Mussolini's Italy 0027221113, 2940027221119

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Part I.
Introduction
Part II. The Birth of Fascism
II. The Mind and Character of Mussolini
III. Italian Parliamentary System, 1870-1922
IV. War and the Aftermath
V. Rise and Triumph of Fascism
Part III. The Fascist View of Society and Politics
VI. The Individual and Society
VII. The Absolute Supremacy of the Nation-State
Part IV The Organs of Government
VIII. The Suppression of Opposition
IX. Institutions
Part V. The Manufacture of Obedience
X. Mussolini as a Dictator
XI. The Fascist Party : Development
XII. The Fascist Party : Nature and Organs
XIII. The Fascist Party : Composition
XIV. The Fascist Party : Morale
XV, The Fascist Party : Youth Organisations
XVI. Social Policy
XVII. The Corporations and Economic Policy
Part VI.
XVIII. The Spiritual Gains and Losses of Fascism
Index

Citation preview

MUSSOLINI’S ITALY HERM AN FIN ER

“We must speak as the peasants speak: simply, harshly, candidly, and in good faith.” MUSSOLINI

“ Philosophers count about two hundred and eighty-eight views of the sovereign good.” PASCAL

The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK

UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH THE AUTHOR FIRST PUBLISHED 1935 BY VICTOR GOLLANCZ LTD LONDON, ENGLAND

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

TO MY MOTHER AND FATHER

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

CONTENTS PART I Introductory Chap. I. A Brief Survey of the Dictatorship .

.

page

11

PART II The Birth of Fascism II. ^ h e Mind and Character of Mussolini III. Italian Parliamentary System, 1870-1922 IV>War and the Aftermath . . . . . V. Rise and Triumph of Fascism

21 60 98 .115

PART III The Fascist View of Society and Politics V fN rhe Individual and Society . . . VII. The Absolute Supremacy of the Nation-State

.163 . 198

PART IV The Organs of Government VIII. The Suppression of Opposition IX. Institutions . . . .

.

PART V The Manufacture of Obedience X>Mussolini as a Dictator . . . . . X I. The Fascist Party : Development . . . X II. The Fascist Party : Nature and Organs . . X III. The Fascist P arty : Composition . . . XIV. The Fascist Party : Morale . . . . XV, The Fascist Party : Youth Organisations . . XVI., Social P o lic y .......................................................455 XVITÏ The Corporations and Economic Policy

231 248

287 809 337 364 877 426 492

PART VI X V III. The Spiritual Gains and Losses of Fascism . 585 I n d e x .................................................................557

FROM MUSSOLINI’S ITALY to ITALY’S ITALY I am, of course, deeply gratified, that this work, Mussolinis Italy, has become recognized as a classic of the one-party «tate. I hope that the new nations do not follow its degrading course. About four o clock in the afternoon of April 28, 1945, Benito Mussolini was killed by a burst of bullets from an automatic rifle fired at him by a Colonel “Valerio”. The murder counted as an “execution” by this agent of the Italian Committee of National Liberation, the anti-Fascist partisan organization fighting the Fascists of northern Italy and their Nazi masters. “Valerio” was a Communist activist, a former member of the International Brigade that had fought against Franco, Hitler, and Mussolini in the Spanish Civil War. The execution, if actually ordered by the Milan Committee, (which is not absolutely certain) occurred on Italian soil, in the village of Mezzegra, by the shore of Lake Como. Murdered at the same time was Clara Petacci, Mussolini's last mistress. She was the only Fascist who accompanied him on the last few miles and during the last few minutes of his life, though a few had come as far as Como and Dongo with him, all hoping to travel in the baggage of retreating Nazi troops into asylum in Switzerland. Mussolini, who never ceased to bombinate Napoleonic epigrams from before the March on Rome even until his last moment — he told his murderer, in the hope of release, “I give you the Empire” — would have appreciated the one that Napoleon had coined: Charac­ ter is Destiny. Mussolini died an ignominious death because he had an ignominious character. Unfortunately, he had been able to grip the Italian people in that character from October 1922, and certainly after the murder of Matteoti in 1925, until the Allies had begun to set the Italian people free by their military invasion of North Africa in the late fall of 1942. Soon after the invasion, the indigenous passion of the Italians for political liberty and human decency surged out openly. The exiles returned; and political parties, too many perhaps, sprang to organization and open, sovereign activity, to offer the nation purpose and direction. Above all, they began to clear away the miasma of truculent braggadocio and romantic impotence which

FROM MUSSOLINI S ITALY

had inspired Fascism and degraded the nation, not least by its inefficiency. At last, when the Italians had become co-belligerents with the Allies, or as Mr. Churchill declared, had received the return-ticket by which they could work their way back, they began to. Their way to liberty and progress was opened; let us hope it will never be closed by the Italian Communist Party. As Mussolinis Italy was the first work to demonstrate and predict, Mussolini possessed no genuine and sober intention of raising the welfare of the Italian people. He bore the men, women, and children of Italy no good will each for himself: they were means to his ends. His romantic, self-absorbed ego aspired only to indulge himself with the feeling that he was their Big Brother, to boast, therefore, that he intended a "higher social justice.” But since Mussolini disparaged the common man, democracy, why should he raise his standard of living and offer him better times, a kind of freedom to be happy and inventive in his personal life? Though Mussolini, as the pages of this work (and a short bibliog­ raphy) show, shifted from one motive to another, from economic productivity and a more just division of wealth, to chauvinism, to Glory, to the posture of a Man of Destiny, it was to the latter that the needle of his personal compass most durably and firmly turned, to play a grand role in the wide world of nations, to be an Hegelian or Nietzschean Hero. Even if the desirability of a grand role in the world were conceded, then it was necessary that he build a physically strong Italy. He would have found tremendous obstacles in achieving such an aim, since Italy's natural resources do not begin to compare with those of Germany, France, or Britain, the nations with which his fate was so closely interwoven. But for any remote prospect of success, it would have meant a quarter of a century of planning, of hard work, of administrative efficiency in industry, commerce, public administration in Rome, and the cities and the prefectures — and a willing cooperation of all the people by earnest, hard work at a fast and steady tempo. Mussolini never made the effort; nor did his Fascist hierarchs, most of whom were corrupt men, lazy men, grafters, as well as bullies. The few thinking, hardworking Fascists were soon shunted into subordinate place, dissidents like Giuseppe Bottai, Dino Grandi, Italo Balbo and their like, for they made Il Duce uncomfortable. A policy of economic and administrative

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development, for Italy was a seriously under-developed country, required the self-control of peaceful relations with all neighbors, especially friendship with the West, France, Britain, the United States, especially in the era 1929 to 1936, of economic crisis. Until 1935, that is, two years after the accession of Hitler to the German Chancellorship, Mussolini did not reject such a policy entirely, although he did not carry through the proper economic efforts as well as he might have done. The text details how the Fascist regime encouraged the steel industry and the metallurgical manufacturers, the development of shipping, the improvement of the railroad transportation, the search for fuels, the building of the road system topped by the autostrade, the draining of the Pontine marshes, the encouragement of wheat production with such intensity that by 1935, 8.8 million short tons ( from 5.5 million ) was reached, that is, self-sufficiency. Of course, the Battle of the Wheat was uneconomical: it would have been better if a peaceful Italy had magnified its imports of the raw materials of industry, as Britain and Belgium did, and also bought its supplies of food from the cheaper producers abroad, and then used Italian skill and ingenuity and design to accomplish a miracle like that which has flourished since 1946. But Mussolini’s policy was not opulence, it was offence: it was a policy of autarky, self-sufficiency, so that Italy should be prepared for war. And it cost dear: wheat was produced unproductively on land unfit for it, vines and olive trees were cut down to make room for wheat. That investment was lost to other occupations and it was translated into lower wages, reduced salaries, falling profits, and unemployment. Any sober assessment of Italy's resources would have dem­ onstrated almost instantaneously the impossibility of the sustained effort of modern war. The dictator believed his rhetoric from the Palazzo Venezia could win him Nice, Corsica, Tunis, Jibuti, the Dalmatian Coast, Malta . . . and what more? Some of the expensive government financed projects were merely voted, preliminary moneys spent thereon, the officials to supervise hired and salaried, while the works were never carried through to completion: thus in Sicily. Nevertheless, the Regime was tolerated by Church and people, except for the more far-sighted and those who suffered the prick of conscience about liberty. Social subsidies for tuber­ culosis, large families, sickness in general, were enacted in the years

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1927, 1934, and 1939. Though the “corporate” state was also a boast rather than a reality, the establishment of the corporations in the mid-thirties stimulated in many among the younger generation the hope that a substantial advance in the standard of living and in social justice was intended. In 1939, the Parliament, based on elec­ tions, was abolished in place of the Chamber of Fasces and Corpo­ rations. Like the half-and-half system which had preceded it, it was nothing but a sounding board for the Duce: his will prevailed in every institution of government, as well as in the highest authority of the Fascist Party, the one only party, itself, the Grand Council of Fascism, and it also prevailed over the effete and reactionary King and his entourage. World War II overtook the Chamber, whose President was Dino Grandi: like the Russian Duma in 1914, it fell into desuetude. The Regime sustained itself fairly well until 1937, because it had struck down all opposing elements, and had not too obviously ruined the country, and because Italians were tolerant, and it had some international prestige ( for the wrong things ). But in late 1935 Mussolini deliberately and wantonly led Italy into war: first into the Abyssinian War, then in 1936 on the side of Franco in Spain, and then World War II at Hitlers side from June, 1940. He dragged Italy through a trashy Glory to ignominious Disaster. The Abyssinian War was a callous exercise in the conquest of a land belonging to another people: as the newspapers were al­ ready saying in early 1935: “Italy a people without a land; Ethiopia, a land without a people I” The excuse was made that civilization must be brought to the Empire of Haile Selassie; and it was done by bombers and poison gas on a practically unarmed, even unclad, people. Many Italians were disgusted at this vicious adventure, which ended in Mussolini declaring Vittorio Emmanuele, Emperor, without consulting him. The Church favored the venture. The League of Nations declared Italy an aggressor, and finally voted sanctions against Italy. Since the United States was not a member of the League the onus did not fall on her; her neutrality legislation did not prohibit her merchants from supplying Italy with scrap iron and with oil. The onus fell on Britain and France, and more on the former. Six more months of rigorous sanctions and Mussolini might have fallen. But Britain and France were afraid to pursue the matter to the bitter end, Britain for fear that some of Mussolini's bombers

TO ITALY’S ITALY

might sink units of the Navy, and both, because they felt they could not afford to drive Mussolini completely into the hands of Hitler, their arch-foe. Finally, Mussolini’s aggression was condoned by them; in the end they recognized the annexation and courted him. But they had aroused Mussolini’s enmity so as to make him Hitler’s prey. They had contributed to his swollen-headedness because he believed he had defeated them. His contempt for the "weakness” of democracies was nourished by their retreat from principle and resolution. At the end of 1937, he followed Hitler’s example: he quit the League of Nations. He forgot Churchill, although I told him in 1933 that when Britain should need to confront the dictators, it would be to Churchill she would turn, and it would be Churchill that Mussolini would face. He did not know Churchill, he said. Mussolini’s nemesis was Hitler, incidentally a great admirer of his, as the man who by the power of an idea had vanquished both democracy and Communism in Italy. For Hitler commanded massive resources, science, technology, armed forces, and the organisable, fanatical German people, inspired by totalitarian conceptions of power. Hitler was bound in the end to exploit Italy and subordinate her to his dominion. The most illiterate Sicilian peasant could have told Mussolini that, in league with Hitler, he would become Hitler’s serf. For a time, Mussolini saw^eye to eye with the British and French on the subject of Hitler’s dangerous dementias. The tradi­ tional policy of Italy, to keep Austria as a buffer state, was asserted by Mussolini against the possibility of Hitler’s Anschluss with Austria; he was not blandished by a visit from Hitler to the Veneto in June, 1934. When a month or so later, Chancellor Dollfuss was murdered by Austrian Nazis, Mussolini sent Italian Alpini to the Austrian frontier warning that he would enter Austria if a single German soldier invaded that country. Agreements were made in January with France, and later with both France and Britain at Stresa in mid-April, 1935, to restrain Hitler’s threats to destroy all the Versailles restraints on German might and will. They declared they would uphold Austrian independence. The rapprochement was ruined by the Western opposition to the Abyssinian War. Mussolini, in part for ideological reasons, and in part from resentment, and in part because he hoped to be on the stronger side if Europe were up for division, and in part out of insensate arrogance, turned to Hitler. In love now with Petacci, he

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slackened in that unremitting attention to affairs of state it had been alleged he practiced until this time, even if for bad ends. He plunged into the Spanish Civil War: for ideological reasons; for exhibitionism; for military practice — side by side with Nazi forces. The International Brigade made the Fascist Blueshirts run. In October 1936, an “axis” of friendship between Rome and Berlin was established. In 1937, it was joined by Japan, another defector from the League of Nations. Europe was entering on the alignment for World War II. The pride which had risen high among many circles in Italy at the Ethiopian victory, its feebleness of effort being largely hidden, now dwindled, and alarm took its place, even among Fascists who saw that Hitler might well make Mussolini and them and their fellow-Italians, his abject cats paws. This is exactly what happened. Hitler, swollen with arrogance when he marched into the Rhineland unpunished, left Mussolini to his own devices, without any help, during the Abyssinian adventure, and then, in March 1938, occupied Austria! Mussolini did nothing; he could do nothing; events had exposed Italy’s military weakness and economic debility. He was caught in what Hitler later termed “the brutal friendship”. He was allowed the dubious role of arbiter at Munich. He even disgraced himself by enacting laws against the Jews, in a land which had never been anti-Semitic, when he himself had in 1935 denied the validity of racial superiority, when the Church, with whom he made the Concordat, preached that Catholic doctrine could not accept any distinction between races. The Vati­ can and the faithful and all humane Italians, rebelled, and the de­ crees were disobeyed. For Italians were not subjects of a totalitarian state like the Third Reich; their native humanity, gregariousness, and sense of humor, saved them from this disgrace, as equally it had all along prevented Mussolini from producing a really monolithic obsequious people dedicated to the atrocities »which visited the Ger­ mans. The Church and the people, for ecclesiastical and for eco­ nomic reasons, and for fears of war, substantially deserted the Fascist regime after 1938; for economic reasons, because the war efforts had caused so precipitous a fall in the standard of living and employment, that the government would not publish the usual sta­ tistical abstracts. On May 22, 1939, Mussolini made the so-called Pact of Steel with Hitler. Each would come to the assistance of the other in the event either were “involved in hostilities”. It was nego-

TO ITALY'S ITALY

tiated by Mussolini and Ciano, though as time went on in the nego­ tiations Ciano attempted to prevent its consummation. For he, as well as Mussolini, felt that Italy was being dragged under the German juggernaut; and both sensed a strong popular revulsion against the Pact. The Pact was signed on the basis of deliberate lies by Ribbentrop that the Danzig-Polish quarrel would be settled peacefully on Germany’s part. Ciano learned the truth only in the August of 1939! (Ciano was Mussolini’s son-in-law, an aristocratic product of Rome’s dolce vita, frivolous and vain, but intelligent. Mussolini had made him Foreign Minister. Ciano had spurred on intervention in Spain. ) When Hitler attacked Poland, it was not by previous consul­ tation of Mussolini. Realizing that Italy had not the strength to fight in the war which Britain and France entered, Mussolini (advised by Grandi) declared Italian non-belligerence; and in this was sup­ ported by Hitler who conceded that he did not then need Italy’s help. What a blessing he would have bestowed on Italy if he had persisted in a prudent neutrality! But, when by June 1940, Hitler had overcome the Scandinavian countries and Belgium, Holland, and France, Mussolini could not contain his vanity or rapacity. On June 10, 1940, Mussolini declared war on France and Britain, as a “jackal” as Churchill called him, as a “stabber in the back” as Roose­ velt declared. He entered because he believed that Hitler had won Europe, and that as an ally, Italy would receive the territories he coveted. Italian forces in a two-week war ( the armistice supervened on that ) made a very bad showing against the French in the region of Nice. Thenceforward, Italian arms suffered reverse after reverse: in Somaliland, in Ethiopia and Eritrea, in Libya, in Greece, in Albania (annexed in 1939, lost in 1944), with the Germans in Russia, at sea in Taranto harbor and at Matapan in the Mediterranean. Italy declared war on the U.S.A., on December 11, 1941, following Pearl Harbor; the King and Badoglio surrendered Italy, September 8, 1943, and declared war on Germany on October 13, 1943, and on Japan in July 1945. The war alongside the Allies, north of Naples, against the Nazis and the Fascists, cost her 100,000 casualties in partisans alone. The armed forces had not been equipped properly; they had not been trained to modern war; the general staff was inept, partly through connivance with Fascist incompetence and sloppiness and partly out of political intrigues and hatreds. And the

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Italian soldiers and sailors had the good sense to want none of Hitlers war or Mussolini's war: they surrendered, but not in their own war later side by side with the Allies against the Nazis. Italy all-told suffered two million casualties. Hitlers lunacy in attacking Russia brought disaster to Germany and Italy. And he did it without consulting his ally. As the war went from bad to worse in North Africa (so that Rommel took over the Italian armies on that front) and the Russians proved unconquer­ able, Mussolini and Ciano begged — even whined — Hitler to make a compromise peace with the Soviet Union, and beseeched him for supplies and help for the Mediterranean. Their abject prayers were brutally rebuffed. For Hitler, Italy was expendable. With the Allied landings in North Africa at the end of 1942 and Russian victory, Stalingrad and the subsequent conquest of first Pantelleria and then Sicily, and the deeper and deeper bombings of the Italian cities, (anti-aircraft guns were woefully lacking) all the latent opposition to Mussolini, even among the big businessmen who had originally subsidized him, turned to detestation, contempt, and rancor. Throughout the Spring of 1943, opposition leaders, like the former Liberal Premier, Bonomi, had in one way or another approached the King, and Fascist leaders like Grandi and Bottai sent messages also, to secure a radical change, which meant to save Italy by jettisoning II Duce. Mussolini himself had fallen sick through disappointment, premonitions of approaching defeat, and self-disgust, resulting in serious gastric disorders. He no longer showed a proud defiance, firm leadership, even oratory; public business remained neglected. By July, 1943, the King and his military adviser, Marshall Badoglio, had been in touch with Allied spokesmen, as well as intermediaries between the generals and some high-ranking Fascists. On July 9, the Allies landed in Sicily and soon captured the island. The Italian soldiers, who hated their Nazi associates, and these themselves showed little fight. On July 19, 1943, Mussolini, after desperate requests, met Hitler at Feltre in Venetia. He came back empty-handed, but with a headache from Hitlers interminable de­ mented monologues about the need for persevering in Russia and eventual victory. Rome was bombed by the Allies. All of Mussolini's following disintegrated fast: he had lost the masses. In Fascist cir­ cumstances, and during a war, an institution like the Monarchy

TO ITALY’S ITALY

was needed to be the point of crystallization and movement against the dictatorship. The King virtually rebuked Mussolini when receiv­ ing from him an account of the humiliating Feltre meeting. The King’s demeanor had become extremely and expressly anti-German. The Fascist chiefs, who had been advised by Mussolini that a popu­ lar campaign must be conducted ardently by them in all the chief cities, now asked for a meeting of the Grand Gouncil of Fascism (q-v.). The leadership against the Duce was assumed by Dino Grandi, formerly Ambassador to Britain, and, according to Mussolini, “over-Anglicized.” In a sense, he was now the King’s man. He tried to get Mussolini to resign. This proving not successful, he composed a resolution for the Council. He found Bastianini, Bottai, Giano, and Federzoni and some others ready to support it. The Council met on July 24, 1943: Mussolini could not reject the proposal to meet. An altercation took place between Grandi and Mussolini, the former declaring that the Regime was at fault, the latter denouncing the Italian people. The quarrel, which became universal and highly excited, began at 5 p.m. and ended at 2:40 a.m. A resolution was passed by nineteen votes to seven, with Farinacci, the radical Fas­ cist, and another, abstaining. Among the seventeen were the most substantial and “best” of the Fascists chiefs. The resolution required that all the powers belonging to the regular political institutions, such as the Crown, the Grand Council, the Government, etc., etc., should be restored to them. This required the Duce to surrender his dictatorship. Then, the resolution said, that Mussolini should go to the King and request that he take the supreme command of all Italy’s forces and take “the highest decisive initiative” to save Italy. Mussolini intended to persuade the King to dismiss or arrest his opponents. But when on July 25, 1943, he came to the Villa Savoia for the audience, the King had him arrested, and transferred the government of the nation to Marshal Badoglio, while the Fascist leaders were cut off from communications with their offices and col­ leagues. All Italy, except the Fascist gerarchs, heaved a sigh of re­ lief. Badoglio dissolved the Fascist Party. Hardly realizing for days that the Regime was vanished, Mussolini was imprisoned first at Ponza; then he was transferred to the Gran Sasso, Monte Corno, 9,000 feet in the Italian Appennines. From this eyrie he was rescued (more exactly kidnapped) by glider planes sent by Hitler on Sep­ tember 12. Thereafter, he was compelled for Hitler’s purposes to

