Negotiated Power: The State, Elites, and Local Governance in Twelfth- To Fourteenth-Century China 0674417143, 9780674417144

Citation preview

Negotiated Power

—-1 —0 —+1

Harvard East Asian Monographs 371

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd i

6/18/14 6:16 PM

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd ii

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Negotiated Power The State, Elites, and Local Governance in Twelfth- to Fourteenth-Century China

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd iii

6/18/14 6:16 PM

© 2014 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America The Harvard University Asia Center publishes a monograph series and, in coordination with the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, the Korea Institute, the Reischauer Institute of Japa nese Studies, and other faculties and institutes, administers research projects designed to further scholarly understanding of China, Japan, Vietnam, Korea, and other Asian countries. The Center also sponsors projects addressing multidisciplinary and regional issues in Asia. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data [TK] Index by the author Printed on acid-free paper Last figure below indicates year of this printing 20 19 18 17 16 15 14

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd iv

6/18/14 6:16 PM

To My Parents, Byungsoo Lee and Hyosoon Yoon And My Wife, Yeonjin

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd v

6/18/14 6:16 PM

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd vi

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Contents

List of Maps, Tables, and Figures Acknowledgments Introduction Chapter 1 Elites, Locality, and the State The Rise of Mingzhou and Its Elites in the Southern Song (1127–1279) “Elite Dominance” in Mingzhou? The State and Family Strategy Regional and Translocal Marriage Networks of Mingzhou Elites Conclusion

ix xi 1 22 24 36 50 60 83

Chapter 2 Local Governance in Southern Song Mingzhou

86

Local Defense and Security Building Local Infrastructure Accommodating Elite Participation Financing Local Governance Dealing with Local Interests Comparison with the Northern Song (960–1126) Conclusion

87 97 107 125 135 145 148

Chapter 3 Cooperation and Tension: Revisiting Local Activism Official Schools in Local Society Community Drinking Ceremony

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd vii

151 153 166

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:16 PM

viii

Contents

Community Charitable Estate Visions of “Righteousness” ( yi ) Conclusion

Chapter 4 The Yuan Transformation: The State and Elites under Alien Rule Elites under the Confucian Household System Mingzhou Elites, Old and New Marriages in Yuan Mingzhou Managing Local Governance Negotiation Redefined: The State and Elites under Alien Rule Conclusion

Conclusion Appendixes 1. Burial Site in a County Different from County of Residence 2. Translocal Marriages in Southern Song and Yuan Mingzhou 3. Extant Biographical Sources for Officials Who Served in Southern Song Mingzhou 4. Maintenance of Official Schools in Southern Song Mingzhou 5. Inscriptions on Official Schools in Yuan Mingzhou Abbreviations Bibliography Index

174 178 196

202 204 216 226 232 244 259

264

275 281 307 311 315 319 321 339

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd viii

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Maps, Tables, and Figures

Maps Mingzhou in the Southern Song

4

Tables 1.1 Mingzhou Men’s Recommendations of Fellow Mingzhou Men 2.1 Maintenance Works of Dongqian Lake in the Northern and Southern Song 2.2 Maintenance Works Related to Tuoshan Dam in the Northern and Southern Song 2.3 Family-Name Dams, Floodgates, and Bridges in Song Mingzhou 2.4 Financial Management before and after the Abolition of the Fishery Tax 2.5 Gongsi liangbian in Song Historical Works 2.6 Gongsi liangbian in Song Private Literary Collections 3.1 Private Academies in Mingzhou during the Southern Song 3.2 Mingzhou Elites’ Promotion of the Community Drinking Ceremony 4.1 The Confucian Household in National and Local Contexts 4.2 Reconstruction and Renovation of Official Buildings in Early and Mid-Yuan Mingzhou 4.3 Laudatory Writings for Local Officials from Yuan Mingzhou

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd ix

33 108 115 122 133 143 144 155 168 215 236

—-1 —0 —+1

251

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Maps, Tables, and Figures

x

Figures 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2.1 2.2 2.3 4.1

Spirit Path Stele for Wei Qi Degree Holders in Mingzhou Epitaphs (Southern Song) Number of Mingzhou Epitaphs, in Thirty-Year Increments Number of Epitaphs Recording Interprefectural Marriages, in Thirty-Year Increments Dongqian Lake Tuoshan Dam Exalted Bridge (Gaoqiao) in Yin County Qusi bei Stele for Wang Yuangong

31 37 38 82 110 114 118 255

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd x

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Acknowledgments

y sǒnbae (senior colleague) in Korea used to tell me that if a tree is too big and the shade from its canopy is too wide, those taking refuge under it will be reluctant to leave. Intellectually, I grew up under the broad branches of Peter Bol and, indirectly though no less profoundly, Robert Hymes. This book is my first step out of the comfortable shade of their scholarly clout, depicting certain aspects of Song and Yuan society in a new light. John King Fairbank is reputed to have once suggested that each generation of China scholars stands on the shoulders—and faces— of its predecessors; I probably would not dare to step on their faces, but I have certainly benefited from standing on their shoulders to see the world of Chinese history. I was privileged to have Peter Bol, Philip Kuhn, and Michael Szonyi as my teachers and first readers of my work. I am deeply indebted to their instructions, critical readership, and moral support in and outside the classroom. My hope is that this book can come close to meeting the high standards they set for their students. Readers familiar with the work of Robert Hymes will notice its deep influence on this book. Although I never formally studied with him and have met him just a few times in person, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to him. A number of additional colleagues read and commented on chapters in various stages. These include Alexander Akin, Richard L. Davis, Hilde de Weerdt, Anne Gerritsen, Iiyama Tomoyasu, Koo Bumjin, Guanglin Liu, Matthew Mosca, Chang Woei Ong, Nicolas Tackett, and Kwanghoon Yu. For their critical reading and editorial assistance, I truly thank them. Kwanghoon, a specialist in Mongolian history, corrected the transliterations of Mongol and Central Asian personal

M

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd xi

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:16 PM

xii

-1— 0— +1—

Acknowledgments

names that appear in chapter 4. I would also like to thank the two reviewers of my manuscript for their support and very constructive suggestions. An earlier version of chapter 2 was submitted to an academic journal; I was fortunate to have an enthusiastic reviewer who provided me with extremely detailed comments—the section on local finance in chapter 2 is my humble answer to one of the incisive questions posed in that review. A modified version of chapter 3 was published in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. I thank the journal’s editor and publisher for allowing me to reproduce parts of the article. My original research was supported by the Korea Foundation for Advanced Studies, the Asia Center, the Fairbank Center, the Frederic Sheldon Fellowship, and the Peking University–Harvard Yenching Graduate Fellowship. In the revision stage I benefited tremendously from the generous leave policy of Rutgers and its Junior Faculty Research Grant. My wonderful colleagues in the Rutgers History Department, especially Xun Liu, Don Roden, Matt Matsuda, and Rudy Bell, and Indrani Chatterjee and Sumit Guha, both now at the University of Texas at Austin, have provided sagely mentorship and friendship. The princely patience and timely guidance of Jim Masschaelle, Jennifer Jones, and Mark Wasserman made my initial adjustment to Rutgers much less bumpy. I would like to express my gratitude to former professor Kim You-cheol at Yonsei, my alma mater, who first taught me the joy of reading original texts in classical Chinese and has been a firm supporter of my academic growth over the years. I am indebted to Professor Kondō Kazunari, who encouraged my progress and kindly introduced me to the staff s of Seikadō bunko. I also want to thank Seunghyun Han, Christopher Leighton, Vincent Leung, Jaehoon Shim, and Jaeyoon Song for their moral support. My parents, Byungsoo Lee and Hyosoon Yoon, have always stood behind my choices and provided every possible support whenever I needed it. There is no way to thank them enough. Having now lived thousands of miles away from them for thirteen years, I hope that this humble work, which I dedicate to them, can give them some sense of reward for their long patience. I also thank my parents-in-law, Myungkyung Choi and Sungja Whang. Final thanks are due to my wife, Yeonjin, who has walked a long and winding road together with me.

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd xii

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Acknowledgments

xiii

The work on this book proceeded alongside the growth of my son, Hoin, who is now six. I wish that the evolution of my work into its current form could mirror even a small fraction of the remarkable growth and maturity Hoin has achieved over these years. S.L.

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd xiii

6/18/14 6:16 PM

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch00_3P.indd xiv

6/18/14 6:16 PM

Introduction

ingzhou 明州 (today’s Ningbo municipality in Zhejiang province, southeast of Hangzhou) was one of the most affluent localities in China during the twelfth to fourteenth centuries—much as it remains today. Well known at the time for the political success of its native sons, Mingzhou was celebrated both for its commercial wealth, gained through maritime trade, and for the maturity of its scholarly and literary traditions.1 The area continued to prosper throughout the late imperial period, until Shanghai’s rise as a major harbor city began to eclipse its role.2 But Mingzhou’s glory as an economic hub as well as a cultural and intellectual center during the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279) and the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) has never again been

M

1. For the political success of a major Mingzhou kin group, see Davis, “Political Success and the Growth of Descent Groups.” For a socioeconomic history of the area during the Tang and Song dynasties, see Lu, Tang Song shiqi Mingzhou quyu de shehui jing ji. For a survey of education and scholarship during the Southern Song, see Chen Xiaolan, Nan Song Siming diqu jiaoyu he xueshu yanjiu. Linda Walton more specifically examines the place of the “four masters of Mingzhou” in Neo-Confucian learning in “ ‘The Four Masters of Mingzhou.’ ” For a study of the literary accomplishments of Mingzhou writers, see Yang, Songmo Yuanchu Siming wenshi ji qi shiwen yanjiu. 2. Tianyige 天一閣, arguably the most famous private library in premodern China, was established in this area during the Ming. In the early Qing, such erudite and nationally renowned scholars as Wan Sitong 萬斯同 (1638–1702) and Quan Zuwang 全祖望 (1705–55) hailed from this area. Businessmen from Ningbo fueled the rise of Shanghai as a modern city in the late Qing and the Republican period. In the modern period, the area is perhaps best known for having been the hometown of Chiang Kai-shek (1887–1975).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 1

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

2

Introduction

matched. Nevertheless, unlike Nanjing, Suzhou, or Hangzhou, which have long histories of political and cultural prominence reaching back into the first millennium, Mingzhou was largely irrelevant in national politics and culture up until the end of the Northern Song dynasty (960– 1127). What, then, accounts for its remarkable ascendancy during and after the Southern Song? What sustained its continued prosperity in the mid- and late imperial periods? Answers to these questions will help us unravel the internal dynamics of this stretch of Chinese history. At its most elementary level, this book is a local history of Mingzhou prefecture—composed of the six counties of Yin 鄞, Fenghua 奉化, Cixi 慈谿, Dinghai 定海, Xiangshan 象山, and Changguo 昌國— during the Southern Song dynasty and the Yuan dynasty.3 In probing the historical trajectory of this area, however, I am ultimately interested in presenting an alternative understanding of the relationship between the state and the social elites in the middle period of Chinese imperial history. Mingzhou provides us with some of the best-preserved sources for examining the texture of local society and addressing the question of state-society relations in this time period. Six contemporary gazetteers from the period offer a reservoir of information about the structure and activities of local government as well as about major elite families of the area.4 Also extant are numerous private literary collections (wenji 文集) and scholarly monographs by native writers that show the ideas and actions of local elites and the networks among them. In addition, excavated epitaphs, stele inscriptions, and materials buried in family genealogies provide additional information that has not been available to scholars until recently.5 These sources allow us to

-1— 0— +1—

3. Mingzhou was redesignated as Qingyuan prefecture 慶元府 in 1195, and was renamed Qingyuan route 慶元路 under the Mongol conquest in 1277. For the sake of convenience and consistency, however, I will continue to use “Mingzhou” as a generic name to refer to the historically and geographically defined area. “Qingyuan” will be used only when I specifically refer to the administrative unit as defined in the Yuan dynasty. 4. They are Qiandao Siming tujing 乾道四明圖經 (1169); Baoqing Siming zhi 寶慶四 明志 (1227); Kaiqing Siming xuzhi 開慶四明續志 (1259); Dade Changguo tuzhi 大德昌 國圖志 (1298); Yanyou Siming zhi 延祐四明志 (1320); and Zhizheng Siming xuzhi 至正 四明續志 (1342). These account for 15 percent of all extant Song and Yuan gazetteers. See Chen Xiaolan, Nan Song Siming diqu jiaoyu he xueshu yanjiu, p. 3. 5. For excavated sources, see Yu Fuhai, Ningbo shizhi waibian; Zhang Guoqing, Tianyige Mingzhou beilin jilu; Zhang Guoqing and Qiu Yanping, Yongcheng xiancun lidai beijie zhi; and Zhang Guoqing, Ningbo lidai beijie muzhi huibian. See also Da-

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 2

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

3

enrich and complicate our image of Song-Yuan local society, and to map out the relationship between the state and society in greater detail than has been possible in previous works on the local history of this period. As I will show, the relationship between the state and social elites is best understood as a constant process of negotiation in which these poles mutually influence each other in various fields of local governance. Cases from Mingzhou history highlight social elites’ connectedness to the state rather than their separation from it, and show that the presence of the state, rather than its absence, was essential to the rise of a flourishing local society during this period. Part of the Lower Yangzi macroregion’s core area as defined by G. William Skinner’s famous classification,6 Mingzhou should not be taken to represent the period as a whole more than any other locality of the time. However, this locality is different from the areas on which modern scholars have largely based the prevalent understandings of mid- and later imperial social elites, their relationship with the state, and local society in general.7 Mingzhou’s local history shows us a wide spectrum of state-society relations that significantly varied from our conventional wisdom and brings into relief the complexity of such relations. Furthermore, because the area’s prominence continued through the mid- and late imperial period, this book not only delves into questions that have challenged Song and Yuan scholars for decades but also provides an early vantage point from which to view

vis, “The Shi Tombs at Dongqian Lake.” A considerable number of genealogies for Mingzhou families are held in the Shanghai Library, Tianyige Museum, and local archives across Ningbo. Although the vast majority of them are late Qing compilations, some of them still contain valuable materials for earlier periods. For an annotated bibliography of these genealogies, see Wang Heming et al., Shanghai tushuguan guancang jiapu tiyao; Zhejiang jiapu zongmu tiyao bianji weiyuanhui, Zhejiang jiapu zongmu tiyao. 6. Skinner, “The Structure of Chinese History,” p. 273. 7. Two of the most representative studies would be Hilary Beattie’s classic study of Tongcheng 桐城 county, Anhui Province, during the Ming-Qing period (Land and Lineage in China) and Robert Hymes’s pathbreaking work on Fuzhou 撫州 prefecture, Jiangxi circuit 江西路, during the Song (Statesmen and Gentlemen). As major scholarly critiques of social mobility theory in the field of late imperial Chinese history, both books highlight the importance of landholding, one of the essential “localist” strategies, in maintaining elite status in local society, while downplaying the significance of the examinations.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 3

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

4

Introduction

Mingzhou in the Southern Song

the long-term social and cultural development of the Jiangnan 江南 region.8 -1— 0— +1—

8. Although Jiangnan is largely interchangeable with the Lower Yangzi region in historiography, scholars disagree over the exact geographic scope of the Jiangnan region.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 4

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

5

A Familiar Story and Its Limits Before attempting to unravel the issue of state-society relations as manifested in Mingzhou history, it is necessary to problematize a prevailing interpretation in the field. Here is an oft-told story about a sea change in middle-period Chinese history during and after the twelfth century: The transition from the Northern to the Southern Song was much more than a forced retreat of the dynasty’s capital to the southeast corner of China.9 The Northern Song, especially during the New Policies 新法 period (1068–1085, 1094–1126), was characterized by vigorous state activism. Its government showed a strong will and remarkable ability to interfere with local economy in pursuit of its goals. Practicing what a social historian has called “bureaucratic entrepreneurship,” the state aggressively sought to locate and secure every possible tax source, often at the expense of the very foundations of the local economy.10 After the humiliating loss of the north China plain to the Jurchen Jin 䋦 dynasty (1115–1234), however, the Southern Song government

Mingzhou is considered part of Jiangnan, for example, in Shiba Yoshinobu’s study. See Sōdai Kōnan keizaishi no kenkyū. Hamashima Atsutoshi, however, limits his use of the term to indicate the alluvial lands around Lake Tai 太湖 (Suzhou, Changzhou 常州, Songjiang 松江, Jiaxing 嘉興, and Huzhou 湖州). See Sōkan shinkō. 9. As is well known, the foundation for this prevailing interpretation of the Northern-Southern Song transition was laid by Robert Hymes. In his theoretically provocative and empirically meticulous research on the local society of Fuzhou prefecture, Hymes argues three major points, combining prosopographical analysis with an in-depth examination of activities of local elites as well as of changes in their ideal self-image: (1) From the end of the Northern Song, the elite of Chinese society shifted their primary attention away from government ser vice to their own local society, largely separating themselves from the state; (2) state power retreated from local society in the Southern Song, creating a power vacuum to be filled by the activities of local elites; and (3) the local elite and their localist strategies managed to persist into later periods. Despite challenges by Richard Davis and Beverly Bossler and modification by John Chaffee and Hugh Clark, the general picture of a localist turn accompanying the Northern-Southern Song transition has become an established interpretation of the period in English-language scholarship. Peter Bol has extended the applicability of this framework to the fields of intellectual and cultural history. See Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen; Davis, Court and Family in Sung China, 960–1279; Bol, “This Culture of Ours”; Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History; Bossler, Powerful Relations; and Hugh Clark, Portrait of a Community. 10. Paul J. Smith, “State Power and Economic Activism,” pp. 87–88.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 5

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

6

Introduction

gave up the ideal of being the sole planner and distributor of economic resources and cultural value.11 As a result, the power of the state in local society declined considerably. The power vacuum in local society created by the retreat of the state in turn offered various opportunities to local elites. Disenchanted with repeated, winner-take-all factional feuds at the court, and resigned to the fact that the “thorny gates” of the examinations gave them little chance of winning a government post,12 these wealthy, educated local families began to turn their attention away from the imperial center to their own locale in order to secure and perpetuate their positions in society. Taking the place of the now seriously weakened state, these local elites took it upon themselves to maintain local order and culture by becoming actively engaged in local defense, social welfare, and the patronage of local religion.13 As they became less and less dependent on the state for their status, the elite began to gradually yet inexorably separate from the state during the Southern Song, and this pattern continued to dominate the relationship between the state and elites through the later imperial period. Reifying the macrohistorical insights of Skinner and Robert Hartwell,14 this narrative offers a compelling framework within which to interpret a larger set of fundamental social changes that took place in Chinese history during and after the twelfth century. The alleged retreat of state power at the grassroots level, the emergence of a “lineage orientation” among elite families,15 their heightened interest in local affairs, and the spread among literati of Neo- Confucianism, which offered a theoretical justification for their social existence, all find a place in this framework.16 Even if we accept this neat and forceful narrative, however, it fails to consider two important variables. First is temporal and geographical scope. When we talk about “Southern Song,” what specific period or what specific region are we actually discussing? Can we simply take

-1— 0— +1—

11. Bol, “Whither the Emperor?” p. 134. 12. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, pp. 35–41. 13. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen. 14. Skinner, “Introduction: Urban Development in Imperial China”; Hartwell, “Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750–1550.” 15. Hymes, “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy.” 16. Bol, “This Culture of Ours”; Bol, “Neo-Confucianism and Local Society.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 6

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

7

the Southern Song to be a single unit of analysis? Can the retreat of the state be detected evenly throughout the dynasty and across the empire? Although the detailed official documents in Huangshi richao 黃氏日抄 by Huang Zhen 黃震 (1213–81) offer vivid accounts of various administrative challenges confronted by Southern Song local officials, giving this work tremendous value as an historical source for Southern Song local society, the problems discussed there convey a picture of the Southern Song on the verge of extinction. How far back in Southern Song history can we project the same picture? Is it possible to discern a meaningful change in the capacity of the state, and in how social elites related to it, over the course of the Southern Song? In the same vein, can we apply what Huang wrote about Fuzhou, Jiangxi circuit, in the 1270s to his native prefecture of Mingzhou five decades earlier? Second, the above narrative lacks any serious attempt to shed light on the adaptation and response of the state to changing political and social realities. Any transition of power from the state to local society would have occurred in various stages, moving through a process of forming new social agreements among different sectors of society, giving rise to varied tensions and contested interpretations. The state’s role in this process has been largely ignored, however, or deemed important only in a negative sense. By the late Southern Song, the state may indeed have resigned itself to a more passive role in local society. It is doubtful, though, that the state ever “officially” gave up the idea of taking a leading role in society. We have yet to prove whether the Chinese state in this period actively sought an ideal of “lesser government.” Had there been enough resources in local society to channel into its coffers, and had there been a strategic imperative that required more of its presence, would local government still have been content with a passive role? Ordering the World, a pioneering conference volume that delved into a rather drastic “social decision” that is alleged to have taken place in the Southern Song intellectual world, tells us little about either the initial role of the state in the process or its changed status as a result of such a decision. Although the volume editors define social decision as “the working out, in political conflict and then compromise, of a tacit yet negotiated agreement between state and elite,”17 the focus of the —-1 —0 —+1

17. Hymes and Schirokauer, introduction to Ordering the World, p. 50.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 7

6/18/14 6:20 PM

8

Introduction

collection falls lopsidedly on one party to the negotiations: the local elites. Even those who attempt to qualify this framework fall short of inquiring into the ways in which the state mattered in actual local society, aside from offering unparalleled prestige to those who passed the examinations.18 Are a flourishing local economy and culture always premised on weakened state power or the failure of state policies? Can the state’s power be measured only, or even most accurately, in its forceful suppression of the economic interests of elites and their self-consciousness? There is no question that contestation and negotiation over any kind of social power are inevitable among various actors in society. It is also true that not all the participants in these processes are equally powerful, so one can significantly overshadow the other at a given moment. The question at stake, however, is whether or not we need to acknowledge the state as a still-vital participant in these negotiations during this time period, and how the state affected the development of local society through these processes. For all the romanticized imagery of popular resistance to state intrusion,19 it would be impossible to understand the history of the longest-enduring bureaucratic country without a proper understanding of its state. In this sense, no country in the world needs “bringing the state back in” to understand its society more than does China.20 How, then, to understand the state in mid- and later imperial China? Historians have developed almost antipodal interpretations of the nature of the Chinese state in this period.21 The specter of “oriental despotism” that has haunted China scholars is now virtually exorcized, but for many scholars the concept of “autocratic state” (zhuanzhi guojia or sensei kokka 專制國家) is still a rarely questioned descriptor of China’s later imperial formation. At the other end of the spectrum,

-1— 0— +1—

18. See, for example, Davis, Court and Family in Sung China 960–1279; Bossler, Powerful Relations. 19. A typical example would be James Scott’s study on Zomia. See The Art of Not Being Governed. 20. I borrow this expression from Theda Skocpol. See her “Bringing the State Back In.” 21. For a debate on this issue in Japa nese scholarship, for example, see Kamachi, “Feudalism or Absolute Monarchism?” See also Schneewind, Community Schools and the State in Ming China, pp. 1–2.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 8

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

9

however, some view the later imperial Chinese state as an essentially passive and weak political organization that was able neither to encourage nor to suppress the commercial and industrial development of the society it was supposed to rule: such scholars might argue that it can be better understood, not as a despotic state, but as a “provisioning state.”22 “The truth lies,” of course, “somewhere in the middle.”23 The real challenge in proposing such a middle path, it seems to me, is twofold. First, what concrete cases and examples demonstrate such “truth”? Second, more importantly, can such a golden mean provide a framework that bridges the strengths and overcomes the limits of the two accounts, thus having more comprehensive explanatory power than either of the existing interpretations?

The State and Elites in Middle-Period China By the state, I simply mean the government.24 The government cannot be entirely reduced to the people who staff it. It has institutional structures, regulations, and precedents, which often limit and transcend the choices of individual rulers and policymakers. It would be seriously misleading, however, to assume that the government is an “undivided whole.”25 Despite a remarkable level of standardization in various administrative functions under the Chinese imperial state, tension and conflict were not uncommon among different branches and levels of

22. Moulder, Japan, China, and the Modern World Economy, p. 48, cited in Paul J. Smith, Taxing Heaven’s Storehouse, p. 315. 23. Paul J. Smith, “Problematizing the Song-Yuan-Ming Transition,” p. 23. Here Smith is referring to how his own view of state power during the Yuan and Ming dynasties differs from that of John Dardess. 24. In defining what I mean by the state, I have benefited from Quentin Skinner’s lecture “What Is the State?” Skinner classifies four competing trends in defining the state within the modern European intellectual tradition. One of them, represented by Jeremy Bentham and now largely used as a commonsensical definition, is to equate the state with the government. I attended this lecture at Harvard University’s Center for European Studies on December 3, 2008, but the same lecture was delivered on December 24, 2007, at the University of Cambridge, and the video and audio of the lecture are available at http://sms.cam.ac.uk /media /508596. 25. The same problematique is shared by Chang Woei Ong. See Men of Letters within the Passes, pp. 16–17.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 9

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

10

Introduction

state institutions.26 Internal diversification and competition in the bureaucracy did not simply stem from insufficient vertical control by the central government—at times they were partly intended, at least in the Song and Yuan periods.27 Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish what level of government was at work at a given moment and to examine how it tried to achieve its perceived administrative goals and how its governance eventually acted on local society. Throughout this book, direct interventions of the central government in Mingzhou society will be examined whenever possible, but I am primarily interested in local government—the prefectural and county government in Mingzhou— because it was largely through the local government that people made sense of and interacted with the state in their everyday lives. When I use the term society vis-à-vis the state, I refer to nongovernmental sectors represented by local elites. By local elites, in turn, I mean people influential in their locality who draw on a variety of sources of power such as officeholding, examination degrees, scholarship, and landed and commercial wealth. They were a far from homogeneous group and should be treated as such— otherwise we would lose sight of the diversity and internal stratifications among them and imagine middle-period local society as characterized by an impressive continuity of a certain number of dominant families.28

-1— 0— +1—

26. Similar competition, conflict, and negotiation between the central and local governments is also to be found in the post-1980s People’s Republic of China. See Zhan, “Decentralizing China.” 27. A good example would be the post of vice prefect (tongpan 通判), also translated as controller-general. The tongpan was indeed referred to as “vice” (cui 倅) to the prefect in Song sources, but he held the same official rank as prefect. Most importantly, he had exclusive control over local finance and was directly accountable to the Ministry of Revenue. See Lau Nap-yin and Huang K’uan-chung, “Founding and Consolidation of The Sung Dynasty,” p. 231. For the tongpan’s authority over matters related to prefectural finance, see Kusano, “Sō no tsūhan to zaisei.” Although there came to appear a sense of hierarchy among circuit-level intendants in the Southern Song, the four intendants were put in charge of different aspects of regional supervision and administration without stepping over others’ jurisdictions. See Kobayashi, “Sōdai no kōiki kukaku (ro) ni tsuite,” pp. 44–45; Yu, “Wanzhengzhi yu fenlizhi,” pp. 120– 21. For the deliberate lack of unilateral decision-making structures in the Yuan bureaucracy, see Miyazaki, “Sō Gen jidai no hōsei to saiban kikō,” pp. 228–30. 28. For case studies that highlight remarkable continuity in elite status in local society, see Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 211. See also Brook, “Family Continuity and Cultural Hegemony,” pp. 32–33; Rowe, “Success Stories,” p. 51.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 10

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

11

With these working definitions of the state and elites, it is crucial to note that the distinction between the two was not rigidly dichotomous. It is practically impossible to draw a clear demarcation in premodern China between the people who ran the government and local elites, especially those literati elites who recognized themselves as shi 士 even if they were less dependent on the government for their status. Not every literatus was an official, but every official was from the literati elite. The state was little more than the aggregate voice of such officials.29 As R. Bin Wong aptly puts it, “Since officials join those not in office as members of the literati, the elite spans the state-society divide; both are part of a system that is neither solely governmental nor non-governmental.”30 In this sense the relationship between the state and elites is analogous to that between a university’s administration and its regular faculty. Aside from some strictly administrative positions, the majority of those who determine and implement the major policies of a university come from the ranks of its faculty members. When their administrative terms are over, many of them return to their work as teachers and researchers, carrying with them a token of extra prestige and influence (or animus) accrued through their ser vice in the administration. Such a background may empower them to work as mediators between the two realms. It would therefore be nonsensical to suggest that there is an ontological difference between these two groups, even if the exigencies of currently being in one camp or the other may affect one’s agenda priorities. For example, the president or the deans might suggest a salary freeze for other faculty members. In this sense, the university administration still can have its own “autonomy,” as can the state.31 Differing priorities often create tension between the administration and the faculty, and such tension affects the way a university operates.

29. I thank Nicolas Tackett for alerting me to this fact. For the ambiguities in the relationship between the state and social elites, see also Golas, “Rural China in the Song,” p. 311. 30. Wong, “Social Order and State Activism in Sung China,” p. 242. For a comparison with European cases where “elites enjoyed competing bases of power and authority,” see Wong, China Transformed, pp. 92, 101. 31. Skocpol, “Bringing the State Back In,” p. 9.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 11

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

12

Introduction

To view the state and elites as entirely dichotomous not only obscures the historical reality of the relationship between the two, but also leads us to the fatal interpretive trap of imagining that there existed between them a zero-sum competition, a contest in which power gained by one side must be lost by the other. Wrapping up his findings on the TeaHorse trade in Sichuan during the eleventh through the thirteenth centuries, for example, Paul Smith writes, “The gap between elite and state interests at the local level widened, and elite status and social position became independent of the state. . . . As elites came to focus on mobility strategies that were independent of the state, the autonomous state of the eleventh century gave way to the autonomous elite of the late-imperial era.”32 This zero-sum assumption gives rise to two related conundrums. First, it predisposes one to ask the essentially counterproductive question of whether the later imperial Chinese state was strong or weak vis-à-vis elites. What is the index of state power at a given moment in history? G. William Skinner, the doyen of scholars who argue that the late imperial period witnessed a gradual decline of state power in local society, draws his insight almost entirely from the observation that the number of counties (xian 縣), the lowest formal administrative unit in premodern China, remained more or less fixed despite the steady increase of population. Thus, he concludes that “a unified empire could be maintained into the late imperial era only by systematically reducing the scope of basic-level administrative functions and countenancing a decline in the effectiveness of bureaucratic government within local systems.”33 For all its insight about the basic relationship between the largely stable state organization and the ever-expanding society of late imperial China, Skinner’s argument veils other important variables in gauging the effectiveness of the state.

-1— 0— +1—

32. Smith, Taxing Heaven’s Storehouse, p. 317. As Harrison Stewart Miller has shown, the Chinese did develop a dichotomous understanding of the state and the people, as is most clearly demonstrated in the Book of Lord Shang. See Miller, “State Versus Society in Late Imperial China, 1572–1644, pp. 1–2. It is important to remember, however, that the draconian vision of the relationship between the state and the people put forth by Shang Yang had been theoretically disfavored since the Han dynasty. Moreover, “people” here refers to commoners rather than elites. 33. Skinner, “Introduction,” in The City in Late Imperial China, p. 21.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 12

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

13

As Ruth Mostern points out, “the county-to-population ratio is an excessively blunt measure from which to extrapolate state activism.”34 If one follows Skinner’s insight too blindly, the Yuan state, with its multilayered bureaucratic structure staffed with a greater number of civilian officials ruling over a stable population,35 should be judged the most effective government in later imperial Chinese history. Nothing could be farther from the truth. During the Southern Song, twenty new counties were established and twenty-two counties that had formerly been abolished were restored.36 Does this fact somehow automatically prove that the Southern Song state was more effective than its Northern Song counterpart? In the same vein, one can hardly argue that the state in the High Qing (1662–1820) was weaker than that of the late Ming, despite its vastly expanded population.37 More importantly, in Skinner’s equation neither the function of other levels of local and regional administration nor the county’s relationship with them appears relevant. Although the market town (zhen 鎭) was not a formal administrative unit, for example, the Song state established market town supervisors ( jianzhenguan 監鎭官) in order to administer their tax collection and local security.38 Especially during the Southern Song, market town supervisors came to take on various administrative duties similar to those of a small county’s magistrate.39 One county could include several market towns, and multiple officials could be assigned to one town. The level of regional coordination should be taken into account as well. Mostern argues that regional cooperation was elevated during the Southern Song through the Superintendency of Tea and Horses

34. Mostern, “Dividing the Realm in Order to Govern,” p. 31. 35. Endicott-West, Mongolian Rule in China, pp. 10–11. 36. Maemura, “Nan Sō ni okeru shinken no seiritsu,” pp. 91– 92. 37. The number of counties remained constant, but as Kent Guy has shown, the Qing state was able to achieve territorial rule that was “qualitatively different from that of any previous dynasty by creating the post of provincial governor and thus systematizing the structure of local governance. See Qing Governors and Their Provinces, pp. 8– 9. 38. Maemura, “Sōdai chihō zaisei kikō to kanchinkan,” pp. 181–85. 39. Maemura, “Sōdai no chin chūzaikan,” p. 48, 52–54, 65. As Timothy Brook points out, Skinner also does not take into account “the proliferation of subcounty units and offices between the Tang and the Qing, the manpower for which was entirely local.” See The Chinese State in Ming Society, p. 41.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 13

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

14

Introduction

(Duda tiju chamasi 都大提擧䏕馬司) in Sichuan and the Maritime Military Commission (Yanhai zhizhisi 沿海制置司) on the eastern seaboard.40 Granted, as Yu Wei 余蔚 has shown, the expansion of the Pacification Commission (Xuanfusi 宣撫司) and the Military Commission (Zhizhisi 制置司) through the Southern Song reifies a decentralized power shift from the central government to “trans-high level administrative organizations” 跨高層行政組織. At the same time, as Yu has also pointed out, these organizations significantly consolidated regional administration, “centralizing” power from lower-level administrative units.41 Though power certainly may have shifted from the central government to regional governments, this by no means proves that it was devolved from the state apparatus to society. Likewise, despite debates over the nature of the General Commissariats (Zonglingsuo 總䎍所) in relation to the fiscal and administrative (de)centralization of the Southern Song, the main function of which was to collect and distribute monetary and material revenues for huge active combat troops ( yuqian dajun 御前大軍) along the frontier, there is no denying that they contributed to the survival of the dynasty by reining in the centrifugal forces of such large armies.42 Then what of the state’s power to tax? William G. Liu, who faults Skinner for having taken state capacity as “a fixed variable always remaining at a constant level” without taking into account the actual capacity of taxation, has tried to demonstrate the magnitude of state power in later imperial China based on each dynasty’s ability to tax its

-1— 0— +1—

40. Mostern, “Dividing the Realm in Order to Govern,” pp. 229–30. 41. See Yu, “Lun Nan Song xuanfushi he zhizhishi zhidu,” pp. 168– 79; Yu, “Wanzhengzhi yu fenlizhi,” p. 129. 42. See Nagai, “Waitō sōryōjo no kinō,” p. 58; Lei Jiasheng, “Nan Song Gaozong shou bingquan yu zonglingsuo de shezhi,” p. 151. Hartwell sees the establishment of the General Commissariats as the beginning of a devolution of the central state’s fiscal power to regional centers. See “Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations,” pp. 397– 98. In contrast, Bao Weimin views them as an extension of the central government, a symbol of increasing centralization of its fiscal structure. See Songdai difang caizhengshi yanjiu, p. 83. It was Kawakami Kyōji who pointed out the highly regionalized “block economy” under the system of the General Commissariats. See “Nan Sō no sōryōjo ni tsunite,” p. 3. More recently, however, scholars have begun to highlight the economic interconnectedness among the General Commissariats. See Higuchi, “Nan Sō sōryōjo taisei ka no Chōkō keizai.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 14

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

15

people.43 According to his calculation, the Qing state was able to collect significantly less tax per capita than the Ming. Can we then conclude that the power of the Ming state was simply greater than that of the Qing? With its enhanced bureaucratic efficiency backed up by a streamlined communications system, substantial granary reserves across the countryside, the ability to move more of such resources and other revenues around the empire, and a well-trained military force, the Qing apparently outsmarted its predecessor in its central and regional administration.44 During this same Qing dynasty, state revenue dramatically increased in the late nineteenth century, a period that has been conventionally recognized as witnessing a systemic devolution of state power.45 It appears that taxation alone can hardly serve as a yardstick for the effectiveness of the state at any given time. Second, the assumption of zero-sum competition between the state and elites denies us an historical vantage point from which to understand an interesting situation in today’s China. In the aftermath of almost thirty years of Maoist state control over the economy and society, which some have compared to the situation under the Ming founder Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋 (1328–98), we see an intriguing mixture in the post-reform era, where unprecedented growth in the nongovernmental sector accompanies an increasing sophistication of state power rather than its decline, defying the zero-sum competition paradigm. This contemporary phenomenon can thus be better understood when it is historicized in the Chinese context. A more nuanced picture of state-society relations is being drawn by historians of the late imperial period, such as Michael Szonyi, Sarah Schneewind, David Faure, and Timothy Brook, among others.46 These scholars examine the means by which the state informed local society— not by the majestic power of imperial fiat nor by draconian bureaucratic intervention, but in a complex dance incorporating local people’s responses to state policies. More often than not, according to these scholars, the state failed, rather than succeeded, in implementing its

43. See Liu, “Wrestling for Power,” pp. 87– 95. 44. Wong, “Taxation and Good Governance in China,” pp. 358–59. 45. Wong, China Transformed, p. 120 n14. 46. See Szonyi, Practicing Kinship; Schneewind, Community Schools and the State; Faure, Emperor and Ancestor; and Brook, The Chinese State in Ming Society.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 15

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

16

Introduction

policies as they were initially intended, but even the unintended outcomes arising from people’s manipulation of state policies still deeply affected the local landscape. Building on this insight, this book demonstrates various ways in which the state acted on local society, and explores how local elites in Mingzhou made sense of the state.

“Long durée” vs. Dynastic Cycle This book probes Mingzhou’s history during the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties. One of my goals is to arrive at a better understanding of this period in Chinese history. Fortunately, it is possible to examine Mingzhou society under the two regimes in relatively equal detail, enabling us to compare any significant differences arising from the dynastic change. If the Southern Song saw a seed of change in the nature of Chinese social elites and in the way the state mattered to local society, what happened during the following Yuan dynasty? Do we see a linear, evolutionary development of such change or unexpected twists and turns caused by the alien rule? In addressing these questions, I will engage with the “Song-Yuan-Ming transition” paradigm, which proposes that the period from the Southern Song through the middle Ming be seen as forming a historical continuum.47 Having a long-term perspective allows us to examine the deeper structures of a given local society to a degree that is difficult within the traditional dynasty-centered narrative. It aims to rescue “the temporal contours of regional development cycles” from a sweeping account of the dynastic-cycle model, thus helping “local historians . . . to situate their studies meaningfully in the structure of Chinese history.” 48 However, as Si-yen Fei has persuasively shown in her study of late-Ming Nanjing, important policy

-1— 0— +1—

47. The paradigm was most clearly put forth in Smith and von Glahn, The SongYuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History. In his recent book, Itō Masahiko, although arguing from an exact opposite position, also stresses that the establishment of the Village Tithing system (lijia 里甲) in the early Ming should be understood from a Song-Yuan perspective. See Sō Gen gōson shakaishi ron. Few works explore developments of a single local society in the Southern Song and the Yuan periods. Notable exceptions include Hymes, “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy”; Hymes, “Not Quite Gentlemen?”; Bol, “Neo-Confucianism and Local Society”; and Gerritsen, Ji’an Literati and the Local in Song-Yuan-Ming China. 48. Skinner, “The Structure of Chinese History,” pp. 283, 288.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 16

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

17

decisions at the state level in the later imperial period could make meaningful changes in a given locality’s trajectory.49 Unless we naively assume that dynastic rule informed the entire empire in a uniform fashion, it is important to pay attention to the vicissitudes of policies and institutions specific to each dynasty, if we are to understand local society. The history of the Southern Song and the Yuan does reveal a set of complex issues that cannot be readily explained by a linear decline in state power with correspondingly increasing independence of elites from the state. With its less than majestic foundation, the Southern Song was certainly a lesser empire. In its interstate policy, it had to make a series of ignominious compromises with its hostile northern neighbors; the Southern Song emperor had to refer to himself as “your minister” (chen 臣) when addressing his Jin counterpart. No Southern Song emperor dared to attempt the extravagant rites designed to display imperial grandeur and majesty, such as performing the Fengchan 封禪 ceremony at Mount Tai (à la Zhenzong 眞宗 [r. 997–1022]), projecting himself as an incarnation of a Daoist deity (à la Huizong 徽宗 [r. 1100– 1125]), or personally leading a military expedition against the northern enemy (à la Taizong 太宗 [r. 976– 97]). Nevertheless, it was far from a makeshift regime, doomed from the outset. Staffed with about forty thousand bureaucratic officials and guarded by nearly one million professional soldiers,50 the Southern Song lasted 150 years in the face of constant threats from unprecedentedly formidable northern dynasties. At no point during those 150 years of tense interstate confrontation did the Southern Song suffer from any major internal rebellion, a testament to the quality of its rule and the stability of its local administration.51 Indeed, it did not merely survive. As shown in Jacque Gernet’s classic study of Hangzhou in the dynasty’s last years, it was a period of economic fluorescence and dazzling urban culture.52 It would not be 49. Fei, Negotiating Urban Space, pp. 10–13. 50. For the number of officials and soldiers, see Shiba, “Sōdai shiteki seido no enkaku,” p. 139. McKnight’s much lower estimate of a total of twelve thousand officials, which is not based on any Southern Song sources, seems untenable. See Village and Bureaucracy in Southern Sung China, p. 8. 51. For the remarkable quality of domestic security during Lizong’s reign, see Davis, “The Reign of Li-Tsung (1224–1264),” p. 912. 52. Gernet, Daily Life in China.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 17

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

18

Introduction

misleading to assume that this empire was sustained from the top as well as from the bottom. After having conquered the Southern Song, the Yuan ruled south China for less than one hundred years. Among the major unified dynasties in Chinese history, only the Qin (221–206 BCE) and the Sui (581– 618 CE) were shorter-lived. However, the frequently encountered gushing praise by Chinese writers of the time for the great achievements of this alien regime, which has bewildered at least one perspicacious modern reader,53 reflects an imprint on China’s later history that was anything but negligible, at least in the eyes of contemporaries. This imprint includes the establishment of branch secretariats (xingsheng 行省), the prototype of provinces (sheng 省), the standard regional administrative unit in the late imperial period; the formulation of the principle of “beneficiary pays” in local infrastructure building; the institutional attachment of the literati elite to government schools; the state-sponsored Neo-Confucian conquest of the civil ser vice examinations; and the conservative turn in women’s property rights.54 It is true, of course, that hardly anything here was an unprecedented feature of the Yuan dynasty, but the state’s institutional choices that led to those developments, and the sociopolitical factors that prompted such choices, were indeed new in the Yuan. In approaching Mingzhou’s history during the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties, therefore, I have hesitated to assume that the Mingzhou case seamlessly fits the “Jiangnan developmental cycle” before investigating this important dynastic transition and the new dynasty’s unique policies.55

Organization of This Book Chapter 1 examines elite families in Mingzhou and demonstrates that the main actors in, and recorders of, the remarkable growth of Mingzhou elite society during the Southern Song were closely connected to the state. It also shows that passing the examinations, a career option

-1— 0— +1—

53. See Qian, “Du Mingchu kaiguo zhuchen shiwenji.” 54. Hartwell, “Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China”; chapter 4 of this book; Cho-ying Li, “Beneficiary Pays”; Katayama, “Gendai no shijin ni tsuite”; Chen Gaohua, “Yuandai de difang guanxue”; Bol, “Examinations and Orthodoxies”; and Birge, “Women and Confucianism from Song to Ming.” 55. Smith, “Problematizing the Song-Yuan-Ming Transition,” pp. 7–19.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 18

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

19

that remained as honored and coveted as ever, was but one way of building connections to the state. Obtaining and maintaining the status of an official household (guanhu 官戶) was important, not merely because of the time-honored ideals associated with government ser vice, but also for its practical benefits to one’s status in local society. Chapter 1 also proposes a significant qualification of the prevailing paradigm of a linear shift in elite family strategy from national to localized marriage during the Southern Song. These findings are put in perspective by reflecting upon historiographical biases and regional differences. Chapter 2 focuses on how local government administered local security and basic infrastructure construction and maintenance, accommodating elite participation in local projects while never losing an active role in negotiating with local interests. Under tight financial limitations, the Southern Song government managed to secure its operating budget by actively participating in the commercial economy. Through resourceful financial administration, it effectively improved local infrastructure. At the same time, great public demonstrations of consideration reflected the government’s stated intention to respect the interests of local people. Mingzhou’s government not only continued to provide various civic ser vices during this period but appears to have been rather effective in doing so. The conventional image of a nearly moribund system of local government under the Southern Song must be amended. At the same time, based on a close reading of the ways in which the policies of Mingzhou’s government developed and evolved, chapter 2 also shows that the mutual convenience of public and private interests, rather than the strict imposition of the former upon the latter, was considered a prerequisite for any good policy. The government viewed itself as a participant in and caretaker of local society, not simply as its ruler. Chapter 3 further clarifies the nature of local governance in Southern Song Mingzhou by revisiting the issue of elite activism, examining local government schools, the community drinking ceremony (xiang yinjiu li 鄕飮酒禮), community charitable estate (xiangqu yitian 鄕曲義田), and the charitable ser vice ( yiyi 義役), institutions that conventionally have been believed to be critical to local elite activism. A close examination of the creation and administration of these institutions reveals dynamic interaction, both cooperation and tension, between the elite community and the local government. Mingzhou’s government played an important role in these fields of “elite activism” because its officials

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 19

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

20

Introduction

found the improvement and protection of elite society to be an integral part of their governance. At the same time, however, a tension between their visions of activism was inevitable, especially when local officials were committed to championing local activism, as reflected in different understandings of the concept of yi 義 (righteousness). The upsurge of local activism during the Southern Song, which has often been understood as a logical outcome (as well as circumstantial evidence) of seriously weakened state power at the time, was actually the fruit of much more complex interactions between the state and elites. Chapter 4 turns to the impact of the Mongol Yuan dynasty on Mingzhou society and its elites. Long-term perspectives on the SongYuan-Ming transition may inadvertently obscure the question of what was truly new and unique about the Yuan dynasty and the meaningful changes it imparted to local society. In Mingzhou, the dynasty’s new institutions not only transformed the fortunes of its established elite families but also created new elite families. Granted, the elite’s marginalization from government ser vice was never more conspicuous, but through an analysis of the evolution of the Confucian household system, chapter 4 demonstrates that the elite’s negotiations with the state over status and legal privileges never ceased throughout the dynasty. The latter part of chapter 4 analyzes the paradoxical phenomenon of the lavish praise of local officials’ roles, recorded in contemporary documents, even in the midst of an obvious decrease in the local government’s financial and organizational capacity to administer local projects, as reflected in the popularity of qusi bei 去思碑 (steles [erected] in appreciation of departing officials). The period brings into sharp relief the fate of most Chinese social elites in the premodern period: the reality of their alienation from the state dovetailed with their need to establish strategic connections to the state. This is not, nor was it intended to be, a comprehensive history of Mingzhou society in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries. A fair treatment of the space and social sphere of the Buddhist monasteries, crucial in understanding Song-Yuan Mingzhou society in its entirety, would require a separate book-length study.56 There is also an interesting question in -1— 0— +1—

56. See, for example, Michael J. Walsh, Sacred Economies.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 20

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Introduction

21

intellectual history that this book does not address: Mingzhou was known as a hotbed of the teaching of Lu Jiuyuan 䎬九淵 (1139– 92), an archrival of Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) within the Learning of the Way (Daoxue 道學) camp in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. According to Robert Hymes, Lu Jiuyuan thought of local community as an extension of the family and was not particularly committed to socalled elite activism in local society, preferring to leave the responsibility for most public projects in the hands of local administrators.57 Can we find a similar thread of social ideas among Lu’s followers in Mingzhou? If Mingzhou’s local government had the means to do things for the locality, how did Mingzhou thinkers make sense of the proper role of the state and try to justify their position in local society as responsible leaders? Yang Jian’s 楊簡 (1141–1226) opinion on “feudal” and “bureaucratic” rules, Shu Lin’s 舒璘 (1136–99) series of essays on welfare and famine relief, and Shen Huan’s 沈煥 (1139– 91) active participation in the community granary offer some of the best examples through which future scholars of Mingzhou might address these questions.

—-1 —0 —+1

57. Hymes, “Lu Chiu-yüan, Academies, and the Problem of the Local Community,” pp. 448–56.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 21

6/18/14 6:20 PM

one Elites, Locality, and the State

or the last two decades scholars have brought renewed attention to the transformation of Chinese social elites during and after the twelfth century. The study of Chinese elites of this period is important not only as part of the social history of the Chinese family but as part of the intellectual history of state-society relations in later imperial China. The transformation and reorientation of the Chinese elite into “local elites” is believed to have fundamentally changed the way in which they made sense of their social role vis-à-vis the state in later history. Furthermore, representative voices of these local elites are thought to have been major agents in the momentous “social decision” about the ideal relationship between the state and society.1 Beginning in the early twelfth century, according to the established interpretation in North America, the Chinese elite became less and less dependent on the state for their elite status. Moreover, locality itself became an important topic in the intellectual life of the members of this social stratum. An inevitable result of this transformation was the separation of elites from the state, a trend that largely endured throughout the late imperial period.2 The proposition that the elites separated themselves from the state can be problematic, not simply because it

F

-1— 0— +1—

1. For a working definition and the historical significance of this “social decision,” see Hymes and Schirokauer, introduction to Ordering the World, pp. 50–51. 2. For the classic view of the Northern-Southern Song transition, see Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 210. For a problematization of locality from the perspective of intellectual and cultural history, see Bol, “The Rise of Local History”; Bol, “Chiiki shi to goteiseikoku ni tsuite.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 22

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

23

overstates the case but also because of the assumptions upon which it rests: the elites were defined very broadly, and the state was largely equated with the examination system it managed. This asymmetry in definitions tends to imply the former’s separation or independence from the latter. There is no denying, of course, that in the Southern Song there was an unprecedented expansion of literati elite whose social status was not directly dependent upon examination success. As long as we equate the state with the examination system and the offices it distributes through the system, then the divorce of the majority of the social elite from the state during this period is a logical conclusion. But is it accurate to view the premodern China state as merely an administrator of the examinations and a supplier of offices? The fortunes of local elite families could be significantly influenced, if not determined, by various functions of the state: the conferment of officeholding household status, taxation, and judicial administration, to name just a few. As Takahashi Yoshirō 高橋芳郎 has demonstrated, passing the prefectural examinations, being enrolled in state schools, or being recognized as literati by local officials provided elites in local society with considerable legal privileges and protections, such as exemption from the onerous village ser vice and special treatment at the local court.3 Seen from this angle, the ever-increasing marginalization of elites from degree holding did not necessarily indicate their separation from the state. Of course, one can debate what is meant by “separation,” but there are meaningful discoveries to be made by examining the diverse relations elites had with the state. Mingzhou cases are interesting because they bring into focus some aspects of relations between elites and the state that have been downplayed by recent scholarship on Song China. First, most of the locally influential figures in Mingzhou society, including famous Daoxue scholars,4 were prominent officials: leading gentlemen in Southern Song Mingzhou were renowned statesmen. Furthermore, as co-workers in

3. Takahashi, “Sōdai no shijin mibun ni tsuite.” This important study has not received sufficient attention in Western scholarship on Song society. As far as I know, only two Western scholars, Joseph McDermott and Peter Bol, have cited this article. 4. They include Gao Kang 高閌 (1097–1153), Shen Huan, Shu Lin, Yang Jian, Yuan Xie, Yuan Fu 袁甫 ( jinshi 1214), and Huang Zhen.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 23

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

24

Elites, Locality, and the State

community building throughout the period, local officials assigned to Mingzhou left indelible marks on its local landscape. Their contributions to the development of Mingzhou society often surpassed those of native elites.5 These simple facts have led me to suspect that the flourishing elite community in Southern Song Mingzhou might have been an outcome of the elite’s connectedness to the state rather than separation from it. This chapter will show that the remarkable growth of Mingzhou elite society during the Southern Song was characterized by its dynamism: the rise and decline of elite families was real, and many of them went beyond their own county to find spouses. In this dynamic society, elite families could not afford to separate themselves from the state. Connectedness to the state, which could be acquired by various means, was an invaluable asset with which to protect their local interests.6

The Rise of Mingzhou and Its Elites in the Southern Song (1127–1279) We cannot overemphasize that Mingzhou as a self-conscious local community was a product of Southern Song society. This is not to deny the region’s long history of development in previous dynasties. Buddhism, for example, began to flourish in the area from the Five Dynasties period, and Mingzhou became known as one of the centers of the Tiantai 天台 sect during the Northern Song. Its basic administrative

-1— 0— +1—

5. See appendix 3 for the extant biographical materials of those who served as local officials in Southern Song Mingzhou. An analysis of these people’s role in establishing the social infrastructure and in community building, which has not received due scholarly attention so far, is provided in chapters 2 and 3. 6. Major families of Southern Song Mingzhou have already been studied in detail by Ihara Hiroshi, Walton, Davis, Bao Weimin, Huang Kuan-chung, and Lau Nap-yin. For their representative works, see Ihara, “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru kanko no kon’in kankei”; Walton, “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China”; Davis, “Political Success and the Growth of Descent Groups”; Bao, “Songdai Mingzhou Lou shi jaizu yanjiu”; Huang, Songdai jiazu yu shehui; Huang, “Zhengzhi, diyu yu jiazu”; Lau, “Keju renji guanxi wangluo yu jiazu xingshuai”; Lau, “Songdai Mingzhou shiren jiazu de xingtai.” My interest here is not so much in the history of individual elite families as in the ascendance of the elite as a group in the context of their larger environment.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 24

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

25

layout, a legacy of the Wuyue 吳越 Kingdom, remained largely intact throughout its later history. In terms of economic development, Mingzhou had already undergone a remarkable spurt in agricultural productivity by the Northern Song period thanks to the extensive construction of seawalls, dams, and dikes. Moreover, as one of the major trade ports of the empire, Mingzhou enjoyed considerable commercial wealth from as early as the late tenth century.7 It also fared well in the imperial examinations throughout the Northern Song: 127 Mingzhou men achieved jinshi degrees, ranking twenty-first in the empire, excluding Sichuan.8 Given the number of jinshi the area produced during the period, it is rather surprising that there are only twenty-eight extant epitaphs written for Northern Song Mingzhou natives, plus three for Buddhist monks. If we count only those preserved in other people’s literary collections, excluding those excavated and found in genealogies, we have only thirteen epitaphs.9 One reason so little biographical data remains extant for Northern Song Mingzhou may be that most records were destroyed during the Jurchen invasion in 1129.10 Still, there is no denying

7. For a succinct account of the historical development of the Mingzhou area, see Shiba, Sōdai Kōnan keizai shi no kenkyū, pp. 462–81. 8. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, p. 196. 9. In locating Mingzhou epitaphs, I have consulted the following materials: Chang Bide et al., Songren zhuanji ziliao suoyin (6 vols.); Wang Deyi et al., Yuanren zhuanji ziliao suoyin (5 vols.); Rong Lihua, 1949–1989 Sishi nian chutu muzhi mulu 四十 年出土墓志目录; Yu, Ningbo shizhi waibian; Zhang, Tianyige Mingzhou beilin jilu; Zhang, Yongcheng xiancun lidai beijie ji; as well as a number of family genealogies and epigraphy sections of later gazetteers. Although Songren zhuanji ziliao suoyin listed eighty-seven Mingzhou natives in the Northern Song period as a whole, I have counted only sacrificial prayers ( jiwen 祭文), tomb records (kuang ji 壙記), funerary inscriptions (muzhiming 墓誌銘), records of conduct (xingzhuang 行䏑), and spirit path stele inscriptions (shendaobei 神道碑) written by contemporary and semicontemporary people. I have not included those rather short biographies in gazetteers and official biographies in the Songshi 宋史 that tend to focus mostly on one’s official careers. When there is more than one epitaph for a person, such as for Yao Ying 姚潁 (1150— 83), whose records of conduct and funerary inscriptions were written by Yuan Xie, Lou Yue 樓鑰 (1137–1213), and Ye Shi 䍉適 (1150–1223), all of which are extant, I simply count them as one. I thank Nicolas Tackett for alerting me to Rong Lihua’s book. 10. For example, Lou Yue records that his family’s old documents were almost completely destroyed during this chaotic time. See “Ba Ye shi furen muzhi” 跋葉氏

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 25

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

26

that the cultural sophistication of the Mingzhou area during the Northern Song was perceived as less than illustrious. In a funerary inscription written for a née Gao 辜 (1017–70), Wang Gui 王珪 (1021–85) cites the words of her son, Yu Chong 兪充 (1033–81): “Mingzhou is far away from the court. In its customs concerning weddings, funerals, and other social gatherings, there are no principles” 四明去朝廷遠, 其俗吉凶祭 祀·冠昏聚會, 皆無法.11 This perception was shared in retrospect by Dai Biaoyuan 戴表元 (1244–1310), a late Southern Song and early Yuan literatus from Fenghua county, who says: One hundred years and several decades ago, because our Fenghua was far away from the capital, [our] literati were satisfied with [in the life of ] a remote place and had no desire for fame or self-advancement. It was as if words could not come out of their mouth, and spiritual energy did not want to reside in them.12 吾奉化前百數十年時, 地理去行都遠, 士大夫安於僻處, 無功名 進趨之心. 言若䍂能出諸其口, 氣若䍂欲加諸其人.

Reflecting Mingzhou’s marginal status on the national stage, the Songshi 宋史 has biographies for only eleven Mingzhou people from the Northern Song and the Northern-Southern Song transition.13 Relatively famous figures such as Zhou E 周鍔 ( jinshi 1079), Feng Ji 豐稷 (1033–1107), and Shu Dan 舒亶 (1042–1104) are all from the late Northern Song period. Admittedly, there were the so-called “Five Masters of the Qingli reign period” (Qingli wu xiansheng 慶曆五先生), often acclaimed in later writings as the precursors of literati learning in the area. Not all of them, however, are recorded in the biography section of the Qiandao Siming tujing, the earliest extant gazetteer of 夫人墓誌, Gongkui ji 攻媿集 (hereafter GKJ), 74.14b. 建炎三年, 吾鄕遭兵燬最酷, 我家先世遺文片紙不存, 粗能班班見一二. See also QSW, 264:5958.256. Throughout

-1— 0— +1—

this work I use the Siku quanshu edition for primary sources. For the Song sources, I will also provide exact pagination based on the QSW. 11. Wang Gui, “Gao shi muzhiming” 辜氏墓誌銘, Huayang ji 華陽集 (SKQS), 57.18a (QSW, 53:1161.306). All translations in this book are mine unless the text or footnote indicates otherwise. 12. Dai Biaoyuan, “Dong Shuhui shi xu” 董叔輝詩序, Shanyuan ji 剡源集 (SKQS), 9.7b; See also Quan Yuan wen 全元文 (hereafter QYW ) (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2001), 12:418.126. 13. Chen, Nan Song Siming diqu jiaoyu he xueshu yanjiu, p. 26.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 26

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

27

Mingzhou, compiled in 1169.14 We should also remember that only after the late Northern Song did the population of Yin and Fenghua, which would become the two most prosperous counties in the prefecture, begin to exceed other counties in Mingzhou.15 In the Southern Song, however, we see a whole different local world taking shape. Having recovered from the devastation of the Jurchen invasion, Mingzhou began to thrive to an unprecedented degree, both economically and culturally. In 1077, when the New Policies were under way, there had been five tax stations across the entire prefecture, from which 26,947 strings of commercial tax were collected. By 1225 the number of tax stations increased to fourteen and the quota rose to as many as 87,102 strings, more than triple that of about 150 years earlier.16 The growth of the economy moved in tandem with the success of Mingzhou in the examinations: the prefecture produced 746 jinshi degree holders throughout the Southern Song, including two number-one passers and four chief grand councillors. This figure was nearly six times that of the Northern Song, and was surpassed at the time only by Fuzhou 福州, Fujian circuit, and Wenzhou 溫州, Zhedong circuit 䍓浙東路, in the entire empire.17 The proliferation of  a handful of Northern Song elite families can hardly explain why the Southern Song achieved six times more jinshi: rather, we have to expect to see a number of new families making their way into the upper echelons of elite society, often taking the place of old elite families. Mingzhou men of the Southern Song were proud of their own success and did not shy away from boasting of the “distinguished accomplishment in official careers [of native sons]” (yiguan shengshi 衣冠盛事)

14. I thank Kondō Kazunari for alerting me to this fact in 2006. Th is point can be also found in his Sōdai Chūgoku kakyo shakai no kenkyū, p. 203. But the concept did already exist in the late Northern Song, as Shu Dan mentions the “Five Masters” as a group in his funerary inscription of Wang Yue 王說 (1010–85). See Shu Dan, “Song gu ming changshi Wang gong muzhiming” 宋故明長史王公墓誌銘, QSW, 100:2181.88–89. 15. Lu, Tang Song shiqi Mingzhou quyu de shehui jing ji, p. 34. 16. Ibid., p. 289. 17. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 27

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

28

Elites, Locality, and the State

in their writings.18 The 178 epitaphs written for Southern Song Mingzhou residents, of which only one was written for a Buddhist monk, underscore the growth of the literati population. The Songshi has biographies for thirty-two Mingzhou men from the Southern Song.19 The books left by the literati community also attest to its expansion. Whereas only two very fragmentary literary collections by Northern Song Mingzhou authors have been transmitted, as many as fifty-one literary collections and monographs by Southern Song Mingzhou men are still extant.20 The kind of social transformation Mingzhou underwent in this period cannot simply be measured in sheer numbers, however. In the Southern Song, Mingzhou came to be known across the country for its worthy literati and intellectual leaders. As early as 1130, Mingzhou was listed as one of the seven locales attracting significant numbers of literati refugee immigrants.21 Chen Zao 陳造 (1133–1203), who was serving as Dinghai county magistrate in 1191– 94, said, “Mingzhou is a place of many literati. There are numerous people who were illustrious in the histories of the past, and who shine among officials and are admired as models in the literati world of the present” 夫四明多士之地, 凡昔之光賁史冊, 今之輝映縉紳·標表士林者, 不知其幾.22 This might have been mere lip ser vice paid to local literati by an incumbent magistrate, but no less serious a scholar than Zhu Xi (1130–1200) also credited Mingzhou with many respectable literati.23 Moreover, a widely read contemporary cultural geography, the Yudi jisheng 輿地記勝 of

-1— 0— +1—

18. BQSMZ (SYFC), 10.23b– 26b; “Ba Ye shi furen muzhi,” GKJ, 74.13b (QSW, 264:5958.256); Chen Zhu 陳著 (1214– 97), “Shu Siming yiguan shengshi lu hou” 書四 明衣冠盛事錄後, Bentang ji 本堂集 (SKQS), 47.4b–5a (QSW, 351:8112.54). 19. Chen, “Shu Siming yiguan shengshi lu hou.” 20. These numbers are based on a survey of the Siming Collectenea (Siming congshu 四明叢書). 21. Li Xinchuan 䎺心傳 (1167–1244), Jianyan yilai xinian yaolu 建炎以來繫年要錄 (hereafter XNYL), Congshu jicheng edition, 20.405. 平江·常·潤·湖·杭·明·越, 號爲士 大夫淵藪, 天下賢俊多避地於此. According to Wu Songdi 吳松弟, northern refugees to Mingzhou totaled more than ten thousand. For about 22 percent of the Southern Song Mingzhou jinshi, either they were northerners or their ancestral registry was in the north. See Beifang yimin yu Nan Song shehui bianqian, p. 55. Cited in Lu, Tang Song shiqi Mingzhou quyu de shehui jing ji, p. 37. 22. Chen Zao, “Da Liu Xiucai shu” 答劉秀才書, Jianghu zhangweng ji 江湖長翁集 (SKQS), 26.21b (QSW, 256:5754.168). 23. Zhu Xi, “Da Deng Decui” 答滕德粹, ZXJ, 49.2394.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 28

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

29

Wang Xiangzhi 王象之 ( jinshi 1196), also states that “[in terms of ] talented and brilliant people, Mingzhou is the best among prefectures.”24 Wang Yinglin 王應麟 (1223– 96) said with much pride toward the end of the dynasty: “Filial piety and brotherly respect have been cultivated at home, and [therefore] benevolence and humility have arisen [in society]. People’s virtue and age have been honored in the local community, and customs have become enriched. Principle has been illuminated in people’s minds, and worthy and talented men have become abundant” 孝弟修於家而仁遜興, 德齒尙於鄕而風俗厚, 理義明於心而 賢才盛.25 We see in Southern Song Mingzhou the emergence of a strong literati community and the permeation of their culture rippling out into wider areas of society. Literary associations of eminent members of the elite, such as the Association of Five Elders (Wulao hui 五老會), the Association of Eight Elders (Balao hui 八老會), and the Association of Genuine People (Zhenshuai hui 眞率會), were continually organized since the early Southern Song.26 Whereas the Wulao hui was a closed association whose membership was restricted to former classmates at the Imperial University, the Balao hui and Zhenshuai hui developed to accept as members non-officeholders, sojourning gentlemen, and local officials.27 Mingzhou was also known for establishing a community 24. Wang Xiangzhi, Yudi jisheng (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992), 11.615. 人才 英拔, 比他郡爲甲.

25. Wang Yinglin, “Qingyuan fuxue chongjian dachengdian ji” 慶元府學重建大 成殿記, Siming wenxian ji 四明文獻集 (SKQS), 1.11a (QSW, 354:8201.295). 26. Of course, these kinds of poetry associations were not unique to Mingzhou. See Deng, “Gong Mingzhi yu Songdai Suzhou de Gongshi jiazu,” p. 100. According to Zhou Yangbo, however, Mingzhou’s elder societies were the most active in the entire Southern Song. See Songdai shishen jieshe yanjiu, p. 115. 27. Balao hui included Wang Ciweng 王次翁 (1079–1149), a sojourning gentleman whose official career reached vice grand councillor, and Chen Xian 陳先, a nonofficeholder, while the Zhenshuai hui included Zhao Cuizhong 趙粹中 (1124–87), a sojourning imperial clan member; Zhou Mo 周模 (d. 1208), a non-officeholder; and Zhao Bogui 趙伯圭 (1119– 96), then the Mingzhou prefect. See Lou Yue, “Ba Jiang Kangzong suocang Qian Songchuang shitie” 跋蔣亢宗所藏錢松窗詩帖, GKJ, 75.18b (QSW, 264:5960.279); “Huang bozu taishi chongxian jing wang xingzhuang” 皇伯祖 太師崇憲靖王行䏑, GKJ, 86.16b (QSW, 265:5978.157); “Longtuge daizhi Zhao gong shendaobei” 龍圖閣待制趙公神道碑, GKJ, 98.34a (QSW, 265:5992.372); “Zhou Bofan muzhiming” 周伯範墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.3b (QSW, 266:6005.162). See also Huang, Songdai jiazu yu shehui, pp. 157–58.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 29

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

30

Elites, Locality, and the State

charitable estate that aimed broadly to support members of the officeholding elite community (shizu 仕族). Furthermore, a unique institution unheard of in other locales of the time, a prefecture-wide community drinking ceremony, a revival of the ancient annual ritual to which no fewer than three thousand native literati were invited, was reintroduced in Mingzhou for the first time in the empire and quickly became a model for its nationwide practice.28 In short, Mingzhou was no longer at the cultural periphery of the dynasty. It was now one of its flourishing centers. What accounts for this change? Who were the main actors in this change? Was this transformation made possible by the retreat of the state at the local level, or by the thorough reorientation of existing Mingzhou elites to local society? Arguably the most impressive aspect of Mingzhou history in the Southern Song was its extraordinary prominence in national politics. Four Mingzhou men, Shi Hao 史浩 (1106–94), Shi Miyuan 史彌遠 (1164–1233), Zheng Qingzhi 鄭淸之 (1176–1251), and Shi Songzhi 史嵩 之 (1189–1257), became chief grand councillor. In addition, Shi Cai 史才 ( jinshi 1118), Wei Qi 魏杞 (d. 1184), Lou Yue 樓鑰 (1137–1213), Zhang Xiaobo 張孝伯 ( jinshi 1163), Xuan Zeng 宣增 ( jinshi 1203), Yu Tianxi 余天錫 ( jinshi 1223), and Ying Yao 應繇 ( jinshi 1223) rose to vice grand councillor.29 At least two Mingzhou men became censors 御史 and twelve became attendants in waiting 侍從.30 Moreover, at least six Mingzhou natives served in envoy missions to the Jin dynasty: Lin Bao 䏋保 (1079–1149), Wei Qi, Yang Wangxiu 楊王休 (1130– 95), Chen Juren 陳 居仁 (1129–97), Wang Dayou 汪大猷 (1120–1200), and Lou Yue.31

-1— 0— +1—

28. A more detailed analysis of the community drinking ceremony and the role of the community charitable estate in Mingzhou history is provided in chapter 3. 29. Songshi, 31.578; Songshi, 33.634; Yuan Xie, “Zizhengdian daxueshi zeng xiaoshi Lou gong xingzhuang” 資政殿大學士贈少師樓公行狀, JZJ (SKQS), 11.26a (QSW, 281:6379.269); Songshi, 38.735; Songshi, 419.12543; Songshi, 419.12552; CGTZ (SYFC), 6.5b. 30. BQSMZ, 10.24a. The actual number of those who served in these two posts must have been larger, because the “yiguan shengshi” section records only the political achievements enjoyed by close relatives, such as father and son, grandfather and grandson, or brothers. 31. Zhou Bida 周必大 (1126–1204), “Zuo zhongfeng dafu fuwenge daizhi tejin Lin gong shendao bei” 左中奉大夫敷文閣待制特進林公神道碑, Wenzhong ji 文忠集 (SKQS), 68.13b (QSW, 233:5185.22); Lou Yue, “Shu Wei chengxiang fengshi shishi”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 30

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

31

Figure 1.1 Spirit Path Stele for Wei Qi Photography courtesy of Xikou 溪口 Museum, Fenghua, Zhejiang, China

Many of these men were intimately related or professionally connected to one another. Shi Hao and Miyuan were father and son, Shi 書魏丞相奉使事實, GKJ, 70.21b (QSW, 264:5953.181); Lou, “Wenhuage daizhi Yang gong xingzhuang” 文華閣待制楊公行狀, GKJ, 91.13a–b (QSW, 265:5983.228); Lou, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zhishi zeng tejin Wang gong xingzhuang” 敷文閣學 士宣奉大夫致仕贈特進汪公行䏑, GKJ, 88.13a (QSW, 2265:5980.179); Lou, “Huawenge

zhixueshi fengzheng dafu zhishi zeng jinzi guanglu dafu Chen gong xingzhuang” 華文閣直學士奉政大夫致仕贈䋦紫光祿大夫陳公行䏑, GKJ, 89.11b (QSW, 265:5981.

—-1 —0 —+1

194); Yuan Xie, “Zizhengdian daxueshi zeng xiaoshi Lou gong xingzhuang,” JZJ, 11.24a (QSW, 281:6378.268).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 31

6/18/14 6:20 PM

32

Elites, Locality, and the State

Cai was Hao’s uncle, and Miyuan was Songzhi’s uncle. Zheng Qingzhi was Shi Miyuan’s political protégé. Yu Tianxi was teacher-inresidence for Shi Miyuan’s sons. Wei Qi studied at the Wang 汪 family school along with Wang Dayou, who passed the jinshi examination in the same year as Shi Hao. Wang Dayou was also a maternal uncle of Chen Juren and Lou Yue. Xuan Zeng, whose mother was Shi Hao’s younger cousin, was known to be Shi Miyuan’s henchman ( fuxin 腹 心). Two of Lin Bao’s grandsons-in-law were Shi Mida 史彌大 ( jinshi 1169), the eldest son of Shi Hao, and Lou Chun 樓淳, the eldest son of Lou Yue, respectively. Finally, Lou Yue authored the spirit path stele inscription for Shi Hao, and the sacrificial prayer for Wei Qi (figure 1.1), in addition to records of conduct for Chen Juren, Wang Dayou, and Yang Wangxiu. Although it remains unclear whether such relationships translated directly into substantial favoritism in their official careers, the people of Mingzhou seem to have taken full advantage of the political capital earned by highly successful native sons. As table 1.1 shows, mutual recommendations among them at the court were not uncommon. Shi Miyuan’s prolonged tenure as chief grand councillor for twentysix years, though fraught with controversies over his dovish stance on the relationship with northern dynasties and political machinations, seems to have brought about an unprecedented influx of Mingzhou men to the court, a fact that was satirized in a contemporary poem: “Those high officials, who fill the court wearing red and crimson robes, are all Mingzhou men” 滿朝朱紫貴, 盡是四明人.32 Even after Shi Miyuan, the successive chief councillorships of Zheng Qingzhi and Shi Songzhi seem to have prolonged this phenomenon. This political heyday for Mingzhou men came to an end rather abruptly when, we are told, as many as sixty Mingzhou men were purged from office due to the personal distrust Jia Sidao 賈似道 (1213–75) felt toward them.33

-1— 0— +1—

32. Zhang Duanyi 張端義, Gui’er ji 貴耳集 (SKQS), 3.37a. 33. These include Gao Hengsun 高衡孫 ( jinshi 1235); Zhao Rumei 趙汝楳, then vice director of the Ministry of Revenue 戶部侍郞; Wang Zhilin 汪之林 ( jinshi 1235), then prefect of Dingzhou 汀州; Lu He 陸合, then vice director of the Directorate for Armaments 軍器少監; Zhang Shiyuan 章士元 ( jinshi 1238), then vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices 太常少卿; and Zhao Mengchuan 趙孟傳, then prefect of Ganzhou 贑州. See Yuan Jue, “Xian dafu xingshu” 先大夫行述, QRJSJ (SKQS), 33.7b (QYW, 23:730.523).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 32

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 33

Shi Hao / Yin Yang Jian (1141–1226) / Cixi Yuan Xie (1144–1224) / Yin Shu Lin (1136– 99) / Fenghua Shu Lie 舒䍸 ( jinshi 1172) / Fenghua Shen Zhu 䍍銖 ( jinshi 1145) / Yin Lou Xi 樓錫 (1134–83) / Yin Shi Mida / Yin Shen Zhu / Yin Zheng E 鄭鍔 ( jinshi 1160) / Yin

Shi Hao / Yin

Wang Dayou / Yin

Recommended / County

Source Yanyou Siming zhi 延祐四明志 (hereafter YYSMZ) (SYFC), 4.42a Shi Hao, “Bici jian Xue Shusi deng zhazi” 陛辭薦薛叔 似等劄子, Maofeng zhenyin manlu 鄮峰眞隱漫錄 (SKQS), 9.1a–3a (QSW, 199:4406.273); Lou Yue, “Ba Shi wenhui gong tie” 跋史文惠公帖, GKJ, 77.14b (QSW, 264:5962.314); Lou Yue, “Xianxiong Yanzhou xingzhuang” 先兄嚴州行狀, GKJ, 85.16b (QSW, 265:5977.141) Lou Yue, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zhishi zeng tejin Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 88.24b–25a (QSW, 265:5980.186) (continued)

Table 1.1 Mingzhou Men’s Recommendations of Fellow Mingzhou Men

Wu Bingxin 吳秉信 ( jinshi 1121) / Yin

Recommender / County

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 34

Yang Jian / Cixi Xue Yangzu 薛揚祖 (1146–1219) / Yin Shi Mizhong 史彌忠 ( jinshi 1187) Yuan Xie / Yin

Zhao Yanyu 趙彦逾 ( jinshi 1160) / Yin

Source: Songshi, 97.2403; QDSMTJ, 9.20a– 21b; BQSMZ, 12.20a– 26a

Yang Jian / Cixi Wei Xian 魏峴 / Fenghua

Yang Jian / Cixi Gao Sisun 高似孫 ( jinshi 1184) / Yin Feng Duanfang 馮端方 (1137–?) / Cixi Lou Fang 樓昉 ( jinshi 1193) / Yin Zhang Fu 張虙 ( jinshi 1196) / Cixi

Recommended / County

Table 1.1 (continued)

Lou Yue / Yin

Recommender / County

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

相食邑五川九百戶食實封三千九百戶諡文節魯國魏公 神道碑, Ningbo lidai beijie muzhi huibian, p. 272

Lou Yue, “Ju Yang Jian Liu Zhongguang zhuang” 舉楊簡劉仲光狀, GKJ, 31.2a– b; Lou Yue, “Chu jishizhong ju Gao Sisun zidai zhuang” 除給事中舉高 似孫自代狀, GKJ, 31.2b; Lou Yue, “Ju Feng Duanfang Jiang Chou Lou Fang zhuang” 舉馮端方江疇樓 昉狀, GKJ, 31.4a–5a; Lou Yue, “Chu libu xiangshu jian hanlin xueshi Zhang Fu zidai zhuang” 除吏部尙 書兼翰林學士擧張虙自代狀, GKJ, 31.5a (QSW, 263:5936.297) Yuan Xie, “Xingbu langzhong Xue gong muzhiming” 刑部郞中薛公墓誌銘, JZJ, 18.11b (QSW, 281:6386.396) Huang Kuan-chung, “Zhengzhi, diyu yu jiazu,” p. 21 Zheng Qingzhi, “Song gu taishi you chengxiang shiyi wuqian jiubai hu shi shifeng sanqian jiubai hu xi wenjie Luguo Wei gong shendaobei” 宋故太師右丞

Source

Elites, Locality, and the State

35

Regardless of the cause, the story highlights the political success enjoyed by the Mingzhou elite at the time. The exceptional political success of Mingzhou men did not make them turn away from local affairs; quite the contrary. Aside from Shi Cai and Shi Songzhi, whose biographical materials tell us little about their activities in Mingzhou, almost all established themselves as active local leaders. The organization of a literary association, the establishment of the community charitable estate, the promotion of the community drinking ceremony, the renovation of an official school, the construction of an academy, and the composition of numerous commemorative inscriptions marking local projects were among the representative works executed by these people. Their being successful statesmen only enhanced their status as leading elites in their locale. There is little doubt that the presence of such high-profile native sons on the local scene must have influenced the way in which local officials dealt with local affairs. For instance, the literary collections of Shi Hao and Lou Yue are sprinkled with their correspondence with Mingzhou local officials. The community charitable estate established by Shi Hao and Wang Dayou was partially funded by Prefect Lin Dazhong 䏋大中 (1131–1208). As will be explained in chapter 2, Shi Jun 史浚 (1129– 1203), the son of Shi Cai, was consulted by Prefect Zhao Kai 趙愷 on the troublesome issue of dredging Dongqian Lake 東錢湖. Likewise, Yuan Xie advised prefects Zhao Shanjian 趙善堅 ( jinshi 1166) and Fu Bocheng 傅伯成 (1143–1226) on maritime security.34 Shi Miyuan’s chief councillorship saw some extreme examples. Hu Ju 胡榘, who served as Mingzhou prefect and was known as a benefactor to Mingzhou society, was one of Shi’s associates at the court.35 Dai Xu 戴栩 ( jinshi 1208), who worked as the registrar 主簿 of Dinghai county, 34. Zhou Bida, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zeng tejin Wang gong shendaobei” 敷文閣學士宣奉大夫贈特進汪公神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 67.9b (QSW, 233:5184.6); Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming” 朝請大夫史君墓誌銘, GKJ, 105.4a–b (QSW, 266:6000.101–2); Zhen Dexiu 眞德修 (1178–1235), “Xianmoge xueshi zhishi zeng longtuge xueshi kaifu Yuan gong xingzhuang” 顯謨閣學士致仕贈 龍圖閣學士開府袁公行狀, Xishan wenji 西山文集 (SKQS), 47.4b– 5a (QSW, 314:7188.35). 35. For a balanced account of Hu’s stigmatic career at the court and his skilled administration of Mingzhou, see Xu Shidong, Siming liuzhi jiaokan ji 四明䎪志校勘記 (SYFC), 7.3b– 6b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 35

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

36

Elites, Locality, and the State

dedicated a series of sycophantic poems to Shi Miyuan and wrote a laudatory inscription for a shrine erected in honor of Shi Hao.36 Such administrators may well have had good reason to work hard for the welfare of Mingzhou. Nevertheless, it would be far-fetched to try to explain the rise of Mingzhou by the exceptional political success of a few native sons. The administrative resilience of Mingzhou’s local government, consistent through much of the Southern Song, had more to do with the strategic importance and economic resources of the area than political favors from the center.37 Moreover, as Richard Davis and, in greater detail, Huang Kuan-chung have shown, the coveted political success of a few often brought not only prestige but also problems to Mingzhou society. Through the controversial years of Shi Miyuan’s and Shi Songzhi’s chief councillorships, Mingzhou witnessed aggravating conflicts among the Shi kin group, not to mention a serious deterioration of solidarity among influential local families.38

“Elite Dominance” in Mingzhou? For a better understanding of Mingzhou’s rise in its full complexity, we have to look in greater detail at the larger stratum of its elites. One of the first places we might look is the extant epitaphs for Southern Song Mingzhou people, although they admittedly represent only “the side of the tip of the iceberg” of Mingzhou elite society.39 If we classify

-1— 0— +1—

36. See Dai Xu, “Taishi Shi Yue wang ci ji” 太師史越王祠記, Huanchuan ji 浣川集 (SKQS), 5.10a–11b (QSW, 308:7033.204–5). As a local official, however, Dai Xu seems to have undertaken his job quite diligently. He proposed a famine relief idea based on his observations of local realities, wrote “An Exhortation of Agriculture” (Quannong wen 勸農文), and compiled a map of the seven cantons of the county. See “Lun chao zha renzi dizi geshi zhazi” 論抄箚人字地字格式箚子, Huanchuan ji, 4.9b–12b (QSW, 308:7030.147–48); “Dinghai qi xiang tu ji” 定海七鄕圖記, 5.11b–12b (QSW, 308:7033.205– 6); and “Dinghai quannong wen” 定海勸農文, 9.11b–12b (QSW, 308:7030.150). 37. Chapters 2 and 3 address this issue in more detail. 38. Davis, “Political Success and the Growth of Descent Groups,” p. 85; Huang, “Zhengzhi, diyu yu jiazu,” pp. 9–27. 39. I borrow this expression from McDermott. See his “Review: Statesmen and Gentlemen,” p. 347.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 36

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

37

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 jinshi degree holder

facilitated degree holder

non-degree holder

female

Figure 1.2 Degree Holders in Mingzhou Epitaphs (Southern Song) 

a sample of 140 local epitaphs according to the subjects’ examination degree, we obtain the graph shown in figure 1.2.40 What catches our attention first is the high percentage of persons with no degree. Only 22 percent of the surviving epitaphs were written for jinshi degree holders. If we set aside women from the calculation, the percentage rises slightly to 26 percent; in either case, more than 74  percent held no degree. This accords with the conventional view that there was an expanding number of elites in the Southern Song period who were largely independent of or “separated” from the state. This is a deceiving statistic, however. Figure 1.3 below shows the same epitaphs, arranged this time by authors’ date of death and by subjects’ officeholding status. As a whole, the ratio of officeholders to non-officeholders is 57 percent to 43 percent. Excluding females, the ratio increases to 67 percent to 33 percent. It is important to note that figure 1.3 here does not reflect the biographies in the Songshi and biographies recorded in gazetteers. If we were to include such writings, the percentage of officeholders would only increase. What does this tell us about the elites of Mingzhou in the Southern Song? The scattered and incomplete nature of our sources notwithstanding, two things are certain here. First, many elites whose biographies were recorded posthumously had been deeply engaged with official careers during their lifetime. Because the real upsurge in the literati population began only during the Southern Song, the involvement

—-1 —0 —+1

40. I have included only those epitaphs found in received texts, setting aside those epitaphs either excavated or found in genealogies.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 37

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

38 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Office Holder Non-officeholder Female Member

1180–1209

1210–39

1240–69

1270–99

1300–

unknown

Figure 1.3 Number of Mingzhou Epitaphs, in Th irty-Year Increments

with the state in this period of leading Mingzhou elites was by no means attenuated as compared to the Northern Song. Second, the fact that officeholders significantly outnumbered degree holders shows that elites could be directly related to the state without successfully navigating the examination system. Because a wide range of individuals is represented in these epitaphs, it would be difficult to create a precise typology of the varying degrees of prestige and power in local society. Previous studies have shown that the social boundary between officeholder and non-officeholder at a given moment was rather porous.41 Mingzhou was no exception. Chen Xian, who held neither office nor degree, was able to join the prestigious Balao hui along with such high officials as Wang Siwen, Wang Ciweng, Gao Kang, and Wu Bingxin.42 An Zhaozu 安昭祖 (1141– 98) of Yin, who unsuccessfully tried the examinations until the age of fifty and never had an official career, had a close friendship as a fellow poet with Wei Qi, then a retired vice grand councillor.43 Likewise, Gao Yuanzhi 高元之 (1142– 97), whose father migrated to Yin in the early days of the Southern Song and who attained only the prefectural degree, was a close friend of Lou Yue.44

-1— 0— +1—

41. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 48–53; Bossler, Powerful Relations, p. 188. 42. Wang Siwen was prefect of Lin’an 䏍安. Wang Ciweng rose up to vice grand councillor. Gao Kang’s highest post was vice minister of the Ministry of Rites 䎏部 侍郞. Wu Bingxin reached vice minister of the Ministry of Personnel 䎷部侍郞. 43. Lou Yue, “An Guangyuan muzhiming” 安光遠墓誌銘, GKJ, 104.16b (QSW, 266:5999.92). 44. Lou Yue, “Gao Duanshu muzhiming” 高端叔墓誌銘, GKJ, 103.1a (QSW, 266:5997.62).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 38

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

39

In addition, there seems to have been no insurmountable barrier to marriage between these two groups, although families producing officeholders certainly tended to marry each other. The famous Daoxue master Shu Lin of Fenghua, for example, hailing from a family which had produced prefectural and jinshi degree holders, married a daughter of a certain Wang Ruxian 汪汝賢 (1124–80), a man of fabulous wealth who had obtained the honorary rank of 9b through a generous donation to the military in the desperate days of the early Southern Song.45 Yuan Wen 袁文 (1119– 90), whose grandfather and great-grandfather were jinshi degree holders, married a woman from the Dai 戴 family. Although the Dais had been affluent and influential in their canton (xiang 鄕) for generations, it was not until the time of née Dai’s grandfather that they began a course of transforming themselves into shi. Likewise, the renowned Yuan Xie married a certain née Bian 邊, whose family had accumulated wealth mainly through commerce and had just begun its full-scale effort to move into literati circles.46 Nevertheless, it would be quite misleading to assume that Mingzhou elites were a largely homogeneous group in terms of their power and local influence. Contemporary people were keenly aware of the different levels of prestige accorded to various families. First of all, epitaph authors rarely failed to recognize the distinction between literati and nonliterati elites. When rich, locally influential people were the subjects of an epitaph, the authors made a point of highlighting how these people strove to invest in education and transform themselves into respectable literati.47 In the voluminous writings of Lou Yue and Yuan 45. Shu Lin, “Digonglang Wang gong muzhiming” 迪功郎汪公墓誌銘, Wenjing wenji 文靖文集 (SKQS), 1.52b (QSW, 260:5853.192). 46. Yuan Xie, “Taifuren Dai shi kuangzhi” 太夫人戴氏壙誌, JZJ, 21.10b (QSW, 282:6389.32); Yuan, “Bian Yonghe muzhiming” 邊用和墓誌銘, JZJ, 20.23a–b (QSW, 282:6389.20). 47. See, for example, Lou Yue, “Chengfenglang zhishi Li jun muzhiming” 承奉郞 致仕李君墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.4b–5a (QSW, 266:6005.163– 64); Yuan Xie, “Zhang fujun muzhiming” 章府君墓誌銘, JZJ, 20.2a (QSW, 282:6388.4); Yuan, “Bian Youcheng muge” 邊友誠墓碣, JZJ, 20.21a–b (QSW, 282:6389.19); Shu Lin, “Zhu Shifu qi Shu shi kuangzhi” 竺碩夫妻舒氏壙誌, Wenjing wenji, 1.42a (QSW, 260:5853.185). For this reason, I cannot agree with Hymes that his seven types of elite are largely “coterminous” with the shi. See Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 53. Particularly problematic are his categories 6 and 7: friends and affinal kins of other elite members. In the tenth article of the school “compact of 1168,” for example, Lü Zuqian 䍚祖謙 (1137–81) tells

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 39

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

40

Elites, Locality, and the State

Xie, such expressions as “lofty lineage” (wangzu 望族), “renowned lineage” (wenzu 聞族), “eminent lineage” (mingzu 名族) or “well-known surname” (zhuxing 著姓) are reserved for families who had produced at least a few jinshi degree holders or high-ranking officials, whereas terms like “great households” ( jushi 巨室) invariably describe those powerful families who had not been fully gentrified. This term was often, though not always, used in a negative sense.48 Men from each of these two types of families could have been good friends at any given moment, but this should not be taken to suggest that their families held equal standing even in a local setting. The Lis, a wealthy family of Yin, for example, were donors to the Penglai Belvedere 蓬萊觀, which had originally been a shrine to Lou Yi 樓异 ( jinshi 1085), Lou Yue’s grandfather, who led the controversial conversion of Guangde Lake 廣德湖 in Yin county to farmland when he was Mingzhou prefect.49 We can hardly say that the Lous and the Lis were the same kind of elite in Mingzhou; a family whose member was offered sacrifices in a Daoist belvedere should not be conflated

-1— 0— +1—

his students: “Do not be close to those who are not of one’s kind. Relatives and old friends may not be literati, in which case one cannot abandon friendly politeness, but one ought not be overly familiar.” See Bol, “The Ming Founding in Comparative Perspective,” p. 12. 48. For the former expressions, see Lou Yue, “Yong gui huiwang shuo” 詠歸會望 說, GKJ, 79.1b (QSW, 264:5965.354–55); Lou, “Zhou Boji muzhiming” 周伯濟墓誌銘, GKJ, 103.22b (QSW, 266:5998.76); Lou, “Zhi Meizhou Zhang jun muzhiming” 知梅 州張君墓誌銘, GKJ, 104.5a (QSW, 266:5999.85); Lou, “Tongpan Yao jun muzhiming” 通判姚君墓誌銘, GKJ, 107.5b (QSW, 266:6003.136); Lou, “Zhou Bofan muzhiming” 周伯範墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.1a (QSW, 266:6005.161); Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Pingjiangfu jiaoshu Yao jun xingzhuang” 通判平江府校書姚君行狀, JZJ, 15.1b (QSW, 281:6382.334); Yuan, “Wu Junruo kuangzhi” 吳君若壙誌, JZJ, 20.14b (QSW, 282:6388.13); Yuan, “Jiang anren Pan shi muzhiming” 蔣安人潘氏墓誌銘, JZJ, 21.2a (QSW, 282:6389.26). For the latter expression, see Lou Yue, “Wangchunshan Penglaiguan ji” 望春山蓬萊觀記, GKJ, 57.4b (QSW, 265:5968.24), which mentions the Lis 厲 of Yin; Lou, “Shu Li shi Jianyan beiyulu hou” ᘆ䎺氏建炎備禦錄後, GKJ, 74.21b (QSW, 264:5958.261), which describes the Lis 䎺 of Fenghua; Yuan Xie, “Congshilang Wang jun muzhiming” 從仕郞汪君墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.6b (QSW, 281:6387.411), which refers to the Wangs 汪 of Fenghua. According to Lau Nap-yin, the Chengdu shizu pu 成都氏族譜, which enumerates forty-five influential Tang-Song literati elite families, only notes officeholding families. See “Keju renji guanxi wangluo yu jiazu xingshuai,” p. 5. 49. On this controversial conversion, see chapter 2.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 40

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

41

with a family that simply donated to the same belvedere as belonging to the same social stratum.50 Mere wealthy donors to a local Buddhist monastery, Daoist belvedere, or local construction project were no match for established literati elite families, especially in Mingzhou, where a number of highly illustrious families resided.51 As I will show in chapters 2 and 3, such donors were more often from families striving to transform their economic wealth into social prestige than from those who had already earned it. The internal stratification among Mingzhou elites, however, was not fixed at all. People made deliberate efforts to translate their economic wealth into cultural capital, but those who had acquired such capital were far from immune to downward social mobility. One might expect that many Mingzhou elite families that were successful in officialdom and influential in local society would have been able to maintain their local prominence for a long period of time. But according to Lou Yue, many people from officeholding households ( yiguan zhi zu 衣冠之族) were unable to escape impoverishment.52 In putting Lou’s comments in perspective, Yuan Cai 袁采 ( jinshi 1163), a native of Quzhou 衢州, Zhedong circuit, offers some interesting remarks on the fate of an elite family in local society: The sons and brothers of a scholar-official (shidafu 士大夫), if they have no hereditary stipend to maintain them, and no real estate to rely on, but want to make a plan for serving their parents and supporting their dependents, can do no better than to be scholars (ru 儒). One whose talent is so fine that he is able to study for the jinshi examinations may, if of the highest quality, take a degree and attain wealth and prestige ( fugui 富貴), or, if of lesser quality, open his gates and offer instruction, thus receiving a teacher’s stipend. One unable to study for the jinshi may, if of higher quality, work with brush and paper at writing letters for others, or, if of lesser quality, punctuate texts and work

50. For a judicious critique of lumping together different types of elite into one seemingly monolithic social group, see McDermott, “Review: Statesmen and Gentlemen,” pp. 339–40. 51. The “literai elite” was not a homogeneous group either, of course. In the community drinking ceremony, which invited as many as three thousand literati elites in Mingzhou, officeholders were seated separately from other literati (qi yu shiren 其餘 士人). See Xu Song 徐松, SHY, “Li” 禮, 46.3–4. 52. Lou Yue, “Fan shi fu yizhai ji” 范氏復義宅記, GKJ, 60.3a–b (QSW, 265:5970.54).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 41

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

42

as a tutor to children. If one is incapable of being a scholar, then medicine, astrology, agriculture, commerce, and the miscellaneous arts that may support life without disgracing one’s forebears may all be pursued.53 士大夫之子弟苟無世祿可守·無常産可依而欲爲仰事俯育之資, 莫 如爲儒. 其才質之美能習進士業者, 上可以取科第致富貴, 次可以 開門敎授以受束脩之奉. 其不能習進士業者, 上可以事筆札代牋 簡之役, 次可以習點讀爲童蒙之師. 如不能爲儒, 則醫卜星相農圃 商賈伎術, 凡可以養生而不至於辱先者皆可爲也.

Two points are especially striking here. One is the underlying assumption that even the son of a scholar-official, who should be distinguished in this context from a more generic term for literati, such as shi or shiren 士人, can be left without “hereditary stipend” or “real estate” to rely on and thus be compelled to seek other means of support. The other is that obtaining the jinshi degree is still suggested as the surest, albeit difficult, way of obtaining “wealth and prestige” for those without hereditary wealth upon which to rely.54 Yuan Cai was warning against the dire possibility of downward social mobility while proposing socially acceptable alternatives to being a scholar-official, rather than betraying the foremost importance of wealth in the local setting.55 As Yuan stressed in the same section of his Precepts for Social Life, one’s social status in the local community (xiangqu 鄕曲) was more ephemeral than enduring:

-1— 0— +1—

53. Yuan Cai, Yuanshi shifan 袁氏世範, 2.105. For a slightly different translation, see Ebrey, Family and Property in Sung China, p. 267. 54. Kondō Kazunari argues that given the practice of equal division of family property among brothers and the spread of a commercialized economy, obtaining a jinshi degree was the only certain way of securing a family’s continued prominence. See Sōdai Chūgoku kakyo shakai no kenkyū, p. 172. Wang Chanzhong 汪闡中 (1165– 1238), a grandson of Wang Siwen, entered officialdom through the protection “generously” given to him by his uncle and reached the level of prefectural administrator. After stressing that his own brothers’ lot was not so good as his, he encouraged his only son, Wang Zhibang 汪之邦, to raise up his family by quoting an old saying of the time, “descendants have their own lots” 兒孫自有兒孫福. He also urged his son to “pursue the path of officialdom and raise up the family” 當進修官業, 振作戶門. See Wang Zhibang, “Song gu zhaoqing dafu Nanjian zhijun Wang jun kuangji” 宋 故朝請大夫南劍知郡汪君壙記, in Tianyige Mingzhou beilin jilu, p. 28. 55. For the latter interpretation, see Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 119.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 42

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

43

Things and affairs in the world undergo lots of changes. Heavenly principle is just like this. Nowadays many people only see petty prosperity right in front of their eyes, think that they have no worry in this life, and go bankrupt in a very short period of time. In general, [as] heaven’s order changes after one decade, there is then a shift in the affairs in the world. For the time being, let us not discuss the long-term perspective and only compare the local community of ten or twenty years ago to the current situation. Has there ever been a fixed tendency (dingshi ) in social ups and downs?56 世事多更變, 乃天理如此. 今世人往往見目前稍稍榮盛以爲此生 無足慮, 不旋踵而破壞者多矣. 大抵天序十年一換甲, 則世事一變. 今不須廣論久遠, 只以鄕曲十年前二十年前比論目前, 其成敗興 衰, 何嘗有定勢?

