Narrandera Shire 9781862525528

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Illustrations (page vi)
Maps (page ix)
Thanks (page x)
Preface (page xiii)
Chronology (page xiv)
Chapters 1-9. The district.
1 The land (page 1)
2 The Wiradjuri (page 12)
3 The coming of the white men (page 24)
4 The squatters (page 38)
5 The wool kings (page 51)
6 Battling for runs (page 62)
7 Twilight of the squattocracy (page 74)
8 A sea of troubles (page 87)
9 Making a quid (page 101)
Chapters 10-12. The towns.
10 A squatters' duelling ground (page 122)
11 Profit and progress (page 139)
12 Shop locally (page 160)
Chapters 13-14. The world.
13 The ties of civilization (page 187)
14 Sydney and the bush (page 214)
Appendices
Endnotes (page 242)
Select bibliography (page 252)
Index (page 260)

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Narrandera Shire

N dera Shi Bill Gammage

Narrandera derives from the Wiradjuri narrungdera, narrung jew lizard, dera place. This was the name of the local clan, and possibly of the sandhill on which the Forestry Nursery stood in 1986.

Published by Bill Gammage for the

Narrandera Shire Council 1986

In memory of my grandfather, William Joseph Gammage (1884-1978), and for Jan.

© Copyright Bill Gammage 1986

GAMMAGE, Bill. Narrandera Shire Bibliography. Includes index. ISBN 1 86252 522 8. 1. Narrandera (N.S.W.) — History. I. Narrandera (NS.W. : Shire). Council. I. Title.

994.48 Typeset and printed at Griffin Press Limited, Netley, South Australia.

Illustrations vl Maps 1X Thanks x Contents

Preface x1 Chronology XIV 1 The land 1 page

2 The Wiradjuri 12 465 Battling Thewool squatters 38 The kings for runs 51 62

Chapters 1-9. The district.

3 The coming of the white men 24

7 Twilight ofof thetroubles squattocracy87 74 89 A sea Making a quid 101

Chapters 10-12. The towns.

10 squatters’ duelling ground139 122 11AProfit and progress

12 Shop locally 160 13 The ties of civilization 187

Chapters 13-14. The world.

14 Sydney and the bush 214

1 Plant names 231 23Owners of pastoral runs 233 Population 238

Appendices

45 Poison Two mystery graves 238 Waterholes Creek 238

Endnotes 242 Select bibliography 252 Index 260

67 Mayors Narrandera street names 239 and shire presidents 240

Vv

Illustrations Colour:

page

Narrandera Shire from a Landsat photo

Tree Associations | following page 10

The Murrumbidgee from Euroley bridge Summer scene near Old Man Creek

A ‘canoe tree’ 18 Old Man Creek Hamilton’s Plain 22 27

Black and white:

The Murrumbidgee wool traffic, old and new styles 54

Blue Cap’s attack on Bolero 60 A Raverina swagman 78

Ladies’ tennis at Buckingbong 79 Ryan’s shanty on Sandy Creek 84 Machine shearingononMerribee Midgeon 91 90 Blade shearing

Frank Jenkins 97 The squatter’s load 99 Rolling mallee near Moombooldool 103

At the Yanco Ostrich Farm 103 Horse driven winnower near Boree Creek 108

Horse drawn kicker111 109 Carting wheat

A Narrandera District promotion 112 Tattersall’s Hotel, Larmer street 125 Crimlisk’s smithy on the Wagga road 132 Moombooldool school picnic, and Christmas Day at Mt Chrystal 116

Percy and Ellen Higgins Bill Beecher’s sawmill team138 140

Two Narrandera business houses 142 Hanson's shops in East street 143

Chinese whisky jars 144

The Narrandera Volunteer Fire Brigade 147

Jacobs’ storetrade advertisement 149 Simpson’s display 152 8 Hours Day advertisement Kennedy's bakery, Grong Grong 153 155 A greatCarnival showman’s career begins 158 157 Easter advertisement The Oakbank Brewery 161 V1

At Lake Talbot 162 Garner’s store advertisement 163 East street, 1929 165 In Bullock’s store 173 Easter Carnival advertisement 177 Festival of Youth advertisement 178

The first Narrandera Argus cartoon 167

Roughriding at Narrandera 179 Cattle Show advertisement 181 Narrandera public school, and school teachers and pupils 191 Grong Grong public school 194 Allies and Hospital Day Queen 198 1917 recruiting appeal 200 Great Warwar processions 202 Narrandera memorials 203 Spanish flu notice 205 Australia Day tree appeal planting208 206 1942 war effort Reading the Argus in Pakistan 210 Coming home from 211 Remembering old Changi mates 212

Australien and barge 216 New State propaganda 220

Battling Battling the the land, land, 12 225 228

Vil

Maps

Dominant trees 8 Old Man Creek 23 Sturt’s exploration 26 page

Narrandera Shire and its location endpapers Embayed plains in the Narrandera region 2

The frontage runs 1848, and Wiradjuri War sites 1839-41 48

Defending Banandra and Uroly, 65 63 The struggle for Berembed Defending North Gogeldrie (Merribee) 68

Defending Narrandera run 1885 81 Buckingbong and Brewarrena 1885 83 Pastoral stations, 1885 and 1983 114

Narrandera 1863 128 Narrandera 1886 134 Narrandera 1935 168 Grong Grong 175 Narrandera 1984 182

Barellan 174

Narrandera 1886, central public and commercial locations 137 Narrandera 1935, central public and commercial locations 171

Tom Bynon’s river chart 216

Narrandera 1984, central public and commercial locations 185

1X

Thanks Many people made this book possible. My grandfather, William Joseph Gammage, who lived in

Narrandera for 68 years and for most of that time reported for the Narrandera Argus, had an unparalleled knowledge of the Shire’s past. His reports, especially his precise and detailed obituaries which are historically the most useful I have ever read, and until his death on 5 February 1978 his splendid memory, were a priceless gift to me, and I presume that his reputation led the Shire Council to ask me to write this book. I am grateful to the council for that opportunity, and to the council staff under Shire Clerk Dick Goss, who for eight years cheerfully tolerated my slowness to complete and my many requests for help. I thank them for their acceptance of me, and I thank especially Bill Clarke, Trish Collis, Noel Crichton, Len Dawson, Susan Ellerton, Steve Fisher, Dick Goss, Ossie Ingram, Brian Keene, Cliff King, Ken Murphy, Neil Shute (alias Balme), Brian Stockwell, Peter Tegart and Stan Walton. Stan first suggested to the council that I write this book, and he and his wife Mary have been good and hospitable friends for many years. The Narrandera Argus staff were also very helpful and friendly—I thank especially Gerry Kendall and Liz Lawrence. Jack Driscoll helped both directly and by writing his excellent Of Many Things column in the Argus. Harold and Mary Heckendorf were knowledgeable, generous and hospitable, and Harold spent many hours helping me with research and fieldwork. I met Curly and Rose Heckendorf 25 years ago, when I began what became an annual summer job of putting their farm in order. They are close friends, and Curly has helped me with uncountable aspects of the Shire’s history. Outside the Shire, I have a special debt to my parents John and Helen Gammage, Dad for his botanical and historical knowledge of Narrandera, and Dad and Mum for supporting me in this book as in everything, especially in 1981, when I was a Visiting Fellow in the History Department, RSSS, ANU. The Fellowship at ANU made possible most of my research for this book, and the secretaries and members of the department made doing it quicker, easier and much more pleasant. Steven Yorke, Debbie Oakley and Shane McMahon patiently and skilfully drew the maps from often difficult drafts.

Arch Cruttenden found many grain and stock statistics, and Chris Cuneen found genealogical references. Marion Pearce, particularly, and Marilyn Denholm did the very long and onerous work of typing drafts well and apparently cheerfully, and at Griffin Press Gus Nancarrow, Mark David and Barry Wundke showed me efficiently how to publish the book. Stewart, Bev, Verity and Charles Firth gave me a home while | researched in Sydney, and Bev was a very competent and innovative research assistant, despite her own heavy work load. The NSW Cultural Grants Advisory Council gave me a small grant in 1981. I am also grateful for their ready co-operation to the staff of those libraries and departments mentioned in the bibliography, and to the following people for so generously sharing their time and information: in Narrandera Shire, Jim Allen, Stewart Andrew, Bill Beecher, Fred Bock, Stace Bull, Les Bundey, Allan Carroll, Mick Charles, Win Charles, John Connor, Geoff Dangar, Ron Dawson, Joyce Day, Cec Dicker, Bill Dixon, Hugh Dodwell, Don Doyle, Mary Eldridge, Les and May Evans, Mrs E. Forbes, Frank Garner, Harry Grant, Ron Heckendorf, Bill Hewson, Ian Hill, Tom Hoare, John Hornbuckle, Chris Irons, Peter and Ted John, Edna Kemp, Peter Labecke, Ken and Audrey Lean, Chris Lettie, Jan Lucas, Bob and Lorraine McIntosh, Keith and Val McKay, Rita McMullen, Nev Mitchell, Jack Mooney, Keith Mulholland, George Noble, Bernice Rankine, Norm Rogers, Helen Row, Jack and Nathalie Semmler, Robert Sewell, Doug Sheather, Merv Shung, Peter Simpson, Joe Smith, Sinclair Smith, Brian Sommerfield, Edna Stanley, A-E. Steward, Jim Stewart, Brian Sullivan, Olive xX

Sullivan, Tom and Mona Sullivan, Myrtle Taylor, Roy Wade, Mr and Mrs A. Watts, Jack Williams, Mr and Mrs Les Williams, Geoff Wise and Wal Woodward. In Wagga, Don Brech, Jean and Kath Bull, David Denholm, Jack Sanderson, Katherine Smith, Keith and Vera Swan and John Winterbottom. In Sydney, Tim Bowden, Gavan Cashman, E.W. Croft, A.P. Elkin, Ruth Hennessy, Doreen Higgins, Mrs D. Huntley, Ron Lampert, Gaynor Macdonald, John McQuilton, Bill Pickard, Ted and Roma Roach,

Peter Spearritt, Jack and Rita Tompson, Don Wall, Australia Post Historical Officers, the National Herbarium and the NSW Police Department. Elsewhere in NSW, John Atchison, John Bell, Ambrose Burke, Dick Davies, Gordon Devlin, Peter Doyle, Verlie Fowler, Lois Grant, Jack Guest, Mr and Mrs Jim Maple-Brown, Jack Martin, Raleigh Mathews, Jack McInnes, Rod Ryan, John Stewart, Peter Taylor and Marlene Walters. In Canberra, Terry Bain, Diane Barwick, Bruce Butler, John Carnahan, Wilf Crane, Stan Devlin, Bev Gallina, Jim Gibbney, John Hamono, Ken Inglis, Allan Martin, Isobel McBryde, Helen McNab, Peter Read, Richard Reid, Geoff Serle, Gavin Souter, Mike Walsh, Jing-wu Wang, Owen Williams and the National Botanic Gardens. In SA, Bev Arnold, Norman and Joyce Bayly, Peter Dent, John Douglas, Paul Finlay, Max Foale, Brett Hay, Bernie O’Neil, Margaret Ragless,

Jill Stevens, Barry Taverner, Jeff Tomlinson and Sonia Zabolocki. In Victoria, WJ. Cuthill, Bull Hanson, Andrew and Nerili Markus, John McCarty, Bill Rubinstein and Jack Ward, and in WA, Sylvie Flett. I thank them all. I thank especially my wife Jan, who has endured and encouraged this work since I began it, and unselfishly forgone much because of it.

Xl

Preface The great difficulty in writing local history 1s to relate local events and interests to Australian themes. Local people, although interested in their place in the world, expect the former; historians, although knowing that their generalizations about Australia urgently need testing by local studies, expect the latter. With a few distinguished exceptions, local histories have therefore been either collections of names and anecdotes, or detailed studies of selected periods or themes. The writers of each have kept to what they know, and thereby failed to meet, to their mutual disadvantage. I do not pretend to have resolved this difficulty. I can only say that it explains what I have attempted. I have tried to respond both to a just local desire to remember noteworthy citizens and events, and to a historian’s urge to understand what happened in Australia. I have deferred most to local interest, although no doubt some readers will resent my omission of names and achievements, and in general I have avoided overt academic analysis, although some readers will know that some of my opinions, for examples on Wiradjuri population and political organization, the social origins, religious antipathy and town interests of the squatters, the outcome of land selection, the effect of land taxes, the early wheat industry, and the origins of rural conservatism, challenge accepted versions of Australia’s past.