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become the head of the government of northern Italy, the Social Republic of Italy, called from its location, the Republic of Salò. Here he conducted a Fascist Government until the Allies belatedly at the end of 1944, and more massively in 1945, moved on Rome and northern Italy. Mussolini had become, of course, obsessively anti-monarchical, anti-clerical, and socialist. At Verona he had those who had voted against him at the Grand Council tried for treason, and he did so at Hitlers command as well as his own inclination. Thirteen had made their escape, including Grandi and Bottai. But the old Marshal De Bono, his son-in-law Ciano, and four others were hailed before the special tribunal. Five were sentenced to death, as well as the rest in absentia. In spite of the frantic efforts of Edda Mussolini, the Duce’s favorite daughter, to save Ciano her husband, and appeals to her father for mercy, he, as well as the others, even old De Bono, then aged 78, were executed by shooting in January 1944, by Fascists, supervised by German prison guards. Mussolini allowed this to happen to his comrades in a mixture of malice, intimidation by Hitler, and maudlin heroics as savior of the State. For a few months, Mussolini lived well. He had his mistress; he could visit his wife and family; he ruled the smaller roost; wrote his memoirs of the past year; and enjoyed music and reading in the in­ tervals of state business. He spoke a kind of shameful obituary on “Mussolini's Italy” when, to his latest party boss, Pavolini, he de­ fined Fascism: Fascism is Mussolinism. Let us not delude ourselves; as a doctrine Fascism contains nothing new, it is a product of the modern crisis, the crisis of man, who can no longer remain within the normal bounds of life with its conventionalism, within the bounds of the existing human laws. I would call it irrationalism. There is such a thing as morality, but we're tired of it; and I'd go further and say that it makes no im­ pression on us. That can be changed by going against the stream. We are tormented people; every one of us would like to be in the sun, the pole of life for himself and for others. There you have the evil at the heart of the modern man: call it irrationalism, Bolshevism, Fascism. Let us consider that last term; what would Fascism be, if I had not been? He thus rejected all the classic virtues, mans nobility, and

TO ITALY’S ITALY

thought it best to demoralize Italy with essentially anarchistic pos­ tures and an iridescent serfdom for all beneath him. He died as we have said, and his body along with Clara Petacci’s and other Fascists, was strung up by the heels in Milan and subjected to despicable indignities, like those which had been, in part, the popu­ lar bases of his Regime. HERMAN FINER February, 1964

Short Bibliography about the fall of Fascism in Italy. Chabod, Federico. A History of Italian Fascism, London, 1963 Deakin, Frederick W. The Brutal Friendship. London, 1962 Zangrandi, Ruggero. Il Lungo Viaggio attraverso il Fascismo. Mi­ lano, 1962 Grindrod, Muriel. The Rebuilding of Italy: Politics and Economics, 1945-55. London, 1955 Adams, John Clark and Barile, Paolo. Government of Republican • Italy. London, 1961 Mussolini, Benito. Storia di Un Anno. Milan, November, 1944 Fermi, Laura. Mussolini. Chicago, 1963

PREFACE M y interest in Italian Fascism is principally as a system of government, a means of dominating, controlling, and guiding human beings, and less as a piece of machinery for supplying economic and social services. I lived in Italy from January to September 1933, and returned again in March and April 1934. While in Italy, I was able to discuss matters with Ministers, Civil Servants, local officials, Party officials, professors, plain men and women, and Signor Mussolini gave me the privilege of an inter­ view. In the interval I have kept in continuous and immediate touch with Italian people and affairs. I have to thank them— x, y y and z, and all the rest—for the enlightenment they gave me, whether in so many words or in graceful reticence. My thanks are due to Mr. Terence O’Brien, of Oxford and Harvard, who patiently read through my manuscript and offered me many valuable suggestions. Some of my documentary sources are stated in the footnotes, but since I wanted to limit these to the minimum, not all of the soùrces are included. The statistics are mainly drawn from the official Annuario Statistico or from official communications to the newspapers. The quotations from Mussolini’s speeches and writings are made from the eight volumes of Scritti e Discorsi, covering the time from October 1914 to the end of 1933 (which in the text I simply refer to by giving the dates), or from Chiurco, Storia della Rivoluzione Fascista. L

ondon,

March, 1935.

Part I Introduction is intended to be a work of impartial recognition and explanation. But since there must be a principle of selection, I have seized upon the problems which are generally recognised as vital to the successful functioning of modern States. Comparisons are drawn between the social and economic conditions of Italy and other countries, to discover whether and how far the causes and consequences of Fascism in Italy are universal or limited to th at country. The ultimate question in the author’s mind is, “ Would the reader like to live in the Fascist State, not in the seats of authority, with the power to command others, but as a simple subject under the domination of an omnipotent, irresistible force which he would not be allowed to choose, criticise, or, least of all, reject, should experience prove it to be spiritually or economically unsatisfactory? ” Italian events of the last decade reinforce the tru th th at immediate political benefits may be inimical to permanent political welfare, and that the latter depends on the ability to recognise and resist the temptation to grasp the specious and outwardly attractive solution of the moment. W hat follows is an attem pt to frame answers to a series of questions which continually pressed themselves on my attention. Along what road did the Dictator march to power ? Who were his friends, and who his adversaries ? W hat does he believe about the character of man, and the nature of his destiny ? W hat is the force of his own character ? How far are his beliefs substantially, rather than apparently, shared by his entourage ? W hat limita­ tions and opposition obstruct the will of the Dictator ? Through what machinery does the Dictator’s policy operate ? W hat is the economic and spiritual effect of the system upon the Italian people ? What has been its influence upon other countries ? Before we enter upon an examination of these problems it is not improper to make this observation. It is possible to appre­ ciate the technique of government and the character of Mussolini T h is

10

MUSSOLINI’S ITALY

without admiring the ends to which they are turned. For such things enter into the amoral realms of art. We may admire the work of De Maupassant without making Tolstoy’s famous judge­ ment on him, th at he was not an artist because his work “ unfor­ tunately lacked the chief of three conditions, besides talent, essential to a true work of art, a correct, th at is, a moral relation to the subjects depicted.” So may we recognise the qualities of Mussolini, though we may deplore the purposes he pursues, and even the doctrines he utters. Applause for the result is not the logical consequence of appreciation of ability : and we are surely not condemned to th at impoverished type of destructive judge­ ment th at demands th at we shall deny the excellence of the qualities because we do not happen to think th at the world is well served by them. Let us recognise th at here are superlative faculties, and th at the world would be poorer for their non­ existence or the loss of our capacity to appreciate them. B ut we are equally entitled to take Strindberg’s point of view, when he answered Gauguin’s request for a preface to the catalogue of his exhibition : “ Monsieur, you have created a new heaven and a new earth, but I do not enjoy myself in the midst of your creation.” As an aid to proper understanding, then, let these two attitudes be kept separate : appreciation of the Man’s talents, and judgement of the purposes and results of his policy. The principle of Art for A rt’s sake is perhaps least justifiable in the art of governing mankind.

C h a p te r

I

A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE DICTATORSHIP L e t u s pass over phrases like the Corporative State, the Totali­ tarian State and the Ethical State (which may mean very little in practice), and let us discount the firework displays, the sky­ writing, eloquent justifications, and the floods of promise, vaunting and defiance, and come direct to the plain fact : since October 29th, 1922, Italy has been living under a Dictatorship. For twelve years, Italy has enjoyed a government established by force, and ultimately maintained by force, by the exclusion of all alternative opinions as to policies and means. It is possible th at the system is, or may become, popular in its purpose. Most Fascists argue th at they have the interests of the people at heart, and that, since this is so, and since the power at their disposal permits them to achieve what they intend without the obstacles encountered in a representative Government, they are more truly democratic than any other. Whether the term is correctly used, and whether the Fascist system actually furthers the interests of the people, we shall discuss later on. But this is certain, th at the system is not popular in origin, in the sense th at it was established by the efforts of a free majority. Nor is it popular in its normal mechanism. For a five-yearly plebiscite cannot be called popular when it is conducted, as it is, without the free competition of rival policies and parties, and without even the freedom of choice implied by complete liberty to abstain from voting. To clear our minds of cant, the word democracy may be left out of the question altogether. The Italian régime is a Dictator­ ship. Fascism is Mussolini : th at is the judgement of most Italians.1 I t has all his strength, and weakness ; a id the most perturbing aspect of his strength is that, while he is great, the 1 Cf. th e English pam phlet published by th e Fascist Propaganda Office, called M ussolini : A View o f L ife, obtainable for “ Penny 1.*’

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Italians must continue to be small ; and the most fearful element of his weakness is that, as he is mortal, Fascism must perish with him, leaving as a heritage to the nation the problem of establishing a system of government suitable for average men. This can hardly be accomplished peacefully. At the apex, “ at the pin-point,” as he himself has said, is Mussolini, the head of a hierarchy ramifying downwards and outwards through the whole country. He is the Prime Minister ; he is the President of the Grand Council of Fascism (the real “ Cabinet ” of Italy) ; he is the Leader or “ Duce ” to whose person and orders the members of the Fascist Party (and Militia) and ancillary organisations swear allegiance. His will and legal authority pervade the whole corps of the bureaucracy and the highly centralised system of local government. There is an elected Parliament, but its candidates are in a very real sense nominees, selected by the Grand Council over which Mussolini presides ; and nothing can appear on its Order Paper without the permission of the Prime Minister. The Council of Corporations is presided over by Mussolini, as Chief of the Government ; the Corporations singly are presided over by his direct nominees ; and the trade unions and employers’ associations are managed by members of the Fascist Party congenial to the Minister of Corporations—Mussolini. No one, of course, will imagine th at there exists, or ever has existed, a man who could run a complete system of government unaided. Autocracy in the etymological sense is impossible in the modern State, and was probably never possible at any stage of social life. Consequently, subordinates attend to the execution of the main lines of policy laid down by the Chief, and this implies th at other opinions, besides Mussolini’s, necessarily prevail. This is an inevitable rule of government, no m atter what its forms. Now the important thing in Italy is, th at while there is some elasticity of principle and action in the sphere which appertains to all people below Mussolini, a licensed questioning and devia­ tion, nobody dares to discuss his decisions. These decisions are final ; and only the intractability of things, and the inarticulate resistance of human nature, amend or nullify them. But Musso­ lini’s intuitions are the supreme court of appeal in all the major

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issues of policy, and even in many of subordinate character. It is true th at many of these decisions are only the sifted result of long discussion in the Grand Council, or occasionally in Parlia­ ment, or the collated opinions of professors or big industrialists, but his interpretation of the advice he receives, his will to command, is Italy’s settled political fate. His policy is informed by, and works through, the Hierarchy of Grand Council, Council of Ministers, Fascist Party, Parlia­ ment, the Corporations, the Universities, Schools, and the Local Authorities. Those who hold the key positions in these institu­ tions form an oligarchy which perpetuates itself by independent selection. Below and outside this Hierarchy, in conformity with the Fascist doctrine, are the People, the Masses, whose only political function is, in fact, “ to Believe, to Obey, to Fight.” That is the motto promulgated by the Duce, and written up everywhere as a sign. To create is not for the People, but for the Hierarchy. There are theories abroad in the Fascist State that the People will be allowed to participate in the direction of government as soon as they have learnt the nature of political “ responsibility ”—but these are only theories. Mussolini towers above all who surround him ; he is the com­ manding peak above all the institutions he has created or adapted. I t is recognised by all (except a handful of those who want to deceive themselves into believing in an “ impersonal Fascism ” ), th at without the rather miraculous personal allegi­ ance to him, the system would break into the ill-assorted pieces out of which it was originally constructed. All informed people in Italy fear the coming of the crash when Mussolini goes ; all expect this crash ; and the most conscientious, including Musso­ lini himself, desperately search after every possibility of averting it! He is the head and centre of all things in Italy to-day ; for men will obey him without question (I will not say to the death). They will not obey his lieutenants with the same devotion ; indeed, his assistants will not obey each other, or co-operate with each other, with the same ready deference they pay to him. As his brother Arnaldo wrote to him : “ I fascisti tutti hanno questo merito : non discutono il Capo ” : “ all the Fascists have this merit : they do not question the Chief.” And again, “ Solo tu sei capace di far camminare in un movimento sincronico la

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Nazione e il Partito 5,1 : “ Only you are able to make the Nation and the Party move in step with each other.” And my knowledge of the Fascist hierarchy, not less than of the ranks of the workers, the middle-class (the subject of Fascist contempt), and the richer classes (the subject of some Fascist hatred), supports this fraternal assurance. The sources of Mussolini’s primacy and indispensability receive full treatment later in this book.

Fascist Doctrine.

The silent often deserve obedience, but only the talkers secure it. Mussolini speaks directly, and often, to the people. If he did not, his government could not function, since none can function without the expression of a faith. After the word “ Obedience,” no word is commoner in Fascist Italy than the word “ Faith.” But Faith in what ? Is there a Fascist doctrine ? I t is difficult to answer, because in this, as in almost every other aspect of their government, the Fascists, and Mussolini above all, have been gaily inconsistent, with the result th at no one can be sure th at the latest of Mussolini’s statements is really sincere, and applicable even for a few years. The wind bloweth where it listeth. For Fascism began as a gesture of negation ; its antipathies were, as Mussolini insisted, its distinc­ tive mark. Recently, it is true, he has re-examined his own say­ ings and letters and produced some evidence th a t he always wanted a positive doctrine. But, as later chapters show, the weight of evidence is against this claim. However, Mussolini had th at within him which was bound to issue in a doctrinal pronouncement. He confesses an admiration for such great models as Moses and Cyrus and Solon. He recog­ nises th at if only a moral fulcrum could be found, he could lift the world as he wishes. Mussolini may lack many things, but it would be unfair to say he lacks self-confidence. He desires th a t his system should be immortal (in spite of his belief th a t systems of government must be adjusted to time and place), and univer­ sal (in spite of his declaration th at Fascism is not an article of export).8 Indeed, a doctrine is the very thing to replace the mortal man who is the vulnerable Atlas of his system. Perhaps a doctrine will cure the ever-renewing conflicts of class and mind. 1 Mussolini, V ita d i Sandro e A rnaldo, pp. 167 and 169. 8 N ot long afterw ards abandoned.

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Hence the article contributed to the Enciclopedia Italiana in 1932, which forms the subject of a close analysis in P art III. Is this Fascism ? Does it replace all the speeches and writings of past years ? Is it to be modified by reference to the speeches and writings which have followed since ? At any rate, it is a delib­ erate and painstaking effort, emphatically entitled to close and careful examination. It has been spoken of in Italy in the same terms of respect as the Communist Manifesto of Karl Marx : of course, as its decisive confutation. Entitled, in the view of Fascists, to the prestige of Rousseau’s “ Social Contract,” the latter is for them but a child’s babbling when compared with Mussolini’s lapidary sentences I However it would be rash to imagine th at this Essay is accepted by all Fascists as the ex­ clusive gospel. When they comment upon the Duce’s contribution their praise is fulsome and their critical faculties are suspended. I am sure th at the Duce, who is a realist, violently despises them for it. But when they independently write or speak about the relationship between individual and State, between industry and labour and government, between Nation and Nation, there are many deviations from Mussolini’s doctrine, and even contradic­ tions so flat, that, if their implications received practical realisa­ tion, Mussolini’s system would be overthrown. This does not merely arise out of the fact th at Mussolini’s article is short, and has the vagueness of all concisely stated first principles, but out of real differences regarding the value of human life and the nature of human destiny. The truth is th at almost everybody in Italy takes the doctrine as read (that is, does not read it), largely because no opposition to it is possible, and then, unconcernedly, proceeds on his or her own way until brought up sharply by a command. Now, for immediate practical purposes, this makes Mussolini’s doctrine of central importance. Assuming th at what he says he means, and that what he means will approximately find its way into the law and the encyclicals to the Fascist Party officials, the Essay is of great significance. As an index to what is universally thought and done in Italy it is of little moment. I have heard very many discussions which ended with the phrase Insomma, Il fascismo son’ io (“ Very well, then, I am Fascism ”), to express the view th at every man’s interpretation is no worse nor better than anybody else’s ; and I have frequently heard the

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view expressed th at from a few general principles it is possible quite legitimately to deduce a mass of quite contradictory implications. This is true. To understand the actual nature of Fascism it is not enough to regard the Duce’s Essay and Speeches as the alpha and omega of the system ; there are important divergences between his ideas and those of his lieutenants. Although we cannot form­ ally review them all, the reader will notice some of the most important in the course of later chapters. These divergences of interpretation bode ill for the immortality of the Fascist régime. In the absence of an arbiter of compelling personality, have not doctrinal disputes been the most disruptive in history ? The doctrine of Fascism is blurred not only by these differ­ ences of outlook but by its history and inherent character. A doctrine was deliberately eschewed in the early days for fear th at theoretical disputes, or rather discussions of the practical application of the theories, would cause the disintegration of a party th at was compounded of such ill assorted elements. The same phenomenon was witnessed in the history of the National Socialist movement in Germany, and it may now be observed also in other countries where so-called Fascist movements are under way. To be grandly vague is the shortest route to power ; for a meaningless noise is th at which divides us least. Now th at Fascism has dictatorial power it is faced with the double task of stating a doctrine, and then of deciding which of the alternative formule is to be put into practice. This has, indeed, made the path of Fascism extremely difficult. I t explains existing differences, and it explains why, in spite of all the advertisement, the propaganda and the successful elimination of opposition, Fascism has achieved so little. The Government has had to tack hither and thither, take account of the diverse cur­ rents and winds, work its way around personalities, leave strong men of property alone, play off one group of industrialists against another, make laws and connive at their non-enforcement. In ­ deed, it looks uncommonly like Giolitti’s system of a balance of domestic powers, a rotation of “ spoils ” and office, and the old-fashioned trasformismo, th at is, the stealthy abandonment of one policy for another, all over again. Not th at we ought to censure a Government which takes account of human nature.

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But, while in this case, the Fascist Government is not sparing in its own praise, and in contempt for its predecessors, it creates very little more than they could have done, and, in contempt of human nature, has destroyed so much th at was valuable and remedial of faults—I mean liberty of expression. The democratic system of government, at any rate as it has been worked in England, proceeds upon an assumption radically different from th at of the Fascist movement. I t requires th at all who aspire to power shall state clearly what they intend to do with it when they achieve it. This has given rise to political parties with elaborate programmes, often based upon consider­ able scientific research, and a sense of responsibility and trustee­ ship to those for whose welfare the programme is intended, and upon whose voices the accession to power will depend. It is a question of political morality of the first order whether it is right for men to demand the power to govern without first having thought out the consequences of th at demand and genuinely accepted their responsibility for the execution thereof when they have attained power. To do otherwise is to work the confidence trick, which is not less dishonest because it is played on the vast stage of politics. It has the same air of super-morality about it as a company floated during the South Sea Bubble “ for carrying on an undertaking of great advantage, but nobody to* know what it is.”

Inconsistency a Virtue. Fascists take pride in dynamism and relativism, in the sense th at political doctrines and pro­ grammes are never entirely complete and finite, but only a temporary product to be made as circumstances demand and repudiated or amended when circumstances change. The maker of the doctrine, of course, is master with regard to the decision whether, and if so what, transformations are pertinent. Mussolini especially emphasises this point of view, which is, perhaps, the most im portant practical element in his doctrines, even though it does not receive a large place in his Essay. “ We do not believe in dogmatic programmes, in that kind of rigid frame which is supposed to contain and sacrifice the changeable, changing, and complex reality. We permit ourselves the luxury of bringing together and conciliating and surmounting in ourselves those

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antitheses in which others stupefy themselves, which are fossilised in a monosyllable of affirmation or negation. We permit ourselves the luxury of being aristocrats and democrats, conservatives and pro­ gressives, reactionaries and revolutionaries, legalitarians and illegalitarians, according to circumstances of time, place and environment —in a word of the history in which we are constrained to live and to act ” (March 23rd, 1921). No one can therefore be surprised, if he finds some very be­ wildering and rapid voltes-face in the development of Fascist policy. Gentile comments1 luminously upon this aspect of the Fascist régime, and I am obliged to confess that, though I am sure th at Gentile would not joke about matters of such high importance, his remarks have the air of sly censure ; and no one, surely, would regard them as complimentary : “ The doctrine of fascism is not a philosophy in the ordinary sense of the word, and much less is it a religion. It is not even an elaborated and final political doctrine, which articulates itself in a series of formulae. The truth, the significance of Fascism, is not measured in the special theses which it assumes from time to time, theoretically and practically. As we have said, at its commencement it did not issue with a precise and determinate programme. Often having set up a target to be reached, a concept to realise, a way to follow, it has not hesitated, when tested, to change course, and to reject as inadequate, or repugnant to its own principle, that aim or that con­ cept. It has never wished to bind itself, engaging the future. It has often announced reforms when the announcement was politically opportune, but to the execution of which it, nevertheless, did not believe itself to be obliged ! The true resolutions of the Duce are always those which are both formulated and carried out.” In consequence, there is, in Italy, no elaborate and compre­ hensive theory of society as in Russia, though we are far from believing th at Russia is free from heretics. The absence of a deeply founded sociology, held with the tenacity of fanatics, has interesting effects. There is not so much intolerance as in Russia. Indeed, there is an elasticity of doctrine, and freedom of thought, th at some people think is extremely dangerous to the State. There is such a disarray of opinion that I have often asked 1 Gentile, O rigini e D ottrina del Fascism o, edn. 1984, p. 88.

