Navajo-federal relations as a social-cultural problem

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NAVAJO-FEDERAL RELATIONS AS A SOCIAL-CULTURAL PROBLEM

A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Sociology University of Southern California

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy

by Floyd Allen Pollock February 19^2

UMI Number: DP-31690

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o T h is dissertation, w r it t e n by

.FLQYD...ALLEN..POLL.Q0K......... u n d e r the g u idan ce o f A.jLs F a c u lt y C o m m itte e on Studies, a n d a p p ro v e d by a l l its members, has been presented to and accepted by the C o u n c il on G ra d u a te S tu d y a n d Research, in p a r t i a l f u l ­ f ill m e n t o f requirem ents f o r the degree o f D O C T O R O F P H IL O S O P H Y

Dean

Secretary Date.

Committee on Studies

'hairman

iV j V

TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER

PAGE

INTRODUCTION.

NAVAJO-FEDERAL RELATIONS AS A

SOCIAL-CULTURAL PROBLEM I.

.........................

SCOPE AND PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

. ..........

The Navajo p r o b l e m ..................

1 4 4

The three-fold nature of the Navajo problem

.............................

10

The Navajo situation as a sociological problem

.............................

13

Statement of the problem and purpose of the study

.......................... .. .

Methods and sources of data

II.

............

25

Verification of interview d a t a ..........

32

ECOLOGICAL S I T U A T I O N .......................

36

Explanatory n o t e .........................

36

Physical nature of the Navajo Reservation .

31

The land question

40

Mode of life Adjacent towns Summary III.

22

.......................

. . . . . . . . . . ........

45

...........................

51

............

55

ORIGINS AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDS OF TEE NAVAJO INDIAN

...........................

Origin of the Navajo name

..............

Origin and stock of the Navajo

. . . . . .

57 57 59

iii CHAPTER

PAGE The social u n i t .........................

61

Havajo migration southward .................

62

Navajo-Spanish relations

............ ' . .

64

Navajo-American relations

.................

67

The treaty of 1868 .......................

69

S u m m a r y ................................... IV.

72

NAVAJO-GOVERNMENT RELATIONSHIPS THAT PRODUCED THE PRESENT SITUATION

.....................

74

Navajo and government policies previous to 1 9 3 3 .................................

74

S u m m a r y .................................

79

Recent events of the Navajo crisis ........

82

Commissioner John Collier’s Navajo policies and program

.................

S u m m a r y ...............................

82 89

The Wheeler-Howard Indian Act of 1934 (The Indian Reorganization Act)

. ...

90

The Reorganization Act rejected by the’Navajo

..............

94

S u m m a r y ...............................

99

The Navajo Reservation Extension Boundary B i l l .........................

100

S u m m a r y ...............................

107

The stock reduction program

............

108

iv CHAPTER The Navajo Reservation divided into eighteen districts

..................

Removal of excess horses

V.

VI.

..............

130

S u m m a r y .................................

136

ATTITUDE OP THE NAVAJO TOWARD THE STOCK REDUCTION PROGRAM ...........................

138

S u m m a r y .....................................

167

SOCIAL CONTROL ON THE NAVAJO RESERVATION

. . .

170

Difficulties involved in law and order

. . .

170

Regulations governing law

andorder ........

173

The Navajo P a t r o l ...........................

176

Enforcement of range regulations

..........

179

................

186

Reservation border towns

Federal Government employees and the law

. .

S u m m a r y ..................................... VII.

THE TWOFOLD ASPECT OF NAVAJO EDUCATION

19^ 197

....

199

The boarding school e r a .....................

200

The day school

p r o g r a m ....................

206

Navajo educational objectives ............

211

Day school problems and Navajo reactions

. .

S u m m a r y .................. VIII.

123

FEDERAL ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS The problem of federal administration Indian citizenship

215 225

. . . .

. .

.........................

228 228 233

V

CHAPTER

PAGE The Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s ...............

244

Commissioner John Collier and the new Indian policy

...........................

248

Recent administrative problems on the Navajo R e s e r v a t i o n ................. The Navajo Tribal Council ...................

263 270

Navajo attitude toward administrative procedure Summary IX.

.......................

273

...................................

281

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS.......................

285

BIBLIOGRAPHY

.......................................

528

LIST OP MAPS AND DISTRICTS PAGE

Federal Indian Reservations

ofthe United States

...

Navajo Indian Reservation..... .........................

3 4l

List of Districts and Headquarters of the Navajo R e s e rv a t i o n ......................................... Districts and District Headquarters NavajoReservation

128 129

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dutiful acknowledgment is made of my profound in­ debtedness to all who have so generously contributed to this study.

For aid of such various kinds that it oft-

times becomes intangible, being measured in terms of advice, cooperation, stimulation, encouragement, and willingness to go to endless trouble in my behalf, I feel deeply grate­ ful to the following: Doctor Clarence M. Case, Doctor Emory S. Bogardus, Doctor John E. Nordskog, Doctor George B. Mangold, and Doctor Merritt M. Thompson.

I am under

special obligation to Doctor Clarence M. Case for his personal interest, his wise counsel, and his never-ceasing inspiration in the direction of the research. I wish to express my sincere appreciation to Mr. E. R. Fryer, Superintendent of the Navajo Reservation, and his staff for their liberal support, for their time so graciously given for interviews, and for freely furnishing requested government documents and information.

Any state­

ment made in the following pages is intended to carry not the least semblance of a personal content for anyone con­ nected with the Indian Service. To the traders, the educators, the missionaries, the business men, and the newspaper editors throughout the Navajo country, who have so obligingly supplied a wealth

of information not obtainable elsewhere, the writer wishes to express his genuine thanks. Finally, to Mr. Frank Walker, who acted as interpreter for this study, and his people, the Navajo Indians, very special gratitude is most gladly expressed.

These

Indians, whose friendship I most dearly prize, with a sin­ cere desire to have their condition and problems rightly appraised that justice and equity to all may prevail, freely contributed much pertinent material which has proven of inestimable value in this study. To all those mentioned above, I again most heartily express my acknowledgment, being fully cognizant that only by their magnanimous and invaluable assistance was this study made possible.

Evidence of their cooperation, sug­

gestions, and contributions will be found throughout this work. The material in this study has been read and edited by my wife and for her patience and valuable criticism throughout the course of study I am deeply grateful.

NAVAJO-FEDERAL RELATIONS AS A SOCIAL-CULTURAL PROBLEM Located in Northeastern Arizona and extending across the borders into Northern New Mexico and Eastern Utah is. an area of almost twenty-five thousand square miles, equal to that of West Virginia and almost three times that of Massachusetts.

This vast stretch consists of semi-arid

desert plateaus and mountain ranges varying in altitude from five thousand to ten thousand feet.

It is weirdly

beautiful In appearance, but drastically limited in water supply and in vegetation necessary for the sustenance of animal and human life.

The thin soil is unable to produce

adequate vegetation for the increasing flocks and it is now seriously threatened by erosion through overgrazing. Living on the plains of this vast area is the largest tribe of Indians in the United States, the Navajo, which has increased from nine thousand in 1868 to over forty-eight thousand, in 19^0, a large increase in seventytwo years in spite of the poverty of their arid land.

They

have wrested a living through their herds of sheep and goats, small farm plots, their skillful weaving and silversmithing, and the few occasional opportunities for day labor.

Theirs is the story of a brave and colorful people

facing a crisis which is tending toward a catastrophe through the natural increase of population and the ffseem­ ingly inevitable” increase of horses, sheep, and goats.

2 This crisis is developing although the population density is only two persons to the square mile.^

1 Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Indian Problem (New York.; 1939) > P* vii.

J>V v • * * 4 v i t o *w,,'*«*c, 19. _T*" , / * May-June, 1939* "Culture is whatsoever man (or any other creature) learns as a member of society, stores externally in tools and symbols, and transmits socially as culture patterns, in their two-fold aspects of social values, with corresponding attitudes in persons, plus such products as endure through ’the sheer objective continuity of material existence.’" Ibid., p. 420. A social value is "any meaningful object toward which members of a group have attitudes." Erie F. Young, Bessie A McClenahan, and Pauline V. Young, The Social Worker’s Dictionary (Los Angeles: Social Work Technique, 1936), p . 6l.

14 . . . any social situation which attracts the atten­ tion of a considerable number of competent observers within a society, and appeals to them as calling for readjustment or remedy by social, i.e., collective, action of some kind or other.12 It is generally understood that if a social problem is of a sociological nature, it- "is partly a state of the social mind and hence not purely a matter of unfavorable objective „13 conditions in the physical and social environment. The sociological phases of the Navajo situation are closely related to the fact that under present conditions the Navajo have a very limited income.

Furthermore, the

specialization and limitations of the pastoral economy of these Indians have become associated with fixed cultural patterns and

u s e s . ^ 4

So long as the natural resources of

the Navajo country could cope with the ever increasing number of animals on the Reservation, Navajo economy re­ mained intact, but when the range was no longer plentiful and the land was wasting away, through the devastating process of soil erosion, the Navajo were suddenly confronted with a situation which was foreign to their daily routine of life.

Basic then, to the situation, is the necessity of

12 Clarence M. Case, Outlines of Introductory Sociolo­ gy (New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1924")", p. 627*

^

h o c . cit.

C. Daryll Forde, Habitat, Economy and Society (New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1937) > P« 394.

15 a conservation program to save the Navajo's land.

To the

Navajo,, the problem which they face is a strange paradoxi­ cal process.

It is the policy of the Indian Service to

develop a conservation program of saving the land as a means of saving the people, but the Navajo see only incon­ sistency in the program since, to them, it has stressed the saving of the land regardless of the economic and social cost to the people. The situation has developed into more than the necessity of a scientific plan of conserving the natural resources of the Reservation; there is need for the con­ sideration of the human factor since the cultural and social elements are also involved.

As a rule, new social

developments come slowly, and in due time a culture may make some definite changes without any break in its con­ tinuity.

The core of Navajo culture is of an economic

nature, based on a pastoral industry, and as such, under present conditions it has become comparatively unstable. The core of a culture is largely immune to direct disturb­ ance, but it is bound to be indirectly affected by any Important changes in the total cultural configuration. Normally these changes are of a sort which allows time for

■*•5 Ralph Linton, The Study of Man (New York: D. Apple ton-Century Co., 1956) > P«

16 adjustment, but a sudden introduction of a new element into a culture, or a sudden change in the general routine of the life of the group, makes it difficult for a society to maintain its integrity,

16 and a serious disruption is like­

ly to follow. Had the Navajo foreseen the necessity of taking definite steps to bring about a gradual change in their pastoral industry, and thereby save their range, the fed­ eral government would not have been forced to take definite steps to conserve their land for them.

Under these circum­

stances it became necessary for one culture group to become subjected to the rules of another culture group.

Such an

arrangement carries with it a discipline complex, which tends to displace tribal control.

The subject group is

forced to follow the beaten path; discipline tends to substitute new habits for old ones;

17

and since the subject

group is committed to valuations of culture, disorganiza­ tion is likely to follow. It is very evident that the Navajo, a once happy, proud and independent people, are emotionally upset; they are in a stage of mental depression.

At one time they

Ihid.j PP» 359-60. Clark Wissler, Man and Culture (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1923)/ P • 1 7 ^

IT enjoyed comparative prosperity, but now thousands are de­ pendent on the federal government for their support; many who once had the prestige of wealth are now living at the subsistence level.

As a result of droughts, and the Indian

Service stock reduction program, the Navajos1 buying power has been greatly reduced.

They are no longer able to start

their children in the sheep industry. Security is one of lft the basic wishes in human nature. However, with regard to the Navajo, many of the lower income group no longer have a feeling of security, and status is gradually dimin­ ishing for those who at one time were considered wealthy. A people who once attained certain standards and are forced to a lower plane of living, are often unhappy and discon­ tented.

Such an attitude tends to bring about individual

demoralization, leading eventually to group disorganization. Previous to the noticeable increase in the Navajo population the people were prosperous for there was more

1 ft

Thomas’ fourfold classification of wishes includes the wish for security, the wish for new experience, the wish for response, and the wish for recognition. These wishes are considered permanent and fundamental unconscious motives which find expression in characteristic forms of behavior. ¥. I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl (Boston: Little Brown and Co., 1925)* pp. 1-40. Bogardus refers to "the fifth wish” as the social wish. Man has a social nature, which is expressed in his desire to give aid to others. This wish is the basis for man's ethical conduct. Emory S. Bogardus, "The Fifth Wish,” Sociology and Social Research, 16:75-77* September-October, 1931.

18 than enough land for each family.

But as the population

increased and the ratio between man and land became less, a serious problem developed for both the people and the land. Formerly the Navajo found little difficulty in making an ad­ justment to their physical environment but when the land was no longer so plentiful it became very difficult for the Navajo to change their economy patterns in order to cope with the new situation.

The Navajo are at the crossroads

and it is necessary that they define the situation wisely and face the problem sanely since their ability to make the proper adjustment to their physical surroundings and to life conditions is the secret of their existence.

As Sumner

points out in his man-land ratio theory, in the life of human society are man and land, and there is continually the necessity of adjustment between them. How much land there is to how many men is the funda­ mental consideration in the life of any society. The ratio between these two factors means the ratio of num­ bers to sustenance or of mouths to food. . . . "Where mother earth has more children than she can nourish, they die or exist in misery; where beasts or men are fewer, they get more nourishment and may live on in comfort. . . . Adjustment between man and land involves a struggle between men. Numbers are always surging up against the limit of subsistence, and the mouths do not close upon the food without a preliminary contest which decides who is to have it. This is the familiar struggle for existence, or competition of life, with the powerful urge to self-preservation behind it, and its type is a reflection of the man-land ratio. . . . . . . men develop concurrent ways or customary

19 methods of meeting life-conditions. Societies are characterized by these ways, as when we speak of hunt­ ing, pastoral, or agricultural tribes. The maintenanceways, by which an actual living is acquired, are tested constantly and convincingly on the realities of life; if life conditions change and they do not respond, the result is speedily apparent, even to a limited intel­ ligence. . . . There are also other ways, which repre­ sent adjustment to less tangible realities. . . . Which mean that relation of numbers to sustenance underlies and is finally determinative of all human usages, not of the maintenance-ways alone. Out of the blocks of customs thus evolved and con­ trolled issue all human institutions. Hence the type of society’s institutions derived ultimately from the ratio of men to land. This is equivalent to saying that the type of society and of societal life goes back to that ratio; for the life of any society lies in the evolution of its institutions, since they are its ad­ justments to its life-conditions.1^ Supposedly the Navajo program, which was inaugurated in

1933

proach.

} was based on a sociological and a scientific ap­ However, it is evident that it would have been

well had more attention been given to the Indian’s cultural values and attitudes, and had the accumulated knowledge of students of social theory been consulted.

As Thomas and

Znaniecki point out, social theory fulfills its task by discovering laws which can be applied to the regulation of the processes which lead to social becoming.

They say:

. . . Since it is theoretically possible to find what social influences should be applied to certain existing attitudes in order to produce certain new attitudes, and what attitudes should be developed with regard to certain already existing social values in

Wrilliam G. Sumner and Albert G. Keller, The Science of Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1927), Vol. 1, PP- 4-5-

20 order to make the individual or the group produce cer­ tain new social values, there is not a single phenome­ non within the whole sphere of human life that con­ scious control cannot reach sooner or later.20 These students of human relations also teach that whatever may be the aim of social practice in the change or modification of the group!s cultural values and attitudes, or social institutions, the elements which are needed to attain this aim will not be found isolated and passively waiting for activity.

These elements will always be em­

bodied in active practical situations which have been inde­ pendently formed.

Therefore, when social changes are de­

sired, ample consideration must be given to these values, attitudes, and institutions; and when making an approach to the situation, the activity must be directed in such a m a n ­ ner that it will comply with the old values, attitudes, and institutions if the desired results are to be gained.

The

"situation*1 is the set of cultural values and attitudes which the individual or group must consider in a process of activity.

If a situation arises there is conflict and the

definition•or decision for activity is made on the basis of the strength of these values and attitudes.

Therefore,

every concrete activity is the solution of a social situation.

The social situation involves three kinds of data:

20 w. i. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, Polish Peasant in Europe and America (Boston: Bichard G. Badger, 1918), Vol. 1, pp. 65-66. 21 Ibid., pp. 67-68.

21 (l) The objective condition under which the indi­ vidual or society has to act, that is, the totality of values economic, social, religious, intellectual etc.-which at the given moment effect directly or indirectly the conscious status of the individual group. (2) The pre-existing attitudes of the individual or the group which at a given moment have an actual influence upon his behavior. (3) The definition of the situation, that is the more or less clear conception of the condi­ tions and consciousness of the attitudes, and the definition of the situation is a necessary prelimination to any act of the will, for in given conditions and with a given set of attitudes an indefinite plurali­ ty of actions is possible, and one definite action can appear only if these conditions are selected, inter­ posed and combined in a determined way and if a certain systematization of these attitudes is reached, so that one of them becomes predominant and subordinates the others. It happens indeed that a certain value imposes itself immediately and unreflectively and leads at once to action, or that attitude as soon as it appears ex­ cludes the others and expresses itself unhesitatingly in an active process. In these cases, whose most radical examples are found in reflex and instinctive actions, the definition is already given to the indi­ vidual by external conditions or by his own tendencies. But usually there is a process of reflection, after which, either a ready social definition is applied or a new personal definition worked out.22 The Havajos1 culture patterns are so closely related to their pastoral economy that when the range could no longer support their large flocks and herds, their culture patterns were disrupted.

Unable to make the proper adjust­

ment to this new situation, the Havajo are tending to be­ come discouraged and many are developing an attitude of 11W hat1s the use?1' Thus, they are in a state of disorganiza­ tion.

Hot only is there a process of degeneration and

22 Ibid., pp. 68-69-

22 decadence taking place within Navajo society but there is a growing opposition to the Federal Government’s conservation program on the Reservation.

Since 1868 the Navajo had been

taught to increase their flocks and prosper but when it be­ came necessary to conserve the soil on the Reservation the policy was reversed and the Navajo was asked to reduce their flocks.

This meant an economic loss and the lowering of

the standards which were becoming a part of their culture. They were desiring commercial food and clothing, and many were buying cars and making regular weekly trips to the Reservation border towns.

Suddenly the Navajo was faced

with a financial crisis and a new situation which called for a definition.

The Navajo’s definition’of the situation

was based on their old values and attitudes but the Indian Service had a new definition of the situation.

Consequent­

ly there was strife and conflict as will be seen in the following pages of this study. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM AND PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of this study was to determine the causes which have led to the present deadlock between the Navajo Indians and the United States Indian Service, with reference to the reform program of Commissioner John Collier, and to show some of the consequences of this situation to the

23 Navajo Indians. In other words the purpose of this study was to answer the following questions: 1.

What is the present unfavorable social situation

existing among the Navajo? 2.

How does the physical" nature of their environ­

ment affect their social-cultural problems? 3.

Who are the Navajo and what was their ethnic

origin and historical background? 4.

What were the early relations between the Navajo

and the Federal Government with particular reference to social-cultural problems? 5.

What is Commissioner Collier’s reform program

and what conditions produced the present situation which caused the Navajo to oppose his program? 6.

How has the Federal administration of Indian

affairs constituted a social-cultural problem? 7 . How have the mistakes made by the Indian Service in administering the Navajo program aggravated the socialcultural problems? 8.

What solutions to social-cultural problems may

be suggested? Although this study was not undertaken with any aim of social reform, it does have a definite purpose in the honest desire to discover some of the facts in the lives

24 and experiences of the Navajo Indian, and to present some of the problems which confront the Navajo and the Indian Service as a result of Navajo-Federal relations. The present writer has striven to. approach this study with an open mind.

So much has been written on the

pros and cons of Commissioner Collier's Indian program strictly from the subjective viewpoint, that it is the honest endeavor of this study to present an objective analysis of the situation.

When one studies a group of

people by making friendly contacts with them and learns to appreciate their mode of life, their attitudes, and their opinions, one must attempt to enter into the social situa­ tion.

To the degree that one enters into the situation

and gains a thorough understanding, one tends to become partisan.

At this point the research student is running

into danger, but the present writer doubts that the in­ vestigator can remain absolutely objective and at the same time appreciate the full significance of the situation. However, the research agent must acquire the capacity to live in the situation and. cultivate the qualities of self awareness which will allow him to take himself into account regarding his personal feeling and his preconceived ideas. The attitude and spirit with which the research worker approaches his study is vitally important.

The

present writer's association with the Navajo during a period

25 of nine years has developed within him an attitude of re­ spect, admiration, and sympathetic understanding for these people and their problems. The most valuable information for this study has not come from a cold, scientific approach, but from the result of associations which developed a social nearness and a sympathetic understanding of the forces which are tending to disrupt the Navajo’s normal trend of life.

Realizing

this fact, in order to avoid falling into the pit of sub­ jectivity, the present writer has taken every precaution to guard against being unduly influenced in his conclusions and his methods. METHODS AND SOURCES OF DATA The methods used in this study were primarily of a psycho-social nature,^ since a social problem is both social and psychological, dealing with the descriptive and qualitative analysis of social groups,

O h

social reactions

and opinions, and the closely related factors of attitudes and values of the participants.

Bogardus defines an atti­

tude as, "a tendency to act--either toward or against some

25 Lloyd E. Bernard, An Introduction to Social Psychology (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1926), pp. 18 - 22 . Emory S. Bogardus, Contemporary Sociology (Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1952), p. 21.

26 object of experience, which becomes a value," while "opin­ ion is a true or false impression of an attitude."^5 An effective study of social groups must take into account the psycho-social aspects of human life, human relationships, and social change.

26

It must consider the

"anxieties, mental conflicts, and ambitions which stimulate 07 the energies of . . . man. . . ." ' The present writer has attempted to bear in mind that social research means more than collecting facts about people, but that research must analyze the meaning of those facts.

"It tries to understand the attitudes of the people

about whom facts are collected and to account for the resuitant opinions."

28

In sociological research several standard methods may be used to discover opinions and attitudes in a group of individuals.

The methods used in this study were the

Emory S. Bogardus, The New Social Research (Los Angeles: Jesse Ray Miller, 1926)* p. 25* u Pauline V. Young, Scientific Social Surveys and Research (New York: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1939)> PP« 51-52. ^ Robert E. Park, "The City as a Social Laboratory," citing T. V. Smith and Leonard White, Chicago--An Experi­ ment in Social Science Research (University of Chicago Press, 1929)> P* 12. ^ 29

Bogardus, The New Social Research, p. 15•

^ Robert L. Sutherland and Julian L. Woodward, Introductory Sociology (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott Company,

27 personal interview,-^0 the group interview,^ the partici-

■*2 the work of a non-participant observer, 33 ^

pant observer,^

and the study of documents. Observation is a slow, cumbersome method and requires many repeated observations to determine attitudes, innermost feelings, and reactions.

However, observation has been

used continually in this study.

The present writer has

quietly observed the Navajo at his work, in his fields, and with his flocks.

The Indians have been observed at the

trading posts, in meetings, and in the Reservation border towns.

Many opportunities were found to participate in

group gatherings at various fairs, and yeibichai dances held throughout the Reservation each fall.

Observation may

be an imperfect method, but it served in gaining for the observer a closer relation and greater insight into Navajo life. Documentary evidence regarding Navajo reactions and attitudes toward government policies was scarce indeed. However, newspaper articles and some government documents

Pauline V. Young, Interviewing in Social Work (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1933)* PP* 1-24'. 51 Ibid., pp. 42-45. 32

^ Emory S. Bogardus, Introduction to Social Research (Los Angeles: Suttonhouse Ltd., 1936), pp. 70-73* ^

£bid., pp. 65-70.

28 were available.

A valuable source of information was also

found in the minutes of the Navajo Council meetings. The most illuminating data were secured from personal %

and group interviews with the Navajo Indians.

This informa­

tion was supplemented by interviews with traders, mission­ aries, educators, newspaper editors, government employees, and many other informal conversations. The personal interview method was chosen as the most desirable in this study because of the desire to obtain at firsthand data on personal experiences and their interpreta­ tions, and thereby analyze the causes and results of the con­ flict between the Navajo and the Indian Service.

From the

personal interviews the present writer was able to obtain the reactions of the Navajo and to draw some conclusions as to what was really happening to these people when their old social order and daily routine of life was disrupted. One of the problems which the interviewer encountered was to gain the confidence and to establish an understanding with the overly cautious, and already suspicious, Navajo. Since 1933 these Indians have had so many government agents calling on them, proposing a new phase or attempting to ex­ plain some part of Mr. Collier’s unpopular program, that the interviewer had to thoroughly establish his identity as that of one free from all government connections before he was received by the Navajo.

Being aware of the Indian’s

29 confidence in a man of gray hairs and many years of experi­ ence, it became necessary to secure such a man as an inter­ preter.

Fortunately Mr. Frank Walker, a Navajo Indian who

met all the necessary qualifications, was available and his services were employed.

Mr. Walker has acted as inter­

preter for the Franciscan Fathers at Saint Michaels, Ari­ zona, since the decade of the l890!s.

He is widely known,

and is greatly respected by his people throughout the Reservation.

He is not a stockman, but he is vitally in­

terested in the Indian and his problems, and at the same time has an insight into the viewpoint of the Indian Serv­ ice as well as that of the Navajo Indian.

Mr. Walker’s

broadness of attitude, coupled with his long record as a thoroughly adequate and honest interpreter, leads the interviewer to believe that the material obtained is a fair measure of the Navajo Indian's reactions and attitudes toward past and present Federal Government policies. Since September 1952 the present writer has been employed at the Fort Lewis Branch of the Colorado State College.

This college, being located within some seventy

miles of the Northeastern boundary of the Navajo Reserva­ tion, afforded him the opportunity of a comparatively close association with Navajo-land.

His first observations im­

pressed him with the Navajo’s simple, pastoral life, their seemingly contented independence, and their freedom from

30 the influence of the white m a n ’s civilization, while at the same time displaying great wealth in horses and jewelry. Many had cars and some even had the more expensive models which, when standing beside the Indian’s primitive hogans, presented a fascinating picture of acculturation. In 1933* &s a result of Commissioner Collier’s activities, the Southwest became aware of the fact that all was not well with the proud Navajo, that something must be done to save his land and thereby save him.

Through the

medium of newspaper articles and contacts with the college students, whose parents were employed in the Indian Service, the present writer kept in touch with developments on the Navajo Reservation.

In the spring of 1936 he toured the

Reservation as an observer, and at that time definitely decided to make a study of some phase of the Navajo problem.. In August, 1940, with Mr. Walker acting as inter­ preter, a tour to representative parts of the Reservation was begun.

It was a tremendously interesting, as well as

an educational experience, to meet with these people and to listen to them as they intelligently related their experi­ ences, and freely expressed their opinions regarding the social and economic problems, and the cultural changes which were taking place among the Navajo,

The interviewer

experienced a happy situation, which Is seldom found in interviewing members of the white race, for he soon

31 realized that the Navajo, after a few preliminary questions, would reveal their experiences and reactions with little further questioning and in a very unpretentious manner if . given ample time.

During the tour of the Reservation the'

following six representative districts were visited: 1.

The Central Agency district, which includes Win­

dow Rock, Fort Defiance, Saint Michaels, and Ganado, Ari­ zona; 2.

The north central portion, including Chinlee,

Chinlee Valley, many farms, and Canyon De Chelly; 3.

The extreme western part and the most primitive

portion of the Reservation, including Leupp, Cameron, Tuba City, Kayenta, Monument Valley, Mexican Hat, and Hovenweep National Monument; 4.

The south central portion of the Reservation

along the Santa Fe railroad, including Gallup, Fort Win­ gate, Thoreau, Manuelito, and Lupton, New Mexico; 5.

The northeastern section of the Reservation, in­

cluding Redrock, Cove, Shiprock, Waterflow, Fruitland, Kirtland*, and Farmington, New Mexico; 6.

Eastern Navajo, including Carsons, Pueblo Bonito,

Chaco Canyon National Monument, Counselors, and points as far west as Cuba, New Mexico. A record kept by the interviewer revealed that over 5,500 miles were traveled while visiting the six districts.

32 Many of these miles were traversed over intolerable roads, and much of this distance was traveled over no roads at all, merely following wagon tracks in the sand leading to a Navajo hogan.

During this time personal interviews were

made with seventy-eight Navajo, eleven missionaries, four­ teen traders, and sixteen Indian Service employees.

In

addition to these fifteen business men in the Reservation border towns were interviewed, and over two hundred Navajo were contacted by group interviews. Since the spring of 1936 every possible opportunity has been utilized to interview Navajo, traders, mission­ aries, educators, government employees, business men, and, stockmen.

As a result over three hundred Navajo and white

men, throughout the Southwest, were contacted and their reactions to the Navajo situation obtained.

The many trips

made to the Reservation, Reservation border towns, museums, and libraries of the Southwest during the period of this study necessitated the traveling of over four thousand additional miles.

The total number of miles traveled in

securing data exceeded nine thousand. VERIFICATION OF INTERVIEW DATA When interviewing the Navajo every necessary pre­ caution was taken to put the interviewee at his ease and to

33 give him an opportunity to express himself freely.^

The

very presence of Mr. Walker tended to encourage confidence in the Indians and to bring about a mutual understanding, which is of vital importance to a successful interview.

It

was soon learned that the Navajo, without a moment’s hesita­ tion, would lay their mask aside, and in their own manner proceed to tell their story.

Often the interviewee took a

roundabout, laborious road to arrive at the point, but he was always allowed to think for himself, and ample time was given him to think the situation through. As mentioned above, Frank Walker’s reputation as an honest interpreter, and the great esteem held for him by his people, led the interviewer to believe that the materi­ al obtained from the interviews is a true testimony of Navajo reactions and attitudes toward Federal Government Indian policies.

Often in the course of conversation Mr.

Walker would make a significant comment, such as, ”these Indians sure are telling you the truth.”

”1 was afraid

that fellow wouldn’t tell much, but I was pleased with the way he came right out and told you how the people feel about these things.' . . . They certainly do open up and tell you how they feel about the government’s

p r o g r a m . ” - ^

Young, op. cit., pp. 85-88 . ^5 Frank Walker, Interviews by the present writer, August-December, 19^0.

34 There is much comparative material which verifies the authenticity of the interview data presented in this study.

A Federal Government report of the hearings of a

Senate Investigating Committee on Navajo problems-^® con­ tains many testimonies of Navajo reactions to the govern­ ment Indian policies. of Indian Affairs

37

In 1940 the New Mexico Association

published an interesting report of a

survey made of social conditions on the Navajo Reservation. The testimonies in this report compare favorably with those received from the Navajo by the present writer.

Many in­

teresting accounts pertaining to the reactions of the Nava­ jo government policies have been presented in the publica­ tions of the Indian Rights Association.-^®

This organiza­

tion has had its representatives on the Reservation collect­ ing similar data to that obtained in this study.

The inter­

views with missionaries, traders, educators, newspaper editors, and government employees were in harmony with the facts obtained from the Indians and are a valuable source of verification to the data used in this study.

^ Survey of Conditions of Indians of the United States, Part 34 (Washington, D.C.: United States Printing Office, 1937). 37 New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, Urgent Navajo Problems (Santa Fe: 1940). ^ ln^lan Truth (Philadelphia: The Indian Rights Association).

35 One of the most valuable sources of comparative data is that of interviews transmitted to phonograph records which were taken in the Navajo language under the guidance of Mr. John C. McPhee of the Navajo Indian Service.

In the

spring of 19^1 Richard Van Valkenburgh, an Indian Service employee, John C. McPhee, the publicity agent for the Navajo Service, and Frank Walker, acting as interpreter, made a tour.to representative parts of the Reservation to contact Navajo Indians and to get their reactions toward the Indian Service program.

Phonograph record was taken of each inter­

view, many of which were made with the same Navajo whom the present writer and Mr. Walker had interviewed in the fall of 19^0.

According to Mr. Walker these phonograph records

verify in every respect the interviews quoted in this study.

CHAPTER I I

ECOLOGICAL SITUATION EXPLANATORY NOTE House defines ecology as, f,the study of organisms and their life and "behavior, with reference to the condi­ tioning influence of the physical environment and the strug­ gle with other organisms for existence and position.n^ House is inclined to take the point of view that human geography is identical with human ecology.

But,-as

Bogardus points out, . . . human ecology, as the sociologists would like to use the term, is . . . not identical with geography, or even with human geography. It is not man, hut the community, not m a n ’s relation to the earth which he inhabits but his relations to other men, that concern us most.^ On the other hand McKenzie, in speaking of ecology, empha­ sizes the factor of physical environment.

He says:

Basic to the ecological idea is the concept of com­ petition, . . . competition among human beings involves struggle for position--that is, for a sustenance niche and a spatial location in which the individual or in­ stitution may survive and function. . ... The unit of ecological study is the communal organism which is at once an aggregation of individual persons, a geographi­ cal and cultural habitat, and an interrelated and

Floyd N. House, The Range of Social Theory (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1929), 2 Emory S. Bogardus, Contemporary Sociology (Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1932), p. 35.

37 independent biosocial unit. It is Quinn!s contention that "human ecology" should be used in the broad sense of the term in the study of prob­ lems of m a n ’s relation to man and m a n ’s relation to environ­ ment.

He says that human ecology conceived as a specialized

marginal field of study "comprehends only those parts of various sciences which study relationship of man and en2i vironment. This point of view agrees with the traditional definition of ecology as a study which "deals with mutual relations between organisms and their environment.

Ac­

cording to Quinn, this traditional meaning "stands at the single point upon which all students of human ecology agree, namely, that this discipline always treats of relations be­ tween men and their environment."^ PHYSICAL NATURE OP THE NAVAJO RESERVATION Ecological influence is significant in the study of Navajo culture in that the environment of Navajo-land tends

^ R. D. McKenzie, "Demography, Human Geography, and Human Ecology," L. L. Bernard, The Fields and Methods of Sociology (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 193V), pp. 58-59. ^ James A. Quinn, "Human Ecology and Interactional Ecology," American Sociological Review, 5*.7l8, October, 19^0. 5 Webster’s New International Unabridged Dictionary. ^ Quinn, op. cit., p. 719*

38 to express Itself in the social relationships and cultural patterns of the semi-primitive people who seemingly live in such close communion with nature.

The Navajo have been so

dependent on the natural resources of their country that they have tended to exploit their range, thus bringing about the problem of soil erosion.

This situation has made it

necessary for each family to have less land for its flocks; hence their basic economy of sheep culture has been disrupt­ ed, their culture pattern has been thrown out of balance, and because of the lack of ability to make a proper adjust­ ment, these Indians have, to a certain extent, become dis­ organized.

These people have learned to live from the

products of their land.

They have discovered which plants

may be utilized as useful commodities; they have learned to build their hogans from the logs and mud, or stone which may be found in their homeland; and they know how to use branches and brushwood to build a summer shelter which protects them from the fiercely burning sun. The Navajo Reservation extends from northwestern New Mexico to the Grand Canyon in northeastern Arizona. The Navajo territory comprises lofty mountains, like the Lukachukai and Carrizo Range; deep, beautiful canyons, like Canyon de Chelley, Canyon del Muerto, and Marsh Pass; a river, the San Juan, which has many undeveloped irrigation possibilities; and large expanses of semi-arid land, which

39 during the summer months is noticeably dry, but becomes 7 green and productive when the late summer rains begin.' This extensive country is mainly built up of level strata of sandstone and shale, forming mesas and barren plains of all sizes and proportions from low wide terraces to tall narrow cliffs.

The hard strata at the top of the mesas

have preserved their shape through the ages, but in spite of this hard strata many deep canyons have been cut by erosion.

Some of the mesas are worn away at the sides un­

til they have become mere towers.

Other tall buttes are of

igneous rock that forced its way out in a molten state and was left standing after softer surrounding material had disappeared; Shiprock is an example of a beautiful butte of this nature.

There are some woods on the tops of the

high mountains where open groves of yellow pine may be found.

On the lower elevations are found pinons and dwarf

cedars; on the plains are creosote and sage, sparsely dot­ ting the ground; while in many places the grass is scant o

and there are no bushes at all. The Navajo country is part of the Colorado Plateau province, a region of folded and faulted sedimentary rocks

7 Gladys A. Reichard, Social Life of the Navajo Indians (New York: Columbia University Press, 1928)> P* 7* o

James De Lancey Verplanck, A Country of Shepherds (Boston: Ruth Hill Publisher, 193*0* PP* 9-10.

40 interwoven by innumerable canyons through which dwindling streams follow "tortuous paths."

In elevation the country

varies from four thousand five hundred to ten thousand feet.

A chain of mountains, the Lukachukai Chuska range,

rises above the arid desert plateau and cuts across the Arizona and New Mexico boundary in a northwest to southeast direction.

Beyond the Lukachukai to the north is a cluster

of peaks known as the Carrizo Mountains.

With such great

i

differences in elevation, the keynote of the climate of Navajo land is variability, marked by sudden changes in the temperature and wide fluctuation in rainfall. mean precipitation is about 8.29 inches. short and violent.

The annual

The storms are

The winters are long and severe.

The

Reservation streams are dry most of the year but during the rainy seasons they may be flooded within a few hours.

Q

THE LAND QUESTION One fifth of the total area of the Reservation is non-productive because of its rugged character, and the rest of the land is of unequal quality.

Erosion is one of

the most troublesome aspects of the land question.

The

natural forces of heat, cold, droughts, and floods are con­ tinually washing away and decreasing the productivity of 9 Katharine Luomala, Navajo Life of Yesterday and Today (Berkley: National Park Service, United States Depart­ ment of the Interior, 1938), pp. 39-41.

42 the soil.

The natural forces have been aided in their

depletion of the soil by overgrazing, and mismanagement of grazing.

Formerly there were a few large herds which could

be transferred to other pastures, thus leaving the land to rebuild and to regain its natural coverage.

But now there

are hundreds of small herds and fewer opportunities for moving to new ranges, making it necessary for the Indian Service to maintain strict range regulations.

Not only is

the soil of Navajo land being depleted by the many forces which are constantly at work tearing it down, but the Reservation land question occupies a "crucial position in the Southwest region, containing within it the potentiali­ ties of considerable damage to the watersheds of the San Juan, Little Colorado, and Colorado Rivers in general, and Boulder Dam in particular."1^ Old geological survey maps reveal that there were once lakes in the Navajo country which are now completely dry on account of siltation and drainage through gully cut­ ting.

Streams once perennial are now dry during the greater

part of the year, but during the rainy season are rushing with silt-laden torrents.

Throughout the Reservation the

artesian-water supplies are tending to fail and the moisture

io

Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States, Part 54 "[Washington, D.C.: United States Printing Office, 1937). p. 17981.

43 necessary for growing the range grasses has been reduced. Much of the water which once went into the thirsty soil now rushes to the sea, and the desert area has been greatly increased.

Washes along the gullies have resulted in many

instances in removing almost the entire valley fill to bed­ rock.

This erosion process has not only devastated grass­

lands, but also large areas, formerly cultivated by floodwater irrigation, were either destroyed or made inaccessible to such water because of the rapid runoff and its concen-

11

tration in gully bottoms.

In 1937 Carl Beck, Acting Chief of Extension of the Navajo Reservation, wrote: When Mr. Collier became Commissioner in 1933> the Navajos and all of the men working with them were well aware of the fact that stock-reduction and rangemanagement practices were more necessary than ever and that something would have to be done immediately to save the Navajo country from total destruction. . . . The market, due to the depression, was very poor and buyers did not attempt to remove any stock from the Reservation; therefore, a tremendous surplus was continually piling up. By this time large areas had been trampled down and grubbed off to the extent that nothing but absolute rest and moisture could bring them back. Heavy dust storms had whipped these de­ nuded areas into sand dunes. Arroyos and bad lands appeared which, by natural means or otherwise, can never be brought back to the rolling hills or valleys covered with grass sod which were common in times past. Suddenly the nation had become aware of the fact that soil erosion was really a national menace and that the Navajo area was one of the specific areas which should receive immediate attention. Engineers had already

11 Luomala, op. cit., pp. 37-38-

44 reported that Boulder Dam would he rapidly filled by sediment from the Navajo country unless drastic steps were taken to check soil erosion on the entire drainage of the Colorado River. ^ The Navajo land problem had its origin in part in an enforced change in the agricultural economy of the Indians.

Previous to the Civil War about nine thousand

Navajo were scattered from the eastern half of their present territory almost to the Rio Grande River.

At that

time they obtained a much larger share of their livelihood from cultivated crops than they do today.

Toward the close

of the war between the States, Kit Carson subdued the Navajo and they were taken to Port Sumner.

When the Navajo

were returned to their old homeland in 1868, the Federal Government issued a few sheep to each family and from that day these Indians have depended principally on livestock, game, and uncultivated products for their livelihood.

By

1930 these hardy Indians had increased to about forty-five thousand and were still depending largely on their flocks and herds which at that time consisted of well over one million head of livestock.

The experts in range management

have found that the safe grazing capacity of the Reserva­ tion is less than six hundred thousand sheep.

Thus, the

range in 1930 was carrying double its capacity and the forage of the Reservation was facing the possibility of

12

Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States, p3 17986.

45 being completely destroyed.

13

MODE OF LIFE Over forty-eight thousand Navajo live in small, widely separated, family groups, scattered over a territory of twenty-five thousand square miles.

In spite of the fact

that there are less than two persons per square mile, the increasing population, with its major interest centered in a pastoral life, is a constant reminder of the inadequacy of the present area of the Navajo range.

Although it is

known that previous to the acquisition of horses and sheep the Navajo depended chiefly on agriculture and hunting for a livelihood, he has always considered his roaming as unre­ stricted.

To be sure, his nomadism was within a limited

territory but his pastoral habits deprived him of permanent dwellings, pottery, and bulky ceremonial materials..

The

circumstances of his economic and material life provided him with cattle, horses, sheep, and goats; and these became a focus for his attention.

l4

Semi-arid lands offer such limited opportunities that the inhabitants are allowed few choices in occupations.

13 Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Indian Problem (New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1959) * PP* 7-8. 14 Gladys A. Reichard, Dezba, Woman of the Desert (New York: J. J. Augustin Publisher, 1939)> P P • xiv-xv.

46 In such environment there are at least two courses left to man, either he may he a nomad following his flocks, or he may attempt agriculture,^ and as in the case of many of the Navajo, he may engage in hoth occupational pursuits. Probably no people more completely typify their physical environment than do the Navajo.

As H e w i t t ^ points out,

the Navajo readily adapted themselves to the environment of the Southwest and. consequently they have survived.

They

have adjusted themselves not only as a means of survival, but there Is much evidence that their environment has in­ fluenced their very social nature.

Whitbeck*s1^ thesis re­

garding men who live in isolated places Is very applicable to the Navajo.

He contends that people who live far from

one another, out of touch with the centers of civilization, are forced to rely upon their own skill and resources. men learn the art of self-sufficiency.

Such

They come to depend

upon their own action; thus they develop an independent but sensitive spirit.

They are not people who may be pushed to

-*-5 r . h . Whitbeck and 0. J. Thomas, The Geographic Factor (New York: The Century Company, 1932), p. 3Oo. E. L. Hewett, Ancient Life in the Southwest (Indi­ anapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1930), p. xiv. ^

Whitbeck and Thomas,

o jd.

cit., pp. 284-85.

47 do what they do not desire to do, or go where they do not wish to go.

As a rule they are of a conservative nature,

heing very slow to respond to social change.

They are also

somewhat distrustful of new acquaintances and are generally difficult people with whom to work for their individualism leads them to disregard the thoughts and plans of others and to think in terms of their own desires.

It is not un­

usual that any program or new development which tends to change the normal routine of those who have developed such individualistic attitudes of life will he viewed with skepticism, if not with actual hostility. The very fact that the.Reservation is located in the semi-arid district of the Southwest, covering such an im­ mense territory with its variable climatic and semi-desert conditions, determines to a great extent the economic and cultural habits of the people.

Furthermore, a sparsely set­

tled but growing population is typical of a people who combine agriculture with their pastoral life.

l8

The present writer’s thesis is not that geographical environment is the explanation of Navajo culture, but it is generally agreed that the physical nature of the Navajo’s homeland has been a limiting factor to their progress.

Since

R. M. Mclver, Society (New York: Farrar and Rine­ hart, Inc., 1937), P. 99.

48 both the Hop! and Navajo Indians live not only in similar but also identical regions of the globe, on the basis of the environmental -theory these two tribes should have.the same mode of life.

However, Lowie gives concrete evidence

of a marked difference in the mode of living in these two tribes.

He says:

. . . The Hopi are intensive farmers who succeed in raising crops where white agriculturists fail; the Navajo also plant corn but to a distinctly lesser extent and under Spanish influence have readily developed into a pastoral people, raising sheep for food and wool. Though the same building material is available, the Hopi construct the well-known terraced sandstone houses with a rectangular cell as the architectual unit, while the Navajo dwell in conical earth-covered huts. North American ceramic art attains one of its highwater marks among the Hopi, while the pottery of the Navajo is hope­ lessly crude in comparison. Cotton was raised by the Hopi, but there is no trace of its use by the neighbor­ ing people. . . . With the Hopi it is the m a n ’s business to spin and weave while this work falls to woman’s share among the Navajo. The Hopi were always strict monoga­ mists, while among the Navajo polygamy was permissible. In conjunction with their agricultural pursuits Hopi ceremonialism centered in the magico-religious produc­ tion of rain; the Navajo applied often the identical ritualistic stock-in-trade to the cure of sickness. A stringent regulation of the Navajo social code forbids all conversation between son-in-law and mother-in-law; but the Hopi merely view the taboo as a Navajo idiosyncracy. . . . Where resemblances occur, as e.g., in the objective phase of the native cults, we are able to prove that the parallelism is due not to an independent response to environment stimuli, but to contact and borrowing. But quite apart from such cases, the basic differences in Hopi and Navajo civilization show that the environment alone cannot account for cultural phenomena. . . .19

^ R. h . Lowie, Culture and Ethnology (New York: Douglas C. McMurtrie, 191777" P P • 49-51* citing Clarence M. Case, Outlines of Introductory Sociology (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1924), p. 1247

49 Navajo culture reveals such a mixed character that it might be referred to as a borrowed culture.

Their

ceremonials are borrowed largely from the Pueblos, their basketry from Shoshonean; pottery and earth-lodge type of dwellings (hogans) both resemble the Mandan of the plains; and weaving, the outstanding Navajo craft, is strictly Puebloan. Athapaskan.