Despite very generous local and professional help, I found this book difficult to research. I found virtually no personal diaries or letters, station journals or early narratives, and therefore relied heavily on genealogical sources, lands maps, titles records and the excellent obituaries my grandfather wrote for the Narrandera Argus between 1910 and 1978. These proved very valuable, giving illuminating insights into the nineteenth century particularly, but they helped little with such topics as workmen and women, and this weakness is reflected here. I hope what has been included will have some interest for those who so long and so patiently helped me prepare it, and those whose district it describes.

xill

Chronology 40,000+ years ago People living in Shire area

1817 June 1-6 John Oxley visits Binya area 1829 Dec 8 — 1830 Apr 20 Charles Sturt crosses Shire area along the Murrumbidgee

1832 First settlers take up land along the river

1839-41 Wiradjuri War

1847 Mar 9 Orders in council give squatters leasehold, and lead to run boundaries being drawn

1850 James Larmer surveys an agricultural reserve at Narrandera 1856 Nov 24 John and Frank Jenkins freehold first district land at Gillenbah 1859 May 16-30 Edward Twynam surveys Narrandera village site

1860 Oct 22 First Narrandera town lots sold in Wagga 1861 Oct Land selection acts. District land opened to selection 1 January 1866

1863 Apr 28 Narrandera village proclaimed 1876 July 24 Telegraph reaches Narrandera 1881 Feb 28 Railway officially opened to Grong Grong and Narrandera 1885 Mar 18 Narrandera borough proclaimed. First council elections 2 June 1906 June 12 Yanko Shire Council first meets. First elected council meets 6 December

1908 Nov 18 Temora railway opened to Barellan 1909 May 19 Barelian village proclaimed 1916 July 3 Temora railway opened to Binya

1946-54 Rural electrification of Shire

1960 Jan 1 Narrandera Municipal and Yanko Shire Councils amalgamate to form Narrandera Shire Council

X1V

The district

1 The land This history attempts to show how people have fared in Narrandera Shire. It outlines the evolution of the land, and how Aborigines and Europeans have interacted with the land and their own traditions. Narrandera’s Aborigines are Wiradjuri people. In traditional times they accepted the mastery

of the land and used it to achieve a large degree of self-reliance, but that disadvantaged them in responding to events beyond their boundaries, and when invasion came in the 1830s none of their great skills fitted them to repel it. After 150 years Europeans are still learning to use Narrandera land and are still more vulnerable than the Wiradjuri were to successes and disasters brought by the chance of the seasons. Equally, though well aware of the outside world, for they have always been a dependent community, Narrandera’s Europeans are almost as powerless as the Wiradjuri were to control the impact of outsiders on their lives. In particular their notions of progress, order and material well-being have tied them to the larger European world and, as does the land, this brings them both rewards and penalties. Throughout their short time in Narrandera Shire they have had to contend both with the land within and the world beyond its boundaries. Narrandera Shire, 414,130 hectares, population 7548 in 1981, lies along the western rim of the south west slopes of New South Wales. An average annual rainfall of around 400 millimetres, mild winters, hot summers and rich red earth have produced in it average wool country, and some of the finest wheat land in Australia. The chief town 1s Narrandera, population 5013 in 1981, on the north bank of the Murrumbidgee River, 430 kilometres from Sydney and 370 kilometres from Melbourne. The town’s street trees and lake make it the prettiest in western New South Wales, but in common

with all rural service centres it struggles in the grip of centralization and mechanization. Twelve kilometres east along the railway is Grong Grong, population 130 in 1981, a wheat silo with a village attached, and 50 kilometres north is Barellan, population 380 in 1981, like Narrandera surviving by its service to surrounding farms and its transport links with the distant metropolis. The Shire’s transport network illustrates its circumstances and origins. Two twin railway-highway systems traverse it east-west, one through Narrandera, the other through Barellan, both tethering the

Shire to the world. Into these feed local north-south roads, making clear the Shire’s economic dependence on exports and political dependence on Sydney. Men in Sydney made the Shire. Late last century they looked on rural New South Wales as a

rich resource from which metropolitan prosperity might be mined, and they accepted without question the two great ideas of colonial Australia, progress and order. Their notion of progress led them to assume that as population increased a system of local government would most efficiently develop the resources and industry of New South Wales. At the same time their idea of order made them reluctant to take authority from the central administration, and they kept for Sydney control

over finance, education, and the administration of justice, powers commonly held by local government overseas. In 1867 the Municipalities Act permitted a population of at least 1000 within an area of nine square miles to form a borough. Narrandera officially reached this milestone of progress in 1881, and was incorporated on 18 March 1885. In 1906 the Local Government Act confirmed the division of the more populous rural areas of the state into shires. Narrandera was surrounded by Yanko Shire: an appointed temporary council held its first meeting on 12 June 1906, organized elections for 24 November, and gave way to its elected successor on 6 December. The Shire lost 62,294 hectares to Willimbong (now Leeton) Shire in 1929-30, and amalgamated with Narrandera Municipality as

Narrandera Shire on 1 January 1960. That December Narrandera Shire had to surrender 10,000 1

hectares in the Euroley area to Leeton Shire, but has since survived better than most the periodic local government restructurings the men in Sydney make, and except for those wounding bites from its western flank it remained in 1986 substantially as it was in 1906. The Shire has few distinctive features. A complex of sandstone conglomerate hills, dominated by

the Narrandera Range and the Colinroobie Hills, squats in its centre, a barrier and a beacon 1-200 metres above the farmland around. On each side, north and south, the last fingers of the Riverina

Plain, that magnificent saltbush country on which the old squattocracy developed its great achievement, the Australian merino, reach into the Shire from the west. The Plain lies some 130 metres above sea level, but about the Shire’s western boundary the ground begins to rise. In the south west a large semicircle of flat to undulating country lifts itself from the Plain east of Yanko Creek, rises to about 180 metres along the Narrandera-Jerilderie railway, undulates about this level as it moves east then north across the river and behind the hills, then falls gradually back to the west as the Barellan

Plain, leaving the Shire through the Binya gap at about 140 metres above sea level. To an inexperienced eye only the main direction of the watercourses indicates the gentle westward fall of the land. The only major stream is the Murrumbidgee River, the ‘long water’ of the Wiradjuri, in the Shire area perched slightly above surrounding land. It rises in the Australian Alps, and reaches the Shire

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Mick Laracy, who worked the Murrumbidgee sheds in the 80s and 90s, loved shearing: the men and horses coming together, the mateship, the chance to excel. “Oh, strike me, how I loved it,” repeated a song by an old shearer who had once rung Tubbo, “how Id love to strut across the board an’ bow, once more to clip the wool off, but I don’t go shearin’ now.” He was missing not merely a job, but a way of life. Shearers had deep-felt grievances. A few felt threatened by Frederick Wolseley’s machine shears, which began appearing in eastern Riverina sheds in 1885. Most resented the pennypinching practices of a growing number of squatters during the 80s. Squatters could ‘raddle’, or mark with red or brown chalk, any sheep they considered improperly shorn, and did not have to pay for it. Some even docked an entire pen, of say 20 sheep, if it contained a raddled sheep. Squatters also had a ‘second price’, a rate

per hundred about a quarter less than normal, for any shearer’s work they thought generally unsatisfactory, and they could use the Masters and Sewants Act to sack a shearer for incompetence, paying him say half the wages owing, or sometimes nothing at all. Some squatters habitually declared the second price and began sacking shearers just before their shed cut out, so that after months of work a shearer might find himself with little or no pay. Many runs provided poor accommodation, bad meat and dirty sheep, overcharged at the store, and even docked pay for grass shearers’ horses ate. These injustices provoked the formation of the Amalgamated Shearers’ Union (ASU), founded by William Guthrie Spence at Creswick in Victoria in May 1886. Almost immediately the eastern Riverina became an ASU stronghold: union organizers were active around Narrandera by mid year, and a shearers’ union formed at Wagga that September became an ASU branch in January 1887. A Narrandera branch was formed in January 1889, a shearer telling the inaugural meeting how he had been let shear to within four days of cutting out, and was then paid off at the second price, and charged 17/6 a week for his food (about three times normal) and 5/—a week agistment for his horse. “Had the sheep owners been satisfied to give a fair price ...,” he said, “the union need never have been called into existence.” The new union creed, with its gospel of mateship and fair play, swept the bush, firing its converts with the zeal of crusaders. Freedom, Henry Lawson was to declare in 1891, was on the wallaby. The squatters too were organizing. They had always co-operated on wages, prices and blacklisting

workers, and in September 1886, under the motto “Union is Strength”, some of them formed the Commercial, Pastoral and Agricultural Association, to unite squatter, selector and merchant. It was superseded in 1888 by a more specifically anti-ASU union, the Sheepowners’ Association. By then some squatters had cut their shearing rate. This had fluctuated between 17/6 and 25/—a hundred since the 40s, but was commonly £1. There was no case for cutting it: squatters pleaded their falling profits, but they had not raised the rate when their profits boomed in the 70s. The shearers struck. The first NSW strike over the shearing rate may have been on Deepwater. In the 70s Deepwater had shorn the Ganmain and Uarah sheep, and on 8 October, Arthur Devlin’s birthday, everyone would have a picnic. The men played cricket and pitch and toss, ran races, held jumping and walking contests, tossed the caber, and at night donated a silver coin to the Narrandera hospital to attend a concert in

the shed, at which Arthur Devlin sang and his wife Anne played the piano. But in August 1884 William Devlin had his shearers fined in court for leaving his service, and in 1886 both Deepwater and Gogeldrie attempted to cut the shearing rate from £1 to 16/8. The shearers struck, and the Deepwater men began organizing a union. Both the threat and the remedy were clear. In 1887 some 500 NSW and Victorian sheds converted to union rules, and by 1888 shearers everywhere were accepting work only under ASU conditions. Most squatters were surprised by this new aggression. In August 1888 Frank Jenkins saw union organizers among the shearers at Buckingbong’s roll call, and ordered them off: The shearers quit to

a man, rode into Narrandera “in a quiet and orderly body”, and paraded through the streets with colours flapping from their riding crops. Soon a messenger came from Buckingbong, offering them work ona ‘verbal agreement’ under union rules. The shearers accepted. Midgeon, North Yanco, Goree and Yarrabee shore under similar agreements, but Barellan took its shearers to court, and after a dispute Deepwater shore under a ‘station agreement’ drafted by the squatter. 92

On Tubbo neither manager nor shearers would give way. Shearers had once thought Tubbo a ‘good’ shed: there were always at least 120,000 sheep so that long tallies could be done, and conditions were reasonable. In the early 80s the manager was John Henry Spiller, and one shearer recalled how once when a horse kicked his leg, Mrs Spiller had visited the men’s huts twice a day to dress his wound, and made a leather legging to protect it from yolk in the wool. Spiller also paid good shearers 2/6 a hundred bonus, to encourage their return. He shore union in 1887, but that year he was paid off: The new manager, Neil McCallum, would have nothing to do with unionists. When they appeared in July 1888 he ordered them off, recruited non-union shearers including men from Warangesda, got them police protection, and finished his shearing. In September he was busy offering non-union shearers to squatters further east about to start, and urging them to hunt unionists from their runs. An even more violent reaction came from the lessee of Brookong, William Halliday. The run usually shore over 370,000 sheep, and in August 1888 2-300 shearers camped there as usual for roll call. When they demanded union rules Halliday ordered them off, but they were camped on a public reserve, so they stayed, obstructing non-union men from taking a pen. Halliday exploded, sending off a telegram asking for 40 Colt revolvers, with 100 rounds of ammunition for each. “Brookong is in a state of siege”, he stated, “Situation intolerable.” Fifteen police came from Wagga, a magistrate read the Riot Act, and nine union shearers were arrested and later sentenced to between one and three years in prison. Two, John Parker and Joseph Casey, and possibly William Jackson, were from Narrandera. These disgraceful proceedings brought a particular intensity to the shearing dispute along the Murrumbidgee. In most pastoral areas the 1889 season went off peaceably, but in the eastern Riverina more squatters began to say that they would not be held to ransom by employees, and more shearers began to doubt whether the squatters would accept union rules simply because they were fair and reasonable. In June 1889 a Narrandera correspondent reported that local shearers were “all unanimous that it is necessary to make a firm stand against most of the river pastoralists [who]... are not going to accept the Union rules, as adopted at a Conference between Sheepowners and Shearers at Wagga.” That year a unionist “decoyed” half Berembed’s shearers away, short strikes disrupted shearing on Barellan, Gogeldrie and Midgeon before those sheds shore union, Deepwater and Brookong shore under station agreement, and Tubbo ‘paid the pound’, £1 per 100 sheep, but shore with non-union shearers sent under police protection from Hittman’s Labour Agency in Sydney. The shadow of the ‘Brookong martyrs’ was lengthening.

On 9 July 1890, in Sydney, the squatters re-formed the Sheepowners’ Association as the Pastoralists’ Union of NSW (PU), and on 14 July wrote to the ASU demanding that for the coming season “Pastoralists ... shall have the undisputed right to shear under their own agreements and rules”. This principle, known as ‘freedom of contract’, directly opposed a union principle the PU itself employed, collective bargaining. The letter went on to offer to negotiate on ASU rules after the 1890 season, but the ASU was well aware that the squatters wanted, as Neil McCallum put it, to “first break the unions, and then go back to the old ways and terms.” By 19 July the ASU was telling Riverina squatters that the issue was “Unionism versus Non-unionism, and we have determined, at any cost, to assert our right to combine ... We ... communicate with you... to make a settlement of differences possible .. .” Some individual squatters accepted the shearers’ right to unionize, but the PU continued to demand freedom of contract. On 24 September, following a PU refusal to meet the ASU, all union shearers were called out on strike. The ‘bitter fight’ was joined. By then at least two Narrandera sheds had already struck. Early in September Midgeon and Buckingbong prosecuted 53 shearers for striking, who forfeited their wages and were fined, or went to gaol rather than pay. The Narrandera unionists needed no direction to fight. Nonetheless the strike call was a serious mistake. Most Narrandera sheds were shearing union when it came, and the squatters strongly resented being abandoned. Barellan began shearing 60,300 sheep under union rules on 11 September, but a fortnight later 22 shearers obeyed the strike call. They forfeited their wages, but the Barellan shearing did not end until 13 November, when the lambs were in an “awful mess” from grass seeds. The run was offered for sale that month. Midgeon prosecuted 36 shearers, its second lot, on 1 93

October, Wagingoberemby 8 on 2 October, and Moombooldool 21 on 4 October. Most forfeited their wages or were fined, but at least eight went to gaol rather than pay. Buckingbong was shearing union under a verbal agreement, paying the pound, and was within three days of cutting out 70,000 sheep when the men struck. “I said they were being unfair”, the manager stated in court, “they replied they were sorry but they had been called upon by the union to do so and they must do so.” They forfeited their wages: some had shorn well over 2000 sheep. “It seems astonishing”, the magistrate told them, “that a lot of men, the majority of whom are very intelligent individually, can as a body be so

easily led...” North Yanco was shearing union, and the men considered the squatter, James Henry Douglas, a good boss, but the entire board, 46 men, struck when the call came. The Narrandera bench ordered them to forfeit their wages, at which “dissent and groans” rose from the courtroom. Douglas spoke with the magistrate, who announced that Douglas would pay all wages due if the men would return to work. They did. The 1890 strike was a major union defeat. It cost the ASU £9000 in fines and forfeited wages, over a third of it in eastern Riverina. The courts, the city press, other employers’ unions, and the government sided with the squatters, and they could use the railway to bring in non-union labour. The ASU was obliged to tell its members to find work under the best conditions they could obtain. But in eastern Riverina the unions had shown unusual strength and solidarity. Despite the strike the Wagga branch of the ASU got enough from dues and donations to meet its expenses, donate over £,2600 to strikers elsewhere, and still be almost £2500 in credit. They were not ready to abandon their cause.

In Narrandera the Municipal Council attempted to heal the breach. On 14 November 1890 the mayor called a public meeting to consider a proposal put forward by alderman H-E. Manning to form

the Australian United Working People’s Landed Proprietary Company Limited. Unemployed working men would become shareholders on a small wage, have company farms leased to them, and

share the profits of their work. The co-operative would build homes and such self-improvement facilities as reading rooms and a library, which would improve worker’s conditions “far better than strikes can do”, and lead to permanent peace between labour and capital. A provisional committee included the mayor, several aldermen, three clergymen, and the local ASU representative, but nothing came of the scheme.