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myself whether Fascism was a “ revolution,” as Fascists are over-anxious to reiterate, or merely a March on Rome. Among the justifications of this diversity is the necessity of self-criticism, or auto-criticism as it is called, once a regular opposition has been destroyed. This is credited to Mussolini’s own character : he is supple-minded, and temperamentally a lover of freedom. (Though he also has traits which quash freedom in other respects.) But the limits of overt self-criticism, which are naturally wider for those whom Mussolini likes personally than for those whom he dislikes, are, in any case, narrowly drawn. If the issue were merely between Mussolini and the heretic, Mussolini might be clement. But the issue is so often between the underlings, and they are not quite so tolerant of each other, since prestige and advancement depend upon orthodoxy. A very liberal-minded Fascist, of high rank, told me that any expression of opinion was tolerated provided th at it was not concerned with Yester­ day but with the improvement of the Italy of To-morrow. In other words, once the régime is accepted, and obedience to Mussolini is absolute, leave is given to differ on details, so long as these are not important enough to involve the Duce’s inter­ vention. But, Yesterday ! One is asked to leave aside the lessons of man’s history from the Creation until 1922 ! Perhaps such a state of mind will ultimately be cultivated in the younger generation. The older generation is less permeable, for its members are History itself. Even though they arrive fairly soon in their discussions at a point where they begin to fear to be outspoken, lest trouble should be caused them by some malicious colleague (at which point they proclaim “ we cannot discuss the m atter because the Duce has already given his opinion upon this ” ), divergent opinions are in fact somehow widely diffused. Since these cannot be converted into a political programme, as in parliamentary countries, they issue in resent­ ments, grimaces, gestures (of which the Italian varieties are very expressive), significant reticences and omissions, and occasionally in indiscreet and bawdy outbursts. They influence the Duce, because he wants to be influenced ; he cannot help being influenced in spite of himself ; and he cannot exile or kill everybody who in greater or less degree dissents from him, for if he did he would be a Dictator in an empty country.

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Now a Government founded upon such a mutable basis cannot be attacked on account of its inconsistency. Inconsistency is Fascism’s life principle ; and when it is established as a system of government it obviously follows th at it is a vice to be con­ sistent. Of the usefulness to Fascist rule of this attitude there can be no two opinions. I t is useful as a means to the attainm ent of power ; it is useful in dealing with changing situations ; it is useful, also, because ingratitude to those in office or to old friends need not be labelled ingratitude. There are people in Italy who say th at Mussolini is not averse to these differences of opinion among his subordinates. There are even some who suggest th at he would, on principle, not be above fomenting them. As we shall see, he has learnt very thoroughly the lesson of divide et impera ; and, whatever may be the sincerity of his intentions to unite Italy, there is no doubt th at the fundamental result of his efforts, however far he in­ tended it, has been to pulverise Italy into a multitude of mutu­ ally suspicious individuals and groups. Mussolini and his friends attained power by subverting a governmental system th at had been in operation for fifty years. How did this happen Î The Fascist régime is the result of the impact of Mussolini’s character upon the original weaknesses of Italian parliamentary institutions, further enfeebled by the W ar and its aftermath. I t is important to examine first Mussolini’s character, and then Italian democracy. From the former, since Mussolini is Fascism, we may learn to know the dynamic element in the past and future of Italian Fascism ; and from the latter we may learn how far Italian conditions differed from English.

Part II The Birth o f Fascism

Chapter II THE MIND AND CHARACTER OF MUSSOLINI mind and character of Mussolini, who created and continues to evolve Fascism, can be discovered in three sources: the literature which has most influenced him, the changes and chances of the life he has lived, and the man himself in action. The information th at we can glean from these sources is a remarkably illuminating explanation of the Fascist State. The

I M u s s o l i n i ’s T e a c h e r s

The following teachers have been ascribed to Mussolini by his friends or by himself : Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Blanqui, Georges Sorel, William James, Bergson, Vilfredo Pareto, and Machiavelli. Karl Marx is significantly not mentioned. Apart from Machiavelli, these are the brilliant lights in the intellectual firmament of the generation preceding the Great War, and even Machiavelli prompted European statesmen in that time of spiritual dissolution. We need not believe that their teachings wrote their message upon a blank and all-receptive tablet. Mussolini takes considerable pains to make it clear that he was the creative agent in the selection he made among their doctrines. In his Autobiography (p. 36) he says : “ I have never attached my name or my mind to a certain school, and . . . I never believed that books were absolute and sure viaticums of life.” The truth, no doubt, is th at character and reading are

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consonant. Henri Lagardelle, whose periodical the Mouvement Socialiste is given the honour of mention in Mussolini’s Encyclo­ paedia article (Sorel’s most important studies first appeared in its pages), has discussed Sorel with Mussolini at length. His conclusion, elaborated to the present writer in discussion, is one th at will serve the subject of Mussolini’s reading in general. Mussolini grew to maturity at a time when the whole world was writing and thinking things th at rather well fitted in with his character. It was extraordinary good fortune for him th at thesê ideas reached the stage of translation into action ; and Mussolini was primarily a man of action. Thus, at this same time, the Darwinian theory of evolution, the idea of the survival of the fittest, the struggle for life, had a remarkable effect upon political ideas, but it was the vulgar notions rather than the scientific theory with all its qualifications th at affected people. Yet Mussolini could also have learnt liberalism from its most famous exponent in Italy, Croce. He does not appear to have done so. Now I shall not insist th at Mussolini read all the works of all these people ; I shall not insist th at he read any considerable portions of any but Nietzsche and Sorel and perhaps Pareto ; the rest he may very well have obtained either through these, or from th at occasional quotation of pregnant sentences current in the Socialist circles he used to frequent, “ intellectualoid conventicles ” as he recently called them. In these conventicles much is garbled. Nor is even reading study. Hence in recalling what these men stood for, I shall treat only Sorel, Pareto, and Machiavelli at any length, the rest (except Nietzsche) I regard as learnt from allusions. I hope I do no injustice thereby.

N ietzsche. Nietzsche abominated the bourgeois Victorian gods. He regarded Christianity, equality, pacifism, neighbourly love and democracy as virtues invented by the weak, the craven, and the lovers of comfort, as arms deliberately directed against the forceful and creative natures. Pessimistic (only less than Scho­ penhauer, his master) about any possibility of human improve­ ment, he thought he discerned some hope in the rise of a Super­ man. His style would be silent, solitary, resolute, but virile and heroic, meeting all trials without calculation of reward. He

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would arise by evolution through the operation of the Will to Power which dominated every being, but which in weak natures degenerated into the happiness, virtue and submission calculated to ensnare and destroy the rising Superman. The world needed high moral tension, energetic struggle, sacred egoism, to live dangerously, and to be hard, the very opposites of middle-class morality. Nietzsche believed th at the drive of the Will following intuition was a more certain guide in life’s blind groping than intellectual calculations. He was an enemy of “ grocers’ phil­ osophies ” as he called the work of Mill and Spencer. He regarded the State as one of the moral creations of the mean and brainless populace to save it from the Superman.1 In this influence there are certain things which compel reflection. The first is the form of Nietzsche’s work ; the second the responsibility of statesmen compared with th at of phil­ osophers. Fundamental judgements were brilliantly, but laconic­ ally, expressed, and th at at vast distance from, and outside, the human scene itself. He despised the historical, cautious, analyti­ cal method. The truths, isolated, and without proportioned relationship, are superb as sparks from a thinker’s mind, but what occurs when the detachment, the aphorisms, and the promises, are appropriated by a statesman ? In a free world, the thinker may feel responsible or not ; it matters little. For in a free world, there are enough competitors to call public attention to his errors. W hat if the relativity of morals, and the ideal of the Superman, are applied by a practical politician, who decides without appeal the fate of human beings ? Can we, then, accept the principle of responsibility to oneself alone, and the offering, nay the compulsion, of sacrifices for the good of the species ? Not, I think, if the statesman exterminates all alternative views regarding the good of the species by brute force. These questions are not merely academic, but are actually involved in Mussolini’s rise to power and his subsequent activities. The philosopher or the artist may feel th at his responsibility is to Art or Truth or the Species alone. Has the statesman the 1 Mussolini's E ssay on the Philosophy o f Force, w ritten when he was about tw enty-one, occupies itself alm ost exclusively with Nietzsche's W ill to Power. I t is hardly more th a n a sum m ary of th e work, b u t all the points are well seized. Mussolini does not pick out, and m ake especially his own, any one idea beyond th e rest. Cf. S arfatti, D ux, 15th edn., p. 100 et seq.

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right to put such a responsibility above the bond of trusteeship for the people ? Philosophers who become kings frighten me.

Sorel. If Nietzsche owed much to Schopenhauer, the geniuses who inspired Sorel were Nietzsche, Proudhon, and Karl Marx, and to some small extent Schopenhauer also. Sorel was a stern moralist. His chief interest was not the economic reorganisation of society, but, partly by means of this and partly beyond it, the elevation of mankind. According to him men badly needed moral stiffening and reclamation. They were naturally decadent, and would altogether rot without strong preventive measures and tonics. He hated the middle class from which he had sprung, its weakness, smugness, and complacency, its cruelty while it was establishing its power by the revolutions of the past, its violence, swindling and thievery at present employed to defend its acquired privileges. His hope centred in the working class (even as Nietzsche’s, in one phase, and Mussolini’s on the peasantry) who alone had hitherto con­ tributed to Progress. For all Progress was an illusion, except the progress of technique, the clearest examples of which were to be seen in the factories and workshops. Attempts to discover the nature of the future greatness of humanity in any detail were doomed to failure. Socialists and sociologists and Utopists had made many such unsuccessful attempts ; indeed, the intellect could not reach so far into the future and grasp all the correlated information. I t was sufficient 44to march towards deliverance,” and to plant the necessity to do so in the souls of the workers. (Compare Mussolini’s boast : 44Sono un camminatore ” : 441 go ever onwards.” ) Deliverance ! But that, we may say, is only a negative ideal. 44 True ! ” replies Sorel, 44 but it is impossible to give a complete picture of the future, and as practical tactics, dangerous to know it ! ” (This we shall meet in the evolution of the Fascist movement, enunciated by Mussolini.) All the sociologists had accomplished nothing but the damping down of the fires of enthusiasm for battle and the promised land. Nor, because the way forward was suggested by intuition, as Bergson was then teaching, was this a less valid means to arrive at an interpretation of life, in terms of becoming something other

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than you are (the life-process itself), than the paths traced by the intellect. These intellectual constructions were gravely fallible and an addition to the dead-weight of m atter which the mind of man, in order to live and evolve creatively, was always obliged to subdue. The valid creative guide to the future lay in the intuition of sublime things ! The inborn will to believe provided a special revelation to each individual and made certain his adherence to th at belief, in spite of facts which to others as certainly supported the validity of a contrary belief. W hat then ? Social reform and Socialist politicians were not the means to the end which Sorel pursued. Whereas he wished to overturn middle-class society, these intended only, he came to believe, the purchase of the petty possibilities of growing fat like the bourgeoisie. Disappointed with the meliorist Jaurès, and the parliamentary Socialists, Sorel bespattered them with a stream of invective only equalled in scurrility and bitterness by Mussolini in his turn. His studies of English Trade Unions convinced him th at the salvation of the worker lay within them, and not through Parliament. I t was there, among their own fellows, th at the revolutionary spirit would burst into flames, and remain alight ; there, that the pick of the workers would rise to leadership, and fashion a new and austere moral order. While not altogether denying the usefulness of their meliorist function, he insists th at this is trumpery, beside the real and inherent function of preparing the catastrophe of bourgeois society. He is at considerable pains to distinguish between political and parliamentary Socialism and the proletariat. He shows the greatest contempt for Sidney Webb : for Sorel, the myth-maker, and considered the study of Blue Books the worst preparation for revolution and working-class leader­ ship. Catastrophic change will not come fatally, as his great master Karl Marx had suggested, but by the active will of the workers. Therefore, Sorel created the myth of the General Strike. “ The revolutionary syndicates argue about Socialist action exactly in the same manner as military writers argue about war ; they restrict the whole of Socialism to the general strike ; they look upon every combination as one th at should culminate in this

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catastrophe ; they see in each strike a reduced facsimile, an essay, a preparation for the final great upheaval.” (This is what Mussolini thought until he was within a step or two of supreme power.) “ The general strike is, indeed, what I have said : the myth in which Socialism is wholly comprised, that is, a body of images capable of evoking instinctively all the sentiments which correspond to the different manifestations of the war undertaken by Socialism against modem society. Strikes have engendered in the proletariat the noblest, deepest and most moving sentiments that they possess ; the general strike groups them all in a co-ordinated picture, and by bring­ ing them together gives to each of them its maximum of intensity ; appealing to their painful memories of particular conflicts, it colours with an intense life all the details of the composition presented to consciousness.” 1 This will give hope, inspire great deeds, produce an epical frame of mind, cause the birth of individual discipline, not in the old sense of the word, but as a devoted spontaneous adhesion and voluntary submission, arising out of loyalty to the cause, to the commands of its captains, and the purposes of the associa­ tion. (How Nietzschean this sounds, and how like Mussolini !) Soldiers in such causes have never asked for a reward equal to their efforts. Heroes will emerge along its onward path, and, as in the Churches in the past, the martyrs’ sacrifice and anguish will animate succeeding generations. (We later notice Mussolini’s almost verbatim application of these doctrines, and shall recognise how the martyrs of the Fascist Revolution are perpetu­ ated, and exhibited to inspire the young. This also follows the tradition of the Risorgimento.) Scruple about violence is a bourgeois prejudice. Violence has always been a means of—progress ? No ; conscience will not let him say progress—but of a new and better spirit in civilisa­ tion. And if it does not produce this, then the mere feeling of a task, a purpose, an effort, is more desirable than the fatty degeneration of the middle classes. Had not Marx said th a t “ force is the midwife of society ” ? However, a certain distinc­ tion is necessary : violence does not mean force or brutality in 1 Reflections on Violence, English translation (Hulm e), p. 187.

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the narrow sense of the word, nor is it directed against indivi­ duals, for the system is to blame. The world, even now, was using violence to maintain existent privileges, only that, instead of good wholesome violence, cunning, swindling and thievery had taken its place, in Parliament, Trade Union politics and on the Stock Exchange. Many sociologists believed th at this was real progress, but force is far cleaner. I t inspirited those who threat­ ened the existing order ; it even inspirited the defenders. When the Bolshevik Revolution used violence, Sorel explained th a t he did not mean that kind of force. Too late ! Whoever preaches violence, even only as a threat, and as a spiritual driving power rather than as physical brutality, can neither make average men distinguish it from the latter, nor extraordinary men stop short of brutally pursuing their own special paths along the 44 march towards deliverance.” In Italy, also, we can observe the inability to distinguish, in spite of Mussolini’s frequent admonition th at violence must be limited by its surgical object. In Germany, after months and months of mental and physical torture of those who could not believe in the reigning myth, Von Papen the Vice-Chancellor of the Reich, who had helped the violent to power, had to plead with the advocates of force th at there was a difference between 44 vitality ” and 44 brutality ” ; this ethical exposition seems to have done little good, for the 44 clean-up ” of June 30th, 1934, occurred shortly after. The apotheosis of Sorel’s doctrines was their acceptance by the anti-democrats and the monarchists of the Action Française ; and the awakening of the middle classes to the advantage of violence. Lanzillo, the friend of Mussolini, a contributor to the Avanti from 1912, when Mussolini was its editor, a seceder from the Socialist P arty when Mussolini was expelled, and later his collabor­ ator on the Popolo d'Italia, points out, in his little work on Sorel,1 44 In the Latin world (Sorel’s syndicalism) triumphs by the classic tradition which is the blood of our blood. It presupposes a sense of pride, a will to liberation, a breath of sacrifice. All this Sorel expresses as the sense o f the sublime. The strike may be lost, but it will not leave the bitter disillusion of discomfiture so long as the backbone of the fighting proletariat does not bend.” And 1 Lanzillo, Giorgio Sorel, 1010, pp. 58, 59.

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so he continues, in a style almost indistinguishable from Musso­ lini’s own.

Pareto. Vilfredo Pareto, like his friend Georges Sorel, was an engineer. He shared Sorel’s ideas regarding the function of Myths and Force in social life. Further, the theory of a Governing Class or an élite, well elaborated by Pareto, is to be found in germ in Sorel’s works also. And Pareto taught the impossibility of making complete and finite social generalisations, because of the movement of things and the imponderable elements in every situation. We have been told no more than that, during his sojourn in Switzerland, Mussolini attended some of Pareto’s lectures. We have not been told which, and how many, and with what industry. In recent years there have been several small studies of the influence of Pareto on Fascism, but they proceed upon the rather unsatisfactory method of showing the affinity between the ideas of Pareto and the general political creed of the Leader of the Fascist P arty.1 There is no attem pt to establish a relation of cause and effect. Mussolini’s respect for Pareto is shown by his nomination of him as a Senator of Italy in 1928, shortly before his death ; and Pareto’s dispassionate respect for Fascism is shown in several articles published between the end of the War and 1923. Pareto’s comments, in his Trattato di Sociologia Generale, on the riots of June 1914, riots which Mussolini, then insignificant, inflamed but did not conduct, are all in the revolutionary but not the Fascist tendency. The outstanding features of Pareto’s work, declared to have been influential in forming the Fascist view of government, are the importance of Myths in government, the theory of the circulation of élites or governing classes, the relationship between force and consent, and the necessary relativism of social general­ isation and the policies of governments. Pareto begins with a profound study of the relationship between the permanent interests, dispositions, and tendencies of mankind, and the reasonings, theories and verbal manifestations 1 F o r exam ple, S calfatti, Studi Paretiani, 1932, p. 93 ff. ; Morselli, Pareto e ia po­ litica di M ussolini. B u t cf. Bousquet’s account of th e subject in P ardo : sa oie et ses doctrines.

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by which men excuse, justify and promote them. The former he calls “ residues ” ; and the latter “ derivations.” The former are constant, the latter vary with time and place ; the former are original, and hardly to be altered or diverted, the latter are masks and superstructures. He observes th at sentiment is more efficacious than interest in making social measures acceptable, especially if it is exalted and assumes the form of a religion : “ expressed by enthusiastic derivations, overstepping cold reality, and very different from the sceptical reasonings of logic-experimental sciences.” To arrive a t a given social objective, it is necessary to urge people beyond it, to a point further off. Their enthusiasm can be worked up to th at pitch by myths, and even then the usual practical difficulties will depress it to the objective originally aimed at. I t is a mistake, he urges, to believe th at obedience will be given readily as soon as all people are “ educated,” th at is when they can grasp logical experimental reasons. Utilitarians and Positivists, who are supposed to have replaced all considerations and sentiments by the calculus of cold reason, need the guidance of fables as much as children do. They need the motive forces of religion, ethics, patriotism, humanitarianism, fidelity to party and class. Hence the history of battles between the Good and the Bad, the clash of religions, of asceticism and worldliness, of Progress, Pacifism, Truth, Justice and their opposites. I t may be useful th at man shall think th at certain doctrines are in con­ formity with experience when in fact they are not. The “ truth ” and utility have been confused, when people have affirmed th at it is always useful for oneself and society th at man should see facts in their “ true ” light. Pareto enquires carefully into the psychological causes of the various forms of self-deception and desertions of principle which men go through in order to get the greatest advantage while preserving the air of morality. By “ élite ” Pareto means the people who have in a remark­ able degree the qualities of intelligence, character, address, and capacity. He observes th at in any society there is an élite of government and an élite in other fields of life, and below these two are the ordinary folk. The superior part of the nation is subdivisible into a part which specialises in government. From this must always be excluded a not inconsiderable number who

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have arrived at the title without possessing the talent, by some route like birth or wealth, which produce serious deviations from the true qualities of the governing élite. There is a continuous, even if slow, circulation of élites. The beliefs, prejudices, and opinions of society are different in the upper and the lower grades, and these differences of pressure, as it were, cause the circulation. Some more energetic belief comes from below, and the masses exert a pressure upon the upper classes. Like waves they break over, and swamp, the scepticism of the upper classes. For a time, aristocracies are dominant by reason of their character, or their war-like, commercial, or plutocratic power. In the course of time their energy diminishes. Others climb up and take their place. Normally there is a continual and slow transformation, a movement like a river ; but sometimes there is a complete change in the governing class, a sudden flood : th at is, a revolution. The general cause of a revolution is th at too many weaklings have gained a footing in high places. They are not capable of using force to preserve their position, but below there are many capable and ruthless candidates for power. This number accumulates slowly ; the upper class tries to buy off its adversaries ; reputation and prestige keep the pressure on this side of the revolution more than equal to the pressure on the other side. Suddenly, however, the diaphragm between is ruptured. The governing class adopts various methods to maintain its position. The élite may kill the clever insurgents. This is final, but it has the terrible disadvantage th at society as a whole loses by the destruction of creative qualities. A second method is persecution. This is not very useful, for it makes martyrs, and the insurgents become even more dangerous than if they had been left alone. Sometimes persecution is advantageous to the nation, because it stimulates the energy and character of the persecuted, who, thus fortified, triumph. At this point, Pareto gives the specially apt example of the revolutionary situation known as the Red Week which arose in Italy in June 1914, just before the outbreak of the War. The Premier, Signor Salandra, spoke to the Prefects of using force if necessary, but spoke sadly and regretfully of such a contingency ;

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u humbly and abjectly ” as Pareto says.1 But the Socialist journal, Avanti, then edited by Mussolini, regarded the cessation of the General Strike as a regrettable event, and smacked its lips over its magnitude and fury while it lasted. In its leading article there is a certain note of regret th at the number of deaths was smaller than in May 1898. I t regards the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro*$ action in declaring its cessation, and the action of the railwaymen, who took three days to decide not to participate in the strike, as the only things to be regretted in the experience. A period of social peace now sets in, but it is to be used in preparation for the next struggle to overthrow reformism and democracy, to be prepared in every way when the red trum pets blow again for the greatest and decisive battle.” Pareto comments : “ One is present literally at the fight between the fox and the lion. On the one side victory is expected from cunning ; not a word in which one can see the courageous and virile spirit of those who possess a faith. On the other side, the opposite qualities. To the Government which does not want to be called the enemy by its adversaries, the latter respond that they are and will remain its enemies, to them and to every other similar Government ; and truly, not to realise that one must be blind and deaf. In this way the men of the Avanti demonstrate those qualities of virility and loyalty which sooner or later assure victory, and which finally are useful to the whole nation. . . . In Italy, ‘ general strikes * are the more or less revolutionary riots which trouble the peace of the country, are due in great measure to the resistance of the Government to the point where it excites the anger of its adversaries, assures their union, and provokes their insurrection, and then stops at the precise point where it could repress it. If the Government follows this plan, it is not due to ignorance, but because, on the model of all Governments of almost all the civilised countries of our time, the fact that they represent the ‘ speculators ’ closes every other way to them. The ‘ speculators * want tranquillity above all which will permit them to carry through § their lucrative operations. They are disposed to buy this tranquillity at any price. They occupy themselves with the present, take little thought for the future, and without the least scruple sacrifice their defenders to the anger of their adversaries.” 2 A third method pursued by governing classes anxious to 1 Trattato, P aragraph 1647. 8 P aragraphs 1646-1653.