Language alone has remained of surprisingly pure ’’All in all, there is little evidence of tribal

antiquity and homogenity in the Navajo, whether we view them in the light of traditions or in that of extraneous circum­ stances .”20 The primary material basis of Navajo life lies in their herds and flocks, supplemented by agriculture.

Al­

though they move their livestock over the land in search of pasture and water they are not really nomads, since every family moves within a rather limited area.

However, it is a

rather common practice to take the flocks to the high plaeaus or to the mountains during the summer months, 21 and to return to the valleys for the winter.

Those who follow both

oo

Charles Amsden, ’’Navajo Origins,” New Mexico Historical Review (Albuquerque, New Mexico: University Press, July, 1932), p. 198. 21

In the past the Navajo were permitted to graze their livestock in an unlimited area, but in the spring of 1936 a program was begun which terminated in dividing the Reservation into eighteen land.management districts restrict­ ing each stock owner to a definite territory.

agriculture and grazing pursuits seek the lowlands during the summer months, where they plant their fields of corn, beans, squash, and melons.

In addition to their domesti­

cated animals and the cultivated crops, the Navajo gather and use a number of wild plants.

Mountain grass seed, bee

weed, pig'weed, wild onion, various tuberous roots, and the fruit of the broad leaf yucca, all contribute to’their 22 food. The Navajo’s mode of life makes villages impossible. The houses are widely scattered with each family living by itself; indeed it is rare to find two or three houses clustered together.

Each family has two localities which

are inhabited according to the season.

Two types of houses

are used by most of the families: the hogan, a six or eight sided log building chinked with brush and mud; and the sum­ mer house, which is frequently little more than a shade of boughs supported by four uprights.

A few frame houses are

now being used, and there are some Navajo houses of the same type as the Hopi build with walls of stone instead of logs.^3

22 Arizona State Teachers College Bulletin, The Navaio, Vol. 18 (Flagstaff: Arizona State Teachers College, 193777 PP- 6-8. 23 Ibid., pp. 6-7-

51 The Navajo family ranges in size from a small group to over twenty persons.

On the average, however, the house­

hold consists of less than nine persons, including the im­ mediate family, relatives, and non-relatives.

What con­

stitutes a relative among the Navajo, however, is not re­ stricted to blood or marriage relations since all members of the same clan are considered brothers, sisters, or in some other relation.

The household is a consumption group,

including all those persons who regularly share sheep, corn, the profit from the sale of rugs, and other income.

Such a

cluster of human beings in a small abode of primitive con­ struction represents to the white man: overcrowding, a lack of privacy, dust, smoke, filth, and the danger of the spreading of disease.

To the Navajo, this is of little

consequence since most of his day is spent in the open.

The

children play outdoors, tend the sheep, or go to school. The women weave in the open at the side of the hogan or in the shade of a tree.

A dwelling is merely a place in which

to sleep or find shelter from the cold night, nIn the sun,,24 shine, under the sky, is the place to live. ADJACENT TOWNS The more specialized economic traits of Navajo

oil

George A. Boyce and E, R, Fryer, Dineh and Govern­ ment (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Service, October, 1939)> Part I, pp. 1-5.

52 economy have been adjusted to the natural resources; thus in the western section of the Reservation there is very little farming while in the eastern section, especially along the San Juan River, sheep culture is gradually being supplemented by agriculture.

The lofty Lukachukai and

Carrizo Mountain ranges separate the eastern and western sectioiB of the Reservation.

In the eastern territory cer­

tain cultural changes are gradually developing in the habits of the people.

These Navajo have had greater access to bet­

ter roads, have been much influenced by the border Reserva­ tion towns and their contacts with the white man from earliest times while the Navajo on the west side of the mountains, especially the more inaccessible areas In the northwestern section of the Reservation, still cling to 2S their old customs. ^ Automobiles, improved roads, and wages from work sponsored by the government are making it possible for many of the Indians to seek their social diversion in the white m a n ’s communities.

Several inland and railroad towns are

within a few hours drive of hundreds of Navajo.

Any Satur­

day in these towns, the observer will see Indians on the streets, in the stores, attending the movies, driving cars, or in other ways indulging in the conveniences of modern

Luomala, op. cit., pp. 59-40.

53 American life.

of)

The Indians who live close to the towns and along the principal highways, especially near the government head­ quarters, the trading posts, and the missions, are already affected in various ways by the white m a n ’s ideas and wares. With the further development of irrigation on the Reserva­ tion and of transportation routes, accompanied by an in­ creasing use of the automobile, it is certain that the dif­ fusion of the white m a n ’s influence will steadily increase. With this fact in mind the educational program of the Navajo Indian Service is making an effort to offset any objection­ able features in alien contacts by encouraging the preserva­ tion of those things which are considered to be the finer elements in Navajo life.

It is hoped that the Indian may be

awakened to save the rich and many-sided values of Indian culture as expressed in their songs, dances, arts, and crafts, so immersed in the sky, the sun, the mountains, the desert, and the streams, which furnish them their inspiration.27 Contact with the white man, especially the white m a n ’s town, has not necessarily been for the betterment of

26 Belle S. Sullivan, The Unvanishing Navajo (Phila­ delphia: Dorrance and Company, 1938)* P* 12527 Ibid., pp. 125-26.

54 the Navajo.

They have little social defense against the

vices which are seen on every hand in some of the Reserva­ tion border towns; consequently, they fall an easy victim to the evils of white man’s civilization.

28

Furthermore,

it is believed by many that much unhappiness has come to the Indian because of his desire for the manufactured goods which the commercial interests have introduced to him.

Mr.

Black, a trader, expressed this viewpoint when he said: The Navajo Indian is suffering from the indigestion of civilization. . . . These people are in a stage of mental depression. When they depended upon their own resources they had a comfortable living and were inde­ pendent, but as they took on white man’s ways and mode of living their standards were raised and their demands increased. They used to demand calico, but now they demand rayon and silk. They have become accustomed to wearing and eating what the white man wears and eats; that means no more cornmeal, but the best of flour; no more goat milk, but canned milk; and the best of coffee. The Navajo used to be opposed to pork because it looked so much like a bear (which is a sacred animal) when it was being dressed, but now they demand the best of pork. Their standard is no longer the more common, everyday clothing; it is now fancy shirts, big hats, and the best of cowboy boots. We are responsible for building them up to this standard, but now for the last several years crops have been short and in the face of this the Navajo has been forced to reduce his flocks which are the very backbone of his culture. This means that the Navajo’s buying power has been greatly reduced and he is feeling the pinch of poverty. This situation is hav­ ing a very similar effect upon the Navajo that the de­ pression of 1929 had upon the wealthier farmers of the middle west. When people have become accustomed to certain standards it is very difficult and it is bound to bring great discontentment when they are forced to

08

Chapter VI of this study, section on "Reservation Border Towns," p. 186.

55 PQ

come down to a lower plane of living. ^ Although most of the Navajo are demanding the manu­ factured products sold at the trading post, thousands of these Indians never go to the white m a n ’s town.

The

majority of them are still children of the desert which they love and cherish as their own.

Hewett ably expressed

the relation of the Navajo to their desert home when he wrote: These nomads of the Southwest know their desert. Every spring, water-hole and rock shelter is charted in their brains. They have matched their wits against scorching winds, and smothering sandstorms, and wintry blasts for centuries, and have survived and made of the desert a hospitable home. It is no exaggeration to say that with all its seeming hardness they love it. . . . Space is the first requisite of mental and spiritual tranquility. It is reflected in the imper­ turbable nature in the Indian race, whose psychology was established in the freedom of limitless plains and deserts, forests and mountains.50 SUMMARY

The Navajo Reservation is a portion of the Southwest, covering twenty-five thousand square miles of northwestern New Mexico and northeastern Arizona.

It consists of a

large expanse of semi-arid land which is well adapted to grazing and, under limited conditions, to farming.

About

forty-eight thousand Navajo (19^0) live in this territory

a

19^0 .

. Black, Interview by present writer, August 28,

Hewett, o£. cit., pp. 291-92.

56 where they have adjusted themselves to the environment of the Southwest, utilized its natural resources, and survived. The Navajo have not only utilized their land, hut they have also exploited it; consequently, soil erosion and destruc­ tion of these resources on the Reservation are basic to the many problems faced by the Navajo today.

There is reason

to believe that the flora of the country is very closely related to m a n 1s general welfare and that a change in it will have a marked influence upon the mode of life pursued by the tribe. The material basis of Navajo life lies in their herds and flocks supplemented by agriculture.

Although

they are not necessarily nomadic the very nature of their pastoral-agricultural economy makes village life impossible. Contact with the white man*s civilization in the neighboring towns is gradually having its effect on the Navajo, and they are beginning to demand some of the con­ veniences of modern life.

However, the Navajo are a con­

servative people; thousands of them have spent their entire lives in a small portion of the Reservation and for the most part they have no desire but to be left alone and to remain children of their desert land.

Clark Wissler, The Relation of Nature to Man in Aboriginal America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1926), p. 216.

CHAPTER I I I

ORIGINS AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDS OF THE NAVAJO INDIAN Tradition, science, and history combine to sketch the ’’nebulous” outline of the early Navajo.

Although vague and

meager in details, there is a large and harmonious body of evidence bearing upon the romantic career of a few Athapaskan people who found their way through the mountain val­ leys of the southern Rockies sometime between 1000 and 1500 A.D. to become lords of a territory comparable to that of New England and the largest tribe of Indians in North America.^ ORIGIN OF THE NAVAJO NAME The first known historical reference to the Navajo was made by Father Geronimo Zarate Salmeron

p

in his memories

of Spanish activities in California and New Mexico between 1538 and 1626. The word Navajo is also applied to this tribe of Indians by Fray Alanzo Benavides, O.F.M., in his ’’Memorial

1 Charles Amsden, ’’Navajo Origins,” New Mexico Histori­ cal Review (Albuquerque, New Mexico: University Press, July, 1932), pp. 207-8. 2 Ibid., p. 199-

58 to the King of Spain” written in 1630.

After he describes

the Gila-Apaches, Benavides says that over fifty leagues north of them is the Province of the Apaches of Navajo. Although they are the same Apache Nation as the fore­ going, they are subject and subordinate to another Chief Captain, and have a distinct mode of living. For those of back yonder did not use to plant, but sustain them­ selves by the chase; and today we have broken land for them and taught them to plant. But these of Navajo are very great farmers, for that is what Navajo signifies-great planted fields. 5 It is evident from the expression, ”the Apache of Navajo,” that the word Navajo was originally the name of the territory.

The people were called Apaches and their

country was called Navajo, but later the name Apache was dropped and the name of the territory was applied to its inhabitants just as the people of Pennsylvania are called Pennsylvanians instead of Americans of Pennsylvania. Benavides says that the word Navajo is significant in its application for it means ”great planted fields.”

He

also tells, as do other eminent authorities such as Brinton and Bandelier, that the Navajo when first met by the Spaniards were tillers of the soil, cultivated their fields by Irrigation, and erected granaries for their crops. The Spanish Dictionary has the word ”nava” meaning a flat piece of land, a plain, a field; and from the word

Franciscan Fathers, Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navajo Language (Saint Michaels, Arizona: The Franciscan Fathers, 1910), p . 23.

59 "nava" the word Navajo may possibly be derived.

4

Harrington considers this a shift in meaning of the Spanish Dictionary word "nava.”

He says:

Although he (Benavides) does not state that the word "Navajo” is Tewa, it is perfectly plain from reading his account that the word means large cultivated field in general, and does not refer to any one spot. . . . In the earliest times, much Tewa was spoken at Santa Pe, and still is. It is therefore most natural to look to the Indian language of Santa Fe for the source of an early name taken into Spanish. The Tewas still use the compound noun ndvahAu (in Spanish, "arroyan enmilpeado”) to designate a large arroyo with cultivated fields--a perfect description of the old-time Navajo region, with its cultivated fields and canyons. The Tewa compound with the addition of their word Apache would be hAvahiWsdve. This evidently produced Apache de Navaju which must have been the form taken into early Spanish and used in the writing of Benavides. . . . The Tewa word: ndva, "cultivated field,” has cognates In other Tanoan languages and has absolutely nothing to do with Spanish dictionary word nava, "hollow,” "plains sur­ rounded by mountains." The Tewa word ndvahdu’ translated in Navajo would be tA* A k ! ye pikhooh, literally "cultivated-fields arroyo.”5 ORIGIN AND STOCK OP THE NAVAJO The Navajo are undoubtedly of Asiatic origin.

They

are the most southern branch of the great Dene Nation of Indians commonly known as the Athapaskan stock.

All the

tribes belonging to this stock or family speak dialects

^ Ibid., p . 24. ^ John P. Harrington, Southern Peripheral Athapaskawan Origins, Divisions, and Migrations (Washington, D.C.: Smith­ sonian Institution, 1940), pp. '517-18•

sufficiently similar In phraseology, root words, construc­ tion, and grammatical peculiarities to justify the inference that they are descended from one common stock.

They all

call themselves hy a name meaning men or people which is more or less similar in all dialects (dane, dene, dine, dune, dindje, et cetera).

The northern Athapaskan or Dene

tribes in Canada and Alaska were found west of the Rocky Mountains to the borders of the Eskimo tribes, while east of the Rockies they were found on the immense plains and forests which extended from northern Saskatchewan down al­ most to the delta of the Mackenzie River.

Remnants of the

Dene tribes were also found south of the Canadian boundary in Oregon, Northern California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, and on down into Old Mexico.

There Is, then, a complete

linguistic line from the banks of the Gila River in Southern Arizona northward almost to the Bering Strait, and from Arizona and New Mexico up to the Arctic regions are found remnants of tribes speaking kindred Dene dialects which definitely point to an Asiatic origin for the Navajo as the line of "cognate languages and dialects from the British Isles to India” show the Indo-European and the Asiatic •

origins of the nations of Europe.

6

The language spoken by the Navajo today is Athapaskan.

^ Franciscan Fathers, op. cit., p. 3?0.

6l Thus by language the Navajo are related to the Apachean of the Southwest, the Sarcee of Canada, the Tolowa of South­ west Oregon, as well as many other Athapaskan speaking tribes.

It is not definitely known when the allied tribes

separated, but it is generally thought by leading anthro­ pologists that the American Indian crossed into the new world by way of the Bering Strait between Eastern Siberia and Alaska or over the Aleutian Islands that extend west­ ward from Southern Alaska toward Asia.

It is generally

agreed that the American Indian is related to the Mongoloid. Thus, ”the Navajo are a division of the American Indian, a major grouping of the Mongoloid race.11? O

The social unit.

Hodge

Q

correlated Matthews1^

legendary of Navajo origins with his own knowledge of Spanish historical sources and drew a number of interesting conclusions.

The social unit among the Navajo is the clan.

They trace most of their clans back to the tribal beginnings of groups or individuals as the founders of the clan. Matthews shows how groups of surrounding peoples joined the original tribal unit, swelling the group until it became a 7

Richard Van Valkenburgh, A Short History of the Navajo People (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Service, 1933), p. 1. g Frederick W. Hodge, ”The Early Navajo and Apache,” The American Anthropologist (Washington, D.D.: Judd and Detweiler, July, 1 8 9 5 PP- 223-39^ Washington Matthews, ”Navajo Legends,” Memoirs of American Folklore Society, Vol. 5-

62 menace to the Pueblos near them.

Parts of the legend of

Navajo origins have their roots in historic events and are subject to factual analysis.

For example a Mexican clan

originating in a raid on a Spanish colony near Socorro, New Mexico, could not have existed before the seventeenth cen­ tury for lack of European settlements in the region.

Hodge

traces other clan groups historically by working back from known historical points.

He places the beginning of the

Navajo tribe at about 1485*

The light thrown on Navajo

origins by Washington Matthews, F. W. Hodge, and others leads very definitely to the conclusion that the Navajo tribe is of a mixed ethnic character and of rapid and re­ cent formation. NAVAJO MIGRATION SOUTHWARD The search for clues as to the migration of Atha­ paskan peoples to the Southwest has, until recently, yield­ ed few positive results.

It is known that they came origi­

nally from the far north and were already established in the Southwest when we first hear of them in the sixteenth century. There are three theories regarding the possible routes of migration of the Athapaskan peoples to the South­ west: (l) along the high plains east of the Rocky Mountains; (2) through the Rocky Mountains;

(5 ) down the plateaus

63

through the Great Basin west of the Rocky Mountains.^ It is generally agreed by such authorities as Matthews, Hodge, and others that it is very probable that the,Navajo slowly pushed southward along the eastern range of the Rocky Mountain region until they met the sedentary Pueblos of New Mexico and their further progress south was arrested,* thus here they eventually established themselves.^ Until recently the eastern high plains theory gained in popularity, but the common theories regarding the migra­ tion of the Navajo southward were based only upon the falli­ ble evidence of similarities in house types, ceramic types, and common religious traits.

Such evidence is too flimsy

and theoretical to stand the scientific-test.

Navajo

archaeology, unlike religious and other symbolism, however, shows substantial facts. Van Valkenburgh

1P

contests the generally accepted

theory of the eastern Rocky Mountain high plains since all the archaeological evidence that so far has been uncovered places the route of the Navajo’s southward migration on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains.

In 1939 Van

-1-0 Harrington, op. cit., p. 520. H 12

Franciscan Fathers, op. cit., p. 30.

Richard Van Valkenburgh, Introduction to an EthnoHistory of the Navajo (Manuscript to be published by the Museum of New Mexico/ Santa Fe, New Mexico, 19^1).

Valkenburgh discovered the first absolute Athapaskan north­ ernmost Navajo sites in the Blue Mountains or Abajo Moun­ tains of southwestern Utah and in the northern sector of the Colorado Plateau.

From this point a linked series of

Navajo hogans, dating back to 1575> and a number of stone watch towers, which evidently were built by the Navajo, swing generally southwest into the region of northern New Mexico in present Bio Ariba County which is the historic "Dinetxa’1 recognized as the old home of the Navajo. Van Valkenburgh1s discovery of archaeological sites one hundred miles north of the San Juan River is fundamen­ tally significant and creates fascinating speculation.

The

discovery of Navajo sites further north will be ample proof of the western plateau Navajo migration. NAVAJO-SPANISH RELATIONS From the time of the first Spanish records until the tribe was pacified by Kit Carson in 1865> the Navajo were raiders.

They acquired cattle, sheep, horses, and other

goods by raids against the Mexican settlements and their Pueblo neighbors.

Their contact with the Spanish greatly

influenced their mode of life; the years 1630 to 1700 are considered among the most important of their whole history for it was during this time that they acquired horses. Previously, the Indians of the Southwest had no domestic

65 animals except the dog and the turkey, but when the Spanish contacted the Navajo in 1629 trade was established and be­ fore long the Navajo acquired horses and sheep.

This

brought about the greatest change in their life and caused their westward movement.

With horses came undreamed

rapidity of movement and consequently undreamed power.

On

horseback nomads could raid a Spanish town or an Indian pueblo, carry sufficient food, and leave the women and children at a safe distance. Sheep were also an important factor in furthering Navajo nomadism because now they had “food on the hoof” which could be moved around the country, and it was no longer necessary to depend on crops.

From this time on to

the nineteenth century, wars with the Utes and the desire to raid Spanish and Indian pueblos caused the Navajo to 13 push southward and westward. ^ To Pueblo Indians and the Mexicans the name Dineh, and later the word Navajo, was for centuries a name of terror.

The Navajo maintained a secret alliance with the

Gila-Apaches which greatly strengthened the Navajo and en­ couraged them in their raids. The Spanish, realizing that the Navajo could be

^ Katherine Bartlett, nThe Origin of the Navajo Reservation,” Museum Notes (Flagstaff, Arizona: December, 1932), Vol. V, No. 6, p. 29.

66 subdued except for the influence of the Gila-Apaches, set about to break this alliance between the two tribes.

Ac­

cordingly an agreement was reached in 1786 whereby the Navajo were to become the allies of the Spanish and aid in a campaign against the Gila-Apaches.

The Navajo were there­

after to occupy their old camps and plant their seeds.

In

return for their loyalty to the Spanish king, ,!the protec­ tion of the king would be sought and declared in their favor.11^ From 1786 to 1803 the Navajo were at peace with the Spanish.

Antonio el Pinto was the leading chief of the

Navajo, and he along with others was made a general in the Spanish army.

In exchange for bribes he kept the Navajo

from raiding the settlements, but Antonio died about 1800 and. in 1803 the peace was broken and sixty years of guerilla warfare followed.

15

Consequently when Mexico won

its independence from Spain in 1822 it inherited the Navajo problem and thus the United States in turn fell heir to the guerilla warfare when it received the Southwest from Mexico in 1848, a war which was destined to continue until 1863*

I2*- Alfred B. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 345-51• •**5 Richard Van Valkenburgh, A Short History of the Navajo People, p. 6 .

NAVA J0-AMERICAR RELATIONS When in 1848 New Mexico was acquired hy the United States, the Navajo suddenly came in contact with a military machine which had recently fought and conquered the Plains Indians.

Nevertheless, during the fifteen years from 1848

to 1863 the Navajo continued to resist their rulers.

Even

while General Kearny was making a speech to the citizens of New Mexico promising them the protection of the American Government the Navajo drove off his stock; and while their chiefs talked and signed treaties the young Navajo raided and stole from their neighbors.

Between 1846 and i860 six

treaties were made and broken while three unsuccessful military campaigns were carried on against the Navajo.

16

The year i860 marks the beginning of renewed Navajo depredations.

In spite of their raiding and stealing the

young Navajo respected the presence of the United States army.

Because of the Civil War few soldiers were stationed

in the Southwest and by 1862 both the Navajo and the Apaches had taken advantage of the army!s absence.

The patience of

the United States Government was exhausted and drastic steps were taken to control the Navajo. Brigadier General James Carleton, a seasoned Indian

16

Dane Coolidge and Mary Roberts Coolidge, The Navajo Indians (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1930), p. 15-

66

fighter, and the famous Kit Carson were to play the leading roles in the next dramatic scene of the story of the Navajo. Bosque Redondo was Carleton1s dream, an idea which he thought would solve the Navajo problem, but proved to be America’s first, concentration camp and is looked upon today as one of the worst Indian blunders.

General Carleton

ordered Carson to prosecute a vigorous war upon the Navajo until they were punished for their continued atrocities.

17

Carson entered the Navajo country with about one thousand troops, and calls for volunteers for the campaign were sent over New Mexico.

Each enlistee was offered

twenty dollars for every horse and one dollar for every ' sheep captured.

Also the volunteers were instructed to de­

stroy the Navajo’s property and corn fields.

All this so

alarmed the Navajo that they gathered their flocks and herds and fled to the deep inaccessible canyons. After much destruction and cruel warfare, the Navajo were persuaded to give up and come to Fort Canby.

On March

6, 1864, the first group began the ”Great Walk-- to Fort Sumner, known to the Mexicans as Bosque Redondo and by the Navajo as Hweltih. ' By the- latter part of April, 1864, more than eight thousand Navajo were gathered at Fort Sumner,

^7 Richard Van Valkenburgh, A Short History of the Navajo People, pp. 16-20.

69 New Mexico. General Carleton had a dream and a great personal interest in the Port Sumner project.

He had hoped to give

the Navajo a new home and a new start, hut because of politicians, graft, insects, droughts, winds, and floods the project failed.

When it became clear in Washington

that General Carleton's plan had failed, General W. T. Sherman and Colonel S. P. Tappan were sent to Fort Sumner to determine the Navajo's future destiny. After three weeks of council General Sherman and Colonel Tappan decided that the Navajo should return to their old country.

A treaty was signed June 1, 1868, con­

firmed by the Senate July 25 of the same year, and prol8 claimed by President Johnson on August 12, 1868. The treaty of 1868.^

The treaty of 1868 is to this

day considered the great Magna Charta by the Navajo.

It

provides, in part, that: From this day forward all war between the parties to this agreement shall forever cease. The Government of the United States desires peace, and its honor is here­ by pledged to keep it.21^

18 Ibid., pp. 22-31. Survey of Conditions of the Indians of the United States, P a r t 54 "0^-shington, D.C.: United States Printing Office, 1937), PP. 17951-17955. 20 _ .. Loc. cit.

The Navajo Tribe was to return to a Reservation consisting of a part of their old homeland where they were to remain. A civil agent was to live on the Reservation to look after the interests of the tribe.

Compulsory education was to be

established for every child between six and sixteen.

The

head of each family, if he so desired, was to have 160 acres of Reservation land which would, be held by him and his heirs so long as they cultivated it.

Single individuals

over eighteen years of age were entitled to eighty acres of land, under the same provisions. The Navajo were given a new start by the Government, and agent John C. Pyle reported that within ten years the Navajo had grown from a band of paupers to a prosperous, industrious nation.

The decades of the eighties and nine­

ties marked a rapid increase in Navajo population and an ensuing increase in their stock in spite of the many diffi­ culties they encountered and the lack of competent Indian administration.

After a long fight with tremendous politi­

cal opposition, the spoils system was replaced by the civil service system of appointment--an important step in ridding the Indian Service of the evils of the practice of politi­ cal bosses using the appointments for apolitical pay-offs." Since President Theodore Roosevelt and the Commis­ sioner of Indian Affairs, Frances Leupp, admired the Indian, the year 1905 marks the first cooperative efforts between

the President and the Coramissioner.

In 1868 the total area

of the Navajo Reservation consisted of 3*328,000 acres.

By

1910 the Reservation had grown to 10,929*244 acres while at the same time the population had increased from 9*500 to 21 27,428. While flocks had increased and land had been added to the Reservation, neither had grown in proportion to the needs of the rapidly increasing population.

As early

as 1910 the Franciscan Fathers warned of the poor herding practices of the Navajo, of the excessive number of Navajo horses, of the swift growth of the Navajo population and the ensuing number of sheep and goats--all of which were to lead eventually to a serious economic and social problem. In 1928 the Federal Government took serious notice of the condition of the Navajo range.

In 1930 a study of

the soil problem was begun and the Hoover administration recommended that flocks be reduced and soil conservation measures be taken, but nothing was done, probably because there was not as yet sufficient general concern to force action and funds were not available. John Collier became Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1953* a year that marks a new era in Navajo history.

A pro­

gram was immediately set in motion--a program to conserve

Pi

Richard Van Valkenburgh, A Short History of the Navajo People, pp. 46-55*

72

Navajo physical resources.

A determined effort was made to

overcome the tragedy of the results of inert politically hidebound Indian Bureaus which failed to support agents like Denis Riordon and Edwin Plummer who foresaw the in­ creasing destruction of Navajo resources in the l880's and 1890*s, a tragedy which resulted in the present acute Nava­ jo problem.

The Navajo of today are paying the price of

seventy years of mismanagement of their resources.

op

SUMMARY Although knowledge of the early Navajo is vague and meager in details, there is much harmonious evidence re­ garding their origin and early history. Both Father Salmeron and Benavides refer to the Navajo in the early part of the seventeenth century and Benavides used the term ffNavajon when referring to great cultivated fields, a term which came to be applied to the Navajo.

This tribe of Indians is of Asiatic origin and is

the most southern branch of the great Dene nation of Indi­ ans commonly known as the Athapaskan stock.

In the past

the eastern high plains theory of Navajo southward migra­ tion has met with favor, but in 1939 Van Valkenburgh dis­ covered a series of Navajo sites which gives substantial

22 Ibid., p. 56.

73 archaeological evidence to his theory that the route of the Navajo's southward migration was along the western slope of the Rocky Mountains. When the Navajo contacted the Spanish in the early part of the seventeenth century, a new day dawned for them for it was then that they acquired horses and sheep, a factor which brought about the greatest change in their cultural life.

The Navajo were raiders, but were finally

brought under Spanish control in 1786 and remained peaceful until 1803 when they again resorted to raiding and guerilla warfare, continuing their depredations \mtil 1863.

Conse­

quently, Mexico inherited the Navajo problem in 1822, and in turn the United States fell heir to their raiding bands when it received the Southwest from Mexico in 1848. In 1862 a vigorous war was started against the Navajo; finally, Kit Carson under orders of General Carle­ ton took over eight thousand Navajo to Fort Sumner (Bosque Redondo).

In 1868 under the direction of General W. T.

Sherman, a treaty was made with the Navajo Indians, and they were permitted to return to their old home site where the government gave them a new start.

Since 1868 the Nava­

jo population has grown from about nine thousand to over forty-eight thousand persons.

Along with this increase in

population came an increase in the size of flocks and an overgrazed range, a problem which John Collier inherited when he became Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1933.

CHAPTER I V

NAVAJO-GOVERNMENT RELATIONSHIPS THAT PRODUCED THE PRESENT SITUATION NAVAJO AND GOVERNMENT POLICIES PREVIOUS TO 1933 The steady increase of the Navajo population since 1868 has been a natural development since their country was so well adapted to the few roving bands of that time.

When

the number of sheep was small, these Indians had no overgrazing problem.

The floral supply was not only ample, but

the rank growth of grasses and shrubs could have very well supported additional flocks and herds.

Thus, the wealth of

forage encouraged the increase of both population and stock. Had the Department of Indian Affairs been farsighted in its planning for the future welfare of the Indian, the present problem would not have developed, the use of the range would not have become so intense, depletion so general, nor arroyos so prevalent.

Borne eighty per cent of the

Navajo country is natural range land; about fifteen per cent- is natural bad lands; and farm land is confined to small irrigable tracts and dry-farm land located on valley flood-plains.1

1 Report of the Conservation Advisory Committee for Navajo Reservation"^Washington, D.C.: Office of Indian Affairs, 1957FT~citing Belle S. Sullivan, The Unvanishing Navajos (Philadelphia: Dorrance and Company, 1958), p. 21.

In view of the fact that some eighty per cent of the Navajo country is range land, it is only natural that the sheep industry should have become the main basis of Navajo culture.

Furthermore, it was highly probable that unless

proper means were set in operation to plan for the future and a workable program was inaugurated in range management, disaster was bound to come to the flora of this semi-arid Reservation. The area of the Reservation has been increased from about three and half million acres in 1868 to almost six­ teen million acres today.

At the same time the increase in

population, livestock, and Reservation area has not been proportional, the increase in population and livestock be ­ ing far in advance of the increase in area.

The present

indications point to continued increase in population and a 2 halt in the acquisition of additional Reservation land. The Indian policy of the past has been a struggle be ­ tween inherited militarism and repression, on the one hand, and the forces of enlightenment and social progress on the other.

The Indian Service has often been forced into bad

administration by unwise legislative acts, such as the general allotment act and the inheritance laws; and at its

^ Navajo Planning and Policy Conference (Window Rock: United States Indian Service, 1940), p. 12.

76 . beginning it was deeply impregnated with the detention camp philosophy which characterized the early militarist admin­ istrations.

The most competent personnel in the service

were utterly incapable of coping with the evil results of policies forced on them by law or by entrenched tradition. Indian administration has been an admixture of bad and good--bad policies forced by law or by unwise administrators at the top; good, often heroic, work performed by devoted personnel in the field against hopeless odds. The seeds of many of the movements of Indian regeneration which now are being developed on a wide front, were already sown in the past; they represent, in no small measure, the extension and in­ tensification of many creative and humanizing efforts by many men and women through many years to help the Indians help themselves.5 With the swift increase in the number of sheep, a range problem was developing on the Navajo Reservation as early as the 1880*3.

Stock was concentrated near the few

available watering places so that the range was becoming greatly depleted in those local areas. Denis T. Riorden, the finest Navajo agent of his time, took office in 1883*

He attempted many reforms, but

finally resigned, a discouraged and disgusted, man.

He was

replaced by John R. Bowman in 1884, who in turn was re­ placed by Major Samuel Patterson in 1885-

Both Riorden and

Bowman worked unceasingly for water development, but with

^ John Collier, A Bird1s-eye View of Indian Policy Historic and Contemporary (Washington, D.C.: Appropriation Committee of House of Representatives, 1955)* P* 2.

little success.

Patterson continued the battle and finally

was able to persuade Congress of the seriousness of the problem and of the urgent need for immediate action.

In

1886 under Cleveland’s administration Congress voted an appropriation of $25,000 for the developments at Washington Pass, Tsaile Creek, Eighteen Mile Spring, Chinlee Valley, and Fort Defiance--the first important water and irrigation 4 developments on the Navajo Reservation. In 1892 another very capable agent, Lieutenant Edwin H. Plummer, took office.

In 1896, after almost four years

of excellent service, he resigned.

His resignation is of

Interest since it was due chiefly to the lack of competent assistance,■and to friction with the politicians In Washing­ ton.

Plummer worked hard for the welfare of the Navajo,

attempted to protect the resources of the region, and recommended that all water sources on the Reservation be developed arid conserved. Plummer was succeeded by Major Constant Williams, another army officer.

For ten.years a battle had been wag­

ing in Washington and the Indian was the victim of. the feud. The spoils system of political patronage was. being replaced by the Civil Service system based on qualifications.

The

^ Richard Van Valkenburgh, A Short History of the Navajo People (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Service, 1938), p. 50.

need for this movement was made apparent by the fact that President Grover Cleveland, during his first administration (1885-1889), was continually under political pressure for Indian Service appointments, and thus began the practice of appointing army officers to important Indian agencies. President Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893) followed Cleveland's practice.

During Harrison's administration there was a tre­

mendous turnover in the Indian Service--eighty-one agents were appointed and only four completed the four year term.5 During President Theodore Roosevelt's administration, Francis E. Leupp became Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

He

immediately set about to develop many reforms on the Navajo Reservation.

His program came concurrently with a nation­

wide conservation movement.

Although a scientific con­

servation movement did not come to the Reservation until three decades later, Leupp is often referred to as the father of many of the present ideas of Indian reform.

From

time to time since the early part of the twentieth century there have been reports advocating the necessity of con­ trolling Navajo lands; otherwise the complete deterioration of lands and subsequent deterioration of the people would g surely result.

5 Ibid., pp. 52-53Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, loc. cit.

79 Early in the twentieth century Father Anselm Weber, one of the founders of the Franciscan Mission at Saint Michaels, Arizona, published some facts regarding the Navajo country.

He pointed out that the Navajo Reservation was

twice as heavily stocked as the rest of Arizona and New Mexico and this condition was bound to result in disaster to the Navajo.

Throughout the decade of the 1920’s there

were continued rumors of the growing problem on the Navajo Reservation.

Finally, under the Hoover administration a

study was made of range conditions which resulted in the recommendation that flocks and herds be reduced and that soil conservation measures be taken at once.

However, from 7 a general lack of interest and funds nothing was done.1 It was left to the incoming Commissioner of Indian Affairs to cope with the problem. Summary.

The wealth of forage on the Navajo Reserva­

tion encouraged the increase of both population and stock. A lack of farsightedness on the part of the Indian Service, along with the Indian Department’s becoming a political football of the politicians in Washington, D.C., character­ ized the early militarists’ administrations.

Capable men

♦such as Riorden, Bowman, and Plummer saw the necessity of

^ Ablen Stevens, ”Once They Were Nomads,” Survey Graphic, 30:64, February, 1941.

80

conserving the range and the water resources of the Reser­ vation, hut the most competent personnel were utterly in­ capable of coping with the policies forced upon them by law and the traditional methods employed in Washington, D.C. During the early part of the twentieth century there were continued warnings advocating the necessity of saving Navajo lands from complete ruin.

Finally, during President

Hoover's administration a study was made of Navajo range conditions and recommendations were made for its protection, but it was left to the next administration to launch a pro­ gram of range control. The Navajo returned from Bosque Redondo a subjected and broken people.

Many of their old leaders who were the

backbone of the tribe had died, and it was several years before that proud, independent spirit which is so charac­ teristic of the Navajo people was regained.

Previous to

1933 the lack of a well-planned, farsighted program, which failed to consider the social and economic welfare of the Navajo, was an administrative error that was basic to the development of the present Navajo situation.

The Navajo

were encouraged to increase their flocks and develop their values and attitudes around pastoral cultural patterns. Without government controlled range regulations the Navajo shepherds took their flocks from one point to another, for there was grass and to spare.

However, the population

81 increased, and there were more and larger flocks, while at the same time the land area tended to remain constant.

Al­

though the Indian policy, during the latter part of the nineteenth century, was deeply impregnated with detention camp philosophy, the Navajo enjoyed great freedom in the routine of their daily lives.

But by 1920 it was evident

that the Navajo were facing a crisis which meant that they would be forced to give up or modify many of the traits of their pastoral culture. The bureaucratic system of government in this country which tends to put off the evil day of change of policy permitted the Navajo to deplete their range, and then rather suddenly a reversal of policy was inaugurated on the Navajo Reservation.

This new policy developed a

plan of range control and a plan of stock reduction which disrupted the Navajo’s daily scheme of life and called for an adjustment of their social-cultural values.

The Navajo

have little else to which they can turn other than their old set of values; thus the tribe is face to face with a crisis.

This situation calls for a sympathetic understand­

ing and patient guidance on the part of the Indian Service personnel if the energies of the Navajo are to be directed into constructive channels.

The Navajo are in a period of

cultural transition which was rather suddenly forced upon them as a result of the present administration’s attempt to

82 cope with the Navajo problem, a problem which was created largely as a result of the Indian Service's lack of fore­ sight in administrative policies previous to 1933* RECENT EVENTS OP THE NAVAJO CRISIS COMMISSIONER JOHN COLLIER'S NAVAJO POLICIES AND PROGRAM When John Collier became Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1933 he inherited the critical problem of the Navajo Reservation.

From the time he entered office Mr.

Collier fought to reform Indian administration as no other commissioner had dared to do. Navajo life begins.

It is here that a new era in

Immediately upon taking office the new

commissioner began a program to conserve the Navajo physic­ al resources, a program which called for immediate and drastic steps in stock reduction.

However, human resources

were not to be neglected as they were also slated for con­ servation and rehabilitation.

To be acquainted with the

Navajo program is to realize readily that the new commis­ sioner was very ambitious in undertaking such a tremendous and difficult task.

A brief outline of Mr. Collier's

Navajo policies and program which he presented in 1933 fol­ lows : 1.

Main Objectives of the Navajo Program.

Human

83

adjustment and land rehabilitation were held necessary to perpetuate the Navajo tribe as an independent, self-support­ ing, self-respecting people.

Emergency action was neces­

sary for the Navajo because of . . . (a) rapid deterioration of land, forage, and forest resources from overgrazing; (b) increase of popu­ lation to a point at which extraordinary effort is necessary to sustain living; (c) great decrease in farming as the result of soil erosion; (d) lack of knowledge on the part of many of the Navajos as to the seriousness of their situation.” The program called for an economic and social survey of the Reservation as soon as possible.

It was also advised that

there should be a planning program to keep in touch with the changing needs of the government and the tribe. 2*

Stock Reduction.

A heavy reduction in 193^-1935

of stock was to be made in terms of the Reservation as a whole. The burden of reduction will be distributed where it can be borne, in accordance with the needs of the various areas. Reduction is to be on a sliding scale, the largest reduction to fall on the larger herds, with reduced proportions on the smaller herds, and a minimum size of herds on which no reduction at all will be made.9 The program called for a grazing reconnaissance and range management plan for the entire Reservation in order that by o

John Collier, Navajo Policies and Program (Washing­ ton, D.C.: United States Department of Indian Affairs, May 1, 1933), PP- 1-7. 9 Loc. cit.

84

1936 the reduction program might he based upon local condi­ tions and ownership. 3.

Land Management.

Land management policies were

to be formulated by the Soil Erosion Service and the Indian Service in conjunction with the Tribal Council and the Chapters.

Watersheds were to be the units of administra­

tion, range control, and land use.

Units were to be placed

under a plan of land management, including range control, erosion control, flood-water spreading, irrigation, and farm development.

Efforts were to be made to help the

Navajo people to understand that rehabilitation was largely their own responsibility and their own gain, and after the emergency period had passed the work was to go on through individual and community effort. The function of the Soil Erosion Service was to secure the essential information regarding soils, rangemanagement, forest management, erosion, agriculture, game, and other land resources factors.

This service would formu­

late land-use plans and supervise erosion control activities. Forestry.

The plan was to make it possible for

the Navajo to use their forests with moderation in order that they might have their timber perpetually.

The program

called for portable sawmills which would cut the lumber needed for the Navajo, strict logging regulations, and the establishment of community forests which were to be

85

regulated in such a manner as would best preserve the forests.

The program necessitated an educational program

in the training of Indians to handle the conservation of their forest and range. 5*

Irrigation and Water Development.

The plan

proposed the development of all feasible irrigation possi­ bilities on the Reservation and to provide water for stock and domestic purposes.

In 1935 there were approximately

eleven thousand acres under irrigation, being irrigated by 2,600 families; this was to be increased to a total of 56,750 acres.

For stock and domestic water development

the plan was to drill twenty-nine wells, dig twelve shallow wells, construct thirty-three stock water reservoirs, and improve thirteen springs. 6.

The Extension Program.

This program stated that

the purpose of extension work was: . . . to improve the economic status of the Indian people by furnishing them with the kind of information, advice and constructive help which will enable them, through their own efforts, to conserve and develop their resources and thereby secure more adequate food supply, better homes, and a higher standard of living. . . . The extension program will include the following projects: Livestock-reduction through sale and home slaughter, improvement of stock, . . . poultry and hog raising, . . . development of agricultural lands for the purpose of producing more feed and food crops, gardens, food budget, nutrition, food preservation and storage, orchards and small fruits for local consumption, better homes, including house furnishings and improvement of surroundings. With Education, Health, Soil Erosion, and other services, the extension workers will assist in the development of programs for adults at the community

86

centers and day schools. 7.

10

Roads.

Roads and other means of communication are to be developed for the direct benefit of the Navajo, rather than encouragement of tourist travel. Maintenance and betterment of essential existing roads are primary re­ quirements. Future truck trails under emergency con­ servation work are to be developed in cooperation with the road program for the Reservation.H Emergency Conservation Work.

The emergency con­

servation work program was to be confined to the work that could not be accomplished by the regular division of the Indian Service and the Soil Erosion Service.

It was to

include telephone lines, fire breaks, roadside cleaning, lookout houses and towers, fighting forest fires, public playground facilities, fences, water systems, reforestation, control of noxious weeds, insect control, rodent control, elimination of worthless range stock, flood control and landscaping. 9*

Wage and Savings Policy.

Before a project was

started in any community the proposal was to be submitted to the Indians to be benefited.

The work was to be under­

taken only with the approval of the project by the Indians. A system was to be worked out whereby the Indians employed were to deposit with the Superintendent twenty-five per

Collier, Navajo Policies and Program, loc. cit. 11 Loc. cit.

87 cent of the wages due them each week; the deposit was to be credited to the individual accounts and to be released for capital expenditures or emergencies.

This money was to be

considered as a saving account for the worker and the fund was to be kept sufficiently flexible so that those used to responsible handling of money might draw from their deposits for productive purposes at any time. 10.

Health.

The health program on the Navajo Reser­

vation called for a rendering of a health service to the Navajo people of the highest possible type.

It planned

toward a greater control of trachoma, tuberculosis, syphi­ lis, gonorrhea, and a complete health educational program for the Navajo.

This would include the establishment of

prenatal clinics, health examination of employees, and the immunization of Indians against typhoid, diphtheria, and smallpox.

A program of this extensive nature would neces­

sitate a medical center at Fort Defiance and general clinics at Gallup and Window Rock as well as other places where a considerable number of Indians were living throughout the Reservation. 11.

Education.

The purpose of the educational pro­

gram on the Navajo Reservation was to be in terms of the special economic, health, and social needs of the Navajo and to include advanced vocational and higher education for qualified Navajo youth.

In recent years the educational

88

facilities have been confined to nine elementary boarding schools and nine day schools, all on the elementary level. The plan was not to make changes too quickly, but' eventual­ ly most of the education of young children was to take place in the community day school. These community day schools will provide the usual training in skills, including the use of the English language, but they will also attempt to meet the special needs of the Navajo communities. The community program now under way will care for approximately 2,500 additional children in addition to the adult educa­ tional program. The community centers, completed or under construction, total approximately forty-seven. Of this number, six replace existing day schools, mak­ ing a total of forty-one entirely new centers. The plan is to develop further centers only as the Navajos request educational facilities and locations prove feasible. 12.

Human Relations.

It was proposed that a divi­

sion of human relations should be set up in the Navajo jurisdiction which would be specifically charged with the care of human needs, as represented by dependent children, care of the old and sick and other unemployables. was to be made of those in need.

A survey

Because of the close re­

lationship of the work there was to be a close coordination between the proposed division of human relations and the central education and employment committee which had been recently authorized by the Commissioner. 13•

Administrative Set-up.

The Superintendent of

Collier, Navajo Policies and Program, loc. cit.

89 the Reservation was to have the greatest amount of authori­ ty feasible under the law, the appropriations, et cetera. He was to report directly to the Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner.

The Navajo Reservation was to be divided

into a certain number of local areas greater in number than the original six jurisdictions, and within each of such local areas there was to be a man or group competent and* authorized to handle promptly, without reference to any other headquarters, the greatest amount of Indian business that could be so handled. With some supervision from Washington, the Navajo area was to be largely controlled by such methods and poli­ cies as might be developed by the Superintendent and his staff.

The policy of using Indian employees was to be car­

ried forward energetically. Under the Indian Organization Act or not under it, Navajo administration will have as one of its chief objects the development of Navajo organization, the bringing of the organized Navajos into close advisory relation with every policy in operation, and the vest­ ing in the organized Navajos of an ever-increasing responsibility for planning and execution, including the planning of budgets.13 Summary.

In 1933 Commissioner Collier presented a

program to conserve the Navajo physical resources.

The

program called for:

Collier, Navajo Policies and Program,- loc. cit.

90 1.

An economic and social survey of the Reservation.

2.

A stock reduction program.

3.