According to Yuan Cai, family fortunes could change even within one generation. When we focus on the individual lines in family ( jia 家), rather than the inclusive descent group (zong 宗), sources strongly confirm Yuan’s concern for downward social mobility.57

56. Yuanshi shifan, 2.61. Also see Ebrey, Family and Property in Sung China, pp. 233–34. 57. It was Ebrey who first brought to light the differing focuses on the “zong 宗 orientation” and the “ jia 家 orientation” in Song people’s thought on the family. Zong, which focuses on the hierarchical harmony among collateral kinsmen within mourning circles, is based on “genealogical connection and not on residential circumstances or the transmission of property” and is believed to represent an enduring classical ideal. Jia refers more to “tangible material and human entities” and is conceived “overwhelmingly in unitary, lineal terms.” See “Conceptions of the Family in the Sung Dynasty,” pp. 224–32. In her study of elite families in Wuzhou 婺州, Zhedong circuit, Beverly Bossler brought to light the possibility of downward social mobility, confirming Yuan Cai’s concern and Lou Yue’s account (Powerful Relations, pp. 142–48, 209). In contrast, Robert Hymes’s paradigmatic study depicts a self-sustaining and largely self-perpetuating elite society in Fuzhou, Jiangxi circuit (Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 62– 63, 210). Their findings might differ because of the geographical differences between their case studies, but a more fundamental reason seems to be the difference in their understandings of the unit of analysis—that is, what they mean by “family.” In Hymes’s picture, “family” appears to include many different branches of a larger kin group, so the seemingly unbroken prosperity of a certain “family” over a long period of time should be of little surprise. See, for example, his reconstruction of seventy-three elite families (Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 220–45). On the other hand, Bossler, who emphasizes the individual lines rather than the inclusive descent group, is much more likely to see the ups and downs of Wuzhou “families.” For a pointed criticism of Hymes’s too-broad definition of “family,” see Lee, “Review of

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 43

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

44

Elites, Locality, and the State

The families of Yuan Xie and Yuan Fu ( jinshi 1214), on one hand, and of Yuan Hong 袁洪 (1245– 98) and Yuan Jue 袁桷 (1266–1327), on the other, are thought to have been from two different lineages (zu 族).58 Thus, the success of the latter family during the Yuan can hardly be taken as indicating the continued prominence of the former from the Southern Song. Of course, people were known to help more distant kinsmen beyond their own narrow individual lines. In Mingzhou sources, it is not difficult to find that some people relinquished the “protection” ( yin 蔭) privilege to which they or their direct descendants were entitled, in order to help other members of their larger kin group. Shi Hao, for example, saw to it with his clout that even his wife’s younger brother received an official post. Certainly, the benefits of one individual’s political success could be shared by a relatively large number of his relatives, but the tone of related sources suggests that these were thought to be acts of special virtue rather than common practice.59

-1— 0— +1—

Statesmen and Gentlemen,” p. 497 n18. In his review of Bossler’s book and, more recently, in a meticulous study of Mingzhou’s literati families, Lau Nap-yin also shows that the individual line should be the criterion in mea suring the fate of a “family” in Song times. See “Shuping, Beverly J. Bossler, Powerful Relations,” pp. 439–40; Lau, “Songdai Mingzhou shiren jiazu de xingtai,” pp. 290–343. This point is also confirmed by Ōsawa Masaaki’s study. See “Tō Sō henkaku ki no kazoku kibo to kōsei,” p. 84. Cited in Lau, “Songdai Mingzhou shiren jiazu,” p. 328. 58. Dai Liang 戴良 (1317–83), “Siming Yuan shi putu xu” 四明袁氏譜圖序, Jiuling shanfang ji 九靈山房集 (SKQS), 21.3a (QYW, 53:1630.277). 59. See Lu You 䎬游 (1125–1209), “Zhaoyi dafu Zhang gong muzhiming” 朝議大夫 張公墓誌銘, Weinan wenji 渭南文集 (SKQS), 37.6a (QSW, 223:4950.234); Zhou Bida, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zeng tejin Wang gong shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 67.9a (QSW, 233:5184.6); Lou Yue, “Zhuogutang wenji xu” 酌古堂文集序, GKJ, 52.17a (QSW, 264:5949.115); Lou, “Longtuge daizhi Zhao gong shendaobei,” GKJ, 98.33b (QSW, 265:5992.372); Yuan Xie, “Xianzu mubiao” 先祖墓表, JZJ, 17.5b (QSW, 281:6384.373); Zhu Xi, “Wei chengxiang xingzhuang” 魏丞相行䏑, QSW, 252:5673. 380; Wang Zhibang, “Song gu zhaoqing dafu Nanjian zhijun Wang jun kuangji,” p. 27. For such a practice in the Shi kin group, see Davis, “Political Success and Descent Groups,” pp. 86– 87. Although official regulations at the time stipulated the extent to which “protection” could be awarded, this shows that, as Davis aptly puts it, the regulations were only “the theoretical ceiling.” In 1135, for example, a certain Fan Zhengguo 范正國, the great-grandson of Fan Zhongyan 范仲淹 (989–1052), was impeached partly because he wanted to use up all four protection privileges from his ancestors on his own sons, including an infant, preventing his older brother’s impoverished adult son from receiving it. See Lau, “Songdai Mingzhou shiren jiazu,” pp. 326– 27.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 44

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

45

In the same vein, although numerous epitaphs praise their subjects’ brotherly love and generous aid extended to the wider group of family members, the reality seems to have been bleaker than this idealized portrayal. Here are a few poignant examples drawn from very renowned descent groups of the time: Lou Yue’s father, Lou Ju 樓璩 (d. 1182), had to move into his father-in-law Wang Siwen’s house and to rely on his generosity to support his family, although his own elder brother, Lou Shu 樓璹 (1090–1162), was known for establishing a famous charitable estate, the management of which was handed down only to his own direct descendants.60 Yuan Tao 袁濤 (1138–1219), Yuan Xie’s second cousin (zaicongdi 再從弟), is said to have been so destitute that he had to live in a local monastery, while his brother and two sons had not been properly buried for several years until Yuan Tao himself was buried three years after his death. The fact that Yuan Xie’s line owned at least four thousand mu 畝 of land and that one of Xie’s younger brothers was known for his skillful management of the community charitable estate seemed to do little to improve the situation.61 When different descent lines within a larger kin group prospered together, they might well have benefited mutually by sharing some of their prerogatives. When one line’s fate was precipitously declining, however, other lines’ success was of little benefit to them. When both Yuan Xie’s and Yuan Shao’s 袁韶 families enjoyed prosperity in the mid and late Southern Song, there was an effort by the latter to merge the two lines’ genealogies, which had been kept separately. When the former declined during the Yuan, it did not receive any noticeable support from the latter.62 By exploring the trajectory of some of Mingzhou’s most prestigious families in the Southern Song, Huang Kuan-chung 黃寬重 has brought 60. Lou Yue, “Yizhuang ji” 義莊記, YYSMZ, 14.43b–44a. See also Fukuda, “Sōdai gishō shōkō”; Walton, “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China,” p. 66; Lau, “Songdai Mingzhou shiren jiazu,” pp. 324–26. 61. Yuan Xie, “Congxiong xuelu muzhiming” 從兄學錄墓誌銘, JZJ, 20.26a–28b (QSW, 282:6389.22–23); Yuan, “Xiangong mubiao,” JZJ, 17.9b (QSW, 281:6385.377); Lou Yue, “Yizhuang ji,” YYSMZ, 14.43b–44a. 62. Yuan Jue, “Ba Zhengshu gong shouze” 跋正肅公手澤, QRJSJ, 50.2a (QYW, 23:723.365). See also Huang, “Zhengzhi, diyu yu jiazu,” pp. 24–26. Yuan Jue, Yuan Shao’s grandson, wrote a farewell preface for a descendant of Yuan Xie, who was leaving his home to become a Daoist priest.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 45

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

46

Elites, Locality, and the State

into relief their gradual and yet seemingly inevitable decline toward the end of the dynasty, resulting from the division of households, vicissitudes in lifestyle, or feuds among family members over their political positions. According to Huang, the Shis, Lous, Yuans, and Gaos 高 all declined.63 Huang’s account barely touches on the economic side of the story, but his general point seems to hold true. For example, twentythree Lous 樓 were listed in the Songren zhuanji ziliao suoyin. But in the Yuanren zhuanji ziliao suoyin we find only one man of this family name mentioned. A Fenghua native, this Lou in the Yuanren zhuanji ziliao suoyin had little to do with the famous Lous of Yin during the Southern Song. The Yuanren zhuanji ziliao suoyin lists only one Wang 汪 family member of Yin, a sixth-generation descendant of Wang Dayou, whereas fifteen members of that family appear in the Songren zhuanji ziliao suoyin. Some descendants of the Lis of Fenghua, who had organized a militia in the early days of the Southern Song, later became jinshi degree holders, and the family became known for its members’ scholarly achievements in the study of the Book of Poetry. But their descendants had to turn to commerce in the late Southern Song when their official careers began to wane.64 The Zhous 周 and the Jiangs 蔣 might appear superficially to represent typical examples of enduring elite dominance.65 However, their golden days had been in the Northern Song, so that by the time of the Southern Song they were already no match for the Shis, the Wangs, or the Lous. What should our criteria be in gauging the downfall of a family? One may wonder whether the Shis, Wangs, and Lous continued to be influential on the local scene, despite no longer producing famous sons who were recorded in others’ literary works. Though Lou Qian 樓仟 is not listed in the Yuanren zhuanji ziliao suoyin, for example, the inscription on the Lous’ charitable estate tells a story about him, who was a descendant of Lou Shu, the founder of the estate. In this writing, Lou

-1— 0— +1—

63. Huang, “Zhengzhi, diyi yu jaizu,” pp. 10–34. 64. Yuan Jue, “Fuyuan jingshe ji” 福源精舍記, QRJSJ, 20.17a–b (QYW, 23:727.471). 65. Zheng Zhen 鄭眞, “Ti Zhou yiji hou” 題周遺集後, Xingyang waishi ji 滎陽外 史集 (SKQS), 38.2b–3b; “Xianbi Jiang shi anren shishi” 先妣蔣氏安人事實, Xingyang waishi ji, 41.4a–5a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 46

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

47

Qian appears as a reckless and self-interested member of the family who sold the estate’s endowed lands to families of other surnames, thus endangering the estate’s very existence and inducing local officials to step in to prevent its complete collapse. Other Lou members at the time had not been able to either prevent Lou Qian’s acts or recover the lands, and they waited helplessly for government action. They acknowledged that their descent group was “poor and weak” 窶且弱.66 Wang Miheng 汪彌亨 was a sixth-generation descendant of Wang Dayou, one of the leaders of Mingzhou elite society during the mid- and late twelfth century. He is described as a man of generosity toward his neighbors in the late Yuan, but his tomb inscription’s focus is not so much on Miheng, who was “orphaned” at fourteen and died at twenty-four, as on his worthy wife, the lady Chen 陳, who was widowed at twenty. Nowhere in the inscription is his family’s prominence to be found.67 In another colorful case, as evidence of the Shi family’s utter collapse after the Southern Song, Richard Davis tells the dramatic story of a sixth-generation descendant of Shi Hao, a certain Shi Maozu 史懋祖, who was sold into slavery and later succeeded, with the help of a local administrator, in reclaiming his family’s former land, which had been encroached upon by a Buddhist monastery in Qiantang 錢塘 county, Lin’an prefecture.68 Based on the same story, however, Beverly Bossler argues that the Shi descendants “not only survived but were able to flourish after the fall of the Song,” 69 her main point being that a family’s bureaucratic success, which Davis and Huang Kuanchung more or less equate with the prominence of a given family, cannot be the most important criterion of a family’s status in the local

66. See Kuang Kui 況逵, “Zhoujin Lou shi yitianzhuang ji” 晝錦樓氏義田莊記, ZZSMXZ (SYFC), 8.19b–21b. Lou Qian was a descendant of Lou Shu, the founder of the estate. I have not found any account in Yuan sources of direct descendants in Lou Yue’s line. 67. Dai Liang, “Wang Yanzhen mubiao” 汪彦貞墓表, Jiuling shanfang ji, 29.23a– 25b (QYW, 53:1641.537–38). 68. Davis, “Political Success and the Growth of Descent Groups,” p. 74; Davis, Court and Family in Sung China, pp. 166– 67. 69. Bossler’s evidence for the continued “flourishing” of the Shis is that Shi Maozu was still involved in some type of land ownership and his family’s ancestral sacrifice was dependent on that land. Bossler, “Review of Court and Family,” pp. 85–87.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 47

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

48

Elites, Locality, and the State

setting.70 I cannot agree more with Bossler on this principle, but her interpretation appears no less extreme than that of Davis. Shi Maozu was eventually able to regain his family’s land, but his grandfather, Shi Hesun 史賀孫, who had served as the registrar of Xinchang 新昌 county, Shaoxing 紹興 prefecture, probably toward the end of the Southern Song, was unable to stop the encroachment onto his land by a Buddhist monastery in the first place. The continued appeals by Hesun and his son to the government went nowhere (xiang ji su guan buneng zhi 相繼訴官, 不能直). We must admit that the power of the Shis, at least the branch of Maozu’s direct ancestors, was already in clear decline by this time. Maozu became a slave of an apparently non-Han aristocrat at about the age of seven because his own step-grandmother abandoned him, having become frustrated by her unsuccessful efforts to reclaim the family land by personally appealing to the Branch Secretariats of Jiang-Zhe 江浙行中書. What did other Shi kinsmen do, one should wonder, while this powerless lady made this effort? Maozu had to remain a slave for seventeen years, until he returned to his home thanks to the sudden political purge of his master. Still, his return home by no means symbolizes an immediate return to the former glory of the Shis. It took another fifteen years or so for Maozu to become able to conduct a proper burial for his father, whose bones had been placed in a Buddhist cloister for nearly forty years. Given that Maozu is said to have sold his own clothes and belongings to support his step-grandmother, it probably took some years for his family to regain economic stability. Now that he had his father buried properly, Maozu came to think about the full recovery of his family’s lost land with which to support ancestral sacrifices. But other Shi kinsmen dared not help him, despite his strenuous fights at the local government against the Buddhist monastery, because they feared the power of the monastery, this marking yet another sign of the decline of the Shi descent group’s collective power. Had it not been for the special help of a route commander 總管, a certain Fan Qutug Temur

-1— 0— +1—

70. Lau Nap-yin points out that the loss of the status of officeholding household can be an indicator of one family’s decline, not discontinuation in producing jinshi for a few generations. See “Keju renji guanxi wangluo yu jiazu xingshuai,” pp. 5– 6.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 48

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

49

范忽都帖木兒,71 he would have been unable to recover the land. After the recovery, Maozu’s biography notes, he also became able to redeem his uncles and brothers who had been forced to become Buddhist monks or other people’s slaves,72 demonstrating that it was not Maozu alone who had to leave his home because of the sorry state of the family. Can the stories of Shi Maozu and Lou Qian be construed as providing evidence of the continued local eminence of their families? Admittedly, Shi Maozu was able to repossess his family land after two generations, and the Lou estate’s lands were eventually saved from complete dissipation. As Maozu’s biographer noted, however, this must have been a very rare case (shiyi yu qianbai ye 十一于千百也). Moreover, their fortune was at the mercy of sympathetic local administrators. Decline, I think, would be the proper word to describe the condition of the Shis and the Lous at the time, compared to their heyday during the Southern Song. If a billionaire can become a millionaire, a millionaire can also become penniless (though it is not clear whether Maozu and Qian were millionaires). If many of the Mingzhou’s leading elites enjoyed political success and yet despite this success failed to perpetuate their status in local society, it would be interesting to examine how they reoriented themselves as “local” elites in the Southern Song. There is an obvious obstacle to this task, however. Unlike Fuzhou, which had already in the Northern Song produced several distinguished, high-ranking officials such as Yan Shu 晏殊 (991–1055), Zeng Gong 曾鞏 (1019– 83), and Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021–86), making it relatively easy to trace their families’ transformation during the Southern Song, Mingzhou’s history shows what happened in the Southern Song, with few reference points from the Northern Song period.73 But Mingzhou does offer its own vantage 71. ZZSMXZ, 1.16a. He seems to be a northerner who adopted this exotic Mongolian name. 72. Chen Ji 陳基, Yibaizhai gao 夷白齋稿 (SKQS), 34.4a– 6a (QYW, 50:1542.451– 52). The SKQS edition says that Maozu redeemed those who had become others’ slaves (其有失身, 爲人奴者); the text in the QYW says he had defrocked those who had become Buddhist monks (其有失身, 爲浮屠氏者). 73. Shu Dan and Feng Ji would be two notable exceptions. But they also made their name in the late years of Nothern Song. Little is known about the descendants of Shu Dan in the Southern Song except that one of his great-granddaughters was

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 49

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

50

Elites, Locality, and the State

point. Unlike Southern Song Fuzhou, which barely regained its Northern Song glory on the national stage and thus confines our scope to elites who were less privileged than their predecessors, Mingzhou sources permit us to probe in vivid detail the activities and self-perceptions of some of the leading national families of the time at the local level.

The State and Family Strategy Mingzhou authors praised the ideal of a local literati elite that could be morally respectable and socially responsible even without holding a degree or an office. Drawing on classical references, they elevated the virtue of self-cultivation and the management of one’s household to the level of participating in governance. “If one exerts himself [in putting into practice] at home [what he has learned],” said Lou Yue, “this is also governance” 躬行于家, 是亦爲政. “Practicing filial piety and brotherly love at home,” said Yuan Xie, “is also governance” 居家孝友, 是亦爲政.74 Even the epitaphs of high-ranking officials unfailingly emphasize their contribution to the members of their kin group and

-1— 0— +1—

married to Shi Jun, son of Shi Cai. See Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 105.12a (QSW, 266:6000.106). We know a bit more about Feng Ji’s descendants. His great-grandson, Feng Yi 豐誼, was director of the Ministry of Personnel 䎷部郞中. Feng Yi’s daughter was married to Shen Huan; his son, Feng Youjun 豐有俊 ( jinshi 1190), served in several local administrative posts and was a friend of Yuan Xie. See Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Shen gong xingzhuang” 通判沈公行狀, JZJ, 14.24b (QSW, 281:6381.332); Yuan, “Ji Feng Zhaizhi wen” 祭豊宅之文, JZJ, 22.11b–12a (QSW, 282:6390.47). Feng Youjun’s descendents later moved to Dinghai and then to Fenghua, and seem to have lost their literati background during the mid to late Yuan. See Kondō, “Sōdai Chūgoku shijin shakai kenkyū no kadai to tenbō,” p. 47. 74. Lou Yue, “Lin fujun muzhiming” 林府君墓誌銘, GKJ, 107.2b (QSW, 266:6003.134); Yuan Xie, “Hu fujun muzhiming” 胡府君墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.19a (QSW, 281:6387.419). Similar expressions can be found in Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 105.2b (QSW, 266:6000.101); Yuan Xie, “Congshilang Wang jun muzhiming,” JZJ, 19.7b (QSW, 281:6387.411); Yuan Fu, “Sun jun muzhiming” 孫君墓 誌銘, MZJ (SKQS), 17.12a (QSW, 324:7442.101). Confucius once said, by way of apology, that he was participating in governance despite not serving in government. See The Confucian Analects, trans. D. C. Lau, p. 66. The expression “This is also governance” (shi yi weizheng 是亦爲政) first appears in the hexagram “ jiaren” 家人 of the Book of Changes. In Southern Song funerary inscriptions included in the SKQS, the expression appears twelve times in toto. Of these, six are in writings by Mingzhou authors: Lou Yue, Yuan Xie, Yuan Fu, and Chen Zhu. Other famous Neo-Confucians such as Zhu Xi, Lu Jiuyuan, and Lü Zuqian did not use this expression.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 50

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

51

local community (zongzu xiangdang 宗族鄕黨) among their cardinal virtues.75 Many classically educated, wealthy men must have found in this way of thinking a sense of self-justification and pride. But this does not mean that the value of serving in the government was ideologically downplayed or strategically discouraged. The word “also” ( yi 亦) in the phrase of “this is also governance” (shi yi weizheng 是亦爲政) implies that the participation in governance in its conventional sense was as honored as ever. Whenever possible, Mingzhou people took advantage of bypasses to officialdom such as “protection” privilege, facilitated degrees (tezouming 特奏名), and the purchase of official ranks ( jinna buguan 進納補官). If it seemed to be at all within one’s reach, pursing government ser vice was still thought to be worth a lifelong commitment for many local gentlemen. Thus, we find Lou Yue’s uncle praised for his unremitting effort at the examinations even after his sixtieth year. Wang Ju’en 王居隱, a Yin native who had passed the prefectural examination and had entered the Imperial University twice, said that he could not afford to give up the dream of passing the examinations until his death (weisi zhong bu keyi 未死, 終䍂可已). A certain Mr. Bian 邊 unsuccessfully competed for a degree for twenty years until he finally turned to commerce to support his family. Xue Jin 薛璡, a distant descendant of Xue Penggui 薛朋䋣 ( jinshi 1118), who was a member of the Wulao hui, had failed at the examinations several times and returned home after gaining a military degree instead. His mother, who wanted her sons to pursue only the more prestigious civil degree, is said to have refused to accept his greeting. Her high standards were praised by Huang Zhen, Xue Jin’s epitaph writer.76 Nationwide statistics support the above point as well. John Chaffee notes, “The proportion of the civil ser vice recruited via the regular degrees was shrinking progressively during the course of the dynasty, so that in 1213 it was less than half of what it had been in 1046. This does not mean that degree holders were decreasing in number, but

75. Examples are too legion to be listed here. 76. See Lou Yue, “Sanjia shi yayun xu” 三家詩押韻序, GKJ, 52.29a (QSW, 264:5950.124); Lou, “Ba Wang Ruhui wenjuan” 跋王如晦文卷, GKJ, 74.18b (QSW, 264:5958.259); Yuan Xie, “Bian Yonghe muzhiming,” JZJ, 20.23b (QSW, 282:6389.20); Huang Zhen, “Yu furen muzhi” 余夫人墓誌, Huangshi richao (SKQS), 97.30a (QSW, 348:8058.391).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 51

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

52

Elites, Locality, and the State

rather that other channels [such as protection and facilitated degrees] were becoming more important.”77 This suggests that more people were taking advantage of any available means to become officials. Can we still argue that the appeal of government ser vice evaporated? People wanted to become officials for various reasons, but I would like to stress that men of ambition could not lose their interest in at least obtaining the status of officeholding household ( guanhu), partly because it was advantageous to protecting their interests as local elites. Indeed, as Umehara Kaoru 梅原郁 has pointed out, the number of officeholding households increased throughout the Song. Among the officially recognized privileges an officeholding household could enjoy were exemption from per capita tax, the exemption from the village ser vice on a fixed amount of land in accord with one’s rank, the right to hire someone else to take up one’s village ser vice beyond one’s taxfree land (xiantian 限田), and the reduction, by half, of the ser vice exemption tax (mianyiqian 免役錢).78 Moreover, there were also other kinds of “unofficial” and yet widely tolerated privileges that would protect one’s economic interest in the locality. Officeholding households were often exempted, albeit illegally, from the Harmonious Rice Purchase (hedi 和糴) and Harmonious Purchase (hemai 和買).79 When paying regular taxes, many of them also enjoyed reduced amount of often extortionate surcharges. Here is Lu Jiuyuan testifying to this practice in Fuzhou:

-1— 0— +1—

77. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, p. 26, p. 29. The argument that people began to lose interest in government ser vice after the mid to late Northern Song, because of the intense factional strife that plagued the political scene of the time, makes only partial sense at best. It might be true that people wanted to avoid serving in heatedly contested central posts for some time. It does not follow, however, that becoming an official or an officeholding household itself lost its appeal. Bossler shows that the impact of factional struggles was usually temporary and did not really discourage descendants of those involved in fierce factionalism from entering the officialdom. See Powerful Relations, pp. 62– 63. 78. Umehara, “Sōdai no keisei to kanko,” pp. 413–15; Wang Zengyu, “Songchao de guanhu,” pp. 313–19. Almost the same information can be found in his Songchao jieji jiegou, pp. 265– 72. In English, see McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy, pp. 109– 21. 79. Wang, “Songchao de hedi liangcao,” p. 464; Wang, “Songchao de hemai yu zheboqian,” pp. 544–46.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 52

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

53

When people pay the autumn tax in rice, they are supposed to pay one hu when they owe one hu and pay one dou when they owe one dou. This is the fi xed law and constant principle. During previous years’ autumn tax collection in Fuzhou, only government clerks’ households and powerful officeholding households paid one hu per hu and one dou per dou. As for the mass of commoner households, for every two hu they paid one [additional] hu. Some had to pay even more. The people suffered greatly.80 民戶秋苗, 斛輸斛, 斗輸斗, 此定法也, 常理也. 撫之輸苗, 往年惟 吏胥之家與官戶有勢者, 斛輸斛, 斗輸斗. 若衆民戶, 則率二斛而輸 一斛, 或又䍂啻. 民甚苦之.

The above passages suggest that if their economic bases were more or less the same, an officeholding household could enjoy much brighter long-term economic prospects than one unprotected by any official recognition. Moreover, officeholding households’ unwieldy or unlawful behavior was treated leniently as well.81 If a wealthy commoner wanted to best serve his economic interests, he would have had to think very seriously about obtaining the status of officeholding household. Even more so had he lived in a canton rich in officeholding households. Yuan Xie wrote of Hu Ge 胡革 (1164–1219) of Cixi county, “Because he lived in a ‘narrow canton’ [where the land holdings of officeholding households were large so that commoner households had to take more turns 80. Lu Jiuyuan, “Yu Zhang Chunqing” 與張春卿, Lu Jiyuan ji 䎬九淵集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 8.105. 81. They could “use an agent as one’s proxy in court cases . . . and in cases of tax arrears local officials were to treat the agent, not his master, as responsible.” See Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 48. To show the Southern Song local administration’s helplessness in the face of defiant, powerful local elites, Hymes listed three legal cases in which Huang Gan 黃榦 (1151–1221), the magistrate of Linchuan 䏍川 county, Fuzhou, had to respond mildly to “moral and legal outrages” perpetrated by three suspects. See Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 206– 7. It may have been a simple coincidence, but it is still interesting to note, in buttressing my point here, that all three cases involved officeholding households: one professor, one prefect, and one member of an unspecified officeholder’s household. Citing the same cases, Umehara Kaoru points out that Huang Gan’s verdicts testify to the arbitrary behavior of officeholding housesholds in local society. Umehara, “Sōdai no keisei to kanko,” pp. 423–33. The notorious Zhu Xiji 朱熙績, who resisted Zhu Xi’s call for relief sale of rice and was impeached by him, held the title Gentlemen for Good Ser vice (xiuzhilang 修職郞), an 8b rank, which he purchased. Zhu Xi, “Zou shanghu Zhu Xiji bufu zhentiao zhuang” 奏上戶朱熙績䍂伏賑糶䏑, ZXJ, 16.661.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 53

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

54

Elites, Locality, and the State

in fulfilling their village ser vice], [his family had to take] the village ser vice frequently and its cost was extensive. As it seemed that there would be no way to be [financially] independent, he always fretted about his family [status]” 家于狹鄕, 役頻費廣, 將無以自立, 每以門戶 爲念.82 Passing the examinations was doubtless the most prestigious route to becoming an officeholding household, and the ever-increasing number of examination candidates during the Southern Song hardly evidences the elite’s loss of interest in the state.83 But the examinations were only one way of becoming an officeholding household. One could leverage the political capital earned by ancestors or relatives to establish an officeholding household, or one could simply purchase various lower official ranks, and even these purchased official ranks often came with privileges granted regular officeholding households.84 The sale of official rank was used from the early days of the Northern Song through the Southern Song as a result of the convergence of the state’s need to raise additional funds without raising regular taxes, and local elites’ desire to be registered as officeholding households. An official rank, whether civil or military, could be obtained in exchange for either a direct donation to the state treasury or a contribution to local famine relief. In the Southern Song, the central government also often provided the local government with blank certificates of official

-1— 0— +1—

82. Yuan Xie, “Tongling Hu jun muzhiming” 統領胡君墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.20b (QSW, 281:6387.420). For the meaning of “narrow canton,” see McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy, p. 111. 83. It is probably true that the examinations came to function as a status marker with which to be recognized as literati elite during the Southern Song. But we simply do not know whether the majority of the four hundred thousand candidates who had taken the examinations by the end of the thirteenth century had set out on this path in order to earn a status marker. Preparing for and taking the examinations could have been, from a purely economic point of view, strategically risky, given the time spent in training and the necessary financial investment, both of which could be used for other, more profitable and certain businesses. 84. It was impossible for one to purchase an actual office. The Southern Song government intermittently tried to curtail the privileges awarded to those who established themselves as officeholding households through purchase. See McKnight, “Fiscal Privileges and the Social Order,” pp. 92– 94.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 54

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

55

rank ( guangao 官告) in lieu of monetary capital for the Harmonious Rice Purchase.85 In 1151, for example, the central government distributed the certificate of Gentlemen of Meritorious Achievement (digonglang 迪功郞) at the price of 10,000 strings as “capital” for the Harmonious Rice Purchase. The certificate was twenty times more expensive than the clergy ordination certificates (dudie 度牒), which would also have allowed the purchaser to hire someone else to take on village ser vice, a privilege in itself.86 The price of 10,000 strings may be compared to the monthly salaries of the grand councillor and assistant councillors, the highest official posts in Song bureaucracy, which were only about 200 strings.87 While serving as the prefect of Nankang prefecture 南康軍, Jiangdong circuit 江南東路, in 1180, Zhu Xi relied on the sale of four types of official rank to raise famine relief funds. Because this sale was to handle the urgent issue of famine relief, we may assume that the certificates were relatively reasonably priced. The rank of Gentleman of Trust (chengxinlang 承信郞), the lowest military rank of 9b, was offered at 4,000 piculs (shi 石) of rice, while Gentleman for Fostering Temperance (cheng jielang 承節郞), also a military rank of 9b, albeit one step higher than Gentleman of Trust in the ladder of hierarchy, was priced at 5,000 piculs. Upon the news of this offer, according to Zhu Xi, four people who had first agreed only to “sell” their rice at a reduced price (zhentiao 賑糶) now wanted to “donate” it (zhenji 賑濟) in 85. For regulations and practices related to the sale of official ranks, see SHY, “Zhiguan” 職官, 55.29–55. In English, Lo briefly touches on the institution. See An Introduction to the Civil Service of Sung China, pp. 110–11. Zhu Xi’s acclaimed achievement in famine relief in Zhedong circuit was also heavily indebted to the sale of certificates of official rank. See Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994), 106.2643. On the supply of the certificates of official rank as a means to raise funds for the Harmonious Rice Purchase, see SHY, “Shihuo” 食貨, 40.33. 86. For those who would take this as a sign of weakened state power in the Southern Song, it should be noted that the practice of selling certificates of official rank to prepare the capital for the Harmonious Rice Purchase was regularized during the Xining 熙寧 reign period (1068– 77) of the Northern Song. See Wang, “Songchao de hedi liangcao,” p. 435. For privileges accompanying the purchase of dudie, see McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy, p. 109. 87. Umehara, “Sōdai no keisei to kanko,” p. 419.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 55

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

56

Elites, Locality, and the State

exchange for the proposed rank rewards. Two of these men were from regular commoner households, and two were of literati background.88 One of the latter, Zhang Bangxian 張邦獻 was a literatus who had reached the final level of the examinations; the other, a certain Huang Cheng 黃澄 who had also passed the prefectural examination, was waiting to take the entrance examination for the Imperial University (daibu taixuesheng 待補太學生). Because of their literati background, Zhu Xi noted, both of them were recommended to the civil rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement instead of the lesser military rank of Gentleman for Fostering Temperance.89 Because the reduced price of one picul of rice was 1.2–1.4 strings in the area at the time,90 the prices of the two proposed ranks were at least 4,800–6,000 and 6,000–7,000 strings, respectively. Two years later, in Mingzhou, Wang Ji 汪伋 (1148–1218) of Fenghua county, who was a student of Shen Huan and Yang Jian and a brother-in-law of Shu Lin, received the rank of Gentlemen of Meritorious Achievement because of his donation of 6,000 piculs of rice for famine relief. Given the price of rice around the time, 1.5–1.6 strings a picul, his donation was equal to 9,000– 9,600 strings.91 Thus, in case we consider the 1151 price of 10,000 strings for

-1— 0— +1—

88. Zhu Xi, “Zou quanyu dao zhenji renhu zhuang” 奏勸諭到賑濟人戶䏑, ZXJ, 2:16.636. 89. Zhu Xi, “Jiaona Nankang renman he zoupin shijian zhuang” 繳納南康任滿合 奏禀事件䏑, ZXJ, 2:16.640–43. Zhu Xi’s writings continually refer to Zhang as jinshi, but Zhang is not found in the jinshi list of the area. Because he is described as a literatus who had reached the final stage of the examinations (zhongchang shiren 終場 士人), it seems probable that Zhang had only passed the prefectural examination without further success. Chen Fuliang’s 陳傅良 (1137–1203) writings also show that a certain prefectural degree holder (xianggong jinshi 鄕貢進士) was awarded the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement and that other commoners were awarded the rank of Gentleman for Fostering Trust for their donation of rice upon the order of “urging sharing” (quanfen 勸分). Chen Fuliang, “Xianggong jinshi Fang Quan shoumi bu digonglang” 鄉貢進士方權輸米補廸功郎 and “Cheng Xu shoumi tebu chengxinlang” 程需輸米特補承信郎, Zhizhai ji 止齋集 (SKQS), 18.16b–17a (QSW, 267:6024.176). 90. Zhu Xi, “Yu shanghu chengren zhentiao mi shoumu” 諭上戶承認賑糶米數目, ZXJ, bieji 別集, 9:9.5553. 91. SHY, “Zhiguan” 62. For the estimated rice price, see Liang, Nan Song de nongcun jing ji, p. 195.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 56

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

57

a civil rank of 9b as too expensive, records show that the going rate was certainly above 7,000 strings.92 In the above episodes, it is most interesting that Zhang Bangxian, Huang Cheng, and Wang Ji, who as shiren must have enjoyed some level of legal privilege, still volunteered to purchase the rank and wanted to establish themselves as officeholding households.93 Why? Perhaps they simply wanted to realize their unfulfilled dream of becoming an official by bypassing the examinations; Wang Ji’s father, Wang Ruxian, had also purchased the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement in 1162 at the age of thirty-nine and became the sheriff of Xi’an 西安 county, Quzhou.94 Yang Lin 楊璘 (1158–1213) of Yin county, although his family enjoyed wealth, reputation, and social connections in Mingzhou local society, never gave up his ideal of serving in the government. When the court was eager to raise extra funds because of the adventurous military expedition in the Kaixi 開禧 reign period (1205–7), he purchased the rank of Gentlemen of Meritorious Achievement at the age of forty-six to become the sheriff of Huangyan 黃巖 county, Taizhou.95

92. SHY only records the situation in the reigns of emperors Gaozong 高宗 (r. 1127– 62) and Xiaozong 孝宗 (r. 1162–89). The lowest recorded price for the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement was 6,000 strings in 1128. Other than this, its price ranged from about 7,500 to 10,000 strings until 1172. 93. See Takahashi, “Sōdai no shijin mibun ni tsuite,” pp. 55– 65. See also Lee, Government Education and Examinations, pp. 128–29. Nearly a century later, when famine struck Fuzhou, Prefect Huang Zhen announced that any commoner who would “sell” more than 10,000 piculs of rice for relief would be recommended for an official rank or, if the person was already an officeholder, for a promotion. Five people responded to this call and sold nearly 110,000 piculs of rice. Their backgrounds are interesting. The two biggest donors were would-be students at the Imperial University (i.e., prefectural degree holders) from officeholder’s families. One was a “student,” one was apparently an officeholder, and one was a holder of an honorary rank that was outside the nine ranks. See Huang Zhen, “Qi tuixiang zhentiao shanghu shensheng zhuang” 乞推賞賑糶上戶申省䏑, Huangshi richao, 75.15a–16b (QSW, 348:8036.9). It seems remarkable to me that even in 1271 when the Southern Song state’s power and prestige were clearly falling apart, the acquisition of the status of officeholding household was thought to be worth some economic “sacrifice.” 94. Shu Lin, “Digonglang Wang gong muzhiming,” Wenjing wenji, 1.52b (QSW, 260:5853.192). 95. Yuan Fu, “Xianwei Yang jun tairuren He shi muzhiming” 縣尉楊君太孺人何 氏墓誌銘, MZJ, 18.9a– b (QSW, 324:7442.116). A certain Du Mu 杜沐 of Fenghua

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 57

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

58

Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement was the lowest rank in the civil bureaucracy, and the promised award of the rank to donors could be significantly delayed.96 Even after obtaining the rank, one often had to wait several years to be appointed to an actual post. Moreover, as Wang Ruxian’s epitaph testifies, after one actually became an official with a purchased rank, he might still be looked down upon by clerks who knew about their superior’s background. Given these complications, an upfront investment of 7,000–9,000 strings must have been a risky strategy if one’s primary goal was to start his official career. It may be more reasonable to assume that people bought the title for practical benefits, such as exemption from village ser vice, which their mere shiren status could not offer. Here is Hu Yin 胡寅 (1098–1156) criticizing his friend Mr. Li 黎, who is said to have been transformed by literati ideals (beifu ruxing 被服儒行), for his purchase of an official title: The greater one’s wealth, the heavier one’s [responsibility for] village ser vice. Under this condition people are eventually led to donate their property to obtain official rank so that their household can be exempted from it.97 利入旣厚, 則公上徭役必重. 其勢遂至于入貲求官, 以復門戶.

At the time of his rank purchase, Wang Ji was a relatively young thirtysix years of age. Although he was appointed the sheriff of Hanyang 漢陽 county, he chose not to take up the post. A man of impressive wealth and impeccable local social connections, Wang Ji may not have been

-1— 0— +1—

also purchased a military rank by donating money to the government during the Kaixi reign period. See Dong Fuli 董復禮 (1294–1326), “Zhufu Du jun xingzhuang” 主簿杜君行䏑, QYW, 49:1488.14. 96. For instance, Zhang Bangxian and Huang Cheng did not receive their ranks immediately as initially promised, so Zhu Xi had to make repeated requests to the court, even after his departure from the post, urging it to keep its word and award the promised ranks to the four donors. Zhu, “Jiaona Nankang renman he zoubing shijian zhuang,” ZXJ, 2:16.640– 644. Dong Weizhao 董惟昭 (1117– 98) of Fenghua donated his grain for famine relief sometime during the Shaoxing 紹興 reign period (1131– 62), and came to receive the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement only in 1195. See Dong Shi’an 董世安, “Digonglang Weizhao mubei” 迪功郞惟昭墓碑, Shanyuan xiang zhi 剡源鄕志, 22.2a (QSW, 294:6701.251). 97. Hu Yin, “Zhi Li sheng shu” ⨠䍣生書, Feiran ji 斐然集 (SKQS), 17.29b (QSW, 189:4172.298).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 58

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

59

interested in “serving.”98 Still, we cannot simply assume that he was not interested in the status of officeholding household. Becoming an officeholding household, of course, was more often a result than a cause of one’s local prominence, especially for those who purchased the status.99 But we still have to answer one lingering question. If landed or commercial wealth was deemed in itself sufficient for establishing and maintaining one’s elite status in local society, why did people pay considerable prices to buy official rank or even, in some cases, take the risk of fabricating their household status?100 It is because,

98. In addition to his donation for famine relief, Wang Ji rebuilt or repaired three bridges in Fenghua and was a major donor to the renovation of Fenghua county school. To maximize his son’s chance of passing the examinations, he sent him to Yongjia 永嘉. When in 1235 his son passed the examinations, the first in his family to do so, Wang was no longer alive to witness it. 99. Here I list a few more examples from other areas. Chen Liangneng 陳良能 of Yongkang 永康 county, Wuzhou prefecture, the richest man in his locale, purchased the rank of Gentlemen of Meritorious Achievement. See Chen Liang, “Chen Xingzhi mubeiming” 陳性之墓碑銘, Longchuan ji 䎝川集, 27.9a, 10a (QSW, 280:6344.85–86). Guo Liangchen 郭良臣 of Dongyang 東陽 county, Wuzhou prefecture, whose family accumulated tremendous wealth ( jiazi juwan 家資巨萬), donated to the military in 1162 to get his son the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement. See Lü Zuqian, “Guo Boqing muzhiming” 郭白淸墓誌銘, Donglai Lü taishi wenji 東萊䍚太史文集 (Xu Jinhua congshu edition), 13.4a (QSW, 262:5898.105). Chen Kui 陳夔 of Jinhua county, Wuzhou, and Zhan Jie 詹玠 of Jinyun 縉雲 county, Chuzhou 處州, both of whom had pursued jinshi degrees, were awarded the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement when they donated 2,500 piculs of rice for famine relief. See Zhu Xi, “Qi tuishang xianzhu ren zhuang” 乞抽賞獻助人䏑, ZXJ, 2:17.674– 75. According to Zhu Xi, the 2,500 piculs was the specially reduced amount of rice donation by half. Liu Yanbi 䎠彦弼 of Anfu 安福 county, Jizhou 吉州 prefecture, Jiangxi circuit, whose family’s wealth was at the pinnacle for his locale (cai xiong xiangli 財雄鄕里), donated to the military in 1131 and received the rank of Gentleman of Meritorious Achivement. See Wang Tinggui 王庭珪, “Gu Wang shi muzhiming” 故王氏墓誌銘, Luxi wenji 盧溪文集 (SKQS), 43.7b (QSW, 158:3414.299). 100. SHY, “Shihuo,” 61.79b. Yuan Cai also confirms that people often falsely claimed to be in the same household as an officeholding person in their kin group (tongzong youguan zhi ren 同宗有官之人) in order to evade the duty of their village ser vice. Yuanshi shifan, “Maohu biyi qizheng zhi duan” 冒戶避役起爭之端, 3.158 (Ebrey, Family and Property in Sung China, p. 310). Here are a few examples of actual cases: Lou Yinliang 婁寅亮, who himself led an officeholding household, falsely established an officeholding household for his older first cousin twice removed (zushu 族叔). Wang Wei 王闈, with the rank Gentlemen-Litterateur of the Right ( youwenlinlang 右文林郞), falsely established an officeholding household in order to get a

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 59

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

60

Elites, Locality, and the State

I argue, the state’s recognition of one’s officeholding household status— one’s connectedness to the state, not his separation from it— was strategically important to help safeguard one’s local prominence. The lower one’s chance of becoming an officeholding household through the ever-more-competitive examinations, the more attractive other ways of gaining this status became.101

Regional and Translocal Marriage Networks of Mingzhou Elites An allegedly dramatic shift in elite marriage patterns between the Northern and Southern Song has been presented as one of the most powerful signs of the social elite’s separation from the state. According to Robert Hymes, the vast majority of identifiable Fuzhou elite marriages during the Southern Song were performed in their own or adjacent counties, with those holding relatively high office proven to be no exception, a point that was also made for the national level by Robert Hartwell.102 More recently, however, scholars have called for a qualification of Hymes’s argument on localized marriage. In a pathbreaking article on literati families in the Poyang Lake 鄱陽湖 region published in 1999,

-1— 0— +1—

reduction in his military aid tax. Li Keyi 䎺克義 falsely claimed that he was a grandson of someone who had been the vice minister (shaoqing 少卿), although he was only a distant kinsman (shuyuan zhi zu 疏遠之族) and behaved in an unbridled way in his locale. See XNYL, 51.911; XNYL, 65.1099; Minggong shupan qingming ji 名公書 判淸明集, “Maoli guanhu yi taren zhi zu wei zu” 冒立官戶以他人之祖爲祖 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 2.44. 101. In his recent dissertation on the institution of office purchase during the Qing dynasty, Lawrence Zhang has shown, using a data set comprising more than ten thousand office purchasers and local sources from Changshu 常熟 county, Jiangsu province, that widespread office purchase cemented a bond between the state and social elites and that the state reinforced its leverage in this “contractual” relationship. According to him, the Jiangs 蔣 of Changshu paid about 15 percent of the entire annual land tax of their county to buy various offices for eight members of their lineage. See “Power for a Price,” pp. 198–204. 102. Of 52 Southern Song marriages examined by Hymes, 9 were made by recent immigrant families. Out of the remaining 43, there were 25 (including 6 “speculative” identifications) same-county marriages and 12 adjacent-county marriages. Thus, if we only count the marriages of well-established Fuzhou families, 86 percent of them were made either in their own county or in a neighboring county. Statesmen and Gentleman, pp. 91– 95.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 60

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

61

He Jinxun 何晉勳 showed that there was no clear shift in elite marriage patterns between the Northern and Southern Song.103 In the same year, Beverly Bossler demonstrated that the families of grand councillors continued to extend their marriage networks beyond their prefectural borders in the Southern Song.104 John Chaffee’s work on Song imperial clan members also shows that they actively engaged in both local and interregional marriage, and that 44 percent of identifiable couples found their spouses outside their prefecture.105 Furthermore, based on a survey of Yuan Xie’s literary collection, Bao Weimin 包伟民 has pointed out that more than one-third of the marriages of Southern Song Mingzhou people were interprefectural.106 More recently, Hugh Clark’s study of the Mulan 木蘭 river valley in south Fujian has shown that marriages in the area were essentially local affairs at all times, regardless of the Northern-Southern Song division, and that some families were still regularly engaged in interprefectural marriages during the Southern Song.107 Most recently, while confirming the disappearance of “long-distance” marriages between Sichuanese and non-Sichuanese elites after the twelfth century, Song Chen has also demonstrated that a considerable number of Sichuanese elites contracted local marriages during the Northern Song and transprefectural marriages during the Southern Song.108 For all the insights in these fresh interpretations, these revisionist studies are not free of their own weaknesses, with the notable exception of He Jinxun’s article and, in part, Song Chen’s work. Their findings either are drawn from data sets too much more limited than Hymes’s to be statistically powerful (see Chaffee and Bao) or are not presented in quantitative ways that allow us to gauge their impact on a given society

103. He, “Songdai Poyang hu zhoubian shizu de juzangdi yu hunyin wangluo,” pp. 292–327. 104. Bossler, Powerful Relations, especially chap. 8, “Sharing Status: Marriage and Affinal Relations in Wu-chou.” 105. Chaffee, Branches of Heaven, p. 162. 106. Bao, “Jingying men ‘difanghua’le ma?,” pp. 660– 61. 107. Clark, Portrait of a Community, chap. 4. For an essentially similar conclusion based on a study of the Fangs 方 of Putian, see Kobayashi Yoshihiro, “Sōdai Hukken Hoden no Hō shi ichizoku ni tsuite,” pp. 508–11; Jian, “Songdai Putian Fang shi jiazu de hunyin,” pp. 284–85. 108. Chen, “Managing the Territories from Afar,” pp. 259– 61.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 61

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

62

Elites, Locality, and the State

(see Bossler and Clark).109 Th is may account for the continued influence of the Hymesian model, “a strange phenomenon in the field” (xueshujie de guai xianxiang 学术界的怪现象) according to one scholar.110 Fortunately, Mingzhou provides an impressively large data set from which meaningful statistics can be harvested. Relying mostly on 206 epitaphs from Song Mingzhou, I have been able to examine approximately 601 marriages—70 for the Northern Song and as many as 531 for the Southern Song—that involved at least one Mingzhou native.111 Out of these 601 marriages, the residence of two parties could be identified in 279 cases— 22 for the Northern Song (31 percent of all recorded Northern Song marriages) and 257 for the Southern Song (48

-1— 0— +1—

109. Chaffee’s finding is based on 32 identifiable marriages and Bao’s on 26 cases. On the other hand, Hymes’ argument is based on 52 Southern Song marriages. Hymes expanded his data set to 89 cases in another article. See “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy,” p. 103. Although he provided sources for each of the 52 marriages in Statesmen and Gentlemen, he did not touch upon the sources in the latter article. He Jinxun’s data from the Poyang Lake region are nearly as rich as Hymes’s for the Southern Song (67 vs. 89) and slightly larger than those for the Northern Song (57 vs. 52). According to He Jinxun, during the Northern Song as many as 57 percent married within their own county. Twelve percent married a person from an adjacent county in an adjancent prefecture; 14 percent married a person from a nonadjacent county; and 35 percent married a person from a nonadjacent prefecture. During the Southern Song, the proportion of same-county marriages decreased to 45 percent. Fifty-five percent married a person from outside their own county: 22 percent married a person from an adjacent county in an adjacent prefecture; 3 percent married a person from a nonadjacent county; and 30 percent married a person from a nonadjacent county. In other words, slightly more than half of the Poyang regional elites married within their own county during the Northern Song and married outside their county during the Southern Song. See He Jinxun, “Songdai difang shidafu jiazu shili de goucheng,” pp. 74– 75, cited in He, “Songdai Poyang hu zhoubian shizu de juzangdi yu hunyin wangluo,” p. 326. Song Chen bases his analysis on 359 identifiable marriages. But they are drawn from the entire Sichuan region. 110. Liu Liyan (Lau Nap-yin), “Keju renji guanxi wangluo yu jiazu xingshuai,” p. 19. 111. I say “approximately” because, for all my effort to sort out Mingzhou marriages, there is still the possibility that I might have counted a certain marriage more than once or failed to identify others. One person’s marriage can, for example, be mentioned in his, his father’s, his grandfather’s, and his wife’s epitaphs. Given my effort to identify such occurrences, I am fairly certain that the number I present here does not distort the big picture of the following discussion. For the sake of convenience, I count a person as a denizen of the Southern Song if he or she lived longer during the Southern Song than in the new Yuan dynasty.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 62

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

63

percent).112 Based on a data set larger than any of the former studies of this kind, the conclusions emerging from the following discussion should call for a serious reexamination of the applicability of the prevalent model to other regions in Song China. The family of Zhou Shihou 周師厚 ( jinshi 1053) from Yin county appears to best illustrate the classic model of translocal marriage in the Northern Song and local marriage in the Southern Song. Shihou’s wife was a daughter of Fan Zhongwen 范仲溫 (985–1050), the brother of Fan Zhongyan of Suzhou, Zhexi circuit 䍓浙西路. Although his eldest daughter married a man from Yin, one of his other daughters married a certain Mao Meng 毛濛 ( jinshi 1091) of Jiangshan 江山 county, Quzhou prefecture, Zhedong circuit, and another married Chen Guan 陳瓘 (1058–1122) of Sha 沙 county, Nanjian 南劍 prefecture, Fujian circuit. Shihou’s son, Zhou E, who became famous because of his appearance on the Yuanyou 元祐 blacklist, was married four times. His last wife was from Yin, but the first wife was a person from Wujin 武進 county, Changzhou 常州 prefecture, Zhexi circuit, while the second and third were both from Rugao 如皐 county, Taizhou 泰州 prefecture,

112. In identifying these marriages, I have refrained from drawing a conjectural connection between two given families based solely on the surnames and places of residence of those involved. Lou Yue and Lou Fang 樓昉 ( jinshi 1193), for example, were two of the most famous Lou men from Yin county during the Southern Song, and the former once recommended the latter. As Lou Yue noted in his recommendation memorial, however, their “surnames are coincidentally the same; [they] are not members of the same lineage” 姓氏偶同, 卻非宗黨. See Lou Yue, “Ju Feng Duanfang Jiang Chou Lou Fang zhuang,” GKJ, 31.4b (QSW, 263:5936.297). I also have not assumed a figure’s residence based on his or her “generational name,” a method widely used in the China Biographical Data Base (CBDB). Suffice it to provide just a couple of examples here. Zhang Tan 張郯 (1103–89), who migrated to Yin from Hezhou 和 州 prefecture, married one daughter to a certain Gao Dezhong 高得中. According to CBDB, Dezhong was a son of Gao Kang, an influential educational official at Gaozong’s court, but the only evidence provided is that Gao Kang had a son named Dequan 得全, sharing the generational character De 得. Gao Dezhong may well have been Gao Kang’s son, but in the absence of other corroborating evidence we simply do not know this for certain. Li Zongzhi 䎺宗質 (1112–84) of Yin married his first daughter to a certain Jiang Chujun 姜處俊. CBDB notes that he was a greatgrandson of Jiang Yun 姜筠 of Linhai 臨海 county, Taizhou, on the grounds of “generational name, chronological logic, and probable address.” The only known possible link between Chujun and Yun is that Yun had a great-grandson named Chudu 處度.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 63

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

64

Elites, Locality, and the State

Huaidong circuit 淮南東路.113 In the Northern Song, it seems evident that the Zhous of Yin practiced fairly long-distance marriage, but in the Southern Song their marriages were invariably local. Zhou E’s grandson, Zhou Ji 周楫 (1129– 98), had three sons-in-law who were all local scholars, as were the five brothers-in-law of his cousin, Zhou Mu 周模 (fl. 1208).114 Feng Ji’s family also fits nicely with the HartwellianHymesian model, though less obviously than the Zhous. Feng’s daughter married a man from Kaifeng, but his great-great-granddaughter in the Southern Song married Shen Huan of her own county.115 The cases of these two most illustrious families of Northern Song Mingzhou convey only a partial picture of Mingzhou elite marriage patterns of the time. As He Jinxun, Bossler, and Clark have made clear, marriage was largely a local affair for most Mingzhou people in the Northern Song.116 Of the twenty-two identifiable Northern Song marriages, ten couples (45 percent) married within their county; five (23 percent) within Mingzhou, and only seven (32 percent) outside the 113. Zou Hao 鄒浩 (1060–1111), “Gaoping xian taijun Fan shi muzhiming” 高平縣 太君范氏墓誌銘, Daoxiang ji 道鄕集 (SKQS), 37.13b–14b (QSW, 132:2847.73); Lou Yue, “Zhou Bofan muzhiming” 周伯範墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.1b (QSW, 266:6005.161).

-1— 0— +1—

114. Lou Yue, “Zhou Boji muzhiming,” GKJ, 103.24b (QSW, 266:5998.78); “Zhou Bofan muzhiming,” (QSW, 266:6005.162). 115. See Chen Guan, “Song libu shangshu xufu zhaoqinglang tiju Bozhou taiqinggong Feng gong muzhi” 宋䎏部尙書敍復朝請郞提擧亳州太淸宮豊公墓誌, Feng Qingmin gong yishu 豐淸敏公遺書, Siming congshu edition, “fulu” 附錄 2b; Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Shen gong xingzhuang,” JZJ, 14.24b (QSW, 281:6381.332); Zou Hao, “Gaoping xian taijun Fan shi muzhiming,” ibid. Thus, truly long-distance marriages were made by those who enjoyed distinctive political success. One anomaly would be that a daughter of Wang Siwen, whose highest post was only fiscal intendant of Jiangxi circuit, married Chen Gao 陳膏 ( jinshi 1117) of Putian 莆田 county, Xinghua prefecture 興化軍, Fujian circuit. See Sun Di 孫覿 (1081–1169), “Song gu zuo zhaoyi dafu zhi xianmoge zhishi Wang gong muzhiming” 宋故左朝議大夫直顯謨閣致仕汪公墓誌 銘, Hongqing jushi ji 鴻慶居士集 (SKQS), 37.23b (QSW, 161:3492.80). However, because Chen Gao married the lady Wang while he was serving as an official in Mingzhou and he subsequently became dependent upon his father-in-law, leaving his hometown for good, his marriage was not a long-distance marriage in the strict sense. 116. It is worth noting that only twenty-two marriages are identifiable from twenty-seven extant epitaphs. This is a very poor yield. In most cases only the spouse’s surname is mentioned; but even when there is some information, it often cannot be traced any further. Given that illustrious marriage partners seldom failed to be highlighted in epitaphs, I suspect that many of the untrackable marriages were ones with less than illustrious local people.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 64

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

65

prefecture. Among these seven interprefectural marriages, five were by the aforementioned Zhous. The soon-to-be famous Shis 史 married locally during the Northern Song when their position was still of little consequence in society.117 As there were only a few well-established literati elite families in Northern Song Mingzhou, no intricate marriage “alliance” appears among them. Did the Southern Song, then, see a dramatic shift to localized marriage? Of the 257 marriages in which the residence of two parties is identified, as many as 149 couples (58 percent) found their spouse within their own county, which did indeed mark an increase in percentage from the Northern Song. As has been demonstrated by previous studies, this includes highly prominent and politically successful families, such as the Shis 史, the Lous 樓, the Wangs 汪, and the Yuans 袁.118 I wish to stress, however, that the other 108 couples (42 percent), including members of the aforementioned four families, married people from outside their county. Tables 2, 3, and 4 in appendix 2 tabulate these 108 marriages: I will begin with intercounty marriages. Twenty-four couples went beyond their own county to find their spouse. Given that thirty-three people in Mingzhou chose burial sites in counties other than their home county,119 crossing county borders to find a suitable marriage partner should not be surprising. It should be noted, however, that seven (29 percent) of these cases involved recent migrants (Nos. 1-7, 1-8, 1-9, 1-11, 1-13, 1-14, and 1-16) on either side. Admittedly, the will and ability to find one’s spouse in one’s new home was considered by contemporaries to be an important indicator of the migrant family’s settlement in an area.120 Thus, one might be tempted

117. Shi Zhao 史詔 married a cetain née Xu 徐 (d. 1123) of Yin. One of their daughters married Yao Fu 姚孚 of Yin, the grandfather of Yao Ying. See Shi Duanzhong 石 端中, “Zeng Yueguo Xu taifuren muzhiming” 贈越國徐太夫人墓誌銘, in Cixi Shishi zongpu 慈谿史氏宗譜 (a copy held at the Shanghai Library, from the Xianfeng reign period [1851– 61]), 3.65a– 65b; Lou Yue, “Tongpan Yao jun muzhiming” 通判姚君墓誌 銘, GKJ, 107.7a (QSW, 266:6003.137). 118. Ihara, “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru kanko no kon’in kankei”; Walton, “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China”; Huang, Songdai jiazu yu shehui. 119. See appendix 2. 120. Lu You said of the Lu 䎬 family of Yin: “It has already been several dozen years since Lu Zhi 䎬寘 moved from Shanyin 山陰, [Shaoxing prefecture,] to Mingzhou. His family’s marriages all happened there. In my opinion, they are [now] Mingzhou

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 65

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

66

to assume that these new migrants were unable to find their partners in the vicinity because of the exclusiveness of native elite families. Note, however, that their counterparts were members of long-established families in their own locale. Let us take a closer look at each of them: 1. Marriage between the Tongs 童 of Fenghua and the Yangs 楊 (No. 7) of Cixi. The Yangs moved to Cixi from Yin in the later years of the Shaoxing reign period (1131– 62). But the Tongs had lived in Fenghua for at least six generations. A jinshi himself, Tong Jushan 童居善 was a grandson of Tong Dading 童大定 ( jinshi 1148) who was a disciple of Yang Shi 楊時 (1053–1135), arguably the most important transmitter of Daoxue learning in the early Southern Song.121 2. Marriage between the Shus of Fenghua and the Yangs of Cixi (No. 8). The Shus were a time-honored family in Fenghua that by Shu Lin’s generation had produced two facilitated degree holders, two jinshi, and two Imperial University students. Shu Lin’s first wife was the daughter of the aforementioned Tong Dading.122 3. Marriage between the Lins 䏋 of Yin and the Yangs of Cixi (No. 9). Lin Shuo’s 林碩 (1133–1206) family had lived in Yin from the late years of the Five Dynasties period. His grandfather, Lin Wei 䏋暐, who is said to have been one of the wealthiest in the prefecture, donated hundreds of strings to renovate the prefectural school. Although Lin Shuo himself was not successful in the examinations, his two sons became jinshi in 1190 and 1202, respectively. The Lins also married their daughters to Yuan Xie’s family of the same county.123 4. Marriage between the Wangs 汪 of Fenghua and the Zhaos 趙 of Yin (No. 11). The bride’s grandfather, Zhao Shandai 趙善待 (1128–88), was a recent immigrant to Yin. But the Wangs had lived in Fenghua for at least six generations by the time of Wang Ji. True local gentlemen in the classic sense, the Wangs contributed

-1— 0— +1—

people” 初少師自山陰徙四明, 已數十年, 婚姻皆在焉, 蓋四明人也. See Lu You, “Lu langzhong muzhiming” 陸郞中墓誌銘, Weinan wenji, 34.14b (QSW, 223:4948.209). 121. BQSMZ, 10.7a, 10.10a; Shaoxing shiba nian tongnian xiaolu 紹興十八年同年小錄. 122. Yang Jian, “Yizhou tongpan Shu Yuanzhi muzhiming” 宜州通判舒元質墓誌銘, QSW, 276:6243.50–51. 123. Yuan Xie, “Ba Lin hucao die” 跋林戶曹帖, JZJ, 8.26b (QSW, 281:6371.149); BQSMZ, 2.4a; BQSMZ, 8.31a; Lou Yue, “Lin fujun muzhiming” 林府君墓誌銘, GKJ, 107.1b–3a (QSW, 266:6003.133–34). Yuan Xie’s grandfather, Yuan Jiong, was Lin Wei’s son-in-law.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 66

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

67

to local famine relief, rebuilt and renovated bridges in the county, donated a large boat at a local ferry crossing, and funded the rebuilding of the Fenghua county school.124 5. Marriage between the Shis of Xiangshan and the Lins 䏋 of Yin (No. 16). Here, the husband, Shi Chunchen 史純臣 ( jinshi 1132), seems to have been an immigrant from Huzhou 湖州. But the Lins had been settled in Yin county since, at the very least, the early days of the Northern Song. The Lins became one of the “great families” 大家 of Mingzhou. The bride’s father, Lin Bao, was a jinshi of 1112 and had a highly decorated official career as vice director of the Directorate of Education 國子監丞, director of a subsection of the Ministry of Justice 尙書比部員外郞, and consultant of the Departmental Examination 省試參詳官. Lin Bao’s grandson, Lin Zuxia 䏋祖洽 (1140–1218), was known as a competent fiscal expert at the court of emperor Xiaozong. At the local level, the Lins had marriage ties with the eminent Yuan and Shi 史 families of Yin.125 6. Marriage between Qiu You 仇由 of Fenghua and née Xiang 向 of Yin (No. 13). The bride’s father, Xiang Shiwei 向士偉, was the descendant of a former grand councillor. Although it remains unclear exactly when the Xiangs 向 moved to Yin, Lou Yue implies that the migration took place during the NorthernSouthern Song transition. The first migrant ancestor of the Qius, Qiu Yu 仇悆 ( jinshi 1109), was a two-time Mingzhou prefect, known for his contribution to Mingzhou local society during and after his tenure. 7. Marriage between Qiu Shen 仇伸 of Fenghua and née Wang 王 of Yin (No. 14) also involves two recent migrant families.126 Like 124. Shu Lin, “Digonglang Wang gong muzhiming,” Wenjing wenji, 1.52b (QSW,  260:5853.193); Yuan Xie, “Congshilang Wang jun muzhiming,” JZJ, 19.7a (QSW, 281:6387.411); Lou Yue, “Fenghua xianxue ji” 奉化縣學記, GKJ, 54.17a (QSW, 264:5944.370); BQSMZ, 14.20b–22a. 125. Lin Bao’s son, Lin Mian 䏋勉, married Yuan Xie’s aunt. Lin Bao’s greatgrandson, Lin Chong 䏋崈, became Yuan Xie’s son-in-law. One of his grandsons-in-law was Shi Mida. Zhou Bida, “Zuo zhongfeng dafu fuwenge daizhi tejin Lin gong shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 68.14b (QSW, 233:5185.23); Yuan Xie, “Xiangong mubiao,” JZJ, 17.7a (QSW, 281:6385.378); Yuan, “Lin taishuren Yuan shi muzhiming” 林太淑人 袁氏墓誌銘, JZJ, 21.7b (QSW, 282:6389.30). On Lin Zuxia’s career, see BQSMZ, 8.34b–35b. 126. Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi,” GKJ, 107.11a–b (QSW, 266:6003.139–41). For Qiu Yu, see Songshi, 399.12124–28; Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi 嘉靖寧波府志, 25.11b. For a detailed description of the marriages of the Xiangs and the Wangs, see Bossler, Powerful

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 67

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

68

the Xiangs, the Wangs descended from a former grand councillor. They migrated from Kaifeng to Yin in the Jianyan 建炎 reign period (1127–30). Qiu Shen was the son of Qiu You.

Thus, with the notable exception of Nos. 13 and 14, these marriages undercut the notion that new migrant families were ostracized by native elites. To the contrary, they evidence that even without a firm local economic base, migrant families were approached by influential local families beyond their own county’s borders if such families had adequate prestige. Yang Jian, Zhao Shandai, and Shi Chunchen, for example, were all jinshi degree holders. Furthermore, many recent migrants to Mingzhou were able to find spouses without difficulty among the most prominent residents of their new home. The case of Jiang Hao’s 姜浩 (1109–85) family is a most telling example. The Jiangs were prominent in Kaifeng in the Northern Song period. Wang Siwen and his younger brother Wang Siji 汪思濟 ( jinshi 1106) used to study at the Jiang family school 家塾 in Kaifeng. Relying on the connections then formed, his epitaph notes, Jiang Hao chose Yin as his family’s final settlement after the fall of the north. Afterward, Jiang Hao’s younger sister was married to Wang Daya 汪 大雅, Siwen’s eldest son. In addition, his son, Jiang Yi 姜棫, was betrothed to Siwen’s granddaughter. Jiang Hao’s other sons-in-law include Wang Shen 王深, son of Wang Zhenggong 王正功 (1133–1203), a member of the eminent Wang family of Yin from the late Five Dynasties period, and Shi Mijin 史彌謹 ( jinshi 1199). One of his grandsonsin-law was Shi Tingzhi 史挺之.127 The Jiangs’ case was far from unusual. Lu Zhi 䎬寘, who moved from Shanyin to Yin in the Jianyan reign period, married his daughter

-1— 0— +1—

Relations, pp. 89– 90. It would be far-fetched to argue, however, that these marriages between the Xiangs and the Wangs reflected any legacy of their distant, no matter how prestigious, Northern Song ancestors. 127. Lou Yue, “Zeng jinzi guanglu dafu Jiang gong muzhiming” 贈金紫光錄大夫 姜公墓誌銘, GKJ, 108.1a– 8a (QSW, 266:6004.145–49). Ihara also notes that the newly immigrating Jiangs were able to marry with the Shis. “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru kanko no kon’in kankei,” p. 159. When compared to their marriages to the Wangs 汪 and the Wangs 王, however, the marriages of the Jiangs to the Shis cannot be taken as connections to a highly successful political family. Although Shi Mijin and Shi Tingzhi were members of the extended Shi kin group of Yin county, neither belonged to its most illustrious branch.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 68

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

69

to Wang Dading 汪大定 (1137– 98), the third son of Wang Siwen. His son, Lu Guang 䎬洸 (1124– 95), was married to the daughter of Lin Bao.128 Wang Boxiang 王伯庠 (1106–73), a northerner from Jinan 濟南 whose father migrated to Yin, married his daughter to Wang Dayou 汪大有, the son of Wang Siji.129 Pan Zhixiang 潘致祥, another migrant from Jinan to Yin, married his son, Pan Yu 潘迂, to a cousin of Lou Yue.130 Zhixiang’s daughter, Pan Miaojing 潘妙靜 (1147–1219), married Jiang Hui 蔣輝, a grandson of Jiang Xuan 蔣璿 ( jinshi 1097), who was a member of the Wulao hui.131 Zhang Xiaobo 張孝伯 ( jinshi 1163), whose father, Zhang Tan 張郯 (1103–89), migrated from Hezhou 和州, Huaidong circuit, to Yin along with his brothers, married his daughter to Jiang Xian 蔣峴 (1175–1245), a jinshi of 1196 and a member of the prominent Jiang family of Yin.132 One might still question the significance of the examples of these intercounty marriages, because they are, after all, marriages connecting different counties within a single prefecture; but we also have records of far more marriages that crossed Mingzhou’s prefectural borders. I will first examine forty-seven marriages that crossed the prefectural border into nearby prefectures, tabulated in table 2 of appendix 2. This long table shows us something interesting about the background of the partners in these marriages. Li Bida’s 䎺必達 (1155–1219) effort to maintain a tie to his ancestral home by marrying his children to people from Mingzhou (Nos. 10, 11, and 12) may not really surprise us,

128. For Lu Zhi’s biography, see BQSMZ, 8.30a–b. For Wang Dading’s, see Lou Yue, “Zhi Jiangzhou Wang gong muzhiming” 知江州汪公墓誌銘, GKJ, 103.25b–32a (QSW, 266:5998.78–82). For Lu Guang’s, see Lu You, “Fengzhi dafu Lu gong muzhiming” 奉直大夫陸公墓誌銘, Weinan wenji, 35.3a– 6a (QSW, 223:4949.215–17). 129. Lou Yue, “Shiyushi zuo zhaoqing dafu zhimige zhishi Wang gong xingzhuang” 侍御史左朝請大夫直秘閣致仕王公行䏑, GKJ, 90.7b (QSW, 265:5982.209). 130. Lou Yue, “Ba Pan xingbu Zhiyao shi juan” 跋潘刑部致堯詩卷, GKJ, 75.14b (QSW, 264:5959.274). 131. Yuan Xie, “Jiang anren Pan shi muzhiming,” JZJ, 21.1a–3b (QSW, 282:6389.26– 27); Lou Yue, “Ba Jiang Kangzong suocang Qian Songchuang shidie,” GKJ, 75.14b (QSW, 264:5960.279–80); Wuling Jiangshi zongpu, 24.6b. 132. For the migration of the Zhangs to Yin, see Zhou Bida, “Fuwenge daizhi zeng shaoshi Zhang gong Shao shendaobei” 敷文閣待制贈少師張公邵神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 65.2b–3a, 4b (QSW, 232:5182.379). For the marriage between the Zhangs and the Jiangs, see “Wanjing Jiang gong muzhi” 晩靜蔣公墓誌, in Wuling Jiangshi zongpu, 24.11a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 69

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

70

although the Lis had already been settled in Yuyao 餘姚 for three generations by this time. What is surprising is that in twenty-eight cases (68 percent) links were made between partners from prominent and well-established families in their own locales. Neither were the majority of the remaining sixteen marriages ties between two newcomers to their locales. In three cases—marriages between Gao Mida 高彌大 of Shaoxing prefecture and née Feng 馮 of Cixi (No. 4), Sima Yan 司馬儼 of Shanyin and née Jiang 姜 of Yin (No. 16), and Liu Yue 䎠爚 of Mingzhou and née Mao 茅 of Yuyao (No. 22)—there are partners whose status in this regard was unclear. In eleven cases at least one partner was from a relatively new migrant family.133 But even here, only five marriages (Nos. 7, 16, 17, 18, and 19) were unions between two families that had recently migrated to their locales.134 Aside from one case in which further information about one partner is unavailable (No. 3), the remaining five cases involved wellestablished, even eminent families of their own locales: 1. Marriage between the Lous of Yin and the Wangs of Yuyao (No. 6). Wang Yu 王俁 (d. 1157) moved to Yuyao from Wanqiu 宛丘, Huaining fu 淮寧府. But his grandson-in-law, Lou Yue, an exemplary local gentleman of Yin and highly renowned statesman in and outside the court, was a member of the famous Lou family of the locale, who had lived there for at least five generations by this time. 2. Marriage between the Shis of Yin and the Pans of Shangyu (No. 14). A nephew of Pan Lianggui 潘良貴 (1094–1150) of Jinhua 䋦華, Wuzhou, Pan Zhi 潘畤 (1126–89) migrated to Shangyu, the home

-1— 0— +1—

133. They are: Marriage between Shi Ju 石榘 of Shaoxing prefecture and née Chen of Yin (No. 3); Lou Yue of Yin and née Wang of Yuyao (No. 6); Wang Cangshu 王蒼 舒 of Yuyao and née Xiang of Yin (No. 7); Shi Miyuan of Yin and Pan Yousong 潘友 松 of Shangyu 上虞 (No. 14); Sima Yan and née Jiang (No. 16); Sima Sui 司馬遂 of Shanyin and née Jiang of Yin (No. 17); Zhao Xifu 趙希怤 of Yuyao and née Jiang of Yin (No. 18); Zeng Qiao 曾樵 of Yuyao and née Xiang of Yin (No. 19); Han Xie 韓燮 of Kuaiji 會稽 and née Yang of Cixi (No. 24); Tang Zhun 唐準 ( jinshi 1141) of Shanyin and née Zhang of Yin (No. 25); and Zhao Rukuo 趙汝适 ( jinshi 1196) of Yin and née Chen of Linhai (No. 35). 134. The marriages of the Xiangs of Yin with the Wangs of Yuyao (No. 7), of the Jiangs of Yin with the Simas of Shanyin (Nos. 16 and 17), and of the Xiangs of Yin with the Zengs of Yuyao (No. 19) were ties among refugee northerners as described by Bossler. Powerful Relations, pp. 89– 91.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 70

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

71

of his father-in-law, Li Guang 䎺光 (1078–1159).135 Still, he was able to marry his daughter to Shi Miyuan, the third son of Shi Hao. 3. Marriage between the Tangs of Shanyin and the Zhangs of Yin (No. 25). A native of Wujiang 烏江 county, Hezhou, Zhang Shao 張邵 (1096–1156) was sent to the Jin court as a member of an envoy mission in 1129 and detained there until 1143. After his return to the Southern Song court, he retired to Yin and lived there for only fourteen years. But his in-law’s family, the Tangs, had lived in Shanyin from the early days of the Northern Song and produced at least three jinshi degree holders, including Tang Zhun himself.136 4. Marriage between the Zhaos of Yuyao and the Wangs 汪 of Yin (No. 27). Wang Dading, the third son of Wang Siwen, married his daughter to a relatively new migrant from Yuyao.137 5. Marriage between the Zhaos of Yin and the Chens of Linhai (No. 35). Zhao Rukuo’s family were very late migrants to Yin. His father, Zhao Shandai, was settled there sometime after 1154. But his wife was from an old Linhai family and his grandfather-in-law was the renowned statesman Chen Lianghan 陳良翰 (1108– 72), whose record of conduct and spirit path stele inscription were written by Zhu Xi and Zhou Bida, respectively.

135. Ihara took née Pan to be a Jinhua native. See “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru kanko no kon’in kankei,” p. 158. Pan Zhi is said to have relied on his father-in-law after his marriage and was buried in Shangyu county. Thus, I identify her as a Shangyu native. 136. Tang Zhun’s grandfather, Tang Yi 唐翊, passed in 1091. Yi’s son, Tang Yue 唐閱, passed in 1142. Zhun passed in 1151. See Baoqing Kuaiji xuzhi 寶慶會稽續志 (SYFC), 6.6a, 6.9a, and 6.9b. Tang Yue is recorded in the biography section of Jiatai Kuaiji zhi 嘉泰會稽志 (SYFC), 15.22a–23a. 137. According to Oka Motoshi, it was Zhao Shilong 趙師龍 (1143– 93), Xiyi’s father, who took Wang Dading’s daughter as his second wife. See “Nan Sō ki Onshū chihō gyōsei o meguru nin teki ketsugō,” p. 40. However, the text in question, which reads “如臯又娶舅氏汪韶州之女, 契好益厚” (Lou Yue, “Zhi Wuzhou Zhao gong muzhiming” 知婺州趙公墓誌銘, GKJ, 102.20a [QSW, 266:5996.55]), shows that it was Xiyi, not Shilong, who married née Wang. “Rugao” here refers to Zhao Xiyi, then the sheriff of Rugao county 如臯縣尉. Neither can “again 又” be taken as indicating any kind of second marriage; Lou Yue was simply listing three reasons why he and Zhao Shilong became ever closer: they passed the examinations in the same year, Shilong became Wenzhou prefect just after Lou left the post, and his son Xiyi married a daughter of Wang Dading, who was Lou’s maternal uncle. The QSW ’s punctuation, which reads 假守東嘉, 去郡數月, 而公至如臯. 又娶舅氏汪韶州之女, 契好益厚, is misleading too, as it also suggests the person who married Wang Dading’s daughter was Zhao Shilong himself.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 71

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

72

Elites, Locality, and the State

Even in the case of No. 3—marriage between Shi Ju 石榘 of Shaoxing prefecture and the granddaughter of Chen Juren—the Chens were firmly established in their new home by the time of this marriage. Chen Juren was himself married to a daughter of a prefectural degree holder from Yin, whose son later passed the jinshi examination. Juren’s son, Chen Zhuo 陳卓 ( jinshi 1190), became a son-in-law of the influential Lin 林 family of Yin, and his granddaughter seems to have been married to a grandnephew of her mother, who later passed the jinshi examination in 1208.138 Here again, as was the case for intercounty marriages within Mingzhou, we see that marriage transcending the prefectural border was by no means an anomaly to be explained away by the presence of those “whose attachment to Mingzhou was recent.”139 In fact, four of the Shis and seven of the Lous, arguably the two most prominent families of Southern Song Mingzhou, married people outside their prefecture. Partners in the marriages of the Huangs 黃 of Zhuji 諸曁 (Nos. 31 and 32), the Lis of Yuyao (Nos. 10, 11, and 12), and the Wus 吳 of Xianju 仙居 (Nos. 42 and 43) were all from time-honored local families.

-1— 0— +1—

138. Chen Juren’s wife was a daughter of a certain Wang Ju’en 王居隱. Chen Zhuo married a granddaughter of Lin Mian 䏋勉, son of Lin Bao. Clark touches upon the marriage of née Chen with Shi Ju in his Portrait of a Community, p. 149, but two things are incorrect in his reconstruction of the marriage. First, Clark identifies Chen Juren as a Putian native. Chen Juren’s father, Chen Gao, was married to a daughter of the influential Wang Siwen; Chen Juren was born in Fenghua and raised and buried in Yin, where his descendants continued to live in Yin. Chen just used his ancestral register ( guanji 貫籍) for his jinshi examination. Second, Clark identifies the bride as Chen Juren’s daughter. Both his record of conduct and his spirit path stele inscription clearly show that she was his granddaughter. Clark also says that Chen’s second “daughter,” who actually was also his granddaughter, married a certain Wang Ye 王埜 of Jinhua. This judgment seems to be based on the fact that a certain Wang Ye was the son of Wang Jie 王介 (1158–1213) of Jinhua, Wuzhou prefecture. See Zhen Dexiu, “Song jiyingdian xiuzhuan Wang gong muzhiming,” Xishan wenji, 46.36a (QSW, 314:7197.199). However, there was also a certain Wang Ye 王埜, a native of Yin, who passed the jinshi examination in 1208. He is recorded as a grandson of Wang Mingfa 王明發 ( jinshi 1160), whose father was Wang Ju’en, Chen Juren’s father-in-law. Thus, it seems probable that Chen’s granddaughter married Wang Ju’en’s great-grandson, forming a cross-cousin marriage. For the relation of Wang Ju’en and Wang Ye, see Lou Yue, “Ba Wang Ruhui wenjuan” 跋王如晦文卷, GKJ, 74.18a–b (QSW, 264:5958.259); BQSMZ, 10.7b, 10.11b. 139. I borrow this expression from Hymes. See Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 95.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 72

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

73

Another observation we can make about these marriages regards their geographic distribution. People from Mingzhou found their spouses in all counties in Shaoxing fu and Taizhou, with the exception of Sheng 嵊 county. Granted, eleven of these forty-seven couples found their partners from a directly adjacent county (Nos. 11, 13, 14, 15, 20, 21, 23, 38, 39, 46, and 47). The distance of these marriages might have been almost as close as same-county marriages. Ten other marriages— between Yin and Yuyao—were also ties between families from fairly close counties. Therefore, 45 percent of these marriages can be understood as slightly extended versions of local marriage ties. What about the other 55 percent? Nine marriages link individuals from relatively distant counties such as Yin and Zhuji; Yin and Linhai; Yin and Huangyan; and Yin and Xianju (Nos. 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 42, and 43). Both the number of such marriages and the fact that long-established local families were also involved in them seem to suggest that the range of marriages entered into by people from Mingzhou during the Southern Song was broader than the Hartwellian-Hymesian model has suggested. Before moving on to further exploration of what made this kind of marriage possible, and discussion of its broader implications, we may analyze thirty-seven truly long-distance marriages made by people of Mingzhou (see table 3 of appendix 2).140 Particularly noteworthy is the fact that twenty-one of these long-distance marriages (57 percent) involve only four local families: the Shis, the Lous, the Wangs 王, and the Yaos 姚. The first three families are known for their members’ performance in the examinations throughout the Southern Song. Although the Yaos were not generally so successful in the examinations or in politics, Yao Ying did attract the attention of high officials by taking first place in the examinations. That is, some of all these four families enjoyed illustrious official careers. Most strikingly, the seven marriages of the Shis are almost exclusively to direct descendants of Shi Hao, the branch of the Shis of Mingzhou with the most illustrious political careers. The marriages between them and the Wangs of Jinhua (Nos. 6 and 7) epitomize continuity in

—-1 —0 —+1

140. The areas from which these Mingzhou residents found spouses span south China: Zhedong and Zhexi, Fujian, Jiangxi, Jiangdong, and southern Jinghu 荊湖南路.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 73

6/18/14 6:20 PM

74

Elites, Locality, and the State

marriage ties formed among top court officials throughout the Northern and Southern Song, a case that has been argued by Beverly Bossler. Thus, it is tempting to project that long-distance marriage was a practice shared only by the extremely privileged. Being appointed a high court official was certainly one of the easiest ways to meet many potential marriage partners hailing from different locales. If we look more closely at the other two families, however, we can immediately recognize that long-distance marriage was not limited to high-ranking court officials. Although the political career of Lou Yue, the most successful member of the entire Lou kin group in Mingzhou, did include a stint as vice grand councillor, the marriages of the Lous in the table seem to have had little to do with that fact, with the possible exception of two unclear cases. The marriage of Lou Yue’s elder brother, Lou Yang 樓 鐊, who died at thirty-two and whose official career had progressed only to the post of sheriff, to a woman of the Chen family was arranged by his father, Lou Ju, whose highest official post was Chuzhou prefect (No. 33). Although he was a jinshi, the highest office reached by Lou Hong 樓鈜 (1133–74), who married née Sun 孫 of Wuxi 無錫, Changzhou, Zhexi, was as instructor at a prefectural school (No. 21). The marriage between Zhao Shigu 趙師固 of Qingjiang 淸江, Linjiang 䏍江 prefecture, Jiangxi and the daughter of Lou Tang 樓鏜, who apparently never served in office, was arranged by her grandfather, Lou Shu 樓璹, who entered the bureaucracy through the “protection” privilege and ultimately became the military commissioner of Huaidong circuit 淮東安撫使 (No. 32). Likewise, although the Wangs 王 produced at least nine jinshi degree holders throughout the Song period, the brothers Wang Zhengji and Wang Zhenggong 王正功 (1133– 1203) entered office through “protection” and never rose to a high rank. Yet their granddaughters married men of Wujin 武進 county, Changzhou (Nos. 19 and 20).141 What, then, accounts for those marriages that transcend the borders of both county and prefecture?

-1— 0— +1—

141. Their father, Wang Xun 王勳 ( jinshi 1118), was appointed maritime trade superintendent of Guangnan 廣南 in 1138. When he died in 1138, Zhengji was twenty and Zhenggong only six, which implies that Wang Xun’s influence on his greatgranddaughters’ marriages may have been indirect at best.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 74

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

75

Hugh Clark aptly notes, “Marriage was most often contracted between families that knew each other.”142 To be sure, there were various ways for local families to become acquainted with one another. According to Robert Hymes, however, in Fuzhou neither one’s itinerant official career nor his academic association across the empire would have much effect on the marriages of his family members. The localized marriage was the result of Fuzhou men’s choice, not the lack of opportunities to form ties with partners abroad.143 Can this observation be extended to Mingzhou? The famous “Four Scholars of Mingzhou,” who lived in Yin, Fenghua, and Cixi counties, were connected through marriage (Nos. 2-2, 2-3, and 2-8). But their marriage ties remained within Mingzhou. The only case I have found in which a marriage was probably influenced by family academic associations outside the prefecture is Yuan Fu’s marriage to née Zhao of Huangyan county, Taizhou (No. 3-36). Their fathers, Yuan Xie and Zhao Shiyuan 趙師淵 ( jinshi 1172), respectively, were Daoxue colleagues. Thus, it can be confirmed that, in Mingzhou too, purely academic affiliation seldom directly influenced the choice of one’s marriage partner. In contrast, the official careers of Mingzhou elites did exert a considerable influence on their choice of partners. Passing the jinshi examination in the same year could work to form marriage ties,144 but many more people came to know each other through their itinerant official careers.145 The following cases illustrate this tendency: 1. Marriage between Shi Wen 石文 of Xinchang 新昌 county and née Lou 樓 (1137–1200) of Yin (No. 2-1). The bride’s father, Lou Ju

142. Clark, Portrait of a Community, p. 312. 143. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 99–102. 144. Chen Zhu of Fenghua married his son to a niece of Huang Zhen of Cixi, who passed the jinshi examination in the same year as Chen, 1256 (No. 2-12). Chen’s other daughter married a son of Hu Sansheng 胡三省 of Ninghai 寧海, Taizhou (No. 3-37). Hu also took the jinshi in 1256 along with Chen and Huang. 145. Linda Walton also notes that “it is evident . . . that officials frequently made marriage alliances with families from areas where they served.” See “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China,” pp. 63– 64. My examples below further show that they also made marriage alliances with families from other regions whom they came to know while in their official posts, not necessarily with families of the areas where they served.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 75

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

76

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

-1— 0— +1—

樓琚, who was an uncle of Lou Yue, was the magistrate of Xinchang in 1153. Shi Wen was a member of a successful officeholding family (yizhong yiguan mingzu 邑中衣冠名族) in that county. Marriage between Lou Yue and the granddaughter of Wang Yu 王俁 ( jinshi 1108) (No. 2-6). A native of Yuyao, Wang served as Mingzhou prefect in 1155. Shi Hao came to know Li Youzhi 䎺友直 (1134– 99) while serving in his first official post as sheriff of Yuyao, Youzhi’s hometown. Shi Hao married his daughter to him (No. 2-8). Lou Yue was vice prefect of Taizhou in 1178. He married his daughter to Wang Fei 王棐 ( jinshi 1199) of Linhai county, the metropolitan county of Taizhou, and married his son, Lou Zhi 樓治, to a daughter of Wu Pu 吳樸 of Xianju (Nos. 2-34 and 2-43). Wu Jin’s first appointment was administrator at the Military Commission of Zhedong circuit 兩浙東路安撫司幹辦公事 in 1169. At that time, Shi Hao was the military commissioner of Zhedong circuit 兩浙東路安撫使 and came to have a high opinion of Wu. Wu Jin’s son Wu Pu, who later became assistant magistrate 縣丞 of Yin, was married to a granddaughter of Shi Hao (No. 2-42).146 Lü Zujian 呂祖儉 (d. 1196), a native of Jinhua, worked as supervisor of granaries 倉官 in Mingzhou from 1182 to 1187, and his son Lü Qiaonian 呂喬年 married a daughter of Shen Huan (No. 3-5).147 Lou Shu of Yin and Zhou Wan 周綰 of Suichang 遂昌, Chuzhou, worked together in the office of the fiscal intendant of Hunan circuit 湖南轉運司. Lou Shu arranged his granddaughter’s

146. Lou Yue, “Chuncheng houde yuanlao zhi bei,” GKJ, 93.19a (QSW, 265:5986.282); Lou, “Zhaoqing dafu Wu gong bing shiren Yao shi muzhiming,” GKJ, 108.18a–19a (QSW, 266:6004.155). 147. When Lü Zujian worked in Yin, Shen Huan was also there to teach at a school. See Quan Zuwang, “Dayu Lü Zhong gong citang ji” 大愚呂忠公祠堂記, cited in Xu Zhaobing 徐兆昺, Siming tanzhu 四明談助, p. 738. Therefore, their friendship involved more personal contact than a mere exchange of letters. For this reason, although it is true that Lü and Shen belonged to the Daoxue circle, I cannot exactly agree with Beverly Bossler in arguing that their scholarly affinity can explain the marriage of their children. See Bossler, Powerful Relations, pp. 174– 75. Similarly, the marriage between a daughter of Pan Jingxian of Jinhua and Zhu Shu 朱塾 (1153– 91), the first son of Zhu Xi, would not have been possible had Zhu Shu not been sent to Lü Zuqian’s school and stayed in Jinhua for a considerable period of time.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 76

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

77

marriage to Zhou Wan’s son, Zhou Yuanqing 周元卿 (1140–86)148 (No. 3-10). 8. Zhao Bogui, a native of Huzhou 湖州, served as Mingzhou prefect twice (1164– 67 and 1169– 74) and his daughter married Shi Mijian 史彌堅 (1166–1232) (No. 3-15).149 9. Yuan Shao of Yin worked as assistant magistrate of Wujiang 吳江 county, Pingjiang prefecture 平江府. His son, Yuan Shidao 袁仕 道 (1191–1257), married née Wang 王 of Wujiang (No. 3-22).150 10. Chen Guan was banished to Yin. Two of his grandsons, Chen Danian 陳大年 ( jinshi 1157) and Chen Daying 陳大應 ( jinshi 1178), married, respectively, a woman of Lou Yue’s family and Wang Zhengji’s daughter (Nos. 3-24 and 3-25).151 11. Dong Peng 董彭, native of Yongfeng 永豐 county, Jizhou 吉州, Jiangxi circuit, worked as a staff member at the Military Commission of Guangdong circuit 廣東安撫司. At the time, Lin Bao also worked there. Lin married his daughter (1110–77) to Dong Peng’s son, Dong Changyi 董昌裔 (1103–80) (No. 3-30).152 12. Lou Ju 樓璩 (d. 1182) was supervisor of Wushu market town 烏戍 鎭, Huzhou, where he came to know Chen Yan 陳兗, a native of Dexing 德興, Raozhou, through the introduction of his cousinin-law. He married his son, Lou Yang 樓鐊, to Chen’s daughter (No. 4-33).

148. Zhou Wan purchased some land in Yin to migrate there sometime after 1159, yet died in his hometown and was buried there. After his father’s death, Zhou Yuanqing came to rely on the family of his father-in-law. 149. They married in 1184. See Shi Hao, “Mijian chenghun ri zhuang” 彌堅成婚 日狀, Maofeng zhenyin manlu 鄮峰眞隱漫錄 (SKQS), 28.15a– b (QSW, 200:4413.16). 150. Yuan Jue, “Xishan qian biao,” QRJSJ, 33.3b (QYW, 23:730.520); Yuan, “Xiandafu xingshu,” QRJSJ, 33.5b (QYW, 23:730.520, 522). 151. Lou Yue referred to Chen Danian as his family’s son-in-law ( jiaxu 家壻). Although Huang Kuan-chung takes Chen to be Lou Yue’s son-in-law (Songdai jiazu yu shehui, p. 123), Lou Yue’s record of conduct does not list Chen as such. Chen Guan himself was a son-in-law of Zhou Shihou ( jinshi 1053) of Yin. 152. Hymes classifies the marriage of the Dongs with the Lins as an anomaly resulting from “administrative immigration,” apparently because their hometown, Yongfeng county, was merged into Le’an 䌷安 county, Fuzhou, in 1145. See Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 95. He does not provide an explanation as to how this rather abrupt change in administrative unit could be related to the Dongs’ marriage with the Lins of Yin. According to his logic of localized marriage, they could easily have married prominent local families in Yongfeng county. As is clear from above, it was not the Dongs’ “administrative immigration” but their official careers that made possible the marriage between the two families from such distant locales.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 77

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

78

13. Wang Zhenggong made friends with Zhang Shi 張栻 (1133–80) in Tanzhou 潭州, where he served as a staff member in the office of the fiscal intendant of Southern Jinghu circuit 荊湖南路. A nephew of Zhang Shi, Zhang Zhongshu 張忠恕 (1174–1230), became a son-in-law of Zhenggong’s brother, Zhengji (No. 3-37).153

We can only speculate, in the absence of corroborative evidence, whether these long-distance marriages were conducted in order for the involved parties to enhance the chances of their bureaucratic success or to cement their translocal economic base, if any. But there is little doubt that people’s official careers brought about meaningful differences in their choice of marriage partners. As Chikusa Masaaki 竺沙雅章 has shown, during the Southern Song more and more officials chose to become sojourners while waiting for their next appointments, the period of their sojourns became longer, and more such officials bought land in their sojourning localities, thus building their economic bases outside their home counties.154 Given this background, the increasing availability of opportunities to meet future marriage partners should not be surprising. Of course, not every opportunity to make contact with people from afar readily led to marriage ties, but when they met worthy partners, Mingzhou elites did not shy away from marrying their children beyond their own county or prefecture. This point is born out by the fact that no partner from Mingzhou in the above list was a member of a family that had recently migrated. Moreover, once a marriage tie was formed, the ties often extended over generations, even after the social positions of the two related families had changed. Marriage between the family of Huang Zhen (Cixi) and that of Chen Zhu (Fenghua), who had passed the examinations in the same year, continued into the Yuan. Lou E 樓鍔 ( jinshi 1160), who was married to née Huang of Zhuji, married his daughter to his wife’s nephew, Huang Dingzhi 黃定之 (Nos. 3-32 and 3-33). After Shi Hao’s daughter married Wang Huai’s 王淮 (1126–89) son, Hao’s grandson also married Huai’s granddaughter. Fang Dao’s 方導 (1133–1201) son, Fang Shugong 方叔恭 of Tonglü 棟廬 county, Yanzhou 嚴州 prefecture,

-1— 0— +1—

153. Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu zhishi Wang gong muzhiming,” GKJ, 100.7a (QSW, 266:5994.19). 154. Chikusa, “Sōdai kanryō no kikyo ni tsuite,” p. 45.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 78

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

79

married a granddaughter of Shi Hao.155 Fang Dao’s granddaughter married Shi Wenqing 史文卿, the great-grandson of Shi Hao (Nos. 317 and 3-18). Yao Ying of Yin married a daughter of Wang Huai through the introduction of Shi Hao, who was also from Yin and related to the Yaos. Years after Yao Ying died young at the age of thirtyfour, his sons and daughters continued to marry the Wangs of Jinhua, the family of their mother, even when their prospective partners had not achieved national fame on their own (Nos. 3-1, 3-2, 3-3, and 3-4). Finally, Dong Changyi’s second daughter married Lin Zuxia, the grandson of Lin Bao (Nos. 3-30 and 3-31). The picture emerging from the aforementioned discussion reconfirms the findings of John Chaffee at the local level, renders quantitative support for those of Bossler, and broadens the findings of Bao Weimin by providing a much larger data set. Most important historiographically, it reveals a significant gap with Fuzhou, where very few people from well-established local elite families ventured beyond their own county to find a spouse. What accounts for this substantial disparity? On the most elementary level, we need to take into account the physiographic features of the two prefectures. Throughout the Song dynasty, the geographic shape of Mingzhou resembled a rhombus. With the exception of Changguo, an island county, no county was isolated from the rest of the prefecture. Moreover, except for the southwest and western parts of Fenghua where the Siming Mountains 四明山 created natural borders with Sheng and Shinchang counties of Shaoxing fu, 155. The funerary inscriptions of both Fang Dao and his father, Fang Zi 方滋, unequivocally say that the Fangs were from Tonglü county, Yanzhou. Hartwell classified them, however, as residents of Qiantang county, Lin’an prefecture, based on their burial sites. See CBDB. The Fangs’ place of actual residence is not clear from available sources. Both epitaphs say that they were buried in Lingfeng 靈鳳 canton of Lin’an county, rather than Qiantang county. Fang Zi’s epitaph notes that he came to reside in Xiuzhou 秀州 (later redesignated as Jiaxing fu 嘉興府), where he had served as prefect, in his later days (wan ju Xiuzhou 晩居秀州), which is confirmed by Fang Dao’s epitaph as well. See Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (1118–87), “Fang gong muzhiming” 方 公墓誌銘, Nanjian jiayi gao 南澗甲乙稿 (SKQS), 21.7b (QSW, 216:4803.297). Moreover, Fang Zi’s son married a woman of the Chang 常 family and his daughter married Wang Mingqing 王明淸, both of whom were from Xiuzhou. Thus, it seems that the Fangs had three different bases in Yanzhou, Xiuzhou, and Lin’an by the midSouthern Song.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 79

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

80

Elites, Locality, and the State

the prefecture was largely flatland. The border area of Cixi with Yuyao, Shaoxing prefecture, and that of Fenghua with Ninghai, Taizhou, are also predominantly composed of flatlands and connected by rivers. The essential connectedness of these two counties to Mingzhou is most vividly manifested in the fact that the two counties now belong to the greater Ningbo municipality in the present administrative unit of the PRC. Second, the difference in the political success of the two areas may have led to differences in the marriage practices of their people. Mingzhou produced 746 jinshi degree holders during the Southern Song period, 334 more than Fuzhou.156 Given that a considerable number of people could also enter officialdom through “protection,” Mingzhou must have produced significantly more officeholders than Fuzhou. And generally speaking, officeholders were able to enjoy wider social connections than non-officeholders. Also important is the economic prosperity of Mingzhou, a factor that may have appealed to seekers of marriage partners, as it probably did to migrating literati families in the beginning of the Southern Song. Another important reason seems to lie in the very nature of the sources the two areas provide us with. For example, Hymes maps thirty-three Southern Song marriages that took place within the borders of Fuzhou.157 Of these thirty-three cases, as many as nineteen were collected from the Wenzhong gong ji 文忠公集 of Wu Cheng 吳 澄 (1249–1333). In addition, two cases were from the Xuelou ji 雪樓集 of Cheng Jufu 程鉅夫 (1249–1318) and another two were from the Daoyuan xuegu lu 道園學古錄 of Yu Ji 虞集 (1272–1338). Why does this matter? It means that some 70 percent of the data on which Hymes bases his argument that marriages were localized during the Southern Song is drawn from the writings of those who lived into the Yuan dynasty. Thus, it more or less represents the marriage practices of people from Fuzhou in the late Southern Song. On the other hand, Hymes also maps nineteen Southern Song marriages that transcended the prefectural borders of Fuzhou.158 Aside from the two cases cited from the Yongle dadian 永䌷大典 and the

-1— 0— +1—

156. These numbers are based on Chaffee’s statistics. 157. Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 92– 94. 158. Ibid., pp. 98– 99.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 80

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

81

Song Yuan xue’an 宋元學案, the other seventeen cases are drawn from the following authors: Han Yuanji (1118–87), one case; Lu You (1125– 1209), one case; Zhou Bida (1126–1204), four cases; Zhu Xi (1130–1200), one case; Lu Jiuyuan (1139–92), three cases; Yuan Xie (1144–1224), one case; Huang Gan, one case; Cao Yanyue 曹彦約 (1157–1228), two cases; Chen Yuanjin 陳元晉 ( jinshi 1211), one case; Bao Hui 包恢 (1182– 1268), one case; and Liu Kezhuang 䎠克莊 (1187–1269), one case. In radical contrast with the intraprefecture marriages, at least 89 percent of this data was recorded by mid-Southern Song men.159 How should we deal with this imbalance in the sources? Can it be a mere coincidence that interprefectural marriages were overwhelmingly recorded during the mid-Southern Song, mostly by outside authors, while intraprefectural marriages were predominantly documented in the Song-Yuan transition, chiefly by native writers? Does this unevenness in the sources substantially inform or skew our knowledge of the marriage practices in the area? Before trying to answer these questions, let us first turn to the Mingzhou sources for comparison. Among the 140 sample epitaphs for Southern Song Mingzhou residents, only 28 (20 percent) were recorded by people who lived either in the Song-Yuan transition or during the Yuan dynasty.160 The other 112 epitaphs (80 percent) were all written by those who died before 1270.161 Thus, it seems reasonable to assume that the marriage ties reflected in these sources are more likely to show the trends of the relatively stable period of the Southern Song. Let us focus specifically on the sources recording the eighty-four interprefectural marriages we have discussed in the previous pages. Figure 1.4 shows the number of those epitaphs, arranged by the authors’ date of death.

159. It was Ebrey who first noted this overall difference. See “The Dynamics of Elite Domination,” p. 516 n56. 160. These people include Huang Zhen (1213–81), who left six; Wang Yinglin (1233– 96), two; Chen Zhu (1214– 97), six; Dai Biaoyuan, four; Yuan Jue (1266–1327), eight; Liu Guan 柳貫 (1270–1342), one; and Cheng Jufu (1249–1318), one. 161. Mingzhou native epitaph writers include Lou Yue, who left thirty-seven; Yuan Xie, thirty-two; Shu Lin, eight; Yang Jian, eight; Shen Huan, one; Yuan Fu, five. Non-native writers are Zhu Xi, who left one; Chen Zao (1133–1203), one; Lu Jiuyuan, one; Zhou Bida, five; Sun Yingshi 孫應時 (1154–1206), three; Lu You (1125–1209), four; Ye Shi (1150–1223), three; Zhen Dexiu (1178–1235), one; Wu Qian 吳潛 (1196– 1262), one; and Qian Shi 錢時 one.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 81

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

82 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1180–1209

1210–39

1240–79

1280–1309

1310–39

unknown

Figure 1.4 Number of Epitaphs Recording Interprefectural Marriages, in Th irty-Year Increments

-1— 0— +1—

Given that forty-nine epitaphs (83 percent) were written before 1239, it is highly probable that these interprefectural marriages were made during the mid-twelfth to early thirteenth centuries. How should we interpret this? Two possibilities come to mind. First, marriage practices might have undergone a gradual yet distinct change over time throughout the Southern Song. One can speculate, for example, that people were more often engaged in interprefectural marriages in times of peace and prosperity and became increasingly localized in their marriages during times of turmoil and hardship. Second, we may be bound to know less about long-distance marriage in the last years of the Southern Song simply because the sources are too scarce. In either case, we should be alert to the vicissitudes of marriage patterns over 150 years of the Southern Song dynasty before attempting to generalize our findings. To sum up my discussion, the ample evidence from Mingzhou shows two things quite clearly. First, just as many Northern Song people married locally, a number of Southern Song elites continued to marry outside their locality. It is thus difficult to conclude that Mingzhou elites began to reconfigure their marriage patterns in the Southern Song according to a localist strategy. Any such “strategy,” if it existed, was more flexible. When they found partners who were suitable—be it for economic, political, or academic reasons—it did not seem to matter whether the prospective partner was a native, an immigrant, or an outsider. Second, one’s official career, both in and outside the court, often played a decisive role in such marriages. The opportunities created by one’s connectedness to the state made flexible strategies possible even

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 82

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

83

for Southern Song elites. Their marriage patterns, therefore, cannot be used as circumstantial evidence of the elite’s separation from the state.

