparently because she refused to marry him after Poppaea’s death (Tac. Ann. 13.23.1; 15.53.3–4; Suet. Claud. 27; Nero 35.4; cf. Silvani, La fortezza al cimento). Although in this piece Antonia is not involved in the conspiracy, she is loved by one of the participants, is unhappy with the tyranny in Rome (II 6) and steadfastly rejects Nerone’s advances (Suet. Nero 35.4); hence he orders her to kill herself or to be killed (II 7–8; II 19; III 5–6). Thus Nerone’s actions contribute to eliminating a genuine descendant of the Julio-Claudian family, as she is explicitly characterized as such in the list of characters; this agrees with the Latin Octavia, where the dynastic issue, exemplified by the repudiation of Octavia and Nero’s intention to found his own dynasty, is one of the main topics. Like the Latin Octavia, this drama combines dissatisfaction with the political situation and Nerone’s reign with a presentation of his changing love. As opposed

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to the Latin play, but similar to other dramatic pieces on Nero, the political aspect is not immediately connected with Nerone’s desire for another woman, but rather consists in an independent conspiracy that coincides in time. However, the conspirators are prompted to accelerate the realization of their plans since Nerone is interested in women who have close relationships with some of the conspirators. In contrast to the historical record and other Nero pieces (Corradi, Il Nerone; Feind, Octavia), this conspiracy is not explicitly associated with Piso (although he is to be informed of events: II 14; III 17). Instead, the movement is represented by an assemblage of other characters who all have individual motivations. These figures do not feature in the Latin Octavia; yet their involvement in the Pisonian Conspiracy (in 65 CE) is attested in the writings of ancient historians: ‘Rufo, Capitano de’ Pretoriani’ must allude to Faenius Rufus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard, said to be honest, but not very active, and an important member of the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3; 15.50.3). ‘Subrio, uno de’ Tribuni de’ Pretoriani’ probably refers to Subrius Flavius, a tribune of a Praetorian cohort, who participated in the Pisonian Conspiracy actively and with great courage and was therefore killed in this context (Tac. Ann. 15.49.2; 15.50.4; 15.58.4; 15.65; 15.67; Cass. Dio 62.24.1–2). ‘Silvano, l’altro de’ Tribuni’ seems to denote C. Gavius Silvanus, a tribune of a Praetorian cohort and participant in the Pisonian Conspiracy, yet used as a messenger by Nero before his involvement was realized (Tac. Ann. 15.50.3; 15.60.4–61.4). ‘Corbulone, Cavaliere Romano’ may be a reference to Cn. Domitius Corbulo (cos. suff. c. 45 CE), a general of many military successes (including the conquest of Armenia), who was calumniated before Nero and had became too powerful in his eyes, whence Nero decided that he must die, and he therefore committed suicide in 66/67 CE (Tac. Hist. 2.76.3; 3.6.1; Cass. Dio 63.17.5–6); his fate is used as an example in Licinius Mucianus’ speech in Tacitus to spur on the future emperor Vespasian. Licinio, who does not appear as a character, but is mentioned as someone to be informed of events along with Pisone (II 14; III 17), is likely to allude to C. Licinius Mucianus, who was provincial governor of Syria in 68 CE. In the year of the four emperors he first supported Otho (like Vespasian) and then was actively involved in placing Vespasian on the throne (Tac. Hist. 2.74–77; Suet. Vesp. 6.4; Jos. Bell. Iud. 6.654–655). The ‘hero who will be coming from Judaea’ announced at the end (III 18) must be the future emperor Vespasian: he was chief commander of the war against the Jews since 66 CE (Tac. Hist. 5.10.1; Suet. Vesp. 4.5–6; Jos. Bell. Iud. 3.2–8) and had achieved a number of successes by 68 CE (Tac. Hist. 5.10.1; Jos. Bell. Iud. 3–4 passim). Like Octavia, this drama includes reports about feelings and actions of the People, who overturn statues (III 15; cf. Oct. 780–805). The commanders in the provinces mentioned, Vindice in ‘France’ and Ottone in ‘Portugal’ (III 13), refer to the historical figures of C. Iulius Vindex, who was governor of Gallia Lugdunensis in 67 CE and led an uprising against Nero in 68 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.74.2; Suet. Nero 40.1; Galba 9.2; 16.2), and of M. Salvius Otho, who was governor of Lusitania and supported Galba’s claim

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to be emperor (Suet. Otho 3.2–4.1);291 accordingly in other dramatic versions these two men are presented as joining the opposition against Nero. By setting this drama’s action towards the end of Nero’s reign and including references to the subsequent emperors Galba, Otho and even Vespasian, the piece opens a more extended perspective and suggests that Nerone’s removal may not immediately lead to a consolidated state of the empire, but that this will be achieved eventually under subsequent emperors in the not too distant future. Just as the Latin play and several (early) modern Nero dramas, this version includes the figure of Seneca as a stage character, shown while losing influence (Tac. Ann. 14.52–56). However, here Seneca withdraws from the court at the beginning of the play, on the basis of experiences preceding the dramatic action (I 3), and he is not involved in political discussions or the arrangement of love relationships, as in the Latin Octavia and other dramatic presentations. On the other hand, this version of the story exhibits Seneca’s death (in 65 CE). This incident was added to the love story involving Nero, Octavia and Poppaea by the first opera on the Nero theme, Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (II 1–3). However, Boccaccio differs from Busenello in details, since in the earlier opera Seneca dies among his disciples, whereas here he is together with his wife Paolina / Paulina (II 10–11); her fate becomes an issue in itself (II 15–16), as it is in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 15.60.2–64). By the emphasis on his suicide Seneca is shown as a Stoic philosopher who accepts his fate. He is not ridiculed for this reason; instead this philosophical attitude is another element that provokes Nerone’s anger, whereupon he orders Seneca’s death (II 4). Both Seneca and Antonia, the two individuals who confront Nerone with their firmness and constancy, eventually have to kill themselves. They thus recall Seneca and Octavia in the Latin Octavia, since they are equally unsuccessful in having an impact when they insist on principles and moral standards. Seneca’s traditional function as an adviser and prophet of evil (even at the point of his suicide he has a warning conveyed to Nerone concerning his fate, II 11) is supplemented by the priest Trasullo. Trasullo presumably alludes to Thrasyllus (d. 36 CE), the private astrologer of the emperor Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 6.20– 22; Suet. Tib. 14.4; 62.3; Cass. Dio 55.11). His presence at Nero’s court goes against the transmitted chronology; but the fact that, according to Tacitus, Thrasyllus’ son predicted Nero’s accession to the throne links him with Nero’s time (Tac. Ann. 6.22.4). Trasullo utters predictions of the future, which is in line with the enhanced divine element (I 7; II 9; III 18): as indicated in ancient sources, Nerone is shown haunted by bad dreams probably connected with his mother’s

_____________ 291 Some scholars have interpreted mentions of an ‘avenger’ in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 255; 596) as (anachronistic) allusions to C. Iulius Vindex (on this issue see Ferri 2003, 196 on Oct. 255– 256).

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death (I 1; cf. Suet. Nero 46.1) and consulting an oracle (I 1; I 7; cf. Suet. Nero 40.3). Equally, there are a number of omens (e.g. II 15), interpreted as signs from heaven, or characters assuming actions instigated by the heavens (e.g. I 7; I 8). In the end the characters sacrifice at the temple of Jupiter Liberator to offer thanks to heaven for the fortunate outcome (III 17), and according to Trasullo, the heavens rejoice that the sacrilegious deeds of a cruel ruler have been avenged (III 18). That Nerone has killed himself with his own hand agrees with Trasullo’s earlier prophecy (I 7). The plan of the conspirators, to kill Nerone in the amphitheatre, is hindered by several incidents, interpreted as bad omens and supernatural intervention (II 15–17). Nerone becomes concerned by such omens as regards his own fate, but they do not make him stop his irresponsible actions. Thereby Nerone’s end appears as the realization of a divine plan for Rome’s welfare.292 This agrees with the promising prophecy of Trasullo at the end, which foreshadows Vespasian’s reign. This play shows the proliferation of characters and the multiplication of love affairs typical of contemporary drama, but there are no extended servant scenes or comic characters, which endows the entire piece with a more serious atmosphere, as it is appropriate for an opera tragica (even though some scenes are described as ‘Comica’); this is supported by the more solemn tone and by the events being placed in a system of moral and religious values. The play concludes with a happy ending in that Nerone is removed and there is a vague positive prospect for the future, but there are no marriages or reunited couples, as partners in envisaged pairs have died; indeed there is a multiplication of deaths rather than of couples. Thus the political aspects of the plot take prominence, and despite all adapting, mixing and transferring of historical events, this new combination eventually comes close to the Latin Octavia in terms of its main focus.

3.5 Leva, Il Nerone (c. 1675–80) – spoken drama Background Il Nerone o sian Le smanie amorose di barbaro dominante (‘Nero or The amorous madness of the barbarian in power’) is defined as a drama tragico (with no record of music). Like some later operas, the play has a rich plot featuring _____________ 292 On the portrait of Nerone see dedication to ‘Sac: Reale Ces: M.’ (1675): “Ecco, ò Cesare, a vostri piedi vn Nerone, di cui, calpestãdone le memorie, come di vn Mostro coronato di furie, non isdegnate almeno di piegare lo sguardo sù quei periodi, che per titolo di Vassallaggio vi offre l’obligata mia Penna; …” – ‘Look, my Caesar, at your feet there is a Nerone, with regard to whom, disregarding the memories, just as for a monster crowned by furies, it is not unworthy to direct one’s view to those periods, which, due to the state of dependency, my pen, obliged to you, offers you; …’.

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numerous details taken from ancient accounts in new combination as well as fictional elements; for instance, it includes the fire of Rome, Nero’s love to a young castrate and a ‘brother’ of Poppaea. While the complexity of love affairs is increased, the drama also has a strong political focus, just as the Latin Octavia. The text comes from Fernando Leva and is dedicated to ‘Duca di Sabionetta, Prencipe di Bozzolo’. That the dedication of another piece by Fernando Leva is dated to 14 August 1682 gives an indication of the period in which the author was active.293 A further chronological pointer is provided by the fact that the drama is dedicated to a duke of Bozzolo: the dukes of Bozzolo constituted a sideline of the House of Gonzaga; this separate line ended in 1703. According to its dedication, Il Nerone was composed at the same time as another work entitled Il Sole del Piemonte ecclissato nella morte dell’Altezza Reale di Sauoia, and it was first performed in ‘Città di Vercelli seminario della più fina Nobiltà del Piemonte’.294 In view of the suggested chronological framework, the death alluded to in the title of the other piece could be that of Carlo Emanuele II di Savoia in 1675, which would date both works to the years just after this event.

_____________ 293 L’Elidora innocente, o sia La tirannide vendicata, opera tragicomorale di D. Fernando Leua, Accademico Affidato di Pauia, e degl’Vnanimi di Salò. Dedicata a le glorie dell’ill.mo, et ecc.mo sig.r Carlo Contarini nobile veneto senatore integerrimo, Milano [dedication dated to 14 August 1682]; text available at http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/00226.pdf. 294 See ‘Altezza Serenissima’: “…; mà perche il mio destino sforzommi ad accouar parti gemelli, e trattenne il mio intelletto in operationi disparate, e diuerse, non è gran fatto, che Le Smanie Amorose del mio Nerone, quanto Il Sole del Piemonte ecclissato nella morte dell’Altezza Reale di Sauoia siano à Suoi, & altrui purgatissimi sguardi per riuscir imperfetti. V.A.S., che è già auezza ad aggradire tutto ciò, che sà dar la mia penna, e chiude gl’occhi, per non esaminarne gli errori, saprà vezzeggiare ancora con le sue benignissime mani questo secondo mio Libro, quale non haurà forse altro di pregio, se non l’essere stato, come Drama rappresentato nella Città di Vercelli seminario della più fina Nobiltà del Piemonte; e con tanto concorso di Dame, e Caualieri, che à sufficienza è pago de riceuuti applausi, quando non potesse in altri Teatri sortir maggior gloria.” – ‘But since my destiny forces me to hatch twin births and engages my mind in disparate and diverse operations, it is not of great moment that Le Smanie Amorose del mio Nerone, just as Il Sole del Piemonte ecclissato nella morte dell’Altezza Reale di Sauoia, should appear imperfect in your eyes and those of others. Your Noble Highness, who is already accustomed to enjoy everything that my pen can provide and to close the eyes, so as not to examine its mistakes, and will still caress with your most benign hands this second book of mine, which perhaps has no other worth than that of having been shown as a dramatic performance in the city of Vercelli, the nursery of the most refined nobility of Piemont, and in such a large company of ladies and gentlemen that it is abundantly worthy of the praise that it received to the point that greater glory would not be able to arise in other theatres.’

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Bibliographical information295 TEXT:

Fernando Leva (fl. c. 1680) CONTEMPORARY PRINT:

Il Nerone o sian Le smanie amorose di barbaro dominante. Drama Tragico di D. Fernando Leva. Dedicati all’altezza serenissima del sig Duca di Sabionetta, Prencipe di Bozzolo. [Alessandria] ELECTRONIC VERSION: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/ZCC_V_33_0006.pdf

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nerone, Imperatore – Ottavia, Imperatrice – Agrippina, Madre di Nerone – Ottone, Capitano delle Pretorie squadre – Vinidio, Generale dell’Armata Navale – Poppea, moglie d’Ottone – Aetta, schiava, Principessa Armena – Melissa, Nutrice di Ottavia – Fabio, Consigliero di Nerone – Rodingo, Capo di squadra – Floro, Servo sciocco – Sporo, Musico castrato sposato da Nerone – Seneca, Maestro di Nerone

The FIRST ACT first shows Roman ships approaching the seacoast. Vinidio, a navy general, announces that there is now peace and no longer war and then disembarks with soldiers. They are happy to have arrived and rejoice in their victories over foreign nations and the good fortune of the emperor Nerone (I 1). Rodingo, a commander of a squad, joins them and declares that he regards love as madness; Vinidio finds this peculiar. He encounters Aetta, an Armenian princess, now a slave, who expresses fear. Vinidio lifts his visor and reveals his identity. He starts to ask Rodingo about the woman. Aetta herself answers and relates how she has fled her country, her father has been killed and Rodingo has saved her from shipwreck. Then, hunting horns are heard in the distance; hunting dogs and a stag pass; there is lightning (I 2). The hunters arrive. The foolish slave Floro announces the ‘patron of the hunt’. In the course of the hunt Nerone throws an arrow to kill a swan, but hits Aetta instead. Vinidio and Nerone are shocked and concerned; Rodingo supports Aetta to bring her round. Aetta soon recovers, and Nerone asks her to come with him to the imperial gardens and announces to Vinidio that triumphs are awaiting him on the Capitol. Ottavia, who accompanies her husband Nerone on the hunt, expresses her annoyance and jealousy of the slave girl; she reflects that she would rather die than endure prolonged suffering (I 3). The scene changes to imperial apartments, where Nerone’s mother Agrippina and Nerone’s adviser Fabio are at a table. Agrippina tells Fabio that the People _____________ 295 See Sartori 1991b, 222. – The piece has been included in Sartori’s catalogue of Italian librettos although it is not a libretto for an opera.

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complain about her rule. Fabio reassures her and suggests ignoring this; she agrees, particularly at a time of imperial marriages (I 4). Seneca arrives to speak to Agrippina; yet she regards him as a nuisance and departs, leaving him to talk to Fabio, who does not stay to listen either (I 5). Ottone, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard, enters to enquire of Seneca what Nerone’s mother has said, but Seneca can only reply that he has not been granted a hearing. They pity the Rome that has become a slave to such an empress. Ottone is also personally affected by the actions of the imperial family: he explains that Nerone married Ottavia and promised Poppea as a wife to him; now Nerone desires Poppea himself, but Ottone is not prepared to accept this (I 6). In Poppea’s apartments Poppea and Melissa, Ottavia’s nurse, are having a conversation: Poppea battles with her difficult situation; Melissa reminds her that Nerone has long been married to the daughter of Claudio Augusto and Ottone has been destined for Poppea, and that it does not make a difference for a woman whether her husband is a prince or a king. Although Poppea likes Ottone, she cannot quite give up her aspirations (I 7). Rodingo comes with a letter for Poppea from Nerone; he talks about the unreliability of lovers. It is found out that the letter is addressed to Aetta, since Nerone gave Rodingo two letters, and he, unable to read, got them mixed up. This letter expresses Nerone’s love for Aetta (I 8). Agrippina comes out of her apartments to join Poppea. She snatches the letter from Poppea, who then takes it back from her; Agrippina eventually forces Poppea to let her have the letter, but its address remains in Poppea’s hands (I 9). Ottone arrives and is told by Agrippina to prepare a ship by the gardens at the Tiber. Agrippina asks Poppea to come with her to Nerone to please him; but Poppea refuses, since she is not a slave, and then exits. Agrippina is angry and tells Ottone not to let Poppea leave the gardens under threat of death (I 10). In the imperial gardens by the Tiber Vinidio is going for a walk and singing about love (I 11). Floro appears with a sword and a lantern; he wonders that Vinidio is still up at this time of night, though he knows that the reason is love. Floro tells Vinidio that Nerone sent Rodingo to Aetta with a letter, which Floro conveyed to her, and that Nerone will visit her at night. While they talk, Floro alerts Vinidio to the fact that Aetta is appearing on the balcony above them (I 12). A conversation ensues between the men and Aetta on the balcony. Vinidio declares his love for Aetta. When Floro warns of Nerone’s impending arrival and Vinidio thinks that he is with his wife, Aetta reveals that Nerone is not interested in his wife, but rather is enjoying the women he loves. As proof, Aetta hands Vinidio the letter to Poppea, who is his sister; he cannot believe what he reads. Floro asks them to hurry up since Nerone is on the approach, but Vinidio manages to wrestle the sword and the lantern from Floro (I 13). Ottavia and Melissa appear in cloaks, Ottavia dressed as a man with a sword in her hand, Melissa with a lantern. Melissa complains about what a servant of a noble lady has to do and about the pressure exerted by Amore. Vinidio hears voices, though he cannot identify them (I 14). Nerone comes forward from one side of the garden and wonders that Poppea has not yet arrived; the others com-

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ment in asides. Nerone moves towards Ottavia, whom he takes for Poppea, and she moves towards him. When they start kissing, Vinidio steps forward with the lantern open and makes a few strokes with the sword against both of them. There is confusion; Ottavia and Melissa flee; after a few further strokes Nerone and Vinidio disappear as well. With a brief comment by Floro the first act ends (I 15). The SECOND ACT is set in and around imperial apartments in Rome. Nerone discusses with Fabio plans for revenge on the nocturnal attacker (II 1). Ottavia has followed Nerone: she is jealous and feels justified in her doings by Amore; she knows that she has been betrayed, but she reminds Nerone that she is his spouse (II 2). In an imperial courtyard with loggias Poppea on the balcony talks to Ottone below. Ottone declares his love and tries to make Poppea return it; she confirms that despite Nerone’s advances she loves him (II 3). When Vinidio arrives, the two men find that they have similar feelings, as they both suffer because of the imperial court, and they share their experiences. Among other details, Vinidio relates that, when he was expecting her, Poppea, clad in a mantle, arrived in the imperial gardens and started striking Floro and himself; and that, when Nerone joined them, he defended her; Ottone expresses his sympathy and asserts that he will defend Poppea’s honesty. Vinidio says that this is not the right time to decide the conflict and shows him Nerone’s letter that he got from the slave girl. Thereupon Ottone confirms that Poppea has not left her chamber during the night just passed as he was watching (II 4). Rodingo comes, again lamenting the irrationality that Amore provokes, and announces that Nerone has proclaimed punishment and death against the person who attacked him in the gardens during the night (II 5). Fabio arrives, accusing Rodingo. Thereupon Rodingo explains that, because he cannot read, Floro played a trick on him, Aetta, Poppea and Nerone (II 6). Nerone emerges on the balcony and orders Fabio to arrest Vinidio. Vinidio first asks for pardon and then confronts Nerone (II 7). Vinidio is ready to turn against the entire court (II 8). Nerone threatens death to Vinidio; but Vinidio is still willing to defend his honour, and the soldiers hesitate to arrest him. Vinidio is eventually taken into custody, and all depart except Aetta, who reflects on the workings of Amore (II 9). Ottone expresses his admiration for the beautiful Aetta; he is impressed by her strong and noble spirit, unusual for a slave. She reveals that she is not actually a slave, but was born as the daughter of a king. Ottone promises that he will reveal Aetta’s descent to Nerone and thus free her from her chains. After Aetta has left, Ottone considers whether this plan is prudent (II 10). Floro rushes into the imperial courtyard, commenting on the situation (II 11). Seneca laments the state of Rome, since Nerone does not listen to his doctrines, and foresees imminent disaster announced by lightning. Seneca is horrified at the news of Poppea’s marriage, which he hears from Floro, who has been sent by Ottone (II 12). When Nerone arrives, Seneca states that Nerone does not govern with reason and therefore is not actually emperor and that his policies do not make sense. Yet Nerone feels that he may enjoy any woman he likes; he finds Seneca annoying and sends him away. After Seneca has departed with a warning,

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Fabio explains, when asked by Nerone, that Seneca supports Agrippina. Nerone announces that his mother’s pride will abate soon (II 13). Nevertheless, when Agrippina comes in, Nerone and Agrippina declare their love for each other as son and mother, but Nerone makes it clear that he claims the power for himself. Nerone leaves, and Agrippina remains to consider her situation (II 14). Vinidio is in the Tullian prison, guarded by Rodingo. After some deliberation Vinidio frees himself, and they decide that he should hide himself and adopt a disguise (II 15). In the imperial apartments Melissa considers Nerone’s plans (II 16). Nerone comes upon her and asks how she is doing; she reveals that she is concerned about what is happening at court. Nerone makes her agree to do a favour for him to help with his having injured their love: she is to go to the slave girl’s apartments and tell her to prepare for receiving Nerone. Nerone ponders on the power of Amore while the slave girl hits Melissa (II 17). Melissa complains, and Aetta is angry with her because of her role in Nerone’s plans. Nerone assures Aetta of what Rome can offer her, embraces her and draws her with him into his room. Ottavia, who has watched the incident, is devastated; she feels dishonoured and betrayed (II 18). Ottavia tells Agrippina and Seneca what has just happened. On Agrippina’s suggestion, to which Seneca readily agrees, they decide to take action against the tyrant Nerone. After they have left, Fabio wonders at this ‘triumvirate’. He opens the door to Nerone’s room and finds Aetta dead on the floor, with a dagger in her chest. He starts off in search of Nerone (II 19). Rodingo and Floro appear: Rodingo tells Floro about Vinidio; Floro hints at the slave girl (II 20). In the ensuing dialogue Fabio warns Nerone that there is an uprising to take revenge on him, so that the empire was threatening to fall, and that his most loyal minister, along with Ottavia and Agrippina, was planning his death. Nerone considers these pieces of news; then he declares that he who does not use deceit does not know how to rule and orders the following: for the marriage of Ottone in Baia Fabio is to prepare a ship in which his mother can travel and which will then break and leave her submerged by waves; further Fabio is to bring hemlock poison to Ottavia, to order Seneca to kill himself and to bury the slave in the imperial garden. Nerone goes back into his room, ignoring the dead body; Fabio assures him that everything will be carried out. Floro and Rodingo, who had remained aside, start to remove the dead body in a comic manner (II 21). Vinidio approaches in the simple outfit of a gardener. He declares that he has kept the heart of his earlier status; then he sees Floro and Rodingo. They ask him to put the coffin into the ground and then depart. He starts throwing earth on the coffin; when he lifts the lid and recognizes Aetta, he is taken aback and is sad that she has left him. A ballet of Amorini, who throw lilies on Aetta’s coffin, closes the second act (II 22). The beginning of the THIRD ACT shows a fishing pond in Baia with small boats and fisherman. Floro carries a rudder on his shoulder, lamenting about his hard work, concluding that the court is worse than a warship (III 1). Vinidio arrives, disguised as a fisherman: he has come to Baia, since he expects that Nerone will be there for the marriage of Poppea and Ottone, and he plans to assassinate

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him on that occasion to save Rome (III 2). Two boats approach, one of them carrying Nerone and Poppea, the other one carrying Agrippina. Nerone pretends to offer reconciliation to his mother and grant her a share of the power. When the boats come close, he embraces her and kisses her when they move away again; Nerone then kisses Poppea. Vinidio gets ready for vengeance, and Floro wonders at Poppea’s behaviour. Agrippina’s boat runs on a riff and sinks. She cries for help; a servant makes a thrust with a rudder to kill her, while Vinidio jumps into the water to save her (III 3). In an imperial courtyard the castrated musician Sporo, a beautiful young man, appears dressed as a foreigner; he asks the ladies for support after a long journey (III 4). Ottavia emerges on one of the upper galleries, provoked by the beautiful voice. He explains his status; she is touched and asks him to come up to her room, which makes Sporo comment on the advantages of being a castrate with a beautiful face and a good voice (III 5). Seneca sits in his library, with his feet in a silver pot. Fabio asks how he is. Seneca declares that he is dying, just as he has lived, with virtue preparing eternal applause (III 6). Back in the imperial courtyard Nerone is annoyed at the unknown fisherman who saved his mother (III 7). From the gallery the voice of Sporo is heard, who sings songs about recent events in Ottavia’s room. Nerone feels tormented, and Poppea incites him to revenge; he runs up the stairs, dagger in hand, to kill Ottavia (III 8). Floro and Rodingo arrive with nets on their shoulders and comment on Agrippina’s fate (III 9). Sporo is seen to throw himself down from the gallery; Fabio arrests him with his men and declares that he will not flee (III 10). A view of Agrippina’s room opens, where she lies on her bed; the disguised Vinidio cares for her. They complain about Nerone’s tyrannical rule (III 11). Four armed Asian men are seen to enter Agrippina’s room, ready to kill her; amid lamenting she dies. Vinidio kills two of the men and is then arrested by Fabio (III 12). In an imperial courtyard Ottone reveals his predicament to Melissa, who remains sceptical and pragmatic (III 13). In a tower prison Sporo bemoans his fate and his being a victim of his appearance, and he says that he as a castrate could not have committed adultery. Nerone who hears this is captivated (III 14). Fabio reports that the person who saved Agrippina has been taken into custody. Nerone asks who he is, and Fabio tells him that he believes that it is Vinidio. Nerone enquires how Vinidio was able to flee from the prison. Fabio does not know, since he was busy moving on to Ottavia and preparing poison for her. Nerone announces that he will show his anger on that day and make any enemy at court tremble (III 15). Poppea entreats Nerone to honour her and thus to release her brother Vinidio from the charge of lese-majesty in view of his earlier achievements; Nerone is delighted at Poppea and considers her request concerning the traitor (III 16). Both Vinidio himself, who has been brought in by guards, and Poppea then plead with Nerone and proclaim that Vinidio is not a traitor, but rather acted out of love; Nerone suspends the punishment and consigns the matter

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to the tribunal of Amore, but he warns Vinidio not to go near Agrippina’s quarters again. Rodingo comments on the power of women over Nerone (III 17). In her apartments Ottavia is sitting with a poisoned cup in her hand; she laments her unfortunate fate, as she will have to die innocent and pure, inspiring the valour of Vinidio and Ottone; her grief is killing her, and she drinks the poison (III 18). In a room in the imperial palace Nerone sits in melancholy; Floro tries to console him. Nerone reveals to Floro that he is passionately in love with Sporo. When Floro is somewhat surprised that Nerone loves a male, Nerone justifies himself by pointing out that Giove loved Ganimede (Jupiter loved Ganymedes) (III 19). Sporo throws himself at Nerone’s feet, but Nerone lifts him up and tells him to sit on the throne and be his wife. Poppea, who is watching, is horrified and denounces Nerone as a sacrilege and monster. Nerone tells her to be silent; otherwise he will kill her. He kicks her, and she, being pregnant, falls down and becomes unconscious (III 20). Fabio arrives to report that Ottavia is dead; Nerone tells Fabio to prepare a sumptuous wedding (III 21). Ottone and Vinidio are upset at Poppea’s fate; Ottone thinks that, with Ottavia and Poppea dead, the moon and the sun have left Rome. Rodingo notices that Poppea is reviving. She asks for revenge on Nerone, which Ottone and Vinidio promise eagerly; Poppea is led to her apartments (III 22). From a tower Nerone watches Rome burning; next to him there is Sporo, dressed in female clothes and singing. Nerone declares that both he himself and Rome are burning and that his fire cannot be put out (III 23). The shades of Aetta, Ottavia, Seneca and Agrippina appear; Nerone and Sporo are terrified. The shades shower Nerone with accusations and then disappear; lightning comes from the heavens. Sporo falls from the shaken tower (i.e. instead of Sporo, a puppet that looks exactly like him). Nerone believes that the Erinni d’Erebo (Erinyes from Erebus) are in action (III 24). Floro is looking for Rodingo, whom he cannot see in the dark; they curse the tyrant and her who bore him, as she should have died beforehand. They see arsonists approaching with torches; they consider the possible effects of the lightning on Nerone and Sporo. The arsonists find Sporo’s body; amid expressions of indignation they build a pyre for him and set it on fire (III 25). Ottone encourages the others to find the hidden emperor (III 26). The scene switches to an area near the city walls with aqueducts. There Nerone, dagger in hand, laments his fate and regards himself as a plaything of fortune, while Fabio tries to console him (III 27). Ottone, Vinidio, Floro and Rodingo arrive, in arms and ready to kill Nerone. Nerone declares that he will kill himself and stabs himself twice in the chest. The others are relieved that Nerone is dead. Finally the Furies emerge, who, in an artificial ballet, move the dead bodies to Rome (III 28).