The formation of land management policies.

4.

A forest preservation plan.

5.

An irrigation and water development policy.

6.

A constructive extension program.

7.

Reservation roads and communication development.

8.

An emergency conservation work program.

9.

A wage and savings policy for the Indians.

10.

An adequate health program.

11.

An educational program based on the social needs

of the Navajo. 12.

The development of a division of human relations

for the care of dependents. 15•

An administrative set-up which places great

authority in the Superintendent of the Reservation. THE "WHEELER-HOWARD INDIAN ACT OF 1954 (THE INDIAN REORGANIZATION ACT) The chief objectives of the administration’s new Indian policy are partly expressed in the Wheeler-Howard Indian Act, commonly known as the Indian Reorganization Act. The three chief objectives of the Indian policy are: . . . (a) Economic rehabilitation of the Indians, principally on the land. (b) Organization of the Indian tribes for managing their own affairs. (c)

91

Civic and. cultural freedom and opportunity for the Indians. According to Mr. Collier this is not a radical poli­ cy as some have interpreted it, but it is a conservative policy.

It attempts to treat the Indians as normal human

beings capable of working out their own problems and making normal adjustment within the framework of American civili­ zation and at the same time maintaining the best of their own culture. In the past all possibility of Indian self-support was destroyed first by treaty violation and later by the taking of Indian lands through the allotment system.

The

old system, from a cultural viewpoint, destroyed Indian social and political customs and institutions; against this the Indian had no legal protection. In hundreds of cases white landseekers persuaded Congress or the Indian Service to break Indian treaties and to ignore Indian land titles.

Many money claims were made

by the Indians which grew largely out of treaty violations. At the present time claims are pending for specific amounts exceeding $1,500,000,000, claims that grew out of illegal taking of Indian lands or the mismanagement of tribal funds. This phase of dispossession was followed by a more subtle

John Collier, A Bird1s-eye View of Indian Policy, p.

1.

92

and less honest phase--dispossession through land allot­ ment .^ The general Allotment Act of 1887 had Intended to lead the Indians into the white man’s property system and thereby into white man's civilization and economic life. Under cover of legality the Indians could he gradually di­ vested of the lands secured to them through treaties and grants.

As a result of that allotment system, in some

fifty years the Indians have lost ninety million acres of their lands.

The whites got the cream of the land and at

least half of the remaining Indian land is of very low grade and of the semi-desert type. Another complication of the allotment system was the heirship system which automatically resulted from allot­ ment.

When the original allottee died, the allotment was

partitioned among his heirs.

Many times his heirs were so

numerous, even reaching hundreds, that it was impossible to make a satisfactory settlement; consequently, the land was sold and the proceeds partitioned or the land leased to the whites. According to Mr. Collier‘S

the Indian Reorganization

Act of 193^ "strikes at this whole vicious system." This act

15 Ibid-* P- 3.

16

Ibid., p. 5*

93

provides for revesting allotted and heirship lands back in tribal ownership.

The policy definitely terminates the

destructive tendencies of the allotment system and opens the way for creating a firm economic foundation for the permanent rehabilitation of both the Indian and the soil. The Department of Interior under this bill is empowered to acquire lands outside of the existing Indian Reservations for landless Indians.

In order that this land may be re­

vested the Act authorized the appropriation of $10,000,000 as an Indian Loan Fund.

The money is to be loaned under

the direction of the Secretary of the Interior to Indian Corporations for the purpose of purchasing heirship lands and the development of tribal lands and resources or to make loans to individual members of the tribe for private economic purposes.

Each year $250,000 is to be appropri­

ated for educational purposes for Indians who wish to at­ tend high school, college, or special training schools. The Act further states that qualified Indians are to have preference in appointments to vacancies in the Indian Service.

The phase of the Reorganization Act which

attracted wide attention was section sixteen or Tribal 17 organizations. Under this section an Indian tribe may

John Collier, Analysis and Explanation of the Uheeler-Howard Indian Act (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Indian Affairs, 193*0* P« 6*

94 organize and establish a constitution and by-laws for the management of its own local affairs.

The constitution and

by-laws become effective when ratified by a majority of all the adult members of the tribe.

In addition to all the

powers which the tribe now enjoys through its council it will have the right to exercise a veto power over the dis­ position of tribal funds, the right to negotiate with Federal, state, and local governments, and the right to be advised of all appropriations estimates affecting the tribe, before such estimates are submitted to the Bureau of the Budget and Congress. The Reorganization Act rejected by the Navajo.

A

noticeable evidence of friction and mistrust between the present Indian Administration and the Navajo arose when the government launched its campaign on the Navajo Reservation for the passage of the Wheeler-Howard Bill.

Propaganda

favoring the bill descended upon the Navajo country with great force while those who opposed the bill launched a whispering campaign against the "new deal dream."

Traders

on the Reservation and whites throughout the Southwest voiced their opinion, many government employees showed their opposition, but were hushed by Secretary Ickes* "gag

l3

Collier, Analysis and Explanation of the WheelerHoward Indian Act, loc. cit.

95

rule,” a statement to all employees of the Indian Service in which he said in the concluding paragraph: If any employee wishes to oppose the new policy, he should do so honestly and openly from outside the serv­ ice. This would mean his resignation. Any other course is unscrupulous and is detrimental to the Indi­ ans because it acts on the service like a canker. This condition has existed in the ranks for many years and has been partly responsible for the failures of the past. It retards and defeats the most conscientious effort toward good administration, and it will be summarily eliminated, wherever found, by dismissal.^9 As the campaign continued, the Navajo became more bewil­ dered and suspicious; and, therefore, in 1955 they voted the bill down. The break that came between the Navajo and the ad­ ministration as a result of the Wheeler-Howard Bill cam­ paign probably did more to hamper the progress of Mr. Col­ l i e r ^ program than did the failure of the bill.

It also

started a great wave of opposition against the government program and a propaganda campaign throughout the nation climaxing in its rejection throughout the Southwest. The rejection by the Navajo tribe of the Act may be attributed to a number of factors.

There was a serious and

determined effort on the part of the government to secure a favorable vote.

19

PO

Perhaps there was too much high pressure

Harold L. Ickes, Letter to Indian Service Employees (Washington, D.C.: The United States department of the Interior, April 50, 195*020 Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, p. 55*

96

and too many promises made on the part of the government representatives and at the same time too many wild stories circulated by the opposition--all of which tended to bewil­ der the Navajo and cause him to fear that he was being fooled by the government and that acceptance meant the loss of his sheep and goats.

Due to past experiences the Navajo

had reason to mistrust anything coming from the white man which favored the Indian. The Navajo does not fit into the white m a n ’s cam­ paign methods; he desires to talk things over and to think thoroughly through the problem, spending hours, even days, in meditation before he comes to a decision.

Therefore, it

is probable that the administration in its haste and anxie­ ty lost this important step in its Navajo program largely because of lack of under standing of the cultural background and the psychological nature of the Navajo Indian. The administration received its first real backset when the Navajo rejected the Wheeler-Howard Act, but the bold and at times vicious attacks which were started as a result of this act and which have been carried on ever since have made the hard road of a difficult program an ex­ tremely rough one. That those opposing the bill were busy during the campaign for its approval and still are alert to any oppor­ tunity to express opposition is evidenced by the fact that

97

pamphlets and magazine and newspaper articles were written in great profusion, condemning not only the Wheeler-Howard Act hut also the Indian program in general.

The following

excerpt briefly pictures the heated contention of the op­ position: In an effort to secure Indian approval of this pro­ gram campaigns were conducted designed to arouse race prejudice and class hatred. . . . Vast sums of money were spent to propagandize the Indians into voting to accept the reorganization in farce elections. . . . did not tell the Indians that by voting to accept the Wheeler-Howard Act they changed their legal status from that of "involuntary ward" to "voluntary ward" who had voted to have the Indian Bureau remain in control of their affairs forever. This is the blackest and most miserable chicanery that has been practiced against a defenseless people in these United States. There is no Self-Government in the Act. All final power and authority rests in the hands of Mr. Dictator Secretary of the Interior. No Indian can ever own any land which has been purchased under authority of the Act. The government buys the land, takes title to it, and the Indian is "assigned" the use of it, subject to removal, with no rights of h e i r s h i p . 21 Had the Navajo voted on the Act in 1933> it is proba­ ble that they would have accepted it.

The refusal of the

bill was only a logical outcome when one considers the whirlwind campaign, following nearly a year of chaos, con­ fusion, and uncertainty with its high pressure methods, promises, and statements which were often construed by the

Alice Lee Jemison, "Highlights of the Roosevelt Record in Indian Affairs," The First American (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing-Office, l$4o), p. 2. (Facts taken from Vol. 4, Dies Hearings; Vols. 34 and 37^ Inves­ tigations, Senate Indian Committee).

98

already suspicious Navajo as threats.

The vote undoubtedly

spoke a language of bewilderment, mistrust, and discourage­ ment which Collierfs program had already created among the Navajo.

The Indians give the following reasons for voting

against the Act: Opposition to the Central Agency that took away their Superintendents; fear of further herd reduction; prom­ ises made by Mr. Collier that were not kept; day school program and reduction of attendance at boarding schools; too many speakers from Washington and too many meetings, that caused much confusion and distrust; and a lack of confidence in Mr. Collier, and a fear that something was to be "put over" on them. 22 Immediately following the vote on the Wheeler-Howard Act, Mr. Collier wrote to the Navajo through Superintendent Faris.^

This was an unfortunate move in that the letter

tended to reprimand, showing some intolerance toward the Navajo's lack of cooperation with the government program. The message pointed out the loss to the tribe in its fail­ ure to accept the Act and let it be known that the Navajo's action in no way altered the administration's Indian poli­ cies, nor did their action change the amount of one sheep or goat in the reduction program. Many recalled that previous to the election the

22

"Wheeler-Howard Act," Indian Truth (Philadelphia: The Indian Bights Association, *CctoberTT555)^ Vol. 12, No. 7, p. 6. John Collier, A Message to the Navajo People through the Superintendent (Washington, B.C.: Bureau of In­ dian Affairs, June 21, 1955)•

99 Indians were urged to do their own thinking.

They were

told that regardless of how they voted It would not affect their status with the Indian Department. interpreted as a mild threat of reprisal.

This letter was Perhaps it would

have been better had Mr. Collier accepted the result of the vote without comment since any word from him did little but antagonize an already aroused people. Summary.

The Wheeler-Howard Act, which is commonly

known as the Indian Reorganization Act, was an attempt to give the Indians of the United States a voice in their tribal affairs.

It struck at the vicious land allotment

system and promised substantial loans in opening the way for creating a firm economic foundation for the permanent rehabilitation of both the Indian and the soil.

A noticea­

ble evidence of friction and mistrust between the present Indian administration and the Navajo developed when the government launched its campaign for the passage of the Wheeler-Howard Bill. The administration received its first real backset when the Navajo rejected the Reorganization Act.

The

government employees were at a loss to know why the bill failed to pass, but Mr. Collier’s reduction program of 1933-193^ and the campaign method for the passage of the bill tended to bring bewilderment, mistrust, and fear to an

100

already confused, discontented, and suspicious people.

As

a result of the friction which developed between the Indian Service and the Navajo, due to the Wheeler-Howard Bill epi­ sode, .the road of Mr. Collier’s Navajo program has been an extremely rough one. THE NAVAJO RESERVATION EXTENSION BOUNDARY BILL On the eastern boundary of the Navajo Reservation lies a huge

I!

no man’s land

and Rhode Island combined.

ItP4

almost as large as Delaware

This region in the latter part

of the nineteenth century was a happy country with plenty of grass for the herds and flocks which meant prosperity and freedom from worry to the Navajo. conditions had changed.

Within a few years

Early in the nineteenth century,

down from Colorado, drifting as much as three hundred miles slowly across the Navajo’s winter pasture, consuming it as they went, came vast herds of sheep belonging to the white stockmen.

In the early spring these herds were driven back

to their home ranches in Colorado, eating the spring grass 25 along another route.

24

The term "no m a n ’s land1' designates territory of the public domain, which borders the eastern edge of the Navajo Reservation. PR Owen P. White, IfLow, the Poor Indian,” Colliers, 99:16, February 6, 1937-

101

As a result of this intrusion which was threatening the destruction of the grass, the Navajo went to Washington to protest.

Fortunately for them Theodore Roosevelt was

not only soil erosion conscious, hut was also an Indian lover, and was determined to do what he could to remedy the situation.

He issued an executive order in 1907 which

added the present "no m a n ’s land" to the Navajo Reservation. This fixed everything and the Navajo were again prosperous and happy.

But not for long.

The trend of events warned

of the distress that was brewing.

New Mexico was on its

way to statehood, there were rumors of oil in the Navajo country, and the white stockmen were waiting for Theodore Roosevelt to get out of the White House.

When he got out,

stampede on Washington by oil men, politicians, and live­ stock kings brought so much pressure to bear on President Taft that he restored New Mexico’s "no m a n ’s land" to the public domain.

By rescinding Theodore Roosevelt’s order Mr.

Taft gave the territory back to the white stockmen.

Immedi­

ately down from the north again came the invading sheep armies of the whites to eat up and tramp out the red man's grass. In order to hold this territory for the Navajo the Indian Bureau began to allot the lands to the Indians, giv­ ing them patented titles thereto.

This idea in theory was

good, but in execution it was very poor, and as a result

102

only forty-nine per cent of this huge territory (2,154,550 acres) is owned by Navajo, while twenty-one per cent is owned by the United States, sixteen per cent by the Santa Fe Railroad, seven per cent by the State of New Mexico, four per cent by white homesteaders, three per cent by the Arizona and New Mexico Land Company, and exactly no per cent by the white stockmen whose herds eat the grass off practically all of it.

All these ownerships are scattered

“helter-skelter” so that it is utterly impossible for any one interest to protect itself.

The United States cannot

because it has no police authority in New Mexico; the Indi­ an Bureau cannot because the land is no longer a part of the Reservation; and New Mexico cannot because . . . to be honest about it, it hasn't the courage to do anything displeasing to a dozen big-hatted, highbooted, romantic-looking stockmen, whose pockets are very deep, whose trigger fingers are very nervous and whose political influence is so elastic that it stretches easily from Santa Fe to W a s h i n g t o n . 26 The eastern Navajo district was in a continual state of chaos with the Indians and whites struggling over the possession of range.

The titles were such that no money

could be spent in water development, erosion control, or anything else.

The Indian Bureau, realizing that the re­

gaining of this territory was essential to the welfare of

26 Ibid., p. 17.

103 the Navajo, has taken definite steps to regain it. In 1935 * with the support of Senator Bronson Cutting of New Mexico, the Indian Bureau prepared a hill which was to wipe out "no man's land" by adding it permanently to the Navajo Reservation, thereby placing it under federal con­ trol.

The bill, known as Senate Bill number 2213, was in­

troduced March 4, 1935, considered by the Congress then convening, and reported favorably by Mr. Hatch, the senior Senator from New Mexico.

The bill was placed on the Senate

calendar, and in 1936 at the request of Senator Chavez of New Mexico came up again for consideration.

The bill was

then ordered reprinted and referred to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs.2^ On May 29, 1936, Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of Interior, appeared before the Senate Committee to make a personal plea for the passage of the bill.

Mr. Ickes

pointed out that not only the interests of the Navajo but the interests of the Federal Government and the interests of the people of New Mexico would be advanced by the adop­ tion of the bill.

Injustices are continually being in­

flicted upon the Navajo and with little expense to the

Survey of Conditions of Indians of the United States, Part 34 "(Washington, B.C.: United States Printing Office, 1937), P. 17497. d

Ibid., pp. 17497-17499.

104 government these injustices could he redressed.

Then he

made some very serious charges which thoroughly aroused the stockmen of New Mexico: There is a group of predatory interests that have no scruples at all ahout getting land or property from the Indians, and they have heen getting land . . . from the Indians, . . . preying upon the Indians, and they want to continue to prey upon them. . . . certain gentry go into that country with boot­ leg whisky. They take the whisky in and bring the breeded stock out. You can draw your own conclusions. I do not want to be an alarmist, but it is not with­ out the realms of possibility that we will have serious disorder and bloodshed in that country in the next year unless some of these wrongs are redressed.29 Whether Mr. Ickes wanted to be an alarmist or not his testimony before the Senate Committee brought an avalanche of criticism upon both Mr. Ickes and Superintend­ ent Fryer, who confirmed the Secretary’s statements in a 30 newspaper article which appeared the same day that Mr. Ickes made his assertion.

The people of Gallup and the

stockmen of the Southwest termed Secretary Ickes1 action 31 "a scare.” Kelsey Presley, secretary of grazing district number two, dubbed the warning that bloodshed was imminent

sUpvey of Conditions of Indians of the United States, loc. cit. "Matter of Time Until Outbreak Fryer Believes,” The Gallup [New Mexico] Independent, May 29* 1936, p. 1. ^ ”A11 Wrong, Says Kelsey Presley,” The Gallup [New Mexico] Independent, May 29, 1936, p. 1.

105 "between the Navajo and whites as a scare by the Department of the Interior to force passage of the Reservation exten­ sion boundary bill.

However, as a result of Mr. Ickes1

testimony the Senate Indian Affairs Committee decided to investigate Eastern Navajo land conditions, a move which resulted in the Senate investigation of Indian Affairs in

1937 • When the boundary bill was first introduced nobody in New Mexico, except the stockmen, opposed it.

However,

Senator Cutting proved himself to be above political con­ trol of the stockmen and they didn’t dare oppose him. Everybody, even the Honorable Dennis Chavez, who was then a member of the National House of Representatives, praised the bill and its passage seemed absolutely certain.

As

Owen P. White said, napparently nothing but death could prevent the bill from becoming a law."^2

Death did prevent

it, for Senator Cutting was killed in an airplane crash in Missouri.

Immediately the stockmen descended upon the

governor and he yielded to their demands and elevated Dennis Chavez to the United States Senate. Shortly after Mr. Chavez became United States Senator, New Mexico’s other senator, the Honorable Mr. Hatch, intro­ duced the Boundary Bill, which by unanimous consent was

White, loc. cit.

106 placed upon the calendar for regular passage in the due course of business.

Message of this action was wired to

New Mexico and hundreds of people celebrated the event. But. the celebration suddenly ceased.

On the very next day

Senator Hatch arose and asked the Senate if it would please save him a little embarrassment by allowing him, by another unanimous consent, to withdraw the bill that only yesterday he had introduced.

Mr. Hatch said in explanation of his

strange request that the day before when he presented the measure, his honorable colleague, Senator Chavez, was not present and out of courtesy to Mr. Chavez he was asking the Senate to reconsider its action.

33

Senator Chavez held that the bill was unfair to the taxpayers of New Mexico, that New Mexico would lose the taxes, and they would have to be made up by other taxpayers 34 of the state. The fact of the matter is, as White points out, that this was probably one of the most comical excuses that any politician in defense of his constituents had ever proclaimed.

Even the people of New Mexico laughed at it ■

because everybody knew that seventy-seven per cent of the land in the boundary area belongs to the Indians, to the United States, and to New Mexico, each paying no taxes at

33 Ibid., p. 40. Loo. cit.

107 all.

Therefore, it follows that the state, which has the

problem of administration for the entire territory, would be better off without it. For years efforts have been made to work out an agreement by which the boundary problem of "no m a n ’s land" could be solved.

The failure of this bill seems even more

tragic in view of the fact that a measure which seemed so vital to the welfare of ten thousand needy Navajo was blocked; blocked by the pressure of a few stockmen upon a United States Senator--again the Indian becomes the victim of politics and greed.

Until proper legislation can be

secured it will be very difficult to work out any sort of constructive erosion control program.

Without proper

government administration, overgrazing, destruction of the range, and injustice to the original occupants of the land are bound to continue. Summary.

On the eastern boundary of the Navajo

Reservation is a huge tract of land known as "no m a n ’s land." This- territory, originally intended for the Navajo, has been invaded by white stockmen; consequently, the eastern Navajo district is in a continual state of chaos with the Indians and the whites struggling for possession of the range.

In 1955 a Senate bill was introduced to restore "no man’s land" to the Navajo Reservation.

When Senator Bronson

108 Cutting of New Mexico, who was the main support of the bill, was killed in an airplane accident, Representative Chavez was elevated to the United States Senate and through his influence the measure was lost.

The failure of this bill

was tragic since its passage would have meant the opening of new lands to the Navajo which would have tended to re­ lieve the population pressure on the Reservation. THE STOCK REDUCTION PROGRAM A program for the reduction of livestock to the carrying capacity of the Reservation was begun during Presi­ dent Hoover's administration.

In 1931 a detailed study of

grazing resources was made, looking toward the development of an adequate policy of range management and land conser­ vation.

But it was not until 1933 that definite steps were ■vr

taken to develop a reduction program.

At that time it

was estimated that the grazing industry on the Navajo Reservation had reached its greatest height; there were about.seven thousand seven hundred sheep owners running one 36 million three.hundred fifty thousand.sheep units of

Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Indian Problem (New York; Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1939)> pp. o-9* 36 By the term 11sheep units” the Indian Service con­ siders one horse equivalent to five sheep and one cow the equivalent of four sheep.

109 livestock.

37

The Reservation area comprised sixteen million acres --twenty-five thousand square miles of land. age the rainfall is about ten inches.

On the aver­

The mean annual

temperature on the Reservation is about fifty degrees with extremes ranging from one hundred eight degrees above to a record of thirty degrees below zero.

The elevation ranges

from four thousand to ten thousand feet, most of the area being four thousand five hundred and seven thousand feet. With these facts in mind, and after an extensive survey, the soil conservationists and range experts estimated that the present carrying capacity of the Reservation range area is one third to one half less than it was in 1867 when the Navajo returned from Bosque Redondo.

Because of the scanty

rainfall and the tendency toward rapid soil depletion, it was estimated that this large acreage was able to produce only enough grass to support 560,000 sheep units of live­ stock, less than one half the number of livestock that was 38 being run on the range in 1931* In April, 1933 9 before a range survey of the Reser­ vation was completed definite plans for a stock reduction

^ J. M. Cooper and Dewey Dismuke, "The Sheep Industry of Indians in the Southwest," Indians at Work (Washington, D.C.: Office of Indian Affairs, August, 19397* P« 38 pp. John H. Provinse, Physical Conditions of the Reservation, Radio Broadcast from KTGM, Window Rock, Arizona, 8 P.M. October 18, 1938.

program were drawn up and put into operation.

Prom the be­

ginning it was realized that the problem of stock reduction on the Reservation necessitated adoption of a workable pro­ gram which would encourage complete cooperation between the government agencies and the Indians.

Early in 193^ the

following essential policies for range utilization proce­ dure were outlined: (1) That proportionately larger reduction should be made in the larger herds; (2) That an exemption limit should be set below which no reduction should be made; (3) That an effort be made to reduce goats more heavily than sheep; and, (4) That the water development program should pro­ ceed in close correlation with immediate and future range management requirements.^ An attempt was made to cover the entire Reservation with the reduction program and in every way possible to gain the cooperation and full support of the Tribal Council. At the meeting at Port Wingate in July, 1933> the first Council meeting held after Mr. Collier had become Commis­ sioner, the Tribal Council was presented with the range problem and the possibility of steps being taken to con­ serve the resources of the Reservation.

The Tribal Council

adopted a resolution approving the Mexican Springs demon­ stration area to be developed by the Soil Conservation

39

Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, p. 13.

Ill Service.

40

A special Council meeting was held at Tuba C i t y ^ October 30 to November 1, 1933> at which time the general program of Mr. Collier and his associates was put before the Tribal Council for approval.

Emergency conservation

work had already started on the Reservation and because of the years of hunger and want hundreds of employable Navajo sought work.

The Indians showed an appreciative attitude

toward the Commissioner because of the things that had al­ ready been done for them and the future plans in regard to their welfare. This was a splendid time to approach the Council with the plan of the reduction of livestock; thus the Indian administration’s new plan was definitely brought before the Tribal Council with the proposal that they adopt: (l) A resolution sanctioning a widespread reduction program; (2) that an attempt be made to secure addi­ tional land for them; {3 ) that soil conservation carry on with their vast undertaking among the Navajos; (4) the emergency conservation work continue; (5) that the day-school program, which has subsequently been com­ pleted, should be started.42

40

Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Fort Wingate, July, 19339 P* 49* 41 Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Tuba City, Arizona, October j50-November 1, 1933, PP. 16-22. 42 Survey of Conditions of the Indians of the United States, p. 179^7•

112

In order to get the Navajo's cooperation in a livestock re­ duction and range-management program the above expenditures were promised by the Commissioner.

The Navajo were urged

to adopt the resolution and to take the initiative on range control and soil erosion matters rather than expect the government to do so since it was the Indians and not the government that were primarily interested.

It was pointed

out to the Council through drawings, figures, and charts that through the reduction program the Indian's income would not be decreased because of the vast amount of money that would be expended for wages.

It was further stressed

that livestock improvement would increase the income from the livestock and this would more than offset the income derived from the worthless stock that would be sold through reduction measures. Arrangements were made through Mr. Collier and the relief administration to buy one hundred thousand head of sheep in the fall of 1 9 3 3 •

Due to the exceptionally low

prices at that time, one dollar to one dollar and fifty cents was offered for ewes and two dollars and twenty-five cents to three dollars were offered for wethers.

Some of

the councilmen, such as Chee Dodge, argued that if culls were taken rather than good breeding ewes no material re­ duction could be expected because the Navajo would sell only the old and unproductive stock.

In the final analysis

113 the culling of the large herds developed just as Mr. Dodge had warned them and actually no reduction was made. At this time the Reservation was divided into six jurisdictions.

The quotas for the different districts were:

Northern, twenty thousand head; Southern, thirty-two thou­ sand head; Eastern, fifteen thousand head; Western, fifteen thousand head; Hopi, ten thousand head; and Leupp, eight thousand head.

The lack of a definite plan was in evidence;

in fact no workable plan was decided upon by the Council; seemingly it was left to the different districts to work 43 out their own reduction plans. ^ Money was available and the government was ready to start buying.

The proposition of selling was first placed

before the Navajo at a Yabechai dance in the Bodaway coun­ try west of Tuba City by Superintendent Balmer of Western Navajo Reservation.

From the very first there was noticea- ’

ble agitation and uneasiness among the people.

The larger

owners very flatly refused to make the total reduction ex­ pected from their herds.

Unable to come to an understand­

ing after an all-night discussion, a Council member, Mr. Bancroft, and other leaders present, finally agreed that every Navajo should sell ten per cent of his sheep, at

^ Survey of Conditions of the Indians of the United States, loc. cit.

114 least seventy-five per cent of which should he ewes and the remaining twenty-five per cent wethers.

Immediately this

same agreement became widespread throughout the entire Reservation since the large owners refused to make the total reduction from their flocks and argued that everyone owning sheep should sell on a percentage basis.

The large

flock owners argued that those owning small flocks of sheep were the ones who were getting full advantage of the money being spent on the Reservation; it was they who were get­ ting the full benefit of the relief work on the Reservation. In many sections of the Reservation the Navajo had not even realized that there was a tribal organization which had the power and authority which was invested in the Navajo Tribal Council.

Others in the more remote sections had not learned

that their flocks were to be reduced.

The women were espe­

cially resentful, feeling that the disposition of their stock was a personal matter and that neither the Council nor anyone else had the right to promise the government that the Navajo would sell. Because of the lack of a well organized government procedure and consequent failure to enlighten the Navajo as to the necessity of reduction, the entire tribe became sus­ picious of the governments program.

The people, not

realizing the necessity of this plan, saw in the removal of livestock a loss of income which in their minds was not

115 compensated by millions being spent in land rehabilitation, road building, and water development.

They could readily

see that the money being paid the men was being spent al­ most as rapidly as it was earned, and that this new wage economy was not giving them anything upon which they could depend permanently for a livelihood. n44 is their measure of wealth.

"Livestock, not money,

The first attempt at reduction, the enforcement of which was left in the hands of the Tribal Council, was a complete failure.

It merely took stock from the small

owners, who should not have sold, while on the other hand it took cull stock from the larger owners where the real reduction should have been made.

The government had merely

provided a market for cull stock and the large stock holder was able to develop his herd to the highest possible pro45 ductive point. Another Council Meeting was held at Port Defiance, » 46 Arizona, March 12-13, 1934. At this meeting the Navajo were told that a further reduction would be necessary in order that the Indian Department could-ask Congress for

1(11 Ibid., p. 17988. 45 Ibid., p. 17987. 46 Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Port Defiance, Arizona, March 12-13, 1934, pp. 21-23*

116 additional funds to buy land for the Navajo.

It was

stressed that it was very important that further reduction be made by the selling of goats.

The deplorable existing

range conditions were presented by Commissioner Collier, Mr. Stewart, Mr. Marshall, and Mr. Zeh.

They pointed out

that if range management was not enforced the range would soon be destroyed.

The Council members realized that they

must cooperate with the Indian Department in saving the range for their people, but they also were aware of the fact that, as reduction had consistently been fought by prac­ tically all members of the tribe, they would be severely criticized by their people when they returned home if they made any concessions in the reduction scheme.

By this time

the entire tribe had become amazingly conscious of their tribal organization, and the council members were well aware of the opinions of their constituents in regard to reduction.

Therefore, they would not adopt a resolution at

that time without first consulting their people as to the ways and means of disposing of the goats.

Certain conces­

sions were made, however, in which the Council agreed that erosion control and range control should be carried out. They further agreed that reduction should take place with the understanding that the Council would return to their people in order to explain the proposal so that the Navajo people might consider the matter and devise ways of

117 effecting the goat-reduction plan.

Before they adjourned

the following was read to the Tribal Council: We should like you to consider when you go home after this Council, the reduction during the next twelve months of one hundred fifty thousand head of grown stock, of which all, or at least 100,000, should be goats. We are convinced that we will not ask again of you to reduce your stock. It won't be necessary. The next thing to be done would be to castrate with­ in the next year all remaining male goats and substi­ tute therefor, in the future, such a number of milch goats as may be needed for home use based upon a study to be made later. And yearly centage of the

the last would be to maintain and keep up the or annual sale of all wether lambs and any per­ of ewe lambs not needed to maintain the youth, herd . . . at least eighty per cent each year. '

The idea back of the plan was that the disposition of a large part of the natural increase and the yearly domestic consumption would bring about the necessary reduction. Pressure was placed upon the Council by the promise of the extension of the Reservation.

This was held out as an in­

ducement to the Wavajo and it was stated that probably if the tribe did not carry out the reduction, the boundary ,bills then under consideration would not be passed. With the promise of additional land and work for wages which would supplement the Indian's loss in income, the Tribal Council adopted a resolution providing that they would encourage further stock reduction with the under-

^

Ibid., p. 25.

118 standing that any family having one hundred sheep or less should he exempt from any reduction.

48

A Council meeting 49 was held at Crown Point, New Mexico, April 9-ll> 193^• After a prolonged and heated discussion it was agreed that 150.000 goats would he sold hy the Navajo and the means of selling would he worked out hy the Washington office. In July, 1934, another Tribal Council Meeting was 50 held at Kearns Canyon, Arizona. In the meantime funds had been secured from the Relief Administration to purchase 150.000 goats and fifty thousand sheep.

The Navajo Council

realized something of the feeling of their people, hut at the Crown Point meeting they had agreed to sell the 150,000 goats while the selling of fifty thousand sheep was option­ al.

Not even the Council members realized how severe the

criticism would he which came from the Navajo, especially the women, throughout all parts of the Reservation.

Prepa­

rations were made to carry out the goat buying program with the understanding that the Navajo would sell fifty per cent of their goats at one dollar per head to the Relief

Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, p. 14. ^9

Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Crown Point, New Mexico, April 9-11, 193>4, pp. 66-68. Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Kearns Canyon, Arizona, July 10-12, 1931*-*

119 Administration and that these goats should he female stock. An extensive program was worked out and traders were placed in the field to cooperate with the Navajo in the buying program.

It was planned that these goats would be delivered

to the packing plants in small lots between September and December of 1934.

However, the goats were a long distance

from shipping points, the range was poor, and water condi­ tions were unfavorable--all of which made it almost impos­ sible to deliver the goats to the railroad regularly as had been anticipated.

At times the packing houses were without

goats while at other times more goats were delivered than they could manage; therefore, permission was granted for the Navajo to slaughter as many goats as they could use. Hundreds of goats were slaughtered and the meat was jerked and used by the Navajo for food, while thousands of others were shot and left to decay.

31

Throughout the 1934 cam­

paign the number of goats was reduced from 294,851 to 146,507.

The Navajo also voluntarily sold approximately

fifty thousand sheep during this period. In the fall of 1935 Relief Administration funds were made available to buy additional sheep and goats from the Navajo.

SI

However, as a result of the reaction of the Navajo

Survey of Conditions of Indians of the United States, p. 17908.

120

toward the 1934 campaign, no definite agreement was made with the Council, and consequently the Navajo sold 13,312 head of goats and 13,866 head of sheep in addition to the regular sale made to the traders.

The total reduction of

sheep and goats made from the time they were counted in 1930 until they were dipped in 1935 > including the losses of the severe winter of 1931-1932, natural sales, and the working of the reduction program, was from 1,294,589 to 944,910, a reduction of 28.9 per cent in sheep and 60.8 per cent in goats.52 On April 12, 1935 > some of the Navajo leaders met with Commissioner Collier in Washington, D.C., where vari­ ous methods of establishing base preference rights were discussed.

The plan of grazing privileges was proposed,

but Chee Dodge stated that his people would not accept any agreement whereby they would be forced to pay grazing privileges.

Either because of the bewilderment of the mem­

bers of the Indian Service or because a rest period seemed the wiser procedure, the reduction program was permitted to lag in 1935 9 and the Navajo sold only twenty-six thousand 53 head of sheep and goats.

^ Survey of Conditions of Indians of the United States, loc. cit. 53 Ibid., p. 17991.

121

In the interim of three years between the start of reduction procedures in 1933 to the spring of 1936 a gradu­ al opposition to range regulations had been crystallizing into a stage of chaotic bewilderment and fear among the Navajo.

A noticeable lack of harmony prevailed between the

Soil Conservation forces under the Department of Agricul­ ture and the Indian Service--all the ill effect of which reverted to the Indian who became the innocent victim of the prevailing egotistic bureaucratic jealousies. The Navajo1s opposition was centered on the Soil Conservation Service since it was thought, and justly so, that the personnel was primarily interested in the land and not the Indian.

Therefore, since this group was suggesting

most of the reduction, if it could be forced off the Reser­ vation, no further reduction would be requested. In order to meet these criticisms and to enlighten the Navajo further on the Indian Service policies, the Com­ missioner met with the Tribal Council January 25, 1936. In speaking ,to the Indians, Collier stressed four points in attempting to show that harmony existed between the Soil Conservation and the Indian Service: 1.

The Commissioner stated that Secretaries Ickes

Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council, Fort Defiance, Arizona, January 25, 1936, pp. 3-7.

122

of the Department of the Interior and Wallace of the De­ partment of Agriculture were cooperating on conservation policies and that they were in complete agreement and unity about matters concerning grazing and range regulations. Collier used this opportunity to stress again that the whole program is the law of the Navajo tribe, having been accepted by the Council, a statement which made no kindlier feeling toward the already unpopular and often embarrassed Council. 2.

He pointed out that the Navajo range-control

programs are based upon scientific knowledge and that they have been and are Indian Service and Interior Department programs. 3.

The present conservation policy does not apply

to the Navajo Reservation alone, but the policy of the whole Government is this: That wherever the Government has con­ trol of any grazing land the amount of stock has to be kept down to the number that will not destroy the land and will allow the grass to grow. 4.

He further stressed that the policy of conserva­

tion is a set Government policy and would continue regard­ less of possible administrative changes, thus indicating that the Soil Conservation Service is on the Reservation at the request of the Department of the Interior, is not a rival duplicate service, and would remain as an essential

123 phase of the program. Under date of January 28, 1936, immediately follow­ ing the Port Defiance meeting, a statement of principles was developed by the Indian Office as a step toward creat­ ing an organization and a procedure to put into effect a land management program which would give the Commissioner the authority to carry out a workable plan.

The principles

drawn up attempted to place the responsibility of the wel­ fare of the range upon the Navajo.

These principles stated

that the primary responsibility for land restoration rested on the Indians themselves, that they must be prepared to make sacrifices for their own future good, and that the Government was prepared to give the Indians any necessary aid in the solution of the many critical problems which RR confronted them. The Navajo Reservation divided into eighteen dis­ tricts.

One of the most unfortunate circumstances of the

reduction program was the fact that purchases previous to 1956 were made on a horizontal basis, every owner regard­ less of the size of his herd being asked to sell a certain percentage of his flock.

Hundreds of Navajo families hav­

ing less than one hundred sheep units were compelled to

Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, p. 14.

124 sell their quota while the large stock owners made use of the opportunity to cull their flocks by selling the old and worthless animals.

In spite of this criticism, which was

prevalent on every hand, the Indian Service seemed little concerned about building the marginal owner back to the hundred level, but was vitally interested in reducing the large operator to a maximum quota. Previous to 1936 the reduction program operated on the assumption that range conditions were uniform through­ out the Reservation with little regard being given to the fact that some parts of the range had a greater carrying capacity than did others.

The Indian Service had long

realized this weakness of the original plan and had been continually studying and planning toward a complete reor­ ganization of land management on the Havajo Reservation. Accordingly in the spring of 1936 a program was adopted which terminated in dividing the Reservation into eighteen land management districts. In view of the fact that the Reservation has an altitudinal range of 4,500 to 10,000 feet above sea level and a variation in rainfall of from five, to twenty inches, much of the area is desert while other portions of it are moun­ tainous with timber covered slopes.

Because of this vast

difference of physiography, rainfall, and climate, the ex­ perience of the Indian Service reveals the impossibility of

125 working out an intelligent solution to the Navajo land prob­ lem by considering the Reservation as a unit.

The wiser

procedure in coping with the Navajo land and subsistence problem seemed to lie in the division of the Reservation into districts, each having specific problems and general related physiographic features.

56

On November 6, 1935, Secretary Ickes approved the regulations which provided for the division of the Navajo Reservation into land-management districts.

In the spring

of 1936 districts were tentatively defined, dividing the Reservation into eighteen separate units averaging in area almost a million acres each.

These areas, about the size

of the State of Delaware, vary in population from about one thousand people in district one to almost six thousand peo­ ple in district eighteen.

It Is of interest to note that

the population has tended to adjust itself to range condi­ tions, that is, there has apparently been a gravitation of the population of the Reservation toward those districts having the highest carrying capacity.^7 Suspicion and misunderstanding developed throughout

56

„ E. R. Fryer. Justification of Present Plan of Dis­ trict Range Control, 1 Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printihg "Office, 1937), Part 3^, PP* 17931-17932. 57 Ibid., p. 17932.

126 the Southwest as a result of the widespread interpretation of the new district range program; consequently, on June 11, 19^6, Mr. W. G. McGinnies, director of land management, Issued the following statement: 1. There will he no reservation-wide horizontal stock reduction. Eighteen administrative areas have been created on the Navajo Reservation, each of which will form a concrete unit of study, planning and ad­ ministration. Any necessary reductions will be made by districts on the basis of careful consideration of needs. 2. Reduction is only a single phase of land manage­ ment. It carries with it no implication of decreased livelihood for the Navajo. The problem basically is one of so balancing the use of Navajo resources that the productive base is not only not lessened but is even increased. This is to be accomplished through the development of commensurate resources and through live­ stock improvement and more efficient management. By a change in the composition of the flock, smaller bands may be equally productive of income and less destruc­ tive to the range. By the development of a more con­ siderable agricultural resource any net reduction in range income can be compensated for. 3* The program of the unified Navajo administration involves stock reduction but is not limited or defined by it. The program of the unified Navajo administra­ tion conceived stock reduction only as a single aspect of a solution which has a multiple nature. In the short run It involves an increase in Navajo income through wage work. In the long run, it involves an Increase in Navajo income through a broader and more permanent re­ source in land. Administrative action on the Navajo Reservation will continue to bear the closest relationship to land man­ agement surveys. . . . These surveys are designed to determine the nature of human dependency on resources contained within each district. They are further designed to determine the variability of this dependency. They would provide the

following information: 1.

Density and distribution of population.

2.

Nature and the significant relationships of con­ sumption groups.

3.

The significance of the various sources of in­ come for each group.

4.

The present use

of resources within the area.

5.

The carrying capacity of the range set by physical limits of soil and climate.

6.

An inventory of livestock by grades and classes with particular reference to the efficiency of production for Navajo needs.

7.

The present and future availability and quality of crop land.

8.

The present and future fuel supply.

9.

Present condition of watershed. Efficiency of water delivery and utilization. Possible restoration of the watershed and future develop­ ment of water resources.58

These districts do not attempt to replace the old six jurisdictions of the Reservation.

As John Collier

59

pointed out, they are not Indian jurisdictions at all, but are simply land management planning and use districts.

The

Indian Office promulgates the proper maximum carrying

5® w.

G. McGinnies, "Statement of the Present Plan of Land Management on the Navajo Reservation," Survey of Condi tions of the Indians in the United States (Washington, D.C. United States Government Printing Office, 1937)> Part 34, pp. 17928-17930.

59 Ibid., p. 17917.

128 LIST OF DISTRICTS AND HEADQUARTERS OF THE NAVAJO RESERVATION3,

District 1.- Echo Cliffs 2. Navaj o Mountain 5• Tuba 4. Black Mesa 5. Tolani Lakes 6; Hopi 7* Castle Butte 8. Monument 9. Carrizo 10. Chin Lee 11. Tsailee 12. Shiprock 13. Cottonwood 14. Five Chapters 15* Crownpoint 16. Wingate 17* Pueblo 18. Defiance Outside, east Outside, south

Headquarters

Post Office

Kaibito Tonalea, Ariz. Shonto do Tuba City Tuba City, Ariz. Pinon Oraibi, Ariz. Leupp Leupp, Ariz. Kearns Canyon Kearns Canyon, Ariz. Cedar Springs Dilkon, Ariz. Kayenta, Ariz. Kayenta Rockpoint Shiprock, N. Mex. Chin Lee 'Chin Lee, Ariz. Lukachukai Lukachukai, Ariz. Shiprock Shiprock, N. Mex. Fruitland Farmington, N. Mex. Tohatchi Gallup,N.M.box 1151 Crownpoint Crownpoint, N. Mex. Fort Wingate Fort Wingate, N.M. Klagetoh Klagetoh, Ariz. Fort Defiance Fort Defiance, Ariz.

Total popula­ tion 1,350 1,100 2,075 2,139 1,186 -----

2,335 1,600 2,475 3,220 1,970 3,575 2,730 2,180 3,600 2,850 3,930 5,380 900 350

Grand total: Navajos Hopis Piutes

44,945 3,057 33

Grand total, Indians

48,035

a W. G. McGinnies, "Statement of the Present Plan of Land Management on the Navajo Reservation," Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1937), Part 34, P* 17930*

^Klagatsk

D is tric t Headquarter.) Reservation boundary IVoyoaed R*s Additions D is tric t Boundary

130 capacity of each area, while the distribution and use of each is left to the Indians within the area.

In each of

these provisional districts a supervisor is appointed and given administrative control; he lives in the district and acts as an assistant superintendent on land, water, and livestock matters.

As a result of the new plan many addi­

tional employees were added to the Navajo Service personnel. In each district there are employed range supervisors, range riders, and practical sheep men as range aids to as­ sist in the administration of range management plans. Although rather reluctant to act, the native Indian organizations were given the power to adopt grazing regu­ lations and to assist the administrative personnel and the Navajo police in enforcing range regulations.

In order to

avoid a repetition of some past mistakes it was definitely specified that the sliding scale reduction in each district should fall only on herds above a certain size.

This was

known as the "maximum limit system of stock adjustment," and from this was adopted the system now used in the Graz­ ing Regulations approved by Secretary Ickes in 1937*^ Removal of excess horses.

f\0

6l

As a result of the

Fryer, op. cit., p. 17933* Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, p. 15.

131 reduced budget for wage work and irrigation projects on the Navajo Reservation, further major reduction of sheep was postponed until the fall of 1941.

62

In the meantime the

government started a movement for the removal of excess horses from the Navajo range, an undertaking which has been bitterly fought by the Navajo. During the summer of 1937 the Navajo showed signs of great hostility to the Reservation policies, but by late fall the Indian Service reported that an air of tranquility had supplanted the turmoil of the previous summer months. However, the problem of horse roundups and the disposal of old and worthless stock was far from being settled.

In

spite of the fact that many of the horses were so poor they could hardly stand and some staggered as they walked, the Indians expected a good price for t h e m . ^

When the Indians

were paid only three dollars per head for their horses, they felt that they were being robbed; thus they became even more bitter toward the stock reduction policies. At the Tribal Council Meeting of May, 1 9 3 9 * ^ a

New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, Urgent Navajo Problems (Santa Fe: New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, 1940), p. 9. 6 3

^ John C. McPhee, Narrative Report of Progress on the Navajo Reservation (Window Rock; Navajo Indian Service, November, 1$37)> P« 12. ^ Proceeding of the Meeting of the Navajo Tribal Council (Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, May 15-19* T5J9J7 P. 205.

132 resolution was passed approving the horse reduction program, hut not without a great deal of skepticism on the part of the members of the Council.

That they were reluctant to

take this action was seen in the speeches made by the vari­ ous Councilmen.

For example, when John Curley heard the

statement in the resolution which read, "Therefore be it resolved, that the Navajo Tribe heartily endorse the present Livestock Improvement Program," ^ he arose and said: Gentlemen, . . . my opinion is that we will have this resolution here passed with one word I would like to put in. . . . 1 want you to give me a better word or thought. . . . This is the word here, it says I "heartily. 1 When I say I heartily, that seems to me to mean go ahead and sign, . . . I would rather have a word there that is something that is pressing behind me and persuades me to sign that resolution. Now what is it that persuades me to sign? There are two things. One is I must recognize the Government of the United States, the laws and its people. I must recognize the flag and its law. And I must obey that law. These are the two things that induce me to sign that paper. When . . . I have to say I signed to reduce, . . . I will not enjoy that. But that seems to be the only remedy within the law. . . .66 While many of the horses that the Navajo were asked to sell were unproductive and of no particular use to their owners, they had a high prestige value to the Indians.