Conclusion In the Southern Song period, Mingzhou was a flourishing locality: The economy was booming, native sons were excelling in the examinations, and a number of outsiders with impressive pedigrees or talents were taking refuge across the prefecture. For the first time in its history, Mingzhou savored a proud sense of being at the center of the national stage. Its prosperity continued through the late imperial period, largely undisturbed until the mid-nineteenth century. In this chapter, I have explored who the main actors were in this remarkable growth of Mingzhou, how they tried to maintain their status, what made them different from elites in other localities, chiefly the elites of Fuzhou upon whom our understanding of Southern Song social elites has largely been based, and what their story can tell us of Southern Song elites in general, with emphasis on the following three points. First, many of the Mingzhou elite who left relatively detailed information about their lives were engaged in governmental ser vice. In Mingzhou, the most influential “gentlemen” were none other than prominent “statesmen.” It was these officeholding gentlemen— along with active local administrators, as I will show in the next chapters—who were the main actors behind Mingzhou’s rise as an important local community during the Southern Song. The lives of the vast majority of literati elites must have been removed from governmental ser vice, of course, and they must have had to confine the purview of their activities to what immediately surrounded them. Mingzhou sources indicate that the activities of such local elites received a fresh interpretation and were praised as having their own moral value. At the same time, excellence in the examinations and ser vice in the government remained as honored and coveted as ever. The state’s recognition of one’s officeholding household status, or one’s connection to the state, was important not merely because of time-honored ideals but because of its quite practical benefits to one’s interests in local society. Second, the lasting success enjoyed by the area notwithstanding, Mingzhou was not a place where leading elite families found it easy to secure their position for a long time, even at the local level. As will be

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 83

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

84

Elites, Locality, and the State

further clarified in chapter 4, even the most illustrious families of the Southern Song were unable to carry their status and glory into the Yuan. The representative lineages in later Ming-Qing Ningbo, such as the Fans 范, the Wans 萬, and the Quans 全, were virtually unheard of in Southern Song sources.162 Admittedly, the apparent vicissitudes of the leading elite families may reflect a change more in degree than in kind. Where there are rich opportunities and thus fierce competition, however, differences in degree can make all the difference. Finally, many members of long-established local families still found their spouses beyond their county borders, and their official careers proved to be a main factor in this practice. This is a fact that most clearly sets Mingzhou elites apart from their Fuzhou counterparts, whose marriage patterns have provided evidence for a dramatic reorientation of social elites between the Northern and Southern Song. The significance of my findings can be explained in terms of regional differences, both geographic and politico-economic, and the nature of the sources. Because a change in marriage patterns has been taken to be the most telling indication of a shift in elite family strategy, the examples seen in Mingzhou, which together form the largest set of cases in any local historical study of the Song dynasty to date, should lead us to ponder their broader implications. Was there a linear shift over the Northern-Southern Song transition from national to local marriage? It is true that finding a suitable marriage partner in one’s locale became ever more acceptable and even desirable to many elite families. After all, 58 percent, including members of the most prestigious families, married a partner from their own county. But these elites do not seem to have switched to one strategy at the expense of the other. The pattern does not show a sea change from the Northern to the Southern Song. People sought marriage partners befitting their political and economic conditions at the time, regardless of their place of residence. Their local prominence did not necessarily depend upon uncompromising loyalty to the locale. Strategy was not ideology. Different environments require different strategies, and more opportunities create room for more flexible strategies. Mingzhou

-1— 0— +1—

162. For an analysis of the activities of these families, see Timothy Brook, “Family Continuity and Cultural Hegemony.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 84

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Elites, Locality, and the State

85

elites had multiple arrows in their quiver, and they were more than ready to use any one of them if it seemed likely to hit their target. Mingzhou was inhabited by numerous powerful elite families. In the presence of such magnates, how did the local government deal with local affairs? In what way did Mingzhou elites in turn take it upon themselves to improve their local community? What does the cooperation and tension between these elites and the local government in Mingzhou reveal about the way in which local governance was conducted? I will address these questions in chapters 2 and 3.

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 85

6/18/14 6:20 PM

t wo Local Governance in Southern Song Mingzhou he Southern Song witnessed an upsurge of publications relating to local governance. Administrative handbooks for rank-and-file local officials, such as the Zhoulian xulun 晝簾緖論 (An Introduction to Governing while Resting during the Day) by Hu Taichu 胡太初 ( jinshi 1238) and the Zhouxian tigang 州縣提綱 (An Outline of [Administering ] Prefectures and Counties), mistakenly attributed to Cai Xiang 蔡襄, appeared during this period, as did a Neo-Confucian answer to traditions of local governance, the Zheng jing 政經 (Classic on Governance) by Zhen Dexiu. We also find collections of famous adjudications of capital cases from the past, such as the Zheyu guijian 折獄䋣鑑 (Magic Mirror for Solving Cases) by Zheng Ke 鄭克 ( jinshi 1124) and the Tangyin bishi 棠蔭比事 (Parallel Cases from under the Pear Tree) by Gui Wanrong 桂萬榮 ( jinshi 1196); these are supplemented by an anthology of verdicts on lawsuits in local society written by renowned contemporary administrators, the Minggong shupan qingming ji 名公書判淸明集 (The Enlightened Judgments), and a book of forensic medicine intended not for medical practitioners but for local officials, the Xiyuan lu 洗寃錄 (The Washing Away of Wrongs) by Song Ci 宋慈 (1186–1249). A collection of principles and practical case studies for dealing with famine relief, the Qiuhuang huominshu 救荒活民書 (Book of Famine Relief and Saving People) by Dong Wei 董煟 ( jinshi 1193), also appeared and circulated widely in this period.1

T

-1— 0— +1—

1. For an insightful discussion of major issues in local governance of this period, see Akagi, “Kinsei chihō seiji no shosō.” For Zhoulian xulun, see Furubayashi,

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 86

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

87

Who were the intended audience of these books? We do not have to assume that these books targeted only incumbent officials, although most of them were written by jinshi degree holders who themselves served in local administration. They were private compilations, not commissioned by the state, and were probably read by far greater numbers of people who might never obtain a position. One thing is clear, however: Southern Song readers were very interested in the various aspects of local governance. What, then, does this mean? What role did the state play in local governance, and what was the role of elite participation? In this chapter I will first argue that the local government in Southern Song, if not the dominant force in society, nevertheless showed a remarkable administrative competence in coping with various challenges in local governance. Far from helpless, the local government managed to find a way to be a reliable gatekeeper of society in terms of local defense and infrastructure building. This point will contribute to our rethinking of the Southern Song state. It is certainly undeniable that the Southern Song state gave up the idea that “the government could transform society by fiat.”2 Based on a close reading of the way in which Mingzhou’s local government policies came into being and changed over time, I will argue that the local government viewed itself as a caretaker of local interests.

Local Defense and Security If the state was unable to exert significant influence over the basic military defense of the territory under its rule, it would be difficult to

“Sōdai no kanshinsho ni tsuite.” For Zhouxian tigang, see also Furubayashi, “Nan Sō no kanshinsho Shūken teikō ni tsuite.” For Zheng jing and its author, see Chu RonGuey, “Chen Te-hsiu and the ‘Classic on Governance’: The Coming of Age of NeoConfucian Statecraft,” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1988. Van Gulik’s translation of Tangyin bishi as Parallel Cases from under the Pear Tree has itself become a classic. There are a number of studies drawing on the Minggong shupan qingming ji, and the more comprehensive Ming edition has been completely translated into Japanese. Xiyuan lu has been translated by McKnight as The Washing Away of Wrongs. For Qiuhuang huominshu, see Yoshida, “Kyūkō katsuminsho to Sōdai no kyūkō seisaku,” pp. 447– 75. 2. Bol, “Whither the Emperor?” p. 134.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 87

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

88

Local Governance

expect it to effectively maintain local infrastructure, let alone social welfare. In Mingzhou, elite families did play a role in local defense, but their role was quite limited from the beginning. First, as far as extant sources reveal, the participation of the elite in local defense remained minimal in Mingzhou. I have identified only two cases throughout the Southern Song of the militia’s role in local defense of Mingzhou. The first was in Cixi county, when the local militia expelled a bogus administrator set up by the Jurchens in 1130 and killed dozens of Jurchen soldiers who had been left behind at a local temple. The elite family’s role in this event remains ambiguous, as it is recorded that the militia was led by the magistrate of Cixi.3 The other case occurred in Fenghua county around the same time. Here, the local elite’s role was more distinct in warding off the invading Jurchen army. At the time, the Jurchens had devastated most of Mingzhou’s territory, including a remote island county, Changguo, yet Fenghua remained intact thanks to heroic deeds attributed to Li Yi 䎺佾, the eldest son of a wealthy local family. When members of an existing local militia organization called “The Nimble Braves” (Qiaoyong 趫勇) fled from the impending crisis, Li Yi used his money to organize and supply a local defense force (xiangbing 鄕兵). He also provided material rewards to militia soldiers after the Jurchens had retreated. Although Li Yi remained silent about his own exploits, we are told, and thus was not rewarded by the court, the Lis were conscious of the impact of what they had accomplished. They commemorated their achievement by sponsoring a book titled The Record of Preparation and Defense by the Lis in the Jianyan Reign (Li shi Jianyan beiyu lu 李氏建炎備禦錄),4 and they were clearly remembered in later history for these activities.5 By the time Li Yi organized his militia, the Lis had long been influential in their locale. A well-established wealthy family, they were listed in a gazetteer as having donated funds to construct and repair the

-1— 0— +1—

3. Li Xinchuan, XNYL, 31.609; BQSMZ, 16.6a. 4. Lou Yue, “Shu Li shi Jianyan beiyulu hou” 書李氏建炎備禦錄後, GKJ, 74.21a– 23b (QSW, 264:5958.261– 63); Lou, “Chengfenglang zhishi Li jun muzhiming” 承奉 郞致仕李君墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.4b (QSW, 266:6005.163); YYSMZ, 4.29b. 5. See Yuan Jue, “Fuyuan jingshe ji” 福源精舍記, QRJSJ, 20.17a (QYW, 23:727.471).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 88

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

89

Bridge of Illustrious Virtue (Guangde qiao 光德橋) near their residence.6 Their social status was most vividly demonstrated in the good connections they enjoyed with other local magnates in the late Northern and the early Southern Song. For example, Li Yi’s father, Li Ke 䎺珂, known as an elderly leader among the local people, was married to a daughter of the prominent Wang 王 family in Yin county7 and had his tomb inscription written by Wang Boxiang, a successful statesman also from Yin. However, the Lis were not successful in the examinations until as late as 1205. They actively sought to see themselves fully “gentrified” in the mid Southern Song. One of their sons studied under Shu Lin, the famous Daoxue master from Fenghua, and seventy-five years after Li Yi’s organization of the militia, during his grandsons’ generation, the Lis finally began producing jinshi degree holders, having “finally transformed themselves into a literati family” (sui wei rumen 遂爲儒門).8 It is probably for this reason that the Lis did not continue their involvement with the militia during the rest of the Southern Song. Another interesting feature of their history is that they migrated from Fenghua to Yin around the time of their first examination success.9 Although several descendants of the Lis continued to live in Fenghua, they underwent a  gradual slide down the social scale, becoming merchants by the end of Southern Song.10 Given that the Lis were the only local family ever mentioned in the enormous contemporary sources from Mingzhou for their active involvement in local defense, now it seems safe to conclude that the role of the elite in Mingzhou’s local defense was limited throughout the Southern Song. What accounts for this phenomenon? Little information survives about the Mingzhou military force during the Northern Song, but there is some evidence that the official 6. BQSMZ, 14.21b. 7. Li Ke’s wife was an aunt of Wang Zhengji, Lou Yue’s uncle-in-law. 8. Lou Yue, “Chengfenglang zhishi Li jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 109.5a (QSW, 266:6005.164). 9. It was Li Yi’s grandson, Li Yuanbo 䎺元白, who migrated to Yin county. Yuanbo and two of his sons became jinshi. Yuanbo’s father, Chongting 充庭, married a daughter of Zhang Siliang 張嗣良 of Cixi county. According to their family genealogy, the Lis migrated to Yin in the Jiading 嘉定 reign period (1208–24). See Zhejiang jiapu zongmu tiyao bianji weiyuanhui, Zhejiang jiapu zongmu tiyao, p. 191. 10. QRJSJ, 20.17a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 89

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

90

Local Governance

military in Mingzhou was relatively efficient during that period. Mingzhou was protected from the Fang La 方臘 Rebellion that ravaged neighboring prefectures in 1120 largely because of the meticulous provisions and tactics effected at the time by the prefect, Lou Yi.11 Throughout the Southern Song, this efficient official military force continued to exist in Mingzhou, primarily because of its geopolitical importance. Aside from its proximity to the new capital and its function as its outer port, Mingzhou was also one of the major maritime gateways to the inland territories of the empire. Mingzhou also remained the only international trade port along the southeast coast from 1195 until the end of the Southern Song, creating considerable tax revenues for the central court.12 The still-precarious Southern Song government responded to the strategic importance of the area by stationing a heavy military force in Mingzhou. In the middle and late Southern Song, 1,490 soldiers of the imperial armies ( jinjun 禁軍) were stationed under five commands (zhihui 指揮) across Mingzhou. In addition, 1,299 members of the prefectural army (xiang jun 厢軍) served under nine commands. This number of soldiers reveals a decrease from their original quotas, which were 2,330 and 2,277, respectively. But given that the original quota was established in the early days of the Southern Song when the court desperately needed any kind of armed forces, this falloff during more settled times is hardly surprising and need not reflect a decline in administrative power.13 Mingzhou’s government further demonstrated its ability to

-1— 0— +1—

11. Lou Yue, “Qi zengqi jinzhaotang zhazi” 乞增葺錦照堂劄子, GKJ, 33.13b (QSW, 263:5938.329); Lou,“Ba xiandafu huiyouge zhixueshi gao” 跋先大父徽猷閣直學士 告, GKJ, 73.23a (QSW, 264:5957.242); BQSMZ, 8.9b. 12. BQSMZ, 6.1b–2a; Nakamura, “Sōdai Meishū shibakushi (mu) no unyō ni tsuite,” p. 16. According to Nakamura, the Maritime Trade Superintendency at Hangzhou was larger than that of Mingzhou during the Northern Song period. 13. See Koiwai, Sōdai heiseishi no kenkyū, p. 283. Hymes argues that the imperial and prefectural armies largely disappeared in Fuzhou by the middle or late Southern Song; see Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 316 n2. As Koiwai’s and Huai Jianli’s studies show, a considerable number of prefectural armies were stationed in other prefectures, such as Yangzhou 揚州, Huaidong circuit; Shaoxing, Taizhou, Wenzhou, Yanzhou, Zhedong circuit; Zhenjiang 鎭江, Lin’an and Huzhou, Zhexi circuit; Huizhou 徽州, Jiangdong circuit; and Zhangzhou 漳州 and Fuzhou, Fujian circuit. See Koiwai, Sōdai heiseishi no kenkyū, pp. 270, 280–82, 409; Huai, Songchao xiang jun yanjiu, pp. 45–48.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 90

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

91

take care of its forces by renovating the barracks and facilities of these troops.14 One may still point out that the prefectural army did not constitute a main body of active combat force and was chiefly used for various labor duties instead.15 For example, among the nine commands of the prefectural army in Mingzhou, 193 “soldiers” belonged to the Command of Reinforcing City Walls (zhuangcheng zhihui 壯城指揮), 179 to the Command of the Ship Yard (chuanchang zhihui 船場指揮), and forty-six to the Command of the Chief Manufactory (duzuoyuan zhihui 都作院指揮).16 But such workers arguably did play a role in local defense, because through them the local government was equipped with a relatively stable pool of orga nized labor at its disposal for constructing and renovating city walls, building battle ships, and manufacturing military equipment, all of which were crucial to ensuring local security.17 Mingzhou also hosted a considerable naval force.18 The Southern Song government established the Maritime Military Commission in Mingzhou in 1132. Starting off with 2,000 navy men, the number of soldiers under the direct control of the Maritime Military Commission quickly increased to 3,000 in 1164 and to 4,000 by 1171.19 As of 1256, the total number of navy soldiers in Mingzhou reached 6,000.20 Significantly, under the Maritime Military Commission these troops did not function independently of the Mingzhou local government. Ever since 1163, when emperor Xiaozong appointed Zhao Zisu 趙子潚 (1101– 66), a renowned administrator and member of the imperial clan, 14. BQSMZ, 7.7a– 9a. 15. Songshi, 187.4569, 189.4639; Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 316 n2. 16. BQSMZ, 7.7b– 9a. 17. For various applications of the Command of Reinforcing City Walls in local defense and administration, see Huai, “Lun Songdai de zhuangcheng bing,” pp. 101– 3. Koiwai Hiromitsu also notes that the continued existence of the prefectural army in many localities testified to the state’s acknowledgment of its importance. Koiwai, Sōdai heiseishi no kenkyū, pp. 276, 290. 18. It should be noted that in addition to Mingzhou there were nineteen other navy commands in the Southern Song territory. For their locations and the number of soldiers in each command, see Sogabe Shizuo, “Nan Sō no suigun,” p. 258. 19. BQSMZ, 3.15b–16a; BQSMZ, 7.1a–b; SHY, “Shihuo,” 50.24, cited in Fukasawa, “Nan Sō enkai chiiki ni okeru kaisen seisaku,” p. 46. 20. KQSMXZ (SYFC), 4.7b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 91

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

92

Local Governance

to the post, Mingzhou prefects were automatically appointed as Maritime Military Commissioners for a good part of the Southern Song, which meant that they had at least 4,000 navy troops under their control. Most of the soldiers’ expenses were supported by rental income from the converted farmland from Guangde Lake in Yin county, and by the Supplementary Consumption and Capitation Tax ( jingzong zhi qian 經總制錢). In addition to these troops, there was also the local army (tujun 土軍), which was quartered in nine forts (zhai 寨) across the prefecture.21 According to one contemporary gazetteer, edicts were issued in 1135 and in 1171 ordering local administrators of the coastal prefectures and counties to recruit more troops for the local army. As a result, there were 1,360 such troops in Mingzhou by 1228. In clear contrast to Fuzhou, the Mingzhou government showed consistent success in controlling these troops.22 When they found it necessary, prefects created new forts across the prefecture. In 1214, for example, Prefect Cheng Tan 程覃 established a fort in Jiqi 鮚埼, Fenghua county, which lay 30.8 km from the county seat. According to Cheng, wealthy people along the coastal area had unlawfully orga nized a private, quasimilitary association (tuan 團) that accepted local ruffians as members, and had brought in outside merchants to interrupt the local economy while the poor fought with each other, often leading to homicide. The former county officials had selected powerful local people for appointment as guard leaders (aozhang 嶴長),23 but these leaders only exacerbated the prevailing lawlessness. Cheng Tan requested that the court transfer fifty local soldiers from a fort outside of the prefectural seat to Jiqi, and asked that one civil and one military official be selected from

-1— 0— +1—

21. The Zhedong 浙東 fort and the Dasong fort were located in Yin county. The Minghe 鳴鶴 fort was in Cixi. The Gongtang 公塘 fort and the Jiqi fort were in Fenghua. The Guanjie 管界 fort and the Hainei 海內 fort were in Dinghai. The Sangu 三姑 fort was in Changguo. The Daishan 岱山 fort was in Xiangshan. BQSMZ, 7.11a–b. 22. In Fuzhou, according to Hymes, these fort troops became the main official military forces by the mid-Southern Song, remaining clearly outside the administrative control of the prefects and being a very troublesome presence for local administration; see Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 138. 23. Ao 嶴 in the coastal area corresponds to du 都 in the inland regions. As such, the post of guard leader (aozhang) was also a type of village ser vice (zhiyi 職役). See Fukasawa, “Nan Sō enkai chiiki no wan’ou to chiiki shakai,” pp. 39–56.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 92

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

93

the Chief Brewery Office (dujiu wu 都酒務) in the prefectural seat to supervise those soldiers. When Cheng’s request was approved, the Mingzhou government built seventy bays ( jian 間) of barracks and other facilities at the fort.24 The fort was not a den of local toughs, but a facility created to suppress them. Forty-five years later, upon receiving word from local people that travelers were suffering from mountain bandits, Prefect Wu Qian 吳潛 (1196–1262) built a new fort on Yefei 夜飛 mountain in Cixi county. To create the fort, the Mingzhou government spent 3,250 strings, purchased land from commoners, and built twenty-three bays of barracks and basic facilities for the troops. The monthly salary for the fifty soldiers assigned to the fort, which amounted to 6,000 strings of cash and 450 piculs of rice a year, was also paid by the prefectural government. The gazetteer remarks that the purpose of building this fort was “nothing other than to make the people’s [life] convenient” (wei min shi bian 惟民是便).25 It is worth noting that the Jiqi and Yefei forts were located neither in the prefectural seat nor even close to the county seats of Fenghua and Cixi. The prefects were able to execute their administrative power far beyond their seats of office in the middle and late Southern Song. Admittedly, the construction required for the creation of the above forts was relatively limited in scope and might be dismissed as insignificant in gauging the broader power of the entire local administration. But the construction of Xiangtou Fort 向頭寨 in Dinghai county shows that the Mingzhou government was capable of handling much larger projects as well. Judging that the naval force in Dinghai might be adequate to fend off possible attacks from Korea and Japan but fall short of defending the capital, Wu Qian built a fort at Xiangtou in 1258 and deployed 190 navy soldiers there. He also removed a Military Inspectorate (xunjian si 巡檢司) once stationed at Minghe canton in Cixi, rebuilt it at a different site, and assigned ninety-seven local troops to it. After six months’ work, 360 bays of barracks and facilities had been completed for these two sites. The prefect further ordered the dredging of a new waterway

—-1 —0 —+1

24. BQSMZ, 14.8b– 9b. 25. KQSMXZ, 5.1a–b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 93

6/18/14 6:20 PM

94

Local Governance

and building of a seawall (haitang 海塘) near Xiangtou Fort to ease access to its supply line. The gazetteer proudly records that the whole expense, to the minutest detail, was allocated and paid from the official treasury: as a whole, the prefectural government spent 91,182 strings of cash and 415 piculs of rice on the work, including the cost of purchasing the land from the commoners. The construction was supervised by subordinate officials and naval officers.26 When deemed necessary, forts could also be abolished altogether. In 1221, when it was reported that the soldiers at Dongmen 東門 Fort in Xiangshan county were causing trouble for the local people, the fort, which was located some 56 kilometers from the county seat, was removed only twelve years after its establishment.27 In another case, soldiers staffing a fort were deployed to guard a floodgate instead.28 Most importantly, Mingzhou prefects made consistent efforts to solidify their control over the local army stationed in area forts. In principle, those local armies were responsible only to navy headquarters. In 1214, Cheng Tan saw to it that military inspectors led 250 local soldiers and fifty naval troops to conduct the annual scouting campaign (zhuowang 卓望) at Sangu 三姑: the local army was also mobilized in a joint operation. In 1246, in response to a request by Prefect Yan Yizhong 顔頥仲 (1188–1262), the forts along the seashore and their battle ships were repaired.29 It seems undeniable, however, that at times the navy headquarters only had nominal control over the local army. According to a memorial submitted in 1227 by Prefect Hu Ju 胡榘, each fort had its own officers and no ship regularly connected one to the other. Given the distance between the naval stations and scattered local-army forts, Hu said, discipline and control existed only on paper. Hu Ju wanted to remove the officers of five forts at Sangu, Liegang, Hainei, Daishan, and Guanjie and have their soldiers led by officers directly dispatched by the navy in order to “consolidate authority into one source” (shiquan guiyi 事權歸一).30 Although this request was left unanswered by the

-1— 0— +1—

26. Ibid., 5.3a–4a. 27. BQSMZ, 21.12a. 28. Ibid., 12.29b–30a. 29. Ibid., 7.11b. 30. Ibid., 7.2b–3a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 94

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

95

court at the time, the fort troops were eventually subordinated (li 䎑) to the direct control of the Maritime Military Commission per Wu Qian’s request of 1257: There are nine forts along the seashore in this area—Jiqi, Dasong 大 嵩, Guanjie 管界, Hainei 海內, Baifeng 白峰, Daishan 岱山, Sangu, Benjiang 本江 and Luotou 螺頭—which have a total of 1,483 soldiers [attached to them]. The original intention of the court in creating these troops was to make them pacify the sea route, forming wings with the navy stationed in Dinghai. Because peace lasted for a long time, however, the forts came to have no reliable soldiers and the soldiers came to have no useable ships. Half of them pay to be exempted from duty and other half are just occupying their posts. Training and drills are not practiced. Therefore, there is no time to exercise sword wielding. Moreover, though the military inspectors of the nine forts are nominally military officials ( junban), these roles are assigned to clerks and the inexperienced youth (buli ruzi), who do not understand the conditions of the sea route at all. They neither have the experience of seeing gusts and great waves with their own eyes nor of walking along seashores on their own feet. All they do is to comply with the conventional patterns, extorting people and benefiting themselves. Therefore, these local troops numbering about 1,480 are simply wasting away the tax money and the clothes supplied by the country, while extremely unprepared [for their task]. I humbly wish that when military inspectors of the nine forts fill their assigned terms the court would allow the Maritime Military Commission to select those who have experience of working in the army and understand the sea route, are familiar with water and ships, and place them in these posts. By gradually replacing their leaders, there will be no surprise among the people and the fort soldiers might also be gradually disciplined and trained, becoming transformed from the useless to the useful.31 此邦沿海, 凡九寨曰, 鮚崎·大嵩·管界·海內·白峯·岱山·三姑·本江· 螺頭, 計土軍一千四百八十三人. 朝廷創立, 本欲與定海水軍, 相 爲犄角, 肅淸海道. 承平旣久, 寨無可用之卒, 卒無可用之舟. 半是 買閑, 半是占借, 敎練不習, 擊刺不閑. 兼九寨巡檢, 多係軍班, 部 吏任子, 並不諳所謂海道事宜, 目不曾接風濤, 足未嘗履海岸, 惟循 常襲, 故掊剋自肥而已. 故此一千四百八十餘人之土軍, 徒費國家 錢糧·衣賜, 無具甚矣. 區區欲望, 朝廷將九寨巡檢向去遇有滿替 之人, 許從制司, 選辟曾從軍伍·諳熟海道慣會船水之人, 充巡檢

—-1 —0 —+1

31. KQSMXZ, 5.8a– 9a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 95

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

96

職事. 庶幾頭目之人, 以漸更易, 衆聽不驚, 而寨卒亦漸可訓齊敎 習, 以無用爲有用.

In this quotation, one point in particular arrests attention regarding the status of the local armies. That is, the local armies stationed in forts had been paid by the government.32 In other words, the prefect’s goal was not to make unofficial, independent troops into official ones, but to heighten the discipline of the loosely controlled official forces. This was a culmination of a continued effort by the Mingzhou government to consolidate local forces under the unified control of the prefect. To sum up, the presence of official military troops in Mingzhou was far from nominal during the Southern Song, regardless of whether we count those in the imperial army, the prefectural army, or the navy under the Maritime Military Commission. The fort troops were also placed under the control of the prefectural government. It is hardly surprising that the activities of local elites do not appear conspicuous in the realm of local defense. What are the implications of this for other areas of local administration? Because the resources of the local government in Mingzhou were excessively drained to heighten its military preparedness, one may ask, was the government remiss in other critical tasks such as maintaining its social infrastructure? In fact, Mingzhou sources show ample evidence of the effectiveness and flexibility of the local government in this realm as well, with the administration offering a variety of ser vices to its people. In the next section, I will examine the performance of the Mingzhou government in its civil administration.

-1— 0— +1—

32. In fact, it was normal in the Southern Song for the local army to be paid by the prefectural government. The imperial, prefectural, and local armies in Zhenjiang, Taizhou, Wenzhou, and Fuzhou 福州, for example, were paid by their prefectural governments. See Nagai, “Nan Sō gunhei no kyūyo,” pp. 255, 257–58. Deploring the hardship of local finance, Ye Shi said, “That which exhausts the [financial] strength of prefectures and counties and keeps them from having financial solvency is the prefectural army, imperial army, bowmen, and local [army] soldiers” 竭州縣之力, 使不得寛者, 厢禁軍弓手土兵也. Ye’s remarks tell us two things. First, these army troops were stationed in the territory of most prefectures. Second, they were paid by local government, which created a serious financial burden. See Ye Shi, “Zhonglun er” 終論二, Shuixin ji, 5.14a (QSW, 285:6481.272).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 96

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

97

Building Local Infrastructure Mingzhou’s local government suffered severe financial repercussions in the early Southern Song due to intermittent war with the Jurchens. It had difficulty in securing economic resources to maintain even the most basic local infrastructure. Aside from the construction of the Hall of Advancing Reflection ( Jinsi tang 進思堂) in 1134 and the Yin county school three years later, few official buildings were renovated or rebuilt in Mingzhou in the first ten years of the dynasty after its shift south.33 Let us first examine developments at the county level after Mingzhou was ravaged by Jurchen forces in 1129. Yin county was in such a state that it stationed its temporary government office at a local Buddhist monastery for ten years. When a permanent office was finally built in 1139, the local gazetteer suggests that much of the construction funds came from donations, although prudent accounting at the county level played a role as well. In such times, according to a retired sojourning official Li Huang 䎺璜, “Magistrates call it good strategy if they are fortunate enough to leave without problems when their term is over” 爲令者幸無事及官滿罷去, 以爲得計.34 It would be difficult to expect a government in such straits to do much for its people. The use of public donations to build Yin’s government office is not unusual. Indeed, it is relatively easy to find examples of elite families’ active participation in local construction projects on the county level, especially in the early years of the Southern Song. In Yin county, Zhongxia Bridge 仲夏橋 and Xiaoxi River Bridge 小溪江橋 were built in 1138 and in 1145, respectively, almost entirely by the efforts of such local people as Zhu Shimi 朱世彌, his brother Zhu Shize 朱世則, Zhuang Hanying 莊漢英, Zhang Guangming 張光明, and Zhuang Chun 莊椿.35 In 1173, Cao Kang 曹閌, a commoner of Minghe canton, Cixi county, donated 2,000 strings to initiate the construction of the

33. BQSMZ, 3.8a–12b. 34. Li Huang, “Chongjian Yin xian ji” 重建鄞縣記, QDSMTJ (SYFC), 9.28b. 35. BQSMZ, 12.36a-b. On the Xiaoxi River Bridge, see also Tang Changyan 唐昌言, “Chongjian Xiaojiang qiao ji” 重建小溪江橋記, in Gao Yutai 高宇泰, Jingzhi lu 敬止錄 (BTGJZ), juan 10. No pagination available. See also QSW, 199:4395.60. In the QSW, the inscription is entitled “Bailiang qiao ji” 百梁橋記.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 97

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

98

Local Governance

Shuanghe dike 雙河塘, which ran 600 zhang (1.9 km); he persuaded other local magnates (xianghao 鄕豪) to donate another 2,000 strings. There was no sign of governmental aid or intervention in this project. When the county school was renovated in 1177, a local literatus named Chen Gongda 陳公達 aided the work.36 Zhou Mo 周模 (1138–1208) is said to have paved a dilapidated official road ( guandao 官道) with bricks.37 In Fenghua county, the role of elite families in public infrastructure appears even more conspicuous. In 1131, the county’s rich people ( yi zhi furen 邑之富人) financed the reconstruction of Huizheng Bridge 惠政橋.38 Qiu Yu 仇悆 (d. 1146), a retired prefect of Mingzhou, who became a sojourning gentleman in Fenghua for the rest of his life, led other local elders to build 700 zhang (2.2 km) of dikes and a floodgate in his new hometown sometime in 1141 and 1146. Although the precise amount spent remains unknown, it is said that the work was done without official intervention.39 It is also recorded that a local man, Wu Mao 吳懋, renovated the county jail and rebuilt a hall for deciding legal cases around 1204.40 Among the six bridges in the area that were renovated or rebuilt during the Southern Song, three were done by local initiative, relying particularly on a single local gentleman, Wang Ji 汪伋. He is said to have spent several thousand strings on reconstruction projects in the early days of the Southern Song.41 Moreover, he also built and staffed a ferry to offer local people affordable transportation to Yin, and financially contributed to the rebuilding of the Fenghua county school.42

-1— 0— +1—

36. BQSMZ, 16.23a, 16.9a. 37. Lou Yue, “Zhou Bofan muzhiming” 周伯範墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.2b (QSW, 266:6005.162). 38. Zhao Dunlin 趙敦䏍 ( jinshi 1135), “Chongjian Huizheng qiao ji” 重建惠政 橋記, Guangxu Fenghua xianzhi 光緖奉化縣志, 3.4b (QSW, 198:4379.173). 39. See Chen Juren, “Qiu daizhi shantang ji” 仇待制善塘記, in Yuan Jun 袁鈞, Siming wenzheng 四明文徵, Congshu jicheng xubian edition, 10.50b–51a. This writing is not included in the QSW. 40. Lou Yue, “Fenghua xian shutang ji” 奉化縣恕堂記, GKJ, 56.6b (QSW, 265: 5968.18); BQSMZ,14.8a. 41. See Yuan Xie, “Congshilang Wang jun muzhiming” 從仕郞汪君墓誌, JZJ, 19.7a (QSW, 281:6387.411). 42. Lou Yuan, “Fenghua xianxue ji,” GKJ, 54.17a (QSW, 264:5966.370– 71); Yuan Xie, ibid. Though a long-established wealthy family, the Wangs had not produced a

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 98

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

99

It may well be true that county officials had too few staff and resources to enforce official policies effectively early in the Southern Song. Nevertheless, it would be misleading to judge from the aforementioned examples the caliber of the local government in Mingzhou through the rest of the dynasty. Even the county governments showed a considerable degree of administrative effectiveness as time went on. The county government buildings were continually renovated and rebuilt across Mingzhou, and county governments did provide various civic ser vices. For instance, the magistrate of Xiangshan county, a remote county classified as “low” (xia 下) in administrative rank, completed major renovation work on the Chaozong floodgate 朝宗碶 in 1139, spending 3,000 strings.43 About 1,000 strings were also spent for its timely repair after the renovation. Twenty-six years later, it was renovated again on the initiative of the county’s registrar.44 The same registrar, Zhao Yanyu 趙彦逾 ( jinshi 1160), also built two big ships and two ferries for civilian transportation, making use of commercial tax surcharges. A similar effort was again made thirty-five years later.45 In Cixi, magistrates such as Chen Lianghan, serving in 1147–51, and Zhou Fu 周符, serving in 1226–28, rebuilt and renovated official buildings and facilities. The floodgates (zha 閘) at Pengshan 彭山 and Lixi 䎺溪 were constructed at the initiative of local officials in 1186 and in 1193, respectively.46 In Dinghai, Magistrate Shi Tingchen 施廷臣 reinforced a seawall in 1221.47 In Fenghua county, where we

degree holder until Wang Ji’s son’s generation. Wang Ji maintained good relationships with all four Daoxue masters of Mingzhou: Shu Lin, his brother-in-law; Shen Huan; Yang Jian, his teacher; and Yuan Xie, the author of his tomb inscription. It remains unclear, however, whether his philanthropy was actively influenced by the teachings of these Daoxue thinkers. 43. Lian Bu 廉布, “Xiu Chaozong shiqi ji” 修朝宗石碶記, QDSMTJ, 10.20a–22a (QSW, 192:4230.125–26). 44. Zhao Yanyu, “Chongxiu Chaozong shiqi ji” 重修朝宗石碶記, QDSMTJ, 10.22a–23b (QSW, 242:5405.68– 69). 45. Lou Yue, “Xiangshan xian duchuan ji” 象山縣渡船記, GKJ, 54.14a-b (QSW, 265:5970.51–52). 46. BQSMZ, 16.21a-b. In addition, Cihu 慈湖 Lake and Duhu 杜湖 Lake were dredged and fortified with dikes and gates by county officials. Fuju 福聚 Bridge, Dexing 德星 Bridge, and Xiatian 夾田 Bridge were repaired by local officials as well. See Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 6.7a–14b; Tianqi Cixi xianzhi 天啓慈谿縣志, 2.27a–28a. 47. Jiajing Dinghai xianzhi 嘉靖定海縣志, 11.2a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 99

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

100

Local Governance

have seen the most noticeable “elite activism,” the county government took its part in the reconstruction and renovation of government buildings, courier posts, and bridges.48 “Although a magistrate’s competence has nothing to do with the magnitude of his office,” Li Huang said upon the construction of the Yin county seat, “the scale of the building does provide some assistance in making people from afar have something to look upon and in elevating its wall in order to differentiate social hierarchy” 雖令之賢否 不繫於居處之高庳, 然使民自遠而至, 有所瞻, 崇其閈閎, 以別隆殺之 分, 則棟宇之制, 不爲無助焉.49 Contemporary Mingzhou gazetteers show that government office buildings were continually built, renovated, and rebuilt through much of the Southern Song. Though limited to the relatively small space of an administrative seat, the construction and maintenance of government buildings could symbolically demonstrate the presence of reliable government at the local level. In addition to its government buildings, the Mingzhou government also repaired and renovated the inner and outer city walls, watchtowers, courier posts, and beacon towers.50 A canal was dug and roads were built as well. In the late 1250s, 2,316 zhang 丈 (7.3 km) of a new thoroughfare were built in Cixi county 慈谿新路 along with 3,660 zhang (12 km) of the Western Dike Road 西塘路 from Yin county to Cixi, as well as twenty-two bridges and five ditches along the road. 726,550 strings of cash were spent in toto for the construction of these two roads.51 As we will see in chapter 3, the Mingzhou government was also remarkably active in maintaining local schools and supporting community rituals and locally initiated charitable estates. Nothing more vividly manifests the capacity and magnitude of state power in Mingzhou than water conservancy works. Water control was crucial to the success of local administration, not simply because

-1— 0— +1—

48. BQSMZ 14.8a, 14.9b, 14.20b; Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 6.30a, 6.32b. 49. Li Huang, “Chongjian Yin xian ji” 重建鄞縣記, QDSMTJ, 9.29a (QSW, 188:4141.219). 50. Cheng Tan renovated the gate of the inner city wall; Hu Ju renovated the outer city wall and its two gates in 1227; Wu Qian renovated the outer city wall, spending 69,620 strings of cash and 170 piculs of rice. Wu Qian also rebuilt the Zhijin 知津 Courier Post and the Qingfeng 慶豊 Courier Post in 1257. BQSMZ, 3.1b– 2a; KQSMXZ, 1.18a, 2.4a. 51. KQSMXZ, 2.7b–8b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 100

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

101

it gave the local government the opportunity to demonstrate its willingness and competence to maintain the basic prerequisites of the local economy. It was indispensable also because, as pointed out by Wei Xian 魏峴, a retired official and sojourner of Yin county, it was a first step in securing the foundation of stable rents and taxes, which constituted the core of local finance.52 Certain local factors made effective water control all the more urgent in Mingzhou. As a coastal prefecture, both drainage and irrigation were crucial for agricultural production. In addition, the Mingzhou government had the responsibility of feeding the navy force stationed in Dinghai. The editor in chief of the Kaiqing-reign gazetteer, Mei Yingfa 梅應發 (1224–1301), made the following observation in the introduction to its chapter on water conservancy works: Mingzhou keeps its rice to feed the navy stationed in Dinghai county, while other prefectures sent up their rice to the General Commissariat (zongsuo). If the harvest is bad, the Overseer-general of Revenues either exempts the taxes or reduces them, so [these other] prefectures do not have to send up their quotas. In the case of our prefecture, we carry out taxation and feed [the navy] on our own. Although it is possible to exempt the taxes levied on the commoners, the army rations cannot be remiss. Therefore, when the harvest is bad the government becomes anxious and [as a result] the people also become anxious. Only when the harvest is continuously good can there be no worry. However, our prefecture is blocked with mountains and controls the ocean; floods originating in the mountains, the salty tide from the ocean, and seasonal drought can all do harm to agriculture. Thus, making use of water and turning it to our advantage is more urgent in Mingzhou [than anything else].53

蓋他郡苗米多撥解總所, 鄞獨留以贍定海水軍. 總所者遇歉歲, 蠲 減可毋解. 惟本府自催自給, 民賦可蠲, 而軍餉不可闕. 歲祲則官 病, 而民亦病. 必常稔而後可. 然郡阻山控海, 山之淫潦·海之鹹 潮·時之旱乾, 皆能害稼, 故資水以爲利者, 於鄞尤急.

Given these conditions, there is little wonder that water conservancy work in Mingzhou was recorded in such great detail at the time, or that the records have attracted much scholarly attention. Most studies

—-1 —0 —+1

52. Wei Xian, Tuoshan shuili beilan (SKQS), front matter, 1b. 53. KQSMXZ, 3.1a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 101

6/18/14 6:20 PM

102

Local Governance

on this topic have focused on the history of local water development as a whole, devoting little attention to the local government’s relationship with local elites as revealed through these projects.54 Here, I will mainly focus on the question of how much of a role the Mingzhou prefectural government played in local infrastructure building, either in terms of finance or administration. I will also address the related problem of “elite activism.” When the Fangsheng floodgate 方勝碶 in Fenghua county had fallen into disuse for a hundred years, local residents discussed its reconstruction several times. The discussions led nowhere, sometimes because of different opinions among residents of the county and sometimes because of the huge expenditure anticipated for such a project. It

-1— 0— +1—

54. See Nagase, “Sōdai Kōnan ni okeru suiri kaihatsu”; Nishioka, “Sōdai Settō ni okeru nōden suiri no ichi kōsatsu.” More recent work by Ono Yasushi and Teraji Jun has brought into relief the tension that existed between local elites and the state, on the one hand, and on the other hand the conflicts among local elites themselves over the use of local water resources. For all their insights, however, Ono and Teraji fall short of illuminating the complex networks around the issue of water control infrastructure at the local level. Both of their studies are predicated upon a rather schematic classification of the different camps of local elites, namely, pro-reclamation and pro-preservation groups. According to Ono, the pro-reclamation group, including the Lous 樓 and the Wangs 王, was composed of relative newcomers in Yin county, whereas the pro-preservation group, including the Shus 舒 and the Shis, consisted of more time-honored local families. Ono, “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru koden mondai,” p. 10. However, the Lous had already lived in Yin for at least for four generations by the time of Lou Yi, who finally realized the reclamation. Moreover, the Shis were not more prominent than the Lous at this time. Whereas the Shis produced only one recipient of the Eight Conducts (baxing 八行) title by this time, the Lous had already produced the prefect of their hometown. Richard Davis also notes that the Shis lagged behind other prominent Mingzhou families in producing degree holders and officials. See his Court and Family in Sung China, p. 78. Teraji argues instead that the pro-reclamation group consisted of the imperial court and the semihereditary power holders (kenmon 權門), whereas the anti-reclamation group tended to be the officials from the locale in question. See Teraji, “Nan Sō ki Settō no tōko mondai,” p. 20. However, the Shis, who made consistent efforts to preserve Dong qian Lake in Yin, could be classified as semihereditary power holders, and the imperial court had been supportive of various preservation works throughout the Southern Song. See BQSMZ, 12.20b–26a. In brief, I should like to stress that the topography around the issue of the reclamation and preservation of inland lakes was far more complicated than has been suggested by Ono and Teraji.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 102

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

103

was not until Chen Qishou 陳耆壽, a vice prefect, took it upon himself to handle the issue that the construction gained momentum. Under his lead, four floodgates and two dikes were built and ten li (5.6 km) of streams were dredged in 1194. The supervision of this work was entrusted to the assistant magistrate of the county, assisted by four competent local people. 1,500 strings of cash and 100 piculs of rice were spent on the work. The commemorative inscription marking the floodgate’s completion contains an interesting recapitulation of how the government managed to collect the necessary budget: 10 percent was given by the office of the Ever-Normal Granary upon the county’s request (qing yu changping 請於常平); 30 percent was defrayed from the official treasury ( fa yu gongtang 發於公帑); 50 percent was obtained from residents (de yu min 得於民); and another 10 percent came in the form of “aid” from three named local individuals (zhu yu Zhao Hui, Xu Rusong, He Huan 助於趙繪·徐如松·何渙).55 These three were all among the “four competent local people” to whom the oversight of the labor was entrusted. Apparently, only 40 percent of the total budget was taken directly from official treasury, but neither can it be said that the work was really financed by the private sector. “Aid” (zhu) here no doubt indicates direct donations by the listed three people, whether voluntarily or by request from officials, but their contribution amounted to only onetenth of the whole expenditure. The largest share, 50 percent, was “obtained” (de) from residents. What does this mean in this context? According to a law of the time cited by a Mingzhou prefect, people living near the work site, so-called beneficiary households (shili renhu 食利 人戶), should actively participate in and finance such works because agricultural waterworks (nongtian shuili 農田水利) benefit the households adjacent to them.56 Lou Yue also testified that when an assistant magistrate of Cixi led the reconstruction of the Pengshan 彭山 floodgate and dike with stone in 1186, every household owning fields west

55. Wang Shihui 王時會 (1137–1200), “Fangshengqi ji” 方勝碶記, Siming wenzheng, 10.43a–44a. 56. BQSMZ, 12.21b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 103

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

104

Local Governance

of the facility chipped in 300 coins per mu (573 square meters).57 Given that the Fangsheng floodgate is said to have irrigated about 3,000 mu,58 it can be calculated that about 250 coins per mu were collected this time. Although the funds did not come directly from the official treasury, this money was raised through an official channel on the basis of an official law. There is more than one way to interpret the collection of extra money from those who would benefit from water control projects. One might emphasize the financial restrictions of the local government, forced to rely on local people’s cooperation in meeting its expenses. On the other hand, one might instead stress the coercive administrative power of the county government to extract capital in excess of regular taxes. Neither interpretation, I think, is far from the truth. I would rather emphasize that this practice, based on a “beneficiary pays” framework, was enacted and carried out by the government to enhance local infrastructure.59 In this scenario, the government may not have been in total command of the economic resources necessary for the work, but was nonetheless the effective planner, organizer, and overseer of the entire project.

-1— 0— +1—

57. Lou Yue, “Cixi xian shuili ji” 慈谿縣水利記, GKJ, 59.2a (QSW, 265:5970.44); BQSMZ, 16.21a-b. The mobilization of “beneficiary households” and collection of funds from them was common practice throughout the Northern and Southern Song. See Shi, “Songdai Liangzhe shuili rengong he jingfei chutan,” pp. 58, 62; Liang, Nan Song de nongcun jing ji, p. 156. In Mingzhou, besides these two cases, an assistant magistrate of Dinghai county is recorded as having urged would-be beneficiary households to dredge two harbors in Chongqiu 崇邱 canton in 1182. See SHY, “Shihuo,” 61.128. 58. Wang Shihui, “Fangshengqi ji,” Siming wenzheng, 10.43b. 59. Toward the end of the dynasty, when the financial capacity of the state was limited, water control works seem to have relied more on this principle. When Cihu Lake in Cixi county, the size of which was 105 mu, was dredged in 1265, the work was evenly divided by all thirty du in the county, each being responsible for about three mu. In this fashion, it is recorded, the project “neither requested [donations] from rich people nor bothered the official trea sury.” See Gui Xisun 桂錫孫, “Chongjun Cihu ji” 重浚慈湖記, Yongzheng Cixi xianzhi 雍正慈谿縣志, 14.25b (QSW, 344:7955.304). Th is inscription is entitled “Cixi xian jun Puji hu ji” 慈谿縣濬普濟 湖記 in the QSW, which records it from the Guangxu Cixi xianzhi 光緖慈谿縣志 (1899). As this inscription is not found in the Tianqi Cixi xianzhi (1624) or any other earlier compilations, I think we should follow the title in the Yongzheng edition.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 104

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

105

Furthermore, the government often revealed its financial resourcefulness and magnanimity by choosing not to apply the “beneficiary pays” law, in order to ease the burden on the people. In 1177, when the Mingzhou government dredged the Dongqian Lake in Yin county, emperor Xiaozong provided a subsidy from the imperial treasury of paper notes worth 50,000 strings, along with 10,000 piculs of rice stored in official granaries.60 When the Huangni Dam 黃泥埭 in Cixi was renovated in 1257, its assistant magistrate, in accord with precedent, planned to collect money from those who would benefit from the project in proportion to the size of their land. Prefect Wu Qian opposed this idea, however, on the ground that it might disturb local commoners, and instead offered 5,000 strings of cash from the official treasury to finish the work. The renovation of the Maozhen 茅針 floodgate in Cixi was completed under the principle that the prefectural government would “take care of everything itself ” ( yiqie ziban 一䏗自辦).61 There is one more interesting aspect of local administration in the case of the aforementioned Fangsheng floodgate: the Fenghua county government requested and gained support from the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary for the gate’s construction. This says something about the cooperation between different levels of local administration.62 Hu Taichu, the author of Zhoulian xulun, emphasized that it  was crucial for a county official to keep a good relationship with upper-level administration, especially with the prefectural government. According to Hu, the prefect was like a father or elder brother to the county magistrate. If the magistrate was remiss in maintaining a good

60. BQSMZ, 12.21b. 61. KQSMXZ, 3.5b– 6a, 3.4a–5a. 62. The Ever-Normal Granary’s involvement in local water conservancy works was a legacy from the Northern Song, especially the New Policies period. Liang Gengyao lists a number of examples in which the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary aided local water control works. See Nan Song de nongcun jing ji, pp.147–50. Mingzhou sources show that the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary often aided local projects. In Cixi, local people directly asked the superintendent of the EverNormal Granary, who was on his inspection tour, to assist in local hydraulic matters. See Lou Yue, “Cixi xian shuili ji,” GKJ, 59.2a (QSW, 265:570.44). See also KQSMXZ, 3.5b– 6a, 3.7b–8a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 105

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

106

Local Governance

relationship with the prefectural government, Hu said, public works would not be completed easily and county finances would also be in trouble.63 Indeed, if we take the support from Mingzhou prefectural government into account, it becomes more evident that even county government in the Southern Song was not completely stripped of its wherewithal and competence to be a stable provider of civic ser vices. There is no denying that metropolitan counties were more likely to receive special care from the prefectural government, such as Yin in the case of Mingzhou. However, if a project required a greater amount of financial and administrative capacity or if its physical presence extended beyond one county’s border, the prefectural government took it upon itself to administer the task. In 1166, for example, Prefect Zhao Bogui 趙伯圭 (1119–96) solved a chronic dispute between Dinghai and Cixi counties over water resources by re-dredging an old waterway.64 In 1246 the Mingzhou government dug a canal running sixty li (34 km) from the Taohua 桃花 ford in Yin through Dinghai county. Along the canal, three floodgates and three bridges were built as well. It was indeed a big construction project, which involved about 239,000 workers and cost 557,000 strings of cash. The magistrates of Yin, Dinghai, and Cixi counties were all called upon to take charge of the construction work where it fell in their jurisdictions, while the vice prefect of Mingzhou oversaw the entire project. The whole expenditure was defrayed from the official treasury. Upon its completion, the prefectural government also spent 20,000 strings to create the Bureau of Canal Repair (xiuhe ju 修河局) to take care of its later maintenance. The canal was named after the prefect.65 Just like the county officials turned to the prefectural government for help, the prefectural government in turn often asked the central government for support. This kind of process is most clearly demonstrated in the construction in Dinghai of a seawall in 1189 and its reinforcement

-1— 0— +1—

63. Hu Taichu, Zhoulian xulun, “Shishang” 事上 (SKQS), 1.6a–8a. 64. Lou Yue, “Huang bozu taishi chongxian jing wang xingzhuang,” GKJ, 86.5a (QSW, 265:5978.150). 65. BQSMZ, 4.4b–5b. See also Huang Zhen, “Zhao fengyi muzhiming” 趙奉議墓 誌銘, Huangshi richao, 97.20b (QSW, 348:8058.384), which testifies that the sheriff of Dinghai at the time was also called upon to supervise the work.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 106

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

107

in 1222. The magistrate of Dinghai, Tang Shuhan 唐叔翰, reported to the prefectural government that the county was bordered on three sides by sea and that it was necessary to build a seawall in order to fend off the tide and make land arable. Upon Prefect Yue Fu’s 岳甫 report, the central government provided 65,000 strings for the construction of a stone-capped seawall that ran 602 zhang (1.9 km), a work that was overseen by the magistrate, vice prefect, and navy officers. When the wall was expanded another 502 zhang (1.6 km), it was again done on the recommendation of the prefectural government and with funds provided by the court.66 Local administrators in Mingzhou were not left to fend for themselves.

Accommodating Elite Participation Arguably the biggest chronic water management challenge facing the administrators of Southern Song Mingzhou was the timely maintenance of Dongqian Lake and Tuoshan Dam 它山堰. Having undergone several rounds of repair and expansion since 744, Dongqian Lake served as a gigantic reservoir of eighty li (45 km) circumference, which received seventy-two streams, had seven different water gates around it, and irrigated one million mu of land in the eastern cantons of Yin and Dinghai. Table 2.1 shows the maintenance projects undertaken at Dongqian Lake throughout the Northern and Southern Song periods. As is clear from the table, the basic construction work had been completed during the Northern Song period, while the priority in the Southern Song was preservation work, such as dredging the lake and the removal of the weeds that covered its surface. After 1064, when banks and dikes around the lake had been repaired, Dongqian Lake was not dredged for nearly 100 years; consequently, it fi lled with vegetation. The dredging had been neglected for such a long period because it was expensive. When Prefect Zhao Bogui requested a cost estimate during the early years of the emperor Xiaozong, it was estimated to require 165,888 strings of cash and 27,648 piculs of rice. The dredging plan was simply dropped. It was not until 66. Lin Li 䏋䎳 ( jinshi 1142), “Haitang ji” 海塘記, Chenghua Ningbo junzhi 成化寧 波郡志 (1468), 10.20b (QSW, 219:4869.325); BQSMZ, 18.16a–16b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 107

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

108

Table 2.1 Maintenance Works of Dongqian Lake in the Northern and Southern Song Northern Song

Southern Song

1017–21

Prefect Li Yigeng 䎺夷庚 reinforced the dike around the lake.

1146

1048

Yin county magistrate Wang Anshi dredged the lake. Dams and floodgates were built for the first time.

1169

Assistant Magistrate Lü Xianzhi 呂獻之 renovated six dikes and erected a shrine for those officials who contributed to the maintenance of the lake.

1214

1056–63

1064

1177

1226

1242

Local residents built shrines for those officials who contributed to the water conservancy of the lake. Prefect Zhang Jin dredged the lake and reinforced the dike. Prefect Zhao Kai removed the water weeds on the surface of the lake for the first time in 100 years. Prefect Cheng Tan established 1,000 mu of endowed field for dredging water weeds.

Prefect Hu Ju dredged the lake and expanded the endowed fields to pay for its annual maintenance. Prefect Chen Kai 陳塏 dredged the lake.

Source: Songshi, 97.2403; QDSMTJ, 9.20a– 21b; BQSMZ, 12.20a– 26a.

-1— 0— +1—

1177 that the dredging work came to be carried out by Prefect Zhao Kai 趙愷. Receiving paper notes worth 50,000 strings from the imperial treasury and 10,000 piculs of rice from the Charitable Granary ( yicang 義倉), and defraying the rest of the expense out of his prefectural budget, Zhao Kai hired local people to remove the water weeds and had the lake dredged. His memorial to the throne ends with a proud report

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 108

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

109

of the completion of the long-delayed maintenance and a request to award those officials who contributed to the effort.67 It is recorded that Zhao Kai ordered subordinate officials to consult local literati and elders living around the lake about how the work should be done, making sure they had the cooperation of influential local figures. However, the Baoqing Siming zhi provides no further information about the role played by local elites in the maintenance work, and a Mingzhou native’s biography records a story untold by official sources. Shi Jun 史浚 (1129–1203), a member of the eminent Shi family of Yin county, was involved in the dredging of the lake.68 Shi Jun recalls that Zhao Kai himself asked for his opinion, something not made clear in the gazetteer. Shi Jun expressed reservations about hiring local people and having petty officials and clerks in charge of the work. For one thing, he reasoned, the people would get tired of receiving orders from above. Furthermore, clerks would be anxious to brag about their accomplishment without really achieving what was most urgent: the removal of the hidden roots of the water weeds.69 It appears that Zhao Kai did not follow his suggestions. The central problem of maintenance for Dongqian Lake (figure 2.1) was the need to remove vegetation regularly. Adding to the problem of decreasing water levels was the fact that powerful local farmers had gradually reclaimed outer parts of the lake as arable land during the years when maintenance was not carried out. After experiencing the horrible consequence of the reclamation of Guangde Lake, after which the western cantons of Yin county suffered from a chronic shortage of irrigation water, the prefectural government may have been particularly concerned about this issue.70 In 1185, Mingzhou asked the central government to prohibit local residents from converting the lake’s outskirts into farm lands, even if they were willing to pay the prefecture 67. BQSMZ, 12.20b–21b; SHY, “Shihuo,” 61.125b. 68. Shi Jun was a son of Shi Cai, who was an uncle of the famous Shi Hao and the first member of the Yin county Shi family to become a grand councillor. 69. Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming” 朝請大夫史君墓誌銘, GKJ, 105.4b (QSW, 266:6000.101–2). 70. Guangde Lake had been converted into farmland by Lou Yi during the Zhenghe 政和 reign period (1111–18). For the controversy over the reclamation, see Ono, “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru koden mondai”; Teraji, “Nan Sō ki Settō no tōko mondai”; and Walton, “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China,” p. 41.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 109

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

110

Local Governance

Figure 2.1 Dongqian Lake Photography by the author

higher rents for the reclaimed land, and the central court agreed, also ordering the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary to oversee the dredging of the lake.71 Having secured the court’s support, the Mingzhou government worked out a way to cope with the recurrent local problem of keeping the lake clear of overgrowth. In 1217, Prefect Cheng Tan established the Bureau of Lake Dredging (kaihu ju 開湖 局), spent 32,000 strings to purchase 1,000 mu of land as endowed field to finance the annual expenditure of removing the water weeds, and saw to it that the already-reclaimed land be restored to lake. The task of restoring the lake was entrusted to the assistant magistrate and to the sheriff of Yin county, and the management of the endowed field was assigned to “local households who own the biggest properties in neighboring cantons” 近鄕等戶才力最高者.72 Compared to Zhao Kai,

-1— 0— +1—

71. SHY, “Shihuo,” 61.131a-b. Such reclamation had also been prohibited in 1148. See SHY, “Shihuo,” 8.27b. 72. BQSMZ, 12.22b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 110

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

111

Cheng Tan seems to have delegated more responsibility to local magnates. Despite this careful effort, the lake became covered with water weeds again in less than fifteen years. It also seems that there were problems in managing the endowed fields. Once again, the biography of a local man tells us a story unrecorded in official sources. According to the tomb inscription of Gu Yixian 顧義先 (1145–1222), a Yin county native, the problem was the government’s unwillingness to allow full local initiative in preparing the endowed fields, even though it had assigned the managerial duty to locals. If prefectural finance became restricted, he opined, the rent collected for financing the removal of water weeds would be diverted to other prefectural expenditures. Although the appointed managers tried to stop the process, the proportion of the endowed fields’ rent budgeted for weed removal would gradually decrease. Moreover, when the rents from the endowed fields fell even slightly behind, officials and clerks would immediately come down to villages to pressure and even arrest those in arrears. Under these circumstances, “before having seen [the system’s] profit, one could already see its harm” 未覩其利, 先見其害. Gu Yixian believed that the purchase and management of the endowed fields should be conducted in a manner of the charitable ser vice ( yiyi) and that the plan could endure only if the government observed what local people did for themselves first and took that into consideration.73 Although his idea was never put into practice, it is still noteworthy that Gu Yixian argued for more leeway for local elites in the project. The Gus were certainly an influential family in their canton; for example, Yixian’s grandson, Gu Yongzhi 顧泳之, was canton leader (xiangzhang 鄕長) and was later assigned by another prefect to manage the endowed fields.74 It is also interesting to note that, as a protégé 73. Yuan Xie, “Xunwulang Jing Hu beilu bingma dujian Gu jun Yixian muzhiming” 訓武郎荆湖北路兵馬都監顧君義先墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.24a-b (QSW, 282:6388.2–3).

74. BQSMZ, 12.25b. It is unclear what exactly “canton leader” means here. The term appears twice in SHY, “Shihuo.” See Sōdai shakai keizaishi yōgokai no sakusei guru-pu, Sō kaiyō shūkō shokka hen shakai keizai yōgo shūsei, p. 86. Two sources list exactly the same petition submitted by a certain Liu Gongchen 䎠公臣 in 1060. According to Liu, the county office should make clear registers of villages’ landowning status and give these documents under seal to the canton leader. According to Gong Yanming, it was a clerical post (lizhi 吏職) that dealt with tax collection. See Songdai

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 111

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

112

Local Governance

of Shi Hao, Gu Yixian had a close relationship with the Shi family. Given that Shi Jun was also an advocate of the noninterventionist approach to the dredging of the lake, there seems to have been a shared idea among some figures of the local elite about the proper management of this important local project. Their idea of “local activism” did not include substantial financial contribution to the maintenance work, however. Neither Shi Jun nor Gu Yixian was known to be a major donor to the dredging work on either occasion. The implementation and financing of the projects remained a strictly official responsibility. The Mingzhou government consulted with local elites to understand the local conditions that would shape effective management, rather than to obtain their financial aid. This pattern remained generally consistent in the maintenance projects at the lake for the rest of the Southern Song. In 1227, Prefect Hu Ju completed another major dredging of the lake. The court also supported the work, which lasted a whole year, with 15,000 piculs of rice supplied from the Ever-Normal Granary and the Charitable Granary, and one hundred certificates of clergy ordination (dudie) worth 80,000 strings. This time again, navy soldiers were the main workforce, assisted by hired local residents. After the completion of the work, Hu Ju expanded the endowed fields originally set up by Cheng Tan with a view to producing 3,000 piculs of rice per annum. Using this resource, the Mingzhou government organized five hundred people from fishing households ( yuhu 漁戶) living near the lake into four units and let them remove the water weeds regularly, paying each fisherman 6 piculs of rice per annum. In addition to various county- and prefectural-level officials, officials from the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary were put in charge of the work. Hu Ju felt that former prefect Zhao Kai had failed to consider the interests of local people adequately, so he sought to reduce the project’s interruption of their life. Indeed, Hu consulted with elders and superior guard leaders (qibao 耆保) of neighboring cantons. He also assigned the management of the expanded endowed fields to the aforementioned

-1— 0— +1—

guanzhi cidian, p. 557. Yanagida Setsuko introduces a Southern Song source that mentions a certain “canton chief ” (xiangshou 鄕首), in which it is listed alongside with clerks (caoxu 曹胥) who came to villages to collect tax and allocate village services. See Sō Gen gōsonsei no kenkyū, p. 234.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 112

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

113

Gu Yongzhi, the canton leader of Xiangfeng 翔鳳 canton. Upon the construction of a commemorative pavilion and lodge near the lake, Shi Mijian, whose family owned villas and grave sites around the lake, was invited to write an inscription.75 This pavilion’s construction can be read as a symbolic gesture by the Mingzhou government catering to influential local families. The prefectural government’s accommodation of the local elite appears more clearly in the maintenance work done on the Tuoshan Dam (figure 2.2). Located fifty li (28 km) to the west of the Yin county seat, the dam had first been built in 833 by a county magistrate in the Tang dynasty and had already undergone repair in the Northern Song. The importance of the dam increased significantly in the Southern Song, however, because it became solely responsible for the irrigation of the western cantons of Yin county after the reclamation of Guangde Lake in the late Northern Song. As table 2.2 shows, during the Southern Song more work was done on the branch streams from the dam than on the dam itself. Probably for this reason, the contemporary gazetteers’ sections on the dam are relatively brief compared to the highly detailed descriptions that survive of the dredging work at Dongqian Lake. Fortunately, a retired official who lived near the dam, Wei Xian, left a detailed account on its maintenance, Complete Guide to the Water Conservancy of the Tuoshan Dam (Tuoshan shuili beilan 它山水利備覽), a compilation that seems to have been neither officially commissioned nor subsidized.76 The book not only records all the major repairs to the dam and its related facilities, and the inscriptions and poems devoted to them, but also contains

75. BQSMZ, 12.25b; Shi Mijian, “Siming chongkai Dongqianhu ji” 四明重開東錢 湖記, in Zheng Zhen, Siming wenxian 四明文獻 (a copy held at Seikadō bunko 静嘉 堂文庫), no pagination available. Th is inscription is not included in the QSW. Siming wenxian is a rare collection of writings left by some influential Song and Yuan Mingzhou people, many of which are included neither in the QSW nor in the QYW. For a detailed bibliographical study of Siming wenxian and its value as a historical source, see Kobayashi, “Tei Shin shū “Shimei bunken” no shiryō kachi.” In North America only Cornell University library has a copy of this book. 76. The book has Wei’s own preface dated 1242. The dates of his birth and death remain unclear. The only information known about his kinship is that he was a sonin-law of Zhao Cuizhong 趙粹中 (1124– 87), also a Yin county native and a jinshi of 1154.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 113

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

114

Local Governance

Figure 2.2 Tuoshan Dam Photography by the author

Wei’s own ideas for addressing chronic water conservancy problems at the site. This might be read as eloquent testimony to the active participation of local elites in local infrastructure maintenance. Wei Xian, who was considered an expert in water conservancy, provided local administrators with advice for more than twenty years. The construction of the Wujin dike 烏䋦堨 best illustrates his role in such work. In 1221, along with other local elders, Wei petitioned Shi Miyuan, a Yin county native and then grand councillor, noting that Yin county’s Juzhang 句章 canton was often flooded by torrents from overflow of the Tuoshan dam, requiring drastic measures. Shi Miyuan urged the Mingzhou government to take action, and Wei was asked to draw up a general plan for the work.77 He also served as general overseer

-1— 0— +1—

77. A close relationship between the local and the central governments must have been advantageous to the well-being of a locale. This supposition can be supported by the special relationship between Zhao Kai and emperor Xiaozong and that between Hu Ju, the Mingzhou prefect, and Shi Miyuan, the grand councillor and his court patron. However, it would be misleading to assume that the exceptional favor granted by the

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 114

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

115

Table 2.2 Maintenance Works Related to Tuoshan Dam in the Northern and Southern Song Northern Song

Southern Song

A shrine for Wang Yuanwei 王元暐, the creator of the dam, was renovated. Prefect Liu Chunfu 劉純父 repaired the dam.

1146

1101

Tang Yi 唐意, the supervisor of the shipbuilding yard, did minor repair work on the dam.

1221

1103

Yin county magistrate Gong Xingxiu 龔行脩, with the help of a local man named Zhang Biqiang 張 必強, reinforced the dam with stones.

1239

1001

1093

1214

1242

Prefect Chen Di 陳棣 reinforced the dam with stone and iron. Acting Prefect Cheng Tan purchased 30 mu of endowed fields for dredging the stream flowing from the dam. Upon request from the retired official Wei Xian, Shi Miyuan ordered the Mingzhou government to build the Wujin dike 15 li (8.6 km) to the east of the dam. Prefect Zhao Yifu 趙以夫 added 29 mu to the endowed fields.

Prefect Chen Kai built the Huisha floodgate near the dam.

Source: Songshi, 97.2404; QDSMTJ, 10.33b; BQSMZ, 4.6a– 7b; BQSMZ, 12.33a–35a; Tuoshan shuili beilan, 2.10a– b.

of the construction of the Huisha floodgate 廻沙閘 in 1242. One year later, the prefect entrusted him with dredging the streams that came out of the dam.78 Besides this kind of consulting role, Wei sometimes court was the secret of success for Mingzhou’s government. Cheng Tan and Yan Yizhong were not close to any court figure. Wu Qian, by far the most active local administrator in Southern Song Mingzhou, was appointed prefect because he was at odds with the powerful grand councillor Jia Sidao, but he had remarkable achievements nonetheless. See Siming liuzhi jiaokan ji, 8.5b– 6a; Yongzheng Cixi xianzhi, 14.39b. 78. Wei Xian, “Siming chongjian Wujin’e ji” 四明重建烏䋦堨記, Tuoshan shuili beilan, 2.10a–b (QSW, 325:7475.261); Tuoshan shuili beilan, “taosha” 淘沙, 1.8b, 1.9b; Tuoshan shuili beilan, “Huishajia wai taosha” 迴沙閘外淘沙, 1.22a; BQSMZ, 12.33a–35a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 115

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

116

Local Governance

spent his own money to hire workers to dredge streams before waiting for government action.79 It would be misleading to argue based on these facts that the local government was handing over its basic duties to local elites or simply surrendering to their entrenched interests. It is worth noting that the Mingzhou government almost always paid for important repair work at the two facilities. For example, in constructing the Wujin floodgate the central court subsidized only 100 strings for the entire project, while the prefecture raised as much as 4,000 strings, forty times the contribution of the court.80 The prefectural government also established about seventy mu of endowed fields to pay for the regular dredging of related streams.81 It even defrayed the cost of the jiao 醮 offerings that local people were required to make upon the completion of a dredging project.82 Moreover, while Wei Xian worked as the overseer of a project, local officials were also dispatched to check on his progress. Shi Jun, Gu Yixian, and Wei Xian never tried to claim responsibility for a water control work of this magnitude; they were instead attempting to guide the execution of state power in such a way that it could best serve local (and probably personal) interests. Considering that the prefectural government did not lose control over the financing and supervision of the work, it would be safe to infer that its accommodation of local interests was voluntary rather than forced by external factors. Indeed, as Kondō Kazunari 近藤一成 has pointed out, the actual participation of local elites in the dredging work of Dongqian Lake diminished over the years.83 That is, the prefectural government did not seek the help of local elites only at the peak of desperation. Furthermore, if we examine other cases across the

-1— 0— +1—

79. Tuoshan shuili beilan, “Taosha,” 1.10a. 80. Wei Xian, “Siming chongjian Wujin’e ji,” Tuoshan shuili beilan, 2.10b (QSW, 325:7475.261). 81. Tuoshan shuili beilan, “Xianshuai Cheng gong chu zhi taoshagu tian she ting shike jiewen” 憲帥程公初置淘沙穀田設廳石刻節文 , 1.18b–19a; Tuoshan shuili beilan, “Zhao ducheng taosha mi tian die Wei duda” 趙都丞淘沙米田牒魏都大, 1.19b–20a. 82. Tuoshan shuili beilan, “Shejiao” 設醮, 1.23b–24a. 83. Kondō, “Nihon Daitokuji denrai gohyaku rakan zu meibun to Nan Sō Meishū shijin shakai,” pp. 90– 91.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 116

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

117

prefecture, it becomes obvious that the local government was moving proactively in local infrastructure building. In 1259 a certain Shen Guoyu 沈國諭 donated 30 piculs of rice and Lu Rixuan 䎬日宣 donated 5,000 strings to the construction of the Zhipu floodgate 支浦閘 in Cixi county. Although Prefect Wu Qian did not refuse their “voluntary aid” (lezhu 䌷助), he stressed that ever since he had became prefect he had relied solely on official resources to fund various local public works. He also ensured that, aside from these two cases, there would be no forced collection of money, because it would compromise the initial goodwill of those who volunteered to donate.84 Why did Wu Qian feel reservations about such donations? Because, as he said, once the government accepted the donations and praised the donors, it might put pressure on others to donate less willingly. He might also have feared that donations from wealthy locals might eclipse his own image as the people’s benefactor.85 There was another case in which local families had contributed financially to a public infrastructure project earlier in Wu Qian’s tenure. When he built the Exalted Bridge (Gaochiao 高橋, figure 2.3) in 1256–57 to commemorate a heroic battle at a site where Song generals had defeated the Jurchen army in 1129, Yu Hui 余晦, along with other literati and commoners, donated as much as 30,000 strings to the project.86 Were Wu Qian’s proud remarks about reliance on official budgets, then, nothing more than groundless boasting? We must first take into account the size of these donations in proportion to the entire cost of each project. For the Zhipu floodgate, 15,600 strings of cash and 60 piculs of rice were spent as a whole. Thus, the Mingzhou government provided 10,600 strings of cash and 30 piculs of rice, defraying more than two-thirds of the entire expenditure. The fi nal cost for the Exalted Bridge amounted to 158,000 strings, of which the Mingzhou government paid 128,000, more than four times the donations from local people. Furthermore, these two

84. KQSMXZ, 3.8b– 9b. 85. The achievement in water control works was one of the most important criteria in the evaluation of local administrators. See Honda, “Sōdai chihōkan no suiri kensetsu to kinmu hyōka,” pp. 193, 209 n10. 86. He was a nephew of Yu Tianxi 余天錫 ( jinshi 1223) of Changguo county, who served as a grand councillor and a Mingzhou prefect in 1239 and 1240, respectively.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 117

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

118

Local Governance

Figure 2.3 Exalted Bridge (Gaoqiao) in Yin County Photography by the author

-1— 0— +1—

cases are the only donations by local people to the maintenance of local infrastructure recorded in the entire Kaiqing Siming xuzhi, which includes highly detailed records of local projects completed during Wu Qian’s term in office. When local people requested that the prefectural government build a floodgate at Yintang 鄞塘 canton in Yin county in 1257, the prefect first encouraged the work by granting 10 piculs of rice and paper notes worth 1,000 strings to defray expenses. But the local people “showed no courage even when they saw a righteous cause” 見義䍂勇 and raised only about 5,000 strings, while giving rise to a rash of litigation among themselves. “The work was huge while the people’s strength was weak. If it was entrusted to the people,” deplored the editor of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi, “how could it have reached completion?” In the end, the prefectural government stepped in and contributed 44,629 strings and 169 piculs of rice to the construction of the floodgate. In another case, the construction of the Huangni Dam in Minghe canton of Cixi county, local people “barely made progress for a whole

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 118

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

119

year” 涉世不績 until the prefectural government took it upon itself to finish the work, with a grant from the Commission of the EverNormal Granary.87 It is possible, of course, that these accounts were based on rhetoric crafted to bring into relief the accomplishments of the prefectural government, which was undoubtedly an important purpose of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi.88 Indeed, many biographies of Mingzhou natives, 87. KQSMXZ, 3.5a– 6a. Local power holders’ reluctance and miserliness toward local infrastructure building was of course not a unique situation of Mingzhou. Fan Chengda 范成大 (1126– 93), for example, testified that the Xingchun Bridge 行春橋 in Wu county, Pingjiang prefecture, had been dilapidated for many years and yet “powerful, wealthy families just looked at each other watching over [the situation] without taking care of it. They simply left the work to the government” 豪有力之家, 相顧環視莫恤, 漫以委之官. When the bridge was finally repaired in 1189 by the effort of county magistrate, it is said that those who had turned their back on the project came to feel ashamed of themselves (shi you kuixin 始有愧心). See Fan Chengda, “Chongxiu Xingchun qiao ji” 重修行春橋記, in Zhengde Gusu zhi 正德姑 蘇志 19.17a–18b (QSW, 224:4984.398). Cited in Gao, “Guanmin zhi jian,” p. 134. I thank Iiyama Tomoyasu for alerting me to this work. 88. It would be worth confirming here the value of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi as a historical source for studying the history of Southern Song Mingzhou. The editors of the Siku quanshu were actually critical of the fact that it was titled “gazetteer,” seeing it more as a paean to Wu Qian: “The original preface notes that the purpose of compiling this sequel gazetteer was to record the three years of administrative achievements by the grand councillor Wu Qian, master Lüzhai, in his post as Mingzhou prefect. What had already been compiled and expanded need not be recorded again. Thus, what is described in it is mostly Wu Qian’s actions as prefect. The mountains, rivers, and administrative territories already described in detail in earlier gazetteers are not touched. This is [none more than] separately compiling a gazetteer of a prefecture for one single person. Though it is titled ‘gazetteer,’ it is actually a ‘family biographical record,’ thus deviating from the principle of compilation.” 其自序稱續志之 作所以志大使丞相履齋先生吳公三年治鄞之政績. 其已作而述者, 不復志. 故所述多 吳潛在官事實, 而山川疆域已詳於舊志者, 則槩未之及. 是因一人而别修一郡之志, 名 爲輿圖, 實則家傳, 於著作之體殊乖 (Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四库全书总目提要 [Haikou: Hainan chubanshe, 1999], pp. 373– 74). It is true that the last four juans of the gazetteer, which were devoted to poems written about the Siming area, are entirely covered with the works of Wu Qian. Does this mean that the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi is nothing more than a hagiography of Wu Qian? If so, do we need to doubt the value of information contained within it? If we continue to read the comments of the Siku editors, we immediately find the following: “But according to Wu Qian’s biography in the Songshi, Wu was appointed the maritime military commissioner and prefect of Mingzhou after he had been removed

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 119

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

120

Local Governance

which tend to beautify their subjects, do emphasize the “righteous deeds” of Mingzhou people. With the notable exception of Wang Ji of Fenghua county, however, it seems certain that local gentlemen were less than enthusiastic about public infrastructure projects when said projects would require their own financial contributions. For instance, after purchasing endowed fields in 1214 for the later maintenance of the Tuoshan Dam, Prefect Cheng Tan first let wealthy upper households in the canton (xiang zhi shanghu 鄕之上戶) manage the rent from the land, under the general supervision of the assistant magistrate of Yin county. But those upper households apparently did not want the duty and handed it over to the nearby Yuntao Belvedere 雲濤觀, which also

-1— 0— +1—

from the post of grand councillor and became the grand academician of Guanwendian. Upon his arrival, he systematically reported to the court what Mingzhou’s military and people had desired for a long time. What he memorialized was invariably realized. Besides, he accumulated about 1,173,800 strings of cash to pay the tax in silk on the [Mingzhou] people’s behalf. He [also] reduced about 5,491,700 strings of taxes during his term. There is quite an achievement in Wu Qian’s administration of Mingzhou. The two editors’ account does not always come from mere flattering praises.” 然案宋史吳潛傳, 載潛以右丞相罷爲觀文殿大學士, 尋授沿海制置大使判慶 元府. 至官, 條其軍民久遠之計, 告於政府, 奏皆行之. 又積錢百十七萬三千八百有奇, 代 民輸帛. 前後所蠲, 五百四十九萬一千七百有奇, 是潛蒞鄞以後宦績頗有可觀. 二人所 述, 尙不盡出於諛頌. While they believed that it was presumptuous to call this book a gazetteer as it only records one person’s achievements, the Siku editors ultimately endorsed the contents of the work. This point is essentially borne out by its inclusion in the library. Had the editors simply dismissed its authenticity or its value, this work would only have been listed in the “cata log” (cunmu 存目). Indeed, except for the last four chapters, comprised of Wu Qian’s poems on Mingzhou, most of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi is composed of administrative documents written during Wu’s term for the central court and for local people, many of which are also found in the collection of his memorials, Xuguo gong zouyi 許國公奏議. Moreover, Wu Qian’s achievement in Mingzhou was repeatedly confirmed throughout later history both by editors of later gazetteers and by local literati writers. After enumerating Wu’s administrative exploits in as many as twenty double-leaf pages, the Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi concludes that his “administrative achievements are still many. These are [only] the major ones” 政績尙多, 此其大者. See Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 20.18a–37b. Quan Zuwang, who highly praises Wu’s administration of Mingzhou, dismisses the issue of the compilation’s form, saying that the “gazetteer” shows Wu’s benevolent governance in detail and that the term used for the text should not be an issue. See his “Zaiba Siming Baoqing Kaiqing er zhi” 再跋四明寶慶開慶二志, Quan Zuwang ji huijiao jizhu 全祖 望集彙校集注, p. 1479. Th is is probably why modern scholars such as Sogabe Shizuo, Sudō Yoshiyuki and Shiba Yoshinobu, just to name a few, have continued to use it as a source for studying Southern Song history.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 120

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

121

did not welcome it. The job finally came under the responsibility of the office of the assistant magistrate.89 The importance of government initiative and timely intervention was a reality clearly recognized even by an activist among the local elite, Wei Xian, who said, “I often contributed my own money to hire people and dredge the streams. After all, [however,] the strength of private households cannot match that of the government” 峴多自出力, 僱募開淘. 私家之力, 終䍂如官.90 There is no denying that certain spheres of local infrastructure were managed by local families. For example, as table 2.3 shows, quite a few bridges, dikes, and floodgates across Mingzhou were named after families that might have been involved in their construction.91 Can the existence of these facilities be taken as a meaningful index of the relative weakening of local administrative power, and of elite families’ involvement in “in the building, repair, or ownership of irrigation works” during the Southern Song?92 I am skeptical of this line of argument for the following reasons. First, we have very little information about why these facilities came to have such family names. Even if the names were in some cases taken from donors, there are a few accounts found in gazetteers indicating that some of them were so named simply because they were close to that family’s residence.93 The Wang Family Floodgate 王家閘

89. Tuoshan shuili beilan, “Taosha,” 1.10a. Later, Hu Ju increased the responsibility of the officials in managing the rent from this land. See BQSMZ, 4.7a-b. 90. Tuoshan shuili beilan, ibid. 91. Yuan Cai’s writing shows that individual families took responsibility for maintaining local waterworks, although the magnitude of the waterworks is not clear. See Yuan shi shifan, “Gai tian beidang yi xiuzhi” 漑田陂塘宜修治, “Xiuzhi beidang qili bo” 修治陂塘其利博, 3.152– 53 (Ebrey, Family and Property in Sung China, pp. 304–5). 92. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 170. 93. Three Southern Song gazetteers provide no information on this issue. Here are a few examples found in the much later Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi (1560 edition). (1) “Zhou Family Big Bridge 周家大橋 [in Yin county], located twenty-five li to the southwest of the county seat. There is the tomb of the academician Zhou E 周鍔 ( jinshi 1079), therefore it was named as such.” (2) “Hong Family Dike 洪家塘 [in Cixi county], located to the southeast of the county. The Hongs lived there for generations, therefore it was named as such.” (3) “Sun Family Bridge 孫家橋 [in Cixi county]. The residence of the former vice director 侍郞 Sun Mengguan 孫夢觀 (1200–1257) is located to its west, therefore it was named as such.” See Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 5.41a, 6.14a,

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 121

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

122

Table 2.3 Family-Name Dams, Floodgates, and Bridges in Song Mingzhou Prefectural seat Dams and floodgates Bridges

0 26 out of 119

Yin

Fenghua

1 out of 2 out of 29 20 5 out of 0 out of 34 10

Cixi 26 out of 87 0 out of 6

Dinghai Changguo Xiangshan 0 out of 7 3 out of 23

0 0 out of 3

0 out of 4 1 out of 13

Sources: BQSMZ 4.9a–15b, 12.35a–37a, 14.20b–22a, 16.23b–24a, 18.18b–19b, 20.14a, 21.18b–19a.

in Cixi county, for example, was built by the county’s registrar Liu Li  䎠苙 in 1213.94 Here are other classic examples that defy efforts to draw a connection between the family names on dams or bridges and their ownership or management by those families: 1. “Qi Family Dam 戚家堰 [in Fenghua county] was built in 1320 by Prefect Ma Chengde 馬稱德 at the request of local people.”95 Was it the Qi family that requested the prefect to build this dam? We do not know. 2. “Xu Family Dam 徐家堰 [in Yin county], located one li to the southwest of the county. It is also called Zhang Family Dam 章家堰.”96 Does this case imply that this dam was built and maintained by the two families? We do not know. 3. “Li Family Dam 䎺家堰 [in Cixi county], located sixty-five li to the southwest of the county. . . . In the Yuanyou 元祐 reign period (1086– 94), Zhang Hong 張宏, a Yin native, dredged the stream and built a dam.”97 Why did a Yin native build a dam in Cixi county? We do not know. 4. “Wang Family Bridge 王家橋 [in Yin county], located forty li to the south of the county seat. . . . In 1465, Quan Zhen 全箴 built five bays of wooden bridge.”98 Again, why did Mr. Quan build a Wang family bridge? We do not know.

-1— 0— +1—

6.14b. In none of these three cases do we know whether the bridge or dam was built or maintained by the relevant family. 94. Guangxu Cixi xianzhi, 50.35a-b. 95. ZZSMXZ, 4.24a. 96. Chenghua Ningbo junzhi, 3.15b. 97. Ibid., 3.20b. 98. Ibid., 4.15a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 122

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

123

I have been able to find only one unambiguous “family facility” in relatively early gazetteers: Xu Family Bridge 許家橋 [in Yin county], located thirty li to the southwest of the county, was built by the local resident Xu Jinbang 許進邦 in 1436.99 This was, however, during the Ming dynasty. Second, the relative size of these facilities also remains unclear, making it difficult to rely on a simple tally of them to gauge the magnitude of elite participation in local infrastructure building. No contemporary gazetteer contains any informative description of any of these “family facilities.” Moreover, I have come across no commemorative inscriptions for such facilities, even in private literary collections or in family genealogies from Mingzhou.100 Thus, I suspect that the size of these bridges and dikes was probably smaller than those facilities that had distinct names and for which there are more detailed descriptions to be found in various sources.101 Furthermore, even if some of them were indeed built by the families whose names they bear, the date of construction is unknown, and they may well date to the Northern Song, when the practice of family-name bridges had already begun. In Yin county, for instance, the Deng Bridge 鄧橋 was built as early as 1018, while the Zhao Family Bridge 趙家橋 and the

99. Ibid., 4.7a. 100. One possible exception would be the Master Shen’s Bridge 沈師橋 in Cixi county, an inscription for which is recorded in Guangxu Cixi xianzhi (11.44b) and in Cixi Luoshi zongpu 慈谿羅氏宗譜 (a copy held at the Shanghai Library), 6.1a–b. See also QSW, 182:3998.274– 75. Strictly speaking, however, this is not a “family bridge.” According to the inscription written by Luo Bing 羅炳, the bridge was built by Mr. Shen himself to access a private school (shu 塾) he established across a stream, where he taught the learning of Daoxue masters. 101. Huang Zhen testified in the last years of the Southern Song that large-scale water control works (shuili 水利) were supposed to be the state’s responsibility, whereas the maintenance of paddy fields and small dikes (tian’an 田岸) was each individual household’s responsibility and of little concern to the state. If the state wants to benefit people and let them receive beneficence, he argued, nothing would be better than meticulously planning the larger task of water control works. See Huang Zhen, “Quan Huatingxian shen Jiaxingfu ci xiu tiansheng zhuang” 權華亭縣申嘉興 府辭修田塍 䏑. Cited in Takahashi, Sōdai Chūgoku no hōsei to shakai, p. 124. Note that this distinction was also made clear, as Takahashi shows, during the Xining reign period.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 123

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

124

Local Governance

Xia Family Bridge 夏家橋 were built in 1098 and 1100, respectively, when the advocates of the New Policies held sway in the central government.102 Finally, and most importantly, the fact that these facilities with family surnames were often maintained and repaired by the local government undermines the notion that they exemplify the weakening of local administrative power. In 1259, Prefect Wu Qian dispatched a commander general (tongling 統令), a certain Wu Xiong 吳雄, to open the Ni Family Dam 倪家堰 and Diao Family Dam 刁家堰 in Cixi county to drain the rain-swollen reservoirs.103 This kind of direct intervention of the prefectural government in the management of “family” water facilities may be dismissed as stemming either from an urgent situation or from the unusually activist style of a particular administrator. However, local government often moved only after requests (qing 請) from local people. In 1242 local elders of Yin county asked the prefectural government to elevate the Yu Family Bridge 余家橋 and the Jia Family Bridge 夾家橋, which had been found too low for ships to pass, and to dredge the river running beneath them. They also argued that the opening or blocking of the river had much to do with the fengshui 風水 of Mingzhou. Officials from the prefectural government, in cooperation with the Maritime Military Commission, mobilized navy soldiers for the task, raising the height of each bridge by two chi 尺 (62 cm) and dredging and widening the river. There is no indication that a single local family was involved in managing the repair of these family-named facilities; all they did was simply ask for the help of the prefectural government. More telling, however, is the change of the names of the bridges. The two newly renovated bridges were renamed as the Eastern Bank Bridge (Pudong qiao 浦東橋) and the Clear Wave Bridge (Chengbo qiao 澄波橋), respectively.104 In doing so, the local government turned these family-name bridges into public facilities, symbolically as well as literally.

-1— 0— +1—

102. BQSMZ, 12.36b. We know nothing about how big they were or how much money was spent on their construction. 103. KQSMXZ, 3.8b– 9a. 104. BQSMZ, 12.29a–b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 124

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

125

The Mingzhou government also renovated the Huang Family Dam 黃家堰 and the Wang Family Bridge 王家橋 in Cixi county in 1257, and repaired the Lin Family Dam 林家堰 and the Zheng Family Dam 鄭家堰, both in Yin county, in 1257 and in 1259, respectively. All these projects began with requests from local people, all the costs were paid by the prefectural government, and all of those in charge of the work were local officials handpicked by the prefect.105

Financing Local Governance Financing the various aspects of local administration was a challenge for the Mingzhou government. In the case of the Fangsheng floodgate, we have already seen how one county-level construction project was financed in Mingzhou. Here I will try to provide a more structural explanation of Minghzou’s financial resourcefulness, which also bears on the broader issue of Southern Song local governance. According to today’s prevailing interpretations about the Southern Song, local governments were left with anemic budgets, but there are two markedly different approaches to the reasons for this sorry situation. At the one end, Wang Shengduo 汪圣铎 and Bao Weimin emphasize the Southern Song central government’s financial policies, which they say extorted every conceivable source of tax income, a view shared by such Japanese scholars as Kusano Yasushi 草野靖, Koiwai Hiromitsu 小岩井弘光, and Yagi Mitsuyuki 八木充幸.106 According to these scholars’ understanding, the Southern Song local government barely maintained financial solvency by resorting to increasingly exploitative surcharges on regular taxes, the appropriation of the reserve of the Ever-Normal Granary and the Charitable Granary, the creation of various miscellaneous taxes, and the exploitation of local elite households. This point appears to be supported by pointed criticism

105. 2,000 strings were spent for the Huang Family Dam; about 6,000 strings for the Wang Family Bridge; 34,017 strings for the Lin Family Dam; 25,000 strings and 100 piculs of rice for the Zheng Family Dam. KQSMXZ, 2.7b, 3.7b–8b. 106. Wang, “Songdai difang caizheng yanjiu,” pp. 125– 32; Bao, Songdai difang caizheng shi yanjiu, pp. 164– 95; Kusano, “Sō no tsūhan to zaisei”; Koiwai, Sōdai heiseishi no kenkyū, p. 419; Yagi, “Nan Sō chihō zaisei no ichi kentō,” p. 47.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 125

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

126

Local Governance

by Chen Fuliang 陳傅良 (1137–1203) of excessive financial centralization, and by Li Xinchuan’s account of skyrocketing monetary tax revenue during the period.107 At the other extreme, however, Robert Hymes argues that the presence of Southern Song central government was virtually unfelt in local society and that its local agents had to make repeated compromises with powerful, often defiant local elites. As a telling example, he estimates that Fuzhou’s “total rice obligation,” which included autumn tax in rice and “Harmonious Rice Purchase,” accounted for only 6 percent of the prefecture’s estimated annual rice production. Building on Shiba Yoshinobu’s 斯波義信 argument that in the Southern Song Harmonious Rice Purchase was carried out mainly to make up for the arrears of the regular autumn tax,108 Hymes suggests that the widespread complaints by local elites and administrators alike about the

107. Chen Fuliang, “Libu yuanwailang chudui zhazi di er” 吏部員外郞初對箚子第 二, Zhizhai ji, 20.8b– 9b (QSW, 267:6027.222–23); Li Xinchuan, Jianyan yilai chaoye zaji 建炎以來朝野雜記, “Caifu” 財賦, p. 289. Chen Fuliang stresses here that the

-1— 0— +1—

amount of tax set aside for transport to the center continued to increase during the mid- and late Northern Song, becoming the regular quota in the Southern Song. According to Li Xinchuan, the monetary tax revenue more than tripled in the first century of the Southern Song. Recently there has been an illuminating debate between Liu Guanglin and Bao Weimin over how to interpret Li’s account in relation to the impact on Southern Song tax revenue of the systemic inflation caused by the expansion of currency. See Liu, “Shichang, zhanzheng he caizheng guojia,”; Bao, “Zai lun Nan Song guojia caizheng de jige wenti.” While Liu argues that Li Xinchuan’s account is deceiving because it does not reflect the expansion of currency and accompanying inflation, Bao stresses that given the largely stable rice and silk price during the better part of the Southern Song, until 1234, the actual increase of tax revenue is undeniable. 108. Shiba, “Sōdai shiteki seido no enkaku,” pp. 141–42. According to Shiba, the original quota of the autumn tax from the six circuits of Zhedong, Zhexi, Jiangdong, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Hubei was 4,690,000 shi but the actual amount collected in 1159 was only 3,320,000 shi, thus leaving more than one million shi of deficit. Therefore, the Southern Song state had to “purchase” a huge amount of rice to make up for this gap. But it requires further consideration whether the main purpose of the Harmonious Rice Purchase was to make up for the shortage caused by the arrears of the regular autumn tax throughout the Southern Song. It is undeniable that the early Southern Song state was unable to collect the twice-a-year tax to quota, and the Harmonious Rice Purchase was employed to make up for this shortage. But Shimasue Kazuyasu has refuted Shiba, demonstrating that the main function of the Harmonious Rice Purchase changed after 1159, developing from a supplement to address

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 126

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

127

increasing quota of Harmonious Rice Purchase only betray a seriously weakened state power in Fuzhou.109 According to him, therefore, it was not the excessive extraction of tax revenue by the central government that led to the financial and administrative impotency of local government; quite the contrary, it was the absence of a powerful, coercive central government that brought about local government’s impoverishment.110 the regular tax’s shortage into a reserve for famine relief and military needs. See his “Nan Sō jōkyōbei to ryōzeibei,” pp. 459, 473. 109. Hymes cites Huang Gan, who was the magistrate of Linchuan county, in arguing that making up for the shortage of regular tax was indeed one of the main functions of Harmonious Rice Purchase, at least until the early 1200s. See Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 204, 338 n8. I am not sure whether Huang Gan’s writing in question, “Explaining the Problems of the Transport of Tax, [written as] Linchuan Magistrate on Behalf of the Prefect [of Fuzhou]” 臨川代郡守申綱運利病 (Mianzhai ji 勉 齋集 [SKQS], 27.1a–2a [QSW, 287:6527.326]), can prove this assertion. What Huang explains here are the circumstances under which the Fuzhou government had to either collect extortionate transportation surcharges (shuijiao qian 水脚錢) or embezzle part of the taxes paid in rice in order to meet transportation costs, which included the maintenance of ships and the hiring of sailors and other laborers. This situation, according to Huang Gan, unavoidably led to some shortage in the amount actually transported to higher authorities, figures for which he did not specify. Nowhere in this document does Huang Gan state or even imply that a main purpose of the Harmonious Rice Purchase was to make up for the shortage in the regular rice tax. 110. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 205– 6. It is far from clear, however, whether Fuzhou’s “total rice obligation” accounted for only 6 percent of the prefecture’s annual rice production. According to Hymes, the total sum of Fuzhou’s rice obligation was 187,000 shi, while the estimated total rice production was more than 3,000,000 shi. Because he does not provide the source for the former number, we have little idea of for what specific year or even period in the Southern Song this number has a meaning. Even during the term of Huang Zhen, upon whose writing Hymes relies in his discussion of the Harmonious Rice Purchase, its quota was not fi xed. Huang reported that the usual quota of Harmonious Rice Purchase was less than 50,000 shi in 1269 and that it suddenly increased to 72,500 in 1271. Admittedly, this difference of 22,500 shi might be dismissed as insignificant. But the difference in quota was indeed significant at times. According to the epitaph of Wu Shugao 吳叔告 (1193–1265), who served as the prefect of Fuzhou in 1240, Fuzhou was annually assigned 360,000 hu 斛 of “Harmonious Rice Purchase” in addition to the regular rice tax. See Liu Kezhuang, “Wu Junmou shaoqing muzhiming” 吳君謀少卿墓誌 銘, Houcun xiansheng da chuanji, 164.16a (QSW, 332:7643.128). Granted, one hu came to mean 0.5 shi at some point in the late Southern Song, in which case 360,000 hu becomes equal to 180,000 shi. Even so, the difference between 50,000 or 72,500 and 180,000 is far from negligible. Let us now turn to Fuzhou’s autumn tax in rice. Ac-

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 127

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

128

Local Governance

It is beyond the scope of this book to determine which interpretation is closer to the truth. Nevertheless, we must still explain how Mingzhou’s government coped with its unprecedented financial challenges, whether caused by too exploitative a central government or by helplessly moribund state power.111 First, it is possible that the county governments in Mingzhou relied on the conventional method of providing basic civic ser vices: transferring the burden to the shoulders of superior guard leaders (baozheng 保正) and assistant superior guard leaders (fuzheng 副正), who were selected from the upper households of a canton. Given the contemporary concerns and complaints about the often devastating consequence of such village services (zhiyi) on local population, forced contribution to local administration by upper households should not be surprising. Zhu Xi provides a vivid summary of the situation in Zhedong circuit: Things like repairing and constructing official buildings, nicely treating and seeing off traveling officials, maintaining shrine buildings, and manufacturing military equipment [are all assigned to superior guard leaders]. The pretexts are numerous. [Moreover], items like bamboo, woods, tiles, bricks, oil, lacquer, hemp, and ramie are collected

-1— 0— +1—

cording to Wu Qian, Mingzhou’s hero, who also served as the pacification commissioner of Jiangxi circuit, the actual amount collected for Fuzhou’s autumn tax in 1235, not the quota, was 137,279.49 shi. See Wu Qian, “Zou yi zao shutie hudou faxia zhujun namiao shiyong kuanxu renhu shi” 奏以造熟鐵斛斗發下諸郡納苗使用寬恤 人戶事, Xuguo gong zouyi, Congshu jicheng edition, 2.30 (QSW, 337:7767.122). It is important to note, as the title of this memorial shows, that this 137,279.49 shi was an amount reduced after Wu’s reform of the excessive collection of surcharges, which Wu reduced to only 0.45 shi per one shi. Now, if we assume that this “reduced” amount continued to be collected in 1240 too, when Fuzhou also had to transport at least 180,000 shi for the Harmonious Rice Purchase, then we have a total rice obligation of 317,279.49 shi, which would account for about 10.5 percent of Fuzhou’s entire rice production, not 6 percent. This is not an entirely impractical number. In 1165, for instance, 300,000 shi was “purchased” and the additional transport surcharge of 173,270 strings and 890 shi were collected in adjacent Jizhou 吉州 prefecture. See Chinō, “Nan Sō dai no wateki seisaku ni tsuite,” p. 122. 111. The same question was asked and partially answered by Kim Yǒng-Je’s study of local finance during the Southern Song. Kim, “Nam Song ŭi chibang chaejŏng e taehaesŏ,” p. 151. One may attribute Mingzhou’s financial healthiness to the fact that it was a major trade port of the time. However, the entire revenue of the Maritime Trade Superintendency was under the direct control of the fiscal intendant of Zhedong circuit and did not belong to Mingzhou’s income.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 128

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

129

from them usually in the name of “harmonious purchase” (hemai) [and yet] not a single coin has ever been paid for them. Besides, when artisans are drafted for ser vice work and manual laborers are mobilized, they are forced to contribute money and rice to help provide for their own rations. Such is the extent of exploiting their very flesh and bone.112 如修造廨舎, 迎送官員, 整葺祠宇, 置造軍器, 似此之類, 其名不 一. 竹木瓦磚, 油漆麻苧等物, 例以和買爲名, 不曾支給分文. 又如 役使工匠, 科差人夫, 勒出錢米, 陪備供輸, 椎剥肌髓, 至此爲甚.

Still, the naked exploitation of village service personnel alone can hardly explain how the much larger prefectural government weathered the tight financial strictures. Scholars have recently proposed a revisionist view of “exploitative” surcharges, arguing that the surplus accumulated from various surcharges allowed local administrators practical, financial leeway, and that local finances during the Southern Song were healthier than conventional wisdom has had us believe.113 Some sources suggest that this was the case in Mingzhou. In 1132, for instance, Prefect Wu Mao 吳懋 was demoted two ranks because he had presented 50,000 strings of “surplus” to the Ministry of Revenue 戶部.114 Zhao Yanyu, the registrar of Xiangshan county in 1164, saved 10 percent of a surcharge levied 112. Zhu Xi, “Yueshu bude saorao baozheng deng bang” 約束不得搔擾保正等榜, ZXJ, 8:99.5084. On the burden of superior guard leaders and assistant superior guard leaders, see also McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy, pp. 65– 66. 113. Aoki Atsushi, “Nan Sō no senyō to chihō zaisei”; Nagai Chiaki, “Nan Sō jidai Chinkōfu no zaisei shūshi”; Kim Yǒng-je, “Nam Song tae Kangsŏro Muju ŭi yangse aek kwa chaejŏng suji”; Kim, “Nam Song ŭi chibang chaejŏng e taehaesŏ.” Nagai shows, based on a meticulous study of the tax records in the Jiading Zhenjiang zhi 嘉定鎭江志 and the Zhixun Zhenjiang zhi 至順鎭江志, that the local finance of Zhenjiang prefecture during the Southern Song was sound and was buttressed by various surcharges and commercial and miscellaneous taxes. According to Kim, Fuzhou’s government was able to set aside 3 percent of its annual tax income for purely local administrative purposes. Given that his calculation takes into account the original “quota” only, he suggests that the Fuzhou government’s regular operating budget may have been bigger than this. 114. Wu Mao was demoted because he had collected this money from people by pressing them as if with martial law (yin junqi kelüe 因軍期科䎴). See SHY, “Zhiguan,” 70.9b. This case thus shows that the central government was not always revenue-hungry and extortionate, nor was the local government always penurious and more protective of local people.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 129

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

130

Local Governance

on merchants for two years and used it to renovate the Chaozong floodgate, support the county school, and build two ferry boats. Lin Dazhong 䏋大中 (1131–1208), prefect in 1195–96, is said to have saved 20,000 strings and used them to reinforce a dike that was twenty-five li long to the south of the prefectural city. Likewise, Ye Mengding 䍉夢鼎 (d. 1278), prefect in 1265– 67, is praised for having not personally received “surplus,” using it instead to build a granary for famine relief.115 Besides this anecdotal evidence, Mingzhou’s detailed tax records in two Southern Song gazetteers also show that the prefectural government was not destitute and was creatively finding new sources of extra tax income for local administration. According to Kim Yŏng-je’s calculation based on the Baoqing Siming zhi, Mingzhou’s annual tax income around 1226 is estimated to have been 1,352,822 strings. Out of this income, about 1,130,000 strings were transported to higher authorities and spent on the army and navy troops stationed in the prefecture, which means that about 219,000 strings were left for local expenses. Out of this remainder, 145,000 strings were spent for the salary of local civil officials, military officers, and messenger soldiers ( pubing 鋪兵). Mingzhou was then finally left with 74,000 strings with which to pay the stipends of scores of sojourning officeholders and members of the imperial household and to take care of other administrative responsibilities.116 Though this is not a condition of budget deficit, it would be hard to imagine that Mingzhou could handle a series of local projects by relying solely on this budget, even when we consider the occasional support from the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary and the central government. To find a financial breakthrough, Mingzhou government actively took advantage of the vibrant commercial economy in the area, especially by investing in the manufacture and sale of liquor. As is well known, liquor was one of the state monopolies during the Song dynasty.