Instead, the 1890 strike drove apart unionists and non-unionists. Ten days before the land co-operative meeting a non-union shearer stabbed a union shearer in the Star Hotel. “I was called a bloody scab,” he said, “and they hit me two or three times in the mouth.” He was refused bail, as the magistrate thought he would not be safe at large in Narrandera. The strike also drove moderate squatters into the PU. The conciliatory attitude of men like James Douglas was discredited, the uncompromising stand of men like Neil McCallum, who shore in 1890 with scab labour from Sydney armed and under police guard, was vindicated. On 21 May 1891 a meeting in the Royal Mail Hotel to form a Narrandera PU branch was attended by every district run except Binya. Samuel McCaughey took the chair, and explained that it was time to stifle the tyranny and dictatorial tactics of the ASU. The question was, he declared, “Is the man who pays the money to be subservient, and to be dictated to by the man who receives it?” The branch was formed, and a committee elected which included squatters from Berembed, Buckingbong, Goree, Grong Grong, Midgeon, North Yanco and Tubbo. The following day a meeting in Wagga announced that the PU would pay the pound and agree to most union conditions, but only under station agreement. Yes, a Narrandera shearer replied, you pay the pound now, but before the ASU was formed “it was 17/6 and tar your own sheep” (pay for

everything), and the squatters had overcharged and docked wages with impunity. As for their treatment during the strike, he concluded, “I must say that some of them were treated too bad, but the majority were not treated bad enough.” In Riverina, at least, the bitter fight would continue. But 1891-3 were not the years for the union to fight it. The victorious squatters stood firm for station agreements, and a major depression throughout eastern Australia put thousands of workhungry men on the track. In August 1892 320 shearers applied for 65 pens on Buckingbong, and over 94

200 applicants were turned away from Midgeon. Nonetheless in September over 200 ASU men attended a meeting in Narrandera to raise money for striking Broken Hill miners, and when 50-100 of the rejected Midgeon men, “principally of the larrikin class” in the manager’s opinion, were refused rations they “planted” in the scrub until the manager was gone, then rifled the huts for food. Next day they helped themselves to breakfast and dinner, and in the evening threw out the cook before taking

tea. The following morning the police appeared, and the “push” moved off. Both refusing and plundering rations were unheard of, and the incident reveals how deep were the divisions the shearing dispute created. In 1893 the ASU and the General Labourers’ Union, the shed hands’ union, combined to form the Australian Workers’ Union (AWU), and in 1894 the PU attacked the new union by breaking the

agreement to pay the pound, and cutting the shearing rate to 17/— a hundred. The AWU, its membership falling, could not oppose this, but in almost every Narrandera district shed men refused to work for it. By September Binya, Moombooldool and Goree had abandoned the new PU terms, Yarrabee and North Gogeldrie had enforced them after withstanding strikes, and North Yanco had enforced them by bringing in police, Sydney shearers, and 20 Aborigines to make up the board. Tubbo, under a new manager, Duncan Sinclair, got a full board from Sydney under police protection, but on 18 August the police were withdrawn, and at dawn next day union men attacked the station, assaulted the cook, destroyed meat, vegetables and clothes, and laid siege to the men’s huts. The police hastily returned, and stayed until Tubbo cut out. In 1895 and 1896 police again protected Tubbo, and most Narrandera sheds shore under PU terms. AWU membership continued to fall, and by 1897 only three NSW country branches, Bourke, Scone and Wagga, remained. Yet the flame of unionism stayed alight. “None but those who saw the bushmen carrying their swags across the plains in blue mud and water to their knees can imagine the heroic stand made against the tyranny of the wool kings,” Mick Laracy declared. By 1897 the resolve of the Narrandera squatters was weakening. The costs of the bitter fight—police protection, rail fares from Sydney, labour agency fees, burnt haystacks and fences—were being compounded by losses to drought and rabbits, and year after year managers had to struggle to get a full board. They began paying the pound under verbal agreement. By 1900 only Tubbo and Brookong still demanded PU terms, and that year the Tubbo shearers struck for the pound. The manager took them to court and had them fined, but Tubbo’s shearing began a month late, with only 22 poor shearers, and did not finish until 19 November, when seed and burr were well and truly in the wool. It would have been cheaper to pay. The AWU returned to the offensive during the 1902 drought. That year the PU agreed to pay the pound to members of the Machine Shearers’ Union, a squatters’ union, so the AWU called a strike for 22/6 a hundred. That August Narrandera was full of striking shearers, and PU sheds were almost empty. Buckingbong had eleven shearers, Goree and Yarrabee a few, North Yanco about 20 under police protection. A Machine Shearer wrote to Tubbo: Sir will you kindley alott me a pen in the forth comin shering at your station and please to send me the reglation of the pastorlests uion and were i am to sine as i should like to join i shore at your station last year

Tubbo got about two dozen shearers. Widgiewa was blockaded by unionists, and J.S. Horsfall was obliged to bring 39 non-union men by special train from Narrandera. About 100 unionists gathered to meet the train at Widgiewa Siding, but it went through and stopped along the line, where six armed station hands and three policemen waited. As they began escorting the non-unionists to the shed, furious unionists appeared across the paddocks on bikes and horses. They surrounded the convoy, and “persuaded” 34 non-union men to join their camp. The other five went on and began shearing next day, and at daylight three days later police reinforcements advanced on the union camp. The union men retreated, and by nightfall 29 men were on the Widgiewa board. On 16 September an AWU organizer, Angus Cameron, was 95

sentenced in Narrandera to six months hard labour for his part in the blockade, and the AWU paid Widgiewa £250 damages. But the union was never broken, and the squatters never went back to “the old ways and terms” as Neil McCallum had hoped. In 1907 the Commonwealth Arbitration Court awarded NSW shearers 24/— a hundred, and the squatters recognized the AWU. In 1909 the shearer was “still the King of bush workers, the envy of many a man whose daily labour is an incessant drudgery ... the shearer now enjoys a degree of comfort that his forebears never imagined ... the shearing industry has been organised.” Although police were still protecting Tubbo in 1923, in general squatter and shearer abided by award wages and conditions. After 20 years struggle, the union had won most of what shearers wanted. Selectors, shearers, drought, improvement, rabbits and falling profits put the squatters deeply into debt, usually to banks and pastoral companies. When their creditors, feeling the difficult times, began calling in their loans, most squatters could not pay. In the 70s creditor companies responded by auctioning the runs, bankrupting men like Arthur Devlin, J.A. Dallas and JJ. Flood. By the mid 80s many runs were not worth their debts, so the companies kept the squatters on, managing runs they had once owned. Several companies themselves collapsed or amalgamated during the bank crash of 1893, and thereafter the remainder increasingly turned the pioneers off, replacing them with balance books and managers committed to efficiency and profit. “Come Stumpy, old man, we must shift while we can, a squatter tells his horse in “The Broken-Down Squatter’, For the banks are all broken, they say, And the merchants are all up a tree, When the bigwigs are brought to the Bankruptcy Court, What chance for a squatter like me?

By 1879 Barellan, Bundidgerry, Cowabbee and North Gogeldrie were all owned by companies, and by 1899 Binya, Deepwater, Grong Grong, Moombooldool, Murrill Creek and Yarrabee had also been taken over. The costs of selection and improvement brought Frank Jenkins to the brink of disaster. In 1879 he owed Richard Goldsbrough and Company £60,000, and the company ordered him to sell out. He

offered Buckingbong, Gillenbah, Yanco, Little Swamp and Morundah in February 1880, for £150,000: 19,480 hectares freehold, 4450 hectares under selection, all “in the interests of the station”, 66,400 hectares under lease, 75,000 sheep and 3000 cattle. No-one would buy. He tried again in February 1881, again without success, so the company was obliged to support him. His debt rose from

£,/8,000 in 1881 to £160,000 to various creditors in 1884; then his nephew John Francis was bankrupted off'a property near Young, leaving Frank lable for another £39,000. Goldsbrough put a

manager on Buckingbong, and told Jenkins to sell Yanco, Colombo, Nottingham Forest, and properties in Victoria and Queensland. He sold 4700 hectares of Yanco land at Cuddell to the Rual brothers for £33,500 in March 1886, Colombo that December to John and Isaac Rudd for £42,000, and 8500 hectares from the back part of Gillenbah to William Kiddle and Arthur Balme for £36,500 in May 1887. Still his debts rose, and he had to borrow even small amounts. “I must apply to you for £1000 to meet expenses principally for selections,” he told Goldsbrough in January 1887. In 1888 ‘Roaring Jack’ Jenkins went broke on Nangus and came to live on Buckingbong, and Frank had to borrow £80,000 to clear his brother’s debts. By 1895 his land had been reduced from 90,688 to 26,522 hectares, which Goldsbrough valued at £148,630, less the cost of converting 11,108 hectares of selected land to freehold He owed more than that, so the company kept him on. Indeed it had to lend him more, because the reserves which had locked up so much prime land in the 60s and 70s were now being opened under public pressure, and it was vital to secure the land. The company escaped its dilemma by selling most of Jenkins’ debts to Samuel McCaughey in March 1900. McCaughey let the old pioneer keep his remaining land. 96

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Robert Hamilton and Thomas Baillie bought Barellan about March 1874, and borrowed heavily to improve it. In 1878 they paid £45 a mile for log fencing, and in 1887 £432/10/- for a slab lined well. They lost both in a bushfire. They spent liberally on bounties—£4 a head for dingos, 5/— for horses, and 1/3 for roos. Then the rabbits came, and even at 5/—a scalp they multiplied. The droughts of the late 80s killed most of their stock, and in 1890 Baillie died and a pastoral company sold Barellan to Frank Reginald Clayton (1866-1939), a young Englishman who had just married his boss’s daughter on Barooga, on the Murray. Clayton took his position seriously, becoming a foundation member of Narrandera’s exclusive Murrumbidgee Club in December 1903, a Yanko Shire councillor in 1906-11, and a member of the Narrandera Pastures Protection Board, the Turf Club, and the show society. He arrived on Barellan in February 1891, to find his dams broken by floods, and water short. In the next three years, officially good seasons, several bushfires burnt over the run, and grasshopper plagues searched for grass the rabbits left. He netted his subdivisions, dug pit traps, laid out trails of poisoned pollard, fumigated, and put on teams to dig out burrows. In 1894 his creditor company took possession, but as Clayton was young and competent it kept him on as manager. Drought struck, but perhaps that helped Clayton, for in 1905, after years of struggle, he bought back his mortgage. In 1910, aged 44, he sold out.

In 1885 Albert Mack, son of a squatter and nephew of the Austins of Wanganella, brought ‘Browley on Yanko Creek, 4050 hectares, from Mary Ann Lupton’s insolvent estate. He quickly became socially prominent in the district, driving a famous four-in-hand, being elected a director and often chairman of the Sheep Board from 1886 to 1894, and becoming a very active PU official. He might possibly have been the nephew who cared for the rabbits Thomas Austin brought out in 1859: in any case their descendants ate him out of “Browley’. “Luck’s against us”, he told his wife sadly, and in February 1894 they left the district to work for his brother near Dubbo. Not every broken squatter quit so quietly. In March 1893 the National Bank took possession of Angus Robertson’s Yarrabee, and that December tried to have him evicted. He refused to go, and in January 1895 the bank foreclosed on him, turned him off, and put a manager in. The ballroom stood disused, the guest rooms fell empty, the hectares of gardens withered and died. In 1897 the bank sold

Yarrabee to Samuel McCaughey. He paid £26,164 more than Robertson owed, which the bank refused to surrender, and in 1899 Robertson petitioned the Victorian parliament for redress. Apparently he failed, and he died in 1901. In 1894 Joseph Annand was forced off his Murrill Creek run by a mortgagor pastoral company. He believed that he had merely been “retired from active management” for five years, but when he sought his run back in September 1899, the company refused to return it. Annand took six or seven men to the station and demanded occupation. The station hands refused, a brawl with sticks and crowbars broke out, one of Annand’s men was knocked out, and a station hand escaped and walked 50 kilometres into Narrandera to get the police. The rest surrendered, and were handed over to the police who, perhaps wisely, then decided to leave. Annand put his men in charge, and returned to Narrandera. Shortly the manager of Murrill Creek, George Gow, who was overseeing the Moombooldool shearing, heard of the takeover. He hurried into Narrandera, got 30 men, and headed for Murrill Creek. Not far from the homestead they stopped and boiled the billy, waiting for dusk. One of the garrison was ambushed, but escaped and ran to Narrandera to get the police again. Gow’s army stealthily surrounded the homestead, disarmed a sentry patrolling with a loaded rifle, then charged the house. Pitch forks, spades and waddies swung lustily, but no-one was hurt, and soon the garrison surrendered. Gow put in his own force, and returned to his shearing. Two days later Annand recaptured the station, and Gow again drove him out. Annand then prosecuted Gow in court, stating that Gow and his men had broken down the door of Murrill Creek homestead, taken from him a rifle he was using as a club to defend himself, and thrown him out of the house. The case was struck out as outside the court’s jurisdiction, and Annand lost his run. While the bush was showering its afflictions on the squatters, the men in Sydney attacked them anew. In 1895 three successive acts put taxes on unimproved land and on revenue derived from it. 98

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m, thetic remained inMany 1986. At ther 1895 ymp Iders’ troubles. ofRev, the troubles ame cartoons ofload. landholde Vals 2 1892.3 p.758, an 5 ]bles bbi the toprabbit of atthe (Aust Past Vright | joined the .

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d easeno and,thereby f | hold land, breaking up big estates an rpose to force surrender oO mo . «othe snine th ywas t land fit forthe subdivision wasythold, so theruns run th country to closer settlement. In fact most la . st was no ‘ Nn : t was useless for farms. But dem ment W now .