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Analysis The plot of this rather complex piece includes elements that appear in the Latin Octavia and in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea or later operas as well as references to details in reports of ancient historiographers that are not taken into account in other dramatic treatments of this story, and also fictional figures and developments. The action remains centred on the imperial court, although the victorious Roman fleet is seen returning at the beginning (I 1). Its appearance, however, only serves as a foil to contrast Rome’s potential greatness with the situation under Nerone and to introduce a few fictional figures (Vinidio, Rodingo, Aetta). In line with the title, this play is mainly concerned with Nerone’s vehement love. The starting point is the same as in the Latin Octavia: Nerone is married to Ottavia, but desires Poppea (attested for 59–62 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.1.1; 14.60.1), who – in contrast to the Latin Octavia – is to marry Ottone (I 6; Tac. Ann. 13.45.4; 14.1.2). Poppea’s portrayal resembles that in L’incoronazione di Poppea (even though there will not be a marriage with Nerone at the end) and in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.1.1; 14.60.2; 14.61.2–62.1), since she is working actively to win Nerone for herself, for instance by provoking him to revenge on Ottavia (III 8). The set-up that Nerone is turning away from Ottavia and desiring Poppea is not placed at a specific historical point in time: that Nerone’s mother Agrippina is still alive and the People are said to complain about her rule (I 4) suggests an early stage in Nero’s reign, prior to Agrippina’s death in 59 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.1– 8), while the removal of Octavia and the marriage with Poppaea only happened in 62 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.59.3–65). This chronological vagueness may have been triggered by the intention to present the entire span of Nerone’s reign and not to link love affairs with particular dates. The plot ends with Nerone having fled from Rome and killing himself by forestalling his opponents (III 28), which seems to be based on Suetonius’ report that Nero kills himself outside Rome in 68 CE, accompanied, among others, by Sporus (Suet. Nero 48–49); it is left open whether Nerone’s opponents will take over. Just before Nerone’s flight and death the fire of Rome takes place, attested for 64 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38); this is the first of the Nero pieces that includes the fire of Rome as an event in the action, an incident only adumbrated in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 831–833). The fire is linked to the central topic of love since Nerone experiences it together with his new love, the castrate Sporo (III 23–24). A homosexual relationship of Nerone does not appear in other Nero pieces; ancient historians, however, mention a Sporus, a beloved of Nero, who was made a eunuch because of his resemblance to Poppaea and then ‘married’ by the emperor (Suet. Nero 28–29; Oros. 7.7.2; Cass. Dio 62.28.2–3). That such a love relationship is shown on stage is not the only intensification in the presentation of Nerone’s love relationship: there is also the sexual assault on Aetta, whom he drags into his room (II 18) and who is then found stabbed (II 19); Nerone later does not pay attention to her dead body (II 21). In the drama Aetta is an Armenian princess, who has become a slave (perhaps taking up the

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motif of an eastern king in Rome, frequent in Nero operas and dramas), but her name suggests that she is modelled on the historical freedwoman Claudia Acte, whom Nero (while married to Octavia) loved before Poppaea (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1–3; alluded to in the Latin Octavia 193–197). That Nero killed (his wife) Poppaea and her unborn child by a kick in the stomach (cf. III 20) is attested for 68 CE (Tac. Ann. 16.6; Suet. Nero 35.3). In the play this happens before the fire of Rome (64 CE), and it is not clear whose child it is. While not all the ancient reports reveal why Nero attacked Poppea (Suetonius says she reproached him when he was coming home late from the races), in the drama this is provoked by her outrage at his love for Sporo, whom Nerone treats like his empress. Equally unhistorical and again unique is the fact that Poppea survives this kick und calls for revenge on Nerone; not only Ottone, but also her brother Vinidio are ready to do so (III 22). This brother, a fictional figure, might have been inspired by the historical Marcus Vinicius, who, coming from a noble family, was consul in 30 and 45 CE, was married to Iulia Livilla, daughter of Germanicus, in 33 CE (Tac. Ann. 6.15), is mentioned in an imperial office for 36 CE alongside Cassius Longinus and P. Petronius (Tac. Ann. 6.45), participated in Claudius’ campaign in Britannia in 43 CE and was killed on the orders of the empress Messalina in 46 CE (Cass. Dio 60.25.1; 60.27.4), or by a Vinicius who initiated a conspiracy at Beneventum, similar to that of Piso at Rome (Suet. Nero 36.1). At any rate Vinidio is repeatedly portrayed in opposition to Nerone: he has a more rational view of love (I 2; I 11) and believes in loyalty (I 13). He therefore becomes violent against Nerone in the night scene (I 15) and is taken into custody (II 7–9; II 15); he tries (in vain) to save Agrippina from Nerone’s assassination attempt (III 3; III 11–12) and again has to bear the consequences of this intervention (III 12; III 15). That he is pardoned is due to Poppea’s entreaties; Nerone is persuaded and consigns the matter to the ‘tribunal of Amore’ (III 16–17). Nerone’s mother Agrippina is killed as in the historical record: a first unsuccessful attempt with a prepared ship is followed by her assassination by Nerone’s henchmen (III 3; III 11–12; cf. Tac. Ann. 14.1– 8; Cass. Dio 62(61).12–14). It is only that in the play this assassination attempt (59 CE) is linked with plans for the marriage of Ottone and Poppea (58 CE; Tac. Ann. 13.45.4) and that Agrippina is saved from the water and later protected by Poppea’s (fictional) brother, disguised as a fisherman. The introduction of a nurse follows the model of the Latin Octavia; providing her with some individuality by giving her a personal name (Melissa) recalls L’incoronazione di Poppea. However, although Melissa is introduced as Ottavia’s nurse, she is only once seen assisting Ottavia, during their night-time exploit (I 14–15), and otherwise is shown in conversation with Poppea (I 7), Nerone (II 16– 17) and Ottone (III 13), all of whom she supports in different ways. Likewise, Ottavia not only appears as the wife of Nerone, who does not love her any longer, but there is also a meeting with Sporo, when Ottavia enjoys Sporo’s singing (III 5). Finally Ottavia is killed by drinking poison (III 18) and is not removed from Rome and then killed by opening her veins, as reported in ancient historiog-

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raphers (Tac. Ann. 14.63–64; Suet. Nero 35.2) and suggested in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 874–876; 899–982). But elements of the complex procedure of Octavia’s removal as described in the historical accounts are alluded to when Sporo, in prison, exclaims that he, as a castrate, could not have committed adultery with Octavia (III 14); for Octavia was accused of having committed adultery with a slave (Tac. Ann. 14.60.2–3; Suet. Nero 35.2). The drama’s plot is not only complex because it is enriched by conventional motifs, such as the use of letters that become confused and the appearance of individuals in disguise, but also because the various set-ups arise from a combination of changing love relationships, with Nerone in particular being immoderate and violent in his short-lived desires. The moral opposition is embodied by Seneca who confronts Nerone with admonishments (as he attempted with respect to Nerone’s mother [I 5]) and calls for a way of governing that is based on reason (II 13). Almost an answer to such warnings and a kind of manifesto is Nerone’s statement that deceit must be a key part of one’s rule (II 21). This is followed by his order to assassinate his mother by means of a fake shipwreck. That Seneca appears in the prominent function of an admonisher agrees with his role in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592); there, however, he neither joins forces with others to oppose Nerone (II 19) nor is he forced to commit suicide (II 21; III 6), as he is here, just as in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea on the basis of Tacitus’ report for 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.60.2–64). Seneca is not the only moral entity in this opera: Aetta lives according to moral principles, which become apparent when she reveals her views about Nerone’s love affairs (I 13) or about Melissa’s attitude to Nerone (II 17); because of her morals Aetta is also admired by Ottone (II 10). In the end Aetta is dead because of Nerone (II 19), as well as Seneca, Ottavia and Agrippina, who have eventually united against Nerone’s barbarism despite their different situations and motivations (II 19; II 21). The shades of all four appear to Nerone, while he watches Rome burning together with Sporo; they accuse him, and for him they are like Erinyes (III 24). This is an elaboration of the motif of the appearance of a shade in the Latin Octavia, where only Agrippina emerges from the realm of the dead and laments in a monologue (Oct. 593–645). Since Poppea has turned away from Nerone after he treated her violently (III 22), and Sporo dies in the fire of Rome (III 25), Nerone is completely abandoned in the end. In the address to the reader Leva claims that this piece on The amorous madness of Nerone has a political dimension.296 Thereby it comes close to the Latin _____________ 296 See ‘Lettor Cortese’: “Io sono d’altra opinione, e però nel mio Tradimento Honorato; nella mia Forbice di Diogene, ed hora nelle Smanie amorose di Nerone hò ricauati motiui d’interesse di Stato, e di politica ciuile, per inestare ne spiriti più nobili quelle massime, che seco portano ammiratione di prudenza, di Giustitia, e d’equità.” – ‘I am of a different opinion [i.e. compared with other writers of the time], and indeed in my Tradimento Honorato; nella mia Forbice di Diogene and now in Smanie amorose di Nerone I have retrieved motifs of interest to the state

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Octavia, since Leva’s drama depicts a ruler who does not care for the community and is only concerned about the gratification of his personal desires. By presenting a particularly revolting example, Leva seems to have intended to provoke and strengthen notions such as justice and morals. This purpose may explain the unique features such as the relationship with a castrate or Nerone’s violence against women.

3.6 Lazarino, Gli sponsali per l’impero (1682) – spoken drama Background This piece, entitled Gli sponsali per l’impero, overo Il Nerone imperante (‘The wedding for the empire, or: Nero in power’), is described as an ‘opera scenica’ (in prose and with no record of music). Despite all obstacles and threats along the way the drama ends with the happy realization of what is the starting point (at risk) elsewhere, the marriage of Nerone and Ottavia, and thus presents a different take on the story. At the same time it both takes up elements from the tradition with modifications, such as the presence of a foreign king and his beloved (rather than the foreign king on his own as in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone or the foreign king and his wife as in Corradi’s Il Nerone) and adds new features, since it is the first to give Aniceto a prominent role as a character. The play was written by Sebastiano Lazarino (or: Luzzarino / Lazarini) and printed in Bologna in 1682. Lazarino is characterized as ‘Orvietano’ or ‘da Orvieto’ (i.e. ‘from Orvieto’) on the title pages of his works. He produced at least another opera scenica (L’ambitione ingegnosa, 1678) and contributed the text to an oratorio (S. Adriano martire, 1678) set to music by Giulio Cesare Maria Querini. Il Nerone imperante was shown in German translation on 22 September 1741 in Frankfurt, with the following advertisement: ‘Eine intrigante, auserlesene, aus der Römischen Historie gezogene Haupt- und Staats-Action, Betitult: GLI SPONSALI PER L’IMPERO, das ist: Die aus Staats-Interesse geschlossene Vermählung, oder: Der intrigante, den Römischen Hof, in die grösste Verwirrung setzende Politicus. Mit Hanss-Wurst einem Ertz-Feind eines alten verliebten Weibes’.297

_____________ and to civil politics, in order to inscribe into the most noble minds those maxims that carry admiration of prudence, justice and equity with them.’ 297 See Martino 1994, 394–395.

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Bibliographical information TEXT:

Sebastiano Lazarino (fl. c. 1680) CONTEMPORARY PRINTS:

Gli sponsali per l’impero, overo Il Nerone imperante. Opera Scenica di Sebastiano Lazarino Orvietano, Accademico Infecondo di Roma. [Bologna 1682] Gli sponsali per l’impero, overo Il Nerone imperante. Opera Scenica di Sebastiano Lazarino Orvietano, Accademico infecondo di Roma. [Bologna – reprint] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1682: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/01594.pdf reprint: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/00837.pdf

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nerone, Imperatore – Ottavia, sua Sposa – Tiridate, Rè d’Armenia – Florissena, Principessa d’Assiria, sua Sposa – Seneca, Maestro di Nerone – Aniceto, Favorito di Nerone – Turpilia, Vecchia Nutrice di Ottavia – Lisandro, Servo di Florissena

The action is set in a gallery in Nerone’s Golden Palace. At the beginning of the FIRST ACT Nerone, on his own, gazes at a picture in melancholy pose. He reflects on the fact that he is the slave of tyrannical passions and has fallen in love with this picture, which he found amongst the booty from Asia (I 1). Aniceto, ‘a favourite of Nerone’, arrives and tries to encourage Nerone not to be tormented by his vain thoughts. Nerone declares himself unable to overcome his feelings. Aniceto reminds Nerone of his assistance in securing Nerone’s position in power (including the elimination of Nerone’s mother Agrippina) and assures his master that he will think of a solution. Nerone announces that he does not wish to marry Ottavia as planned, while Aniceto says that there is no shortage of beautiful women in Rome and Nerone can continue to idolize pictures. Nerone’s tutor Seneca joins them, and Aniceto warns Nerone not to pay attention to the dictates of philosophy (I 2). Seneca suggests to Nerone that he make the day of Tiridate’s coronation even more joyful by celebrating the marriage with Ottavia on the same day, as this union would strengthen his grip on the throne. Aniceto tries to persuade Nerone not to marry Ottavia. Nerone is torn between the arguments of the two men, Seneca urging Nerone to accept his political duties and the charms of Ottavia, and Aniceto arguing for liberty and love. Finally, Seneca tells Nerone that a great man should not listen to the arguments of an adviser who flatters him (meaning Aniceto) and leaves. Nerone, stating that he does not want to be subject to the dictates of a philosopher who torments him, leaves as well. Aniceto, on his own, reveals that everything so far, in particular the delay of the marriage to Ottavia, has been

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engineered by him, with the assistance of fortune; for he is in love with Ottavia. When he sees her arriving, he tells himself to be courageous (I 3). Ottavia is jealous because a magic picture of an unknown face has captivated Nerone, but Aniceto tries to persuade her to ignore this, to rouse herself and to abandon her love for Nerone. He comes close to asking her to transfer her love to him, but she does not quite understand (I 4). The next scene shows Ottavia and her nurse Turpilia in conversation. Ottavia is in a sad mood. Her nurse cannot understand Ottavia’s sorrow since she is to marry Nerone and to rule the world. Turpilia says that Nerone’s passion for the picture will disappear after the wedding, and she blames the delay in the marriage proceedings on Aniceto. Ottavia tells Turpilia that she has only just spoken to Aniceto, who confused her and tried to persuade her to change her affection. Turpilia says that he is not to be trusted: this is proved by his dealings with Agrippina, (her servant) Aceronia and (the freedwoman) Attida as well as by the false promises of marriage he has made to herself. She hopes that Ottavia’s wedding will take place alongside the coronation of Tiridate, king of Armenia, but Ottavia is not as hopeful: as soon as Nerone had promised marriage to her, he abandoned her for a slave-girl and then fell in love with a picture. Seneca and Aniceto draw near; Turpilia resolves to remind Aniceto of his promise of marriage (I 5). The following scene has two intertwined dialogues, between Ottavia and Seneca on the one hand and Turpilia and Aniceto on the other hand, though Aniceto is keen to overhear Ottavia’s conversation and keeps moving away from Turpilia. Seneca tries to encourage Ottavia to overcome hardship and sorrow, using reason, and to show constancy. Turpilia points out her merits to Aniceto, who pretends that he is waiting for the right opportunity to marry her; she takes this as a promise. Seneca blames Nerone’s youth for his follies and tells Ottavia to be patient (I 6). Nerone meanwhile is preoccupied with admiration of the picture (I 7). Seneca arrives and attempts to advise Nerone (who hides his irritation with Seneca). Seneca tells him to abandon his vain love for a picture. Nerone agrees that he is deluded, but asserts that he enjoys this delusion. Given that Nerone found the picture amongst the spoils of Asia (those pertaining to the king of the Medi), they infer that it must be the picture of an Asian princess. Seneca admonishes Nerone: he argues that, even if he found this princess, she might not succumb to him. Ottavia would not accept her husband’s beloved, nor would Rome or the Senate approve. Further, if Tiridate found out about Nerone’s obsession with a picture, it might damage his reputation in Asia. Yet with Ottavia as his wife, his rule would be secure. Eventually, Nerone reluctantly agrees, since he cannot find the other beauty (I 8). Florissena, ‘a princess from Assyria’, and Lisandro, her servant, appear, Florissena disguised as a man. Lisandro wonders why Florissena does not take off her disguise; she says that it is safer to remain in disguise and warns him not to reveal her identity. Florissena is in search of her lover, Tiridate, king of Armenia, who is to collect the crown of his kingdom from Nerone. She fell in love with Tiridate when he secretly visited her court along with Pacoro, king of the Medi,

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so as to strengthen the alliance with the Parthians against Rome. Tiridate had promised to marry her as soon as the war was over. Once hostilities ended, however, Tiridate proceeded straight to Rome to be crowned, without passing through Assyria; and she has now come to present herself to him. They fall silent when they see Tiridate approaching (I 9). Then they start a conversation with Tiridate. Lisandro urges Florissena to reveal herself, but she prefers to pretend to be someone else: she claims to be a soldier from Assyria and makes various allusive remarks about her injuries (from love), while Lisandro (who apparently remains hidden behind her) adds comments. Florissena asserts that she has served the princess Florissena and that the princess has fled from Assyria in order to find Tiridate, who has failed to fulfil his promises of marriage. Florissena is about to lift her disguise when Ottavia approaches (I 10). Ottavia congratulates Tiridate and wishes that she too could be happy. Ottavia notices the noble aspect of the warrior from Assyria. Again, Florissena is on the point of revealing her identity when Seneca arrives (I 11). Seneca announces that he has convinced Nerone and that on this day both Tiridate and Ottavia will be crowned; the others voice various reactions to this piece of news. Again, Florissena is close to removing her disguise when Nerone arrives. Lisandro suggests that she should just put on a skirt to make her identity known (I 12). Nerone announces that the others have prevailed upon him and that he is going ahead with the coronations; all express their joy and gratitude. Florissena makes another attempt at summoning her courage and confessing her love and identity, but she is again cut short by Aniceto’s arrival (I 13). Aniceto calls everyone to the grand hall of the Senate, where Nerone is being awaited; they move there (I 14). When Lisandro attempts to run after the others, Aniceto stops him. Florissena and Lisandro enter into an argument with Aniceto, who will not let them into the palace. Florissena is angered by his arrogance, and Lisandro warns him that things may change (I 15). Turpilia arrives to talk to Aniceto, although, according to her own words, she does not trust him. Aniceto declares that he is faithful (while he does not really mean it). Turpilia tells him that Nerone has succumbed to Seneca and will marry Ottavia after Tiridate’s coronation; Aniceto is not happy about this. Turpilia also says that he is to marry her at the same time. Aniceto tries to hide his disappointment; Turpilia suspects that he is planning something (I 16). Turpilia sees Florissena and Lisandro drawing near, and she is amazed at the beauty of the young man. Lisandro continues to complain about Aniceto. They catch sight of Turpilia and ask whether the coronation is over. Lisandro declares his desire to present a lady to Nerone and Tiridate, but Turpilia thinks that he is crazy. Florissena and Lisandro resolve to wait (I 17). Aniceto again rudely tells Florissena and Lisandro to go away. Florissena challenges him regarding his treatment of strangers, and they enter into an argument since he tries to prevent them from approaching Tiridate. It ends with Florissena striking him on the cheek (I 18). Nerone observes and reproaches Florissena. He threatens her with execution, but she responds angrily: she says that he is planning to kill the princess of

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Assyria; she reveals her relations with Tiridate and her reasons for being in Rome. Tiridate is surprised to see his spouse; Nerone is overwhelmed by her resemblance to the picture. Ottavia and Seneca watch, Ottavia becoming jealous; Aniceto starts to think of further intrigues. This scenario closes the first act (I 19). In the SECOND ACT Nerone, Seneca and Aniceto discuss Nerone’s position. Nerone has realized that Florissena is the beauty he admired in the picture. Seneca tells him to respect his duties and to marry Ottavia, while Aniceto urges him to follow his love (II 1). Meanwhile Lisandro and Turpilia talk about the situation at court, which they compare to a mental asylum or a birdcage: the courtiers are like preening birds feeding from the emperor’s hand or rapacious birds of prey (II 2). Florissena, now dressed as a woman, enters and meets with Tiridate. They confess their love and joy to each other (II 3). Ottavia arrives and compliments the lovers on their affection for each other. They declare their loyalty to her and to the empire. Tiridate leaves the two women to themselves (II 4). Ottavia envies Florissena’s happiness, yet wishes to test whether she can resist the attentions of Nerone. The scene combines conversation between the two women and asides in which they reveal what they really think. Ottavia confesses her unhappiness in love, but Florissena misunderstands and thinks that Ottavia loves Tiridate. Even when Ottavia explains the situation, Florissena continues to think that she desires Tiridate, and is therefore jealous (II 5). In the meantime Nerone talks to Seneca and Aniceto. Seneca manages to make Aniceto leave, so as to have a conversation with Nerone, although Nerone demonstrates that he finds Seneca’s philosophy boring (II 6). Seneca asks Nerone how he is to capture Florissena, who may resist; he wonders whether he should betray the king of Armenia and rekindle war in the East. Seneca points out that Ottavia has the spirit of an empress and enjoys the support of the People and the Senate, who do not want foreign rulers or tyrannical emperors. Nerone is not worried, but Seneca reminds him of the unhappy fates of previous emperors. He leaves Nerone in agitation and despair (II 7). Aniceto returns and enquires after the reasons: Nerone explains that he cannot enjoy Florissena since the Empire, Seneca, Tiridate and Ottavia are in the way. Aniceto declares that the Empire and Seneca are subject to Nerone’s rule, that Tiridate is obliged to him and that he can repudiate Ottavia. He convinces Nerone that Ottavia is disloyal and loves Tiridate; he promises to find evidence to support this claim. He also urges Nerone to pretend to obey Seneca and to pacify Ottavia (II 8). Left alone, Aniceto reflects on the grand undertaking he has let himself into and on the fact that he is forced to offend Ottavia only because he loves her; still, he continues with his plans so as to gain Ottavia along with political power. He hopes that he might take the crown of Armenia from Tiridate (II 9). Nerone finds Ottavia and claims to be devoted to her. When Florissena’s picture accidentally falls from his pocket, he is forced to give it to Ottavia to prove that he loves her more than Florissena. Ottavia is slightly relieved (II 10). Ottavia meets Turpilia and Seneca. Turpilia is happy that Ottavia’s mood has improved: Ottavia explains that Nerone has finally come back to her. Seneca, how-