-1— 0— +1—

115. See Lou Yue, “Xiangshan xian duchuan ji,” GKJ, 59.14a-b (QSW, 265:5970.51); Lou Yue, “Qianshu shumiyuanshi zhishi zeng zizhengdian xueshi Zhenghui Lin gong shendaobei” 簽書樞密院事致仕贈資政殿學士正惠䏋公神道碑, GKJ, 98.9a (QSW, 265:5991.357); Songshi, 414.12434. Lu You also recorded that in Changzhou, Zhexi circuit, a canal was restored by the surplus provided by the prefect Lin Zuxia 䏋祖洽, a Mingzhou native. See his “Changzhou kaihe ji” 常州開河記, Weinan wenji, 18.15a (QSW, 223:4942.105). 116. Kim, “Nam Song ŭi chibang chaejŏng e taehaesŏ,” pp. 166, 170, 172– 73.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 130

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

131

The government either directly ran breweries or licensed local applicants to run some of them and collect tax. The unlicensed, private manufacturing and selling of liquor was strictly prohibited, and an exclusive selling district was set up for liquor produced from each of the officially recognized breweries. There were ten main breweries, which were also liquor tax offices, and as many as 121 licensed branch stores across Mingzhou around 1226. Under the monopoly system of the dynasty, however, the income from liquor was supposed to be under the direct control of the Ministry of Revenue and little was left for prefectural expenses. In 1166, Prefect Zhang Jin 張津 created Xiangquan 香泉 Brewery by investing the prefecture’s money. Sometime after 1191, the Cifu 慈福 establishment, which used to sell liquor from other official breweries and divided its income with them, became the prefecture’s own property, completely independent from the Ministry of Revenue’s control. The annual income from these two establishments, 70,460 strings, was not accountable to the Ministry of Revenue and was set aside for prefectural expenditure. Th is income, almost equal to the prefecture’s annual operating budget from regular taxes, must have provided Mingzhou government with much-needed financial latitude.117 Moreover, the prefecture’s investment in the liquor business continually increased throughout the rest of the dynasty. In 1236, Peijiu 醅酒 Brewery was created with a capital investment of 100,000 strings by Prefect Zhao Yuchou 趙與幊, who was criticized for “being obsessed with wealth and profit wherever he went [on official posts]” 所至急於財利. Its capital increased to 200,000 strings under Prefect Yu Tianxi in 1241 and then to 300,000 under Prefect Zhao Lun 趙綸 in 1244. From this brewery’s annual income, at least 10,950 strings of cash and more in paper notes were channeled into the prefecture’s finances.118 117. BQSMZ, 5.7a–15a. Li Huarui’s study, which stresses the increasingly exclusive absorption by the central government of the profit from the liquor monopoly at the expense of local government interests during the Southern Song, fails to highlight this point. See Songdai jiu de shengchan he zhengque, pp. 374– 79. 118. See his biography in Songshi, 423.12642. In thinking about the meaning of the amount of money in the period from the 1240s onward, we need to consider the notorious inflation after 1234. According to Liang Gengyao, rice prices increased more than twenty times after that date. See Nan Song de nongcun jing ji, pp. 201–3.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 131

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

132

Local Governance

During Wu Qian’s term, five more such “prefectural” breweries were created and the income from them amounted to 487,579 strings per annum.119 One might wonder whether these new sources of revenue might have been a means for local officials to line their own pockets. It should be remembered, however, that the creatively developed sources of revenue outside of normal local taxes were meticulously recorded in official local gazetteers, which were also updated by later prefects. That is, they were not ad hoc funds surreptitiously created and managed outside the purview of the central government. The Mingzhou government’s financial flexibility derived from prefecture-owned/licensed breweries can be best seen in the case of the abolition of the off shore fishery “tax” in 1258.120 As table 2.4 shows, the fishery tax, which amounted to about 229,000 strings, supported the prefectural school and other prefectural expenses. When it was finally abolished in 1258, the Mingzhou government earmarked income from the breweries under its control to close the gap. Based on this financial latitude, Mingzhou prefects could even afford to reduce or exempt taxes on their own initiative. In 1198, Prefect Zheng Xingyi 鄭興裔 (1126– 99) abolished 5,600 strings of commercial tax that had previously been collected on an annual basis at four offices in Yin and Fenghua counties. In 1213, when Prefect Cheng Tan reduced 6,000 strings of commercial tax levied on fruits and fishes for residents of the prefectural city, he made up for the amount with money from Xiangquan Brewery. In 1226, Prefect Hu Ju exempted an additional 295 strings of commercial taxes, and paid them from the prefectural treasury. Chen Kai, prefect in 1241–43, reduced 600,000 strings of rent collected from local people. In 1246, Prefect Yan Yizhong exempted 4,462 strings of ferry tax at two fords in Yin and Dinghai counties and also abolished the fishery tax of 53,182 strings, which he

-1— 0— +1—

119. KQSMXZ, 4.1a– 7a. See also Kim, “Nam Song chunghugi chibang chaejŏng ŭi ilch’ŭngmyŏn,” pp. 117–18. Again, we need to take into account the inflation at the time. The prefecture’s expenditure recorded in gazetteers also reflects the same situation, however, so it would not compromise our purpose to see how Mingzhou’s government met its financial needs. 120. It was a quasi-tax levied on local households in return for their access to offshore fisheries. The process of abolishing the offshore fisheries and the tax is treated in greater detail in chapter 3 in its relation to Mingzhou government’s protection of lower households.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 132

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 133

Salary ( yancai qian 鹽菜錢) for six clerical offices of the prefectural government

93,500

Annual salary for the officers of the navy stationed in Dinghai Salary for navy soldiers mobilized for annual scouting campaign on the sea

15,000

41,000

136,200

Amount of Expenditure (in strings)

Subsidy from the prefectural government’s regular finance: 139,634.195

Income from the fishery: 229,065.805

Source before the abolition of the fishery (in strings)

Source after the abolition of the fishery (in strings)

(continued)

Subsidy from the interest collected at the Peijiu brewery (Peijiu ku 醅酒庫): 11,700

Interest from the officially run brewery in Cixi: 73,000

Rent income from fifteen breweries, the management of which was granted to private families: 284,000

Table 2.4 Financial Management before and after the Abolition of the Fishery Tax

Room and board fee for prefectural school students

Area of Expenditure

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 134

Source: KQSMZ, 8.1b–3a.

Annual expense for navy soldiers deployed at the Yefei Fort, Cixi county Annual expense for navy soldiers dispatched to the Dongshu Ford, Xiangshan county, to ferry civilian travelers and ward off bandits Annual expense for navy soldiers stationed at a newly created Jiagang base, Dinghai

Area of Expenditure

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Total: 368,700

6,280

21,120

56,600

Amount of Expenditure (in strings)

Source before the abolition of the fishery (in strings)

Table 2.4 (continued)

Total: 368,700

Source after the abolition of the fishery (in strings)

Local Governance

135

paid from prefectural budget. Sun Zixiu 孫子秀 (1212– 66), Mingzhou’s vice prefect sometime before 1251, abolished 5 percent of the surcharge levied on the salt tax. Wu Qian reduced the collection of surcharges on tax and yet was still able to “accumulate” 1,473,800 strings to pay regular taxes on the people’s behalf.121 Activist administrators in Mingzhou, therefore, were also generous administrators. They could afford to be generous precisely because they were activists.

Dealing with Local Interests When a local government executed its administrative power, conflicts with the interests of entrenched local families were often unavoidable. In a way, therefore, the coercive power of a local government would be an indicator of its administrative competence. Not surprisingly, the “great families” of Mingzhou were not always compliant. They often hoarded grain in times of poor harvest for the purpose of speculation, and did not always report their taxable real estate transactions to the government.122 I have so far argued that the Mingzhou government was working effectively in the Southern Song. If that is true, it would be interesting to examine how such a government handled the interests of local people when they came into conflict with the public interests represented by the government. An examination of this question will lead to the question of what was expected of good government in the period. It is not difficult to find Mingzhou administrators taking firm stances against the interests of the powerful, defying local families. For example, Qiu Yu, prefect in 1140–41, is said to have taken it as a principle “to curb the powerful and to promote the good and honest”

121. Zhou Bida, “Wutaijun jiedushi zeng taiwei Zheng gong shendaobei” 武泰軍 節度使贈太尉鄭公神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 70.18a (QSW, 233:5186.50). BQSMZ, 5.18a; BQSMZ, 5.15b–16a. See also Kim, “Nam Song ŭi chibang chaejǒng e taehaesǒ,” p.  174; BQSMZ, 5.16a; Lin Yuanjin 林元晉 ( jinshi 1232), “Huisha jia ji,” Tuoshan shuili beilan, 2.13b (QSW, 344:7957.343); BQSMZ, 6.14a, 2.14a-b; Huang Zhen, “Anfu xianmo shaoqing Sun gong xingzhuang” 安撫顯謨少卿孫公行狀, Huangshi richao, 96.15a (QSW, 348:8056.355); Mei Yingfa, “Shengci ji” 生祠記, KQSMXZ, 1.13a; Songshi, 418.12518. Most of these locally exempted taxes, of course, had to be paid by the prefecture to the Ministry of Revenue. 122. BQSMZ, 4.17a, 6.12b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 135

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

136

Local Governance

以挫豪强奬善良爲理. When Zhao Zisu, prefect in 1163– 64, pacified piracy, he is said to have thoroughly punished powerful and cunning local people who benefitted from symbiotic economic relations with the pirates ( fan haohua wei zei nangtuo zhe 凡豪猾爲賊囊橐者). Zhao Bogui, prefect in 1164– 67, restored Shenjiao Lake 沈窖湖 in Dinghai county, which had been encroached upon through unlawful reclamation by powerful people (haoyou 豪右). Wang Zhongxing 王中行 (1158–1210), the registrar of Dinghai county in the 1170s, punished the worst tax evader from a powerful family to warn other evaders. Within one month, we are told, every other delinquent family completed its tax payment. Xu Xuan 徐瑄 (d. 1228), who was the administrator for justice 司法參軍 of Mingzhou sometime after 1195, prevented a powerful family’s encroachment on someone else’s tomb site. Wang Jie 王介 (1158–1223), prefect in 1211–12, was praised for putting an end to the powerful families’ exclusive profit from offshore fishing and salt production. In 1227 the prefecture punished two powerful locals who had illegally mined iron in Guanding Mountain 灌頂山, in order to “set a punitive example for later powerful people who would illegally seek profit” 以爲後來豪民違法規利者之戒. Wu Qian is also said to have “curbed the powerful and assisted the weak” 摧强植弱.123 It was not uncommon, either, for the family property of those who transgressed the law to be confiscated. Following are some examples from Southern Song gazetteers of Mingzhou: 1. Mingzhou confiscated a piece of land that Shi Xian 史侁 had illegally occupied (maozhan 冒占) in Wukang 武康 canton, Yin county and used the rent from it to support the community drinking ceremony.124

-1— 0— +1—

123. Songshi, 399.12127; Songshi, 247.8748; Lou Yue, “Huang bozu taishi chongxianjing wang xingzhuang,” GKJ, 86.5a (QSW, 265:5978.150); Yuan Xie, “Zhaofenglang Wang jun muzhiming” 朝奉郞王君墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.10a (QSW, 281:6387.413–14); Wei Liaoweng, “Dali shaoqing zeng jiyingdian xiuzhuan Xu gong muzhiming” 大理 少卿贈集英殿修撰徐公墓誌銘, Heshan ji, 86.14b (QSW, 311:7128.355); Zhen Dexiu, “Song jiyingdian xiuzhuan Wang gong muzhiming,” Xishan wenji, 46.33b (QSW, 314:7197.197); BQSMZ 12.14a-b; Mei Yingfa, “Shengci ji,” KQSMXZ, 1.13a. We do not have to believe, of course, the words in a commemorative inscription for one’s live enshrinement, but the fact that it was mentioned in such a context shows that such an act or attitude was highly valued by others. 124. BQSMZ, 2.18a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 136

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

137

2. In 1212 a licensed manager of Xiangquan Brewery, a certain Zhang Liangqing 張良卿, violated a governmental regulation (weibei zhihui 違背指揮) and his property was confiscated.125 3. In the same year, Cifu Brewery’s licensed manager, a certain Zhou Jun 周璿, also saw his property confiscated because he had violated governmental regulations related to scale (wei chengti zhihui 違秤提指揮).126 4. In 1228, eighty-one mu of land in Cixi county confiscated from a certain Shen Shiju 沈時擧 were added to the endowed fields of Yin county school.127 5. In 1257, thirty mu of land in Changguo county confiscated from Zhu Ying 朱䎇 and Zhu You 朱祐 were added to the endowed fields of the prefectural school.128 6. In 1257 the land confiscated from Liu Yong 劉泳 was added to the endowed fields of Gaoqiao Monastery 高橋寺, which were expanded to commemorate the completion of the Exalted Bridge.129 7. In 1259 Wang Chengdao’s 汪澄道 land in Changguo county (9,731 mu), county clerk Zheng Xin’s 鄭新 land in Yin county (9 mu), Yin county’s land that Shao Zongwu 邵宗武 illegally registered (guiji 詭寄) under the name of Dong Hou 董垕 and Chen Bayi 陳八一 (10 mu), and Wei Yuan’s 衛源 and Wei Fu’s 衛 溥 land in Dinghai county (31 mu) were confiscated and added to the prefectural school’s endowed fields.130

An intriguing feature of Mingzhou cases is that officials are recorded as having been careful to protect local people’s interests as much as possible. In 1242, when the Baofeng 保豊 floodgate was being restored in Yin county, it was found that the Lis 䎺 and the Shens 沈 had occupied its old site and turned it into their vegetable paddy. Official investigation revealed that their occupation had no legal basis. When the two families requested clemency on the grounds that they had been using the site since their grandfathers’ days, Prefect Chen Kai paid them for taking part of the land from them and even let them

125. Ibid., 5.13b. 126. Ibid., 5.14b. 127. Ibid., 12.8b. 128. KQSMXZ, 1.15a. 129. Ibid., 2.15a. 130. Ibid., 1.15b–16a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 137

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

138

Local Governance

continue to use parts of it that were not crucial to the construction of the floodgate.131 In the same year, Chen ordered the removal of houseboats that had been built illegally by local people on a river, blocking its flow and causing a terrible odor. At the same time, he compensated them with official funds in accordance with the size of the houseboats. In 1245 and 1248, Prefect Yan Yizhong tried to open a canal running sixty li (34 km) from Taohua ford in Yin county to the west market of Dinghai county. It was discovered that those who lived near the stream had illegally occupied the water’s path, transforming it into their private land. Yan Yizhong ordered that they admit their fault in occupying the “official stream” (guanhe 官河), give up the sites, and never again confuse them with private land, “For a couple of people’s private calculations can never interfere with the interests of sixty li of water control” 斷不可以一二人之私計, 而妨六十里之水利. What is interesting was that the Mingzhou government believed that it “ought to” (dang 當) measure the size of the land occupied by those squatters and subsidize their move to other places.132 That is, although the local government clearly made a point of prioritizing “official” (and thus public) interests over “private” ones, it made a serious gesture to demonstrate concern about those private interests. This policy continued during the term of Wu Qian as well. When the Mingzhou government found it necessary to build three dikes to streamline the flow of a river running from Tuoshan Dam through the prefectural city in 1258, they discovered that a garden belonging to the He 何 family occupied an important point in the water’s path, blocking its natural flow. The government bought the land from them, had the Hes move elsewhere, and then connected the canal again.133 In these cases can we say that the government was caving in to entrenched local interests? Does this seemingly magnanimous, but actually reconciliatory, attitude only betray weakened state power of the time? To begin answering this question, we should stress that the basic tenet of this conciliatory policy had already been laid out in 1072,

-1— 0— +1—

131. BQSMZ, 12.29b, 12.31a–b. 132. Ibid., 4.5a. 133. KQSMXZ, 3.2b–3b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 138

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

139

when the majority of the New Policies, such as the Green Sprouts Policy 靑苗法, Hired Ser vice Policy 募役法, Tithing Policy 保甲法, and Government Trade Policy 市易法 were in place.134 In the fifth month of the year, an edict was promulgated: If people have occupied and tilled old sites of dikes and dams, which can be repaired for irrigation and [when repaired] will be beneficial [to the locale], then pay the price to buy the occupied land if it was inherited from their ancestors, according to local precedents (xiangyuan li), and exempt it from the twice-a-year tax. If there are tombs [of the residents’ ancestors] and buildings, also pay for the removal of the tombs and any reconstruction cost.135 五月十八日, 詔. 應人戶見耕占古跡陂塘地土, 如可興修澆灌, 委悉 利便, 其所占地土始係祖業, 卽依鄕原例支給價錢收買, 除破省稅. 如地內見有墳墓舍屋, 仍量給還葬折修功錢.

If we believe that the Northern Song state was significantly stronger than its Southern Song counterpart, what should we make of this? Must we admit that even the most vigorous state activism in Chinese history had to compromise with private interests that would resist the coercive power of the state? If the New Policies– era state was this “weak,” a logical corollary would be that the Mingzhou government in the Southern Song, which was faithfully following this Northern Song policy, must have been even weaker. Another way of reading these cases, however, would be to view the policy as having more to do with the time-honored Confucian ideal of benevolent governance than the level of coercive state power.136 What the aforementioned examples

134. For a chronology of each of the major programs under the New Policies, see Bol, “Government, Society, and State,” pp. 168– 69. 135. SHY, “Shihuo,” 7.24a. Exactly the same edict is also found in “Shihuo,” 61.99b. It is not entirely clear whether “local precedents” here means local customs that had not been fully approved by the government, or locally practiced, officially recognized precedents. See Bao and Fu, “Songdai ‘xiangyuan tili’ yu difang guanfu de yunzuo.” 136. One can still argue, of course, that even apparently similar policies can have markedly different meanings in different contexts. That is, the policy of the New Policies era can be taken as a sign of the aggressive state’s pretension of benevolent government, whereas the same policy during the Southern Song might be understood as a sign of helpless state power under the guise of benevolent government.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 139

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

140

Local Governance

from Mingzhou do show clearly is that Mingzhou’s government consistently carried out this centrally ordered policy, and that it had sufficient economic resources to support its implementation, challenging once again the image of local government during the Southern Song as financially impotent. Loudianwudi 樓店務地 was a type of registered land under government ownership that could be rented out to local people.137 While regular tax land (shuidi 稅地) was burdened with all manner of taxes and surcharges, renters of loudianwudi had only to pay a relatively small amount of money called “official land money” (guandi qian 官地錢). Many powerful families of Mingzhou, in collaboration with clerks, hid the loudianwudi they rented to evade this tax, causing some loss to the local government. When the government tried to redress this problem by clarifying registration, “criticism piled up like mountains” 謗議所積如山. The editor of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi makes it clear that those who had hidden their loudianwudi and not paid the “official land money” that was due were violating the law as well as the cosmo-ethical principle (li 理). Prefect Wu Qian, however, suggested a very interesting solution. He worried, we are told, that because people had deceived officials and evaded their taxes for so long a time, they would see the Mingzhou government’s effort to redress the problem as simply an attempt to collect more taxes. Thus, in order to avoid this kind of unwarranted suspicion on the people’s part, Wu Qian decided to treat them with special magnanimity. That is, people were allowed to pay their taxes with “eighteenth-run” 十八界 paper notes, effectively paying much less than they were originally obliged to.138

-1— 0— +1—

This would be a problematic interpretation, however, because it resorts to unproven assumptions to frame the source. 137. Shiba et al., Chūgoku shakai keizaishi yōgo kai, p. 15. 138. KQSMXZ, 7.9b–11b. Even when the paper currency system was under good control, a one-string note circulating in Liangzhe circuit was commuted to 750 coins, rather than its nominal face value of one thousand. After the disastrous military adventurism of the Kaixi reign period, the market value of paper notes was seriously downgraded. See Li Xinchuan, Jianyan yilai chaoye zaji, “Dongnan huizi” 東南會子, p. 363. One string’s worth of the eighteenth-run paper notes, supposedly worth 400 to 650 coins, came to be worth only 192 to 250 coins toward the end of the dynasty.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 140

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

141

Why did Wu Qian (like his predecessors) feel it necessary to take into account the barely legal interests and recalcitrant thoughts of such families? The local government saw itself as the legitimate representative of the “public” (gong 公) interest, but at the same time, the “private (si 私)” interests of local families were not perceived as something to be aggressively and forcibly suppressed for the realization of the public good.139 Instead, a harmonious balance of the public good with private interests was considered to be the basis of the viability of any important government policy. Although Wu Qian’s term can be characterized by its activist administration, he always stressed that both the public and the private should benefit. When he proposed the charitable ships policy (yichuan fa 義船法) to solve the nagging problem of conscripting private ships to police the maritime area, Wu emphasized: “When the government and the people alike find it convenient, only then will it work out” 使官司·民戶兩便, 方可行.140 It was not only Wu Qian who emphasized this idea. In 1226, when proposing his plan for dredging Dongqian Lake, Prefect Hu Ju said that “only when the public and the private find it convenient, is it the best plan” 使公私俱便, 乃爲至計.141 He was criticizing former prefect Zhao Kai’s work because the government did not adequately pay those whose lives were interrupted by their mobilization for manual labor. Although those landed households neighboring the lake were obligated to provide workers, he suggested, the workers must be paid adequately. In the same year, Hu Ju took a former official brewery, which had suffered maladministration and embezzlement by lower officials and clerks, and shifted its management responsibilities to a local household in exchange for monthly interest. As a result of this “outsourcing” of a profit-making business, the gazetteer said, “it was

Wang Shengduo, “Nan Song gejie huizi de qiqi shu’e ji huijia,” p. 141. See also von Glahn, “Monies of Account and Monetary Transition,” p. 466. 139. For a discussion of the meaning of gong and si in the Song historical context, see Hymes and Schirokauer, introduction to Ordering the World, pp. 51–54. 140. KQSMXZ, 6.3b, 2.4a-b. 141. BQSMZ, 12.24a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 141

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

142

Local Governance

convenient to both the public and the private. It was indeed a lasting and viable policy” 公私䍓便, 實經久可行之法.142 Commonplace as it may sound, gongsi liangbian 公私䍓便 (the mutual convenience of the public and the private) was a newly emerging concept in this period. It is interesting, indeed, that among the twentyfour official histories, the expression first appears in The History of the Song Dynasty (Songshi). Admittedly, the Songshi was compiled in the Yuan and the expression appears only twice within it, once in the Northern Song part and once in the Southern Song. As table 2.5 shows, however, the expression first appears in major historical works compiled in the Song dynasty. Table 2.5 highlights the fact that this term appears in major extant works compiled only during the Southern Song period. It does not appear, for example, in such Northern Song works as the Zizhi tong jian 資治統鑑 (Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government) and the Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (The New History of the Tang Dynasty), the Xin Wudai shi 新五代史 (The New History of the Five Dynasties), or the Tang jian 唐鑑 (Mirror of the Tang Dynasty), much less in any historical work of previous dynasties. In this respect, the results of a search of the private literary collections of Song authors are even more interesting (table 2.6). First, it is striking that the expression does not appear in any preSong literary collections. Second, although it is used in only three books by Northern Song authors, it appears in thirteen books by Southern Song authors.143 Moreover, besides these literary collections, it also appears in such Southern Song examination prep texts as the Bamian feng 八面峰 (To the Point in All Cases) and the Junshu huiyuan jiejiangwang 群書會元截江網 (A Net to Unite and Order the Massive Amounts of Information in All Books).144 These findings suggest that the idea of

-1— 0— +1—

142. Ibid., 5.14a. 143. In fact, the editors of the SKQS classified Hengtang ji as a Southern Song work. Given that the author survived the Northern-Southern Song transition by only one year, I prefer to consider it a Northern Song work. 144. A sample essay contained in the Bamian feng is titled “When it is advantageous to both the public and the private, then is it a good policy” (gongsi liangbian, ze wei liangfa 公私䍓便, 則爲良法).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 142

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

143

Table 2.5 Gongsi liangbian in Song Historical Works Title Xu Zizhi tong jian changbian

Time of Compilation

No. of Appearances of gongsi liangbian

1183

4

Early 13th century

7

Late 13th century

3

續資治統鑑長編

Jianyan yilai xinian yaolu 建炎以來繫年要錄

Songshi quanwen 宋史全文

Source: Based on a search of the electronic version of the SKQS.

gongsi liangbian was beginning to be widely circulated in the Southern Song.145 How is this relevant to our Mingzhou case? To begin with, it is intriguing that mutual convenience was thought to be a criterion of a good policy. The word bian, “convenience,” is not a morally loaded term. It can be achieved by striking a balance between the public and private interests without imposing the moral superiority of one over the other. Thus, it implies a process of negotiation between the two. Hence, we see that the Mingzhou government was willing to negotiate with local people. Furthermore, we also see that the prefectural government had impressive financial leverage in its negotiations. One may argue that expressions such as gongsi liangbian were nothing but euphemistic concessions of a seriously weakened local government to the entrenched interests of local power holders. If we take this position, we may be tempted to view the Mingzhou government during the term of Zhao Kai (1174–80) as more powerful than that under that of Hu Ju (1226–29) or Wu Qian (1256–59). However, the evidence 145. A search for gongsi liangli 公私䍓利, “the public and the private both benefit,” yields a similar result. It appears three times in three literary collections of the Northern Song authors (one of them Sima Guang) and four times in four collections by Southern Song authors. However, it appears eight times in historical works compiled in the Southern Song whereas it appears only once in the Xu zhizhi tong jian changbian, which directly cites Sima Guang’s words. Thus, in total, it was mentioned three times by Northern Song men and thirteen times by Southern Song authors. The only exception that precedes the Northern Song period is The History of the Wei Dynasty (Weishu 魏書), where it appears once.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 143

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

144

Table 2.6 Gongsi liangbian in Song Private Literary Collections Title Wengong ji 文恭集 Jingde ji 淨德集 Hengtang ji 橫塘集 Liangxi ji 梁谿集 Gaofeng wenji 高峯文集 Hanbin ji 漢濱集 Shuangxi leigao 雙溪䎩稿 Panzhou wenji 盤洲文集 Hui’an ji 晦庵集 Langyu ji 浪語集 Donglai ji Dongtang ji 東塘集 Jiezhai ji 潔齋集 Mianzhai ji Beixi da quanji 北溪大全集 Huangshi richao

Author Hu Su 胡宿 (996–1067) Lü Tao 䍚陶 ( jinshi 1049) Xu Jingheng 許景衡 (1072–1128) Li Gang 䎺綱 (1083–1140) Liao Gang 廖剛 (1071–1143) Wang Zhiwang 王之望 (1103– 70) Wang Yan 王炎 (1115– 78) Hong Kuo 洪适 (1117–84) Zhu Xi Xue Jixuan 薛季宣 (1134– 73) Lü Zuqian Yuan Yueyou 袁䍺友 (1140–1204) Yuan Xie Huang Gan Chen Chun 陳淳 (1159–1223) Huang Zhen

Appearances of gongsi liangbian 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 4

Source: Based on the search of the electronic version of the SKQS.

cited above clearly shows that Hu and Wu invested in local infrastructure to a much greater degree. In terms of financial stability and managerial ability, the local government under Hu and Wu was much more active and well prepared to cope with daunting financial challenges.146 Seen from this angle, it would be hard to conclude that the local government was merely conceding to private interests. Above all, it was the Mingzhou government’s financial strength that made negotiation possible to begin with, and its administrative adeptness enabled it to achieve its goals in the face of the entrenched interests of local families.

-1— 0— +1—

146. Moreover, beginning in the term of Cheng Tan, prefects tried to bring the “supplementary consumption and capitation tax” under their control, an effort that was fi nally realized during Wu Qian’s term. See BQSMZ, 5.7b–16a, 6.23b– 24a; KQSMXZ, 4.1a– 7b and 4.8b–12a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 144

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

145

Comparison with the Northern Song (960–1126) Mingzhou’s government thus handled various challenges of local administration effectively, if not overpoweringly, during the Southern Song, but what should be our frame of reference in speaking of its effectiveness? Against what standard might it be mea sured? Th is is a  tantalizing question, to which, unfortunately, there is no simple answer. It is almost impossible to measure the administrative power of the state in Northern Song Mingzhou, because we have only a handful of records even hinting at the ways in which state power acted on local society. I have identified a total of twenty-nine commemorative inscriptions written in Northern Song Mingzhou, not a small number in itself. But ten of them were written on Buddhist monasteries or cloisters and three of them were about Mingzhou’s scenery. Only sixteen inscriptions were written on public buildings or water control works. Just nine of these sixteen writings contain some information, albeit far from concrete, about how the work was completed. This accidental imbalance in extant historiography does not fully explain the impasse we face in examining the state in Northern Song Mingzhou. Mingzhou began to emerge as a flourishing local society only during the Southern Song; we are simply bound to know more about Southern Song Mingzhou. I suspect that a similar situation exists for other prosperous regions in Liangzhe and Fujian circuits. According to Shi Zhengkang 施正康, for example, only a dozen or so water control works were undertaken (or recorded) in Wenzhou during the Northern Song, whereas more than a hundred such works were completed during the Southern Song.147 Under these conditions, a meaningful comparison of the ways in which state power was exerted in local society between the Northern and the Southern Song would be all but impossible. There is a single line in the Song huiyao jigao that reports that as many as 1,980 irrigation facilities were built or repaired in Liangzhe circuit in 1070–76. As there were thirteen prefectures in Liangzhe, about 152 of them might have been located in Mingzhou, if we hypothesize that the prefecture were all approximately the same size. This apparently —-1 —0 —+1

147. Shi, “Songdai Liangzhe shuili rengong he jingfei chutan,” p. 65.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 145

6/18/14 6:20 PM

146

Local Governance

impressive number, however, tells us little about the state in Northern Song Mingzhou.148 First, we obtain no idea whatsoever from this record of the scope of each construction or repair project, making it virtually impossible to gauge the magnitude of state power involved. Moreover, it is far from clear whether all, or even the majority, of these projects were funded and overseen by the state.149 Most important, contemporary local sources do not support the picture of a dominant state power at the local level in the Northern Song. Five commemorative inscriptions from local construction projects in Northern Song Mingzhou vaguely suggest that they may have been financed or managed by the government. In 1039, Fenghua county school was established by confiscating the building of Lady Shi Temple 石夫人廟; in 1075, Yin county magistrate Yu Daning 虞大寧 built the Fengpeng 風堋 floodgate by “borrowing the remaining famine relief fund” 假財於賑貸之餘; in 1085–87, the magistrate of Cixi, Cui Xi 崔熙, repaired a courier post with “surplus from the county budget” 邑之餘財; in 1090 the Hall of Nine Classics ( jiujingtang 九經堂) in the prefectural city was renovated by utilizing the “remnants of the government’s materials” 官之棄材; and in 1120, when the main gate of Cixi county’s government building was repaired, Magistrate Huang Tao 黃濤 is said to have “distributed money in the field to buy materials from those who were willing to sell them and hired labor from farmers who wanted to follow the order” 出金於野, 而有材者願售; 募 役於農, 而有力者願從.150 Do these episodes reveal strong local agents

-1— 0— +1—

148. SHY, “Shihuo,” 61.69a. 149. In the same period 997 irrigation facilities were built or repaired in Jiangxi circuit. Hymes assumes that 10 to 20 percent of these facilities were probably built or repaired in Fuzhou. He goes on to argue, based upon this assumption, that the Northern Song central state was “capable, through its local agents, of compensating massively for the accumulated neglects, if any, of previous years” and the state “capable of a program of this magnitude may also have been able to meet . . . the more ordinary year-to-year tasks of inspection and maintenance.” Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 201, 170, respectively. The untenability of this argument was pointed out by Bao Weimin. See “Jingyingmen ‘difanghua’le ma?” 150. Yu Fang 于房, “Xinxiu xue ji” 新修學記, Chenghua Ningbo junzhi, 21a–b. This writing is not included in the QSW; Shu Dan, “Shuili ji” 水利記, QDSMTJ, 10.30b (QSW, 100:2181.80); Zhou E, “Fuqi yi ji” 鳧磯驛記, ZZSMXZ, 11.6a (QSW, 117:2527.233); Li Kang 李閌, “Xiu Jiujingtang ji” 修九經堂記, QDSMTJ, 9.13a (QSW, 109:2356.54);

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 146

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

147

of a powerful, activist state? The first case may suggest some coercive power of the state in the early years of the dynasty, but it still remains unclear in the other four cases how much money was borrowed or defrayed by the local government and what was the ultimate source of that money. Moreover, the Northern Song state also relied on the financial and managerial assistance of local elites in local construction projects. For example, Wang Anshi testified that the Cixi county school and its Confucian temple were built entirely with local people’s financial contributions during the Qingli reign period (1041–48). In 1067 two bridges were renovated in Cixi county by relying on “locals who gladly contributed” 䌷輸之民. When Zhang Xun 張峋, magistrate of Yin county, had Guangde Lake dredged in 1068– 69, the entire project was entrusted to “local people who were trusted by others and had resourceful wisdom” 民之爲人信服有知計者 without the intervention of clerks. Xiaoxi River Bridge in Yin county was built using the personal fund of a local resident, Zhu Wenwei 朱文偉, in the Xining reign period. Guangji 廣濟 Bridge in Fenghua, which had been first built by a Buddhist monk during the Jianlong 建隆 reign period (960– 63), was rebuilt by a local resident, Dong Zhao 董昭, during the Yuanfeng 元豊 reign period (1078–86). We also know that the repair of Tuoshan Dam in 1103 was proposed by a prominent local, Zhang Biqiang 張必强, who also led (shuai 率) the Yin county magistrate in discussing the issue with local elders ( fulao 父老).151 Here, again, the amount of money spent and how it was raised remain unclear. Available sources from Mingzhou do not support the image of the strong Northern Song state. Given that the Jiangnan area and other parts Feng Ni 馮輗, “Cixi xian xiu xianmen ji” 慈溪縣修縣門記, QDSMTJ, 9.31a (QSW, 135:2918.210). 151. Wang Anshi, “Cixi xianxue ji,” QDSMTJ, 9.11b (QSW, 65:1498.52–53); Wang Yue, “Siming Cixi xian chongjian erqiao ji” 四明慈谿縣重建二橋記, ZZSMXZ, 11.4a (QSW, 43:933.279); Zeng Gong 曾鞏 (1019–83), “Guangdehu ji” 廣德湖記, QDSMTJ, 10.25a (QSW, 58:1263.168); Tang Changyan, “Chongjian Xiaoxijiang qiao ji,” in Jingzhi lu, juan 10 (QSW, 199:4395.60); Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi 乾隆奉化縣志, 4.25b; Yang Meng 楊蒙 ( jinshi 1085), “Chongxiu Tuoshanyan yinshui ji” 重修它山堰引水 記, QDSMTJ, 10.33b (QSW, 125:2709.264).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 147

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

148

Local Governance

of south China were not the areas where the New Policies’ state activism was especially concentrated or successful, this finding might not be surprising.152 What seems to be certain from recorded Mingzhou cases is that more meticulous attention was paid to the details of local projects during the Southern Song both by the local government and by local elites, and that the former’s contribution to expanding local society usually surpassed that of the latter.153

Conclusion The presence of the state was still felt strongly in many spheres of local society in Southern Song Mingzhou. The military was strong and well controlled. Under tight financial limitations, the government managed to secure its operating budget by relying on surcharges and by actively participating in the commercial economy. Utilizing resourceful financial administration, it improved local infrastructure and showed respect for the interests of local people, often with great public demonstrations of consideration. Mingzhou’s government not only continued to provide various civic ser vices during this period, but appears to have been rather effective in doing so. The conventional image of a nearly moribund system of local government under the Southern Song must be amended.

-1— 0— +1—

152. Wong, “Dimensions of State Expansion and Contraction,” p. 59. 153. An interesting comparison can be made with the Ming. Although it is clearly beyond the scope of this book, I would like to stress a few basic differences between the two dynasties. In the (Southern) Song, a huge standing army was paid by the state, whereas in the Ming the army was mainly formed from hereditary military households. In the (Southern) Song, local laborers mobilized for local construction projects were usually paid by the local government; in the Ming they were simply conscripted. In the (Southern) Song, many village ser vices were managed by “hired” ser vice men, whereas in the Ming such posts were built into basic village orga nization. In the (Southern) Song, local government funded the community drinking ceremony; in the Ming it was funded by local villages. There may be different answers, of course, to the question of which government was “stronger.” If coercive and despotic power is the only yardstick in mea suring state power, the Ming appears to have been far stronger than the (Southern) Song. If we focus on the state’s capacity to collect and distribute sufficient tax revenue to run a vastly “professional” society, however, the Song seems to have shown greater sophistication.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 148

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Local Governance

149

At the same time, the state adjusted itself to a changed sociopolitical reality, in the wake of the ultimate failure of state activism under the Northern Song and the expansion of local literati elites. The fall of the Northern Song and the subsequent abandonment of its activist policies created, not a vacuum of power in local society, but a relatively open field of negotiation. In raising profit for the people (weimin xingli 爲民興利), the Southern Song local government asked for, listened to, and reflected the opinions of local leaders. It may have given up the idea of bureaucratic entrepreneurialism, but it was flexible enough to make use of the work of private entrepreneurs for official purposes, as seen, for instance, in the permission granted to local families to run state-owned breweries in exchange for a share of the profits.154 The mutual convenience of the public and the private was considered a prerequisite for any good policy. But the Mingzhou government did not lose its substantial leverage in negotiations with local families even in the final decades of the dynasty. Rather than seeing these facts as simple proof of the relative weakening of state power, as the tenet of such policies were laid at the peak of Northern Song state activism, I interpret them as a sign that the local state viewed itself as a participant in and caretaker of local society, not simply as its ruler. An important question lingers, however. Most of the people who appeared in this chapter as donors in the building of basic local infrastructure, such as Zhu Shimi, Zhu Shize, Zhuang Hanying, Zhang Guangming, Cao Kang, Chen Gongda, Wu Mao, Zhao Hui, Xu Rusong, He Huan, Shen Guoyu, and Ru Rixuan, were of rather obscure background. All of them must have hailed from wealthy families of the locale, but it is also undeniable that they could not rank themselves among the most prominent families in contemporary Mingzhou. We must ask, then, why we do not see evidence of the active participation of such prominent families as the Wangs 汪, the Lous, the Shis, and the Yuans in local projects. What did they do for their local

154. This method, called “maipu 買撲” or “pumai 撲買,” was widely practiced in both the Northern and the Southern Song. Li, Songdai jiu de shengchan he zhengque, pp. 191– 98.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 149

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

150

Local Governance

community, aside from writing commemorative inscriptions about local infrastructure projects led by officials? Th is question immediately leads to other related questions: Where can we find the oft-touted “elite activism” of the Southern Song? Did elite contributions dominate in more cultural realms, such as the building of schools and per formance of community rituals? Was there indeed little room for local government in the arena of cultural hegemony? Addressing these issues in greater detail, chapter 3 explores the nature of elite activism in local society during the Southern Song.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 150

6/18/14 6:20 PM

three Cooperation and Tension: Revisiting Local Activism

ou Yue, who left the most extensive records about Mingzhou that still survive from the Southern Song period, proudly referred to his locale as a “righteous prefecture” (yijun 義郡).1 In one case Lou uses the expression when praising the continual production of filial sons in Cixi county. In two other places, he uses the term to highlight Mingzhou’s customs, by which, we are told, local magnates were swift to play leading roles (zhumeng 主盟) in taking care of the welfare of their neighbors. According to him, “community solidarity was held to be so important [in Mingzhou] that people treated each other in order of one’s age regardless of one’s officeholding background” 鄕誼最重, 薦紳韋布, 序必以齒.2 Taking Lou’s words at face value, we might conclude that moral, philanthropic customs flourished in Mingzhou in his day, and that those who played a leading role in promulgating these customs consciously

L

1. See Lou Yue, “Cixi xian Dong xiaozi miao ji” 慈溪縣董孝子廟記, GKJ, 55.13b (QSW, 265:5976.9); “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zhishi zeng tejin Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 88.20b (QSW, 265: 5980.183); “Shi yushi zuo zhaoqing dafu zhimige zhishi Wang gong xingzhuang” 侍御史左朝請大夫直秘閣致仕王公行䏑, GKJ, 90.8b (QSW, 265:5982.209). Among all the Song literary collections included in the Siku quanshu, no other author uses this word to describe his hometown. 2. Lou Yue, “Yizhuang ji,” YYSMZ, 14.43a. Only a significantly shorter version of this inscription is included in the QSW, which does not contain the information discussed here. See QSW, 265:5971.68– 69.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 151

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

152

Cooperation and Tension

prioritized their own sense of social order over the hierarchies imposed by the state. As we saw in chapter 2, however, many preeminent families in Mingzhou did not actively contribute, at least not financially, to building the basic social infrastructure of their locale, and such unresponsiveness was sometimes reproached by activist officials.3 This poses a problem. Unless we are to dismiss Lou Yue’s remarks as a hyperbolic idealization of his locale and its leaders, how do we reconcile this seeming contradiction? If reconciled, then, what would it tell us about Mingzhou local society at the time? Did the Mingzhou elites simply show varying degrees of interest toward different types of local projects? These questions hold much broader implications for our understanding of the local activism of the period. The Southern Song witnessed an upsurge of communal efforts in local society, through which people organized themselves to meet challenges that were coming from within and outside local society, under the leadership of members of the local elites who acted independently of the formal bureaucratic apparatus. In many cases these efforts were labeled with the word yi 義, conventionally translated as “righteous(ness).”4 Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123–1202) provides a contemporary definition of yi, as in the compounds “charitable estates” (yitian 義田) and “charitable ser vice” (yiyi), as meaning “sharing with other people” ( yu zhong gongzhi 與衆共之).5 Conrad Schiokauer and Robert Hymes argue, in their co-authored introduction to Ordering the World, that “yi came more and more in Southern Sung to be applied in contexts having to do with voluntary social action and semiformal governance at a level lying between family and state.”6 If such communal efforts did belong to a realm “between family and state,” although they first

-1— 0— +1—

3. Hymes also notes that the elites of Fuzhou were selective in their local activism. Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 150. 4. The word yi has a wide range of meanings, and “righteousness” or “righteous” may not be the best term to capture the historical nuances of the word in the context of these local communal projects. Depending on the context, English-language scholarship has variously used “charitable,” “duty,” or “voluntary” when referring to local programs. 5. Hong Mai, Rongzhai suibi 容齋隨筆, “Renwu yi yi wei ming” 人物以義爲名 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978), p. 105. See also Shiba, “Nan Sō ni okeru ‘chūkan ryōiki’ shakai no tōjō,” p. 191. 6. Hymes and Schirokauer, introduction to Ordering the World, pp. 54–55.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 152

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

153

originated with local initiatives, it would be natural to expect varying degrees of participations of “family” and “state” in these activities. Nevertheless, the question of how the state, particularly the state in local society, understood and participated in this realm has been scarcely touched by existing scholarship. In this chapter, I shall first examine Mingzhou’s official schools (zhouxian xue 州縣學), the community drinking ceremony (xiang yinjiu li), and such voluntary self-help institutions as the community charitable estate (xiangqu yitian), all of which were established for the literati elite. I will then analyze the charitable ser vice (yiyi), which was created in response to the chronic problems of village ser vices (zhiyi), which affected the lives of a great number of nonliterati elite. In all these institutions, which were loci of community building, we can see both the cooperation and the tension between the state and elite families.7 Shedding light on the active role of the local government in these areas will show that, far from emerging from the retreat of the state, the local activism of the Southern Song, especially in affluent regions, was the product of converging interests of the state and local elites. Each party had a different set of priorities in its sponsorship of local projects, and contending visions of local elite social responsibilities were being articulated in the period.

Official Schools in Local Society Any attempt to understand the literati community in Mingzhou should begin with a careful examination of the official schools. In general, the expansion of the official school system in the late Northern Song helped to foster the growth of local literati communities.8 Moreover, given the continued investment by both the local government and 7. Specific cases of community building in different areas can vary. Bol recently suggested four examples of community formation by the literati in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou: “the creation of self-regulating literati associations, the appearance of charitable ser vice compacts, the promotion of genealogy writing and lineage formation, and the effort of reform minded officials and local literati to reform the tax system.” See his “The Ming Founding in Comparative Perspective,” pp. 12–18. 8. For the impact of the late Northern Song official school system on the expansion of the literati population, see Kondō, “Sai Kei no kakyo·gakkō seisaku,” pp. 45–46.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 153

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

154

Cooperation and Tension

local elites in official schools and the relatively late appearance of private academies (shuyuan 書院) in Mingzhou (table 3.1), official schools must have occupied a place of central importance in its literati society.9 In fact, recent studies by Fang Chengfeng 方誠峰 and Xiong Huilan 熊慧嵐 show that official schools were nodal points in the relationship between local government and local literati elites, and crucial institutions through which local officials tried to transform local society.10 “When people talk about prefectural school,” said the editor of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi, “they invariably point to Zhangzhou 漳州 [in Fujian] and Mingzhou. Whereas Zhangzhou is known for its abundant school finances, Mingzhou is famous for its magnificent school buildings” 世之言郡泮者, 必曰一漳二明. 蓋漳以財計之豐裕言, 明以舎 舘之宏偉言也.11 Although this gazetteer tends toward the boastful when reckoning its prefect’s administrative accomplishments, the editor’s proud remarks appear to have a foundation. Writing about forty years earlier, Ye Xiufa 䍉秀發 (1161–1230), an instructor at the Mingzhou prefectural school, proudly noted that the school was second only to the Imperial University in the financial support it gave to students.12 The impressive presence created by the physical grandeur of the official school and the richness of its endowment undoubtedly contributed to the excellent performance of Mingzhou’s sons in the civil service examinations during the Southern Song period. Evidence is available that Mingzhou literati families assumed leadership roles in projects related to local official schools. Lin Wei 林暐,

-1— 0— +1—

See also Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, pp. 84, 87; Davis, Court and Family in Sung China, pp. 25–26. 9. In addressing official schools and private academies in Southern Song Mingzhou as the “institutional context of Neo-Confucianism,” for example, Walton devotes more than two-thirds of her discussion to official schools. See Walton, “The Institutional Context of Neo-Confucianism,” pp. 464– 73. 10. See Fang, “Tonghui zhi di”; Xiong, “Songdai Suzhou zhouxue de caiwu jingying yu quanyi weihu,” pp. 91, 100, 106. See also Yamaguchi, “Sōdai chihō toshi ni okeru kyōiku shinkō jigyō to zaichi eri-to.” 11. KQSMXZ, 1.6a. 12. Ye Xiufa, “Jiading qinian ji” 嘉定七年記, in Jingzhi lu, juan 15. This work has no pagination. The original title of this inscription remains unclear. See QSW, 301:6877.286.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 154

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

155

Table 3.1 Private Academies in Mingzhou during the Southern Song Name

Location

Date

Source

Danshan 丹山 Academy Yongdong 甬東 Academy Wengzhou 翁洲 Academy Longjin 䎝津 Academy

Xiangshan

1218–21

Yin

1228–33

Zhejiang tongzhi 浙江通志 (SKQS), 27.14b ZZSMXZ, 8.12b

Changguo

1241–52

CGTZ, 2.10b–12b

Fenghua

1260

Dengying 登瀛 Academy *Cihu 慈湖 Academy Daishan 岱山 Academy Guangping 廣平 Academy

Fenghua

1265– 74

Ren Shilin 任士林 (1253–1309), “Chongjian Wen gong shuyuan ji” 重建文公書院記, Songxiang ji 松鄕 集 (SKQS), 1.6a– 7a (QYW, 18:582.381) Zhejiang tongzhi, 27.11a

Cixi

1271

YYSMZ, 14.29b–37b

Changguo

1273

YYSMZ, 14.25a–29b

Fenghua

1275

Wang Yinglin, “Guangping shuyuan ji” 廣平書院記, Siming wenxian ji, 1.18a–20a (QSW, 354:8201.300–301)

*Although Yuan Jue’s entry introduction to the Cihu Academy states that it was first built between 1225 and 1227, at that time it was nothing more than a small shrine without even a lecture hall. As Huang Xianglong’s 黃翔龍 “Chongxiu Cihu shuyuan benmo ji” 重修慈湖書院 本末記 (QYW, 31:989.63) clearly shows, it was not until 1271, when prefect Liu Fu built a retreat and provided residential students’ boarding fees and sacrificial expenditures, that it became a fully functioning academy.

said to be one of the richest property owners in the entire prefecture (cai xiong yizhou 財雄一州), donated hundreds of strings of cash to make possible a rough reconstruction of the prefectural school in the early days of the Southern Song. He also contributed 100 mu of land to board residential students at the school.13 In 1186, Wang Dayou, an eminent statesman and a member of the influential Wang 汪 family in Yin county, together with Shi Mida 史彌大 ( jinshi 1169), the eldest son of Shi Hao, led the way for other literati to contribute to the school’s renovation. —-1 —0 —+1

13. Yuan Xie, “Ba Lin hucao tie” 跋林戶曹帖, JZJ, 8.26b (QSW, 281:6371.149); BQSMZ, 2.4a. See also Lin’s biography in BQSMZ, 8.31a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 155

6/18/14 6:20 PM

156

Cooperation and Tension

County schools were even more conspicuous in their reliance on elite contribution.14 When the Hall of Former Sages at the Yin county school was rebuilt in 1220, donations from local literati amounted to 4,100 strings, more than double the cash received from the prefectural government and the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary. The actual construction work was also overseen by a local literatus, Wang Ji 王機. Six years later, literati again chipped in with 500 strings for a major reconstruction of the school, this time chiefly financed by the prefectural government.15 In Cixi county, Chen Gongda 陳公達 helped finance the renovation of the county school sometime between 1177 and 1184.16 In Fenghua county, Wang Ji 汪伋 led another thirtytwo literati, including Dong Ansi 董安嗣 and Xu Rusong 徐如松, in constructing some forty bays of school buildings in 1196.17 When the county school of Dinghai was renovated by a magistrate in 1204, two local men, Hu Daren 胡大任 and Huang Junzhong 黃君中, contributed their land to expand the school site.18 The renovation of the Changguo county school in 1224 seems to have been aided by contributions from local literati as well,19 and local literati also participated in the reconstruction of the Confucian temple 大成殿 in 1247.20 There would be no denying that these donors were from wealthy local families. What is interesting, however, is that, with the notable exceptions of Wang Dayou and Shi Mida, most of them were from relatively unknown or fledgling literati families of the time. Lin Wei, Wang Ji 王機, Wang Ji 汪伋, Dong Ansi, Xu Rusong, Chen Gongda, Hu Daren, and Huang Junzhong were not jinshi degree holders, either

-1— 0— +1—

14. Kawakami Kyōji’s broad survey of the creation and renovation of country schools across the Song empire bears out this point. But this was not unique to the Southern Song. Local literati funded the creation of local official schools during the Northern Song. See “Sōdai no toshi to kyōiku,” pp. 361– 75. 15. BQSMZ, 12.7b–8a. Unfortunately, the names of major donors for each project are not provided. 16. Ibid., 16.9a. 17. Lou Yue, “Fenghua xianxue ji,” GKJ, 54.17a-b (QSW, 264:5966.370– 71); BQSMZ, 14.5b– 6b. 18. BQSMZ, 18.9a-b. 19. Yuan Xie, “Changguo xian ruxue ji” 昌國縣儒學記, CGTZ, 2.1a–2a (QSW, 281.6377). 20. Wang Yinglin, “Changguo xian chongxiu dachengdian ji” 昌國縣重建大成殿 記, CGTZ, 2.3b–4a (QSW, 354:8202.306).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 156

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

157

at the time of their donations or later.21 In other words, the leading role in donating to county schools was not played by already prominent local families. Although further information on most of these people is lacking,22 the cases of Lin Wei and Wang Ji 汪伋 afford a context for understanding their investment in schools. The Lins immigrated to Yin at the end of the Five Dynasties, and by the beginning of the Southern Song, they had forged solid connections with other prominent local families. They enjoyed marriage ties with the Yuans 袁 of Yin, the family of the famous Yuan Xie; the funerary inscription of a grandson of Lin Wei, Lin Shuo 䏋碩 (1133– 1206), was written by Lou Yue; and Lin Shuo was also close with Yang Jian and Yuan Xie.23 But the Lins’ efforts to gentrify themselves bore fruit only in Lin Wei’s great-grandson’s generation, when the family finally began to produce jinshi degree holders.24 As we saw in chapter 1, Wang Ji’s family began to rise only in the early Southern Song, having by then acquired tremendous wealth by means that are unclear. Wang Ji obtained an honorary rank through donations to the government, as did his father, and he became a disciple of the renowned Four Mingzhou Scholars (Yang Jian, Yuan Xie, Shen Huan, and Shu Lin). By Wang Ji’s son’s generation, the family was producing jinshi degree holders. For wealthy, upwardly mobile families like the Lins and the Wangs, donations to local schools may have been a more attractive route than

21. No further information on Chen Gongda, Hu Daren, and Huang Junzhong can be gathered, but my search through the Siku quanshu suggests that not one of them passed the jinshi examination. 22. Xu Rusong’s name appears one more time in the inscription on Fangsheng floodgate written by Wang Shihui. Xu and two other local men together donated 10 percent of the entire cost of the construction. 23. Lin Ying 䏋潁, the grandson of Lin Wei, was a son-in-law of Yuan Xie’s grandfather, Yuan Jiong 袁坰. See Yuan Xie, “Xianzu mubiao” 先祖墓表, JZJ, 17.7a (QSW, 281:6384.374). Yang Jian and Yuan Xie wrote Lin Shuo’s tomb record and record of conduct, respectively. However, these two writings are not found in the current editions of the literary works of Yang and Yuan. Lou Yue, “Lin fujun muzhiming” 䏋府 君墓誌銘, GKJ, 107.1b (QSW, 266:6003.133). 24. Lin Shuo’s two sons, Lin Weixiao 林惟孝 and Lin Weizhong 林惟忠, passed the examinations in 1190 and in 1202, respectively. Weizhong’s two sons, Lin Zongyi 林宗一 and Lin Wei 林煟, also passed in 1205 and in 1250, respectively. BQSMZ, 10.9b–21a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 157

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

158

Cooperation and Tension

contributions to more mundane local construction projects. First, official schools offered the most authoritative program for preparing for the examinations.25 By strengthening their relationship with such schools, those who wished to promote their own advancement into literati circles could create a reputation for valuing culture and education and producing sons likely to pass the examinations. Second, official schools were in themselves an impeccable venue for social networking, enabling students to make friends with members of other influential local families. The role of these literati in supporting local schools conveys only a partial picture of what was going on, however. The Mingzhou government’s investment in these schools far outweighed that of local elites (see appendix 4). For example, Lin Wei’s initial contribution provided the impetus for the prefectural school’s reconstruction, but it was through Prefect Qiu Yu’s effort that the project was completed. Possibly the local administrator’s role in this kind of work was nothing more than that of initial proponent or administrative coordinator of the plan. Fortunately, Mingzhou sources allow us to gauge the prefectural government’s role in the financial aspect of the construction project. In the second year [of his administration], when his governance took effect, [Prefect Qiu Yu] defrayed 1,600 strings from the official treasury and begged local leaders to obtain [an additional] 800 strings. The tax revenue began to increase [around this time], [so it was possible] to aid the supply. He additionally sold discarded timbers, tiles, wood, and bamboo poles, which amounted to about 109,600 pieces and supplied the remainder of the prefecture’s running expenses, 4,000 strings altogether, for the expenditure for the woodcarving and painting decorations.26 明年政成, 迺斥公帑百六十萬, 又丐於耆舊鄕老, 得錢八十萬. 始 益賦入, 助其供給. 復以估榷廢材·瓦木竹杆凡十萬九千六百有奇. 益以調度之餘四百萬錢, 以爲梓匠丹堊之費.

A total of 6,400 strings was spent on the work. Of these, local donations of 800 strings, which had been “begged for” ( gai) by Prefect Qiu

-1— 0— +1—

25. Neo-Confucian criticism of official schools as a place for examination preparation bears out this fact. See Lee, Government Education and Examinations, p. 270. 26. Li Huang, “Chongjian zhouxue ji” 重建州學記, QDSMTJ, 9.5b (QSW, 188:4141.216).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 158

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

159

Yu, accounted for only 12.5 percent of the entire expenditures. The remaining 87.5 percent was provided from an “official treasury” (gongtang). Because the prefect was the subject of the entire sentence in which this “treasury” is mentioned, and because the inscription also notes that he “was able to spare what the treasury had accumulated” 能斥其帑藏之積, it is most likely that the treasury being referred to is the prefecture’s rather than the central government’s. During his term Qiu Yu also used the rice stored in the official treasury for famine relief,27 so we may assume that the Mingzhou government managed to handle the financial challenge of reconstructing the prefectural school largely on its own.28 From Emperor Xiaozong’s reign (1163–89) onward, the prefectural school was periodically renovated and repaired by a succession of officials. Thirty years after its reconstruction, Prefect Zhang Jin renovated the school. Following him, Prefect Zhao Bogui “allocated a considerable sum” (da chu minqian 大出緡錢) to renovate the school’s Confucian temple, Tower of Imperial Calligraphy 御書閣, Hall of Examining Antiquity 稽古堂, and Hall of Illuminating Human Relations 明 倫堂, as well as student dormitories, gates, and wings.29 In 1186 Prefect Yue Fu 岳甫 spent 2,000 strings to spearhead a major renovation. In 1214 Prefect Cheng Tan disbursed 5,000 strings in paper notes to repair the school walls and the examination hall. He also invested in an official brewery administered by the naval force and used the annual interest payment of 1,200 strings to provide board for the school’s residential students. In addition, he rented out official land to local people,

27. Chen Juren, “Shantang miao ji” 善塘廟記, Guangxu Fenghua xianzhi, 12.21a (QSW, 241:5383.95). 28. On the same source, Walton wrote, “local contributions of 80,000 cash were recorded in 1136, as well as 1,600,000 cash from the Imperial Government. The cost of repair and rebuilding had come to over four million cash, leaving a deficit of nearly two and one-half million cash. How this deficit was dealt with is not clear from the sources, but presumably the prefectural government and perhaps more local contributions made up the deficit.” See “Education, Social Change, and NeoConfucianism,” p. 129. This account may lead us to believe that the Mingzhou government was in such a poor fiscal condition that the school’s construction had to rely mostly on local philanthropists such as Lin Wei. 29. Lou Yue, “Huang bozu taishi chongxian jing wang xingzhuang,” GKJ, 86.5b (QSW, 265:5978.151).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 159

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

160

Cooperation and Tension

and out of this income he occasionally supplied 300 or 400 strings to the prefectural school.30 Between 1224 and 1226, Prefect Qi Shuo 齊 碩 and Vice Prefect Cai Fan 蔡範 donated 2,000 strings and 200 piculs of rice to reconstruct not only the bridge over the semicircular pool ( pan) in front of the school, but also the school’s bath house and kitchen. The succeeding prefect, Hu Ju, also expended 1,000 strings for the school’s renovation, at which point the Mingzhou prefectural school is said to have become the best in Zhedong circuit.31 The role taken by the local government in maintaining county schools was also more salient than that of local elites, so much so that some officials even met with subtle criticism for their inordinate concern. Between 1269 and 1270, Chen Fuming 陳䍁明, magistrate of Xiangshan county, rebuilt the Hall of Illuminating Human Relations, the Shrine for Former Confucians, and the Confucian temple at the county school with the subsidy from Prefect Liu Fu 䎠黻 ( jinshi 1262). In his commemorative inscription on this occasion, Huang Shui 黃蛻 ( jinshi 1247) wrote: Someone said to me, “The county magistrate is the person who guides and leads (shishuai) the local people. The transformation [of the people] through education should come first, and dealing with litigation and taxation second. Mr. Chen knows what should be given priority. This act of his ought to be recorded.” I said to him, “True indeed. Nevertheless, transformation through education ought not to be pursued for hypocritical purposes. There are those officials who, confused in their administration of justice and oppressive in their collection of taxes, are not qualified to say anything at all about even a trickle of learning the Way and loving the people. If such a one still says, ‘I honor the former sages and the schools,’ this is nothing but making oneself look good for the sake of one’s reputation and angling for profit. This being the case, who is going to believe it even if one calls him a ‘gentleman’? One who is benevolent in rendering judgments and imposing prison sentences knows how to order people. . . . One who is benevolent in taxation knows how to nurture people. One who knows how to govern and nurture people surely knows how to educate them. Only when this is

-1— 0— +1—

30. Ye Xiufa, “Jiading qinian ji,” in Jingzhi lu, juan 15. 31. BQSMZ, 2.5a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 160

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

161

so [do we know that] this act of honoring former sages and the school originates from his genuine mind. Only when this is the case is the deed worth recording.”32 或謂蛻曰, “縣令民之師帥, 敎化爲先, 獄訟催科次也. 陳君知所先 矣, 是宜書.” 蛻曰, “是固然. 抑敎化䍂可以僞爲也. 世固有獄訟放 紛, 催科饕虐, 不足語學道愛人之萬一者, 而曰, ‘吾尊先聖也, 崇學 校也,’ 則是紛飾以爲名, 並緣以爲利耳, 而謂‘君子,’ 信之乎? . . . 蓋 其仁於獄訟, 則知所以治民矣; 仁於催科, 則知所以養民矣. 知所 以治民, 知所以養民, 必知所以敎民. 則其尊先聖也, 崇學校也, 皆由心以發者. 是則可書也.”

This suggests that the value placed on education was so strong that some officials, for the sake of earning a reputation, prioritized local schools at the expense of other pressing administrative duties, such as making judicial decisions and collecting taxes. In fact, a local administrator’s handbook advised officials to pay the closest attention to local official schools in their daily governance. In “How to Govern People” (Linmin 䏍民), the second chapter of the Zhoulian xulun, Hu Taichu listed four “priorities” (xianwu 先務) for a newly appointed magistrate. It is striking that the first of them is none other than “honoring the school” (chong xuexiao 崇學校), followed by “promoting fi lial piety and brotherly respect” ( jiang xiaoti 奬孝悌), “encouraging agriculture and sericulture” (quan nongsang 勸農桑), and “simplifying distinction in authority” (lüe shifen 䍑勢分).33 “Promoting the school” (xing xuexiao 興學校) was indeed one of seven categories of evaluation by the circuit intendants of prefectural and county officials. But it came sixth in order, preceded by “promulgation of edicts and [administrative] orders” (xuan zhaoling 宣詔令), “nurturing local customs” (hou fengsu 厚風俗), “encouraging agriculture and sericulture,” “regulating criminal cases and civil lawsuits” ( ping yusong 平獄訟), and “properly managing finance” (li caifu 理財賦).34 Why then, one must ask, did school come first on Hu Taichu’s list?

32. Huang Shui, “Xiu xuegong ji” 修學宮記, Minguo Xiangshan xianzhi 民國象山 縣志, Zhongguo fangzhi congshu edition, 32.29b (QSW, 352:8153.335–36). 33. Hu Taichu, Zhoulian xulun, “Linmin,” 1.3b–4a. 34. Songshi, 160.3763. 臣僚上言, “守令之治, 其略有七: 一曰宣詔令, 二曰厚風俗, 三 曰勸農桑, 四曰平獄訟, 五曰理財賦, 䎪曰興學校, 七曰實戶口.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 161

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

162

Cooperation and Tension

The foremost emphasis on education in the theory and practice of traditional Chinese governance should not be surprising in itself. But there had been varying interpretations about what the essence of education was in the context of the local official school. For instance, in his inscriptions on official schools, Zhu Xi invariably underscored “learning for one’s self” (weiji zhi xue 爲己之學) as the hallmark of education in sagely governance, just as he did for private academies.35 In Mingzhou too, many authors’ primary emphasis was placed on the moral transformation of the people, especially in those inscriptions written by such renowned Confucians and classicists as Lou Yue, Yuan Xie, and Wang Yinglin.36 There were also more utilitarian points of view that tended to stress school’s role in training successful examination candidates.37 Certainly, the convergence of these two concerns, for moral edification and practical training, may have contributed to the continual investment in the local official school. Returning to Hu Taichu’s point, we must note that Hu was no moralizing philosopher who would place the first priority of his administration on the transformation of the people through education ( jiaohua 敎化). It would also be unreasonable to assume that the commitment to the examination success of the local literati, no matter how important it was thought to be in general, was proposed as the most urgent matter in “How to Govern People.” Then, how should we account

-1— 0— +1—

35. See Zhu Xi, “Nanjianzhou Youxi xianxue ji” 南劍州尤溪縣學記, ZXJ, 77.4046– 48; “Quzhou Jiangshan xianxue ji” 衢州江山縣學記, ZXJ, 7:78.4068– 69; “Jingjiang fuxue ji” 靜江府學記, ZXJ, 7:78.4067– 78; “Xinzhou Yanshan xianxue ji” 信州鉛山 縣學記, ZXJ, 7:78.4089–90; “Qiongzhou xue ji” 瓊州學記, ZXJ, 7:79.4096– 97; “Zhangzhou Longyan xianxue ji” 漳州䎝巖縣學記, ZXJ, 7:79.4099–4100; “Changzhou Yixing xianxue ji” 常州宜興縣學記, ZXJ, 7:80.4146–48. 36. Lou Yue, “Fenghua xianxue ji,” GKJ, 54.18a (QSW, 264:5966.371); Lou, “Changguo xianxue shenyitang ji” 昌國縣學申義堂記, GKJ, 56.4a–b (QSW, 265:5968.16); Yuan Xie, “Siming jiaoshou ting xubi ji” 四明敎授廳續壁記, JZJ, 10.9a–b (QSW, 281:6376.224); Yuan, “Changguo xian ruxue ji,” CGTZ 2.1a–2a (QSW, 281.6377.252); Wang Yinglin, “Qingyuan fuxue chongjian dachengdian ji” 慶元府學重建大成殿記, Siming wenxian ji, 1.11a–b (QSW, 354:8201.294–95); Wang, “Changguoxian chongjian dachengdian ji,” CGTZ, 2.3b–4a (QSW, 354:8202.306). 37. Hu Gangzhong 胡剛中 ( jinshi 1208), “Dinghai xian chongxiu xue ji” 定海縣重 修學記, YYSMZ, 14.7b– 9a (QSW, 325:7467.115). See also Shen Pu 沈璞, “Jiading xianxue ji” 嘉定縣學記, cited in Fang, “Tonghui zhi di,” p. 12.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 162

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

163

for this interesting order of emphasis? The reason seems to be rather simple: to a pragmatic local official like Hu, the school was more than a place of teaching and learning, whether moral or practical. He continues, The literati are people to whom commoners look up. The local school is a place where governance is discussed. After paying a ceremonial visit to schools and performing sacrifices there,38 one ought to invite and meet the [local] literati . . . and to inquire of them the good and bad in local customs, and consult with them about the successes and failures in governance. He has to nurture them generously and test learning sincerely. Extol those among them who are upright and excellent, protect those who are implicated in lawsuits, and punish those who insult officeholders. Then the literati will be delighted and begin to respect him.39 夫士者, 民之望也. 鄕校者, 議政之地也. 諸學奠謁之餘, 便當延 見衿佩, 假之以辭色, 將之以禮意, 詢風俗之利病, 諮政事之得 失. 廪餼必豊, 課試必謹. 其端厚俊秀者奬異之, 其詞訟蔓及者覆 護之, 其陵辱衣冠者懲治之, 則士悅而知慕矣.

Strikingly, Hu here mentions neither the ideal aims of education nor its practical functions. Instead, he describes school mainly as a place where local literati participated in governance and administrators would make connections with their community. In other words, he is suggesting that “honoring the school” was the surest way for a magistrate to listen to, show respect for, and earn the trust of the literati. As the above passages imply, it would have been extremely difficult to govern local society, especially at the county level, without winning the respect and trust of literati elites. This emphasis on the local official school as a place for “discussing governance” should be understood, I think, primarily in the context of the remarkable increase in the numbers of literati in the Southern Song and in the government’s accommodationist attitude toward their opinions.40

38. An edict issued in 1144 notes that newly appointed local officials should first pay a visit to the local official school. See Umemura, “Sōdai chihōkan no chakunin girei,” pp. 247, 271– 72. 39. Zhoulian xulun, “Linmin,” 1.3b–4a. 40. See Bol, “Whither the Emperor?” p. 131.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 163

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

164

Cooperation and Tension

The local school as a place for “governance” was not a new idea. In his famous “Inscription on the Cixi County School” 慈谿縣學記, Wang Anshi, then the magistrate of Yin, wrote: There should always be governance and education under heaven. Thus, there should always be learning under heaven. In antiquity, all fields under heaven were administered through the well-field system and the local schools and the Imperial University were established therein. . . . The governance of nourishing the elderly, rewarding farmers, honoring worthies, employing the able, testing their skills, and recruiting the competent, on the one hand, and, on the other, events like determining military tactics, offering decapitated heads of the enemy, and interrogating [war] prisoners, all took place at school. . . . Participating in sacrificial ceremonies to the former sages, the students were taught not to forget whence their learning came from; by [being subject to] demotion and eviction, they learned to exert themselves to overcome laziness and eradicate wrongdoing. Thus, what literati saw and heard day and night in school was, without exception, how to govern all countries under heaven. . . . When, one day, they were selected to fill the official posts of various capacities, their ability and conduct had already been established. The way in which the literati prepare for selection [for employment] is nothing more than what they see and hear everyday. It is not something one becomes able to do only through [special] study and practical training. The core reason why those who were above in antiquity were able to fulfill their duties without much deliberation and to accomplish exploits without doing much lies here. This is that by which “Two [Godly] Emperors and Three [Sagely] Kings” governed all under heaven and country and their original intention in establishing schools.41

天下不可一日而無政敎. 故學不可一日而亡於天下. 古者井天下之 田, 而黨·庠·遂·序·國學之法立乎其中. . . . 養老·勞農·尊賢·使能·攷藝· 選言之政, 至于受成·獻馘·訊囚之事, 無不出於學. . . . 釋奠釋菜, 以 敎不忘其學之所自. 遷徙偪逐, 以勉其怠而除其惡, 則士朝夕所見 所聞, 無非所以治天下國家之道. . . . 一日, 取以備公卿大夫百執事 之選, 則其材行皆已素定, 而士之備選者, 其施設亦皆素所見聞而 已. 不待閱習而後能者也. 古之在上者, 事不慮而盡, 功不爲而足, 其要如此而已. 此二帝三王所以治天下國家, 而立學之本意也.

Wang was maintaining that governance should be conducted at schools, both central and local. Nevertheless, the kind of governance in his -1— 0— +1—

41. Wang Anshi, “Cixi xianxue ji,” QDSMTJ, 9.10a–b (QSW, 65:1498.52).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 164

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

165

ideal school was very different from what Hu Taichu was talking about. As the above passages make clear, Wang envisioned the school as an institution in which national politics were conducted and future bureaucrats were trained. Literati should be indoctrinated in “the way with which to govern all countries under heaven” 所以治天下國家之 道. But at school they were not made into active instruments of “governance” (zheng 政). “Nourishing the elderly, rewarding farmers, honoring worthies, employing the able, testing their skills, and recruiting the competent,” though practiced at school, would essentially remain the tasks of the ruler and officials. In the Southern Song we see a change in how the purpose and function of the local school were described. On the reconstruction of the Mingzhou prefectural school, Li Huang wrote: I humbly thought that in antiquity schools were established without exception both in the countryside and in the capital. There was a good reason for it. They were thought to be places where gentlemen resided and from which rites and righteousness originated. Here feudal lords decided their military tactics and dispatched their troops so as to conquer men in distant lands. Literati took their rest here and discussed governance. Officials then examined the suitability of the literati opinion and accordingly corrected their behavior. . . . This is why schools and official government did not have two distinct entities from the beginning, and why schools at various levels, from family to district to the capital, were established in this manner in the antiquity of the Three Dynasties.42

竊嘗謂古者有國有鄕, 必立學校, 非苟然而已. 以爲君子之居, 而 禮義之所從出也. 爲諸侯者, 於此虖受成遣師, 以服遠人; 爲士大 夫者, 於此虖游燕休息, 以議政事; 執政者又從而究其言善否, 因 以改行. . . . 此所以學校官府, 初無二體, 而三代之上, 家塾·黨庠· 遂序·國學, 如是之設也.

Like Wang Anshi, Li pointed out that the school in ancient times was a place where feudal lords would lead ceremonial acts. Now, in contrast, the roles of the literati and local officials were being given new importance. It was not the central government’s directives and policies that a school was supposed to teach its students. On the contrary, administrators were asked to consult the literati’s opinion on governance —-1 —0 —+1

42. Li Huang, “Chongjian zhouxue ji,” QDSMTJ, 9.5b (QSW, 188:4141.216).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 165

6/18/14 6:20 PM

166

Cooperation and Tension

in order to correct their own behavior. Writing in 1251 about the renovation of the Jiading 嘉定 county school, a certain Lin Yingyan 䏋應 炎 gave this idea more explicit articulation: “In the school, the magistrate asks about governance and the literati discuss governance. Is the school not a place of great unification?” 學宮, 其令問政, 士議政, 一大 統會之地歟.43 Here again, rather than being understood as agents of the central state in local society, local official schools are depicted as channels for local voices to reach the state. This turns Wang’s vision on its head. Doubtless, Hu Taichu’s emphasis on a place wherein literati discussed governance, of course, resonated more with the views of Li and Lin than those of Wang. The increase in both the number of the literati and their power in local society was a key factor in drawing the attention of local government. But also contributing to the development of the literati community in local society was the dynamic interaction between the state and local elites. Governmental school policies contributed to accelerating the increase in the literati population in the first place.44 Furthermore, the remarkable growth of local schools and subsequent expansion of the literati community in Southern Song Mingzhou resulted from collaborative efforts between local officials and elites, with the former often playing a more active role than the latter. Moreover, the Mingzhou government’s role in creating and sustaining the literati community extended beyond its investment in official schools.

Community Drinking Ceremony The community drinking ceremony was a collective ritual that had been transmitted from antiquity, in which the existing social hierarchy in a given community was reaffirmed while the harmony among

-1— 0— +1—

43. Lin Yingyan, “Jiading xian xiuxue ji” 嘉定縣修學記, cited in Fang, “Tonghui zhi di,” p. 13. For officials’ perception of the local official school as a place of discussing governance, see also Wang Yan 王炎 ( jinshi 1169), “Da Yin xueyu qi” 答陰學諭啓, Shuangxi leigao 雙溪類稿 (SKQS), 15.14a–b (QSW, 270:6101.154); Peng Guinian 彭龜 年 (1142–1206), “Shang chengxiang lun Liu shiyu budang buwai shu” 上丞相論劉侍 御不當補外書, Zhitang ji 止堂集 (SKQS), 12.1a– b (QSW, 278:6303.237). 44. Of course, we must also consider other social factors in the increase of the literati population, such as the wide availability of printed books, along with the lure of the financial and legal advantages of being shi.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 166

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

167

its constituents was reinforced. A means of recognizing and promoting the local literati community, this ceremony was organized by local officials, who served as the hosts and treated leading local literati as their guests.45 The ceremony came to be widely practiced across the country only in the Southern Song, precisely when the government, according to some, was significantly withdrawing from local society. What should we make of this? In the earlier discourse on this ceremony and its later spread during the Southern Song, Mingzhou played a central role. First, Mingzhou was said to be the only prefecture preserving the ceremony’s archaic form as it had been regulated during the Zhenguan 貞觀 reign period (627–49) of the Tang dynasty (618– 907).46 It was in Mingzhou that the ceremony was practiced for the first time in the Southern Song, and there that a most detailed record of its practice was preserved through the dynasty. Moreover, it was through the request in 1143 of a Mingzhou native, Lin Bao, who was then the director of a subsection of the Ministry of Justice, that the central government ordered that this ceremony should be practiced throughout the empire. The specific contents of the now imperially sanctioned ceremony were also drafted by a Mingzhou native, Gao Kang, who was at that time the chancellor of the Directorate of Education (guozi jijiu 國子祭酒).47 Conscious of the local history of the community drinking ceremony in local practice, and eager to share it with other localities, the Mingzhou elites actively promoted the ceremony throughout the country (table 3.2). Yet, as I will show, the local government was also dedicated to continuing this history. In other words, the ceremony variously attracted the attention of the court, local officials, and the literati elites, all at the same time. The Southern Song central government’s swift decision to sanction the nationalization of the practice of the ceremony might first be understood in light of the government’s effort to co-opt the local literati community. But the central government also tried to take advantage

45. Yamaguchi, “Sōdai kyōinshurei kō,” p. 77. 46. Songshi, 114.2721. 47. BQSMZ, 2.16b–17b. See also Lin Bao’s spiritual path stele written by Zhou Bida. “Zuo zhongfeng dafu fuwenge daizhi tejin Lin gong shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 86.13a (QSW, 233:5185.22); Songshi, ibid.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 167

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 168

Yin

Yin Yin

Yin

Yin

Shi Jun

Shi Mijian

Zhao Rushu 趙如述 ( jinshi 1184)

Zhao Shanxiang 趙善湘 ( jinshi 1196)

Zhao Shantong 趙善潼 ( jinshi 1199) Wang Ji 王曁 ( jinshi 1199) Yang Jian

Wang Lizhong 汪立中 ( jinshi 1214)

Fenghua

Wang Shihui

Yin

Cixi

Siming

County

Practiced it in Fanchang 繁昌 county as magistrate Practiced it in Jintan 䋦壇 county, Zhenjiang prefecture Practiced it in Wenzhou 溫州 as prefect Practiced it in Huating 華亭 county as magistrate

Practiced it in Yuyao 餘姚 county as magistrate

Lu You, “Wang Jijia muzhiming” 王季嘉墓 誌銘, Weinan wenji, 37.10b (QSW, 223:4950.237) Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 105.7b (QSW, 266:6000.104)

Wrote An Investigation of the Doubts on the Community Drinking Ceremony 鄕飮酒辨疑 Practiced the ceremony when he was magistrate of Xinchang 新昌 county Supervised the ceremony at Zhenjiang prefectural school as prefect Practiced it in Qingyuan 慶元 county, Chuzhou, as magistrate

Zhishun Zhenjiang zhi 至順鎭江志 (SYFC), 3.6a Liu Kezhuang, “Qingyuan xian xiang yinjiu” 慶元縣鄕飮酒, Houcun xiansheng da quanji, 96.8b (QSW, 329:7569.128) Sun Yingshi, “Yuyao xiang yinjiu yi xu” 餘姚鄕飮酒儀序, Zhuhu ji, 10.2a (QSW, 290:6590.67– 68) Yuan Xie, “Fanchang xiang yin xu” 繁昌鄕 飮序, JZJ, 8.1b (QSW, 281:6370.126) Liu Zai, “Xiang yinjiu yi xu” 鄕飮酒儀序, Mantang ji, 19.6b (QSW, 300:6838.19) Wenzhou fuzhi 溫州府志, cited in Yamaguchi Tomoya, “Sōdai kyōin shurei kō,” 86 “Ji xianxue xubai yi” 記縣學序拜儀, in Zhiyuan Jiahe zhi 至元嘉禾志 (SYFC) 19.4a–5b.

Source

Activity

Table 3.2 Mingzhou Elites’ Promotion of the Community Drinking Ceremony

Name

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

169

of the ceremony to prevent the abuse of “making a fraudulent claim about one’s native place” (maoguan 冒貫), a widespread practice through which examination candidates hoped to improve their chances by registering themselves in less competitive regions. Following Tang Pengju’s 湯鵬擧 (1089–1166) request in 1149, the central government ordered that those who failed to give incontrovertible proof of their native place would be barred from participating in the ceremony, and that those who failed to participate in the ceremony would, in turn, become ineligible to take the examinations.48 Yamaguchi Tomoya 山口智哉 thus stressed the central court’s intention in this move to solidify its control over local literati.49 In a similar vein, Ellen Neskar also argues that “the entire structure of these rituals was associated with the governmental bureaucracy, and they were at least in part designed to reaffirm and maintain its hierarchical authority on the local level.”50 The central government probably had such an intention in making this move. But it does not follow that the ceremony was practiced as it had been intended. In fact, the court’s attempt met with criticism because “literati considered [the system] inconvenient” 士䍂以爲便. Seven years later the central government promulgated a new order allowing even those who did not participate in the ceremony to sit for the examinations.51 The central government’s attempt to use the ceremony as a means to assert control over examination participation thus proved abortive. What, then, was behind local government’s commitment to it? Three years after the first practice of the ceremony in Mingzhou, Prefect Qiu Yu donated 106 mu of his own land to the prefectural school so that the rental income from it could be used to defray the cost of the annual per formance of the ceremony.52 The size of this 48. Li Xinchuan, XNYL, 160.2598; “Xiang yinjiu” 鄕飮酒, Jianyan yilai chaoye zaji, 1.13.282; SHY, “Xuanju” 選擧, 16.6a. See also Yamguchi, “Sōdai kyōinshurei kō,” p. 81. For the problem of “changing or forging one’s native place,” Zhu Ruixi, “Songdai de gongju ‘yimin’ ji zhengfu duice.” See also Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning, pp. 57–58. 49. Yamaguchi, “Sōdai kyōinshurei kō,” p. 90. 50. Neskar, “The Cult of Worthies,” p. 408. 51. XNYL, 172.2836; Jianyan yilai chaoye zaji, ibid. 52. Wang Boxiang, “Qiu daizhi xiang yinjiu zhitian ji” 仇待制鄕飮酒置田記, ZZSMXZ, 11.14b (QSW, 199:4394.25). The text clearly says that Qiu Yu donated “his

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 169

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

170

Cooperation and Tension

endowment was inscribed on stone in order to deter later officials from easily abandoning the ceremony. Nonetheless, soon after Qiu left office the rental income from these fields was quickly appropriated and applied to students’ boarding fees, and the ceremony eventually lapsed. It was not resumed until 1169, when Prefect Zhang Jin set aside for this purpose 260 mu of paddy field and 249 mu of mountain land (shandi 山地), lands that had been confiscated from residents of Yin and Changguo counties.53 Around this time, an instructor at the prefectural school, Zheng Genglao 鄭耕老 (1109–73), is also said to have contributed to securing the endowed fields.54 In 1214 Prefect Cheng Tan entrusted 2,000 strings in paper notes to a treasury run by the navy in Dinghai county, and dedicated the interests to subsidize expenditures on the ceremony. Despite such efforts, the ceremony was again abandoned after Cheng Tan left his post. In 1227 Prefect Hu Ju took the initiative in resuscitating the ceremony and entrusted a local literatus, He Bing 何炳, with canvassing the opinions of local leaders about the proper way to perform it. In this renewed ceremony, it is recorded, fifteen hundred local people from all six counties participated. Aside from 50 strings donated by one local man, a certain Mr. Li 厲, 800 strings were supplied jointly by the prefectural government and the Office of the Vice Prefect.55 Nineteen years later, in 1246, Prefect Yan Yizhong once again expanded the ceremony.

-1— 0— +1—

land” ( jitian 己田). He may have simply given land that his office controlled, but it is also possible that he purchased some land in Mingzhou. Qiu served as Mingzhou prefect twice, in 1135–38 and 1140–41. After retirement he took up permanent residence in Mingzhou. Qiu donated the land for the ceremony during his second term. Because sojourning officials were allowed to buy official land under auction, it is possible that Qiu Yu stayed on in Mingzhou as a sojourning official between 1138 and 1140 while awaiting his next post and purchased land in Mingzhou before his second term. For a regulation concerning sojourning officials’ right to buy land, see Chikusa, “Sōdai kanryō no kikyo ni tsuite,” p. 45. 53. Wang Boxiang, “Zhouxue xubai tian ji” 州學序拜田記, QDSMTJ, 9.9a–10a (QSW, 199:4394.26). See also BQSMZ, 2.16b–17a. 54. Ye Shi, “Fengyilang Zheng gong muzhiming” 奉議郞鄭公墓誌銘, Shuixin ji, 15.13b (QSW, 286:6500.193). 55. The trea sury under the control of the vice prefect was directly accountable to the Ministry of Revenue and the general commissariat, thus independent of the regular operating bud get of the prefecture. See Kusano, “Sō no tsūhan to zaisei,” pp. 41–57.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 170

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

171

This time, at the cost of 54,770 strings underwritten by the prefectural treasury, the ceremony included three thousand people; the honored guest was Chen Zhuo 陳卓 (1166–1251). In 1264 Prefect Li Zengbo 䎺 曾伯 conducted the ceremony on an even larger scale, at which more than three thousand people are said to have attended.56 Sources do not specify whether all of these attendees were all literati or not. There are, however, three reasons why we might believe that they were considered shi by the ceremony’s host. First, according to the original account of the ceremony contained in the Yili 儀禮, guests were supposed to be retired officials, literati, and worthy men in the locality (xiangzhong tuishi zhe 鄕中退仕者; chushi xianzhe 處士賢者). Second, the earlier texts describing the ceremony in Mingzhou clearly mention that the guests were local literati (xiang zhi shidafu 鄕之士大夫 or xiang dafu shi 鄕大夫士). Finally, the number of Mingzhou’s registered “Confucian household” (ruhu 儒戶) in the Yuan, a group that was purported to accommodate the descendants of former officials, degree holders, locally renowned literati, and scholars, adds up to a total of 3,405, close to the number attending the ceremony in 1264.57 Practiced on such a scale, the ceremony could survive only with continued financial and administrative support from the local government. Aside from Mr. Li’s small donation in 1227, which covered about 6 percent of the entire cost, no financial contribution to the ceremony by local people appears to have been recorded. In this sense, its practice was different from that of the Ming dynasty, in which local tithing organizations (lijia 里甲) were mainly responsible for the ceremony’s expense.58 Because Qiu Yu, Zhang Jin, Cheng Tan, Hu Ju, and Yan Yizhong were all activist officials involved in laying out the basic 56. BQSMZ, 2.17b. Jingzhi lu, “Xiang yinjiu li” 鄕飮酒禮, juan 13. In thinking about the amount of money spent for the ceremony this time, we must, as I stressed in chapter 2, consider the hideous inflation after the 1240s. 57. Yili zhshu 儀禮注疏 (SKQS), 4.1a; BQSMZ, 2.16b; Wang Boxiang, “Zhouxue xubai tian ji,” QDSMTJ, 9.9a (QSW, 199:4394.25). Yamaguchi Tomoya also defines the ceremony as a “field” where scholar-officials and the literati of local society gather together. See “Chihō no shidaifu to kyōinshurei,” p. 91. For the number of Confucian households in Yuan Mingzhou, see YYSMZ, 13.31b, 13.40b, 13.43a, 13.52b, 14.7a, 14.10b, 14.12a. 58. See Qiu, “Jinglao shi suoyi jianlao,” pp. 21–28.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 171

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

172

Cooperation and Tension

local infrastructure,59 the ceremony can be most readily understood as a part of their effort to improve Mingzhou society. To these activist officials, the ceremony functioned as a vehicle for extending their administration’s concern for the literati community. The ritual grandeur of the ceremony might have signified the administration’s success, but it might also have been a first step toward such success, by building firm connections with local magnates. As the number of the participants suggests, the ceremony was attended by a wide range of local literati. The only known donor to the ceremony, Mr. Li, for example, apparently was from a less than prominent family.60 Lou Zi 樓鎡 (1146–1211), an impoverished cousin of Lou Yue, neither held a degree nor had an affi liation with the prefectural school, but regularly participated in the ceremony along with his sons.61 To men like these, attending the ceremony may have been a way of gaining public recognition of their membership in the larger literati community. At the same time, the ceremony did attract several key members of influential local families. Wang Boxiang wrote two inscriptions, one commemorating Qiu Yu’s establishment of the endowed land in 1140, and another on the ceremony held by Zhang Jin in 1169. Though a member of a newly migrated family in Yin county, Wang had already established himself as a highly influential figure in Mingzhou’s literati community by this time. His role in Mingzhou’s literati society was so prominent, we are told, that a leadership role in its righteous customs was passed on to him from Wang Siwen, Lou Yue’s maternal grandfather and a member of the Wulao hui (Association of Five Elders).62 Wang

-1— 0— +1—

59. Their administrative achievements are described in chapter 2. See also Xu Shidong, Siming liuzhi jiaokan ji, 7.1b–18b. 60. The only other occasion on which the Lis of Yin county are mentioned in Mingzhou sources regards the reconstruction of the Penglai belvedere 蓬萊觀. The author of the commemorative inscription, Lou Yue, describes them as a wealthy family of the village (li zhi jushi 里之巨室). See Lou Yue, “Wangchunshan Penglai guan ji,” GKJ, 57.4b (QSW, 265:5968.24). It still remains unclear, however, whether these two Lis belonged to the same family. 61. Lou Yue, “Congxiong Lou fujun muzhiming 從兄樓府君墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.23a (QSW, 266:6005.175). 62. Lou Yue, “Shiyushi zuo zhaoqing dafu zhimige zhishi Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 90.8b (QSW, 265:5982.209).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 172

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

173

Boxiang ( jinshi 1132) reached, in his official career, the posts of attendant censor at the court and military commissioner of Kuizhou 夔州, Sichuan. He was a political ally of the famous Wang Dayou, the son of Siwen, who is also said to have led the xubai 序拜 ceremony sometime after 1169, and his daughter married Dayou’s brother.63 Probably more important for the incumbent prefects may have been that he was a son of Wang Ciweng, a former vice grand councillor and a lifetime ally of the immensely powerful chief councillor, Qin Gui 秦檜 (1090–1155).64 He Bing, who led the literati in discussing the procedures of the renewed ceremony in 1227, also hailed from a well-established family in Yin county. Although it seems unlikely that he passed the examinations, He Bing became the senior compiler of the Jiying Hall 集英 殿修撰 by 1237. His grandfather, He Jing 何涇, a jinshi of 1121, had been assistant at the Court of Judicial Revenue 大理寺丞. At home, his family had marriage ties with the Yangs 楊, a very wealthy family of Yin that produced at least four jinshi in the Southern Song period and was known for its distinguished family school, where the eminent Lou Yue and Yuan Xie studied.65 More interestingly, He Jing wrote the record of conduct (xingzhuang), the most comprehensive epitaph genre, usually entrusted to a man close to the deceased, for Lin Bao, who had requested that the central government introduce the empirewide practice of the community drinking ceremony.66 Chen Zhuo, who, as the representative of the 3,000 guests of the 1246 ceremony, was honored by Prefect Yan Yizhong as an old master

63. For Wang Dayou’s role in the ceremony, see Lou Yue, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zhishi zeng tejin Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 88.24a (QSW, 265:5980.185). Wang Boxiang’s son-in-law was Wang Dayou 汪大有. He was originally the third son of Wang Siwen, but became an adopted son of Wang Siji 汪思濟, Siwen’s younger brother. See Sun Di 孫覿 (1081–1169), “Song gu zuo zhaoqing dafu zhi xianmoge zhishi Wang gong muzhiming” 宋故左朝議大夫直顯謨閣致仕汪公墓誌銘, Hongqing jushi ji 鴻慶居士集 (SKQS), 37.23a (QSW, 161:3492.79). 64. See his biography in BQSMZ, 8.28a–30a. 65. See the funerary inscription for He Bing’s sister written by Yuan Fu. “Xianwei Yang jun tai ruren He shi muzhiming” 縣尉楊君太孺人何氏墓誌銘, MZJ, 18.9a-b (QSW, 324:7442.115). 66. Zhou Bida, “Zuo zhongfeng dafu fuwenge daizhi tejin Lin gong shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 86.13a

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 173

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

174

Cooperation and Tension

(lao xiansheng 老先生), was a jinshi of 1190 and the son of Chen Juren, who himself was a renowned statesman and administrative official, and a grandson of Wang Siwen. He had been retired to his home for eleven years after having reached the post of notary of the Bureau of Military Affairs 簽書樞密院事 at the central government. Moreover, Chen Zhuo was a grandson-in-law of Lin Bao’s son Lin Mian 䏋勉.67 Thus, the families of Lin Bao, He Bing, and Chen Zhuo were all connected. This closely connected local literati group consulted on and participated in the ceremony, and the ceremony reaffirmed the Mingzhou government’s commitment to the literati community.

Community Charitable Estate The local government’s readiness and ability to extend its aid to literati society is also reflected in the history of Mingzhou’s famous community charitable estate—which presumably was a voluntary self-help institution made up of officeholding lineages (shizu 仕族) in local society and designed to support their descendants.68 In this sense, it was an extended and collective version of the charitable estates of individual families that were dedicated to aiding their own kinsmen. The idea of the community charitable estate was first conceived of and realized by Shi Hao in 1168 during his tenure as the prefect of Shaoxing.69 Inspired by this example, Shen Huan, who enjoyed high esteem among the local people, asked Shi Hao and Wang Dayou to launch a similar project in their locale and took it upon himself to solicit other magnates to chip in for the establishment of the endowed fields. Yuan Xie said of Shen’s effort and its result: He did not avoid taking the trouble to do this work and repeatedly persuaded people. His sincerity being trusted, numerous people took delight in helping [the project]. Before long, hundreds of mu of land were gained, as well as a place to store [the grain from the endowed fields], people to manage [the estate], and regulations for receipts and expen67. YYSMZ, 5.17b–18a; Yuan Xie, “Lin taishuren Yuan shi muzhiming” 林太淑人 袁氏墓誌銘, JZJ, 21.10a (QSW, 282:6389.32).

-1— 0— +1—

68. Despite its name, therefore, the “community” charitable estate’s benefit was clearly limited to a handful of people. On this point, see also Liu Liyan (Lau Nap-yin), “Shiren jiazu yu difangzhuyi,” pp. 11–12. 69. Jiatai Kuaiji ji, “Yitian” 義田, 13.18b–19a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 174

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

175

ditures. Neither improper requests nor favoritism were allowed, the reality [of each request for help] was invariably investigated and the amount [of aid] was gauged [accordingly.] Thus, the accumulation was not depleted. When there was a surplus, they additionally purchased fertile land, which grew larger as time went on with its beneficence growing broader. Local people praised the estate as righteous and all said, “This is an endless benefit.”70 君不憚勞苦, 告諭諄諄. 誠意孚格, 樂助者甚衆. 未幾, 得田數百畝. 儲峙有所, 職掌有人, 出納有法. 毋苟求·毋徇私, 必核其實, 品量多 寡, 用而不匱. 有餘益市膏腴. 愈久愈多, 其惠愈博. 鄕人義之, 咸 曰, “此無窮利也.”

In setting up the endowed fields, Wang Dayou took the lead by donating twenty mu, and a certain Mr. Bian 邊 (1125–1200), who accumulated impressive wealth through commerce, is also said to have aided the project. Finally, some 500 mu of land were set aside, from which 400 piculs of rice and 200 piculs of other grains were collected as annual rents. The fifteen bays of charitable estate buildings were also built in the western part of the prefectural seat. In 1190 Wang Dayou drafted detailed regulations for the estate.71 After Wang’s death, the estate management was handed briefly over to Lou Yue, later replaced by Gao Wenshan 高文善 ( jinshi 1184) and Yuan You 袁槱 (1149–1213). Under Yuan’s skillful management, the estate is said to have become more profitable and expanded its beneficence.72 The estate continued to exist, though in a different form, well into the Yuan period. The community charitable estate could not have been established without intimate cooperation among influential local elites. Shi Hao and Wang Dayou had passed the jinshi examination in the same year and had worked closely together in central government. Shen Huan’ father, Shen Zhu 沈銖 ( jinshi 1145), was a friend of Shi Hao when Shi had not yet entered the officialdom and was later recommended by both Shi and Wang. Shen Huan himself also received political patronage 70. Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Shen gong xingzhuang” 通判沈公行䏑, JZJ, 14.23b–24a (QSW, 281:6381.332). 71. Lou Yue, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zhishi zeng tejin Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 88.23b–24a (QSW, 265:5980.185); Yuan Xie, “Bian Yonghe muzhiming,” JZJ, 20.25a (QSW, 282:6389.21). 72. Lou Yue, “Yizhuang ji,” YYSMZ, 14.43b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 175

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

176

Cooperation and Tension

from Shi Hao.73 Lou Yue, who oversaw the estate for a short time, was the nephew of Wang Dayou. Although Yuan You was not an officeholder, he was a younger brother of the renowned Yuan Xie, Shen Huan’s intellectual ally.74 Moreover, one of the donors to the endowed fields, Mr. Bian, was an uncle-in-law of Yuan Xie. Compared to the estate in Shaoxing, which was set up by the prefect Shi Hao, the one in Mingzhou certainly owed its creation to a much wider spectrum of literati activism. Emphasizing the voluntary nature of the charitable estate in the Southern Song, Linda Walton has written: “Ostensibly the Sung state recognized its own responsibility for charitable institutions, but in fact in Southern Sung the state had neither the means nor— since its attitude toward large and potentially powerful local organizations was necessarily ambivalent—the will to provide support for elite descent groups, however impoverished they might be.”75 There is little doubt that it was beyond any premodern Chinese state’s ability to take care of all impoverished elite descent groups. It is also true that the Southern Song state, whether central or local, did not attempt to provide a full-scale alternative to this kind of elite initiative. Still, the aforementioned account seems to assume too dichotomous a relationship between the state and local organizations, and it seriously downplays the crucial role of the state in sustaining organizations like the community charitable estate. Was it not the successive dynasties that strove to support and preserve the Fan 范 clan’s charitable estate in Suzhou?76 Was it also not the Yuan and Ming states that paid special attention to honoring the Zheng 鄭 communal family of Pujiang 浦江, Wuzhou?77 Was the Southern Song state simply unusual or particularly powerless in this regard?