For

more than a century the social position of an ambitious young Navajo, desiring to raise himself in the esteem of his

5 Ibid., p. 111. 66 Ibid., p. 113.

133 fellow tribesmen, depended largely upon his success in ac­ cumulating the largest possible number of horses.

To let

his horses go was to break this long tradition and to lower his own status.

In Navajo society a collection of horses

is equivalent to the orchids and candy which the young suitor in white man's society presents to the lady of his choice.

The prestige value of the horse persists among the

Navajo; therefore, it was a difficult task to persuade the average Navajo to sell his surplus horses in order to make

the grass on the range available for his sheep.

67 1

Prior to the 1939 Council Meeting some test cases were brought before the Arizona District Court to establish the authority of the United States to regulate the use of the Navajo range.

The court decision in favor of the

United States gave the Secretary of the Interior the authori­ ty to promulgate rules for the protection of the Navajo range.

William 0. Barker, the attorney for the government

in the suit, appeared before the Council to discuss the case and to answer the many questions asked him by the Councilmen.

Mr. Barker pointed out that the verdict en­

joined Navajo from grazing stock in excess of government limitations, ordered a removal of surplus horses (leaving

^ Division of Information, Office of Indian Affairs (Washington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, October J>0, 1939 )> P* 1-

134 not more than ten head to a family on the Reservation), and empowered law enforcement officers to remove stock by force if necessary.

The language used in the decision which

was read to the Councilmen by Mr. Barker was very mislead­ ing and proved to be a means of a serious misunderstanding. The clause pertaining to horse reduction read as follows: It is further ordered, adjudged and decreed that said defendants remove or cause to be removed, . . . any and all horses in excess of ten, which belong to them or to defendant members of their families and which may now be grazing upon the tribal lands of the Navajo Tribe of Indians in the said Navajo Reserva­ tion. 69 During the discussion which followed the reading of this decision to the Council Mr. Barker emphasized the fact nthat on or before the 12th day of June, 1939> all horses more than or in excess of ten must be removed.”^0

Although

the statement did not necessarily give every family the right to ten horses, this seemed to be the impression left with the Councilmen.

Perhaps there was no occasion to con­

sider the problem of those families who were entitled to less than ten head of horses.

Superintendent E. R. Fryer

has been accused of attempting to give the delegates the impression that each family was entitled to ten head of

/TO

Navajo Tribal Council Proceedings, May, 1939? PP* 72-7369

Ibid., p. 72.

70 Ibid., p. 73-

135 horses.

However, Mr. Fryer’s statement was that nevery

effort will he made to remove from the Navajo range non­ productive stock, and further, that no family can own more than ten horses.

Although the administration made no specific state­ ment to the Council that ten horses would be allowed each family, after thoroughly studying the proceedings of the meeting of the Tribal Council, May 15-19* 1939* the present writer has reason to believe that the Tribal Council passed the resolution approving the horse reduction program, be­ lieving that each family would be permitted to retain ten horses.

A study of the minutes of the meeting does not dis­

close any deliberate attempt on the part of the government agents to mislead the Navajo; neither do these minutes dis­ close any attempt to correct this misunderstanding.

It is

very evident that the Councilmen did fail to get the correct interpretation of the court judgement and that they returned to their respective districts and told their people that each family would be allowed to keep ten horses. When the Indians realized that they were not only to

be reduced to ten horses but that in some districts each family was to be permitted to retain only three,

7 2

their

71 Ibid., p. 997

p. 29.

New Mexico Association on Indian Affairs, oj>. cit.,

136 bewilderment turned to anger and hostility.

Since the sum­

mer, of 1939 > some progress has been made in the removal of excess and non-productive horses on the.Navajo Reservation, but the Indian Service is forced to carry this program through in the face of Navajo opposition and hostility. Summary.

As a result of an extensive survey by

range experts it was estimated that the Navajo Reservation was able to produce only enough grass to support 560,000 sheep units of livestock, which was less than one half the number of livestock that was being run on the range in 1931. A special council meeting was held at Tuba City, Arizona, October 30 to November 1, 1933* where the Navajo after an all night session finally agreed that every Navajo should sell ten per cent of his sheep.

However, the first

attempt at reduction was a complete failure.

A second

special meeting of the Navajo Council was held at Fort De­ fiance, Arizona, March 12-13* 193^.

At this meeting the

Navajo, with the promise of additional land and work for wages, pledged themselves to encourage further stock reduc­ tion.

The following month the Navajo Council met in spe­

cial session at Crown Point, New Mexico, where after a heated discussion it was agreed that one hundred fifty thousand goats would be sold by the Navajo.

From 1933 to 1936 a serious reaction against the

137 Indian Administration developed among the Navajo, and in 1936 Commissioner Collier set forth a statement of princi­ ples and an attempt was made to develop a workable reduc­ tion plan.

In 1937 the Reservation was divided into

eighteen land management districts and a "maximum limit system of stock adjustment" was set up for each district. The removal of excessive horses from the Navajo range was started in 1937*

But as a result of misunder­

standing on the part of the Navajo as to the number which was to be permitted for each family and the tradition of wealth and prestige which the Navajo attach to horses, the program has met with much hostility.

CHAPTER V ATTITUDE OF THE NAVAJO TOWARD THE STOCK REDUCTION PROGRAM It was soon evident that the new district plan worked much better on paper than in actual practice.

The

attempt to designate districts with a per capita equality of resources proved impossible, yet the Indian Service in­ sisted that this plan was the most practical that could be set up.

The district system has caused much discontent,

bitterness, and even ill feeling of one Navajo toward another.

Since the plan involved a different maximum limit

for each district, it developed an unavoidable but gross in equality.

The district quotas are so varied that some dis­

tricts have a maximum limit of three hundred or more while others have a maximum of less than one hundred sheep units. To the Navajo the district plan was nothing other than a deliberate attempt to place him in menial subordina­ tion and complete isolation.

The move came at a time when

the already bewildered and upset Navajo looked with sus­ picion upon any action made by Collier and his agents.

He

was feeling the results of the reduction program and the

^ Havajo Planning and Policy Conference (Window Rock Arizona: United States Indian Service, 19^0), p. 12.

139 loss of his goats, which had deprived him and his children of their main source of milk supply.

He was daily becoming

more embittered and his confidence in the Indian Service was rapidly waning.

His fears were ever mounting, playing

upon his keen but suspicious imagination until he found him­ self living In a world of dread, continually asking himself, "What next?"

This situation is evidenced by the following

comments: This is the worst time I have ever known on the Reservation. Back in Cleveland’s time the depression was bad, wool was down to four cents a pound, sheep weren’t worth anything, and the government had to furnish rations and corn. This didn't hurt the Indians so much for they were soon over it. But the big thing today isn't so much the poverty conditions, for we aren’t going to starve to death; the big thing is that the people are upset, they are bewildered, everything is completely turned around, and we don't know what to expect.2 Many of the people have lost their ambition and pride. Every day I hear people say, "What's the use? What's the use of trying to do anything?ft They have just gotten to the place where they don't care and so that is the way they talk. . . . We don't want to see our people get that way for then they will be clear down, and they won't be able to rise again. When we have a meeting, even among ourselves, our people show great fear, almost to the point of being panicky. The people feel very insecure. They say that they don't know what to do or what to expect.3 The depressed attitude of the Wavajo is so obvious

p

Frank Walker, Interview by the present writer, August 5 1 f 19^0. 3 Tseche Notah, Interview by the present writer, October 19, 19^0.

l4o

that the traders who have known them throughout the years are continually reminded of the changes which have taken place among these Indians during the last decade.

One

trader said: The Navajo Indian has lost much of his wholesome pride and independence. Something has happened to him which is difficult to explain. I don't believe that he has so much a feeling of panic,*at least it isn't so evident in his actual action, but it is quite evident that he is harboring a fear. Panic is not quite the word, yet I don't know a better word unless one would simply say that the Navajo is in a stage of mental de­ pression.^ Another trader made the following comment: Conditions on the Navajo Reservation are the worst I have ever known. The biggest reason for this mess is too much theory and not enough practical common sense. The Navajo program may look all right on paper, but it certainly doesn't work when you are dealing with human beings. . . . We hear a lot about the Navajo pro­ gram, but the Nava jos say, flWhat the hell is the Navajo program?” That seems to be a question nobody can answer for first we think it is one thing, then we find it is another.5 Thousands of sheep and goats had been grazed on the poorest of ranges and were not considered fit for human consumption.

The field men, realizing this fact and evi­

dently having little consideration for the feelings of the Indians, shot thousands of goats and left them In heaps to rot.

In Navajo Canyon three thousand five hundred head

h.

A. Black, Interview by the present writer, August

28, 1940. 5 Harry Wetsel, trader, Interview by the present writer, August 31 > 1940.

141 were shot at one time.

6

Throughout the Reservation hun­

dreds of goats and sheep were slaughtered before the eyes of the Navajo and left to decay where they had fallen, polluting the water of the area and befouling the air for miles around.

This was a lesson in economy which had only

recently been introduced to the white man and one which the Indian could in no wise understand.

Sheep and goats were

basic to the Navajo culture; Navajo have always looked to them for their subsistence.

Even though thousands of ani­

mals were not fit for human consumption; to the Navajo, shooting them and leaving them to rot was nothing less than 7 barbarism and an inexcusable waste. The whole reduction program had brought discontent­ ment, bewilderment, and fear to the Navajo; but the shoot­ ing of the goats created a worse effect.

This caused many

to turn from their bewilderment and fear to a spirit of utter defiance and hate.

They defied the government agents

to injure them any more, developed an intense hatred for Mr. Collier, and became non-cooperative with the government agents. We have always had a lot of confidence in the govern­ ment people, and felt that what they did would be for 5 Survey of Conditions of the Indians of the United States, Part 54 T^ashington, B.C.? United States Printing Office, 1937)r P. 17988. 7 1 Loc. cit.

142 our own good because it had always been that way. At first we tried to meet the government halfway, but in the last few years we have felt that the government people aren't our friends so now we don't want to meet them halfway. . . . I feel that John Collier is a black liar and that he deliberately fooled us. We had no reason to doubt what he told us. We thought that he was a great man and that he was going to do great things for us, as he said he was, but we found out that he was a liar and that he was against us. We are sorry now that we believed everything he said. He is the biggest crook that we ever dealt with. He talks with lots of candy in his mouth, but he never comes back to back his sweet talk up. We have reached the place where we have no confidence in the government people, nor any hope for the future. How can we have? We do not see what we can do to get any help, nor will they let us help ourselves. We don't even know what the government wants us to do.° The following comment is an illustration of the atti­ tude which is so often expressed by the Navajo who feel that the Indian Service program was grossly misrepresented: My people don't like Collier because they know that he fooled them. They don't like him because of the stock reduction and because they think that he talked so nice at first just to fool them. He said that he wanted to save our religious ceremonies, our dances, and all the pretty things of the Navajo. The people thought this was fine, but they now think that he did it to get the Navajo on his side, and to get their sheep and their land. We also see that he wanted to turn us against the missionary and trader, but we now know that the missionary and the trader has always been our best friend.9 In many respects the Navajo are non-cooperative, a fact which makes it very difficult for the administration

o

Harry Thomas, Interview by the present writer, October 18, 1940.

9 1940.

B. P., Interview by the present writer, August 31,

143 to carry out its program, A few days ago there was a government man around to see us. Some of the people talked to him, hut they didn’t tell him the truth. When a government man comes around we tell him what we want to tell him, but we don’t tell him very much. When this man was around the other day, I didn’t even talk to him. I have no use for any of them coming around prying into my business to put me on the black list. We have absolutely no faith in what the government men tell us because in the last eight years they have not kept their promise.-*-0 The Havajo women seem to be the most bitter in their attitudes toward Mr. Collier.

Much of the burden of ob­

taining and preparing the food falls on the mother of the family.

Peeling the pinch of poverty, as so many Havajo

families have during the last decade, the tendency has been to blame Mr. Collier’s conservation program for their hun­ ger rather than the natural phenomena of droughts and soil erosion.

When the Havajo mother goes about her task of

preparing the food for the family and finds it extremely difficult to secure any, her resentment toward Mr. Collier turns to bitterness and she shows an emotional upset which is not so easily detected in the men.

A mother of six

children displayed not only a spirit of resentment but of real hatred, and she wept bitterly when she said: I have cried a lot about this. . . . The last eight years we have seen nothing but trouble. . . . We have

Reed Winnie, Interview by the present writer, October 17, 1940.

ikb six children and can barely get enough for them to eat, and we- are better off than many. When I have my chil­ dren around the table and I think of what I used to have on the table, and how they would enjoy it, com­ pared to now, sometimes I have to cry right at the table, or I leave the table and don’t let them see me cry. Eight years ago we had our sheep and were so hap­ py and we knew we could give our children what they needed. Collier is at the bottom of all our trouble. Many of us are now paupers and we will all be if he stays in four more years. . . . This may sound awful for me to say, but I really hate John Collier and I believe that all the people do. . . . The white people must help us get John Collier out or we will be reduced to mere paupers. We already feel like people down to the bottom. . . . If Collier came out here on the Reservation today he would be killed, for the people feel that he has ruined them, even the morals of our children, and we feel that we would have a right to kill him. They say that he won't come on the Reserva­ tion unless he flies over in an airplane; if he ever comes again, he had better come in an airplane. When I think of what he has done to us, I realize that I could even kill him myself just like I could kill a mad dog. I don't like to feel about anyone the way I feel toward John Collier, but he has ruined our home, our lives, and our children, and I will hate him until the day I die.11 The new district range management system in no wise lessened the strain which was rapidly traveling toward a deadlock between the Indian Service and the Navajo.

With

the launching of the district method, renewed opposition to the government program became apparent throughout the whole of the Reservation, and 1937 became a most chaotic year for Superintendent Fryer and his staff.

The Navajo

sense a great injustice in the district land management

^ Mrs. J. D., Interview by the present writer, Novem­ ber 2, 19^0.

145 system and use the following arguments against the program: 12 1.

The system "freezes11 stock ownership, preventing

an owner from expanding his herd regardless of his needs. 2.

The quota is based on the family unit, which,

eliminates the possibility of younger Navajo starting in the stock business.

In fact this seems to be one of the

subtle methods the Indian Service has of forcing the younger generation into other fields of livelihood even though such opportunities are noticeably lacking. 3.

A minimum limit is just as important as a maxi­

mum limit since the present plan leaves many owners below a reasonable subsistence level in stock. 4.

The set-up is inequality between districts.

It

is not unusual for an owner in one district'to have a maxi­ mum limit of seventy-five while his neighbor just across the line in the next district has a maximum of three hun­ dred.

This often causes hard feelings and trouble among

the Navajo. 5*

The Navajo are a proud people and have always

been interested in accumulating livestock in order that they might be able to start their children out with a fair

*i p

From Interviews by the present writer, AugustNovember, 1940.

146 sized flock so that they too might be prosperous and inde­ pendent, but the district method disturbs their noble tradi­ tions of inheritance. 6.

The method fails to take into consideration in­

come sources other than flocks; an owner may have the maxi­ mum limit in stock, also a large amount of farmland or other sources of income while his neighbor has only his flock. 7*

The supervisors and rangers have their routine

tasks to perform and tend to carry them out to the letter of the law even though at times such procedure is extremely unreasonable. Besides the above-mentioned basic arguments, many other minor protests are heard--minor to the Indian Service but very major to the Navajo.

One Navajo had three old

horses and one yearling colt.

He had to get rid of one of

the four, but needing three to work the young horse had to go.

Another family complained of being cut off from the

water supply which had been the family watering hole for several generations.

The district base line came a few

yards short of the spring, which forced the family to go three miles farther to water. One of the most prevalent complaints centers around the fact that the Navajo feels that the district system has taken away his last vista of freedom.

He has always been

free to go where he chose, but now if his herds or flocks

147 invade his neighbor's territory it means arrest, fine, and possible imprisonment*

There is a feeling that many ar­

rests for district violations are -unwarranted and that the punishment for such is excessive. Still another complaint, with some basis, is the fact that the Navajo in his struggle to protect his flocks from the ravages of the severe winters has always moved from the higher altitudes to the more protected and less severe districts, but now such a procedure is tolerated only in the most serious cases and usually after much delay which means increased suffering and often a loss to the owner. The reactions of the Navajo toward the district sys­ tem are seen in the following typical utterances: A mighty bad thing in Collier's program is the sys­ tem of eighteen districts on the Reservation. It has caused a lot of trouble and hard feeling. It is even causing trouble among the Navajos. When we have a bad winter, we always take our sheep some place else--that is the only way we can save them--but now if we have a bad winter we can't move our sheep or cattle across the line to another district and a bad winter will mean that a lot of our stock will die. This district set-up is bad. People in one district are told to stay out of another district. Just those who live there can work there. Now the district lines are bad enough for the stockmen, but telling us that we can't go into another district to work is going too far. I let them know how I feel about this. I objected

Jim Demon, Interview by the present writer, August 29, 1940.

148 because there is bound to be more work in some districts than in others. Anyone knows that there is bound to be a lot more work in districts where roads are running through or where the government is doing some building. This situation has done a lot to divide the people in­ stead’of bringing them closer together. Some of the districts are much better than others and some of the people are on the edge of their district where they are cut off on both sides from water and farming land. Now the Navajos are getting mighty mad at the government men and we are getting mad among ourselves too. . . . If they’d do away with the districts and allow us to move around as we used to, w e ’ll be all rightfbr we understand our range.14 These district lines are causing a lot of trouble and hard feeling. They make a line and tell us in dis­ trict eighteen that we can’t go across the line. Makes me feel like I am in prison because I used to go wherev­ er I wanted to go. The people used to handle this very well, but now if our stock gets across the line it means a fine or jail. . . . W e were told that if the district set-up didn’t work it would be abolished. Well it hasn’t worked, and it isn’t doing any good; . . . this district system is as bad for us as the re­ duction program.15 The Indian Service has continually emphasized the fact that their policies are not only Federal law but that these policies were adopted by the Navajo Council.

Never­

theless there was strong opposition from the very first to the district proposal, and the above-mentioned complaints are not those of just a few reactionaries but an expression of the general consensus of opinion throughout the Reserva­ tion.

Members of the Council took a definite stand against

Tsche Notah, Interview by the present writer, October 19> 1940. 15 Jim Hale, Interview by the present writer, October 20, 1940.

149 the system at their Ganado, Arizona, meeting which convened July 7, 1956.16 According to an article which appeared in the Farm­ ington Times Hustler, ^ that which was supposed to he a Council Meeting turned out to he a general Navajo "pow­ wow.”

Many delegates failed to attend the session; those

present said that the government agents anticipated trouble and that the delegates knew that the absent members had been persuaded not to attend the Council Meeting.

The arti­

cle further stated that some very strong talks against Col­ lier's policies were given and that all present unanimously expressed their opposition to the district system.

It was

agreed that the plan was absolutely useless because in many districts there is hardly any water and that if the Bureau really wants to do something worth-while it must first de­ velop water for both stock and irrigation purposes. As mentioned above, the purchases in 193^-1935 were made on a horizontal basis, every owner regardless of size of herd being asked to sell a percentage of his flock. This was indeed an unfortunate procedure in view of the

16

Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council, Granado," Arizona, July 7 , 1936* 17 "Navajos Oppose Collier's Plan to Create Districts," Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, July 24, 1936, p. 6.

150 fact that the method resulted In the small owner suffering the heaviest losses.

As a result of this experience many

Navajo have since decided that the best course of action is to refuse to cooperate with the Indian Service since it is their opinion that those who refused to reduce and resisted the government1s program are better off today.

The Indian

could not understand why Collier and his agents wanted to hurt the little man.

The poorer people owned many of the

goats and they were the people who were easier to force in­ to submission.

The pressure was so great that in their

ignorance they often sold below their quota.

The selling

of practically all their goats, as was done by many, was a great mistake. milk.

The goat was the poor man's only source of

A goat sold for only one dollar, which meant little

toward buying goods, but having the goat to kill and eat meant much since it answered the question of the family food supply for several days. For one to realize how important the goat is to the Navajo he must consider his attitude toward it.

The goat,

roaming the poorest range, fattening where no other animal can survive, traditionally is the property of the poor shep­ herd.

Goat's milk and goat meat are the Navajo's customary

food supply.

His natural economy not only prevents the

Navajo from killing his sheep, but he prefers kid meat to all other food.

The goat is highly productive, bearing two

151 and sometimes three kids a year.

Goat milk was widely used

by both adults and children and was a valuable means of feeding orphan lambs.

The loss of his native milk supply

has resulted in an increased purchase of canned milk from the trader; but since many Navajo are unable to buy canned milk, thousands are without any milk supply at all.

The

last few years have revealed a noticeable increase of tuberculosis and illness among the Navajo children which, no doubt, is due in part to malnutrition and the lack of a proper milk supply.1^ They want us to get rid of all our goats, but if they really understood the situation here they would surely want us to keep some goats, especially the old Navajo goat. One sheep will probably eat as much grass as five goats. Navajo goats are our only source of milk supply, and their pelts are worth twice as much as other goat pelts. They are large and furnish us meat. They are also very important in raising orphan or twin lambs.19 When Collier came in we were told that so many fine things were going to be done for us that we would never forget his administration. Well, we sure won!t. One of the bad things he has done is to take our goats. Goats were the salvation of the poor people. They werenft worth much, so the poor people could have their milk and their pelts. They were large animals and made lots of meat. They didn't eat much either, very little grass.20 I© New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, Urgent Navajo Problems (Santa Pe: New Mexico Association oFlndian Affairs, 1940), p. 9. 19 R. J. Interview by the present writer, October 17,

19^0 .

90

Curly Hair, Interview by the present writer, October 18, 19^0.

152 The statements made by these and other Navajo regarding the old original Navajo goat are verified by white men living on the Reservation who understand the benefit of the goat to the Indian.

A trader says:

It is Collier’s duty to know a lot of things about the people and their relation to the Reservation which he doesn’t know. The worst thing that ever happened on the Reservation, and a tragedy to the average Navajo family, was the selling of the old original Navajo goat because their pelt was worth much more than the angora goat. They are one of the best milk goats known in this section. They are a forage goat and make a lot of meat. This goat eats very little grass and eats many things that a sheep w o n ’t touch. I doubt if three of these goats would eat as much grass as one sheep. As a re­ sult of getting rid of these goats most of the children on the Reservation are without milk.21 Many Navajo families were reduced below the subsist­ ence level.

Hundreds of those who owned less than one hun­

dred sheep units responded to the lure of cash.

However,

over-persuasion, and in some cases even compulsion, was ap­ plied.

Families having one hundred sheep or less were to

be exempt, but it is a matter of government record that there were cases where families having only twelve head of op sheep were forced to reduce to seven head. On March 18, 1956, Mr. J. C. Morgan, a leader of the Navajo people, appeared at a hearing before the Subcommittee

21

E. M. Interview by the present writer, August 31>

1940. 22

Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States, p. 17449. “

153 of the Committee of Indian Affairs of the United States Senate.

Mr. Morgan presented the views of the Navajo peo­

ple regarding the program of the Indian Service, and he called attention to some of the mistakes made by the govern­ ment agents in the removal of excess stock from the Reserva­ tion. . . . The main reason that I am here Mr. Chairman, is that three years ago there was a general move made upon our Reservation for reduction of Navajo sheep and goats. There had been some misunderstanding by our people at the time that the reduction of sheep and goats would be worked only where Indians would be employed. So the people made their reduction very willingly, but without realizing that later on it would injure them in many ways. . . . This sheep reduction has actually hurt the smaller owners because they were forced to reduce their smaller herds almost fifty per cent, and there are hardly any herds in some parts of our Reservation. . . . The general reduction did not affect the'living conditions of the larger owners, say, from seven hundred to one thousand head, but, . . . the smaller owners were hard hit--those who had sixty head to one hundred head-that is, before the reductions were made. And, Mr. Chairman, in 193^ the Tribal Council agreed by amendment to the general reduction resolution, which was as follows (reading): "Provided1 that any family having one hundred sheep or less number shall be exempt from any reduction, but this provision shall apply to those having a total head of one hundred, a majority of which are goats. In such case the goats shall be purchased, and in return sheep of equal value shall also be purchased from large owners and given to the family whose total head was one hundred but who sells his goats." The government employees, white and Indian, who en­ forced the reduction, Mr. Chairman, disregard the tribal agreement altogether, and they went even to the family having only twelve head to make them reduce to seven head--a family having three or four children. . . . Our

154 people, the Navajos, have heen very proud. They are not afraid to work. . . . They don’t want to be fed by the government. They say now, "Give us sheep" . that is what they want. . . . For the past fifty or sixty years, my Navajo people have been very independ­ ent and self-supporting people, but by this sheep re­ duction it has changed the whole program in life.

...

The early reduction program, though necessary, was extremely drastic and mechanical in its execution.

There

was a noticeable evidence of mismanagement and a lack of personal interest in the welfare and understanding of the Navajo.

The field men had a task to perform, that of re­

duction, and they carried it out in routine fashion.

More­

over, the reduction program came at a time when the price of sheep was at the low level of about two dollars a head. As a result of the poverty and suffering which followed the reduction, even though the unforeseen drought of 1934 and 1935 had much to do with it, the proud Navajo blame Mr. Collier and his agents for their misery.

This unwarranted

attitude tended to develop a serious reaction toward the government’s program and all government personnel.

Conse­

quently, the stock reduction program from 1937 to .the fall of 1939 was at a standstill. Some typical sentiments of the Navajo are revealed

^ J. C. Morgan, "Statement Before the Subcommittee of the Committee of Indian Affairs of the United States Senate," Survey of Conditions of the Indians of the United States, pp. 17445r17450. “

155 by a report of the New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs.

2k

An old lady had five goats.

She was told that

she had to reduce half of her flock so she gave up three. Afterward she remarked that she was so scared she didn’t know what to do. ,JThe policeman told us those were orders from Wash­ ington and we had to get rid of the goats. The poorest people were scared and they just reduced. . . . The one who had about a thousand sheep didn’t do a thing. The policeman had the little people . . . reduce.n25 Many resorted to deception, as did Billy Johnson’s wife. She had six pure-bred milk goats for which she had paid nine dollars apiece.

With this little herd she had a bet­

ter income than with the equivalent in sheep.

For days she

stayed around the trading post crying pitifully.

One day

she bought six scrub goats which she turned over to the government men, hiding out her good goats.

Lee Benally

had seventy-seven head of sheep and goats, and was not re­ quired by law to reduce.

However, the policemen told him

that he had to sell his goats.

He had sixty-one goats and

sold them for sixty-one dollars.

He reduced his flock,

believing that he would get a good job on the road and reservoir, but he failed to get work. The Navajo are upset.

One needs only to be in their

New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, op. cit., p. 8.

25

Loc. cit.

presence a short time to sense their uneasiness, fear, and dread.

The expression is often heard among them, "What

next?1* Perhaps the government’s lack of a clear-cut policy and a definite understanding with the Navajo has been a factor in this uncertainty. vealed when on June

This lack was noticeably re­

1936, W. G. McGinnies, land manage­

ment director of the Navajo Service, suddenly announced that a fifty-six per cent reduction of livestock on the Navajo Reservation was necessary to bring the total within the carrying capacity of the range.

26

This report was made

public just one day after a meeting of five hundred Indians at Ganado, Arizona.

27 1 At this meeting the Navajo had voiced

their opinion, requesting that no further stock reduction should be made until the government provided a means of sub­ sistence for families whose herds would be reduced below the number necessary for providing the owners a livelihood. Superintendent E. R. Fryer stated in response to this re­ quest that the Navajo Service would complete a survey of the area and that until every herd was investigated no an­ nouncement of reduction would be made. Though the temper of the Indians was outwardly calm,

26

"Deep Cut Necessary on Navajo Herds," The Gallup [New Mexico] Independent, June 5, 1936, p. 1. ^

Loc. cit.

157

28 many were seen mill­

according to The Gallup Independent,

ing about In Gallup a few days later seeking confirmation to the report that there was to be a fifty-six per cent re­ duction of their stock.

However, in the meantime it was

announced that John Collier had said that there was no definite plan for reduction at that time.

Although Mr.

McGinnies* announcement was nothing other than a report of the Reservation range conditions, it was a very disturbing factor to the already emotionally upset Navajo.

Such

blunders are more serious than the Navajo Service seem to realize since they tend to fan the already flaming discord so prevalent on the Reservation. By 1957 the Navajo stock problem had become a sub­ ject of great controversy.

So much pressure was brought

upon the Indian Service by the local newspapers and general public opinion that for a period of more than two years the stock program was permitted to lag and all efforts at re­ duction seemed to be more or less stalemated.

At the same

time the Navajo were becoming restless and discontentment, fear, and bewilderment were in evidence throughout the Reservation. As mentioned above, the removal of excess horses from pQ r,Navajos Seek News of Stock Cut Program,” The Gallup [New Mexico] Independent, June 8, 1956, p.,1.

158 the Navajo range has been bitterly fought by the Navajo. They have always looked upon their horses as evidence of wealth; thus the greater number of horses one could accumu­ late the greater was the esteem held for him by his fellowmen.

Furthermore, the Navajo feels toward the horse a very

personal relationship which he does not attach to other livestock.

For a Navajo family to be reduced to ten head

of horses was a real threat to their social status; so when some families were informed that they were to be allowed only three horses, such a thing was unthinkable and meant nothing less than social ruin.

The horse was the Navajo's

chief means of transportation, and he now asks how a whole family can go any place on three horses.

He also says that

if the government wants them to be farmers, why does it take the horses with which they plow their fields? After they had taken my goats and sheep then they took my horses. Even if they had left me two teams so that I could farm I could have gotten along, but now I only have two horses. I don't have a horse to ride and I have to bum a ride wherever I go.29 We need a certain number of horses if we are going to farm like they want us to do. We were told that if we cut down the horses we could have more sheep, but they forgot that too.30 Chee Dodge, the last of the Navajo chiefs and a man

29

R. H . , Interview by the present writer, September

1 , 19^0 . 30

John Brown, Interview by the present writer, October 17, 1940.

159 of great influence among his people, had said little re­ garding the administration's new policies; hut at Window Rock, Arizona, June 20, 1956, he broke his long silence and bitterly assailed the Indian Service.

He told Mr. Collier

that, because of the government’s reduction of sheep and goats which cut the people's diet to a minumum, malnutri­ tion and consequent epidemics were sweeping the Reservation. He further stated that the Indian Service had ignored the Indians and their need in the stock reductions.

During the

conversation, which amounted to little less than a debate between Commissioner Collier and the venerable warrior, Mr. Dodge continually stressed the provisions of the Treaty of 1868, pointing out that the tribe had remained peaceful and had lived up to that treaty; therefore, the tribe deserved the greatest consideration on the part of the Indian Serv51 ice. How much their old chief’s stand against Commission­ er Collier’s policies affected the Navajo is a controversial question, but the following year Federal-Navajo relations reached a crisis and terminated in a Senate investigation of the Navajo Indian Service. It was soon found that the Navajo were not willing to be treated as children, and that both the educated and

51 "Dodge Debates the Navajo Indian Policy with John Collier, Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, June 26, 1936, p. r.

160 uneducated had the ability to think for themselves and state their opinions. freely.

This they were beginning to do quite

Thus progressive Navajo from all parts of the

Reservation met in Farmington, New Mexico, July 23-24, 32

1937i

for a tribal conference.

The purpose of the meet­

ing was to discuss Commissioner Collier’s policies on the Reservation and to decide whether the Navajo Council was legally functioning or was merely a puppet in the hands of Mr. Collier and his agents. The peaceful invasion of Farmington by over six hundred Navajo was an attractive event.

The brilliant

coloring of the velvet blouses of the women with their equally vivid hues of flowing calico skirts, added to the brightly colored sateen and rayon shirts of the men, pro­ vided a most picturesque scene for Farmington’s main street. 33

According to the editor of the Farmington Times Hustler, ^ this meeting was considered by the government officials as a "rebel invasion," but the conclave was well organized and the meetings carried on in a very peaceful manner. Government officials were present, thoroughly expecting trouble; but they found the Navajo in no mood to do any

32 »progressive Navajos From All Parts of Reservation Meet in Farmington,” Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, July 23, 1937, P. 1. ^

Loc. cit.

161 physical violence and seemingly content merely to make ex­ plosive speeches.

John McPhee, publicity man for Window

Rock, was perhaps the most lonesome man in town during the Navajo "Pow-wow."

It did not require much observing to

find out that his chief, John Collier, was far from popular with the Navajo. The Navajo are orators and show no timidity whatever in getting to the platform and expressing their idea on the topic under discussion while their fellows listen by the hour with the greatest of patience.

After observing the

"rebel" meeting Mr. Orval Ricketts, editor of the Farming­ ton Times Hustler, remarked that dozens of the orators were given the platform and practically every one of them pro­ tested against John Collier’s p o l i c i e s . O n e Navajo made an impressive speech in his own language and received a great ovation when he closed with the famous words of Pat­ rick Henry, "give me liberty or give me death." women also made speeches.

The Navajo

Asdezantso declared, "We are in

a pitiful condition from the unmerciful reduction of our sheep."

Bah, another Indian woman, asserted that because

"of the shortage of wool, due to sheep reduction, we c a n ’t make blankets even for ourselves."

~5b

The entire meeting

"Progressive Navajos From All Parts of Reservation Meet in Farmington," loc. cit.

162 bespoke the growing discontent, the fear of future develop­ ments, and the fact that the Navajo were more united than ever before on a common ground— that of opposition to the John Collier policies. Fifteen years ago the Navajo Indians were a proud, independent, almost haughty people.

They were happy, pros­

perous, and thought in terms of their flocks, their land, and "getting ahead in the world.” have seen a tremendous change.

But the past ten years

Most of that independent

spirit has been broken, and with this has come a sociologi­ cal problem to the Reservation which will not be solved in many generations. Not only has Navajo spirit been broken, but there has been a loss of faith in the representatives of the Fed­ eral Government, a faith in the up-building of which much energy and time had been devoted since 1868, only to be lost in a few short years.

Much of this unfortunate situation

is the result of lack of proper understanding of the Navajo and the absence of tactfulness on the part of the adminis­ tration.

This loss of confidence is well illustrated by

Mr. M. K. Sniffen, Recording Secretary of the Indian Rights Association.

Mr. Sniffen attended the Tuba City Jurisdic­

tion meeting of the Navajo Reservation, June 14, 1933, where about three hundred fifty Navajo were present.

Superintend­

ent Fryer opened the meeting and Mr. Sniffen reports the

163 following: Superintendent Fryer began by saying, in substance, “This is the first time I have had an opportunity to meet you and talk over the government program without interruption.“ His attitude was conciliatory instead - of his former method of pounding the table and waving the big stick. He had elaborate charts on display show­ ing the range conditions and stated he wanted to work out a plan that would better conditions, and that the Navajos could reduce their stock and still have the same number of sheep--by disposing of non-productive stuff and replacement on the basis of five sheep for each horse removed from the range. He hoped the Indi­ ans would understand and cooperate in this plan. One Navajo then said, “it is too late now. We have lost all confidence in you and in Washington and don’t believe anything you tell us.“ That remark was ap­ plauded by the audience and seemed to be the overwhelm­ ing sentiment of the meeting. Mr. Fryer replied, “if that’s the case I might as well leave.“ An Indian said. “No; stay here, we will listen to what you have to say. Mr. Fryer remarked, “There have been some people go­ ing around among you, like wolves, making false state­ ments and you are scared to death.11 One Navajo woman demanded that Mr. Fryer name these people, but he re­ fused to do so. She then said, “You are the wolf.“ This remark was warmly applauded by the gathering. . . .55 There is much to indicate that the Navajo--a once proud, happy people filled with the spirit of independence and security--are now in a stage of mental depression.

The

present writer has heard the question “What’s the use?" so often that it grieves him each time he hears it.

A man who

has worked a lifetime and has increased his flock to a thou­ sand head, hoping to help his children get started in life,

3 5

J. M. Steere, President, Indian Rights Association, Letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, August 27, 1933.

164 finds his flock reduced within a few years to two hundred head.

Thus his income is cut down well over half, his

status is lowered, and his feeling of security is gone. The Navajo’s spirit is broken, for his economy has been struck a vital blow.

He continually worries, for he knows

not what he and his children will have to eat and wear. However, the Navajo’s concern is by no means limited to the material results of the loss of his flocks and herds.

He

sees in the reduction of his stock the serious problem which the young people who desire to marry and go into the sheep business for themselves face.

Although all the moral conse­

quences which the Navajo attributes to Mr. Collier's pro­ gram may not be justified, it is a factor in the future out­ look for Navajo youth in as much as this situation has af­ fected the attitudes of the young people.

As mentioned

above, the quota of stock which a group may have is based on the family unit, so naturally this eliminates the possi­ bility of the younger Navajo starting in the stock business. Furthermore, the Navajo have always been interested in ac­ cumulating livestock.

They desire to be able to earmark

some sheep when a child is born and have the offspring from those sheep become the property of that child.

This system

guarantees that when the child is ready to marry, a fair sized flock will have already accumulated and the young cou­ ple will be assured prosperity and independence.

As a

165

result of the young people having little to do, and "being unable to accumulate any livestock, their elders are aware of a change in attitude which seems to be taking place within this group.

The following comments illustrate the

cognizance of these changes: Working for wages has been a bad thing for us, es­ pecially the young people. They don’t know anything about how to use their money and it isn’t long until the white man has it all. This is not the fault of John Collier in all respects, but taking our sheep and paying wages made it impossible for our young people to go into the sheep business, but at the same time made it possible for them to have cars, liquor, go to the movies, and to associate with bad white people. This situation certainly spoiled our people; they didn’t learn these things gradually, but it came all at once; maybe in twenty-five years from now it will be better for maybe by that time they will be used to it. When they had their sheep to look forward to, they were different, but now our young people haven’t their sheep industry and they seem to be a part of both the white m a n’s ways and the Navajo’s ways, and they don’t fit any place.36 The father of a large family has this to say: We feel very downhearted when our children get mar­ ried because we can’t help them get started out and accumulate flocks. When a couple is married, they are told by the government to get sheep from their father, but father doesn’t have enough. They want to accumu­ late and build up a flock, but they are told that they cannot. It was different with me; my father and mother said to me, "You can't always live with us so you take care of your own sheep and save." That is the way I got my start, but I can't do that for my children and it makes me feel bad inside. Young people working for wages turn out to be no good. They spend all their money for foolishness and they are no good to their own

■36

^ Prank Demon, Interview by the present writer, August 29, 19^0.

166 people, . . . They don’t learn to care for the sheep or how to farm, and if they are thrown out of work they just loaf and get into trouble. . . . This thing is ruining our young people. When I was young, we talked about our homes, our flocks, and getting ahead, but now the young people haven’t anything to look forward to. Of course under these conditions we can expect our chil­ dren to be idle and become lazy and crazy like the white young people do. A lot of young boys have nothing else to do but to get on a horse and ride around and get into mischief. Our children are a lot more immoral than they used to be; there is a lot more common law marriage and illegitimacy too.^' The present writer found the Navajo youth to be well aware of their plight, some taking a sane attitude, others tending to show a spirit of bitterness toward the change in Navajo economy which, they see, is bound to affect their lives.

One of the most intelligent and significant comments

was made by an educated Navajo who is twenty-four years old, several years past the normal age of marriage for Navajo r'

youth. You can see that we young people have nothing to look forward to, and nothing to do, and a lot of us are doing wrong. I know that when I do anything wrong it makes my folks very unhappy. We used to talk about how the white people’s children didn’t have anything to do so they just go crazy. I mean by crazy, just do a lot of crazy things, get wild and get into all kinds of mis­ chief. I know that we do lots of things now that the old people didn’t think of when they were young, but they had something else to do. We young people are naturally unhappy about all this for we had expected some day that our folks could help us geit started and we would have our own home, our own flock, and a family, but now we see no future ahead for us. We see no chance

37

Harry Williams, Interview by the present writer, August-31, 1940.

167 of marrying and supporting a wife and children. I can't, for my father hasnft enough sheep to give me a start, and I can’t depend on work to make a living. You see I can’t get into the livestock "business even if I could buy the stock. There is a lot more loafing and gambling among the boys and girls of my age than ever before. The girls don't seem to be as they once were. I hear lots of boys say, ,!What’s the use of me trying to get ahead? My father had big flocks and herds and they took them away from him.11 I think that most of the young people are badly discouraged. We think a lot about this thing and we talk about it all the time. We are losing faith in anything that comes from Window Rock. I know that I am discouraged. I would like to get married, but I can see no hope for the future. I do not know which way to turn. I just stay here with my folks from time to time. I feel that I want to be helping them, but there is nothing for me to do so I get tired and restless just staying around. I don’t want to do like lots of young people do, just get on a horse and gide around the Reservation and get into mischief.3° SUMMARY The efforts to conserve the range of the Navajo country by bringing the livestock of the Reservation down to the number that the available forage could support met with great opposition.

The hastily designed program was

based on the expectation that the United States Congress would appropriate the necessary funds to provide wage work for the Navajo during the stock adjustment process.

How­

ever, the emergency funds were soon decreased and wages for

Seya Mitchell, Interview by the present writer, October 18, 19^0.

168 work were no longer available.

When they had reduced their

sheep and they were no longer able to obtain work, a great wave of opposition developed among the mass of Navajo.

The

Navajo objects to the stock reduction program on the grounds that: 1.

It has ruined his most basic industry, and it

has caused his people much poverty and suffering; 2.

Taking the Navajo goats deprived his children of

their main source of milk supply; 3*

The district quotas based on the family unit

eliminated the possibility of young Navajo starting in the stock business; 4.

The maximum limits for each district are so

varied that it has developed a gross inequality, some dis­ tricts being allowed a maximum limit of over three hundred sheep units, others being allowed a maximum of less than one hundred sheep units; 5.

It is causing his people to develop an attitude

of fear and mental depression; 6.

It is causing the people to dislike all govern­

ment agents and to lose faith in the Indian Service; 7*

The Indian Service has failed to keep its promise

of giving him additional farming land and work for wages to supplement the loss of his sheep; 8.

The government representatives do not talk the

169 reduction program or any of its developments over with him and he doesn't know what to expect next; 9.

Each family was promised ten head of horses, hut

many families were only permitted to keep three horses; 10.

The young people have nothing to do or nothing

to look forward to and are "becoming regular bums."

CHAPTER VI SOCIAL CONTROL ON THE NAVAJO RESERVATION Another serious cause of misunderstanding and great agitation on the Navajo Reservation is the law and order regulations which were set up and approved by Secretary of the Interior Ickes, November 2J, 1935 DIFFICULTIES INVOLVED IN LAW AND ORDER There are many difficulties involved in the responsi­ bility for law and order among forty-eight thousand Indians, distributed over a territory of twenty-five thousand square miles.

The problem is greatly complicated by many existing

conditions among the Navajo.

The more important of these

conditions are: (l) The semi-primitive status of the Indians with their devotion to tribal customs which differ widely from the legal controls and standards of American law; (2) “the almost exclusive use of the Navajo language and the con­ sequent lack of knowledge of the English language in which legal procedures and regulations are expressedft; (3) the drastic changes required of the Navajo in the vigorous

^ ^QW and Order Regulations, Bulletin Number 110240 (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Indian Service).

171 Federal program of land conservation, health, education, 2 trade, marital relations, and morals. The above factors are intensified hy the lack of understanding of the new program which the Navajo feel is forced upon them, ignorance of the new code of law and regulations, the lack of proper liquor control in the Reservation border towns, and the growing opposition toward the range regulations.

The last mentioned factor and

liquor violations are the two most frequent causes of ar­ rest.

The violations of the range regulations take two

forms:

(l) innocent or willful violations of range regula­

tions;

(2) talking against and hindering the government

range regulations which often results in a charge of agita­ tion and, consequently, arrests.

Arrests for liquor viola­

tions seem to cause little agitation on the part of the Navajo for they have always known the penalty for liquor offenses and expect arrest if caught. as they state it, is a different story.

Arrest for "talking,11 The Navajo like to

talk and are especially desirous of talking about their grievances.

They have always enjoyed the right of free

speech and they, being a liberty loving people, cannot understand why they should be subject to arrest for "just

2 Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Indian Problem (New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1939T7 P. 72.

172

talking.11 The term, "agitation," seems to be a rather broad, undefined term with arrests on such charges being left to the discretion of the Reservation Superintendent and the chief of police.

It Is very evident that all the Navajo

are talking, but perhaps those who can talk the loudest and longest and can wield the most influence are the "agitators" while the others are merely talkers.

It is also very evi­

dent that there certainly is a need for a clearly stated definition of the term "agitator." An Indian does not understand the mechanics of the white man’s justice, but he has nevertheless a deep apprecia­ tion of the common laws of fairness, and is greatly incensed when he considers that those common laws of fairness have been violated.

John Gorman of Chin Lee, Arizona, says:

I was put in jail for expressing my opinion in Window Rock, just because I dared to say what I thought in the Council Meeting. . . . There are lots of Indians thrown in jail for expressing their thoughts. . . and they can't even get a hearing. A lot of the people have lost their pride; they say, What makes the difference if we do have to go to jail?"3 Yellow Man of Fruitland, New Mexico, considered an agitator, says: I have been told that if I agitate any more I will be put in jail, but I know that I am right and I am going

2 John Gorman, Interview by the present writer, October 18, 19^0.

173 to continue to talk. . . . The time has come for us to talk and let the white people know how we feel. . . .^ REGULATIONS GOVERNING LAW AND ORDER The Law and Order Code for the Navajo nation was carefully prepared by a group of well trained men, includ­ ing Tom Dodge, a Navajo attorney-at-law.

The regulations

provide machinery of law enforcement where traditional agencies for the enforcement of tribal law and custom have broken down and for which no adequate substitute has been provided under Federal or State Law. The Court of Indian Offenses consists of chief judges and associate judges.