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protect the social equilibrium is exile and ostracism, the advan­ tages of which outweigh its disadvantages. The final method is to secure the eager and promising recruits from the lower class on the condition th at they serve the élite on its own terms. This is what has always been done ; and it is above all the method used by “ demagogic plutocracies.” (This is what Sorel so strongly condemned in parliamentary Socialism.) B ut the governing class does not help itself for very long if the only people it can seduce are those who are easily bought. Yet Pareto does not consider the case, which is perhaps M ussolini's, that o f a member o f the lower class accepting the wages o f the upper class, only to turn on them when, well-established and well-armed, he has opened the doors o f the citadel to his revolutionary friends. Let us now turn to Pareto’s doctrine on Force in government, the theme in later years of a famous article by Mussolini in Gerarchia, certainly embodying the master’s arguments, and almost reciting the master’s words. “ In general,” says Pareto, “ societies exist because the sentiments which correspond to the residues of sociability are alive and powerful in the majority of their members. But in human societies there are also individuals in whom a part at least of these sentiments weaken and may even disappear. Thence there flow two very important effects, which apparently are contradictory ; the one threatens the dissolution of the society, the other causes the emergence of civilisation.” The need for order felt by individuals does not exist in sufficient proportion automatically to produce a condition of stability be­ tween these two extremes. Individuals are very different, so th at a balance is attained only by the action of society. The need for social uniformity is the more extensive as it is weak in individuals. In the course of time, the contrasting theologies in which men project their feelings, Habit and Progress, arrive a t a balance. Now there is no sense in making a problem of whether or not one should use force in society, or asking whether it is advan­ tageous or not, because, in fact, force is employed as much by those who want to conserve certain uniformities as by those who want to transgress them. On this point Sorel’s Reflections on

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Violence is cited as an authority. The violence of the former is opposed to the violence of the latter. In fact, whoever is favour­ able to the governing class and says th at he disapproves of the use of force, disapproves, in fact, only of the use of force by the dissidents who wish to withdraw from the rules of uniformity (or obedience). If he says th at he approves the use of force, he really approves the use of it which is made by the authorities to compel the dissidents to obey. And the converse arguments are valid for the governed. We should rather consider which of the existing laws are useful, and which disadvantageous, to society. Even th at is not all. Does the damage which is being done by existing rules greatly exceed th a t which results from the use of the force to destroy them ? Anarchy springs from the too frequent use of force. On the other hand Order has a value in itself, even when a social fabric not wholly satisfactory is based upon it. Thus, the net advantage, all the conditions in a particular situation being taken into account, must decide the question of the use of force. Many pages of Pareto’s treatise are closely prophetic of events in Italy in the years 1919-1922. Their spirit is this : th a t in the event of a rising against the governing class, as soon as the myths fail of effect, and the rational merits of the govern­ ment are disputed, the governing class must use force to maintain itself. “ If among the governed there are a certain number of individuals disposed to use force, and if they have capable leaders, one often sees the governing class dispossessed, and another take its place. This comes about easily i f the governing class is moved by humanitarian sentiments. . . . ” There is, of course, an attem pt to avoid the use of force by bringing into play abstractions like the “ State ” and “ Order,” by appeals for respect for the character of the men in office, by abuse of those who desire to overturn the existing order. In the end force enters. “ All Governments use force and all affirm that they are founded on reason.. . . In fact, with or without universal suffrage, it is always

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an oligarchy which governs, and which knows how to give whatever expression it likes to the ‘ popular will.’ . . .” If Pareto shows any preference it is for force rather than cunning, for force is the exterior sign by which is manifested the substitution of the strong and energetic for the feeble and cowardly ! (Yet Pareto seems to me to be biased against perfectly honest reasoning, calling it cunning, which probably consisted of the kind of reasons Pareto personally disliked.) Faith and will are necessary to the use of force, and these qualities are essential elements in the welfare of a nation. An integral and fundamental part of Pareto’s teaching is the impossibility of including the whole world of actual phenomena in a scientific generalisation : “ Scientific laws are for us nothing but experimental uniformities.” The laws are contingent, relative, and but approximate. Far from certain, even approximations are important guides. But the generalisation is never complete and closed : experience will reveal more things to cause us to change our minds. And a further reason for diffidence and self-doubt is the number of imponderable elements, th at is factors in the situation which are incapable of quantitative measurement. I t is clear th at considerations such as Pareto urges here would compel a reasonable man to doubt his own beliefs and, therefore, be tolerant of opposition. It might cause another man (Mussolini, for example) to say, “ Nevertheless, i f I am to govern, I must be dogmatic, and the only lesson Pareto teaches me is not to stick stubbornly to a policy, even though it has been pro­ mised, as soon as the circumstances require a different line of action.”

Machiavelli.

A romantic story told by Signora Sarfatti shows us Mussolini and his father, the village blacksmith and local politician, reading Machiavelli in the ill-lit smithy. In later years, the Florentine Secretary still over-occupied Mussolini’s mind. In 1924, he refused the honorary degree offered him by the University of Bologna, declaring th at he would, like any other student, submit a thesis for the degree in the ordinary manner —a pretty gesture in every sense ! The thesis was never completed, but the Prelude to it was

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published in Gerarchia for 1924.1 Scanning the chapters of The Prince and the Discorsi, Mussolini asks what living worth they contain after the passage of four centuries. W hat does Machia­ velli think of the nature of man ? Is he optimistic or pessimistic ? Mussolini concludes th at even a superficial reading of The Prince reveals an acute pessimism. Like all who have a wide experience of men, Machiavelli is obliged to expose their baseness and servility. “ As all those who reflect upon political life demonstrate, and as history is full of examples thereof, it is necessary for those who govern a State and decree the laws therein, to presuppose that all men are vicious and that they will always be prone to exert the malignity of their souls whenever they get the opportunity to do so. . . . Men never do good except by necessity, but where there is liberty and licence everything falls into confusion and disorder.”2 Mussolini says th at he cannot attenuate Machiavelli^ verdict, he might even aggravate it. He quotes with evident relish this question from The Prince, “ Whence does it arise that all the armed prophets win, but the unarmed are ruined ? ” Mussolini paraphrases the answer, “ Because the nature of peoples is variable and it is easy to persuade them of a thing, but difficult to keep them in th at persuasion.” And then he quotes The Prince’s answer : “ And therefore it is proper th at things should be so regulated th at when they no longer believe they can be made to believe by force. Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, Romulus, would never have been able to get their constitutions respected for long had they been disarmed.” Is not this an extraordinary opinion for a man who seeks the dictatorship over his countrymen, and as great an influence on the rest of the world as conditions will allow his imperious will to exercise ? Why, then, should a pessimist, as Mussolini gives himself out to be, wade through terror to a throne ? Why should he assume the heartbreaking task of government ? Why con­ strain these poor, weak, querulous, earthbound creatures to “ the bath of blood,” as he called the War, and the aftermath of repression and dictatorial discipline, if nothing better can come 1 Now reprinted in Scritti, IV., 105 ff. 2 Machiavelli, Discorsi, Chap. I II .

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of it, even as nothing better, according to Machiavelli, could come, or has come, of the Italians of four hundred years ago ? Benedetto Croce, the philosophical and political opponent of Fascism, is also pessimistic in tone. Indeed, there are pages of Croce’s Principles o f Politics1 which read quite as harshly as Mussolini’s direst judgements of mankind. But there the agree­ ment ends. For Croce would say that, seeing th at the nature of men is what it is, and is apparently unalterable, it is better not to treat them too harshly, better not expect th a t measures of coercion will lift them to levels where they cannot breathe, at any rate for long. I t is better, simply, to teach and persuade them within the narrow range of choice which lies before them. Any salvation lies only in peaceful persuasion.

Government by P essim ists ? We may well ask whether convinced pessimists have a right to the reins of government. They are, we think, ap t to be sadistic in their repression of any buoyancy and hope which does not accord with their cast of mind. The tru th is th at Mussolini is not a genuine pessimist. Whatever some Italians may whisper to me, he is not of the school of Schopenhauer. If he believes he is a pessimist, he has not yet arrived a t the complete understanding of himself. He is, indeed, rather of the school of Nietzsche and William James, of whom he read, if anything, only the four Essays published by Papini in a popular Italian series. He acts as though he believes th at there is room for improvement in this very difficult world. We have choices which are more desirable than those around us to-day, and they can be realised if doctrines of hope, endeavour, and religious determination are brought into play by the extra­ ordinary of the race. The mass of mankind keeps to sea-level ; but the level may be raised if the volcanic eruption of the geniuses raises the bottom and the mass as well. This may be Mussolini’s real creed. If not, then the never-ending spate of exhortations flowing down upon the people of Italy is waste and delusion, and so are the activities of the Government. The article, however, may have been simply the pose of the politician of culture, designed to show th a t the man was wellread and knowing. Or, genuinely convinced of what he sincerely 1 Cf. Etica e Politica, 1081.

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meant to express, he has taken power not because he expected to accomplish anything worth the cost from the standpoint of the people who continue to pay it, but out of the sheer craving for power. In an artistic, primitive nature, this is quite a possible explanation. Power has not been sought for its service, but as the result of an almost blind, unrestrainable, instinct. The final explanation is that, as usual, Mussolini has not care­ fully and patiently dissected his material. In politics, more than in any other field of study, the method of microscopic examina­ tion is indispensable. >Yet this is the last thing th at people will understand. For successnn government, if the objects are regarded as more important than the mere enjoyment of ordering other people about, the method of quantitative analysis is vital. Once in the seat of government, the truth of this becomes painfully obvious, because human beings and material things are intract­ able if they are harnessed in rules not consonant with their nature. The broad, thick, wood-cut, absolute views, of either Yes or No, either Black or White, either Man-is-Good or Man-isBad, damage political thought and frustrate political good. Somewhere on the minutely-graded scale between the two absolutes lies the proper measurement of mankind’s potentiality and hope. However, it was the unproportioned view of human nature in Italian politics which blazed Mussolini’s way to power. To understand all is perhaps to forgive all ; but in politics this may require the treatm ent of opponents with such a degree of fair­ ness th at one’s own advent to power is too long deferred. All of Mussolini’s speeches and writings show this proneness to overstrong views. I t is intimately involved with his deter­ mination to secure power. Once in power, however, he has had to act like any other man who wishes to retain it : th at is, with a sense of trusteeship arithmetically adjusted to the diverse interests which compose the people, and a not unwholesome respect for the geographical and geological condition of his country. He has deliberately given national currency to an unknown soldier’s phrase, “ Better the life of a lion for a day, than th at of a sheep for a hundred years ! ” Yet if he has con­ tinued to roar who will say th at he still springs ? Of what use was the “ Revolution,” when the old governing class was

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attacked hip and thigh precisely because it acknowledged the force of circumstances, and carried its policies by weaving compromises among so many conflicting interests ? I have had to insist upon this at some length because Mus­ solini has had a considerable influence upon many people, not the least important constituent of which is this crude, blackand-white picture of the world, and its use to persuade people to lend him the force to arrive and govern.

Sum mary. For what had the selected assimilation of the teachings of his masters prepared Mussolini ? To assert the claims of a consciousness more fundamental than intellect,1and in its name to deny the fatalism and nihilism of the intellectuals (though negation is, like other faiths, an act of passion and not of intellect) and proudly to vindicate the claims of sacred egoism and the will to power (for himself, but not for others). Scornfully to deny the equality of men, countering its appeal with a Hierarchy, the élite, taking the masses into ward­ ship. To cast down the idols of the bourgeoisie, and above all, the great God Comfort. To lead men to a destiny chosen by him and not by themselves, incarnating this in a Myth, which should be by day a cloud, and a pillar of fire by night, to draw them on to the places he had promised them ; and, as the Race or the Species transcend the individual, to stick at no violence to destroy the old order or the opponents of the new. To teach men to love a Grandeur far above the small coin of the standard of living. To hate the State until he should become the State, when it would be made the object of universal and compulsory worship, or if not that, then of obedience through Fear. To scatter the champions, discredit the doctrines, and destroy the institutions of representative government. To put the individual into a yoke, in the name of coming generations, on the ground th at all life is a continuous flux and process, in which the individual is an insignificant speck compared with the Nation and the Race. It must be understood, however, th at not one of the men whom Mussolini introduces as his teachers taught or 1 Reinforced by Jam es’s pragm atism , th e “ will to believe ” and th e idea t h a t one’s belief in th e tr u th of a th in g will stim ulate to efforts th a t will m ake th e belief tru e indeed.

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intended to teach mankind to act as Mussolini has done. Their complete works, and their lives, repudiate him. ii M u s s o l i n i ’s E

arly

Ca r e e r

In the last thirty years Mussolini has changed his immediate objective many times, but he has arrived at dictatorial power. Two points in his career are fixed : his birth, and October 28th, 1922, when he crossed the Rubicon in a wagon-lit on the way to Rome. Between those two points there winds a zigzag path, sometimes even doubling back on itself, when doctrines and persons threaten to obstruct the way to Power. Nor can it be said th at his path since 1922 has, politically or economically, been less devious—but he has retained Power. He lived from day to day, changing his jobs, moving from the less to the more promising, discarding doctrines and picking up new ones, taking risks of total defeat, and he arrived at Power. He confesses, “ In all th at I did, and still more, in all th at I suffered, I had a definite foreboding th at I was being trained for a more important position.” 1 In other words, he wanted power, he took the neces­ sary steps to get it, and felt its constant imminence. W hat he hoped for he was always moving towards, and the wish, the planning, and the movement, gave him faith in the benevolence of destiny. The life of Mussolini is a life of turbulent and violent move­ ment towards political power. He was born in 1883 of a peasant family, in a tiny village, Predappio, near Forlì, in Romagna. The family was poor, but all the members were apparently of robust physique, an important gift for a statesman who is destined to rise by insurrection. Mussolini, who is very superstitious, writes of his birthday : “ The sun had since eight days entered in the constellation of the Lion.” The Italians are abnormally super­ stitious, even among agricultural peoples. The Lion ! One of the little popular books about Mussolini spreads the astrologer’s comment : “ I t reveals his desire for greatness, glory and power.” 2 1 To Em il Ludwig, Talks with M ussolini, p. 54. 2 Ciarlantm i, M ussolini Immaginario, 85 ff.

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Mussolini’s father was a local blacksmith, and the smithy was the club for his political cronies, the Anarchist-Socialists of the school of Bakunin and adherents of the first International. Andrea Costa had set up a branch at Forlì in 1874. Misery, poverty and incessant toil in the fields for less than a pittance were the lot of the peasantry. For them Socialism was not a middle-class intellectual diversion but revolt against the bitter oppression of landowners, municipalities and Government. They were not without their glow of generosity, for the tradition of Mazzini and Garibaldi, a volunteer for France in 1870, had kindled and kept a flame alive. W hat this really meant to them no one can say, for they were steeped in an unbelievable ignor­ ance of everything outside their need to keep body and soul together, and this phrase is not used in a conventional sense. The conservative Governments of the time regarded persecution, not reform, as the proper policy. There were long imprisonments for sedition and conspiracy ; the breaking up of processions ; stormy and sometimes farcical trials ; brutal inquisitions, riots, and shootings. Yet the movement prospered. Mussolini’s father became the leading member of the local group of the International. In the very year in which Mussolini was born, his father carried in procession, in commemoration of Garibaldi, a flag with the words, “ We will live free if we can work, or die fighting ! ni A scuffle took place with the police, arrests were made, the accused were acquitted at the trial.

Childhood and Exile. The boy Mussolini a t ten years of age was doubtless sufficiently curious in political matters to share the indignation felt and stirred up by his father. The stories came in every day of petty oppression, of neighbours’ troubles, and through the newly founded socialist newspapers, of the great world outside the village. No exaggeration was needed to make the tactics of the Government appear in a black light. What rumours would he hear from the gesticulating group round the fire, sipping the free wine handed round by the valiant and magnanimous host : what “ pressures past, th a t youth and observation copied there ” ? In 1898 they were cursing the brutal and bloody repression of the Sicilian fasci. 1 Cf. Boriavi ta , M ussolini Svelalo, 1924 ; Il Padre del Duce, 1988.