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ever, remains sceptical, for he knows that the words of rulers do not necessarily reflect their true intentions. He recommends that Ottavia return the picture to Florissena and remain prudent. Ottavia asks Turpilia to summon Florissena (II 11). Turpilia runs into Lisandro, who is rushing to follow Florissena. Turpilia wants to talk to him, and she asks him for his view of her intended marriage to Aniceto. He gives a cryptic reply, which suggests that she could have done better (II 12). Ottavia writes a letter to Florissena to accompany the return of the picture. Turpilia argues with Lisandro as to who will deliver the letter (II 13). Aniceto arrives and enquires after the state of affairs. He gives gifts to Lisandro and persuades him to hand over the letter and the picture, which he promises to deliver to Florissena. When challenged, he maintains his promise of marriage to Turpilia (II 14). Aniceto reads the letter, which asks the addressee to love the sender, but lacks a named addressee; Aniceto realizes that this comes in useful for his plans (II 15). Meanwhile Florissena and Tiridate confirm their love to each other. Florissena warns him (cryptically) that he must be strong in his love, as a great lady of the court may obstruct his love for her (meaning Ottavia); he leaves in confusion (II 16). Nerone and Aniceto appear. As Aniceto sees that Florissena is watching them, he resolves to kill two birds with one stone. He shows Nerone the letter as proof of the treachery of both Ottavia and Tiridate. Florissena overhears and is upset, while Aniceto encourages Nerone to punish Ottavia and Tiridate, and he tries to implicate Seneca too, while protesting his own virtue (II 17). Aniceto encounters Tiridate and tells him that he has been betrayed and that Florissena has given him her picture to deliver to Nerone, whom she loves. Tiridate now thinks that Florissena’s warning referred to herself (II 18). Tiridate thinks about this news, overheard by Ottavia; they are disappointed and devastated by the apparent treachery of Florissena (II 19). Ottavia reveals her misery to Seneca. He does not believe the story; he asks her to trust her own position as Empress and be more active in creating her own happiness (II 20). Lisandro tells Turpilia of his adventures in the garden, where he was terrified by stags serving as amusement for young ladies (II 21). Aniceto overhears their conversation. Turpilia resolves to talk to Florissena and Ottavia in order to confirm her own marriage plans, though she intends to use the pretext of asking whether Florissena has received the letter and the portrait. Aniceto emerges and pretends that the princess has given her blessing to their marriage. When he says that he will see her later, Turpilia decides to go and prepare herself for the wedding (II 22). The next scene consists of two intertwined dialogues between Nerone and Ottavia on the one hand and Tiridate and Florissena on the other hand. They each reproach the other for inconstancy. Nerone and Tiridate threaten each other, while Florissena and Ottavia offer each other reproaches. Angrily, Nerone tells Ottavia to stay with Tiridate, while Tiridate tells Florissena to stay with Nerone. With this confused scene, the second act ends (II 23). In the THIRD ACT Florissena is determined to leave this region that brings pain and misfortune; she asks Lisandro to make preparations for departure. He obeys although he cannot really understand the hurry. Florissena catches sight of Tiri-

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date and decides to have one final conversation with him (III 1). Florissena and Tiridate taunt each other, asking why they are not with their supposed lovers. However, when Tiridate accuses Florissena of trading gifts with Nerone, she is puzzled. Tiridate is also confused by her reference to love letters (III 2). Tiridate is about to show her the picture that he believes she sent to Nerone; but he is prevented by Aniceto, who fears that his plan will be discovered. Aniceto tells them that Nerone desires Florissena and Ottavia desires Tiridate. Yet Florissena and Tiridate continue to believe that the other is a traitor. They then leave in order to avoid meeting their alleged lovers (III 3). Aniceto considers the need to be alert in order to prevent his plans from unravelling (III 4). He meets Turpilia, who is dressed for the wedding, and asks him why he is not. He tells her to wait in his apartments; he claims that he hopes to wear different clothes later, though he does not really intend marriage (III 5). Lisandro arrives to take leave of Turpilia, who is surprised at the facts that he and his mistress are already setting off again and that Florissena is angry with Tiridate. Lisandro suggests that Turpilia should come with them. She replies that she is to be married to Aniceto, but Lisandro tells her that Aniceto is untrustworthy and that the ring that he has given to him is counterfeit. Turpilia sets off to make her way to Aniceto’s apartments to expect him there (III 6). Meanwhile, Nerone, Ottavia and Seneca discuss the situation: Seneca continues to offer the reasoned advice of the philosopher, to praise Ottavia’s virtue and to try to calm down the passions, while Nerone maintains that Ottavia has been unfaithful and Tiridate has betrayed him. Ottavia protests her innocence of any wrongdoing. Nerone is on the point of showing Seneca the letter; instead he orders Ottavia to inform Seneca of what she has written to Tiridate and departs. Seneca asks Ottavia to have courage and to trust in her virtue and her innocence (III 7). Florissena arrives and tells Ottavia (spitefully) that she may enjoy Tiridate, while Ottavia says that Florissena can have Nerone, as long as she refrains from ridiculing her and making false accusations. Florissena does not believe Ottavia’s protestations. Each accuses the other and says that she will leave in order to clear the way for her rival, while the other tries to dissuade her (III 8). Florissena, on her own, bemoans her predicament, Ottavia’s falseness and her own sad fate. She claims that she will die from grief and then falls asleep (III 9). Lisandro finds her sleeping and dreaming about Ottavia and Tiridate. She talks in her sleep about the betrayal that she believes she has suffered, while Lisandro makes comic replies to her utterances. He promises to guard her while she sleeps; yet he falls asleep himself (III 10). Tiridate finds both of them asleep, himself being in emotional turmoil. Florissena dreams of him dying, and he feels hurt (III 11). Aniceto observes Tiridate reflecting upon the situation and his fate. Tiridate resolves to kill Florissena, but realizes that he is unarmed; he decides to fetch his sword (III 12). Aniceto wakes Florissena up and chases her away, telling her that Tiridate is about to kill her (III 13). Nerone arrives and learns that Tiridate was about to kill Florissena, which he does not understand. Aniceto claims that he has prevented this (III 14). Tiridate returns armed. Nerone and Aniceto accuse him of plotting to kill

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both Florissena and the emperor and of harbouring imperial ambitions. Tiridate is threatened with execution and imprisoned in his apartment, while Nerone promises to reward the person who has been most faithful to him: Aniceto believes that this means him (III 15). Tiridate complains of Florissena’s betrayal, believing that she fetched Nerone in order to trap him in his vendetta. He asks Lisandro to accuse his mistress of treachery and to inform her that he is to die (III 16). Meanwhile Ottavia orders Turpilia to take off some of her adornments in order to look more noble and less vain. Turpilia protests that she is, at least, not like those women who, in order to have good clothes, give themselves naked to others. She believes that Seneca and his philosophy lie behind Ottavia’s request, while she has dressed in this way in order to please her spouse Aniceto (III 17). Aniceto arrives and reveals his feelings for Ottavia, declaring that Nerone has spurned her, but she may console herself by marrying him. Turpilia feels betrayed, while Ottavia accuses him of treachery and leaves in tears (III 18). Aniceto tells Turpilia that he is interested in victory and glory for himself. Turpilia reminds him that she too has cards to play and attacks his pride. She bemoans the fact that she became engaged to a Roman-type man (III 19). Ottavia tells Seneca of Aniceto’s proposal, of the accusations brought against her and of the treatment she has received at the hands of Florissena. Seneca encourages her to be courageous and asserts that all these are Aniceto’s intrigues, which will fall down in a moment; he goes on to attack ambitious courtiers in general (III 20). Aniceto appears with a cup full of poison and approaches Tiridate. Aniceto proudly claims that he himslef is now king of Armenia. Tiridate says that he will die, though he is saddened that this means that Nerone’s tyranny, Florissena’s treachery and Aniceto’s pride will triumph; yet he announces that the armies of Parthia will avenge him. Tiridate is about to drink the poison when Florissena, arriving at this point, stops him (III 21). Tiridate and Florissena acknowledge that they still love each other, though Tiridate resolves to kill himself because Florissena wishes to be with Nerone, and Florissena likewise because he longs for Ottavia. Aniceto tries to stop Florissena and to encourage Tiridate. Both Tiridate and Florissena, however, are puzzled by the allegations that they love someone else. Nerone arrives, and Aniceto fears that his plans will be discovered (III 22). Aniceto tells Nerone that Florissena wanted to kill him, but Florissena claims that he is lying. They start to disentangle the situation (III 23). Ottavia joins them. They discover that the allegations are based on Ottavia’s letter and Florissena’s picture (III 24). Seneca appears and announces that the Senate supports Ottavia, the true imperial line, and that Nerone must marry her if he wants to be emperor. Ottavia asserts that she sent the letter and the picture to Florissena (III 25). Turpilia arrives and confirms that Aniceto took the letter from her and the picture from Lisandro. It transpires that the confusion was all Aniceto’s doing and the others are innocent. Seneca warns Nerone of the consequences of listening to a courtier who encourages him in his caprices. They generously pardon Aniceto, but Nerone sends

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him away. The two pairs are reunited. The opera ends with Nerone proclaiming that Ottavia and Nerone will celebrate the Sponsali per l’impero (III 26). Analysis The drama Gli sponsali per l’impero, overo Il Nerone imperante follows the tradition of pieces on Nero by presenting the relevant protagonists such as Nero, Octavia and Seneca in connection with love affairs and political discussions, but differs from other Nero dramas in that it is set just before Nerone’s wedding to Ottavia, which will be realized at the end of the opera as indicated by the title. One might think that this would preclude a plot corresponding to the Latin Octavia, namely that Nerone has another beloved endangering Ottavia’s position. However, despite the fact that the marriage has not yet taken place, the plot involves a conflict between Nerone’s relationship with Ottavia (in her position as the emperor’s wife preferred by the Senate) and his love for another woman. This woman is a fictional character; this enables such a conflict at a point in time at which it is not attested in the historical record. As in earlier Nero pieces, various events from the period of Nero’s reign have been combined into one story to increase its dramatic effectiveness: although, according to Tacitus, Nero and Octavia became engaged in 49 (Tac. Ann. 12.9) and were married in 53 CE (Tac. Ann. 12.58.1), in this piece plans for the marriage coincide with events in the 60s CE, especially the presence of king Tiridate in Rome: the Armenian king Tiridates laid down his diadem in front of a statue of Nero in 63 CE and then travelled to Rome, where he was crowned again in 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1–7). In this drama his coronation and the wedding of Nerone and Ottavia are to be celebrated at the same time. Also, the action is set in Nero’s Golden Palace, which was built after the fire of Rome in 64 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.42). It is further assumed that Nerone is fully in power himself since he, with Aniceto’s help (as mentioned in Tacitus), has already assassinated his mother Agrippina (I 2; I 5), which also affected her servant Acerronia, in 59 CE (Tac. Ann. 14.1–8). The presence of a foreign king in Rome, a motif already used in earlier works (Biancolelli, Il Nerone; Corradi, Il Nerone), is essential for enabling the intricate plot. Tiridate here not only appears as a king whose relations with Rome are at stake, but also as a lover. Yet just as Nerone is not yet married in this version, Tiridate is not presented as loyal to a wife accompanying him; instead it is his fiancée, disguised as a man, who follows him (for the introduction of a wife or beloved of the foreign king cf. Corradi’s Il Nerone; Silvani, La fortezza al cimento; Feustking, Nero; Feind, Octavia). The facts that she appears in disguise at first (I 9) and that, prior to her arrival, Nerone falls in love with her picture, without knowing whose likeness it is (I 1; cf. also Feustking, Nero) prepare the emerging conflict and cause further confusion. Although Ottavia’s repudiation is not a possible consequence, as the marriage has not yet taken place, Ottavia’s position

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as future empress and Nerone’s wife is in danger because of Nerone’s love for another woman. As in the Latin Octavia, political consequences of Ottavia’s rejection are indicated, namely by the Senate’s insistence on Ottavia as Nerone’s wife (III 25) and by the prospect that a war or Tiridate’s death might be the consequence of a marriage between Nerone and Tiridate’s fiancée (II 7; III 21). Seneca’s role broadly agrees with that of his counterpart in Octavia (Oct. 440–592): his own life is not in danger, but he is constantly in conflict with Nerone about principles of behaviour. In Nerone’s struggle of how to deal with his conflicting emotions and responsibilities, Seneca reminds him of his position as the emperor and of his obligations. As in the dialogue in Octavia, Seneca emphasizes that Ottavia has the support of the People and the Senate, that she represents the true imperial line, that Nerone should take note of the fate of previous rulers and that an emperor is governed by the constraints of the empire (I 3; I 8; II 1; II 6–7; III 7). Nerone at least listens to Seneca, although he does not always follow him and finds his philosophy boring. Seneca’s role is extended in that he appears in several scenes and also gives advice to Ottavia (I 6; II 11; II 20; III 7; III 20), who, as in the Latin Octavia, has a nurse (given a personal name as in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea and Biancolelli’s Il Nerone), with whom she discusses her situation (I 5; II 11; III 17). That Seneca urges her to take courage recalls L’incoronazione di Poppea and its philosophical background. The fact that Seneca is more obviously delineated as a philosopher than in Octavia (including mild ridicule, III 17) may be due to the influence of L’incoronazione di Poppea and of contemporary thinking. In addition to Seneca’s references to Nerone’s role for the empire, the Senate and consuls are mentioned as entities that have some influence on the political situation in Rome (I 14; III 25). There is no discussion of the political system as such or of Nerone’s suitability for his position. Yet, as emphasized by the title, the piece is based on the view that an emperor should behave responsibly and that it is important to maintain the Julio-Claudian dynasty represented by Ottavia, whom Nerone, sometimes called Domitio (referring to his biological father, cf. Oct. 249), has to marry. The issue of dynasty is prominent in the Latin Octavia. Apart from the addition of Tiridate and the complications arising from his presence as well as the introduction of separate servant scenes, there are no further supplements of events and figures as in other pieces, such as the Pisonian Conspiracy, Nero’s dethroning and flight from Rome, the involvement of Otho and / or Agrippina or Seneca’s death. Thereby, as in the Latin predecessor, the plot remains focused on Nerone and his love affair as well as on the feelings of all parties concerned, against the background of their political consequences. A significant difference consists in the addition of the figure of Aniceto and the resulting modifications to the depiction of Nerone. According to ancient historiographical sources Anicetus was Nero’s former tutor (Tac. Ann. 14.3.3; Suet. Nero 35.2). The reference to Aniceto’s involvement in Agrippina’s assassination (I 2; I 5), which also killed her servant (Tac. Ann. 14.5.3), agrees with Tacitus’ report (Tac. Ann. 14.3.3; 14.7.4–5; 14.8.2–5). In the action shown on stage and in

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relation to Ottavia Aniceto has been given a more active role: while in the ancient sources Anicetus is employed by the emperor to establish a reason to repudiate Octavia since he is asked to claim to have committed adultery with her (Tac. Ann. 14.62; Suet. Nero 35.2), in this piece he is in love with Ottavia and devises obstacles to her marriage with Nerone of his own account in order to win her for himself. This is conducive to the dramatic set-up, since therefore most of the problems and confusions can be resolved at the end, having only arisen as consequences of Aniceto’s intrigues, as Seneca has suspected all along (I 3; I 19; II 8– 9; II 15; III 4; III 20; III 26). Aniceto’s function of devising intrigues and complicating the action recalls the deceitful slaves of Roman comedy, although they tend to act for the benefit of their young masters rather than for themselves. From the start Aniceto is introduced as a negative character who creates schemes to pursue his own ends (II 9). He not only baffles Turpilia’s expectations (III 5–6; III 19), but even manages by his intrigues to create a situation in which Tiridate seems destined to die (III 15; III 21–22). This, however, means that these evil machinations do not come from Nerone himself. Seneca tries to convince Nerone to remain loyal to Ottavia, while Aniceto urges him to follow his love; Nerone occasionally suffers from this conflict (II 1; II 6–8; II 17; III 7). Thus he appears as being torn between conflicting emotions embodied by different characters and also as a victim of the mischievous Aniceto. His power is not diminished thereby (he is still in a position to condemn individuals to death), and life at the imperial court is characterized by jealousy and intrigue (II 2; III 20). But because the dramatic complications have been caused by Aniceto’s initiatives rather than those of Nerone, matters can be resolved at the end to create the customary happy ending. Owing to the particular set-up, including a number of overlapping relationships between the characters and effective dramatic elements such as intertwined and overheard dialogues, the ambiguous nature of a letter and a portrait, a sleep scene (III 9–13), a woman appearing in disguise (I 9; I 19) and loved ones almost killing each other (III 12–15), this play creates impressive drama. The piece may therefore be regarded as a more dramatic version of the Latin Octavia. The title and the final scene (III 26) realize a beneficial set-up, the emperor’s marriage for the sake of his country, continuing the dynastic line. This is the event that Seneca and the Roman People wish for in the Latin Octavia, but that does not come to pass since Nero ignores the wishes of others for the sake of satisfying his personal desires. This can happen here because the character portrayal of Nerone has been altered.

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3.7 Alfieri, Ottavia (1783) – spoken drama Background Ottavia (a tragedia in five acts) was first published in 1783 (and again in 1788); a version in prose was composed in 1780, a first version in verse in 1780/81 and a second version in 1782. This is the only Italian drama or opera that keeps the title of the Latin Octavia. By this feature, along with a limited number of dramatic characters, restrained stage action and emphasis on dialogue, this piece shows how it is possible to maintain key formal characteristics of the Latin play, while still making minor changes to the plot and adapting the message to the time of composition. In comparison with the operas, this illustrates that the embellishments provided by librettists are not necessary for a contemporary adaptation of the story, but are due to generic conventions, audience expectations or the librettists’ own aims. The author is Vittorio (Amedeo) Alfieri (1749–1803), an important figure in the development of Italian tragedy. Alfieri was first educated by a private tutor, later studied at the Accademia Reale di Torino and then travelled extensively through Europe before he settled down to literary work. He produced tragedies, for which he is mainly known today, comedies, poems, satires, political writings, an autobiography and translations from the Classics. In fact, his translations include Sallust’s Conspiracy of Catiline, Virgil’s Aeneid, Aeschylus’ Persians, Sophocles’ Philoctetes, Euripides’ Alcestis and Aristophanes’ Frogs. Almost all his own tragedies are based on classical myth or history, for instance Antonio e Cleopatra (1774/75; his first and very successful tragedy, which he later rejected), Agamemnone (1783), Oreste (1783), Antigone (1783), Bruto primo (1789) or Bruto secondo (1789). In his tragedies Alfieri observed the Aristotelian unities and omitted all superfluous ornament. Politically, he was strongly opposed to despotism and a vehement supporter of liberty. Bibliographical information TEXT:

Vittorio Alfieri (1749–1803) EDITIONS (numerous individual and collected editions): Tragedie di Vittorio Alfieri. Vol. III (Teatro scelto italiano antico e moderno, Vol. VI). [Milano 1822] Vittorio Alfieri, Tragedie. A cura di Nicola Bruscoli, Volume secondo. [Bari 1946] Vittorio Alfieri, Tragedie II, a cura di L. Toschi. [Firenze 1985] ELECTRONIC VERSIONS: 1822 edition: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/06513.pdf 1946 edition: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/38012/38012-h/38012-h.htm

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SCHOLARSHIP: Galimberti Biffino 1999

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Nerone – Ottavia – Poppea – Seneca – Tigellino

The play is set in Nerone’s imperial palace in Rome. The FIRST ACT starts with a discussion between Nerone and Seneca, touching on Nerone’s behaviour as a ruler and his treatment of Ottavia and Seneca. Nerone is worried that he might suffer on account of Ottavia even with her in exile. While Seneca urges Nerone to be a responsible ruler and to appreciate that his position is based on his relationship with Ottavia, it emerges that Nerone is about to recall Ottavia from exile, though not as his wife, and that he also wants to remove Seneca (I 1). Left alone, Nerone confirms that he will quash this feigned Stoic virtue, that he loves Poppea and hates Ottavia; he asks why things allowed to the vilest of slaves should be forbidden to him (I 2). Poppea arrives; she expresses her love for Nerone, her fear for her position on account of Ottavia and her desire to be Nerone’s only queen, trying to persuade him to remove Ottavia. Nerone assures her that he loves only her and that she need not be afraid of Ottavia or the People; since the exile to which he has subjected Ottavia has not been satisfactory so far, he will devise further punishment (I 3). At the beginning of the SECOND ACT Poppea acquaints Tigellino with her fear of Ottavia’s feigned love, Seneca’s arts, the feelings of the People and the remorse of Nerone himself, and seeks help from him. Tigellino tries to calm her down and assures her that Nerone loves her and is bringing Ottavia to Rome for revenge. Poppea remains sceptical because of the strength of Nerone’s fear of individuals such as his mother Agrippina or his advisers Burro or Seneca; Tigellino, however, sees this as a great motivating force. Eventually, Poppea enlists his help to gather information and to influence Nerone (II 1). Tigellino, left alone, foresees that there will be no salvation for Ottavia and he will have to use Nerone’s fear to advise him, since he believes that he can influence Nerone (II 2). Tigellino then addresses Nerone and tells him that Poppea is doubtful about their love; Nerone states that she cannot see for jealousy that he only loves her. Tigellino confirms that Poppea is afraid of Ottavia and suggests to Nerone that he could initiate schemes to remove her, claiming that Ottavia has betrayed Nerone with a slave called Eucero. Nerone is reluctant at first, but then asks Tigellino to go ahead (II 3). Seneca enters to report that Ottavia has just returned to the imperial palace; thereupon Nerone asks Tigellino to go and carry out his orders, while he sends Seneca to fetch Ottavia (II 4). Nerone confirms to himself that he should not have doubts that Ottavia is guilty (II 5). Ottavia arrives wondering about her fate. Nerone informs her that he is repudiating her, particularly since they have had no

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children yet; she is devastated and assures him that he will not find another woman who loves him as much as she does; she begs him to allow her to become his slave. She thinks that he hates her because of her father or brother; but it is because of Eucero. She understands that the exile was not sufficient and that there is no help against Nerone’s power; she laments her fate (II 6). She continues to do so after Nerone has left (II 7). The THIRD ACT shows Ottavia, who still loves Nerone, calling for Seneca to commiserate with her. He praises her and tells her that his own life is also in danger, but that one should not give up. He comments that Nerone is still in fear of the People, who are supporting Ottavia. They hear shouts of the People and see Nerone approaching (III 1). While Ottavia protests her innocence, Nerone continues to accuse her and announces his intention to make everyone aware of her guilt before punishing her (III 2). Tigellino enters to report that the People are in uproar, moving towards the Capitol, tearing down statues of Poppea and crowning those of Ottavia. In response Nerone decides to show Ottavia to the People, which leaves her devastated, and he orders Tigellino to assemble the soldiers of the Praetorian Guard (III 3). Then Nerone dismisses Seneca (III 4). And he tells Ottavia to enjoy her last triumph (III 5). Poppea arrives, enraged and disappointed that she, whom Nerone has placed beside himself on the throne, is subject to the outrage of the People without Nerone taking action. A heated exchange between Nerone, Poppea and Ottavia follows. Ottavia insists on her innocence, her love for Nerone and her noble position, while Poppea looks down on her and tries to spur Nerone to action. Eventually Nerone announces Ottavia’s death and sends her to her chambers (III 6). After Ottavia has left, Nerone tries to quieten down Poppea and assures her that there will not again be outrage against her for such a reason and he will take revenge for what has happened to her (III 7). In the FOURTH ACT Seneca seeks out Poppea, who is suspicious of his intentions; he warns her that the People hate her and put all the blame on her, and that Nerone is only looking after himself; but she believes that Nerone has all the power and that she has Nerone in her hands (IV 1). Nerone arrives and reports to Poppea that the uprising of the People has not yet been put down, but that this will happen shortly and her statues put up again. Poppea complains about Seneca. Seneca opposes Nerone: he threatens that, if Nerone does not kill him, Seneca, first, he will not be able to kill Ottavia; then he lists Nerone’s previous misdeeds against family members and close acquaintances (Britannico, Agrippina, Plauto, Silla, Burro), and he predicts that everything will turn against Nerone if he kills Ottavia (IV 2). After Seneca has left, Nerone breaks out in rage. Poppea offers to withdraw from the throne to resolve the situation and save Nerone, but Nerone does not allow such a move and confirms his support for her (IV 3). Tigellino returns, and Nerone eagerly enquires how things stand; Tigellino reports that the uprising has not yet been quashed, but that preparations are being made and it will be brought to an end the next day (IV 4). In the FIFTH ACT Ottavia notices that the tumult ceases, and she expects her fate, remembering that of her relatives; she feels abandoned and hopes that at

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least Seneca will be around (V 1). With pleasure she sees Seneca approaching. He praises her virtue and reports that her slaves and even Eucero are supporting her, not confirming the accusations against her (V 2). Tigellino arrives to inform Ottavia that she is still not excused, since Aniceto has now come forward claiming that Ottavia has instigated a rebellion; Ottavia cannot believe it and then asks Tigellino to fetch Nerone and Poppea (V 3). When he has left, she announces her intention to die right now before Seneca’s eyes. Seneca is alarmed, but Ottavia eventually manages to obtain from him the poison he always carries (V 4). Nerone, Poppea and Tigellino arrive to deal with Ottavia, when she reveals that this is already done as she has taken the poison; before she dies, she asserts that it is not Seneca, but Nerone who is killing her, though she still loves him and is ready to pardon him. Poppea encourages Nerone to leave this funeral chamber; he follows her, announcing that the whole of Rome will know that it is not he who killed Ottavia and that Seneca will have to die shortly (V 5). Left alone, Seneca announces that he will preempt Nerone and that later ages, free from fear and flattery, will know the truth (V 6). Analysis With its limited dramatic action on stage, the reduction to a single place of action, the small numbers of characters, the emphasis on dialogues and ‘messenger’ speeches and the absence of mass scenes, of comic characters or of entertaining elements, this piece comes closest in form to a classical serious drama. It is also the only dramatic work on this historical incident that does not add further characters or events to what is given in the Latin Octavia. In this drama there are even fewer characters since Alfieri leaves out the nurses of the two women (not attested historically as individuals) and the appearance of Agrippina’s shade (Oct. 593–645). A character named Tigellino does not appear in Octavia; but the figure of Tigellino corresponds to Octavia’s prefect (Oct. 846–876), here given a more substantial role and hence a name alluding to the historical character of Ofonius Tigellinus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3). This reduction to the basics means that all characters are historically attested figures, although the particular shape of events in the drama is not, or it is at least an embellishment of the historical record. At any rate, the focus is on one particular episode from Nerone’s reign, without contamination from other events that are not directly related. While the characters and the dramatic shape are reminiscent of the Latin Octavia, the setting shows that the poet has carefully read ancient historiographers too;298 the sequence of events matches what is narrated in Tacitus with _____________ 298 Alfieri himself confirms the influence of Tacitus on this play in his autobiography (Vita di Vittorio Alfieri da Asti scritta da esso, 1790–1803, IV 7; available at http://www.intratext.