The judges are appointed for a period

of four years by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, subject to confirmation by a two-thirds vote of the Tribal Council. Judges are disqualified from acting in cases wherein they have any direct interest or wherein they may be related to or are a clan brother to either of the parties concerned. They may be suspended or dismissed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs on the recommendation of the Tribal C o u n c i l . ^ Trials are carried on without attorneys or juries, but law provides for juries when demanded by a defendant to

4

Yellow Man, Interview by the present writer, November 2, 19^0. 5 Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., pp. 72-73.

17k determine questions of fact.

This is not generally known

"by the Indians and a jury is seldom used.

It is unusual

for a case to he appealed, but when an occasion of this nature develops all the judges on the Reservation sit together as a court of appeal. The Navajo judges are intelligent men of high stand­ ing, who take great pride in their position.

They try to

get the facts of the case before them and are interested in administering common justice.

It is alleged by some that

the Navajo judges tend to impose maximum judgments.

Some

of their brother tribesmen do not blame the judges for their decisions, but say that pressure is put upon the judges by the superintendent and the chief of police. There is some proof of this, but it is known that in many cases the judges consider the code of civil and criminal law as merely a guide and they adopt a common sense atti­ tude toward the application of the code.

When in doubt,

they wisely apply customary Indian law. The superintendent is within his right when he acts as an adviser to the judges, but there is some evidence that on occasion he has reprimanded the judges for being too lenient.

Some of the judges^, state that Superintendent

Law and Order Regulations, op. cit., pp. 3-k, ^ Interviews by the present writer, August 31, 19^0.

175

Fryer and Chief of Police Croxen think that they are too lax and easy in their decisions, but the judges feel that they understand some of these things better than do the white men.

The judges say that their purpose is to help

their people, and they point out that an unjust decision makes a mad Indian, which does more harm than it does good. The present writer finds the Indian judges to be rather critical of the administration’s methods of law and order.

One judge stated:

Many things that come up in my court are just little things, but the administration always wants to make them sound big. They seem to like big talk. They say, ,fYou have got to get hard if you are going to get alon&n but I say to them, 11If you were a Navajo judge, you wouldn’t last long for a judge with a red face is a mad judge and a wild judge.ITo Common sense and an informal attitude on the part of the court are generally seen in the sentence imposed.

For

example, in case of breaches of the Penal Code, Indians may be compelled to do a certain amount of work for the benefit of the tribe with the work period commuted at a fine of two dollars a day.

In case of a damage suit the convicted

party may be required to compensate the injured individual by the surrender of property, the payment of money, or pay­ ment with services. An example of a Navajo’s sense of justice is seen in Q Interview by the present writer, August

19^0.

176 a case wherein an old Navajo sued a young Navajo for aliena­ tion of affection of the older man’s young wife.

At first

the old man seemed very hitter and would agree to none of the suggestions for settlement made by the patient judge. Many witnesses were called in, and the trial dragged along for three days.

On the afternoon of the third day the

judge declared a recess, called the older man to one side, and said, "There is evidence that this man has been giving some undue attention to your wife; what do you think his punishment should be?"

Without a moment’s hesitation the

older man said, f1Have him saw a cord of wood for the chap­ ter house." A judge often acts as a father to his people.

An

example of this was seen in a case where a number of unem­ ployed boys were brought to court on the accusation of being a public nuisance.

The judge considered the case of

each of the ten lads in turn, then gave them a public reprimand, and placed them under the supervision of a guidance officer, the same as a judge in a juvenile court in any American city might do.9 THE NAVAJO PATROL The Navajo Mounted Police was organized in 193^•

9 Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., p. 7^-*

177 Owing to the increasing problems of maintaining law and order with the many new range regulations and the lack of sufficient funds, the police force soon became very inef­ fective.

In 1936, when this condition was recognized, the

police force was reorganized into the.Navajo Patrol.10 Fred Croxen became chief of the newly organized Navajo Patrol.

He had the experience of twenty-seven years

of Federal Service, part of which was spent as an officer in the department of Immigration, and he was cognizant of the proper procedure in the organization of a law and order force.

An efficient system was established, placing the

whole set-up on a business-like basis.

There are two

assistants to the chief of police; one is located at Crown Point, New Mexico, on the east side of the Reservation, and the other at Tuba City, Arizona, on the west side.

There

are forty-three men connected with law and order on the Navajo Reservation, and only three are of the white race.

11

Recently the present writer visited the prison farm at Fort Defiance, Arizona, and was greatly impressed with the changes which have been made there in the last few years.

Under the old Mounted Police regime, fenced-in

stockades with hogans inside were erected for jails.

10 IM-d., p. 76. 11 Ibid., p. 77-

These

178 unsanitary buildings have been destroyed and a new modern jail has been built near the Fort Defiance farm, where agriculture and animal husbandry training can be given prisoners.

Other modern jails, constructed of stone, are

to be built at various points throughout the Reservation.

12

The Chief of the Navajo Patrol is ignorant of the Navajo language and of the Navajo culture; naturally, he has made some mistakes, failing at times to show the pa­ tience and sympathetic understanding which is so essential in dealing with the Navajo people.

At times he has been

compelled to resort to force for which he has been bitterly and even savagely attacked.

To him has fallen the momen­

tous task of enforcing the unpopular regulations of the stock reduction program and the enforcement of the Reserva­ tion liquor laws. element.

He has an intense hate for the liquor

He believes the law to be just and that the Nava­

jo must learn that the breaking of Uncle S a m ’s law is not to be tolerated.

To many observers the task of the Navajo

Chief of Police is nothing other than doing the fldirty work11 of forcing through John Collier’s program, but such a philosophy has no place in Mr. Croxen’s thinking.

He

takes his position seriously, too seriously say his critics.

12

Fred Croxen, Interview by the present writer, May

31, 19^1 .

179 To him his task is not just an ordinary position, it is an honorable duty with a purpose, and must be performed nobly. In commenting on his duties he said, ”l like my work, in fact, it is the only job that I'd have on the whole Reservation."1^ ENFORCEMENT OF RANGE REGULATIONS The enforcement of peace and order on the Navajo Reservation is by no means a new problem.

Historically,

one of the earliest concerns of the Indian Service was the upholding of law and order as embodied in the Treaty of 1868.

How well, or poorly, peace and order were maintained

during the fifty years following the signing of this famous treaty is now a sad tale of history, for the forces which were determined to expand the white man's empire, even at the risk of leaving the Indian with insufficient lands, re­ sulted in many clashes. Today the enforcement of law and order is confronted with new involved problems. developed in Navajo land.

A.serious range problem has

‘"Hosteen”^

is not able to com­

prehend fully the gravity of the situation, but he is forced to admit that there is something wrong with the range.

13 pped Croxen, loc. cit. uHosteen” is a Navajo word meaning ,fMr. Man.n

He

l8o knows that once his sheep, his cattle, and his goats were fat; hut now he sees evidence of a 11sick land" on every hand--in the straggly appearance of the grass, the raggedness of the wool, and the hare ribs of his faltering horses. Hosteen sees this, but he has difficulty in comprehending the cause of it all.

Lacking a scientific outlook upon

cause and effect in natural phenomena, he seeks other ex­ planations.

Many Indians reason that the Gods always send

rain to make the grass grow where the people and sheep are, so they are inclined to believe that nature eventually will adjust the range problem.

Perhaps the white man has angered

their Gods and has somehow disturbed the natural harmony be­ tween this world and the divine powers.

If the white man

had not come, perhaps this trouble would not have occurred.^ The reduction program is contradictory to all that the Navajo has been taught since the days of Bosque Redondo. In the past the agents have encouraged them to save, to ac­ cumulate hundreds of head of livestock, and to prosper in every way possible.

Failing to think the administration pro­

gram through, the Navajo feel that the government’s former policy has been completely reversed.

Chis Chillie Dago, a

Navajo stockman, says:

IS ^ George A. Boyce and E. R. Fryer, Dineh and Govern­ ment (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Indian Service, 19391/ Section 14, p. 1.

l8l

When the people came back from Fort Simmer they were told to do right and they did. They were told to pro­ gress and to become a big tribe . . . all the time we were prosperous, independent, and happy; but now the government has turned right around and has gone back on what it used to say. All this is changed and the people are discontented and unhappy, and we have lost faith in the government and the white people.16 The Navajo counts his wealth in terms of numbers of livestock or quantity, and does not necessarily think in terms of quality as also wealth, in livestock; on the other hand, fewer, but better bred, sheep, horses, and cattle are the goal of the present administration.

Because of this

clash of interests, the enforcement of range regulations was greatly hampered.

In order to have a clear understand­

ing of procedure, definite range regulations, which include, in part, the following provisions, were set up in 1935* 1. Any Indian who shall willfully introduce or cause to be introduced any livestock into unallotted lands of the Reservation without a permit shall . . . be sentenced to a period of not to exceed 60 days at hard labor. 2. Any Indian who will willfully refuse to dispose of cull or infectious animals . . . shall be sentenced to hard labor for a period of not to exceed 90 days. •

•

•

3* Any Indian who shall . . . refuse to graze his livestock in accordance with range management plans . . . shall be sentenced to hard labor for a period not to exceed six months . . . 4.

An Indian who willfully refuses to dip all of

Chis Chillie Dago, Interview by the present writer, October 18, 19^0.

182 his sheep and goats . . . shall he sentenced to hard labor for a period not to exceed six months or shall be subject to a fine not to exceed $100 or both. . . . 5. Any Indian who . . . refuses to make a true re­ port of stock ownership . . . shall be fined not less than $10 nor more than $100. 6 . Any Indian who shall allow his stock to trespass on range allocated to others under provisions of the grazing regulations . . . shall be sentenced to hard labor for a period not to exceed three months. . . . 7 . Any Indian who shall willfully refuse to brand or mark his or her livestock . . . or who alters, obliterates or removes such brand or mark . . . shall be sentenced to hard labor for a period not to exceed 60 days.17 To the Navajo the above range regulations seemed ex­ tremely unreasonable.

Previous to this time they had gone

where they pleased and had done with their livestock as they saw fit.

The new regulations caused many hardships,

and deprived them of their traditional freedom. To the administration well-regulated range laws were the only means to save the range and thereby save the peo­ ple.

Perhaps no people more than the Navajo want to know

nwhyf’ before they act, but there was no time for education. The Indian Service felt that reduction must not only be achieved, but achieved quickly, and herein was the real cause of difficulty. Some unfortunate incidents have taken place on the

haw and Order Regulations, op. cit., pp. 23-23b.

185 Reservation resulting in serious clashes between the Navajo and the law enforcement agents.

The methods thus used in

the application of the unpopular stock reduction program have resulted in much criticism, tending to belittle the whole program of law and order in the eyes of the Navajo people.

In Gallup, New Mexico, August 2, 1957> three Nava­

jo men charged with failing to dip their sheep were attacked by the Navajo Agency Police, brutally beaten with clubs and guns and forcibly transported over territory not on the Reservation onto the Reservation in New Mexico, and then over the state line into Arizona. Attorney Paul B. Palmer, after investigating the incident, stated that: Indications of reprisal by Commissioner John Collier and his bureau on the Navajo Reservation against Indi­ ans who have been attending the anti-Collier meetings was seen in the arrest and brutal beating of Hosteen Tso, his son, and the arrest of Ned Nez in Gallup Mon­ day. Dozens of other examples of false arrests are being made over the Reservation, the Indians being arrested with no warrants, no charges, no trials, witnesses or attorney. Thousands are rising in protest of tyranny, and threaten a general march on Window Rock, but friends of the anti-Collier group advise against such action, ask^ ing to allow the law to run its course in the matter.1° An editorial appearing in the Aztec, New Mexico, 1O

"Indians are Beaten Brutally at Gallup," Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, August 6, 1957* P* 1*

184 paper stated that dissension over the iron hand of the Col­ lier regime with the Indians was developing to the point that trouble seemed to be ahead.

Several Navajo visited

the office during the week and excitedly told of the threats made against them, such as being bound and hauled away if they refused to comply with the regulations which were being imposed upon them.

One Indian told of force being used on

him to sign some papers that he did not understand.

Others

stated that they were afraid because so many were being ac­ cused and thrown into jail.

The editor then added:

It seems ridiculous that this condition should con­ tinue to exist. . . . It is not necessary for us to look to Europe to find persecution when a condition of the same degree is happening on our back d o o r s t e p s . 19 On July 26 , 1940, appeared an article in the papers of the Southwest written by Mrs. Julia Denetclaw, an influ­ ential, well-educated, full-blooded Navajo.

The article

was written in her usual rabid, caustic style, and it had a wide influence.

After making an attack on the whole Indian

Service, she pointed out that on the morning of July 8 the "lawless police" went down the San Juan River about twelve miles from Shiprock, New Mexico, aroused Indians from their sleep at five o ’clock in the morning, and arrested them. At one house the police grabbed an old woman, jerked and

^ Editorial in Aztec [New Mexico] April 19, 1940, p. 6.

Independent Review,

185 slammed her through the door, handcuffed her, and threw her into the car. another family.

The same day these “gorillas” arrested While fighting with the mother, a big

policeman kicked her baby girl in the abdomen.

The mother

was still a prisoner and didn*t know that her child died. At Crown Point, New Mexico, says Mrs. Denetclaw, the police were ordered to bring in a certain Navajo, but instead the police killed this man by putting a bullet through the back of his head.20 The above-mentioned articles may be exaggerated, but to a certain extent they are tokens of the thoughts of the Navajo people regarding the injustices of the present law and order set-up on the Reservation.

There is every reason

to believe that the Navajo are continually upset, living under constant dread of ”what will happen next.”

Perhaps

this state of mind is aggravated by the many sympathizers among their white friends who all too often have been a source of too much encouragement, making vain promises and telling the Navajo what they can do, failing to realize that this whole program is set up by the Congress of the United States and that a ward of the government has little choice but to obey.

20 “innocent Navajos Brutally Arrested / ' Aztec [New Mexico] Independent Review, July 26, 19^0, p. 61

186

The present chief of police is the victim of much criticism.

One man who is well-acquainted with the Navajo

people expressed his opinion of the situation when he said that the law and order regulations are probably all right, but they are very unfortunate in their application. In some respects our Indian courts, without trials, jury, or defense, are nothing other than kangaroo courts. The present chief of police knows little about law, he had his training on the Mexican border where force was necessary. But force is a poor method with the Navajos. He is a very honest man, but he is not temperamentally fit, nor does he have the proper disposition to bring a reasonable, amiable justice to these people. More . sympathetic men at Window Rock could do wonders with the Navajos.21 Today the responsibility of the maintenance of peace and order on the Navajo Reservation is one of greater im­ portance than ever before.

It involves a moral and social

responsibility to forty-eight thousand semi-primitive peo­ ple who are swiftly being introduced to a changing world. RESERVATION BORDER TOWNS Perhaps the most powerful factors giving rise to to­ d a y ^ new problems of social welfare among the Indians are the automobile and improved roads.

These have made it pos­

sible for the Navajo to move about more readily among them­ selves; thus, when in times past they could only occasionally

21

Z. A. Interview by the present writer, May 17, 19^0.

187 attend a native gathering, today many of them can very easily go to a Squaw Dance a hundred miles away.

Many fol­

low this type of social life and are continually on the go. The more these individuals come into contact with large groups, the greater the possibility of disturbance of the peace in personal brawls, intoxication, and sexual im-

pp

morality. ^

Another factor in this changing Navajo mobility is the fact that because of the increase in the use of money on the Reservation, as a result of government sponsored work, the Navajo are seeking social diversion in the white man's towns; particularly is this true of those towns south of the Reservation along the Santa Fe Railroad, including Gallup, New Mexico; Holbrook, Winslow, and Flagstaff, Arizona.

These and other towns such as Farmington, Aztec,

Grants, and Cuba, New Mexico, are within a few hours' drive of most of the Reservation.

In the white man's towns *

Hosteen's social fringes are easily frayed.

He comes from

a society which knows little of alcohol or commercialized vice.

He is in a new world, a world that changed for him in

a few hours.

He has no deep-rooted social defense against

these vices; consequently, he falls an easy victim of liquor,

^

Boyce and Fryer, op. cit., Section 15, p. 4.

188 prostitution, and the cunning of unscrupulous whites.2^ Much concern has been expressed by the Indian leaders regarding the dangers to which their people are being ex­ posed in the white man's towns.

In 1954 the Tribal Council

resolved that because of the -uncontrolled liquor traffic in certain border towns of the Reservation, unhealthful condi­ tions have arisen that are detrimental to the general wel­ fare of the Indians.

Therefore, unless some steps are

taken to check this unwholesome environment, ffthe Tribal Council hereby takes the stand as very strongly disapproving the participation of the Navajo in the ceremonials and other celebrations in the neighboring railroad towns.tl2^ There is much to indicate that the Navajo is in a stage of transition and that changes have come too swiftly for him to make the proper adjustment to the new situation. The present writer was interested in the fact that so many Navajo are aware of the necessity of not giving up but meet­ ing this new situation, and that the majority of those inter­ viewed voluntarily mentioned the subject of law and order, expressing their regrets at the increasing number of arrests among their people.

The following comment is significant:

2^ Ibid., Section 15, p. 4a.

24

Minutes of the Navajo Council (Kearns Canyon, Arizona: July 10-12, 1934), pp. 14-17.

189 There are many more Navajos in jail than there used to he because times are hard and they do things they didn’t use to do. . . .Many do things that they wouldn’t do if they were in their own mind and were living happy like they once were. . . . At one time it was considered much worse to steal than it is now. But our people are not going to starve, a lot of them are stealing right now. The people seem to be losing their pride; they used to think it was a disgrace to have to go to jail, but now some of them don’t seem to care-they say, 'Going to jail is better than starving to death.” There is a lot more drunkenness among my peo­ ple, but we can’t blame anyone for that; only having people on wages, like they did for about a year, start­ ed a lot of people drinking and then when they were out of a job and had no sheep they lost their pride and many have become regular drunkards. My people should­ n't drink like they do, but there's a thing that we don't understand--we can't see why the Navajos are ar­ rested for drinking when they are not drunk. The policemen go around to the fairs and Squaw Dances and arrest Indians when they have only taken a drink and the policemen can smell it on their breath. There are a lot of places in Gallup selling liquor right across the counter to the Indians and we know that they are breaking the law when they sell us the liquor, but we also know that the Navajos are the only ones arrested. If this thing continues and if they go ahead with the district set-up and the reduction program next fall (19^1)9 there is going to be plenty of trouble and the jails won't hold the people. The young people have nothing to do so they are just becoming a bunch of bums. I can see that they are go­ ing to cause us a lot of trouble for if they are down, they'll beg and steal just the same as a white man would. Anyone can see what will happen; there will be a lot more crime, for the people will become paupers and beggars, they'll get lazy and no-account. . . . There are a lot of Indians thrown in jail for just say­ ing something, or for doing something they didn't know they weren't supposed to do, and they can't even get a hearing. . . . We have always been taught that this was a free country and that we have a right to have our say and a right to have a hearing when we are put in jail.

. . .25

B. H . , Interview by the present writer, October 19, 19^0.

190 Practically all of the border towns, with possibly the exception of Aztec, New Mexico, are in some respects a menace to the Navajo.

Aztec had its day of bootleggers;

but, due to a public aroused by a fighting editor who likes the Indians and hates liquor, Aztec is no longer a safe place for the bootlegger.

Farmington, New Mexico, the most

important Navajo center northeast of the Reservation, is the victim of a bootleg ring which makes it a business to sell its wares to the easily victimized Indians. port of the San Juan Grand Jury May 17, 19^1>

26

In a reit was

pointed out that the situation in Farmington was serious and called for definite, positive, and drastic action by law-enforcing officers to stamp out the evils of the boot­ leggers.

For many years, the report continued, Farmington

has been the victim of bootleggers who sell liquor to the Navajo Indians.

In some sections of town respectable citi­

zens have been forced to move from their homes to get away from the dangerous situation caused by drunken Indians who in some respects are even more dangerous than the drunken white man.

The Grand Jury pointed out that there are resi­

dents in the town of Farmington who are intimidated by persons who are bootlegging alcoholic liquor to the Navajo Indians, and that by reason of the boldness and ruthlessness 26

"San Juan County Grand Jury,” Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, May 23, 19^1, p. 1.

191 of the bootleggers it is very difficult to secure evidence sufficient to bring about a conviction.

All the border

towns, which the Indians now frequently visit, have their unscrupulous residents who exploit the Navajo.

Fortunately,

however, these towns are not so centrally located and are not the menace to the social welfare of the Navajo nation as is the town of Gallup. Gallup, New Mexico, a town of some six thousand peo­ ple of Spanish American, Slav, Italian, and Anglo-American population, was founded as a railroad station and coal min­ ing camp upon the advent of the Atlantic and Pacific rail­ roads in l88l.

Gallup was a frontier town, a rampart of

lawlessness and violence, and from the very time of its in­ ception as a town, it has been an important factor in the exploitation of the Navajo Indian.

27

There is probably no

other town in the United States more "wide open" than Gallup.

In the town proper there are some forty-five

licensed and unlicensed saloons.

In some of these it is

possible for any Indian to obtain liquor openly, while many others have their bootleggers whose business it is to sell liquor to the Indian. Gallup supports several houses of prostitution.

The

27 1 Information received in Gallup from confidential interviews.

192 Angeles Rooms, located on the main street of the town, operates openly twenty-four hours a day. allowed in this bawdy house.

No Indians are

But across the street east

of the Angeles Rooms is another house of prostitution, called the Belmont, where Indians are welcome as customers. Much of the venereal disease, which is spreading among the Navajo people, is contracted from Mexican prostitutes in affiliation with the above-mentioned houses.

In addition

to a number of Mexican prostitutes, there are a few Navajo women who ply their trade in Gallup.

It is reported that

the inmates of these houses are indirectly licensed by the police of Gallup.

According to an informant, each girl is

brought quietly before the local Justice of the peace and fined twenty-five dollars quarterly, while the madam pays one hundred dollars quarterly.

Prior to the establishment

of the Fort Wingate defense program, as many as twelve girls worked in the Angeles Rooms while five were employed in the Belmont.

In addition to the above-mentioned seven­

teen girls, there are possibly some twenty operating in private residences or in the back streets.

This number was

greatly increased during 19^1 as a result of several hundred men being employed at Fort Wingate which is

located only a

few miles east of the town of Gallup. Gambling in Gallup is operated openly at the Silver Moon, White Cafe, the Pastime Club, the Commercial, and

193 numerous other places. bling establishments.

In all there are some twenty gam­ The Navajo are encouraged to partici­

pate in these games of"craps,11 black jack, and poker which in most cases are operated by graft.

It is stated by gam­

blers that the payment of one hundred dollars a month by these establishments to the Gallup police force will result in the necessary protection.

The trustworthy Navajo ob­

tains liquor and beer over the counter in sacks; others ob­ tain it from Mexican runners who make purchases, add on their commission, and sell it to the Indians in a dark corner or alley for a premium. Any Saturday night is proof to the inexperienced ob­ server of the prevalent drunkenness of Indians on the Gal­ lup streets.

When a tourist passes through Gallup late at

night and sees the miserable specimens of Indian humanity, he Is not seeing the Navajo; he is seeing the degenerate of his people, made so by the ever present liquor and environ­ ment of vice to which he falls an easy victim. At present, Gallup is run by a Democratic machine headed by the undercover Democratic boss of New Mexico in Santa Fe.

Republican administrations of Gallup have been

no less corrupt.

The present laws, the lack of federal

officers in the Reservation border towns, and the political pressure make It impossible for the Indian Department to protect its wards from the viciousness of this nefarious

194 town.

The law enforcement agents of the Indian Department,

in attempting to convict a bootlegger for selling whisky to an Indian, are shackled by the rule that there can be no coercion, use of marked money, or stool pigeons.

Until

such laws are established as will give the Indian Depart­ ment more power by placing teeth in the present liquor laws, the Indian will continue to be a victim of the bootleg ele­ ment . Perhaps the Indian himself should be taught to as­ sume some of the responsibility.

He could at least be

warned and be taught the result of the liquor habit. of the Navajo are taking the same attitude,

28

Many

realizing

that if the Indian is to have contacts with the ways of the white man's world, he must make the adjustment to that new world.

Along that line it is encouraging to note that in

1939 about three fifths of the arrests on the Reservation were liquor cases, while in 1940 only forty-one per cent of the arrests were liquor cases. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES AND THE LAW When Forest M. Parker, Supervisor of Indian Emergency

28

Hearings on Law and Order (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Indian Service, April 8-10, 1940), Part II, pp. 14-15. 29 Fred Croxen,

31, 1941.

Interview by the present writer, May

195 conservation work, reported that during the holiday season of 1954 five hundred Indians were drunk in the streets of Gallup, it added "fuel to the fire.” Commissioner Collier, who is greatly opposed to the commercial exploitation of the Indian, wrote a letter to F. S. Lawrence, president of the Gallup Chamber of Commerce, saying: I cannot deny that the sale of intoxicating liquors to Indians at Gallup has caused us grave and increasing concern at the Washington office . . . considerable and continuous they certainly have been, if the records in this office are acceptable as proof.3® It Is the opinion of many that Mr. Collier might take some action to enforce the liquor laws among the Indian Service employees at Window Rock.

Perhaps little progress on

liquor control among the Navajo can be expected when the intemperate Federal employees are not called to account. Indians who are given the customary thirty days sentence for drunkenness are aware of.certain government employees being guilty of the same offense as they; and ask, "Why are .,■31

these people not punished? ^

One observer says:

It is conservatively estimated that well over one half of the government employees drink right here on the Reservation and often in the presence of the Indi­ ans. The Indian knows the injustice of this and

30

Indian Truth (Philadelphia: The Indian Rights Association, 1934), Vol. 11, No. 2, p. 2. Ibid., p. 3.

196 dislikes the government employees for it. In case of an accident the Indians always say that the government employee was drunk. Many of our children are taught by people who flout the laws of the land and the laws of decency. We can’t expect the Navajo children under these influences to take the best of white man’s civilization.52 The government employees refer to Gallup as the ’’cess-pool11 of the Reservation, but many of them assume little responsibility in making Gallup otherwise.

Is it

strange, when employees are flagrant offenders, that Indi­ ans under their supervision should follow their example? Is it not both criminal and un-American to allow the Serv­ ice personnel to drink with impunity, setting an example to the whole tribe, and then to punish the Indian offender and ignore drunkenness of the Indian Service employees? The Service personnel, located on the Navajo Reser­ vation, has a moral obligation to its semi-primitive wards. These employees are representatives of the United States Government and should be impressed with the fact that they have the responsibility of maintaining not only a high standard of law and order on the Reservation but the re­ sponsibility of maintaining the dignity and the high ideals, of the United States Government.

j. s., Interview by the present writer, August 28, 1940.

197 SUMMARY Law and order enforcement on the Navajo Reservation is confronted with the problem of administering justice to forty-eight thousand semi-primitive Indians, Indians whose traditional social and economic world has been upset by the reduction of their stock which is a dominant pattern of their culture, Indians whose social life is swiftly chang­ ing as a result of their contact with white man!s civiliza­ tion.

All this is enhanced by a lack of understanding of

the Indian Bureau1s new program which they feel is depriv­ ing them of their rights and of their last vista of freedom. A well-organized police and court system, consisting of forty-three members of which only three are white, was set up in 19^6.

This group has the momentous task of en­

forcing the unpopular stock reduction regulations and the enforcement of the Reservation liquor laws.

The Navajo

Patrol is very vigorous in its determination to enforce those regulations; consequently, some unfortunate mistakes have been made which have brought much criticism to the organization. The border towns of the Reservation, especially Gal­ lup, with its laxity of law enforcement, have been a real problem to law and order on the Reservation.

These towns

are a source of drunkenness and venereal disease which has

198

seriously interfered with the social and economic welfare of the Havajo people.

Gallup has a big pay roll, and is

protected by a corrupt political machine capable of devel­ oping a.pressure which will not be broken until a thorough Federal investigation is made of the border towns.

Until

this reform is made, and the government is willing to ap­ propriate funds to maintain Federal law enforcement agents in the border towns, the Navajo Patrol will be powerless to cope with the many implications of the problem of law and order on the Navajo Reservation. The Navajo sense a great injustice in the rigidity of the methods of social control which are used on the Nava­ jo Reservation.

The Indian has a deep appreciation of jus­

tice and is greatly incensed when he considers that the com­ mon laws of fairness have been violated.

He expects those

in charge of law enforcement to have a patient and sympa­ thetic understanding of his people.

He believes that on

many occasions great injustice and discrimination have been used against his people in the execution of the Reservation law and order code.

The feeling that discrimination and

lack of consideration is practiced by the governmental of­ ficials in social control has tended to aggravate the op­ position to Commissioner Collier’s policies or anything that is symbolic of his program.

CHAPTER V I I

THE TWOFOLD ASPECT OF NAVAJO EDUCATION .Several years of effort were spent by the Indian Service in an attempt to popularize the boarding school as the most practical institution for Navajo education.

At

the close of the nineteenth century a formal type of educa­ tion was gaining in popularity and by 1930 the value of an education was recognized by the majority of the Navajo. The boarding school had become an accepted institution; but in 1935> when the day school program was introduced through­ out the Reservation, it met with great opposition.

The

Navajo, being slow to adopt new ways, insisted that the old educational procedure was best for his people, and that the new day school program was nothing more than an attempt to segregate the Indian and deprive him of white m a n ’s educa­ tion.

The day school system was introduced at a time when

many other revolutionary changes were taking place in In­ dian administration.

These changes were very unpopular

with the Navajo, and he considered the day school as merely another phase of Mr. Collier’s program; consequently, its purpose has been misunderstood and the new system has met with opposition from the time it was first introduced.

200

THE BOARDING SCHOOL ERA When the Navajo signed the Treaty of 1868,^ article six

p

of that document, which promised one school for every

thirty Navajo children, was certainly of little inducement to accept this famous agreement.

The Indians were so un­

happy at Fort Sumner and so desperately homesick for their desert ranges, their sacred mountains, and their simple pastoral life that they were willing to agree to almost any­ thing in order to regain their old freedom.

"Treaty of the Navajos," Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1937)» Part 3^> P* 17951* 2 Article six of the Treaty of 1868 reads as follows: In order to insure the civilization of the Indians entering into this treaty, the necessity of education is admitted, especially of such of them as may he settled on agricultural parts of this Reservation, and they therefore pledge themselves to compel their children male and female, between the ages of 6 and 16 years, to attend school; and it is hereby made the duty of the agent for said Indians to see that this stipulation is strictly complied with; and the United States agrees that, for every 30 children between said ages who can be induced or be com­ pelled to attend school, a house shall be pro­ vided and a teacher competent to teach the elementary branches of an English education, shall be furnished, who will reside among said Indians, and faithfully discharge his or her duties as a teacher. The provisions of this article to continue, for not less than 10 years.

201 The first day school was opened in 1870 with Miss Charity Gaston in charge.

From that day to the present the

problem of Havajo education has been one of real concern to the Indian Service.

Miss Gaston found a small and constant­

ly changing group of pupils whose parents often discouraged them in their pursuit of white man1s education, at times even forcing them to leave school.

However, the wild and

frightened children needed little inducement to give up their studies, for when they had received the government allowance of clothing, many escaped from the school and somehow made their way back to the parental hogan.

In

order to cope with the problem of irregular attendance, the first boarding school was opened at Fort Defiance, Arizona, in 1883; but even then, for many years, the attendance fluctuated from fifteen to ninety pupils.-^ As a result of the poorly equipped schools, the in­ efficient teachers, and a politically controlled Indian bureau, many unfortunate mistakes were made which proved to be detrimental to the progress of Indian education.

Chief

Manuelito, the most influential leader of his time, approved of schools and sent his two sons to an eastern Indian board­ ing school.

A few years later both of these boys died, and

■3 ^ Dane Coolidge and Mary Roberts Coolidge, The Navajo Indian (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950), p. 278.

202 the superstitious Indians blamed the school for their death. This was a vital blow to boarding school education, and from that time on to the early part of the twentieth century many Navajo parents would not consent to send their chil4 dren off the Reservation. In order to get Indian children to attend school, the government agents often resorted to persuasion and bribery.

Mrs. Juanita Ketosh, a Potawatomi Indian, who was

employed at the Port Lewis Indian School, says: During the nineties I was sent out with a group who traveled for several months at a time on the Navajo Reservation, visiting the parents and encouraging them to let their children come to school. We would take our camping equipment and live out in the open. We also took wagon loads of food and clothing which we used to persuade or bribe the parents to let their children come to school. The poor children were about half scared to death, and many of the suspicious parents would ride along with us for days; some even going all the way to the school and staying a few days to see that everything was all right with their chil­ dren. 5 About 1889 a group of thirty children were taken without their parents’ consent to Grand Junction, Colorado. Nearly half of them ran away and told pitiful stories to their families of the cruel treatment that they had re­ ceived and of the many hardships they had endured.

Although

^ Ibid., pp. 278-79. 5 Mrs. Juanita Ketosh, Interview by the present writer, May 19 > 19^1.

203 these stories were probably exaggerated, they deeply im­ pressed the already skeptical parents, making it even more difficult for the Indian Service to gain their approval for an educational program.

It wasn’t unusual for an Indian

child to consent to go to school, little realizing what he was doing.

In many cases the children were taken secretly

and the parents remained in ignorance of their children’s whereabouts until the pupils were free to return to the Reservation several years later.

Mr. Jacob C. Morgan,

Chairman of the Navajo Tribal Council, writes: My father took me to Fort Defiance in September, 1889, to place me in school. When I entered the room the teacher handed me a little square black thing with some kind of mark on it. I was trying to figure out what it might be--I did not know that it was a name given to me. Pretty soon I looked up and saw about twenty-eight boys holding up their hands and at once I remembered my father’s words, who said, "Whatever the instructor wants you to do, do it1’ so I did it, and raised my hand. We did not know that we were volun­ teering to be kidnapped. The next day we were on our way to Gallup, New Mexico, there to entrain for the unknown. Three more boys joined us at Gallup, making altogether thirty-one boys who went to Grand Junction, Colorado, Indian School. We were taken away without the consent, or even the knowledge, of our parents. It was at Grand Junction that I learned my A B C ’s, I did not know a word of English but, thank goodness for the kidnap, for if they hadn’t taken me I wouldn’t be able to write about it. My parents never found out where I had been taken to until five years later when we went home to our people.6 Mr. Frank Walker, who is today recognized as one of

^ Jacob C. Morgan, autobiographic material presented to the present writer, June 7, 19?1«

204 the best interpreters on the Navajo Reservation, tells of his educational experience. I was fourteen and my brother was twelve years old when we were sent all the way from Saint Johns, Arizona, to Grand Junction, Colorado, to school. From the very first we were terribly scared and homesick. We hadn’t been used to having a certain time to get up, a certain time to eat, and a certain time to go to bed. Our new clothes were hot and scratchy, and the longer we stayed the more unhappy and homesick we became. Several of the children ran away and it encouraged us to do the same. One night my brother and I made our escape and after a long walk of almost four hundred miles through _ a desolate country, we made our way back to Saint Johns.' In 1893 Lieutenant Plummer took a group of leading Navajo to the World’s Fair at Chicago.

The Indians were

greatly.impressed by the white man’s civilization, and after this many volunteered to bring their children to the Fort Defiance school.

Black Horse, a leader of the unprogres­

sive Navajo, brought his oldest son, and school attendance suddenly rose from eighty to two hundred pupils.

At that

time the Indian Rights Association recommended that more local boarding schools should be established upon the Reser­ vation, but non-Reservation boarding schools became the ideal of the Indian Bureau.

They were near towns where the

employees preferred to live, and where the Indian children g could be controlled without interference from their parents.

^ Frank Walker, Interview by the present writer, November 21, 1940. o Coolidge and Coolidge, op. cit., p. 280.

205 In the latter part of the nineteenth century the local administrative authorities began recommending the es­ tablishment of day schools, and community education suited to the pastoral life of the Navajo.

School authorities

were continually urging industrial and vocational training adapted to the economic conditions of Indian life.

It was

thought that a more practical type of education would bet­ ter fit the students to return to Reservation life.

The

boarding schools had meticulously trained the Indian in white man’s standards, failing to make him fit to compete in the outside world for the only kinds of labor opened to him, and at the same time making him a misfit when he re­ turned to the Reservation.

Many of these children were un­

able to make the proper adjustment to either white man’s or Indian civilization and became what are known as 11school bums,” not for lack of ambition but for lack of suitable training and ample opportunity.^ Prom 1880 to 1910 Navajo education was dominated by Christian missions.

Meanwhile, Government Indian schools

were opened at Albuquerque in 1884 and at Santa Fe in 1890. During the latter part of the nineteenth century an in­ creasing number of students left the Reservation for these schools and also for Fort Lewis, Sherman, Carlisle, Chilocco,

9 Ibid., p. 281.

206 Fort Apache, Haskell, and Hampton Institute.

It was becom­

ing increasingly evident in the early part of the twentieth century that the Navajo were gradually accepting white man’s formal education.

By 1955> when the enlarged day school

program was inaugurated, there were ten government boarding schools, six government day schools, and six mission board­ ing schools on the Navajo Reservation,-1-0 serving a school population of over fourteen thousand pupils.

These few

schools were noticeably inadequate to cope with the Navajo educational program.

As a consequence, only a small portion

of children attended school, and a comparatively small per­ centage of those who did attend finished either elementary or secondary education.11 THE DAY SCHOOL PROGRAM The availability of large amounts of PWA funds in 1955 and 195^ made it possible for Carson Ryan, Director of Indian Education, to realize his long cherished dream--that of an extensive program of replacing Indian boarding schools with community centered day schools.

12

10 Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Problem (New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1959), p p . 52-5311 Dr. Don May, Assistant Director of Navajo Schools, Interview by the present writer, June 16, 19^1. 12 Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., p. 5k.

Previous to this time, the few day schools on the Reservation had been operated with only limited success, according to old standards, and with little conception of the place of the school as a vital socio-economic factor in the lives of the people.

Many condemned the boarding

school, stating that it also failed to meet the needs of the Navajo, and suggested that several community day schools throughout the Reservation would be a means of giving the people a more practical type of education.

Several objected

to this proposed day school plan on the basis that it was very impractical since Navajo were herders and moved about in search of pasture; that children, spending only a few hours a day in the day school and then returning to their parent’s hogan, could not hope to learn English; that it would be impossible to equip day schools to give the neces­ sary industrial training; and that, even though all these were feasible, the roads and other physical conditions of the Reservation made a day school program impossible.

How­

ever, changes were taking place in Navajo land and there was a noticeable need for a more practical type of educa­ tion.

Growing economic problems, brought about by the

swift increase in population, a "stationary land area," and a lack of sound land-management practices, brought a realiza­ tion to the Indian Service that a new educational program, planned toward unity and economic security, was necessary

208 to assist the Navajo people in solving their problems.

In

order to cope with the situation, it was vitally important that the Navajo be trained in the ability to understand their problems and in the art of working together to solve those problems.

Proper education was the answer, the edu­

cation of leaders in and for Reservation life instead of outside and away from Reservation life.

13

In 1939 there were forty-five day schools in opera14 tion on the Navajo Reservation. However, there are still several thousand children who are not enrolled in any school and many others who do not attend although enrolled. In the winter of 1939-1940 there were over fourteen thou­ sand Navajo children between the ages of six and sixteen of whom some seven thousand four hundred were enrolled in school.

The capacity of Navajo schools was 6,355, with

boarding schools accommodating 2,540 and day schools 3,815 pupils.

Mission, public, and non-Reservation schools care

for an additional 1,450 children, making available facili­ ties for some seven thousand eight hundred Navajo pupils. To take care of those of school age on the Navajo Reserva-

Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States, pp. 1758^17584. 14 Lloyd E. Blauch, Educational Service for Indians (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Press, 1939), P. 55-

209 15 tion would require doubling of present school facilities. A striking fact about Navajo education is that not more than sixty per cent of the children of school age are enrolled in school and that the daily attendance, except in the boarding schools, is very low.

This situation exists

in spite of an enormous expenditure of money, a carefully planned curriculum, and the

enthusiastic effort in the

development of an efficient

educational program on the part

of the directors of education, Dr. W. Carson Ryan and Dr. Willard Betty, who are two of the outstanding and progressive leaders among American educators today.

l6

The problem of school attendance is directly related to the problem of isolation, of the day school program.

which is the basic difficulty The few communities on the

Reservation are served by boarding schools, but the day schools are often remote from settled communities and are generally inaccessible to ordinary means of travel.

White

teachers who accept assignments to these outlying posts often find themselves the only white people in the community.

17

Unfortunately, the average teacher has little spe­

cial training for her task, aside from that of her

15 “priorities in Navajo Education,” Navajo Planning and Policy Conference (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Indian Service, 19^0), p. 4b. Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., pp. 39-^0. ^

Lloyd E. Blauch, op. cit., p. 57*

210 professional degree.

A girl from New York City who has re­

ceived her Bachelor1s Degree meets the academic qualifica­ tions, but she is by no means equipped to go to an isolated part of the Navajo Reservation and to offer a practical type of education to the Navajo children.

The teachers em­

ployed by the Indian Service have been educated in typical colleges and universities in the states, practically none of which are particularly interested in the Indian or in the problems of Indian education.

Furthermore, few of

these teachers had, at the time they received their profes­ sional training, any idea of entering the Indian Service. Consequently, the Navajo Indian Service employs hundreds of teachers who are not qualified to meet successfully the special problems with which they will be confronted.

These

teachers know little or nothing about the Indians, their tribal customs, their economic and social problems, and their attitudes toward modern progressive educational pro­ cedure which has come to the Reservation.

Most of these

teachers do not know what to expect when they enter the day school and are not even aware of the fact that most of the children do not speak English when they enter school. Practically none of the teachers have any technical equip­ ment for dealing with non-English-speaking children.

At

present the office of Indian Affairs does not have adequate funds to maintain schools for the special training of

211 teachers.

Some schools have been conducted for this pur­

pose, but it appears that a comprehensive program for train­ ing of Indian Service personnel would be of material advan­ tage in carrying out Federal policies for the education of the Indian.^ Havajo,educational objectives.

It is far from an

easy task to plan an educational program in a territory where centuries jostle one another; where customs, religion, habits, and languages compete in a struggle that is some­ times tragic; . . . where the world old conflict between the shep­ herd, the farmer, and the trader is being played for the last time on American soil; and where the old struggle between man and nature is reduced to its simplest terms of water, grass, and wood. 1-9 However, in organizing the program of education for the day schools, the Havajo Service has been unusually fortunate in having had educational leadership of the high­ est competency.

As a consequence, the program developed

in the day schools is based upon distinctly modern social philosophy, rather than merely bringing the traditional type of schooling a few miles nearer to the people.

Spe­

cifically, the day school is so managed that the children have a variety of activities.

Every available opportunity

18 Ibid., pp. 88-89. *2 Phelps-Stokes‘Fund, op. elt., p. 56.

212 is utilized in making use of the surrounding environment as material for learning English and the other fundamental subjects.

The factor of environment is also recognized in

developing the children's social, aesthetic, and ethical attitudes.

The aims in practice and philosophy are such as

to foster and promote harmonious relationships with adults, through providing useful services and various forms of 20 adult participation in the educational program. It is apparent that the educational needs of the Navajo are different in many respects from the traditional concern of formal educational institutions.

An adequate

educational program presents a great and interesting chal­ lenge; it must consider the Indian's physical and cultural environment, and the necessity for aiding him in making a proper adjustment to the Indian Service conservation pro­ gram.

The administration can accomplish certain things,

such as enforcement of stock reduction, construction of water facilities, and the maintenance of roads.

But only

education in the broadest sense can accomplish such things as getting the people to improve their stock, to make effective use of their agricultural lands, to appreciate the necessity of a soil conservation program, or to

20

George A. Boyce, Economic Education for the Navajo Indian (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo” Service, l^^l), p. 55*

213 participate in the adjustment to other cultural improve­ ments.

The inability of educators to implant in the minds

of the people the necessary techniques and attitudes for land usage at the same rate at which engineering develop­ ments may be placed in the hands of the people is a serious 21 obstacle to Navajo welfare. After a comprehensive technical study of the Navajo problem, three basic concepts have become recognized by the Indian Service as the proper procedure for the assurance of the Navajo’s future happiness.

They are "efficiency,

equalization of economic opportunity, and fullest use of both physical resources and man-power.

«22

Only by efficien­

cy in sheep raising, in agriculture, in the conservation of natural resources, and in the production of crafts can the Navajo hope to compensate for his limited resources.

For

many years the Navajo has been exploiting the natural re­ sources of his homeland.

The fact that he is experienced

in his type of agriculture and range management does not necessarily mean that he has done well in terms of modern techniques.

Probably his greatest deficiency is the lack

of a proper technique for doing well what he has long done.

21 George A. Boyce and E. R. Fryer, Dlneh and Govern­ ment (Window Rock, Arizona: Navajo Service, 1$39)> Sec. '£(5,

p. 1.

22 Ibid., p. 5*

214 Only by assuring each family an equal opportunity to farm, raise sheep, or some other type of remunerative work in us­ ing and developing the tribal resources can each individual have the maximum potentiality of self-support.

Finally,

only by directing each worker to productive or employable service and labor can idleness be thwarted and the maximum economic benefit be derived by each Navajo.

The limitations

of Navajo physical resources are apparent, but equally noticeable is the amount of Navajo potential man-power, which is the Navajo’s last used resource.

2*3

The Navajo school program has been built around practical economic concepts, but its objectives do not be­ long solely to the responsibility of schools since in many cases a particular objective could be achieved only through the educational efforts of the many agencies connected with the Navajo Service.

Those in charge of the educational pro­

gram have given much consideration to the knowledge, atti­ tudes, skills, and appreciations necessary for the Navajo who is to live on the Reservation and enjoy the maximum economic benefit from its resources while at the same time requiring a minimum change in the deep-rooted and powerful claims of the cultural heritage. In other words the school program is based upon the

Ibid., p . 6 .

215 thesis that the Navajo problem is primarily an economic one, the solution of which is to be achieved largely in terms of proper use of land, and that a large percentage of the school product will live and make its living on the Reservation.