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Following the example of Catania, where in 1890 a workers’ association had been founded under the name of the Fascio dei Lavoratori, many such associations had spread all over Sicily. At first their purpose was simply th at of the mutual benefit society, but later they turned to Socialist propaganda, and fought the iniquitous municipal authorities. They wanted agricultural co-operative societies, and the abolition of municipal taxes on consumption (especially on flour), the principal, and in some places almost the only, source of local revenue. But the situation of the peasantry was indeed terrible, a situation more than servile upon the great latifundia, managed for absentee landlords by extortionate stewards. The laws of 1806 and 1812, obliging the municipalities to break up the great feudal estates, had been nullified by the resale of the land to the old owners at low prices by their friends on the local councils. The backward condition of agriculture was the excuse as well as the cause of misery without hope of alleviation. The budget was charged with debt largely contracted by the North in its effort for national unity and industrial progress. There were hardly any public works ; justice was tainted ; the police were harassed ; the mayors of the municipalities were agents of the bourgeoisie ; the Mafia was an organised banditry to defend the upper classes. In the sulphur­ mining districts conditions were appalling. Almost spontaneously, as the result of insupportable con­ ditions, and not of Socialist agitation, the movement came to embrace 200,000 members in 800 fasci ; the leaders were men of the lower middle and professional classes. There was no general rising, but a series of episodes : invasions of the town halls, the burning of the archives, the smashing of the local octroi barriers, the liberation of prisoners. The Central Government, bound up with the ruling bosses, since it relied upon them for returning its candidates at general elections, tergiversated, and intervened with violent and bloody repression, the re-establishment of the taxes upon consumption (after a pacifying temporary suspension), and the worthless promise of the Prime Minister, Francesco Crispi, himself a Sicilian, to take measures for a general improvement of conditions. Thousands were imprisoned, and in January, 1894, the general who was sent to deal with what Crispi thought to be a revolution aiming

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at separation from Italy, proclaimed a state of siege and arrested the chiefs of the fasci. These were denied counsel, given savage periods of imprisonment, and, to add to the romantic horror with which the whole affair had inspired all Italy, the condemned were taken away from the island at dead of night. The whole of Italy was excited, so much so th at the workers in Carrara and the Massese, far away from Sicily, themselves not personally involved but the carriers of a tradition of Mazzinian and anarchist insurrection, rose in sympathy. The sympathetic bourgeoisie were scandalised ; a strong impetus was given to the Socialist movement, signalised first by so-called candidatures “ of protest ” ; and, then, in the elections of 1895, twelve Socialists were returned in place of the former five, of which three were condemned leaders of the fasci. The pathologically suspicious Crispi, impetuous, instinctive, and therefore blind, secured the passage of anti-anarchy laws in 1894, and proceeded in the October of th at year to decree the dissolution of all Socialist clubs and societies, and systematic persecution of Socialist leaders. The bourgeoisie in general, not less than Crispi, was dreadfully frightened at the rise of this revenging force. That is the stuff upon which the young Mussolini was nour­ ished. Only four years later, in 1898, came th e “ Terrible Year,” of the Bread Riots, when 400 people were killed in Milan alone ; 828 were arrested of whom 688 were given savage sentences, among them Turati, the Socialist leader, who was condemned to twelve years. Social war, short truces, and social war again, martial law, the excited discussion of the theme never left an interval suffi­ cient for the nation to forget till the Great War and beyond it. Mussolini heard Crispi’s rise and fall discussed, Crispi, who sought to make Italy great by the extension of her sea power, by the acquisition of Colonies, by defiance of France who had taken Nice and Savoy and had troubled United Italy for years by championing the Pope. Crispi ended disastrously ; but the attem pt was patriotic. Mussolini and the Fascists have made a hero of Crispi. At elementary school, where in the earliest years his mother taught, Mussolini was precocious but restless, pugnacious, com­ bative and domineering. There are stories of stone-throwing

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fights, and they may be true ; similar stories are told of Napo­ leon’s boyhood ; many other boys also threw stones. He does not seem to have been a good mixer with other boys, preferring his own company in the fields and lonely places. Only those who have actually lived in poverty, where one potato more or less is a critical issue for the ever-empty purse, can know what lessons in human nature are there learnt. Only those who have been born into a family on the margin of starva­ tion, and into a house so poor and dark and wretched as the one still to be seen in Predappio, with others in the house whose pains and forced deprivations of the barest necessities were constant, can divine the stimulus to compassion aroused for the weak and unfortunate, the resentment at the causes and personal agents of social and economic inequality. That resentment grows, a power­ ful mind sees th at such inequality is not founded on virtue but on inheritance. These families with extraordinary qualities and no inheritance judge harshly, as callously as the social system which oppresses them closes it ears to their just complaints. At the wish of his mother, who is said to have discerned extra­ ordinary abilities in her son, Mussolini went on to a secondary education at a school maintained by a religious order, though his father was a savage anti-clerical. The original tendencies in him persisted. Quick, intelligent, clever, studious, he was yet a lover of solitude, imposing himself on others or staying away from them, and not yielding to punishment. There was, and is, a final reserve about him. With the idea of becoming a teacher, the easiest exit for the more intelligent and ambitious from the lower classes, Mussolini proceeded to a Training College. Graduating from this, he tried to secure a clerkship in the Municipality close to his home. I t was refused him owing to political prejudice against his father, and he left to become an elementary school teacher. His forty pupils occupied his time only until early in the afternoon. I t was then th at the nineteen-year-old young man began that process of self-tuition which was perforce his substitute for the University education which the younger bourgeoisie with whom he had to contest the supremacy in the leadership, first of Socialism, and then of the nation, had already enjoyed or were still enjoying. He was an autodidact. The autodidact is freer than University men to form independent views ; but a University

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education, particularly when it is under the ægis and per­ sonal influence of able men, gives a sense of balance, pro­ portion and the inner resistance of things and men. I t is not an accident th at in later years1 he said of “ university culture,” “ I advise its rapid assimilation and th at it be expelled not less rapidly.” Mussolini has all the strengths of the autodidact, and all his weaknesses. Moreover, he studied not for the mere sake of learning, but to enter into a specific profession, th at of politics, and as a rebel. He was earning about fifteen shillings a week, just enough for very modest board and lodging. His dæmon drove him into politics, and a t nineteen he was already speaking in public, it is said with some success. At the end of the school year he left for Switzerland. His last exercise for his students was on the theme “ By persevering you will succeed,” now inscribed on the portals of the school. How­ ever well the pupils wrote on this subject, their master decided th at the road on which he wished to persevere was not the academic one. Before he left, his father had been arrested, with others, on the charge of having broken open a ballot-box in the municipal elections. He was exonerated, after having spent six months in prison awaiting his trial. In fact, the electoral register had been falsified by the conservative land-owners, and the ballot-box had been broken during a riot of protest by the Socialists. Young Mussolini could have felt no stimulus to political loving-kindness. Mussolini stayed in Switzerland from the middle of July 1902, until April 1904, th at is less than two years, from the ages of nineteen to twenty-one. He lived a life of misery, anxiety and intellectual elation. There are two accounts of what he did there. One is given by himself and repeated, with adornments, by his present friends. The other by Alceste de Ambris, once a friendly rival, and later an exile. Mussolini says that, penniless, he earned his living as a bricklayer and mason. He learnt to hate with an incendiary hatred the race of masters who, merely because they owned some capital, could vent their spite on the disinherited. He learnt the bitter lesson, which added to those of childhood, made of him the almost fanatical hater of the well-groomed 1 Ju n e 25th, 1025, a t th e F ascist Congress.

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young Socialists come from the middle classes, and their mild, nineteenth-century liberalism and reformism. He learnt com­ passion for the man who eats his bread only in the sweat of his brow. Mussolini graduated from unskilled worker into the ranks of the skilled, and then passed on to become general help in an Italian wine-dealer’s shop. His home studies continued, he mastered French and German. In his free time he attended lectures at the University of Lausanne, being impressed, it is said, most of all by Vilfredo Pareto. Yet, at the most, he could not have attended lectures for more than one session. He could not have studied Pareto very deeply, for Pareto’s economic theory alone would occupy more than one session of even a full­ time student of phenomenal ability. But one session was quite enough to convey the main political import of Pareto’s teaching. Yet Margherita Sarfatti, one of the Duce’s most intimate admirers, says in her biography of the Duce1: “ Of all the teachers Vilfredo Pareto had the most profound and durable influence upon him. From the field of economics, the disciple transferred to the field of politics, the *theory of imponderables ’ which made a profound impression upon him ; he even applied it completely to his conception of life. Pareto taught him his charac­ teristic method of investigating problems, by means of experimental, alert and wide-awake research, not starting out from any theory, at the most holding some theory simply as an hypothesis some pro­ visional explanation of a series of facts. The Duce of Fascism still boasts that Fascism ‘ does not possess an armoury of theoretical doctrines, because every system is an error, and every theory a prison.’ ” Mussolini frequented Socialist and Anarchist conventicles held by Russian exiles. Some obscure journalistic efforts got him into trouble with the police. He had already had trouble with them in his first days in Lausanne through being “ without visible means of support.” So he taught pupils at Annemesse in France, and then, as little villages were no field for his purposes, went on to Zurich. There he was in the full stream of Socialistic and Anarchistic discussion ; there the German and the Russian 1 D u x, Italian edition, p. 60,

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streams met. These were the critical days when Marxism was fighting for its life against the criticisms of the Reformist school, spreading from the Fabians by way of Bernstein into the German Social Democratic Party. There emerged, Reformism for Germany, Revolutionary Syndicalism for France and Italy, and Bolshevism for Russia. All schools were, however, agreed th at the bourgeois world was pernicious and must be destroyed. Mussolini agreed with them ; and as the authorities learnt this, they expelled him from Switzerland. He hated the bourgeois masters none the less for that. So far Mussolini. But de Ambris1 publishes evidence given by people who were in Lausanne at the time. They say th at Mussolini asked them for help (being Socialists) and explained th at he had left Italy to avoid military service, which was about due. They say that he lived partly on the benevolence of his compatriots, and by lectures for which they recommended him ; th at his only ideas were two, anti-clericalism and anti-militarism, and th at in the expression of these he was especially violent. He was ex­ pelled from Geneva for falsifying his passport. Then, according to Mussolini himself, once back in Italy he was called to the Army, served for three months, and was then exempted on the death of his mother, (de Ambris gives the impression th at he returned because he would not put up with the hardships of the exiles’ life.) He returned to elementary school teaching for a year ; for another he taught French at a private school. The de Ambris evidence insists th at he lived on the charity of the family of Serrati, the Socialist exile, who stayed in Switzerland. At the end of 1908 he returned home for a short spell. His present friends say he was much saddened by the internecine strife of working-class parties and trade unions grouped in the Socialist Party, the “ reds,” against the Republican Party, the “ yellows.” However, as we shall see, he did as much as he could to inflame the struggle. In February 1909 came a decisive turning point in his career. He became Secretary of the Chamber of Labour in Trento, then Austrian. Two Socialist newspapers appeared there, the one of Austrian tendency, and the other, I l Popolo, founded and 1 Cf. Alceste de Ambris, M ussolini ; {Pagine DelT Italia Libera) M ay -Ju ly 1930. N. 7-8. Marseille.

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directed by Cesare Battisti, the organ of the Italian Socialists who looked to the redemption of the Trentino. Mussolini became editor of II Popolo, and inspired by B attisti’s Socialism and patriotism and the opportunities, made an outstanding success of his job. Here was Mussolini’s first direct everyday contact with issues which made him nationalist. His Italian Socialist friends were treated with contempt, and abandoned by their Austrian class-colleagues. The Italian conservative bourgeoisie (the liberals were irredentists) lived quite satisfied under Austrian rule, acquiescent in the oppression of their working-class com­ patriots so long as their own economic and social situation was secure. I t was secure under the yoke of an Emperor, generally known by the Italians not as the Imperatore but as the Impicca­ tore (the hangman), whose officers firmly applied persecution and imprisonment. Within a few months Mussolini personally felt the weight of the hand of the Austrian Government, and was given cause for bitter resentment against the Dual Empire. Patriotic considerations received an admission, or a strength­ ening, in his philosophy of the State. He was expelled from Trento for having written in his paper : “ The Italian frontier does not stop at Alà.” His friendship with Battisti was also ruptured, for reasons we do not know. Mussolini’s violent assertiveness had probably something to do with it. These experiences occurred just at the time when Italy was recoiling from idealistic anti-militarism and cosmopolitanism, the heritage of the Risorgimento. There was a reaction, long due, against foreign contempt for Italy, the sneer at “ Italietta,” a kind of national self-recollection. Italy was also the home of a significant ferment of idealism in general. Mussolini was swim­ ming with the stream when he struck out, and his strokes helped the stream along. We cannot dwell at any length on this at present. But it can be said here th at the spirit destructive of the middle-class gods, the spirit of Nietzsche and Sorel, was permeating Italy. Mussolini was now twenty-six years of age. His own generation was in the first upward flight of its creativeness. Each member contributed to the common flow of ideas and moral force, and each member took from it also. Young men like Mussolini, ac­ customed to few material comforts, by their own nature hardly

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asking for or needing much, were now assimilating a spirit of endeavour, self-sacrifice, and human grandeur, by which they would in the future not only judge and govern themselves and their friends, but nations also, should they ever obtain the chance. Mussolini’s experiences in the Trentino were digested in a pamphlet, “ Trentino as seen by a Socialist,” published in La Vocey of Florence, the organ of idealism and pragmatism. In this he vilifies the bourgeoisie, derides the racial theories which would make the Germans the natural and eternal gover­ nors over their Italian, non-Nordic, and therefore degenerate, subjects. He places nationality above class as the lesson of Trent politics, and insists th at the Italians there shall have the right and the moral obligation to use the Italian language.

The Socialist Agitator. Mussolini was now launched on the career of publicist and organiser, which in the Italy of th a t time meant agitator, in the Socialist cause. He was called to the secretaryship of the Socialist Association a t Forlì in his native province, where in 1910 he founded a newspaper, La Lotta di Classe (The Class Struggle). He had already contributed to the organ of the revolutionary wing, the Avanguardia Socialista, of Milan, founded in 1899 to oppose the orthodox leaders. The title of his paper was another sign of his alignment with th at clever powerful group of militant Socialists. Led by Arturo Labriola, this group levelled its guns at the reformists, Filippo Turati and Claudio Treves, Leonida Bissolati and Ivanoe Bonomi. In fact, the entry of the reformist school’s candidates into Parliament had raised the question of the title of the P arty paper. When first founded in 1892, it had been called the Lotta di Clause, the name which Mussolini later appropriated. Then it was renamed Avanti ! (Forwards /). Mussolini held the Forlì secretaryship until he passed on to the national stage of politics at the Socialist Congress of 1912. The two years were very eventful, and the character of the man, nearing thirty, offspring of a people which matures early, began to show traits which are now familiar to the world. He was entering the fullness of his powers. The violence of the volcano, hitherto held within the earthy sides deep down, giving only occasional signs in the pages of essays and small-town

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newspapers, suddenly burst forth, fierce, uncompromising. His father died this year, and such a final loss, to men of Mussolini’s temperament, is often the last release from compunctions and doubts. Henceforth, what is recognised as evil must be smitten without ceasing and without scruple. I t is perhaps at this time th at Mussolini discovers in himself the question which we shall meet again as a justification for war : “ Whether anything brings a man so directly face to face with the nature of ideals, as the possibility of having to die for them Î ” He threw himself into Socialist politics with the extraordinary ardour of an extraordinary man. He was determined to revive the power of the piazza (the market-place), the spontaneous voice of the mob. That tradition to settle issues by a riot1 had roots centuries deep in Italian politics. Already people were tiring of the Socialist parliamentary group, and the slow process of social reform. The work of Sorel, especially L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats Ouvriers, translated into Italian in 1908, was inflaming Socialist strategy. This suited Mussolini’s tempera­ ment as nothing else did. He was, and is, possessed by the need for action. He had led the crowd to the Town Hall to get the price of milk reduced under threat of violence to the Mayor and Council. He had led the peasants against the reaping machines. He led the crowd to destroy a pillar in the Piazza of Forll which had long been a subject of dispute among local politicians. All petty actions of the Provinces, but indicative. By 1910 he had already been before the Courts twice for disturbances of the peace. In 1910, he was found guilty of publishing defamatory articles. Some articles on anti-militarism got him a spell of imprisonment in 1911. While the Italian Socialist movement had been proscribed and persecuted until 1904, the leaders had been not only unchal­ lenged, but venerated. Middle-class idealists, as well as the working classes, had believed that their political hopes were within the Party, under the supreme direction of the early leaders, who led the way by a Fabian path. By 1906, a strong current of revolt was flowing, signalised by mutual criticism and dissension, especially at the Annual Congresses. Mussolini was a man of the Left, an uncompromising opponent of the 1 Cf. Trevelyan, Historical Causes of the Present State o f Ita ly (Oxford), 1928.

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parliamentary crowd, and, if not a proletarian himself, at least the son of a genuine proletarian. He conducted a campaign of gross insults: the Socialist deputies were “ parliamentary paralytics,” and for them Montecitorio1 was the summit of Socialism ! When Bissolati visited the King, Mussolini wired the Party Executive, “ Liquidate the Giolittian Bissolati, or fifty groups of the Forlì Federation will leave the P arty I ” He was threatened with excommunication. He answered th at the order of the day was cretinous and inspired by the most stupid sectarianism. He preached the continuing social revolution, and inveighed against all who softened the authentic worker’s repudiation of capit­ alism, for their fraternisation with the social enemy, for their assumption of middle-class manners and mode of life, their peaceful, step-by-step tactics, their compromising acceptance of the procedure of the Parliament at Rome. He spoke all in the vein of Sorel when, in his monthly journal, L ’Uomo Nuovo, he said : “ To-day there no longer come from the University young rebels in life and thought, but precocious old men, terribly serious, with petty outlooks, eager for clients and jobs, ready for any kind of genuflection, for any kind of sale of conscience. To-day, the sub­ versives, directors of the political and economic movement, when they are not bureaucrats, are careerists—sometimes paid with the salaries of cardinals—they are lecturers who exercise an indecent speculation on their work of propaganda, they are revolutionists who do not believe in the revolution, they are half-consciences, halfcultures, half-men. The ideal ? To the devil with it 1 No one any longer believes in it. And if it happens tkat some solitary person believes, he is defined as an imbecile who flirts with the moon. We still belong to that exiguous handful of solitary persons’'* He reviled the policy of the Party, which sought petty gains in social legislation, wages and conditions (which were, however, the fruit of the sacrifices, the imprisonment and social ostracism of the leaders between 1898 and Mussolini’s time), not on the grounds th at the gains were petty, but because such material welfare was made the be-all and the end-all of Socialist striving. He fulminated against what English people of his time called 1 The seat of th e Italian P arliam ent in Rom e. I t is like saying “ Westminster.** 8 Succeeding quotations are from the am ple collection in Beltram elli, L'Uomo Nuovo. 4 th edition.

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4i gas and water Socialism.” He cursed the Government for not giving municipal improvement ; he cursed the Socialist Party for asking nothing more, even of the proletariat. This was not enough. He wanted libraries ; he begged for ideals ; a new society, a new civilisation. Almost in Nietzsche’s words, he said : “ The bridge between man as animal and man as a human, the bridge between pre-history and history, the bridge which will lead humanity from the struggle for life, to an agreement for the sake of life, will be built.” But the official party was a corpse I and Parliament full of cretins, humbugs and ignor­ amuses. Socialism was a living, pulsating, war-making activity, “ harsh, bitter, composed of contrasts and violences ; a war, and, in a war, woe to the pitying 1 A terrible thing, serious and sublime. Only at this price can it be realised, and not become a land of delight for politicians and the weak. It is not a business affair, not a game of politics, not a dream of romantics, and much less is it a sport ; it is an effort of moral and material elevation, individual and collective.” He now began to speak wildly, like a prophet of Biblical times, giving strange answers to his critics. “ We feel strong because we feel pure. We feel strong because we have no friends and we tend to restrict our acquaintance rather than enlarge it. We do not ask for popularity, nor clients, nor votes. We dare to speak the truth brutally in the face of those who follow us.” And again, “ We prefer quality to quantity. To the obedient and resigned flock which follows the shepherd and runs away at the first howl of the wolves, we prefer a little resolute audacious nucleus, which has given a basis to its own faith, knows what it wants, and marches directly to its end. Italy must renew itself, or die.” On the death of Andrea Costa, the inspirer of his father, Mussolini took the opportunity of comparing the pioneer with the present generation of Socialist politicians. Costa’s life ought to be their example. Let them try to understand it, and kneel before it ! 44 Of Andrea Costa there remains something more than a handful of white cinders : the Memory ! The Idea remains with us, and the idea does not die with the passing of man : it is divine and immortal ! Hence we must purify ourselves, and act I ” He spoke

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in this way, partly because it was in his own nature, partly because the Italian people like to be spoken to in this style, and partly because his Socialist antagonists did not economise in the manufacture and output of invective. Mussolini’s utterances were being quoted in the Avanti, the national newspaper. Then, at the Congress of Milan in October 1910, he made a special mark by his intransigent onslaught on the policy of collaboration between the Socialist P arty and the democratic parties of the Left. He urged the P arty to “ live dangerously.” In the Romagna, overwhelmingly Republican, he was fighting desperately to distinguish the Socialist doctrine from theirs, to spread th at doctrine, and make followers. This Congress was his first personal conflict with Bissolati and Bonomi. His reception was mixed, and apart from bringing him into the public eye, his intervention was of little immediate worth, since speeches of this kind had often been made before and, though receiving applause, had had no great effect. Only a small minority thought th at his views were a policy suitable for the long run ; but, of course, there were always people ready to strike and do violence in the piazza on special occasions if this were thought effective. The leaders denied both the morality and the utility of a set policy of class war conducted by insurrec­ tionary methods. Since his Fascist campaign from 1919-1922, Mussolini has returned to the doctrine of class collaboration then defended by the leaders he vilified and afterwards overthrew. Until the War the policy of force, whether it was the storming point of high ideals or only of economic demands, was held in check, though not entirely and not without difficulty. Mussolini returned to the strenuous polemics of Forlì. I t is difficult to convey to English readers a real sense of the asperity and heat of Italian politics. The agricultural population was divided into threë almost murderous factions: day-labourers, mezzadria (those who worked for others for a share of the pro­ duce), and small and large owners. Vituperation was common to all. From its rich store-house the Republican newspaper applied the following to Mussolini : “ Vulgar ; indecent ; livid ; nauseat­ ing ; insensate ; a vagabond in the pay of Jewish societies ; pre­ tentious ; conscienceless ; paranoic ; an exalted who madly abandoned himself to the obscene dance of provocations ; in the

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pay of the police ; a stupid figure ; a ferocious madman : a selfstyled Socialist ; a rancorous inciter ; an unscrupulous liar ; a most vile and delinquent sower of hatred ; a trickster ; a hack­ writer hardly worth the contempt of gentlemen ; a maniac ; a criminally lunatic liar ; an imbecile ; a cretin ; and, to boot, a disgusting reptile.” There were scuffles, insults, and petty violence on all sides, with an occasional murder. Mussolini thought there was nothing really serious in it at all. “ I t is mediaeval particu­ larism, exaggerated love of your own parish, violence of words more than facts.” A critical time now arrived for Mussolini and the middle-class intellectuals. Turati and Treves, who led the Socialist Party. In September 1911, Giolitti undertook his colonial adventure, the Libyan war. This was the culmination of a long series of efforts on the part of the Italian Government to secure conces­ sions from the Turkish Government, then the ruler of Cyrenaica and Tripolitana, areas in which Italian immigrants were num­ erous. I t was feared th at these areas might be claimed by France, who had obtained Tunisia under the very nose of a thwarted Italy, or by Germany, seeking for compensation. This raised an extremely serious crisis of conscience, for Socialists especially. Italy was an overpopulated country, and even her annual emigration, though very large, gave little relief, especially to the South which most needed it. Emigration also raised the problem (for nationalists) of the loss of nationals to foreign countries. How would the issues involved square with Socialist objections to the exploitation of backward peoples, militarism, and war ? In fact, a large number of Socialist intellectuals had come to accept the view th at poor countries had the right to fight the rich for a distribution of the world’s wealth, even as the pro­ letariat had the right and duty to fight the capitalists. When the war for Tripolitana broke out many Socialists supported it, among them Bonomi and Bissolati. Turati and Treves, the latter then the editor of the Avanti, led the orthodox Socialist opposition against the war, and had committees of protest set up all over the country. Mussolini was not an opponent of all wars, but of this particular war. Socialists and Republicans were united. A strike was engineered. Barricades were put up. For two days there were turbulence, cavalry charges, and many

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casualties. Mussolini proceeded from argument to violent harangues, and thence to incitements to open resistance to the Government. When the cavalry charged, the crowd left him in the piazza. He was krrested and accused of : “ Resistance to the public authority and personal injuries to public officers ; infringement of the freedom of the men called to arms, and resistance to authority and personal injuries to public officers ; vio­ lent stoppage of industrial work and establishments with the con­ sequent cessation of labour and the industries ; violent stoppage of the tramways of the Romagna Lines, and the over-turning of goods wagons, and damage to railway lines ; damage to the State telegraph line by throwing down the poles and cutting wires ; violent compul­ sion to stop the running of a railway engine ; placing of a telegraph pole on the railway line with danger of an accident to the express train.” Condemned to five years imprisonment, he appealed, and actually served only five months. This seems to have contributed to dull any conscientious objections to apply similar measures to his opponents. Nor did the whole episode make kinder his judgement of his fellow-beings, whose representatives at Forlì, indeed, disliked him, and, though listening to his incitements to start a general strike, ran away. The obvious thing was to expect little of cowards, and to hope a great deal to have the cavalry under his own command. Yet the evidence given by de Ambris1 seems to show th at Mussolini himself had a fit of nerves when the action was commenced against him. He tried to put the blame on his fellow culprits and the crowd, and suspected his counsel. Now it is important to notice the spirit of Mussolini’s defence in the action against him. He argued th a t he was giving an historical, geographical and illustrative lecture. “ I said that between us Socialists and the Nationalists there is this difference : they want a vast Italy, but I want an Italy, cultured rich and free.. . . Thus I took my ground on the love of country.. . . If you condemn me you will do me an honour, because you are in the presence not of a malefactor, but an assertor of ideas, an agitator of consciences, of a fighter for a faith which imposes itself on your 1 Op cit., pp. 15 an d 16. Cf. also B onavita (Mussolini's barrister), M ussolini Svelato, pp. 181 ff.