:sme :¢ aDoOr rary. vo “hat ur ed It relen j sapere m the Narrandera e } Closer September 19 | counSettlement,

In larI orn ec and WICsettlement, 1a rever and i tecwats strident O Campal ineland for closer y mo and , wrey_ er a]ontlessly ite ; ll theAlmost Narrandera annually COUNCI! aSKe g d‘ Bu : ) . ] : n k d closer settlement near the wn, Buck d 10 Midgeon be ‘opened’ as they blocke : om nd " Dr Broinowski told a public meeting to .

eevendnv lization, which was nous amount of progress in the ats ’ ; bie onlay ] ties to spring up unless they made land availa ry ld not expect cities to spring up gation and Railway League that cutting up Midgeon

in the district; and would lead to decentralization,

eves ontkeNarrandera’s Midgeon was one stationprogress in the way of | .. . rolla O closer settlement. hey cou ?P

for the people... Lake Ig i hon V following mon and subdi iding it Would 1 1 ; roeress cnotae istrict’ lation by 1000 or 1500. The following h th 1V1d) ld ncrease the district S popu

ded its name to the Closer Settlement, Railway and P Leagu 4 | sue the

p OgriWrightly, nN ideal thetheir squatters supported, and 1 p asm ne n able that land would not support

li ble Yl hts of freehold, Or told claim, sometimes g).,h ‘hatm local: I farme . A. Gunn, a city journ uatter, probably J.A. farmers. In hand April 1892 a Mirrool sq , wen y ° Vreven | ingntre oftopatches which h ld “lh from mouth In the ce se om

have long ago cleared off every vestige of grass or scrub, and on which they are trying to keep their few remaining stock alive by expedients more suited to the famine-stricken districts of Russia than central New South Wales.” But the democratic flood would not be stopped. The railways were losing money, and parliament became convinced that only closer settlement would make them pay. By 1904 it was even ready to ignore the sacred rights of freehold, and that year passed a Closer Settlement Act which, for the first time, included a provision lethal to squatterdom: compulsory resumption. Runs would be resumed, their owners compensated, and the land given over to small farms. Nothing the squatters did in the bush could now defend their runs. Their futures waited upon the men in Sydney. By 1905 runs were being resumed or, more often, privately subdivided to avoid resumption. Runs within reach of a railway were most at risk: a new northern line was opened to Barellan on 18 November 1908, and an extension further west announced in February 1913. Thereafter every run in the Shire was threatened. Murrill Creek was privately cut up in 1905, Buckingbong in 1906-08, Cowabbee and part of Moombooldool in 1907, and part of Deepwater in 1909. By then over 506,000 hectares had been privately subdivided in New South Wales. In 1907 the crown resumed part of Barellan, and in 1909 took Brookong and got Boree Creek by voluntary sale. In 1910 the state

government declared all land within 24 kilometres of a railway lable for resumption, and the commonwealth government passed the Land Tax Assessment Act, which taxed land on a rising scale.

That forced even Tubbo and Midgeon to sell blocks, and the procession of private subdivisions gathered pace—Barellan and Moombooldool in 1910, Brewarrena-and Bundidgerry in 1911, Binya between 1913 and 1917. The crown divided North Yanco in 1911-12, resumed Gogeldrie for irrigation in 1912, and took 8000 hectares from Midgeon in 1914, although 32,000 hectares were left. Of the old runs there survived by 1915 only Midgeon, Berembed which had lost its back country in the 70s, Tubbo which had become a company incorporated in Victoria in July 1887 and was still 22,506 hectares in 1986, and tracts of backblock runs which could not find buyers, such as on Binya. The homestead blocks of some other runs remained large by modern standards, up to about 8000 hectares, but they were paddocks by squatter standards. All over the agricultural lands of New South Wales after 1905, giant runs which so much sweat and scheming had won and held were demolished, and the squattocracy they supported crippled. It was one of the greatest and quietest revolutions in Australian land history.

100

9 Making a quid Cutting up the runs led neither to democratic land distribution, nor to a well populated Shire of small farms. Instead it let men with capital aggregate, and men without battle on small blocks. The homestead blocks of most of the old runs remained the largest and most prestigious in the district. Below them a group of 2-5000 hectare estates emerged between 1882 and 1910, from Buckingbong (Birrego’, ‘Gillenbah’, ‘Kangaroo Plain’, ‘Strontian’, “Windella’), Tubbo (‘Benandra’, ‘Billenbah’, ‘Goonahra’, ‘Somerset Park’, ‘Uroly’), squatters selling large blocks, or successful selectors building up (‘Browley’, ‘Kywong’, ‘North Barellan’, “Old Mull’, ‘Square Nob’). Early in 1903, for example, Charles Clapperton, father of the manager of Brookong, bought part of ‘Belmore’ from Samuel Croft, who was almost bankrupted by drought, rabbits and his sons stealing

his sheep. In January 1906 Clapperton bought James Low’s ‘Ashallock’ next door, re-naming the consolidation ‘Kywong’, and that May he and John Heckendorf bought another 460 hectares of ‘Belmore’. By 1910 “‘Kywong’ totalled 3253 hectares. Again, when Brewarrena was cut up in September 1911 Heckendorf and James Low’s son Gavin bought 1472 hectares along Old Man Creek on time payment. In May 1915 Low enlisted in the AIF, and offered his share to Heckendorf. The two argued the price over a beer, Heckendorf wanting to pay more, Low to take less, but finally they agreed. Low served on Gallipoli, won a Military Medal in France, and died after his leg was shattered at Poziéres in August 1916. Heckendorf struggled to pay off the land, but closer settlement made him and Clapperton large landowners. Such men dominated selectors’ political organizations. The first free selectors union in New South Wales was launched in Wagga in April 1874, and a Narrandera Farmers Association began about 1888, but a permanent association was not established until the NSW Farmers and Settlers Association (FSA)

was formed in June 1893. A Narrandera branch was begun on 15 February 1899, as an alliance of town businessmen and large selectors against the squatters. Thomas Henry Elwin (1863-1916), an auctioneer and mayor of Narrandera, was elected president, and the committee included McKersie, Roach and other selectors, two Narrandera storekeepers, and several town aldermen. By 1902 the branch was the largest in the state, and in August 1903 it hosted an FSA state conference. Initially, as in 1861 when land seekers and townsmen had similarly allied, the FSA wanted to break up the runs, but in the decade after 1899 successful selectors changed their thinking dramatically. No longer were they eager land seekers wielding the hammer of democracy; like the squatters, they were men of property. By 1911 they and the squatters were united on such questions as land taxes and rabbit control, by 1914 the FSA had affiliated with the Federal Employers’ Association of NSW, and that year the Narrandera FSA assumed that its chief opponent was not the squatter, but the AWU. Henceforth all large landholders would stand together. Access to land, which the democrats had hoped would destroy the political power of property, made the bush conservative. Small men were still getting land. In 1903 Walter Gilmour Wingate (1867-1948) came from Victoria with his wife Ruth (1866-1922) to “Thornleigh Park’, a heavily timbered block near Sandigo. They lived in an old selector’s hut while Walter worked in the district and cleared the timber—every autumn for years he and his seven children would pile dead wood around stumps and in the evening light them up, checking the fires after tea and first thing in the morning. After a few years Walter built a two roomed house, and the family made furniture from kerosene boxes. There was also a fuel stove, two real chairs, and a rocking chair. The table was scrubbed every day, the floor once a week, and twice a week Ruth baked—bread, sultana buns, cinnamon cakes, and cream sponges for Sunday 101

tea. She did the washing under two pine trees outside, putting alum in the water overnight to clear it, and boiling the clothes in kerosene tins built in with bricks to stop the fire getting away. They got water in tins from their dam, or in dry times a horse dragged it in tanks from Whelan’s well near Jackson’s Waterholes. Walter got money by contract chaff cutting. It was a busy time, with perhaps a dozen extra men on the place. One kept wood and water up to the steam engine driving the chaff cutter, three or four carted the sheaves from the paddocks, four unstacked the sheaves, cut the sheaf bands on the band cutter and fed in the hay, and two or three bagged and sewed the chaff, or carted it to the chaff shed and tipped it in loose. In 1917 mice ate the lot, but overall Walter made enough to buy more land. By 1910 Walter was putting in wheat. He ploughed with a mould board plough, taking the shears off every night to sharpen them in the smithy. During planting he pickled his seed every night in a cask of bluestone sunk into the ground, and next day planted it with a seed drill and manure box behind four horses. Bigger machinery came later, but it needed more horses, and this as much as more crop led Walter to buy his extra land. The farm also ran sheep, pigs, poultry and two or three cows for milk, cream and cheese. Buyers called for dead wool, kero tins of sheep fat, and sheep, rabbit and fox skins. Walter and the boys sometimes caught 500 rabbits a night by netting off a dam, and they would have hunted foxes anyway—because of foxes the chooks had to be chased up ladders into trees at night, and the ladders taken away. It was hard work, but a good life. They had friends to tea, watched local football teams like Sandigo, Faithfull and Greenvale, had a big day at the Narrandera Show every year, the girls in a new dress, and went to school concerts and local dances, the children sleeping on bags behind the supper tables at one end of the hall. In the Sandigo Hall about 1912 some “socialites” wanted to chalk a line across the hall, to separate them from the workers. “Who’s going to divide us up?” Walter demanded, and the chalk was put away. Small farms were also being created in the north, where the closer settlement men showed what

they meant by cutting up a run. In 1911-12 private subdivisions of Barellan, Binya and Moombooldool offered blocks as small as 200 hectares, less than a fifth of the government minimum in 1884. The subdividers claimed that small farms meant more people, and therefore more progress. A Moombooldool subdivision advertisement offered “Strong Rich Virgin Soil”, gave train times and freight costs to Sydney and Melbourne, and declared “Better wheat land a crow never flew over.” Another advertisement announced that subdividing Binya would attract men and women, tired of the impoverished surroundings which are the unfortunate complement of many of the populous centres of our Australian civilisation, who are anxious, whilst there is yet time, to secure for themselves and their families, a share in the prosperity which our boundless agricultural lands hold in store for those who seek them.

In fact most land seekers were not jaded townsmen, but Victorian farmers. Between 1907 and 1913 another migration of Victorians settled on the northern runs, joining selectors throughout the Shire battling drought and rabbits to survive on small, dry blocks. Some succeeded, like John Semmler (1877-1941), who was working in his father’s store in Temora when a Land Board ballot gave him 440 hectares on Moombooldool’s resumed area, about six kilometres north of the siding. He was one of the first settlers there; there was no road, but he followed a surveyor’s line until he found a peg showing his number. A bushfire had gone through a few years before, leaving only spinifex and whipstick mallee three or four metres high, but he could still see traces of the Warren brothers’ attempt to settle in 1893. There was no water, so he camped by the government dam at the siding and started work with a horse and an axe, clearing, putting up a boundary fence, digging a shallow dam, and building a small hut. After a year his wife and son moved with him onto the block, and he ran stock while rolling the mallee. In 1914 Semmler built a house from local clay, and in 1915 put in his first commercial wheat. By 1916 he was making a quid, and he and his wife successfully battled drought, rabbits and low prices until 1934, when they passed the block to their son Jack, and retired to Sydney. 102

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Irrigation would save them instead. Water would lubricate progress. On 8 February 1905 Narrandera’s mayor, E.C.H. Matthews, told a public meeting called to form the Narrandera District [Irrigation Association that “the future prosperity of everyone residing here depended upon the progress and prosperity of the producers”, who needed such means as irrigation to increase their production. Dr Broinowski then asked whether they were to sit quiet and watch water .. . valued at two million pounds run past our doors each year, when we know that a comparatively small expenditure could place sufficient of it upon our lands to support in comfort thousands

of people, and convert the struggle for the bare miserable existence of many of our settlers into a life of comparative comfort and affluence.

Another speaker expected that irrigation would make the district a land of milk and honey, a 1913 visitor thought local irrigation might support 200,000 people, and in 1921 Narrandera’s mayor, Robert Henry Hankinson (1877-1953), wrote that irrigation would enable Riverina to carry all the population of New South Wales. Water improvement works had begun in the district with the Yanko Creek cutting in 1856. In the 90s the creek squatters were still working to improve water flow there, on Buckingbong a “system of small canals” had been cut to water the back of the run, and on Brewarrena in 1902-3 a government cutting linked Old Man and Sandy Creeks. All these works were south of the river, and for stock, but by 1875 Buckingbong, North Yanco and Gogeldrie at least were irrigating large gardens, and by the late 90s Buckingbong was pumping one month a year to irrigate 36 hectares of wheat and oats, and Gogeldrie was pumping three months a year to water 40 hectares of lucerne, sorghum and wheat. In June 1892 alderman Manning told the Narrandera council that he was having drafted a bill for an irrigation colony on both sides of the river, which would promote closer settlement, produce cereals, fodder crops, and fruit, and benefit the town. In May 1895 the bill was sent to parliament, with a note that its success would be “one of the greatest advances to this part of the Colony.” Apparently it was not brought forward, Manning left Narrandera in February 1896, and council lost interest in his proposal.

Some in Sydney knew the district’s potential for irrigation. Hugh McKinney, an irrigation engineer from India, had proclaimed it since he first visited Riverina in 1876, and in 1891, as head of the NSW Water Conservation Branch, he outlined three possible schemes to irrigate large tracts

between Wagga and Maude. Nothing was done, but by 1900 McKinney had an ally in Sam McCaughey, who was led to irrigation by his interest 1n storing stock water. In 1896 McCaughey had raised the height of three Yanko Creek dams on Coonong to improve his sheep carrying capacity, but his neighbours lower down objected, and in June 1898, in Blackwood vs McCaughey, obliged him to lower his dams and let water down. In May 1900 they formed the Riverina Creeks Committee, which became the Riverina Creeks Preservation League in 1911 and the Yanko, Colombo and Billabong Creeks Water Trust about 1928, to build a weir and an offtake diverting river water down the creeks. Yanco Weir was built in 1926-8, and supplied water to 226 creek holdings. In June 1980 the Trust was replaced by the Water Resources Commission, and that August anew Yanco Weir was completed. McCaughey shifted across the river to North Yanco in 1898, and was soon irrigating there for stock water and fodder crops. By 1903 he had 16,200 hectares under irrigation, and had built a system diverting water from three intakes, Bundidgerry Creek 80

kilometres east of his homestead, Oak Creek 50 kilometres east, and Cowabbee Creek about 60 kilometres north east, and taking it via weirs, regulators, pumps and 320 kilometres of channels almost

to his north west boundary, 100 kilometres west of the Bundidgerry Creek intake. It was probably the largest private enterprise project ever undertaken in the Shire. McCaughey preached irrigation with a convert’s zeal. He believed that it was “man’s privilege and duty to complete the work that Nature leaves unfinished”, and in May 1903 he told a Narrandera meeting that the recent drought showed the need to harness the Murrumbidgee, for during it he had used irrigation to grow sorghum 3-4 metres high, and run 198 sheep a hectare. He was convinced that 104

there was a quid in irrigation, so he wanted private enterprise to develop it. He asked the 1903 FSA conference in Narrandera to support the private enterprise principle, and backed the private enterprise oriented Murrumbidgee Northern Supply and Irrigation bill.