-1— 0— +1—

73. Liang Gengyao, “Jiazu hezuo shehui shengwang yu difang gongyi,” p. 218. 74. Yuan You obtained a facilitated degree at the age of fifty-seven, after which he continued to assume lower administrative posts in outside counties. Interestingly, Yuan You’s funerary inscription written by his brother, Yuan Xie, does not mention his involvement in the community charitable estate. See Yuan Xie, “Wangdi Mushu muzhiming” 亡弟木叔墓誌銘, JZJ, 20.28b–31b (QSW, 282:6389.24–26). 75. Walton, “Charitable Estates as an Aspect of Statecraft,” p. 275. 76. Twitchett, “The Fan Clan’s Charitable Estate,” pp. 123–27. 77. Dardess, “The Cheng Communal Family,” pp. 12–13.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 176

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

177

It is worth noting that many community-oriented charitable estates were established on the initiative of local officials. Besides the Shaoxing estate, a charitable estate designed to help commoners with their marriages and funerals was created in Changguo county upon the initiative of Assistant Magistrate Zhao Shanyu 趙善譽 (1143–89). In Fenghua county, a “charitable granary” (yilin 義廩), which was attached to the county school and proceeds from which were dedicated to subsidizing students’ boarding fees, was set up under the leadership of Magistrate Feng Duofu 馮多福 ( jinshi 1193). Modeled after the Mingzhou case, a charitable estate was established at the Jiankang 建康 (today’s Nanjing) prefectural school by its prefect.78 What is more, the one in Mingzhou was subsidized by local officials from the very beginning. Out of 500 mu of endowed fields, 200 mu were donated by the Mingzhou government out of land confiscated from local people. Because this subsidy was made by Prefect Lin Dazhong sometime between 1195 and 1196, it means that the original amount of endowed land had been about 300 mu for the first five years. This subsidy from the Mingzhou government, which accounted for 40 percent of the total land endowment, must have given the fledgling community charitable estate a significant financial boost. “Later prefects [also] continued to donate money and land from official treasury [to the estate]” 相繼輟在 官之田若錢.79 The prefectural government was also involved in the day-to-day management of the community charitable estate. Each request for aid was to be made to the government, which would investigate its authenticity,80 although some twenty years after its establishment Prefect Cheng Tan allowed requests to be made directly to the civilian managers of the estate. Within another forty years, however, the entire community charitable estate came under the direct control of the

78. Lou Yue, “Zhaofenglang zhuguan Yuntaiguan Zhao gong muzhiming” 朝奉郞 主管雲臺觀趙公墓誌銘, GKJ, 102.8a (QSW, 266:5996.48); Zhou Mian 周勉, “Yilin ji” 義廩記, Guangxu Fenghua xianzhi, 8.25b–26a (QSW, 302:6911.405); Jingding Jiankang zhi 景定建康志, “Li yizhuang” 立義莊 (SYFC), 28.25a–26b. 79. BQSMZ, 11.21b. 80. Zhou Bida, “Fuwenge zhixueshi xuanfeng dafu zeng tejin Wang gong shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 67.9b (QSW, 233:5184.6); BQSMZ, 11.21a–22a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 177

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

178

Cooperation and Tension

prefectural school and the income from its endowed fields was extended to the upkeep of the students and staff of the school. In this way, the endowed field of the community charitable estate came to resemble a school’s endowed fields (xuetian 學田). This new system continued until the Yuan dynasty, when governmental control became even stricter. Whether the Mingzhou government forcibly appropriated land or the local people voluntarily agreed to hand over control of their land to the prefectural school remains unknown. As Liang Gengyao 梁庚堯 notes, however, the transfer of the control to the official school seems to suggest that the private sector was somehow unable to maintain the estate.81 In other words, even a self-help institution devised by and for the literati elites had to rely on local government aid to ensure its survival. As should be clear by now, the “literati community” in Southern Song Mingzhou was not sustained by its own efforts alone. Rather, the Mingzhou government actively promoted and protected the institutions designed for the literati community. Especially in the latter half of the dynasty, as the number of officials who shared literati ideals increased, there was a convergence between the ideal social order promoted by the local elites and that promoted by the local government. The convergence does not mean a complete overlapping of the two. Though committed to the literati community, local officials never ceased to try to bring under control the unrestrained activities of local elite families. Moreover, one area of persistent discord lay in how local officials and elites envisioned the proper relationship between the government and the people—which can be examined by looking into how the Mingzhou government dealt with the relationship between the elites and the rest of society.

Visions of “Righteousness” (yi) To support the prefectural school the Mingzhou government took advantage of a situation peculiar to a coastal prefecture: the offshore fisheries, especially in Changguo county, which were an important source -1— 0— +1—

81. Liang, Nan Song de nongcun jing ji, pp. 228–29.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 178

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

179

of wealth.82 Although the coastline was supposed to be open to common use free of charge, it had long been occupied by powerful families, who collected rent from local fishing households. From the time of Prefect Zhao Kai (1174–80), who began to levy the offshore fishery tax (sha’an qian 砂岸錢) on those powerful families, making them the de facto owners of the fisheries, this illegal practice received a kind of legal sanction. The government applied this money to prefectural finance. As of 1245 the offshore fishery tax amounted to as much as 53,182 strings a year: of these, 30,779 strings (58 percent) went to the prefectural school; 20,003 strings (37 percent) to the prefectural government; and 2,400 (5 percent) to the Maritime Military Commission. As the recipient of the largest share of the off shore fishery tax, the prefectural school was allowed to choose the “owners” of the fishery (shazhu 砂主). In time the school came to rely heavily on the proceeds from this tax to subsidize the boarding fees of its residential students.83 The taxation of offshore fisheries appears to have brought profit to the government and powerful local families alike. The prefectural government gained considerable extra income to augment its finances, while the private households gained official sanction for their proprietary interests in the fisheries. The fishery owners’ economic sacrifice was nominal, because the tax could be paid mostly from the various surcharges they levied on local fishermen at minimal expense to themselves. Furthermore, the arrangement in which the largest share of the 82. For a meticulous analysis of Mingzhou’s fishery system from a fishing industry perspective, see Furubayashi, “Sō Gendai Settō no engan gyogyō,” pp. 21–38. For its study in relation to the problem of local litigation, though less reliable than Furubayashi’s work, see Ogawa, “Sōdai Meishū enkaibu ni okeru funsō to chitsujo,” pp. 103–22. 83. This issue is briefly touched upon in Walton’s dissertation. See “Education, Social Change, and Neo-Confucianism,” pp. 215–17. In her account, however, 2,400 strings allocated from the annual fishery tax to the Maritime Military Commission were presented as “the annual income for the authorities to pay the salaries of Changguo officials.” Moreover, she dealt with this issue mainly as evidence of the encroachment upon the school’s endowed fields by wealthy households. But there is no evidence in related sources indicating that wealthy households were encroaching upon the fields set aside for the school. On the contrary, as we will see, they had been indirectly supporting the prefectural school for several decades by paying their off shore fishery tax to the local government.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 179

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

180

Cooperation and Tension

tax they paid was allocated to the prefectural school may have been agreeable to them too. The owners were not merely limited to local magnates of solely commercial background. As Prefect Yan Yizhong noted, many officeholding households ( pinguan zhi jia 品官之家) were involved in this business as well. The rents they collected from their tenants were therefore used to support their sons and brothers studying at the prefectural school. Prefect Yan Yizhong discovered that the official sanction of the powerful families’ de facto ownership of the fisheries gave rise to serious injustice in Mingzhou society. First, the “owners” were much more relentless in collecting rents from their “tenants” than they were diligent in paying taxes to the government. They collected a variety of unwarranted surcharges from the commoners using their fishery, such as a sampan tax 艚頭錢, a clam farm tax 下莆錢, and a salt field tax 曬 地錢. Surcharges were levied even on small items such as bamboo, firewood, and vegetables. Moreover, their personal enforcers (zhaoya 爪牙) engaged in the illicit processing of salt (siyan 私鹽) in contravention of the government monopoly and sold their goods to the commoners by force. Those who resisted could be confined in private jails, where they would suffer and even die. These private enforcers also brought young ruffians (eshao 惡少) and those with criminal records (xing yu 刑餘) under their patronage. In the name of the powerful households that employed them, they terrorized and plundered the local people as they pleased. Although the Mingzhou government made an effort to curb these excesses,84 the fishery system was not eliminated until some seventy years after it had been officially recognized. One of the original rationales for the official recognition of the fishery was to provide order and security to the coastal areas that might otherwise have degenerated into dens of local toughs. Instead, the fisheries came to provide legal protection to abuses by the local power holders and their lackeys. As a result, “while profit flowed into the [pockets of ] private families, [the people’s] resentment fell back onto the government” 利入私室, 怨歸公家. According to Yan Yizhong, the

-1— 0— +1—

84. Prefect Wang Jie 王介 (1158–1223), Mingzhou prefect from 1211 to 1212, is said to have put an end to the profits of powerful families from the offshore area. Zhen Dexiu, “Song jiyingdian xiuzan Wang gong muzhiming,” Xishan wenji, 46.33b (QSW, 314:7197.199).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 180

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

181

prefectural government was unable to redress this problem, mainly because it derived a goodly amount of additional tax revenue from the system and therefore profited from the status quo. Yan thus decided to sever once and for all this symbiotic financial link between the powerful families and the government: “As for the damage the offshore fishery does to the people, this is manifested in increasing litigation. How can the prefectural government sit back and watch the coastal people suffering hardships without coming to their rescue, while calculating these tens of thousands of strings?” 如砂岸之 爲民害, 見於詞訴者愈多. 州郡, 豈敢較此數萬緡, 坐視海民困苦而不 救. Thus, Yan took the drastic step of abolishing the offshore fishery tax altogether and permitting local fishermen to use the fishery free of charge. Local fishermen were also allowed to appeal directly to the upper authority (yuesu 越訴) when powerful families violated this new regulation. This was well and good, but what was to become of the prefectural school’s annual income? To redress this revenue gap, Yan Yizhong decided that the prefectural government should provide the prefectural school with 30,779 strings, the amount of money originally covered by the fishery tax.85 To root out the illicit profiteering by powerful families and to protect the common people from exploitation, the Mingzhou government first gave up its own source of income while still showing its commitment to investment in education by keeping the school’s subsidy intact. Without a solid financial infrastructure, this degree of largesse on the part of the prefectural government would not have been possible.86 Nonetheless, the right to exploit the offshore fishery was restored to the powerful families eleven years later, during the first year of Prefect Wu Qian’s term, when, as had been done before, the annual income deriving from the fishery tax was allocated to cover the prefectural school’s boarding expenses and other official uses. The most important reason behind this act of restitution was that the arrangement would

85. BQSMZ, “Shinongshan sha’an ji xu fadao zhuchu sha’an” 石弄山砂岸及續撥到 諸處砂岸, 2.14a–15b; see also Yan Yizhong’s spiritual path stele written by Liu Kezhuang. “Baoxue Yan shangshu shendaobei” 寶學顔尙書神道碑, Houcun xiansheng da quanji, 143.16b (QSW, 331:7616.88). 86. For the financial structure of the Mingzhou’s local governance, see chapter 2 of this book, especially the section “Financing Local Governance.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 181

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

182

Cooperation and Tension

help to maintain maritime security, which Wu thought was the first priority in the early days of his administration.87 Wu supported the contention of some locals that the abolition of the offshore fishery created a vacuum in local leadership that left the area vulnerable to rampant piracy. Although the source does not tell us exactly who proposed to the incoming prefect the restitution of the fishery system, we may reasonably suppose that the proposal came from parties that stood to benefit from such a decision. At this point Wu held the fishery to be a legitimate, generations-old business of the powerful local families (dajia shanghu zhi shiye 大家上戶之世業).88 One year later some local residents brought an appeal before Wu Qian, charging powerful wealthy households with taking advantage of the fishery system and exploiting poor people in the area, which resulted in a series of lawsuits. By this time the coastline’s maritime security—Wu’s most pressing concern—had, with the organization of self-defense units under official supervision, ceased to be an issue. Wu now decided to uphold Yan Yizhong’s precedent and abolish the fishery system once again. Following Yan, he also ensured that the prefectural school’s boarding fees would be paid using money transferred from the newly restored official breweries in Changguo and Cixi counties.89 In a memorial to the central government, he also requested the

-1— 0— +1—

87. The collected memorials of Wu Qian, Xuguo gong zouyi, contain ten memorials written on Mingzhou’s administration, five of which are specifically about the issue of maritime security. In the memorial “Qi qian shazu zouqing” 乞蠲砂租奏請, preserved in KQSMXZ, 8.1b–3b (QSW, 337:7773.223), Wu clearly states that the original purpose of restoring the fishery system was to clean up the sea routes and eliminate the plunder by “bandits.” 88. Wu Qian, “Tiaozou haidao beiyu liushi” 條奏海道備禦䎪事, Xuguo gong zouyi, 4.97 (QSW, 337:7772.198). In the QSW, however, it is mistakenly recorded as “six families’ and upper households’ business” 䎪家上戶之世業. 89. KQSMXZ, 8.1b–3b. Wu Qian, “[Qian shazu] bang” [蠲砂租]榜; Xuguo gong zouyi, 4.97. On the initial restoration and subsequent abolition of the fishery by Wu Qian, Walton notes, “In the first month of 1257 prefect Wu Qian requested the return of the beaches to the school. But because of ‘tenant litigations’ the beaches remained under the control of the ‘Beach Bureau.’ A request to return the beach land to the people was presented in the fifth month of 1258; apparently the administrative difficulties were such that this was seen to be the best solution.” See “Education, Social Change, and Neo-Confucianism,” p. 217. Her account may lead us to believe that the Mingzhou government gave up the onerous burden of managing the fishery because of its “administrative difficulties,” which would suggest a weakening of its

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 182

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

183

prohibition of the illegal establishment of a private fishery in the market town Jiqi zhen, Fenghua county, to protect the livelihood of the poor (xiaomin yishi zhi yuan 小民衣食之源).90 The restoration of the fishery eleven years after its first closing, and its abolition yet again just one year later, were dramatic changes in local policy. In his memorial to the central government, Wu simply stressed that the concern for maritime security, which had been the initial reason for the restoration, was no longer relevant. In his proclamation to the local people, however, he unequivocally stated that the fishery system had been abolished to protect the poor from exploitation by powerful families. “Whether to abolish or to restore,” wrote the editor of the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi, “each action has always been based on what the people wanted. [From this,] the people also knew that there was no ulterior motive in his honor’s mind” 或止或行, 悉因民 欲. 民亦知公之心無他也.91 True to the gazetteer’s claim, Wu Qian was following the wishes of the people (min 民) in every change of policy. The word min, however, masks the heterogeneity of the “people” and the tensions that existed

administrative power. But “returning the fishery to the people” does not necessarily mean that the local government gave up its control of the fishery to the people. In the context of the Mingzhou fishery system, it simply means to abolish the monopolistic possessory right of the “owners” of the fishery and to allow everybody in the area to use it for free. Thus, the passages in question have nothing to do with the administrative difficulties of the Mingzhou government. As I argue, the prefectural government was giving up an important source of income in order to take care of the interests of poor local people, who had been exploited by the fishery system. At the other end, Ogawa Yoshiyuki interprets, based on the fact that litigation concerning the fishery was filed frequently, that great families’ control over other commoner households was not strong enough. See Ogawa, Dentō Chūgoku no hō to chitsujo, p. 112. Frequent litigations by commoners do not betray the great families’ weak control so much as the fact that commoners turn to the local government as the protector of their interests and that the local government adjudicated such cases. Furubayashi’s otherwise superb study does not touch upon Wu Qian’s re-abolition of the fishery rights. 90. Wu Qian, “Zou jin sizhi tuanchang yi peizhi genben xiaomi daozei” 奏禁私置 團場以培植本根消弭盜賊, Xuguo gong zouyi, 3.89 (QSW, 337:7771.189– 90). As we saw in chapter 2, Prefect Cheng Tan once created a fort of local troops to suppress the wrongdoings of the quasi-military association (tuan) orga nized by powerful local families. 91. KQSMXZ, “Qianfang sha’an” 蠲放砂岸, 8.1a–b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 183

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

184

Cooperation and Tension

among them, as well as Wu’s own priority in addressing their concerns. The “people,” of course, did not refer solely to poor commoners. Wu Qian first listened to and sided with those who would benefit from the fishery’s restoration, that is, the powerful wealthy households. But like Yan Yizhong before him, he ended by making a point of protecting the interests of the poor against the excesses of the powerful families. The powerful families, which often included officeholding households, were not part of the “people” to which Wu and Yan referred in their proclamations. Different, if not always competing, definitions of the “people,” and the implications of these distinctions for “local activism,” are thrown even more sharply into relief when we examine the trajectory of the charitable ser vice, as the problem of the village ser vice touched directly upon far more people’s lives. The charitable ser vice had its origin in Jinhua county, Wuzhou prefecture, in 1149. It was a kind of compact among local people in which the wealthier households would donate money or land to set up an endowment and use its rents to supply income to those in the mandatory village ser vice. Once selected as one of “village officers” (xiangguan 鄕官)—a euphemistic term for wageless village ser vicemen essential to the day-to-day operation of local government such as superior guard leader (dubaozheng 都保正), assistant superior guard leader (dubaofuzheng 都保副正), or household chief (huzhang 戶長)— one was assigned to “collect tax, transmit documents, maintain local order, and provide a number of ser vices to residents and officials within rural areas.”92 Th is was a heavy burden, especially because these village officers had to take responsibility for the arrears in taxes. The charitable ser vice in general was established for the higher-level positions in village ser vices, and those positions were filled by rotation from uppergrade households that would be responsible for the arrears in taxes. As the precedent set by Jinhua was quickly imitated by other prefectures and counties, and, following the repeated requests from Fan Chengda 范成大 (1126– 93), then the prefect of Chuzhou, the central government ordered that the system be practiced across the country.93

-1— 0— +1—

92. McKnight, Village and Bureaucracy, p. 5, p. 59. 93. For a classic study of the charitable ser vice, see Sudō, “Nan Sō ni okeru gi’eki no seiritsu to sono unei,” pp. 262–304. See also Liang, Nan Song de nongcun jing ji,

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 184

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

185

When serving as the vice prefect of Wuzhou, Shi Jun is said to have witnessed the substantial benefits that this system conferred by preventing socially disruptive disputes over the village ser vice. When he retired to Yin county in 1191, Shi became an ardent advocate of the program. Spearheading a local initiative to orga nize a charitable service, he also asked the county magistrate to provide administrative support. According to Shi’s funerary inscription written in 1203, his community continued to benefit from the charitable ser vice until that date.94 Gu Yixian of Xiangfeng canton in Yin county was also enthusiastic about launching the charitable ser vice in his locale. He first donated land to set up an endowed field for this purpose, after which the local people, without further disagreement, began to take turns, with those owning the most property performing the most important duties.95 It is important to recall that both Shi Jun and Gu Yixian also advocated an approach that would allow more local initiatives in the dredging of Dongqian Lake. Both men were naturally also active in promoting the voluntary organization dedicated to voicing the interests of their own community. Seen in this light, the charitable ser vice does seem to epitomize the tendency toward local autonomy that, some scholars contend, emerged in the Southern Song. However, in his thought-provoking studies on the charitable ser vice in the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties, Itō Masahiko 伊藤正彦 flatly denies its “voluntary” nature. According to Itō, the charitable ser vice did not have a bottom-up origination from the initiatives of the commoners: it thus differed from the grassroots social associations that formed in early modern Europe and Japan. Instead, it was always created from the top down as the result of the active leadership of local literati or local officials. Itō further points out that governmental support, financial as well as administrative, became indispensable to the continuance

pp. 223–25. For the court debate concerning the charitable ser vice, see Zhou, “Nan Song yiyi de libi,” pp. 30–31. 94. Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 105.10b (QSW, 266:6000.105). 95. Yuan Xie, “Xunwulang Jinghu beilu bingma dujian Gu jun Yixian muzhiming,” JZJ, 19.24a-b (QSW, 282:6388.2–3).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 185

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

186

Cooperation and Tension

of the charitable ser vice over time. On the basis of this “heteronomy” (taritsusei 他律性) of the charitable service, Itō argues that local activism as a whole was limited in early modern (kinsei 近世) Chinese society.96 It is difficult to dispute Itō’s argument that the role of the government in establishing and maintaining the charitable ser vice was more essential than has been previously recognized. The Mingzhou case also clearly bears out this pattern. Nevertheless, Itō fails to give due consideration to the simple yet significant fact that the idea of the charitable ser vice was first conceived of, and executed by, the non-official sector, independent of any governmental institution. In this regard, we may just as easily understand the leading role taken by literati elites vis-àvis the state as evidence of local “autonomy” ( jiritsusei 自律性). More importantly, local officials who tried to redress abuses arising from the program by imposing stricter rules on its implementation rarely questioned the reasons for the program’s existence. Instead, as we shall see, they continued to advocate the values on which the charitable ser vice was founded. From this perspective, we could argue that a social agenda of nonofficial origin made its way into official recognition.97 Indeed, different levels of abstraction in approaching the issue can conjure up markedly different pictures of what was actually going on in the local scene. In fact, such different understandings of the charitable ser vice are not limited to modern scholars. They had already emerged in the Southern Song. As Liang Gengyao notes, there was a subtle difference between Jinhua county, where the first charitable ser vice was formulated and operated by local elites, and Chuzhou, where the program was modified by a local official, Prefect Fan Chengda. While Jinhua’s elites were mainly interested in easing the burden of village ser vice on the country’s wealthy households, Fan Chengda strove to equalize the distribution of the burden among the rich and the poor.98

-1— 0— +1—

96. See Itō, “ ‘Gi’eki’: Nansō ki ni okeru shakaiteki ketsugō no ichi keitai”; Itō, “Gendai Kōnan shakai ni okeru gieki·joekihō to sono rekishiteki kiketsu.” These two articles have been included in Itō’s recent monograph. See Sō Gen gōson shakai shi ron, pp. 73–119, 121– 64. 97. For an analysis from this viewpoint, see Bol, “The Ming Founding in Comparative Perspective,” esp. 18–21. 98. Liang, pp. 223–25.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 186

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

187

Despite this difference in emphasis, it is not difficult to understand why many of the local elites were enthusiastic about organizing the charitable ser vice and why this program was welcomed by local officials and ultimately endorsed by the central government. First, there was public resentment against the village ser vice. According to popular sayings, “people hate their village ser vice more than their enemies” 民之惡役, 甚於寇讐 and “fear their village ser vice more than death” 民之畏役, 甚於畏死.99 A voluntary organization would have been welcomed by many residents, because they could now decide for themselves who would serve and how much money they needed to support those on duty. Second, the new program would have been hailed by local officials, whose duty it was to ensure that the village ser vices under their jurisdiction were carried out. An arrangement in which the people themselves became responsible for these services would have relieved the local officials of an administrative burden. Huang Zhen aptly summed up the situation as follows: “The people became freed from disputes [over the ser vice] and the ruination of their families, while the government was exempted from the trouble of allocating the village ser vice every year” 人戶無爭糾廢家之患, 官司免每歲排結之擾.100 Finally, as long as its quota was met, the central government had no reason to be concerned about how village ser vices were assigned. About thirty years after its appearance, the charitable ser vice met with its first serious critic, in none other than Zhu Xi. Zhu denounced Chuzhou’s practice while he was serving as the superintendant of the Ever-Normal Granary of Zhedong circuit. Because he is known as a champion of voluntary social programs initiated by local literati,101 Zhu’s criticism of the charitable ser vice demands our close attention. Zhu Xi argued: Your subject arrived in Chuzhou prefecture during my inspection tour and discovered that the prefecture, in observance of the sacred edict [of Your majesty], organized the charitable ser vice according to the

99. Ye Shi, “Ba yiyi” 跋義役, Shuixin ji, 29.33a (QSW, 285:6474.204); Hu Taichu, Zhoulian xulun, “Chaiyi” 差役, 1.26.b. 100. Huang Zhen, “Yiyi chaiyi bang” 義役差役榜, Huangshi richao, 79.6a (QSW, 348:8041.83). 101. Bol, “Neo-Confucianism and Local Society”; Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 134–35.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 187

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

188

Cooperation and Tension

request of commoner Yang Quan. Your majesty’s earnestness in loving your subjects is manifested through this case. Your majesty accepted and enforced any opinion, even a commoner’s, as long as it makes people’s lives convenient. All under heaven have been extremely fortunate for this. Nevertheless, the way the charitable ser vice in this prefecture is presently carried out does have some problems. Making upper-grade households, official households, and temples and belvederes donate their land to establish the endowed land is good indeed. But Chuzhou rather makes those lower-grade households, who own nothing but one or two mu of land, also invariably contribute their land and sometimes makes these people donate money to purchase land so as to give it to government. Those upper-grade households who enjoy large land holdings often devise ways to make their land holdings appear small [on the official register] so as to contribute very little. Although those lower-grade households have already been made to contribute land [to establishing endowed land], they are not supposed to fulfill [their village] ser vice duty [in the first place], so they would have no chance to receive shares from the endowed land. This is to aid upper-grade households by impoverishing the poor. This is the first problem. As to establishing a ser vice chief (yishou) in every superior guard (du), putting them in charge of collecting rents from the endowed land, and allowing them to decide the order of who would undertake the ser vice duty, that is, in the reception [of the rents] and their disbursement [to those on duty], the charitable ser vice is also not free from the problem of unfairness. Even if [the government addresses this issue] with punishments, it will lead to additional litigation. Th is is the second problem. . . . According to the decided order, upper-grade households would take their turns in serving as the superior guard leader and assistant leader, while middle- and lower-grade households would take turns in serving as the household chief [in charge of collecting taxes] in summer and autumn. Whereas upper-grade households are at ease, lower-grade households become more impoverished. This is the fourth problem.102 臣廵歷到處州, 竊見本州昨奉聖旨, 依布衣楊權所請, 結立義役, 此見陛下愛民之切, 雖草茅之言, 苟有便於民者, 無不采納施行, 天 下幸甚. 然本州目今奉行, 却有未盡善者. 如令上戶·官戶·寺觀, 出田 以充義田, 此誠善矣. 而本州却令下戶只有田一二畝者亦皆出田, 或令下戶只有田一二畝者出錢, 買田入官, 而上戶田多之人, 或却

-1— 0— +1—

102. Zhu Xi, “Zou yiyi lihai zhuang” 奏義役䎶害䏑, ZXJ, 2:18.723–24.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 188

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

189

計會減縮, 所出殊少. 其下戶今旣被科出田, 將來却不充役, 無緣 復收此田之租, 乃是困貧民以資上戶, 此一未盡善也. 如逐都各立 役首, 管收田租, 排定役次, 此其出納先後之間, 亦未免却有不公 之弊.將來雖施刑罰, 轉添詞訴, 此二未盡善也. . . . 所排役次, 以 上戶輪充都副保正, 中下戶輪充夏秋戶長, 上戶安逸而下戶陪費, 此四未盡善也.

According to him, problems with the system emerged from an unfair distribution of responsibility and consequent aggravation of the existing economic inequality, caused by the unrighteous acts of wealthy households. As Huang Zhen independently testified, in the absence of governmental control the charitable ser vice tended to favor uppergrade households over middle- and lower-grade households.103 What did Zhu propose as a solution to these problems? Your subject witnessed before that in the charitable ser vice of Shanyin county, Shaoxing prefecture, the county [officials] encouraged people to contribute to the endowed land in order to pay the superior guard leader and household chief in a fair way. The amount of mu contributed by each household was recorded in “land tax register” (zhenji). The superior guard leader and household chief were to be selected and appointed by the county as before. There was no additional “ser vice chief,” and the order of undertaking the responsibility was not predetermined. It is natural that the households that had to take their turns were delighted in answering the call, as they already had [a share in] the endowed land from which they could receive money. For this, people do not reach to a point where they disclose others’ faults [for litigation] in an extreme manner. . . . Your humble subject hopes that Your majesty takes this into careful consideration and orders that it be practiced in Chuzhou. In doing so, it should be ordered that only those who ought to assume the [responsibility of the village] ser vice, along with official households, temples, and belvederes, equally contribute to setting up endowed land. . . . Only following the program of Shanyin, the government should appoint the superior guard leader and the assistant leader to take turns in collecting [rents from] the endowed land. Upper-grade households should also be ordered to assume the role of household chief concurrently. After Chuzhou has made a good start, other prefectures should be ordered to emulate and practice this, 103. Huang Zhen, “Taizhou Huangyan xian Taiping xiang yiyi ji” 台州黃巖縣太 平鄕義役記, Huangshi richao, 86.44a (QSW, 348:8052.284).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 189

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

190

Cooperation and Tension

so that they may bring about an almost complete change toward a righteous custom ( yifeng).104 臣昨見紹興府山陰縣見行義役, 只是本縣勸諭人戶各出義田, 均 給保正·戶長, 各有畝數, 具載砧基. 其保正·戶長, 依舊只從本縣 定差, 更不别置役首, 亦不先排役次. 而其當役之戶, 旣有義田可 收, 自然樂於充應, 不至甚相糾訐 . . . 臣愚欲望聖慈詳酌, 行下處 州, 只令合當應役人戶及官戶·寺觀, 均出義田. . . . 止用山陰縣法, 官差保正·副長, 輪收義田, 仍令上戶兼充戶長. 俟處州行之有緖, 却令諸州體倣施行, 庶幾一變義風.

Zhu Xi, the paragon of local elite activism, proposed strengthening government supervision over the program instead of guaranteeing more latitude for powerful local elites. Did he do this simply because he was working as a commissioned official at the time? Admittedly, in his work as an official he often appeared to be an iron-hearted enforcer of state policies. But it is important to note that, in Zhu Xi’s eyes, the fact that a given project was undertaken by full local initiative could not be the foremost criterion in deciding whether the project was righteous. In other words, he never identified local autonomy per se with social justice, although he might have thought the former to be the most efficient means for achieving the latter. Zhu in effect was arguing that whenever unconditional local autonomy led to the expansion of the vested interests of local powerful families, the government sometimes needed to intervene. Not every local official agreed with Zhu Xi, of course. Men like Hu Taichu, who was less concerned about the realization of social justice in a strictly moral viewpoint than about the practical effectiveness of local administration, tended to gloss over the severity of abuses. Hu was a passionate supporter of the program as it stood. “There was a man in the past,” wrote Hu, “who held authority over the granary. He alone deeply hated the charitable ser vice” 昔有持庾節者, 乃獨深惡義役. The preface of Hu’s book is dated 1235,105 and the “man

-1— 0— +1—

104. Ibid. 105. It was three years before Hu passed the examinations. Thus, it appears that the book’s original contents reflect the idea of local administration envisioned by an aspiring literatus, not by a seasoned official. As Hu’s preface clearly shows, however, he compiled what he had learned from his father, Hu Yuqian 胡余潛 (1166–1234), who, after earning jinshi in 1211, had worked as a local official for the rest of his life. It should also be noted that the book came to be first published only in 1253, one year

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 190

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

191

who held the authority over the granary” is clearly meant to indicate the superintendant of the Ever-Normal Granary, Zhu Xi. Hu accused Zhu of “failing to understand that the charitable ser vice was fundamentally an admirable activity” (buzhi yiyi ben meishi 不知義役本美 事). He argued that the embezzlement of the communal property by wealthy households, a problem I will discuss below, could be easily remedied by ordering the perpetrators to pay compensation. Wherever possible, the charitable ser vice should be encouraged.106 Problems with the charitable ser vice were not as simple as Hu wished to believe, however. In the late 1250s the Mingzhou government discovered that the charitable ser vice had been abused in a way that favored wealthy households at the expense of the poor. In light of this evidence, Prefect Wu Qian harshly criticized Mingzhou’s charitable ser vice, which had first been introduced by men like Shi Jun and Gu Yixian. The law of village ser vice of our dynasty is clear and complete. But as time went on and customs deteriorated, and as people’s nature became lascivious and cunning, the practice of making deceitful calculations arose without restraint. Thereupon, the idea of the charitable ser vice emerged. Its [purported] intention was to redress the abuses of village ser vice. But people did not realize that the “ ‘charitable [righteous] service” has become the means by which what is “extremely unrighteous” is perpetrated. . . . The poor suffer more severely from it than from mandatory village ser vice. While this is a universal problem under heaven, the problem is nowhere more serious than in Mingzhou.107 國家差役之法, 最爲明備. 緣世降俗末, 人情姦狡, 詭計橫生. 於 是, 義役之說興焉. 本所以救差役之弊, 不知義役乃所以大不義. 細民受害更重於差役. 此天下之通患, 而其患未有甚於慶元者.

after Hu assumed the post of prefect of Chuzhou. Hu decided to publish this work and widen its circulation because, we are told, he believed that it would be helpful to Chuzhou’s seven magistrates. This suggests that Hu Taichu the prefect essentially endorsed the views laid out in the work. 106. Hu Taichu, Zhoulian xulun, 1.26.b. 107. KQSMXZ, “Paiyi xingyi shimo” 排役·行移始末, 7.1b–2a. The degeneration of the charitable ser vice into something “unrighteous” (buyi 䍂義) was also witnessed by one of Wu’s contemporaries. Liu Kezhuang said, “The charitable ser vice is unrighteous ser vice and the charitable ser vice registry is an unrighteous registry” 蓋義役乃 䍂義之役, 義冊乃䍂義之冊. Cited in Zhou, “Nan Song yiyi de libi,” p. 31.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 191

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

192

Cooperation and Tension

Wu Qian’s perception here closely resembles that of Zhu Xi: the charitable ser vice was exacerbating the existing social inequalities. The problem, Wu surmised, arose from collusion between wealthy households and lower-level clerks. Although those in favor of the charitable ser vice might call for autonomy from government intervention, their selfserving interests thrived in a sordid symbiosis with the interests of men on the lower rungs of government. The spoils of this collaboration were garnered at the expense of the state and commoners alike. “Thus, the so-called charitable ser vice,” said Wu, “functions only as a means by which upper-grade households evade their assigned village ser vice. What can be more unrighteous than this?” 故所謂義役者, 特專爲上戶 軃避差使之地而已. 不義孰甚焉. The solution Wu prescribed was also similar to that of Zhu Xi. He ordered county magistrates to investigate the amount of property belonging to those participating in the ser vice so as to determine the length of each participant’s service— that is, those who own less should serve less. The register of the ser vice personnel was to be compiled under heightened governmental supervision, and made into three copies: one to be preserved in the prefectural government, another in the county, and the third one for each superior guard.108 Wu’s criticism of the abuses of the charitable ser vice also resonates with the way he addressed the issue of maritime patrols conducted by local ships under private ownership (minchuan 民船).109 During the Jiaxi 嘉熙 reign period (1237–40), the Maritime Military Commission was ordered to enlist thousands of these private ships in Mingzhou, Taizhou, and Wenzhou and to organize them into ten groups for maritime defense. Of these, about three hundred ships were mobilized each year to guard the coastline of Dinghai, Huaidong, and Zhenjiang. This system was in some ways a maritime version of village ser vice for those who owned ships. Twenty years later, when Wu Qian assumed concurrently

-1— 0— +1—

108. KQSMXZ, “Paiyi xingyi shimo,” 7.1b–2a. The editor’s introduction to this part clearly shows that he was well aware of Zhu Xi’s criticism and tried to align his views with those of Zhu’s. 109. Sogabe Shizuo touches on this issue in his study of the Southern Song navy, but not in its relation to the issue of local initiative and official adaptation. See Sōdai seikei shi no kenkyū, pp. 265– 67.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 192

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

193

the positions of the maritime military commissioner and Mingzhou prefect, the system had come to be plagued by a series of problems, not unlike those afflicting the mandatory village ser vice (chaiyi). We are fortunate to have two different memorials written by Wu Qian on this issue, one dated 1256 preserved in the Xuguo gong zouyi (Collected Memorials by the Duke of Xu), the other in the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi, dated the seventh month of 1257.110 In his first memorial, Wu Qian states, When the ships of Wenzhou and Taizhou were first organized [for mobilization], there were fi xed registers. As time went by, the originally registered ships were either broken up by storms at sea or plundered by bandits. Some ships became dilapidated because [their owners] were poor and did not have the capacity to repair them. Some were sold off to new owners. [Nevertheless,] the officials in charge continued to requisition ships on the basis of the old registers. Generation after generation, the people, compelled to supply ships, were driven, some to bankruptcy and others to dislocation, from their homes and death. . . . Without asking questions about the size of the ships [the officials] blindly requisitioned ships from everyone in the counties who owned ships. [But] they could not touch those with social influence, power, or the money to negotiate. Only after being fed up with their endless greed, then did they take makeshift actions by mobilizing impaired ships, unrefined rudder equipment, and infirm ferrymen in order to dodge reprimand. And that is it.111

始其團結, 固有定籍. 歲月旣久, 元籍之舟, 有壞於風水之飄沒者, 有陷於盜賊之刧擄者. 有家道貧乏, 無力修葺而朽弊者, 有轉以售 人者. 有司但以舊額拘船, 祖以及父, 父以及子, 子以及孫, 逼令出 備, 䍂至於破家絶産, 流離死亡䍂已. . . . 凡邑之有舟者, 䍂問大小, 110. Wu Qian, “Zou xing Zhou Xie yichuan zhi ce yi gefang jiang minchuan zhi bi qi bu benren wenzi yi renze” 奏行周燮義船之策以革防江民船之弊乞補本人文資以 任責, Xuguo gong zouyi, 3.85 (QSW, 337:7771.185); KQSMXZ, “Shengzha” 省箚, 6.1a– 2a. Wu Qian assumed his position as Mingzhou prefect in the fourth month of 1256. YYSMZ, 2.13a. In the first memorial, Wu said that he applied Zhou Xie’s idea to Mingzhou and Wenzhou last fall and that it had already taken effect. Had the memorial been written sometime in the winter of 1256, this is not problematic. Because there is no more concrete date on the memorial, however, I cannot entirely exclude the possibility that the two memorials might have been written at roughly the same time and that only one was presented to the throne as a final version. 111. Wu Qian, “Zou xing Zhou Xie yichuan zhi ce,” Xuguo gong zouyi, 3.85.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 193

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

194

Cooperation and Tension

䎎皆根刷. 有勢者䍂敢問, 有力者䍂敢問, 有錢計會者䍂䍁問. 迨 溪壑之欲旣厭, 然後姑以弊舊之舟·疎略之槓具·孱弱之稍火, 文 具塞責而已.

To solve this problem, Wu Qian broadly solicited the local literati’s insights, and finally adopted the “charitable ships policy” (yichuanfa 義船 法) presented by Zhou Xie 周燮, a prefectural examination degree holder (caogong jinshi 漕貢進士) from Taizhou. According to Zhou’s proposal, each county would be required to apportion its quota among its constituent cantons and superior guards. In that case, every ship owner would have to contribute funds according to the size of his ships in order to provide the relevant equipment to meet the annual quota. Those with ships measuring less than seven to eight chi (2.2–2.5 meters) in length would not be called upon to mobilize. Most importantly, the system was designed to operate on a voluntary basis independent of an official order from the government. According to the memorial in the collection, Wu Qian gives the impression that he was merely applying a plan proposed by a local literatus from Taizhou to the broader area of Mingzhou, Taizhou, and Wenzhou. In the latter part of the memorial, Wu recommended Zhou Xie to the central government for putting righteousness before his property (shucai haoyi 疎財好義), noting that Zhou had already failed four times in the departmental examination.112 Interestingly, the memorial preserved in the Kaiqing Siming xuzhi does not mention Zhou Xie at all. It is not improbable that Wu was simply trying to take full credit for this groundbreaking new idea. But in the memorial in the gazetteer, the concrete policy described does show interesting differences from Zhou’s original plan. Wu may have developed his own version over time. In the second memorial, the issue of unequal distribution of the burden, in which “only poor and powerless people were called upon to perform their duty” 惟貧而無力者, 則被科調, receives new emphasis. Unlike Zhou Xie’s proposal, which required that every family owning ships supports the system, this version varied the burden depending on the size of one’s property. Wu Qian seems to have reasoned that a blindly equal allotment would only aggravate existing social inequalities. -1— 0— +1—

112. Ibid., 3.85–86.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 194

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

195

If this modified policy were implemented, Wu said, “those who had ships would no longer be able to evade their duty, while those who did not own ships would be freed from the worry of the levy” 有船者無倖 免之理, 無船者無科抑之患.113 Zhou’s original idea was also modified when it came to articulating the details of the policy. If one superior guard had to provide three ships a year but there were fifty to sixty households that owned ships, the superior guard was required to provide six ships (instead of three) a year. Of these, three would be put into the military ser vice and three would be used for ordinary profitmaking enterprises. The annual profits collected from the latter would be used to defray the costs of repair for the three ships on duty, the provision of equipment, and the hiring of ferrymen. In short, although aimed at a fair distribution of the burden, the policy also sought to make the program self-sustaining so as to minimize the economic sacrifice of the rich. In one of his memorials, Wu referred to his charitable ships policy as a “charitable service” ( yiyi), something that he had previously attacked as “extremely unrighteous” (da buyi).114 Was Wu, albeit unconsciously, contradicting himself? As the son of an influential Neo-Confucian educator and himself a literatus,115 Wu would have been unlikely to repudiate the concept of righteousness, or charity (yi). Though acting as an activist official, he was not imposing his own version of social justice on local society. Rather, he was trying to build on the original ideal meaning of “righteousness,” as promoted by the literati, and to extend its application beyond the closed boundary of the literati’s own economic interests. His suppression of part of the elite’s socioeconomic interest was intended, not to denounce the elite ideal, but to promote and purify it. The same was true for Zhu Xi. Shi Jun, Gu Yixian, and Zhou Xie can be seen as aligned on one side as proponents of a kind of (semi-)autonomous social order. On the 113. KQSMXZ, 6.1a–2a. 114. See Wu Qian, “Zou xiaoyu haigou fu wei liangmin ji guanfang haidao shiyi” 奏曉諭海寇䍁爲良民及關防海道事宜, Xuguo gong zouyi, 3.87 (QSW, 337:7771.187). In this memorial, Wu claimed authorship of the policy, without mentioning Zhou Xie. 115. His father, Wu Rousheng 吳柔勝 (1154–1224), was the first person to use Zhu Xi’s commentaries on the Four Books in teaching his students at the Imperial University in 1208. He is also said to have given Zhu’s commentaries the highest importance in setting regular essay tests provided at the university. See Songshi, 400.12148.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 195

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

196

Cooperation and Tension

other side stood Zhu Xi and Wu Qian, reformers interested in promulgating these men’s ideas with adequate governmental supervision. In the social order envisioned by the former group, there was no clear distinction between rich and poor among the people as they stood in relation to the government; instead these men implicitly identified their own interests with those of the entire people. The latter group, in contrast, were keenly aware of the problem of economic inequality among the people. Thus, as officials, they often interposed themselves between the rich and the poor, and they did not hesitate to intervene forcibly in arbitrating the interests of the two. If yi as envisioned by the former group comes closer to Hong Mai’s defi nition of the word, “sharing something with other people,” the latter’s interpretation was more likely to emphasize yi in its original, more strictly moral sense of “righteousness.”116 To my mind, the coexistence of these two different, yet related, visions of yi, rather than the complete triumph of one over the other, was the key to the success of local activism in the Southern Song.

Conclusion Liang Gengyao has shown that the powerful wealthy families of the Southern Song evidenced two aspects, namely, that of unruly local power holder (haoheng 豪橫) and that of elderly leader (zhangzhe 長者).117 The problem for local officials who had to deal with such people was that these traits might not have been distinguishable on a practical level. In Jinhua county, Wuzhou prefecture, for instance, Zhu Xi praised the moral commitment of the Pan 潘 family for establishing a community granary (shecang 社倉), while harshly impeaching a certain Zhu Xiji, holding the title of sheriff, who had speculated in grain in times of famine and refused to sell it upon repeated urging from the government despite his already extreme wealth. This Zhu Xiji was related to the Pans of Jinhua.118 Zhu Xi’s different treatment of these

-1— 0— +1—

116. This difference in meaning of the word yi was also noted, though briefly, by Sudō. See “Nan Sō ni okeru gi’eki no seiritsu to sono unei,” p. 302n1. 117. Liang, “Haoheng yu zhangzhe.” 118. For the Pans’ contribution to the Jinhua community granary, see Zhu Xi, “Wuzhou Jinhua xian shecang ji” 婺州金華縣社倉記, ZXJ, 79.4115–17. See also Bol,

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 196

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

197

two related wealthy local figures residing in the same county betrays, it seems to me, the kinds of difficulties with which local officials or intellectual leaders of the time coped when trying to build up the local community by relying on the activism of local elites. This chapter started with a question triggered by the findings of chapter 2: In what instances can we find so-called local elite activism? Three areas of local activism reveal dynamic interactions between the elite community and the local government: the building and maintenance of local official schools, the revival and practice of an ancient community ritual, and the organization and administration of the charitable estate and charitable ser vice. In approaching these issues, I tried to avoid the “whether-the-state-was-strong-or-weak” debate and to highlight differing priorities among different actors. We certainly see more elite participation in the above areas compared to the tepid involvement of literati elites in the maintenance of basic local infrastructure. Given that the aforementioned areas more directly pertain to the local elites’ economic interests and cultural hegemony, this finding should not be striking in itself. What is still interesting is that local community building was not dominated, let alone monopolized, by local elites. The government in Mingzhou was enthusiastic about sustaining its community, and it showed this by offering financial support as well as managing and reforming various local projects. In fact, local officials assumed an even larger role than did local elites, including most prominent elite families.119 The Mingzhou government believed it necessary and even advantageous to its own interests to invest in the literati community. Clearly,

“Intellectual Culture in Wuzhou ca. 1200.” For Zhu’s accusation about Zhu Xiji, see “Zou shanghu Zhu Xiji bufu zhendiao zhuang” 奏上戶朱熙績不伏賑糴狀, ZXJ, 16.660– 61; “Zou qing hua yi shijian zhuang” 奏請畫一事件狀, ZXJ, 17.665– 67. Zhu Xiji was a son-in-law of a Mr. Tang 湯 and née Pan. According to Lü Zuqian, who wrote the funerary inscription of née Pan and was himself related to the Jinhua Pans, she was from a great lineage (dazu 大族) in Jinhua. Zhu Xiji’s brother-in-law, Tang Lie 湯䍸, was a friend of Lü. See Lü Zuqian, “Tang Jiaoshou mu Pan furen muzhiming” 湯敎授母潘夫人墓誌銘, Donglai ji 東萊集 (SKQS), 10.1a (QSW, 262:5895.57). 119. Aside from mentioning the financial support provided by Wang Dayou, Shi Mida, and Lin Wei, the sources are silent about other leading elite families of the area, including the imperial Zhao 趙 family.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 197

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

198

Cooperation and Tension

the rise and spread of local activism during the Southern Song period, at least in Mingzhou, was undergirded by the activism of local government. What does this fact tell us about Southern Song society? Why did the local government work so hard to support these institutions? As the case of Hu Taichu suggests, it was imperative for local officials to win the minds of leaders within local society, but this situation was by no means unique to the Southern Song. It was Mencius who said, “Governing is not difficult. [It lies in] not offending great families” 爲政䍂難, 䍂得罪於巨室. If, as prevailing interpretations tell us, local government was left with anemic budgets and the power of the state was seriously weakened during the Southern Song, must we interpret as a further sign of the state’s weakening power the fact that local government continued to invest in institutions that had been established for local elites? We can reply in the affirmative only if we find that Mingzhou government was unable to provide other important civic ser vices due to financial restrictions or administrative incompetency. Instead we find that the Mingzhou budget was sound and that Mingzhou’s officials played a leading role in other areas of local infrastructure building. The Minghzou government’s continued investment in institutions supporting local elites was far from a symptom of desperate straits.120 At the same time, the active role of local government should not be interpreted as mirroring the kind of state activism pursued during the New Policies era. In the previous chapter, I argued that the local government during the Southern Song could be better understood as a participant in and caretaker of local society, not simply as its ruler. In leading local community building, the Mingzhou government, for all its active role, did not try to impose a markedly different vision of social order onto local society to compete with the vision of the literati. Even when officialdom came into direct conflict with wealthy and powerful families who tried to exploit the poor, it tried to redress such problems by resorting to ideals promoted by the literati themselves. Was

-1— 0— +1—

120. Note that Chen Hongmou 陳宏謀 (1696–1771), arguably the most active provincial governor at the height of Qing state activism in the eighteenth century, was a staunch promoter of the official school system, private academies, and the community drinking ceremony. See Rowe, Saving the World, pp. 382–87, pp. 408–17.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 198

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

199

local government, one is prompted to ask, working simply as a surrogate of elite activism? Scholars who downplay the state’s active role in local projects have suggested that the activism of local officials must be understood as individual undertakings largely independent of the state.121 They emphasize that the activism of these local officials did not originate in orders from the central government but were instead actuated by social ideals they had cherished as literati elite before they happened to become officials. Undoubtedly, many local officials who built shrines for former worthies or invested in community schools acted out of their own sense of commitment, rather than on the orders of the central government. But why, then, should they put this sense of commitment into practice only when they worked as officials? The incontrovertible fact that more shrines were built by local officials than by local elites, for example, simply indicates that many people were unable or unwilling to put their personal beliefs into practice without the political and financial backing provided by official posts, that is, without the institutional patronage of the state. In addition, the argument that denies the activism of local officials assumes too rigid a view of the state, one that envisions the state as a machine programmed to act in fixed and predictable ways from the top of the hierarchy down to its lowest rung, with important initiatives always coming from the top. Southern Song officials certainly did try to act on orders from the central government. One of the reasons the charitable ser vice came to be widely implemented by local officials across the empire was that it formed one of the criteria by which the central government evaluated local officials’ administrative per formance.122 At the same time, the

121. Neskar, “The Cult of Former Worthies,” pp. 412–17. The same logic was also adopted by Sarah Schneewind in her study of community schools during the Ming dynasty. She argues that activist local administrators who abolished improper shrines and built community schools during the late fifteenth and mid-sixteenth centuries acted not according to the law but according to their Neo-Confucian beliefs and that their actions were independent from the central state. See her Community Schools and the State, p. 61, pp. 76–77, pp. 80–81, p. 164. See also Carlitz, “The Daughter, the Singing-Girl and the Seduction of Suicide,” p. 25. 122. In 1178 the charitable estate became one of the categories for evaluating the performance of prefectural and county officials. See Liu and Diao, “Nan Song yiyitian de chanquan fenxi,” p. 103.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 199

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

200

-1— 0— +1—

Cooperation and Tension

Southern Song state allowed its officials to exercise individual initiative to a certain degree. Fan Chengda introduced the charitable service in Chuzhou not because he was told to do so by the central government but because he had personally witnessed its effectiveness in Jinhua. He later persuaded the officials at the central court and the emperor to promulgate this system across the empire. What is important here is not whether Fan received a specific order from the central government to implement the charitable ser vice, but that his being an official made all this possible. The local government’s commitment to literati values presupposes the emergence of these values on a wide scale. Yet on a practical level the local government often set a precedent for the elites in their activism. In most cases, it was not the withdrawal of government, but its presence and cooperation with local elites, that enabled local activism. More importantly, despite close cooperation between them, the two parties’ visions of activism were always in tension. The more active a local official was in promoting literati values, the sharper the tension became, as is readily apparent in the cases of Yan Yizhong, Wu Qian, and Zhu Xi. Unless we investigate the causes for and results of this tension, which I believe continued to exist until the end of the imperial era and produced different solutions over time, our understanding of local activism in the Southern Song remains partial at best and distorted at worst. One may point out that Southern Song Mingzhou might present an exceptional case. Admittedly, its native sons’ extraordinary success in national politics and its proximity to the imperial capital may have been conducive to the remarkable administrative capacity of the Mingzhou government. As we saw in chapter 1, however, mere proximity to the imperial capital cannot explain Mingzhou’s unusual success. The political ascendancy of the people of Mingzhou was not given a priori as a backdrop to its later socioeconomic development. The two phenomena must be understood as a dynamic process in which each bolsters the other. To evaluate a possible peculiarity of Southern Song Mingzhou, it would be necessary to examine its history during the Yuan. In the Yuan dynasty the national capital was not in close proximity and Mingzhou was anything but exceptional in producing nationally prominent political leaders. In this sense, there was little chance that the local

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 200

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Cooperation and Tension

201

administration would receive special treatment from the central government. Chapter 4 will look at the history of Mingzhou during the Yuan dynasty. What kind of continuity and discontinuity from the Southern Song, one must ask, can we find in Mingzhou during the Yuan period? What does it tell us about the place and the kind of social change it underwent?

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 201

6/18/14 6:20 PM

fou r The Yuan Transformation: The State and Elites under Alien Rule

he publication in 2003 of The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History, edited by Paul J. Smith and Richard von Glahn, reifies one of the important changes in the field of Yuan history: an effort to understand the period within a larger framework that bridges the Tang-Song and Ming-Qing transitions.1 With a couple of exceptions, contributors to this important conference volume tend to view the impact of the Yuan period on the history of south China as evolutionary, in that the period witnessed further development of social transformations that had germinated during the Southern Song, passing these formations on to the Ming dynasty.2 What, then, was sufficiently new and unique about the Yuan dynasty to impart meaningful changes to society? Was its alien impact so short-lived or simply negligible, especially in regard to the development of local society in the south, that we do not have to take this factor into account? The simple question of how, or whether, Mongol rule made possible a continuous transition

T

-1— 0— +1—

1. Another fine example would be Gerritsen, Ji’an Literati and the Local in SongYuan-Ming China. 2. Robert Hymes’s classic articles on Fuzhou elites in the Yuan period published in the mid-1980s—“Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy” and “Not Quite Gentlemen?”—represent earlier examples of this view. The two exceptions would be John Dardess and Bettine Birge. I borrow the word evolutionary from a lecture by the late Frederick Wakeman Jr., “China’s Longue Durée and the Mongol Occupation,” delivered at the University of California, San Diego, on April 17, 2006.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 202

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

203

from the Song to the Ming, especially at the grassroots level, still remains to be answered in full. This chapter is an attempt to address that question. Mingzhou offers a substantial body of evidence that sheds light on the trajectory of local society in south China during the Yuan period.3 First of all, we have three detailed contemporary gazetteers and a good number of literary collections by local authors of the period.4 Equally important are the rich materials available for the Southern Song, examined in the previous three chapters, which serve as an excellent foil against which to gauge the significance of change and continuity in Mingzhou through the Yuan. And the apparent changes that Mingzhou underwent through the Yuan period make this comparison to the Southern Song all the more interesting. There is no denying that the significant growth of Mingzhou in the Southern Song derived at least in part from its proximity to the national capital. Although Mingzhou lost this pride of place after the demise of the Southern Song, the area did not simply fade away. To the contrary, Khubilai’s abortive attempts to conquer Japan in the early years of the dynasty increased the strategic importance of the region.5 The headquarters of the Pacification Commission and Chief Military Command of Zhedong 浙東宣慰司都元帥府, a body that oversaw the seven adjacent routes (lu 路), was first established in Shaoxing in 1276, moved to Wuzhou in 1302, and then in 1303 to Mingzhou, where it remained until the end of the dynasty. The continued existence of the Maritime Trade Supervisorate 市舶務 in the area and the introduction of the Sea Transport Tribute System (haiyun 海運) only heightened the economic significance of the area. Despite its estrangement from the political center, therefore, Mingzhou still maintained its status as a regional hub in the administrative and economic hierarchy of the new empire. 3. Mingzhou was renamed Qingyuan route in 1277. For a general survey of Mingzhou’s history during the Yuan dynasty, see Mao, Yuandai Ningbo de lishi wenhua. Shen Wanli 申万里 extensively discusses Mingzhou’s education in his Yuandai jiaoyu yanjiu 元代教育研究 (Wuhan: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 2007), pp. 561–94. 4. In addition to ten literary collections left by Mingzhou natives, outside writers such as Huang Jin 黃溍 (1277–1357), Dai Liang, and Liu Renben 䎠仁本 (1308– 67) also left substantive records on Yuan Mingzhou. 5. Mao, Yuandai Ningbo de lishi wenhua, pp. 9–16.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 203

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

204

The Yuan Transformation

In the absence of the former political ties that had directly connected a number of local literati to the state, what sort of relationship might we expect to find between the state and elites in Yuan Mingzhou? Conventional wisdom has held that the socioeconomic order of the south remained largely intact during the Yuan. As Otagi Matsuo 愛宕松男 argues, if the Yuan rule of south China was characterized by its weak systemic control, it would be natural to assume that there was an unequal power relationship between the state and elites in actual local society.6 This general assumption of the Yuan’s weak systemic control over the south poses two important questions. First, did the Yuan state and its institutional framework affect the development of local society only by its imperfect control? Should we then expect only to witness ever-growing social power of local elites vis-à-vis the state during the Yuan? Did any Mongol institutions or policies, no matter how ill-planned or ill-managed they might have been, bring discernible changes to the local society of south China? The second question emerges from my argument in previous chapters that the local government of Southern Song Mingzhou remained actively engaged in many aspects of society. Did this tradition of local governance largely disappear in the Yuan? How did local elites respond to a government that became largely indifferent to, or incapable of addressing, local affairs? I will first argue that new institutions of the Yuan brought about a significant change in the composition and character of local elites, despite the notable continuity in their marriage patterns from the Southern Song. By examining how the government handled the maintenance of local infrastructure and issues related to the literati community, I will argue that we can better understand the Yuan as a period that witnessed, not the lopsided growth of elite power, but a deepening of the symbiotic alliance between the state and elites.

Elites under the Confucian Household System It was in the third month of 1276, two months after the capitulation of Lin’an, that the Mongol army entered Mingzhou. In contrast to the devastation the Jin-Yuan transition had brought to northern China, -1— 0— +1—

6. Otagi, “Gen no Kōnan shihai to Kan minzoku shakai,” pp. 164– 65.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 204

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

205

the Song-Yuan transition in the south resulted neither in ruinous population loss nor in the wholesale destruction of social infrastructure. Mingzhou in particular avoided significant damage, despite a series of skirmishes in Dinghai and Fenghua counties, thanks largely to the voluntary surrender to the Yuan army by Zhao Mengchuan 趙孟傳, then Mingzhou prefect and a member of the Song imperial family. Zhao’s decision was supported by leading local elite figures such as Yuan Hong 袁洪 (1245– 98), father of the famous Yuan Jue.7 From a socioeconomic historical point of view, Mingzhou society by and large remained stable in the aftermath of the Song-Yuan transition. The most vivid evidence of this is the significant population growth in Mingzhou in the early Yuan. For example, Fenghua’s registered households in the Qiandao reign period (1165–73) had numbered 32,692. This figure increased to slightly above 50,000 in 1289. Changguo’s registered population increased from 41,502 in the Shaoxi 紹熙 reign period (1190– 95) to 126,005 in 1290.8 Even when we consider the new influx of some non-Han population to the area, this is a remarkable population increase. The acreage of arable land increased, and maritime trade flourished as never before.9 Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the upheaval of a dynastic change left its imprint upon the elite society of Mingzhou. The physical hardships endured by literati families, especially in the early days of the dynasty, was one of the common tropes of literature. In the winter of 1276, Chen Zhu wrote to Zhao Mengchuan, who had just been appointed the first governor of Yuan Mingzhou: I am in my failing years, after having encountered destruction and plunder many times. Although I have not yet died, I feel as though already finished. But there is something that I cannot help but tell you. Because of the passing and stationing of military troops there has not been one moment since spring until now that was peaceful or safe in the border area of Fenghua, Taizhou, and Wenzhou. The bodies of

7. Ren Shilin 任士林 (1253–1309), “Song Jieyang Zhao lingjun xu” 送揭陽趙令君叙, Songxiang ji 松鄕集 (SKQS), 4.20a (QYW, 18:580.346); Cheng Duanli, “Song Ren Huaike fu Yanshan wuguan xu” 送任懷可赴鉛山務官序, Weizhai ji 畏齋集 (SKQS), 3.18a (QYW, 25:806.481). 8. Qian and Mao, Ningbo tongshi, p. 16. 9. Ibid., pp. 62, 87.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 205

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

206

The Yuan Transformation

those killed by soldiers lean one upon another, and those [captives] tied up in ropes parade in succession on the street by the thousands daily. The destruction of people’s residences and the ruin of agricultural lands spread before one’s eyes across one hundred li. There is no trace of cows and sheep, nor the calls of dogs or chickens.10 某叠罹燬掠之殘生. 未死猶死也. 然有不能已于言者. 奉川台温接 境, 自春到今, 軍馬之往來之屯駐, 無一刻寧帖. 民之斃于兵刃者 枕藉, 繫累而去者魚貫于道, 日千百. 廬室之焚蕩, 田土之蹂躪, 窮 百里而一目. 牛羊無影迹矣, 雞犬無鳴吠矣.

Chen wrote this letter in an effort to ask for tax relief for his locale; thus, we should not take literally what is written here. Nevertheless, the letter conveys a sense of despair and terror felt by local literati at  the dawn of the new dynasty. Indeed, as skirmishes were fought between the Mongol army and Song loyalists in Mingzhou,11 it was not uncommon for local literati to hide themselves in the mountains, or to be separated from other family members, sometimes losing them.12 Stripped of an institutional firewall to protect their status, some literati families also suffered false accusations by local bullies who wanted to take advantage of the established families’ now-precarious status.13 Being ill-treated by clerks, though not uncommon in the Song, must have felt even more bitter now.14 As Robert Hymes pointed out more than two decades ago, there were structural challenges that literati elites had to cope with, which

-1— 0— +1—

10. Chen Zhu, “Feng Zhao Yanqi zhishi Mengchuan wei xiangren qiu mianshui shu” 奉趙岩起制使孟傳為鄉人求免稅書, Bentang ji, 74.10a (QSW, 350:8098.207). 11. Sakurai, “Gendai Keigen no shijin shakai to kakyo,” p. 5. 12. See, for example, Dai Biaoyuan, “Wang chenggong bidibian xu” 王丞公避地 編序, Shanyuan ji, 11.1b–2a (QYW, 12:419.158); Chen Zhu, “Da Dai Shuaichu jiage Biaoyuan shu” 答戴帥初架閣表元書, Bentang ji, 75.1a–b (QSW, 350:8103.309); Huang Jie 黃玠, Bianshan xiaoyin yinlu 弁山小隱吟錄 (SMCS) “Zixu” 自序 (QYW, 48:1482.555). 13. For example, see Cheng Jufu, “Gu tongzhi Chuzhou lu zongguan fushi Yuan fujun shendaobeiming” 故同知處州路總管府事袁府君神道碑銘, Xuelou ji (SKQS), 20.28b (QYW, 16.542:500). 宋之亡, 諸無賴往往以小睚眦構陷衣冠之士. 14. Yuan Jue, “Zishan dafu ziguoyuanshi zeng zizheng dafu Jiangzhe deng chu xing zhongshusheng zuocheng shanghujun shunyijun gong xie Zhenhui Yulüboli gong shendaobeiming” 資善大夫資國院使贈資政大夫江浙等處行中書省左丞上護軍順義 郡公諡貞惠玉呂伯里公神道碑銘, QRJSJ, 26.6b (QYW, 23:733.572). 里胥躪躒士族, 著片 紙叱名, 立召庭下.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 206

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

207

stemmed from the political and institutional changes of the new dynasty.15 First, the solidarity that had existed between local officials and literati elites in the Song period underwent a significant transformation. In the Southern Song, literati elites were the matrix from which officials were selected at both the local and the central levels. By reading a similar set of books, by joining often overlapping academic networks, and by participating in the fairly standardized examination culture, officials and non-officeholding literati elites, as well as former officials retired to their hometown, shared a sense of belonging, at least in theory, to one stratum, the shi. During the Yuan, especially in the early days of the dynasty, almost all officials assigned to Mingzhou were either ethnically alien people or hanren 漢人 transplanted from the north, who may not necessarily have cherished what the southern literati valued.16 It was only during the later days of the dynasty that southern Chinese began to be appointed as local, albeit low-ranking, officials in Mingzhou.17 In this sense, officials were often different from Mingzhou elites in kind, not simply in degree. The continuum between officialdom and literati elites that had existed in the Song, no matter how tenuous it may have been even on a theoretical level, almost disappeared. Second, the virtual breakdown of the examinations as a tool for recruiting officials during most of the Yuan had a far-reaching impact on the nature of elites. On a practical level, literati elites were deprived of an important means by which to control their own fortune. On a more symbolic level, they lost an officially recognized mechanism 15. See “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy,” p. 107. 16. According to Danjō Hiroshi, the dominance of northerners in local administrative posts in the Jiangnan region was a result of conscious policy decisions. See Minchō sensei shihai no shi teki kōjō, p. 216. 17. For example, Xu Yuan 許原, the assistant magistrate of Dinghai, was from Fujian (Dai Liang, “Xu cheng zhuan” 許丞傳, Jiuling shanfang ji, 19.11b [QYW, 53:1638.452]); Chen Lin 陳麟, the magistrate of Cixi, was a man of Wenzhou (Dai Liang, “Yuan zhongshun dafu mishujiancheng Chen jun muzhiming” 元中順大夫秘 書監丞陳君墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.3a [QYW, 53:1641.511]); Wang Rumao 汪汝 懋, the magistrate of Dinghai, was from Chun’an 淳安 county, Yanzhou (Dai Liang, “Gu hanlin daizhi zhishi Wang jun muzhiming” 故翰林待制致仕汪君墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.26a [QYW, 53:1641.527]); and Xu Guangda 許廣大, the magistrate of Yin, was a native of Tiantai county, Taizhou (Liu Ji 䎠基 [1311– 75], “Gu Yin xianyin Xu jun yiai beiming” 故鄞縣尹許君遺愛碑銘, Chengyibo wenji 誠意伯文集 [SKQS], 9.23b).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 207

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

208

The Yuan Transformation

through which to define their group identity.18 These new challenges helped create, to use Wenyi Chen’s words, a “status crisis” for local elites in the south.19 Hymes has highlighted how a new pattern in elite marriages distinct to Yuan Fuzhou can be better understood against this background, and Chen has shown how literati elites sought to define their own cultural order by constructing and depending on local and dynastic traditions. However, most scholars, including Hymes and Chen, still assume that there was a fundamental stability and continuity in the elite stratum from the Southern Song through the Yuan dynasty, despite all of these challenges. The system of the “Confucian household” (ruhu 儒戶) has been stressed as an institutional pillar of southern elite stability and continuity. In his classic article on the system, Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing 蕭啓慶 has argued that Confucian households were composed of former degree holders, both departmental and prefectural, renowned scholars, and officeholders during the Southern Song, and that they were entitled to enjoy considerable economic privileges such as exemption from the onerous village services.20 Thus he concludes that the system institutionally guaranteed a perpetuation of the Southern

-1— 0— +1—

18. Wang Ruilai argues that even during the Song dynasty only a handful of people could pass the examinations, so that the impact of the breakdown of the examinations during the Yuan has been exaggerated. See “Keju quxiao de lishi,” cited in Su, Yuandai difang jing ying yu jiceng shehui, p. 22. As Wenyi Chen has pointed out, however, the ever-increasing competition and decreasing chance of passing the examinations was qualitatively different from the system’s breakdown as a whole. 19. Wenyi Chen, “Networks, Communities, and Identities,” pp. 30–34. 20. This exemption from village ser vice was no small privilege; people willingly made economic sacrifices to acquire it. A report in 1290 from the Branch Secretariat of Jiang-Huai 江淮 tells us, “Many powerful and influential engrossing families often falsely established the status of Confucian household by lavishly bribing relevant officials and clerks so as to avoid their village ser vice duty.” Another report in 1299 from the Branch Secretariat of Jiang-Zhe 江浙等處行中書省 says, “According to the report from Jiande 建德 route, first grade wealthy household people who are barely literate bribed school officials and clerks and purchased [the status of ] Confucian household, obtaining exemption from the village ser vice.” See “Sui lufu zhouxian yin tidiao ruren gongye” 隨路府州縣尹提調儒人功業, Miaoxue dianli 廟學典禮 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1992), 3.50–51. 所轄等處多有豪富勢要兼倂之 家, 往往托以儒戶爲名, 厚賄構結有司官吏, 苟避差徭, 不當戶役; “Shenming ruren keshi” 申明儒人課試, Miaoxue dianli, 6.124. 近據建德路申, 一等富戶䍂通文字, 計囑 儒學官吏, 買作儒戶, 與免差役.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 208

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

209

Song literati elites.21 Later, he reaffirms this point based on an analysis of two examination records from 1333 and 1341, which, according to him, reflect a remarkable continuity in elite strata from the late Southern Song through the early Ming, using this to argue that the impact of Yuan rule on south China was inconsequential.22 Was the Confucian household system so stable that it was almost able to freeze the literati elite stratum of the Southern Song? To probe the changes in the literati elite community during the Yuan, we have to examine more closely the way the Confucian household system acted on local society. At first glance, Mingzhou’s case seems to confirm Hsiao’s argument. The number of Confucian households in Mingzhou was 3,405, accounting for 1.41 percent of all registered households. As we saw in chapter 3, more than 3,000 people were invited to the community drinking ceremony in the middle and late Southern Song. Given that the ceremony was supposed to honor literati elites, it appears that the Confucian household system rather comprehensively accommodated and preserved Mingzhou elites of the Southern Song. More recently, however, Ōta Yaichirō 太田弥一郎 and Makino Shūji 牧野修二 have proposed a revisionist view of the Confucian household system, bringing to light its instability. Ōta shows that the status of Confucian household was not hereditary, that its legal privilege was not securely protected, and that the system was not implemented in a uniform fashion even in the south. Unlike Buddhist and Daoist households 僧道戶, which were overseen by a separate bureaucratic organ specifically set up for them, Confucian households were under the supervision of the regular local bureaucracy. A special, more simplified legal process (yuehui 約會) initially reserved for them was 21. Xiao Qiqing (Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing), “Yuandai de ruhu.” A very nice summary of the article’s major points is provided by Hymes. See “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy,” pp. 107– 9. Yi Kaesǒk’s 1982 article, which does not cite Hsiao’s, also stresses, albeit with little evidence, the continuity and stability of the local elite class from the Southern Song to the Yuan under the Confucian household system. See “Wǒndae yuho e taehan ilgoch’al,” p. 138. 22. Hsiao, “Yuanchao keju yu Jiangnan shidafu zhi yanxu,” pp. 154, 176. The validity of Hsiao’s sweeping conclusion, which is based on the analysis of only a handful of jinshi degree holders from the south, is open to question. In the 1333 examination, for example, there were only seventeen jinshi from the south.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 209

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

210

The Yuan Transformation

abolished along the way as well.23 Makino stresses that Confucian households’ legal exemption from the village ser vice was at times limited to a single person registered as Confucian scholar (ruren 儒人), not his entire household, until the privilege was abolished altogether in 1312, a point also made by Ōta.24 Ōta and Makino’s studies provide a much-needed antidote to the barely questioned assumption that there was an institutionally guaranteed continuity of the literati class in the Yuan period. Neither of them, however, properly addresses the system’s evolution during the late Yuan, especially after 1312. Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing has already shown that the exemption privilege was reinstated in 1334 by an imperial edict, an important fact that neither Ōta nor Makino conceded.25 Mingzhou sources also confirm that the edict of 1334 was observed by the local government and welcomed by local literati.26 Ōta’s and Makino’s arguments that the privilege was permanently abolished in 1312 appear untenable. At the same time, however, it is far from clear whether the legal privileges of Confucian households were fundamentally protected for the greater part of the dynasty, as Hsiao has argued.27 He does not provide any further evidence that the privilege’s restoration in 1334 was a lasting one. Although there is no decisive evidence showing that the legal privilege of Confucian households was again abolished after 1334, our sources strongly suggest that it was not securely protected by the state and was open to negotiation at the local level. For instance, the Zhizheng Jinling xinzhi 至正䋦陵新志, the gazetteer of Jiqing route 集慶路 (today’s Nanjing) compiled in 1344, shows

-1— 0— +1—

23. Ōta, “Gendai no juko to juseki,” pp. 176–86. On the yuehui system, see also Morita, Gendai chishiki jin to chiiki shakai, pp. 144–47. 24. Makino, “Eke Monggoru jidai ni okeru jujinko no sabatsu (sa’eki) menjo nit suite ( jō·ge).” I thank Iiyama Tomoyasu for sending me these two articles. 25. Hsiao, “Yuandai de ruhu,” p. 397. See also Yuanshi, 34.818. When he reprinted his articles in 2012, Makino acknowledged this oversight. See Fujino and Makino, Genchō shi ronshū, p. 736. 26. Cheng Duanli, “Chongxiu Fenghua ruxue ji” 重修奉化儒學記, ZZSMXZ, 7.22b (QYW, 25:810.540). 27. Hsiao says, “Generally speaking, for the greater duration of the Yuan dynasty, Confucian households were able to receive exemption from the village ser vice” 一 般來說來, 在元朝大部分的時間裡, 儒戶是可優免差役的. See “Yuandai de ruhu,” p. 397.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 210

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

211

that Confucian households in the area were registered as part of commoner households (minhu 民戶) in the later years of the dynasty, suggesting the attenuation of their distinctive status.28 Moreover, it is not difficult to find that southern literati elites were assigned the village ser vice in this period. Zhu Zhenheng 朱震亨 (1282–1358) of Yiwu 義烏 county, Wuzhou route, who was from an established literati family that had produced officials during the Song and who himself studied under Xu Qian 許謙 (1270–1337), a famous Daoxue master of Wuzhou, fulfilled his village ser vice.29 The grandfather and father of the renowned Song Lian 宋濂 (1310–81), who wrote Zhu Zhenheng’s biography, were both assigned the village ser vice.30 Song Lian also mentions a certain Huang Si 黃巳 (1317–58) of Putian county, Fujian, whose great-grandfather was an instructor at a prefectural school and whose grandfather was a prefectural degree holder in the Southern Song; Huang was assigned the role of village head (lizheng 里正) sometime before 1358 because of his wealth.31 In 1359, when Mingshan Academy 明善書院 in Songyang 松陽, Chuzhou 處州 route, was renovated, the new headmaster (shanzhang 山長) found that the household status of many registered Confucians had become dormant. While he arranged to restore the status of those who could pass for scholars (ru), the headmaster also requested superior officials to exempt the village ser vices of those Confucians who donated their land to the academy’s endowed fields.32 The ser vice exemption privilege of

28. Ōta, “Gendai no juko to juseki,” pp. 172– 75. 29. Song Lian, “Gu Danxi xiansheng Zhu gong shibiao ci” 故丹谿先生朱公石表辭, p. 2134. For Zhu Zhenheng’s family background, see Furth, “The Physician as Philosopher of the Way,” pp. 436–41. 30. Song Lian, “Xian dafu fujun shendao biao” 先大父府君神道表, Song Lian quanji, p. 1994; Song Lian, “Xian fujun Rongfeng chushi qianbiao” 先府君蓉峰處士 阡表, Song Lian quanji, p. 2129. 31. Song Lian, “Putian Huang fujun muming” 莆田黃府君墓銘, Song Lian quanji, pp. 1738–39. In translating lizheng as “village head,” I follow Endicott-West. See Mongolian Rule in China, p. 119. 32. Wang Wei 王褘 (1322– 73), “Mingshan shuyuan ji” 明善書院記, Wang zhongwen ji 王忠文集 (SKQS), 10.18b (QYW, 55:1689.469). 先是, 士之䎑籍者四十有五, 而 戶絶者衆. 君訪其族, 能業儒者卽俾繼勿絶. 士有割田爲助, 則言於有司復其役. Walton interprets fu qi yi 復其役 as “their position was restored.” See “Family Fortunes in the Song-Yuan Transition,” p. 94. As the text says, the headmaster has already “renewed” the status of Confucian households for those whom he found were able to

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 211

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

212

The Yuan Transformation

Confucian households was not taken for granted. It was to be specially requested, and only for those who made special contributions. The situation was not so different in Mingzhou. Zhou Jian 周堅 (1307– 63), a disciple of Zhao Xie 趙偕 (d. 1366) who was an influential proponent of Yang Jian’s learning in Cixi, was one of the literati ( jinshen zhugong 縉紳諸公) whom the reform-minded magistrate Chen Lin 陳 麟 (1312– 68) consulted for the proper methods of local governance. Still, he was assigned the village ser vice during the Zhizheng 至正 reign period (1341– 68).33 The Luos 羅 of Cixi had produced two jinshi degree holders in the late Southern Song. Their family’s village services were specially exempted by the request of a local official in the late Yuan because Luo Shihua’s 羅世華 (1284–1363) five brothers lived together harmoniously until they were very old.34 Ye Shengweng 䍉聖 翁 (ca. 1350) of Cixi, who learned classics and history and was known to compose poetry and prose of substance, was a friend of Zheng Zhen 鄭眞, one of the representative Mingzhou literati during the YuanMing transition. One of Ye’s sons was an instructor 敎諭 at the Cixi county school. Although all evidence indicates that Ye Shengweng was certainly of a literati background, he was still assigned the village ser vice in the last years of Yuan rule.35 We simply do not know whether these cases were notable exceptions or whether they represent widespread practices at the local level. Without considering the involvement of Confucian households in the village ser vices during the late Yuan, however, it would be hard to explain a sudden upsurge of concerted reform efforts at the local level around the same time by both local officials and local literati to redress the problem of the village ser vices’ unequal distribution.36 Moreover,

-1— 0— +1—

pass for ru. Fu qi yi was a special reward reserved only for those who made financial donations to the academy’s endowed fields. 33. Wu Sidao, “Zhou Haozhai muming” 周皜齋墓銘, Ming wenhai 明文海, ed. Huang Zhongxi 黃宗羲 (SKQS), 440.5a, 440.6b– 7a. This epitaph is not included in the QYW. 34. Dai Liang, “Yuan gu Chongxuan chushi Luo jun muzhiming” 元故冲玄處士 羅君墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.11a– b (QYW, 53:1641.517). 35. Zheng Zhen, “Gu Ye jun xingzhuang” 故葉君行狀, Xingyang waishi ji, 41.7b– 8a, 41.10a. 36. According to Yu Ji 虞集 (1272–1348), who recorded the village ser vice reform implemented in Chong’an 崇安 county (Jianning 建寧 route, Fujian) sometime after

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 212

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

213

sources from the earlier period add weight to my point that the social status and legal privilege of Confucian households was not so secure as is often assumed. Liu Tunan 䎠圖南 (ca. 1289) of Fenghua, a man hailing from a literati family who had sat for the examinations in the late Southern Song and was conferred a post through his in-law’s protection privilege, had to serve as the village head around 1289.37 Chen Zhu also testifies that Confucian households in Fenghua were assigned the village ser vices by clerks, despite the exemption policy apparently in place at the time, until they were rescued by a registrar ( jingli 經歷) of Qingyuan route, sometime between 1292– 95.38 Only a few years later, in 1298, even 1328, the reformed method of equitable distribution of the burden was welcomed by the county’s leading gentlemen ( junzi 君子), commoners, elders (qilao 耆老), farmers, monks, and Daoist clergy alike, which would suggest that all of them were influenced by this village ser vice reform. See Yu Ji, “Jianninglu Chong’an xianyin Zou jun qusi zhi bei” 建寧路崇安縣尹鄒君去思之碑, Daoyuan xuegu lu, 41.5a (QYW, 27: 873.253–54). The village ser vice reform in Wucheng 烏程 county, Huzhou 湖州 route, was also appreciated by both literati and commoners (shimin 士民). See Zhang Shichang 張世昌, “Wucheng xianyin Feng hou jun fuyi bei” 烏程縣尹馮侯均賦役記, QYW, 58:1769.185–86. Barely questioning Confucian households’ continued privilege of exemption from the village ser vice, Dardess largely attributes the reformist enthusiasm of late Yuan literati to their sense of world saving mission rather than personal interest. See Dardess, “Confucianism, Local Reform, and Centralization in Late Yüan Chekiang,” pp. 363– 64. 37. Chen Lü 陳旅, “Liu Chengfu muzhiming” 劉程甫墓志銘, Anyatang ji 安雅 堂集 (SKQS), 12.13a (QYW, 37:1178.413–14). It is not absolutely certain, of course, whether Liu Tunan was indeed registered as a Confucian household. If he was assigned the duty of village ser vice because he was not classified as a Confucian household, however, then it only shows that the system was incomprehensive. Sources from other regions also confirm that the ser vice exemption privilege was not strictly observed in the early Yuan. For example, the grandfather and father of Lu Hou 陸垕 (1258–1307) of Jiangyin 江陰 both served in the Southern Song, and Lu Hou himself reached a relatively high post in the early Yuan. Yet Lu Hou was called to village ser vice. See Lu Wengui 䎬文圭, “Lu Zhuangjian gong jiazhuan” 䎬莊簡公 家傳, Qiangdong leigao 墻東類稿 (SKQS) 14.12a (QYW, 17:565.651). According to his official biography in the Yuanshi, Lu Hou memorialized to request that the Confucian households’ village ser vice be exempted. Yuanshi, 177.4130. 38. Chen Zhu, “Yishi song Han Junmei jingli jieren shi xu” 邑士送韓君美經歴解 任詩序, Bentang ji, 38.9a (QSW, 351:8110.16). Chen Zhu wrote a highly laudatory colophon to Han Juren’s poems in 1295, which according to Chen also had invited Wang Yinglin’s preface. “Ba Han Junmei Juren chengxi shijue” 跋韓君美居仁城西十 絶, Bentang ji, 47.10a– b (QSW, 351:8112.59).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 213

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

214

The Yuan Transformation

such a nationally famous figure as Yuan Jue, then Hanlin academician, had to appeal to the local government because he had been called upon to fulfill his village ser vice duty.39 It is not difficult to assume, then, that other, less notable literati might not have been any better off. Here it is important to note that the imperial edict announcing the abolition of Confucian households’ ser vice exemption privilege was promulgated for the first time in 1301: the edict only confirmed what had been in practice at the local level for a while.40 Confucian households’ ser vice exemption privilege was briefly restored in 1308–11 only to be abolished again in 1312.41 The impact of this change seems to have been deeply felt across Mingzhou. Praising the initiative of the Changguo prefect Han Tuan 韓摶, who refurbished the prefecture’s Confucian school in 1324,42 Yuan Jue writes that “after revamping the school, he then exempted the village ser vices assigned to Confucian households so as to exhort their commitment to the examinations” 旣興其學, 迺復儒役, 以爲大比之勸.43 In another inscription written for the rebuilding of the Changguo medical school, Yuan Jue also noted, “Confucian households had suffered from the village ser vice, but His Honor [i.e., Han Tuan] was able to have them exempted” 儒病徴科, 侯能復之.44 In 1331 the vice prefect 同知 of Fenghua, a certain Qeder 赫德爾, asked the reason for the dilapidation of the prefectural school and the degeneration of education in the area.45 Registered students were unanimous in pointing

-1— 0— +1—

39. Confucian households’ involvement in the village ser vice was rather widespread around this time. Confucian households from Pingjiang, Jiaxing, Hangzhou, Shaoxing, and Jiangyin 江陰 also appealed to their local governments because they had been assigned village ser vice. See “Jiding ruhu mianyi” 籍定儒戶免役, Miaoxue dianli, 6.128–29. 40. Li Jiahao, “Moluo huo zaisheng,” p. 24. I thank Wenyi Chen for sending me this important thesis. 41. Xiao, “Yuandai de ruhu,” p. 397. 42. Changguo county was elevated as Changguo prefecture in 1278 because of its strategic importance in maritime security. CGTZ, 1.1b. 43. Yuan Jue, “Changguo zhou chongxiu xue ji” 昌國州重修學記, QRJSJ, 18.14a–b (QYW, 23:725.428). 44. Yuan Jue, “Changguo zhou chongjian yixue ji” 昌國州重建醫學記, QRJSJ, 18.17a (QYW, 23:725.429). 45. Fenghua county was elevated to Fenghua prefecture in 1295 because of population increase. YYSMZ, 1.12a.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 214

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

215

Table 4.1 The Confucian Household in National and Local Contexts Central Policy

Its implementation in Mingzhou

Edict exempting Confucian households from village service Edict abolishing the ser vice exemption privilege Edict reinstating the privilege

1292– 95

1312

Edict of reabolition

1335

1334

Edict of reinstatement

1341– 68

1289

1301

1308–11

1298

1324

Confucian households in Fenghua were called to village ser vice until the Qingyuan registrar intervened. Yuan Jue was called up for village ser vice. Confucian households in Changguo were exempted from village ser vice by the prefect. Confucian households in Fenghua were called up for ser vice until the vice prefect intervened. Literati elites in Cixi were called upon for village ser vice.

out that it was because Confucian households had to endure the village ser vice (ru kun yu yi 儒困於役). It was not until 1335 that Fenghua officials received an edict restoring the Confucian households’ ser vice exemption privilege that the school was renovated, to which project “many literati happily contributed” 群士樂趨大役焉. What is interesting in the above cases is that the exemption privilege was restored by a local official’s initiative: the Confucian households of Fenghua were assigned the village ser vices for ten more years than those of Changguo. Though an empire-wide institution, its local variation was significant even in a single route.46 And these cases, along with the complicated trajectory I have probed, tell us two things 46. Ōta Yaichirō has also shown that Confucian households were classified in different categories in the same Jiqing route. They were separately registered from commoner households in Shangyuan 上元 county, Jurong 句容 county, and Liyang 凓陽 prefecture, whereas in Jiangning 江寧 county and Lishui 凓水 prefecture they were classified as a part of commoner household. See “Gendai no juko,” pp. 172– 74. It would be interesting to note that the stele of an imperial edict of 1334 reinstating Confucian households’ ser vice exemption privilege was erected at the Jurong county school. See “Shengzhi bei” 聖旨碑, Jiangning jinshi ji 江寧䋦石記, 7.2a–b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 215

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

216

The Yuan Transformation

about the Confucian household system. First, as table 4.1 shows, the system was far from secure and underwent a series of intermittent vicissitudes. Second, because their status and its accompanying privileges were open to negotiation at the local level, local literati elites must have felt that it was extremely important for them to maintain a close relationship with local officials. We need to keep this second point in mind when examining the fate of Mingzhou elites in this period.

Mingzhou Elites, Old and New There is no denying, of course, that some of the old established families of Southern Song Mingzhou were able to preserve their elite status in the Yuan. Although Yuan Xie’s descendants experienced real economic hardship, for instance, his great-grandson, Yuan Fu 袁裒 (1260–1320), was appointed professor 敎授 at Haiyan 海鹽 prefectural school.47 Although Wang Yinglin refused to serve under the Yuan, his sons and grandsons were regarded highly as authorities in ritual and scholarly matters of Mingzhou later in the dynasty.48 Huang Zhen’s descendants had either to marry uxorilocally or to migrate to Shaoxing prefecture, but they were known in the area for their commitment to preserving Huang’s scholarship and for their expertise on examination learning.49 Zheng Qingzhi’s great-grandson, Zheng Yifu

-1— 0— +1—

47. See Yuan Jue, “Haiyan zhou ruxue jiaoshou Yuan fujun mubiao” 海鹽州儒學 敎授袁府君墓表, QRJSJ, 30.19a (QYW, 23:737.651). 48. For Wang Changshi 王昌世 (1267–1327), Yinglin’s son, see Huang Jin, “Qian chengwulang Wang gong muzhiming” 前承務郞王公墓誌銘, Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji 䋦華黃先生文集 (Xuxiu Siku quanshu 續修四庫全書 edition), 31.17b–19b (QYW, 30:976.319–21). For Wang Housun 王厚孫 (1300–1376), Changshi’s son, see Bei Qiong, “Gu Fujian ruxue fu tiju Wang gong muzhiming” 故福建儒學副提擧王 公墓誌銘, Qing jiang wenji 淸江文集 (SKQS), 30.7b–13a (QYW, 44:1386.508–11). For Wang Ningsun 王寧孫 (1307– 64), Housun’s brother, see Zheng Zhen, “Wang xiansheng Shuyuan xingzhuang” 王先生叔遠行狀, Xing yang waishi ji, 42.7b–11b. 49. For Huang Shuya 黃叔雅 (1267–1320), Huang Zhen’s son, see Yuan Jue, “Chushi Huang Zhongzheng fu muzhiming” 處士黃仲正甫墓誌銘, QRJSJ, 29.21b– 23a (QYW, 23:736.635–36). For Huang Shuying 黃叔英 (1273–1327), Shuya’s brother, see Huang Jin, “Huang Yanshi muzhiming” 黃彦實墓誌銘, Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 33.16a–17b (QYW, 30:974.288–89). For Huang Zhengsun 黃正孫 (1265–1345), Huang Zhen’s grandson, see Huang Jin, “Cixi Huang jun muzhiming” 慈溪黃君墓 誌銘, Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 36.12b–14a (QYW, 30:977.338–39).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 216

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

217

鄭弈夫 (b. 1278), was listed as one of the influential literati of Mingzhou society.50 Proud of the continuity of respectable literati culture in the area, Cheng Duanxue 程端學(1278–1334), a Yin county native and one of the only four jinshi that Mingzhou produced throughout the entire Yuan period, said, “Accomplished people of Siming are unsurpassed by those of other prefectures. Literati of virtuous conduct and artistic talent, and men of the caliber of grand councillors and generals have been continually produced generation after generation” 四明人物甲他 郡, 德行藝能之士, 文武將相之才, 繩繩焉代不乏人.51 There might have still been men of the caliber of grand councillor or general, but neither grand councillors nor generals were produced from Yuan Mingzhou. In fact, the most salient feature of Mingzhou elite society during the Yuan that distinguished it from its Southern Song character was its lack of any politically illustrious family. In this sense, Cheng’s prideful remarks hold a nostalgic tone. As we saw in chapter 1, even the most prominent elite families in Southern Song Mingzhou, such as the Wangs 汪, the Lous 樓, and the Shis 史, were unable to avoid gradual decline, especially after the fall of the dynasty. Yuan Jue records the fate of descendants of some high officials from Mingzhou. Many higher officials [of the Song dynasty] in our locale requested [state recognition of] their “merit cloisters” so that their descendants would divide the landed property [attached to the cloister] and earn some profits. When the world’s fate changed, they fell into the status of servants and slaves. Orphans of their families, without knowing what to do, cannot enter the premises [of their own family’s merit cloister], each time lamenting that their ancestors established it for nothing. I used to pass by their shrines, and witness that weeds were spread all over and the buildings were broken and scorched. The people in charge of such places said indignantly, “They received imperial favor in past. Their former fortune was this great. How could their descendants foretell all this?” As for the families of scholar-officials, and the buildings of their cloisters which had stood in neat lines, even

50. Cheng Duanli, “Song jiaoshou Zheng jun Jingyin fu Fuliang ren xu” 送敎授鄭 君景尹赴浮梁任序, Weizhai ji, 4.13a– b (QYW, 25:807.497– 98). 51. Cheng Duanxue, “Song Chen jiaoshou zhi ren xu” 送陳敎授之任序, Jizhai ji 積齋集 (SKQS), 2.15a (QYW, 32:1022.150).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 217

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

218

The Yuan Transformation

if by good fortune they avoided confiscation by the authorities, [the buildings] were destroyed and scattered by the mob. In extreme cases, even the graves themselves were opened. Alas, how can one [bear to] speak of this!52 吾里卿相什百, 各以功德院爲請, 有以其田園與子孫共分析, 求利 益. 穹樓矗塔, 坡阜松柏, 蔽翳綿數十里. 時運更易, 各降在皂䎑. 孤童負囊, 倀倀不能以入, 每恨其祖父作是爲無益也. 予嘗過其祠 宇, 薪草雜糅, 破凝爐煤, 而主兹所者, 僴然有曰, “彼昔承寵恩, 故 幸若是. 其子孫何能預?” 至于士夫之家, 庵廬相接, 幸其不爲有司 之所䎑, 群聚毁撒. 甚者, 發其丘壟. 噫, 可勝道哉!