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respect because it holds in itself the presentiments of the future and the great force of a truth ! ” This episode, with its quasi-martyrdom, did Mussolini a great political service. But he has since abandoned his own view of national progress and accepted the Nationalists 1

A National Figure.

At the Congress of Reggio Emilia, in 1912, Mussolini, now a national figure, was revenged on Bonomi and Bissolati, for on his motion they were expelled from the P arty for collaborating with the bourgeoisie during the Libyan War, and for congratulating the King on his escape from a recent attem pt at assassination. By sheer abandonment to violence, without calculating the consequences to his Party and the nation, Mussolini had cleared two competitors out of his way. I t is difficult to overemphasise the part which personal differences, arising out o f ambition fo r power, have played in M ussolinis career. He had also advanced into the highest councils of the Party, and, in December 1912, he was made editor of the P arty newspaper, the Avanti. His power was growing daily. The newspaper was directed, as he wanted to direct it, with the minimum of interference from his colleagues on the party directorate (but with much help from Angela Balabanoff)1, and late in 1913 he even sought to lead the Syndicalists in a battle against official Socialism in it. At a later Congress, at Ancona, he began his campaign against Freemasonry, and secured the passage of a resolution declaring its incom­ patibility with Socialism. The official historians assert th at the ex­ ploitation of the Italian Parliament by the Freemason bourgeoisie made him their implacable foe. Others say th at Mussolini was revenged because he had applied for acceptance as a Freemason and had been refused for reasons derogatory to his reputation. The revolutionary spirit returned to the Avanti. “ We firmly believe that, in the piazza, and not elsewhere, will the decisive battles be fought, when the men and the times are ripe.” Although he execrated the Socialism of municipal improvements, when the Government proceeded to the repression of those who rioted or went on strike to secure them he thundered th at they 1 Cf. Balabanoff. W esen und W erdegang des Italienischen F ascism us. (Vienna, 1081 .)

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were necessary. In the light of what has happened since, some of his utterances have an interest for us. In January 1918, the carabinieri, dispersing the riotous crowd at Rocca Gorga in the Province of Rome, wounded and killed several people. They had protested against the loss of rights to common land. Defending the rioters, Mussolini said : “ Certainly for all those who have an idyllic, arcadian, pacifist conception of Socialism, for all those who believe in the inviolability of human life (for us life is not the only good, it is not an end in itself, but a means—Sandor Petöfi sang : ‘ Life is dear to me, love even more, but I would give both for liberty.*—Whoever attributes an absolute value to the life of man condemns the world to immobility) . . . for all these Socialists, endowed with the old Christian feelings, a cry like ours must seem blasphemy. . . . Our action may seem to superficial onlookers to be negative, but has its great efficacy in this that it forces the Government to provide. If it will not or cannot, so much the worse for it.” Mussolini was charged with incitement to violence. Defending himself, he said th at if such tragedies occurred again, when the conservative classes shot down their own Italian countrymen, who were so miserable th at they must make the elementary demands they did, he would write not with ink, but with his blood. He would do what he had done again. “ Imagine an Italy in which 86 millions should all think the same, as though their brains were made in an identical mouldy and you would have a madhouse, or rather, a kingdom of utter boredom or imbecility.” His bitterness against the intellectuals increased. The attitude was not only true to his character, but to bespatter the intellec­ tuals with abuse and to vaunt oneself an authentic workman impressed working-class crowds. Mussolini inherited this instrument of debate and advancement from the intellectuals of the P arty themselves. Already in 1912, Sorel predicted his rise to the leadership of Italy : “ Our Mussolini is not an ordinary Socialist. Believe me, you will one day perhaps see him at the head of a sacred battalion, saluting the flag of Italy with his sword. He is an Italian of the fifteenth century, a condottiere. No one yet knows it ; but he is the only man of energy capable of repairing the weakness of the Government.”

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We have come almost to the eve of the world’s great catas­ trophe, without which Mussolini might have been doomed to wear out his revolutionary ardour in fighting his Socialist rivals and his bourgeois enemies for a parliamentary majority. But before the old world was ruined, and the ferocities beneficial to him were unleashed, two great opportunities occurred to whip up the workers of Italy to a frenzy. In 1913 there were serious strikes at Turin, Ferrara, and Milan. In June 1914 occurred the “ Red Week,” when riots, which began at Ancona as an answer to the prohibition of an anti-militarist meeting, turned into a general strike which spread throughout Romagna and the Marches and then to all the great cities. There was considerable violence, fomented by the anarchist Malatesta and Mussolini. We have already noticed the passages from the Avanti quoted by Pareto to show the revolutionary impetuosity of the paper. For days the towns were in the hands of the people, the troops besieged in their barracks, people needed Socialist or Republican passports to be allowed to pass through the streets. I t was expected th at the Republic would be proclaimed in Rome ; the middle classes hid for fear of violence. Mussolini believed th at the Revolution had come. Yet Mussolini did not go into the piazza to lead the insurrection. After a week, however, the Reformist wing called a truce. Finally, strangely enough in the light of future history, the movement was put down by the Nationalist Party, led by Corradini, Federzoni and Rocco, Mussolini’s future mentors and collaborators. hi P

e r s o n a l it y

The War was a godsend to him, and he afterwards recognised it as such ; but it took considerable persuasion by friends and some months of private meditation before he became a warrior. We said a t the outset th at the life of Mussolini was a life of turbulent and violent movement towards Power. Now, by making the War his own, he possessed himself of the Italian people. The tenor of his life so far had revealed only his uncom­ promising revulsion from bourgeois civilisation, the violent will to overturn it at any cost, and a large but vague sympathy for

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the workers and peasants. He had attained Nietzschean destructiveness, and learnt th at energetic minorities—élites— make history. However, if this were all, he would have been little different from others who had made their way to the front rank of the Socialist Party. There was in him, not yet fully developed but ready to be formed and evoked by events and emergencies, the additional dimension which lies between talent and genius, between mere respectability and greatness. I t was composed of an intensity of feeling, a subtlety of apprehension, a plasticity of the responding course and tactics of action. In addition, there was a resolute rejection of common scruples, and con­ siderable courage. He was eloquent, with considerable his­ trionic gifts. Of principal importance, however, was the force of his will and his readiness to take action. He believed it rested with him whether ideals could be realised, and th at what he believed to be true would become true if he wished it enough to take the appropriate action. As his friend, the political philosopher Sergio Panunzio, says, 1 “ In fact, the crisis of Socialism, arrived a t its most acute phase towards 1910, . . . found in the mind and work of Mussolini the man of affirma­ tions and final and supreme decisions. The revision of Marxism, the movement of thought, criticism and philosophy, a kind of neo-Kantianism, is also in Mussolini, the critic and thinker, but in Mussolini it becomes passion, impulse, will and spiritual agitation.” There was the physical appearance, a fine, massive, com­ pact head ; features well chiselled, but not sharp ; a strong pouting wilful mouth ; a sculptured jaw, heavy, forward built, but clear cut ; a clever forehead, with a promise of gentleness in its moulding. I t is a hammer-head ; the edges do not cut, but the head has mass, and can hit hard. The whole face is as expressive as an Italian actor’s, and there are those who say th at this actor’s expression is matched by an internal histrionism and a suggestibility to environment which can cause him to forget his conscience and act merely to impress and secure applause, a quality which is useful to success but pernicious to a nation. B ut the eyes are the special feature : 1 L a Storia del Sindacalism o F ascista (Nov. 1988), p. 16.

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large, almost black, lurking far back in a waiting obscurity, learning, storing-up, and brooding, until, at the signal, they literally spring out on their victims, person, crowd, or idea. They open, dilate, and blaze. The body is of the short athletic type, shorter than I expected to see, but nevertheless a presence. There is something very ready about it. The most delicate signal will send it swiftly to its precise mark. The impression is not a cold, intellectual, impression; it has an emotional moving quality. There is something altogether tigerlike about him. W ith dark, tawny, complexion, and dark purposes, and lithe movement, he goes on his confident way, and the instant the smallest twig gives an unwonted snap, the muscles and sinews are released for the inevitably successful spring. The War gave Mussolini his oppor­ tunity to apply these unique qualities to “ constructive” govern­ ment. They were still in the making, yet to be developed and tempered by moving events. The rising Fury was in time to overthrow the Parliamentary system described in the next chapter.

Ch a p t e r I I I

THE ITALIAN PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM, 1870-1922 I t is a serious mistake to imagine that the Parliamentary system of Italy from 1870 to 1922 was the same in character as English or American representative government. Fascism is not the fruit of the weaknesses of “ parliamentarism,” but of the Italian miscreation, misunderstanding, and mismanagement of it. Other countries have their difficulties ; but they are peculiarly their own, and the remedies for them do not seem to be a Fascist system in the Italian manner. One man’s meat is another man’s poison. Indeed, when I spoke with Mussolini, we arrived at the conclusion th at every country has its own special way to heaven because it has its own special home on earth. He was willing to concede th at England’s salva­ tion did not lie in Fascism, if I were prepared to concede at least th at the English system would not suit Italy. Sufficient unto the country is the evil thereof, and hands off 1 all round, are not unwise maxims in governmental innovation. Mussolini himself has declared th at Fascism is not an article of export 1 ; but, on other occasions, for local consumption, he speaks (in a very confused language be it noted) as though the whole world could do with a strong dose. “ To-day I affirm th a t Fascism as an idea, a doctrine, and realisation, is universal : Italian in its particular institutions, it is universal in its spirit. . . . One can therefore foresee a Fascist Europe, a Europe which is inspired by Fascist institutions, the doctrines and the practice of Fascism .” 12 Consideration of the Italian political system before and just after the War, demonstrates th a t Fascism was an answer to conditions peculiar to Italy. I t is a toss-up whether the Italian 1 Chamber of D eputies, M arch 8rd, 1028. 2 O ctober 27th, 1030. On October 25th, 1032, he affirmed : “ In te n years Europe will be Fascist or Fascistised.”

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people after the War lost their heads or whether they had any heads to lose. But they certainly received no assistance, material or moral, from their parliamentary Government. The general opinion as expressed by observers of all parties, but especially by the Fascist fighting squads, was th at the laws and the men had lost their authority, and deservedly so because of their utter incompetence.1 This is what Italo Balbo, then a young student of twenty said 8 : “ The present system is breaking down. Nothing remains but a collection of decrepit statesmen who communicate their paralysis to Parliament and all the organs of the State.. . . At one time all parties were concentrated on the cataclysms of Montecitorio. Now only some hundreds of professional politicians occupy themselves with parlia­ mentary crises.” The Constitution of United Italy was the constitution which Charles Albert of Savoy had granted in 1848. It was not a constitution, be it noted, formulated by a constituent assembly founded upon popular election after a popular revolution .8 It was a monarchy with an elected Parliament and a responsible Cabinet, and it had been granted to the people of Piedmont as a means of securing the aid of the liberal and active political elements in Italy for the King’s struggle to cast Austria out of the Italian peninsula. The constitution had been applied to Italy piecemeal : first in Piedmont, its home, and then by a combination of victories over the Austrians in the North and Centre, and the Bourbons in South Italy, followed by annexa­ tion of, and popular votes in, the liberated States. The Statuto established a political system roughly corresponding to the English Constitution. It included the sovereignty of the King in Parliament, and Ministers appointed by the King who were in law and in fact responsible to the elected Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber of Deputies had the power to make laws and control the Executive. There was a Senate composed of 1 The memoirs of Giolitti, Salandra, Bonomi, Don Sturzo, Ferrerò, give us the right to m ake this assertion. 8 Balbo, D iario di 1022, pp. 28, 29* 8 Lowell, Governments and P arties in Continental Europe, Vol. I., gives a simple account o f its form ation.

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members appointed for life, with powers equal to those of the popular assembly except th at it had no initiative in money bills. Such a system always depends for its character and efficiency on the political parties which organise the electorate, and com­ pose and control the Ministers. I t may mean the powerlessness of the King or the President, as in France, where Parliament is composed of a succession of well-founded majority parties faced by one or more parties making the Opposition. But in Italy the King had a far larger power in the formation of Govern­ ments than in the English political system, because there were never majority parties in the House upon whom the choice to form a Cabinet had indubitably to fall. The King, therefore, had considerable latitude in choosing the potential Prime Minister whom he would entrust with founding a Government. He could, and sometimes did, call upon men who had no visible means of support, and who might collect a majority once they faced the Chamber of Deputies. The King was therefore a factor to be counted with, for with a part in the making of ministries there inevitably goes an influence in policy. This partly accounts for an anti-monarchical movement (furiously supported by Mussolini, as by almost all Socialists) ; hence also the importance of the King in the crucial days of October 27th-29th, 1922.

No Parliam entarism . Italy from 1870 to 1922 had a Parliament but no. parliamentarism. The Italian governmental system was lacking in the fundamental requisites for permanent success. A government must have a clear policy ; if a government does not know what it wants, how can it hope to win anybody’s loyalty ? Secondly, a government needs the vigour and the length of life necessary to convert its policy into laws and their success­ ful administration. In default of this even the original followers become contemptuous of it ; and nothing is worse for it, or for a people, than unfulfilled promises. Thirdly, a government must possess dignity and attractiveness. In an opera-loving, colour-lov­ ing, passionate people, the gestures of the government must appeal to the senses. I t must seem to be doing heroic and dramatic deeds, and this especially, in the case of the Italian people, who had until

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recently been moved by the exploits of Mazzini, the brothers Bandiera, Garibaldi and the Thousand, Manin in the defence of Venice, and later excited by the propaganda of Bakunin and the early internationalists and anarchists. Governments must not let their citizens get bored, especially in our own day, when the people have been weaned away from individual adventure, to become, in their present condition and hope of immortality, mere fractions of an almighty State. We ought not to forget Disraeli’s dictum, “ Mormon has more votaries than Bentham 1 ” Fourthly, a government must not have suicidal tendencies. The nemesis of liberal governments is th at they bind their hands with ethical shackles, while their opponents praise their generosity only to prepare to overthrow them by violence. The force of a government which believes it has the right to exist, is bound to be in reciprocal proportion to the force which seeks to overthrow it. Fifthly and finally, a government must intimately associate the people with itself. I t must form permanent continuous con­ nections with the people, regard itself as belonging to them, and teach them th at the citizens are principals who cannot be absolved from a permanent interest in these their own affairs. They have to convince the people th at administration may be entrusted to agents, but th at concern and responsibility are inalienable. When a people regards itself as but remotely con­ cerned with public affairs, the way is open for all sorts of usurpa­ tion. These conditions are extremely difficult to fulfil, and Italy was far from fulfilling them. We shall see whether the fault was remediable or not. The superficial fault consisted in the absence of well-organised political parties, the essential mechan­ ism-of a free government. Parliament was broken up into about ten groups, not counting “ independents ” and marginal grouplets. Only the Socialist Party was well articulated throughout the country ; and even th at had no real hold in the South. The rest had little stability, in the sense of possessing a network of local committees, centring in national headquarters or conventions, or personal leadership, or policy, or steadfast parliamentary friends. Discipline within the groups was unreliable ; and therefore coalition governments crumbled and conceded from

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the very day of their formation—indeed, on the day before their formation. Supremacy, therefore, was bound to pass to men sufficiently cunning and unenthusiastic to hold disguised enemies together. Such a man was Giovanni Giolitti. The offspring of a petty middle-class professional family, he was trained as a lawyer, served his apprenticeship as a civil servant and con­ fidential agent to Ministers when in special difficulties, and later entered the career of politician on his own behalf, becoming in time, as the Italians called him, “ half an institution.” He was Prime Minister from 1903 to 1905,1906 to 1907 and 1911 to 1914 (and again at the end of 1920), and even in the intervals the life of Parliament still revolved round him. When problems and passions became abnormally difficult, from 1914 onwards the personal pivot and system broke like a rotten reed. Why was the Italian Parliament split, into so many unreliable fragments ? The answer takes us deep into the nature of the Italian nation, th at agglomeration of human beings of which the State, the supreme organising association, is only the last, and hardly more than the external, expression.

Disunited Italy.

I t should never be forgotten th at United Italy, th at is all Italy as a single political system, was extremely new—counting back from the date of the Great War its history spanned only about 50 years. When we compare the long continuous evolution of England, France and Prussia with the fifty years since the little pieces of Italy had been laboriously, and somewhat uncertainly, stitched together into a united parliamentary system, the wonder is not th at this collapsed so soon, but th at it lasted so long. Here was no national policy confirmed by long tradition and become indisputably common to all ; here was as yet no constitution sunk within men. Here were no steady continuous states of mind, broad and deep enough to offer foundations to nation-wide political parties. Here was no ready trust in the benevolence of the State, or a sense th at the State was only another aspect, a projection, of the citizens. On the contrary, the citizens, as citizens of separate States, had been trained to violent antagonism to their Governments, which were foreign, Austria in Lombardy and Yenetia,

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Austrian archdukes in Parma, Modena and Tuscany, Bourbons in Naples and Sicily, the Pope in Romagna and the Marches. Their purpose had been not to preserve and improve, but to overthrow. Very special efforts were needed to win their confidence and co-operation in the new State. Un­ fortunately for the Italians, there was not only no magnetic attraction about the new Parliament and the new politics, but, as we shall show more particularly below, good cause for its repudiation.