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minor variations: Octavia is removed from the imperial court (later to Campania), on the trumped-up charge of adultery with the Egyptian flute-player Eucaerus, although none of her servants confirms this even under torture. Then Nero seems to have recalled Octavia (the reasons are not clear since Tacitus’ text is corrupt at this point). The People are delighted at this turn of events; having torn down statues of Poppaea, they put up and decorate those of Octavia, when soldiers disperse them. Provoked by Poppaea, who presents the uprising of the People as triggered by Octavia, Nero enlists Anicetus, the prefect of the fleet at Misenum and an accomplice in the murder of Nero’s mother Agrippina, to claim adultery with Octavia; thereupon Octavia is exiled and later asked to commit suicide (Tac. Ann. 14.60–64). The dramatic presentation starts at the point when Ottavia is about to be recalled and continues until her death; in contrast to Tacitus’ account she preempts the exile and death order by killing herself (V 4–5), a reaction to imperial pressure that is reported for a number of individuals in Tacitus. The motivations for the various actions are slightly different from Tacitus, and there is more information about characters’ feelings because of the dramatic presentation and the additional involvement of Seneca and Tigellino. This latter aspect again shows the influence of the Latin Octavia, but the impact of the two men goes beyond their role in the Latin play; besides, there are encounters between Ottavia and Poppea, which do not occur in the Latin Octavia. Contrary to the historical sequence, when Seneca leaves court shortly before Octavia’s repudiation (Tac. Ann. 14.52–56), Seneca is still present at the time in this drama (as in Octavia); his fate is closely linked to that of Ottavia, so that the piece ends with Ottavia’s death and the announcement of that of Seneca (V 4–6), whereas he is dismissed in the Latin play and vanishes from the action while details about his future fate remain open (Oct. 588–589). As in the Latin Octavia, _____________ com/IXT/ITA1479/): “In tutto il ’79 verseggiai la Congiura de’ Pazzi; ideai la Rosmunda, l’Ottavia, e il Timoleone; stesi la Rosmunda, e Maria Stuarda; verseggiai il Don Garzia; terminai il primo canto del poema, e inoltrai non poco il secondo. … Nell’anno susseguente, 1780, verseggiai la Maria Stuarda; stesi l’Ottavia e il Timoleone; di cui, questa era frutto della lettura di Plutarco, ch’io avea anche ripigliato; quella, era figlia mera di Tacito, ch’io leggeva e rileggeva con trasporto. Riverseggiai inoltre tutto intero il Filippo, per la terza volta, … . Verseggiai la Rosmunda, e gran parte dell’Ottavia, ancorché verso il finir di quell’anno la dovessi poi interrompere, attesi i fieri disturbi di cuore che mi sopravvennero.” – ‘Throughout 1779 I worked on the compositon of Congiura de’ Pazzi; I conceived Rosmunda, Ottavia and Timoleone; I drew up Rosmunda and Maria Stuarda; I worked on the composition of Don Garzia; I finished the first act of the poem and I have moved on not a little into the second. … In the following year, 1780, I have worked on the composition of Maria Stuarda; I drew up Ottavia and Timoleone; the latter, which is a fruit of reading Plutarch, which I have also returned to; the former, it is a pure child of Tacitus, which I have read and reread with enthusiasm. Besides, I have reworked Filippo entirely, for the third time, … . I have worked on the composition of Rosmunda and a great part of Ottavia, even though towards the end of the year I had to interrupt this, looking after the fierce disturbances of my heart that had affected me.’

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Seneca appears as an adviser who urges Nerone to be a reponsible ruler; since the play opens with a discussion between Seneca and Nerone to that effect (rather than having it in the middle as the Latin Octavia, Oct. 440–592), the aspect is emphasized (I 1); Seneca also takes a more forceful stand against Nerone (IV 2). More prominently than in Octavia, Seneca acts as a Stoic philosopher, highlighted by the explicit mention of Stoicism (I 2) and his readiness to commit suicide if required by the circumstances (V 4–6). Since Seneca has a more active role throughout the drama (rather than just one appearance as in the Latin Octavia), it is appropriate that his personal fate (i.e. his suicide) is included, as it is in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea. It is implied at the end that with the removal of Ottavia and Seneca Poppea has achieved her goal, but both the immediate and the long-term future of Nerone and Poppea is left open. The piece does not end with a personal happy ending for Nerone and Poppea, but rather with Seneca’s prophecy that the future will recognize the truth, i.e. with the deaths of Ottavia and Seneca. Tigellino, who partly fulfils the function of Octavia’s prefect in that he is asked to carry out errands on Nerone’s behalf, contributing to his plans, also has a more active role and instigates Nerone to some of his actions (II 3); in this he resembles the historical Tigellinus in Tacitus, who links Tigellinus’ rise to power with the disappearance of Burrus and Seneca (Tac. Ann. 14.57.1), though the drama’s Tigellino seems to be motivated by the inevitability of events. This influence means that Nerone does not appear as autocratic and powerful as he otherwise might, particularly since the governing role of fear is mentioned several times (II 1; II 2; III 1); he comes across as a monarch who is concerned for his own safety and pleasure and does not care for the People (whom he has opposed by force), but he does so not only out of vileness, but also out of fear and weakness, driven by others, including Poppea, who is actively scheming as in Tacitus (rather than being a passive character as in Octavia). There is no mention of the possible effect of Nerone turning from Ottavia to Poppea on the stability of the empire or the dynastic sucession, but it is demonstrated clearly that the emperor’s love affairs are a public issue concerning the People, since their reactions are shown and trigger actions of the protagonists (III 1; III 3; III 6; IV 2; IV 4), recalling the interventions of the choruses representing the People in Octavia. Even though there is no mention of the Senate as another force in Roman politics, the opposition between Nerone and the People represents the contrast between the ruler’s egotistic intentions and the wishes of the populace and thus indicates the political dimension of an emperor’s love affair, as in the Latin Octavia. That the Latin Octavia is likely to be another source besides Tacitus (though not mentioned by the poet) is suggested by details that are characteristic of the Latin play, especially the important dialogue between Seneca and Nero (Oct. 440–592): this applies in particular to Nerone’s complaint that things allowed to slaves are forbidden to him, not accepting that there should be a greater responsibility on the part of a ruler (I 2; Oct. 574), and to the prominent role of Plauto and

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Silla (Plautus and Sulla) among the individuals killed by Nerone (IV 2; Oct. 437– 438; Tac. Ann. 14.57–59). In line with his political beliefs, Alfieri has created a drama that shows the opposition between a tyrannical ruler and strong characters able to oppose him, while this does not lead to any fundamental changes within the space of the drama, even though it is indicated that a period without fear and flattery will come. At the same time such a set-up allows Alfieri to create a tightly-knit drama without any potentially superfluous or entertaining material, in accordance with his literary views. This drama demonstrates that it is possible to create a classically shaped play with a political focus, just as the Latin Octavia, in the modern period. The operatic versions show by contrast that this is not what most writers chose to do, even if there is obviously overlap in motifs.

3.8 Legouvé, Épicharis et Néron (1794) – spoken drama Background The play Épicharis et Néron, ou Conspiration pour la Liberté (‘Epicharis and Nero, or Conspiracy for Liberty’) by Gabriel-Marie Jean-Baptiste Legouvé was written, as the title suggests, in the time and spirit of the French revolution and first performed at the ‘Théâtre de la République’ on ‘le 15 Pluviose, l’an second de la République française’ (i.e. 3 February 1794). The librettist Salfi mentions this play as an inspiration for his opera (ch. 2.16). Gabriel-Marie Jean-Baptiste Legouvé (1764–1812) was a French poet and a member of the Academie Française from 1803. He mainly wrote tragedies and poetry, and several of these tragedies were inspired by history or Greek myth, for instance Quintus Fabius (1795) or Étéocle et Polynice (1799). For a few years he held the chair of Latin poetry at the Collège de France, and he produced a free translation of parts of Lucan’s epic poem on the Roman civil war. Bibliographical information TEXT:

Gabriel-Marie Jean-Baptiste Legouvé (1764–1812) EDITION:

Épicharis et Néron, ou Conspiration pour la Liberté, Tragédie en cinq actes et en vers, Représentée pour la première fois au Théâtre de la République, le 15 Pluviose, l’an second de la République française, une et indivisible. Par Legouvé, Citoyen Français. [Paris, L’an deuxieme (= 1794)] ELECTRONIC VERSION:

http://archive.org/stream/epicharisetnro00legouoft#page/n3/mode/2up

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Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Néron, Empereur de Rome – Épicharis – Pison, Consul – Lucain, Poete – Tigellin, favori de l’Empereur, et chef du Prétoire – Proculus, Commandant des Prétoriens sous Tigellin – Phaon, affranchi de l’Empereur – Fulvie, amie d’Épicharis – Icile, affranchi d’Épicharis – Septime, affranchi de Pison – Un Conjuré – Gardes – Conjurés – Peuple

The FIRST ACT is set in a little wood in the gardens of Néron’s mother Agrippine; it is night, and the lights of a nocturnal party are seen in the distance. Épicharis is asked by her friend Fulvie why she has left the party: Épicharis abhors such lascivious parties of Néron and Poppée, and she was annoyed with the commander Proculus, who tried to arouse her interest. Being of Greek origin, Épicharis is full of love for glory and liberty; she is particularly enraged at Poppée, who has ousted Néron’s wife Octavie, now influences Néron and is intent on power, opposing all of Rome; when Néron was still following Burrhus’ advice, the situation was better. Fulvie is amazed at Épicharis’ hatred. Épicharis is enraged that Néron now reigns in Rome after Tarquin (i.e. the last Roman king Tarquinius Superbus) was chased away and César (i.e. the dictator Julius Caesar) was killed, and the Romans have shown such virtue; she encourages herself to take revenge for the injustice done to Burrhus, Agrippine and Octavie. To the astonishment of Fulvie, she disregards the possible dangers and rather aspires to imitate Caton and Brutus, representatives of the Republican fight for liberty (I 1). After Fulvie has left and Épicharis withdrawn, the consul Pison enters and laments the disreputable party and the condition of Rome. He spurs himself to action as a citizen and consul; he plans to assassinate Néron and seek conspirators (I 2). Épicharis comes forward and offers her support; Pison is surprised, first because he thinks he has been overheard and then because the person is a woman. Épicharis explains that she shares his feelings and that the eternal gods have brought them here together. Pison accepts her as an accomplice and then wants to move on to assemble conspirators, but Épicharis questions whether they need more than the two of them, since this may be risky, and suggests doing the deed straightaway. Pison believes that then they might kill the tyrant, but not tyranny, since, after removing Néron, someone else could take his place; therefore he prefers a group. Épicharis is doubtful whether they will find supporters, since the Roman People have forgotten their former glory in two centuries of slavery; only if they see Néron dead might they have the courage to arm themselves. Pison rejoins that if the Roman People were like this, their initiative would not be worth the effort, but that among the current Romans there are some hardy souls, waiting only for a leader. When Épicharis wonders how they might find such men, Pison explains that they are virtuous individuals abhorring crimes being committed or those whose relatives have suffered at the hands of Néron. Épicharis agrees and leaves in search of the poet Lucain, after they have sworn to continue their efforts (I 3).

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The SECOND ACT displays a portico of Épicharis’ house. The poet Lucain, called by a note from Épicharis, arrives and asks Icile, a freedman of Épicharis, where she is. Icile tells him that she has been held up at the party at the imperial court; Lucain sends Icile away and decides to wait for Épicharis (II 1). Lucain reflects upon the effect of his poetry; he is delighted that his verses dedicated to liberty have had an effect and have been heard in some circles. The heroes of his work, the Republican Romans Caton, César and Pompée (Cato, Caesar and Pompey), have not been celebrated by the famous epic poets Virgile or Homère, but they are exemplars of liberty; he still hopes to be appreciated as much as Virgile or Homère at some point in the future (II 2). When Épicharis arrives, she asks him whether he lives solely for glory; he confirms that he is keen on the glory of poetry; she then asks whether he would consider the glory of war in addition, achieved as a citizen; she wonders how he can put up with the tyrant Néron when he writes about Brutus et Caton. Lucain confirms that he loves liberty, but he thinks it is pointless to oppose Néron on one’s own. Épicharis reveals that at this very moment conspirators are coming together and tells him that they want him as one of the leaders. Lucain is taken aback because a woman is more courageous than him and agrees readily. Épicharis gives him a list of those already signed up and asks him to enlist Sénèque as well. Lucain is doubtful whether Sénèque will agree, but promises to try hard and offers his own support (II 3). Épicharis, left on her own, rejoices that her wishes are coming true and Rome will be free (II 4). Icile brings a note from a Roman waiting for an answer. The note is from Proculus, who confesses his unsuccessful suit and asks for a meeting (II 5). Épicharis decides to see him, since as a conspirator one needs to hear and see everything (II 6). When Proculus arrives, he discloses that two sentiments, hatred and love, have prompted him to seek Épicharis. It becomes clear that he has overheard the discussion between Épicharis and Pison in the wood, but has not recognized Pison. Proculus now claims to hate Néron as well and offers his services for killing him in exchange for Épicharis. But Épicharis rejects him and leaves (II 7). Proculus swears that she will soon fear him now that she has spurned him (II 8). The THIRD ACT takes place in Néron’s palace. Proculus reveals to Néron that Épicharis is conspiring against his life, and Néron sends soldiers to fetch her and Proculus to call Pison (III 1). Néron reveals his anger to Tigellin, his favourite and the commander of the Praetorian Guard, and predicts that this day will see blood. He explains that one needs to rule with rigid strength and that Jules (César) got it wrong: he pardoned all his enemies and was then killed by them; Sylla (Sulla) was a better model. Néron does not care whether the People hate him as long as they obey him; he feels that this behaviour is better suited to him than virtue (III 2). Proculus returns, announcing that he has brought Pison (III 3). Pison asks why he has been summoned; Néron answers that he has learned that there is a conspiracy against his life. Pison suggests that this may be an unfounded rumour, but Néron wishes more information from Pison. He tells him that he has had the author of the enterprise arrested and wants Pison to question

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them to receive an admission of guilt and the names of the conspirators. When Pison is about to enquire after the name of the accused, Épicharis is brought forward. Pison is horrified, but manages to explain his emotions by the fact that he is surprised to see a woman as the leader (III 4). Pison starts interrogating Épicharis, interspersed with asides by both of them. Épicharis demands that the accuser be revealed and be present during the questioning, whereupon Néron has Proculus brought in (III 5). Upon Pison’s questions, he explains that he has overheard Épicharis and another Roman in the wood the other day and then went to her to find out further details. Épicharis answers that if Proculus does not prove anything, there is nothing she can reply to, but affirms that the reason for all this is Proculus’ being in love with her; she narrates how he came to see her and that she rejected him, which she defines as her sole crime. As proof, she produces Proculus’ note. Having read it, Néron believes that Proculus has slandered Épicharis and deceived him. Proculus admits that he wanted to take revenge upon Épicharis, but he insists that the note only proves that he loves her and that he has not accused her of something made up. Épicharis challenges him that, if she were able to devise such a scheme, she would not have revealed details to him; and if she did as he claims, then he should be able to name one of the conspirators. Proculus feels defeated by Épicharis; he does not know any names. Épicharis invites Néron to kill her if he still suspects her. Pison determines as the outcome that Proculus has deceived Néron to appear as the saviour of his master; he deserves to be punished and made an example of to deter others. Néron sends Proculus away to torture. Proculus feels unfairly treated for his attempts to save the emperor; he insists that Néron will soon know the truth and believe him. Épicharis again offers her life, but Nerone declares himself satisfied and sends her away (III 6). Néron, left on his own, is amazed at this audacity and confirms that Proculus will suffer the death that he has announced to him (III 7). Tigellin returns to report that Proculus has been led to prison, but he doubts whether he is really a criminal and fears there might be an error; for Proculus has continued to maintain the truth of his accusations. Tigellin therefore suggests that Épicharis should be arrested. Néron prefers to let her go, but have her observed closely. Tigellin offers to do so, and Néron accepts (III 8). The setting of the FOURTH ACT is an apartment in the palace of Pison. Épicharis announces that Sénèque has refused to support the project and then moves on to making plans. Pison explains that they are here not to create a new master, but to free Rome; the only person they might have to fear as a potential successor to Néron is Galba, yet they will confront him; for now they need to decide when and were to oppose Néron. Lucain suggests doing it in the theatre the following day, when Neron is performing in front of the People. Pison agrees (IV 1). Septime, a freedman of Pison, enters and reports that one of Épicharis’ slaves wishes to speak to her on an important issue. Épicharis notes that their lives may depend on this, and Pison agrees that the person should be heard (IV 2). Icile enters to tell them that Tigellin has visited Épicharis’ apartment and has managed

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to bribe one of her freedmen to reveal to him everything that he knew and to give him access to Épicharis’ papers. Icile has observed what was going on and has now come to warn them. Épicharis fears that the list of conspirators has been found (IV 3). Septime returns to report that Gallus and Sévin have been arrested. Since their names were on the list, this proves that the conspirators’ plans have been revealed. One of the conspirators therefore suggests separating. But Pison rejoins that Néron will know everything anyway and, if they have had the courage to conspire, they should not be afraid of death; he on his part will ascend the stage first and accuse Néron. When the conspirators are ready to follow him and march out, Néron appears (IV 4). In response to Néron’s questions, Lucain and Pison declare their opposition to Néron; thereupon he has them arrested and led away, while he tells Épicharis to remain (IV 5). Since Néron is not quite sure whether he has caught all conspirators, he wants to ascertain their names from Épicharis by feigning clemency. She is prepared to die, just as her co-conspirators; hiding his true thoughts, he claims that he wishes to be mild and generous and offers to pardon her and her friends if she tells him who they are. He already believes he has the upper hand when she categorically refuses to name anybody; he becomes enraged and readily agrees to have her killed, as she demanded (IV 6). Phaon, a freedman of Néron, appears and reports that the People have started an uprising. While the conspirators were led through Rome on Néron’s orders, Pison managed to incite the People. Tigellin assembled Néron’s soldiers, and a fight ensued with changing success. Tigellin has now secretly sent Phaon to inform Néron. Néron decides to appear before the People, while Épicharis hails liberty. Néron proclaims that she should not feel victorious and expect rescue from Pison; he threatens terrible torture to her. Épicharis rejoins that prolonging her torture would be fine since this would allow her to see Rome free before her death (IV 7). The FIFTH ACT features a large subterranean space. Néron, dressed in rags, is led in by Phaon, since this place could offer him a safe retreat. Néron is enraged that he has been defeated, Pison is in command and his own soldiers have died; he is still fearful even in this hiding place. Phaon confirms his loyalty and reassures him; he informs him that a loyal slave will soon return, having roused Néron’s friends to action (V 1). Néron, on his own, laments his downfall and change of fortune (V 2). Phaon reenters to report that the slave has come back, yet he has achieved nothing from Néron’s friends; in Rome Néron is hated, Poppée has been killed, the People are crying revenge and liberty. Néron asks Phaon to hasten Épicharis’ death, so as to have at least one victim (V 3). Néron regards Épicharis as the source of all his woes, and he feels miserable in his current state. He falls into a kind of sleep, when his earlier victims seem to appear to him, including Octavie and Agrippine. He now thinks that death is awaiting him (V 4). Phaon enters to inform Néron that Épicharis is no longer alive. Néron is happy, but Phaon reveals to him that the People are making her a heroine, carrying around her remains, while the greatest misfortune awaits Néron. Phaon cannot bring himself to talk about it; instead he hands Néron a document, which will

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explain everything. It is the Senate decree condemning Néron to the traditional punishment (V 5). Néron wishes to avoid this final shame and draws his dagger, but he does not have the courage to kill himself; he hopes for some friend to assist him (V 6). Phaon storms in and tells Néron to hurry up if he wants to determine his fate himself; Néron asks him for help and then kills himself with the support of Phaon, who then leaves (V 7). When Néron is dying, Pison rushes in with some Romans. Pison realizes that Néron is dead and the area is now purged. Pison suggests honouring those who have died for their cause, Épicharis, who knew how to live and to die like a Roman, and Lucain, who served the liberty he presented in his poetry and died in combat. The survivors will eternalize their glory and regard them as ‘dead for liberty’. The Capitol, freed by them, will again hear cries of ‘Long live the republic’ (V 8). Analysis This play, in contrast to the Latin Octavia, does not showcase a current love affair of Néron, although the plot allows for that. However, the historical (and often dramatized) love relationship is assumed as the framework: there is mention of Poppée having ousted Néron’s wife Octavie and now influencing Néron, sharing his debauched life, and of Néron having killed Octavie (I 1; V 4), as well as his mother Agrippine (V 4). By relegating this aspect to the background, the plot focuses on the political aspects of Néron’s rule. As the subtitle indicates, the play is a dramatic version of the Pisonian Conspiracy of 65 CE, combined with Nero’s death in 68 CE, and the names of Néron and Épicharis mentioned in the title point to a a special aspect of the conspiracy, the admirable fight of Épicharis against Néron for the sake of liberty. Epicharis is a historical figure: in Tacitus she is characterized as a woman who has not been concerned with honourable actions before, but is one of the most virtuous and steadfast members of the conspiracy; she drives the men to action, cannot be forced to betray her companions under torture and eventually kills herself (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57). Tacitus’ portrayal already inspired Lohenstein to make her the protagonist of one of his dramas (ch. 3.2); but in the period of a revolution in a country with a vivid memory of Jeanne d’Arc as a paradigmatic defender of national liberty, Epicharis’ role might have had a particular resonance. There was another woman actively involved in the conspiracy, Claudia Antonia, a daughter of the late emperor Claudius (Tac. Ann. 15.53.3). The figure of Fulvie in the opera, however, seems to be fictional. The name (Fulvia) is a common Roman name and attested for several women in ancient Rome, including two involved in political struggles at the end of the Republican period. Still, Fulvie in the opera (I 1) seems rather to be modelled on the literary precedent of Ismene, Antigone’s sister, in Sophocles’ tragedy Antigone: in contrast to her sister Antigone, who actively defies the orders of the ruler Creo (not to bury her dead brother, since he has fought against the city), because she thinks that they violate

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higher laws, Ismene is doubtful about women engaging in deeds on their own that would be expected of men. Dramatically, Fulvie fulfils the function of a classical prosopon protaktikon, a character who enables an introductory dialogue, since she only appears in the opening scene and serves to provide a forum for Épicharis to outline her thoughts and plans. The other individuals mentioned in connection with the Pisonian Conspiracy do have a historical basis. The consul Pison alludes to C. Calpurnius Piso, after whom the conspiracy is named: according to Tacitus he was a popular bon vivant; he came from the family of the Calpurnii and had links to many respected families via the nobility on his father’s side (Tac. Ann. 15.48). Icile seems to refer to Icelus Marcianus, a freedman of Galba, who reported Nero’s death to the future emperor (Suet. Nero 49.4; Galba 14.2; 22); here he also functions as a messenger, although he is a freedman of Épicharis. Gallus and Sévin, who are said to have been arrested (IV 4), refer to the senator P. Glitius Gallus, exiled in 65 CE after having been denounced as a conspirator by a friend (Tac. Ann. 15.56.4; 15.71.3), and the senator Flavius Scaevinus (Tac. Ann. 15.49.4; 15.53.2; 15.54–56; 15.59.1; 15.66.1; 15.70.2; 15.74.1; 16.18.3), whose freedman revealed the planned assassination of Nero (Tac. Ann. 15.55; 16.18.3). The suggestion to attack Néron in the theatre (IV 1) might allude to the historical plans to kill Nero during the games in the circus at Ludi Ceriales in 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.53). Proculus seems to be based on Volusius Proculus, commander of the fleet in Misenum. The historical Proculus announces to Epicharis his readiness for revenge, whereupon she encourages him, but does not reveal the names of the other conspirators; when he denounces her before Nero, she is able to silence him because he has no witnesses, even though she is afterwards kept in custody (Tac. Ann. 15.51; 15.57.1). Proculus fulfils a similar function in the drama, with his desire for Épicharis added as a motive (III 4–8). Tigellin represents Ofonius Tigellinus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3); he assisted Nero in the removal of Octavia (62 CE; Tac. Ann. 14.60.3). A major role among the conspirators is given to Lucain, the poet Lucan, who, in the Neronian period, wrote an epic on the Roman civil war and was involved in the Pisonian Conspiracy, as a result of which he had to commit suicide in 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.49.3; 15.56.4; 15.58.1; 15.70). In previous operas and dramas Lucan only made a brief appearance in L’incoronazione di Poppea. While the inclusion of Lucain here is certainly due to the dramatic poet’s engagement with Lucan’s text, this detail adds a further dimension to the plot: firstly, it enhances the historical aspect, since, in addition to early Roman heroes mentioned as models by Épicharis, the Republican figures portrayed in Lucan’s epic come into play as paradigms or contrasts to current developments (I 1; II 2–3). Secondly, the relationship between literature and real life is discussed, when Lucain is delighted that his verses on liberty have had an effect (II 2), he is challenged by Épicharis to add the glory of a citizen to his striving for glory of poetry (II 3), and in the end he is praised for having lived up to what he says in his writings, being given an appropriately heroic death in combat (V 8). This provides an indirect statement of

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the relevance of Lucan’s poem and may be a hint to the intended meaning of the present drama. At any rate such an intention is declared at the end of the opening address to Liberty (A la Liberté): ‘Liberté, si mon luth peut quelquefois te plaire, / Si le Républicain de l’entendre est jaloux, / J’obtiendrai le plus doux salaire. / Aux lauriers des neuf Sœurs je préfere le tien. / J’écris pour être utile, et non pour la mémoire. / L’amour de la patrie est la premiere gloire; / Et l’on n’a point d’éclat si l’on n’est citoyen.’ (‘Liberty, if my lyre can please you sometimes, if the Republican is eager to hear it, I would obtain the sweetest prize. Rather than the laurels of the nine Sisters I prefer yours. I write to be useful and not for the memory. The love for one’s country is the foremost glory; and one does not have any standing at all if one is not a citizen.’). Seneca, Lucan’s uncle, does not appear as a character in the play, but unsuccessful efforts are made to enlist Sénèque (II 3; IV 1); this agrees with the historical record according to which Seneca was accused of having been involved in the Pisonain Conspiracy, but did not take part in it (Tac. Ann. 15.56.2; 15.60.2–4). This means that there is no separate moral authority to criticize Néron or to describe alternative models of government, as Seneca does in the dialogue with Nero in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592). This position is partly filled by Épicharis, who has clear views on what is appropriate for Romans, also in view of their history; the aspect of degeneration since Republican times takes up notions voiced by the first chorus in Octavia (Oct. 288–308). Néron’s own principles and models become obvious in a dialogue with Tigellin (III 2); the arguments that Julius Caesar was killed because he was too mild (Oct. 498–502) and that the People have to obey the emperor and may fear him (Oct. 456–458) are reminiscent of Octavia. Since Pison, when the conspirators were led through Rome on Néron’s orders, manages to incite the People, an uprising of the People is combined with the Pisonian Conspiracy (IV 7). This, however, gives the conspiracy of noblemen the character of opposition against Néron from the entire populace. It may be reminiscent of the uproar among the People on the occasion of Nero’s repudiation of his wife Octavia and plans to marry Poppaea (Tac. Ann. 14.60.5–61.1; Suet. Nero 35.2; Oct. 780–805: 820–876). Owing to the modifications of the outcome of the Pisonian Conspiracy, this event can be connected with the end of Nero’s life. For this episode the play no longer follows Tacitus, but rather takes up several details of Suetonius’ description of Nero’s flight and death (Suet. Nero 47–49): in his flight Nero is assisted by his freedman Phaon, who organizes a simple hiding place (V 1; Suet. Nero 48.1); Nero reflects on the contrast between his previous luxury and his present situation (V 2; Suet. Nero 48.3); shortly before his death he learns from a letter delivered by one of Phaon’s couriers that he has been declared a public enemy (V 5; Suet. Nero 49.2); Nero kills himself with the help of one of his loyal servants and is dying when his pursuers arrive (V 6–8; Suet. Nero 49.3–4). The wretchedness of this tyrant thus contrasts with the courageous appearance of Epicharis.