But as an Interstate Royal Commission on the River Murray pointed out in 1902, large scale irrigation was an intercolonial question, and so a government matter. The NSW Public Works Department considered various Murrumbidgee irrigation proposals in 1903-4, and in January 1905 a government engineer, L.A.B. Wade, drafted a larger version of McCaughey’s scheme, with a weir, Berembed Wer, at the Bundidgerry Creek intake, a channel system taking water by gravitation along the river’s north false bank to North Yanco and beyond, and a storage dam upriver. Wade’s plan was formally approved by the Barren Jack Dam and Murrumbidgee Canals Construction Act, passed on 19 December 1906. By then work had already begun. The Cudgel Creek cutting was commenced in September 1905, and on 25 April 1906 the first of many ministerial opening ceremonies was performed when the Minister of Works, Charles Lee, declared as he grasped the lever which would

turn river water down the new cutting, “This is the lever that will transform the valley of the Murrumbidgee.” Burrinjuck Dam was begun in February 1907, Berembed Weir and the main canal at Narrandera in January 1908. The Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area (MIA) was declared under the 1910 Murrumbidgee Irrigation Act, in June 1911 the government bought North Yanco, then 27,530 hectares, for £8/13/—a hectare, Leeton was begun late in 1911, early in 1912 470 people applied for the first 500 irrigation blocks, the first water reached Yanco farms that July, and by August 196 applicants were settled on blocks. By March 1913 121,500 hectares had been acquired for irrigation and 206 kilometres of canals completed, and by 1916 Leeton had a cannery and a butter factory, and Yanco had a bacon factory. A garden was being dug from the wilderness, and progress was flowering in Riverina. Late in 1915 the NSW premier, W.A. Holman, asked Henry Lawson to go to the MIA and publicize that flowering. He was to get free rent and £2/2/— a week. That was the pay of a private in the AIF: Lawson had tried to enlist, and he yearned to serve Australia. He knew too that alcohol was destroying him, and he wanted to get back to the bush, to his “own people”, in order to fight it. He left for the MIA on 10 January 1916. On the train he wrote ‘Coming Down’, which anticipated enthusiastically the adventure ahead, but on arriving he saw at once what Leeton was—a place ruled by red dust and red tape. It was also ‘dry’, and Lawson was missing his beer. His first article for the local Murrumbidgee Irrigator spent two columns arguing for pubs: “the thing that has been half unconsciously haunting him 1s the absence of a pub or all signs of a pub ...”, he wrote, “And verily I say unto you that a Place is not natural without the Pub”. Instead he was given a house on a small sandy block, Farm 418,

three kilometres from Leeton. A sense of exile came over him: the man who had written so wonderfully of the bush now felt trapped by it. One friend from the old days was there, Jim Gordon, who had been on the track with Henry in 1892-3. The two mates went camping several times, to the Brobenah hills and to that beautiful stretch of the Murrumbidgee near Euroley bridge, not far west of Sturt’s base camp in 1829-30. These excursions lifted Lawson’s spirits, letting him think that mateship might help him beat that demon in the bottle. “How full he was of bright hopes!” Jim Gordon recalled, “He’d show ‘em, he said, what his own people would do for him.” By late January Lawson was writing with tremendous hope of what irrigation might do for Australia. But the grog had got him. He and Gordon camped at Euroley for Christmas 1916, catching fish and cadging tucker from North Yanco “for the sake of old times.” The effort exhausted him, and late on Christmas Eve he sat sadly by the campfire, thinking of “Old songs I used to sing. I would like to

write now ... I haven’t many more writing years left.” He sent most of what he did write to the Bulletin, which published a little of it, heavily edited. The Irrigator published a little too, and Lawson would come into the Argus office in Narrandera, offering the editor verses for the price of a beer. Most trailed off in mid line, and if the Argus did publish any of his work Lawson is not recognisable in it. He got Narrandera hotels to smuggle him grog, and like many other MIA settlers he took to 105

edging his garden at Leeton with upturned beer bottles. Some were full, and when a friend came Henry, with a knowing wink, would go gardening. Local bureaucrats saw in him neither the genius who gave Australians a vision of what their country was like, nor the lonely man desperately fighting alcohol. They said he was not writing enough, and wanted his salary cut off Holman kept him on, and Lawson kept battling. He tried again to enlist in the AIF, wrote ‘A Letter from Leeton’ for an Australian Soldier’s Gift Book which described the heat and the hardship of waiting for a demijohn from Narrandera, did his best to say good things about the MIA, and talked of the good old days. His physical condition improved, and he declared that the district would “breed the nucleus of a young race that will raise the Flag of Independence against Sydney ... with ... Narrandera—that pretty, solid, green-clad, cool, cleanly, drowsy, boozy, and honest town—for the capital, and Leeton for its garden.” But the red dust and red tape of exile kept him slave to the bottle, and in August 1917 he surrendered. He left for Sydney, promising to return, but he never did, and died on 2 September 1922. “Proud men are they out there to-day,” Jim Gordon wrote in tribute, “To claim they once held Henry Lawson’s hand.” Lawson saw that the MIA was by no means the paradise its planners had predicted. Their greed for population led them into the invariable error of closer settlement schemes: they made the blocks too small. “Working men” were given two acres, horticulturalists ten, and mixed farmers 50. A 1918 visitor declared that the “50-acre farmers” were “the men of the future in Australia” because they would increase population and production. Later blocks were bigger, but every conceivable cost was charged against them: resuming the land, interest on loan money, building and maintaining the channels, drains, roads, parks, domestic water, sanitation, advertising, the salaries of experts, showing visitors around, even an allowance for anticipated future losses by railways and government factories. On small, rough holdings, settlers were expected to show the fortitude of pioneers, and pay like urban commuters. Hundreds went broke. The MIA is now outside Narrandera Shire. It contains over 3700 farms and 2500 kilometres of channels, but it has never repaid its costs, and it flourishes in 1986 for two reasons, one predictable—the courage of those who built it and the faith of those who kept paying for it, the other fortuitous—it lies on prior stream sands which alone make large scale irrigation feasible in Riverina. One scientist has observed, “If the resources used to establish irrigated farms had been used to establish dry-land farms, a larger number of farmers could have been settled on the land.” Smaller water improvement works, usually begun to control floods, have been more rewarding. Old Man Creek, a perched stream, became increasingly flood prone in European times. By 1902

Brewarrena had built controlling dams and channels, in 1935 both the government and John Heckendorf began further works, by the mid 70s several private control systems were operating, and by 1980 a government scheme covered the entire creek. Flood control led naturally to cheap irrigation:

John Heckendorf was issued the first licence in 1935, and in 1981 30 pumps were irrigating 40 properties along the creek. Between 1977 and 1984 similar flood control or water supply works were built along Sandy, Poison Waterholes, Colombo and Mirrool Creeks, some of which also expanded and regulated existing private irrigation systems. The closer settlement men were almost equally optimistic about dry land farming. For them closer settlement implied not only small blocks, but agriculture. They believed that farming utilized land more fully than grazing and was therefore more civilized, and they grasped at straws to show that changing sheep walks to farms meant progress. In July 1891 one declared that the district was “fast becoming an agricultural one”: 28,340 hectares were then under crop in the Murrumbidgee District, more than anywhere except the 29,590 hectares in the Murray District, but a fraction of the 4,258,510 hectares the District devoted to pastoralism. Genuine selectors were reluctant to farm. They usually took up dry, timbered country, and began to work it by ringbarking, or ‘ringing’, about 20 hectares, and excavating a small dam, “on the off chance that they were on the right location”, as a Midgeon selector put it. If they were not, the squatter would hunt them off, or worse: in January 1885 J.H. Douglas had seven selectors fined 4/— an acre for 106

ringing 1567 hectares on North Yanco. The fine was almost as much as a deposit to select, but had the selectors planted crops they would have lost them as well. In fact it was usually five years before

a crop could be put in: it took three or four years after ringing, if the seasons were good, for worthwhile grass to appear, and another year to complete clearing. By then the selector was usually a stock man, growing wheat only for local or domestic consumption. Squatters and large landowners farmed more willingly, but generally they had not the labour to crop large areas. A manager and three or four hands ran Moombooldool in 1901, and could crop only

a few hectares. In January their main jobs were poisoning rabbits and winnowing, in February poisoning, chaffcutting, thrashing, and netting tanks against rabbits, in March poisoning, cultivating, repairing fences and pickling wheat, in April cultivating, ploughing and fencing, in May ploughing, harrowing, sowing and chaffcutting, in June ploughing, mustering weaners, thatching and carting wheat, in July odd jobs, in August netting, marking lambs, ploughing and chaffcutting, in September ploughing, poisoning and ringbarking, in October mustering, odd jobs, ringbarking and binding sheaves, in November harvesting, and in December shearing lambs, thatching and winnowing.

Most wheat was grown by tenants or sharefarmers. Tenants were primarily defending the squatter’s land, but with wheat returning between £2-/£8 an acre in 1889, and wool about 4/-, it made no sense to let a tenant merely run stock. Most squatters therefore staked their tenants to grow crops, the tenant providing labour. In May 1893 Duncan Robertson of Goree stated that he liked “selectors” who would work hard at turning the soil to good account by growing wheat, and in January 1894 John Andrew advertised to lease 1619 hectares of Berembed for wheatgrowing, at a bag an acre rent, and no rent if no crop. By that November he had spent £185/18/— clearing and fencing for one tenant, and in 1895 hoped to make £600 rent from 494 hectares under crop. In 1895 Thomas Ryan let most of his land to a Victorian wheatgrower for 2/6 an acre, “tenant to grub and clear the land”, and Buckingbong leased 1108 hectares to tenants who were to clear it, keep down rabbits, and plant wheat or lucerne. Contracts with sharefarmers were less generous. The ‘halves’ system quickly became common. In 1904-6, for example, Moombooldool undertook to keep down rabbits and provided land, chaff, seed and half the direct costs, while sharefarmers grew the crops, cleared firebreaks and paid remaining costs, and the profits were halved. Victorians spelling land at home or landseekers building up capital were willing sharefarmers. By 1906 perhaps 12% of district wheat was grown on shares, and this percentage probably rose thereafter, as sharefarmers replaced tenants and runs like Barellan, North Gogeldrie and Binya converted to shares. Wheat at this time was essentially a large landholder’s sideline.

But little wheat was grown. In the Murrumbidgee Electorate hectares under cultivation, apparently most of it for wheat, increased from 1764 in 1882 to 37,891, or 37% of all NSW cultivation, in 1892, but this dramatic rise was concentrated south along the Murray, where Victorian selectors first settled, and east around Wagga. In the Narrandera Sheep District only 4059 hectares, or 37% of the area occupied, was under crop in 1892—2718 hectares of wheat, 1190 of hay, and 151 of other

cereals. That year the Shire’s largest wheatgrowers were Phillip Fogarty of Murrill Creek (121 hectares), John O’Shaughnessy of ‘Mumbledool’ and James Slattery of ‘Broomfield’ (73), and C. and R. Radout of ‘Sanfoin’ (57). No-one else grew more than 45 hectares, ‘large’ growers averaged 28 hectares, and many properties grew nothing. Midgeon ran 77,143 sheep but no crop, Buckingbong 90,000 sheep, 1400 cattle, 17 hectares of wheat and 32 of hay, Alexander McKersie 4274 sheep, 28 hectares of wheat and 15 of hay, John and Thomas Kennedy 4960 sheep and 2 hectares each of wheat and hay, Thomas Ryan 2100 sheep and no crop. Even the railway, although attracting small men to settle, could not persuade them to grow wheat. In 1892 the largest wheatgrowers were all in the north, furthest from the railway, while no property near the line grew more than eleven hectares of wheat, and most grew none. Wheat was apparently produced only for local demand such as from Thomas and George Wise’s Narrandera mill, which opened in 1889 and could make four tonnes of flour a day. No Shire wheat was trucked by rail until 107

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That price came in 1915. In August 1914, while drought gripped inland Australia, war broke out in Europe. Within months the Australian government, for the first time, guaranteed a minimum price for wheat, and appealed to farmers to grow it. They responded willingly, and Australia’s crop leapt

from 677,460 tonnes in 1914 to 4,873,371 tonnes in 1915. That November the government announced a wheat pool and an Australian Wheat Board to receive future harvests. There was a quid in wheat at last. In county Cooper hectares under wheat jumped to 50,008 in 1915, while sheep numbers in the Narrandera PP District fell to 534,017. For the next decade the Shire produced more wheat than the railways could carry away, and in 1916 the first giant stacks of bagged wheat appeared at receiving

terminals. In 1917 mice destroyed the stacks, so more permanent storage was looked for. Wise Brothers had built the first or second concrete silo in New South Wales at Narrandera about 1909, and between 1922 and 1928 the government built silos at Grong Grong, Kamarah, Moombooldool, Barellan and Binya. A wheat line from Uranquinty, on the main southern railway, reached Galore on 3 October 1928 and Kywong on 27 April 1929, and in 1936 silos were built at Kywong, Corobimilla and Garoolgan. Hectares under wheat rose steadily, and by the mid 20s Barellan police district was

srowing more wheat than any other in New South Wales. The Shire’s present mixed farming character was created by the 1915 wheat revolution. The years 1915-27 were perhaps the most prosperous Shire wheat communities were ever to know. From 1918 labour was available to expand plantings, and a few farmers even tried out trucks and tractors. Villages became bustling service and social centres, and communities with no village built a hall and an oval, fielded sporting teams, and established branches of the FSA, the RSL, and the CWA. Bush schools dotted the Shire, the teacher boarding at a farm, and bush hospitals run by nurses or midwives serviced outlying areas. The Shire’s rural population reached 9435 at the 1921 census, up from 3501 in 1911, and possibly reached 10,000 by 1927, the most it was ever to be. More people made bush fire brigades possible. On the old runs most squatters trained station hands in fire duties, and kept ready specially stabled horses and waggons with water casks, fire beaters, axes and spades. In March 1892 Neil McCallum of Tubbo patented the scour, a “triangular iron apparatus” dragged across a firefront to clear ground, which in 1986 was still widely used in Australia and elsewhere, and in summer squatters set lookouts on hills to watch for smoke. In November 1888 the squatter-dominated Narrandera Pastures and Stock Board resolved that “the majority of Bush fires are caused by the negligence of Selectors and Farmers,” but selectors were non-existent when the great fire of February 1851 hung a pall over the entire district, not present when a fire overtook Frank Jenkins’ brother-in-law Frank Burke on Buckingbong in January 1872 and burnt him to death, and almost as likely as the squatter to fall victim to the fired haystack or the phosphorus coated stick. In 1892-3 fires burnt out at least 72,000 hectares in the Shire, and on New Years Day 1905 a fire began near the Narrandera Common and swept east, jumping back and forth across the river destroying homes, stock, fences and machinery. It raced 40 kilometres to Berembed in four hours, and was not controlled until rain fell on 3 January, when it was burning Deepwater north of the river, and Berry