Yuan Jue was not exaggerating. Echoing this observation, Kong Qi 孔齊 (ca. 1315– early Ming), an astute sojourner in Mingzhou, also testifies that the old residence of the Shi 史 family near Dongqian Lake underwent a series of ownership changes by three different surnames until it eventually was turned into agricultural land.53 The actual changes brought to Mingzhou society by the changed institutions of the Yuan were far from nominal. After an old villa belonging to Gao Kang, the chancellor of the Directorate of Education in the early Southern Song, had fallen into disrepair for about seventy years in Yin county, it was purchased by a certain Ni Tianze 倪天澤 (1277–1334), a member of a sea transport household (caohu 漕戶) of the county, who had migrated from Dinghai and made his fortune in maritime trade and sea transport tribute.54 In this residence, said to have some of the best scenery in Yin, Ni Tianze hosted a series of social gatherings that attracted many of the renowned literati elites of Mingzhou and those from outside, including a famous Central Asian poet. Complimenting the beauty of Ni’s newly renovated place, Cheng Duanli, the eminent Daoxue scholar and Duanxue’s older brother, lamented that any elders from the Southern Song ( yilao 遺老) who could have compared it with Gao Kang’s original villa were all gone.55

-1— 0— +1—

52. Yuan Jue, “Fuyuan jingshe ji,” QRJSJ, 20.18a–b (QYW, 23:727.472). 53. Kong Qi, “Yu Yin Donghu” 寓鄞東湖, Zhizheng zhiji 至正直記, 2.43. 54. Cheng Duanli, “Yuan gu chushi Ni jun muzhiming” 元故處士倪君墓誌銘, Weizhai ji, 6.20b–21a (QYW, 25:811.562– 63). 55. Cheng Duanli, “Yan Ni shi yuanchi shi xu” 宴倪氏園池詩序, Weizhai ji, 4.28a (QYW, 23:808.508). The implication here is that Gao’s villa was present at least until the late Southern Song. Yilao usually refers to those elderly figures who had some

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 218

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

219

The fact that Gao Kang’s villa became Ni Tianze’s property draws attention to a kind of social change taking place in Mingzhou during the Yuan dynasty—that is, the decline of political elites and the rise of commercial ones. Of course, many families tried hard to maintain their identity as literati of the Song mode. Chen Shaozu 陳紹祖 (1250–1333) of Fenghua, for example, advised his sons and grandsons, “Our family has achieved much success through being scholars. You ought to stick to this family tradition and not to wish to pursue other occupations” 吾世以儒顯. 汝等宜守家法, 無外慕從異業.56 For people like Chen Shaozu, working in an educational post (xuezhi 學職) was probably the only practical option to not lose one’s literati identity while serving in government. As Cheng Duanxue testifies, however, it was also a very tedious career path, which normally required a few decades for admission to even the lowest rung of the regular bureaucracy.57 So, old families often had to look for new career paths, some of which would have been easily brushed off during the Southern Song. Lu Zhenlong 盧震龍 of Fenghua, who was a prefectural degree holder in the late Southern Song and was endorsed by Chen Zhu as “scholar” (ru), became a Daoist clergyman. Mr. Zhuo 卓, the son of a local scholar (xiangxiansheng 鄕先生) of Yin, also joined the Daoist clergy. Xu Zixin 徐子信, who was called a literatus, became a Mongolian-Chinese interpreter.58 A more common choice was to become a clerk (li 吏). Compared to educational posts, clerkship, especially lingshi 䎁史, was considered a faster track to formal officialdom. Moreover, one could still

extralocal reputation and refused to serve in the new dynasty, such as Wang Yinglin, Huang Zhen, or Chen Zhu. 56. Cheng Duanxue, “Gu chushi Chen Jiweng muzhiming” 故處士陳繼翁墓誌銘, Jizhai ji, 5.16b (QYW, 32:1025.213). 57. Cheng Duanxue, “Song Hua jiaoshou zhiman xu” 送花敎授秩滿序, Jizhai ji, 2.17a–18a (QYW, 32:1022.151–52). 58. Chen Zhu, “Fenghua xian Tongzhenguan ji” 奉化縣洞眞觀記, Bentang ji, 49.8a (QSW, 351:8115.97); Cheng Duanxue, “Song daoshi Zhuo Wuwei zhu Xuboguan xu” 送道士卓無爲住虛白觀序, Jizhai ji, 3.12b (QYW, 32:1023.164– 65); and Liu Renben, “Song Zhexi xianfu yishi Xu Zixin xu” 送浙西憲府譯史徐子信序, Yuting ji 羽庭 集 (SKQS), 5.15a (QYW, 60:1838.297). For medical practice as a new career choice for literati elites during the Yuan, see Hymes, “Not Quite Gentlemen?”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 219

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

220

The Yuan Transformation

be recognized as “Confucian” if he became a clerk through the system of the “yearly tribute” (suigong 歲貢) of personnel promoted from local official schools.59 Responding to this reality, literati thinkers came up with a justification that “scholars” (ru) and clerks (li) are actually one in essence, each representing substance (ti 體) and utility ( yong 用), respectively,60 and it is also not difficult to find descendants of literati family becoming clerks. Du Shixue 杜世學 (1262–1328) of Fenghua, who had served in educational posts for thirty years, became a lingshi in 1314 and was finally promoted to county registrar.61 Ren Si 任耜 (1288–1358) of Fenghua, the son of Ren Shilin, who was known for his literary achievement and became the headmaster of Anding Academy 安定書院, pursued a career as a clerk. His son, Ren Wenhu 任文虎, also became a clerk in Jiangyin 江陰 prefecture.62 The Fans 范 of Yin had produced three jinshi in the Southern Song, and one of them, Fan Kai 范楷 ( jinshi 1208), advanced to the post of minister of works 工部尙書. However, when they were “no longer able to rely on their hereditary emoluments after the Southern Song’s fall” 宋社旣墟, 不得有其世祿, a certain Fan Jin 范謹 moved to Fenghua and from his son’s generation the family actively pursued careers as clerks.63 Wang Hengfu 王亨甫, a descendant of Wang Ciweng, who was a member of the prestigious Wulao

-1— 0— +1—

59. Katayama, “Gendai no shijin ni tsuite,” p. 23. 60. Cheng Duanli, “Ruli shuo” 儒吏說, Weizhai ji, 6.3b (QYW, 25:809.525–526). See also Lu Wengui, “Ruxue lizhi” 儒學吏治, Qiangdong leigao, 3.13a–b (QYW, 17:560.453–54); Xu Qian 許謙, “Dai ren shangshu bu ruli” 代人上書補儒吏, Baiyun ji 白雲集 (SKQS), 3.32b–34b (QYW, 25:781.15–26). 61. Dong Fuli 董復禮 (1294–1326), “Zhufu Du jun xingzhuang” 主簿杜君行䏑, QYW, 49:1488.14. 62. Bei Qiong, “Yuan gu Liangzhe duzhuanyun yanshisi zhaomo Ren gong muzhiming” 元故兩浙都轉運鹽使司照磨任公墓誌銘, Qing jiang wenji, 8.9a– b (QYW, 44:1386.503). For Ren Shilin, see Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 (1254–1322), “Ren Shushi muzhiming” 任叔寔墓誌銘, Songxuezhai ji 松雪齋集 (SKQS), 8.29b (QYW, 19:598.263); Lu Wengui, “Ren Shushi yigao xu” 任叔寔遺稾序, Qiangdong leigao, 5.6b– 7b (QYW, 17:563.547). 63. The three jinshi are Fan Ju 范榘 who passed the exam in 1172; his brother, Fan Kai, who passed in 1208; and Fan Kai’s son, Fan Guang 范光, who passed in 1214. See BQSMZ, 9.15b. In the Yuan, at least five of the Fans became local clerks. See Zheng Zhen, “Yuan gu Siming Fan fujun mujieming” 元故四明范府君墓碣銘, Xing yang waishi ji, 43.7a–b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 220

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

221

hui (Association of Five Elders) in the early Southern Song, also became a clerk.64 On the other hand, formerly less prominent families made use of clerkship as a stepping stone to becoming prominent in local society. Hu Gong 胡珙 (1250–1322) of Yin, whose family had produced no officeholders (weiyou shi ji 未有仕籍) in the previous three generations, was selected as a clerk and served in the Qingyuan route government for a long time. At the same time, he used his wealth to collect antique calligraphic works, famous paintings, and books, and to invite teachers to educate his descendants with Confucian learning for the civil ser vice examinations.65 Wang Kui 王奎 (1253–1334) was an immigrant to Yin county in the early Yuan. His ancestors had lived in Taizhou with no apparent record of government ser vice or any level of examination success. Considering that Wang’s epitaph does not even mention his grandfather, his family must have been of relatively humble background there. Having been bereft of his father at the age of six, he became a clerk in the Qingyuan route government and eventually reached the position of registrar of Yanping 延平 route. When his epitaph was written by Huang Jin, his eldest son was the vice prefect of Chongde 崇德, Jiaxing route, and his third son rose to the role of the great supplicator 太祝 at the Commission for Ritual Observances 太 常䎏儀院, an apparent political success for southerners.66 The Wus 烏 had lived in Changguo until Wu Wenliang 烏文亮 migrated to Cixi, where he had served as a clerk in the mid Yuan. Wenliang’s son, Wu Benliang 烏本良 (d. 1372), became a clerk too. The Wus were not an illustrious literati family until this time. While working as a clerk, however, Wu Benliang devoted his time to classical learning and later

64. Zheng Zhen, “Wangyou Wang Yiwen aici” 亡友王以文哀辭, Xingyang waishi ji, 54.16a–17a. 65. Huang Jin, “Yin Hu jun muzhiming” 鄞胡君墓誌銘, Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 34.7a–b (QYW, 30:975.309–10). It is to be highlighted that Hu Gong’s greatgrandfather, grandfather, and father were not officeholders, which means that none of them passed the jinshi examinations, none of them was recommended through the “protection,” and none of them even purchased honorary rank to be registered as an officeholder. 66. Huang Jin, “Chengzhilang Qingyuanlu panguan zhishi Wang jun muzhiming” 承直郞慶元路判官致仕王君墓誌銘, Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 37.23b–25a (QYW, 30:983:479–80).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 221

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

222

The Yuan Transformation

became a follower of Yang Jian’s learning. Benliang was treated as a literatus by local officials and by other famous literati of the time.67 His brother, Wu Sidao 烏斯道, who was known for his literary accomplishment, calligraphy, and painting, became one of the influential literati in Mingzhou by the early Ming. Another distinctively Yuan institution, the sea transport tribute, also provided elites of this coastal area with new opportunities. Because of the dilapidation of the Grand Canal during the division between the Jin and the Southern Song in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Yuan capital of Dadu 大都 had to rely on a biannual maritime shipment of grain tax, which amounted to three million piculs per annum. For this reason the Yuan state made a very generous offer to Chinese maritime merchants and ship owners involved in the shipment of this grain tax. It paid for freight charges, provided transport households with monthly emolument, and exempted their labor ser vice duty. Moreover, they were allowed to conduct their own private business while transporting the tribute, a major source of huge profit for the owners of relatively large ships.68 Although the major departure port for the sea transport tribute was Liujiagang 䎠家港 in Kunshan 崑山 county, Pingjiang, Mingzhou’s place in the system was quite important as well because all rice from Taizhou, Wenzhou, and Fujian was first delivered to and inspected in Mingzhou.69 The Wus 吳 of Yin were among the well-known surnames (zhuxing) throughout the Southern Song. Ever since Wu Bingxin 吳炳信 ( jinshi 1121), a member of the Wulao hui, reached the post of secretariat drafter, the Wus continually produced officials for more than one hundred years. After Wu Cheng 吳澄 moved to Dinghai in the late Southern Song, however, the Wus did not serve in the government until his grandson, Wu Zhang 吳璋, became a sea transport defense company commander 巡防百戶, later promoted to battalion commander 千戶

-1— 0— +1—

67. Wu Sidao, “Wu shi jiapu yin” 烏氏家譜引, Chuncaozhai wenji 春初齋文集 (SKQS), 4.19a– b (QYW, 57:1725.124); Wu Sidao, “Xianxiong Chunfeng xiansheng xingzhuang” 先兄春風先生行狀, Chuncaozhai wenji, 5.22b– 24a (QYW, 57:1726. 146–47). 68. See Anonymous, Da Yuan haiyun ji 大元海運記 (Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1972), 1.70; Uematsu, “Gendai kaiun no hyōka to jitsuzō.” In English, see Lo, “The Controversy over Grain Conveyance.” 69. Teraji, “Hō Gokushin seiken no seikaku,” p. 32.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 222

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

223

and eventually to brigade commander 萬戶 because of his contribution to sea transport tribute (haiyun you gong 海運有功).70 The Dus 杜 of Yin produced at least two prefectural degree holders and an Imperial University student in the mid and late Southern Song. When the abolition of the examinations in the Yuan robbed the Du brothers, known for their literary talent when young, of an opportunity to make their own mark, they then turned to military careers and became, respectively, sea transport battalion commander and sea transport company commander. The younger brother (1260–1331), who is said to have shown outstanding talent in managing the sea transport, had an imperial audience with Khubilai and made connections with influential ministers at the capital. In Mingzhou, where he built a study ( jingshe 精舍), he maintained a close relationship with influential literati like Cheng Duanxue.71 Tong Jin 童䋦 of Cixi was a grandson of Tong Juyi 童居䎹, a jinshi of 1217, who studied under the famous Yang Jian and later came to be known as Master Duzhou 杜洲先生. Despite this literati background, Tong Jin became assistant commandant of advancing righteousness 進義副校尉, the lowest honorary military title of no rank, and was put in charge of sea transport tribute (du haiyun 督海運) for years. Using his wealth thus accumulated, he built a charitable school ( yixue 義學) at the site of his grandfather’s study, which was later officially promoted to Duzhou Academy.72 The choices made by the Wus, the Dus, and the Tongs show that former literati families made use of the opportunity provided by the sea transport system to sustain their social prominence. The system also opened a new door to prominence, however, to formerly less privileged families. The Nis 倪 had lived in Dinghai for generations but are virtually unheard of in pre-Yuan sources. It was not until the early Yuan, in the generation of Ni Yi 倪溢 (1268–1333), that the Nis began to appear in

70. Dai Liang, “Yuan zeng yazhong dafu Taizhoulu zongguan zuifeng Yanlingjun hou Wu jun muzhiming” 元贈亞中大夫台州路總管追封延陵郡侯吳君墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.14b–16b (QYW, 53:1641.519–20). 71. Cheng Duanxue, “Yuan gu congshilang Hangzhoulu shuike tiju Du jun muzhiming” 元故從仕郞杭州路稅課提擧杜君墓誌銘, Jizhai ji, 5.13a–15a (QYW, 32:1025.211–12). The name of Mr. Du remains unknown. 72. Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 27.23b–24a, 35.5b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 223

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

224

The Yuan Transformation

the elite circles of Mingzhou. Building on his family’s expertise in the long-distance maritime trade of grain with the Quanzhou 泉州 area, Fujian, Ni Yi worked as a clerk in the Maritime Trade Supervisorate of Mingzhou and the supreme supervisorate-in-chief for revenues of Jiang-Huai 江淮財賦府. His younger brother, Ni Tianze, the sea transport householder mentioned earlier as having purchased the former villa of Gao Kang, was also a donor to a local Tianhou 天后 temple and contributed to the building of an office for the Sea Transport Battalion 海運千戶所.73 Ni Tianyuan 倪天淵, who owned ten large ships and employed one thousand sailors, had great influence on the sea transport tribute too. Because of his extraordinary ser vice for forty years, he was conferred a ceremonial arch that read “The gate of long life and elderly virtue” 高年耆德之門.74 Ni Yi’s records of conduct state that his family migrated to Yin in order to “broaden their experience and to learn rituals and culture” 所 以廓見聞, 習禮法.75 Since then, the Nis invested in education and social capital, and made their way into the mainstream Mingzhou elite society within their sons’ generation. Tianze’s son, Ni Keyu 倪可與 (1324–76), whose personal library is said to have comprised ten thousand volumes,76 studied under and made friends with such famous literati in Mingzhou as Cheng Duanli and Wu Sidao as well as influential officials such as Gong Shitai 貢師泰 (1296–1362) and Liu Renben.77 He was also known as an authority in ritual (shen yu liwen 深於䎏

-1— 0— +1—

73. Cheng Duanxue, “Lingjimiao shiji ji,” Jizhai ji 4.14a (QYW, 32:1025.203); “Qingyuan Shaoxing haiyun daluhuachi qianhusuo ji cun erduan” 慶元紹興海運達 魯花赤千戶所記存二段, in Zhang, Tianyige Mingzhou beilin jilu, p. 40. 74. Xu Shidong, Siming liuzhi jiaokanji 四明六志校勘記, 2.19b; Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 35.7a–b. 75. Wu Sidao, “Zhuanyunshi yuan Ni jun Taiheng xingzhuang” 轉運使掾倪君太 亨行狀, Chuncaozhai wenji, 4.19a (QYW, 57:1726.144). 76. Liu Renben, “Lüzhai ji” 履齋記, Yuting ji, 6.2b (QYW, 60:1840.335); Wu Sidao, “Shu Ni Zhongquan suocang Nanxian xiansheng moji hou” 書倪仲權所藏南軒先生 墨蹟後, Chuncaozhai wenji, 4.14b–15a (QYW, 57:1725.120). Elsewhere, Liu Renben unequivocally refers to Ni Keyu as a “literatus of Yin.” Liu Renben, “Shiyizhai ming” 適意齋銘, in QYW, 60:1841.364. 77. Gong Shitai attained the post of minister of works 戶部尙書 and Liu Renben was a major advisor to Fang Guozhen. See Danjō, “Genmatsu no kaiun to Ryū Jinbon.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 224

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

225

文).78 Another of Tianze’s sons, Ni Kebo 倪可伯, is listed as one of the elderly leaders of his locale.79 Tianyuan’s son, Ni Kefu 倪可輔, became vice grand councillor of the branch secretariat of Jiang-Zhe 江 浙行省參知政事 under Fang Guozhen 方國珍 (1319– 74), a regional hegemon of the Zhedong region, who established his headquarters in Mingzhou.80 Likewise, Han Chang’s 韓常 family, which accumulated considerable wealth through commerce in Dinghai for generations, migrated to the route seat of Qingyuan. As his son, Han Maohe 韓懋和, became sea transport brigade commander 海運都漕運正萬戶, Han Chang also received an honorary rank in the last years of the Yuan. Han is said to have been versed in the Book of Changes 易, and to have loved purchasing famous paintings and calligraphic works. Admiring Yang Jian and Shu Lin, we are told, Chang donated land to finance sacrifices to them at the academies built in their honor.81 While the Nis and the Hans migrated from Dinghai to Yin after becoming wealthy, in order to elevate their status to that of literati families, the Xias 夏 chose to move from Yin to Dinghai to become rich. When Xia Rongxian 夏榮顯 (1311– 65) and his brother Xia Rongda 夏榮達 (1314– 61) concluded that their lack of arable land prevented them from getting ahead in society (wu zidi keyi tu jinqu 無資 地可以圖進取), they migrated to Baisha 白砂 in Dinghai county, a bustling commercial port, with a view to engaging in commerce (wei huozhi mou 爲貨殖謀). Within just a few years the Xias became one of the wealthiest families in Dinghai through domestic and international maritime trade. They then invited their father and other six brothers

78. Wu Sidao, “Chushi Ni jun Zhongquan mubiao” 處士倪君仲權墓表, Chuncaozhai wenji, 5.16b–17a (QYW, 57:1726.142–43). 79. Zheng Zhen, “Haoliang lu” 濠梁錄, Xing yang waishi ji, 98.6b. 80. Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 35.7b. Although Fang Guozhen was a de facto ruler of Mingzhou, Taizhou, and Wenzhou for nearly ten years, he remained a Yuan subject and did not try to establish his own independent kingdom as did Zhang Shicheng 張 士誠 and Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋. As such, he invited pro-Yuan officials and literati and did not cause any apparent social turmoil in Mingzhou society. See Teraji, “Hō Gokushin seiken no seikaku,” pp. 23–26, pp. 33–34; Danjō, “Hō Gokushin kaijō seiryoku to Genmatsu Minsho no Kō Setsu enkai chiiki shakai,” pp. 151– 64. 81. Zheng Zhen, “Zhenyi jushi zhuan” 貞一居士傳, Xingyang waishi ji, 47.5a– 9b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 225

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

226

The Yuan Transformation

to Dinghai to live together under the same roof. Noting their righteous deeds in local society, the Academy of Scholarly Worthies 集賢 院 conferred upon them the honorary titles Zhenyi chushi 眞逸處士 and Xuanyi chushi 玄逸處士, respectively. Once they had succeeded in accumulating wealth, they turned to educating their descendants in an effort to gentrify themselves. Xia Chen 夏琛, Rongda’s son, studied under both Dai Liang 戴良 (1317–83), a well-known literatus from Wuzhou, and Chen Gang 陳剛, a scholar from Wenzhou.82 All the stories of these families show us that many of the formerly prominent elites of the Southern Song were unable to enjoy stability or continuity even in their local setting. Instead we find that the dynasty’s new institutional framework—the cancellation of the examinations, the increasing importance of clerkship, and the implementation of sea transport tribute—facilitated a significant shift in the composition of Mingzhou elites.

Marriages in Yuan Mingzhou In chapter 1, I demonstrated that in Southern Song Mingzhou, 43 percent of identifiable marriages were in some manner nonlocal, that many of those families that engaged in translocal marriages were well established in their locale, and that one’s official career influenced the purview of his marriage networks. What kinds of change do we see in the Yuan? Do new patterns of marriage practice reflect social changes caused by the alienation of Mingzhou elites from politics? Did these elites, for example, adopt a more distinctly localized strategy to secure their interests in the locale?

-1— 0— +1—

82. Dai Liang, “Zhenyi chushi Xia jun muzhiming” 眞逸處士夏君墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.9a–11a (QYW, 53:1641.515–16); idem, “Xuanyi chushi Xia jun muzhiming” 玄逸處士夏君墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.23b–26a (QYW, 53:1641.525–26). Another influential sea transport household in Dinghai was the family of Xia Yongqing 夏永慶. It is not entirely clear whether his family was directly related to that of Rongxian and Rongda. The name of Yongqing’s father is Wende 文德, while that of Rongxian and Rongda’s father is Wenhua 文華. Just as Rongxian and Rongda’s eight brothers were known to live together, Yongqing’s brothers also shared a family compound without dividing their father’s property ( ju tongshi shi tongcuan 居同室, 食同爨). See Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi 33.8b– 9a; Liu Renben, “Xia Yongqing zhuan” 夏永慶傳, Yuting ji, 6.47b–48a (QYW, 60:1841.367).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 226

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

227

Drawing mainly on seventy-six epitaphs and biographies from Yuan-period Mingzhou, I have been able to examine 178 marriages that involved at least one Mingzhou native.83 Only in 63 of these 178 marriages (35 percent) was the residence of both parties identified. Compared to the Southern Song, for which I have located 531 marriages and identified the residence of both parties in 257 cases (48 percent), the following analysis of marriage practice in Yuan Mingzhou is based on a much narrower source base. None the less, it is still significantly larger than that of existing studies of local society during the Yuan.84 First and foremost, it should be highlighted that localized marriages did not increase, but decreased, in Yuan Mingzhou. Of these 63 cases, 31 couples (49 percent) married within their own counties. The other 32 couples (51 percent) found their spouse outside their county. Of these, sixteen cases were intercounty marriages (table 4 of appendix 2). Ten of these intercounty marriages were unions between two adjacent counties, while the other six couples (Nos. 1, 2, 4, 13, 14, and 15) found their spouses in a nonadjacent county, each accounting for 62.5 percent and 37.5 percent of the total. In Southern Song Mingzhou, only 25 percent of intercounty marriages were between nonadjacent counties. Does the increase in marriages connecting two nonadjacent counties in Mingzhou show any meaningful change in marriage practice? In an effort to account for the anomalous phenomenon of “joining partners from nonadjacent counties” within the prefecture of Fuzhou, Robert Hymes has noted that such marriages were clustered around a handful of influential Fuzhou families that had close association with the Yuan state, whom he called “brokers between local elite and officialdom.” According to him, these “brokers” tended to marry among themselves in order to cement their influence over access to office, while others wanted to ally with such people in order to raise their chances of obtaining recommendations. So this new pattern of

83. I have found eighty-seven epitaphs for Yuan Mingzhou people. Among these eighty-seven, eleven are written for either Buddhist monks or Daoist clergy, making them irrelevant to the analysis of marriage patterns. For the sake of convenience, I count an individual as a Yuan figure if he or she lived longer in the Yuan dynasty than in either the Song or the Ming. 84. See, for example, Hymes, “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy”; Chen Caiyun, “Yuandai Wenzhou lu yanjiu,” pp. 188– 91.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 227

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

228

The Yuan Transformation

“long-distance marriages within the prefecture,” argued Hymes, was not an overthrow but a confirmation of the localist strategy of Southern Song elites because it was well-advised for elite families who wanted to get ahead in society to ease their entry to officialdom.85 Unfortunately, Mingzhou cases can neither verify nor falsify Hymes’s argument because we simply do not see such marriages clustered around several prominent families across the area. The marriage between the Huangs of Cixi and the Chens of Fenghua (No. 4-1) was a continuation of an old tie between Huang Zhen and Chen Zhu formed by their passing the examinations in the same year.86 But we can hardly interpet this continuation of nonadjacent intercounty marriage as either family’s strategy to maximize their chance of governmental ser vice. Both Huang and Chen refused to serve under the Yuan. So did their immediate descendants. The marriage of Dai Youru 戴幼儒 of Fenghua, son of Dai Biaoyuan, to a daughter of Huang Zhengsun of Cixi (No. 4-2) can be partly explained by the fact that Huang married uxorilocally and stayed in Fenghua for seventeen years before returning to Cixi. Although Zhengsun was known for his scholarship and was invited to teach at a family school in Jiaxing 嘉興, he never served in government administration.87 This marriage cannot be explained by either party’s strategy to gain access to officialdom. We have no further information about the marriage between Chen Qi 陳葺 and née Gui 桂 (No. 4-4), and, as I will explain shortly, the three marriages by the Fans 范 of Fenghua, which account for half of the unions between nonadjacent counties in Mingzhou can be explained by other factors. Here we must touch on the nature of the sources we have for Yuan Mingzhou. Compared to the Southern Song sources, those of the Yuan show two interesting features that would limit our understanding of elite society during this period. First, out of seventy-six extant epitaphs, only thirty-four (45 percent) were written by Mingzhou natives. Aside from one epitaph whose author is unclear, forty-six epitaphs (54

-1— 0— +1—

85. Hymes, “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy,” pp. 103–13. 86. See chapter 1, note 144. 87. Huang Jin, “Cixi Huang jun muzhiming,” Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 36.13b (QYW, 30:977.339). 公年二十, 出爲贅婿, 居十有七年乃歸. See also Kondō, “Kō Shin boshi to Ō Ōrin bodō no kataru koto,” pp. 147–49.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 228

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

229

percent) were authored by non-native people.88 Second, unlike the Southern Song when such literati as Lou Yue, Yuan Xie, and Shu Lin wrote extensively about their agnatic and affinal kin members, few families of Yuan Mingzhou had more than two members recorded in epitaphs: it would be difficult for us to delve into the history of any given family in detail, let alone marriage networks linking elite families over generations.89 More fundamentally, epitaphs from Yuan Mingzhou in general give us very little information about the backgrounds of marriage partners, often citing only residence. This seems to be due in part to the fact that many of them were of less than prominent background. In this respect, it is all the more interesting that as many as 51 percent found their marriage partners outside their county: that is, many midlevel elites married outside their county for some reason. The sixteen marriages that crossed over Mingzhou’s prefectural border also confirm this point (table 5 of appendix 2). What catches our attention first is the virtual disappearance of the genuinely longdistance marriages found in Southern Song Mingzhou. No one here, for example, found his or her spouse in Jiangxi or Fujian. Five cases are marriages between two adjacent counties in Mingzhou and Shaoxing.90 Moreover, four of them are unions between the Lis of Yuyao and the Maos 茅 of Cixi, probably practicing cross-cousin marriage. Nevertheless, many other people found spouses from a fairly distant locality, such as Longchuan 䎝川 county, Chuzhou; Qingtian 靑田 county, Chuzhou; Jianping 建平 county, Guangde 廣德 route; Jinhua, Wuzhou

88. Out of these forty-one, interestingly, as many as twenty-eight (68 percent) were written by Jinhua people: Huang Jin, Liu Guan 柳貫, Wang Wei 王褘, Dai Liang, and Song Lian. 89. As far as I have seen, only four Yuan Mingzhou families left more than three epitaphs for their members. They are the families of Wang Yinglin of Yin, Huang Zhen of Cixi, Chen Shaosun 陳稍孫 of Fenghua, and Ni Yi 倪溢 of Yin. While there are eight case studies of individual families of Southern Song Mingzhou, there is only one such study for Yuan Mingzhou. See Kondō, “Kō Shin boshi to Ō Ōrin bodō no kataru koto.” 90. They are marriages between Huang Shuying 黃叔英 (1273–1327) of Cixi and née Can 岑 of Yuyao (No. 4); Mao Jingzhen 茅淨貞 (1298–1352) of Cixi and Li Gengsun 䎺庚孫 of Yuyao (No. 9); Mao Fu 茅俌 of Cixi and Li Gengsun’s daughter (No. 10); Mao Cheng 茅偁 of Cixi and Li Gengsun’s daughter (No. 11); and Mao Jun 茅儁 of Cixi and Li Gengsun’s daughter (No. 12).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 229

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

230

The Yuan Transformation

route; Tiantai 天台, Taizhou route; and Tongling 銅陵 county, Chizhou 池州 route.91 What accounts for such marriages? The marriages between Shi Mengqing’s 史蒙卿 (1247–1306) daughters and the Yes 䍉 of Ninghai and the Pans of Jinhua (Nos. 5-5 and 5-6) might be explained as a continuation of alliances among old established families of the Southern Song. A jinshi himself, Shi Mengqing was a grandson of Shi Migong 史彌鞏 ( jinshi 1217), who reached the office of judicial intendant of Hubei 湖北提刑. One of his sonsin-law, Ye Kuiweng 䍉揆翁, was a grandson of Ye Mengding 䍉夢鼎 (d. 1278), who was one of the highest officials at Emperor Lizong’s 理宗 court and was Mingzhou prefect in 1265– 67.92 The other son-inlaw, Pan Shiyan, was a great-grandson of Pan Lianggui 潘良貴 ( jinshi 1112), who reached the office of secretariat drafter in the central government and was also Mingzhou prefect in 1139–40. Moreover, the Yes and the Pans had marriage ties with Mingzhou during the mid and late Southern Song. Ye’s second son married née Yang of Yin when he was Mingzhou prefect, and Pan Lianggui’s grandniece was Shi Miyuan’s wife.93 Aside from the Shis, however, no one else who married outside Mingzhou can be classified as coming from highly successful official families of the Song. The Chengs 程 of Yin (No. 5-3), for example, were arguably the most renowned scholarly family of Yuan Mingzhou. Cheng Duanli’s famous primer based on Zhu Xi’s curriculum, Dushu fennian richeng 讀書分年日程, was adopted at the Directorate of Education, and his younger brother, Cheng Duanxue, was also a renowned scholar. Nevertheless, the Chengs were far from a leading literati family in Mingzhou during the Song, producing only two low-ranking local officials. The Dus 杜 of Yin (No. 5-1), the Zhengs 鄭 of Yin (No.

-1— 0— +1—

91. They are marriages between Mr. Du 杜 (1260–1331) of Yin and née Zhang of Longchuan (No. 1); Du Shixue’s daughter of Fenghua and Hong Chengzhong 洪成 中 of Qingtian (No. 16); Cheng Duanli of Yin and née Pan of Jianping (No. 3); née Shi of Yin and Pan Shiyan 潘世演 of Jinhua (No. 6); Zheng Juemin’s 鄭覺民 (1300– 1354) daughter of Yin and Ye Liang 葉亮 of Tiantai (No. 13); and Shi Linqing’s 史璘 卿 daughter of Yin and Ruan Shenzhi 阮申之 of Tongling (No. 15). 92. Songshi, 414.12434. 93. See Yuan Jue, “Shu Ye Xingong jiawen hou” 書葉信公家問後, QRJSJ, 49.18b (QYW, 23:722.356); Zhu Xi, “Zhi xianmoge Pan gong muzhiming” 直顯謨閣潘公墓 誌銘, ZXJ, 8:94.4763.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 230

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

231

5-13), the Rens of Fenghua (No. 5-14), and the Dus of Fenghua (No. 5-16) all began to appear in sources during the Yuan. Neither is there any apparent evidence that scholarly associations influenced these marriages that went beyond Mingzhou prefecture’s border. Then, what? As was the case in the Southern Song, itinerant official careers, this time including clerkships as well, help to explain at least some of these marriages. 1. Cheng Duanli was instructor at the Jianping 建平 county school, where he came to impress the Pans, a lofty lineage (wangzu) of the county, who later courted him (No. 5-3). 2. Given that his father, Ren Shilin, taught students in Qiantang, it is likely that Ren Si’s marriage with née Kong was arranged through the connection built during his father’s tenure there (No. 5-14).94 3. Ruan Shenzhi’s 阮申之 father, Ruan Linweng 阮麟翁, was a well-regarded route commander of Qingyuan, and Shenzhi himself later became magistrate of Yin (No. 5-15).95 4. That Du Shixue served as the headmaster of Shimendong Academy 石門洞書院 in Qingtian county explains the marriage of his daughter to a Mr. Hong of Qingtian (No. 5-16). 5. Fan Yuan 范源 of Fenghua worked as a clerk in Mingzhou and Shaoxing, and two of his sons were also clerks in Cixi and Dinghai. The marriages of his daughter and granddaughters to men of Cixi and Dinghai (Nos. 4-13, 4-14, and 4-15) are thus not surprising.

We should be cautious, of course, about drawing sweeping conclusions from the current sample, as we know nothing about 65 percent of the total recorded marriages from Yuan Mingzhou. Nevertheless, it is still possible to make a couple of observations bearing general significance for Mingzhou’s history. Firstly, the marriage pattern we have seen in Southern Song Mingzhou was not an anomaly to be explained largely by its extraordinary political success, as identifiable cases from the Yuan reflect more than 50 percent of recorded Mingzhou marriages crossing county boundaries. Furthermore, Mingzhou elites during the Southern Song and Yuan period were flexible in choosing their 94. Zhao Mengfu, “Ren Shushi muzhiming,” Songxuezhai ji, 8.29b (QYW, 19:598.263). 95. Cheng Duanxue, “Wen’an hou citang ji” 文安侯祠堂記, Jizhai ji, 4.3b (QYW, 32:1024.195); Cheng Duanxue, “Yin xian Ruan yin qusi bei” 鄞縣阮尹去思碑, Jizhai ji, 5.4a– 6a (QYW, 32:1025.210–11).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 231

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

232

The Yuan Transformation

marriage partners. The formula that equates strictly localized marriage with local elites breaks down here, again.

Managing Local Governance In chapters 2 and 3, I argued that the Southern Song state remained deeply involved in the maintenance of local infrastructure and the promotion of literati community values at the local level, although they no longer pursued activist policies reminiscent of the New Policies era. I have also shown that it was the creative management of a commercialized economy that financially buttressed local government’s active engagement in society. Did this continue in the Yuan? According to Elizabeth Endicott-West, “Yuan civilian government departed from earlier patterns and precedents in Chinese governmental history in the multiplicity of its levels of sub-metropolitan government and in the sheer number of civilian officials staffing those units of government.”96 Did this apparent increase in the number of local officials have any noticeable influence on the way governmental policy acted upon local society? The Yuan government is also notorious for its decentralized structure and ineffective decision-making process, stemming from its emphasis on collective deliberation among officials, a legacy of the steppe tradition.97 How did this aspect of Yuan government affect its local presence? The operation of the state in southern Chinese local society has yet to be seriously addressed by scholars of the Yuan period.98 Uematsu Tadashi 植松正, who has studied Jiangnan society under the Yuan, has been primarily interested in the vicissitudes of national policies rather than their impact on local society. The research of Yi Kaesŏk, a Korean scholar who takes issue with established interpretations of the systemic weakness of the Yuan’s “control of Jiangnan” 江南支配, also focuses more on the workings of the central government. Chen Dezhi’s 陈得之

-1— 0— +1—

96. Endicott-West, “The Yüan Government and Society,” p. 593. 97. Farquhar, “Structure and Function in the Yuan Imperial Government,” pp. 50–55; Miyazaki, “Sō Gen jidai no hōsei to saiban kikō,” pp. 228–30; Endicott-West, “Imperial Governance in Yuan Times,” pp. 535–36. 98. Endicott-West noted in 1989 that “the Yuan government’s involvement in the day-to-day workings of rural society remains an enigmatic topic, awaiting further research in the field of social history.” See Mongolian Rule in China, p. 121.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 232

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

233

study of the landed elites of the Jiangnan region and a more recent study of the activities of local elites by Su Li provide a litany of impressionistic examples collected from vast regions, with inadequate consideration of how they hang together.99 In English-language scholarship, based mainly on the miscellaneous writings of six individual authors, Paul Smith has tried to show that the power of the state to penetrate society was significantly limited through the Southern Song, the Yuan, and the Ming periods.100 On the contrary, stressing the building of the new imperial capital Dadu, the conquest of the Southern Song, and the suppression of the mass insurrections of the 1340s by Toghtő, John Dardess has argued that the Yuan dynasty was characterized by its activist policies.101 However, neither Smith nor Dardess has tried to examine how the Yuan state handled various administrative challenges at the grassroots level. A cursory look at various sources gives us the impression that the local government in Yuan Mingzhou remained active in dealing with local affairs. In particular, its control over local institutions that had been initiated by the literati elite during the Southern Song, seems only to have intensified. When Yin county school was renovated in 1292, for example, the total budget could not be met by donations from officials and literati. Rent money from endowed fields for the charitable ser vice (yiyi tian 義役田) was appropriated to defray the rest of the cost,102 which shows that the charitable service and its endowed fields were under the direct control of the county government. One year later, a route commander 總管 of Qingyuan reformed abuses in the management of the famous community charitable estate, and ordered Qingyuan route school to take over its daily administration. In addition, by extending to registered students at the school the benefits that had been restricted to the descendants of officeholding households, the Mingzhou

99. Uematsu, Gendai Kōnan seiji shakaishi kenkyū, esp. pt. 2, “Kōnan chiiki shakai to zaichi kanjin”; Yi, “Sipsa segi ch’o Wŏnjo chibae ch’ejae ŭi chaepy’ŏn kwa kŭ paegyŏng,” esp. chap. 4, “Kangnam chibae wa 14 segi ch’o Wŏnjo ch’eje ŭi sŏngnip”; Chen Dezhi, “Yuandai Jiangnan zhi dizhu jieji,” pp. 400–401; and Su, Yuandai difang jing ying yu jiceng shehui. 100. Smith, “Impressions of the Song-Yuan-Ming Transition.” 101. Dardess, “Did Mongols Matter?,” pp. 124–25. 102. Wang Yinglin, “Chongxiu Yian xianxue ji,” YYSMZ, 13.34a (QSW, 354:8202.308).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 233

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

234

The Yuan Transformation

government transformed the community charitable estate into an “official” institution.103 Moreover, the near collapse of the Lou 樓 family’s charitable estate was prevented by the intervention of local government in 1326. Already in 1212, more than sixty years after its foundation, the Lou charitable estate had to rely on the timely supervision of the local government to prevent the dissipation of its endowed fields by the family’s wayward descendants. Most of the estate was sold to residents with other surnames in 1306 by a certain Lou Qian, who had been entrusted by the Mingzhou government with the hereditary management right of the estate. When heads of the Lou descent group appealed to the government in 1312, Vice Commander Song-wu-er-hai-ai-zhu 聳吾耳 海涯主 confiscated the bill (zhiji 質劑) from the transaction and punished as many as twenty-nine people involved in the disintegration of the estate, including Lou Qian. It took four more years for the Lou estate to be fully restored to its original form.104 Furthermore, the repair and maintenance of official schools was recorded in much greater detail than in the Southern Song. For the nine decades that Mingzhou was under Yuan rule, we have as many as thirty-two inscriptions related to the building of its official schools. For the Southern Song, which lasted about 150 years, we only have eleven extant inscriptions.105 Given that a far greater number of writings are extant from the Southern Song in general, this is an interesting asymmetry, which cannot be fully explained by the largely contingent nature of our extant sources. It is worth noting here that schools pretty

-1— 0— +1—

103. Wang Yinglin, “Yitianzhuang xianxian ci ji” 義田莊先賢祠記, YYSMZ, 14.45a (QSW, 354:8203.311). Although the estate’s management was entrusted to a local literatus in 1320, the person was handpicked by the route commander. Cheng Duanxue, “Gu chushi Chen Jiweng muzhiming,” Jizhai ji, 5.16b (QYW, 32:1025.213). 104. Kuang Kui 況逵, “Zhoujin Lou shi yitianzhuang ji” 晝錦樓氏義田莊記, ZZSMXZ, 8.19b–21b (QYW, 37:1159.25–26). 105. For the Yuan, eleven for the Qingyuan route school; five for the Yin county school; seven for the Fenghua prefectural school; two for the Cixi county school; two for the Dinghai county school; three for the Changguo prefectural school; and one for the Xiangshan county school. For the authors and titles of these inscriptions, see appendix 5. For the Southern Song, we have four for the prefectural school; one for the Fenghua county school; one for the Dinghai county school; four for the Changguo county school; and one for the Xiangshan county school.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 234

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

235

much literally became the center of the literati life during the Yuan.106 The size of the endowed fields for Mingzhou’s official schools significantly increased through the Yuan dynasty as well.107 The practice of the community drinking ceremony was also given heightened attention by the local government after the reinstatement of the examinations. In 1342, under the initiative of Route Commander Wang Yuangong 王元恭, the ceremony was practiced for the first time in seventy-nine years, with about one thousand people participating.108 Mingzhou’s literati and local government also made deliberate efforts to recover the endowed fields originally established for the ceremony, which had been encroached upon by a Buddhist monastery in Changguo prefecture. In 1344, Öljeitu 完者都 (1299–1344), pacification commission and chief military commander of Eastern Zhe, hosted the ceremony. Ten years later, Codi 丑的, Öljeitu’s successor, added 30 mu of endowed fields from the official treasury to continue the ceremony. In 1358, Wen Huanzhang 文煥章, who was in charge of the educational administration of Mingzhou, spent the surplus from the existing endowed fields to augment them with another 33 mu.109 In addition to the extensive rebuilding and maintenance work done for local official schools and continual support for the community drinking ceremony, many official buildings were constructed or repaired during the first several decades of Yuan rule (table 4.2). As will become clear through the discussion below, however, the Mingzhou government was by no means in an ideal financial condition to fund various local projects during the Yuan. The administrative coordination among different

106. Katayama, “Gendai no shijin ni tsuite”; Chen Gaohua, “Yuandai de difang guanxue.” 107. See Zheng Chengliang, “Zuoxin shixi zhi ji,” p. 210. Therefore, it would be reasonable to assume that projects related to schools attracted literati attention more intensely. 108. It is recorded that Prefect Ma Chengde practiced the ceremony around 1323 in Fenghua, nearly twenty years earlier than the one hosted by Wang Yuangong. See Li Weisun 䎺洧孫 (1243–1329), “Zhizhou Ma Chengde qusi beiji” 知州馬稱德去思碑記, Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 12.16a (QYW, 11: 376.151). 109. See Cheng Duanli, “Xiang yinjiu futian ji” 鄕飮酒復田記, in Jingzhi lu, juan 13 (QYW, 25:819.545–56); Li Haowen 䎺好文, “Xiang yinjiu ji” 鄕飮酒記, in Jingzhi lu, juan 13 (QYW, 47:1459.445–47); and Gong Shitai, “Xiang yinjiu ji” 鄕飮酒記, in Jingzhi lu, juan 13 (QYW, 45:1403.284–85).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 235

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 236

Altar for soil and grain

Courier station

County government

County government County government

Headquarters of Chief Military Command County government

Prefectural government

1290

1292

1292–94 1306

1312

Ca. 1312

1313

Building

Fenghua

Cixi

Qingyuan

Dinghai Yin

Fenghua

Fenghua

Fenghua

Place

Wang Yinglin, “Fenghua shejitan ji” 奉化社稷壇記, Siming wenxian ji, 1.22a–23b (QSW, 354:8201.303–4) Dai Biaoyuan, “Fengchuan yi ji” 奉川驛記, Shanyuan wenji, 1.17a–19b (QYW, 12:424.292– 93) Wang Yinglin, “Fenghua zhou chongxiu xianzhi ji” 奉化縣重修縣治記, YYSMZ, 8.9a–10b (QSW, 354:8202.313–14) YYSMZ, 8.7a Yuan Jue, “Yin xian xingzao ji” 鄞縣興造記, QRJSJ, 18.4a–5b (QYW, 23:725.420–21) Zhuo Yan 卓琰, “Zhedong dao duyuanshuai fu ji” 浙東道都元帥府記, YYSMZ, 8.4a–5b (QYW, 35:1123.271– 72) Yuan Jue, “Cixi xian xingzao ji” 慈溪縣興造記, QRJSJ, 18.24a–25b (QYW, 23:725.434–44) Chen Guan 陳觀 ( jinshi 1274), “Fenghua zhou chongjian gongyu ji” 奉化州重建公宇記, YYSMZ, 8.11b–13a (QYW, 10:330.24–25)

Source

Table 4.2 Reconstruction and Renovation of Official Buildings in Early and Mid-Yuan Mingzhou

1290

Year

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 237

1326

1326

1326

1323

1313 1322

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Yin Qingyuan Qingyuan

Sheriff ’s office

Prison

Branch office of Salt Monopoly Commission Xiaoxi police office Yin

Yin Dinghai

County government County government

YYSMZ, 8.6b Yuan Jue, “Dinghai xian congxiu ji” 定海縣重修記, QRJSJ, 18.17a–18b (QYW, 23:725.429–30) Yuan Jue, “Xinjian Yin xianwei ting ji” 新建鄞縣尉廳記, QRJSJ, 18.18b–19b (QYW, 23:725.430–31) Yuan Jue, “Xinxiu siyusi ji” 新修司獄司記, QRJSJ, 18.22b–24a (QYW, 23:725.433–34) Yuan Jue, “Liangzhe zhuanyun yanshi fensi ji” 兩浙轉運鹽使分司記, QRJSJ, 19.2b–3b (QYW, 23:726.439–50) Yuan Jue, “Yin xian Xiaoxi shunjiansi ji” 鄞縣小溪巡檢司記, QRJSJ, 19.3b–5a (QYW, 23:726.440–41)

238

The Yuan Transformation

levels of local government, which in the Southern Song had helped streamline Mingzhou’s governance, was poorly maintained as well. What, then, does this apparent “activism” of the Yuan local government tell us about Mingzhou society at the time? The local government and elites seem to have cooperated closely. The Song-Yuan transition period was no exception. Influential literati such as Wang Yinglin, Chen Zhu, and Dai Biaoyuan endorsed these restorations by writing commemorative inscriptions for them. The Yuan government may have seen such restoration works as securing their rule in the south. Local elites, concerned about the preservation of their status as leaders in society and the culture that had sustained such status, might have felt that they would benefit from engaging in such work. Still, it is rather difficult to see how such public building projects were financed and administered during this period. There are scattered sources showing unequivocally that the local government actually funded the building of its own offices. For instance, the Watch Tower 譙樓 at the headquarters of Pacification Commission and Chief Military Command of Zhedong was built in 1321 with 15,000 strings’ worth of paper currency.110 The branch office of the Tax Transport and Salt Monopoly Commission of Liangzhe 兩浙轉運鹽 使分司 was built in 1326 with paper money given to the Qingyuan route. Qingyuan’s route commander entrusted the magistrate and the sheriff of Yin county with the money to purchase required materials locally.111 Other than these two cases, however, many other commemorative inscriptions on official buildings are silent on the important issues of finance and management of the renovations. Records on local water control works, an important lens through which to fathom the relationship between the local government and elite families, are no different.112 110. Zheng Fangshu 鄭芳叔, “Zhedong dao chongjian qiaolou ji” 浙東道重建譙樓 記, Siming wenxian, 2.6a– b.

-1— 0— +1—

111. Yuan Jue, “Liangzhe zhuanyun yanshi fensi ji,” QRJSJ, 19.2a (QYW, 23:726.439). 112. For example, the entire chapters on rivers and canals (heju 河渠) in Yanyou Siming zhi, which would have been essential in gauging the degree of the state’s actual involvement in local infrastructure maintenance, have long been lost. Chapter 4 of the Zhizheng Siming xuzhi, compiled in 1342, provides a comprehensive list of water control facilities across the prefecture, but out of about 130 facilities listed

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 238

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

239

Two water control works clearly were financed and administered by local government. A stream around the Huisha 回沙 floodgate in Yin county was dredged by “hired laborers” (qing fu 倩夫) with official money defrayed by Route Commander Wang Yuangong in 1342.113 Wang also saw to it that 16,500 strings, surplus from the sea transport administration, were spent for the reinforcement of a “horse way” (madao 馬道), a road down the bank to reach sea transport ships moored in the river.114 Dongjin Floating Bridge 東津浮橋 and Ying’en Bridge 迎 恩橋 in the Qingyuan route seat were renovated with the remainder of the route’s grain storage ( jun cangliang xianyu 郡倉糧羨餘).115 But the length of the stream dredged was no more than 180 bu 步 and it is not recorded how much the government paid for the labor. As for the bridges, too, we are not told about the volume of grain contributed by the route government. Although water control works in Yuan Mingzhou are almost invariably attributed to the initiative of local officials, it remains unclear precisely what kind of role the local government played. In this respect, the inscription commemorating the 1319 renovation of the Jinlin 進林 floodgate in Fenghua provides a relatively concrete description of how the budget was raised and the work was completed in a local water control project. [Prefect Ma Chengde] then calculated the necessary budget and labor power. As for [the budget for] stone and wood, those upper households

there, only 16 (12 percent) were apparently renovated during the Yuan. Moreover, among those 16 cases, eight renovation works were done in Fenghua prefecture alone between 1319 and 1321. 113. ZZSMXZ, 4.11a. 114. Ye Heng 葉恒, “Madao ji” 馬道記, ZZSMXZ, 3.14b (QYW, 55:1675.14). On Wang Yuanggong, Quan Zuwang commented, “the route commander was a beneficial official in our town. His repair of the dam and dikes around Tuoshan was most accomplished. The dams and dikes recorded in the [Zhizheng] gazetteer [he compiled] compliment what was left out in [the Yuanyou gazetteer] [compiled by] Yuan Jue. I think local administrators like him during the Yuan period were extremely few” 總管於吾鄕爲循吏. 其整頓它山隄堰最有功, 志中所書隄堰, 補淸容之所䍂備. 元 時牧守如此, 蓋絶少者. Quan Zuwang, “Zhizheng Siming xuzhi ba” 至正四明續志跋, Quan Zuwang ji huijiao jizhu, p. 1481. 115. Zhou Boqi 周伯琦 (1298–1369), “Jiang Zhe deng chu xingzhongshu fensheng zuocheng Choudi gong qusibei” 江浙等處行中書分省左丞丑的公去思碑, Chenghua Ningbo junzhi, 10.5b (QYW, 44:1389.569).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 239

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

240

The Yuan Transformation

living in the county who would benefit from this water control work contributed according to their wealth. As for labor power, those households whose landed properties ranked just second to the upper households contributed one person per 5 mu of land. Lower households were left undisturbed. As for those living in Yin county who ought to have cooperated, not a single household was involved because there was no united control (tongshe) [in the jurisdiction].116 乃計所用工力, 木石則以本州沾水利戶之上者, 隨力出備. 夫工則 又以田産戶之次者, 每五畝出夫一名. 戶之下者, 一毫無擾. 若夫鄞 之沾水合助力者, 以無相統攝, 故一戶䍂及.

Two details apparent here make a good comparison with the case of the Fangsheng floodgate examined in chapter 2.117 First, the budget and labor power were provided by local people on a “beneficiary pays” principle. The idea itself, of course, was not new to the Yuan. As we have already seen in the case of the Fangsheng floodgate, the Southern Song local government also resorted to this idea when engineering water control facilities. What is different here is that the entire expenditure was paid by locals this time. When the Fangsheng floodgate was renovated in the same Fenghua under the earlier regime, the county government had somehow obtained 30 percent of the budget from the Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary while defraying 10 percent from its own treasury. Another difference in the Yuan is the lack of cooperation between different levels of local government, or coordination from higher administration directing a local project. During the Southern Song, prefectural governments mediated conflicts over water control facilities between residents of different counties, and organized and oversaw large-scale projects that extended beyond the borders of a single county.118 In the case of Jinlin floodgate, however, local people of Yin who would benefit from its renovation and thus ought to share the burden of financing the project were left uninvolved. Given that Ma Chengde was one of the most activist local officials across Mingzhou throughout the Yuan period, the case of the Jinlin floodgate testifies to a more limited role for local government in water control

-1— 0— +1—

116. Weng Yuanchen 翁元臣, “Jinlin qi chongxiu ji” 進林碶重修記, in Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 3.15b (QYW, 24:743.25). 117. See chapter 2, pp. 102–4. 118. See chapter 2, pp. 106–7.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 240

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

241

projects.119 Indeed, other extant inscriptions related to water control works from the Yuan also reflect a role for government that rarely went beyond collecting extra money based on the principle of “beneficiary pays” for construction work. In 1307 the assistant magistrate of Yin, Lu Tingxin 盧廷信, had the Yunlong floodgate 雲龍碶 rebuilt by mobilizing upper households of the area (xiang jiahu 鄕甲戶).120 The reopening of a canal in Fenghua in 1361, a project that mobilized about 15,000 laborers, is said to have been done without governmental spending (gong jia zhi fei bu yu yan 公家之費䍂豫焉).121 Works of larger scale whose impact crossed county borders were no exception. The festering problem of Dongqian Lake that had beset Southern Song Mingzhou did not disappear in the Yuan. The water weeds that covered its surface needed to be removed regularly, and powerful local families continued seeking to convert the lake into farmland. When it was dredged sometime after 1321 for the first and last time during the Yuan, the Mingzhou government is said to have “called upon (gou 拘) those land-owning households in seven neighboring cantons who would benefit [from this work], classified them according to the size of their land, and let them dredge the area.”122 This presents a clear contrast with Mingzhou’s government during the Southern Song, when local people were hired to remove aquatic weeds and endowed fields were set up for the regular maintenance of the lake. When the seawall in Dinghai county was reinforced in 1310, the expenditure was mainly covered by local people (cai chu yu min 財出於民). When the same seawall was built in the Southern Song,

119. Of the thirty-seven water control works known to have been completed in the Yuan, as many as sixteen were done in Fenghua prefecture during the tenure of Ma Chengde. See Mao, Yuandai Ningbo de lishi wenhua, pp. 74– 76. Ma’s contemporaries confirm his image as an activist local official. See Yuan Jue, “Fenghuazhou sanhuangmiao bei” 奉化州三皇廟碑, QRJSJ, 25.4b–5b (QYW, 23:732.556–57); Yuan Jue, “Fenghuazhou kaihe bei” 奉化州開河碑, QRJSJ, 25.12a–14b (QYW, 23:732.562– 63); Huang Xian 黃先, “Ma fengyi shengci ji” 馬奉議生祠記, QYW, 46:1421.148–50; and Li Weisun, “Zhizhou Ma Chengde qusi beiji” 知州馬稱德去思碑記, Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 12.14b–16a (QYW, 11:376.150–51). 120. Zhao Menghe 趙孟何 ( jinshi 1271), “Yunlongqi ji” 雲龍碶記, in Jingzhi lu, juan 9 (QYW, 17:546.55–56). 121. Yang Yi 楊彛, “Chongkai xinju ji” 重開新渠記, QYW, 51:1557.51. 122. ZZSMXZ, 4.18a. 拘七鄕有田食利之家, . . . 隨田多寡闊狹, 俾浚之.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 241

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

242

The Yuan Transformation

the cost was paid out of the official budget (chu guanmin 出官緡) upon a prefect’s request to the central government.123 It is not surprising that water control works secured financial support from those who would benefit from them. What is particularly interesting in Yuan Mingzhou is that the principle of “beneficiary pays” was applied in a consistent manner throughout the dynasty according to hereditary occupational household categories. The headquarters of the Battalion Command of Sea Transport Defense was built in 1328 with the help of sea transport households (li caoji zhe 䎑漕籍者).124 The temple of the Heavenly Empress 天妃, the patron deity for maritime sailors, was renovated in 1341, again with the financial support of sea transport households.125 In 1340, contributions of “righteous merchants” paid for renovation of the Office of Commercial Tax 都稅務.126 In 1316, registered medical households (li yu yiji zhe 䎑於醫籍者) provided financial assistance for renovating the medical school of Qingyuan route. The same situation is found in 1319 Fenghua, where the area’s medical households chipped in for the rebuilding of its medical school.127 When the Jiaze temple 嘉澤廟, which enshrined major benefactors to Tuoshan Dam, was rebuilt in 1331, the construction funds came chiefly from those households that benefited from the dam.128 Fund raising based on hereditary occupation also applied to local Confucian schools. In 1282 the Confucian temple at the Qingyuan

-1— 0— +1—

123. Cheng Duanxue, “Dinghai shitang ji” 定海石塘記, Jizhai ji, 4.6b– 7a (QYW, 32:1024.197). According to Cheng, the official who led the renovation was a Mr. Wanyan 完顔 who “came to be in charge of the area” (lai shou shi bang 來守是邦) in 1310. However, YYSMZ does not list anyone by that surname appointed to any administrative post in 1310. The only official surnamed Wanyan is Wanyan Ding’er 完 顔鼎兒, who was appointed route commander in 1313. YYSMZ, 2.20b. 124. Cheng Duanxue, “Qing Shao haiyun qianhusuo ji” 慶紹海運千戶所記, Jizhai ji, 4.10a (QYW, 32:1025.201). 125. Cheng Duanli, “Congxiu lingcimiao ji” 重修靈慈廟記, Weizhai ji, 5.13a (QSW, 25:810.536). 126. Zheng Yifu, “Zaicheng dushuiwuting chongjian ji” 在城都稅務廳重建記, ZZSMXZ, 3.8b (QYW, 32:1028.272). 127. Yuan Jue, “Qingyuan lu yixue ji” 慶元路醫學記, QRJSJ, 18.11a (QYW,23:725.425); YYSMZ, 14.17b. 128. Cheng Duanxue, “Chongjian Jiazemiao ji” 重建嘉澤廟記, ZZSMXZ, 9.6a (QYW, 32:1025.205).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 242

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

243

route school was renovated with the financial contributions of local literati (lishi 里士). One year later the Hall of Illuminating Human Relations 明倫堂 was reconstructed with the help of local Confucians (xiang zhi rushi 鄕之儒士). When the Confucian temple was renovated again in 1309, registered students at the school (ruren zhi zaiji zhe 儒人之在籍者) financed the construction.129 Likewise, Confucian households in Changguo prefecture helped finance the construction of the Confucian temple at the Changguo prefectural school in 1296. In 1324, when the Changguo prefectural school was renovated, the school’s registered students took care of defraying the daily expenditures for carpenters and masons.130 Yin county school was also rebuilt in 1313 with the support of the registered students.131 In Fenghua too, local literati largely financed the expansion of the county’s school in 1292. It is also recorded that when it was renovated in 1335, local literati happily subsidized the main construction costs.132 “Private” academies were no different. Speaking of the renovation of Cihu Academy in Cixi, Huang Xianglong wrote, “Because the prefectural treasury has become unreliable, there is no source from which the budget can be raised. From the work of leveling the ground, to the ornamental painting [on the buildings], all have been done with the support of registered students” 郡廩旣不復繼, 資用無所出, 自基而構迤於塈塗丹雘, 一是諸生之力.133 When the same academy was originally built in the late Southern Song, Prefect Liu Fu had arranged to pay the cost of construction from the prefectural treasury.

129. Wang Yinglin, “Qingyuan lu chongjian ruxue ji” 慶元路重建儒學記, YYSMZ, 13.9a (QSW, 354:8201.296); YYSMZ, 13.2b. 鄕之儒士裒力; and Ren Zhonggao 任仲 高, “Dachengdian ji” 大成殿記, YYSMZ, 13.11a (QYW, 31:1010.432). 130. Feng Fujing 馮福京, “Chongxiu dachengdian ji” 重修大成殿記, CGTZ, 2.4b (QYW, 32:1028.282). 摭儒籍之預有力於修學者, 刋其姓名于下方, 以爲來者之勸云; Yuan Jue, “Changguo zhou chongxiu xue ji,” QRJSJ, 18.14a–b (QYW, 23:725.427). 匠 石曰食之費, 則諸生欣輸以佐. 131. Yuan Jue, “Qingyuan lu Yin xian xue ji” 慶元路鄞縣學記, QRJSJ, 18.2b (QYW, 23:725.419). 132. Chen Zhu, “Canqianting ji” 參前亭記, Bentang ji, 49.5a (QSW, 351:8114.93); Cheng Duanli, “Chongxiu Fenghua zhou xue ji” 重修奉化州學記, ZZSMXZ, 7.22b (QYW, 25:810.540). 133. Huang Xianglong, “Chongxiu Cihu shuyuan benmo ji,” YYSMZ, 18.37a (QYW, 31:989.62– 64).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 243

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

244

The Yuan Transformation

Now it appears safe to conclude that local government in the Yuan consistently expected affected residents to pay for the maintenance of local infrastructure. Seen from this angle, it is all the more interesting that local officials’ roles in these kinds of works, rather than the righteous deeds of local people, receive primary emphasis in commemorative inscriptions, even those included in people’s private literary collections. With the sole exception of the record of renovation for the Shuanghe 雙河 dike and floodgate in Cixi county during the Dade 大德 reign period (1297–1307),134 in this case recorded as having been done by the “righteous literatus” (yishi 義士) Tong Jin, every commemorative inscription I have examined makes a point of attributing credit to local officials. Of course, it is customary to praise local officials in commemorative inscriptions on local public projects. Nevertheless, the cases from Yuan Mingzhou deserve a careful analysis, given the stark contrast between the consistently limited role played by local officials and the unprecedented emphasis on their administrative contributions in the inscriptions.

Negotiation Redefined: The State and Elites under Alien Rule When the city wall of Qingyuan route was rebuilt in 1358, the entire cost was assigned to local residents according to the size of their wealth, from powerful and renowned families (haoyou daxing 豪右大姓), to Buddhist monks and Daoist clergy, to commoners (qimin 齊民). But the stele inscription written by Liu Ji 䎠基 (1311–75) highlights the beneficence and administrative feats of Pacification Commander Narin Qara 納琳哈喇, ending with a wish for his longevity from the people of Mingzhou.135 The local literatus Lu Jujing 䎬居敬 and his brother built the Donghu Charitable School 東湖義學 in Yin in

-1— 0— +1—

134. Tianqi Cixi xianzhi, 4.5b, 4.12b. 135. Liu Ji, “Qingyuan lu xincheng bei” 慶元路新城碑, Cheng yibo wenji, 10.30.a. A stele in commemoration of Codi 丑的, also pacification commission and chief military commander of Zhedong, describes the same construction and yet, not surprisingly, attributes the achievement to Codi himself. See Zhou Boqi, “Jiang Zhe deng chu xingzhongshu fensheng zuocheng Choudi gong qusibei,” Chenghua Ningbo junzhi, 10.4b– 6b (QYW, 44:1389.569).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 244

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

245

1328. In addition to building the school, the Lu brothers also donated 160 mu of land as the school’s endowed field. In his commemorative inscription, however, Cheng Duanxue credits their acts to the inspiration they received from Yin county magistrate Ruan Shenzhi and his effort to promote schools. Elsewhere, Cheng bluntly lists the creation of Donghu Charitable School as one of Ruan’s achievements.136 The renovation in 1341 of the Maozhen floodgate 茅針碶 in Cixi county, which was first constructed in 1257 under the leadership of Prefect Wu Qian, is a rather extreme case in which local officials are unduly praised, largely eclipsing the far more substantive role played by local people. The floodgate was an important component of Mingzhou’s irrigation system, as it controlled the flow of water that irrigated 400,000 mu of land in Cixi, Dinghai, and Yin counties. It had not been properly renovated for a long time, although the floodgate was “leaking the water it was supposed to conserve, doing more harm than good to agriculture” 有泄無蓄, 反致傷農. The renovation work turned out to be one of the biggest water control projects recorded for Yuan Mingzhou, mobilizing more than 23,000 laborers and costing a total of 44,800 strings of money. As was usual for Yuan-period public construction projects, the local people who would benefit from the renovation chipped in for the work; but their collective contribution was less than 7,466 strings, accounting only for one-sixth of the entire expenditure. The rest, about 37,334 strings, was covered solely by Ni Kejiu 倪可久, from a sea transport household, who volunteered to share the cost of the construction ( yuan gong qi fei 願共 其費).137 Moreover, Ni Kejiu also oversaw the actual construction work. It is obvious that the floodgate could not have been renovated without Ni Kejiu’s financial and managerial contribution. Nevertheless, the commemorative inscription asserts that “His Honor [i.e., Route Commander Wang Yuangong] resolutely took responsibility 136. See Cheng Duanxue, “Donghu shuyuan ji” 東湖書院記, Jizhai ji, 4.1b (QYW, 32:1024.193); Cheng, “Yin xian Ruan yin qusi bei,” Jizhai ji, 5.4a– 6a (QYW, 32:1025.211). 137. It would be interesting to speculate on the relationship between Ni Kejiu and the famous Nis of Yin we have examined. Given that the sons of Ni Tianze, Ni Tianyuan, and Ni Yi invariably had names starting with “Ke-,” and that Ni Kejiu became sea transport brigade commander 海道漕運萬戶 (Tianqi Cixi xianzhi, 14.29a), it could well be that Kejiu belonged to the same generation as them. But I have not yet found evidence corroborating their relation.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 245

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

246

The Yuan Transformation

[for renovating the floodgate]. . . . Now that his achievement has been completed, his beneficence will be endless. It can be said that [His Honor] knows the proper priority of things, and is good at his duty” 侯毅然自爲己任. . . . 功底於成, 流惠無窮, 可謂知所先後, 而善於其職 矣. What, then, about Ni Kejiu? The inscription adds, rather brazenly, “Kejiu’s hard work was also made possible thanks to His Honor. [Because of his exhortation,] Kejiu finally came to leave his name [in history] forever” 若可久之勤, 亦因侯而致之, 遂得繫名於永久云.138 Ni Kejiu’s fondness for charitable deeds in general or his publicmindedness in taking up a leading role in this par ticu lar project, which would have ranked high in a typical Southern Song description of any major donor to a local construction project, appears nowhere here.139 Indeed, according to the author, it is Ni Kejiu who must feel grateful to the route commander who bestowed on him an opportunity to leave his name in history. One must ask, then, what did local officials do to deserve such praise? In Yuan sources we do find records of responsible officials who are said to have donated their own salaries to local infrastructure building or maintenance, in order to lead local people by example. To repair a prison, for instance, Warder Lin Longze 䏋䎝澤 “took the initiative of donating his own salary, and then other officials and local people all helped the project” 先之以己俸, 而官若民迺悉爲之助. When the county seat of Yin was reconstructed in 1325, the darughachi, assistant magistrate, and registrar “donated their money, and other people became morally aroused [to follow their lead]” 捐資以倡, 聞者興起. In 1328 Abdullah 暗篤刺, commander of a sea transport defense battalion, donated 2,000 strings out of his salary to rebuild its headquarters.

-1— 0— +1—

138. “Maozhenqi ji,” ZZSMXZ, 4.30a–31a. The author of this inscription is unknown, and the inscription is not included in QYW. For Wu Qian’s construction of the floodgate in the Southern Song, see KQSMXZ, 3.4a–5a. 139. See, for example, the inscription on Fenghua county school written by Lou Yue (“Fenghua xianxue ji,” GKJ, 54.17a–b [QSW, 264:5966.370– 71]). It is true that the inscription does speak highly of the magistrate Song Jinzhi 宋晉之, who wanted to renovate the school, but it takes special note of the righteous deeds of the major donor Wang Ji: “The county’s literatus, Mr. Wang Ji, loves to do righteous things in his hometown. . . . He did not wait for the exhortation and lead [by officials], and took an initiative [in the construction project]” 邑士汪君汲, 素好爲鄕里義事 . . . 不 待勸率, 不謀于衆, 以身先之.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 246

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

247

For the renovation of the judicial office of Yin county, two judges donated their salaries. When Yin county school was renovated in 1326, Magistrate Ruan Shenzhi “contributed his salary to lead registered students” 割俸以勵儒生. Forty years later, Magistrate Song Li 宋禮 donated his salary to lead others in the renovation of the Yin county school. In Fenghua, Prefect Ma Chengde donated his salary in 1322 to the construction of a library in the official school. In 1354, Cixi magistrate Chen Lin “donated his salary to arouse others’ contributions” 捐 己俸爲衆倡 for the renovation of the county school.140 Examples are too many to list. What do we make of this repeated assertion that local officials during the Yuan, mostly northerners who probably had very few physical or emotional ties to Mingzhou society, were so benevolent and generous that they contributed their salaries to local construction projects? “Donating one’s own salary” to public building projects, of course, was a stock phrase, which is also to be found in earlier sources.141 But it was a stock phrase that still reflected the tenor of the Yuan period, which must be understood against the constrained budget of the local government. Cheng Duanli’s inscription on the renovation of the temple of the Heavenly Empress, which praises a certain Zhu Esen Buqa 朱額森巴哈, the sea transport battalion commander of Qingyuan and Shaoxing 慶元紹興海運千戶, for donating his salary for the renovation

140. Yuan Jue, “Xinxiu siyusi ji,” QRJSJ, 18.23b (QYW, 23:725.433); Yuan Jue, “Yin xian chongjian ji” 鄞縣重建記, ZZSMXZ, 3.10b. This inscription is not included in QYW; Cheng Duanxue, “Qingyuan Shaoxing haiyun qianhusuo ji,” Jizhai ji, 4.10a (QYW, 32:1025.201); Ye Heng 葉恒, “Zhendonglou ji” 鎭東樓記, ZZSMXZ, 3.15b (QYW, 55:1675.13); Hu Shizuo 胡世佐, “Chongjian tuiguanting ji” 重建推官廳記, QYW, 58.79– 80; Yuan Jue, “Yin xianxue xingzao ji” 鄞縣學興造記, QRJSJ, 18.28a (QYW, 23:725.437); Cheng Xu 程徐, “Yin xian chongxiu ruxue ji” 鄞縣重修儒學記, in Liangzhe jinshi zhi 䍓浙䋦石志 (Zhongguo lidai shike wenxian quanbian 中國䍦代石刻文 獻全編 edition), 18.52a (QYW, 46:1417.58); Deng Wenyuan 鄧文原, “Jian zunjingge zengzhi xuetian ji” 建尊經閣增置學田記, Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 12.7a (QYW, 21:648.77); and Wang Wei, “Cixi xianxue ji” 慈谿縣學記, Wang zhongwen ji, 11.3b (QYW, 55:1690.486). For similar situations in other areas in the Jiangnan region, see Su Li, Yuandai difang jing ying yu jiceng shehui, pp. 35–36. 141. As far as I have found, no extant Song dynasty Mingzhou source mentions a local official’s donation of his own salary for local construction work. Song Chen provides one such example from Northern Song Sichuan. See “Managing the Territories from Afar,” p. 335.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 247

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

248

The Yuan Transformation

work, reveals that Zhu had to donate his salary because “the government had no money” 官無儲錢.142 Although Abdullah wanted to launch a major renovation of the office of the Sea Transport Battalion Command, he had to put off the work because he believed that his “administration had not earned [people’s] trust, and it is impossible to do such a thing” 吾之政未孚, 不可以有爲. He was acknowledging that the renovation of his office was dependent upon the trust and cooperation of sea transport households he was supposed to supervise. So he made deliberate efforts to redress various problems that beset sea transport households. When he thought that he had won their trust, it is recorded, he donated 2,000 strings from his own pocket to lead them.143 Donating one’s own salary was a token of the person’s commitment to local projects, thus inviting or pressing for more substantial donations from local people. From the perspective of local elites, who in most cases actually financed the projects or wrote commemorative inscriptions on such works, highlighting the goodwill of local officials rather than their own deeds can be taken to be a way of “officializing” their actions, which I will further explain shortly. We can find an interesting parallel in this tendency to (over)emphasize the role of local officials in local infrastructural maintenance in the popularity during the Yuan of panegyrics dedicated to local officials, such as qusi bei, dezheng ji 德政記 (“record of benevolent governance”), and yiai bei 遺愛碑 (“stele [commemorating] the love left [by departing officials]”), with qusi bei being most representative. Although the origin of the genre of qusi bei itself can be traced back at least to the Later Han dynasty, examples of such writing rather suddenly begin to appear in the Yuan. Not a single qusi bei is found in the literary collections of previous dynasties included in SKQS, for example, whereas twenty-five pieces are found in Yuan literary collections.144 It is important to note here that if we count all the

-1— 0— +1—

142. See Cheng Duanli, “Chongxiu Lingcimiao ji,” Weizhai ji, 5.13a (QSW, 25:810.536). 143. Cheng Duanxue, “Qing Shao Haiyun qianhusuoting ji,” Jizhai ji, 4.10a (QYW, 32:1025.200–201). 144. A search for “stele erected for commemorating gracious governance” (huizheng bei 惠政碑) reveals a similar pattern. It is not found in any literary collections of previous dynasties, but in Yuan literary collections I have found five of them.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 248

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

249

writings contained in other sources that are not included in SKQS, the number increases significantly. The sixty volumes of QYW, which are purported to include all the prose writings from the Yuan, include as many as 110 qusi bei (and three qusi ji 去思記). Does this remarkable asymmetry in numbers then more or less represent a long-term historical development in a particular literary genre? It is not impossible that qusi bei as a genre became popular during the Yuan dynasty and continued to be so in later periods. What is striking in this respect is that we can find only twenty qusi bei in the literary collections of the Ming dynasty included in SKQS. Given the vastly larger number of private literary collections available from the Ming than from the Yuan, we have to conclude that the sudden popularity of the genre represents a distinctly “Yuan” cultural phenomenon.145 Indeed, in Mingzhou alone I have been able to find nineteen such writings. Why do we have so many laudatory writings dedicated to local officials from this alien dynasty? I would like to approach the question of laudatory writings during the Yuan from two different angles. First, what kinds of local officials are presented in these writings as models for benevolent governance? Do we see a significant change in the ideal picture of local officials, or characteristics unique to an alien regime? Based on the nineteen writings from the Mingzhou area, the answer is negative. Without exception, all of them emphasize how understanding those officials were toward the sufferings of local people and how hard they worked to ease people’s burdens, along with their personal rectitude. For example, they elevated the level of local security by quelling pirates and bandits (Nos. 1 and 18), relieved famine (Nos. 3 and 6), oversaw water control works (Nos. 9, 11, 12, and 15), redressed abuses in the unequal distribution of village ser vices (Nos. 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, and 15), reduced tax burdens 145. There is a chance, of course, that many qusi bei were written during the later periods but simply were not recorded in those books included in the SKQS. For example, I have come across six such writings for Ming local officials written respectively in 1490, 1522, 1602, 1604, 1608, and 1642 (Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 12.20a– 27b; Tianqi Cixi xianzhi, 15.19b–21b, 15.24a–26a). What separates the Yuan practice from that of the Ming is that in the Yuan many famous writers, such as Dai Biaoyuan, Yuan Jue, Yu Ji, Wei Su 危素 (1303– 72), Zheng Yu 鄭玉 (1298–1358), and Liu Guan, wrote qusi bei, whereas in the Ming very few were written by such influential literati writers.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 249

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

250

The Yuan Transformation

(Nos. 2, 4, and 5), cleared legal disputes among the people (Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 14), and promoted official schools (Nos. 4, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 15). Images emerging from this list fit seamlessly with those of “good officials” (shunli 循吏) of previous dynasties, and we do not see any substantial change that would fundamentally separate them from their Southern Song counterparts. If the writings’ contents show little difference from the types of writings dedicated to local officials in previous periods, then, we must ask what the sheer popularity of the genre itself tells us about the society that produced them. Table 4.3 shows us three things about these laudatory writings. First, we should note the early and continued appearance of this genre throughout the dynasty, from 1287 through 1356. That is, the genre did not come into being through a gradual development in literary style; instead it appeared rather suddenly with the dynastic change. We see also that they were written for officials at various levels of local administration, from assistant magistrate of a county to darughachi of an entire route, bearing witness to their widespread composition in the period. Finally, they were invariably written by southerners (72 percent by Mingzhou natives) for northerners—Mongols, Central Asians, or Hanren.146 Of course, it is difficult to accept the claims made in these writings literally. A local society superbly administered by competent and dedicated officials at many different levels of administration sharply contradicts the conventional image of local governance during the Yuan, tainted by corrupt clerks and administrative chaos.147 For instance, four dezheng ji were written for darughachi at different levels. Given that a darughachi’s work did not bring him into direct contact with the local population on a regular basis, and that many of them were jeered by contemporary Chinese writers for their illiteracy and incompetence,148 the standardized claim that such an official’s benevolent governance

-1— 0— +1—

146. The only exception is No. 11, the case of Ruan Shenzhi, a native of Tongling, which belonged to Jiangdong circuit 江南東路 during the Southern Song period. 147. Endicott-West, “Imperial Governance in Yuan Times,” p. 549; Endicott-West, Mongolian Rule in China, pp. 110–11. See also Nimick, Local Administration in Ming China, pp. 12–15. 148. Endicott-West, “The Yüan Government and Society,” p. 595; Mote, Imperial China, 900–1800, p. 494.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 250

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 251

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

No.

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Chen Zhu / Fenghua

“Qingyuan lu zhizhong Beihang fengyi dezheng ji”

去思碑

“Zhoupan Cheng Shimin yiai Chen Gaobo 陳暠伯 ji” 州判程時敏遺愛記 (1243–1319) / Fenghua

Yu Bayan 于伯顔, prefect of Fenghua / Jizhou 薊州 route Cheng Shimin 程時敏, assistant prefect of Fenghua / Dongping 東平 route

Dai Biaoyuan / Fenghua

“Zhi Fenghua zhou Yuboyan qusi bei” 知奉化州于伯顔

德政記

“Daluhuachi Chahan dezheng ji” 達魯花赤察罕

Fu Deyong 富德庸, magistrate of Cixi / Jinan 濟南 Xiao Yuanjie 蕭元澥 / Chaghan 察罕, darughachi of Fenghua Fenghua / Jizhou 薊州 route

慶元路治中貝降奉議德政記

“Xianyin Fu gong shanzheng beiji” 縣尹富公善政碑記 Cao Hanyan曹漢炎 / Cixi

Chen Zhu / Fenghua

“Qingyuan lu daluheqi Yilu tongyi dezheng ji” 慶元路 Bei-hang 貝降, vice prefect of Qingyuan / ?

Qaradai 哈剌歹, darughachi of Qingyuan / Jia xian 郟縣, Ruzhou 汝州 Yi-lu 伊嚕, darughachi of Qingyuan / ?

Zhao Xing 趙興 / ?

“Daluhuachi Heci dezheng ji” 達魯花赤哈剌德政記

達嚕噶齊伊嚕通議德政記

Written for

Written by

Title

Around 1311

Around 1309

1301

1294

1294?

Between 1294 and 1297

Around 1287

Date

Table 4.3 Laudatory Writings for Local Officials from Yuan Mingzhou

Bentang ji, 51.8a– 9b (QSW, 351:8116.113–14) Bentang ji, 51.6b–8a (QSW, 351:8116.112–13) Tianqi Cixi xianzhi, 15.16a–17a (QYW, 11:374.112–13) Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 12.10a–11a (QYW, 35:1113.47–48) Shanyuan ji, 20.15b– 17a (QYW, 12:430.420–21) Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 19.18b–20a (QYW, 22:696.339–40) (continued)

ZZSMXZ, 3.2b–4b (QYW, 31:988.33–34)

Source

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 252

“Qingyuan lu shimin qusi bei” 慶元路士民去思碑

“Yin xian Ruan yin qusi bei”

10

11

14

13

胡公去思碑

“Qingyuan lu tuiguan Hu gong qusi bei” 慶元路推官

等處海運千戶朱奉直去思碑

“Qingyuan Shaoxing deng chu haiyun qianhu Zhu fengzhi qusi bei” 慶元紹興

音公去思碑

“Qingyuan lu zongguan Shamusidiyin gong qusi bei” 慶元路總管沙木思廸

鄞縣阮尹去思碑

“Zhizhou Ma Chengde qusi beiji” 知州馬稱德去思碑記

12

Written by

Ruan Shenzhi, magistrate of Yin / Tongling, Chizhou Shams ad-Din 沙木思廸音, route commander of Qingyuan / ?

Cheng Duanxue / Yin Cheng Duanli / Yin

Cheng Duanli

Hu Runzu 胡潤祖, judge of Qingyuan / Guangping route

Esen Baqa 額森巴哈, battalion commander of sea transport / Baoding 保 定 route

Guo Yu 郭郁, route commander of Qingyuan / Bianliang 汴梁 route

Cao Yu 曹愚 / ?

Cheng Duanli

Ma Chengde, prefect of Fenghua / Guangping 廣 平 route

Mubarak 木八刺, darughachi of Fenghua / Jining 冀寗 route

Written for

Table 4.3 (continued)

Li Weisun 䎺洧孫 (1243–1329) / Ninghai, Taizhou

“Daluhuachi Mubaci dezheng Chen Gaobo ji” 達魯花赤木八刺德政記

Title

9

8

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

1337

Around 1338

Around 1333

1330

1327

1323

1314

Date

Weizhai ji, 5.24a–25b (QYW, 25:811.559– 60)

Weizhai ji, 5.22a–24a (QYW, 25:811.558–59)

Weizhai ji, 5.20b–22a (QYW, 25:811.557–58)

Jizhai ji, 5.4a–6a (QYW, 32:1025.210–11)

QYW, 45:1395.111–13

Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 12.14b–16a (QYW, 11:376.150–51)

Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 19.11a–13a (QYW, 22:696.337–39)

Source

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 253

Th is writing is not included in the QYW.

愛碑銘

“Gu Yin xianyin Xu jun yiai beaming” 故鄞縣尹許君遺

分省左丞丑的公去思碑

“Jiang Zhe deng chu xingzhongshu fensheng zuocheng Choudi gong qusi bei” 江浙等處行中書

思碑1

“Cixi zhufu Boyancha’er qusi bei” 慈谿主簿伯顔察兒去

舶右丞資德約蘇穆爾公去 思碑

“Jianchou Qingyuan shibo youcheng zide Yuesumu’er gong qusi bei” 監抽慶元市

去思碑

“Qingyuan lu zongguan zhengyi Wang hou qusi bei” 慶元路總管正議王侯

Liu Ji / Chuzhou

Xu Guangda 許廣大 (1308–53), magistrate of Yin / Tiantai

1356

Codi 丑的, assistant director of Branch Secretariat of Jiangzhe / ?

Zhou Boqi 周伯琦 (1298–1369) / Poyang 鄱陽, Jiangxi

1343

1343

Bayanchar 伯顔察兒, Around 1355 assistant magistrate of Cixi / Dongping 東平 route

Yue-su-mu-er 約蘇穆爾, supervisor of Maritime Trade Commission at Qingyuan / ?

Wang Yuangong 王元恭, route commander of Qingyuan / Zhending 眞 定 route

?

Cheng Duanli

Zhu Wengang 朱文 剛 / Tiantai, Taizhou

Chengyibo wenji, 23a–26b

Chenghua Ningbo junzhi, 10.4b– 6b (QYW, 44:1389.568– 71)

Tianqi Cixi xianzhi, 15.17a–18a

Weizhai ji, 5.18a–20b (QYW, 25:811.555–57)

Liangzhe jinshi zhi, 17.18a–20b (QYW, 46:1420.111–13)

Note: In addition to these nineteen writings, at least six more qusi bei, which are not extant, were written for Mingzhou officials: one for Li Yinzhong 䎺允中, Pacification Office military commander of Zhedong 浙東道宣慰使都元帥 in 1326, by Han Xing 韓性 (1266–1341); one for Wang Yu 王猷, assistant commander of the Chief Military Command of Eastern Zhe 副使僉都元帥府事, in 1333 by Kuang Kui; one for Qi Qian 齊謙, commissioner of records 判官 of Qingyuan route, in 1335 by Han Xing; one for Kuang Kui, judge 推官 of Qingyuan route in 1334, by Ying Kuiweng 應奎翁; one for Darughachi Őljeitu 完者都 jointly by Chen Lü 陳 旅 and Xu Guangda 許廣大; and one for Elcin Buqa 也眞不花, darughachi of Cixi, by the monk Tan E 曇噩.

1

19

18

17

16

15

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

254

The Yuan Transformation

was sorely missed by local people sounds hollow. Qusi bei or dezheng ji should be read as informing us more of the relationship between local officials and literati elites of the time than of the actual accomplishments of those officials. Drawing on two collected works dedicated to Guo Yu 郭郁 (No. 10 in table 4.3), Iiyama Tomoyasu argues that officials could use such writings by local people for the purpose of advancing their careers in officialdom.149 Why, then, were those southern Chinese authors willing to write such flattering, if not totally unfounded, records for northern officials? As Zhang Yanghao 張養浩 (1269–1329) suggests, officials might have pressed local people to write these records.150 But the fact that these writings were included in many of their literary collections shows that the authors, or the compilers of these works, did not see them as illegitimate or embarrassing. At the end of the “Inscription [Commemorating] the Love Left by Cheng Shimin, the Commissioner of Records of [Fenghua] Prefecture” (No. 7), Chen Gaobo, a literatus of Fenghua who is said to have refused to serve in the Yuan, writes, “This stele is not intended to flatter His Honor, but is a model for those who come later” 碣非佞侯, 後 人是則.151 Panegyrics can be read as subtle exhortations by literati elites to succeeding officials, perhaps unfamiliar with Mingzhou society, informing them of priorities in local governance. We can also read them as claims by literati writers that they should be recognized as local spokesmen. Although the text of each qusi bei and dezheng ji

-1— 0— +1—

149. Iiyama, “Unshi Kaku kō Fukusai genkōroku no hensan to aru Mongoru jidai riin shusshin kanryō no isō,” pp. 80–82. This article is now included in his book. Iiyama, Kin Gen jidai no Kahoku shakai to kakyo seido, pp. 370– 96. 150. Zhang Yanghao, Mumin zhonggao 牧民忠告, “buke ziyu” 不可自鬻, 2.306. “While their replacement has not yet arrived, some people subtly direct local residents to erect a stele so as to praise their virtue, to work together with wealthy families so as to throw themselves a farewell party, to collect money and silk so as to help with their travel cost, and to build a living shrine so as to aim at an imperishable reputation. Th is is not what a [true] gentleman does” 代之未至也, 風 民立石以頌德, 結綺門以祖行, 鳩錢帛以佐路費, 建生祠以圖不朽之名, 皆非士君子之 事也. 151. Chen Gaobo, “Zhoupan Cheng Shimin yiaiji,” Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, 19.20a (QYW, 22:696.340). On Chen Gaobo, see Yuan Jue, “Haiyin Chen chushi muzhiming” 海陰陳處士墓誌銘, QRJSJ, 29.19b–21b (QYW, 23:736.634–35).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 254

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

255

Figure 4.1 Qusi bei Stele for Wang Yuangong Photography by the author

appears to be composed by a single author, the erection of a physical stele was often the result of collective effort. For example, the qusi bei stele for Wang Yuangong (No. 15), which is preserved in the Tianyige museum in Ningbo, bears a long list of thirty-seven people involved in its erection (fig. 4.1). We have some further information about ten of them: Cheng Duanli and Zheng Yifu (mentioned previously), Chen Zhihui 陳子翬, Wang Housun 王厚孫 (1300–1376), Wang Ningsun 王

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 255

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

256

The Yuan Transformation

寧孫 (1307–1364), Zheng Juemin 鄭覺民, Yang Yishi 楊弈詩, Zhou Yifu 周宜甫, Qiu Yong 仇詠, and Hu Gongsheng 胡公升. 1. Cheng Duanli, professor at Taizhou route school and the older brother of Cheng Duanxue, is best known for his compilation of the Dushu fennian richeng. When Wang Yuangong hosted a community drinking ceremony, he mainly consulted Cheng for its proper modus operandi. Cheng wrote four quisi bei for officials assigned to Mingzhou (Nos. 12, 13, 14, and 16).152 2. Zheng Yifu, a great-grandson of Zheng Qingzhi and student of Yuan Jue, was the headmaster of Ziyang academy 紫陽書院 in Huizhou 徽州. Wang Yuangong invited him along with Cheng Duanli to serve as teacher 訓導 at Qingyuan route school. He later became a professor at Fuliang 浮梁 prefectural school, Raozhou 饒州 route.153 3. Chen Zihui, a Fenghua native, was teacher at the Qingyuan route school and was known for his literary knowledge and calligraphy.154 4. Wang Housun, a grandson of Wang Yinglin, was bursar 直學 at Qingyuan route school and later a professor at Xiangshan county school. He assisted Yuan Jue’s compilation of Yanyou Siming zhi and was commissioned by Wang Yuangong to compile Zhizheng Siming xuzhi. He also participated in the reinstatement of the community drinking ceremony.155 5. Wang Ningsun, a younger brother of Wang Housun, was an authority on the Spring and Autumn Annals. At the end of the Zhizheng reign period (1341– 68), he represented Mingzhou literati in appealing to the Branch Secretariat on behalf of a falsely accused official.156 6. Zheng Juemin, the son of an influential local scholar, was an instructor 敎諭 at Longyu 䎝游 county school. Along with Cheng Duanli and Wang Housun, he was active in the reinstate-

-1— 0— +1—

152. Huang Jin, “Jiangshilang Taizhou lu ruxue jiaoshou zhishi Cheng xiansheng muzhiming,” Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 33.9b–12a (QYW, 30:979.382–84). 153. Cheng Duanli, “Song jiaoshou Zheng jun Jingyin fu Fuliang ren xu,” Weizhai ji, 4.13a–b (QYW, 25:807.498). 154. Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 38.11b. 155. Bei Qiong, “Gu Fujian ruxue fu tiju Wang gong muzhiming,” Qing jiang wenji, 30.7b–13a (QYW, 44:1386.508–11). 156. Zheng Zhen, “Wang xiansheng Shuyuan xingzhuang,” Xing yang waishi ji, 42.7b–11b.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 256

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

257

ment of the community drinking ceremony and wrote a preface to the Diagram of the Ceremony 慶元鄕飮酒禮圖.157 7. Yang Yishi, Qiu Yong, and Hu Gongsheng, along with Wang Housun and Zheng Juemin, were among “the ten incorruptible and competent literati” 士之廉幹者十人 to whom Wang Yuanggong’s successor entrusted the management of the endowed fields for the community drinking ceremony.158 8. Zhou Yifu was a local literatus 郡士 who first raised the issue of a local Buddhist monastery’s encroachment upon endowed fields to Wang Yuangong.159 Along with Yang Yishi, Zhou was listed as one of “elderly scholars” 耆儒 at this time.

At least half of these people (Cheng Duanli, Wang Housun, Wang Ningsun, Zheng Yifu, and Zheng Juemin) were among the most prominent literati in mid- and late Yuan Mingzhou. The other five were probably in similar circles. None of them, however, earned jinshi or even prefectural degrees, and none of them is known to have worked in any other administrative post than a teaching position. At the time of the stele’s erection, only Cheng Duanli had served as “professor” at the prefectural level, the only ranked educational position in the official school system from which one could advance to county sheriff or registrar, the lowest administrative posts in the civil bureaucracy.160 Aside from holding one educational post, then, there were no officeholders in this list in any strict sense. Given the informal structure of recruitment for educational officials during the Yuan period, local officials’ recognition and recommendation was of particular value to these people.161 Cheng Duanli, Zheng Yifu, and Wang Housun, for example, all came to have educational posts at Qingyuan route school through Wang Yuangong’s direct invi157. Zheng Zhen, Siming wenxian, 2.28a, 2.45a–b. 158. Cheng Duanli, “Xiang yinjiu futian ji,” in Jingzhi lu, juan 13 (QYW, 25:810.545–56). 159. Cheng Duanli, “Xiang yinjiu futian ji,” in Jingzhi lu, juan 13 (QYW, 25:810.545); Li Haowen, “Xiang yinjiu ji,” in Jingzhi lu, juan 13 (QYW, 47:1459.446). 160. Hucker’s dictionary does not distinguish various educational posts of Yuan official schools. Jiaoshou, xuelu, and jiaoyu are all translated as “instructor.” But only jiaoshou, the highest post in local official schools, which I translate as “professor,” was a ranked position carrying the most generous salary. See Chen Gaohua, “Yuandai de difang guanxue,” p. 174. 161. Hymes, “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy,” pp. 109–12.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 257

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

258

The Yuan Transformation

tation. The composition of qusi bei was not only a reflection of their personal indebtedness to local officials, but also a way of reconfirming their status as representative voices of local society. In this respect, the popularity of qusi bei needs to be explained in tandem with the widespread composition of “parting prefaces” (zengxing xu 贈行序 and songxing xu 送行序) in the same period, as documented by Wenyi Chen. Chen has shown that, in the absence of a major institutional mechanism, such as the examinations, of recognizing and rewarding social elites and their cultural authority, the prefaces functioned as an introduction and a recommendation for receivers, and a claim to authority for authors, connecting literati elites across space and status.162 Qusi bei was a more “political” version of the parting preface, specifically reserved for local officials and written by literati elites, thus asserting and publicizing a claim to their connectedness to them. To go back to my initial question, why then do we see an often excessive emphasis on the benevolent and effective rule of local officials? In Yuan Mingzhou, connectedness to the state became a rare commodity and thus a more precious asset for its elites even in their local setting, where they came to be more clearly alienated from governmental service. For a handful of eremites, such alienation from the state might have been a blessing. For most of the literati, however, it was simply a harsh reality. As such, this independence may have only intensified the necessity for them to reach out actively to the state. Indeed, Hymes has shown that the motivation for connection to the state made the local elites of Fuzhou, the majority of which during the Southern Song had not endeavored to go beyond their county borders to find a spouse, move farther afield in search of marriage connections to those who already had connections to the state.163 Wenyi Chen has also demonstrated that southern literati, rather than narrowly identifying themselves with their own local cultural traditions, lavishly praised the

-1— 0— +1—

162. Wenyi Chen, “Networks, Communities, and Identities,” pp. 396– 97. 163. Hymes, “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy,” pp. 111–12. Here Hymes acknowledges that at least “occasional” or “periodic access to office” was an “important factor in a family’s local position.” The problem for local elites, I believe, would have been that such periodic or occasional access must have required a rather long-term, systematic investment. That is, it must have been an integral part of family strategy.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 258

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

259

great political and literary achievements of the Yuan state as a way of striving “for their right to political participation.”164 All of these conditions created an interesting twist of state-society relations in the Yuan dynasty. Although the state’s power to provide civic ser vices at the local level was clearly more limited than during the Southern Song, unprecedented tribute fell upon the role of local officials and the government rather than upon local elites. As I have already noted, during the Southern Song, when the local government was financially resourceful and local officials were committed to improving Mingzhou society, it was local officials who tried to protect and promote local popular interests in the name of “mutual convenience of the public and the private” (gongsi liang bian). In the Yuan, when the local government’s finances were not as sound and local officials were alien to Mingzhou society, it was local people who lauded the love and exploits of local officials. It is no coincidence that we do not fi nd the expression “gongsi liang bian” in sources from Yuan Mingzhou.

Conclusion Social and economic historians have largely denied any lasting impact of Yuan rule on southern Chinese society. Its rule was structurally limited and systemically weak, and Chinese society continued to walk the paths it had been taking before the arrival of the Mongols.165 In contrast, scholars who focus on political culture or statecraft ideas have stressed the legacy of Yuan rule, but mostly in negative terms: the Yuan “brutalized” Chinese politics, taught later Chinese emperors “how not to govern China,” or led to the “unleashed autocracy” of the Ming.166 But few have paid attention to the kind of changes Yuan rule brought to Chinese elite society at the micro level.

164. Wenyi Chen, “Networks, Communities, and Identities,” p. 269. 165. See the works of Otagi Matsuo, Chen Dezhi, and Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing cited earlier. For more recent scholarship, see von Glahn, “Towns and Temples”; Li, “Was There a ‘Fourteenth-Century Turning Point’?” 166. See Mote, “The Growth of Chinese Despotism,” p. 18; Endicott-West, “Imperial Governance in Yuan Times,” p. 549; and Dardess, “Did Mongols Matter?” pp. 133–34.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 259

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

260

The Yuan Transformation

I have shown that Yuan rule gave rise to noticeable changes in the elite society of Mingzhou. The dynasty’s new institutions transformed its time-honored elite families and created new ones. National fame from continued political success was no longer available, while those whose primary occupations were commerce and trade, especially those involved in the sea transport tribute, came to the fore of Mingzhou’s elite society probably for the first time in local history.167 Similar phenomena were found in other coastal areas of the Zhexi region as well.168 Also, the forced estrangement of the vast majority of aspirant

-1— 0— +1—

167. Kong Qi made contemptuous observations that highlight the shrewdness and profit-oriented calculations of Mingzhou people, which are likely to reflect the flourishing commercial activity in the area: “People of Yin [i.e., Mingzhou] frequently tell lies and are not honest. It is all because the rise and fall of the river is unpredictable. Because of this, ordinary people’s nature has also become unpredictable. It has been four years since I came to Yin. Among even relatives and close acquaintances, I have never seen a single person whose words I can trust or to whom I can entrust a person in need. They have neither a sense of shame nor a sense of duty. If they can obtain some profit for themselves, then they make contacts with other people; if they do not, they suddenly change their attitude and break off their friendship. On the very next day, if they can obtain some benefit, they will reestablish contact” 鄞人多虛詐不實, 皆江水長落不常, 俗性亦由是習成. 予自至鄞凡四載, 若親戚隣識, 未 嘗見一言之可信, 一人之可托者. 最是無耻無義, 得利于己則與人往還, 不得則遽變絶 交. 明日得之, 又復往還. See Kong Qi, “Yin ren xuzha” 鄞人虛詐, Zhizheng zhiji, 4.146. 168. A vivid example of the impact of this system on local society is Kunshan, the major sea port for the grain tribute during the Yuan dynasty. Its county gazetteer compiled in the late Southern Song (1252) lists in its “biography” section twenty-two people of eighteen different surnames for the Song period (960–1279). The biography chapter of a Kunshan gazetteer compiled in the late Yuan (1344) records fifteen people of thirteen different surnames for the Yuan period. Although they are by no means comprehensive lists of the elites of Kunshan society, they still represent a sampling of the reputable or influential elites of each period. In the two lists, only two surnames (Fan 范 and Wu 吳) overlap, and even they appear to have been from unrelated families merely sharing surnames, highlighting the apparent discontinuity in the constitution of Kunshan elites over a ninety-year span. Even more interesting is the change in the nature of Kunshan elites as a group. For example, of the twentytwo people listed for the Song, as many as nineteen were jinshi degree holders and the other three also can be classified as literati. In contrast, of the fifteen people recorded as the representative elite figures for Yuan Kunshan, eleven were directly involved in the sea transport of grain tribute. See Chunyou Yufeng zhi 淳祐玉峰志 (SYFC), 2.23a–30a; Zhizheng Kunshan junzhi 至正崑山郡志 (SYFC), 5.1a– 9a. It would be far-fetched to assume, of course, that descendants of those elite members of

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 260

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

261

local elites from government ser vice, which was precipitated by the breakdown of the examination system, should not be presumed to imply the separation of elites from the state. If the elites’ connections to the state had been essentially defined through the examinations, the Yuan should have marked the prime time for elites’ separation and independence from the state. However, the Confucian household system prompts us to ponder an alternative understanding about the relationship between elites and the state. Significantly, the system required every Confucian household to be registered at local schools, that is, in the state institutions.169 Rather than being separated from the state, the social status of the literati elite came to be defined by the state.170 Their negotiations with local government over status and legal privileges never ceased throughout the dynasty. One feature of Mingzhou elite social practice that appears to be continuous from the Southern Song to the Yuan was their marriage patterns. Available sources clearly show that many members of Mingzhou’s elite still found their spouses outside their home county. This is an interesting fi nding because, compared to their Southern Song counterparts, most of them had to live as “local” elites, cut off from government ser vice that would have provided them with opportunities to the Song period completely lost their prominence in the locale. But it seems certain that their power and influence were largely eclipsed by newcomers, especially those involved in the sea transport of grain tribute. For the ascendancy of sea transport households in other parts of the Zhexi region, see Uematsu, “Gendai no kaiun bankofu to kaiun seka,” pp. 140–54. I thank Seok Lee for sending this article to me. See also Chen Gaohua, “Yuandai de hanghai shijia Ganpu Yang shi.” For its impact on local religion in late imperial Jiangnan, see Hamashima Atsutoshi, Sōkan shinkō, pp. 103–10. 169. Katayama, “Gendai no shijin ni tsuite,” pp. 23–24; Chen Gaohua, “Yuandai de difang guanxue,” p. 181. 170. According to Wenyi Chen, the system of Confucian households shows that “Confucian scholars were defined by their (Confucian) learning (rather than a necessary connection to office).” See “Networks, Communities, and Identities,” p. 31. It is true that the criteria determining one’s status as a Confucian household had little to do with one’s active ser vice in the government at the time of registration. But it is undeniable that it was the state, not the literati elite themselves, that defined their official social status. To use a modern analogy, in most cases only those who can actually drive a car get a driver’s license, so one’s ability to drive is a defining factor in getting a license. But it is still the motor vehicle agency that issues a formal license, not drivers themselves.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 261

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

262

The Yuan Transformation

develop close ties with elite families in other locales. Combined with the fact that intraprefectural migration across Mingzhou was not uncommon during this period,171 we are drawn to the conclusion that elite family strategies were more dynamic than suggested in existing scholarship. Unconditional adherence to one’s narrowly defined locality could reduce one’s chance of becoming locally prominent in a place like Mingzhou, a regional political center and commercial hub. In terms of state-society relations, Mingzhou cases provide evidence that during the Yuan there was a change in the way the state interacted with local elites. In most local construction projects for which we have records, regardless of all the praise showered on local officials, it was local people, whether literati elites or other hereditary occupational households, who took up the financial burden. In vivid contrast with the Southern Song, the idea of “beneficiary pays” was more broadly applied to specific aspects of local administration, even to the field of education. While this suggests that local government was still playing the role of administrative manager in local projects during the Yuan, sources also show that local officials found it difficult to launch major construction projects on their own initiative, or to secure the necessary budgets, until they had won the trust of people they governed. Nevertheless, the personal character, moral commitments, and administrative achievements of local officials were highlighted even more effusively than they had been during the Southern Song, when the local government’s administrative and financial competence made a deep imprint on Mingzhou society. The most telling evidence of this trend is the unprecedented popularity of qusi bei or dezheng ji inscriptions. These inscriptions reveal strategies by which local elites tried to reaffirm their connection to local officials and to claim their status as the leaders of their locality. We can concede that the Yuan state’s control over local society and its elites suffered from systemic weakness in southern China, but it does not follow that the state’s influence was negligible. Even with its limited administrative capability, the Yuan state made its presence felt

-1— 0— +1—

171. The Fans 范 migrated from Yin to Fenghua; the Hans 韓 from Yin to Dinghai; the Lis 䎺 from Fenghua to Yin; the Fengs 豊 from Yin to Fenghua; the Nis from Dinghai to Yin; the Wus 吳 from Yin to Dinghai; the Wus 烏 from Changguo to Cixi; and the Xias from Yin to Dinghai.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 262

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yuan Transformation

263

among Chinese elites who were largely cast outside active government ser vice. The period brings into a sharp relief the fate of most Chinese social elites in the premodern period: the reality of their alienation from the state dovetailed with their need to establish strategic connections to the state.

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 263

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Conclusion

he driving forces behind Southern Song society’s internal dynamics have both captivated and baffled scholars. After describing the straitjacketed financial condition of Yanzhou prefecture in Zhedong circuit during the Southern Song, a crisis that stemmed in large part from the local government’s payment of the salaries of locally stationed armies, Koiwai Hiromitsu notes that “it should be worth serious attention that the Southern Song state was maintained in the midst of these various financial burdens. What was the source for the urban prosperity described in such works as the Mengliang lu 夢梁錄 and the Wulin jiushi 武林舊事?”1 In a way, the present book contributes to unraveling this interesting and important question, to which Koiwai did not provide his own set of answers. I have focused on the Mingzhou area to address the broader issue of state-society relations in twelfth- to fourteenth-century China, arguing for a re-examination of the “retreat of the state” paradigm commonly used to explain the formation of local elite society. Instead of taking a zero-sum view of state-society relations, this book has highlighted loci where the interests of the state and elites intersected and were negotiated. In particular, I have tried to drive home three main issues, which I reiterate below.

T

-1— 0— +1—

1. Koiwai, Sōdai heiseishi no kenkyū, p. 419.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 264

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Conclusion

265

Chinese Social Elites in the Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries Mingzhou’s elite society was dynamic, in the sense that new members of the elite, either migrants from outside or parvenus from inside, continually made their way into prominence throughout this period. The Shis of Yin, arguably the most successful political family of the Song dynasty, began to distinguish themselves in Mingzhou at the end of the Northern Song; the Lis 䎺 of Fenghua, whose descendants later became authorities on preparation for the Book of Poetry portion of the examinations, first made their name in Mingzhou for organizing a local militia. Wang Yinglin’s father migrated to Mingzhou in the late Southern Song and his descendants established themselves as eminent literati throughout the Yuan. The Nis 倪 of Yin, whose residence served as a hub of influential literati in Yuan Mingzhou, made their way into elite circles by working for the Sea Transport Tribute System. The Wus 烏 of Cixi, important recorders of Mingzhou society in the YuanMing transition period, were unheard of in Mingzhou sources until Wu Sidao’s father worked as a clerk in the mid Yuan. If the rise of new families was common, no less frequent was the decline of old houses. The Shis, the Lous 樓, the Wangs 汪, and the Gaos 高, all of whom enjoyed remarkable local influence and political success, could not escape descent into obscurity. Furthermore, the purview of the “local” for elites in Mingzhou was broader and wider than has been suggested. We know relatively little about how Mingzhou elites during the Northern Song found their marriage partners, but a number of them married outside their counties of residence during the Southern Song and continued to do so during the Yuan—42 percent and 49 percent, respectively. What is truly worth noting in these numbers is that they include many of the best-established, most eminent families in Mingzhou. Marriage ties that crossed the borders of their narrowly defined locality were by no means a “Plan B” for those shut out of the top ranks of their home region; many of those in such marriages had enjoyed the privilege of fraternizing with the elites of other localities while serving as itinerant local officials or, during the Yuan, as clerks. Intraprefectural migration was not rare, nor were arrangements for a burial site outside one’s own county, suggesting either that Mingzhou elites were unrestricted in

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 265

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

266

Conclusion

shifting their local base or that they had more than one local base. This finding, which is sharply at odds with the standard picture of a shift in elite strategies taking place in and after the Southern Song, can be explained in terms of regional differences and by the nature of available sources for the areas in question. Ultimately, however, it suggests that elites of Mingzhou adopted flexible strategies because being influential in local society may have demanded more than an uncompromising adherence to their locale, which leads to my final and perhaps most significant point about social elites during this period: the continued importance of the state in elite strategies. There is no doubt that the institutionalization of the civil ser vice examinations as a major tool for recruiting state officials during the Song dynasty fundamentally changed elite society’s relationship with the state. Peter Bol has suggested that the major function of the examinations gradually transformed over the course of the Southern Song to serve as a status marker. People knew that their chances of passing the examinations were extremely low, yet they still continued to prepare for and take them in an attempt to achieve the status of literatus, if not for employment by the state then for recognition by other literati.2 Regardless of the examinee’s ultimate intention, however, increasing participation in the examinations ultimately demonstrates the tremendous appeal to the wealthy and educated elite of the time of this state-sanctioned institution. As Beverly Bossler has argued, the examinations brought an unprecedented proportion of the elite “under the purview of the state and its officials.”3 Nevertheless, the paramount importance of the examinations to social elites of the time, which has been reiterated by Richard Davis, Beverly Bossler, Huang Kuan-chung, and Kondō Kazunari among many others, still falls short of providing a full explanation for the fundamental connection of the elite to the state, because it fails to do justice to other ways in which elites were connected to the state. It is crucial to remember that passing the highest level of the examinations was but one, albeit the most prestigious, way of obtaining state recognition of one’s status. Passing only the elementary level of the

-1— 0— +1—

2. Bol, “The Sung Examination System and the Shih,” pp. 166– 68. 3. Bossler, Powerful Relations, p. 208.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 266

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Conclusion

267

examinations and becoming a student at the Imperial University brought some level of state recognition. One could become an officeholder, or register as an officeholding household (guanhu), through “protection” privileges or purchase of an honorary rank. Because of the generous privileges granted to officeholding households, which could be used, somewhat ironically, to protect their socioeconomic interests against state intervention, it was important for elites to obtain and maintain such status. It is true that in most cases local prominence preceded any form of state recognition. What remains to be stressed is that one needed to translate his local wealth and power into something that was officially recognized, not simply because of one’s ideological respect for the state but also because of the extraordinarily practical benefits such recognition would bring. Even during the Yuan dynasty, when the examinations virtually disappeared, the situation was not drastically different. In the Southern Song, 746 Mingzhou men had obtained the jinshi degree, but more than 3,000 Mingzhou men were registered as Confucian households (ruhu) in the Yuan. For the recognition of one’s ruhu status and for the privileges the status promised, Mingzhou elites found it necessary to remain connected to the state. Because elites had lost one important institutional means of controlling their own fortunes, the problem of how to remain connected to the state became all the more important during the Yuan period. In brief, the mainstream elite in twelfth- to fourteenth-century Mingzhou never distanced themselves from the state: they could not afford to be separated from it.