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Connecting the Pisonian Conspiracy with Nero’s death is the main ‘unhistorical’ element of the play; further events from Nero’s career are mentioned (such as the deaths of his wife Octavia and his mother Agrippina), but not included in the plot against the historical chronology. However, in order to be able to present the Pisonian Conspiracy as a model for developments in his own time, the poet needs a successful outcome, for which the tyrant has to be removed. Accordingly, there is mention of Galba (IV 1), who was Nero’s successor as emperor, but the play ends with Néron’s death and the expectation that this will lead to liberty. This was Pison’s aim, as outlined in his initial dialogue with Epicharis: a change of the political system, not merely a change of monarch (I 3). Overall, this play seems to be based on a careful study of the relevant ancient sources; it combines a variety of historical details to produce a forceful statement against tyranny and for liberty, in accordance with the time of composition. Thus, while the basic plot of the Latin Octavia has been changed and there is little overlap in characters, some of its key political ideas have been maintained.

3.9 Panzieri, La morte di Nerone (1815/16) – ballet Background The piece La morte di Nerone (‘The death of Nero’) is a ballet (ballo tragico in six acts), but it shares a number of features of content and form with operas. Ballets tend to be closely connected to operas, and ballets have long been a conventional element in operas, including those on Nero. In this case the entire plot is brought on stage by means of a ballet.299 The development that led to the presentation of the same story in the form of a ballet rather than an opera can be compared with processes in ancient Rome in the first century BCE, when the production of new full-scale tragedies and comedies for performance on stage declined and the novel dramatic form of pantomime, in which silent solo dancers interpret with movement and gesture a libretto based on a story from mythology or history and sung by a choir to musical accompaniment, became more and more popular.300 This ballet was first performed in the theatre ‘La Fenice’ in Venice during the carnival season of 1815/16. The arrangement of this ballet is by Lorenzo Panzieri, the music is by Giovanni Ayblingher.

_____________ 299 On the development of ballet see Harris-Warrick / Goodwin / Percival at OMO. 300 On ancient pantomime see e.g. Hall / Wyles 2008 (with further references).

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The dancer and choreographer Lorenzo Panzieri (175?–182?) has produced several other ballets on themes from classical antiquity, such as Enea in Cartagine (1807) or La vendetta di Ulisse (1817/18). This is the only piece produced in cooperation with Giovanni Ayblingher (the form of the name in which it appears on the title page): this is the Italian version of the name of the Bavarian composer Johann Caspar (Kaspar) Aiblinger (1779–1867). Aiblinger was educated at the Benedictine Abbey at Tegernsee and the Jesuit Gymnasium in Munich. In about 1803 he went to Italy and returned to Munich in 1819; there he first became ‘Kapellmeister’ at the Italian opera and in 1826 ‘Hofkapellmeister’ at the court; later he worked at the Allerheiligenkirche in Munich. Aiblinger wrote a lot of sacred music, but also operas, ballets and compositions for women’s voices and for the organ. This ballet is significant with respect to the history of the development of the Nero story in opera and drama since it is the only musical piece between the parodying opera by ‘Cimbaloni’ (ch. 2.15) in the early 18th century and the new wave of operas on the Nero theme from the late 19th century onwards, which introduce the role of the Christians as a novel aspect. So, after Baroque opera, with its typical additions to the basic structure taken from the ancient sources, has passed its peak, this ballet does not continue the series of transformations, but rather embodies a kind of return to the basic facts (presented in chronological order), as they have been dramatized in the Latin Octavia, supplemented by the death of Nero and Poppaea at the end. Bibliographical information CHOREOGRAPHY / MUSIC: Lorenzo Panzieri (175?–182?) / Giovanni Ayblingher, Johann Caspar Aiblinger (1779– 1867) CONTEMPORARY PRINT: La morte di Nerone. Ballo tragico in sei atti, composto da L. Panzieri. Musica espressamente scritta dal Sig. Maestro Giovanni Ayblingher Bavarese. Da rappresentarsi nel gran teatro La Fenice nel carnevale 1815/16. ELECTRONIC VERSION: http://www.urfm.braidense.it/rd/06144_51bis.pdf SCHOLARSHIP (information on the composer): Hauk 1989; Gmeinwieser at OMO

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Synopsis301 CHARACTERS:

Nerone, Imperatore di Roma – Ottavia, sua Sposa – Agrippina, Madre di Nerone – Poppea, Dama Romana amata da Nerone – Lucio Silano, Senatore – Tigellino / Sporo / Vattinio, Confidenti, e compagni di Nerone – Senatori – Cavalieri – Coro di Vergini Vestali – Dame – Gran Sacerdote – Sacerdoti subalterni – Aniceto, Capitano delle Guardie – Soldati – Popolo – Schiavi L’azione succede parte in Bolle, luogo di delizia situato sulla Riva del Mare, e parte in Roma. – ‘The action is set partly in Bolle [Bauli], a pleasure place on the seashore, and partly in Rome.’

The FIRST ACT opens near the seacoast with the imperial palace in the background, in Bolle (Bauli), a seaside resort near Naples. Nerone, his beloved Poppea and other people at court are enjoying a banquet. Everything changes when Nerone’s mother Agrippina and his wife Ottavia arrive. Nerone feigns being moved by his mother’s reproaches, and in apparent reconciliation he embraces Ottavia, while secretly signalling to Poppea that he will only be loyal to her. Satisfied with Nerone’s behaviour, Agrippina and Ottavia break with the past and invite Poppea to stay. When, reassured, Agrippina is about to leave, Nerone, ostensibly to honour her, offers her a magnificent ship, on which she departs, unaware of Nerone’s treachery. Nerone, Ottavia and his followers meanwhile enter the palace, while Poppea sets off on a different path. After the stage has been empty for a brief interval, the ship is seen in the distance, and people are running towards it to offer help. Eventually the ship breaks apart and sinks, but Agrippina is brought ashore by the senator Silano and his men. Nerone, feigning concern and distress, orders the shipwrecked people to be conveyed into the imperial palace. The SECOND ACT shows a corridor in the imperial palace, illuminated by a single lamp. Agrippina, worried by the events and foreseeing the future, leaves Ottavia and Silano and enters her own apartments. Nerone, dissatisfied at having still not escaped from maternal persecution, asks his freedman Aniceto, the captain of the guards, to free him from these worries. Aniceto, along with two centurions, enters Agrippina’s apartments, while the confused Nerone withdraws. Lamenting is heard, and slaves of Agrippina are seen running to her assistance. Impatiently Nerone comes out of his room and meets Aniceto, who assures him that there is nothing to fear. Ottavia and Silano, led by slaves, run to help Agrippina. Nerone, to dissociate himself from the crime, manages to put a dagger into Ottavia’s hand. In taking it off her again, he announces to those arriving that Ottavia and Silano have committed the crime; had it not been for Aniceto, he himself would have become a victim of their fury and treason. Having convicted _____________ 301 This English summary follows closely the original Italian scenario of the ballet.

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them by false testimony, Nerone repudiates Ottavia and condemns her as well as Silano to exile. While these innocent victims are led away, Nerone and Poppea celebrate their good fortune. The THIRD ACT takes place in the temple of Imene (Hymen, the god of marriage), adorned with statues of emperors and empresses. The Senate and the People are assembled in the temple to take part in the wedding of Nerone and Poppea, while they, seeing Ottavia’s statue, feel sadness at her fate. At the sound of festival music the Praetorian Guard and Vestal virgins approach, followed by the bridal couple. Nerone reveals the reasons that have forced him to repudiate Ottavia and orders that her statue be torn down and replaced with that of his new wife. He leads Poppea to the altar, and after the marriage ritual, which is carried out to the tacit disapproval of the People present, Nerone, accompanied by his entourage, leads his rejoicing wife to the imperial palace. Left on their own, without the hated sight of the tyrant, the People knock down Poppea’s statue and put back that of Ottavia. Once he has heard of this, Nerone returns to the temple, and his presence calms down the People’s fury. Incited to revenge by Poppea, Nerone swears that he will let loose his rage against the whole of Rome and tells his servants to set the city on fire, while he sets off towards a good viewpoint to watch the fire, reminiscent of Troy. The FOURTH ACT shows a wood sacred to Bacco (Bacchus); the city of Rome in flames is seen in the distance. Groups of young men and women, dressed as Bacchants, celebrate the ruin of their country. Nerone mingles with them and then climbs to an elevated spot to watch the fire with barbaric satisfaction. The flattering crowd around him applauds; but when Poppea arrives, she is annoyed at this behaviour debasing the majesty of the throne and reproaches Nerone, though without success. Then she ridicules him as an actor-emperor, whereupon Nerone, his pride wounded, draws a dagger and strikes Poppea, who falls to the ground unconscious. The arrival of his followers assuages Nerone’s fury and his futile remorse over his new guilt. Nerone learns from them that there is an uprising of the People and that the Senate has declared him a public enemy and condemned him to death. This prompts him to flight, an option that is denied to his followers. The rebellious People arrive in search of Nerone. As they do not find him there, they set off looking for him. The FIFTH ACT is set inside a gloomy cavern. Nerone enters with a few of his loyal followers; while they explore the place, he, oppressed by worries, lies down to sleep. In his sleep he sees the Averno (Lake Avernus, believed to be the entrance to the Underworld), and Caronte (Charon, the ferryman in Hades) ready to receive Agrippina and Poppea on his barge. Moved by Furies, who seem intent on gaining power over him, Nerone wishes to flee to escape their claws; he finds himself among shades who reproach him over their deaths, showing him the Erebo (Erebus, the Underworld) destined for his eternal sojourn. Struck by this terrible threat, he falls down, and at this moment his loyal followers rush in to tell him that all means of rescue have been lost. When noises are heard approaching,

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Nerone allows himself to be led elsewhere. Once Nerone has left, armed men come in, in search of him; since they do not find, they hurry to follow the tracks. The SIXTH ACT shows the imperial palace, partly in ruins and consumed by flames. Pursued by armed men and the People, Nerone, not knowing where to turn and seeing no possibility for flight, gives himself over to desperation. His loyal followers encourage him to avoid an ignominious death by a voluntary one. Nerone, certain that he cannot escape the deserved penalty, prepares to pierce his chest, but, despite repeated attempts, does not have the courage to do so, and the steal slips out of his hands. When he notices crowds of the People approaching, he tries again to escape their fury by flight. But pursued and caught above the Tarpeian rock, through inevitable necessity and to avoid ignominy, he pierces his chest with a dagger. He dies amid the curses of the People, who, to vent their indignation, put his wicked companions in chains and throw his body down into the river Tevere (Tiber). At this sight, amid universal joy, the ballet closes. Analysis This ballet is entitled ‘The death of Nero’ since this is the event with which it concludes; in fact, however, the plot covers events in Nero’s life from the assassination of his mother to his own death, as is indicated in the introductory note to the description of the plot (death of Nero’s mother Agrippina in 59 CE; repudiation of his wife Octavia and marriage with Poppaea in 62 CE; fire of Rome in 64 CE; death of Poppaea in 65 CE; death of Nero in 68 CE). This note also explains that many incidents that are separated in history have been combined in this piece for the purposes of a workable and impressive theatrical performance. 302 Indeed, although no indications of time are given, it appears that the selected events from the period of 59 to 68 CE happen in quick succession, partly connected in new ways that are not historically attested, but with implications that are historically possible. The plot does not include the Pisonian Conspiracy, unless the figure of the senator Lucio Silano is meant to allude to Lucius Iunius Silanus Torquatus, who is mentioned in connection with the Conspiracy in Tacitus and was later exiled and killed by Nero (Tac. Ann. 15.52.2; 16.7–9). There are no discussions on the form of government (due to the nature of the genre); ‘political’ issues are only represented by the People’s disapproval of the marriage of Nerone and Poppea, an aspect that it is included both in the Latin Octavia and in Tacitus (Oct. 273–376; _____________ 302 See ‘Per l’argomento’: “Molti accidenti, che nella Storia trovarsi disgiunti si sono dovuti riunire sotto ad un solo punto di vista per servire al Teatro, e per formare uno spettacolo che presentasse quell’aria di grandezza, che attualmente si richiede.” – ‘Many incidents, which in history are found to be separated, have had to be combined under a single point of view for the purposes of the Theatre, and to form a single spectacle presenting this air of grandeur that is currently required.’

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669–689; Tac. Ann. 14.60.5–61.1). Even though the plot of the ballet extends over a longer period of Nero’s lifetime that that of the Latin Octavia, the focus likewise lies on Nero’s relationship to and criminal ‘liberation’ from members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty (combined with Tacitus’ portrayal of an active Poppaea) and on the opposition of the People faithfully devoted to Octavia. As in Octavia and in Tacitus (Oct. 309–376; Tac. Ann. 14.1–3), Nerone wishes to remove his mother Agrippina to enjoy more freedom, and he does so by the contrivance of a prepared ship (Act I). When this plan fails, he engages Aniceto, as in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.7.4–8.5); but to indicate the alleged perpetrator of a crime in this context, Nerone smuggles a dagger into Ottavia’s hands, instead of throwing a sword at the feet of Agermus, a messenger from Agrippina (Tac. Ann. 14.7.6). Thereby Nerone shows even more disrespect to family members and more criminal energy. This incident, rather than alleged illicit relationships, then serves as an excuse to repudiate Ottavia (Act II; cf. Tac. Ann. 14.60.2–3; 14.62.2– 4; Suet. Nero 35.2). Equally, the motif that the People’s anger at the new marriage is demonstrated by their actions against statues of the imperial women (Oct. 682– 689; 792–803; Tac. Ann. 14.61.1) is developed since here Nerone has Ottavia’s statue replaced by that of Poppaea as part of the marriage ritual, so that, when the People revert this action, they are acting directly against Nerone (Act III). Just as in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 831–833), Nerone’s plan to set Rome on fire is an immediate reaction to this unrest in order to punish the People (in contrast to Tacitus: Tac. Ann. 14.38.1); it is only here that Nerone is instigated by Poppea (Act III), though she moves him to action against the People also in Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 14.61.2–4). The fire of Rome is directly linked with Poppea’s death, in contrast to the historical accounts, which also diverge with respect to the manner of and (various) reasons for her death (Act IV; Tac. Ann. 16.6; Suet. Nero 35.3). At the point of Poppea’s death the final phase of Nero’s reign starts in the ballet (also a contraction in relation to the historical accounts), introduced by the news that resentment against Nerone has reached such a level that he has been declared a public enemy and condemned to death, whereupon the events surrounding Nerone’s death, based on Suetonius’ report, can follow (Suet. Nero 47–49). As in the historical record, Nerone flees from Rome, though in Suetonius he does not enter the pit prepared for him (Acts IV–V; Suet. Nero 48.1; 48.3), and he summons the courage to kill himself in order to avoid being killed by others (Act VI; Suet. Nero 49). Here he eventually does so, so that the People only need to remove his body (Act VI). Although this piece is described as a ballo tragico, it ends with jubilation because Nerone is dead. This is a momentary joy of relief, for Nerone is characterized as a brutal tyrant, surrounded by followers with similar negative characterization, since their names (Tigellino, Sporo, Vattinio) allude to notorious individuals at Nero’s court: Tigellinus, ruthless prefect of the Praetorian Guard (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3), Sporus, a castrate eventually ‘married’ by Nero (Suet. Nero 28–29; Cass. Dio 62.28.2–3; 63.13.1–2), and the deformed courtier Vatinius, whom Taci-

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tus describes as a ‘monster’ (Tac. Ann. 15.34.2). Learned audience members, who are expected according to the introduction, will have entertained such associations at the mention of these names, even if details are not presented in the ballet and the characters do not appear in their exact historical roles. Nerone himself, as presented in the ballet, is characterized as a tyrant who does not pay respect to family members or the People and who solely pursues his own interests; yet the consequences of his deeds are brought home to him when he sees the Underworld and Furies in his sleep shortly before his death (Act V; cf. Oct. 593–645). The ballet shows close correspondences and obvious variations in comparison with the ancient historical sources and significant correspondences with the Latin Octavia, but there is little evidence that it was influenced by preceding operas or dramas by taking up motifs or themes that had become frequent in the tradition (e.g. a second pair of lovers, the presence of a foreign king in Rome, uprising in the provinces or the appearance of a successor). It is the only piece that chooses ‘The death of Nero’ as a title, even though Nero’s death is included in several other dramatic versions.

3.10 Cossa, Nerone (1871) – spoken drama Background The play Nerone (in five acts) made its author Pietro Cossa (1830–1881) a famous writer, while his previous literary work had been largely unrecognized. Nerone was first printed in 1871, and it soon saw numerous editions as well as translations into other languages. After Nerone, Cossa produced further historical dramas, on topics both from the ancient world and from Italian history, such as Plauto e il suo secolo (1873), Messalina (1877) and Cleopatra (1879). His interest in antiquity might go back to his time at a Jesuit school; Tacitus and Suetonius (as sources for the period of Nero) are mentioned in the prologue of Nerone. The play has informed the operas by Catelli (ch. 2.18) and Targioni-Tozzetti (ch. 2.22) and may also have influenced Pallerini’s ballet (ch. 3.11).303 Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, this play on Nero, which ends with his suicide, is called a ‘commedia’, but the author has a character of the play, appearing as the prologue speaker, explain that he uses the term in a particular sense. He follows ancient models of tragedies that conclude with a happy ending after terrible events, and he applies this combination the other way round: Nero in his savageness appears as comic, just as the depraved circumstances at his court. In an explicit reference to the time of the first production the prologue speaker observes that after a long series of ridiculous emperors Italy now has an honourable ruler _____________ 303 Bustico (1909, 7) notes the importance of Cossa’s drama for giving new life to the subject of Nero, since in its wake there were at least 12 dramas with a similar plot between 1871 and 1890.

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(Vittore Emanuele II, since 1861). As for the style it is noted that the author follows the movement of ‘verismo’, which privileges the truth and for which truth in every art is beautiful.304 Bibliographical information TEXT:

Pietro Cossa (1830–1881) EDITIONS:

*Pietro Cossa, Nerone. Commedia in cinque atti ed in versi. [Roma 1871] *Pietro Cossa, Nerone. Commedia in cinque atti ed in versi. Con prologo e note storiche. [Milano 1872] *English translation: Pietro Cossa, Nero. A play in five acts. Translated by Frances Eleanor Trollope. [Rome 1881; repr. 2010]

_____________ 304 See ‘Prologo’: “È qual insomma lo si ammira vivo / Emerger dalle pagine immortali / Do Svetonio e di Tacito. … / … / … Qui mi permetto / D’aprire una parentesi, dicendo / Che per l’Italia nostra fu ventura / Che un galantuomo Re dal Campidoglio / Reso di nuovo italïana rocca, / Lacerasse, e sperar giova per sempre, / La lunga lista de’ pigmei tiranni / Più buffoni di me, grette e derise / Parodie di Tiberi e di Neroni. / Quanto allo stile e al modo di condurre / Le scene, credo che l’autor s’attenne / A quella scola che piglia le leggi / Dal verismo, e stimando che in ogn’ arte / Sia bello il vero, bandì dalla scena / Il verso ch’ ha romore e non idea, / Pago se potè trar voci ed effetti / Dal lirismo del cuore. S’ei chiamava / Commedia un fatto ove si sparge sangue, / E Locusta, la Borgia di quel tempo, / Ministra nei conviti i suoi veleni, / Ciò fece astretto dalle circostanze / Del fatto stesso. Eschilo primo, e poi / Sofocle intitolarono tragedie / L’Oreste furibondo e il Filottete, / Argomenti che chiude un lieto fine; / E l’autore seguiva, ma a rovescio, / L’esempio greco. Nerone si mostra / Comico stranamente nella sua / Ferocia, e i suoi compagni sono quali / Potè vederli Roma imperiale / in una età corrotta, senza fede / Allegra ne’ suoi vizi, e lampeggiata / Tristamente qua e la dal suicidio / Di qualche stoico.” – ‘In short, as one admires him [i.e. Nerone] emerging vividly from the immortal pages of Suetonius and Tacitus. … Here I allow myself to make a comment in parentheses, saying that it was good fortune for our Italy that an honourable king has torn up, and hopefully for ever, from the Capitol, which has become an Italian rock anew, the long list of Pygmy tyrants, buffoons to a greater extent than me, miserable and ridiculous parodies of emperors such as Tiberius and Nero. As for the style and the arrangement of the scenes, I believe that the author is following that school that has caught the laws of realism [‘verismo’] and, believing that truth is beautiful in any art, has banished from the stage that verse that has sound, but no meaning, satisfied when it elicits exclamations and effects from the lyricism of the heart. If he [i.e. the poet] called a comedy a plot where blood is shed and Locusta [i.e. the well-known Roman poisoner Lucusta, who allegedly was also engaged by Nero; cf. Suet. Nero 33.2–3; 47.1], the Borgia [i.e. Lucrezia Borgia, 1480–1519] of this period, provides her poisons for dinner parties, he did so forced by the circumstances of the plot itself. First Aeschylus and later Sophocles entitled as tragedies the mad Orestes and Philoctetes, stories that conclude with a happy ending; and the author follows the Greek example, the other way round. Nerone shows himself strangely comic in his ferocity, and his companions are as imperial Rome could see them in a corrupt age, without loyalty, rejoicing in its vices and sadly lit here and there by the suicide of some Stoic.’