Jerry east of Wagingoberemby south of it. In the early 30s bush fire brigades were begun at Narrandera, Sandigo and Morundah, and the police officer in charge at Barellan, Sergeant Hardy, established a zone system to detect and fight fires. In 1986 the Shire had a well organized network of volunteer brigades, but no farmer works in summer without scanning the horizon for smoke, and when fire is seen phones run hot while its strength and direction is determined. In the 20s a few farmers tried new crops: hectares under grain oats trebled to 7700 in 1930, near Gobbagaula a hectare or so of cotton was grown under irrigation, and at Bundidgerry tobacco was planted. Most landholders kept to sheep and wheat. Sowing began in April, rain or no rain. A good ten horse team might cover six or seven hectares a day, sowing per hectare about 68 kilos of seed, 1-3 times as much as in the 1980s, and about 34 kilos of super, less than a third as much as in the 1980s. The horses worked from dawn till after dark six days a week. Sowing had to finish by late May, June to September were for working fallow, October for hay making, November to January for harvest. A 110

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— — — “Trac Church reserve bought by Jenkins associates

-——~++— Town boundary Planned street UN TTTTTTT bought by others

129

on 3 August was a Jenkins relative, William James Elworthy (1857-1909). He became secretary of the Stock Board in 1883, and a prominent member of St Thomas’ Church of England Parochial Council, the Pastoral and Agricultural Association, the Mechanics Institute, the Murrumbidgee Club and several sporting and cultural societies.

Despite the squatters’ efforts, the village grew slowly. In 1872 a bridge was wanted over Bundidgerry Creek near the punt, as eight people had drowned there, and in 1868 and 1875 people complained that the punt was expensive and the puntman too often drunk. George Eden opened a brickyard on the river in 1875, where the pumping station was later, and Narrandera’s distinctive bright red brick houses began to appear, but a visitor was still struck most by the gardens near the river, worked by “any number of chow chows.” An informal race track ran down Audley street, up Twynam street, and down East street: about 1875, in a famous race over 1-4 metre jumps, Ringleader beat Emerald for £50 over this course. Drinking was also popular: there were now four hotels, and Dr William Trollope (1826-78), who had arrived in 1867, passed into local legend when he was found one night insensible on the Larmer street sandhill, near the later site of Bodinnar’s smithy. Gravely his discoverers held an inquest, pronounced him dead drunk, buried him to his neck in the sand, and erected beside him a notice: Here lies Dr Trollope Fell down wallop. R.LP.

Falling down remained a major recreation, for in June 1876 Narrandera was still merely “a point on the Murrumbidgee River where cattle and sheep ... crossed.” But that month momentous news came from Sydney. Parliament had voted £384,000 to build a railway from Junee to Narrandera, and engineers had been ordered to survey it. The locals fell into “high glee”, at a land sale in Wagga a fortnight later town lots went for up to £100, and almost immediately new businesses began to open. At the end of the year the Yanko Creek rush brought the first selectors to the district, by February 1877 Narrandera had four hotels, four stores, two butchers, two saddlers, two bakers, a public and a private school, a bank and a boarding house, most of them on the Larmer street sandhill along which the railway was expected to run. In June the first land sale was held in Narrandera, in July a Building and Investment Society was formed, and in October Edward Flood subdivided his land around Narrandera station into town lots. In November Monash and Jonsen were enlarging their new store next to the Royal Hotel, McMahon was extending the Crown Hotel, the police station and the court house were being built, tenders had been called for the Joint Stock Bank building and the post office, and the town’s first solicitor, J.R. Carter, had just arrived. In December the town’s senior policeman, Sergeant Timothy Foley, resigned to build the Railway Hotel on the north east corner of East and Larmer streets, and in 1878 William Mackenzie opened a saddlery which soon employed a dozen men. Word of the railway drew commerce to Narrandera like a magnet. When railway work began in September 1879, the town hummed even more busily. Steamers thrashed the river carrying the sleepers and rails that would soon displace them, brickmakers, sleeper cutters, splitters, fencers, carters, bridge builders, stonemasons, carpenters, tank sinkers, cooks, navvies and camp followers crowded in, the scrub began to go from the sandhills, a canvas town of workers’ tents, stores, shanties and gambling dens appeared about where the cemetery was in 1986, and many long standing businesses were founded. In 1879 George Wildman built the Narrandera Brewery and Cordial Works on the flat, James Henshaw, stationer, opened in East street, and William Prince, baker, and Ferdinand Duval, chemist and druggist, opened in Larmer Street. In 1880 Bruce Kennedy, storekeeper, and Joseph Charlton, builder, arrived, Charles Hardy Hunt began a carrying business to Wagga, the first Narrandera Argus appeared early in January (although a short-lived Argus may have begun in 1877), Robert Heattie Ferrier (1845-1927), recently come from Scotland, opened his East street store, and a second bank, the Commercial, opened. In 1881 William Harden, painter, James Crimlisk, blacksmith, and William Gordon, boot repairer, arrived. Almost all these men recalled being attracted to Narrandera by the railway, almost all became aldermen, and all took part in town affairs. 130

Several railwaymen also settled. William Glasgow (1851-1917), an Irish-American, helped build the line from Junee, then worked for the railways in Narrandera for 29 years from 1881. He became an alderman, a Methodist lay preacher and Sunday School superintendent, a founder member of the Oddfellows Lodge in 1884, and a hospital committee member. James Moulton (1841-93), a Norfolk man, left his job as the railway foreman in 1881 to set up as a brickmaker, later served as an alderman and hospital committee member, joined three lodges, and intruded his forthright and uncompromising Opinions into every public matter in Narrandera until he died. By the 1881 census Narrandera’s population had leapt to 1142. Perhaps 800 people had come since 1879, making the town easily the fastest growing in New South Wales, its booming hotels catering also for a large transient population. “Horror!! of Horrors!!”, exclaimed Henry Campey early in 1880, “we counted Seventeen public houses and only one church ... We also ... saw one native whom we found out afterwards was the only remnant of this Class when the Squatters ... drove them on to... Murdering Island”. In July James Sinclair, a land seeker, wrote, Narrandera is a well built township, many of the hotels and public buildings being built of brick... . the whole of the main thoroughfare and cross streets were knee deep in loose red sand . . . so loose and wearisome to walk upon that I thought if I were a resident of Narrandera [I] would either import a set of snow shoes from Canada

or have a sleigh and a team of dogs... Fully one half the buildings in Narrandera are hotels, and a great deal of boozing appeared to be going on. On the verandah of a hotel in the centre of a little crowd of bushmen was a person playing a concertina, and two or three swarthy sunburnt fellows stepping away in great style to the hornpipes played on it. We saw several aborigines about the town one being an old white headed man.

In September a traveller saw twelve pubs and the brewery doing a roaring trade, and thought the

town “doubtless ... the best drinking place I have met with for a long time.” A resident later remembered 23 hotels and shanties in the early 80s, or one for every 50 people the 1881 census counted.

The railway reached Narrandera in January 1881, and was opened on 28 February. Almost immediately work began on the lines to Hay, reached on 4 July 1882, and Jerilderie, reached on 16 September 1884. Small villages like Grong Grong, Yanco and Morundah gathered along the lines, and Cuddell shifted from Yanko Creek to become first Cuddell Siding, then Corobimilla. Narrandera too changed direction, for the railway ran not along Larmer street, but a kilometre further north. A track was cut through the scrub to the station, and shops and houses began to straggle up East street towards it.

People continued to flock in. In 1883 John Fleming Willans (1856-1904) came from his father’s solicitor’s office in Wagga to set up practice after he married Eleanor Blunt, daughter of the railway contractor. He became mayor four times, and sat on many local committees. In 1883 also Solomon Richards (1858-1914) arrived. Born at Auschwitz, then in Austria, he was a travelling hawker before he opened a store in Twynam street east of the 1986 council chambers: north east as far as the railway and the 1986 show ground was a wheat field. By 1910 he owned Narrandera’s largest store. In 1885

Thomas Gough (1847-1900), who came from Ireland to Bendigo aged 14 and got a job driving coaches for Cobb and Co, resigned from the company and built the Royal Mail Hotel on the corner of East street and the Wagga road. This was then the building nearest the railway station, and was soon challenging the Royal as the town’s premier hotel, even though Gough took to getting “gins” to fight

each other with waddies for a shilling. Like their predecessors, many of these newcomers had careers of great variety and mobility. In general only storekeepers and professionals made life careers of their work. Charles Buffrey, publican, became an auctioneer and agent, H.D. Adams, builder, a contractor, butcher, coach driver, publican,

agent and orchardist, Charles Hunt, carrier, a baker, tobacconist and jeweller, James Crimlisk, blacksmith, a tailor and coachbuilder, and James Moulton, brickmaker, a publican, brickmaker again,

railway station manager, and farmer. These men bubbled through life convinced that profit and progress went together, and alert for anything with a quid in it. 131

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Hudson formed the Riverine Meat Chilling Works with local shareholders, mostly squatters, built a well equipped works, the fourth in Australia, designed refrigerated rail trucks, arranged a spur

line and favourable freight rates with the Railways Department, and commenced operations in October 1891. A year later 27 men were chilling or boiling down 2600 sheep a week, in 1893 11,800 carcases were exported to England, in 1894 60 to 70 men froze 80,000 sheep and boiled down 21,000, and in 1895 the works froze 60,000 sheep and boiled down 144,000. Hudson sold out in 1894, and in March 1895 the new owners branched into rabbits, catching 5000 within a mile of the works on their first night. In 1896 they were forced to close, first by flood then by drought, and did not re-open until

1902. That year 50 men froze 80,000 sheep, but in 1905, when Julius Rohr bought the works, it converted entirely to rabbits, and by June was sending 2000 a day to England. Rohr also exported butter and chilled fowl and sold cream locally, but in 1910 he was forced to close, reportedly because of rising rail freights.

By 1891 Narrandera had become used to attracting one new factory a year. But that year depression fell on eastern Australia, ruining thousands of people. Eleven Narrandera residents were bankrupted in 1892, from an estimated population of 1687, the property fires traditionally sparked by economic downturn began breaking out, and as late as 1897 small groups of residents were emigrating to Rhodesia. Trade unionists responded by establishing in 1893 a co-operative store which gave generous credit to impoverished families, and inspired a North Yanco worker, Michael Joseph Savage, to do the same thing in Victoria: he became New Zealand’s first Labour prime minister in 1935. The 1895-1902 drought intensified the depression locally, making clear how much depended on rural prosperity. Most of the town’s factories struggled on, but no new factories began in the early 90s, and few thereafter. In 1896 Fred Smith left the railways to found a produce firm which in August 1898 exported overseas 300,000 sheep skins, 1500 hides, 400 dozen possum skins and 20 tons of tallow, and

in September 1897 William Hanson began a bike factory which was soon sending machines throughout the Riverina, but Narrandera’s industrial expansion was over. For this some citizens blamed the Chinese. In October 1893 alderman Manning observed in council that the local Asiatics were a great nuisance, and that the country should be preserved for the white race. In November a public meeting passed several anti-Asiatic motions, and an Argus editorial attacked Asiatics as lowering workers’ standards of living. But Narrandera contained the largest concentration of Chinese in New South Wales: during the 80s almost half its townsmen were Chinese. The town was ‘safe’ for Chinese, in general treating them condescendingly but relatively liberally. Its attitude was indicated by John Monash, Max’s nephew, who admired Chinese engineering skills but wrote of the burning out of the Chinese camp in October 1897, “It was the most pitiable yet the most excruciatingly funny performance ... we pulled down 2 houses in an effort to make a fire break. I will not soon forget the poor Chows with their goods, josses and womenfolk. There were the most ludicrous scenes.” A few See Yap Society men under Sam Yet settled on the flat in 1871, apparently after the 1870

floods washed Europeans off it. In November 1883 303 Chinese, nine European wives and ten children were living there, in 1891 124 Chinese and about 20 wives and children, with 78 Chinese elsewhere in county Cooper, in 190158 Chinese men and one Chinese woman, and 48 men elsewhere in county Cooper. Australia’s prohibition of Chinese immigration ensured that no women could come, and that Chinese numbers would decline. But at Narrandera local Chinese developed a base and a haven for their pastoral gangs, and by the 80s stout timber walls enclosed a camp of 30 or 40 houses, a joss house, a hospital under Dr Ah Louey, stores, restaurants, banks, and gambling and opium dens. Outside stood an orchard and several hectares of vegetables. Most of this was owned by Sam Yet, who also organized and supplied the pastoral gangs until his death on 21 June 1903, when he was succeeded by his nephew George Hock Shung (1874-1944). The gardens were run by men like Ah Sam and Sing Moon, and later Tommy Poy and King Fan. In 1892 Leong Bong, a Church of England missionary, began work, and on 20 November 1894 a church was consecrated, but after early success the mission was abandoned, and the church was shifted to become King Fan’s house. 141

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In 1910 the picture show men arrived. On 29 June Bert Aubusson, manager for Kelly and Martin of Young, showed the first pictures in the Prince of Wales Hall behind the Commercial Hotel, and in December Ned Brett began showing first in the public hall, then in the open air Globe Theatre he built next door. By January 1912 he was showing a different film four nights a week, plus a matinee, with admission at 1/—, children 6d.