The principal effort of the schools is di­

rected toward giving the student a knowledge of skills necessary for a better control of his environment and so to raise the economic standard, to establish proper health habits and provide opportunity for the correction of physi­ cal defects, to develop understanding of a conservation pro­ gram, and to create a public opinion favorable to that policy.

The schools seek to preserve and strengthen Navajo

cultural values, and at the same time fit the Navajo to make the necessary adjustments to the white man’s civiliza­ tion. Instruction focuses largely upon four problems: . . . (a) health and home training, (b) training in the use and control of Reservation resources by means of technical information covering land and stock use, home building, etc., (c) training for civic participa­ tion through a knowledge of the background of Navajo economy and society, of the Reservation program, and the opportunity for Navajo participation, (d) develop­ ment of manual skills appropriate to Reservation life. DAY SCHOOL PROBLEMS AND NAVAJO REACTIONS Navajo education is being developed in terms of a ph.

Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., p. 57»

216 philosophy which recognizes the validity of experience and native culture, and seeks to supplement it by the addition of knowledge and skills which will enable it to deal more effectively with the environment. gram has met with great opposition.

Nevertheless, the pro­ Many Navajo would still

prefer to send older students to non-Reservation schools on the ground that it is good for them to mix with other tribes and to get away from the Reservation, in order that they may learn good English.

Many apply some of the same argu­

ments in favor of the Reservation boarding school, feeling that the day school educational procedure is too limited, and that the child cannot get a proper education from such a plan.

They say that the Reservation boarding school is a

much more effective center of education than the day school, and that training can be carried on better when the chil­ dren are placed in a white man*s environment for a period of several years.

Petitions are received yearly in the

Office of Indian Affairs asking that the larger day schools be turned into regional boarding schools.

This movement

has some support from white observers who feel that board­ ing schools are not only preferable for Navajo students, but that the closer relationship which can be maintained between teachers, communities, and students in a small boarding PR school is of great advantage. ^ Navajo Planning and Policy Conference, op. cit., P. 49.

The principal problems facing the day schools are low enrollment, irregular attendance, wide age-range of pupils, their unfamiliarity with English, and the lack of properly trained teachers.

The reasons for the low enroll­

ment and the irregular attendance at many of the day schools arise primarily from the fact that a formal education is not yet an accepted part of Navajo life.

Furthermore, the

child is considered an economic asset and is often expected to remain at home to watch the sheep, to help with the gath­ ering of pinon nuts, or to care for the younger children. Other reasons include the distance of day schools from most of the homes on the Reservation, the poor roads which pre­ vent the busses from going far and in bad weather keep them from going at all.

Furthermore, because of their pastoral

industry, many of the Navajo families move at least twice a year, so part of the time the children are out of reach of the school bus.

Perhaps one of the greatest reasons for

low enrollment and irregular attendance at many of the day schools is the fact that there is a widespread feeling of dissatisfaction on the part of the Navajo toward the type of schools conducted on the Reservation.

Those who have

attended the old type boarding school with its rigid dis­ cipline distrust the freer atmosphere and the play activi­ ties in the new schools.

The ill feeling against the gov­

ernment’s various new regulations which have been placed on

218 the Navajo during the last few years, especially that of forcing them to pay for their children’s clothing, has also been a factor in the seemingly unanimous opposition to the 26 new educational system. Some interesting comments show­ ing the attitude of the Navajo toward the day school were made to the investigator: The day schools are no good. What we want is white m a n’s education; that is what I got and I know that our children need more English, reading, writing, and arithmetic, and to learn a trade. Our children won’t get any place doing a lot of these things that the teachers have them do now days. Most of it is just a lot of foolishness. Teachers have the children singing in Navajo and even encourage them to talk it. Our chil­ dren can learn to talk and sing in Navajo at home--the government doesn't need to spend a lot of money for that. Day schools might be all right where there are enough children and a good teacher, but they can never take the place of the boarding school. The boarding school taught us a trade and how to do things and how to handle our money, but now days the day schools don’t teach the young people anything about how to handle money or other fundamental facts they should know.^7 The day schools are -more trouble and talk than any­ thing else. They are just a lot of foolishness. The children all say, nThey are awful.1’ They say, ’’There isn’t much for us to learn there so when we get home, there is nothing for us to talk about so we forget what we did learn.” . . . We didn’t worry about our children in the boarding school, for we knew that they would be taken care of and wouldn’t be in mischief, but now we are afraid of what will happen to them. In the boarding school we could see them advance, but they don’t make any progress in the day s c h o o l .28

26 ^

Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., p. 59* S. N., Interview by the present writer, August 29,

1940.

28 1940.

H. D., Interview by the present writer, August 31,

219

The Navajo desires tangible results.

If he could be

convinced that day school education is aimed at increasing the Reservation food supply through the teaching of scien­ tific practice in animal husbandry and agricultural methods, it is quite possible that he would have more respect for the government educational program.

The average educated

Navajo feels that the basic subjects are being neglected and he does not understand why the Reservation schools are not keeping pace with state schools.

The introduction of

progressive educational principles has been the cause of much controversy.

The Navajo dislikes this special type of

education which isolates him from white manfs world.

It

has been observed that in most societies a minority group tends to desire that which is possessed by the majority group and will oppose all efforts at any differentiation. The attempt to make education "Reservation centered" has never been fully understood by the Navajo.

He regards the

lessening of emphasis upon his acquiring of the white man's traditional academic knowledge and skills as grossly unfair. It is difficult for him to believe that the "free activity" of the classroom is not wasted, and that the projects car­ ried on by the children lead to the acquirement of sound knowledge or skills.

According to the New Mexico Associa­

tion of Indian Affairs there is a standardized expression of contempt for the day school activities, "They just

220 play.

it2 9

'When the children return from school, their par­

ents ask them, "What have you been doing, just playing?" Such parental scorn does not increase the child's respect for school or teacher.

When children realize the attitude

of their parents toward the school, they can be expected to make slow progress in their educational development. The following comments express the attitude of Navajo par­ ents toward the day school and its progressive methods, and similar attitudes were met in other interviews. This day school set-up is terrible. I had to take my children out of the day school and send them to a boarding school. I realize the position that the teacher is in, and because of what she has to do, she is looked upon by many as a "joke." Before I took my children out of the day school, I talked to the teacher about progressive education and the situation in the day schools. She said that she realized that every­ thing wasn't as it should be, but that she couldn't do much for she wasn't allowed to correct the children. When I asked her how she taught them without text books, she said that she taught them this way: "The children come to school; I just let them run and play and fight; they finally fall over a chair or bump into a table and they come to me and say, 'What is that?' then I am sup­ posed to say, 'That is a chair.'" It will take a long time, I am thinking, for my children to learn anything that way. They don't have nearly enough English in these day schools. . . . My people can never be what they should be until they have white man's education. Row, I am supposed to be educated, but I certainly can't understand this kind of education.30

uew Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, Urgent Navajo Problems (Santa Pe: New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, l$4o), p. 25. C. D., Interview,by the present writer, October 17, 1940.

221 We used to have a decent type of education. The hoarding school has some weaknesses, hut it has helped a lot. The day school may he better in time, hut now it is no good. In fact the day schools are very poor schools for us. For years we have sent our children to hoarding schools, and often they were taken without the parents’ consent. Then when we got so we wanted to send them they say that we can’t send them. They tell us that we must send our children to the day school. . . . Everything is wrong with the day school. It is the worst thing that has ever happened to us in educa­ tion. . . . The children don’t grasp anything; they just learn a lot of little things that are of no value. They don't even learn to speak English. . . . There is no chance for them to do practical things or to learn a trade. Now the government used to take care of our children when we were able to take care of them our­ selves, hut now when we aren't able to take care of them, we are asked to pay for more clothes and more food. We didn't used to have to do this and we can’t understand why we should now just when we can least af­ ford it. . . . The children show no change after going to the day school. They are just the same in the spring as they were in the fall when they started, hut when they are sent to the hoarding school, we see that they make many changes and we are proud of them.51 Mr. R. H. McCurtain, Superintendent of the Shiprock Indian School, invited about fifty representative Navajo men to attend a meeting at the school auditorium, November 19, 19*1-0.

The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the

Navajo educational program and policies.

The attitude of

the assembled Indians was kindly hut critical.

The Indians

were unanimously agreed on the following points: (a) that the results obtained in the new educational system are few compared to those of the old system;

31

(h) that text hooks,

C. K . , Interview by the present writer, October 19, 19^0 .

222 such as arithmetic, geography, grammar, history, physiology, and those dealing with trade, should be used more extensive­ ly in the schools;

(c) that more emphasis should be placed

on the necessity of learning to read, write, and speak Eng­ lish;

(d) that there is need for more discipline in the

school since the laxity in the school room is causing some disciplinary problems in the home;

(e) at times it may be

necessary to reduce livestock, but education should never be reduced, “there should not be any erosion in Navajo edu­ cation11; (f) some school projects may be all right, but there is too much paper cutting and making of mud figures; if that is progressive education, they do not believe in progressive education;

(g) the mission schools are the best

for there the Navajo children get the same books and the same type of education that the white children do.

32

An important purpose of the day school is to make of it a community center and an agency for adult education.

To

a certain extent it is achieving this purpose, but so far only a comparative few of those who are within a few miles of the building and thus able to reach it are taking advan­ tage of the many opportunities which it has offered.

Un­

doubtedly, as time goes on the adult Navajo will make more use of the facilities of the modern day schools for bathing,

^ Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, November 29, 19^0, p. 1.

223 sewing, washing, shoeing horses, and repairing tools.

Un­

fortunately, he feels little obligation toward his community center and does not consider it his own.

He resents the

moderate amount of work required of him in exchange for his children’s clothes.

So long as the advantages he receives

from the day school are divorced from any sense of responsi­ bility for its development, the day school cannot hope to fulfill its mission in Navajo life.-^ In some respects the Navajo educational program is one of the most modern and progressive to be found among any people.

Mr. Willard W. Beatty, Director of Education in the

Indian Service, when speaking of the possibilities of the day school and the adult school plan, said: I think it is one of the most significant things in American education. . . . At the present time the ideal Navajo day school consists of class rooms for pupil use. In addition to that there are facilities for teachers’ residences, because these schools are erected in iso­ lated sections. . . . Then there are additional facili­ ties, shower baths, laundries, dining rooms for the children, where we furnish the mid-day meal. . . . In addition to that, frequently, there is a room where adult women can go to make use of the sewing machines to prepare clothing for their families, and in a few of the schools we have been able to actually furnish shop facilities which are not only used for instruc­ tional purposes but are open to the men. During the early part of March (1936) I visited fif­ teen of these schools. . . . Women who had walked In a number of miles with their laundry and had made use of

New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, op. cit., p.

26.

224 these facilities--washing all of the clothing of the family; then, with the time left, . . . had made up clothing on the sewing machines. Men who had brought in dilapidated farm wagons were taking advantage of the school shop to repair them. Several men were making furniture, and two or three other men were working at the forge. One of these men was re-tiring a wheel; another man was mending a singletree. . . . Practically every school I went to, adult Indians were making use of the facilities in one way or another. . . . The day schools are open seven days a week. They are becoming real centers of service to the public. . . . Our day school program is being built around the daily life and experiences of the Indian, just as in all good American public schools, elementary teaching is in terms of environmental experience of the children. . . . There has been a tendency in many of our Indian boarding schools to think in terms of vocational train­ ing which will take the Indian out of his normal life and set him in a white community to be a carpenter or mechanic. . . . We are definitely discouraging Navajo boys and girls from going to non-Reservation high schools where the educational program is definitely different from the needs they will encounter as adults, unless they are asking for specific training . . . where the environment of the school plays no part in the technical learning which they receive.34 The Navajo people are faced with a very acute educa­ tional problem.

It is generally admitted that education

should be adapted to the traditions, experiences, and cus­ toms of the people, but with the adoption of a progressive educational program the Navajo is confronted with a new situation which seems to him a reversal of the old educa­ tional policy.

He looks to the mission school and the old

type boarding school as the ideal.

However, these schools

^4 Willard W. Beatty, "Testimony,n Survey of Condi­ tions of the Indians in the United States, pp.

225 have met the educational requirements of a comparatively small and select group.

The traditional state course of

study with its over emphasis on subject matter and its un­ relatedness to real life is followed in the mission school and to a certain extent in the boarding school.

Perhaps

some of the material used and the methods employed in these schools are antiquated, but there is also reason to believe that the day school program has, in some respects, been ultra progressive, especially for the conservative Navajo. The mission school, which seems to be the ideal of the In­ dian, and the government schools need each other, but un­ fortunately there is a definite lack of cooperation between the extremes in practices and policies of these two institu­ tions.

So long as this situation prevails, the Navajo will

continue to be the victim of an uncorrelated educational program. SUMMARY Prom the time of the inauguration of a Navajo educa­ tional program in 1870 until the early part of the twenti­ eth century the Indian Service utilized every available means to popularize education among the Navajo.

By 1955

the boarding school had become an accepted institution, and by that time the majority of the people expected their chil­ dren to attend school.

226 In 1935 a progressive educational program was intro­ duced to the Navajo and several day schools were built throughout the Reservation.

The Navajo, who. had already

taken a stand of opposition to Commissioner Collier’s conservation policies, was in no mood to accept the new educational plan which he considered little more than an attempt to isolate him in his Reservation and to deprive him of the privileges of white man's education.

Although

the new educational policies were based on the social and economic needs of the Navajo, he has persisted in the argu­ ment that his children are being denied the education which is necessary to their general welfare. As mentioned above it has been observed that in any given society a minority group desires the same rights and privileges as the majority group.

If there is any differ­

entiation, the minority group is quick to sense the injus­ tice.

This is probably very true of the Navajo who feels

that his people are suffering from a gross injustice in be­ ing deprived of an adademic education.

Consequently, he

has another grievance upon which he has built an unkindly feeling toward the Indian Service and all white men.

He

considers that the educational program is only another instance in which the government has discriminated against the Indian. There is a twofold aspect in the Navajo educational

problem:

(l) the governments contention that the Navajo

educational program should be Reservation centered and based on his socio-economic needs;

(2) the Navajo's contention

that a Reservation centered educational program will not meet his needs since it is becoming increasingly necessary that his people be prepared to cope with the white man's society.

In these two phases of the problem may be seen a

close relationship to the differences of opinions regarding the secondary school curriculum throughout the United States. That is, how much time shall be given to vocational and how much time shall be given to general education.

The most

acceptable procedure seems to be that of giving the student opportunity of obtaining a well balanced education by offer­ ing him subjects in both fields.

Perhaps the Navajo is

justified in his claim to a more liberal education which is offered the white man.

The progressive Indian seems especial­

ly anxious that his children learn to speak English and feels that more stress should be placed on it in the day schools since there is much to indicate (contrary to the In­ dian Service's contention regarding educational principles) that more and more the Indian will be forced to compete in the white man's civilization.

CHAPTER VIII FEDERAL ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS THE PROBLEM OF FEDERAL ADMINISTRATION The complicated governmental system of administering Indian affairs has not been conducive to a speedy and a satisfactory solution of the Navajo problem.

Since 1849,

with the establishment of civil administration of Indian affairs in the territory of New Mexico, the Navajo have been a source of real concern to the Federal Government. The problem of controlling this raiding, nomadic tribe was inherited from Mexico.

Although it was similar in many

respects to the problem of dealing with the Indians of the Great Plains, it was complicated by a hereditary feud be­ tween those of Spanish and Spanish-Indian descent, on the one hand, and the Navajo and Apache on the other.

From the

beginning of American occupation of New Mexico efforts were made to establish and maintain peace with the Navajo, but it was not until after the signing of the Treaty of 1868, when the Navajo were permitted to leave Bosque Redondo and to return to their home land, that permanent peace was es­ tablished and the Navajo were willing to give up their raids and submit to the rule of the United States Government.^ 1 Frank D. Reeve, nThe Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico,” New Mexico Historical Review (Albuquerque: Uni­ versity of New Mexico Press, July, 1937), XII, 218-69.

229 Many mistakes have been made by the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs in dealing with its wards.

Seem­

ingly, mistakes are always made in the governing of depend­ ent peoples by attempting to impose upon the people of one history, tradition and culture, an alien from of government and administration.

In the case of so-called primitive

peoples, experience has shown that the least disturbance possible of the institutional forms of the governed, the better.

Hence, the relative success of indirect rule in

colonial countries is worthy of consideration.

However, a

ruling body cannot afford to be a group of sentimentalists or romanticists and preserve all the institutions of a peo­ ple which have come in contact with another great and power­ ful culture.

Much of the indigenous practice of a minority

people is considered contrary to public morals by the gov­ erning group.

Therefore, for the sake of all concerned,

and especially for the welfare of the indigenous people themselves, their institutional forms must be developed and modified in order that they may be able to exist in a chang­ ing world.

A balance must be found between the native Nava­

jo culture and that of modern American culture.

In the past

there seems to have been a definite attempt to impose modern American civilization on the Indians; yet on the other hand there is evidence that under John Collier’s direction of the Office of Indian Affairs, the policy has been directed

230

rather vigorously in an attempt to isolate the Indian from p the influence of the white m a ^ s civilization. The prevailing living conditions among the great majority of the Indians are far below the standard of the majority of the people of the United States. ceptions the diet of the Indian is bad.

With few ex­

Three important

elements,-fruits, milk, and green vegetables, are notably absent, the diet consisting of meats and starches.

The

housing conditions, as a general rule, are conducive to poor health. low.

The yearly income of most of the Indians is

Many of them, such as the majority of the Navajo, are

living on lands from which a trained and experienced white man would find it impossible to wrest a reasonable living. When these factors are taken into consideration, it is not surprising to find low income, low standards of living, and poor health among the majority of the Indian tribes of the United States.

Many people assert that the Indians prefer

to live as they do, but Meriam^ and his staff, when making a survey of the condition of the Indians in the United States, found that those who contended that the Indians are

^ Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Problem (New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1939)9 P* 27* 3 ^ Lewis Meriam and Associates, The Problem of Indian Administration (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1928), PP* >-6*

231 happy in their idleness and poverty mistake an almost "oriental fatalism and resignation” for happiness and con­ tentment.

The survey staff found altogether too much evi­

dence of real suffering and discontent to subscribe to the theory that the Indians are happy with their condition. The economic basis of the primitive culture of the Indians has been gradually destroyed by the encroachment of the white man and they are by no means adjusted to the new social and economic conditions that confront them.

This

situation is basic to many of the problems which continually face the Indian Administration.

Several past policies

adopted by the government in dealing with the Indians have been of a type which tended to undermine the worthy traits of Indian culture and, if long continued, would pauperize any race.

One of the most notable was the practice of

issuing rations to able-bodied Indians.

Having placed the

Indians on restricted reservations, the government was obligated to feed them and to perform certain services for them.

At first, regardless of how much they may have dis­

liked doing so, the Indians had to accept this aid as a matter of necessity, but it wasn’t long until they came to regard it as a matter of right, as indeed it was at that time.

However, since the government had taken their lands,

some felt, and still feel, that the government owes them a living.

Many of the Indians "have thus inevitably developed

232 a pauper point of view. "When the government adopted the policy of granting a certain number of acres of land to each family on the Navajo Reservation, the expectation was that many of the Indians would become farmers.

Part of the plan was to de­

velop the irrigation possibilities on the Reservation and to instruct the Indians in agricultural methods, but this vital part of the program was unpopular with the Indians and was not pressed with vigor and intelligence.

It seems

as though the government assumed that some magic in indi­ vidual control of land would in itself prove to be an edu­ cational civilizing factor, but unfortunately this policy tended to operate in the opposite direction.

It has per­

mitted the Indians to sell or lease their allotments and to live for a time on the income from the sale.

It compli­

cated inheritance, often making it necessary to sell the allotment to the whites in order to divide the estate among the heirs.

The money, though generally small in amount,

gave the Indians further unearned income.

The Indians were

ignorant of money and its use, they had little or no sense of values, thus they were often easy prey, and the unscru­ pulous white man soon had their money. then turn to the government for support.

^ Ibid., p. 7.

The Indians would Such a system

233 tended to "decrease responsibility and increase the pauper attitude. Previous to 1933 government Indian policies might be characterized as a planless growth of administration. During the period that Commissioner Rhodes served under President Hoover there was a growing realization of the necessity for drastic and immediate action in the develop­ ment of a well planned, scientific program for the administration of Indian affairs.

However, little definite

action was taken and when John Collier became Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1933> he inherited the many problems which had been in the process of accumulation for more than half a century. Before considering the Indian Bureau and the admin­ istrative policies of Mr. Collier, we will examine the sta­ tus of citizenship of the Indian and some of the legal aspects of his relationship to the Federal and State Gov­ ernments . INDIAN CITIZENSHIP Much confusion appears to exist in the public mind,

^

> PP* 7-8.

£L

Moris Burge, The Navajo and the Land (New York: National Association of Indian Affairs, Inc., February, 1937), P. 7.

234 and especially among the Indians, as to what legally re­ sults from the status of Indian citizenship.

By the Act of

June 2, 1924, Congress conferred citizenship on all Indians born within the territorial limits of the United States. However, many Indians had secured citizenship long before this Act.

The allotment plan, generally known as the Dawes

Act, which was approved February 8, l887> provided that complete citizenship be conferred upon all Indians to whom allotments were made in accordance with the Act, and de­ clared that those Indians who became citizens were subject to both state and territorial laws.

Citizenship was also

conferred on all Indians born within the .territorial limits of the United States, who had voluntarily taken up their residence separate from any tribe of Indians and adopted the habits of civilized life.

On May 8, 1906, the Burke

Act was passed which changed the provision of the Dawes Act respecting citizenship.

This law provided that instead of

becoming a citizen when the allotment of land was made, an Indian became a citizen only after a fee of patent had been granted.

Another act, passed March 3> 1901, conferred

citizenship on all Indians in Indian Territory.

As a re­

sult of these laws, it is apparent that many Indians were already citizens previous to the passage of the blanket act of 1924, declaring all Indians of the United States to be

235 7 citizens.'

Although, prior to the passage of the Citizenship Act of 1924, citizenship was often associated with the possession of a property right, legally there is no intrin­ sic relation between the two.

Citizenship is a political

and personal right, whereas holding a title to some posses­ sion is a property right.

The Supreme Court has held that

citizenship is not incompatible with tribal existence, guardianship, or special legislation, which may be passed by Congress for the regulation and protection of the Indi­ ans.

The Supreme Court’s decision is in accordance with

the law as it is applied to all the citizens of the United States.

Among the whites one is born into the right of

citizenship, but that in nowise includes the privilege of suffrage, nor does it give unlimited control over property. For example, children under legal age are citizens, but they are not permitted to sell their property or enter into a valid contract.

Many adult citizens are in different ways

' deprived of the control over their property either by court action or by the action of persons through whom they obtained the property.

It appears that the decision that citizenship

and continued guardianship are not incompatible is not only sound law, but it is also a sound economic and social

7 Lewis Meriam and Associates, op. cit., pp. 752-53*

236

policy.

In matters pertaining to ownership and financial

affairs, especially where money is involved, many Indians are in fact children regardless of their age.

If the

United States Government desires to befriend the Indian, perhaps it can best serve him by continuing its guardian­ ship until the Indian, through training and experience, reaches a maturity of judgment which will assure him the ability to control his own property and to compete in the g white man’s world with a reasonable chance of success. Citizenship is primarily an individual and political right, but it does not carry with it the privilege of suffrage. The fact that the Indian is a citizen does not permit him to vote since voting is subject to regulation by state laws, and the Indian must satisfy the requirements of those laws before he is granted the privilege of suffrage. In spite of the Indian Citizenship Law of 1924, some state constitutions and laws still reflect the early legal theory that Indians who are not taxed are subject to the jurisdiction of the tribe of which they are members, and therefore are not citizens of the United States.

The

clearest cases of such racial discrimination are found in the Southwest where the states are sparsely settled and where the Indian would be an important factor in state

8 ibid., pp. 753-5^.

237 politics.

For example, in New Mexico a clear case of

racial discrimination is found in the state statutes which deny the untaxed Indian the privilege to vote while grant­ ing the ballot to the whites who are not t a x e d . ^

In some

of the other states the laws are also applied in such a manner as to cause discrimination.

In Arizona Indians are

denied the privilege of the ballot on the ground that they are within the provisions which deny suffrage to "persons under g u a r d i a n s h i p . I n Colorado the Attorney General definitely made an erroneous decision when on November 14, 1936, he said that Indians were barred from the privilege of suffrage under Colorado law because they were not citizens.

11

The Utah Attorney General also made an errone­

ous decision when on January 23* 1937 > he held that the

^ The provision concerning the qualification of electors in New Mexico reads as follows: Every citizen of the United States who is over twenty-one and has resided in the state twelve months, in the county ninety days, and in the precinct which he offers to vote thirty days, next preceeding the election, except idiots, insane persons, and Indians not taxed, shall be qualified to vote at an election for public officers and upon constitutional amendments. New Mexico, Annotated Statutes, 19299 Chapter 4l, Section 210 (New Mexico, Sessions Laws 1927* Chapter 210, Section 210). I® Supplement to the Revised Code of Arizona Annotated Statutes, 193^* Chapter XXII, Section 1150. H "Personal Rights and Liberties of Indians," Hand­ book of Federal Indian Law (Washington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, Office of the Solicitor, March, 19*10), p. 19.

238

Indians residing on the reservation within the state were not residents and therefore they were not entitled to vote. This ruling conflicts with the decision of the United States Supreme Court, which holds that "the land of the Indian reservation is part of the state within which the reserva­ tion is located.”12

Although Arizona, Colorado, Utah, and

perhaps others directly deny the right of franchise to the Indian, as does the law of New Mexico, the statutes have been administered in such a way as to effect discrimination. The right to he immune from racial discrimination is a constitutional right derived from the fifth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments.

This is both a legal and moral

right based on the unreserved belief in the character of democratic government, but too often unprotected because of lack of adequate legal machinery.

Explicit constitutional

protection given to racial minorities is found in the pro­ visions of the fifteenth amendment with respect to the right of franchise. Sec. 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color or previous condition of s e r v i t u d e . 1 ^ Congress has given force to this constitutional

12 "Personal Rights and Liberties of Indians," loc. cit. ^ "Amendments to the Constitution of the United States," Encyclopaedia Britannica, XV, 762 D.

239

amendment through a series of laws which makes it a Federal crime to deprive any person of his civil rights because of his color or race.

Today both New Mexico and South Dakota

have provisions in their state constitutions which exclude from the franchise Indians f,not taxed” or Indians "main­ taining tribal relations.”

Provisions are apparently en­

forced in these states, as perhaps are similar laws in other states, which deprive the Indian of his vote.

Such

laws are probably in conflict with the fifteenth amendment of the constitution of the United States, and as Felix S. Cohen points out, ”. . .

there can be little doubt that if

the issue is properly raised in these states the Federal Court will hold the provisions to be unconstitutional.”^ Obviously then, it is beyond the constitutional power of any state to deny the right of Indians to vote simply because they are Indians.

As previously mentioned,

however, Indian citizens must comply with local election laws such as registration, payment of poll tax, or any other law to which non-Indian citizens are subject before their privilege to vote is recognized.

Fortunately, most

of the states do not attempt to make any discrimination between Indians or other citizens in granting the privilege

Felix S. Cohen, "Indian Rights and the Federal Court,” Minnesota Law Review, 24:191-92, January, 1940.

240 of "ballot, as do some of the western states.

Perhaps state

administrators see much inconsistency in the acquisition of citizenship by the Indians since it does not subject them, while within their reservations, to the laws of the state or to the jurisdiction of the courts of the state, but at the same time gives them the privilege of the state ballot. The set-up simply means that Indians may be citizens and wards at the same time, and the Supreme Court has declared that there is no incompatibility between citizenship and wardship as applied to the Indians.

This doctrine coupled

with the repeated legislative declaration that . . . the acquisition of citizenship by the Indians shall in no way affect their right to tribal or other property, should afford every assurance to the Indians that even though citizens they may still retain and enjoy the protection thrown around them by a parental Federal Government.15 The dual government arrangement with all its complex! ties is by no means a new problem.

As early as 1842 Attor­

ney General Legare wrote: There is nothing in the whole concept of our laws so anomalous--so hard to bring within any precise defini­ tion or any logical and scientific arrangement of princi pies, as the relation in which the Indians stand towards this government and those of the s t a t e s . 16 In part, the difficulties of the subject are the

John R. T. Reeves, Chief Counsel of the United States Indian Bureau, unpublished material, 1940.

16

Handbook of Federal Law, p. 1.

241

result of the unique international relationship existing between the United States and the Indian tribes which are treated as 11domestic, dependent nations’1 with which we entered into treaties that continue in force to this day. The complexity of the problem has been greatly aggravated by the various special treaties and statutes which have assigned certain rights, privileges, and obligations to the members of particular tribes.

Still another factor

involved is the various state laws which, in spite of the Citizenship Law of 1924, have in one way or another deprived many Indians of voting.

This complex maze is often simpli­

fied at the risk of ignoring facts and violating the Indian’s rights.

Attempts are continually being made through the

medium of judicial opinions as well as less authorized writ­ ings to ride roughshod over the facts and to lay down certain simple rules of alleged universal applicability, which usually turn out to be erroneous.

The manufacture of such

rules depends primarily upon the use of words which have many meanings, such as ’’guardianship,” ’’wardship,” and ’’incompetency ."^7 Some contend that many difficulties might be remedied if more power was given to the state courts in cases per­ taining to Indian affairs.

^

However, Meriam’s investigation

Handbook of Federal Law, loc. cit.

242 disclosed the following reasons for not placing more admin­ istration of Indian matters in the state courts: (l) The state is not willing to assume the responsi­ bility; (2) the state courts are so remote from the Indians that the procedure is impracticable; or (3) the local sentiment toward Indians in the communities where the state or county courts are located is so. hostile or so indifferent to the social and moral conditions that Indians would either get an unfair trial or no trial at • all.18 We may now inquire concerning the Indian’s attitude toward American citizenship.

It has been said of him that

he is like many white men in that he expects the rights and privileges of citizenship, but has little desire to fulfull the obligations of citizenship.

As far as the Navajo is

concerned he probably has little interest in either state or national politics, except as they affect him and his people’s economic and social welfare.

However, he is very

desirous of the privilege of being heard and the old free­ dom of little government interference which he once enjoyed; to him these are among the greatest rights of citizenship. In other words, most of the Navajo, as well as other Indians, desire the rights of citizenship, but at the same time ex­ pect to retain the privileges of wardship.

It was the pres­

ent writer’s good fortune to attend some of the sessions of the National Convention of Indian Welfare Workers which were held at Farmington, New Mexico, June 9-13, 1941.

In one of

18 Lewis Meriam and Associates, op. cit., p. 745*

243

the open forum meetings of this conference the topic under discussion was wardship.

After the legal side of this ques­

tion had been discussed, the chairman turned to Mr. Jacob C. Morgan, Chairman of the Navajo Council, and said, "Mr. Morgan, if it was left to the Navajo, what would they do regarding the question of wardship?"

Mr. Morgan arose and

said: There are probably over fifteen thousand Navajo Indians who would be afraid to pay taxes and thereby gain the privilege of the ballot, since the Indian is afraid that if he pays taxes he will lose the advan­ tages of wardship. . . . The Indian hardly knows what he is or what his relation is to the Federal Govern­ ment. In 1938 an Indian appeared before some officials of the Department of the Interior and said, "i want to know what I am." In answer to his inquiry he was told, "Although you are a full-blooded Indian, you are a halfbreed for you are a citizen and yet you are Uncle Sam’s ward." . . . There are two classes of people among the Navajos, the educated and the uneducated. The educated are ready to assume the responsibilities of citizenship for they are prepared to care for themselves, but the unedu­ cated can’t, in every respect, take care of themselves, and until they come to the state of being educated Indians they will have to remain wards of the govern­ ment .19 The legal aspects of the Indian’s citizenship and of the Indian’s relation to both the local and Federal Govern­ ments have had an important bearing on his social and economic problems.

There is probably no doubt that the

•*•9 Jacob C. Morgan, comment on the Navajo and ward­ ship, National Convention of Indian Welfare Workers, Farm­ ington, New Mexico, June 12, 1941, from field notes of the present writer.

244 complications involved in the past have caused much neglect, often resulting in injustice in the administration of law and order; little effective regulation in marriage and divorce; the breaking down of the old tribal morality, re­ sulting in the present situation among the younger Indians PO of a freedom which at times leads to license. w

There is

reason to believe that so long as the Indian remains the victim of a maze of complex, uncorrelated, legal juris­ diction, which an Idaho State Court has fittingly characterized as ’'government in spots,"

21

his climb to the

heights of worthy citizenship will indeed be a rough one. THE BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS Previous to 1824 the administration of Indian Af­ fairs was intrusted to the War Department.

In that year

the Bureau of Indian Affairs was organized and the office of Commissioner of Indian Affairs was created in 1832.

When

the Department of the Interior was established in 1849, the Indian Bureau was transferred to that branch of the execu­ tive service.

This branch of the Executive Department of

the United States Government has many and varied activities and the Indian Bureau has not only furnished it a problem

20 Lewis Meriam and Associates,' op. cit., p. 743* Pl

Loc. cit.

245 but an unending series of problems.^2

The Office of Indian

Affairs, with a Commissioner at its head appointed by the President, and subject to the Secretary of the Department of the Interior, constitutes one of the Department’s most important sections.

Although the system was well organized,

its will was executed through a body of agents living at posts in the Indian territory, far removed from Washington. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs has always been an im­ portant political appointment subject to the desire of the President at party dictation.

During the ’’treaty” period

the Commissioner’s duties consisted shiefly in the regula­ tion of trade between the whites and the Indians, distrib­ uting goods to the Indians, and maintaining peaceful rela­ tions with them.

When the reservation policy was adopted

in 1871, the resettlement of many bands of Indians and the nomination of agents and superintendents in the field, greatly increased the bureaucratic machinery in Washington. Along with the reservation system a vast body of inconsist­ ent laws grew up which are still unharmonized.

The Indian

Office has been one of the most criticized bureaus of the Federal Government.

From the first the confusion of legal

rights and duties has given an opportunity for exploitation

^ Flora Warren Seymour, The Story of the Red Man (New York: Longmans Green and Company, 19^5), p. 247.

246 of Indians, and for delay or even evasion where prompt ac­ tion was necessary.^ A new day was in view for the Indian in 19059 when for the first time there was both a President and a Commis­ sioner who knew a great deal about Indians and were deter­ mined to improve the Indian Service.

President Theodore

Roosevelt appointed Francis E. Leupp to the Indian Commissionership.

Leupp was a newspaper correspondent in Wash­

ington and for several years had been a special agent of the Indian Rights Association.

He had made several visits

to the various reservations and his reports on the miserable conditions of the Indians in the Southwest, particularly the Navajo, had attracted wide attention.

It looked as though

the time had come when many badly needed reforms would be made in the Indian Service, but Commissioner Leupp inherited a Bureau and a field service filled with political appointees. He found his reform program of vocational education, a reser­ vation day school system, and an Indian employment Bureau hampered on every hand by the bureaucratic system.

Mr.

Leupp was determined to reorganize completely the Indian Service, but he had scarcely set his plans in motion when 24 Roosevelt’s term expired and his own likewise. It is ^ Dane Coolidge and Mary Coolidge, The Navajo Indian (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1930), pp. 262-63^ ^

Ibid., pp. 263-66.

247

significant that many of Leupp's policies were proposed hy later Commissioners and many of them were put into practice by John Collier when he became Commissioner of Indian Af­ fairs in 1933* Meanwhile, the duties of the office had become so voluminous and complicated that an assistant commissioner was authorized to take over the details of the Indian bud­ get, interview the superintendents, and determine matters of law and finance.

Edgar B. Meritt became assistant commis­

sioner in 1913 and held this position until 1929 •

During

these years he perpetuated, in spite of party politics, policies engrafted chiefly by himself.

Mr. Meritt, being

an astute lawyer, met all criticisms and demands for reform with legalistic evasion; and during his sixteen years in office was more powerful than the commissioners under whom he served.

He was aided in his domination of Indian Affairs

by the distracting entrance of the United States into the World War.

The niggardly appropriations of Congress for

the Indians during a time of crisis were not conducive to the badly needed health and educational reforms or to irri­ gation and land extension p r o j e c t s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the proposed irrigation projects lagged far behind the Navajo’s needs.

This discouraged farming and they continued to

ibid., pp. 266-69 .

248 depend on their flocks, thus perpetuating the present crisis of range depletion. When Hoover "became President, he disregarded the usual political consideration and appointed Charles J. Rhoads as Commissioner of Indian Affairs and Joseph H. Scattergood as his assistant.

Both men were wealthy Quaker

bankers and philanthropists of Philadelphia, and both had been active in reconstruction work in Prance following the World War.

Great things were expected of them, but it was

not long ■until their administration was being severely condemned by the friends of the Indians because they failed to effect a revolutionary reform in the Indian Office. However, it is apparent that they made a consistent effort to improve the service by the appointment of well qualified persons. u

Many reforms were proposed, some of which be­

came definite administrative policies after the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932. COMMISSIONER JOHN COLLIER AND THE NEW INDIAN POLICY Democrats throughout the Southwest hoped to name a local man as Commissioner of Indian. Affairs in 1933 > but the appointment went to John Collier, the executive

26 Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run (Princeton: University Press, 1940), pp. 352-53.

249 secretary of the American Indian Defense Association. * Col­ lier was the first Commissioner to approach the problem of Indian administration from a sociological and scientific point of view.

He believed that the native arts, Indian

religion, and traditions should be encouraged and protected. He regarded the extinction of the tribal governments, the forcible breaking up of the communal holdings, and the failure to preserve all group relationships as nothing less than a crime against the spirit of the people.

He consid­

ered such practices of government policy as a gigantic economic blunder that was steadily reducing the Indians to poverty.

This complete reversal of Indian policy was

actively supported by Secretary Harold L. Ickes and by President Roosevelt.

2 7

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs is the focal point in Indian administration.

He is largely responsible

for the policies of the Indian Office and their administra­ tion.

His general duties and powers are defined as follows:

Sec. 463* The Commissioner of Indian Affairs shall, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, and agreeably to such regulations as the President may prescribe, have the management of all Indian affairs, and all matters arising out of Indian relations. 27 Ibid., pp. 355-51*. Laurence P. Schmeckebler, The Office of Indian Affairs (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 19277t P« 271> citing the Federal Act of July, 1832, as modified by the Act of March 3> 1 8 4 9 > creating the Department of the Interior.

250

Perhaps no Commissioner of Indian Affairs has enjoyed greater power in "the management of all Indian Affairs, and all matters arising out of Indian relations" with the whole­ hearted support of both the President of the United States and the Secretary of the Interior than has John Collier. Immediately upon assuming the responsibilities of.office 29 the new commissioner proposed a thirteen point program. ^ The plan called for a new scientifically planned Indian policy, a reorganization and extension of the activities of the Indian Office, and additional personnel capable of skillfully administering the many duties of the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

As previously mentioned the new policy had

three chief objectives: (l) "economic rehabilitation of the Indians";

(2 ) "organization of the Indian tribes for manag­

ing their own affairs";

(3) "civic and cultural freedom and

opportunity for the Indians."-^0 Mr. Collier defends the new Indian policy on the ground that the plan is not radical as many say.

On the

contrary, as he points out, it is a very conservative policy: It goes back to a simple principle of treating the Indians as normal human beings capable of working out a normal adjustment to and a satisfying life within the

see Chapter IV, p. 82, of this study. John Collier, A Bird1s-eye View of Indian Policy Historic and Contemporary (Washington, D.C.: Office of Indi­ an Affairs, 1935), p*

251 framework of American civilization yet maintaining the hest of their own cultural and racial idiosyncracies.31 Previous to 1933 the traditional view of the United States government as expressed in the Indian Service poli­ cies, laws, and court decisions was to consider the Indians in a state of tutelage, with the expectation that eventually they would he assimilated and culturally merged with the whole population.

The new approach which was made in 1933

was clearly stated in a report submitted by the Secretary of the Interior Ickes to the President of the United States as follows: The aboriginies in America are the least "American­ ized” of all groups, in the sense of assimilation to the dominant civilization in our society. Without daily contact with white culture, and effectively debarred from participation on equal footing in most enterprises, the Indian has remained a problem for political adminis­ tration and evangelical enterprise. In many instances, tribal cultures have succumbed to the destruction of traditional economy and the impact of other influences. In other situations, indigenous institutions remain in­ tact, or have been progressively developed. Recent governmental policy in Indian affairs has made a radical departure from earlier practices. This repre­ sents the first conscious official attempt to preserve and creatively develop cultural traditions fundamentally divergent from those of the majority. The new respect for the integrity of Indian tribal life may be influ­ enced by the possibility that anxiety concerning Indian raids on white settlements has been supplanted by anxiety concerning the economic costs of supporting a population that older methods have been forcing into chronic depend­ ency. Such an interpretation of official policy would, however, be inadequate, if not wholly unjust. It is

John Collier, loc. cit.

25 2

much more accurate to conceive of the policy as symbol­ izing the newer approach to the whole question of cultural diversity. . . . For this minority group, the Federal Government acts as guardian of tribal interests. Two radically differ­ ent procedures are possible in this situation. One is to conceive as the desirable result the complete ab­ sorption of the Indian into the American scene; the other has as its purpose the separate economic and cultural continuance of the group, under conditions most favorable to Indian welfare. It is the latter point of view, generally speaking, that has come to pre­ vail, as the Office of Indian Affairs has had to take the role of sociologist, anthropologist, land manager, educator, legal and business adviser. . . . The two major emphases in recent Indian policy are on the one hand a physical and on the other hand a spiritual reinforcement of Indian life and values. In contrast to the earlier policy of attempting to recon­ cile the Indian and white civilizations by the break­ down of geographic and cultural boundaries, the present aim is a consolidation of Indian resources and the maintenance of organic and traditional patterns.32 The first step of the new scientific spirit in formulating an Indian policy was manifested in the many surveys that were made on the Navajo Reservation of range conditions, irrigation possibilities, and the living condi­ tions of the Indians.

For the first time a systematic

attempt was made to discover the causes of the many prob­ lems of the Navajo and to enact legislation upon the basis of that knowledge. Much can be said in favor of Mr. Collier’s Indian

32 National Resources Committee, The Problem of a Changing Population (Washington, D.C.: United States Govern­ ment Printing Office, May, 1938), p. 237*

253

policies and especially the Navajo program.

Few doubt that

the Navajo country was drastically in need of scientific guidance and planning if the land was to be saved and the people were to survive.

The administration of a scientif­

ically planned program, where the human element is involved, calls for an especially detailed and thorough study regard­ ing the relationship of that program to the lives of the people.

Although the Navajo project is in many respects a

wonderful program, and although it is scientifically planned, the administrative machinery has by no means run a smooth course, and the Navajo have been the victims of many unfor­ tunate blunders. As mentioned above, the Commissioner of Indian Af­ fairs is the focal point in Indian administration. especially true in the case of Mr. Collier.

This is

The whole com­

plex program and the administering of Indian policies re­ volve so closely around the commissioner’s theories and his idealism, that in order to understand better the philosophy which is the driving force back of the whole Indian program, we should become acquainted with Mr. Collier’s background and training for this tremendous task which he has under­ taken. Mr. Collier, hailed by some as "the New Deal emanci­ pator of the American Indian" was born on May 4, 1884, in Atlanta, Georgia.

His earliest knowledge of Indians came

254

through stories of his grandfather who once fought against them.

He attended Columbia University from 1902 to 1905,

and continued his college training for a year at the College of France, in Paris.

Mr. Collier was interested in human

relations and especially in the underprivileged.

Before he

had finished college in 1905 he was doing social work with the immigrants; and since graduation, his work has charac­ teristically been in behalf of some group or groups.

In

1907 he became a staff member of the People's Institute in New York City, and from 1909 to 1919 he served that organi­ zation as civic secretary.

Besides his other duties from

1915 to 1919 he served as director of the National Training School for Community Centers.

He helped to establish and

served on the board of the Child Health Organization, which was later known as the American Child Health Organization.55 In 1919 Mr. Collier moved to California where under the supervision of the State Government he directed communi­ ty organization.

In 1920 he began extensive traveling

throughout the Southwest where he studied Indians and their conditions.

The more knowledge he gained about them the

greater became his indignation, a fact which urged him on in defense of Indian rights.

In 1925 he became executive

55 ”john Collier,” Current Biography, 2:12-15, March, 1941.

255 secretary of the American Indian Defense Association, In­ corporated, a position which he held until 1935 when he be­ came Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

"While crusading for

the rights of the Indian, he waged a bitter fight for re­ ligious liberty when the attempt was made to forbid the per­ formance of traditional Indian rituals and ceremonies. During this time he was very active in influencing legis­ lators to pass proper legislation for the welfare of the Indian and to certain business and political circles he was known as ”that dangerous lobbyi st .

This militant de­

fender of Indian rights is rather small in stature and is slightly stooped.

He is very quiet and soft-spoken.

When

he looks at you, his eyes seem to pierce you, and they are "so blue they make you gasp. "-^5 Mr. Collier’s Indian program has caused a great deal of controversy, and he has weathered the blasts of much criticism.

Many feel that, although his program is suppos­

edly set up as one based upon scientific sociological principles, so far the human element has been the one least benefited.

Some of his critics who know him well say of

him that during the period from 1920 to 1933 he made speeches before scores of organizations throughout the

3* Ibid., p. 1?.

25 Loc. cit.

256 United States where hundreds of dollars were raised for him to continue his travels and studies for Indian welfare. Those who were acquainted with Mr. Collier’s activities during this time and heard him speak say of him that he is gifted in the art of word pictures, and that one left his lectures almost ashamed that he belonged to the white race which had so mercilessly enslaved the red man.

Perhaps

there is some factual evidence for Mr. Collier's critics in denouncing him as a dreamer and an idealist.