The Absentee M asses. Experience of the franchise, one of the most potent means of winning citizens to loyalty and training them to an interest and understanding of the State, was short. Universal suffrage did not come until 1913. I t is significant th at when it did come it came to a people who in their first use of it were forced to complain that the Government had violated the law by chicanery and gross corruption ; while on the other hand the Government could retort th at the electors themselves had been bribable and riotous. In 1870, literacy and property qualifications limited the vote to only 2 J per cent of the people ; in 1882, relaxations (not of literacy) had increased this to about 7 per cent. The electorate in England at about the same time was much larger; it was about 9 per cent of the population, and in 1884 was raised to about 14 per cent. But until 1 9 1 3 the Italian electorate remained only less than 9 per cent of the population ; then it rose to 16 per cent before the War. W hat was more serious was the abstention from voting. The highest vote ever recorded until 1904 was 60 per cent of those entitled to vote ; the usual vote was 8 or 4 per cent less than this. In England, the percentage of voters was about 80 per cent. While about one and a half million were voting in Italy, the English voters actually numbered about six million. Many did not vote in obedience to the Papal decree forbidding both candidatures and electors. In the North, which was becom­ ing the stronghold of Socialism, many Catholics ignored the prohibition, since they could not leave their property at the mercy of Socialists. However, Catholicism is not the only answer to the problem : the peasantry, which composed over 60 per cent of the population»

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and the recent town-dwellers, had not the faintest idea what politics and voting meant. To them one government was as good as another ; elections meant either being bribed to vote or being threatened to stay away. Nor were the parties yet organised to rouse the masses and educate them. Even in the crucial elections of May 1921, which returned the Parliament to settle the Fascist problem, only about 57 per cent of those on the register voted. But the comprehensiveness of the franchise is not the sole factor which is State-building ; just as important is the length of time over which the people have participated in elections. That sense of balance between 44them ” and 44 me,” which is the essence of the national community, is compounded of a large number of inconsiderable trifles of this sort. At each election there is a small deposit of the wisdom th at comes from experi­ ence. Lies and exaggerations are uncovered ; parties experience the swing of the pendulum ; pressure from below as well as the message of successive elections teach them to collaborate ; followers and leaders find a fellowship in common principles and phrases which enter into general circulation ; a sense of the inevitability and desirability of give-and-take, compromise and sympathy, develops. In England this process has gone on continuously at least since 1882 ; in Italy only since 1870. And even in th at period Italy was terribly disturbed by general strikes, local affrays, violent risings and bloody repressions. Normal political life was not only short, but violent and always on trial. Another serious obstacle to healthy political development and the formation of a national consciousness was the wide­ spread illiteracy, only seriously reduced in recent years. In 1871, 69 per cent of all over the age of six could not read or write. In 1901, the number was still 48 per cent ; and in 1981 it was still about 21 per cent. In the South it was well over 80 per cent in 1871, and it is still over 40 per cent. We do not maintain th at anybody who can read can think, and still less understand politics. But the inability to read deprives the voter of the opportunity of quiet dissection of news and arguments, and reflection in his own good time. I t delivers him up to rhetorical exaggeration and distortion.

ITALIAN PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM

Lack of a Governing Glass.

67

Now the continuous and peaceful progress of a nation’s life hinges upon its possession of a deeply-rooted governing class. By this I mean a body of people who do not differ so fundamentally among themselves that they cannot be tolerant of all but the final differences regarding the aim of the State ; who regard the welfare of the whole country as an object superior to their own initial egotism and the special interests of any class, group or individual ; who, finally, make the necessary sacrifices of preparation for and devotion to public affairs ultimately for the benefit of the public weal. In the sweep of history the personal composition and the social and economic character of this class, of course, changes. Whether it changes by the gradual inclusion of new elements or by violent substitu­ tion, the vital thing is its possession, and its transmission of, the sense of devotion to the public welfare, and popular confidence in it. Britain has long enjoyed the existence of such a class, and so has Germany. Their members may have taken emoluments, privileges and dignities as their share of the spoils of office, and may even have bequeathed these to a posterity unworthy of them. Yet their merit is that they fulfilled a function and bequeathed a tradition essential to the harmonious and energetic life of a nation. Such a governing class Italy was unfortunate not yet to possess. Italy had no homogeneous aristocracy with family ramifica­ tions running over the whole of the country. She had only a number of separate aristocracies whose seat of influence and dis­ tinction had hitherto been in the several kingdoms and principal­ ities which made up the new nation. They had a local field of activity only, outside the Royal Court ; there was no central, nationally active and prestige-giving institution like the British House of Lords, of which they were natural members ; and the Senate of the new Kingdom admitted only a few nominated for a t any rate the appearance of achievement. Hence, one possible national integument was lacking. Italy possessed no large class of rich people. There were as yet only a small number of big industrialists, bankers and men of commerce, and a few large owners of agricultural estates, mainly in the South. The industrialists and financiers were not yet in a position to make their business a side-line, with politics as their

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chief occupation, as in nineteenth-century England. They were still only in the first or second generation of their rise, and their interest in politics was to use the politicians as agents to secure for them (or to secure them against) tariffs and subsidies, with the support of which they could proceed to create at a very good pace the industries of the North—metals and machinery, cotton manufactures, silk, a mercantile marine—and conduct the imports of raw materials and fuel and the export of agricul­ tural and manufactured products. Hydro-electric plant, tram ­ ways, and railways were built and extended regularly from 1890 onwards. There was a rapid extension of banking and commerce. The government and parliament were also needed to maintain social order against the threatening Socialists, trade unionists and syndicalists, more especially as a very large proportion of the capital needed was foreign. There was no Italian equivalent of Tory Democracy in Eng­ land. This seems to be due to two causes. As industry and its accompanying conditions were new, there was still mutual suspicion and fear ; workers and employers only guessed the worst th at the other might do. So the former looked to strikes, and the latter looked to the carabinieri and the Army. Secondly, the English, owing to their peculiar religious history, have a well-developed spirit of secular philanthropy, while the charit­ able Italian gave, not to the State or the municipality or to his workmen, but to the Church. Hence the industrial rich had the reputation of selfishness. Nothing is more denounced in Fascist pre-history (but not since) than the use made of parlia­ ment by the captains of industry under Giolitti. I t was not in the direction of the rich bankers and industrialists th at Italy could look for its governing class, or for a wholesome constituent of it. There were comparatively few great agricultural owners com­ pared with a country like Prussia or the England of before about 1890. Italy was, and still is, rather a land of peasant pro­ prietors and small tenants. In 1981, there were about three million owners cultivating their own land, and nearly a million tenants. In England, there are less than half a million owners. The very large owners were in the South, and, as we have already explained, had no sense of obligation to their labourers.

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For the Southern owners the government was simply a prize­ fighter. Hence the misery of Sicily, and the rise of the Sicilian/osct. The various groups of the rich had no political ideals in common, except the repression of the lower middle class and the proletariat in agriculture and industry. Industry and finance were concentrated North of Naples, the latifundia in the South. All the improvements required in the South, local government, credits for co-operative societies, roads, public health, education, water, railways, would cost the North money, since it was the richer. And yet, in fact, owing to the tangle of the taxes, the out-of-date land valuation, the customs tariffs, the higher incidence of the taxes on consumption, the South was too heavily burdened. I t had no interest in the policy of industrial tariffs and subsidies of the rich men of the North, and the bankers always seemed to be exploiting their need for credit. Nor was the North pleased with the pressure of the South for a colonial policy which might provide an outlet for its emigrants. PJrom 1876 to 1900 over 200,000 people were leaving Italy per year, the majority from the North ; but between 1900-18 about 625,000 per year were emigrating, of which nearly 50 per cent were from the South, 15 per cent from Central Italy, and 35 per cent from North Italy, and this on a population about one-half th at of the North and Centre, a clear sign of the prevailing poverty and misery of the South.

The Middle Class. If the aristocracy, the rich captains of industry, and wealthy agriculturists did not as yet severally form or help to constitute a governing class, was the petty middle class in any better case ? These formed a large proportion of the populace.1 Even in 1931 independent artisans represented 4*4 per cent ; independent commerce, 5 per cent ; and independent agriculture, 31 per cent of the occupied populace. These had limited interests and limited views. They were precisely the groups to forget the nation in concentrating all their efforts on their city, and Italy, it has more than once been remarked, is a collection of municipalities. They had not yet been educated to national problems. It is said that they were the opponents of 1 Cf. The brilliant story b y Quilici, O rìgini Sviluppo e Insufficienza della Borghesia Ita lia n a , 1982.

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men like Crispi, who wanted to lead them on incomprehensible foreign adventures, for which they would be made to pay. Their interest was to get on in their own walk of life, which meant keeping down expenses, especially public expenses. They were exclusively profit-makers, and therefore changed their allegiance from election to election according to the immediate advantages promised.

The Fam ily in Italy. Their interest in the world was exhausted, in a degree which it is difficult for an Englishman to understand, with the career of their relations, with family obligations, problems, successes, affections, and hatreds. They yearned for a snug life, secured by savings invested in Govern­ ment securities. The great reformers, such as Christ and Plato, have always been dismayed by the obstructiveness of the family group in the reform of State and civilisation ; in Italy the family absorbs a remarkably large part of the thought and energies of its members. I t is this, allied to the materialism of small people striving to “ get on,” th at formed the object of Socialist (not working class) contempt, and of Mussolini’s provincial philip­ pics. Yet something remains to be said of still another branch of the bourgeoisie, the teachers, lawyers, the middle ranges of the civil service, the publicists, the sons of the middle class. They became the leaders and the advance guard of the Socialist Party and the Trade Unions. When the first generation has provided a living and an education, and has shown a t home all the god-forsaken meanness of an acquisitive and forbidding middle-class existence, the younger generation strikes out along idealist paths to re-fashion the stuffy world. The idealistic party was, until about 1908, the Socialist Party, after when the adventurous turned to the Nationalists. The Peasant Population. In I 9 i i the agriculturally occupied population numbered some nine million. Of these 50 per cent were day-labourers, the natural clients of Socialism. Small proprietors, who for some part of the year were paid labourers, accounted for 19 per cent, and were well-disposed towards the Socialists. The middle type, the mezzadri, forming 18 per cent, were Liberal and not Socialist, since their interests were bound

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up with the big owners and they were often employers of day labour. Thus a considerable proportion of the nation was sus­ ceptible to the call of the Socialist Party. To them, however, Socialism meant not a pattern of social duties and rights, but a direct promise of certain individual material advantages. This is splendid material for passivity under a dictatorship offer­ ing to safeguard property. In addition the small landowners divided their allegiance between the Socialists, the Repub­ licans, and. the candidates supported by the clergy and the Catholic Co-operative Societies. Further analysis is necessary. The day-labourers were divided between Socialists and Catho­ lics. The mezzadri were, on the one side, at odds with the daylabourers, and therefore not Socialist but Republican, Catholic or Liberal, and on the other, at odds with the big landowners who hired their labour by special contracts, and therefore in some places were inclined to Socialism. The bigger landowners and tenants were Liberals, Democrats or Conservatives. Every group had its own interests to cultivate. They looked to immediate changes in taxation, or salaries, or rents—each to keep at least what he already had, or extort from the other something extra. Even their associations, and producers* consumers* credit and co-operative societies, were divided strictly among Socialists, Republicans and Catholics. The larger landowners faced the Agricultural Labourers Leagues with Agrarian Leagues. Thus the Italian world of manufacture, commerce and agriculture was divided into great primary sections, and within these, into groups with rival and selfish interests. To make a steady energetic government out of the fragments was possible, if at all, only if the process of parliamentary co-opera­ tion were carried on with genuine intent to arrive at agreement, and if the period allowed for the process were long and unin­ terrupted.

The Socialist Movement.

W hat of the Socialist move­ ment as providing the potential governing class ? I t possessed brains, organisers, energy, a widespread organisation, a faith which transcended, although it did not totally deny, immediate individual rewards, and a large and growing membership. Why, then, was it th at Italy did not steadily evolve into a Socialist

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State, which might yet have been a true democracy in th at it would conciliate the demands and tolerate the right of a fairly large number of dissenters to protest and oppose ? The twofold answer lies in the personal composition of the party, and the effects of the Great War. Italian Socialism began with Bakunin, who preached class-war and revolutionary tactics .1 In many this was combined and confused with Mazzinian nationalist idealism and Garibaldian insurgency. The internationalism of their membership of the International was, apart from an occasional thrill, little more than nominal. Over this was constructed a layer of Socialist gradualism, by Claudio Treves, Filippo Turati, and later Ivanoe Bonomi and Leonida Bissolati, all middleclass intellectuals, either lawyers or publicists, and certainly far removed in mentality and experience from the “ authentic workman.” They advocated reformed Marxism, th a t is the demand for a new world, but without a war of classes. This implied collaboration with the parties of the Extreme Left in and outside Parliament in order to obtain those elementary constitutional rights which other countries had already won decades ago, an essential preliminary to Socialist development. They advocated the conquest of the municipalities where the first instalments of Socialism might be realised, and the encour­ agement and management of co-operative societies, trade unions, local clubs, mutual benefit societies, adult education. Such gradualism the reformists considered unavoidable if the develop­ ment of a Socialist State were to be sound. For they argued th at the Italian worker and agricultural labourer were too immature politically to do other than defeat their own ends if they sud­ denly acquired power by violence or a majority vote in Parlia­ ment. From the beginning in 1892, when Turati founded the Italian Socialist Party, the two tendencies, collaboration in the capital­ ist State and its violent denial, were, to put it mildly, in difficult alliance. Every year or so a new revolutionary leader surged up, and challenged the peaceful methods of the established leaders. And it was difficult for the party to combine stability and move­ ment. Between 1898 and 1902 it was fighting for its very existence 1 Cf. Michels, Storia C ritica del M ovim ento Socialista Italiano , 1926. T he book was finished in 1921. I t m entions Mussolini b u t once, w ithout com m ent o f any kind.

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against a campaign of repression the like of which has not been conceivable in England since the days of the Six Acts. We have already given some particulars of this in sketching the life of Mussolini. Even to sing the Hymn of the Workers, composed by Turati, was (as it has once again become) a criminal offence. But by 1902 the elementary liberties had been gained. Giolitti had become Prime Minister, and substituted the tactics of mild social reforms and credits to co-operative societies and public works and neutrality in industrial disputes, for strike-breaking by soldiers, tactics designed to win over the reformist elements of the Socialists and the better-off workers in the protected and subsidised industries. In 1900, 83 Socialists were elected to Parliament. That was the blissful heyday of the older Socialists, for in winning their battle they had won the loyalty of Italian youth, who gratefully flocked into the party. But they also won latitude for their own extremists, such as Mussolini. The older generation of leaders held the organisation in their hands until 1912, when Mussolini had to be let into the citadel, but only with tremendous difficulty. Meanwhile events were occurring and ideas were in ferment which conspired in the end to turn over the whole nation to Mussolini.

The Glass War. The participation of the Italian masses in politics began in an era keenly conscious of class divisions. Italy had no century-old political parties of which rising interests could become the extreme wing, and so become domesticated, while giving their hosts an education in the new realities. Such a process happened in England in the relationship between the Liberal and the nascent Labour Party. But in Italy the Socialist P arty was for long an outlaw ; there was always a spur to its violent members. Further, the first impulse of Italian socialism had not come, as in England, from wellmeaning benevolent reformers like Robert Owen, Hodgskin, Lovett and others, but from anarchists, nihilists, and disciples of Karl Marx, often foreigners or returned exiles. I t was never possible to still the early voices of revolution, since Italy was industrially and agriculturally in a process of rapid trans­ formation from the 80’s onward, and industrial disputes came

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thick and fast. In 1879 there were 82 strikes involving 25,000 strikers ; in 1889, 126 and 125,000 strikers ; in 1899, 259 strikes and 259,000 strikers. If we consider the disturbed elections, the strikes, the domestic riots, foreign events like the execution of Ferrer and the Libyan War, which gave occasion for more than ordinary propaganda, and remember the relatively violent impulses of the Italians, it is no exaggeration to say th at the twenty years between the foundation of the party and the W ar were years of smouldering revolution. All this was reflected in the distracted leadership of the party. The parliamentary group could achieve little or nothing, since they would not accept the invitations of the Left to enter the Government. Though this course seemed to be in the interests of the working-class as well as of the nation, the group could not afford to give further grounds for the widespread but unjustified belief th at they were careerists no better than the non-socialist bourgeoisie, and so throw the masses into the arms of the extremists. Although many of them had gladly cut themselves off from their class, and had voluntarily forgone professional and academic success, they might be represented by people like Mussolini as apostates, the betrayers of their own class and of the workers to whose assistance they appeared to have come. Yet the policy of revolt, too, had been proved unsuccessful, since general strikes were soon broken, and the troops easily put down the riots in the piazza. The declared policy of Turati, to awaken the torpid and restrain the violent, was, indeed, formidably difficult to achieve. Working-class products like Mussolini, avid for power and revolution (as his fulminations at Forlì have already shown us), detested the bookish, polished, well-groomed sons of the middle-class. They guessed th a t the sympathies, the imaginings and the reasonings of the Turatis and the Treves might help to lead the workers to the door-step, but then would always cause them to turn back with a few farthings and some promises. The extreme wing thought th a t these men could never appreciate th at urgency, th at desperate impatience for reform, to which sensitive working men are aroused by the torments of an unjust environment. As to the latter the tides of idealism and philosophy were running all in their favour. Croce and others had carried the process of disintegrating Marxian

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materialist fatalism very far indeed, and left the way open for thinkers like A. O. Olivetti, 1 to base a sort of Socialism, or syndicalism, upon a philosophy of the will, and a form of revolu­ tionary idealism. The doctrine, as preached in the periodical Pagine Libere (founded in 1907), was a doctrine which attacked the great, comprehensive, slow-moving Socialist organisation. It looked for the end as a result of free, autonomous activity of small groups acting in a loose federation, and acting with revolution­ ary élan because not hide-bound by programmes and resolutions worked out in advance. The debt of Mussolini to the Pagine Libere is fully acknowledged in his Political and Social Doctrines o f Fascism, and his behaviour is no less an acknowledgment of it. Thus there was a potential Socialist governing class only in the sense th a t the masses were driving forward in a broadly common direction. The potentiality could only become reality if a long period of uninterrupted political quiet allowed the extremes to settle down. Meanwhile, the differences of tempera­ ment and outlook and creative experience were serious ; and the ferment proceeded to produce battles between the intellec­ tuals, a division into a group of Fabians, another of Revolution­ aries, another of “ Integralists ” to keep the first two groups together, and a seceding group of Revolutionary Syndicalists, who said “ a plague on all your parliamentary parties ! ” The leaders were gradually dispersed ; Bonomi and Bissolati, consulted in 1910 by the King on the formation of a Cabinet, were expelled in 1912 ; Turati and Treves could not master the conditions following on the War ; Mussolini was expelled in October 1914. Ju st before the War there was a heavy straining for adaptation. After it, the succession was open; and the game was won by Mussolini, who regarded war as the sowing ground of revolution. Hence, although there was a Parliament in Italy, it had no firm economic and spiritual foundations in the nation. Until 1876 there had been a kind of parliamentarism, because the little Parliament of Piedmont was based on a tiny electorate, and the urge for national independence provided a basis of uniformity in th at electorate. In other words there was parlia­ mentarism because the masses were absent, and there were no 1 A nationalist as well as a syndicalist, like Paolo Orano of L a L upa .

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problems in comparison with the one problem. The constitu­ tional conservatives survived till 1876 ; then the South broke into the charmed circle, and later the people. Bakunin once said : “ There is not one Italian nation but five. The Church ; the upper Bourgeoisie ; the Middle Class ; the Working Class ; the Peasantry.” We have so far not evaluated the political significance of the Catholic Church. This was not a stabilising element, like the Church of England in the English political system, but a disturb­ ing, dividing agency. Until 1860 the Pope ruled over three million people and one-seventh of the territory of Italy. By 1870 all this secular power was lost. The Vatican became an enemy of the Kingdom. I t stirred up the French and Austrian Catholic zealots to hatred of Italy. At home, its 70,000 priests urged the faithful to keep out of politics and abominate the new Kingdom. The State was obliged to enact punishments for priests who incited to disorder ; the mayors of the small towns which had been electorally captured by the influence of the clergy were to be nominated by the Government ; charitable funds were trans­ ferred to municipal administration ; fines and sequestrations rapidly accumulated. The enmity of Church and State was aggravated by the yearly amount which the latter had to find in compensation for the property it had confiscated (all its fixed property, except the parish churches). No great clerical party had as yet united, as in Germany, to link practising Catholics to the State. When it did come, after the War, in the form of the Partito Popolare, however good its intentions, it simply added to the confusion and the weakness of coalition governments. The quasi-political action of the Church, in the form of Co-operative, Mutual Benefit, and Educational Associations, Savings Banks, and Trade Unions (in industry about one-tenth, and in agriculture one-fifth the size of the Socialist unions) divided the masses. In these early years the aristocratic families of the Church, if not the Church itself, were laying the foundations of a Catholic Political Party. In 1904, the Vatican permitted avowed Catholic candidatures, and the Catholic local committees won three seats in Parliament. Later, the Pope admitted Catholic candida­ tures against militant anti-clericals. In the Chamber of 1909 there were 16 Catholics, and in th at of 1913, 24.