Other picture show men soon began operating, but by 1925 the town’s premier showman was Nicholas Laurantus (1890-1980). Born on Kythera, a Greek island, he came to his uncle’s fruit shop in Grenfell in 1908, bought him out after a year, opened another fruit shop in Junee a decade or so later, and came to Narrandera on buying the Globe Theatre in 1922. In 1925 he rebuilt the Globe in Bolton street, and erected next to it the Criterion Hall for travelling shows, boxing, ice skating, and anything else with a quid in it. He showed Narrandera’s first ‘talkie’, ‘Close Harmony’, on 7 June 1930, and in 1934, after a fire, rebuilt the Globe as the Plaza. He bought or built picture theatres in Junee, Corowa, Lockhart, Cootamundra, Tumut and possibly Gundagai, but in September 1938 he sold the Plaza to George Evans, and in March 1949 bought Midgeon. He was a very frugal man, reportedly spending only 8/6 in his first year in Australia, mostly on haircuts, and weeping when the Plaza made Evans money from airmen during the war. He was also knighted for being a generous benefactor, building

a school on Kythera, endowing the chair of Modern Greek at Sydney University, and giving large sums to the Narrandera Church of England, the local ambulance, and many other Sydney and Narrandera charities and educational institutions. The ‘flicks’ trained people to watch rather than participate, but established sports such as racing, rugby union, roughriding, boxing, cricket and tennis continued to flourish. The Gun Club Frank Jenkins had established was still active in 1927, calling that February for tenders to supply 500 sparrows or starlings a month. Jimmy Sharman, driver for the engineer supervising the irrigation canal, began

boxing in Narrandera in 1908, and went on to found his famous sideshow boxing troupe. In 1911 Thorpe McConville, son of the licensee of the Royal Hotel, led an Australian team which won the world roughriding championship in London, returned to conduct the Gillenbah Hotel, and about 1921 launched his Wild Australia Show. It became Australia’s best known buckjumping show, especially in the 30s, when Rocky Ned was throwing all comers. Dot McConville, a noted horsewoman, starred in the film “The Gentleman Bushranger’ in 1922, while Alan McPhee and Emily Roach were world champions or record holders, and Billy Weir’s horses Musician and Dungog both held world jumping records. Newer sports were even more popular. On 12 May 1910, six days after the death of King Edward

VII, the Narrandera Imperial Football Club was formed, and joined the Ganmain Football Association’s Australian rules competition. In July it lost its first match, against Hay, by 59 points, and

for some years it struggled against the more popular rugby union. In 1913 and 1914 it won the premiership, both times against Matong in the finals. The war ended formal competition until 1919, but in 1920 Grong Grong, Matong and Narrandera inspired the formation of the South Western Districts Football League, which established its headquarters in Narrandera in 1922. In a 1920 semifinal,

when Narrandera was just leading Marrar six minutes before full time, fights broke out, Marrar spectators rushed the field and punctured the ball, and Marrar refused to continue. The “umpire” gave

Narrandera the match, although his decision was reversed on appeal to Sydney. By 1925, when Collingwood came to play it at Narrandera, the South West League was dominant in eastern Riverina, and Australian rules had become Narrandera’s most popular sport. All League teams represented towns or villages on the railway between Leeton and Junee, and each Saturday special trains carried men to watch the match, and women to shop. On the way home, whistles or silence from the train would tell townspeople whether their team had won or lost. There was also a second division competition

among Narrandera teams, and local competitions on the northern railway and in the MorundahGreenvale-Sandigo area. In 1922 the Narrandera Athletics Association was re-formed, and took over the Narrandera Gift,

which by 1932 was worth £160, second only to Stawell in eastern Australia, and had become the 156

SS wai ca 2s oa naomi SUUUETT ee OT Cae es ;

To take place at Homer's Stadium, Narandera, ON MORNING, DEC. 26,5at, 10 SPEBOXING BREZA TERED CPCs R eae a 0o’c! C OC _ BETWEEN THE WELL-KNOWN HARD-HITTING LICHT WEICHTS

BILLY SHELTON & JIMMY SHARMAN

. 4 sg NE rr ne 4 “ite Uy A oe "* pepgormances =a 0 yg % : aa oe oo of ries ’ =) a . SR ag 4 Kauncked ont Mrmk Silver. ‘ey .- *

: “ OS . egRD ce tose Chuaters Towers; ' = a4 Se ot Ieon i po pear Mas Purdelia, 20 4a; iv oe: 4° ke i a ~ far Lightweight Chany. - ip ; as a wr . a TE Te aie? i piaasyesdat ts ef XN. Queanal al. i ‘ a _ ye ars ee od Drew with BE. Pradenee, 37 : a &™ cer . yornda Towers). se =o) * ~_| 4Sd ovme Rocked wut 2. ey é trends iNypean

&- y —— i>ge Sees Ader.PWeston Marshall,52). to ee er,Beat _ founds 4 + ; ; a. . at Heat dae Williams. 4 ronda

coe -ie ; : -Ss ty ~, aea a ° :4 ‘x Pa ep perform. 2: | oe oeaeeeGS MB Ey ureI OR Oe :Sharman’s eee %S ances are so weill-

e. leyseyURSoSSoe known that they necd 4. et comment. ‘ger “see IRng an _. SCAT SOR CaC mo Oe ekams” * .:Pee , ete Wan * 50 The Charters Towers’ Lightweight | | - The Riverina Crack

To Box the best of 15 rounds for a £20 Purse GOOD SEATING ACCOMMODATION

Aad witness a clever and genuine fight fer the Lightweight Championship of Riverina

.Prices ywrer. Z Aa siewes ae:Seats, _ 20> f ry2/-| of Admission: Reserved 4/-; 3/-; _._ __ DOORS OPEN 9.30. +4 @ONTEST AT 10 O'CLOCK SHARP

A great showman’s career takes off, 1910. Sharman won by a knockout in the second round. 157

e,

ival in in New New South Wales! The Greatest Sports Carnival

Bigger and Better than Ever!

Footrunning: ng! =«€6-F ing! ootrunning! By the champions, on a specially laid down Grass Track. Races will be started by the Jarman Starting Machine, which always gives an even break. See this exciting sport

Cycling! ling | ycling! Cycling!

Geee. oo _ _ a By the best riders, on our’New Dirt Track. See the boys race for the big money!

reat Gymnastic & Tumbling Display

By those Clever Gymnasts of the Yanco Welfare Farm. Something out of the box!

Dancing! —_ancing! Dancing! ancing.Dancing! ancing. Highland and Folk Dancing by the pretty lassies. Come and see the lassies dancing!

SPECIAL TRAINS FROM TOCUMWAL, HAY, GRIFFITH & JUNE

and Intermediate Stations. ESL See the new time-table at all stations 158

main event of a two day Easter Carnival of foot and bike races and novelty events held in the park. As with the football and the Anniversary Day swimming carnival in January, special trains brought crowds from along the railway, families organized picnics, and citizens spoke of the town’s progress. Athletics and cycling provided the main impetus for the Narrandera Sportsground, opened in April 1935. In 1921 Bowling and Pigeon Racing Clubs began, and by 1927 a Coursing Club was operating, which used live hares until the ‘tin hare’ was legalized late that year. These sprouting clubs, the busy railway, the crowded shops, the “tar paving” of East street in 1924, and until 1927 a growing population all gave Narrandera a sense of progress and prosperity. In the 1980s many townspeople recalled the 20s as Narrandera’s busiest and most prosperous decade. But the bustle was still mostly social and cultural rather than economic. The canal works had been a boost, but those days were gone. Closer settlement had lifted the town as a rural service centre, but town population was static between 1927 and 1947, and Shire population fell from about 10,000 to 3001. No major industry had been established since 1891. Troubled times lay ahead.

159

12 Shop locally After 1902 one leading townsman after another followed Frank Jenkins to the grave: Fred Savage in 1903, JF. Willans in 1904, WJ. Elworthy in 1909, Ferdinand Duval in 1912, Solomon Richards in

1914, T.H. Elwin in 1916, H.D. Adams in 1920. They were replaced by businessmen who rose to prominence during the Great War. Norman Dixon returned from the war to expand and diversify the family sawmilling business, and was elected an alderman in 1920-6 and the state’s youngest mayor in 1922 and 1923. Bob Hankinson, already a successful storekeeper when first elected an alderman in 1911, was prominent in raising patriotic funds during the war, was returned to the council in 1919,

became mayor in 1920-1, 1924, 1926, 1928-30 and 1951, and member for the state seat of Murrumbidgee in 1932-41. By 1915 he had stores in Narrandera, Grong Grong and Leeton, and he became a dedicated spokesman for the district. Such leading citizens assumed that under their guidance Narrandera would progress. They founded the Bowling Club in 1921, and apparently used it as an informal power centre, much as earlier civic leaders had used the Masonic Lodge. They led active councils: Hankinson’s 1920-1 council, for example, introduced or planned a new waterworks, a new garbage service, a new council chambers, the electricity takeover from Wise Brothers, major park improvements, and a storm drainage scheme. Yet from 1919 they became increasingly troubled about Narrandera’s future. “The progress made by the town ... during the past seven or eight years”, declared the Argus that October, is not promising. It has ... been practically at a standstill, its population having made little or no increase .. . what prospect is there of ... expansion ...? The town is not a manufacturing one, nor has it facilities for becoming so, when _fuel_for power has to be brought so far. The only hope for expansion ts in an increase in

the population [by]... closer settlement.

At first Hankinson and others agreed. They were eager spokesmen for closer settlement, and in 1920-1 enthusiastic founders of Country Week and the Country Promotion League. But it became clear that closer settlement and town population were not connected. Although 8934 people spilled into the Shire between 1911 and 1921, Narrandera’s population grew by only 418. Another 813 came by 1933, but in that time the Shire’s population fell by 4329. Worse, even as closer settlement peaked, town industries were failing. By 1924 the Oakbank Brewery employed 50 people and controlled 40 Raverina hotels, but that year it was sold to Tooths of Sydney, who closed it. Bill Gammage, a teetotaller, came home practically crying at the news. The Oakbank cordial factory continued in 1986,

from 1957 as Webster’s Soft Drinks, but the loss of the brewery was “a crippling blow’, long remembered as beginning a downturn in Narrandera’s fortunes. The meatworks closed in 1910, by the 20s much of the timber was cut out, and about 1922 the scour began to “go downhill”. It ceased paying a dividend, and struggled on until 1940 before closing down. It was revived in 1945 by Charles Wall and J.B. Beard, but was not making enough to clear its debts when Wall died in 1953. About 1956 it burnt down, although by then the river was washing it away anyway. By the mid 20s only the flour mill flourished of all those industries established with such confidence by 1891, and no new industries had appeared. Hankinson tried to attract them. He persuaded the state government to write off the Leeton cannery’s debts and establish it as a co-operative, became first chairman of the Rice Marketing Board

in 1928, and that April helped form the Riverina Development League, which argued for decentralization and rural industrial development. As well, although he sold his Narrandera store in 160

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the trees in 1982, focussed attention on the possibility of making a quid from Narrandera’s recreational facilities. Whereas in the past and in Barellan these had been developed to compensate for economic decline, now some people began using them to make tourism a local industry. A Tourist Promotion

Committee was formed on 13 May 1973, an MIA Tourist Centre was opened in the park on 2 September 1978, and the council’s Parkside Historical Museum was opened on 29 September 1973. The Tourist Committee began an annual Camellia Festival in August 1975, from 1974 Lake Talbot was developed for tourist accommodation and recreation and since 1979 has won four regional tourist awards, and walking trails and a koala park were established in the late 70s. The district has been actively promoted in Asia, Europe and America, and attracting conferences, of councillors, returned soldiers, goat breeders, street rodders and anyone else, has become a major council and public concern. In October 1981 Dan Clarke, the town’s most active tourist promoter, described tourism as Narrandera’s biggest business, in October 1984 nine of the Shire’s then designated bicentennial projects related to

tourism, and in mid 1985 the state premier estimated that tourism was worth $10 million to Narrandera Shire in 1983-4. Tourism is growing in Australia, and might help Narrandera. The town is exceptionally pleasant, with “outstanding” trees and parks, and excellent amenities. There is little serious crime, adequate schooling, and healthy surroundings—the proportion of people dying young has fallen dramatically since deaths were first locally registered on 30 September 1878.

5 year periods Age at death as % of total deaths Numerical

(30 Sept—30 Sept) 0-20 21-60 61+ Unknown total

1878-83 55-71 23-31 6-19 14.29 210 1898-1903 48-56 31:58 19-86 418

1923-28 28-57 32-77 38-66 357 1948-53 18-93 21-74 59.33 391 1973-78 4-48 27-59 67-93 290 1978 (Australia) 5-15 21-94 72-91 The town is also well located, by a river, on rail and highway junctions, and midway between Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide. But there are no unique attractions, and tourism is the ultimate industry of dependence. It relies on outsiders, and at present not enough outsiders come. In 1985 councillor John Sullivan called the Tourist Centre “a continual drain on council funds” and doubted whether it could survive without its annual subsidy from Sydney, and that June the John Lake Centre, a $500,000 tourist attraction at the Inland Fisheries Research Station, could only be built with government funds. This dependence on outsiders flows into almost every aspect of Narrandera life. Whereas the town’s chief private benefactors had once been locals like McCaughey, Hankinson, Lethbridge or Laurantus, in the 70s Ferdinand Duval’s grandson Frank (1909-81), who left the town in 1939 and

made money in post-war Japan, was its most generous supporter, assisting the kindergarten, the museum, the historical society and other bodies, and in July 1974 becoming the first person to receive the freedom of the Shire. State and federal governments too have helped the town with funds and advice, but outsiders have also intervened in less pleasant ways. In November 1980 Narrandera was told that it was “too small” to warrant inclusion in a natural gas scheme for the MIA. In November 1981 the Victorian Country Football League ordered the restructuring of eastern Riverina Australian rules football, in the process abolishing the South West League, which Narrandera had done most to establish, and the Gammage Medal, the South West’s annual best and fairest award, which Narrandera’s Doug Roach had donated in 1949. In mid 1985 the district agronomist at Narrandera was transferred, the council merely being advised that he would not be replaced. Outside private enterprise has decided 1380

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now Pak mage, 2 iC TT

e PSE CL oc oortsLO ee Ce Ce. ae-..ioe oeNone oea oe a rrr——“‘( i a oo. oo .. a light Ser e ° a Ce .... oe . .. .istan, aant —~—rr—s—e [aa oo. a oe angi Camp ; July 1943. (Joh ° Squadron ey . (John Gammage, C. » reading Na d at Korangi C ge, Canberra) eratheArgus 3

ospita ays > et .