One in­

formant says that during Mr. Collier's crusading days he pictured such an idealistic, almost Utopian future regard­ ing the possibilities of the American Indian, and at the same time failed to develop a workable plan, that it was easy to see that his whole scheme was little less than one of condemnation of past Indian policies. At that time it seemed to me that he was just a dreamer and had nothing constructive or practical to offer in order that he might make his dream come true.56 One of Mr. Collier's critics who knows him well agrees with him on many of his policies, but condemns his lack of practical application to the Indian problem.

He

says: Collier was a man who for several years had made his living through the means of taking a negative destruc­ tive viewpoint against the policies in Indian Affairs. 36 j. D., Interview by the present writer, September

1, 1940.

257 There was plenty that could he said and he was able to get a hearing, and many organizations contributed to his support. . . . Mr. Collier was a publicity man, a master of using words with which he often beclouded facts. If you read his editorials or even his govern­ ment reports you’ll see that he still beclouds facts. When he was merely a critic he put a dark cloud on all government and Indian relations, but now when he has been promoted to the position of an executive of that office which he once so bitterly condemned, he puts a rosy surface on everything regardless of how black it may be. . . . I t seems to me that he has absolutely no idea of Navajo psychology. He fails to see all the angles in this tremendous problem of Indian welfare. I found in my associations with him that he believes in the little romances which he weaves into the unreal and gets to believing in them himself. He used to talk about how cruel the government was to the Indian, but a lot of cruel things have been done under his administra­ tion. I think that Collier has an earnest desire to do the right thing for the welfare of the Indians, but a lot of mistakes have been made simply because he has no practical sense of the proper method of procedure in administrative matters. . . . He appeared before the All-Pueblo Council in 1933 BXid made a statement to the effect that he was not a business man nor an adminis­ trator. Well, anybody knows that a man in his position should have some qualifications along these lines. I think that he didn’t need to tell the Indians about it for they are finding it out. . . . Now there were some things that were bad in the old set-up, and probably a lot of things that weren’t practical, but I am sure that a study of Collier’s policies will reveal that he is a theoretical idealist. . . . Yes, in some respects he has a good program, but the administering of his program is a different story. • • •

The original Wheeler-Howard Act reveals Collier’s philosophy. This Act was so visionary that to have passed it as originally worded by Collier would have meant a regular Utopia for the Indians of the United States. . . . He seemed to think that the Indians lived in a communal Utopia before the white man came and that by this Act the red man would come into his own eminent domain and that he would then live the best that he had ever known. One of the basic principles of his whole philosophy seems to be to turn the Indians back to

258

their old ways and let them be as they were two hundred years ago. Such a thing is absurd and impossible. . . . If he knew the Indians as I do, he would know that they don’t want such an impractical program. . . . The Wheeler-Howard Act would make the Indians forever de­ pendent upon the United States Government. . . . The Wheeler-Howard Act is set up for perpetual wardship. . . . John Collier’s program is visionary, idealistic, theoretical, and impractical.57 One government official who has known Mr. Collier for several years and who has had many associations with him in dealing with the Indians of the Southwest gives lit­ tle credit to Mr. Collier or his program.

He writes as fol­

lows: The appointment of Mr. John Collier as Commissioner of Indian Affairs by President Roosevelt in 1933 was a very clever move. . . . I n the previous administration he was very instrumental in bringing about a Senate investigation of Indian affairs, which cost the American taxpayer hundreds of thousands of dollars, and was of little avail. . . . . . . Mr. Collier is indefatigable in his guidance. . . . Scarcely anything of value of previous administra­ tions was recognized as being of significance. He de­ sired to revolutionize the whole set-up and to always take the credit for the original idea. He never recog­ nizes nor gives credit to the other fellow. . . . . . . I find trivial matters are administered to be of vital significance. On one occasion two men were sent to help the Zuni Indians settle a tribal dispute, . . . when the peacemakers arrived in Gallup some re­ porters were there awaiting them for the news. There was also a message from Mr. Collier asking that nothing be given to the papers about the affair because inas­ much as he had initiated the investigation, he should have the privilege of telling "a waiting worldn how he

57 Earl Johnson, Interview by the present writer, June 12, 19^1*

259 had "avoided.a crisis pregnant with possibilities al­ most Illimitable." The fact of the matter is that the event had little significance and was hardly deserving of the peacemaker's presence. But the incident fully illustrates Mr. Collier's tendency to illuminate the trivial.58 Dr. John Comstock, of the Los Angeles Museum, who has known Mr. Collier for many years was very complimentary in his remarks regarding Commissioner Collier when he said: Mr. Collier is undoubtedly the best friend that the Indian has ever had. . . . He has almost developed a religious fanaticism in defending the Indian's rights. . . . The Indian Office is one of the most difficult to administer of all our government bureaus, and I have always felt that it would break the best of men. . . . Collier is a very brilliant man, but he lacked business ability and maturity when he started in this position and he made some bad mistakes. One of his greatest mis­ takes was In the selection of personnel who were experts in certain fields but had little interest in the Indian. . . . There is no doubt but that Collier is absolutely honest and sincere and desires to do nothing less than his very best for the Indian.59 A prominent sociologist who has known Mr* Collier for several years and is in a position to appraise his work says: Mr. Collier isn't so impractical as his enemies seem to think. There has been no one in the Indian Office who has been as good a friend to the Indian as has Collier. He is a fighter, and a poor politician. He doesn't pat anyone on the back in Washington, so he doesn't fit in very well with the politicians. . . . He is not at all tactful, so he makes a lot of enemies and they consider him impractical. Collier has fought an

58 j. 39

r

. James, unpublished material, 1959*

John Comstock, Los Angeles Museum, Interview by the present writer, July 50, 1941.

260 unpopular fight. He has had to fight a graft that had accumulated for years, so naturally the politicians are after him. . . . If any group has a right to have a grouch against society certainly the Indian has. . . . Collier has always been interested in some kind of group work. His father was the mayor of Atlanta, Georgia, and when he died, Collier, who was then just a young fellow, took his part of the estate and soon ran through it by giving it away and helping people who needed it. He may be a dreamer, but what of it? It would seem to me that he has already accomplished enough for the Indians to show that he has some prac­ tical ideas.^0 From the foregoing comments it would seem that those who are intimately acquainted with Mr. Collier and have worked with him have a very high regard for his ability and his genuine sincerity.

Miss Mary Workman, who has for sev­

eral years been a close observer of Mr. Collier’s work, holds his ability in high esteem.

She makes the following

comment: I first knew John Collier in 1919 when he was inter­ ested in the immigration and housing commission of California. I consider him a man of profound knowledge which he has gained by a wide range of reading, observa­ tion, and research. . . . I have complete confidence in him and. I know that he is working with the same zeal with which he has always worked. . . . If anybody can straighten out the Indian Office and do something for the Indians, he can. . . . Mr. Collier is not an opportunist in any respect. He thinks in terms of the ultimate aim, and the present difficulty doesn't seem to bother him. . . . It could be that with the ultimate goal in mind he hasn't given as much attention to the minor details as he should, but I found him to be a very patient man, and I've

iio

William F. Ogburn, Interview by the present writer,

July 30, 1941.

261 never seen anything in him hut an evidence of a thor­ oughly democratic attitude built on the consent of the governed rather than the use of force. He has a philosophical mind. As you know, a philosopher sees things steadily and he sees them whole--that is John Collier. . . . He isn’t a politician, so h e ’s rather tactless and is making a lot of enemies. . . . Money means -nothing to him--he is extremely generous with his services and his money. . . . John Collier’s mental processes absorb you. . . . When I am in his presence, I don’t feel that I am neces­ sarily in the presence of a living body but of a great mind. . . . He holds his audience spellbound not so much with his great oratory but with his great power of thought. When he speaks, he stirs you with something that is alive and vital. . . . I think that Mr. Collier knows the Indians well. He knows the best side of their lives and their possibili­ ties. It isn’t just a knowledge of their living condi­ tions and some of their problems. . . . He probably Isn’t free to do what he would like to do for the Indi­ ans, and I am sure that he regrets that his program is causing the Navajo some suffering. I know that it grieves him and that he suffers with them. . . . He may not be so well-acquainted with the Navajo, but I know that he has a very profound knowledge of the Pueblo and understands their psychology and cultural background. . . . As a whole he has a very profound knowledge of the Indian and there is every reason to believe that he is the best friend the American Indian has ever had.41 There is little doubt that Mr. Collier is a student of Indian problems and that he has a sincere desire to do everything possible for the welfare of the Indian.

There

are many problems connected with the administration of the Indian Bureau which only those who are closely associated with it can thoroughly appreciate.

The Commissioner of

Mary Workman, Interview by the present writer, July 31, 1941.

262 Indian Affairs is not necessarily free to do as he chooses. He is the head of a Bureau in the Department of the In­ terior, a department which is duty bound to conserve our natural resources.

Although the national conservation

policy came into existence at the beginning of the twenti­ eth century, it was several years later before definite steps were taken for the conservation of the resources of the Havajo country.

By the time that Mr. Collier became

commissioner the government experts in conservation prob­ lems realized that definite steps must be taken to save the range of the Navajo Reservation, and it became the duty of the new commissioner to set up a conservation program.

His

task has been a difficult one with great opposition on the part of the Indians.

Although the way was hard for the

Navajo, there was an ultimate goal in mind and it became necessary for him to make the sacrifice in order that the land might be saved for the generations to come.

The situa­

tion which makes a conservation program necessary started long before the appointment of John' Collier as Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

The commissioner seemingly has a long-

range perspective of the desired goal, but the means for economic betterment was planned for the Navajo for a cause which was far beyond the commissioner's control.

Mr.

Collier's name became synonymous with anything that the Navajo resented and the commissioner came to be known to

263

them as !ldit-chi-be-nan tai" (chief of the hungry ones). RECENT ADMINISTRATIVE PROBLEMS ON THE NAVAJO RESERVATION In 1933 the new Indian Service personnel on the Navajo Reservation was faced with the major problem of maintaining and improving the then present economic status of the Navajo Indian in spite of an increasing population and the depletion of natural resources.

The Navajo’s land

was extremely poor, water for irrigation and stock was scarce and uncertain, and the range had deteriorated through overgrazing and erosion.

Commissioner Collier, realizing

the seriousness of the situation, promptly introduced emergency measures regardless of the overwhelming diffi­ culties and the inevitable opposition.

In the administra­

tion’s haste in reorganization some unfortunate mistakes were made which greatly increased the already active resent­ ment.

With vast sums of money to spend and with a limited

time for Indian conservation work the program was started in haste and without proper organization with the inevitable result of some serious mistakes. ^ No one who is well-informed on the administration of Navajo affairs during the past several years would deny that there have been mistakes and confusion. Moris Burge, op. cit., pp. 6-8 .

The government

264 employees are not blind to this fact, and they frankly ad­ mit that they made many blunders which can be traced to the limited time in which the program had to be put into opera­ tion, and in which the appropriated money had to be spent. The basic theory back of the new administrative methods was the centralization under one man of all policies affecting the Navajo.

The plan called for an adequate field

staff to look to the needs of the Indians and to control all branches of the Indian Service which were working with the Navajo.

Prom the viewpoint of efficient administration

the plan is unquestionably sound, but it will take years of patient work before the central agency will become a popular and firmly established governmental agency to the Navajo people.

Previous to 1934, these people had a means of con­

tact with the Federal Government which few white people en­ joy.

The Navajo country had been divided into six juris­

dictions with the agent of each directly responsible to the Commissioner in Washington.

Such an arrangement lacked

coordination, but it was instrumental in making it possible for the Indian to sit down and talk over his personal prob­ lems with an agent who represented f,Washing-tone.11

In

spite of the many trivial personal questions to which the superintendent of each district gave much of his time, the Navajo had always had this privilege and it was a service he had come to expect.

It is hard to change the custom of

any people, and it is especially difficult to change the conservative Navajo who have regarded their local superin­ tendents as their contact with the Federal Government since i|-Z

the Fort Defiance Agency was established in 1869. In 193^ Commissioner Collier announced his inten­ tions of establishing a central agency for the Navajo.

A

few months later the superintendents of the six jurisdic­ tions were transferred to temporary headquarters in Gallup, New Mexico.

Placing even temporary headquarters in this

town, which had been such a demoralizing influence on the Indians, was an administrative blunder.

It was very evi­

dent that in this decision more thought was given to ad­ ministrative advantage than was given to the welfare of the Indian.

As mentioned above, the demoralizing environ­

ment of Gallup has been adequately demonstrated, and any action on the part of the government which will encourage the Indians to visit this town was not only unwise but demonstrated the criticism so often made regarding our gov­ ernment agent’s lack of interest in the moral welfare of the Indian.

Probably the advantage of being near a com­

mercial center was a factor in locating the Central Agency at Window Hock, Arizona, which was near a good highway and was only twenty-six miles northwest of Gallup.

^3 ibid ., p. 10.

The

266 location of the Central Agency has caused much justifiable criticism, and various Indian welfare organizations have always opposed this location because of its proximity to Gallup.

In 1936 the Central Agency was established as the

Navajo Capital at Window Rock, and Superintendent Chester E. Paris set up an organization in an attempt to unite the efforts of the Indian Service with the Soil Conservation Service.

As Window Rock became the focal point of all gov­

ernment activity to combat soil erosion, enforce range regulations, and carry out the program of stock reduction on the Navajo Reservation, it progressively became the object of Indian resentment against Mr. Collier’s program and the restrictions to which they were subject.^ Mr. Paris faced a tremendous task in bringing order out of the confusion which resulted from reorganization. Through all the chaotic pattern ran a thread of the prob­ lems of reduction during the years from 1933 to 1935 and the growing discontent of the Indians.

Through an agreement

between the Secretary of Agriculture and the Secretary of the Interior the two departments had developed definite pro­ grams on the Reservation which provided for the coordina­ tion in spirit, if not in fact, of the two departments.

^ New Mexico Association on Indian Affairs, Urgent Navajo Problems (Santa Pe, New Mexico: New Mexico Associa­ tion of Indian Affairs, 1940), p. 9»

267 Everywhere there existed an overlapping of functions and a noticeable lack of central administrative control.

The

Reservation Superintendent had his office in one end of the administration building while the District Manager occupied . an office as far away as possible at the other end of the building.

Each questioned the other’s sincerity of purpose,

and soon suspicion and distrust between the two services were in evidence.

Such a lack of cooperation existed not

only between these two departments but even within the divi­ sions of various departments concerned.

Each division

acted separately and without respect for the effect of its work on other divisions. ^

The two parallel lines fostered

by two separate Federal departments, each with their own policies, resulted in little of value being accomplished. To the Indian this scene of great activity had little mean­ ing.

He did not realize that he was to be the victim of the

lack of a well-correlated Reservation program. .The New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs described this scene of government activity on the Navajo Reservation as follows: The Indians, bewildered by the hundreds of Government experts ,!flying in cars over the Reservation," as they describe it, little knew the meaning of this activity. Surveys were being made of the physiography, the popula­ tion distribution, the sources of the gross commercial

^ E. R. Fryer, "The Navajo Service," Navajo Service Land Management Conference (Window Rock: Navajo Service, March™^F7™T937) > PP« 2-3*

268 income, of non-commercial income, of gross commercial consumption. Soils were classified into residual and alluvial, sub-divided into mature and immature. Water studies were made to determine cultivated and potential agricultural land. Prairie dogs and kangaroo rats were studied to determine the heaviest individual infections. Agronomic surveys were conducted and estimations made of crop production present and potential. Forestry surveys were made listing human, animal, fire, and fungi damage; range management surveys; forage areas and car­ rying capacity. Sheep, cattle, and horses were counted; breeding seasons, bedding grounds noted; seasonal move­ ments mapped. The Navajo was in total ignorance of the reasons behind the hundreds of questions asked him. Ignorance led to uneasiness, and uneasiness bred sus­ picion; and from suspicion the step was short to fear and hostility. Those questions related most intimately and most vitally to the Navajo himself were never fully answered. As his fields and hogans were tagged with Soil Conservation numbers he tore down the numbers. As each new surveyor came to him, he grew more bitter and more stubborn. Estimates had to serve for statistics. During all this great activity much effort, time, and money were wasted because of the lack of a unified program between the two departments at work on the Reservation.

Mr.

E. R. Fryer, speaking of this situation, said: No use whatever was made of the result of Reservationwide studies as to the total land available to meet even the subsistence requirements of the non-stock-owning families, and they were therefore given almost no special consideration in land assignments. In fact, the economic status of individuals and their actual needs for land to meet their subsistence requirement was never consid­ ered. Extension introduced livestock. Range management division fought for the removal of livestock. Each divi­ sion acted separately and without respect for the effect of its work on other divisions. Everywhere there was individual rather than group action. It is interesting to note that a joint staff meeting of the two services had never been held at Window Rock. . . . This lack of

New Mexico Association on Indian Affairs, op. cit., P* 7.

269 harmony was not the fault of any individual within either of the two Services. It was entirely the fault of those two parallel lines.47 The experts who had come to the Reservation from the east were skeptical and showed a critical attitude toward the personnel of the old line Indian Service.

Some of the

older employees were transferred to other fields of the Indian Service and others were retired.

There was a defi­

nite undercurrent of feeling of distrust and lack of con­ fidence from the administration down to the field personnel. Eventually, this situation resulted in open conflict, and it became necessary to transfer Mr. Faris to the position of field representative for the commissioner.

This change

was definitely brought about by the pressure of the high officials of the Soil Conservation Service, especially Mr. Eshref Shevky, an old-time friend of Commissioner Collier.

48

Mr. E. R. Fryer succeeded Mr. Faris to the superin­ tendency of the Navajo Reservation in March, 1936.

Mr.

Fryer had graduated from the Forestry Department of Washing­ ton State University.

For a time he was employed as head of

the Land Management Division of the United Pueblo Agency. While acting in this capacity he was highly successful in negotiating an agreement between the Laguna Indians and the

47 ' Fryer, op. cit., p. 3* ^ 19^1 .

E. B., Interview by the present writer, April 20,

270 Soil Conservation Service.

He is essentially a practical

administrator, and in a short time he had effectively organized the various services under his supervision. Slowly hut surely Mr. Fryer became master of the situation and by 1933 he was in absolute control of the Havajo Reser­ vation.

Whether it was through the natural course of

events or through deliberate planning, it was soon evident that Mr. Fryer was taking definite action to balance his personnel.

As he gained control, the Havajo Service became

more unified.

The chaos which had resulted from three

years of anarchism, followed by another two years in devel­ oping a gradual trend toward unification, terminated in the Navajo’s loss of respect for the Indian Service.

The epi­

sode of administrative inefficiency with its many mistakes and failure to carry through some of the promises made to the Navajo aggravated his growing suspicion and discontent and was an important factor in his resistance to range regu­ lations, stock reduction, or any other phase of Mr. Collier’s program.^9 THE NAVAJO TRIBAL COUNCIL The Navajo Tribal Council has had a part in.the ad­ ministration of Reservation policies since it was organized,

^9 E. B . , loc. cit.

271 through the efforts of H. J. Hagerman, In 1923*

The power

of the Council has always been limited; and, consequently, it has not been recognized by the Navajo as having a great deal of authority or power to cope with their p r o b l e m s . In 1936 the Council was dissolved by action of its own members.

51

Then followed a plan to achieve a functional gov­

erning body which would cooperate in carrying out Mr. Collier’s program and policies.

The methods used in organ­

izing the Council and the selection of its delegates were considered undemocratic by many of the Indians.

This was

especially true of Mr. Jacob C. Morgan, the leader of the opposition to Mr. Collier’s Reservation policies.

Conse­

quently, the new organization was known as the "hand-picked council" and was condemned as nothing other than a tool to be used by Mr. Collier and Mr. Fryer to sanction and popu­ larize their program.

'

One of the chief critics of Mr. Collier’s Navajo pro­ gram and Mr. Fryer’s administrative methods was this same Jacob C. Morgan.

Mr. Morgan, an educated Navajo, was a

native evangelist for the Christian Reformed Church on the Reservation from 1925 to 1937*

He was an excellent speaker

and very popular, so he became a leader of his people and a

50 ^ Moris Burge, op. cit., p. 12. 51

^

Phelps-Stokes Fund, op. cit., p. 29*

272 dangerous opponent to the governments conservation program. On November J, 1933, after a very intensive campaign the hand-picked council passed from existence and on the follow­ ing day the new council assumed the burden of office with Mr. Morgan as its chairman.52

After a heated campaign with

its many promises, the Navajo, who had given Mr. Morgan over eighty per cent of their votes, expected a revolution­ ary change in administrative procedure, but they soon real­ ized that even this council was powerless, and that it must act in accord with the established program of soil conserva­ tion. The Tribal Council includes men who do not represent the best in Navajo leadership.

Many were elected on the

appeal of opposition to the government; and although they were elected by a majority vote, they lacked the prestige and authority held by the head men.

Lack of confidence on

the part of the people in their council seriously hampers effective administration.55>

The Tribal Council should have

a very definite place in the scheme of administrative pro­ cedure on the Reservation, but until it is endowed with

52 Walter V. Woehlke, nThe New Navajo Council and Its Significance,” Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, January 6, 1939/ P- 355 Navajo Planning and Policy Conference (Window Rock, Arizona: United States Indian Service, Navajo Agency, October 21-30, 19^0), p. 58.

273

definite power and both the Navajo and Federal representa­ tives are willing to recognize its authority, it is des­ tined to remain little better than a governmental figure­ head. NAVAJO ATTITUDE TOWARD ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURE Fundamentally the Federal Government's Indian poli­ cies are scientifically sound.

The program is based on the

knowledge gained as a result of a thorough survey of physical, economic, and social conditions throughout the Navajo country.

The main objectives of the program include

human adjustment and land rehabilitation.

However, in the

actual application of the Navajo program the ideal of human adjustment has been sadly

neglected and

there is muchevi­

dence of widespread maladjustment among the Navajo Indians. The service in the field is over two thousand miles removed from the seat of Federal Administration where a set program is formulated and left to the local agents to administer. Throughout the years the history ofthe Indian Bureau

re­

veals that the service in the field has been mechanical and at the mercy of a dehumanized governmental machine, central­ ized in Washington, D.C., and in many respects defeating the very purpose for which it exists.

The Navajo program

may be scientifically correct, but its principles are generally rigidly applied.

The application is based on the

274

assumption that there are no individual differences, that the same application of a regulation must be applied to all, with no consideration given to specific circumstances, re­ gardless of the difference in individual cases. In the foregoing pages were cited some of the mis­ takes which were made in the application of the Federal Indian policies on the Navajo Reservation.

The program was

inaugurated with a series of promises, some of which the administration later found could not be fulfilled.

In re­

turn for their stock reduction, the Navajo were promised extension of the Reservation boundaries which would mean additional land for each family, adequate wages to offset possible losses resulting from stock reduction, and irriga­ tion projects for increasing farm activities.

The program

sounded very feasible and the present writer has no doubt but that Mr. Collier made these promises in good faith. However, he had yet to learn the way of American politics which he experienced in his attempt to gain additional land for the Navajo, and he did not foresee the possibility of an indifferent Congress which failed to make the proper appropriations to carry such an extensive program to the finish. There is some evidence that both Commissioner Collier and Superintendent E. R. Fryer have shown a dogmatic atti­ tude regarding the Navajo program.

At times each of them

275 has failed in the art of tactful procedure in dealing with the people whom he is attempting to serve.

The following

are some of the more serious administrative errors which have been made in the application of the Federal conservation program to the the Navajo Reservation: 1.

54

Young men educated in eastern universities of

the United States, who were specialists in their field, hut who had little knowledge or interest in the Navajo and their problems, were sent to the Reservation to handle Indian affairs. ence.

The Navajo have great respect for age and experi­

They say, nWe want men who have lived.11 2.

The injustice and mismanagement of the adminis­

tration’s reduction program. 5.

The mistakes, mismanagement, and the extensive

expenditure in the land conservation program with little visible results. 4.

The failure to make an attempt toward an educa­

tional program for both the Navajo and the whites on the Reservation as to the necessity and the ultimate goal of the conservation policies. 5.

Mr. Collier's failure to recognize the power and

prestige of the trader and the missionary on the Reserva­ tion, assuming that they had exploited the Navajo, that

5^ From interviews by the present writer, August, 1940,-June, 1941.

276 they had nothing to offer, and therefore were to be ignored. If these groups had been recognized, they could have been instrumental in winning the Navajo to the administration’s program. 6.

A lack of understanding or even of any attempt

to understand the psychology, traditions, and customs of the Navajo. 7.

The government’s Navajo Indian educational pro­

gram which is an attempt to set up a special type of educa­ tion for the Navajo and which fails to recognize the desires of the Indian for the opportunity of a general as well as a practical type of education. 8.

The law and order set-up, which is rigid, and

the fact that many unfortunate mistakes have been made in its application even to the point of denying the Indians, who are now recognized as citizens, their constitutional rights. 9.

Arbitrarily enforcing the stock reduction program

in spite of the fact that the government has failed to carry out its promise to supplement the income from stock with wages and irrigated land. 10.

Assuming that the reduction of stock had to come

and it had to come at once, with little or no attempt being made to show the Indians why it was necessary for them to reduce their flocks, thus arousing their ill will and losing

277 their confidence. 11.

The irrigation project at Fruitland, New Mexico,

where the Navajo was paid for five days of work per week, and where he contributed voluntary labor one day per week in the belief that assignments of irrigated land would be made on the basis of twenty acres to the family.

After

fifty-one families had been assigned twenty acre tracts the program was changed, and the Indians were permitted to have only ten acres per family.

To the Navajo this radical

change was nothing less than another broken promise by the government, and he has never become reconciled to the change.^5 Although the following comments may be biased and in some respects show a narrow point of view, they give testi­ mony on the attitude of the Navajo toward Commissioner Collier’s and Superintendent Fryer’s administrative prac­ tices: When the New Deal came to the Reservation, we started going down. The whole set-up spoiled the peo­ ple and now they are expecting too much from the govern­ ment. . . . I am told that over twenty million dollars have been spent on this Reservation in the last few years and what do we have to show for it? Instead of spending all the money for so many foolish things, the administration should be digging wells and building dams to help us get a water supply . . . that is our

55

New Mexico Association on Indian Affairs, op. cit., pp. 2^-35•

278 only hope."^ Collier said to us at Tuba City in 1933, ”l know that it will be hard on you to reduce your flocks fifty per cent, but we will give you work which will offset your loss and you will be much better off than before." He did give us work, but we can see now that it was a terribly mismanaged thing. No wonder he ran out of money for they paid a lot of the Indians over six dol­ lars a day. I know one old man who was paid as high as twelve dollars a day as a stone mason. He and his family spent it all and, when there was no more work, his money was all gone and now he is poor and hungry. I can't think that Collier deliberately set out to ruin us as many think he has. The trouble with him is that he doesn't understand the Navajo. You have to work slow with my people and help them to understand as they go along. . . . Some of this program is necessary, but Collier is trying to do too much and he is trying to go too fast.57 It makes us feel unhappy because we are not treated as we used to be. We used to have a lot to say about things, but now we can't say anything. Instead we are told what to do and we have to do it. Now we aren't used to doing that and naturally we don't like it. They don't ask us a thing any more. . . . At one time we talked these things over together, but now they say, "You do this this way or we will fine you and put you in jail.” . . . There are so many new laws that haven't been talked over with us, and we don't understand them, so a lot of the people are fined and thrown in jail for something that they didn't know they did wrong. . . . The government men have a job to do; they have been told to do it so they go ahead and never think what it does to the Indian or how it makes the Indian suffer. The range rider is generally sympathetic; but, if he gets too sympathetic, it may cause him trouble. The range rider often says something like this, "I hate to make that man get rid of that good colt and keep the old

5^ Jim Demon, Interview by the present writer, August 29, 19*10. 57 e. N., Interview by the present writer, August JO,

1940.

279 mare, but he has one too many horses and one will have to go. The colt can’t work and the mare can so it looks as though the colt will have to go. I hate to do it; but. if I don’t get rid of one of them, I will lose my job. 1 On the other hand, sometimes the range riders get pretty hard with the people. Instead of talking things over with them, they tell them what to do and the Indian can see no reason for it. A range rider will say to an Indian, "You get off of this grass and hurry up about it or I will report you and have you thrown in jail.” The fine for that offense would be one hundred dollars, and you know that’s pretty tough. . . . The range rider sees a lot of these things that are unfair and they say to me, "There are a lot of these laws that don’t fit the Indian; but, if I say any­ thing, it won’t do any good and I will lose my job." Some of the range riders say to me, "Did Fryer ever call you Indians to a meeting on the range problem? No! I know he didn’t for these meetings are always secret." . . . This makes me know that there is some­ thing going on that we don’t know anything about and it makes me afraid for I don’t know what to expect. Many things are not only unfair in the administra­ tion of this program, but the program has been badly mishandled. Collier and Fryer have made a lot of mis­ takes for which the Indian has had to suffer. If the administration understood the Navajo, they would real­ ize that it would make the people happy if they would give them more freedom to do things their own way. The Indian understands the Reservation and, if he is given a chance, he will help work out his own problems. One of the things most needed on the Reservation, that is on the part of the administration, is a lot of good ordinary common sense and natural law, and not so much man made law.5o When Collier came in, he reversed the whole admin­ istrative program and the trouble started.. We elected the Council,- but they couldn’t do anything and we think that they are just put in to try to get us to listen to Collier. All of this came to us at once, and nothing was said to us about any of it. We were just told to do what Collier and Fryer said. Before this they used

A. T., Interview by the present writer, August 31, 1940.

280 to sit down and talk things over with us, hut Collier doesn't give us a chance to talk things over and to meet him halfway. If he would only do this, we would better understand what he wants us to do and we would like him much better. . . . We used to have a place to go and talk these things over, but now there is no place for a Navajo to go. There isn't any place where he can get a hearing on personal problems. When he goes to someone at Window Hock, he is sent to someone . else; everybody passes the buck. . . . This administra­ tion is the worst that I have ever known. . . . We have the greatest bunch of punks on this Reservation trying to tell the Indian what to do and how to do it that I have ever seen.59 We don't like this idea of the administration at­ tempting to take from the big fellow and give to the little fellow. It just won't work. A few years ago the white man was talking a lot about this, but he is smart enough to know that that won't work. That is Communism, and we want none of that on this Reservation. . . . We hear a lot about both Hitlerism and Communism on this Reservation and we know that the white man would not like to have that happen to him for he doesn't like either Hitler or Communism. . . . Collier seems to have the idea that the Navajo is communistic. It is true that the Navajo, the same as any other tribe of Indians, are more or less communal. You never see one on the road; if he is down and out, he is taken in and given a place to sleep and something to eat. But I know enough about Communism and communal living to know that they are not one and the same thing. . . . There is much evidence that Collier would like to make the whole set-up on the Reservation one of Communism. He is a mighty poor administrator; otherwise he would try to learn something about the people. My people are the most individualistic of any people I know, and Communism would be the last thing that would work with the Navajo.60 This New Deal program is a complete change in Navajo

19^0 .

59 R. M., Interview by the present writer, October 17* ^

1940.

H. H . , Interview by the present writer, November 2,

281 government procedure. The headman of the trihe used to be very important in getting a better relation between the people and the government. The set-up was the gov­ ernment, the chief, and then the headman. Today the power and influence of the headman is broken. The present set-up is entirely too complicated to run smoothly and the Indian doesn’t understand what is ex­ pected of him. . . . In my opinion the affairs of the Navajo Tribe are being handled less efficiently from year to year, and the Indians are continually growing poorer and poorer. . . . The Indians are unable to do anything for themselves because of the complicated situation which has been worked out by Ickes and Col­ lier, and because of their lack of understanding of the Navajo and his problem. The Navajo are not getting a square deal. The situa­ tion that exists between the Federal Government and the Navajo Indian might be likened to the story of the coyote and the porcupine. A porcupine killed a deer, but he was unable to dress it. A coyote came along and the porcupine told him that he could have half of the deer if he would dress it. When the coyote had fin­ ished, he said, ,?Now I will take my half.” So he took the two front quarters, the two rear quarters, the ribs, and the back--making him seven pieces in all. Then he said to the porcupine, "See, I have been very fair with you, and have left you many more pieces than I have taken." The porcupine complained that he wasn’t get­ ting his half, but the coyote said, "You are getting many more pieces than I; you have the head, the heart, the two lungs, the two kidneys, the breast, the neck, the two sweet meats, the liver, . . . that is many more pieces than I have so you should be very happy. "61 SUMMARY Since 1849> with the establishment of civil adminis­ tration of Indian affairs in the territory of New Mexico, the administration of Navajo affairs has been one of the

Henry (Chee) Dodge, Interview by the present writer, August 30, 19^0.

282 most difficult problems connected with the Indian Office. For many years government Indian policies were developed on a planless growth of administration; and, when John Collier became Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1933, he inherited the many problems which had been in the process of accumulation for over one half a century. Although the Indians gained citizenship in 1924, they are still considered wards of the government.

They

desire to maintain the privileges of both citizenship and wardship.

The Navajo are little interested in Federal and

State politics; but, if their civil rights were granted them by the states of Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico, they would gain the privilege of suffrage.

Such an arrangement

would probably result in a radical change in the relation of the Navajo to both the Federal and the State governments. Mr. Collier attempted to make a scientific approach to the Navajo problem.

He is probably very well-informed on

Indian Affairs, and for years has championed the Indian1s cause.

Yet his program for the welfare of the Indian, be­

cause of its many administrative mistakes, has been greatly misunderstood by the Indian, especially the Navajo.

Conse­

quently, Collier’s name has come to be associated with any­ thing which the Navajo resents. The abolishing of the long established “six juris­ dictions” and the establishment of the Central Agency at

283

Window Rock have tended to break down the close relation­ ship which was once a characteristic of Navajo-Federal re­ lations.

One of the main grievances of the Navajo is the

lack of personal contact with a responsible government agent.

This contact they enjoyed under the six jurisdic­

tion plan, and they still clamor for the return to the old system.

The sooner the Navajo can be made to realize that

their efforts to reestablish the old political mechanics are useless and that it must be the white man's way, the sooner will come harmony to the Navajo Reservation. The Navajo have a narrow field of vision and lack of knowledge and perspective of the national situation.

They

do not realize that their country is an integral part of one of the greatest reclamation and irrigation projects in the United States, the Boulder Dam.

The lack of Navajo

understanding and appreciation of Mr. Collier's administra­ tive procedure is not necessarily the fault of the Navajo, but the blame should be placed in the education which taught him isolation and lack of interest in his habitation and the changing white man's world which surrounds him.

In

this respect the present administration's educational policy of isolation has developed a great inconsistency which tends to defeat its own purpose.

By no means can all

the blame for the chaotic conditions of Navajo-Federal re­ lations be laid to the administrative personnel and their

284 method of procedure. to he cooperative.

The Navajo have made little attempt They have developed a defensive atti­

tude, failing to realize that their economic welfare is closely integrated and dependent upon the stability of the economy of the United States.

Yet had the administrative

personnel been willing to talk over the situation patiently with the Navajo, and help them to understand the problem which was faced by the "Great White Father" at Washington, perhaps harmony rather than chaos would have prevailed between the Navajo people and the Indian Service.

CHAPTER IX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS It has been the purpose of this study to trace the process which led to the conflict between the Navajo Indians and the United States Indian Service, with reference to the reform program of Commissioner John Collier, and to state the social-cultural problems which have evolved from NavajoFederal relations. The Navajo problem is national in scope.

It is an

intricate combination of three intertwining problems, in­ cluding (l) the national conservation problem;

(2) the

Indian Service1s problem of administering the conservation program on the Navajo Reservation; and (3) the crisis which faces the Navajo Indian as a result of the deterioration of his grazing lands, which makes it necessary for him to ad­ just his cultural pattern and social values to the methods of procedure in the administration’s conservation program. One quarter of a century after the people of the United States became aware of the necessity of conserving their natural resources,, the resulting conservation policy was inaugurated on the Navajo Reservation.

Immediately a baf­

fling administrative problem developed for the Indian Service, and the Navajo was confronted with the necessity for making an adjustment to the administration’s conserva-

286 tion policies, which had created a grave problem for the Nava jo . The Navajo people are facing a crisis which is tend­ ing toward a catastrophe through the natural increase of population and the seemingly inevitable increase of live­ stock which is basic to their economy.

The situation is a

perilous combination of population increase, the seeming necessity of additional livestock, and the impossibility of securing additional land, while at the same time there is a growing desire on the part of the Navajo for commer­ cial products and a higher standard of living.

With the

swift multiplying of people and the subsequent increase of their flocks the grass on the Reservation has been gradu­ ally reduced by overgrazing and in some places almost eliminated.

An excess of animals caused a grass shortage,

which in turn led to soil erosion.

In spite of this the

Navajo population continued to grow and the size of the flocks continued to increase, while at the same time the range became less able to cope with the burden placed upon it. In 1933 Commissioner John Collier took drastic steps to reduce the amount of livestock on the Navajo Reservation. To supplement their losses resulting from stock reduction, the Indians were to receive additional farm land and wages for work.

Unfortunately, Congress failed to make the

287

necessary appropriations to carry out the extensive Navajo program; thus the administration found it impossible to fulfill entirely its promises to the Navajo. Much of the problem in the Navajo reform program lies in the fact that Commissioner Collier's administrative methods and errors not only failed to enlighten the Navajo to the necessity of a soil conservation program, but these administrative mistakes discouraged the Navajo's confidence in the Indian Service personnel.

This situation not only

discouraged Navajo cooperation in the Federal reform pro­ gram but developed a spirit of antagonism throughout the Navajo Reservation. As a result of the Indian Service's failure to edu­ cate the Navajo to the necessity of soil conservation, he could not understand all the activity which suddenly came to his Reservation.

The methods employed by the administration

and the theory which predominated the program was an aboutface of the old philosophy of the Indian Service which had encouraged the accumulation of large flocks.

The Navajo i

remained in total ignorance of the reason behind the many changes and regulations that to him meant the loss of his old standard of freedom and the security that he had once enjoyed in his flocks.

His ignorance turned to uneasiness

and fear, which led to .open hostility and finally to an utter loss in confidence in the administration.

288

The Navajo attitude of hostility became intensified as their feeling of security vanished and as their socialcultural values came in conflict with the enforced changes in their pastoral economy, an economy which is basic to Navajo civilization.

The specialization and limitations

of the pastoral economy of these Indians have become so closely associated with fixed cultural patterns and uses that when the range for their flocks was no longer plenti­ ful and the land was wasting away, the Navajo were suddenly confronted with a situation which was foreign to their daily routine of life.

Had they been able to foresee the condi­

tion which was developing on the Reservation, perhaps they could have made the proper adjustment over a long period of time.

But when the Indian Service program was inaugurated,

the Navajo was suddenly confronted with a new situation which he had to define.

In the meantime he was in conflict,

not knowing which way to turn.

His pastoral economy, which

was basic to many of his cultural patterns, had been threatened, his cultural values and attitudes were chal­ lenged, and the solution to his problem seemed deadlocked in its attempt to break down old values and attitudes and set up new ones.

A sudden introduction of change in the

general routine of the life of the group makes it difficult for a society to maintain its integrity, and serious dis­ ruption is likely to follow.

In the case of the Navajo the

289 very core of Navajo culture is of an economic nature, based on a pastoral industry, and as such under present conditions that which is so fundamental to these Indians’ cultural values has become comparatively unstable.

Thus the Navajo's

feeling of uneasiness and fear has resulted from the reality of a threat to their economic security which is basic to their cultural scheme. The Navajo are in a period of cultural disintegra­ tion.

Many of the values of their old civilization have

been destroyed, and the new values which they will be forced to accept have not yet taken root.

They are in a period of

transition which is coupled with a general state of uneasi­ ness and discontentment.

It will take ^ears to make the

proper adjustment to this new situation.

In the meantime

the Navajo are discouraged, upset, and many have developed an attitude of n-What's the use?"

Thus they are in a state

of disorganization, which is being exemplified In the process of degeneration and decadence that is affecting the structure of Navajo society. An individual or a group’s response to a stimulus is determined by the definition of the situation.

Furthermore,

an appreciation of a social problem depends upon an under­ standing of the definition of the situation.

Therefore,

the sociological analysis of the Navajo problem will be best understood through an appreciation of the definition

290

of the situation.

In the early part of the study we found

from Thomas’ analysis of the social situation that "the definition of the situation is any group or person’s plan of a c t i o n . B a s i c to the Navajo-Federal conflict are two definitions of the situation.

The Federal Government has

one definition of the situation; the Navajo Indians have another.

But the administration’s definition has become

the plan of action in conserving the Reservation range. The group's definition of the situation is handed down from the past to the present.

This past definition

of the situation becomes the basis for values and attitudes, be they economic, social, cultural, religious, or intellec­ tual.

Thus the definition of the situation is determined

by pre-existing attitudes of the individual or the group. Consequently, they have a direct effect upon individual or group behavior.

The old definition of the situation is

based on set values of action only when the individual or the group is permitted to define the situation and act accordingly.

In the case of present Navajo-Federal rela­

tions, the plan of action is not based on old values and attitudes which had been in the process of development for several generations as a result of the Navajo's pastoral

1 Clarence M. Case, Professor of Sociology, Univer­ sity of Southern California, Interview by the present writer, July 22, 19^1.

291 culture.

The Navajo had learned to place value upon the

quantity rather than the quality of livestock.

His status

in society was largely determined by the number of sheep, horses, and goats that he owned. finest jewelry possible.

He acquired and wore the

The accumulation of turquoise and

silver was not only a means of saving, which satisfied the desire for security, but its display appeased the wish for recognization.

The Federal Administration's method of pro­

cedure in solving the problem has reversed the old plan of accumulation and calls for a drastic change in Navajo economy.

To the Navajo it means an about-face; it is a

reverse of procedure and of the old definition of the situa­ tion with little attention being given to the old values and attitudes. The Indian Service of the past had more or less a planless method of procedure.

From one administration to

another, there was a swift turnover in personnel; conse­ quently, there were few set values of action or attitudes with which to guide a national Indian policy.

The history

of the Indian Service does not even reveal an attitude toward the value of setting a high standard of democracy in its relation to the Indian.

Therefore, there was little

of value in the old definition of the situation for the Indian Service compared to that of Navajo cultural values and attitudes.

The government's plan of action was not

292

determined by the old definition of the situation, but the action was based on a new definition of the situation.

In

the mind of the Navajo the definition of the situation of the past determined the values and attitudes for present action.

However, the government has reversed its plan of

action.

At one time the Navajo was encouraged to accumu­

late livestock and little attention was given to range con­ ditions, but now the government sees the necessity for con­ serving the land; consequently, it has a new definition of the situation.

The Navajo is not only entrenched within

his old attitudes and values, but to a certain extent he remains ignorant of the necessity for any change.

Conse­

quently, he clings to the old definition of the situation, and does not want to reverse from the old to a new plan of action. Previous to 1935 there was little conflict in the totality of the patterns which controlled the life of Navajo society, and constituted their social system.

But

conflict developed immediately when the Indian Service set up a program which called for a modification of many of the patterns of the Navajo system.

To a certain extent the

behavior of both the Indian Service personnel and the Navajo was limited and circumscribed by the pre-existing patterns of the Navajo social system.

Had the Navajo’s losses which

resulted from the reduction of his flocks been properly

293 supplemented by work for wages and the development of ade­ quate farm land, it would have been a means of aiding the Navajo in making the proper adjustment from a pastoral culture to an agriculture, and the social system would have remained intact. The immediate future of the Navajo lies within the sixteen million acres of their Reservation where basic land and water resources must be re-created and extended.2

The

number of livestock must be controlled in order that they may not exceed the capital forage of the range.

New sources

of livelihood may be developed to support the expanding Navajo population, but the Navajo are destined, as a group, to depend upon their land.

Therefore, the Navajo’s ability

to make the proper adjustment to their physical surroundings and to life conditions is the secret of their existence. As was mentioned in the first chapter of this study, S u m n e r ^ points out in his man-land ratio theory that in the life of human society are man and land, and how much land there is to each person is fundamental to the welfare of any society. The ration between man and land means the ratio between man and food; consequently, there is continually the necessity

P

n

Orval Ricketts, The Navajo Indian in a Changing World,” Gallup [New Mexico] Gazette, April ~5S 19^1, p. 1. ^ William G. Sumner and Albert G. Keller, The Science of Society, Vol. I (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1927)/ PP* 4-5*

294 of adjustment between man and land. The Navajo’s culture patterns are so closely related to their land, which is fundamental to their pastoral economy, that when the range could no longer support the rapidly increasing number of sheep, goats, and horses, and the Federal Government was forced to take drastic action by inaugurating a stock reduction program, the Indian’s cul­ tural patterns were disrupted.

So basic were sheep to

Navajo economy that to have the number reduced meant not only the lowering of their income but made it impossible to continue the system of marking sheep for their children in order that they might have accumulated a flock by the time of their marriage.

Furthermore, the wealthier Navajo took

a great deal of pride in being able to give a few sheep to the poor during the hard winter months.

The large stock

owners were recognized as head men, and as a general rule they commanded respect on the part of all their associates. Fewer but better quality sheep was not the Navajo’s goal since livestock, not money, was their measure of wealth. The goat pattern among the Navajo is purely a subsistence pattern.

The goat was the poor m a n ’s source of a milk and

meat supply.

The goat traditionally was the property of

the poor shepherd.

The Navajo’s natural economy encouraged

them to use their goats rather than their sheep for their meat supply.

Goat milk was widely used by both adults and

295 children, but the selling of their goats has caused thou­ sands of Navajo to be without any milk supply at all. The horse pattern carried with it not only the con­ venience of the horse as a means of transportation in the vast area of the Reservation, but the horse has come to have a high prestige value to the Indians, and as such their attitude toward the horse is one of great pride in a personal possession.

The ambitious young Navajo, who seeks

social position and desires to be held in high esteem by his fellow tribesmen, will attempt to accumulate a large number of horses.

When a man owned twenty-five, fifty, or

even a hundred head of horses, and could show no economic benefit for keeping more than three of them, he was compelled to give up something which had great cultural value to him. To let their horses go was to break a long tradition and at the same time it lowered their status.