The State in the Southern Song The legacies of the New Policies faced fierce and concerted ideological criticism from nearly every intellectual camp during the Southern Song, and on the surface, at least, the state chose not to follow the precedents of the New Policies era. There was no systematic attempt by the court to expand the bureaucratic apparatus into the lower rungs of the social hierarchy. At the same time, the Southern Song state kept intact the tax quotas established during the New Policies era, preserved the baojia 保甲 system, and even continued to collect the service exemption tax 免役錢 although it returned to a mandatory service system (chaiyifa 差役法). We might say, following Yagi Mitsuyuki,

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 267

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

268

Conclusion

that the Southern Song was tacitly carrying on the legacy of the New Policies.4 Reflecting this complexity in policy, two antipodal understandings of the Southern Song state have become prevalent in the field: one views it as a revenue-hungry, extortionate state characterized by financial centralization, whereas the other takes it to be an impotent administration that was unable to collect regular taxes and had to leave various fields of civic ser vice to social elites. Neither of these interpretations sees the state as contributing to the development of local society in a positive way; it either impoverished local society or stood helpless in the face of the transformations taking place.5 To this essentially zero-sum view of state-society relations is added an equally prevalent interpretation of a linear transition from state activism to elite activism in the course of the Northern-Southern Song transition.6 Upon closer inspection, however, both the zero-sum view of state-society relations and a linear transition from state activism to elite activism ultimately break down, at least in Mingzhou. The elite community in Mingzhou was probably one of the most self-conscious and strongest in the Southern Song. Its impressive number of successful examination candidates, its unsurpassed elite literary associations, its leading role in reinstituting and spreading the community drinking ceremony, and its continued production of leading intellectuals of empire-wide reputation all eloquently testify to this. If the power of social elites was indeed predicated on the weakness of state power, the state’s presence in Mingzhou should have been one of the weakest in the country, but nothing could be farther from the truth. Likewise, neither a sweeping transition from state activism to elite activism, nor a changing focus in elite marriage strategy from building

-1— 0— +1—

4. Yagi, “Nan Sō chihō zaisei no ichi kentō,” p. 47. Remember, for example, that the commercial tax quota in Mingzhou in 1225 was more than triple that of 1077, which was in the middle of the New Policies era. 5. For a similar view of the late imperial state, see Wong, “Taxation and Good Governance in China,” p. 355. 6. This overall picture of the Northern-Southern Song difference is generally assumed even in a very sophisticated study of the civil ser vice examinations, a field that certainly evidences “blurry boundaries between state and (elite) society.” See de Weerdt, Competition over Content, pp. 375, 387.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 268

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Conclusion

269

national connections to local ones can be documented in Mingzhou sources, as I have demonstrated in chapters 1 and 2, respectively. Instead, what Mingzhou’s history shows is a much more complex and dynamic picture of the relationship between the state and elites. The offices of state in Southern Song Mingzhou were staffed with such competent officials as Zhang Jin, Hu Ju, Yan Yizhong, and Wu Qian, who knew how to take advantage of the rich local resources, both material and personal, that the area provided.7 In addition, Mingzhou was financially sound for the better part of the Southern Song. The area’s tax records show that Mingzhou government’s operating budget was tight but far from running a deficit. Moreover, the government managed to find a financial breakthrough by investing in the liquor industry. Based upon this financial resourcefulness, Mingzhou’s government maintained a high level of control over the military forces stationed in the area, continually improved local infrastructure, and actively and effectively took part in local water control projects. The state in Mingzhou was far from moribund. At the same time, it was by no means overpowering or aggressively activist. To borrow Thomas Ertman’s classification, Southern Song local government was highly “administrative” in its relation to the central court rather than “participatory,”8 but it made optimal use of the wide participation of local elites. It sought and accommodated the voices of prominent locals and made a point of projecting its role as a caretaker and protector of local interests. Local elites, in turn, provided their advice to and requested support from the Mingzhou government. The community drinking ceremony and the community charitable estate— acclaimed successes—were the fruit of concerted effort by the Mingzhou government, which offered financial and administrative assistance, and Mingzhou elites, who first proposed and organized them. Of course, the interests of the state and the elites did

7. According to Skocpol, “the best situation for the state may be a regular flow of elite university graduates, including many with sophisticated technical training, into official careers that are of such high status as to keep the most ambitious and successful from moving on to nonstate positions.” This ideal situation seems to apply perfectly to the Song period. See Skocpol, “Bringing the State Back In,” p. 16. 8. Ertman, Birth of the Leviathan, pp. 28–34.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 269

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

270

Conclusion

not completely overlap, and tension between their visions of local activism was inevitable. Nevertheless, this tension should not be taken as evidence of zero-sum competition between the two. It was rather the very source of the variegated interaction between them. One additional point to mention is the view, which I have found noted repeatedly in the political theories of this period, and evidenced in the local administrative practices then current, that successful policies must suit both state (public) and social (private) interests, a formula expressed as “the mutual convenience of the public and the private” (gongsi liang bian). The idea of gongsi liang bian opens the door to a comparative study of the early modern state from a Chinese perspective, as it shows an interesting similarity to the art of government in sixteenth-century Europe as explained by Michel Foucault. Foucault shows that the craft of governance came to be understood as something distinct from simply ruling the populace by imposing laws. Achieving a set of goals by the employment of tactics and disposal of resources became more valued than bluntly subjecting the populace to laws.9 Likewise, the concept of gongsi liang bian reveals that a harmonious balance between state and private interests achieved through negotiation, rather than the forcible imposition of state interests on local society, was considered an ideal of local governance in the period. How did this new understanding of governance influence the later history of the Chinese empire? How different was its trajectory in China’s early modern period from that in Europe? The new understanding of local governance put forth in this book can invite further studies comparing the development of early modern states across the Eurasian continent.

Chinese Society under the Yuan Bettine Birge has demonstrated that at least in the realm of gender relations, the Yuan conquest left a much more lasting impact on Chinese society than did the preceding Jin conquest.10 Was the influence of this understudied alien regime confined to the realm of gender? To

-1— 0— +1—

9. Foucault, “Governmentality,” pp. 94– 95. 10. Birge, Women, Property, and Confucian Reaction; Birge, “Women and Confucianism from Song to Ming.” It is Hymes who has suggested that the Jin conquest

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 270

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Conclusion

271

answer this question, scholars must develop a clearer understanding of the administrative and financial structures of local government during the Yuan. Because this book has dealt only peripherally with this important issue, the conclusions drawn from my sources remain tentative. Nevertheless, this book demonstrates that Yuan influence impacted many aspects of Chinese local society. First, it brought about a catalytic change in the membership of elite society in a way that had not been possible in the Southern Song. The discontinuation of the civil ser vice examinations, the appeal of clerkship as an alternative path to government ser vice, and the creation of the Sea Transport Tribute System all helped stir changes in Mingzhou elite society. Second, the Yuan period also witnessed a meaningful change in the way state policies acted on local society. In building and maintaining local infrastructure, the Yuan state consistently fell back on the idea of “beneficiary pays,” reflecting a state role in local governance that did not generally go beyond that of manager and coordinator. It remains to be examined whether this reflects the growing weakness of the state in local society or a more ad hoc, though no less extortionate, means of local financial administration. What is certain is that this continued reliance on the “beneficiary pays” principle marks a significant change in local governance. The idea that those who benefit from a water control project should pay for it had already been imposed on local projects during the Northern Song.11 A similar idea, expressed as “donating money according to the size of one’s land” (zhaotian chuzi 照田出資), appears in early and mid Southern Song sources.12 As far as Mingzhou sources are concerned, however, the principle of “beneficiary pays” applied only to agricultural water control works (nongtian shuili) at this time. As we have seen from the construction of the Fangsheng floodgate, the dredging of Dongqian Lake, and other works during Wu Qian’s tenure, the principle was not applied consistently. More often than not, the state made a deliberate effort to defray as much of the construction cost as possible. was more consequential than the Yuan conquest. See Statesmen and Gentlemen, p. 217. 11. SHY, “Shihuo,” 7.24, 7.37. 12. See Takahashi, “Sōdai Sessai deruta chitai ni okeru suiri kankō.”

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 271

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

272

Conclusion

During the Yuan dynasty, the “beneficiary pays” principle was applied not merely to water control projects but also to other important infrastructure maintenance, based on the classification of occupational households, a registration system unique to the dynasty. The apparent image of government activism in Mingzhou society during the Yuan was undergirded by this wide application of the “beneficiary pays” idea.13 Given the clearly limited role of the state, when compared to the Southern Song, in improving local society, it is interesting that local elites did not make bold claims of preeminence in local governance. Quite the contrary, as is most vividly reflected in the upsurge of the qusi bei genre, they opted to highlight to an unprecedented degree the leading role of the government or specific officials in local projects, a phenomenon that can hardly be explained in the framework of a zerosum relationship. Just as the alien Yuan state relied in many ways on local elites, these local elites, who had lost an important and respectable institutional link to the state with the demise of the examinations, needed to reaffirm their connection to the administration in other ways wherever possible. Like any other historical era, the Yuan should be understood as a bridge between the preceding and the following periods, but what it inherited from the Southern Song and transmitted to the Ming was more complex than a simplistic version of localism can adequately capture. More importantly, the dynasty’s distinct political structure and social policies significantly informed the evolution of state-society relations in the middle period.

So What? Why bother with these cases from Mingzhou? No matter how exciting they may be in and of themselves, they are, after all, drawn from only one locality in a vast country. Moreover, I have not particularly

-1— 0— +1—

13. It would be worth exploring the evolution of this idea in terms of later imperial China’s statecraft and local governance. Cho-ying Li has recently argued that the principle of “beneficiary pays” was established as a norm in managing local hydraulic projects during the period from the 1460s through the 1570s (Li, “Beneficiary Pays”). Were those Ming hydrological specialists he cites aware of precedents from the Song and Yuan dynasties? If so, what was new in their proposals? If not, what does that fact tell us about the idea’s evolution?

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 272

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Conclusion

273

addressed the ways in which Mingzhou people related themselves to the larger theater of the Southern Song or Yuan empire, as does John Dardess’s study of Taihe 太和 county, Jiangxi, during the Ming.14 I have not tried to make a broad comparison of my findings with cases from other areas in China, as does David Faure’s study of the Pearl River delta.15 For a local historical study to speak to issues of general significance without attempting sweeping generalization, I think it must refer back to an insight of G. William Skinner. If there were several macroregions composed in turn of smaller sub-areas, each of which underwent different cycles of development throughout mid- and later imperial history, should we not give special heed to such regional differences in approaching any locale’s society? By being sensitive to regional difference and by being attentive to the texture of specific cases in relatively enclosed settings, not only can we bring into better relief the internal dynamics of Chinese history caused by such differences, but we can also create a much more solid building block for a generalized picture of “Chinese” society.16 Given its location in the core area of the Lower Yangzi macroregion, Mingzhou’s history reflects state-society relations in what was the most advanced region in China at the time, setting it apart from the cases of Tongcheng 桐城 county, Anhui, or Fuzhou prefecture addressed in studies that have shaped the field. Mingzhou was no more representative or typical of Southern Song and Yuan China than was, for example, Fuzhou. It simply shows a very different development cycle, and manifests a different part of the spectrum of possible statesociety relations in middle-period China, a pattern closer to what we might cautiously expect to find in other affluent areas of the time, such as Zhenjiang, Suzhou, or Hangzhou. From the twelfth to the fourteenth century, Mingzhou was a place of opportunity. Opportunity generated interests; interests created tension; and tension triggered negotiation. In Mingzhou, both the state and the social elites wielded resources of power, a power that was con14. Dardess, A Ming Society, pp. 247–52. 15. Faure, Emperor and Ancestor, pp. 352– 68. 16. For a discussion of the issue of “representativeness” of a local history, see Ong, Men of Letters within the Passes, pp. 208– 9.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 273

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

274

Conclusion

stantly negotiated. Mingzhou’s colorful history shows that increasing awareness of the importance of this negotiation in local governance by the state and elites lay at the heart of the dynamics of the middle period of Chinese history.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 274

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Appendix 1 Burial Site in a County Different from County of Residence

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 275

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 276

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

No

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Xue Jushi 薛居實 (1123–80)

䎬

Wang Dayou (1120–1200) and his wife, Madam Lou 樓 Wang Dading 汪大定 (1137– 98) and his wife, Madam Lu

Lou Tang 樓鏜 and his wife, Madam Jiang 蔣 (1117–1202) Lou Yang 樓鐊 (1132– 63)

Wang Huitong 汪慧 通 (1110–1204) and Lou Ju 樓璩 (d. 1182) Lou Xi 樓錫 (1134–84)

Name

Yin

Yin

Yin

Zhongyi 忠義 canton, Fenghua

Shitai canton, Cixi

Shitai 石臺 canton, Cixi

Changting 長汀, Fenghua

Songlin 松林 canton, Fenghua

Yin

Yin

Longtan 䎝潭, Fenghua

Jinzhong zhi yuan 䋦 鐘之原, Fenghua

Burial Site

Yin

Yin

Home

Lou Yue, “Zhimige zhi Yangzhou Xue gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 90.26a (QSW, 265:5982.220)

Lou Yue’s parents. Lou Yue was buried in Tongyuan 通遠 canton of Yin. Lou Yue’s elder brother

Lou Yue, “Wangbi Ankang jun taifuren xingzhuang,” GKJ, 85.4b (QSW, 265:5976.133) Lou Yue, “Xianxiong Yanzhou xingzhuang,” GKJ, 85.22b (QSW, 265:5977.145) Lou Yue, “Tairuren Jiang shi muzhiming” 太孺人蔣氏墓誌 銘, GKJ, 105.15b (QSW, 266:6001.109) Lou Yue, “Jixi xianwei Lou jun muzhiming” 績谿縣尉樓君墓 誌銘, GKJ, 105.21a (QSW, 266:6001.113) Lou Yue, “Fuwenge xueshi xuanfeng dafu zhishi zeng tejin Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 88.20a (QSW, 265:5980.183) Lou Yue, “Zhi Jiangzhou Wang gong muzhiming,” GKJ, 103.31b (QSW, 266:5998.82)

His son, Xue Yangzu 薛揚祖, and grandson, Xue Shilu 薛師 魯, were also buried there.

His parents, Wang Siwen and Madame Wang 王, were buried in Taoyuan 桃源 canton, Yin. Wang Dayou’s younger brother

Lou Yue’s elder brother

Lou Yue’s cousin

Note

Source

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 277

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Tongyuan canton, Yin

Xiangshan

Yin

Cixi

Fenghua

Cixi

Yin

Yang Wangxiu 楊王休 (1135–1200)

Chen Bangchen 陳邦臣 (1121–1206)

Zhang Huan 章煥 (1137–1202)

Li Chongting 䎺充庭 (d. 1210)

The wife of Yang Ke 楊恪 / Cixi

Yuan Shao 袁韶 ( jinshi 1187) Mt. Duhu 杜湖, Cixi

Chongren 崇仁 village, Xiangshan

Tongde 通德 canton, Yuyao, Shaoxing prefecture Taling 塔嶺, Yin

Xikou 溪口, Fenghua

Xiyu 西嶼 canton, Cixi

Yin

Yuan Zhang 袁章 (1119– 99)

Yuan Xie, “Shufu chengyilang tongpan Changdefu xingzhuang” 叔父承議郞通判常德 府行狀, JZJ, 16.16a (QSW, 281:6383.358) Lou Yue, “Wenhuage daizhi Yang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 91.16a (QSW, 265:5983.230) Yuan Xie, “Chen chengfeng muzhiming” 陳承奉墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.13b (QSW, 281:6387.416) Yuan Xie, “Zhang fujun muzhiming” 章府君墓誌銘, JZJ, 20.4a (QSW, 282:6388.5) Lou Yue, “Chengfenglang zhishi Li jun muzhiming” 承奉郞致 仕李君墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.6b (QSW, 266:6005.164) Yang Jian, “Congfu muming” 冢婦墓銘, Cihu yishu, 5.23b (QSW, 276:6242.38) Jianjing Ningbo fuzhi, 17.6b

(continued)

Yuan Xie’s uncle. His brother and cousin were buried in Yangtang 陽堂 canton, Yin.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 278

Yuan Fu 袁甫 ( jinshi 1214)

Zhao Shanxiang 趙善 湘 ( jinshi 1196) Feng Yi 豊誼

15

16

21

Shi Yanzhi 史巖之 ( jinshi 1217)

Chen Xuan 陳塤 (1197–1241) Shi Songzhi 史嵩之 (1189–1257)

19

20

Cao Zhong 曹盅 (1135–1202)

18

17

Name

No

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Shitai canton, Cixi

Mt. Meiliang, Yuyao

Yin

Mt. Pan’ao, Dinghai

Tongshan 銅山, Fenghua Shangyu county, Shaoxing prefecture Qinxiao 禽孝 canton, Fenghua

Daishan 岱山, Changguo

Burial Site

Yin

Yin

Dinghai

Yin

Yin

Yin

Home

3.81a. Zhejiang tongzhi, 238.26a

相觀文殿大學士諡莊肅永國公 墓表, in Cixi Shishi zongpu,

Shi Jieqing 史玠卿, “Song you chengxiang guanwendian daxueshi shi Zhuangsu yongguo gong mubiao” 宋右丞

Zhejiang tongzhi 浙江通志 (SKQS), 238.29b Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Cao jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 106.9a (QSW, 266:6002.121) Kangxi Dinghai xianzhi, juan 13

Kangxi Dinghai xianzhi 康熙定海 縣志 (microfilm held at Zhejiang Library), juan 13. Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 17.9a

Source

Shi Jieqing is Shi Songzhi’s son.

No pagination is available.

Cao’s ancestral burial site was in Fenghua.

No pagination is available. Belongs to a different family from Yuan Shao.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 279

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Changguo

Fenghua

Changguo

Fan Yingfa 范應發 (1209–88)

Lou Shimo 樓師默 (1237–1304)

Yu Tianxi 余天錫 ( jinshi 1223) Li Yishen 䎺以申 ( jinshi 1223) Yin

Yin

Wang Boxiang 王伯 庠 (1106– 74)

Jiang Lun 蔣綸 (d. 1187)

Fenghua

Yin

Zhao Yuan 趙遠 (d. 1262)

Taiqiu 太丘 canton, Dinghai

Zhiyi 志義 canton, Fenghua

Mt. Xipu 西圃, Fenghua Yang’ao 楊奥, Cixi

Fengle 豐䌷 canton, Yin

Qinxiao canton, Fenghua

Shitai canton, Cixi

Yuan Jue, “Fuyuan jingshe ji,” QRJSJ, 20.17b (QYW, 23:727.471) Lou Yue, “Shiyushi zuo zhaoqing dafu zhimige zhishi Wang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 90.7b (QSW, 265:5982.209) Lou Yue, “Jiang Deyan muzhiming” 蔣德言墓誌銘, GKJ, 101.13a (QSW, 266:5995.37)

Huang Zhen, “Guangde xianwei Zhao jun mujie” 廣德縣尉趙君 墓碣, Huangshi richao, 97.1b (QSW, 348:8057.371) Chen Zhu, “Gu jiegan Fan jun muzhiming” 故節幹范君墓誌 銘, Bengtang ji, 91.9b (QSW, 351:8117.137) Dai Biaoyuan, “Lou fujun muzhiming” 樓府君墓志銘, Shanyuan ji, 16.18b (QYW, 12:432.460) Zhejiang tongzhi, 237.43a

(continued)

His great-grandfather migrated to Yin.

His father, Wang Ciweng, migrated to Yin.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 280

Xiang Gongyuan 向 公援 and his wife, Madame Wang 王 (1138–1207) Pan Miaojing 潘妙靜 (1147–1219)

Huang Ziyou 黃子游 (1080–1167)

Gao Shizhi 高世埴

29

31

32

30

Name

No

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Yin

Chalian gang 察廉岡, Fenghua

Fengle canton, Yin

Xikou, Fenghua

Yin

Fenghua

Shuangyan 雙鴈 canton, Yuyao 餘姚, Shaoxing prefecture

Burial Site

Yin

Home

Yuan Xie, “Jiang Anren Pan shi muzhiming,” JZJ, 21.3a (QSW, 282:6389.27) Zhou Bida, “Zhaoqing dafu zhishi xi zijin yudai Huang gong Ziyou muzhiming,” Wenzhong ji, 33.18a (QSW, 232:5175.276) Lou Yue, “Gao Duanshu muzhiming” 高端叔墓誌銘, GKJ, 103.5a (QSW, 266:5997.64)

Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi,” GKJ, 107.12b (QSW, 266:6003.140)

Source

He migrated from Kaifeng to Yin. His son, Gao Yuanzhi, was buried in Yin.

He migrated to Fenghua.

Madame Wang’s grandfather migrated to Yin.

Note

Appendix 2 Translocal Marriages in Southern Song and Yuan Mingzhou

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 281

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 282

née Xu 徐 (1115– 92) / Cixi

née Bian 邊 / Yin

A daughter of Dai Zhang 戴樟 (1142– 82) / Yin A daughter of Yang Jian / Cixi

Shu Ju 舒鐻, a son of Shu Lin / Fenghua

Shu Jian 舒鈃, a son of Shu Lin / Fenghua

Liu Yizhi 䎠宜之 / Dinghai

Shu Lie 舒䍸 ( jinshi 1172) / Fenghua

Hu Ge / Cixi

Tong Jushan 童居善 ( jinshi 1193) / Fenghua

Shu Xian 舒銑, son of Shu Lin / Fenghua

2

3

4

5

6

7

8 A daughter of Yang Jian / Cixi

A daughter of Shen Huan / Yin

A daughter of Yuan Xie / Yin

née Shu 舒 / Cixi

Shi Jun / Yin

1

Wife / Native County

Husband / Native County

Qian Shi, ibid.

Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Shi jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 105.12a (QSW, 266:6000.106) Yang Jian, “Gu longtuge xueshi Yuan gong muzhiming” 故䎝圖閣學士袁 公墓誌銘, QSW, 276:6243.53 Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Shen gong xingzhuang,” JZJ, 14.24b (QSW, 281:6381.332) Chen Zao, “Xu shi muzhiming” 徐氏 墓誌銘, Jianghu changweng ji, 36.5a (QSW, 256:5766.397) Yuan Xie, “Bian Rushi xingzhuang” 邊汝實行䏑, JZJ, 16.22a (QSW, 281:6383.349) Yuan Xie, “Tongling Hu jun muzhiming,” JZJ, 19.20a (QSW, 281:6387.420) Qian Shi, “Baomoge xueshi zhengfeng dafu Cihu xiansheng xingzhuang,”QSW, 307:7019.393

Source

1. Intercounty Marriages in Southern Song Mingzhou

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The Yangs moved to Cixi from Yin in the later years of the Shaoxing reign period. Same as above

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 283

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi” 王夫 人墓誌, GKJ, 107.11b (QSW, 266:6003.139) Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi,” GKJ, 107.11b (QSW, 266:6003.139–40)

Lou Yue, “Chengfenglang zhishi Li jun muzhiming” 承奉郞致仕䎺君墓 誌銘, GKJ, 109.6a (QSW, 266:6005.164)

A granddaughter of Zhao Shandai 趙善待 (1128–88) / Yin

A niece of Huang Zhen/ Cixi A daughter of Xiang Shiwei 向士偉 / Yin A daughter of Wang Cong 王從 / Yin

née Zhang 張 / Cixi

Wang Longji 汪龍紀, son of Wang Ji / Fenghua

Chen Shen 陳深, the first son of Chen Zhu / Fenghua Qiu You 仇由, grandson of Qiu Yu / Fenghua

Qiu Shen 仇伸, son of Qiu You / Fenghua

Li Chongting 䎺充庭 (d. 1210) / Fenghua

Lou Yue, “Lin fujun muzhiming,” GKJ, 107.3a (QSW, 266:6003.134) Lou Yue, “Congshilang Wang jun muzhiming,” JZJ, 19.8a (QSW, 281:6387.412) Yuan Xie, “Zhaoqing dafu zeng xuanfeng dafu Zhao gong muzhiming” 朝請大夫贈宣奉大夫 趙公墓誌銘, JZJ, 17.17a (QSW, 281:6385.381) Chen Zhu, “Yu Zeng Nanjin zhiji”與 曾南金制機, Bentang ji, 77.11b

A daughter of Lin Shuo 林 碩 (1133–1206) / Yin A daughter of Wang Ji 汪伋 (1148–1218) / Fenghua

Yang Xin 楊忻, son of Yang Jian / Cixi Zheng Cishen 鄭次申 ( jinshi 1217) / Yin

(continued)

Same as above; Wang Cong’s father migrated from Kaifeng to Yin in the Jianyan reign period (1127–30).

Qiu Yu migrated to Fenghua sometime after 1142.

Zhao Shandai was a recent immigrant to Yin.

Same as above

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 284

A granddaughter of Yang Wangxiu / Xiangshan A daughter of Luo Zhongshu 羅仲舒 ( jinshi 1187) / Cixi née Li 䎺 / Fenghua

Jiang Xian 蔣峴 (1175–1245) / Yin

He Dagui 何大圭 ( jinshi 1221) / Fenghua

Wang Yinglin / Yin

Wang Yinglin Lu Yu 䎬愈 / Yin

18

19

20

21 22

née Shu 舒 / Fenghua A daughter of Zhang Kai 張鍇 (1211– 75) / Fenghua

A daughter of Yang Lin / Yin

Cheng Shilong 程士龍 ( jinshi 1211) / Cixi

17

Zhou Bida, “Zuo zhongfeng dafu fuwenge daizhi tejin Lin gong shendaobei” 左中奉大夫敷文閣待 制特進林公神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 68.14a (QSW, 233:5185.23) Yuan Fu, “Xianwei Yang jun tairuren He shi muzhiming,” MZJ, 18.10a (QSW, 324:7442.115) “Wanjing Jiang gong muzhi” 晩靜蔣 公墓誌, Wuling Jiangshi zongpu, 24.11b Cixi Luoshi zongpu 慈谿羅氏宗譜 (Jiade tang 嘉德堂 edition held at the Shanghai Library), front matter Wang Changshi 王昌世, “Song libu shangshu Wang gong kuangji” ൬䎷 部尙書王公壙記, in Wang Yinglin zhuzuo jicheng, 573; Zheng Zhen, “Suichu laoren zhuan” 遂初老人傳, Xingyang waishi ji, 46.2a Ibid. Chen Zhu, “Zhang Zhengfu muzhiming” 張正甫墓誌銘, Bentang ji, 91.4b (QSW, 351:8117.133)

A daughter of Lin Bao / Yin

Shi Chunchen 史純臣 ( jinshi 1132) / Xiangshan

16

Source

Wife / Native County

Husband / Native County

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Shi Chunchen seems to have been an immigrant from Huzhou 湖州.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 285

*

24

23

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

née Wu 吳 / Yin

née Yuan 袁 (1206–55) / Yin

A daughter of Zhang Xiaobo 張孝伯 ( jinshi 1163) / Yin

Shan Gengjin 單庚䋦 (1239–1305) / Fenghua

Dai Rong 戴濚 / Fenghua

Sun Zhi 孫枝 ( jinshi 1214) / Changguo 昌國1

Dai Biaoyuan, “Shan Junfan muzhiming,” 單君範墓志銘, Shanyuan ji, 16.4b (QYW, 12:431.450) Dai Biaoyuan, “Bobi Yuan shi furen qianzang zhiming” 伯妣袁氏夫人 遷葬志銘, Shanyuan ji, 16.8b (QYW, 12:432.466) CGTZ, 6.4b–5a

Zhang Xiaobo’s father immigrated from Hezhou 和州.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 286

Lou Yue, “Congmei Lou furen muzhiming” 從妹樓 夫人墓誌銘, GKJ, 105.19a (QSW, 266:6001.111) Ibid. Lou Yue, “Huawenge zhixueshi fengzheng dafu zhishi zeng jinzi guanglu dafu Chen gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 89.23a (QSW, 265:5981.201) Yuan Fu, “Feng jun Zhenfu muzhiming” 馮君振甫墓 誌銘, MZJ, 18.9a (QSW, 324:7442.114) Zhao Xidun 趙希醇, “Song Wang fujun Xu furen muzhiming” 宋王府君徐 夫人墓誌銘, in Ningbo shizhi waibian 寧波市志外 編, p. 873

née Lou 樓 (1137–1200) / Yin

Shi Wen 石文 / Xinchang 新昌, Xiaoxing fu

Shi Wen’s father / Xinchang Shi Ju 石榘 / Shaoxing fu (Xinchang?)

Gao Mida 高彌大 / Shaoxing fu

Wang Lin 王琳 (1135–1204) / Yuyao 餘姚, Shaoxing fu

1

2 3

4

5

née Xu 徐 / Yin

A daughter of Feng Xingzong 馮興宗 (1176–1237) / Cixi

née Feng 馮 / Cixi A granddaughter of Chen Juren / Yin

Source

Wife / Native County

Chen Juren’s father migrated from Putian 莆田, Fujian to Yin

Née Lou’s father, Lou Ju 樓琚, was magistrate of Xinchang in 1153.2

Note

2. Southern Song Mingzhou Marriages with Spouse from Counties in Adjacent Prefectures (Shaoxing fu 紹興府 and Taizhou 台州)

Husband / Native County

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 287

11

10

9

8

7

6

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

A granddaughter of Wang Yu 王俁 (d. 1157) / Yuyao

A daughter of Xiang Gongyuan 向公援 / Yin Shi Hao’s daughter (1139– 97) / Yin

The second daughter of Li Youzhi 䎺友直 / Yuyao A daughter of Li Bida 䎺必達 (1155–1219) / Yuyao The second daughter of Li Bida / Yuyao

Lou Yue / Yin

Wang Cangshu 王蒼舒, grandson of Wang Yu / Yuyao

Li Youzhi 䎺友直 (1134– 99) / Yuyao

Shi Shizhi 史實之, son of Shi Mizheng 史彌正 / Yin Shen Weizeng 䍍唯曾, a nephew of Shen Huan (1139– 91) / Yin

Feng Xingzong / Cixi

Yuan Xie, “Li fujun muzhiming” 李府君墓誌銘, JZJ, 20.6b (QSW, 282:6388.7) Ibid.

281:6278.270) Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi,” GKJ, 107.12b (QSW, 266:6003.140) Sun Yingshi 孫應時 (1154–1206), “Yiren Shi shi muzhiming” 宜人史氏墓 誌銘, Zhuhu ji 燭湖集 (SKQS), 12.16a (QSW, 290:6593.135); Lou Yue, “Zhaofeng dafu Li gong muzhiming” 朝奉大夫䎺 公墓誌銘, GKJ, 104.18a (QSW, 266:6000.94) Ibid.

政殿大學士贈少師樓公行 狀, JZJ, 11.27b (QSW,

Yuan Xie, “Zizhengdian daxueshi zeng shaoshi Lou gong xingzhuang” 資

Same as above (continued)

Li Bida’s grandfather migrated from Yin to Yuyao.

Shi Hao was sheriff of Yuyao.

Wang Yu was a first-generation migrant to Yuyao and was Mingzhou prefect in 1155.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 288

Li Shiyue 䎺師說, the second son of Li Bida / Yuyao

Mr. Jiang 蔣, son of Jiang Xuan 蔣璿 ( jinshi 1097) / Yin

Shi Miyuan / Yin

Fang Jiren 方季仁 / Cixi

Sima Yan 司馬儼 / Shanyin, Shaoxing fu

13

14

15

16

Husband / Native County

12

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

A daughter of Jiang Hao 姜浩 (1109–85) / Yin

née Sun 孫 / Yuyao

A cousin of Li Guang 䎺光 (1078–1159) / Shangyu county 上虞, Shaoxing fu Pan Yousong 潘友松, daughter of Pan Zhi 潘畤 (1126–89) / Shangyu

A daughter of Yuan You 袁槱 (1149–1213), younger brother of Yuan Xie / Yin

Wife / Native County Yuan Xie, “Wangdi Mushu muzhiming” 亡弟木叔墓 誌銘, JZJ, 20.30a (QSW, 282:6389.25) Yuan Xie, “Jiang anren Pan shi muzhiming,” JZJ, 21.2a (QSW, 282:6389.26) Yuan Xie, “Zhi xianmoge Pan gong muzhiming” 直 顯謨閣潘公墓誌銘, ZXJ, 94.4763 Huang Zhen, “Zhizheng xiuzhi Sun jun muzhiming” 致政修職孫君墓誌銘, Huangshi richao, 97.5a (QSW, 348:8057.373) Lou Yue, “Zeng jinzi guanglu dafu Jiang gong muzhiming” 贈金紫光錄 大夫姜公墓誌銘, GKJ, 108.4a (QSW, 266:6004.147)

Source

Jiang Hao migrated from Kaifeng to Yin.

For Fang Jiren, see Tianqi Cixi xianzhi, 7.8a.

Pan Zhi migrated from Jinhua.

Same as above

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 289

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

A daughter of Xiang Shiwei / Yin

Zeng Qiao 曾樵, grandson of Zeng Ji 曾幾 (1084– 66) / Yu Yao Mo You 莫友 / Yuyao

A daughter of Mo You / Yuyao A daughter of Mao Zongming 茅宗明 (1143–1203) / Yuyao

née Fang 方 (1123–1201) / Cixi

Liu Yue 䎠爚 / Siming 四明 (Yin?)

Zhao Bobai 趙伯拜 / Yuyao

Ye Hong 䍉浤 / Cixi

A granddaughter of Jiang Hao / Yin

Zhao Xifu 趙希怤, son of Zhao Shilong 趙師龍 (1143– 93) / Yuyao

née Ye 䍉 (1133–1201) / Cixi

A daughter of Jiang Bing 姜柄 (1154–1202) / Yin

Sima Sui 司馬遂 / Shanyin

Sun Yingshi, “Mao congyi muzhiming” 茅從義墓誌 銘, Zhuhu ji, 12.14a (QSW, 290:6593.134) Sun Yingshi, “Tai anren Fang shi kuangji” 太安人 方氏壙記, Zhuhu ji, 12.24b (QSW, 290:6593.142)

Lou Yue, “Zhi Zhongli xian Jiang jun muzhiming” 知 鍾離縣姜君墓誌銘, GKJ, 106.23b (QSW, 266:6002.130) Lou Yue, “Zeng jinzi guanglu dafu Jiang gong muzhiming,” GKJ, 108.4a (QSW, 266:6004.147) Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi,” GKJ, 107.11b (QSW, 266:6003.140) Sun Yingshi, “Mo fujun furen muzhiming” 莫府君 夫人墓誌銘, Zhuhu ji, 12.18b (QSW, 290:6593.138) Ibid.

(continued)

Ye Hong was Madam Ye’s nephew.

Zhao Xifu’s grandfather moved from Changxing 長興 to Yuyao.

Jiang Bing was the son of Jiang Hao.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 290

A daughter of Zhang Shao 張 邵 (1096–1156) / Yin

A daughter of Wang Dading 汪大定 (1137– 98) / Yin

A daughter of Sun Chunnian 孫椿年 (1141– 99) / Yuyao

Tang Zhun 唐準 ( jinshi 1141) / Shanyin

Fu Zhen 傅稹 / Shanyin

Zhao Xiyi 趙希一, son of Zhao Shilong / Yuyao

Shi Mizhong 史彌忠 ( jinshi 1187) / Yin

25

26

27

28

A daughter of Dai Zhang / Yin

A granddaughter of Yang Jian / Cixi

Wife / Native County

Han Xie 韓燮 / Kuaiji 會稽, Shaoxing fu

Husband / Native County

24

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Qian Shi, “Baomoge xueshi zhengfeng dafu Cihu xiansheng xingzhuang,” QSW, 307:7019.393 Zhou Bida, “Fuwenge daizhi zeng shaoshi Zhang gong shendaobei” 敷文閣待制 贈少師張公邵神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 65.5b (QSW, 232:5182.380) Yuan Xie, “Dai Bogao muzhiming” 戴伯皐墓誌 銘, QSW, 282:6390.40 Lou Yue, “Zhi Jiangzhou Wang gong muzhiming” 知江州汪公墓誌銘, GKJ, 103.31b (QSW, 266:5998.81) Lu You, “Sun jun mubiao” 孫君墓表, Weinan wenji, 39.15a (QSW, 223:4952.263); Ye Shi, “Sun Yongshu muzhiming” 孫永叔墓誌銘, Shuixin ji, 16.16b (QSW, 286:6502.224)

Source

Zhao Xiyi was the elder brother of Zhao Xifu (no. 18).

Zhang Shao migrated to Yin from Hezhou.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 291

34

33

32

31

30

29

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

née Huang 黃 / Zhuji 諸曁, Shaoxing fu

A daughter of Lou E / Yin

A daughter of Wu Ziliang 吳 子良 ( jinshi 1226) / Linhai, Taizhou A daughter of Lou Yue / Yin

Lou E 樓鍔 ( jinshi 1160) / Yin

Huang Dingzhi 黃定之, son of Huang Zongliang 黃宗諒 (1122– 98) / Zhuji Chen Meng 陳蒙, son of Chen Xun 陳塤 ( jinshi 1217) / Yin

Yuan Xie, “Zizhengdian daxueshi zeng shaoshi Lou gong xingzhuang,” JZJ, 11.27b (QSW, 281:6378.270)

Songshi, 423.12641; Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi, 26.17b

A granddaughter of Sun Chunnian / Yuyao

Shi Weizhi 史巍之, son of Shi Mizhong / Yin

Wang Fei 王棐 ( jinshi 1199) / Linhai

Lu You, “Wang Jijia muzhiming” 王季嘉墓誌 銘, Weinan wenji, 37.11a (QSW, 223:4950.237) Wei Liaoweng 魏了翁 (1178–1237), “Tai ruren Wu shi muzhiming” 太孺 人吳氏墓誌銘, Heshan ji, 81.12b (QSW, 311:7123.277) Lou Yue, “Huang Zhongyou muzhiming” 黃仲友墓誌 銘, GKJ, 104.7b (QSW, 266:5999.87) Ibid.

A daughter of Wang Shihui 王時會 (1137–1200) / Fenghua

Sun Zhiying 孫之穎, son of Sun Chunnian / Yuyao

(continued)

Lou E was Lou Yue’s cousin.

Zhao Rukuo 趙汝适 ( jinshi 1196), son of Zhao Shandai (1128–88) / Yin

Yuan Fu / Yin

Zhao Yubiao (1242–1303) / Huangyan

Chen Zhi 陳祉 / Ninghai 寧海, Taizhou

Hu Youwen 胡幼文, son of Hu Sansheng 胡三省 ( jinshi 1256) / Ninghai

36

37

38

39

Husband / Native County

35

No.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 292

6/18/14 6:20 PM

The second daughter of Chen Zhu / Fenghua

née Wang 汪 / Fenghua

A daughter of Shi Yizhi 史一 之 / Yin

Zhao Xiyi 趙希怡 (1177–1235) / Huangyan 黃巖, Taizhou

A granddaughter of Chen Lianghan 陳良翰 (1108– 72) / Linhai

Wife / Native County

(QYW, 23:729.505) Shu Lin, “Wang mu Wu shi muzhi” 汪母鄔氏墓誌, Wenjing wenji, 1.46a (QSW, 260:5853.188) Chen Zhu, “Zeng sheng Hu Youwen huanshi xu” 贈甥 胡幼文還侍序, Bentang ji, 38.4a–b (QSW, 351:8110.6)

議大夫知制誥同修國史趙 公行狀, QRJSJ, 32.5b

(QSW, 232:5183.395) Yuan Fu, “Yiren Zhao shi kuangzhi” 宜人趙氏壙誌, MZJ, 18.6b– 7a (QSW, 324:7442.113) Yuan Jue, “Hanlin xueshi jiayi dafu zhizhigao tong xiu guoshi Zhao gong xingzhuang” 翰林學士嘉

文閣直學士陳公良翰神道 碑, Wenzhong ji, 66.7a

Zhou Bida, “Fuwenge zhixueshi Chen gong Lianghan shendaobei” 敷

Source

Their fathers were friends.

Zhao Shandai migrated to Yin sometime after 1154.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 293

45

44

43

42

41

40

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

née Hu 胡 / Fenghua

A daughter of Sun Jiuxu / Tiantai A granddaughter of Shi Hao / Yin

A daughter of Wu Pu / Xianju

née Lu 䎬 / Ninghai, Taizhou

née Li 李 / Ninghai

Sun Jiuxu 孫九敍 / Tiantai, Taizhou

Wang Shao 王劭 / Mingzhou (Yin?) Wu Pu 吳樸, son of Wu Jin 吳 津 (1133– 96) / Xianju 仙居, Taizhou

Lou Zhi 樓治, son of Lou Yue / Yin

Cao Zhong 曹盅 (1135–1201) / Dinghai

Lou Zi 樓鎡 (1136–1211) / Yin

266:6004.155) Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Cao jun muzhiming” 朝 請大夫曹君墓誌銘, GKJ, 106.13a (QSW, 266:6002.121, 123) Lou Yue, “Congxiong Lou fujun muzhiming” 從兄 樓府君墓誌銘, GKJ, 109.23b (QSW, 266:6005.175)

大夫吳公幷碩人姚氏墓誌 銘, GKJ, 108.18b (QSW,

Lou Yue, “Chuncheng houde yuanlao zhi bei” 純誠厚德 元老之碑, GKJ, 93.19a (QSW, 265:5986.282) Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu Wu gong bing shuoren Yao shi muzhiming” 朝請

Yuan Fu, “Sun jun muzhiming,” MZJ, 17.12a (QSW, 324:7442.100) Ibid.

(continued)

Lou Zi was a cousin of Lou Yue.

Lou Yue was vice prefect of Taizhou in 1178.

Wu Pu was assistant magistrate of Yin 鄞縣丞.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 294

Wang Jibing 王季禀 / Ninghai

47 A granddaughter of Wang Wanzhong / Fenghua

A daughter of Wang Wanzhong 汪萬鐘 (1158–1225) / Fenghua

Wife / Native County Li Xunbo 䎺訓伯 ( jinshi 1205), “Song gu jinshi Wang gong muzhiming” 宋故進士汪公墓誌銘, in Ningbo shizhi waibian, p. 874 Ibid.

Source

Note

ZZSMXZ presents him as Yin native, but in the CGTZ he is recorded as a Changguo native along with his two sons. The funerary inscription of his grandson, Sun Zhu ൕ໱ (1237– 76), tells that Zhi’s grandfather, Sun E ൕㄦ, ran a state-owned liquor monopoly station in Changguo. See Liu Guan ᛇ㊟ (1270–1342), “Gu Song Sun Mingfu jieming” ᓋ൬ൕᕥྩ⌷㝁, Liu Guan shiwen ji ᛇ㊟ヌᓾ㩱 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2004), 12.250. According to the CGTZ, Zhang Xiaobo was happily surprised to meet an unusual literatus like Sun hailing from the Cape (haijiao ᫡ぜ), which indicates Changguo county. 2 Walton notes that née Lou’s marriage to Shi Wen was probably arranged by Lou Yue, who she says was serving in Xinchang in 1153. See “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China,” p. 50. But née Lou’s funerary inscription notes that it was her father who was serving in Xinchang. In 1153, Lou Yue was only seventeen sui. Lou Yue’s record of conduct written by Yuan Xie notes that his first official post was as instructor at Wenzhou prefectural school in 1164, one year after he had passed the examinations.

1

Wang Che 王澈 / Ninghai

Husband / Native County

46

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 295

6

5

4

3

2

1

No.

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

A daughter of Wang Huai 王 淮 (1126– 89) / Jinhua, Wuzhou née Wang 王 / Jinhua

née Wang 王 / Jinhua

Wang Yan 王儼, grandson of Wang Huai / Jinhua A daughter of Shen Huan / Yin

A daughter of Shi Hao / Yin

Yao Yuante 姚元特, son of Yao Ying / Yin

Yao Yuanzhe 姚元哲 (1181–1229), son of Yao Ying / Yin

A daughter of Yao Ying / Yin

Lü Qiaonian 呂喬年, son of Lü Zujian 䍚祖儉 (d. 1196) / Jinhua

Wang Su 王橚, son of Wang Huai / Jinhua

Wife / Native County

Yao Ying 姚潁 (1150–83) / Yin

Husband / Native County Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Pingjiang fu jiaoshu Yao jun xingzhuang,” JZJ, 15.5b (QSW, 281:6382.337) Lou Yue, “Tongpan Yao jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 107.9a (QSW, 266:6003.138) Cheng Bi 程珌 (1164–1242), “Yao Raozhou muzhiming” 姚饒州 墓誌銘, Mingshui ji 洺水集 (SKQS), 10.18a–b (QSW, 298:6795.168) Lou Yue, “Tongpan Yao jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 107.9a (QSW, 266:6003.138) Yuan Xie, “Tongpan Shen gong xingzhuang” 通判䍍公行狀, JZJ, 14.24b (QSW, 281:6381.332) Lou Yue, “Chuncheng houde yuanlao zhi bei,” GKJ, 93.18b (QSW, 265:5986.282)

Source

3. Southern Song Mingzhou Marriages with People from Nonadjacent Prefectures

(continued)

Lü Zujian was an official in Mingzhou.

Yao Yuanzhe was Yao Ying’s second son.

Yao Yuante was Yao Ying’s first son.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 296

A granddaughter of Wang Huai / Jinhua

Shi Binzhi 史賓之, son of Shi Mijian / Yin

Pan Jingxian 潘景憲 (1134– 90) / Jinhua

Xiang Gongyuan / Yin

Zhou Yuanqing 周元卿 (1140–86) / Suichang 遂昌, Chuzhou

Tian Qinsun 田芹孫 / Jinyun 縉 雲, Chuzhou

7

8

9

10

11 A daughter of Shi Mijian / Yin

A daughter of Lou Tang 樓鏜 / Yin

née Ye 䍉 / Lishui 麗水, Chuzhou

Zhu Yi’s 朱翌 (1098–1167) daughter (1146– 79) / Yin

Wife / Native County

Husband / Native County

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Yuan Jue, “Xianfuren xingshu” 先夫人行述, QRJSJ, 33.1b (QYW, 23:730.533) Zhu Xi, “Chengshilang zhishi Pan gong muzhiming” 承事 郞致仕潘公墓誌銘, ZXJ, 93.4733; Lü Zuqian, “Pan Shudu qi Zhu furen muzhiming” 潘叔度妻朱夫人 墓誌銘, Donglai ji, 13.7a (QSW, 262:5898.104) Lou Yue, “Wang furen muzhi,” GKJ, 107.12a (QSW, 266:6003.140) Lou Yue, “Taifusi zhufu Zhou jun muzhiming” 太府寺主簿 周君墓誌銘, GKJ, 101.15b (QSW, 266:5995.39) Zheng Qingzhi, “Song zeng kaifuyi tong sansi zhongxuan gong muzhiming” 宋贈開府 儀同三司忠宣公墓誌銘, Cixi Shishi zongpu, 3.89b

Source

A Tongxiang 桐鄕 native, Zhu Yi became a sojourner in Yin in his late years.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 297

17

16

15

14

13

12

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

née Lou 樓 / Yin

A daughter of Lou E 樓鍔 ( jinshi 1160) / Yin A daughter of Yang Wangxiu / Xiangshan

A daughter of Zhao Bogui / Huzhou

A granddaughter of Yang Ji 楊洎 / Huzhou

A granddaughter of Shi Hao / Yin

Dai Kaizhi 戴闓之 / Yongjia 永嘉, Wenzhou

Zhao Ruduo 趙汝鐸 / Yueqing 䌷淸, Wenzhou3

Zhou Yan 周儼 / Wucheng 烏 程, Huzhou

Shi Mijian 史彌堅 (1166–1232) / Yin

Shi Hong 史浤 (1150– 72) / Yin

Fang Shugong 方叔恭, son of Fang Dao 方導 (1133–1201) / Tonglü 棟廬, Yanzhou

Lou Yue, “Wangbi Ankang jun taifuren xingzhuang” 亡妣安 康郡太夫人行䏑, GKJ, 85.4a (QSW, 265:5976.133) Ye Shi, “Zhao ruren muming” 趙孺人墓銘, Shuixin ji, 22.4a (QSW, 286:6510.334) Lou Yue, “Huawenge daizhi Yang gong xingzhuang” 文華 閣待制楊公行狀, GKJ, 91.16a (QSW, 265:5983.229) Lou Yue, “Huang bozu taishi chongxian wang xingzhuang,” GKJ, 86.12b (QSW, 265:5987.155) Xuan Zeng 宣繒 (d. 1228), “Shi Zhongsan muzhiming” 史中散墓誌銘, Siming wenxian, no pagination is available Lou Yue, “Chuncheng houde yuanlao zhi bei,” GKJ, 93.19a (QSW, 265:5986.282)

Fang Zi 方滋, Shugong’s grandfather, was Mingzhou prefect in 1155. (continued)

Zhao Bogui was Mingzhou prefect.

Zhexi Circuit 䍓浙西路

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 298

Shi Wenqing 史文卿 / Yin

Zhang Chi 張篪 / Wujin 武進, Changzhou 常州

Zhang Fu 張符 / Wujin, Changzhou

Lou Hong 樓鈜 (1133– 74) / Yin

Yuan Sidao 袁似道 (1191–1257) / Yin

19

20

21

22

Husband / Native County

18

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

née Wang 王 / Wujiang 吳江, Pingjiang fu

A daughter of Sun Daya 孫大 雅 / Wuxi 無錫, Changzhou

A granddaughter of Wang Zhenggong 王正功 (1133–1203) / Yin

A granddaughter of Wang Zhengji 王正己 (1119– 96) / Yin

A granddaughter of Fang Dao

Wife / Native County Lou Yue, “Canyi Fang jun muzhiming” 參議方君墓誌 銘, GKJ, 106.16b (QSW, 266:6002.125) Lou Yue, “Zhaoyi dafu mige xiuzhuan zhishi Wang gong muzhiming” 朝議大夫 秘閣修撰致仕王公墓誌銘, GKJ, 99.22b (QSW, 266:5993.14) Lou Yue, “Zhaoqing dafu zhishi Wang gong muzhiming” 朝請大夫致仕王君墓 誌銘, GKJ, 100.6a (QSW, 266:5994.19) Lou Yue, “Shu congxiong shaoxu jiaoshou jinshu Jingangjing hou” 書從兄少虛 敎授金書金剛經後, GKJ, 73.20b (QSW, 264:5957.240) Yuan Jue, “Xishan qian biao,” QRJSJ, 33.3b (QYW, 23:730.520)

Source

Yuan Jue’s (1266–1327) grandfather

Lou Hong was Lou Yue’s cousin.

It is uncertain if Zhang Chi and Fu were related, though it appears likely that they were.

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 299

27

26

25

24

23

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

A daughter of Wang Siwen / Yin

née Lou 樓 / Yin

The eldest daughter of Wang Zhengji / Yin

The fourth daughter of Wang Zhengji / Yin

A daughter of Lin Bao / Yin

Chen Gao 陳膏 / Putian, Xinghua prefecture

Chen Danian 陳大年 ( jinshi 1157) / Sha County 沙縣, Nanjian 南劍 prefecture

Chen Daying 陳大應 ( jinshi 1178) / Sha county, Nanjian

Chen Zhongfu 陳仲紱 / Sha County

Liu Rulin 䎠汝霖 / Putian, Xinghua jun 興化軍

Lou Yue, “Huawenge zhixueshi fengzheng dafu zhishi zeng jinzi guanglu dafu Chen gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 89.1b (QSW, 265:5981.188) Lou Yue, “Gongti Gaozong xi Chen zhenghui yuzha” 恭題高宗賜陳正彚御札, GKJ, 69.17a (QSW, 264:5952.156) Lou Yue, “Zhaoyi dafu mige xiuzhuan zhishi Wang gong muzhiming,” GKJ, 99.22b (QSW, 266:5993.13) Lou Yue, “Zhaoyi dafu mige xiuzhuan Wang gong muzhiming,” GKJ, 99.22b (QSW, 266:5993.14) Zhou Bida, “Zuo zhongfeng dafu fuwenge daizhi tejin Lin gong shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 68.14b (QSW, 233:5185.23)

(continued)

Chen Danian’s brother

Fujian circuit

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 300

A daughter of Lin Bao / Yin

A daughter of Dong Changyi / Yongfeng

Dong Changyi 董昌裔 (1103–80) / Yongfeng 永豊, Jizhou 吉州

Lin Zuxia 䏋祖洽 (1140–1218) / Yin

Zhao Shigu 趙師固 / Qingjiang 淸江, Linjiang 䏍江 prefecture

30

31

32 A granddaughter of Lou Tang / Yin

A daughter of Wang Tingxiu 王庭秀 ( jinshi 1112) / Cixi

Ren Xianchen 任賢臣 / Shaowu 邵武, Shaowu jun 邵武軍

29

A daughter of Fang Youzhi 方由之 / Putian

Wife / Native County

Lou Gu 樓穀 / Mingzhou

Husband / Native County

28

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Liu Kezhuang, “Chen tairuren muzhiming” 陳太孺人墓誌 銘, Houcun xiansheng daquanji, 149.12b (QSW, 331:7622.196) Zhu Xi, “Yiren Wang shimuzhiming” 宜人王氏墓誌銘, ZXJ, 92.4673 Zhou Bida, “Canyi Dong jun Changyi muzhiming” 參 議董君昌裔墓誌銘, Wenzhong ji, 72.10b (QSW, 233:5188.70– 71) Zhou Bida, “Canyi Dong jun Changyi muzhiming,” ibid. Lou Hong 樓洪, “Song gu xuanjiaolang Lou jun kuangzhi” 宋故宣敎郞樓君壙 志, in Ningbo shizhi waibian, p. 872

Source

Zuxia was Lin Bao’s grandson

Jiangxi circuit 江南西路

Note

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 301

37

36

35

34

33

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

A granddaughter of Shi Hao / Yin A daughter of Yao Yuanzhe / Yin A daughter of Wang Zhengji / Yin

Cheng Ruoyu 程若愚 / Xiuning 休寧, Huizhou 徽州 Zhang Zhongshu 張忠恕 (1174–1230) / Hengyang 衡陽, Hengzhou 衡州

A daughter of Chen Yan 陳兗 / Dexing 德興 county, Raozhou 饒州 prefecture A daughter of Yang Wangxiu / Xiangshan

Qin Ju 秦鉅 / Jiangning 江寧, Jiangning fu 江寧府

Hong Fu 洪俌, grandson of Hong Kuo 洪适 (1117–84) / Poyang 鄱陽, Raozhou

Lou Yang 樓鐊 / Yin Lou Yue, “Jixi xianwei Lou jun muzhiming,” GKJ, 105.23b (QSW, 266:6001.114) Lou Yue, “Wenhuage daizhi Yang gong xingzhuang,” GKJ, 91.16a (QSW, 265:5983.230) Lou Yue, “Chuncheng houde yuanlao zhi bei,” GKJ, 93.19a (QSW, 265:5986.282) Cheng Bi, “Yao Raozhou muzhiming,” ibid. Lou Yue, “Zhaoyi dafu mige xiuzhuan zhishi Wang gong muzhiming,” GKJ, 99.22b (QSW, 266:5993.13); Wei Liaoweng, “Zhi baozhangge tiju Chongyouguan Zhang gong muzhiming” 直寶章閣 提擧冲佑觀張公墓誌銘, Heshan ji, 77.8b (QSW, 311:7119.209)

(continued)

Southern Jinghu circuit 荊湖 南路; Zhang’s second marriage was with née Zhao 趙 of Yueqing, Wenzhou

Jiangdong circuit 江南東路

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 302

Zhao Cuizhong 趙粹中 (1124–87) / Yin

Husband / Native County

Source Lou Yue, “Longtuge daizhi Zhao gong shendaobei” 龍圖 閣待制趙公神道碑, GKJ, 98.33a (QSW, 265:5992.372)

Wife / Native County A daughter of Qian Yinian 錢 億年 (1100-1184) / Pujiang, Wuzhou

Zhao Cuizhong migrated from Shanyin to Yin when his father was buried there4

Note

3 His father, Zhao Shanxi ㍜पᄞ (1141– 98), was buried in Dinghai county for an unknown reason. See Ye Shi, “Zhong dafu fuwenge Liangzhe yunfu Zhao gong muzhiming” όவஸ⇺ᓲᓾ㦏‫خ‬᫉㕸‫ۦ‬㍜‫ذ‬୘ヨ㝁, Shuixin ji, 21.28b (QSW, 286:6509.330). Th is is why, I suspect, John Chaffee identifies him as a Mingzhou native. See Branches of Heaven, p. 161. According to his sacrificial prayer written by Lou Yue, however, Zhao Shanxi was born in southern Jinghu circuit ⬵ᮙ‫ނ‬㎡, lived in Yueqing county, died in Hangzhou, and finally was buried in Dinghai. See Lou Yue, “Ji Zhao yunshi” ⏈㍜㕸Ҽ, GKJ, 83.25b (QSW, 266:6009.226). He was a jinshi of 1166 and yet is recorded neither in BQSMZ nor in YYSMZ’s Mingzhou jinshi list. Instead, he is listed as a Yueqing native in Zhejiang tongzhi, 125.38a. Zhao Ruduo himself was a student of Ye Shi, a Wenzhou native. His wife, Madame Lou, was buried in Yueqing. 4 It is not entirely clear from his spirit path stele inscription whether Zhao Cuizhong’s marriage took place after his migration to Yin. However, it is certain that his marriage to a woman from Pujiang, whether as a Shanyin resident or as a Yin resident, took place in the Southern Song.

*

No.

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

4. Intercounty Marriages in Yuan Mingzhou No.

Husband / Native county

Wife / Native county

1

Huang Zhengsun / Cixi

Daughter of Chen Zhu / Fenghua

2

Dai Youru 戴幼儒/ Fenghua Nephew of Shi Mengqing / Yin

Daughter of Huang Zhengsun / Cixi Chen Chong 陳沖 / Fenghua

4

Chen Qi / Fenghua

née Gui / Cixi

5

Chen Shaozu 陳紹 祖 (1250–1333) / Yin

née Du 杜 / Fenghua

6

Zhu Ju 朱矩 / Cixi

Daughter of Zhang Yuanli 張元禮 (1282–1354) / Yin

3

Source Huang Jin, “Cixi Huang jun muzhiming,” Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, 36.13b (QYW, 30:977.339) Ibid. Chen Zhu, “Younü Chong hui xu Shi shi zha” 幼女 沖回許史氏箚, Bentang ji, 83.10a–11a (QSW, 350:8107.409) “Ming Cisun shuo” 名慈 孫說, Bentang ji, 35.2b (QSW, 351:8113.75) Cheng Duanxue, “Gu chushi Chen Jiweng muzhiming” 故處士陳 繼翁墓誌銘, Jizhai ji, 5.16b (QYW, 32:1025.214) Gong Shitai, “Fujian deng chu yanyun shisi panguan Zhang jun muzhiming” 福建等處 鹽運使司判官張君墓誌 銘, Wanzhai ji 琬齋集

7

Chen Junhe 陳均和 / Dinghai

Daughter of Luo Shihua / Cixi

8

Tang Rongzu 唐榮 祖 / Dinghai

née Jiang 姜 (1294–1372) / Cixi

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 303

(SKQS), 10.29b (QYW, 45:1406.350) Dai Liang, “Yuan gu Chongxuan chushi Luo jun muzhiming,” Jiuling shanfang ji, 23.13b (QYW, 53:1641.518) “Tang jiefu Qiang shi muzhiming” 唐節婦姜 氏墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 29.22a (QYW, 53:1641.536) (continued)

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Husband / Native county

Wife / Native county

9

Cai Zhishan 蔡志善 / Yin

née Xia 夏 / Dinghai

10

Li Yuanheng 䎺元亨 (1320–58) / Yin

née Jiang 江 / Fenghua

11

Guo Pu 郭溥 / Yin

née Yan 嚴 / Cixi

12

Ye Shengweng / Cixi

née Zhang 章 / Yin

13

Wang Lili 王立禮 / Dinghai

Daughter of Fan Yuan 范源 / Fenghua

14

Chen Huaide 陳懷 德 / Cixi Mr. Lou 樓 / Dinghai Yan Baokui 閻寶奎 (1293–1361) / Fenghua

Granddaughter of Fan Yuan Granddaughter of Fan Yuan née Xie 謝 / Yin

No.

15 16

Source “Cai jiefu Xia shi muzhiming” 蔡節婦夏 氏墓誌銘, Jiuling shanfang ji, 29.16b (QYW, 53:1641.533) Zheng Zhen, “Li Yuanheng zhuan” 李元 亨傳, Xingyang waishi ji, 47.12a Zheng Zhen, “Guo Jinshi zhuan” 郭進士傳, Xingyang waishi ji, 46.12a Zheng Zhen, “Gu Ye jun xingzhuang” 故葉君行 狀, Xingyang waishi ji, 41.9a Zheng Zhen, “Yuan gu Siming Fan jun muzhiming,” Xingyang waishi ji, 43.7b Ibid. Ibid. Zheng Zhen, “Yan xuelu kuangzhi” 閻學錄壙誌, Xingyang waishi ji, 43.23b

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 304

6/18/14 6:20 PM

5. Interprefectural Marriages in Yuan Mingzhou No.

Husband / Native County

Wife / Native County

1

Mr. Du 杜 (1260–1331) / Yin

Daughter of Zhang Shun 張 順 / Longchuan 䎝川, Chuzhou

2

Ye Sun 䍉遜 (1262–1328) / Yin

Chu Jingzhen 楮淨 眞 (1265–1321) / Yuyao

3

Cheng Duanli / Yin

née Pan 潘 / Jianping 建平, Guangde 廣德

Source Cheng Duanxue, “Yuan gu congshilang Hangzhou lu shuike tiju Du jun muzhiming,” Jizhai ji, 5.15a (QYW, 32:1025.212) Wu Cheng 吳澄 (1249–1333), “Guozisheng Ye Heng mu Zhu shi mubiao” 國子生葉 恒母楮氏墓表, Wu Wenzheng ji 吳文正集 (SKQS), 68.16a (QYW, 15:513.440) Huang Jin, “Jiangshilang Taizhou lu ruxue jiaoshou zhishi Cheng xiansheng muzhiming” 將仕佐郞台州 路儒學敎授致仕程先生墓 誌銘, Jinhua Huang

4

Huang Shuying

née Can 岑 / Yuyao

黃叔英

(1273–1327) / Cixi 5

Ye Kuiweng 䍉揆翁 / Ninghai 寧海

Daughter of Shi Mengqing 史蒙 卿(1247–1306) / Yin

6

Pan Shiyan 潘世演 / Jinhua Hong Mengliang

Daughter of Shi Mengqing née Lou 樓 / Yin

7

洪夢良

8

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 305

(1283–1361) / Yuyao5 Mr. Fan 范 / Yin

Daughter of Can Xianglong 岑翔 龍 (1261–1305) / Yuyao

xiansheng wenji, 33.11a (QYW, 30:979.383) Yuan Jue, “Jiangling ruxue jiaoshou Can jun muzhiming” 江陵儒學敎授 岑君墓誌銘, QRJSJ, 29.9a (QYW, 23:736.626) Yuan Jue, “Jingqing chushi Shi jun muzhiming” 靜淸處 士史君墓誌銘, QRJSJ, 28.26b–27a (QYW, 23:735.620) Ibid. Zheng Zhen, “Yuan gu Hong chushi mubiao” 元故洪處士 墓表, Xingyang waishi ji, 43.19b Yuan Jue, “Jiangling ruxue jiaoshou Can jun muzhiming,” QRJSJ, 29.10a (QYW, 23:736.627) (continued)

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Husband / Native County

No.

Wife / Native County

9

Li Gengsun 䎺庚 孫 / Yuyao

Mao Jingzhen 茅淨 貞(1298–1352) / Cixi

10

Mao Fu 茅俌 / Cixi Mao Cheng 茅偁 / Cixi Mao Jun 茅儁/ Cixi Ye Liang 葉亮 / Tiantai

Daughter of Li Gengsun Daughter of Li Gengsun Daughter of Li Gengsun Daughter of Zheng Juemin / Yin

11 12 13

Source Gong Shitai, “Li furen Mao shi muzhiming” 李夫人茅 氏墓誌銘, Wanzhai ji, 10.59b (QYW, 45:1407.367) Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Bei Qiong 貝瓊 (d. 1378), “Gu Chuzhou lu ruxue jiaoshou Zheng Yidao xiangsheng qi Jiang shi jieming” 故處州 路儒學敎授鄭以道先生妻 蔣氏碣銘, Qing jiang wenji 淸江文集 (SKQS), 30.6b

14

Ren Si / Fenghua

née Kong 孔 / Qiantang

15

Ruan Shenzhi / Tongling, Chizhou

Daughter of Shi Linqing 史璘卿/ Yin

16

Hong Chengzhong 洪成中 / Qingtian, Chuzhou

Daughter of Du Shixue / Fenghua

(QYW, 44:1386.497) Bei Qiong, “Yuan gu Liangzhe du zhuanyun yanshisi zhaomo Ren gong muzhiming” 元故䍓浙都轉 運鹽使司照磨任公墓誌銘, Qing jiang wenji,8.9b (QYW, 44:1386.503) Yu Ji 虞集 (1272–1348), “Shi furen muzhiming” 史夫人 墓誌銘, Daoyuan xuegu lu 道園學古錄 (SKQS), 19.30a (QYW, 27:898.623); Cheng Duanxue, Jizhai ji, 5.4a– 6a (QYW, 32:1025.210–11) Dong Fuli, “Zhufu Du jun xingzhuang,” QYW, 49:1488.14

5

The Hongs had lived in Cixi for generations until Mengliang’s great-great-great grandfather migrated to Yuyao. Mengliang later migrated to Yin because, it is said, he was fond of his inlaw family’s literati tradition.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 306

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Appendix 3 Extant Biographical Sources for Officials Who Served in Southern Song Mingzhou

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 307

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Qiu Yu ( jinshi 1109) Liang Rujia 梁汝嘉 (1096–54)

Qian Duanli 錢端禮 (1109– 77)

Zhao Zisu

Chen Lianghan

Zhao Bogui

Zheng Genglao

Zhao Shanyu 趙善譽 (1143–89)

Zhao Kai

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

Name

1 2

No.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 308

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Prefect

Registrar / Changguo

Instructor / prefectural school

Prefect

Magistrate / Cixi

Prefect

Vice prefect

Prefect Prefect

Post

1174–80

Ca. 1169

1164– 67, 1169– 74

1163– 64

1142–44

1140–41 1141–42

Term Songshi, 399.12124–28 Zhou Bida, “Baowenge xueshi tongfeng dafu zeng shaoshi Liang gong Rujia shendaobei” 寶文閣學士通 奉大夫贈少師梁公汝嘉神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 69.1a– 7a (QSW, 233:5185.33–36) Lou Yue, “Guanwendian xueshi Qian gong xingzhuang” 觀文殿學士錢公行狀, GKJ, 92.1a–34a (QSW, 265:5948.239–58) Hu Quan 胡銓, “Longtuge xueshi zeng xiaofu Zhao gong muzhiming” 䎝圖閣學士贈小傅趙公墓誌銘, Hu Dan’an xiansheng wenji 胡澹庵先生文集, Song mingjia ji huikan 宋名家集彙刊 edition, 24.9a–18b (QSW, 196:4325.62– 68) Zhu Xi, “Fuwenge zhixueshi Chen gong xingzhuang” 敷文閣直學士陳公行狀, ZXJ, 97.4996–5006 Lou Yue, “Huang bozu taishi chongxian jing wang xingzhuang,” GKJ, 86.1a–18a (QSW, 265:5978.148–58) Ye Shi, “Fengyilang Zheng gong muzhiming” 奉議郞 鄭公墓誌銘, Shuixin ji, 15.12b–15a (QSW, 286:6500.193) Lou Yue, “Zhaofenglang zhuguan Yuntaiguan Zhao gong muzhiming” 朝奉郞主管雲臺觀趙公墓誌銘, GKJ, 102.1a– 9a (QSW, 266:5996.44–48) Songshi, 246.8733–34

Source

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 309

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Prefect

Prefect

Prefect

Sifa canjun 司法參軍

Prefect

Vice prefect

Gao Kui 高夔 (1138– 98)

Lin Dazhong

Xu Xuan 徐瑄

Zheng Xingyi

Tang Songyan 湯宋彦 (1154–1222)

Vice prefect

Registrar / Cixi

Lin Ji 䏋枅 ( jinshi 1151)

Wang Zhongxing 王中行 (1158–1210) Fang Songqing 方崧卿 (1135– 94)

Ca. 1205

1198– 99

Ca. 1195

1195– 96

1191–93

1191

Sometime between 1174 and 1180 1181–82

Yuan Xie, “Zhaofenglang Wang jun muzhiming” 朝奉 郞王君墓誌銘, JZJ, 19.8b–13a (QSW, 281:6387.413–15) Zhou Bida, “Jingxi zhuanyun panguan Fang jun Songqing muzhiming” 京西轉運判官方君崧卿墓誌 銘, Wenzhong ji, 71.8b–12b (QSW, 233:5187.58– 60) Chen Mi 陳宓, “Zhihuiyouge zhi Fuzhou Lin gong muzhiming” 直徽猷閣知福州䏋公墓誌銘, Fuzhai xiansheng longtu Chen gong wenji 復齋先生䎝圖陳公 文集 (XXSK ), 21.1a–5a (QSW, 305:6967.257– 60) Zhou Bida, “Huaixi shuai Gao jun Kui shendaobei” 淮西帥高君夔神道碑, Wenzhong ji, 65.7a–13a (QSW, 232:5182.381–84) Lou Yue, “Qianshu shumiyuanshi zhishi zeng zizhengdian xueshi zhenghui Lin gong shendaobei,” GKJ, 98.1a–14b (QSW, 265:5991.353– 60) Wei Liaoweng, “Dali shaoqing zeng jiyingdian xiuzhuan Xu gong muzhiming” 大理少卿贈集英殿 修撰徐公墓誌銘, Heshan ji, 86.10a–17a (QSW, 311:7128.353–57) Zhou Bida, “Wutaijun jiedushi zeng taiwei Zheng gong Xingyi shendaobei,” Wenzhong ji, 70.15a–20a (QSW, 233:5186.48–51) Liu Zai, “Gu Hubei canyi Tang zhaoyi xingshu” 故湖 北參議湯朝議行述, Mantang ji 漫塘集, 34.14a–15b (QSW, 300:6849.205– 7) (continued)

Fu Bocheng

Wang Jie

Cheng Tan

Yan Yizhong

Sun Zixiu 孫子秀 (1212– 66)

Wu Qian Ye Mengding Liu Fu

19

20

21

22

23 24 25

Name

18

No.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 310

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Prefect Prefect Prefect

Vice prefect

Prefect

Prefect

Prefect

Prefect

Post

1256–59 1265– 67

Ca. 1251

1246–48

1212–15

1211–12

1206— 08

Term Liu Kezhuang, “Longxue xingyin Fu gong xingzhuang” 䎝學行隱傅公行䏑, Houcun xiansheng da quanji, 167.1a–14b (QSW, 330:7608.371–81) Zhen Dexiu, “Song jiyingdian xiuzhuan Wang gong muzhiming,” Xishan wenji, 46.30a–37b (QSW, 314:7197.195–200) Cheng Mi, “Dianzhuan Cheng nogqing muzhiming” 殿撰程農卿墓誌銘, Mingshui ji, 10.24b–27b (QSW, 298:6795.173– 74) Liu Kezhuang, “Baoxue Yan shangshu shendaobei,”Houcun xiansheng da quanji, 143.13a–21a (QSW, 331:7616.85– 90) Huang Zhen, “Anfu xianmo shaoqing Sun gong xingzhuang” 安撫顯謨少卿孫公行狀, Huangshi richao, 96.12b–29a (QSW, 348:8056.354– 63) Songshi, 417.12515–20 Songshi, 414.12432–36 Songshi, 405.12242–49

Source

Appendix 4 Maintenance of Official Schools in Southern Song Mingzhou

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 311

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Prefectural School

School

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 312

6/18/14 6:20 PM

1167, Prefect Zhang Jin renovated the school. 1169, Zhang Jin spent 10,000 strings to rebuild the examination hall. 1170, Prefect Zhao Bogui repaired the school. 1186, Prefect Yue Fu completed a major renovation. Prominent local figures Wang Dayou and Shi Mida led other literati to support the work. 1214, Prefect Cheng Tan spent paper notes worth 5,000 strings to build a stone wall of 80 zhang and expanded the examination hall. 1223, Prefect Zhao Shiyan renovated the Tower of Imperial Calligraphy and spent 700 strings to repair dormitories. 1226, Prefect Qi Shuo and Vice Prefect Cai Fan contributed 2,000 strings and 200 piculs of rice for renovating the bridge, bath, and kitchen. 1226–29, Prefect Hu Ju spent 1,000 strings for renovation. Mingzhou prefectural school is said to have become the most grandiose in the Eastern Zhe circuit by this time. Hu also repaired the examination hall. 1256–59, Prefect Wu Qian renovated the ceremonial gate and expanded the examination hall. 1270, Prefect Hong Tao rebuilt the Hall of Great Accomplishment and renovated the school gate.

1130, the school was burned down by the Jurchens. 1137, Prefect Qiu Yu completed reconstruction. 1149, Prefect Xu Chen built the Hall of Examining the Past and the Tower of Imperial Calligraphy. 1157, the school was repaired by Prefect Jiang Shizhong 姜師中

Maintenance Work

Siming Wenxian ji 1.10a–12b (QSW, 354:8201.294– 96); Jingzhi lu 15

QDSMTJ, 9.5a–8b; BQSMZ, 2.4a–5b; KQSMXZ, 1.6a– 6b;

Source

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 313

Dinghai County School

Cixi County School

Fenghua County School

Yin County School

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

1130, the school was burned down by the Jurchens. 1220, prefect Yu Jian rebuilt the Hall of Former Sages. The prefectural government and the office of the Ever-Normal Granary contributed paper notes worth 2,000 strings, and local literati donated 4,100 strings. 1226, Prefect Hu Ju completed other facilities of the school. The prefectural government contributed 786 strings and paper notes worth 1,800 strings; the vice prefect gave 1,000 strings out of the surplus from the Maritime Trade Superintendency; local literati gave 500 strings. 1130, the school was burned down by the Jurchens 1139, Magistrate Rong Yi rebuilt the school. 1196, Magistrate Song Jinzhi led a major renovation with the donation of Wang(a) Ji and his brother Wang Fen. 1130, the school was burned down by the Jurchens. 1142, the school was improved by a magistrate. 1177–81, the school was rebuilt with a donation from Chen Gongda, a local literatus. 1195, Magistrate Zhu Tang built walls and gates. 1206, Assistant Magistrate Shi Zicheng renovated the school. 1242, a shrine to Yang Jian was built by the order of the prefect. 1130, the school was burned down by the Jurchens. 1138, the school was rebuilt by Magistrate Zhang Ruyi. 1195, Magistrate Han Yongde built the Hall of Great Accomplishment. 1204, Magistrate Shang Yiqing renovated the lecture hall. Local people Hu Daren and Huang Junzhong donated land to expand the school site. 1211, Magistrate Cui Danxue built four dormitories along with storehouse, wings, school bridges, and gate. BQSMZ, 18.9a–b; YYSMZ, 14.7b– 9a

BQSMZ, 16.9a–b.

BQSMZ, 14.5b– 6b

BQSMZ, 12.7b–8b.

(continued)

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 314

Xiangshan County School

Changguo County School

School

-1— 0— +1—

6/18/14 6:20 PM

1215, Acting Prefect Cheng Tan built a ceremonial gate and three office bays for those on duty (zhishe 直舍). 1231, Magistrate Chen Zan led a major renovation. 1250, Magistrate Fan Shichang renovated the school. 1265–74, Magistrate Zheng Conglong renovated the school. 1203, Magistrate Ge Hong built the lecture hall. 1224, Magistrate Zhao Dazhong repaired and expanded the school. 1247, Magistrate Shen Rui led the construction of the Hall of Great Accomplishment. Prefect Yan Yizhong aided the work with money from the prefectural coffers. 1256, Magistrate Liu Qiansun repaired the stream surrounding the school on three sides. 1130, the school was burned down by the Jurchens. 1163, Magistrate Hu Qi rebuilt the school. 1200, Magistrate Han Yuanli renovated the lecture hall, dormitories, gates, and wings. 1218, Magistrate Zhao Shanyu renovated the Hall of Great Perfection. 1269, Magistrate Chen Fuming rebuilt the Hall of Illuminating Human Relations and a shrine for former Confucians. 1270, Chen Fuming rebuilt the Hall of Great Accomplishment. Prefect Liu Fu provided funds to build four dormitories and two wings of the school.

Maintenance Work

BQSMZ, 21.8a–b

CGTZ, 2.1a–2a; YYSMZ, 13.43b–48b; Siming wenxian kao 四明文 獻考 (BJTGZ), 256a–57b.

Source

Appendix 5 Inscriptions on Official Schools in Yuan Mingzhou

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 315

6/18/14 6:20 PM

1. Inscriptions on Qingyuan Route School 慶元路學 during the Yuan No.

Author

Title

1

Wang Yinglin

“Qingyuan lu chongjian ruxue ji” 慶元路重建儒

2

Wang Yinglin

“Xianxian citang ji” 先賢祠

Date

Source

1291

Siming wenxian ji, 1.12b–15a (QSW, 354:8201.296– 97)

1294

Siming wenxian ji, 1.20a–22a (QSW, 354:8201.302–3) YYSMZ, 13.10b–12b (QYW, 31:1010.432–33) Jingzhi lu, juan 14 (QYW,31:992.116–17) QRJSJ, 18.26b–27b (QYW, 23:725.436)

學記 堂記

3

Ren Zhonggao

“Dachengdian ji” 大成殿記

1310

4

任仲高 Su Kai 蘇塏

“Fuxue jiaoshou timing ji”

1308–11

府學敎授題名記

5

Yuan Jue

“Qingyuan lu chongxiu xianshengmiao ji” 慶元路

6

Yu Shidao

“Qingyuan lu ruxue tutian ji” 慶元路儒學塗田記

1326

重修先聖廟記 虞師道

7

Chen Lü 陳旅

“Qingyuan lu ruxue xinxiu miaoxue ji” 慶元路儒學

8

Zheng Yifu

“Qingyuan lu ruxue chongxiu lingxingmen ji”

9

Huang Jin

10

Liu Renben

“Qingyuan lu xingxiu ruxue ji” 慶元路興修儒學記 “Qingyuan lu ruxue xingxiu ji” 慶元路儒學興修記

11

Du Shixue

“Qingyuan lu ruxue Yangshan sha’an fuye benmo ji” 慶元路儒學洋

12

Du Shixue

“Qingyuan lu ruxue Yangshan sha’an fuye gongju” 慶元路儒學洋山

1335

Minguo Yinxian tongzhi 民 國鄞縣通志, juan 4 (QYW, 46:1427.273– 74) Anyatang ji, 8.23a–25b (QYW, 37:1174.340–42)

新修廟學記

慶元路儒學重修靈星門記

1316

Liangzhe jinshi zhi, 17.34a–35a (QYW, 32:1028.274) Liangzhe jinshi zhi, 17.39b–42a (QYW,29:958.419–21) Tongzhi Yinxian zhi 同治鄞 縣志, juan 60 (QYW, 60:1841.360– 61) Tianyi ge Mingzhou beilin jilu, pp. 36–38

山砂岸復業本末記

Ibid.

砂岸復業公據

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 316

6/18/14 6:20 PM

2. Inscriptions on Yin County School No.

Author

Title

Date

Source

1

Wang Yinglin

1293

2

Yuan Jue

3

Yuan Jue

“Chongxiu Yin xianxue ji” 重修鄞縣學記 “Qingyuan lu Yin xianxue ji” 慶元路鄞縣學記 “Yinxianxue xingzao ji”

YYSMZ, 13.33b–35b (QSW, 354:8201.307– 9) QRJSJ, 18.1a–3a (QYW, 23:725.418–19) QRJSJ, 18.28a–29a (QYW, 23:725.437) Liangzhe jinshi zhi, 17.42b–43b (QYW, 45:1396.137–38) Liangzhe jinshi zhi, 18.39a–41a (QYW, 46:1417.57–59)

1315 1326

鄞縣學興造記

4

Duan Tianyou 段天祐

5

Cheng Xu 程徐

“Chongxiu Yin xianxue ji” 重修鄞縣學記

1349

“Yinxian chongxiu ruxue ji” 鄞縣重修儒學記

1366

3. Inscriptions on Fenghua Prefectural School No. 1

Author Chen Zhu

Title “Fenghua xianxue ji”

Date 1292

奉化縣學記

2

Ren Shilin

“Fenghua zhou xinxiu xue ji” 奉化州新修學

3

Dai Biaoyuan

“Fenghua zhouxue xingzhu ji” 奉化州學

4

Deng Wenyuan

“Fenghua zhou ruxue ji”

1300

Source Bentang ji, 49.2a–4a (QSW, 251:8114.92– 93) Songxiang ji, 1.2b–3b (QYW, 18:582.378– 79)

記

1301

Shanyuan ji, 1.3a–4b (QYW, 12:424.282–83)

1320

ZZSMXZ, 7.21b–22b (QYW, 21:648.75– 76) Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi, juan 12 (QYW, 21:648.76– 78) ZZSMXZ, 7.22b–23b (QYW, 25:810.540–41)

興築記 鄧文原

奉化州儒學記

5

Deng Wenyuan

“Jian zunjingge zengzhi xuetian ji” 建尊經閣增

6

Cheng Duanli

“Chongxiu Fenghua zhouxue ji” 重修奉化

7

Liu Renben

“Fenghua zhou ruxue congxiu zunjingge ji”

1322

置學田記

1331

州學記

1362

Yuting ji, 6.22b–24a (QYW, 60:1841.349–50)

奉化州儒學重修尊經 閣記

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 317

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

4. Inscriptions on Cixi County School No. 1

Author

Title

Cheng Xun

“Cixi xian ruxue chongxiu ji” 慈溪縣儒學重修記 “Cixi xianxue ji” 慈溪縣

程郇

2

Wang Wei

Date

Source ZZSMXZ, 7.32a–33b (QYW, 24:763.408–10) Wang Zhongwen gong ji, 11.2b–5a (QYW,55:1690.486–87)

學記

5. Inscriptions on Dinghai County School No.

Author

Title

Date

Source

1

Wu Zhi

“Dinghai xianxue ji” 定

1316

Kangxi Ningbo fuzhi 康熙寧波 府志, juan 4 (QYW, 39:1243.554–55) QRJSJ, 18.25b–26b (QYW, 23:725.435–36)

吳志

海縣學記

2

Yuan Jue

“Dinghai xianxue cangshu ji” 定海縣學

3

Liu Renben

“Dinghai xian xingxiu ruxue ji” 定海縣興修

1325

藏書記

1363

Yuting ji, 6.32a–34b (QYW, 60:1841.355–56)

儒學記

6. Inscriptions on Changguo Prefectural School No. 1

Author Feng Fujing 馮福京

2

Feng Fujing

3

Yuan Jue

Title

Date

“Chongxiu dachengdian ji” 重修大成殿記 “Yudetang ji” 育德堂記

1296

“Changguo zhou chongxiu xue ji” 昌國州重修學記

1325

1296

Source CGTZ, 2.4a–5a (QYW, 32:1028.281–82) CGTZ, 2.6a–b (QYW, 32:1028.280) QRJSJ, 18.14a–15b (QYW, 23:725.427–28)

7. Inscription on Xiangshan County School No. 1

-1— 0— +1—

Author

Title

Date

Source

Zhou Xunzi

“Chongxiu xuegong ji”

1301

Minguo Xiangshan xianzhi 民國 象山縣志, 31.37a– b (QYW, 36:1147.257–58)

周巽子

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 318

重修學宮記

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Abbreviations

BJTGZ

Beijing tushuguan guji zhenben congkan 北京圖書館古籍珍本叢刊

BQSMZ

Baoqing Siming zhi 寶慶四明志

CGTZ

Dade Changguo zhou tuzhi 大德昌國州圖志

GKJ

Gongkui ji 攻媿集

JZJ

Jiezhai ji 絜齋集

KQSMXZ

Kaiqing Siming xuzhi 開慶四明續志

MZJ

Mengzhai ji 蒙齋集

QDSMTJ

Qiandao Siming tujing 乾道四明圖經.

QRJSJ

Qingrong jushi ji 淸容居士集

QSW

Quan Song wen 全宋文

QYW

Quan Yuan wen 全元文

SHY

Song huiyao jigao 宋會要輯稿

SKQS

Siku quanshu 四庫全書

SMCS

Siming congshu 四明叢書

SYFC

SongYuan difangzhi congshu 宋元志方志叢書

XNYL

Jianyan yilai xinian yaolu 建炎以來繫年要錄

XXSK

Xuxiu Siku quanshu 續修四庫全書

YYSMZ

Yanyou Siming zhi 延祐四明志

ZGFC

Zhongguo fangzhi congshu 中國方志叢書

ZXJ

Zhu Xi ji 朱熹集

ZZSMXZ

Zhizheng Siming xuzhi 至正四明續志

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 319

6/18/14 6:20 PM

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 320

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

Primary Sources Gazetteers Baoqing Kuaiji xuzhi 寶慶會稽續志. (SYFC) BQSMZ. (SYFC) CGTZ. (SYFC) Chenghua Ningbo junzhi 成化寧波郡志. (BJTGZ) Guangxu Cixi xianzhi 光緖慈谿縣志. (ZGFC) Guangxu Fenghua xianzhi 光緖奉化縣志. (ZGFC) Jiajing Dinghai xianzhi 嘉靖定海縣志. Tianyige cang Mingdai difangzhi congkan 天 一閣藏明代地方志叢刊 edition Jiajing Ningbo fuzhi 嘉靖寧波府志. Tōyō bunko and Harvard-Yenching Library microfilm Jiajing Xiangshan xianzhi 嘉靖象山縣志. Tianyige cang Mingdai difangzhi congkan edition Jiatai Kuaiji zhi 嘉泰會稽志. (SYFC) Jingding Jiankang zhi 景定建康志. (SYFC) Kangxi Dinghai xianzhi 康熙定海縣志. Microfilm held at Zhejiang library, Hangzhou KQSMXZ. (SYFC) Minguo Xiangshan xianzhi 民國象山縣志. (ZGFC) Minguo Yinxian tongzhi 民國鄞縣通志. (ZGFC) QDSMTJ. (SYFC) Qianlong Fenghua xianzhi 乾隆奉化縣志. Harvard-Yenching Library microfilm Qianlong Yin xianzhi 乾隆鄞縣志. (XXSK ) Tianqi Cixi xianzhi 天啓慈谿縣志. A copy held at Zhejiang Library 浙江图书馆, Hangzhou, China Yongzheng Cixi xianzhi 雍正慈谿縣志. (ZGFC) YYSMZ. (SYFC) Zhejiang tongzhi 浙江通志. (SKQS)

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 321

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

322

Bibliography

Zhishun Zhenjiang zhi 至順鎭江志. (SYFC) ZZSMXZ. (SYFC)

Genealogies Cixi Luoshi zongpu 慈谿羅氏宗譜. Shanghai Library Cixi Shishi zongpu 慈谿史氏宗譜. Shanghai Library Wuling Jiangshi zongpu 武嶺蔣氏宗譜 (Zhonghua shuju, 1948) Shanghai Library

Other Primary Sources

-1— 0— +1—

Anonymous. Miaoxue dianli 廟學典禮. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1992. Anonymous. Siming Wenxian kao 四明文獻考. (BJTGZ) Bei Qiong 貝瓊. Qing jiang wenji 淸江文集. (SKQS) Chen Zhu 陳著. Bentang ji 本堂集. (SKQS) Cheng Duanli 程端禮. Weizhai ji 畏齋集. (SKQS) Cheng Duanxue 程端學. Jizhai ji 積齋集. (SKQS) Dai Biaoyuan 戴表元. Shanyuan ji 剡源集. (SKQS) Dai Liang 戴良. Jiuling shanfang ji 九靈山房集. (SKQS) Gao Yutai 高于泰. Jingzhi lu 敬止錄. (BJTGZ) Hu Taichu 胡太初. Zhoulian xulun 晝簾緖論. (SKQS) Huang Jin 黃溍. Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji 金華黃先生文集. (XXSK ) Huang Zhen 黃震. Huangshi richao 黃氏日鈔. (SKQS) Kong Qi 孔齊. Zhizheng zhiji 至正直記. Song Yuan biji congshu 宋元筆記叢書 edition. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Li Xinchuan 李心傳. Jianyan yilai chaoye zaji 建炎以來朝野雜記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000. ———. XNYL. Congshu jicheng edition. Liu Ji 劉基. Chengyibo wenji 誠意伯文集. (SKQS) Liu Kezhuang 劉克莊. Houcun xiansheng da quanji 後村先生大全集. Sibu congkan 四部叢刊 edition. Liu Renben 劉仁本. Yuting ji 羽庭集. (SKQS) Lou Yue 樓鑰. GKJ. (SKQS) Lu Wengui 陸文圭. Qiangdong leigao 墻東類稿. (SKQS) Lu You陸游. Weinan wenji 渭南文集. (SKQS) Lü Zuqian 呂祖謙. Donglai ji 東萊集. (SKQS) ———. Donglai Lü taishi wenji 東萊呂太史文集. (Xu Jinhua congshu edition) Peng Guinian 彭龜年. Zhitang ji 止堂集. (SKQS) QSW. 360 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe; Hefei: Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe, 2007. Quan Zuwang 全祖望. Quan Zuwang ji huijiao jizhu 全祖望集彙校集注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. QYW. 60 vols. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2005. Ren Shlin 任士林. Songxiang ji 松鄕集. (SKQS) Shen Huan 沈煥. Dingchuan yishu 定川遺書. (SMCS) Shi Hao 史浩. Maofeng zhenyin manlu 鄮峯眞隱漫錄. (SKQS) Shu Lin 舒璘. Wenjing wenji 文靖文集. (SKQS)

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 322

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

323

Song Lian 宋濂. Song Lian quanji 宋濂全集. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1999. Songshi 宋史. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985. Sun Di 孫覿. Hongqing jushi ji 鴻慶居士集. (SKQS) Sun Yingshi 孫應時. Zhuhu ji 燭湖集. (SKQS) Wang Yan 王炎. Shuangxi leigao 雙溪類稿. (SKQS) Wang Yinglin 王應麟. Shenning xiansheng wenchao 深寧先生文抄. (SMCS) ———. Siming wenxian ji 四明文獻集. (SKQS) ———. Wang Yinglin zhuzuo jicheng Siming wenxian ji (wai er zhong) 王應麟著作集 成四明文獻集 (外二種). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010. Wei Liaoweng 魏了翁. Heshan ji 鶴山集. (SKQS) Wei Xian 魏峴. Tashan shuili beilan 它山水利備覽. (SKQS) Wu Qian 吳潛. Xuguo gong zouyi 許國公奏議. Congshu jicheng 叢書集成 edition. Wu Sidao 烏斯道. Chuncaozhai wenji 春初齋文集. (SKQS) Xu Shidong 徐時棟. Siming liuzhi jiaokan ji 四明六志校勘記. (SYFC) Xu Song 徐松 ed. SHY. Academia Sinica electronic edition. Xu Zhaobing 徐兆昺. Siming tanzhu 四明談助. Ningbo: Ningbo chubanshe, 2000. Yan Guan 嚴觀. Jiangning jinshi ji 江寧金石記. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1998. Ye Shi 葉適. Shuixin ji 水心集. (SKQS) Yiang Jian 楊簡. Cihu yishu 慈湖遺書. (SMCS) Yu Fuhai 俞福海, ed. Ningbo shizhi waibian 宁波市志外编. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Yuan Cai 袁采. Yuanshi shifan 袁氏世範. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1995. Yuan Fu 袁甫. MZJ. (SKQS) Yuan Jue 袁桷. QRJSJ. (SKQS) Yuan Jun 袁鈞, ed. Siming wenzheng 四明文徵. Congshu jicheng xubian 叢書集成續 編 edition. Yuanshi 元史. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992. Yuan Xie 袁燮. JZJ. (SKQS) Zhang Guoqing 章国庆, ed. Tianyige Mingzhou beilin jilu 天一阁明州碑林集录. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008. ———. Ningbo lidai beijie muzhi huibian 寧波歷代碑碣墓誌彙編. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2012. Zhang Guoqing and Qiu Yanping 裘燕萍. Yongcheng xiancun lidai beijie zhi 甬城現 存歷代碑碣志. Ningbo: Ningbo chubanshe, 2009. Zhang Yanghao 張養浩. Mumin zhonggao 牧民忠告. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1988. Zhen Dexiu 真德修. Xishan wenji 西山文集. (SKQS) Zheng Zhen 鄭眞. Siming wenxian 四明文獻. A copy held at Seikadō bunko 静嘉堂 文庫. ———. Xingyang waishi ji 滎陽外史集. (SKQS) Zhou Bida 周必大. Wenzhong ji 文忠集. (SKQS) Zhu Xi. ZXJ. Chengdu: Sichuan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996.