Singapore s1 E , e February

w ; tak 1s CONVO 1 1942, , Was Dein s one the last, bu eading, then the d submarines wa e of cruiser leadi n American sub began sinki

me to erore a . . 10n $ ri arrandera 1 su picked him u Ip irst nint . , Oringin ok him prisoners, and the fi in November, bringi Im Up and took hi NoO e terrible privati news came from Pensfirst theynews were ;of of his fellow more rivatio S some ; dea r ala a ; surrerin 21 safe y wly until Sept be :men : ,.most 3dal 0andTcCt WwW .. rwere still learnin missin O n five distric rning of sons came the rict nd sweethea telegram : DIKE undred 1 194 in-1£ir 2. Arc pported lerew enShis bike h a kilom ied in mil 946 peo s of eacon : re on Ambon. Bo etres with m awling, who 1Ww . Hankin essages O : ’ In two [om Cofh‘Yarrabee at nl h ’ arnt atb ishi oughlan P S nephew Jack Bland,t had son John had died father replied, “Th ark’ had asked his father fo een murdered at Muar. In 04 hp ‘tal. ’He t he got spentys fiveind .the estroyers then tl 8 sinking wa ransports ,.

inson . Yl e ars

[_ oc | _. . | | a. | . Lo |. old m n the y. ou Ww m t nis son ha 1 ’ and Skin t.” m : is ross . ca epourn, $ .

e

the oldan , re’s a dead tha steer .down th r for some money. te In 19441 learnt paddock Oo ‘3 nN “Y one y?” ayor, and Henry ied on the Sandakan de it.” Instead Tom enlisted, and

,.nrayea an O In ¢, Von a OOO

after th ? ers ; aul strut f Ki fc ) as Over on the B esford, e war Ww a ied Or KIN . oftnethe J about 50 distr: a Tauway, a fe s . ied during he w re aying still apanese istrict men who di . ? nd a w were 1 . outhern Cross’ , once a dead . George Hepburn , had been killed,tied others h goanna to the tail P » son oF the

The l t ar, about irst fireleased POW ,20 ieddied as pri

patrol on 11|ruary Febru ome on t2: October. Ke: u Japan 1942 1had met off he tout while surv1V ’ was u and an eye ang and was redspital. in r. hospital. T shot whi ellwishers. O arrandera by ire lim a glass yhe crowd of w e train a ese gave and . Others followed him sirens sounding, th eye, survived im home:J B g, the band , retortu: fteBeres piayin .

4 after he was rner, who , and a : the Jap lh f ~ urly’ Heck Nn Garn h 1 helped run a Cl : . d patrolled radio inng Changi caught outsid ran ag1 Changi for OV . ide theCccam two-u

angi radio, Jack Mill

|, O .

attalion throu h therailwa B e urne iedthethem th m orne oKe carried 2/1 Bg d9drum | urma and p en, 1n thanking town , th conet for Ww sme ance, ne i a w speople for a wel ieof’9hidSaid that the prisoners h d reamed day an Ww 2 d never cc me. J 80 he old there were times hen they th ht 1 I

’; eenrrrien$|f: OT

We ey are just around . . ne man 1n 9 Februa a Japanese grenade

them,; e€ never for et make th ose dl n't it. guts I idn’ V must . | have aO feeling inWwW the thV } u ro .

On Singapore on y severely wounded Coll r ° ace onn bDrien aa polceman, In th Oo an acle. paraicular made 1t by a miracl .

wandered in the arte ree da ook at se capture um and ft m to .a jungle clearing, tied his han idfolded him, an h . az ae ’ ands an 1 d old d 1 a d d e tne japane

a ue ; made im| sit ed, Y e of dug fave. hou oO myseltr, thion ”could nthe €a come to face wh it ’ called, ut just with ... Then I felt a heavy blow Teli 1n i‘ the rave . Oo ow ondull the back of my e neck.” consciousness. O :an eareean recover n a inH n ed,. ecovered blV1V| tCK ' ; eh

)i , woode whic er cneesta di he 3 nnis 1s feet, .

.

n’ OOd, pickets and clo a MaSslve sword rs cut acros -;|he, :'V isand shoulders and neck a §asn 1n Nis€ fore head SKIN O hV:.ee .

.

om grave, ered in e r ndc | T an h ,the stage into the fou tallThat grass, and collapsed no . psed. night he cut hi free on an em n, got some water, and lay m the next morn ne.

). ,Cil as a 1S an cy sent him to Ch g1 ; ay untila Ines

sc

an im hot milk coffee d lay biforenanother realize imthhe. iscuits. He day that thV lized to survive must surrende He cover ed he WwW u linc and w , nto ngapore ve€ He hisome en himheim tohad adiayypolice which gave . him ,»C t 1 n Indian gamilkied Station hich e Japanese. told t em ot all his w | . Ounds 1 act anf .

.

.

Oman TOUuN

.

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a oe Lo . | oo | a. a. 4 (| . a ae oo . - — | oe a a. i Co a 1 i | a a_.. a io 8 iv (| -oea a. 7| aaoe aeoo | _. ae aoe a oe a oe oo.aaa| ee oo.a.eevoa a aoaa oo Co aFoi. _ccoe. a oe oe ls a . . oo. — 0 . . | oe 4 oe en . oo. | | _ _ oo Coaooa.aeeoe oe| ee _ oo. oooe. — ee ioe Lo oe ae ee ueeeee a Ct aea a.. oe .a.. -— a-Ce

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. Se. a oo oo. aeae Ce . PS eee °Sie es ae a. Se . aOS: aee oe a eees On aCo ee OG oooe. .. ee Poe Ge eae 'e . coe oo oe Ce oo aeasee oe as Co oe. fe . Cs oo .eSCY ae Os Poo ae ae oe a os oo ee Coes 2 SoaOe aan LON aahee is Oe °.

a_— dermine an ren their in bo inter T war fur pr 1tions Zes . hen Cclithday upitbut was now n 8 ;tothe ained, °an Is k;pt up,wit f th day er the night’ t €eeremial .

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occasions as the king’s death in February 1952, the queen’s coronation in June 1953, and the royal visits of 1954 and 1963 generated considerable royalist feeling, but by the late 70s that too had waned. Anzac Day was rejuvenated. In 1950 the first dawn service was held, 70 returned men attending, the 1939-45 memorial was dedicated, and at the mid-morning service ‘In Flanders Fields’ was read for

the first time. Wars in Korea, Borneo and Malaya kept the day topical, although its chief support remained the veterans of the second war. In April 1953 a Narrandera Legacy branch was formed: a month later came news that Barry Sheah of Narrandera had been killed in action on Hill 355 in Korea. Although 22 district men fought in Korea, few Shire people ever discovered what happened at Hill 355, just as few knew about Lone Pine or Poziéres, Alamein or Hell Fire Pass. Few knew what was happening in Vietnam either, but many thought they did, because television’s images packaged immediate reality for Australian loungerooms. That remarkable technological achievement marked the Shire’s final tethering to the world. People now got news more quickly from Greenland than from Grong Grong, and in general thought what their screens told them more important than what was happening around them. And when in November 1984 black paint was daubed over Narrandera’s Great War memorial, an RSL spokesman assumed, probably correctly, that the inspiration for the deed was urban. “It was ... previously thought that this type of vandalism was confined to the cities”, he remarked, “However, it appears to have struck in Narrandera.” He should not have been surprised. A century of wars and depressions, urban cultural aggression, and declining rural economic and political power had almost obliterated the differences between country and city Australians. Almost. Ironically, a whiff of rural distinctiveness was kept alive because two powerful but conflicting influences constantly confronted country people—Sydney and the bush.

213

14 Sydney and the bush The great faith of the pioneers, the great object of public life later, and the great anxiety of recent times, was progress. Progress meant both the increase of prosperity, and the advance of European civilization. As James Gormly put it in 1906, Country that I have seen occupied by a few savages is now covered with fields of golden grain. And yet Australia is only on the threshold of the progress that will be seen when this continent shall have tens of millions of people to sustain, and in my opinion sustain them in comfort.

Prosperous and public spirited citizens were models for the succeeding generation, and Shire communities invariably aspired to grow in size, wealth and civilized amenities. Like Rolf Boldrewood in 1868, most district people tried “to do a little towards the amelioration of society, as well as to make a little money.” But local progress was governed by economic dependence on exports, and cultural dependence on the values of western civilization. These gave most people a lifestyle among the most comfortable in the world, but also took away local control over the future, and emasculated local prosperity and identity. In 1986 the district’s best hope of escaping urban dominance may well lie not in progress as presently understood, but in a lack of it. Both the rewards and the price of progress were apparent in the experiences of the first settlers. The Airds Irish came down the river bearing a tradition of hostility to England’s laws and Sydney’s

dominion, but soon accepted Sydney’s regulations and taxes in exchange for protection against Wiradjuri, bushrangers, stock and plant diseases, and encroaching neighbours. That kind of exchange continued, as exampled by closer settlement, irrigation, rabbit control, education, the provision of service facilities, and capital expenditure. Almost every exchange favoured metropolitan interests, and intensified local dependence. This situation was underwritten by the development of district transport. The earliest transport was by road, and early roads were bad. In the 1850s, James Gormly recalled,

“the track from Wagga to Narandera kept close to the river and went inside many of the anna-branches and lagoons. When the river was high, long stretches of back water had to be crossed. In one wet winter I have known as many as seven drowned on the road...” No public money was spent on this track until 1869, none on the Narrandera-Hay track until 1880, and none on any other district road until 1895. In July 1891 the Narrandera council complained that within a mile of the town “the main roads are simply impassable to sheep and nearly so to any other description of traffic ...’ For another 70 years district main roads remained poor. The Sturt Highway south of the river was not declared until about 1935 and even in the 70s could be cut by floods, and not until 1959, when the Narrandera-Barellan road was sealed, was an adequate road skeleton developed. Secondary roads were begun in the 1880s, as feeders to railheads, but in 1887 the men in Sydney admitted that most were only “the deep cut tracks of cart-wheels”. In 1888 Cobb and Co complained

that not a single Narrandera district road was safe for traffic, even though five mail contracts terminated at the Narrandera rail junction. In January 1907, when the men in Sydney passed responsibility for local roads to the Shire, all were still bad, and many were impassable. Roads have remained the Shire’s major expense, yet as recently as the 1956 floods Old Man Creek residents had every access road cut for five months. By the late 60s a reliable road system had been built, but in March 1986 a Shires Association regional conference at Narrandera still named roads and their funding as the major problem confronting shires. 214

Roads were not developed because private enterprise left them to the government, and in 1854 the government decided to prefer railways. An English visitor observed in 1876, very much is done in the colonies by public money which is with us accomplished either by private enterprise or by local contributions . .. roads. . . are made out of taxes appropriated to that purpose by vote of the Assembly

... How can any assembly be moved by four [Riverina] members ... Consequently there are no roads, and no bridges ... in the Riverina.

Between 1860 and 1891 the Assembly funded only 2200 kilometres of main roads in New South Wales, and in 1887 the colony’s annual report, The Wealth and Progress of New South Wales, declared that roads had “merely a local importance”, whereas railways were a “blessing” which brought wealth

and progress. By 1923 neglect had reduced the Main Roads Department to such confusion that it could manage to spend only 2.8% of the commonwealth funds it requested. It was reorganized in 1924, and began to upgrade main roads, but in 1929 a car on the Narrandera-Sydney highway could average only 33 kilometres an hour, and restrictive regulations against road hauliers operating near railways

were not withdrawn until September 1945. Only then did a spiral of improved roads, more trucks and cars, and declining rail usage finally force the development of a reliable road system. Bad roads let river steamers seize the rich Riverina trade. Steamers brought to the bush for the first time such civilizing luxuries as galvanized iron and fencing wire, and they helped make wool a profitable export. But they came in the service of urban merchants, not squatters. Wool and gold had given Riverina 75% of the wealth of New South Wales, and Adelaide and Melbourne wanted to share that wealth. The first steamer upriver past Narrandera, the Albury in September 1858, was South Australian, and at first South Australians dominated the river. But in 1861 Victoria appointed a select committee to discover how to capture the Riverina trade, and in 1864 completed a railway to Echuca on the Murray. The steamers flocked to the new railhead, and by 1872 Echuca was the second largest port in Victoria. In 1868 the Victorian parliament proposed another line to the Murray, at Wodonga, which would snare the eastern Riverina trade and “make Melbourne the entrepot of Australian commerce”. This line was completed in November 1873, and again the steamers crowded towards it. Almost certainly Narrandera village did most of its business with Melbourne. But the steamers were not reliable. Drought and flood laid them up, causing frequent shortages of flour and other necessaries. As well the river was dangerous. JE. Warby’s stern wheeler JH-P., “a punt with engines”, regularly ran aground or hit other boats, and sank several times before finally being dismantled in 1879. In October 1880, two months after losing its bargeman overboard drowned, the Wagga Wagga took a week to paddle through low water between Wagga and Narrandera, running aground twice and damaging its wheel on the way. In November low water marooned the steamer at Narrandera, and when it set forth again in December it hit a snag and sank. The crew raised and repaired it in a week, but next day its barge hit a snag and sank. In 1881 it managed only three trips, and throughout the 80s floods or low water stranded it regularly. By the 90s it was being used chiefly for local excursions from Narrandera, and on Armistice Day 1918 it sprang a leak at Roach’s mill wharf, was run downstream, grounded, and left to rot. It was the last of the Murrumbidgee steamers. In 1880 Burrabogie, Pioneer, Australien, Banwon, Success, Enterprise, Kelpie, Victoria, and a dozen others had crowded the river. By 1885 most of them

were gone. In the Shire area they lost their trade north of the river in 1881-2, when the Narrandera-Hay railway was built, and south of it in 1883-4, when the railway crossed the river to Jerilderie. After 1880 only one boatload of Melbourne goods reached Narrandera. Railways were the great nineteenth century symbols of progress. Towns the steel rails bypassed declined, towns they threaded together thrived. In the larger towns, including Narrandera, stations rose like palaces of prosperity beside the track, each the most majestic building in the district, and each the hub of contact with the world. In 1986 almost every Shire town and village stood beside a railway, and until the 1940s drew life from the traffic it bore. For 60 years after the 1880s up to 50 goods trains a week passed through Narrandera, while every day two Sydney passenger trains, one up, one down, 215

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