The prestige

value of the horse persisted in Navajo society; thus the Indian Service was dealing with something of an intangible nature which goes deeper than economic values when it is at­ tempted to persuade the Navajo to give up their horses. The jewelry pattern among the Navajo is not only a means of saving, but the display of fine jewelry carries with it a certain amount of pride and prestige which appeals to the owner's vanity.

According to the traders, most of

the Navajo have been forced to sell their silver and

296

turquoise and many families which once possessed fine speci­ mens of Navajo jewelry are now without any jewelry at all. This is a great loss to the Navajo since the social rela­ tionship developed around jewelry constitutes a pattern which is of both social and economic value.

At one time the

Navajo used his jewelry as a means for obtaining credit with the local trader, but in recent years these Indians have been unable to redeem their family heirlooms and the valuable silver belts, bracelets, and turquoise necklaces are not only passing from them but from the Reservation as well.

The Navajo display of a wealth of jewelry is rapidly

vanishing and with it passes much of the ambition, pride, and dignity which has characterized this tribe. In defense of Commissioner Collier it should be understood that in the governmental organization of a democracy, such as that of the United States, action is slow. The present writer believes Mr. Collier desires to do every­ thing possible for the welfare of the American Indian.

All

the evidence regarding his life work with underprivileged groups should indicate the logic of this conclusion.

There

is no denying that he has made some administrative mistakes, but regardless of what Mr. Collier desires to do for the Navajo, there are certain difficulties in carrying through his program which a politically hidebound bureaucratic sys­ tem renders almost impossible.

The original plans proposed

297 the development of all feasible irrigation possibilities on the Reservation.

These plans also called for work for wages

which would have carried the people through the transition period from sheep culture to agriculture.

Regardless of

what Mr. Collier- may desire to do, he has many obstacles to overcome before definite action on the Reservation can be­ come a reality.

Under governmental system of the United

States there is an order of authority by rank which includes the following steps: 1.

The Constitution of the United States.

2.

The Acts of Congress.

3-

Executive orders of the President.

4.

Regulations and orders of the Department of the

Interior. 5*

Regulations and orders of the Indian Bureau.

6.

Instruction and guidance by the Reservation

Superintendent. 7*

Application of official regulations by district

supervisors and field agents on the Reservation. It is an accepted fact that Commissioner Collier has been unable to popularize his program with Congress.

Further­

more, although Secretary Ickes is sympathetic with Mr. Col­ lier’s program and policies, he has tended to show an im­ patient attitude toward the Navajo.

For example, in June,

1941, a Navajo delegation was in Washington, D.C., seeking

298

an audience with President Roosevelt, Secretary Ickes, and Commissioner Collier; Mrs. Roosevelt represented President Roosevelt and showed a real interest in the Navajo problem, as did Mr. Collier, but Mr. Ickes would have nothing to do with the jjroup.

Consequently, a beautiful Navajo blanket

which had been made especially for the occasion was not presented to Secretary Ickes1 child as was originally li planned. It seems hard to explain the fact that Commis­ sioner Collier has not taken definite steps to put through an extensive irrigation program unless it be that the head of the Department of the Interior has been more interested in getting appropriations for other projects.

Secretary

Ickes is a self-assertive man; he marshals forces to get what he wants and has been rather successful in carrying through his plans.

However, he is a politician and must

play the game of politics even though the possibilities of irrigation on the Navajo Reservation might be a means of saving almost fifty thousand Navajo from complete disorgani­ zation. President Roosevelt and Secretary Ickes probably look upon the problem of soil erosion on the Navajo Reserva­ tion as one of national rather than local scope.

4

Perhaps

As currently reported to the present writer from conversations with the Navajo Indians.

299 there is a tendency to think in terms of land rather than people.

It is easy to see why this might he since surveys

revealed that the Navajo problem is much greater than the depletion of the grass on the Reservation.

They revealed

that throughout the Southwest millions of tons-of topsoil were being deposited in stock water reservoirs, irrigation storages, and Lake Mead.

A major drainage area of the

Colorado River, the Navajo Reservation, threatened to limit the life of the Boulder Dam and its millions of beneficia­ ries in distant cities and towns.

There is little vegeta­

tion to anchor the soil in the Navajo country; consequently, the Colorado River deposits almost two hundred fifty million tons of silt behind Boulder Dam each year.

This makes the

Navajo land situation one of national concern.

In protect­

ing the Navajo1s land the government is also protecting millions of white farmers and workers.^ What are the possibilities of the future development of irrigated farm land on the Navajo Reservation?

There

are nearly sixteen million acres of the Navajo Reservation, of which only about forty thousand are under irrigation, and only about sixteen thousand of this forty thousand acres is assured of a permanent water supply.

There is a possibili­

ty of extending the total area of reclaimed land on the

5 Orval Ricketts, nThe Navajo in a Changing World,” Gallup [New Mexico] Gazette, April 24, 1941, p. 1.

300 Reservation to almost four hundred thousand acres, which would mean a per capita quota of eight acres of reclaimed agricultural land for the Navajo people.^

However, the

cost of such an undertaking, which would prohahly exceed sixty million dollars,^ seems prohibitive.

It is true that

the reclaiming of land comes at a tremendous cost, but the Federal Government can better afford to spend sixty million dollars, a part of which the Navajo could repay should he remain independent, rather than let the tribe be reduced to poverty, which is always characterized by many maladjusted conditions within the group.

Rather than have the Navajo

become completely disorganized and reduced to poverty, which would result in a financial burden of over five milo

lion dollars a year0 to the Federal Government, would it not be well to take immediate steps to supply adequate in­ come from government work projects and irrigated farm land to offset the Navajo’s loss from stock reduction? The present writer is convinced that there is a great unanimity of feeling toward Mr. Collier and his Navajo

6 I M d -» April 17, 19A0. 'P. H. Brown, Irrigation Engineer Navajo Service, J. C. Woods, Agronomy Supervisor Navajo Service, Interview with present writer at Window Rock, Arizona, May 31, 1941. ® Orval Ricketts, "The Navajo in a Changing World," Gallup [New Mexico] Gazette, April 24, 1941, p. 1.

301 reform program. of attitude.

In fact, there seems to be complete accord

Why is it then that the Havajo have not

united almost fifty thousand strong and demanded a hearing and the right to voice their.sentiments?

It is true that

several organizations have been formed, the most recent being the Navajo Indian Rights Association, which was organized in October, 19^0, and claims a membership of over five thousand stockmen who represent about half of the Navajo Tribe.

However, the Navajo are individualists and

unless they see immediate and tangible results of group action, they tend to lose interest in a program or organiza­ tion which is void of power and unable to bring about defi­ nite results. There are at least two reasons for the Navajo’s in­ difference toward an organization characterized as a united front of grievances and protests. Navajo is an individualist.

As mentioned above, the

Although he has a communal

spirit toward the members of his family and his clan, he does not think in terms of the group.

His life of isola­

tion has made him comparatively independent of the group; he lives in a small world and has learned to rely upon his resources.

Another reason for the lack of a united front

as an expression of protest is the lack of uniformity of opinion and local leadership.

The Navajo’s thinking tends

to become crystallized around the personalities of their

302

leaders rather than the principles and policies which are involved in the unity of any organization or movement.

For

example, Mr. Deshna Clah Cheschillige is president of the Navajo Rights Association; therefore, the members speak of the association as "Deshna’s organization" rather than "our organization."

There is also a tendency to blame the

leader if immediate and desired results are not obtained. Before long the members lose interest, and turn to any other person or group who has something to promise them. In the days of the six jurisdiction system the head man was a powerful factor in unified leadership, but today the power of the head man is broken and it is very evident that the Navajo people lack

a well-organized and unified leadership.

The unanimity of feeling which characterized the attitude of the Navajo, as revealed in the writer’s inter­ views, is not surprising when one realizes that the Navajo’s traditional values and attitudes are at stake; they have a common basis for their grievances; they are faced with the dread of their culture being undermined; and of having that independence, security, and freedom which they once enjoyed completely destroyed.

Furthermore, culture is very slow to

change since fundamental to it are the group’s attitudes and values and the group will not give these things up with­ out a struggle.

This apparent slowness of culture change

303

is referred to as cultural inertia, ^ which tends to exist in any society.

The present development is not a normal

outgrowth of cultural change in Navajo society, hut it is a forced change of basic culture patterns.

The Navajo

people have little to which they can turn for a livelihood when they give up the long established cultural traits of their pastoral economy.

Therefore, they are continually

questioning the motives of the Indian Service; they are becoming embittered; they are living in a world of dread; and they are continually asking, ’’What next?”

Furthermore,

unanimity of feeling comes as a result of the Navajo peo­ ple being distracted by an external pressure which is caus­ ing internal friction that is affecting all groups alike. There is bound to be unified behavior on the part of the Navajo since the group’s response to a stimulus which calls for a definition of the situation will be characterized by their values and attitudes which are based on their cultural patterns. The aspect of consensus of opinion makes for -unified behavior by members of the group.

This has been analyzed

by Durkheim under the term ’’collective representations.” ’’Collective representations are the concepts which embody

9 william G. Ogburn, Social Change (New York: B. ¥. Huebach, Inc., 1922), p. 148.

304 the objectives of group activity."1^

Great social unrest

is in evidence throughout the Navajo country.

Park and

Burgess^ point out that vhere social unrest is character­ istic of the group, it is an indication that the old estab­ lished routine of life has been broken and that the group is unified in seeking a new course of action. Giddings1 concept of pluralistic behavior charac­ terizes the Navajo public mind since all the Navajo happen to be in the same situation or circumstance and they tend to have approximately the same reaction to the situation.^ This pluralistic behavior comes as a result of the common cultural background of the Navajo people. result of group ways and folkways.

It develops as a

All the members of a

homogeneous population, such as that of the Navajo, tend to respond with like behavior in nearly every situation. Where the group has the same cultural background, the same values and attitudes, and a common environment, it develops a ngroup mind11 or'a social mind.

Literally, there is no

group mind; however, the reaction of the group cannot be

Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduc­ tion to the Science of Sociology (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1924)> P« l6b. ^

Ibid., p. 866.

Franklin H. Giddings, The Scientific Study of Human Society (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro­ lina Press, 1924), p. 50.

505

explained by the individual mind but by the intermingling and interaction of the individual minds which make up the group.^

It would seem then that the Navajo are united as

one mind in their attitude toward Commissioner Collier's reform program, and as such there is almost universal unanimity of opinion among the Navajo people. What do the Navajo want in the way of a fair, worka­ ble, and understanding program which they consider will re­ store harmony between them and the Federal Government?

The

following is the compiled expression of the various recom­ mendations which were made by the Navajo to the present writer during his interviews with them from August, 19^0, to June, 19^1: We realize that some type of range control had to come to the Reservation, and that some of the stock needed to be removed. Now that the rains have come and the range is better we feel that the reduction program should be left where it is and set aside for a few years for further study of the Reservation problems. If this could be done, more land could be put under irrigation for farming and then we could reduce our stock gradually. We think that the stock reduction program went too far. Anyone knows that to make a good living we need at least five hundred sheep. But if they would let us build our flocks up to three hundred and fifty head, we would be able to get along. If Collier would do this for us, we would be happy again because we would know that we could make a living and wouldn't become paupers. We think that the reduction program was unfair because: (l) it has ruined our most basic industry, and it has reduced many of the people to much poverty and suffering;

Franklin H. Giddings, Studies in the Theory of Human Society (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1922), pp. 152-55•

306

(2) taking our goats was a big mistake for it deprived us of our main source of a milk supply; (3) the quota system based on the family unit makes it impossible for a young Navajo to start in the stock business, and that is all most of them know how to do; (4) we are very un­ happy about it because we had always thought that the government men were our friends, but now we are in a state of fear and mental depression and it has caused us to lose faith in the Indian Service; (5) the Indian Service failed to keep its promise of giving us addi­ tional farm land and work for wages to supplement the loss of our sheep--we were promised ten head of horses,5 but now many of the families have only three horses; (6) the government representatives did not talk these things over with us and help us to understand what was going on, so we are afraid of what they will do to us next. The Navajo Council doesn't seem to be able to help us solve our problems. In the days of the head men and the six district jurisdictions things were better. With that arrangement we got a hearing and we gained some­ thing. The Council has no power; it either has to do what Collier and Fryer say or it cannot do anything. It has its hands tied behind it. We believe that a smaller council and a more representative council with more power would probably get more done. We should know the problems that are going to be considered in the Council meetings. The people should meet and talk these things over and let the delegates know what they think before the Council meets in Window Rock. Then the people will be better represented, and so many mistakes won't be made. Furthermore, the delegates don't get a proper hearing in the Council meetings. The Council meetings are too arbitrary. The delegates don't know what busi­ ness is to be taken up before they go to the meetings. If they knew these things, they could find out what the people want; and then, when they return to the people, they will have done the right thing and the people won't dislike them. Some of the representatives say that things are railroaded through at Window Rock, and they hardly know what is going on. Jake Morgan made too many promises before he was elected Chairman of the Council and the people expected too much of him, but we know that he can't do anything with Collier and Fryer. We don't blame him for all this, but he promised too much and then he found out that he was powerless to do any­ thing. There should be more of the older and experi­ enced men on the Tribal Council. There are too many

307

young and inexperienced men on the Council, who d o n ’t really understand the Navajo problems and are not repre­ sentative of their own people. The old head men are not represented on the Council; they are at home feel­ ing had about what has happened to the people. We think that the government should be run on the princi­ ple of a representative Tribal Council, but we believe that this could be done much better if we had our old 'system of the head man with the six districts as we used to have. This would give us more direct say re­ garding our own welfare. We believe that there are too many bosses on the Reservation. If more power was given to the supervisors and rangers who know us and have a better understanding of our problems, things would be better. This would do away with the rigidity of the range regulations and would make it possible to give more consideration to individual cases. We need more western men in these positions: Men who are interested in us and our prob­ lems, men who are acquainted with Navajo life and know something about the Reservation and the sheep industry. The rangers are about the only western men on the Reser­ vation and many of them are cowboys; and,therefore, they d o n ’t like sheep men. The government men should listen to us and give us some say in our own problems. If they would sit down with us and talk these things over, we would try to meet them halfway; but they say, "No, it must be this way." As it is, we can’t advance.and be progressive, and it kills our spirit. The government men must talk things over with us and be more considerate. They should help us to understand these things. We think that if they would talk with us and try to see our point of view they would then be more considerate. The government in working out a program for us should think in terms of the welfare of the people as well as the land and sheep. When the Indian Service makes promises, somebody should be responsible for them and should strive to carry out these promises. We desire justice and we demand the right to be heard and to say what we think. We used to have the right to say what we think and they would listen to us, but now when we say what we think we are put on the black list at Window Rock, and sometimes we are arrested and thrown in jail for merely talking. The government must work out some plan to restore a

308 better relationship between our people and the govern­ ment. We think that one thing that would help in this would be to restore our old six district jurisdiction. We desire to have more direct contact with the govern­ ment instead of so much middleman. We know that the six district jurisdiction worked the best. Another thing that would help in restoring our confidence would be to give back our old freedom and some say in what we do about our own range and our own flocks. We desire more direct contact with the "great white father." We feel that the eighteen district system has been very bad for the people; it is making them very discontented for it has taken away much of our old freedom. Another thing that would help restore confidence would be a complete revision of the law and order set-up, so that more justice and consideration would be given to the rights of our people. We will never have the proper relationship with the government until the power of the head men is restored. The whole backbone of our tribe has been the head men and those who have something. But the government seems to be trying to break these men. When they break them, they will break the spirit of the tribe and the ambi­ tion of the people. The government men don't seem to realize that our people have always looked to those who have something as our leaders. Most of the head men don't want to be on the Council for they don't feel that they are real head men unless they have something pleasant to do and are not being told what to do by the government men. The Council should have more say about what the people want and the people should be allowed to select them in their own way and not the way that the government men say. The only way that we will ever have things like they should be is to have more relation and a better understanding between the head men and the superintendent. If the head men would get together and the government men would sit down and talk these things over with them and support them, they will straighten this thing out and it will restore the confidence of the people in the Indian Service. We can never settle this thing until the head men are back in power. Until we have the head men back in power the people won't take an interest, but when the government recognizes them, all the people will try to cooperate and do some­ thing . We want more of the type of education that is given to the white man. We do not like the way the day school

309 is run. We "believe that the hoarding school is the best type of education we have ever had. We can see that we are being forced more and more to take up white m a n ’s ways for our own protection. It is necessary then that we have more of the white m a n ’s education; especially, must we have more English. Perhaps some of the above-mentioned recommendations, which were made by the Navajo' to the present writer, are unreasonable, but would it not be a worth-while experiment to take into consideration some of their suggestions and make a definite attempt to get a better understanding b e ­ tween the representatives of the Navajo and the Indian Service?

The Navajo feel that a definite attempt has been

made on the part of the administration to ignore the head men of the tribe. accusation.

There is some evidence to support this

At any rate, it is apparent that the head

m a n ’s power has been broken, and it is the present writer’s conviction that the Navajo’s confidence in the Indian Serv­ ice will not be restored until the place which the head man holds in Navajo political matters is recognized by the administration.

The Navajo must be made to realize that a

new centralized system of government has been established at Window Rock, by the Federal Government, and that an at­ tempt to create the old six jurisdictions and the old political machinery is useless.

However, it does seem as

though it would be practical to give the Navajo a place in local government.

The land management districts may

5X0

eventually become effective political units.

The Navajo

are in a social and economic turmoil, and it is only natu­ ral for them to think of the past as "the good old days."-*-1*' Perhaps decentralized political arrangements which would give the Navajo more responsibility in his government would be a means of restoring some of the governmental efficiency of the good old days and thereby bring about a better under­ standing between the Navajo and the government. One of the chief difficulties of past as well as in the present administrative policies when dealing with the Navajo has been an insufficient knowledge of their cultural background.

There has been not only a noticeable lack of

understanding of the Navajo*s cultural values and attitudes, but there is also absence of an appreciation of their rela­ tion to the Navajo’s pastoral economy.

Furthermore, there

has been inadequate experience in the understanding of Navajo psychology and the principles involved in adhering to it when applying certain governmental regulations to the Navajo.

These people are freedom loving, independent, and

self-reliant.

They are too vigorous a people to be a sub­

ject nation with the routine of their daily lives controlled by many regulations and yet be happy.

Few deny that some-

Richard Van Valkenburgh, ’^Traditional and Historical Implications on Navajo Political Mechanics," (unpublished material of the Navajo Indian Service, Window Rock, Arizona, 1940).

311 thing needed to he done to conserve their land, but they expect the right to have their problems discussed with them. They resent being treated as children and they especially resent the stock reduction method used by the administra­ tion.

To them it has been a "whirlwind system."

They have

had their sheep taken too fast with little to supplement their loss.

This has made them oppose the soil conserva­

tion program and all government agents connected with it. To a certain extent dislike for Commissioner Col­ lier’s program has become an obsession with the Navajo and has clouded their thinking on every other issue.

They have

tended to crystallize their thinking around personalities, especially John Collier and everything which symbolizes his program.

The Navajo live in comparative isolation which

encourages their individualism and in turn enhances their conservatism.

As a result of their isolation, they have re­

mained ignorant of the basic factors involved in the land situation and the urgent necessity for its conservation. Their isolation and the specialization of their pastoral economy have caused them to remain in ignorance of other types of economy.

This makes it very difficult for them to

make an adjustment to the new situation which confronts them.

The Indian Service stock reduction program not only

interfered with the Navajo’s economic stability, but the adjustment they are being required to make involves clashes

312 with their customs, traditions, and daily routine of life. All this gives rise to an extremely difficult human problem.

The Navajo are psychologically different from the

white man in their reactions to social and economic adjust­ ment.

Since they are ultraconservative, they become bewil­

dered and restless when social and economic pressure is forced upon them.

There is a deep underlying psychological

reaction on the part of the Navajo to the ever increasing pressure and infiltration of the white m a n fs social and economic influence.

They are going through a period of so­

cial and economic change which in their present status will continue for many years. In spite of Commissioner Collier's Reservation cen­ tered policies, there is no denying the fact that the Navajo is a minority group slowly but surely being engulfed by the continual pressure of the white man's culture.

To

exist and survive the Navajo will have to work with the white man and will be compelled to accept many of the white man's ways.

To say that the Navajo can continue to be iso­

lated and live apart from the white man is unreasonable and a blind ignoring of facts. The Navajo have been considered by some to adopt readily new customs, but they adopt new customs from the Spanish, the Mexican, and other groups because that which they accept fits into their culture.

The acculturation

315 which is now in process is coming slowly and is hard be­ cause it is coming through the process of pressure.

Mr.

Collier's program had as an ideal the saving of the Indian by no longer forcing him to become a white man as the old policy had done.

However, basic to the whole reduction

program was the pressure of a changing culture process which will more and more compel the Havajo to accept the white man's ways of economy.

This means that they will

eventually accept a cash rather than a barter system and will then truly compete with the white man.

"When this day

comes, the Navajo in order to exist will be forced to ac­ cept the white man's civilization, and Commissioner Col­ lier's methods in Navajo economy will have defeated his own philosophy.

His program has so changed the Navajo that it

has struck at the very ideology which Mr. Collier set up for the Navajo--that of helping them to remain Indians free from the deteriorating influences of the white man's civili­ zation.

The Navajo Reservation-centered educational pro­

gram is a worthy one and in time will be accepted by the majority of the Navajo.

But if social and economic pres­

sure is eventually to force the Navajo to compete with the white man, if their ways of living and their economy are to change--and they seem to be so fated, we must educate and help them to make the proper adjustment during the present period of transition.

314 The Navajo Service personnel need qualifications other.than just being experts in their particular branches of the Service,

The average white men in the Indian Serv­

ice know very little about the Navajo and their problems, and in many cases they have little regard for the welfare of the Indian.

They have their particular duty to perform

and they do it, failing to realize that they are employed to serve and help the Indian--that that is the Navajo Service personnel's first duty on the Reservation.

And

until the Navajo can be made to believe that those employed in the Indian Service are employed to help them work for their general welfare, the Navajo's confidence in the In­ dian Service cannot hope to be restored.

A sympathetic,

understanding, and an enduring patience is required on the part of the Indian Service personnel if they are to direct the energies of the Navajo into constructive channels.

Is

it not reasonable to expect the Indian Service personnel to be interested in the Navajo and to have a sympathetic under­ standing of their problems?

Commissioners will come and

commissioners will go, for it seems as though the office is destined to be one of the political appointee, but an under­ standing, well-trained personnel can be a stabilizing factor for the welfare of the Indian. There is a definite need for a national Indian policy which does not change with each administration, for

315 even though the administrations do change, the Navajo Indi­ an's life will go on.

Therefore, the Indians have a right

to expect that definite scientifically planned national policies shall be adopted and developed.

Nothing less will

set in motion a continuous, well-regulated process of social becoming for the Indian.

Such a policy must bear in mind

the human element which is the basic factor in any govern­ ment policy.

The human element was considered in the forma­

tion of the Navajo policies, and the program was designed to save the land and thereby save the Navajo people.

Thus

the program is one based on the welfare of the people and not of land and sheep.

The government personnel need to

bear in mind that they cannot deal with soil and livestock without dealing with the basic economy of the Navajo and accordingly with the cultural values of the people.

Since

it is the human being whom the government should be pri­ marily interested in saving, and since these people must continue to live in Navajo land, the Navajo themselves must first be considered in all governmental policies and methods of procedure. There are many things which the Navajo do not under­ stand.

For example, they cannot see that they had a part

in the depletion of their range; this was a major factor in bringing on their trouble; yet they tend to blame Commis­ sioner Collier for their misfortunes.

Better trained Indian

316 leadership might be a means of eliminating much of this ignorance and misunderstanding.

Furthermore, it would make

it possible to educate the Navajo to the need of a definite, well-regulated range policy.

The leaders understand better

than do others ”the limitations, the antagonisms, the under­ current of thought, the passions and virtues of their own people.

a IS

^

The government agents are not nearly so influ­

ential as the native.

The native voice is listened to on

the Reservation if the leader is worthy of a following.

In

order to have well-trained Navajo leadership, educational facilities must consider the training for leadership.

If

the Indians are to become leaders, it will be necessary to offer them not only Reservation-centered education but also a broad and liberal one. There are four groups who are essentially interested in Navajoland, and all have a part in its future and its general welfare.

These groups include the government em­

ployees, the natives, the missionaries, and the traders. Unfortunately, Commissioner Collier did not seem to recog­ nize the influence of the missionary and the trader among the Navajo.

In fact, he assumed an attitude of distrust

toward these two important groups who could have been

^ G. E. E. Lindquist, The Red Man in the United States (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1V33)» PP* 397W-

317 Instrumental in educating the Navajo to the necessity of a conservation program.

Consequently, the Commissioner has

the ill will of the missionary and the trader.

Their daily

contacts with the Indian enabled them to see and understand what was happening to the Navajo people as a result of the stock reduction program; therefore, these two influential groups became definitely opposed to Commissioner Collier's Navajo policies and program.

A definite understanding of

an adequately planned, well-regulated program, which should recognize these four groups, could yet save the Navajo and make it possible for them to keep the basic elements of their culture intact. The process of culture breakdown is at work among the Navajo.

Certain pressures are forcing a change in their

customs and their ideals; hence, unless they are aided in making a proper adjustment, their whole social structure will crumble.

There will no longer be any meaning to life

since all the old goals and ambitions will be gone.

Laws

may be passed and regulations may be made to control and guide the Navajo in certain channels, but these will be mere words unless they make sense to the people. Human beings, however healthy and well fed, lead a mere animal existence unless they have Ideals to guide them, ambitions to spur them on, a social organization into which they can happily fit their individual lives. 16 Edwin R. Embree, Indians of the Americas (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1939), P* 238".

Proper guidance can save the basic elements of Navajo culture, but if they are permitted to lose hold of their culture and are not directed in channels which will enable them to achieve a new cultural integration, they will go through a stage of personal and moral disintegra­ tion.

This will be tragic for them, and it will be un­

healthy for their white neighbors. ^

The government pro­

gram stresses physical and economic survival, which are preconditions essential to cultural integration, but the Indian Service must bear in mind that they are not all of it.

Culture goes deeper than its tangible elements; there­

fore, there must be a non-material structure of ideas, of values, attitudes, symbols, and beliefs.

Whether the ad­

ministration recognizes it or not, this is the place of the well-trained missionary.

By the well-trained missionary to

these people we mean those who see the cultural elements in this problem and are not exclusively interested in saving the Indians’ souls.

Could the administration be led to

believe that the missionary would make a cultural approach to the Navajo problem as a means of Christianizing them, then the value of the missionary might be recognized.

The

missionaries must become cognizant of the fact that if the

Miles Carpenter, nNew Times and New Needs in the Navajo Country,” paper read at the National Conference for Social Work in Atlantic City, June, 1941.

319

Navajo culture is being undermined, they have a responsi­ bility of helping the Navajo develop new values and atti­ tudes.

For if their old values and attitudes are lost and

there are no new ones to take their place, the people per­ ish.

"The ancient Hebrew who declared,

'Where there is no

vision the people perish,1 was a sound social scientist as well as a prophet."

10

The missionaries are essential in

stimulating native leadership, which is essential to the cultural reintegration of the Navajo.

It is the Navajo's

cultural values, attitudes, and social scheme of things which is at stake.

Therefore, they will have to make the

interpretation and the formulation of values and beliefs before proper adjustment can be attained.

Consequently,

the Navajo will have to make the adjustment themselves. The white man can be a means of guiding them in the right channels, but even though the white man be absolutely sympathetic and understanding he does not have the equip­ ment in the way of background which is wholly acceptable to the Indian.

There is an urgent need, therefore, for the

training of native leadership.

Along with the missionary,

the Navajo realize that the trader is usually their best friend--he has sympathetically stood by them throughout the years and he is willing to do everything within his power

Carpenter, loc. cit.

520

to assist them.

In many respects the trader understands

Navajo culture and Navajo psychology better than any other group on the Navajo Reservation. The salvation of the Navajo lies in the cooperative relations of the four groups represented on the Reservation. The Navajo, the Indian Service personnel, the missionaries, and the traders are the four cornerstones upon which the foundation of a well-formulated program for the future wel­ fare of the Navajo must be built.

These four groups, work­

ing together, can yet serve as the foundation to the bridge between the ideals and values of the Navajo’s old ways of life and those of the new.

The Navajo must find his place

not in an ancient culture, but he must be aided by his neighbors in the acculturation process of accepting the essentials of a modern world, while at the same time re­ taining those values and ideals of his old culture which are so fundamental to his moral welfare. difficulties to be overcome.

There are many

However slow and halting the

progress may be, the encouraging fact remains that the present administration is endeavoring to demonstrate an idealism.

The American Indian is living in a new era, and

the recognition of this fact may eventually lead to a permanent Federal Indian policy which will give due con­ sideration to the Indian’s cultural and moral welfare. When that day comes, the Indian’s future will be more fully

321

assured, and he will

probably continueto play a brilliant

and colorful role in

American life.

The final setting of the Navajo problem in the larger frame of reference is presented by three aspects. First, there is the world-wide tragedy of simple cultures being overwhelmed by a too rapid contact with white civili­ zation.

The great crime of the white conquerors throughout

the world, especially in America, Asia, Africa, and the Islands of the Pacific, is that they have not only forced white m a n ’s civilization upon the natives and seized their land but they have crushed their spirit.

The conquerors

have stifled the natives' cultural values, their attitudes, and all that they hold dear.

This has not been done be­

cause of a vicious ill will toward the natives, but because of ignorance, greed, and pure arrogance.

There seems to be

a complacent belief that white man's civilization is the best for all people.

Surely, we think,no group would de­

sire to live any kind of life

but that set by the conveni­

ences and standards of the white man's civilization.

Stu­

dents of Ancient History know that this inability to value other races and other ways of life is not a fault only of white Europeans; history reveals that it is a fault of all people.

The Greeks looked upon all others as barbarians.

The Romans stressed the necessity of conquering the savages of North Europe and Africa in order to civilize them.

The

322

early Egyptian looked upon other peoples as not quite human. The second factor in this larger frame of reference is the total experience of American Indian culture under the invasion of the West European explorers and colonizers. The American Indians today are a scattered and broken peo­ ple.

Conditions vary widely among the several tribes, but

many of them have been reduced to broken fragments and others have been wiped out completely.

A look at the map

of Indian R e s e r v a t i o n s 1 ^ will reveal that the eastern sea­ board is practically bare of Indians.

Many tribes have

been pushed westward where they had to give up much of that which they held dear and were forced to accept many new customs which were in conflict with their old cultural pat­ terns . The third phase of the picture is the special prob­ lem created by the Navajo’s position on the Great Divide. His home is the watershed of the Colorado River, a fact which places him in the center at an acute crisis in the American conservation problem.

There is no ill feeling

toward the Navajo on the part of the present administration, as the Navajo is prone to think, but the Navajo is the vic­ tim of a situation for which no one can be held responsible. The Navajo’s economy is at stake, but his type of economy

^

See map I, p. 3»

323 is in conflict with our economy.

In the final analysis

the Federal Government is obligated to preserve both the Navajo’s and the white m a n ’s economy, and at the same time save the spirit of the Navajo Indian.

If this task is to

be accomplished, forces must be brought into action which will assure a program based on well-planned social engineer­ ing. Sociological findings of possible importance which have been found in this study of social-cultural problems resulting from Navajo-Federal relations may be summarized as follows: 1.

When one culture is imposed by a dominant group

upon a minority group, the latter naturally reacts adversely. Cultural change comes slowly because of the difficulty of any individual or group to accept new ideas, and the inabili­ ty of the members of one culture to appreciate the utility of another culture. 2.

There is a tendency on the part of the majority

group to approach the minority group’s problem on the basis of blanket surveys which determine blanket policies and programs.

Under such an arrangement attention is centered

on the group and little consideration is given to the indi­ vidual in the solving of his personal problems.

The indi­

vidual needs special attention and guidance while going through the transition or adaptive stage of accepting new

324 cultural Ideas.

When this condition exists, there is a

definite need for special trained social workers who are versed in the "basic principles that would enable them to assist the minority group in making both group and indi­ vidual adjustments to the majority group1s cultural pat­ terns. 3.

When it is necessary for the majority group to

make a modification of the minority group’s culture, the representatives of the majority must start with the minority group's cultural patterns and social values as a base and patiently work from that point toward the desired goal be it social or economic.

The successful application

of one set of cultural patterns to another, in order to bring about the desired modification or change, requires that an expertly managed, informal educational program be developed to meet the reactions of both the old and the young. 4.

When one culture group becomes subjected to the

rules of another culture group, a "discipline complex11 tends to displace native control.

When this happens, the

subjected group is forced to follow the discipline and regu­ lations fashioned after the majority group’s cultural pat­ terns, which call for the substitution of new habits for the minority group's old ones.

Since the subject group is

committed to social-cultural valuations, its own cultural

525 disintegration will probably follow.

In order to keep the

minority group’s cultural values intact and to maintain harmonious relations between the majority and minority groups, it will be necessary for the dominant group to en­ courage leadership and place positions of authority in: the hands of the subjected group. 5.

The specialization and limitation of a group’s

economy tends to become definitely associated with fixed cultural patterns, values, and attitudes.

Consequently,

when the members of the group face the crisis of having their economic stability undermined, they tend to become disorganized.

Therefore, the acculturation process calls

for wise planning with special reference to the necessary economic and social readjustment that a subject group must undergo. 6.

There is a tendency on the part of the majority

group to give little attention to the minority group until the minority group shows signs of cultural disintegration. Then the majority group becomes aware of the minority group’s state of disorganization and for its own protection is forced to assume the burden of a rehabilitation program.

Early

social engineering on the part of the majority group would aid the minority group in making the proper adjustment to the dominant culture.

Such an arrangement would not only

save the minority group from becoming completely disorganized

326

but it would avoid many baffling social problems and would be a means of eliminating much of the economic burden which must be borne by the majority group in a rehabilitation and reform program. 7-

There is a definite need that a majority group’s

representatives and leaders understand and appreciate the psychological and cultural background of the minority group and plan accordingly for the latter group’s readjustments. To the extent that the representatives of the culture that is being imposed are largely political appointees little attention will be given to the minority group's cultural values; consequently, the process of acculturation will be delayed and thwarted. 8.

As a rule, new social developments come slowly,

and in due time a culture may make some definite changes without any break in the continuity, but a sudden introduc­ tion of a new element into a culture which strikes at the core of that culture makes it difficult for the affected society to maintain its integrity and a serious disruption is likely to follow.

In other words, the application of a

new culture to an old culture cannot successfully take place within a few years but calls for telic long term planning. 9.

In modern America it is no longer possible for a

minority group to retain its old cultural patterns by

327 remaining isolated from the majority group.

There is an

ever increasing pressure and infiltration of the white m a n ’s social and economic influence.

The minority groups are

slowly but surely being engulfed by the continual pressure of modern American culture.

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336 PERIODICAL ARTICLES Amsden, Charles, "Navajo Origins," New Mexico Historical Review, July, 1932. Bartlett, Katherine, "Origin of the Navajo Reservation," Museum Notes, Flagstaff, Arizona, 5:29, December, 1932. Bogardus, Emory S., "The Fifth Wish," Sociology and Social Research, 16:75-77, September-October, 1931Brewer, Sally P., "The ’Long Walk’ to Bosque Redondo as told by Peshlakai Etsedi," Museum Notes, Flagstaff, Arizona, 9:55-62, 1937* Case, Clarence M., "The Value Concept in Sociology," Sociology and Social Research, 23:420-23, May-June, 1

WW-

Cohen, Felix S., "Indian Rights and the Federal Courts," Minnesota Law Review, 24:145-200, January, 194-0. Collier, John, "New Policies in Indian Education," New Mexico Quarterly, III: November, 1933* Goddard, Pliny E., "Assimilation to Environment as Illus­ trated by Athapaskan Peoples," International Congress of Americanists Proceedings, 15th Session, Quebec, 1906, 1:337-59, 1907. Haskett, Bert, "History of the Sheep Industry in Arizona," Arizona Historical Review, 7:3-49, 1936. Hassell, S. W . , "Navajo Oddities," New Mexico Magazine, April-May, 1940. Hill, Willard W . , "Some Aspects of Navajo Political Struc­ ture," Plateau, 13: October, 1940. Hodge, Frederick W., "The Early Navajo and Apache," The American Anthropologist, July, 1895* Hoffman, Frederick L., "The Navajo Population Problem," International Congress of Americanists Proceedings, 23rd Session, New York, 1928, pp. 620-32. Hogner, Dorothy C., "The Navajo Indian and Education," New Mexico Quarterly, 3:227-30, 1933*

337 Hoover, J. W . , "Navajo Nomadism,” Geographical Review, 21:429-45, 1931. - , "Navajo Land Problems,” Economic Geography, 157281-300, 1937* "John Collier,” Current Biography, 2:12-13, March, 1941. Palmer, Prank L., ”The Configuration Pattern of Navajo Culture,” El Palacio, 41:19-24, 1936. Quinn, James A., "Human Ecology and Interactional Ecology,” American Sociological Review, 5:718-19, October, 1940. Reeve, Prank D., "The Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico,” New Mexico Historical Review, 12:218-69, July, 1937* 13 :14-52 , 19387 Seymour, Flora Warren, "Thunder Over the Southwest,” The Saturday Evening Post, 211:23-76, April 1, 1939* Stevens, Alden, "Once They Were Nomads,” Survey Graphic, 30:62-67, February, 1941. The Indian Rights Association, Indian Truth, Philadelphia, XI, 1934-XVIII, 1941. Van Valkenburgh, Richard F., "Navajo Common Law I; Notes on Political Organization, Property and Inheritance," Museum Northern Arizona--Museum Notes, IX, 17-22, 1936. _______ , "Navajo Common Law II; Navajo Law and Justice," Museum Northern Arizona--Museum Notes, IX, 51-54, 1937* _______ , "Navajo Common Law III; Etiquette, Hospitality, Justice,” Museum Northern Arizona--Museum Notes, X, 36-45, 19387 White, Owen P., "Low the Poor Indian," Colliers, 99:16-40, February 6, 1937. GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS Addition of the Western Navajo Indian Reservation. Hearing before Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, 71st Congress, Second Session. Washington, D.C.: United States Govern­ ment Printing Office, March 12, 1930.

338 Annual Reports of the Board of Indian Commissioners. Wash­ ington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, 1869-19^0 . Annual Minutes of the Nava jo Tribal Council. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, 1923-1940. Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Interior. Wash­ ington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, 1850-1940. Blauch, Lloyd E., Educational Service for Indians. Wash­ ington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1939. Boyce, George A., and E. R. Fryer, Dineh and Government. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, October, 1939* Part I. _______ , Economic Education for the Navajo Indians. Rock: Navajo Indian Service, April, 1941.

Window

Boyle, R. V . , Range Management Policy Statement, Navajo Reservation. Washington, D.C.: United States Depart­ ment of Agriculture, 1935* Collier, Charles W., Soil Conservation in the Navajo Country. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Agriculture, 1: No. 3> 1935* Collier, John, Navajo Policies and Program. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Indian Affairs, May 1, 1935. _______ , A Message to the Navajo People Through the Superintendent. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Indian Affairs, June 21, 1935* _______ , A Bird1s-eye View of Indian Policy Historic and Contemporary. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Indian Affairs. , Analysis and Explanation of the Wheeler-Howard Indian Act. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1934.

, Editorials of Indian Affairs. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1933-1941.

339 Cooper, J. M., and Dewey Dismuke, "The Sheep Industry of Indians in the Southwest," Indians at Work. Washington, D.C.: Office of Indian Affairs, August, 1939* Division of Information Publications. Office of Indian Affairs, Washington, D.C.; United States Department of the Interior, October 30, 1939* Economic Rehabilitation of the Navajo, National Conference of Social Work, 193^* Washington, D.C.: Department of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, 193^• Fryer, E. R., "Justification of Present Plan of District Range Control," Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1937* Part 3^* _______ , The Navajo Service Land Management Conference. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, March 2-b, 1937* Handbook of Federal Indian Law. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, Office of the Solicitor, March, 19^0. Hagerman, H. J., Navajo Indian Reservation. Report of Spe­ cial Commissioner. Senate Hearing First Session of 72nd Congress. Washington, D.C.: United States Printing Office, 1932. Hearing Before Senate Committee on Indian Affairs on NavajoHopi Boundary, 72nd Congress, Second Session, United States Government Printing Office, 1932. Hearings on Law and Order. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Serv­ ice, Part II, April 8-10, 19^0. Ickes, Harold L . , Letter to Indian Service Employees. ington, D.C.: The United States Department of the Interior, April 30, 193^.

Wash­

Indians at Work. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, 1933-19^1. Laves, Gehaedt, Land Management in the Navajo Area. Window Rock: Navajo Service School Bulletin No. 3> 1937•

Law and Order Regulations. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Serv­ ice, November 27, 1935*

3^0 Lockett, H. Claiborne, Proceedings of the First Navajo Serv­ ice Land Management Conference Flagstaff. Window Rock: Navajo Service, School Bulletin, No. 1, 1937* _______ , The Beale Expedition. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of the Interior, Office of Indian Af­ fairs, Division of Education, 1939*

Luomala, Katherine, Navajo Life of Yesterday and Today. Berkeley: National Park Service, United States Depart­ ment of the Interior, 1933. McGinnies, E. G., "Statement of the Present Plan of Land Management on the Navajo Reservation,” Survey of Condi­ tions of the Indians in the United States, Washington, D . C .: United States Government Printing Office, Part 1937McPhee, John C., Narrative Report of Progress on the Navajo Reservation. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, Novem­ ber, 1937.

Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, July, 1933* Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Tuba City, Arizona, October,30-November 1, 1933. Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Fort Defiance, Arizona, March 12-13, 193^. Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Crown Point, New Mexico, April 9-11? 193^. Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Kearns Canyon, Arizona, July 10-12, 193^* Minutes of the Special Session of the Navajo Tribal Council held at Fort Defiance, Arizona, January 25, 1936. National Resources Committee, The Problem of a Changing Population. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, May, 1933. Navajo Planning and Policy Conference. States Indian Service, T$ToI

Window Rock: United

Portion of Hearing Before the Committee of Indian Affairs United States Senate with Referehce to Navajo Indian

341

Matters. (The whole of the hearing the final day July 3> 1937*) Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1937Proceedings of the Meeting of the Navajo Tribal Council and the Executive Committee. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, January 17-20, 1938. Proceedings of the Meeting of the Navajo Tribal Council. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, May 15-19, 1939Proceedings of the Meeting of the Navajo Tribal Council. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, November 20-21, 1939* Proceedings of the Meeting of the Navajo Tribal Council. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, June 2-6, 1940. Province, John H . , Physical Conditions of the Reservation. Radio Broadcast from KTGM, Window Rock, 8 P.M., October 18, 1938. Report of Board of Indian Commission on the Problem of Indian Administration. Washington, D.C.: United States Printing Office, January 10, 1929* Report of the Conservation Advisory Committee for the Navajo Reservation. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Interior, The Office of Indian Affairs, 1933* Soil Conservation Service, The Sociological Survey of the Navajo Reservation. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Agriculture, 1936. Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States. Hearings before a Sub-Committee of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, 71st Congress, Washington, D.C.:• United States Government Printing Office, 1931-1932. Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States. Hearings before a Sub-Committee of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, 75th Congress, Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, Part 34, 1937* Van Valkenburgh, Richard, A Short History of the Nava,jo People. Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, 1938*

342 PUBLICATIONS OP LEARNED ORGANIZATIONS Harrington, John P., "Southern Peripheral Athapaskan Origins, Divisions, and Migrations," Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 100: 1940. Hill, Willard W . , "Some Navajo Culture Changes During Two Centuries," in Essays in Historical Anthropology of North America. Published in honor of John R. Swanton, Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Miscellaneous Collections, 100: 1940. Phelps-Stokes Fund, The Navajo Indian Problem. Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1939*

New York:

ENCYCLOPEDIA ARTICLES "Amendments to the Constitution of the United' States," Encyclopaedia Britannica, XV, 762 D. Callahan, James M., "Conservation of Natural Resources," The Americana, VII, 546-48. PARTS OF SERIES Arizona State Teachers College Bulletin, "The Navajo," Flagstaff, Arizona: XVIII: 1937Burge, Moris, "The Navajo and the Land," New York: National Association of Indian Affairs, Inc., February, 1937* Jemison, Alice Lee, "Highlights of the Roosevelt Record in Indian Affairs," ;The First American, Washington., D.C., 1940. National Association of Indian Affairs, Inc., "Navajo Mountain," Bulletin 24, November, 1935* New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs, "Urgent Navajo Problems," Santa Fe: 1940. New Mexico, Annotated Statutes, 1929, New Mexico, "Session Laws," 1927* Supplement to the Revised Code of Arizona Annotated Stat­ utes, 1934.

UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS Carpenter, Miles, ”New Times and New Needs in the Navajo Country.11 Unpublished paper read at the National Con­ ference for Social Work in Atlantic City, June, 1941. Kimball, Salon Ti, ’’Navajo Economy and Environment.n Un­ published paper read at the meeting of the Southwestern Section, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Tucson, Arizona, April 22, 1940. McCreery, Jane H., "The Sequence of Material Culture Traits in the Southwest.11 Unpublished Master’s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1935Morgan, Jacob C., Autobiographic material presented to the present writer, June J, 1941. Steere, J. M., President Indian Rights Association, Letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, August 27, 1938. Van Valkenburgh, Richard F., ’’Traditional and Historical Implications on Navajo Political Mechanics,” Window Rock: Navajo Indian Service, 1940. NEWSPAPERS Aztec [New Mexico] Independent Review, February 15, 1935, to May 30, 1941. Farmington [New Mexico] Times Hustler, July 21, 1933, to June 27, 1941. The Gallup [New Mexico] Independent, May 29, 1936, to May 1, 1941. The Gallup [New Mexico] Gazette, March 6, 1941, to May 30, 1941. INTERVIEWS 78 Navajo (personal interviews) 11 Missionaries

344 14 Traders 16 Indian Service Employees 15 Business Men (Reservation Border Towns) Over 250 Navajo contacted by group interview