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 323

6/18/14 6:20 PM

324

Bibliography

Secondary Sources

-1— 0— +1—

Akagi Ryūji 赤城隆治. “Kinsei chihō seiji no shosō” 近世地方政治の諸相. In So Gen jidaishi no kihon mondai 宋元時代史の基本問題, edited by Satake Yasuhiko 佐竹 靖彦 et al. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1996. Aoki Atsushi 青木敦. “Nan Sō no senyō to chihō zaisei” 南宋の羨余と地方財政. Tōyō gakuhō 東洋学報 73.3 (1992). Bao Weimin 包偉民. “Jingying men ‘difanghua’le ma?: Shilun Han Mingshi “Zhengzhijia yu shenshi” yu “difangshi” yanjiu fangfa” 精英們‘地方化’了嗎—試 論韓明士政“治家與紳士”與‘地方史’研究方法. Tang yanjiu 唐研究 11 (2005). ———. Songdai difang caizhengshi yanjiu 宋代地方财政史研究. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2001. ———. “Songdai Mingzhou Lou shi jaizu yanjiu” 宋代明州樓氏家族研究. Dalu Zazhi 大陸雜誌 94.5 (1997). ———. “Zailun Nan Song guojia caizheng de jige wenti: da Liu Guanlin jun” 再論 南宋國家財政的幾個問題: 答劉光臨君. Taida lishi xuebao 臺大䍦史學報 46 (December 2010). Bao Weimin and Fu Jun 傅俊. “Songdai ‘xiangyuan tili’ yu difang guanfu de yunzuo” 宋代‘乡原体例’与地方官府的运作. Zhejiang daxue xuebao 浙江大学学报 38.3 (May 2008). Beattie, Hilary. Land and Lineage in China: A Study of T’ung- Ch’eng County, Anhwei, in the Ming and Ch’ ing Dynasties. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Birge, Bettine. “Women and Confucianism from Song to Ming: The Institutionalization of Patrilineality.” In Smith and von Glahn, The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, 212–40. ———. Women, Property, and Confucian Reaction in Sung and Yüan China (960– 1368). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Bol, Peter. “Chiiki shi to goteiseikoku ni tsuite: Kinka no baai” 地域史と後帝政国に ついて: 金華の場合. Chūgoku: shakai to bunka 中国: 社会と文化 20 (2005). ———. “Examinations and Orthodoxies: 1070 and 1313 Compared.” In Culture and State in Chinese History, edited by Theodore Huters, R. Bin Wong, and Pauline Yu. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998. ———. “Government, Society, and State: On the Political Visions of Ssu-ma Kuang and Wang An-shih.” In Hymes and Schirokauer, Ordering the World, 128– 92. ———. “Intellectual Culture in Wuzhou ca. 1200—Finding a Place for Pan Zimu and the Complete Source for Composition.” In Proceedings of the Second Symposium on Sung History. Taipei: Zhongguo wenhua daxue shixue yanjiusuo, 1996. ———. “The Ming Founding in Comparative Perspective: The View from SongYuan History.” Unpublished manuscript. 2006. ———. “Neo-Confucianism and Local Society, Twelfth to Sixteenth Century: A Case Study.” In Smith and von Glahn, The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, 241–83. ———. Neo- Confucianism in History. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008. ———. “The Rise of Local History: History, Geography, and Culture in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 61.1 (2001).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 324

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

325

———. “The Sung Examination System and the Shih.” Asia Major, 3rd series, 3.2 (1990). ———. “This Culture of Ours”: Intellectual Transition in T’ang and Sung China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992. ———. “Whither the Emperor? Emperor Huizong, the New Policies, and the TangSong Transition.” Journal of Sung-Yuan Studies 31 (2001). Bossler, Beverly. “Family Continuity and Cultural Hegemony: The Gentry of Ningbo, 1368–1911.” In Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, 27–50. ———. Powerful Relations: Kinship, Status, and the State in Sung China (960– 1279). Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1998. ———. “Review of Court and Family in Sung China, 960–1279: Bureacratic Success and Kinship Fortunes for the Shih of Ming-chou by Richard Davis.” Bulletin of Sung Yuan Studies 19 (1987). Brook, Timothy. The Chinese State in Ming Society. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005. Carlitz, Katherine. “The Daughter, the Singing-Girl and the Seduction of Suicide.” Nannű 3.1 (2001). Chaffee, John. Branches of Heaven: A History of the Imperial Clan of Sung China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 1999. ———. The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China: A Social History of Examinations. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. Chang Bide 昌彼德 et al. Songren zhuanji ziliao suoyin 宋人傳記資料索引, 6 vols. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1986. Chen Caiyun 陈彩云. “Yuandai Wenzhou lu yanjiu” 元代温州路研究. Ph.D. diss., Jinan University, 2009. Chen Dezhi 陈得之. “Yuandai Jiangnan zhi dizhu jieji” 元代江南之地主阶级. Mengyuan shi yanjiu conggao 蒙元史研究丛稿. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2005. Chen Gaohua 陈高华. “Yuandai de difang guanxue” 元代的地方官学. Yuanshi luncong 元史论丛 5 (1993). ———. “Yuandai de hanghai shijia Ganpu Yang shi: Qianshuo Yuandai qita hanghai jiazu” 元代的航海世家澉浦杨氏: 兼说元代其他航海家族. Haijiao shi yanjiu 海交史研究 1 (1995). Chen, Song. “Managing the Territories from Afar: The Imperial State and Elites in Sichuan, 755–1279.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2011. Chen, Wenyi. “Networks, Communities, and Identities: On the Discursive Practices of Yuan Literati.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2007. Chen Xiaolan 陈晓兰. Nan Song Siming diqu jiaoyu he xueshu yanjiu 南宋四明地区教 育和学术. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2008. Chikusa Masaaki 竺沙雅章. “Sōdai kanryō no kikyo ni tsuite” 宋代官僚の寄居につ いて. Tōyōshi kenkyū 東洋史研究 41.1 (June 1982). Chinō Katsutoshi 地濃勝利. “Nan Sō dai no wateki seisaku ni tsuite: Kōnansei ro o chūshin to shite” 南宋代の和糴政策について：江南西路を中心として, in Hoshi hakushi taikan kinen chūgokushi ronshū 星博士退官記念中国史論集. Yamagata: Hoshi Ayao sensei taikan kinen jigyōkai, 1978.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 325

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

326

-1— 0— +1—

Bibliography

Clark, Hugh R. Portrait of a Community: Society, Culture, and the Structure of Kinship in the Mulan River Valley (Fujian) from the Late Tang through the Song. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2007. Danjō Hiroshi 壇上寛. “Genmatsu no kaiun to Ryū Jinbon: Genchō metsubō zenya no Kō Setsu enkai jijō” 元末の海運と劉仁本: 元朝滅亡前夜の江浙沿海事情. Shisō 史窓 58 (2001). ———. “Hō Gokushin kaijō seiryoku to Genmatsu Minsho no Kō Setsu enkai chiiki shakai” 方国珍海上勢力と元末明初の江浙沿海地域社会. In Higashi Ajia kaiyō ikiken no shiteki kenkyū 東アジア海洋域圏の史的研究, edited by Kyōto joshi daigaku tōyōshi kenkyūshitsu 京都女子大学東洋史研究室. Kyoto: Dōhōsha, 2003. ———. Minchō sensei shihai no shi teki kōjō 明朝専制支配の史的構造. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1995. Dardess, John. “The Cheng Communal Family: Social Orga nization and NeoConfucianism in Yüan and Early Ming China.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 34 (1974). ———. “Confucianism, Local Reform, and Centralization in Late Yüan Chekiang, 1342–59.” In Yüan Thought: Chinese Thought and Religion under the Mongols, edited by Chan Hok-lam and William Theodore de Bary. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. ———. “Did Mongols Matter? Territory, Power, and the Intelligentsia in China from the Northern Song to the Early Ming.” In Smith and von Glahn, The SongYuan-Ming Transition, 11–34. ———. A Ming Society: T’ai-ho County, Kiangsi, in the Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. Davis, Richard. Court and Family in Sung China, 960– 1279: Bureaucratic Success and Kinship Fortunes for the Shih of Ming- chou. Durham: Duke University Press, 1986. ———. “Political Success and the Growth of Descent Groups: The Shih of Mingchou during the Song.” in Ebrey and Watson, Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China, 62– 94. ———. “The Reign of Li-Tsung (1224–1264).” In The Cambridge History of China: The Sung Dynasty and Its Precursors, 907–1279, vol. 5, pt. 1, edited by Denis Twitchett and Paul Jakov Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. ———. “The Shi Tombs at Dongqian Lake.” Journal of Song Yuan Studies 26 (1996). de Bary, Wm. Theodore, and John W. Chaffee, eds. Neo-Confucian Education: The Formative Stage. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989. De Weerdt, Hilde. Competition over Content: Negotiating Standards for the Civil Service Examinations in Imperial China (1127–1279). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2007. Deng Xiaonan 邓小南. “Gong Mingzhi yu Songdai Suzhou de Gongshi jiazu: qiantan NanSong Kunshan shiren jiazu de jiaoyou yu chenfu” 龔明之與宋代蘇州的龔 氏家族:兼談南宋崑山士人家族的交遊與沈浮. In Zhongguo jinshi jiazu yu shehui xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 中國近世家族與社會學術研討會論文集. Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1992. Ebrey, Patricia. “Conceptions of the Family in the Sung Dynasty.” Journal of Asian Studies 43.2 (1984).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 326

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

327

———. “The Dynamics of Elite Domination in Sung China.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 48.2 (1988). ———. “Early Stages in the Development of Descent Group Organization.” In Ebrey and Watson, Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China, 6– 61. ———. Family and Property in Sung China: Yüan Ts’ai’s Precepts for Social Life. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, and James L. Watson. Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China, 1000–1940. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986. Endicott-West, Elizabeth. “Imperial Governance in Yuan Times.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 46.2 (1986). ———. Mongolian Rule in China: Local Administration in the Yuan Dynasty. Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1989. ———. “The Yüan Government and Society.” In The Cambridge History of China: Alien Regimes and Border States, 907–1368, vol. 6, edited by Herbert Franke and Denis Twitchett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Ertman, Thomas. Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Esherick, Joseph W., and Mary Backus Rankin. Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. Fang Chengfeng 方誠峰. “Tonghui zhi di: Xianxue yu Songmo Yuanchu Jiading difang shehui de zhixu” 統會之地: 縣學與宋末元初嘉定地方社會的秩序. Xin shixue 新史學 16.3 (2005). Farquhar, David M. “Structure and Function in the Yuan Imperial Government.” In China under Mongol rule, edited by John D. Langlois. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981. Faure, David. Emperor and Ancestor: State and Lineage in South China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007. Fei, Si-yen. Negotiating Urban Space: Urbanization and Late Ming Nanjing. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009. Foucault, Michel. “Governmentality.” In The Foucault Eff ect: Studies in Governmentality, edited by Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. Fujino Takeki 藤野彪 and Makino Shūji. Genchō shi ronshū 元朝史論集. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2012. Fukasawa Takayuki 深澤貴行. “Nan Sō enkai chiiki ni okeru kaisen seisaku: Kōsō chō o chūshin to shite” 南宋沿海地域における海船政策: 孝宗朝を中心として. Shikan 史觀 149 (2003). ———. “Nan Sō enkai chiiki no wan’ou to chiiki shakai” 南宋沿海地域の湾澳と地 域社会. Shikan 159 (2008). Fukuda Ritsuko 福田立子. “Sōdai gishō shōkō: Meishū Roshi o chūshin to shite” 宋 代義莊小考: 明州樓氏を中心として. Shisō 史艸13 (1972). Furth, Charlotte. “The Physician as Philosopher of the Way: Zhu Zhenheng (1282– 1358).” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 66.2 (2006). Furubayashi Morihiro 古林森広. “Nan Sō no kanshinsho Shūken teikō ni tsuite” 南宋の官箴書州県提綱について. In Chūgoku Sōdai no shakai to keizai.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 327

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

328

-1— 0— +1—

Bibliography

———. “Sōdai no kanshisho ni tsuite” 宋代の官箴書について. In Chūgoku Sōdai no shakai to keizai 中国宋代の社会と経済. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1995. ———. “Sō Gendai Settō no engan gyogyō” 宋元代浙東の沿岸漁業. Shigaku kenkyū 史学硏究 172 (July, 1986). Gao Keli 高柯立. “Guanmin zhi jian: Nan Song difang guanfu yu minzhong de goutong” 官民之间: 南宋地方官府与民众的沟通. Ph.D. diss., Peking University, 2006. Gernet, Jacques. Daily Life in China: On the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250–1276. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1970. Gerritsen, Anne. Ji’an Literati and the Local in Song-Yuan- Ming China. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Golas, Peter J. “Rural China in the Song.” Journal of Asian Studies 39.2 (February 1980). Gong Yanming 龚延明. Songdai guanzhi cidian 宋代官制辭典. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997. Guy, R. Kent. Qing Governors and Their Provinces: The Evolution of Territorial Administration in China, 1644–1796. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010. Hamashima Atsutoshi 浜島敦俊. Sōkan shinkō: Kinsei Kōnan nōson shakai to minkan shinkō 総管信仰: 江南農村社会と民間信仰. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2001. Hartwell, Robert. “Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750–1550.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42.2 (1982). He Jinxun 何晉勳. “Songdai Poyang hu zhoubian shizu de juzangdi yu hunyin wangluo” 宋代鄱陽湖周邊士族的居葬地與婚姻網絡. Taida lishi xuebao 24 (December 1999). Higuchi Yoshishige 樋口能成. “Nan Sō sōryōjo taisei ka no Chōkō keizai: Kokō sōryōjo to Shisen no kankei kara” 南宋総領所体制下の長江経済－湖広総領所と 四川の関係から. Waseda daigaku daigakuin bungaku kenkyū kiyo 早稲田大学大学 院文学研究科紀要 51 (2006). Honda Osamu 本田治. “Sōdai chihōkan no suiri kensetsu to kinmu hyōka” 宋代地 方官の水利建設と勤務評価. In Chūgoku suirishi no kenkyū 中国水利史の研究, edited by Morita Akira 森田明. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1995. Huai Jianli 淮建利. “Lun Songdai de zhuangcheng bing” 论宋代的壮城兵. Zhongguo shi yanjiu 中国史研究 113.1 (2007). ———. Songchao xiang jun yanjiu 宋朝厢军研究. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2007. Huang Kuan- Chung 黃寬重. “Keju shehui xia jiazu de fazhan yu zhuanbian: Yi Songdai wei zhongxin de guancha” 科舉社會下家族的發展與轉變: 以宋代為中心 的觀察. Tang yanjiu 11 (2005). ———. Songdai jiazu yu shehui 宋代家族與社會. Taipei: Dongdai tushu, 2006. ———. “Zhengzhi, diyu yu jiazu: Song Yuan shiqi Siming shizu de shuaiti” 政治地 域與家族: 宋元時期四明士族的衰替. Xin shixue 32 (2009). Hymes, Robert. “Lu Chiu-yüan, Academies, and the Problem of the Local Community.” In de Bary and Chaffee, Neo- Confucian Education, 432–56. ———. “Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy in Sung and Yuan Fu- chou.” In Ebrey and Watson, Kinship Or ganization in Late Imperial China, 95–136.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 328

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

329

———. “Moral Duty and Self-Regulating Process in Southern Sung Ideas on Famine Relief.” In Hymes and Schirokauer, Ordering the World, 280–309. ———. “Not Quite Gentlemen? Doctors in Sung and Yuan.” Chinese Science 8 (1987). ———. Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-chou, Chiang-hsi, in Northern and Southern Sung. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Hymes, Robert, and Conrad Schirokauer, eds. Ordering the World: Approaches to State and Society in Sung Dynasty China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Ihara Hiroshi 伊原弘. “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru kanko no kon’in kankei” 宋代明州に おける官戶の婚姻關係. Chūō daigaku daigakuin kenkyū nenpō 中央大學大學院硏 究年報 1 (1972). Iiyama Tomoyasu 飯山知保. “Unshi Kaku kō Fukusai genkōroku no hensan to aru Mongoru jidai riin shusshin kanryō no isō” 運使郭公復斎言行録の編纂と或るモ ンゴル時代吏員出身官僚の位相. Tōyō shi kenkyū 67.2 (September, 2008). ———. Kin Gen jidai no Kahoku shakai to kakyo seido: Mō hitotsu no ‘shijin sō’ 金元 時代の華北社会と科挙制度：もう一つの‘士人層’. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku shuppanbu, 2011. Itō Masahiko 伊藤正彦. “Gendai Kōnan shakai ni okeru gieki·joekihō to sono rekishiteki kiketsu: ryōchō·rikō taisei seiritsu no issokumen” 元代江南社会における 義役·助役法とその歴史的帰結: 糧長·里甲体制成立の一側面. Nagoya daigaku tōyōshi kenkyū hōkoku 名古屋大学東洋史研究報告 17 (1993). ———. “ ‘Gieki’: Nan Sō ki ni okeru shakaiteki ketsugō no ichi keitai” ‘義役’: 南宋 期における社会的結合の一形態. Shirin 史林 75.5 (1992). ———. Sō Gen gōson shakaishi ron: Minsho rikōsei taisei no keisei katei 宋元郷村社会 史論：明初里甲制体制の形成過程. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2010. Jian Xingru 簡杏如. “Songdai Putian Fang shi jiazu de hunyin” 宋代莆田方氏家族的 婚姻. Taida lishi xuebao 24 (1999). Kamachi, Noriko. “Feudalism or Absolute Monarchism? Japa nese Discourse on the Nature of State and Society in Late Imperial China.” Modern China 16.3 (1990). Katayama Tomoo 片山共夫. “Gendai no shijin ni tsuite” 元代の士人について. In Chūgoku shi Gen Min Shin ki ni okeru kokka “shihai” to minshūzō no sai kentō: “Shihai” no Chūgoku teki tokushitsu 中国史元明清期における国家支配と民衆像の再検 討支配の中国的特質. Kyūshū: Kyūshū daigaku tōyō shigaku kenkyūshitsu, 1984. Kawakami Kyōji 川上恭司. “Nan Sō no sōryōjo ni tsunite” 南宋の総領所について. Machikaneyama ronsō 待兼山論叢 12 (1978). ———. “Sōdai no toshi to kyōiku: Shūgengaku o chūshin to shite” 宋代の都市と教 育: 州県学を中心として. In Chūgoku kinsei no toshi to bunka 中国近世の都市と文 化, edited by Umehara Kaoru. Kyōto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1984. Kim Young-je 金榮濟. “Nam Song chunghugi chibang chaejŏng ŭi ilch’ŭngmyŏn: Kyŏngwŏnbu ŭi chuse suip kwa ‘pu’ chaejŏng ui huakdae kwajŏng ŭl chungsim ŭro” 南宋中後期 地方財政ᳵ 一側面: 慶元府ᳵ 酒稅收入ᝈ ‘府’財政ᳵ 擴大過 程ᳩ 中心᳦᦮. Dongyang sahak yŏngu 東洋史學硏究 85 (2003). ———. “Nam Song tae Kangsŏro Muju ŭi yangse aek kwa chaejŏng suji: Chŏnilgak chang Hongch’i Muju puji ŭi kirok ŭl chungsim ŭro” 南宋代 江西路撫州ᳵ ⅑稅

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 329

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

330

Bibliography

額ᝈ 財政收支: 天一閣藏 弘治撫州府志ᳵ 記錄ᳩ 中心᳦᦮. Yŏksa hakpo 歷史學報

-1— 0— +1—

176 (2003). ———. “Nam Song ŭi chibang chaejŏng e taehaesŏ: Chŏldongno Kyŏngwŏnbu (Myŏngju) ŭi chaejŏng suji rŭl chungsim ŭro” 南宋ᳵ 地方財政ᱱ 對ᾘ᭣: 浙東路 慶元府(明州)ᳵ 財政收支᧤ 中心᳦᦮. Chungguksa yŏngu 中國史硏究 21 (2002). Kobayashi Akira 小林晃. “Nan Sō Risō chō zenki ni okeru futatsu no seiji kōsō: ‘Shimei bunken’ kara mita Risō shinsei no seiritsu katei” 南宋理宗朝前期におけ る二つの政治抗争『四明文献』から見た理宗親政の成立過程. Shigaku 史学 79.4 (2010). ———. “Tei Shin shū ‘Shimei bunken’ no shiryō kachi to sono hensan mokuteki: ‘Zen Sō bun’ ‘Zen Gen bun’ hoi no kokoromi” 鄭真輯『四明文献』の史料価値と その編纂目的─『全宋文』 『全元文』補遺の試み. Hokudai shigaku 北大史学 49 (2009). Kobayashi Takamichi 小林隆道. “Sōdai no kōiki kukaku (ro) ni tsuite” 宋代広域区 画(路)について. Shiteki 史滴 25 (2003). Kobayashi Yoshihiro 小林義広. “Sōdai Hukken Hoden no Hō shi ichizoku ni tsuite” 宋代福建莆田の方氏一族について. In Chūgoku chūseishi kenkyū zokuhen 中国中世 史研究続編. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku gakushutsu shuppankai, 1995. Koiwai Hiromitsu 小岩井弘光. “Nan Sō sōgun no saiken” 南宋廂軍の再建.　In Kokushikan daigaku bungakubu sōsetsu sanjū shūnen kinen ronshū 国士館大学文学 部創設三十周年記念論集. Tokyo: Kokushikan daigaku bungakubu, 1996. ———. Sōdai heiseishi no kenkyū 宋代兵制史の研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1998. Kondō Kazunari 近藤一成. “Kō Shin boshi to Ō Ōrin bodō no kataru koto – Sō Gen kōtai ki no Keigen shijin skakai” 黄震墓誌と王応麟墓道の語ること: 宋元交 代期の慶元士人社会. Shiteki 30 (2008). ———. “Nan Sō chiiki shakai no kakyo to jugaku: Meishū Keigen bu no ba’ai” 南 宋地域社会の科挙と儒学：明州慶元府の場合. In Kinsei jugaku kenkyū no hōhō to kadai 近世儒学研究の方法と課題, edited by Tsuchida Kenjirō 土田健次郎. Tokyo: Kyūkō shoin, 2006. ———. “Nihon Daitokuji denrai gohyaku rakan zu meibun to Nan Sō Meishū shijin shakai”日本大徳寺伝来五百羅漢図銘文と南宋明州士人社会. Waseda daigaku daigakuin bungaku kenkyūka kiyō 57 (2011). ———. “Sai Kei no kakyo·gakkō seisaku” 蔡京の科挙·学校政策. Tōyōshi kenkyū 53.1 (1994). ———. Sōdai Chūgoku kakyo shakai no kenkyū 宋代中国科挙社会の研究. Tōkyō: Kyūko shoin, 2009. ———. “Sōdai Chūgoku shijin shakai kenkyū no kadai to tenbō: Meishū Ningpo shijin shakai to Hō shi ichizoku” 宋代中国士人社会研究の課題と展望: 明州寧波 士人社会と豊氏一族. In Ajia gaku no susume アジア学のすすめ, vol. 3., edited by Kudō Motoo 工藤元男 and Yi Sǒngsi 李成市. Tokyo: Kōbundō, 2010. Kusano Yasushi 草野靖. “Sō no tsūhan to zaisei” 宋の通判と財政. Tōyō shigaku 東洋 史学 23 (1961). Lau Nap-yin 柳立言. “Keju renji guanxi wangluo yu jiazu xingshuai: yi Songdai Mingzhou wei li” 科举人际关系网络与家族兴衰: 以宋代明州为例. Zhongguo shehui lishi pinglun 中国社会历史评论 11 (2010).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 330

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

331

———. “Review of Beverly J. Bossler, Powerful Relations.” Taida lishi xuebao 24 (2000). ———. “Shiren jiazu yu difangzhuyi: Yi Mingzhou wei li” 士人家族与地方主义以 明州为例. Lishi yanjiu 历史研究 6 (2009). ———. “Songdai Mingzhou shiren jiazu de xingtai” 宋代明州士人家族的形態. Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 歷史語言硏究所集刊 81 (2010). Lau Nap-yin and Huang K’uan-chung. “Founding and Consolidation of the Sung Dynasty under T’ai-tsu (960– 976), T’ai-tsung (976– 997), and Chen-tsung (997– 1022).” In The Cambridge History of China: The Sung Dynasty and Its Precursors, edited by Denis Twitchett and Paul Jakov Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education and Examinations in Sung China. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1985. ———. “Review of Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-chou, Chiang-hsi in Northern and Southern Song by Robert Hymes.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 109.3 (1989). Lei Jiasheng 雷家聖. “Nan Song Gaozong shou bingquan yu zonglingsuo de shezhi” 南宋高宗收兵權與總領所的設置. Feng jia renwen shehui xuebao 逢甲人文社會學 報 16 (2008). Li Bozhong. “Was There a ‘Fourteenth-Century Turning Point’? Population, Land, Technology, and Farm Management.” In Smith and von Glahn, The Song-YuanMing Transition, 135– 75. Li, Cho-ying. “Beneficiary Pays: Forging Reciprocal Connections between Private Profit and Public Good in Hydraulic Reform in the Lower Yangzi Delta, 1520s– 1640s.” T’oung Pao 98.4–5 (2012). Li Huarui 李华瑞. Songdai jiu de shengchan he zhengque 宋代酒的生产和征榷. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 1995. Li Jiahao 李家豪. “Moluo huo zaisheng: Lun Yuandai Siming diqu de shiren yu jiazu” 沒落或再生: 論元代四明地區的士人與家族. M.A. thesis, National Taiwan University, 1998. Liang Gengyao 梁庚堯. “Haoheng yu zhangzhe: Nan Song guanhu yu shiren juxiang de liangzhong xingxiang” 豪橫與長者: 南宋官戶與士人居鄕的䍓種形象. Xin shixue 4.4 (1993). ———. “Jiazu hezuo shehui shengwang yu difang gongyi: Song Yuan Siming xiangqu yitian de qiyuan yu yanbian” 家族合作, 社會聲望與地方公益: 宋元四明 鄕曲義田的起源與演變. In Zhongguo jinshi jiazu yu shehui xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 中國近世家族與社會學述硏討會論文集. Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1998. ———. Nan Song de nongcun jing ji 南宋的农村经济. Beijing: Xinsheng chubanshe, 2006. Originally published in Taiwan in 1986. Liu Guanglin 劉光臨. “Shichang, zhanzheng he caizheng guojia: Dui Nan Song fushui wenti de zai sikao” 市場戰爭和財政國家: 對南宋賦稅問題的再思考. Taida lishi xuebao 42 (December 2008). Liu, William G. “Wrestling for Power: The State and Economy in Later Imperial China, 1000–1700.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2005. Liu Yun 刘云 and Diao Peijun 刁培俊. “Nan Song yiyitian de chanquan fenxi” 南宋 义役田的产权分析. Shixue yuekan 史学月刊 4 (2009).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 331

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

332

-1— 0— +1—

Bibliography

Lo, Jung-Pang. “The Controversy over Grain Conveyance during the Reign of Qubilai Qagan, 1260– 94.” Far Eastern Quarterly 13.3 (1954). Lo, Winston. An Introduction to the Civil Service of Sung China: With Emphasis on Its Personnel Administration. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1987. Lu Minzhen 陆敏珍. Tang Song shiqi Mingzhou quyu de shehui jing ji 唐宋时期明州区 域的社会经济. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007. Maemura Yoshiyuki 前村佳幸. “Nan Sō ni okeru shinken no seiritsu: Kōsei·Kōsetsu·Kōtō o chūshin to shite” 南宋における新県の成立: 江西·江浙·広東 を中心として, Shirin 83.3 (2000). ———. “Sōdai chihō zaisei kikō to kanchinkan” 宋代地方財政機構と監鎮官, Nagoya daigaku tōyōshi kenkyū hōkoku 25 (2001). ———. “Sōdai no chin chūzaikan” 宋代の鎮駐在官. Sigaku zasshi 史学雑誌 107.4 (1998). Makino Shūji 牧野修二. “Eke Monggoru jidai ni okeru jujinko no sabatsu (saeki) menjo ni tsuite ( jō·ge)” エケ·モンゴル時代における儒人戸の差発(差役)免除につ いて(上·下). Kinki Fukushi daigaku kiyō 近畿福祉大学紀要 1.4–2.1 (2000, 2001). Reprinted in Fujino and Makino, Genchō shi ronshū 元朝史論集. Mao Yangguang 毛阳光. Yuandai Ningbo de lishi wenhua 元代宁波的历史文化. Beijing: Zhongguo wenlian chubanshe, 2008. McDermott, Joseph J. “Review of Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-chou, Chiang-hsi in Northern and Southern Sung by Robert Hymes.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 51.1 (1991). McKnight, Brian. “Fiscal Privileges and the Social Order in Sung China.” In Crisis and Prosperity in Sung China, edited by John Winthrop Haeger. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1975. ———. Village and Bureaucracy in Southern Sung China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. Miller, Harrison Stewart. “State versus Society in Late Imperial China, 1572–1644.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2001. Miyazaki Ichisada 宮崎市定. “Sō Gen jidai no hōsei to saiban kikō: Gentenshō seiritsu no jidai teki shakai teki haikei” 宋元時代の法制と裁判機構: 元典章成立の 時代的社会的背景. In Ajia shi kenkyū アジア史研究, vol. 4. Kyōto: Kyōto daigaku tōyōshi kenkyūkai, 1964. Morita Kenji 森田憲司. Gendai chishiki jin to chiiki shakai 元代知識人と地域社會. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2004. Mostern, Ruth. “Dividing the Realm in Order to Govern”: The Spatial Organization of the Song State (960–1276 CE). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2011. Mote, Frederick. “Chinese Society under Mongol rule, 1215–1368.” In The Cambridge History of China: Alien regimes and border states, 907–1368. ———. Imperial China, 900–1800. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. ———. “The Growth of Chinese Despotism: A Critique of Wittfogel’s Theory of Oriental Despotism as Applied to China.” Oriens Extremus 8 (1961). Nagai Chiaki 長井千秋. “Nan Sō gunhei no kyūyo: kyūyogaku to kyūyo hōshiki o chūshin ni” 南宋軍兵の給与：給与額と給与方式を中心に. In Chūgoku kinsei no hōsei to shakai 中国近世の法制と社会, edited by Umehara Kaoru. Kyoto: Dōhōsha, 1993.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 332

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

333

———. “Nan Sō jidai Chinkōfu no zaisei shūshi” 南宋時代鎭江府の財政收支. Gifu Shōtoku gakuen daigaku kiyo 岐阜聖徳学園大学紀要 (1999). ———. “Waitō sōryōjo no kinō” 淮東総領所の機能. Machikaneyama ronsō 22 (1988). Nagase Mamoru 長瀨守. “Sōdai Kōnan ni okeru suiri kaihatsu: Tokuni In ken to sono shūiki o chūshin to shite” 宋代江南における水利開発: とくに鄞県とその周 域を中心として. In Sō Gen suiri shi kenkyū 宋元水利史硏究. Tokyo: Toshō kankō kai, 1983. Nakamura Jihei 中村治兵衛. “Sōdai Meishū shibakushi (mu) no unyō ni tsuite” 宋 代明州市舶司(務)の運用について. Chūō dai jinbun ken kiyō 中央大人文研紀要 11 (1990). Neskar, Ellen. “The Cult of Worthies: A Study of Shrines Honoring Confucian Local Worthies in the Sung Dynasty (960–1279).” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993. Nimick, Thomas G. Local Administration in Ming China: The Changing Roles of Magistrates, Prefects, and Provincial Officials. Minneapolis: Society of Ming Studies, 2008. Nishioka Hiroaki 西岡弘晃. “Sōdai Settō ni okeru nōden suiri no ichi kōsatsu: Tokuni Inken Kōdokuko o chūshin to shite” 宋代浙東における農田水利の一考 察: とくに鄞県広徳湖を中心として. Nakamura gakuen kenkyū kiyō 中村学園研究 紀要 5 (1972). Ogawa Yoshiyuki 小川快之. Dentō Chūgoku no hō to chitsujo: Chiiki shakai no shiten kara 伝統中国の法と秩序：地域社会の視点から. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2009. Oka Motoshi 岡元司. “Nan Sō ki Onshū chihō gyōsei o meguru nin teki ketsugō: Eika gakuha to no kanren o chūshin ni” 南宋期温州の地方行政をめぐる人的結 合: 永嘉学派との関連を中心に. Shigaku kenkyū 212 (1996). Ong Chang Woei. Men of Letters within the Passes: The Guanzhong Literati in Chinese History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008. Ono Yasushi 小野泰. “Sōdai Meishū ni okeru koden mondai: haiko o meguru dairitsu to suiri” 宋代明州における湖田問題: 廢湖をめぐる對立と水利. Chugoku suirishi kenkyū 中國水利史硏究 17 (1987). Ōta Yaichirō 太田弥一郎. “Gendai no juko to juseki” 元代の儒戸と儒籍. Tōhoku daigaku Tōyōshi ronshū 東北大学東洋史論集 5 (1992). Otagi Matsuo 愛宕松男. “Gen no Kōnan shihai to Kan minzoku shakai” 元の江南 支配と漢民族社会. In Genchō shi 元朝史. Tokyo: San’ichi shōbō 1988. Qian Maowei 钱茂伟 and Mao Yangguang. Ningbo tongshi Yuan Ming juan 宁波通 史 元明卷. Ningbo: Ningbo chubanshe, 2009. Qian Mu 錢穆. “Du Mingchu kaiguo zhuchen shiwenji” 讀明初開國諸臣詩文集. Xinya xuebao 新亞學報 6.1 (1964). Qiu Zhonglin 邱仲麟. “Jinglao shi suoyi jianlao— Mingdai xiang yinjiu li de bianqian ji qi yu difang shehui de hudong” 敬老適所以賤老— 明代鄉飲酒禮的變遷及 其與地方社會的互動. Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 中央研究 院歷史語言研究所集刊 76.1 (2005). Rong Lihua 荣丽华. 1949–1989 Sishi nian chutu muzhi mulu 四十年出土墓志目录. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993. Rowe, William T. Saving the World: Chen Hongmou and Elite Consciousness in Eighteenth- Century China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 333

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

334

-1— 0— +1—

Bibliography

———. “Success Stories: Lineage and Elite Status in Hanyang County, Hubei, c. 1368–1949.” In Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, 51–81. Sakurai Tomomi 桜井智美. “Gendai Keigen no shijin shakai to kakyo” 元代慶元の 士人社会と科挙. Paper presented at the International Conference on the Civil Ser vice Examinations and Civil Ser vice Examination Studies, Sapporo, 2010. Schneewind, Sarah. Community Schools and the State in Ming China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006. Scott, James. The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. Shi Zhengkang 施正康. “Songdai Liangzhe shuili rengong he jingfei chutan” 宋代两 浙水利人工和经费初探. Zhongguoshi yanjiu 3 (1987). Shiba Yoshinobu 斯波義信. “Nan Sō ni okeru ‘chūkan ryōiki’ shakai no tōjō” 南宋に おける‘中間領域’社会の登場. In Sō Gen jidai shi no kihon mondai. ———. Sōdai Kōnan keizaishi no kenkyū 宋代江南経済史の研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2001. ———. “Sōdai Meishu no toshika to chiiki soshiki” 宋代明州の都市化と地域組織. Machikaneyama ronsō 3 (1969). ———. “Sōdai shiteki seido no enkaku” 宋代市糴制度の沿革. In Aoyama hakushi koki kinen Sōdaishi ronsō 青山博士古希記念宋代史論叢. Tokyo: Seishin shobō, 1974. Shiba Yoshinobu et al. Chūgoku shakai keizaishi yōgo kai 中国社会経済史用語解. Tokyo: Tōyō bunko, 2012. Shimasue Kazuyasu 島居一康. “Nan Sō jōkyōbei to ryōzeibei” 南宋上供米と両税米. In Sōdai zeiseishi no kenkyū 宋代税政史の研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1993. Skinner, G. William. “Introduction: Urban Development in Imperial China.” In The City in Late Imperial China, 3–31. ———. “The Structure of Chinese History.” Journal of Asian Studies 44.2 (February 1985). ———, ed. The City in Late Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977. Skocpol, Theda. “Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research.” In Bringing the State Back In, edited by Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Smith, Paul J. “Impressions of the Song-Yuan-Ming Transition: The Evidence from Biji Memoirs.” In Smith and von Glahn, Th e Song-Yuan- Ming Transition, 71–110. ———. “Problematizing the Song-Yuan-Ming Transition.” In Smith and von Glahn, The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, 34. ———. “State Power and Economic Activism during the New Policies, 1068–1085: The Tea and Horse Trade and the ‘Green Sprouts’ Loan Policy.” In Hymes and Schirokauer, Ordering the World, 76–127. ———. Taxing Heaven’s Storehouse: Horses, Bureaucrats, and the Destruction of the Sichuan Tea Industry, 1074–1224. Cambridge, MA.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1991. Smith, Paul J., and Richard von Glahn, eds. The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 334

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

335

Sogabe Shizuo 曽我部静雄. “Nan Sō no suigun” 南宋の水軍. In Sōdai seikei shi no kenkyū. ———. Sōdai seikei shi no kenkyū 宋代政經史の研究. Kyōto: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1974. Sōdai shakai keizaishi yōgokai no sakusei guru-pu 宋代社会経済史用語解の作成グ ループ. Sō kaiyō shūkō shokka hen shakai keizai yōgo shūsei 宋会要輯稿食貨編社会 経済用語集成. Tokyo: Tōyō bunko, 2008. Su Li 苏力. Yuandai difang jingying yu jiceng shehui: Yi Jiangnan diqu wei zhongxin 元 代地方精英与基层社会: 以江南地区为中心. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 2009. Sudō Yoshiyuki 周藤吉之. “Nan Sō ni okeru gieki no seiritsu to sono unei: Tokuni giekiten ni tsuite” 南宋における義役の成立とその運営: 特に義役田について. In Sōdai shi kenkyū 宋代史研究. Tokyo: Tōyō bunko, 1969. Snyder-Reinke, Jeffrey. Dry Spells: State Rainmaking and Local Governance in Late Imperial China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009. Szonyi, Michael. Practicing Kinship: Lineage and Descent in Late Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002. Takahashi Yoshirō 高橋芳郞. Sōdai Chūgoku no hōsei to shakai 宋代中国の法制と社 会. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002. ———.“Sōdai no shijin mibun ni tsuite” 宋代の士人身分について. Shirin 史林 16.3 (1986). ———. “Sōdai Sessai deruta chitai ni okeru suiri kankō” 宋代浙西デルタ地帯にお ける水利慣行. In Sōdai Chūgoku no hōsei to shakai. Teraji Jun 寺地遵. “Hō Gokushin seiken no seikaku: Sō Gen ki Taishū Kōgan ken jijō sobyō, dai san pen” 方国珍政権の性格: 宋元期黄巌県事情素描, 第三篇. Shigaku kenkyū 223 (1999). ———. “Nan Sō ki Settō no tōko mondai” 南宋期浙東の盜湖問題. Shigaku kenkyū 183 (June 1989). Twitchett, Denis. “The Fan Clan’s Charitable Estate, 1050–1760.” In Confucianism in Action, edited by David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959. Uematsu Tadashi 植松正. “Gendai kaiun no hyōka to jitsuzō” 元代海運の評価と実像. In Mindai Chūgoku no rekishi teki isō: Yamane Yukio kyōju tsuitō kinen ronsō 明代 中国の歴史的位相: 山根幸夫教授追悼記念論叢, vol. 2. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2007. ———. Gendai Kōnan seiji shakaishi kenkyū 元代江南政治社会史研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1997. ———. “Gendai no kaiun bankofu to kaiun seka” 元代の海運万戸府と海運世家. Kyōto joshi daigaku daigakuin bungaku kenkyūka kenkyū kiyō shigaku hen 京都女子 大学大学院文学研究科研究紀要 史学編 3 (2004). Umehara Kaoru 梅原郁. “Sōdai no keisei to kanko” 宋代の形勢と官戸. Tōhō gakuhō 東方学報 60 (1988). Umemura Naoki 梅村尚樹. “Sōdai chihōkan no chakunin girei: kangaku to no kakawari o chūshin ni” 宋代地方官の着任儀礼: 官学との関わりを中心に. Tōyō gakuhō 93.3 (2011). von Glahn, Richard. “Imagining Pre-modern China.” In Smith and von Glahn, The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, 35– 70.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 335

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

336

-1— 0— +1—

Bibliography

———. “Monies of Account and Monetary Transition in China, Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53 (2010). ———. “Towns and Temples: Urban Growth and Decline in the Yangzi Delta, 1100–1400.” In Smith and von Glahn, Th e Song-Yuan- Ming Transition, 176– 211. Walsh, Michael J. Sacred Economies: Buddhist Monasticism and Territoriality in Medieval China. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010. Walton, Linda. “Charitable Estates as an Aspect of Statecraft in Southern Sung China.” In Hymes and Schirokauer, Ordering the World, 255– 79. ———. “Family Fortunes in the Song-Yuan Transition: Academies and Chinese Elite Strategies for Success.” T’oung Pao 97 (2011). ———. “Kinship, Marriage, and Status in Song China: A Study of the Lou Lineage of Ningbo, c. 1050–1250.” Journal of Asian History 18.1 (1984). ———. “ ‘The Four Masters of Mingzhou’: Transmission and Innovation among the Disciples of Lu Jiuyuan (Xiangshan).” In Dao Companion to Neo- Confucian Philosophy, edited by John Makeham. New York: Springer, 2010. ———. “The Institutional Context of Neo-Confucianism: Scholars, Schools, and Shu-yüan in Sung-Yüan China.” In de Bary and Chaffee, Neo- Confucian Education, 457– 92. Walton-Vargö, Linda. “Education, Social Change, and Neo-Confucianism in SungYuan China: Academies and the Local Elite in Ming Prefecture (Ningpo).” Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1978. Wang Deyi 王德毅 et al. Yuanren zhuanji ziliao suoyin 元人傳記資料索引, 5 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Wang Heming 王鶴鳴 et al. Shanghai tushuguan guancang jiapu tiyao 上海圖書館館 藏家譜提要. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. Wang Shengduo 汪聖鐸. “Nan Song gejie huizi de qiqi shu’e ji huijia” 南宋各界會子 的起訖數額及會價. Wenshi 文史 25 (1985). ———. “Songdai difang caizheng yanjiu” 宋代地方財政研究. Wenshi 27 (1986). Wang Zengyu 王曾瑜. “Songchao de guanhu” 宋朝的官户. In Juanai bian 涓埃编. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2008. ———. “Songchao de hedi liangcao” 宋朝的和籴粮草. In Zizhu bian 锱铢编. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2006. ———. “Songchao de hemai yu zheboqian” 宋朝的和买与折帛钱. In Zizhu bian. ———. “Songchao de liangshui” 宋朝的两税. In Zizhui bian. ———. Songchao jieji jiegou 宋朝阶级结构. Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Wen Haiqing 温海清. “Yuandai Qingyuan lu koushu kaoshi: Yi yanke yu renkou zhi guanxi wei zhongxin” 元代庆元路口数考实:以盐课与人口之关系为中心. Zhongguo shi yanjiu 3 (2004). Wong, R. Bin. China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997. ———. “Dimensions of State Expansion and Contraction in Imperial China.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 37 (1994). ———. “Social Order and State Activism in Sung China: Implications for Later Centuries.” Journal of Sung-Yuan Studies 26 (1996).

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 336

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Bibliography

337

———. “Taxation and Good Governance in China, 1500–1914.” In The Rise of Fiscal States: A Global History, 1500–1914, edited by Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla and Patrick K. O’Brien, with Fransciso Comin Comin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Xiao Qiqing 萧启庆. “Yuanchao keju yu Jiangnan shidafu zhi yansu” 元朝科擧與江 南士大夫之延續. In Yuandai de zuqun wenhua yu keju 元代的族群文化與科擧. Taipei: Lianjing chubanshe, 2008. ———. “Yuandai de ruhu: Rushi diwei yanjin shi shang de yizhang” 元代的儒户: 儒 士地位演进史上的一章. In Nei beiguo er wai zhongguo: MengYuan shi yanjiu 内北 国而外中国. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Xiong Huilan 熊慧嵐. “Songdai Suzhou zhouxue de caiwu jingying yu quanyi weihu: Qianlun zhouxue gongneng yu jiaoshou zhize de kuozeng” 宋代蘇州州學的財務 經營與權益維護: 兼論州學功能與教授職責的擴增. Taida lishi xuebao 45 (2010). Yagi Mitsuyuki 八木充幸. “Nan Sō chihō zaisei no ichi kentō” 南宋地方財政の一検 討. Shūkan tōyōgaku 集刊東洋学 44 (1980). Yamaguchi Tomoya 山口智哉. “Chihō no shidaifu to kyōinshurei” 地方の士大夫と 郷飲酒礼. Ajia yūgakuアジア遊学 64 (2004). ———. “Sōdai chihō toshi ni okeru kyōiku shinkō jigyō to zaichi erito: Shōkō Shinsō ken o jirei to shite” 宋代地方都市における教育振興事業と在地エリート: 紹興新昌県を事例として. Hikaku toshi shi kenkyū 比較都市史研究 25.2 (December 2006). ———. “Sōdai kyōinshurei kō: girei kūkan toshite mita ninteki getsuai no ‘ba’ ” 宋 代鄕飮酒礼考: 儀礼空間としてみた人的結合の‘場’. Shigaku kenkyū 241 (July 2003). Yanagida Setsuko 柳田節子. Sō Gen gōsonsei no kenkyū 宋元郷村制の研究. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1986. Yi Kae-seok 䎺玠奭. “Sipsa segi ch’o Wǒnjo chibae ch’ejae ŭi chaep’yŏn kwa kŭ paegyŏng” 世紀初 元朝支配體制ᳵ 再編ᝈ ឃ
背景. Ph.D. diss., Seoul National University, 1998. ———. “Wǒndae yuho e taehan ilgoch’al: hojŏk ŭl chungsim ŭro” 元代 儒戶ᱱ ᢱ ᾑ 一考察: 戶籍ᳩ 中心᳦᦮. Tongyang sahak yŏngu 12 (1982). Yoshida Tora 吉田寅. “Kyūkō katsuminsho to Sōdai no kyūkō seisaku” 救荒活民書 と宋代の救荒政策. In Aoyama hakushi koki kinen Sōdai shi ronsō 青山博士古希紀 念宋代史論叢. Tokyo: Seishin Shobō, 1974. Yu Wei 余蔚. “Lun Nan Song xuanfushi he zhizhishi zhidu” 論南宋宣撫使和制置使 制度. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 85 (2007). ———. “Wanzhengzhi yu fenlizhi: Songdai difang xingzheng quanli de zhuanyi” 完整制与分离制: 宋代地方行政权力的转移. Lishi yanjiu 4 (2005). Yue Chengyao 乐承耀. Ningbo gudaishi gang 宁波古代史纲. Ningbo: Ningbo chubanshe, 1195. Zhan, Jing Vivian. “Decentralizing China: Analysis of Central Strategies in China’s Fiscal Reforms.” Journal of Contemporary China 18 (2009). Zhang, Lawrence. “Power for a Price: Office Purchase, Elite Families and Status Maintenance in Qing China.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2010. Zhejiang jiapu zongmu tiyao bianji weiyuanhui, Zhejiang jiapu zongmu tiyao 浙江家 譜總目提要. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 2005.

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 337

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

338

Bibliography

Zheng Chengliang 鄭丞良. “Zuoxin shixi zhi ji: Shilun Song Yuan zhi ji Siming shiren fengqi yu jiuxianshengci de shezhi” 作新士習之機: 試論宋元之際四明士人 風氣與九先生祠的設置. In Jidiao yu bianzou: Qi zhi ershi shiji de Zhongguo 基調 與變奏: 七至二十世紀的中國, edited by Huang Kuanzhong. Taipei: Guoli Zhengzhi daxue lishi xi, 2008. Zhou Yangbo 周扬波. “Nan Song yiyi de libi: Yi shetuan wei jiaodu de kaocha” 南宋 义役的利弊: 以社团为角度的考察. Song Liao Jin Yuan shi 宋辽金元史 3 (2007). ———. Songdai shishen jieshe yanjiu 宋代士绅结社研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. Zhu Ruixi 朱瑞熙. “Songdai de gongju ‘yimin’ ji zhengfu duice” 宋代贡举移民及政 府对策. Paper presented at Waseda University’s special lecture, January 31, 2007.

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch01_3P.indd 338

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Index

Abdullah 暗篤刺, 246, 248 activism: elite, 19, 21, 150, 199; in Fenghua county, 100; government, 198, 272; local, 19, 152–53, 184, 198, 200, 270; limits of local activism, 112, 186; state, 13, 149, 198, 198n120, 268; and Zhu Xi, 190. See also New Policies alien: regime 18, 249, 270; rule, 16 army, 130, 148n153; imperial, 96n32; Jurchen, 88, 117; local, 92, 94, 96n32; Mongol, 204, 206; prefectural, 90, 91, 96n32 assistant magistrate, establishment of charitable estate, 177; involvement in local construction projects, 246, 313; involvement in water control works, 103, 104n57, 105, 108, 110, 120–21, 241; and qusi bei, 250, 253 assistant superior guard leader, 128, 129n112, 184 Association of Eight Elders. See Balaohui Association of Five Elders. See Wulaohui autocracy, 259 autonomy, 11, 190; local 185–86, 190

Bao Weimin 包伟民, 14n42, 24n6, 61, 79, 125, 126n107, 146n149 baozheng 保正. See superior guard leader beneficiary households, 103, 104n57 “beneficiary pays,” 18, 104–5, 240–42, 262, 271– 72 Birge, Bettine, 18n54, 202n2, 270 Bol, Peter, on community formation by the literati, 153n7; on the nature of the charitable ser vice, 186n97; on the Northern-Southern Song transition, 5n9, 22n2; on the impact of the civil ser vice examinations, 266 Bossler, Beverly, on downward social mobility in Southern Song, 43n57; on the impact of factional struggle, 52n77; on the impact of the civil ser vice examinations, 266; on marriages of Song elites, 61– 62, 64, 67n126, 74; on the NorthernSouthern Song transition, 5n9; on the Shi family in the Yuan, 47 breweries, 131–33, 137, 141, 151 Bureau of Canal Repair, 106 Bureau of Lake Dredging, 110

Balaohui 八老會 (Association of Eight Elders), 29, 38 Baoqing Simingzhi 寶慶四明志, 2n4, 109, 130

canal, 100, 106, 130n115, 138, 238n112, 241 canton leader, 111, 113 caohu 漕戶. See Sea Transport household

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 339

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:21 PM

340

-1— 0— +1—

Index

certificate of official rank, 54–55 Chaffee, John, 51, 61, 62n109 Changguo 昌國 county, 2, 79, 88, 137; breweries, 182; charitable estate, 177; Confucian households, 214–15, 243; endowed fields for the community drinking ceremony, 170; family-name dams and bridges, 122; local army forts, 92n21; official schools, 156, 234n105, 243, 314, 318; offshore fisheries, 178; population, 205; private academies, 155 changpingsi 常平司. See Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary charitable estate, Lou family’s, 45–47 charitable granary, 108, 112, 125 charitable school, 223, 244–45 charitable ser vice, 153n7, 187, 200; and local autonomy, 185–86; and the state, 199; elites’ promotion of, 111, 185; Hu Taichu on, 190– 91; origin of, 184; Wu Qian’s critique, 191– 92; Zhu Xi’s critique, 187– 90 charitable ships policy, 192– 95 Chen Fuliang 陳傅良, 56n89; on centralization of Southern Song finance, 126n107 Chen Gaohua 陈高华, 18n54, 235n106, 257n160, 261n168– 69 Chen Juren 陳居仁, 30, 32, 72, 174, 286 Chen Kai 陳塏, 108, 115, 132, 137 Chen Zhu 陳著, 50n74, 205, 219, 238, 317; on Confucian households in Fenghua, 213; as a Mingzhou epitaph and dezheng ji writer, 81n160, 251; marriages in the family of, 75n144, 78, 228, 283, 292, 303 Chen Zhuo 陳卓,72, 171, 173– 74 Cheng Duanli 程端禮, 218, 224, 255–57; as a recorder of Mingzhou inscription and qusi bei writer, 247, 252–53, 317; marriage of, 230–31, 305 Cheng Duanxue 程端學, 217, 223, 230, 245; as a Mingzhou qusi bei writer,

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 340

252; on educational posts (xuezhi 學 職), 219 Cheng Tan 程覃, 115n77, 144n146, 171, 310; local security, 92, 94, 183n90; maintenance of social infrastructure, 100n50; maintenance of water conservancy facilities, 108, 110–11, 115, 120; reducing of commercial tax, 132; repair of prefectural school, 159, 312, 314; support of the community drinking ceremony, 170; support of the community charitable estate, 177 Chikusa Masaaki 筑沙雅章, 78, 170n52 Cixi 慈谿 county, 2, 75, 80, 99, 122, 124–25, 212; county government during the Northern Song, 146–47; county school, 164, 234; dredging of Cihu 慈湖 Lake, 104n59; local army forts, 92n21, 93, 134; local militia, 88; official brewery, 133, 182; private academy, 155, 243; renovation of water control facilities, 105, 117–18, 121n93, 244–45; thoroughfare, 100 clergy ordination certificate, 55 clerk, 58, 206, 213; abuse of power, 53, 111; as career option during the Yuan, 219–22, 226, 271; collusion with local elites, 140, 192; corruption, 141, 250; involvement in local administration, 95, 109 Codi 丑的, 235, 244n135, 253 commercial elite, 180, 219 Commission of the Ever-Normal Granary, 103, 105, 110, 112, 119, 130, 156, 240, 313 community charitable estate, 19, 35, 153; during the Yuan, 233–34; origin in Mingzhou, 174; limits of its aid, 174n68; local government’s support, 175– 78, 269 community drinking ceremony, 19, 30, 35, 41n51, 178, 268– 69; Chen Hongmou’s promotion, 198; definition of, 166– 67; during the Ming, 148n153; during the Yuan, 235,

6/18/14 6:21 PM

Index 256–57; Mingzhou elites’ promotion, 168 Confucian household, 171, 208–16 passim, 261, 267 Dadu 大都, 222, 233 Dai Biaoyuan 戴表元, 26, 251; as a Mingzhou writer, 81n160, 236, 238, 249n145, 317; family marriage, 228 Dai Liang 戴良, 203n4, 226, 229n88 Dai Xu 戴栩, 35, 36n36 Danjō Hiroshi 壇上寛, 207n16 Daoist clergy, 213n36, 219, 227n83, 244 Daoxue 道學, 21, 23, 39, 66, 89, 99n42; influence on marriage, 75, 76n147 Dardess, John, 9n23, 202n2, 213, 233, 273 darughachi, 246, 250–53 Davis, Richard, 1n1, 5n9, 17n51, 36, 47, 266; on “protection” privilege, 44n59; on the Shi 史 family during the Northern Song, 102n54 decent group (zong 宗) vs. family ( jia 家), 43 dezhengji 德政記, 248, 250–54 passim, 262 digonglang 迪功郞. See Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement Dinghai定海 county, 2, 107, 236–37, 245, 278– 79, 302; confiscation of land, 137; county school, 156, 234; family-name bridges and dams, 122; local army forts, 92n21, 93; navy, 93, 95, 101, 133–34, 170; water control works, 99, 104, 106– 7, 136, 138, 241 Directorate of Education (guozijian 國 子監), 67, 167, 218, 230 Dongqian Lake 東錢湖, 35, 105, 185, 218; dredging of, 107–10, 116; during the Yuan, 241 dudie 度牒. See clergy ordination certificate Du Shixue 杜世學, 220, 230n91, 231, 306, 316 eight conducts (baxing 八行), 102n54 elders, 98, 109, 112, 114, 124, 147, 218n36

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 341

341

emperor: Gaozong, 57n92, 63n112; Huizong, 17; Lizong, 17n51, 230; Taizong, 17; Xiaozong, 57n92, 67, 91, 105, 107, 114n77, 159; Zhenzong, 17 Endicott-West, Elizabeth, 211n31, 232, 250n148 endowed fields/lands: for Lou family charitable estate, 47, 234; for charitable ser vice ( yiyi 義役), 185, 188–89, 233; for charitable school ( yixue 義學), 245; for community charitable estate (xiangqu yitian 鄕曲 義田), 174– 75, 177– 78; for community drinking ceremony, 170, 172, 257; for maintenance of water conservancy facilities, 108, 110–12, 115–16, 120, 241; for official schools, 137, 178, 179n83, 235; for private academies, 211 epitaphs, 2, 25, 28, 37–38, 64n116, 81–82, 173; for Song Mingzhou residents, 62; for Yuan Mingzhou residents, 227–29 Exalted Bridge (gaoqiao 高橋), 117–18, 137 examinations, civil ser vice, 3n7, 6, 8, 23, 25, 27, 32; as a status marker, 54n83; breakdown during the Yuan, 207–8, 223, 226, 258, 261; impact on marriage ties, 75, 78, 228; literati’s commitment to, 51; official schools as place for preparing, 158, 162; prefectural, 23, 56n89, 194; preparatory texts for, 142 facilitated degrees, 37, 51–52, 66, 176n74 factional feud/strife, 6, 52n77 Fan Chengda 范成大, 119n87, 184, 186, 200 Fan Qutug Temur 范忽都帖木兒, 48–49 Fang Guozhen 方國珍, 225 Fangsheng floodgate 方勝碶, 102, 104–5, 125, 157, 240, 271 Fenghua奉化 county, 2, 27, 66– 67, 75, 79–80, 122, 146, 228, 234n105, 236, 249n145, 251–52, 276–80; charitable

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:21 PM

342

Index

Fenghua 奉化 county (continued ) granary, 177; Confucian households, 213–15; elite participation in local construction projects, 98, 156, 243, 246n139; local army forts, 92– 93; local militia, 88–89; number of registered households, 205; official schools, 313, 317; private academy, 155; water control works in Yuan, 241n119. See also Fangsheng floodgate; Jinlin floodgate Five Dynasties, 24, 66, 68, 142, 157 Five Masters of the Qingli reign period (Qingli wuxiansheng 慶曆五先生), 26, 27n14 forts, local army, 92– 96 passim Foucault, Michel, 270 Four Mingzhou Masters/Scholars, 1n1, 99n42, 157 fuzheng 副正. See assistant superior guard leader Fuzhou 福州, 27, 96n32 Fuzhou 撫州 prefecture, 3n7, 5n9, 7, 49–50, 52, 57n93, 84; autumn tax in rice, 128n110; elite continuity, 43n57; elite marriages, 60, 75, 79–80, 84, 227, 258; local army, 92n22; number of jinshi in Southern Song, 80; prefectural army, 90n13; prefectural budget, 129n113; state power, 127

-1— 0— +1—

Gao Kang 高閌, 23n4, 38, 63n112, 167, 218, 224 genealogy, 2, 3n5, 25, 45, 89n9, 123, 153 General Commissariats, 14, 101, 170n55 Gentleman of Meritorious Achievement, 55–59 Gong Shitai 貢師泰, 224 Gongsiliangbian 公私䍓便, 142–44, 259 governance, 10, 161– 66 passim, 271, 272n13; books on local governance, 86; during the Yuan, 249–50; and Michel Foucault, 270; new definition of, 50–51; semiformal, 152. See also activism: government

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 342

grand councillor, 55, 115n77, 117; from Mingzhou, 27, 30, 32, 38, 74, 109n68, 114; marriages in the family of, 61, 67– 68, 73– 74 guangao 官告. See certificate of official rank Guangde Lake 廣德湖, 40, 92, 109, 113, 147 guanhu 官戶. See officeholding household Gu Yixian 顧義先, 111–12, 116, 185, 191, 195 hanren 漢人, 207, 250 Harmonious Rice Purchase, 52, 55, 126–28 Hartwell, Robert, 6, 60, 64, 73, 79n155; on the General Commissariats, 14n42 hedi 和糴. See Harmonious Rice Purchase headmaster, 211, 220, 231, 256 hereditary occupational households, 242, 262 Hong Mai 洪邁, 152, 196 household chief, 184, 188–89 households, Buddhist and Daoist, 209 Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing 蕭啓慶, 208–10, 259n165 Huang Gan 黃榦, 53n81, 81, 127n109, 144 Huang Kuan-chung 黃寬重, 24n6, 36, 45, 47, 266 Huang Zhen 黃震, 7, 123n101, 144; descendants of, 216, 228; on charitable ser vice, 187, 189; marriages in the family of, 75n144, 78; as a Mingzhou epitaph writer, 81n160; and selling honorary official rank, 57n93 Hu Ju 胡榘, 94, 100n50, 108, 121n89, 141, 143, 269; and Shi Miyuan 35, 114n77; dredging Dongqian Lake, 112; reducing of taxes, 132; support of the community drinking ceremony, 170; renovation of the prefectural school, 160

6/18/14 6:21 PM

Index Hu Taichu 胡太初, 86, 105, 198; on local official school, 161– 62, 165– 66; on charitable ser vice, 190– 91 huzhang 戶長. See household chief Hymes, Robert, 5n9, 73; on elite marriages, 60– 64, 75, 80, 227–28, 258; on the continuity of the elite, 43n57; on local army, 92n22; on prefectural army, 90; on social decision during the Southern Song, 22n1; on state power during the Northern Song, 146n149; on state power during the Southern Song, 126; on structural challenges for southern elites in the Yuan, 206; on types of local elites, 39n47; on yi 義, 152 Ihara Hiroshi 伊原弘, 24n6, 68n127, 71n135 Iiyama Tomoyasu 飯山知保, 254 Imperial University, 29, 56, 154, 164, 195n115, 267 inflation, 126n107, 131n118, 132n119, 171n56 Itō Masahiko 伊藤正彦, 16n47, 185 Jiangnan 江南, 18, 207n16, 232–33; definitions of, 4n8; and the New Policies, 147 Jia Sidao 賈似道, 32, 115n77 Jin 金 dynasty, 5, 30. See also Jurchen Jinlin floodgate 進林碶, 239–40 jinshi 進士, 37, 39–42, ; during the Yuan, 209n22, 217; and marriages, 68, 75; number of Mingzhou jinshi, 25, 27, 80; percentage of northerners, 28n21 Jurchen, 25, 27, 88, 97, 117, 312–14 Kaiqing Siming xuzhi 開慶四明續志, 118, 140, 154, 183, 193– 94; value as a historical source, 119n88 Kaixi 開禧 reign, 57, 140n138 Khubilai, 203, 223, Kim Yŏng-je, 128n111, 129n113, 130

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 343

343

Koiwai Hiromitsu 小岩井弘光, 90n13, 91n17, 125, 264 Kondō Kazunari 近藤一成, 42n54, 116, 266 Kong Qi 孔齊, 218, 260n167 Kunshan 崑山, 222, 260n168 land tax register (zhenji 砧基), 189 Lau Nap-yin 柳立言, 44n57, 48n70, 62n110, 174n68; on Chengdu shizu pu 成都氏族譜, 40n48; on vice prefect, 10n27 Lee, Thomas H. C., 43n57 Liang Gengyao 梁庚堯, 105n62, 131n118, 178, 186, 196 Lin’an 臨安, 47, 90, 204 Lin Bao 林保, 30, 32, 67, 69, 72n138, 77; and the community drinking ceremony, 167, 173 Lin Dazhong 林大中, 35, 130, 177, 309 Lin Shuo 林碩, 66, 157 Lin Wei 林暐, 66, 154, 156–58 lingshi 令史, 219–20 literati, 89, 187, 197– 98, 200, 208; and the community charitable estate, 178; and the community drinking ceremony, 169, 171– 74; and official schools, 153–56, 163– 67, 235; and the Confucian household system, 209–16 passim; definition of, 11, 42; donation to Exalted Bridge construction, 117; growth in the Southern Song, 23, 28–29, 37; ideal of, 50, 199; identity, 219; in the early Yuan, 205– 7; in the Poyang Lake region, 60– 61; and local autonomy, 186; literati vs. non-literati elite, 39–41; new career options for, 219–23; and the civil ser vice examination, 54n83; and qusi bei 去 思碑, 254, 258. See also local elites litigation, 118, 160, 179n82, 181, 182n89, 188 lizheng 里正. See village head Liu, (William) Guanglin, 14, 126n107 Liu Liyan 柳立言. See Lau Nap-yin

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:21 PM

344

Index

Liu Renben 劉仁本, 203n4, 224, 316–18 local elites, 2, 6, 11, 22–23, 102n54, 109; connection to the state, 52, 54; contribution to local construction projects, 147; and the community charitable estate, 175; and charitable ser vice, 186; definition, 10; marriages, 79; participation in water control works, 111–13, 116, 121; praise of local officials, 248, 259, 262, 272; role in local defense, 88, 96. See also literati local officials, 23–24, 185–87, 197, 232; activism, 199–200; and the community drinking ceremony, 167; during the Yuan, 244–50 passim, 262; handbooks, 86; involvement in the charitable estate, 47, 177; involvement in water conservancy works, 99, 116, 125; and local activism, 20; and powerful native elites, 35; and qusi bei 去思碑, 251–54, 258–59 loudianwudi 樓店務地, 140 Lou Ju 樓璩, 45, 74, 77, 276 Lou Qian 樓仟, 46–47, 49, 234 Lou Shu 樓璹, 45–46, 74, 76 Lou Yi 樓异, 40, 90, 102n54, 109n70 Lou Yue 樓鑰, 25n10, 30, 32, 34–35, 39–40, 50, 63n112, 70, 71n137; as a Mingzhou epitaph writer, 81n161, 229; as a writer of school inscriptions, 162; on downward social mobility, 41; management of the community charitable estate, 175– 76; marriages in the family, 74; on Mingzhou’s righteous customs, 151–52 Lu You 陸游, 65n120, 81, 130n115 Lű Zujian 呂祖儉, 76, 295

-1— 0— +1—

Ma Chengde 馬稱德, 122, 235n108, 239–41, 247, 252 Makino Shūji 牧野修二, 209–10 Maozhen floodgate 茅針碶, 105, 245 Maritime Military Commission, 14, 91, 95– 96, 124, 179, 192 maritime security, 35, 182–83, 214n42

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 344

Maritime Trade Superintendency, 90n12, 128n111, 313 Maritime Trade Supervisorate, 203, 224 market town, 13, 77, 183 militia, 46, 88–89, 265 monastery, Buddhist 20, 41, 47–48, 97, 145 mutual convenience of the public and the private. See gongsi liangbian 公私 䍓便 Nagai Chiaki 長井千秋, 96n32 Nanjing 南京, 2, 16, 177, 210 Narin Qara 納琳哈喇, 244 Neskar, Ellen, 169, 199n121 New Policies, 5, 27, 124, 139, 148; and the Southern Song, 198, 232, 267– 68. See also activism: state Ni Kejiu 倪可久, 245–46 Ni Tianyuan 倪天淵, 224–25, 245n137 Ni Tianze 倪天澤, 218–19, 224–25, 245n137 officeholding household, 23, 48, 60; privileges granted to, 52–53; purchase of the status, 54, 57, 59n99 offshore fisheries, 132–33, 178–83 passim Öljeitu 完者都, 235, 253 Otagi Matsuo 愛宕松男, 204, 259n165 Ōta Yaichirō 大田弥一郎, 209–10, 211n28, 215n46 Pacification Commission and Chief Military Command, 203, 238 Pan Lianggui 潘良貴, 70, 230 paper notes/money, 105, 108, 118, 131, 159, 170; inflation and eighteenth-run note, 140n68; in the Yuan, 238 professor, 216, 256–57 protection ( yin 蔭), 44, 51–52, 80 Qeder 赫德爾, 214 Qiandao 乾道 reign, 205 Qiandao Siming tujing 乾道四明圖經, 2n4, 26 Qin Gui 秦檜, 173

6/18/14 6:21 PM

Index Qiu Yu 仇悆, 67, 98, 135, 171– 72, 283; and community drinking ceremony, 169; and reconstruction of prefectural school, 158; qusibei 去思碑, 248–58 passim, 262, 272 record of benevolent governance. See dezheng ji 德政記 righteousness. See yi 義 route commander, 235, 238–39, 245–46; involvement in the charitable estate, 48, 233, 234n103. See also Wang Yuangong 王元恭 Ruan Shenzhi 阮申之, 245, 247, 250n146; marriage of, 230n91 ruhu 儒戶. See Confucian household seawall, 25, 94, 99, 106– 7, 241 Sea Transport household 漕戶, 218, 226n82, 242, 245, 248, 261n168 Sea Transport Tribute 海運, 203, 218, 222–26 passim, 260n168 Sengdaohu 僧道戶. See households, Buddhist and Daoist shaan 砂岸. See offshore fisheries shanzhang 山長. See headmaster Shen Huan 沈煥, 21, 56, 81; establishment of the community charitable estate, 174– 76; marriage of, 50n73, 64 shi 士/shiren 士人. See literati Shi Cai 史才, 30, 35, 50n73, 109n68 Shi Hao 史浩, 30–33, 35, 44, 47; and the community charitable estate, 174– 76; marriages of descendents of, 73, 76, 77n149, 78– 79 Shi Jun 史浚, 35, 50n73, 116, 195, 282; on the charitable ser vice, 185; on dredging Dongqian Lake, 109, 112; promotion of community drinking ceremony, 168 Shi Maozu 史懋祖, 47–49 Shi Mijian 史彌堅, 77, 113, 168 Shi Miyuan 史彌遠, 30, 32, 35–36; marriage of, 70n133, 71, 230, 288; on

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 345

345

water control works near Tuoshan Dam, 114–15 Shi Songzhi 史嵩之, 30, 32, 35–36, 278 Shiba Yoshinobu 斯波義信, 5n8, 17n50, 120n88, 126, 152n5 shibosi 市舶司. See Maritime Trade Superintendency shibowu 市舶務. See Maritime Trade Supervisorate shili rehu 食利人戶. See beneficiary households Shimasue Kazuyasu 島居一康, 126n108 Shu Lin 舒璘, 21, 33, 39, 56, 161, 225, 229; marriage of, 66 Skinner, G. William, 3, 6, 273; on the retrenchment of the state, 12–13 Skinner, Quentin, 9n24 Smith, Paul J., 5n10, 9n23, 12, 202, 233 state, 3, 8, 15, 99, 232, 261n170; during the Yuan, 238n112, 258–59, 262– 63, 271– 72; definition of, 9; evolution in the Southern Song, 13–14, 17–18, 87, 267; and family strategy, 50– 60 passim, 82–83, 266– 67; the power of, 12–15, 125–27, 139, 145–48, 233, 268; liquor monopoly by, 130; negative view of, 8– 9; new understandings of late imperial, 15–16; relationship with social elites, 11–12, 24, 204, 266; retreat of, 6– 7, 153, 264; Skocpol on, 11n31, 269n7; separation of elites from, 22–23, 37, 261; support of elite descent groups by, 176; and water conservancy works, 100–124 passim. See also activism: government state-society relations, 3, 11, 15, 22, 259, 262 steles [erected] in appreciation of departing officials. See qusi bei 去思 碑 Sudō Yoshiyuki 周藤吉之, 184n93, 196n116 superior guard leader, 112, 128–29, 184, 188–89

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:21 PM

346

Index

supra-high level administrative unit, 14 surcharges, 52, 125, 128n110, 129, 148 Takahashi Yoshirō 高橋芳郎, 23 tax, 54, 90, 101, 104, 125–27; autumn, 126, 126n108, 127n10; commercial, 27, 99, 132, 242, 268n4; evasion of, 136, 140; fishery, 132–33, 179–81; on liquor, 131; and market town (zhen 鎭), 13; reducing of, 120n88, 132, 135, 249; in the Southern Song, 126n107, 267– 68; and state power, 14–15; tax income in Mingzhou, 130; tax stations in Mingzhou, 27; and village officers (xiangguan 鄕官), 184, 188; in the Yuan, 222 Teraji Jun 寺地遵, 102n54 tezouming 特奏名. See facilitated degrees The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, 9n23, 16n47, 202 tithing orga nization/system, 16n47, 171 tongpan 通判. See vice prefect Tuoshan Dam 它山堰, 107, 113–15, 120, 138, 147, 242 Tuoshan shuili beilan 它山水利備覽, 113 Uematsu Tadashi 植松正, 222n68, 232, 233n99, 261n168 Umehara Kaoru 梅原郁, 52, 53n81, 55n87

-1— 0— +1—

vice prefect: control over local finance, 10n27, 170n55; contribution to local construction projects by, 160, 170 village head, 211, 213 village ser vice, 92n23, 112n74, 128–29, 153, 184– 93 passim, 249; and Confucian households, 208, 210–15 passim; and officeholding households, 52, 54–55, 58, 59n100; in the Song and the Ming, 148n153. See also charitable ser vice

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 346

Wang Anshi 王安石, 49, 108, 147; on local official schools, 164– 65 Wang Dayou 汪大猷, 30, 32–33, 35, 46–47, 276; charitable contributions by, 155, 174– 76 Wang Siwen 汪思溫, 38, 45, 68; as a leader in Mingzhou elite community, 172; marriage in the family, 64n115, 69, 72n138 Wang Yinglin 王應麟, 29, 229, 238, 265; as a Mingzhou epitaph and inscription writer, 81n160, 155; as a yilao 遺老, 216, 219n55; marriage of, 284 Wang Yuangong 王元恭, 239, 245; and the community drinking ceremony, 235; and qusi bei 去思碑, 253, 255–57. See also Maozhen floodgate Wang Zengyu 王曾瑜, 52n78, 55n86 water conservancy works. See under Cixi county; Dinghai county; Fenghua county; Wu Qian; Yin county; Zhao Bogui Wei Xian 魏峴, 34, 101, 113–16, 121. See also Tuoshan shuili beilan 它山水利 備覽 Wenzhou 溫州, 27, 90n13, 96n32, 145, 192– 94, 222, Wulaohui 五老會 (Association of Five Elders), 29, 51, 69, 172, 222 Wu Qian 吳潛, 81n161, 132, 200; and Jia Sidao, 115n77; control of local army forts, 93, 95; dealing with local elite interests, 136, 138, 140–41; infrastructure building, 100n50; and water control works, 105, 117–18, 124; on Mingzhou’s charitable ser vice in, 191– 92; on charitable ships policy, 193– 95; on offshore fisheries, 181–84; reform in tax collection in Fuzhou, 128n110 Wu Sidao 烏斯道, 222, 224, 265 xiangqu yitian 鄕曲義田. See community charitable estate Xiangshan 象山 county, 2, 99, 122, 134; county school, 160, 234n105, 314, 318;

6/18/14 6:21 PM

Index local army forts, 92n21, 94; private academy, 155 xiangzhang 鄕長. See canton leader xianyu 羨餘. See surcharge Xiao Qiqing 萧启庆. See Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing Xining 熙寧 reign, 55n86, 123n101, 147 xinfa 新法. See New Policies xuanweisi du yuanshuaifu 宣慰司都元 帥府. See Pacification Commission and Chief Military Command Xuguo gong zouyi 許國公奏議, 193 Yagi Mitsuyuki 八木充幸, 125, 267 Yamaguchi Tomoya 山口智哉, 154n10, 169, 171n57 Yang Jian 楊簡, 21, 23n4, 33–34, 56; as a Mingzhou epitaph writer, 81n161, 157n23 yanhai zhizhisi 沿海制置司. See Maritime Military Commission Yan Yizhong 顔頤仲, 94, 115n77, 200, 269, 310; abolition of offshore fishery tax, 180–81; building of a canal, 138; exemption of ferry tax, 132; support of community drinking ceremony, 170– 71, 173 yi 義, 152, 178– 92 passim, 196, 244 yiaibei 遺愛碑, 248 Yicang 義倉. See charitable granary yichuanfa 義船法. See charitable ships policy Yili 儀禮, 171 Yin 鄞 county, 2, 27, 102n54, 218, 239–40; the charitable ser vice, 185; charitable school, 244–45, 247; county government in early Southern Song, 97; county school, 156, 233, 234n105, 313, 317; elite participation in local construction projects, 97, 147; family-name bridges and dams, 121n93, 122–25; Kong Qi’s perception of, 260n167; local army forts, 92n21; new career choices by elites, 221–24; private academy, 155; water conservancy works, 105–18 passim

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 347

347

yixue 義學. See charitable school yiyi 義役. See charitable ser vice Yu Wei 余蔚, 14 Yuan Cai 袁采, 41–43, 59n100 Yuan Fu 袁甫, 23n4, 44, 50n74, 81n161; marriage of, 75, 278 Yuan Jue 袁桷, 44, 205, 256; on downward social mobility, 217–18; as a Mingzhou epitaph and inscription writer, 81n160, 236–37, 249n145, 316–18; and village ser vice, 214–15 Yuan Xie 袁燮, 23n4, 33–35, 44–45, 144, 162, 229; on the community charitable estate, 174; marriages in the family, 39, 157; as a Mingzhou epitaph writer, 81n161 Yuanyou Simingzhi 延祐四明志, 2n4, 33, 238n112, 256 zero-sum competition between the state and society, 12, 15, 264, 268 zhai 寨. See forts Zhang Jin 張津, 108, 131, 171, 269; renovation of the prefectural school, 159; support of the community drinking ceremony by, 170, 172 Zhao Bogui 趙伯圭, 29n27, 77, 136, 308; water conservancy works by, 106, 136; renovation of the prefectural school, 159 Zhao Kai 趙愷, 35, 114n77, 141, 143, 179; dredging of Dongqian Lake by, 108–12 zhen 鎭. See market town Zheng Juemin 鄭覺民, 230n91, 256–57 Zheng Qingzhi 鄭淸之, 30, 32, 216, 256 Zheng Zhen 鄭眞, 113n75, 212 Zhenjiang 鎭江, 90n13, 96n32, 129n113, 192, 273 zhiyi 職役. See village ser vice Zhizheng Siming xuzhi 至正四明續志, 2n4, 238n112, 239n114, 256 zongguan 總管. See route commander zonglingsuo 總領所. See General Commissariat

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:21 PM

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch02_3P.indd 348

6/18/14 6:21 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs (titles now in print)

7. Chao Kuo-chün, Economic Planning and Organization in Mainland China: A Documentary Study, 1949–1957 13. S. M. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen: Its Organization and Functions 31. Madeleine Chi, China Diplomacy, 1914–1918 36. Peter Frost, The Bakumatsu Currency Crisis 38. Robert R. Campbell, James Duncan Campbell: A Memoir by His Son 39. Jerome Alan Cohen, ed., The Dynamics of China’s Foreign Relations 40. V. V. Vishnyakova-Akimova, Two Years in Revolutionary China, 1925– 1927, trans. Steven L. Levine 41. Meron Medzini, French Policy in Japan during the Closing Years of the Tokugawa Regime 46. W. P. J. Hall, A Bibliographical Guide to Japanese Research on the Chinese Economy, 1958–1970 47. Jack J. Gerson, Horatio Nelson Lay and Sino-British Relations, 1854– 1864 48. Paul Richard Bohr, Famine and the Missionary: Timothy Richard as Relief Administrator and Advocate of National Reform 50. Britten Dean, China and Great Britain: The Diplomacy of Commercial Relations, 1860–1864 51. Ellsworth C. Carlson, The Foochow Missionaries, 1847–1880 53. Richard M. Pfeffer, Understanding Business Contracts in China, 1949– 1963 55. Ranbir Vohra, Lao She and the Chinese Revolution 60. Noriko Kamachi, John K. Fairbank, DQG&KČ]Ċ,FKLNRJapanese Studies of Modern China Since 1953: A Bibliographical Guide to Historical and Social-Science Research on the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Supplementary Volume for 1953–1969 61. Donald A. Gibbs and Yun-chen Li, A Bibliography of Studies and Translations of Modern Chinese Literature, 1918–1942

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 349

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs

-1— 0— +1—

62. Robert H. Silin, Leadership and Values: The Organization of Large-Scale Taiwanese Enterprises 63. David Pong, A Critical Guide to the Kwangtung Provincial Archives Deposited at the Public Record Office of London 69. Eric Widmer, The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking during the Eighteenth Century 73. Jon Sigurdson, Rural Industrialism in China 74. Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China 75. Valentin Rabe, The Home Base of American China Missions, 1880–1920 78. Meishi Tsai, Contemporary Chinese Novels and Short Stories, 1949– 1974: An Annotated Bibliography 80. Endymion Wilkinson, Landlord and Labor in Late Imperial China: Case Studies from Shandong by Jing Su and Luo Lun 84. J. W. Dower, Empire and Aftermath: Yoshida Shigeru and the Japanese Experience, 1878–1954 85. Martin Collcutt, Five Mountains: The Rinzai Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan 86. Kwang Suk Kim and Michael Roemer, Growth and Structural Transformation 89. Sung Hwan Ban, Pal Yong Moon, and Dwight H. Perkins, Rural Development 92. Edward S. Mason, Dwight H. Perkins, Kwang Suk Kim, David C. Cole, Mahn Je Kim et al., The Economic and Social Modernization of the Republic of Korea 93. Robert Repetto, Tai Hwan Kwon, Son-Ung Kim, Dae Young Kim, John E. Sloboda, and Peter J. Donaldson, Economic Development, Population Policy, and Demographic Transition in the Republic of Korea 94. Parks M. Coble, Jr., The Shanghai Capitalists and the Nationalist Government, 1927–1937 96. Richard Wich, Sino-Soviet Crisis Politics: A Study of Political Change and Communication 97. Lillian M. Li, China’s Silk Trade: Traditional Industry in the Modern World, 1842–1937 98. R. David Arkush, Fei Xiaotong and Sociology in Revolutionary China 100. James Reeve Pusey, China and Charles Darwin 101. Hoyt Cleveland Tillman, Utilitarian Confucianism: Chen Liang’s Challenge to Chu Hsi 102. Thomas A. Stanley, čVXJL6DNDH$QDUFKLVWLQ7DLVKĎ-DSDQ7KH Creativity of the Ego 103. Jonathan K. Ocko, Bureaucratic Reform in Provincial China: Ting Jihch’ang in Restoration Kiangsu, 1867–1870 104. James Reed, The Missionary Mind and American East Asia Policy, 1911– 1915

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 350

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 105. Neil L. Waters, Japan’s Local Pragmatists: The Transition from Bakumatsu to Meiji in the Kawasaki Region 106. David C. Cole and Yung Chul Park, Financial Development in Korea, 1945–1978 107. Roy Bahl, Chuk Kyo Kim, and Chong Kee Park, Public Finances during the Korean Modernization Process 108. William D. Wray, Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K., 1870–1914: Business Strategy in the Japanese Shipping Industry 109. Ralph William Huenemann, The Dragon and the Iron Horse: The Economics of Railroads in China, 1876–1937 111. Jane Kate Leonard, Wei Yüan and China’s Rediscovery of the Maritime World 117. Andrew Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry, 1853–1955 119. Christine Guth Kanda, 6KLQ]Ď+DFKLPDQ,PDJHU\DQG,WV'HYHORSPHQW 121. Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People: Chinese Intellectual and Folk Literature, 1918–1937 123. Richard von Glahn, The Country of Streams and Grottoes: Expansion, Settlement, and the Civilizing of the Sichuan Frontier in Song Times 124. Steven D. Carter, The Road to Komatsubara: A Classical Reading of the Renga Hyakuin 126. Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan: The “New Theses” of 1825 127. Atsuko Hirai, Individualism and Socialism: The Life and Thought of .DZDL(LMLUĎ1891–1944) 129. R. Kent Guy, The Emperor’s Four Treasuries: Scholars and the State in the Late Chien-lung Era 130. Peter C. Perdue, Exhausting the Earth: State and Peasant in Hunan, 1500–1850 131. Susan Chan Egan, A Latterday Confucian: Reminiscences of William +XQJ1893–1980) 132. James T. C. Liu, China Turning Inward: Intellectual-Political Changes in the Early Twelfth Century 134. Kate Wildman Nakai, Shogunal Politics: Arai Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Rule 137. Susan Downing Videen, 7DOHVRI+HLFKĒ 138. Heinz Morioka and Miyoko Sasaki, Rakugo: The Popular Narrative Art of Japan 139. Joshua A. Fogel, Nakae Ushikichi in China: The Mourning of Spirit 140. Alexander Barton Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model: A Comparative Study of Vietnamese and Chinese Government in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century 141. George Elison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 351

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs

-1— 0— +1—

144. Marie Anchordoguy, Computers, Inc.: Japan’s Challenge to IBM 146. Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi 147. Laura E. Hein, Fueling Growth: The Energy Revolution and Economic Policy in Postwar Japan 148. Wen-hsin Yeh, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919–1937 149. Dru C. Gladney, Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic 150. Merle Goldman and Paul A. Cohen, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin L Schwartz 151. James M. Polachek, The Inner Opium War 152. Gail Lee Bernstein, Japanese Marxist: A Portrait of Kawakami Hajime, 1879–1946 154. Mark Mason, American Multinationals and Japan: The Political Economy of Japanese Capital Controls, 1899–1980 155. Richard J. Smith, John K. Fairbank, and Katherine F. Bruner, Robert Hart and China’s Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863–1866 157. William Wayne Farris, Heavenly Warriors: The Evolution of Japan’s Military, 500–1300 159. James B. Palais, Politics and Policy in Traditional Korea 161. Roger R. Thompson, China’s Local Councils in the Age of Constitutional Reform, 1898–1911 162. William Johnston, The Modern Epidemic: History of Tuberculosis in Japan 163. Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Barriers: Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan 164. ,UPHOD+LML\D-Kirschnereit, Rituals of Self-Revelation: 6KLVKĎVHWVXDV Literary Genre and Socio-Cultural Phenomenon 165. James C. Baxter, The Meiji Unification through the Lens of Ishikawa Prefecture 166. Thomas R. H. Havens, Architects of Affluence: The Tsutsumi Family and the Seibu-Saison Enterprises in Twentieth-Century Japan 167. Anthony Hood Chambers, The Secret Window: Ideal Worlds in Tanizaki’s Fiction 168. Steven J. Ericson, The Sound of the Whistle: Railroads and the State in Meiji Japan 169. Andrew Edmund Goble, Kenmu: Go-Daigo’s Revolution 170. Denise Potrzeba Lett, In Pursuit of Status: The Making of South Korea’s “New” Urban Middle Class 171. Mimi Hall Yiengpruksawan, Hiraizumi: Buddhist Art and Regional Politics in Twelfth-Century Japan 173. Aviad E. Raz, Riding the Black Ship: Japan and Tokyo Disneyland 174. Deborah J. Milly, Poverty, Equality, and Growth: The Politics of Economic Need in Postwar Japan

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 352

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 175. See Heng Teow, Japan’s Cultural Policy toward China, 1918–1931: A Comparative Perspective 176. Michael A. Fuller, An Introduction to Literary Chinese 177. Frederick R. Dickinson, War and National Reinvention: Japan in the Great War, 1914–1919 178. John Solt, Shredding the Tapestry of Meaning: The Poetry and Poetics of KiWDVRQR.DWXH1902–1978) 179. Edward Pratt, Japan’s Protoindustrial Elite: The Economic Foundations RIWKH*ĎQĎ 180. Atsuko Sakaki, Recontextualizing Texts: Narrative Performance in Modern Japanese Fiction 181. Soon-Won Park, Colonial Industrialization and Labor in Korea: The Onoda Cement Factory 182. JaHyun Kim Haboush and Martina Deuchler, Culture and the State in /DWH&KRVįQ.RUHD 183. John W. Chaffee, Branches of Heaven: A History of the Imperial Clan of Sung China 184. Gi-Wook Shin and Michael Robinson, eds., Colonial Modernity in Korea 185. Nam-lin Hur, PrD\HUDQG3OD\LQ/DWH7RNXJDZD-DSDQ$VDNXVD6HQVĎML and Edo Society 186. Kristin Stapleton, Civilizing Chengdu: Chinese Urban Reform, 1895– 1937 187. +\XQJ,O3DLConstructing “Korean” Origins: A Critical Review of Archaeology, Historiography, and Racial Myth in Korean StateFormation Theories 188. Brian D. Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes: Buddha Relics and Power in Early Medieval Japan 189. Susan Daruvala, Zhou Zuoren and an Alternative Chinese Response to Modernity 191. Kerry Smith, A Time of Crisis: Japan, the Great Depression, and Rural Revitalization 192. Michael Lewis, Becoming Apart: National Power and Local Politics in Toyama, 1868–1945 193. William C. Kirby, Man-houng Lin, James Chin Shih, and David A. Pietz, eds., State and Economy in Republican China: A Handbook for Scholars 194. Timothy S. George, Minamata: Pollution and the Struggle for Democracy in Postwar Japan 195. Billy K. L. So, Prosperity, Region, and Institutions in Maritime China: The South Fukien Pattern, 946–1368 196. Yoshihisa Tak Matsusaka, The Making of Japanese Manchuria, 1904– 1932

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 353

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs

-1— 0— +1—

197. Maram Epstein, Competing Discourses: Orthodoxy, Authenticity, and Engendered Meanings in Late Imperial Chinese Fiction 199. +DUXR,JXFKLUnfinished Business: Ayukawa Yoshisuke and U.S.-Japan Relations, 1937–1952 200. Scott Pearce, Audrey Spiro, and Patricia Ebrey, Culture and Power in the Reconstitution of the Chinese Realm, 200–600 201. Terry Kawashima, Writing Margins: The Textual Construction of Gender in Heian and Kamakura Japan 202. Martin W. Huang, Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China 203. Robert S. Ross and Jiang Changbin, eds., Re-examining the Cold War: U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1954–1973 204. Guanhua Wang, In Search of Justice: The 1905–1906 Chinese AntiAmerican Boycott 205. David Schaberg, A Patterned Past: Form and Thought in Early Chinese Historiography 206. Christine Yano, Tears of Longing: Nostalgia and the Nation in Japanese Popular Song 207. 0LOHQD'ROHçHORYi-9HOLQJHURYiDQG2OGĜich Kril, with Graham Sanders, eds., The Appropriation of Cultural Capital: China’s May Fourth Project 208. Robert N. Huey, 7KH0DNLQJRI¶6KLQNRNLQVKĒ’ 209. Lee Butler, Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, 1467–1680: Resilience and Renewal 210. Suzanne Ogden, Inklings of Democracy in China 211. Kenneth J. Ruoff, The People’s Emperor: Democracy and the Japanese Monarchy, 1945–1995 212. Haun Saussy, Great Walls of Discourse and Other Adventures in Cultural China 213. Aviad E. Raz, Emotions at Work: Normative Control, Organizations, and Culture in Japan and America 214. Rebecca E. Karl and Peter Zarrow, eds., Rethinking the 1898 Reform Period: Political and Cultural Change in Late Qing China 215. Kevin O’Rourke, The Book of Korean Shijo 216. Ezra F. Vogel, ed., The Golden Age of the U.S.-China-Japan Triangle, 1972–1989 217. Thomas A. Wilson, ed., On Sacred Grounds: Culture, Society, Politics, and the Formation of the Cult of Confucius 218. Donald S. Sutton, Steps of Perfection: Exorcistic Performers and Chinese Religion in Twentieth-Century Taiwan 219. Daqing Yang, Technology of Empire: Telecommunications and Japanese Expansionism in Asia, 1883–1945 220. Qianshen Bai, Fu Shan’s World: The Transformation of Chinese Calligraphy in the Seventeenth Century

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 354

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 221. Paul Jakov Smith and Richard von Glahn, eds., The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History 222. Rania Huntington, Alien Kind: Foxes and Late Imperial Chinese Narrative 223. Jordan Sand, House and Home in Modern Japan: Architecture, Domestic Space, and Bourgeois Culture, 1880–1930 224. Karl Gerth, China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation 225. Xiaoshan Yang, Metamorphosis of the Private Sphere: Gardens and Objects in Tang-Song Poetry 226. Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China? Power, Identity, and Change in Shanghai’s News Media, 1872–1912 227. Joyce A. Madancy, The Troublesome Legacy of Commissioner Lin: The Opium Trade and Opium Suppression in Fujian Province, 1820s to 1920s 228. John Makeham, Transmitters and Creators: Chinese Commentators and Commentaries on the Analects 229. Elisabeth Köll, From Cotton Mill to Business Empire: The Emergence of Regional Enterprises in Modern China 230. Emma Teng, Taiwan’s Imagined Geography: Chinese Colonial Travel Writing and Pictures, 1683–1895 231. :LOW,dema and Beata Grant, The Red Brush: Writing Women of Imperial China 232. Eric C. Rath, The Ethos of Noh: Actors and Their Art 233. Elizabeth Remick, Building Local States: China during the Republican and Post-Mao Eras 234. Lynn Struve, ed., The Qing Formation in World-Historical Time 235. D. Max Moerman, Localizing Paradise: Kumano Pilgrimage and the Religious Landscape of Premodern Japan 236. Antonia Finnane, Speaking of Yangzhou: A Chinese City, 1550–1850 237. Brian Platt, Burning and Building: Schooling and State Formation in Japan, 1750–1890 238. Gail Bernstein, Andrew Gordon, and Kate Wildman Nakai, eds., Public Spheres, Private Lives in Modern Japan, 1600–1950: Essays in Honor of Albert Craig 239. Wu Hung and Katherine R. Tsiang, Body and Face in Chinese Visual Culture 240. Stephen Dodd, Writing Home: Representations of the Native Place in Modern Japanese Literature 241. David Anthony Bello, Opium and the Limits of Empire: Drug Prohibition in the Chinese Interior, 1729–1850 242. Hosea Hirata, Discourses of Seduction: History, Evil, Desire, and Modern Japanese Literature

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 355

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs

-1— 0— +1—

243. Kyung Moon Hwang, Beyond Birth: Social Status in the Emergence of Modern Korea 244. Brian R. Dott, Identity Reflections: Pilgrimages to Mount Tai in Late Imperial China 245. Mark McNally, Proving the Way: Conflict and Practice in the History of Japanese Nativism 246. Yongping Wu, A Political Explanation of Economic Growth: State Survival, Bureaucratic Politics, and Private Enterprises in the Making of Taiwan’s Economy, 1950–1985 247. Kyu Hyun Kim, The Age of Visions and Arguments: Parliamentarianism and the National Public Sphere in Early Meiji Japan 248. Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, The Dao of Muhammad: A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China 249. David Der-wei Wang and Shang Wei, eds., Dynastic Crisis and Cultural Innovation: From the Late Ming to the Late Qing and Beyond 250. :LOW/,GHPD:DL-yee Li, and Ellen Widmer, eds., Trauma and Transcendence in Early Qing Literature 251. Barbara Molony and Kathleen Uno, eds., Gendering Modern Japanese History 252. Hiroshi Aoyagi, Islands of Eight Million Smiles: Idol Performance and Symbolic Production in Contemporary Japan 253. Wai-yee Li, The Readability of the Past in Early Chinese Historiography 254. William C. Kirby, Robert S. Ross, and Gong Li, eds., Normalization of U.S.-China Relations: An International History 255. Ellen Gardner Nakamura, Practical Pursuits: 7DNDQR&KĎHL7DNDKDVKL Keisaku, and Western Medicine in Nineteenth-Century Japan 256. Jonathan W. Best, A History of the Early Korean Kingdom of Paekche, together with an annotated translation of The Paekche Annals of the Samguk sagi 257. Liang Pan, The United Nations in Japan’s Foreign and Security Policymaking, 1945–1992: National Security, Party Politics, and International Status 258. Richard Belsky, Localities at the Center: Native Place, Space, and Power in Late Imperial Beijing 259. Zwia Lipkin, “Useless to the State”: “Social Problems” and Social Engineering in Nationalist Nanjing, 1927–1937 260. William O. Gardner, Advertising Tower: Japanese Modernism and Modernity in the 1920s 261. Stephen Owen, The Making of Early Chinese Classical Poetry 262. Martin J. Powers, Pattern and Person: Ornament, Society, and Self in Classical China 263. Anna M. Shields, Crafting a Collection: The Cultural Contexts and Poetic Practice of the +XDMLDQML ⪹㦇㩱 (Collection from among the Flowers)

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 356

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 264. Stephen Owen, The Late Tang: Chinese Poetry of the Mid-Ninth &HQWXU\827–860) 265. Sara L. Friedman, Intimate Politics: Marriage, the Market, and State Power in Southeastern China 266. Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Maggie Bickford, Emperor Huizong and Late Northern Song China: The Politics of Culture and the Culture of Politics 267. Sophie Volpp, Worldly Stage: Theatricality in Seventeenth-Century China 268. Ellen Widmer, The Beauty and the Book: Women and Fiction in Nineteenth-Century China 269. Steven B. Miles, The Sea of Learning: Mobility and Identity in Nineteenth-Century Guangzhou 270. Man-houng Lin, China Upside Down: Currency, Society, and Ideologies, 1808–1856 271. Ronald Egan, The Problem of Beauty: Aesthetic Thought and Pursuits in Northern Song Dynasty China 272. Mark Halperin, Out of the Cloister: Literati Perspectives on Buddhism in Sung China, 960–1279 273. Helen Dunstan, State or Merchant? Political Economy and Political Process in 1740s China 274. Sabina Knight, The Heart of Time: Moral Agency in Twentieth-Century Chinese Fiction 275. Timothy J. Van Compernolle, The Uses of Memory: The Critique of 0RGHUQLW\LQWKH)LFWLRQRI+LJXFKL,FKL\Ď 276. Paul Rouzer, A New Practical Primer of Literary Chinese 277. Jonathan Zwicker, Practices of the Sentimental Imagination: Melodrama, the Novel, and the Social Imaginary in Nineteenth-Century Japan 278. Franziska Seraphim, War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945– 2005 280. Cynthia J. Brokaw, Commerce in Culture: The Sibao Book Trade in the Qing and Republican Periods 281. Eugene Y. Park, Between Dreams and Reality: The Military Examination in Late Chosįn Korea, 1600–1894 282. Nam-lin Hur, Death and Social Order in Tokugawa Japan: Buddhism, Anti-Christianity, and the Danka System 283. Patricia M. Thornton, Disciplining the State: Virtue, Violence, and StateMaking in Modern China 284. Vincent Goossaert, The Taoists of Peking, 1800–1949: A Social History of Urban Clerics 286. Charo B. D’Etcheverry, Love after 7KH7DOHRI*HQML: Rewriting the World of the Shining Prince

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 357

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs

-1— 0— +1—

287. Michael G. Chang, A Court on Horseback: Imperial Touring & the Construction of Qing Rule, 1680–1785 288. Carol Richmond Tsang, War and Faith: ,NNĊ,NNL in Late Muromachi Japan 289. Hilde De Weerdt, Competition over Content: Negotiating Standards for WKH&LYLO6HUYLFH([DPLQDWLRQVLQ,PSHULDO&KLQD1127 –1279) 290. Eve Zimmerman, Out of the Alleyway: Nakagami Kenji and the Poetics of Outcaste Fiction 291. Robert Culp, Articulating Citizenship: Civic Education and Student Politics in Southeastern China, 1912–1940 292. Richard J. Smethurst, From Foot Soldier to Finance Minister: Takahashi Korekiyo, Japan’s Keynes 293. John E. Herman, Amid the Clouds and Mist: China’s Colonization of Guizhou, 1200–1700 294. Tomoko Shiroyama, China during the Great Depression: Market, State, and the World Economy, 1929–1937 295. Kirk W. Larsen, Tradition, Treaties and Trade: Qing Imperialism and &KRVįQ.RUHD1850–1910 296. Gregory Golley, When Our Eyes No Longer See: Realism, Science, and Ecology in Japanese Literary Modernism 297. Barbara Ambros, (PSODFLQJD3LOJULPDJH7KHč\DPD&XOWDQG Regional Religion in Early Modern Japan 298. Rebecca Suter, The Japanization of Modernity: Murakami Haruki between Japan and the United States 299. Yuma Totani, The Tokyo War Crimes Trial: The Pursuit of Justice in the Wake of World War II 301. David M. Robinson, ed., Culture, Courtiers, and Competition: The 0LQJ&RXUW1368–1644) 302. Calvin Chen, Some Assembly Required: Work, Community, and Politics in China’s Rural Enterprises 303. Sem Vermeersch, The Power of the Buddhas: The Politics of Buddhism DuriQJWKH.RU\į'\QDVW\ (918–1392) 304. Tina Lu, Accidental Incest, Filial Cannibalism, and Other Peculiar Encounters in Late Imperial Chinese Literature 305. Chang Woei Ong, Men of Letters Within the Passes: Guanzhong Literati in Chinese History, 907–1911 306. Wendy Swartz, Reading Tao Yuanming: Shifting Paradigms of Historical 5HFHSWLRQ427–1900) 307. Peter K. Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History 308. &DUORV5RMDVThe Naked Gaze: Reflections on Chinese Modernity 309. Kelly H. Chong, Deliverance and Submission: Evangelical Women and the Negotiation of Patriarchy in South Korea 310. Rachel DiNitto, Uchida Hyakken: A Critique of Modernity and Militarism in Prewar Japan

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 358

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 311. Jeffrey Snyder-Reinke, Dry Spells: State Rainmaking and Local Governance in Late Imperial China 312. Jay Dautcher, Down a Narrow Road: Identity and Masculinity in a Uyghur Community in Xinjiang China 313. Xun Liu, Daoist Modern: Innovation, Lay Practice, and the Community of Inner Alchemy in Republican Shanghai 314. Jacob Eyferth, Eating Rice from Bamboo Roots: The Social History of a Community of Handicraft Papermakers in Rural Sichuan, 1920–2000 315. David Johnson, Spectacle and Sacrifice: The Ritual Foundations of Village Life in North China 316. James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue ‫ނ‬༆) in Medieval China 317. Lori Watt, When Empire Comes Home: Repatriation and Reintegration in Postwar Japan 318. James Dorsey, Critical Aesthetics: Kobayashi Hideo, Modernity, and Wartime Japan 319. Christopher Bolton, Sublime Voices: The Fictional Science and Scientific )LFWLRQRI$EH.ĎEĎ 320. Si-yen Fei, Negotiating Urban Space: Urbanization and Late Ming Nanjing 321. Christopher Gerteis, Gender Struggles: Wage-Earning Women and MaleDominated Unions in Postwar Japan 322. Rebecca Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity 323. Lucien Bianco, Wretched Rebels: Rural Disturbances on the Eve of the Chinese Revolution 324. Cathryn H. Clayton, Sovereignty at the Edge: Macau and the Question of Chineseness 325. Micah S. Muscolino, Fishing Wars and Environmental Change in Late Imperial and Modern China 326. Robert ,Hellyer, Defining Engagement: Japan and Global Contexts, 1750–1868 327. Robert Ashmore, The Transport of Reading: Text and Understanding in WKH:RUOGRI7DR4LDQ365–427) 328. Mark A. Jones, Children as Treasures: Childhood and the Middle Class in Early Twentieth Century Japan 329. Miryam Sas, Experimental Arts in Postwar Japan: Moments of Encounter, Engagement, and Imagined Return 330. H. Mack Horton, Traversing the Frontier: The 0DQ·\ĊVKČ Account of a Japanese Mission to Silla in 736–737 331. Dennis J. Frost, Seeing Stars: Sports Celebrity, Identity, and Body Culture in Modern Japan 332. Marnie S. Anderson, A Place in Public: Women’s Rights in Meiji Japan

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 359

—-1 —0 —+1

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 333. Peter Mauch, SailRU'LSORPDW1RPXUD.LFKLVDEXUĎDQGWKH-DSDQHVHAmerican War 334. (WKDQ,VDDF6HJDOCoins, Trade, and the State: Economic Growth in Early Medieval Japan 335. David B. Lurie, Realms of Literacy: Early Japan and the History of Writing 336. Lillian Lan-ying Tseng, Picturing Heaven in Early China 337. Jun Uchida, Brokers of Empire: Japanese Settler Colonialism in Korea, 1876–1945 338. Patricia L. Maclachlan, The People’s Post Office: The History and Politics of the Japanese Postal System, 1871–2010 339. Michael Schiltz, The Money Doctors from Japan: Finance, Imperialism, and the Building of the Yen Bloc, 1895–1937 340. Daqing Yang, Jie Liu, Hiroshi Mitani, and Andrew Gordon, eds., Toward a History beyond Borders: Contentious Issues in Sino-Japanese Relations 341. Sonia Ryang, Reading North Korea: An Ethnological Inquiry 342. Susan Huang, Picturing the True Form: Daoist Visual Culture in Traditional China 343. Barbara Mittler, A Continuous Revolution: Making Sense of Cultural Revolution Culture 344. HZDQVRR,OPHH.LPEmpire of the Dharma: Korean and Japanese Buddhism, 1877–1912 345. Satoru Saito, Detective Fiction and the Rise of the Japanese Novel, 1880–1930 346. Jung-Sun N. Han, An Imperial Path to Modernity: Yoshino SakuzĎDQGD New Liberal Order in East Asia, 1905–1937 347. Atsuko Hirai, Government by Mourning: Death and Political Integration in Japan, 1603–1912 348. Darryl E. Flaherty, Public Law, Private Practice: Politics, Profit, and the Legal Profession in Nineteenth-Century Japan 349. Jeffrey Paul Bayliss, On the Margins of Empire: Buraku and Korean Identity in Prewar and Wartime Japan 350. Barry Eichengreen, Dwight H. Perkins, and Kwanho Shin, From Miracle to Maturity: The Growth of the Korean Economy 351. Michel Mohr, Buddhism, Unitarianism, and the Meiji Competition for Universality 352. J. Keith Vincent, Two-Timing Modernity: Homosocial Narrative in Modern Japanese Fiction 354. Chong-Bum An and Barry Bosworth, Income Inequality in Korea: An Analysis of Trends, Causes, and Answers 355. Jamie L. Newhard, Knowing the Amorous Man: A History of Scholarship on 7DOHVRI,VH

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 360

6/18/14 6:20 PM

Harvard East Asian Monographs 356. Sho Konishi, Anarchist Modernity: Cooperatism and Japanese-Russian Intellectual Relations in Modern Japan 357. Christopher P. Hanscom, The Real Modern: Literary Modernism and the Crisis of Representation in Colonial Korea 358. Michael Wert, Meiji Restoration Losers: Memory and Tokugawa Supporters in Modern Japan 359. Garret P. S. Olberding, ed., Facing the Monarch: Modes of Advice in the Early Chinese Court 360. ;LDRMXH:DQJ Modernity with a Cold War Face: Reimagining the Nation in Chinese Literature Across the 1949 Divide 361. David Spafford, A Sense of Place: The Political Landscape in Late Medieval Japan 362. Jongryn Mo and Barry Weingast, Korean Political and Economic Development: Crisis, Security, and Economic Rebalancing 363. Melek Ortabasi, The Undiscovered Country: Text, Translation, and Modernity in the Work of Yanagita Kunio 364. Hiraku Shimoda, Lost and Found: Recovering Regional Identity in Imperial Japan 365. Trent E. Maxey, The “Greatest Problem”: Religion and State Formation in Meiji Japan 366. Gina Cogan, The Princess Nun: Bunchi, Buddhist Reform, and Gender in Early Edo Japan 367. Eric C. Han, Rise of a Japanese Chinatown: Yokohama, 1894–1972 368. Natasha Heller, Illusory Abiding: The Cultural Construction of the Chan Monk Zhongfeng Mingben 369. Paize Keulemans, Sound Rising from the Paper: Nineteenth-Century Martial Arts Fiction and the Chinese Acoustic Imagination 370. Simon James Bytheway, Investing Japan: Foreign Capital, Monetary Standards, and Economic Development, 1859–2011 371. Sukhee Lee, Negotiated Power: The State, Elites, and Local Governance in Twelfth- to Fourteenth-Century China 372. Ping Foong, The Efficacious Landscape: On the Authorities of Painting at the Northern Song Court 373. Catherine L. Phipps, Empires on the Waterfront: Japan’s Ports and Power, 1858–1899 374. Sunyoung Park, The Proletarian Wave: Literature and Leftist Culture in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945 375. Barry Eichengreen, Wonhyuk Lim, Yung Chul Park, and Dwight H. Perkins, The Korean Economy: From a Miraculous Past to a Sustainable Future 376. Heather Blair, Real and Imagined: The Peak of Gold in Heian Japan

—-1 —0 —+1

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 361

6/18/14 6:20 PM

-1— 0— +1—

541-57810_ch03_3P.indd 362

6/18/14 6:20 PM