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*German translation: Nero. Schauspiel in 5 Aufzügen. Von Pietro Cossa. Mit Autorisation des Verfassers deutsch bearbeitet von Carl Reißner. [Leipzig 1875 (RUB 591)] Italian / German version: Nero. Eine Tragi-Comödie in fünf Acten aus dem Italienischen des Pietro Cossa (Nebst dem italienischen Originale.) In Wien zum erstenmale im Theater an der Wien aufgeführt von der Schauspieler-Gesellschaft unter der Direction von Ernesto Rossi. Die Uebersetzung besorgt von demselben. – Subtitles: Nerone. Commedia in cinque atti in versi con prologo di Pietro Cossa. Rappresentato per la prima volta in Vienna al teatro della Wieden dalla dramma. compa. diretta dall’artista Ernesto Rossi. Traduzione eseguita per cura del medesimo. / Nero. Eine Comödie in fünf Acten von Pietro Cossa. In Wien zum erstenmal im Theater an der Wien aufgeführt von der Schauspieler-Gesellschaft unter der Direction von Ernesto Rossi. Die Uebersetzung besorgt von demselben. [Wien s.a.] ELECTRONIC VERSION:

Italian / German: http://archive.org/stream/neronecommediain00coss#page/n0/mode/2up

Synopsis CHARACTERS:

Claudio Cesare Nerone – Atte, liberta – Egloge, schiava e saltatrice Greca – Varonilla Longina – Cluvio Rufo, Principe del Senato – Menecrate, commediante e buffone – Petronio, vecchio gladiatore – Nevio, pantomimo – Babilio, astrologo – Eulogio, mercante di schiavi – Vinicio, prefetto del Pretorio – Mucrone, taverniere – Icelo, centurione – Faonte / Epafrodito, liberti di Nerone – Una schiava d’Etiopia – Schiavi, Liberti, Pretoriani, Legionari

In the prologue the comic actor and buffoon Menecrate explains the character of the play (see above). When the play proper opens with the FIRST ACT, Nerone is in a room in the Golden Palace, where he is dictating to his freedman Epafrodito. Menecrate approaches and announces (in comic fashion) that the leader of the Senate and a beautiful girl desire to see Nerone. Nerone asks him to fetch the former and dismisses Epafrodito (I 1). Nerone tells the leader of the Senate Cluvio Rufo that the treasury is in need of money (also to pay for Nerone’s extravagant plans to please the People), and he and Menecrate suggest that it could be obtained from rich patricians, such as Cassio Longino, who is a secret rebel and has a statue of Brutus, one of Caesar’s assassins, in his garden. Rufo, reminding Nerone of the Pisonian Conspiracy, advises that the burden of new taxes should not be placed upon the provinces, since there is already uproar among the legions in Gaul, with one cohort hailing Vindice as emperor. Nerone is alarmed and immediately proclaims Vindice a public enemy. Rufo indicates the Senate’s support by offering to name the month of April after Nerone; Nerone agrees, but thinks that Rome should rather bear his name, since he has enhanced it so much by his building programme, surpassing Augustus. Finally Nerone tells Rufo to announce to the People that Nerone will be performing in the theatre that very day (I 2). Nerone

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asks Menecrate to bring the beautiful girl and then to leave (I 3). Nerone is somewhat nervous because of Vindice, but calms himself down and tells himself to enjoy life when Egloge, a Greek slave-girl and dancer, appears. He enquires after her name and background; he illustrates his power by contrast, mentioning that he burned down Rome out of boredom. He wants to have her for his own entertainment and pleasure. Egloge, while aware of possible dangers for women loved by Giove (Jupiter), with whom Nerone compares himself, and that Nerone has killed his wives, is fearless since she is convinced that life is short. Nerone is impressed by her, frees her and even promises to make her empress (I 4). Egloge celebrates her new freedom (I 5). The freedwoman Atte joins her and asks after her identity; Egloge informs her that she has just been freed. Atte is attracted to her and wishes to save her; she reveals that she has power over Nerone and does not fear him. She tells Egloge the story of her life and the development of Nerone she has observed. Therefore she advises her to leave. Egloge is aware of the precariousness of Nerone’s court, but is fearlessly determined to enjoy her newly-won freedom; eventually Atte attempts to stab Egloge, who tries to escape (I 6). Nerone rushes in, alerted by the shouting; he calls Atte back and orders his slaves and freedmen to look after Egloge, who has lost consciousness (I 7). Nerone reflects on the fact that Atte has so much power over him, a man who normally imposes his will on others (I 8). Menecrate arrives to announce that the People are preparing to watch Nerone and that Cassio Longino has died: when he heard the accusations from the Senate, he killed himself; Nerone promises one of his villas to Menecrate. Then they move to the theatre (I 9). The SECOND ACT takes place in a tavern in a suburb. The landlord Mucrone watches a comet in the sky, which he interprets as a bad omen with famine approaching; he orders an Ethiopian slave to go into the cellar and look after the wine, while he sits down to play dice with himself (II 1). The gladiator Petronio, the pantomime actor Nevio and the slave-trader Eulogio come in and order wine; while they drink, they sarcastically discuss the current political and social situation (II 2). The centurion Icelo arrives and reports to the others, who are starting a game of dice, that the army in ‘Spain’ has joined the uprising in Gaul; it is therefore time to take action to remove the emperor. Nevio encourages them to take action and hopes that they might regain the liberty loved by Cato and Brutus (II 3). Suddenly the patrician lady Varonilla Longina comes running into the tavern, crying for help. She reveals that she is the daughter of the dead Cassio Longino and, occupied with the rites to his ashes, she was held up and threatened by two slaves, who are now pursuing her (II 4). When the two ‘slaves’, namely Nerone and Menecrate in disguise, appear, the others in the tavern confront them; they fight and overwhelm the ‘slaves’ (II 5). Atte arrives with soldiers of the Praetorian Guard; their cries reveal Nerone’s identity. They are all terrified, but Nerone decides to exercise clemency. When Nevio criticizes Nerone for his treatment of Roman noblemen, he only praises his skills of declamation. He resumes his advances to Varonilla Longina, who opposes the murderer of her father, but he

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blames the Senate and restores her possessions to her, to the disappointment of Menecrate (II 6). Only Nerone and Atte remain, and Nerone orders wine from Mucrone; after some criticism of hosting enemies of the emperor, Nerone sends Mucrone away (II 7). Nerone reflects upon the effects of his drinking. When Atte does not join him, he tells her not to give him a lesson in moral philosophy, of which he has had enough from Seneca. She criticizes that, in view of so much unrest in all parts of the empire threatening his position, he is only concerned with this status as an artist. He thinks that the majesty of Rome is apparent in his buildings and describes the degeneracy of his four ancestors, i.e. the Roman emperors preceding him; he is not concerned or has remedies for the present situation. Atte is enraged, but Nerone is determined to enjoy himself with Egloge, since Atte is becoming hateful to him (II 8). Menecrate then leads the drunken emperor home (II 9). The THIRD ACT shows another room in the imperial palace, full of statues. Atte reflects upon the forceful Nerone being able to transform himself into a sculptor. She both hates and loves this tyrant. She looks at the statue of Egloge that Nerone has made and considers the fate of Nerone’s wives (III 1). Menecrate, who has overheard her last words, comes in, and they start a conversation about the best behaviour towards Nerone and their expectations for the future. Menecrate asks for Atte’s pardon, since it was he who pointed Egloge out to Nerone; but she despises him and leaves (III 2). Menecrate is concerned for his own welfare in view of the current circumstances (III 3). Nerone arrives, glad to have avoided Atte; he asks Menecrate for his opinion on the statue he has made. Menecrate suggests selling it to Rufo for the price of the weight of the marble in gold. He advises Nerone to listen to the astrologer Babilio; Nerone agrees reluctantly, but asks Menecrate to throw him out of the window upon a sign from him (III 4). Babilio brings bad omens: the current comet was the same that appeared around Caesar’s assassination, and the fig tree, the symbol of the Roman empire since the time of Romulus, is dying; this means misfortune for Nerone very soon. When they are about to throw Babilio out of the window, he reveals that his fate is linked with that of Nerone, who will die one hour after him. Thereupon they stop their actions, and Nerone declares his intention to look after Babilio’s life. Babilio insists that his thoughts will remain free and departs with Menecrate (III 5). Nerone again takes up work on the statue in order to improve it; when Egloge arrives, he turns to the living version. She asks for permission to free the slaves Nerone has given her, which he grants. He admires the necklace that she wears and he has given to her; when he reveals that it used to belong to Poppea, she throws it away and is no longer willing to dance. He threateningly makes clear his power over her, feeling like the Lord of the World, but concedes that her love has power over him (III 6). Atte enters and informs Nerone that the prefect of the Praetorian Guard and the leader of the Senate wish to speak to him. Rufo, the leader of the Senate, brings letters from Gaul and ‘Spain’; Vinicio, the prefect of the Praetorian Guard, announces that the Praetorian cohorts are rebelling since they have not been paid for months. Nerone suggests to Rufo that he might want

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to buy the statue of Egloge, and this money would pay the soldiers; then he dismisses the two men (III 7). Atte comes forward and reads the letters; they say that Giulio Vindice is dead and that the army in ‘Spain’ has proclaimed Galba emperor. After she has left, Nerone is briefly confused; then he turns to Egloge, decides to ignore these developments and to enjoy life while they can, since Galba is still a long way away (III 8). The FOURTH ACT features the imperial dining hall, lavishly prepared for a night-time dinner. Nerone enjoys himself in the company of Atte, Vinicio, Egloge, Rufo and Menecrate; he declaims an ‘Epicurean hymn’, praising love and wine, suggesting seizing the day, honouring Venere (Venus) and looking down on Giov (Jupiter). All praise Nerone and agree with him; only Atte is disgusted. Egloge dies, poisoned by Atte, while the latter leaves (IV 1). The freedmen Faonte and Epafrodito arrive to announce that the People are rising against Nerone, they are tearing down Nerone’s statues and praising Galba. Nerone orders Rufo to summon the Senate and Vinicio to oppose the rebels with his troops. Then he tries to gain support from Menecrate, but the buffoon thinks that their ‘comedy’ has come to an end; he leaves (like a parasite) with the cup given to him by Nerone (IV 2). Nerone tells Epafrodito and Faonte, the only remaining supporters, to enlist the help of those to whom he has given riches (IV 3). Nerone feels lonely and cannot bear the sight of Eglogle still smiling, so he covers the corpse. He tries to check whether any of those he sent out have managed to keep the People in check. With the Praetorian Guard having left the house and a thunderstorm approaching, he feels abandoned. He considers what to do, whether to hide or to defend himself (IV 4). Atte comes forward and fearlessly confronts Nerone; he tries to attack her, but actually is afraid of her. She claims that she has come to save him and hands him a small bottle. Nerone is enraged at the realization that this is poison and perhaps the poison that she had used against Egloge. She reminds him that he had used poison (this poison) to kill Britannico and explains that this is the only option left to him, to show himself noble for once and to fall like a Roman. He confesses that he is in love with life, not following the doctrines of the Stoics, and he is not yet ready to die. She makes it clear to him that on account of his previous treatment of Rome he cannot expect any support. He wants her to leave, and when she makes ready to do so, to stay. She restates what she has done for him and how he has treated her in return. Nevertheless, she loves him. Eventually he asks for the poison as they hear someone approaching (IV 5). Epafrodito and Faonte arrive and report that they could not get any help, that the loyal soldiers of the Praetorian Guard have been unable to hold the People back and that there has been fighting, during which the astrologer Babilio was wounded. Thereupon Nerone decides to flee; he leaves with Atte, Epafrodito, Faonte and his lyre (IV 6). The FIFTH ACT is set in a simple room in Faonte’s house. Nerone enters, accompanied by Atte, Faonte and Epafrodite. He thinks that the place is too shabby for him and treats it with contempt, but at least it allows him to rest for a short while. Nerone complains about the flight, but does not have the courage yet to kill

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himself with the daggers of the freedmen; he sends Faonte to find out about the situation (V 1). Nerone prepares to sleep; Atte now feels love and pity for him. Nerone dreams that Galba is present; he wants to sing and believes that a crowd is there, including those he has killed (V 2). Faonte returns to report that Rome has confirmed the chosen emperor and that the Senate declared Nerone an enemy of the fatherland including the traditional punishment; Nerone is enraged and would have preferred to be exiled to Greece, a country that has theatres. Then he feels that he must die and asks for an example: Atte stabs herself to death and encourages him to follow this example. When they hear soldiers approaching, Nerone kills himself with Faonte’s help (V 3). The centurion Icelo and legionaries storm in, only to find Nerone dying. The drama ends with the last words of Nerone, who (similar to Caesar) accuses Icelo of disloyalty (V 4). Analysis The fact that this drama is opened with a prologue delivered by a prologue speaker, who explains the character of the drama, points to ancient Roman comedies by Plautus and Terence, in which a prologue speaker outlines the content and / or style of the piece and possibly defends the writer against criticism. The ‘verismo’ announced here becomes particularly obvious in the scene in the tavern (II 1–6), but also in the violent love of the ‘artist’ Nerone. The buffoon’s jokes are not intellectual puns, but rather banal jesting, although they still serve to highlight key characteristics of Nerone, for instance when Varonilla Longina rejects Nerone’s approach, as she feels that he is dripping with blood (because of her father’s assassination), and Menecrate comments that this is wrong since Nerone is just coming out of the bath (II 6). The opening of the play indicates its two key topics, Nerone’s role as emperor and lover: when Nerone decides to see the (unattractive) leader of the Senate before the beautiful girl (I 1), it is briefly suggested that he might be a responsible ruler. However, when it is revealed that he has only done so because he is in need of money to satisfy his desires, and he and the buffoon Menecrate are shown making suggestions that do not respect honourable people and Nerone is not able to handle a growing uprising among soldiers (I 2), it is clear that Nerone is more interested in his love affairs and endeavours as an artist.305 Throughout the play

_____________ 305 These include the embellishment of Rome, a task in which Nerone believes himself to have surpassed Augustus, who is famously said to have boasted that ‘he had found it built of brick and left it in marble’ (Suet. Aug. 28.3).

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Nerone remains nervous because of threats to his position, but he does not make an attempt to deal with the escalating situation and rather prefers to enjoy himself and display his artistic talent. This is in line with the announcement in the prologue that this play will show a Nerone different from the one in old tragedies, namely an artist in various respects. Nevertheless, the combination of political tension and Nerone’s involvement in dealings with various women, an existing relationship contrasted with a new powerful emotion, recalls the setting of the Latin Octavia. By contrast, this plot is recognizable as being set at the end of Nero’s reign, because of Nerone’s death as well as details and events referred to such as the fire of Rome in 64 CE (I 4), the Golden Palace that was built subsequently (I 1), the Pisonian Conspiracy in 65 CE (I 2), Nero having killed his wives, presumably Octavia in 62 CE and Poppaea in 65 CE (I 4; III 1; III 6) or the expectation that Galba will ascend the throne (in 68 CE; III 8). Yet the story itself cannot be matched against any known course of events during Nero’s reign, even though it is based on historically attested individuals and details. Atte here is a woman who is devoted to Nerone in spite of her contempt for him. That Nero had a love affair with a freedwoman called Claudia Acte is reported in Tacitus’ Annales (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; see also Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1–3; Oct. 193–197) for the period prior to Nero’s marriage with Poppaea (62 CE). Ancient sources say that Acte attended Nero’s burial (Suet. Nero 50); hence she may have had sincere feelings for him. In the drama Atte stays with Nero until the very end, although she dies before Nerone (V 3). However there is no record of a rivalry between Acte and other objects of Nero’s love or that she poisoned others. But poisoning individuals at dinner parties at the imperial court is a measure well known from Tacitus’ account of the period (Tac. Ann. 12.66–67; 14.3.2). Atte’s victim, Egloge, a Greek dancer, is a fictional figure, but the name might have been inspired by the fact that a woman of this name is attested as Nero’s nurse (Suet. Nero 50). The topic of a conflict between a previous and a new partner of Nero comes up with respect to the relationship between Poppaea and Octavia in Tacitus (and also in the Latin Octavia and other dramas and operas), although there the new partner requests confirmation of her position (Tac. Ann. 14.1; 14.60.2; 14.61.2–4), while here the existing one takes revenge on the new one. The political framework of the events presented in the drama recalls Suetonius’ description of the role of the provincial governor and later emperor Galba, then governor in ‘Spain’, towards the end of Nero’s reign (Suet. Galba 9.2–11) as well as that of C. Iulius Vindex, who was governor of Gallia Lugdunensis in 67 CE and led an uprising against Nero in 68 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.74.2; Suet. Nero 40.1; Galba 9.2; 16.2; I 2; II 3; III 7–8). To the unrest in the province the drama adds a (fictional) group of rebels in Rome (II 3), consisting of the gladiator Petronio, the pantomime actor Nevio, the slave-trader Eulogio and the centurion Icelo; the effect is something like a Pisonian Conspiracy moved to 68 CE and carried out by ordinary people. Since the uprising involves the People, who attack Nero-

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ne’s statues (IV 2; IV 6), it is reminiscent of their rebellion upon the news that Nero is repudiating Octavia (Tac. Ann. 14.61.1; Oct. 669–689; 780–805).306 Petronio may allude to Petronius Arbiter, a connoisseur at Nero’s court, regarded as the author of the satirical novel Satyrica; his death in the aftermath of the Pisonian Conspiracy is recorded in Tacitus’ Annales (Tac. Ann. 16.18–19). Nevio is perhaps inspired by Q. Naevius Cordus Sutorius Macro, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Tiberius, involved in the overthrow of Seianus and in placing Caligula on the throne (Tac. Ann. 6.15.2; 6.23.2; 6.29.3; 6.38.2; 6.45.3– 48.2; 6.50.3–4; Suet. Cal. 12.2; 23.2; 26.1). Icelo seems to refer to Icelus Marcianus, a freedman of Galba, who reported Nero’s death to the future emperor (Suet. Nero 49.4; Galba 14.2; 22). Cluvio Rufo, the leader of the Senate, alludes to Cluvius Rufus, suffect consul before 65 CE and historian. The prefect of the Praetorian Guard Vinicio is perhaps based on Marcus Vinicius, who, coming from a noble family, was consul in 30 and 45 CE, was married to Iulia Livilla, daughter of Germanicus, in 33 CE (Tac. Ann. 6.15), is mentioned in an imperial office for 36 CE alongside Cassius Longinus and P. Petronius (Tac. Ann. 6.45), participated in Claudius’ campaign in Britannia in 43 CE and was killed on the orders of the empress Messalina in 46 CE (Cass. Dio 60.25.1; 60.27.4), or by a Vinicius who initiated a conspiracy at Beneventum, similar to that of Piso at Rome (Suet. Nero 36.1). The comedian and fool Menecrate might allude to Menecrates, a lyreplayer at Nero’s court (Suet. Nero 30.2; Petron. Sat. 73.3; Cass. Dio 63.1.1). A Cassio Longino is mentioned as an example of a rich patrician (I 2; I 9; II 4): this character may be based on C. Cassius Longinus, consul in 30 CE and exiled to Sardinia in 65 CE (Tac. Ann. 16.7–9), known for his ancestral wealth (Tac. Ann. 16.7.1). The fictional figure of his daughter Varonilla Longina serves to demonstrate Nerone’s sexual licentiousness and his opposition to respected patrician noblemen, representatives of Republican Rome, as explicitly criticized by Nevio (II 6). The ending of the drama is reminiscent of Suetonius’ account of Nero’s flight and death (Suet. Nero 47–49): Nero angrily reads dispatches handed to him and ignores them (III 7–8; Suet. Nero 47.1); in his flight he is assisted by his freedman Phaon (Faonte), who offers his house in the suburbs (V 1; Suet. Nero 48.1); shortly before his death he learns that he has been declared a public enemy (V 3; Suet. Nero 49.2); Nero kills himself with the help of someone else, namely Faonte or his private secretary Epaphroditus (later killed by Domitian because of this deed, Suet. Dom. 14.4), and is dying when the pursuers arrive (V 3–4; Suet. Nero 49.3–4). The astrologer Babilio reflects the astrologer Balbillus, whom Nero is said to have consulted after the appearance of a comet (Suet. Nero 36.1; cf. II 1). That in the drama Babilio connects the end of his own life with Nerone’s fate (III 4–5) _____________ 306 The suggestion that the month of April should be named after Nero (I 2) was indeed made after the conspiracy had been dealt with (Tac. Ann. 15.74.1).

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and his wounds later prompt Nerone to flee (IV 6) could be inspired by Tacitus’ report on the importance of the astrologer Thrasyllos and his son for the emperors Tiberius and Nero (Tac. Ann. 6.20–22; Suet. Tib. 14.4; 62.3; Cass. Dio 55.11): Thrasyllos foresaw the danger to his own life when Tiberius subjected him to his standard initial trial for astrologers, as a result of which he would have died if he had not met Tiberius’ expectations (Tac. Ann. 6.21). Thrasyllos’ son predicted that Nero would become emperor (Tac. Ann. 6.22.4). Seneca does not appear as a character (with the drama’s setting in around 68 CE he would have been dead), but he is mentioned as a philosopher and adviser to Nerone (II 8). Seneca’s absence means that there is no continuous counterweight to Nerone’s lasciviousness and irresponsibility, apart from a few comments by Atte (II 8) and the announcement of bad omens by the astrologer Babilio (III 5). It is in dialogues with Atte that Nerone refers to his political achievements and to earlier emperors as precedent, while she reminds him of previous misdeeds (II 8; IV 5); this is reminiscent of the dialogue between Nero and Seneca in the Latin Octavia (Oct. 440–592). Instead of Seneca, Nerone is accompanied and sometimes advised by the buffoon Menecrate, who, however, is mainly concerned for his own welfare (I 2; I 9; II 6; IV 2). This may be a satirical representation of the influence of Ofonius Tigellinus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard under Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3), during the later parts of Nero’s reign. The figure of Menecrate might allude to Menecrates, a lyre-player at Nero’s court (Suet. Nero 30.2; Petron. Sat. 73.3; Cass. Dio 63.1.1). In line with the indications in the prologue, Nerone is mainly characterized as an artist, who wants to appear in the theatre and is active as a sculptor (I 2; III 1; V 3); ancient sources report that Nero liked to see himself as a musician and poet and appeared in performances (Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21). Besides, he is shown to be immoderate and keen to enjoy himself; and he seems ridiculous in his exaggerated view of himself, supported by extensive flattery. As a ruler, although insisting on his monarchical power, he is rather weak and fearful, subject to suggestions of others. Despite the different focus with respect to Nerone’s characterization and the novel mix of details, there is a connection to the Latin Octavia in so far as in both cases the dramatized events represent an important juncture in the history of Rome, directly linked to weaknesses and evil characteristics of Nero. While in Octavia it is Nero’s unfaithfulness (towards his wife Octavia) that has an impact on the ruling dynasty, it is Nerone’s indiscrimating love and his alleged artistry combined with arbitrary rule that provokes his dethroning in the drama. Both in this drama and in Octavia the traditional elite and the People are opposed to Nero. As the prologue indicates, monarchy with a just king and the political order established thereby is seen as something positive in the drama (while Octavia seems to advocate a constitutional monarchy), but a ruler such as Nerone is a ridiculous figure one can only laugh at. Here too there is rivalry between two women, caused by Nero’s sexual desires and endangering the position of the woman who already has a relationship

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with Nero; unlike in Octavia, here the two women meet, and the conflict escalates into a deadly attack (IV 1). At the same time opposition against Nero develops in Rome in both cases; in the drama it is not provoked by Nerone’s unfaithfulness (which has an impact on the ruling dynasty), but rather by the neglect of his duties. The opposition aims to remove the tyrant and restore Rome’s former glory (II 3); the paradigmatic nature of earlier periods is also highlighted in Octavia. In contrast to Octavia the rebels here come close to their goal through the tyrant’s death at the end of the drama.

3.11 Pallerini, Nerone (1877) – ballet Background This piece, again entitled Nerone, is a ballet (a ballo in six acts), but it shows the same section of events at the Neronian court as some of the operas and also presents them by means of a combination of dramatic action and music (on ballets see ch. 3.9). This ballet was first performed at the ‘Teatro alla Scala’ in Milan during lent 1877. The choreography was provided by Antonio Pallerini (1819–1892), who wrote a number of ballets. The music comes from Costantino dall’Argine (1842– 1877), who was a well-known composer and conductor in Italy and abroad. He provided music for a few operas, but is best known for his ballets: he composed more than thirty, many of which were highly successful. The two artists produced several joint works, including the ballets Attea, Nyssa e Saib, Zelia and Ondina o La Grotta di Adelberga in the 1860s. In its list of characters and in the second part of its plot, the ballet shares features with the opera librettos of the same title by Catelli (1888; ch. 2.18) and / or Targioni-Tozzetti (1935; ch. 2.22), which are both based on the play Nerone (1871) by Pietro Cossa (ch. 3.10), and indeed with the play itself; these elements include a dinner party in the Golden Palace, the presence of a sculpture of Nerone’s beloved, the prominent role of Atte at Nerone’s death, the involvement of a prefect of the Praetorian Guard called Vinicio or the relationship between events in ‘Spain’ and Gaul and in Rome. Hence it is probable that the ballet also took inspiration from Cossa’s play.

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Bibliographical information307 CHOREOGRAPHY / MUSIC: Antonio Pallerini (1819–1892) / Costantino dall’Argine (1842–1877) EDITION: Nerone. Ballo in sei atti del coreografo Antonio Pallerini, musica del maestro Costantino dall’Argine, da rappresentarsi al Teatro alla Scala di Milano nella quaresima 1877. [Milano 1877] ELECTRONIC VERSION: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00043532/images/ SCHOLARSHIP (information on the composer): Bussi at OMO

Synopsis308 CHARACTERS:

Nerone (sotto il nome di Lucio nei primi due atti) – Galba, patrizio, indi imperatore – Rufo, principe del Senato – Vinicio, prefetto del Pretorio – Lentulo, proconsole di Corinto – Atte, liberta, già favorita di Nerone – Aniceto, liberto – Aristo, nobile di Corinto, padre di – Clidia – Tiridate, re d’Armenia – Nimesi, principessa caldea – Sarah, principessa araba – Fenicio, istrione – Romani, Greci, Armeni, Parti, Ebrei, Indiani, Frigi, Egizi, Etiopi. L’azione ha luogo: i primi due atti in Corinto, il terzo a Napoli, gli altri tre a Roma, durante gli ultimi anni del regno di Nerone. 57–64 Era Volgere. – ‘The action has various settings: the first two acts in Corinth, the third one at Naples, the other three at Rome, during the final years of Nerone’s reign. 57–64 CE.’

The FIRST ACT is set in the circus at Corinth, which is full of spectators, including the emperor Nerone (as ‘Lucio’) and his beloved, the freedwoman Atte, who is disguised as a man. Lentulo, proconsul of Corinth, advances and recognizes Nerone as the emperor, but Nerone bids him not to reveal his identity. Lentulo, barely concealing his confusion, opens the games. The young Roman ‘Lucio’ wins the wrestling contest, while Clidia, the daughter of the Corinthian nobleman Aristo, wins the prize for grace and dexterity. ‘Lucio’ also wins the chariot race. Overconfident after this double victory, he asks whether anyone dares to compete with him for the final prize, that for music. Nobody has the courage to do so, and he is declared victor in all the games, crowned by Clidia and cheered by everyone. The SECOND ACT takes place in Aristo’s house, which contains a statue of Nerone. Aristo invites the triumphant young man to his house and leaves him in the company of his daughter Clidia. Clidia is nervous and emotional; she tries to _____________ 307 See Levy / Ward 2005, 301, nos. 1237–1241. – The edition mentioned is a scenario; there are also a few manuscripts giving the score. 308 This English summary is a concise version of the original Italian scenario of the ballet.

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calm herself by playing the harp. ‘Lucio’ declares his love for her. Clidia drops the harp, and ‘Lucio’ embraces her. At this moment Atte and Aristo arrive. ‘Lucio’ invites Aristo to come to the imperial court with his daughter, but Aristo makes it clear that he only pays respect to Nerone on the orders of the proconsul and that he would rather kill his daughter than take her to the court of this dissolute tyrant. ‘Lucio’ feigns approval, but gives a secret order to his freedman Aniceto. While Atte tries to indicate to Aristo that he should act more cautiously, ‘Lucio’ asks Clidia for a meeting. Aristo, alarmed by Atte’s behaviour, withdraws with his daughter. Atte leaves on Nerone’s orders. Slightly later Clidia returns; the young man again confesses his love for her, promises to make her his wife and entreats her to follow him. In the end Love wins. Aristo, looking for his daughter, is unable to find her anywhere. Atte arrives, full of jealousy, and, pointing to the statue of Nerone, tells Aristo that this is the person who has taken away his daughter. The devastated father makes ready to pursue the fugitives, when soldiers, led by Aniceto, arrest him. For the THIRD ACT the scene moves to the Gulf of Naples, ready for festive celebrations upon the emperor’s arrival. The Roman patrician and future emperor Galba, the prefect of the Praetorian Guard Vinicio, many senators, the Chaldaean princess Nimesi, the Arabian princess Sarah, the Armenian king Tiridate, the comedian Fenicio and many others in festive mood await the arrival of the divine emperor. Nerone’s ship soon approaches, and Nerone disembarks, followed by Clidia, Atte and Aniceto. The People show their respect to him at his safe return and perform dances in his honour. Tiridate throws himself at Nerone’s feet and asks for the promised crown of Armenia. Nerone first makes a joking response, but then grants the requested crown to Tiridate. Afterwards the comedian Fenicio starts mocking Nerone’s former beloved, now a slave. When she is about to throw herself upon him, he uses Nerone’s body as a shield. Noticing that the situation is becoming difficult, Fenicio turns to an elderly patrician and, pointing him out to the emperor, exclaims that there is a man who can lament over the loyalty of the gods. Nerone looks at the person and recognizes Galba, to whom oracles have promised the imperial crown, and he orders him to relocate himself to the legions in ‘Spain’. Then he moves on towards the city, followed by his entourage. In the FOURTH ACT the action returns to Rome, to a luxurious room in Nerone’s Golden Palace, adorned with busts and statues, including one of Clidia. Atte enters; the statue of her rival, made by Nerone, arouses her jealousy to the utmost. She is about to break it to pieces, when Clidia and Fenicio arrive. Clidia naïvely asks her for the whereabouts of the divine artist, but Atte warns her (in vain) that Nerone will abandon her and reveals a dagger. Nerone intervenes and orders Atte to leave the palace immediately. After Atte has left, Nerone proceeds in putting the finishing touches to the statue of Clidia. Meanwhile some young slaves approach out of curiosity, and Nerone, having noticed them, has them come closer. Clidia, spotting the opportunity, asks for the freedom of these unfortunate individuals, and Nerone agrees. This scene is followed by a dance.

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Nerone passionately embraces Clidia, and he compliments her upon her gracefulness and on the care with which she has adorned herself with the necklace he gave to her. He comments that this piece of jewellery was very dear to Poppea. Clidia is horrified and throws it to the ground. Nerone angrily rejoins that one should not oppose his will, since he removes everybody who opposes him, including his own mother. Thereupon the girl faints and falls to the ground; at this moment Fenicio arrives to announce the leader of the Senate and the prefect of the Praetorian Guard. Nerone raises Clidia and asks her to withdraw; then he orders the magistrates to be led in. Vinicio has come because the Praetorian Guards have not received any payment for a long time and are now threatening to stage an uprising. Rufo, the leader of the Senate, reports that the legions in ‘Spain’ are rebelling, proclaiming Galba imperator. Nerone, fearing for his position, asks Rufo to defend his case in the Senate and promises Vinicio that the soldiers will be paid; he assures them that the survival of the empire is in their hands. Vinicio and Rufo leave. Nerone is devastated; gradually his courage returns, and he tells himself that the People love him, that the enemy is still far away and that he will always be a great artist. The action of the FIFTH ACT is located in the imperial gardens. Atte approaches with Aristo, to whom she promises that he will soon see his daughter again. Clidia indeed arrives and throws herself at her father’s feet; the miserable old man beseeches her to abandon this shameful stay, pointing to the deceit that is surrounding her. Atte reinforces these entreaties. Clidia is about to be persuaded when Fenicio arrives, accompanied by a group of young women, and tells her that the emperor is awaiting her. Clidia is torn between love and duty, but finally she confesses that she does not have the strength to leave her lover. Thereupon her father rejects her and invokes divine revenge on her. Clidia collapses into the arms of the young women, who carry her away. Aristo assures Atte that soon everyone will be freed from this comedian who wears the imperial crown. Atte moves towards the palace, hoping to save Nerone, whom she still loves. The SIXTH ACT shows a terrace of the Golden Palace, with Rome in the background. There is a sumptuous banquet, attended by Roman patricians, foreign kings and noble ladies. They are entertained by dancing girls. When Clidia arrives, Nerone invites her to join the festivities. In this atmosphere Aniceto comes and informs Nerone that Galba and his rebel legions are not far away. Nerone, half-drunk, does not believe that there is danger; instead, in humorous mood, he points the guests to Rome, which is starting to be caught by flames. Then he takes up the harp again and orders Clidia to dance; yet she is horrifed and flees, as do the others at court. Left on his own, Nerone prepares to follow Clidia, when he meets Atte. She tells him that all are eager for his death. Fear compels Nerone to return to his senses, and he calls in vain for his loyal men. Terrified, he prepares to flee. Atte stops him and tells him that this would not make sense since he is surrounded by enemies; the only option left is to avoid an ignominious death, and she hands him a dagger. Finally, when he hears from the arriving Aniceto that the rebels are in

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the palace, Nerone points the dagger against his breast in a desperate move and, with the loyal Aniceto’s help, falls onto the blade. Atte throws herself on the body of her beloved, while Galba and the rebels invade the palace. Analysis In reorganizing historical events and adding fictional characters for this ballet, the writer has dealt freely with the historical basis, while keeping the framewok recognizable, as he notes himself at the beginning.309 The date given by the choreographer for the events shown is 57–64 CE; the endpoint might be determined by the fire of Rome in 64 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.38–44; Suet. Nero 38; Oct. 831–833), alluded to in Act VI. However, as the Golden Palace, which was erected after the fire (Tac. Ann. 15.42), has already been built (Act IV), and the piece also includes the uprising of Galba and his accession to power as well as Nero’s death, the ballet in fact covers events up to 68 CE (Suet. Nero 42.1; 47–49; Galba 9.2–11). Nerone’s appearance at the Isthmian Games in Corinth then is to be connected with his ‘artistic year’ in Greece, which included a visit to those games (Suet. Nero 24.2) and from where he returned to Naples (Suet. Nero 25.1). Especially from the death of his mother onwards (alluded to in Act IV; cf. Tac. Ann. 14.1–8) the historical Nero became more and more eager to show off his alleged abilities as a great charioteer and a talented musician in public (Tac. Ann. 14.13.2–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21); hence he was keen to participate in traditional Greek games, where he was usually given the prize (Suet. Nero 22.3–24.2). Just as with regard to historical events, the plot builds on historical characters while these are often shown in modified contexts. That Nero dies in the Golden Palace (Act VI) creates a dramatically effective closure, but does not agree with the historical record, according to which this happened outside Rome (Suet. Nero 48–49). Galba, who is sent to ‘Spain’ after Nerone’s return from Greece (Act III), was provincial governor of ‘Spain’ from 60 CE (Suet. Galba 8.1). That the revolt of Galba and his men (Acts IV; VI) contributed to triggering Nero’s end again agrees with the historical record (Suet. Nero 42.1; Galba 9.2–11). Tiridates came to Italy to be crowned during Nero’s reign, but this was a special event in Rome in 66 CE (Tac. Ann. 15.24–31; 16.23.2–24.1; Suet. Nero 13; Cass. Dio 63[62].1– 7) and did not happen on the occasion of Nerone’s arrival in Naples (Act III). The freedman Aniceto helping Nero to carry out his desires (Act II) alludes to Anicetus, a prefect of the fleet at Misenum, who assisted Nero in the assassination of _____________ 309 See “Il Coreografo spera che il pubblico gli vorrà usare indulgenza se fu costretto, dalle esigenze della scena, a sagrificare in parte la verità storica.” – ‘The choreographer hopes that the audience will pardon the fact that he was forced, due to the constraints of the stage, to sacrifice in part the historical truth.’

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his mother and later of his wife (Tac. Ann. 14.3.3; 14.7.4–5; 14.8.4; 14.62.3–4). The prefect of the Praetorian Guard Vinicius might have been inspired by the historical Marcus Vinicius, who, coming from a noble family, was consul in 30 and 45, was married to Iulia Livilla, daughter of Germanicus, in 33 CE (Tac. Ann. 6.15), is mentioned in an imperial office for 36 CE alongside Cassius Longinus and P. Petronius (Tac. Ann. 6.45), participated in Claudius’ campaign in Britannia in 43 CE and was killed on the orders of the empress Messalina in 46 CE (Cass. Dio 60.25.1; 60.27.4), or by a Vinicius who initiated a conspiracy at Beneventum, similar to that of Piso at Rome (Suet. Nero 36.1). Rufo, the leader of the Senate, could be modelled on Cluvius Rufus, suffect consul before 65 CE and historian, or Faenius Rufus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard, said to be honest, but not very active, and an important member of the Pisonian Conspiracy (Tac. Ann. 14.51.2–3; 15.50.3). The presence of Atte recalls the love affair between Nero and the freedwoman Claudia Acte (Tac. Ann. 13.12; 13.46.2; 14.2; Suet. Nero 28.1; Cass. Dio 61.7.1–3; Oct. 193–197), dated to the period prior to Nero’s marriage with Poppaea (62 CE) in Tacitus’ Annales, where Acte is not described as jealous of a rival. That Atte cared for Nerone until the end (Act VI) might be suggested by the fact that she attended Nero’s funeral according to Suetonius (Suet. Nero 50). The Corinthian woman Clidia and her father Aristo are fictional figures; they are added to the action that takes place in their hometown, since the setting of the ballet is not restricted to Rome and its surroundings (Act I–II). The presence of Clidia and Aristo helps to create a set-up that recalls the Latin Octavia: when Nerone abandons his relationship with Atte for the sake of his new love Clidia (Act II), this creates a conflict like the one that exists between Poppaea and Octavia in the Latin Octavia. Atte, however, reacts more passionately than her Latin model, rather like Ottavia in Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea. Aristo has the role of a representative of morals, and he tells Nerone directly what he thinks of his rule, even though at this point he has not realised ‘Lucio’s’ true identity (Act II). Just as Nero in Octavia ignores Seneca’s admonishments, this Nerone dismisses Aristo’s view, while he still orders punishment (Act II), as Nerone does in L’incoronazione di Poppea with respect to Seneca. The dissatisfaction with Nero’s arbitrary rule, which is expressed by Seneca and provokes a revolt of the People in Octavia, is motivated by Nero’s repudiation of Octavia and his new relationship with Poppaea, as it disregards moral standards for a ruler, Octavia’s dynastic position and concern for the subjects. Nerone’s love for Clidia (Act II) in the ballet does not have immediate political consequences; it remains a negative example of Nerone’s irresponsible behaviour. Political aspects are rather expressed by the dissatisfaction of the Praetorian Guards (Act IV) and the rebellion under Galba (Acts IV; VI), which trigger the end of Nerone’s rule. Hence the ballet does not bring the same sequence of events connected with Nero on stage as the Latin Octavia; at the same time it transfers motifs and relationships characterizing the situation in Octavia to other set-ups within Nero’s reign and takes up conventional motifs of the operatic tradition: there is a com-

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bination of Nerone’s unscrupulous love affair with political movements triggered by deficiencies in his reign. The presence of the Armenian king Tiridates, although he only makes a brief appearance, continues an element that has become a stock feature in Nero operas. Galba’s uprising, Nero’s death, his relationship with Acte, the presence of a father of a beloved of Nero from an ordinary background, the involvement of a leader of the Praetorian Guard, Nero’s depiction as a selfish, yet fearful tyrant or the appearance of characters in disguise are all features familiar from some of the Nero operas. Hence, while the story is presented in ballet form, key elements from the classical sources and the operatic tradition have been preserved, and they have been condensed into a dramatically impressive plot.

4 Conclusions The overview of Nero operas (along with thematically connected pieces in other performative genres) from the inception of the tradition until the early 20th century has confirmed that the fascination with Nero’s life and deeds lasted from the emergence of operas with plots based on historical events until virtually the present day, albeit with varying degrees of intensity.310 While reasons for this sustained engagement may include operatic conventions, potential rivalries among librettists and composers or constraints due to the organization of the operatic business, more importantly, Nero’s life, as described in ancient sources, offers an ideal basis for creating a varied, dramatically effective plot: Nero provides a prime example of a ruler endowed with absolute power, who, because of his dominant position, does not accept any boundaries to his sexual desires, his personal ambitions as an artist or his despotic political decisions.311 This applies not only to Nero’s presentation in operas, but also to his appearance in spoken dramas, novels or films. The basics of the character portrayal and the associated activities remain constant, with Nero seen as a bad character in various way, while the material provided by the ancient sources undergoes a variety of transformations over the course of time. Watching the actions of an evil character as well as seeing others affected by it, especially if poetic justice is achieved with a happy ending (at least for some of the characters) or punishment of the villain, has always appealed to the public and, in particular, can be used to encourage audiences to aim for morally acceptable behaviour. That audiences, when they see ‘evil’ characters on stage, may be morally edified, since they are made to condemn this behaviour, is a view that can be found in discussions on dramatic art in the 16th century, just before the first dramatic works on the Nero theme appear (e.g. Scaliger, Poetices libri septem [1561], lib. 3, cap. 96), and this may be linked to the principles of combining pleasure and education promoted on the basis of Horace’s Ars poetica (333–344). _____________ 310 On the impact of Nero see esp. the characterization by Mascagni (ch. 2.22), in Stivender 1988, 244: “It is a question of a human, affectionate, extremely interesting character. This important man died very young, at thirty-two, nineteen centuries ago, yet everyone knows Nero, everyone talks about him.” 311 That Nero’s characteristics and behaviour might find an explanation in childhood experiences is a rather modern approach: reflections of such a view can be found in one of the most recent dramatic versions of the Nero story (1994): Peter Lund (b. 1965) and Niclas Ramdohr (b. 1967), Nero Kaiserkind – eine Art Oper [‘Nero, imperial offspring – a kind of opera’] (see ch. 1.4 n. 79).

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The first full-scale spoken drama on Nero in the early modern period, Matthew Gwinne’s (1558?–1627) Latin tragedy Nero (1603), uses all the relevant ancient sources, as the full title reveals (see ch. 1.2). The aim seems to have been to bring as much material found in classical texts as possible on stage: so the play runs to enormous length and portrays the entire span of Nero’s reign, including events that brought about his rise to power.312 This drama’s plot can be summarized as follows:313 “Thus he [i.e. Gwinne] could not but confine himself to some of the major episodes of Nero’s life, though the play as we have it still runs to an inordinate length. Act I concludes with the poisoning of Claudius at the instigation of Agrippina who wants her son to become emperor. There follows the struggle for power between Nero and his mother in which he prevails by having first his rival Britannicus (Act II) and then Agrippina herself (Act III) put to death. In Act IV Nero continues his atrocities and rids himself of his wife Octavia. A large part of the extremely long last act is devoted to describing the burning of Rome and Piso’s abortive conspiracy. Finally Nero takes his own life when Galba is proclaimed emperor by the Praetorians. This brief synopsis is sufficient to demonstrate that Gwinne is mainly concerned with Nero’s personality as it shows itself in his unrestrained cruelty and eccentricity, not with his achievements as ruler of the Roman Empire.” Events featured in Gwinne’s play (in historically chronological order) include the death of Nero’s predecessor Claudius (54 CE), Nero’s succession to the throne (54 CE), the assassinations of the potential rival Britannicus, Claudius’ son (54/55 CE), and of Nero’s mother Agrippina (59 CE), the repudiation of Nero’s wife Octavia (62 CE), the fire of Rome (64 CE), the Pisonian Conspiracy (65 CE), the presence of the poet Lucan, Nero’s own death (68 CE) and Galba’s accession to the throne (68 CE). The dedicatory poem addressed to Iustus Lipsius _____________ 312 The entire period of Nero’s reign is also covered in the slightly later drama Roma abrasada y crueldades de Nerón (printed 1625) by Lope de Vega (1562–1635). The principle of giving a full description in a drama was taken up again later by Robert Seymour Bridges (1844–1930) in Nero. Part I. The first part of the reign of Nero, comprising the murder of Britannicus to the death of Agrippina – Nero. Part 2. From the death of Burrus to the death of Seneca, comprising the conspiracy of Piso (An historical tragedy) (London 1885 / 1894). – In terms of length and comprehensiveness similar developments can be observed for the novel: Octavia: Römische Geschichte (‘Octavia: Roman history’) by Anton Ulrich Herzog zu Braunschweig and Lüneburg (1633–1714) is a narrative (1677 and later editions) that runs to around 7,000 pages, including the names of about 1,800 individuals (modern edition: Anton Ulrich Herzog zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, Die Römische Octavia. Erster Band. Bearbeitet von Rolf Tarot unter Mitwirkung von Maria Munding. Mit einer deskriptiven Bibliographie von Martin Borchardt, Stuttgart 1993 [Anton Ulrich Herzog zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, Werke, Historisch-kritische Ausgabe, Band III,1–3, Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart 314–316]; introduction and information at: http://pierre-marteau.com/library/g-1677-0001.html). Even though some of the historical facts have been changed (e.g. Octavia survives Nero’s assassination attempt and is later loved, under the name of the Christian Neronia, by king Tyridates), the intention to include as many events from Nero’s reign as possible is clear. 313 See Leidig 1983, 8.

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and the presence of the character of Seneca, whose lines are heavily dependent on the treatises of the historical Seneca, add a philosophical dimension. In that sense the dedication describes Gwinne’s drama as an improved substitute of the pseudoSenecan Octavia, since it presents Seneca having been given a voice by a poet of his standard. In contrast to Gwinne’s drama, the first opera with historical subject matter, Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43), concentrates mainly on a single incident (including its repercussions and consequences), namely Nero’s repudiation of his wife Octavia to marry his beloved Poppaea (ch. 2.1). This is the incident from Nero’s reign that is dramatized in the Latin Octavia: the set-up shows a conflict that demonstrates paradigmatically Nero’s being driven by personal desires, neglecting the emotions of his wife as well as the feelings and interests of Roman noblemen and the People. The values in the empire are determined by Nero’s thirst for power; he rejects a positive alternative demonstrated by Seneca, who calls for higher moral standards for a ruler and argues for a responsible and cooperative emperor. Subsequent operas reflect this model in so far as they limit themselves to portraying a section from Nero’s reign, while they may make it particularly eventful and thus find a solution to the demands both of dramatic coherence and of providing an exciting story that exploits a great number of incidents from Nero’s reign.314 By their focused presentation the operas develop the basic structure introduced by Octavia and display the same combination of themes, although the action may be set at different points in time, ranging from the period preceding Nero’s accession to the throne to the end of his reign (even including the persecution of the Christians), and thus the characters involved beyond the key figures differ. Variations concern both the women Nero desires and, more generally, all the historical and fictional figures. On the one hand additions to the cast may serve to provide support for Nero in carrying out his plans; on the other hand they emphasize the effect of Nero’s interventions by increasing the number of people suffering from them and eventually opposing them. Despite this range of modifications the focus of each piece remains on a Nero who, as in the Latin Octavia, causes misfortune for individuals and the entire country as a result of abusing his power, while the opposition to this rule is not introduced in every opera as a political and moral alternative concept outlined by Seneca and a rebellion of the People (as in Octavia). A victory of opposing forces over Nero, if included in the action, tends to be linked with his downfall and end, therefore involving activities of the provincial governors Vindex and Galba, sometimes presented as happening almost simultaneously with a version of the Pisonian Conspiracy. _____________ 314 See Frenzel 2005, 670: “Die Vielfalt der Ereignisse und Konflikte macht dem Dramatiker die Herausschälung einer Episode oder des Endes zur Pflicht, legt aber eine epische Gestaltung des Gesamtstoffes nahe.”

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Since the motif of a conflict of a licentious and ruthless emperor like Nero with the immediate environment of the family and the imperial court as well as with the subjects is a transferable structure, the Nero theme acquires a timeless component, which counteracts the fact that in post-Roman periods the story no longer has topical relevance. By contrast, in its time the Latin Octavia, irrespective of when exactly it was written, must have been understood as a political comment on the contemporary situation at the Roman imperial court and could be seen as an encouragement to aim for the opposite. Similar connotations with regard to opera have been suggested, in particular, for Grimani’s Agrippina (1709), which is read by some as an ironic comment on the Vatican and Pope Clement XI or on the Wars of the Spanish Succession (ch. 2.13), or for Salfi’s La congiura pisoniana (1797), which can be seen as an allegory for the fall of Louis XVI and the liberation from the rule of the Austrian Habsburgs in Italy (ch. 2.16). Whether or not there are such specific (political) relationships, all Nero operas show aspects of imperial politics (e.g. discourteous treatment of defeated peoples and their representatives or – in later operas – the Christians) and the influence of a ruler’s behaviour on the subjects (e.g. disregard of the People and their uprising in response), which can be interpreted paradigmatically and transferred to differently organized societies in which a single individual abuses their power and does not care for moral or social conventions. In comparison with the Latin Octavia, the first opera on the subject, Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea, adds Ottone (Otho) as Poppea’s husband to the characters. Ottone’s desperation at the emperor’s machinations illustrates Nerone’s outrageous intentions. This means that, beyond the relationship between Nero and his new beloved as shown in Octavia, another person whose love relationship is endangered and will be destroyed by the emperor is introduced: Ottone is in despair, seeing that Poppea, whom he still loves, is being separated from him. In addition to this historical figure, the librettist also introduces a fictional person, the loyal and selfless Drusilla, who loves and supports Ottone and thus forms a contrast to the ambitious Poppea. Not only does the plot become more complex thereby; moreover, the theme of love is more prominent than in Octavia and presented in a wider range of manifestations, including both negative and positive features. The tendency to increase the number of pairs of lovers and thus have as many historical as well as fictional characters as possible fall in love (even Agrippina, who only appears as a shade in Octavia, is shown involved in a love affair in Grimani’s Agrippina) continues to characterize operas on the Nero theme. Additionally, later librettists include a number of elements from other periods of Nero’s reign into the story, such as dealings with a king of an eastern empire, the Pisonian Conspiracy, the uprising led by Nero’s eventual successor Galba, the persecution of the Christians or Nero’s death. This increases both the political dimension of the plot and the potential for love stories: for instance, the interaction with the foreign king shows Nero’s treatment of dependent peoples; the king and members of his family may be objects of love in Rome; the challenges

4 Conclusions

351

to Nero’s reign illustrate the precariousness of his rule based on authorial force causing dissatisfaction among the subjects. These aspects are not yet brought to the fore in the Latin Octavia, where unrest mainly forms the threatening background to the action on stage and does not have an immediate effect; but the motif indicates the dramatic potential of this movement. The presence of Otho (Ottone), Poppaea’s (historical) husband, in Busenello’s version introduces a motif into the plot that appears as a constant element across almost all pieces, highlighting the destructive nature of the emperor’s love: Nero being in love with a woman who is loved by or married to somebody else, while Nero’s claim to these women can also function as an intensification of the opposition against him. Yet the identity of this beloved is not fixed: while the majority of operas retain the (historical) Poppaea, some choose fictional individuals. But it is not a given that Nero eventually marries his beloved: even though this is again how most operas end, some pieces have Nero return his beloved to her rightful husband or her lover (creating a happy ending of a different kind). If Nero does not take a new wife, Octavia will not be repudiated if she is present in the respective opera: however, not all operas include a wife of Nero, and in one instance Nero is shown being married to Statilia (Silvani, La fortezza al cimento; ch. 2.10). Since the figure of Nero is kept, what is shown is still not any story of love and power, but a particular one; irrespective of the names of Nero’s women and the outcome of his love affair, the basic framework remains the same.315 Some characters, once introduced into the main (love) plot in more or less direct contravention of the historical chronology and the narratives in ancient sources, become almost obligatory in the course of operatic history. This applies, for instance, to the presence of a foreign king in Rome at the time of Nero’s repudiation of Octavia, which is only attested for a later period in the 60s CE. The king’s addition, first found in Biancolelli’s spoken play (ch. 3.3), seems to have become such a staple element that Agostino Piovene, in the preface to the libretto of his Nerone (1721), can explain his presence by claiming that the king has become part of the ‘same’ Nero story (ch. 2.14). This piece was soon followed by a ‘commedia dell’arte opera’ in 1725/26 (Nerone detronato dal trionfo di Sergio Galba), i.e. a parody of serious opera and perhaps also of the frequent use of the particular topic of Nero in serious operas (ch. 2.15). If something is ridiculed, it typically means that it has become rather familiar to both producers and audiences and is at the point of becoming hackneyed. Hence, such a treatment may indicate the end of a process or the necessity of changes within a development, which can only be continued by new ideas or significant alterations of the established framework. _____________ 315 The presentation of a complex of love stories as well as of paradigmatic (positive or negative) political behaviour seems to have been the preferred combination in Venetian opera, and stories taken from ancient Rome were adapted to fit that bill (see Ketterer 2009).

352

4 Conclusions

According to the available evidence there is indeed a drop in activity afterwards until Nero operas become more frequent again in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. At this point there is a shift of thematic focus, since Nero’s persecution of the Christians develops into the dominant theme.316 The evil that Nero personifies is thus displayed as a contrast to true belief. But even with this perspective, the topic of love is kept, just as Nero’s characterization as a ruler and the political implications of his actions; thereby the basic components present since the beginning of the series of Nero operas are retained.317 The first opera with an emphasis on the relationship between Nero and Christianity is the French opera Néron (1879) to a libretto by Jules Barbier (ch. 2.17), dating to a time when opera in France was flourishing. Here Nero claims a devout Christian woman for himself; she, however, loves another man (who also becomes a Christian), rejects and confronts Nero and is then killed: thereby she becomes one of the heroes of the piece and provides a contrast to Nero’s vileness. The link between a brutal Nero figure and a romantic love story with a religious dimension in a historical setting apparently matched the interests of audiences at the time, as demonstrated by the enormous success of the novel Quo vadis? (1895) by Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846– 1916). With the reports by ancient historiographers, particularly the late first- / early second-century CE Roman authors Tacitus and Suetonius, as well as the dramatic presentation in the pseudo-Senecan play Octavia, writers of librettos and dramas had access to a wealth of material on Nero’s character and behaviour in the context of the main events during his reign as recorded in antiquity. The use of late first-century CE authors as sources was a general phenomenon in the Baroque period from about 1580 onwards; both style and content of those works were felt to be congenial to the times, more so than the writings of the ‘classical’ period in a narrow sense. Topics from the Roman imperial period were popular in the whole of Europe, especially in the middle of the 17th century, when the first Nero operas were composed.318 In the period of the emergence of historical opera, subject matter taken from antiquity presumably guaranteed a certain seriousness of the plot as required for opera seria. Besides, some well-known facts are never changed (e.g. Nero’s desire for other women; assassinations of members of the imperial family; Seneca as _____________ 316 However, a confrontation between Nero and the Christians (in the shape of Petrus) was already juxtaposed with a love affair between Nero and Poppea in the Latin drama Petrus (1556; available at http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0001/bsb00016629/images/) by Claude Roillet (Claudius Roilletus, c. 1520–1578). 317 On the motivations for works on Nero from the 19th century onwards see also Fluch 1924, 11– 13. – The aspect of Nero himself being an artist and performer (e.g. Tac. Ann. 14.14–16; 15.33; Suet. Nero 20–21) is interestingly downplayed in most operas until the early 20th century (see Dahm 2009). 318 See e.g. Asmuth 1978, 92, 102.

4 Conclusions

353

a philosopher and Nero’s adviser, later forced to kill himself; fire of Rome) and therefore provide a fixed background. Within this framework, chronological contractions, modifications of causal connections between events and the inclusion of secondary characters (e.g. incidents from various periods in Nero’s reign combined to create a single coherent story) were obviously accepted and perhaps even regarded as interesting and innovative. The switch from historiographical account (or historical drama) to the genre of opera within early modern socio-cultural circumstances is helped by the fact that in opera the basic plot is typically supplemented by servant scenes, comments by fools or stock scenes such as sleeping, fishing or characters appearing in disguise. Most librettists (and dramatists) develop the historical material rather freely;319 those that supply prefaces tend to claim that their operas include a mixture of true / historical and probable / likely events.320 What these writers regard as ‘historical’ is obviously based on accounts of ancient historiographers, which are accepted as providing ‘historical truth’. Interestingly, supplements are shaped in a way so that at first glance they too seem ‘historical’ or at least could be historical, since the figures carry Roman or Roman-sounding names and behave in a way that is expected for the period determined by the ‘historical’ characters (apart from a few breaks of the historical illusion, or clarifications, when, for instance, a ‘mayor of Rome’ is introduced or provinces are denoted by the respective countries’ modern names). Librettists probably assume that audiences know the general historical background, so that this does not need to be explained and rather constitutes a shared frame of reference; a range of variations within this broad context make it possible to give the familiar subject matter individual profiles. This creates a distinctive mixture of ‘fact’ and ‘fiction’ in that the overall setting can be recognized as _____________ 319 Rosand (2007a, 175) suggests (with reference to Busenello) that the choice of historical subject matter (rather than mythical stories) offered more freedom to poets (“Since his protagonists were not of such well-established heroic stature as Ulysses or Aeneas, he evidently felt less compelled to adhere closely to his literary source in portraying them; his disclaimer in the preface to his libretto fairly boasts of his freedom: …”). Yet, she argued the other way round earlier (Rosand 1991, 59–60: “One area in which the impact of ancient precedent remained evident, at least on the surface, was in the choice of subject matter. The stories were old. A number of the earliest Venetian operas, like those in Florence and Rome, had mythological subjects. … Mythology, dealing with the exploits of Olympian deities, allowed relatively free rein to the librettist’s imagination. … History, on the other hand, whatever its mythological dimensions, made greater claims on verisimilitude. The Trojan War had causes and results; it had a beginning and an end. Ulysses and Aeneas, though legendary, were human beings with well-known histories and destinies; their adventures were replete with historical implications and consequences. It is no wonder, therefore, that early librettists felt more strictly bound by human history than by divine myth, and that they felt compelled to justify any liberties they took as far as plot development was concerned.”). 320 To have the plot appear as based on historical truth is a general tendency in the Baroque period, for both operas and spoken dramas (on the latter see e.g. Spellerberg 1967, 143).

354

4 Conclusions

based on ‘fact’ due to its resemblance to what is known from the historical record, while the particular characterization of these ‘historical’ figures as well as of the additional characters has been created by fiction. Hence, as modern literary theory has pointed out,321 the set-up as a whole is fictional since such a Nero as presented in an individual drama has never existed and the context in which he is shown is not the historical ancient Rome.322 Still, the introduction of well-known figures such as Nero or Seneca defines the notional place and time, removes the need for detailed descriptions and, upon further reflection, creates an attractive mixture of familiarity and novelty. Moreover, especially for the early period of Nero operas, the historical setting provides a justification in a Christian society for bringing a story with such an explicit portrayal of sex and crime on stage. When in the 19th century a historical legitimization for such a topic was no longer required in the same way, the reference back to a past world agreed with the contemporary intellectual movement of historicism. Still, after the tradition of Nero operas had come into being, they seem to have developed their own conventions, for instance with regard to characters and incidents typically involved, while individual pieces offer their own particular combinations of events.323 In the preface to the libretto of L’incoronazione di Poppea Busenello says that the plot of this opera is different from Tacitus’ narrative in some respects, obviously addressed to learned recipients. Hence the particular section from Nero’s reign selected for dramatic presentation must have been all the more telling, especially when compared with a linear depiction of historical events as, for instance, in Gwinne’s drama. That Busenello wished to condense the Nero story into one significant and coherent action is supported by the narrative perspective chosen: it is not a necessary consequence of a powerful monarch loving a woman and wishing to make her his empress (by repudiating his legitimate wife) that this situation and its consequences are being discussed, or, in other words, that the presentation of various views on the personal situation of both women, the personal and political consequences for the emperor, the repercussions for the subjects and the government or action taken against the emperor form part of a play on an emperor’s love affair. Yet this focus demonstrates the nature of Nero’s reign in a nutshell and is precisely what is characteristic of both Busenello’s opera and the Latin Octavia. The portrayal of an evil and corrupt Nero adopted from the ancient sources remains constant throughout the history of opera despite all thematic transforma_____________ 321 See Zipfel 2001, ch. 3.4. 322 The relationship between a ‘historical’ place and a ‘fictional’ place with the same name is often illustrated with the example of Sherlock Holmes: he is presented as living in London to convey an impression of his surroundings; but Sherlock Holmes’ London is not equivalent to the historical London at the time when the stories were written. 323 This is also pointed out by Ketterer (1999, 2–3) against a trend to emphasize opera’s formulaic qualities.

4 Conclusions

355

tions. Even in operas including his end324 Nero tends to appear as miserable rather than as pitiable; equally, even in those pieces that show Nero as reflecting on himself and his deeds325 there typically is no fundamental change in his behaviour.326 Even when Nero renounces his claim to the women he desires and grants them to their husbands or lovers (sometimes to create a happy ending),327 in view of his preceding conduct, such a decision does not always come across as an act of generosity or as an appreciation of the virtue of others, but can also appear as an element of arbitrariness. In Octavia the foremost representative of the party who is opposed to Nero’s plans to repudiate Octavia and to marry Poppaea because of the adverse consequences for the community at large is Seneca. However, he not only criticizes, but he also outlines a political and moral alternative in conversation with Nero. Many operas too use Seneca as an exponent of positive alternatives, which would be based on the actions of a ruler governed by personal virtue and by concern for the well-being of the community. This component is kept even in those operas that have eliminated Seneca, since they tend to retain his arguments and distribute them among other characters. To have a contrary position voiced by characters within the drama is a feature that again points to Octavia as an ancestor of the tradition despite all differences in detail. However, Busenello, the librettist of the first opera exhibiting close correspondences to Octavia and influential for the tradition, does not mention the Latin Octavia. Perhaps a reference to an ancient historiographer (Tacitus) seemed more appropriate to the subject matter, or there was a reluctance to make the connection to Octavia (including both similarities and differences) explicit, since this vagueness left open the ways in which the story was given differently in the opera and also how much it may owe to the ancient dramatic model. Since none of the librettists refers to Octavia or any earlier operas explicitly, it is hard to tell how far, beyond using historiographical accounts, later operas have been influenced by Octavia or have followed the emerging tradition of Nero operas and / or particularly influential representatives.328 For instance, on the one hand not all characteristic modifications of Busenello’s libretto became canonical (e.g. including Seneca’s death into the action), but on the other hand some later librettists both invented new aspects and fell back on elements included in Octavia, yet not previously _____________ 324 E.g. Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (ch. 2.2); Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (ch. 2.5); Silvani, La fortezza al cimento (ch. 2.10); Barbier, Néron (ch. 2.17); Catelli, Nerone (ch. 2.18). 325 E.g. Feind, Octavia (ch. 2.12); Barbier, Néron (ch. 2.17). 326 ‘Historical facts’ here refers to what has been transmitted in ancient sources and was probably regarded as ‘historical’ by librettists. 327 E.g. Corradi, Il Nerone (ch. 2.4); Contri, Agrippina in Baia (ch. 2.6); Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare (ch. 2.8). 328 Ketterer (1999), for instance, discusses, among other aspects, the possible influence of L’incoronazione di Poppea on Noris’ Il ripudio d’Ottavia (ch. 2.9).

356

4 Conclusions

taken up (e.g. appearance of ghosts or shades). Therefore it is likely for a number of operas that they were inspired by the tradition, while they used both the classical model and earlier modern versions. Still, the Latin Octavia remains the typological ancestor of all historical dramas, and its themes have perennial value enhanced by their transferability. Over the course of time the influence of preceding remakes increased, and there was also cross-generic inspiration. As the paradigmatic analysis of some spoken dramas and ballets shows, works of these genres too exhibit a combination of (historical) facts, fictional elements and standard motifs, including those ultimately based on the Latin Octavia. Librettists, poets and choreographers have obviously mutually influenced each other. For example, the operas by Catelli (ch. 2.18) and Targioni-Tozzetti (ch. 2.22), are based on Pietro Cossa’s drama Nerone (ch. 3.10); Salfi’s La congiura pisoniana (ch. 2.16) was inspired by GabrielMarie Jean-Baptiste Legouvé’s drama (ch. 3.8); Cain’s opera Quo vadis? (ch. 2.21) relies on Henryk Sienkiewicz’ novel of the same title. Some motifs that became almost canonical in operas first appear in spoken dramas, such as the presence of a foreign king in Rome in Biancolelli’s Il Nerone (ch. 3.3). Inspiration from a contemporary narrative in prose is not a singular occurrence: Lohenstein used motifs from a French novel and a French prose treatise in his drama Epicharis (ch. 3.2); yet despite the detailed acknowledgement of ancient sources, the poet does not refer to these models. Similarly, Busenello, in the introduction to L’incoronazione di Poppea, only mentions Tacitus, but not the Latin Octavia. Lohenstein’s aim was presumably to document his familiarity with classical literature and his play’s connection to these sources, but not to reveal that part of the plot had been adapted from contemporary works. Finally, there remains the question of whether it was by chance or whether there are possible reasons for the fact that the first opera on a historical subject matter dramatizes Nero’s repudiation of Octavia and his marriage with Poppaea and does so in a format that is reminiscent of the Latin Octavia.329 Presumably this was not a coincidence, but is rather connected with the material available and the development of the genre of opera. Since opera’s emergence (irrespective of various precursors) goes back to the activities of Florentine Humanists at the end of the 16th century, when these men, dissatisfied with the music of their own day, made attempts to revive ancient drama with its presentation of clearly audible language, but heightened by music and with three bodies involved (chorus, soloists and orchestra), a recourse to ancient models is plausible, particularly since, despite the _____________ 329 Even if the intention is to create an opera on a Roman emperor, the historiographical and biographical works by Tacitus and Suetonius also contain material on other Roman emperors that could have been developed into an opera. This was done on some occasions, for instance for the opera Il Vespasiano (1678) by Giulio Cesare Corradi and Carlo Pallavicino.

4 Conclusions

357

alleged formal reliance on Greek tragedy, the material in the early period of opera predominantly came from Latin sources.330 After mythical themes, especially themes from ancient myth, were dominant among the first experiments with the new genre of opera, Busenello’s L’incoronazione di Poppea increases the range of accepted topics available, since it adds the area of experiences of ‘real’ human beings. The transitional position of L’incoronazione di Poppea may be the reason why it includes a mythical element with the appearance of three personifications in the shape of Roman gods and goddesses, indicating the message of the piece, in the prologue, which is not taken up by later Nero operas. By this prologue the historical plot, whose protagonists are not randomly selected or trivial simply by virtue of their standing, becomes an example of divine interference. It may have seemed a good idea to go back to an ancient dramatic model for an innovative design, to a model whose plot was close to the sequence of events verified by ancient historiographers. That Busenello does not mention Octavia as a source of the libretto could therefore also be due to the fact that his achievements as a pioneer would have appeared less substantial. Busenello’s decision to choose such a topic created the basis for a long series of Nero operas. This tradition highlights intrinsic features of Octavia and shows the remarkable potential of this fabula praetexta, which, whether or nor it was performed when it was composed, was intended to comment on the current situation in Rome. Thus, Octavia, still often disregarded due to being spurious, is, in fact, an exciting example of the relevance of a single play for the development of European (musical) drama and the basis for the productive transformation of classical material with a combination of ‘fact’ and ‘fiction’.

_____________ 330 On the question ‘why early opera is Roman and not Greek’ see Ketterer 2003.

Appendices Appendix 1: frequency and distribution of key motifs and main characters Of the following two tables the first one gives a schematic overview of characters and motifs that reappear as key elements in the operas studied (identified by the names of librettists or by titles if the writer’s name is not known) in chapter 2; the second table gives the same overview for the works of other performative genres (spoken drama and ballet) discussed in chapter 3. It goes without saying that some simplification has been necessary in order to present similarities and differences between various complex plots in tables. Yet the tables help to visualize in a straightforward manner the frequency and distribution of significant features, particularly elements that can be traced back to the Latin Octavia, elements that have established themselves as constituent features over the course of time or elements limited to a few versions. That characters and motifs are included in a given piece is marked by ‘x’ in the respective column; if they are merely alluded to or attempted (or characters appear as shades), this is indicated by brackets around the symbol. If they appear with variations, this is indicated by brief comments or the mention of the variant name in the respective column.

360

Appendices

Nero in disguise pursuing women Seneca Seneca’s death discussion about proper rule Agrippina Otho foreign king (and his wife) nurse(s)

x

x

x

x

x

x

x Giu Gilde -nia

x x x (x) (Statilia) x

x

x Vale- Ate ria

Feustking

(x)

x x

Silvani

x

Noris 2

x

x

Noris 1

x

x

Neri

x

x

Contri

x

Nero 1685

x x x

Corradi

beloved of Nero Poppaea another woman

x x x

Aureli

CHARACTERS Nero Octavia repudiation of Octavia

Nero 1663

details

Busenello

authors / works

Octavia

Operas (ch. 2)

x x x x x

Oronta x

x

x x

x

x

x

x

x

x x x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x x

x

x

x (x)

x x x

(x)

x

x

x (x) x

361

x

x

x

x

Ormoena

x

(x)

x

x

x (x) x

x

x

x

x

x

22 + 1 7 + (1) + 1 4 + (3) + 1

x

x

x

x

x

x

18 + (1) + 1

x Chry- Atte / sa Egloge x

(x)

x Rubria

Acté

x x x

9+1 Atte / 11 + 0 Egloge x

(x)

3+0

6 + (4) + 1 1+0

x

x x

Targioni

x

Cain

x

Manén

x

x

total: 22 operas + Oct.

Boito

x x (x)

Catelli

x x x

Barbier

‘Cimbaloni’

x

Salfi

Piovene

x x

Feind

Grimani

Appendix 1: key motifs and main characters

7+1

x

x x

(x)

x

8 + (1) + 1 7 + (1) + 0 8+0 x

4 + (1) + 1

362

Silvani

x

x

Feustking

Noris 2

Noris 1

x

Neri

Nero 1685

x

Contri

Corradi

Aureli

Nero 1663

details

Octavia

authors / works

Busenello

Appendices

EVENTS CONCERNING NERO opposition to Nero and / or his plans Pisonian Conspiracy Nero’s flight from Rome Nero’s death

x

x

x

x

Nero’s successor fire of Rome

x

x

x

x

x

x

(x) x

Christians DRAMATIC CONVENTIONS happy ending x pair(s) of lovers other than Nero and his wife / beloved appearance of a ghost / shade

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

(x)

characters in disguise

x

sleep scene

x

trial scene

x

play in play / games

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x x

x

x

x

363

x

x

Targioni

Catelli

x

Cain

Barbier

x

Manén

Salfi

x

Boito

‘Cimbaloni’

x

Piovene

Grimani

Feind

Appendix 1: key motifs and main characters

x

total: 22 operas + Oct.

13 + 1

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

7+0

x

x

x

x

7+0

x

(x)

(x)

x

(x)

x x

4+0

x x

x

x

x

x x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x x

x

16 + 0 x

17 + 0

x

x

(x)

5 + (2) +1

x

x

x x

x

3 + (3) +0 6 + (1) +0 4+0

x

11 + 0

x

10 + 0 3+0

x

x

10 + 0

364

Appendices

x

x

x

x

another woman

Nero in disguise pursuing women Seneca Seneca’s death discussion about proper rule Agrippina Otho foreign king (and his wife) nurse(s)

x

Pallerini

x

x x x

x

x

x

x

x

(x)

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x x

x

x

x

x

x

x

(x)

x

(x)

11 + 1 6+1 4 + (1) +1 9+1

x

x

3+0

7 + (1) +1 4 + (1) +0 6+1

(x) x

total: 11 dramatic works + Oct.

7 + (1) +1 5+0

Clidia

x

Cossa

x

Panzieri

x

x

Egloge

x

x x x

Legouvé

x

x x

Alfieri

x

x x x

Lazarino

x

x

Florissena

x

x x x

Leva

x

Aetta; Sporo

x x (x)

Boccaccio

x x x

Statilia Messalina

Lohenstein 2

CHARACTERS Nero Octavia repudiation of Octavia beloved of Nero Poppaea

Lohenstein 1

details

Octavia

authors / works

Biancolelli

Pieces of other performative genres (ch. 3)

x

x

x

4 + (1) +1 3+0 2+0

x

4+1

365

Christians DRAMATIC CONVENTIONS happy ending pair(s) of lovers other than Nero and his wife / beloved appearance x x of a ghost / shade characters in disguise sleep scene x trial scene x play in play / games

Alfieri

Legouvé

Panzieri

Cossa

Pallerini

x

Lazarino

x

Leva

Boccaccio

EVENTS CONCERNING NERO opposition to x x Nero and / or his plans Pisonian x Conspiracy Nero’s flight from Rome Nero’s death Nero’s successor fire of Rome

Biancolelli

Lohenstein 2

details

Octavia

authors / works

Lohenstein 1

Appendix 1: key motifs and main characters

x

x

x

x

x

x

(x)

x x

x

(x)

x x

x x

x

x

x

x

x (x)

x

x (x)

x

x x

(x)

x

x

x x x

x

9+1 2 + (2) +0 4+0

x x x

x x

7+0 2 + (2) +0 3 + (1) +0 0+0 3+0 4+0

x x

total: 11 dramatic works + Oct.

2+1 x x

x x

x

x

5+0 5+0 2+0 1+0

366

Appendices

Appendix 2: overview of all dramatic characters and their background The following table lists the names of individual characters (with different forms of their names where appropriate) who appear in the operas and dramas discussed in chapters 2 and 3 (mainly based on the first versions of these pieces). Additionally, it gives the names of a few important figures that are only mentioned or merely appear as shades. The names are arranged in alphabetical order according to the main part of the name,331 with cross-references for shorter forms or different spellings of the names where necessary. The table does not cover choruses or generic groups (e.g. groups of servants, the People), characters with generic identifications (e.g. Liberto, a servant) or personifications and gods (e.g. Pallade, Virtù). A second column describes the function of these figures in the operas and / or dramas. The final column gives the dramatic piece(s) that include a character of this name. The pieces are identified by the number of the subsection in which they are analysed; thus this table also fulfils the function of an index (numbers in brackets indicate that the figures are only mentioned or appear as shades). For ease of reference a key that identifies the pieces designated by each number is provided just before the main table. In order to indicate the origin of the names, columns three and four add further details: if there is a possible ‘historical’, mythical or literary model (i.e. names appear in ancient texts), the respective name and function are given under ‘ ‘historical’ or literary basis’ with key pieces of evidence mentioned under ‘sources’ where required. If there is a more general relationship to material from the ancient world (and occasionally from later periods), this is suggested by notes in these two columns. Looser connections (of various kinds) are indicated by a prefixed asterisk. Where no references could be identified, these columns have been left blank. Unsurprisingly, it transpires that the main characters tend to be named after figures known from the historical record, even if characterization and / or chronology have been changed, while supplementary figures, such as servants or nurses, bear names that sound as if they could come from the ancient world (including names with a pun on their literal meaning), but are not always attested or only with reference to different individuals, or names that have been developed from classical terms.

_____________ 331 For the three parts of a classical Roman name the standard descriptions have been used: praenomen (‘first name’), nomen gentile (‘family name’), cognomen (‘additional surname’).

Appendix 2: dramatic characters and their background

List of operas and pieces of other performative genres 2

2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.16 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20 2.21 2.22

Nero in opera Busenello, L’incoronazione di Poppea (1642/43) Nero, Der Verzweifelte Und dadurch Das bedrengte Reich Befreyende (1663) Aureli, Claudio Cesare (1671/72) Corradi, Il Nerone / Nero (1678/79 / 1693) Nero, Der verzweiffelte Selbst-Mörder (1685) Contri, Agrippina in Baia (1687) Neri, L’ingresso alla gioventù di Claudio Nerone (1692) Noris, Nerone fatto Cesare (1692/93) Noris, Il ripudio d’Ottavia (1699) Silvani, La fortezza al cimento (1699) Feustking, Nero (1705) Feind, Octavia (1705) Grimani, Agrippina (1709) Piovene, Nerone / Nero (1721 / 1723) ‘Cimbaloni’, Nerone detronato (1725/26) Salfi, La congiura pisoniana (1797) Barbier, Néron (1879) Catelli, Nerone (1888) Boito, Nerone (1901 / 1924) Manén, Acté (1903 / 1908); Neró i Acté / Nero und Acté (1928) Cain, Quo vadis? (1908/09) Targioni-Tozzetti, Nerone (1935)

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11

Nero in pieces of other performative genres Lohenstein, Agrippina (1665) – spoken drama Lohenstein, Epicharis (1665) – spoken drama Biancolelli, Il Nerone (1666) – spoken drama Boccaccio, Il Nerone (1675) – spoken drama Leva, Il Nerone (c. 1675–80) – spoken drama Lazarino, Gli sponsali per l’impero (1682) – spoken drama Alfieri, Ottavia (1783) – spoken drama Legouvé, Épicharis et Neron (1794) – spoken drama Panzieri, La morte di Nerone (1815/16) – ballet Cossa, Nerone (1871) – spoken drama Pallerini, Nerone (1877) – ballet

2.1 2.2

3

367

368

Appendices

NAME

FUNCTION IN OPERA(S) / DRAMA(S)

Acte Aetta

see Ate slave, Armenian princess consul, husband of Statilia Messalina

Affrico

Afranius Quinctianus

conspirator

L. Agerinus

freedman of Agrippina

Agrippina / Agrippine / Agripina

Claudius’ wife, Nero’s mother

Anicetus / Aniceto

freedman, favourite of Nero, captain of the guards

‘HISTORICAL’ OR LITERARY BASIS

SOURCES

PIECES INCLUDING THIS FIGURE

3.5 M. (Iulius) Vestinus Atticus: cos. 65 CE; husband of Statilia Messalina; originally Nero was a friend of his, but later ordered his death Afranius Quintianus: senator, involved in Pisonian Conspiracy in 65 CE [different reading of name in contemporary editions of Tacitus] L. Agermus: freedman of Agrippina [different reading of name in contemporary editions of Tacitus] Agrippina: Claudius’ wife, Nero’s mother, killed by Nero in 59 CE

Tac. Ann. 15.68.3–69.3; Suet. Nero 35.1

3.4

Tac. Ann. 15.49.4; 15.56.4; 15.58.1; 15.70.2

3.2

Tac. Ann. 14.6.2; 14.7.6; 14.8.3; 14.10.3; Suet. Nero 34.3

3.1

Octavia; Tac. Ann. 12– 14; Suet. Nero; Cass. Dio 59– 61 passim

Anicetus: Nero’s =FIDFC;