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N o Party System* The confusion was directly reflected in the parliamentary system. There were no parties organised on a nation-wide scale. This fact is of basic significance. Nation-wide political parties beneficially serve the community in several ways, but three of their functions are of prime importance : they develop fellowship, they set limits to intransigence, and they constitute the organs of a competition in public criticism which tends to the revelation of truth, or at least to the limitation of untruth. Some further explanation of these is material to the present argument. Their common efforts all over the country produce a national fellowship transcending the petty privileges of localities which stand in the way of agreement on the main point. In England, each political party has become a nation­ wide community conciliating or breaking down local egoisms and resistances. Secondly, the party itself may be uncompro­ mising, but in order to be strong it has crushed or softened or harmonised the diverse interests within its own body of constit­ uents. So in England ; but not so in Italy. Finally, national parties are essential to the separation of truth from error in public discussion. Possibly 99*9 per cent of any electorate lacks one or all of the requisites of an effective part in political life —time, inclination, energy and knowledge. They cannot see through the complicated and world-extensive problems beyond their own roofs or cities. They do not even know what questions to ask unless they are prompted by the better informed. But efficient enlightenment requires the existence of competition for power in every constituency. World-wide experience clearly shows th at when some parties or candidates are unchallenged in certain areas (especially if there is only one, dictatorial, party) and other groups are equally immune from the probing of capable and zealous critics in other parts of the country, there is a loss of “ tone ” and honesty in politics. Citizens are almost as badly served where there are too many candidates, since then they are actually confused by cross-examinations too complicated for their virgin minds. Italy had no nation-wide political parties. The most exten­ sively organised was the Socialist Party, and even this had its main strength only in the North and Centre. The other parties were more localised, or appeared here and there, rather as

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scattered fragments than as a connected network. There were Constitutional Liberals, including all shades of opinion from extreme Conservatism to Asquithian Liberalism ; Radicals ; Catholics ; Republicans ; Reformist Socialists ; official Socialists ; Independent Socialists. They were again divided into groups following names like Sonnino, Salandra, Giolitti, Nitti, and into ministerial Constitutionalists, opposition Constitutionalists, and independent Constitutionalists.

A Land of Sm all Towns and V illages.

Besides the analysis already made of the lack of a substratum for a nation­ wide integrating governing class, certain other facts must be taken into account. Italy is still a country with very few large towns ; it is predominantly a land of small towns and tiny villages. One-third of the population lives in 5,450 Communes of under 5,000 inhabitants. The next largest group of Com­ munes, nearly 1,200, are those with from 5,000 to 10,000 inhabi­ tants, containing nearly one-fifth of the population. Thus towns with under 10,000 contain about one-half of the population. These are set in a countryside divided by rivers, divided by the Apennines down the centre, fitted into the valleys in the spurs of the mountains, or high up and out of the way on the hills, separated, in the South, by large tracts of barren, almost desert, land, while Sardinia and Sicily are entirely cut off from the mainland. Napoleon cursed these obstacles to conquering Italy. I t is very unlike England, which in area is but one-third of Italy, and is almost one great town stretching over the entire country with a few rather large parks to break the urban settle­ ment. Hence, co-operating with other causes, the great plague of Italy was her campanilismo, her parish-pump outlook. Culture, interests, pursuits, dialects produced not merely a regionalism, but an even narrower local patriotism. The sense of municipal differentiation and patriotism goes back continuously to the remotest age of Italian history ; and if the Fascist régime were as historical as it professes to be, it certainly would not have abrogated local self-government. This partly explains the furious battles which took place in municipal elections ; it partly explains why a riot in the piazza was the recognised means of ventilating grievances. The piazza in a township was the forum

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of democracy, and an open-air club. I t also explains, apart from rational policy, why all political parties, but especially the Socialists and the Catholics, exerted themselves to capture the municipalities. I t partly explains the violence of the Fascist “ reprisal ” parties which beat up the villages where the “ others ” lived.

North and South. Nor was this the only difficulty experi­ enced by those who tried to form nation-wide parties (and let us remember it has taken many decades and much effort to achieve this in England). There was, as we have already observed in another context, a profound difference between Italy north of Naples and Italy south of it. There were some differences of racial stock, of history, though we need not make too much of these. There was a long history, not shared by or with the rest of Italy. There were secondary differences of culture, for example the subjection to the Catholic Church, illiteracy, superstition, proneness to homicide, and black ignorance. There was bitter economic misery. Northern Italy was not rich in 1891 when Pantaleoni made his calculations of the comparative private riches of the Italian regions, but it was nearly twice as rich as Southern Italy . 1 These differences were enhanced by the fact th at for centuries North and South were separated by the Papal States, which stretched, neutral and sundering, athwart the Peninsula. Many years elapsed before the railways bridged the gap. And though bright Southerners sought their fortunes in the North (contrary to Scotsmen, who travel South), it needed time to secure an adaptation of North and South which would furnish a sound basis of parliamentary unity. As Cavour had written, “ To harmonise the North and the South : there is a greater difficulty than the struggle with Austria or the Church 1 ” Government by Personal Ascendancy. Yet a govern­ ment there must be ; and it came (as it always comes) as the natural product of such factors as those discussed. If there is not the ascendancy of a class, or of a region, there must be the i Giornale degli E conom isti, Ja n u a ry 1891. Cf. also Di Viti di Marco, u n Tren­ tennio di Lotte P olitiche (1894-1922), and Zingali, Liberalism o e Fascism o nel M ezzogiorno, Vol. I.

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ascendancy of a person ; if there are no uniting ideas, there must be a tissue-weaving person ; if no bond of interest arises spon­ taneously, then some person must play off interests against each other in the hope th at the greatest common measure of advan­ tage will result. The first Parliaments had been sustained by a small political class ; their differences were not serious and their object, national unity and independence, had transcended such differences as there were. By 1876 this object was accomplished; the budget was balanced ; the masses who had not made the Kingdom began to foot the bill. The old leaders became un­ popular, and now, at election after election, all the elements of diversity and contention were represented in Parliament. Thenceforward government by personal ascendancy, intrigue, electoral corruption, dishonest retreat from promised policy, best practised and therefore typified by the statesman Giolitti, became the Government of Italy. I t has become the fashion to refer to this form of Government as a “ veiled dictatorship.” Veiled, yes ; but dictatorship, no. The Press was free ; there was nothing but their own cupidity to cause the electors to be corrupted ; there were opposition leaders who were free to tear down the veil and reveal the viciousness—as some did—of the system. Once in power each Prime Minister’s pre-occupation was to keep in power. As there were so many groups it became necessary to assure the return to Parliament of a number of reliable fol­ lowers, and of congenial groups. There were a few principal patrons, a number of lesser patrons and hundreds of clients. The elections were “ managed ” by the Government of the day. This became increasingly difficult with the passage of years, as the Electoral Laws were tightened up, and as the growth of the Socialist Party and Trade Unions, and improved electoral manners, frightened the Government away from cruder methods like the payment of voters, personation, and repetition of votes, “ stuffing ” the ballot-boxes, and dishonest counting. Yet even in 1918, when universal suffrage operated for the first time, there was widespread denunciation of Giolitti’s electoral illegalities, and there were cases even cited before the Electoral Court. If the cruder methods had been abandoned because they had been found out, subtler methods still operated.

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Centralised Adm inistration. I t must be borne in mind th a t Piedmont had inherited the Napoleonic system of cen­ tralised local government, and the system had been extended to the whole Kingdom. The essence of this was the subordination of the locally elected municipal councils to central control, operating in the first place through the veto of the Prefect of each Province over the legality and expediency of all important affairs, including finance. The veto was a power of political extortion. The Prefects were appointed and dismissed, threat­ ened and rewarded, not as servants of the local government, but as the political agents of the central authority. The local authori­ ties had valuable gifts a t their disposal : jobs in clerical offices, the police, and the elementary schools ; testimonials of good conduct ; employment on public works and distribution of Gov­ ernment loans to these and to agricultural societies ; control over charities ; control over certain prices and valuations for taxa­ tion ; recommendations for decorations ; and, of great import­ ance, a wide “ police of morals.” They could be benevolent or tyrannical. The local regulations could be ignored, or made more severe, according to the political pliability of the client ; favours could be promoted in Rome, for there were sites to be bought for public works ; there were interventions to be made for “ cavaliere ” and “ commendatore ” ; there were applications to be pushed for barracks, post offices, and, of great importance in a country with irregular rainfall, reservoirs. Local bosses established themselves with a large clientele, and the whole clique was allowed to batten on the locality by the central Government on condition th at it delivered the votes and the members of parliament when they were asked for. The Government had the right to dissolve local councils “ for serious motives of public order or for violation of the obligations imposed on them by law ”—such dissolutions rose in exceptional numbers in election years. The Mafia of Sicily and the Camorra of Naples were allowed a free rein so long as they supported the Government ; even the Socialist councils played the game of favouritism to the members of their own clubs and organisations. The Civil Service was swollen by large numbers, and its services stultified by people who, instead of seeking a living by emigra­ tion, secured it by migration into an administrative job. The

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Deputies were always easing things with the Departments for their municipal councils, or Prefects, or business men or local contractors or clients who wanted a licence to sell tobacco and salt. But there was worse. As the Deputies (mainly journalists and lawyers) were not paid a parliamentary salary, they had to be subsidised by the Government. Here lay the origin of several unsavoury bank scandals, such as those which smirched the careers of both Crispi and Giolitti. A part of the Press was kept in hand by the same means. The rising industries were be-tariffed and be-subsidised as much for their electoral support as for the national benefits expected from their encouragement.

Transformation Of Policy. The intra-parliamentary situation compelled management as subtle and as shady. Directly after the fall of the Right in 1876, Depretis invented the tactics known as trasformismo, or transformationism, a euphemistic term for unprincipled changes of allegiance. As soon as a Prime Minister found it impossible to get on with his colleagues, he would move off to other groups in the Chamber ; whether he went to the Right or the Left only troubled the consciences of those who, for the time being, lost office. The principal object was not policy, but to leave a sinking Cabinet and unpleasant colleagues, and discover a new following, or enter a new Cabinet. The electorate were not consulted either as to the disruption of the old Cabinet or as to the character of the new one. Elections were put off to the latest legal date ; or Parliament was dissolved a t the best tactical moment for the Prime Minister and the King, who played fast and loose with Ministers. After 1900 a similar process went on, but under the name of rimpasto, th at is a “ re-kneading.” All sorts of tricks and humbug were employed to get rid of unwelcome colleagues ; there was frequent personal treachery within the Cabinet and plots from without, and a regular reign of suspicion. Concessions of principle were inherent in the system, if we can assume at all th a t people began with them. What were the results ? The figures of the Cabinets and their duration are revealing. In the 46 years from 1876 to 1922, there were 82 governments, an average of about 18 months' life for each, and individual Ministers in certain Departments changed

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far more often. We might ask, what did these governments think they were about ? The great stages of policy of the con­ servative and “ moderate ” governments (for here were no liberal governments in the pre-war English sense) were first, to extend the unified administration over the whole country; second, to subdue the opposition of the Church to the new Kingdom ; third, to secure colonial outlets ; fourth, to meet the demands of the new industrial and commercial and financial magnates and the need for communications and improvement of the fertility of the land by public works of diverse types ; fifthly, to hamper the rising working-class movement in factories and on the land—this being the most constant, unwavering, and firm policy ; then, later, to extend constitutional liberty, develop some social services (how miserably compared with England and Germany at this time !), and buy off Socialist demands with promises and small concessions. The governments lasted too short a time to convert policy into law and transform law into administration. They were too short-lived to examine any except the most urgent matters, which, as it were, put themselves on the agenda. Many commis­ sions of enquiry were appointed and reported, but the govern­ ments were too pre-occupied by attacks in Parliament and the unrestrained opposition journals, and suspicions of treachery, to achieve much. After all, their first duty was to keep alive. Nor could it be expected th at men who but yesterday had been attacking each other with all the Italian amiabilities would work as a team when they met as a Cabinet ; or th at men who would be furious parliamentary and electoral enemies to-morrow should throw into the common pool to-day all their resources of know­ ledge and character. In the very nature of the coalition system they could not give themselves away. Yet permanently efficient government requires a forum in which all minds are absolutely frank with each other, and empty their contents on the table. Thus, in the absence of broad governing classes or widelyaccepted principles, persons triumphed. Their tactics may have seemed sly, but could hardly seem dishonest. I t was said of Giolitti, th at he was “ a Jesuit dressed up like a carabiniere in mufti.” The men grouped around certain parliamentary figures, went by the name of a political tendency, such as Republicans,

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or Radicals, or the Centre, or the Demo-Liberals or Constitu­ tionalists, but more important were their personal sub-names, as Depretiani, Selliani, Giolittiani, Sonniniani or Salandrini. I t was not an ennobling spectacle to watch ; but could it be helped ? Was not the parliamentary régime the direct expression of Italian social contrasts ? The country could not postpone gov­ ernment altogether until people learned the way a parliamentary life should be lived. The way to learn it was actually to live it, and to outlive its ugly flaws ; even to outlive the inevitable reaction of the favouritism and corruption of a Socialistic govern­ ing class in the first years of its advent to office. Giolitti extended the franchise in 1913 from 3 to 7 million. The Italian Parliament lost its bearings ; massive popular forces were now involved which could only be guided, if a t all, by real party organisation and propaganda, not by bargains in the lobbies or combinazioni made in cafés ; or by electoral corruption. This would have re­ quired time ; and a stable centre bloc, or appeasement between the Socialists, Republicans and Catholics. The W ar denied Italy time ; and exacerbated differences already homicidally violent. In Croce’s History o f Italy : 1 8 7 1 -ig i 5 Giolitti emerges as the hero. He is rather a shabby, even a furtive, hero. He cuts no Gordian knots ; and is rather of the school of Tadpole and Taper than of Bismarck. He is not brilliant ; he gives the impression of a grey old man from birth ; the cunning wire-pulling small­ town solicitor ; the crafty broker in a land where little com­ missions and errands were (and are) always being run. Yet a man may be something of a hero if he contrives to keep the way open for men to improve themselves. Giolitti was under no illusions about himself. He was not a cynic ; it was simply th a t he took the conditions and the men before him as they were, and expected improvement, if at all, only by a progress in trifles over long years of effort. As the material for his plastic efforts he seemed to see a rhetoric-loving people liable to be swept into adventures by orotund grandiosities ; a people th at tends to speak in diminutives or in superlatives, but rarely in moderate phrases. He marked the swift rise of the impetuous, unbalanced Crispi, his failure, and his desertion. He realised th at the Italian people were as a rule a kindly, good-natured convivial

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people ; but th at they were what the modern psychologist would call manic-depressive, liable to extremes of passion. In ­ deed their criminal statistics show a comparatively high pro­ portion of homicide and wounding. From a smile to a joke, from a joke to a dispute, from a dispute to a blow, and from a blow to a stab, is a swifter process in Italy than in the NorthWestern countries. In England the total homicide per year (infanticide and manslaughter included) is about 800 ; in Italy until 1914 it was over 8,000 ; and in the years of a general election it rose, sometimes very considerably. (The murder rate was roughly seven times as great in Sicily as in Lombardy.) Giolitti confronted a nation as yet unamalgamated. A long process of weaving and interweaving, of allowances and con­ cessions, of re-kneading, of coalition, of the cautious extension of constitutional liberties, of coldly calculated colonial expansion and international rehabilitation—this was the policy to be pursued. A Giolitti was inherent in the situation. Either Giolitti, the wire-puller, or Mussolini, the flail. But the country was still liberal ; it was not yet prepared, as it was later prepared by the War, and the destruction of thrones and empires and of the principles of reason and the sanctity of human life, to be beaten down by the flail.

Im m ature Liberalism . Liberals in Italy, like the moderate socialists, hoped th at political consciousness and education would be gradually extended to the masses. They were not enamoured of this system, but saw its inevitability, and hoped for an ultimate triumph as the result of liberalism. The con­ servatives, th at is the rich, applauded the system because it was the efficient safeguard of their property and privileges ; the system still kept " the people ” out of politics. W hat freedom meant was as yet understood by very few Italians. When, in­ deed, should they have learned ? I t has taken the English three hundred years of steady and heroic struggle to learn ; and three hundred years of history provided a Holy W rit from which that religion could always draw lessons and further inspiration. Its benefits were not yet fully manifest, and not even by the time of the outbreak of the War, had such guarantees of freedom

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of expression and person and judicial impartiality as we enjoy in England, been granted and made actually effective. On the one hand there was a revolutionary and anarchical current in the socialist ranks ; and on the other there was a punitive temper in the rich. If the Italians did not know what liberty bestowed, they certainly did not know what liberty required : personal balance between individual energy and selfrenunciation. They did not possess what Montesquieu described as the spirit of republics, virtue : “ the love of the laws and our country which requires a constant preference of public to private interest ” ; yet the men of liberal tendencies would have said th at by stages the whole country had become a great debating assembly with the Chamber of Deputies as its final forum. Election after election, law after law, had attracted the mind of politically conscious citizens from the Alps to the African sea, and their sharp angles and idiosyncrasies were being smoothed to the point of easier mutual understanding. The nation was as yet very young to have transcended all its internal contrasts, and free discussion and compromise were slowly, but neverthe­ less surely, having their beneficial influence. All national con­ trasts would in the long run be resolved by the liberal method.

The Heavy Waves of N ationalism a n d 44 Id ealism ." This might have been true ; but it assumed th at enough people would be interested in maintaining the liberal method until its successes should become so evident to the masses at large th at no temptation or menace could ever induce them to over­ throw it, or remain passive in the face of its destruction. Un­ fortunately, this was not to be. For the nation was established at a juncture in European history not propitious for liberalism. I t ran directly into the most passionate storms of anti-liberal, anti-rational iconoclasm, and it could never run on an even keel. Two waves of idealism, the first a Socialist, and then from about 1906 a nationalist, dashed against the bourgeois policy and shook the foundations of the parliamentary system. In both, as we shall show in a moment, there was a demand for some­ thing more than Giolitti could or wanted to give. I do not wish to argue th at this produced Fascism, but it did produce some Fascists, for example Mussolini. New groups of sanguine thinkers

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arose to challenge laissez faire and toleration. They were not prepared to be patient. They were not prepared to take the Italian as they found him, but ardently wished to remake Italy by remaking the Italians, and the first thing to do was to overturn existing institutions.

Econom ic Progress and Poverty.

Not th at the democratic system had not worked well from the standpoint of the material welfare of the country. We must not be misled by Fascist enthusiasts who speak as though history began only in 1922, or th at the Risorgimento itself did not take place until the Fascists came into power. We ought to remember that the material progress of Italy from 1870 to 1914 was remark­ able . 1 Although a large part of the well-being of a country depends upon the spontaneous enterprise of individuals, the Government can powerfully help or hinder. There is no doubt whatever th at the Italian Governments were of considerable help. The possible criticism, th at they might have done more, must face the answer that, accepting the liberal creed, which most European countries did, the Government could do no more. The Fascist system has only been able to do more by totally destroying political liberty. Whether this will be for the good of 1 H ere are some bare indices of economic progress : (a) In d u stria l establishm ents in 1876 were 9,000, w ith 188,000 workers. in 1911 „ 244,000, „ 2,880,000 workers, in 1870 production valued a t 30,000,000 lire, (b) M etallurgical industry in 1911 „ „ „ 500,000,000 lire, »» »» in 1870 „ „ „ 12,000,000lire, (c) Chemical industry in 1911 „ „ „ 200,000,000 lire, »» »» in 1870 nil ; in 1918, 7,000 works w ith 600,000 kw. (d) H ydro-electricity . in 1881 comprised 185,848 tons, (e) M ercantile m arine in 1914 „ 1,500,000 tons, »» »» from alm ost nil to th e first place in th e world for (f) SWc industry raw silk and a high place for m anufactures, in 1871 valued a t 2,000,000,000 lire, (g) Foreign commerce „ „ 6,157,000,000 lire, »* » • in 1918 (h) A gricultural production. in 1896 valued a t 5,000,000,000 lire, in 1910 „ „ 7,000,000,000 lire, »» »» in 1860 were 1,758 kilometres, (i) R ailw ays in 1918 „ 17,649 W ealth in Savings Bardes in 1881 am ounted to 980,000,000 lire. a) „ „ „ „ . in 1912 „ „ 5,822,000,000 lire. Elem entary education . in 1872 comprised 89,898 schools ; 1.7 mill, pupils. „ „ . in 1908 „ 61,497 „ 8 M . i n 1872 was 80 per mille. (i) ortality . in 1918 ft 18 h il

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the country in the long run is, with the results of twelve years before us, still doubtful. Yet in spite of this substantial economic and social improve­ ment, Italy remained a very *poor country compared with England and America and even France. According to figures prepared by Professor Corrado Gini, perhaps the most noted, though in Fascist Italy not the most beloved, of Italian statis­ ticians, the order of riches is shown thus .1 1914. Italy France Great Britain United States

Wealth. 596 1,455 1,471 2,040

Income, 105 182 237 337

1925. Wealth. 553 1,306 2,600 3,833

Income. 107 196 419 614

Italy, to take income only, was less than one-third as well off as America ; less than one-half as well-off as England ; nearly one-half only as well-off as France. Hence, gradual and steady improvement was not felt to be enough. There were movements which wanted more, or wanted different things, or at a higher speed. There was no substantial widespread patriotic sentiment calculated to preserve and improve ; many people were hungry and miserable ; there were too many interests prepared to exploit or destroy. The political conflict over the distribution of wealth, literally over a slice of wheaten bread, was severer in Italy than anywhere else and with reason. Hundreds of thous­ ands a year were forced to leave their own country to make a living. All the parties of the Left (but not the Socialists in the same degree) and the Catholics were regionalist decentralisers, which was only another way of saying “ let Italy perish, so long as we can capture and hold the municipalities and provinces friendly to us.”

International Nullity, As a heritage of the Risorgi­ mento, which was carried through successfully only with foreign sympathy and help, Italy had to brave the contempt of a world which now measured national greatness mainly by the size of 1 These are in equal gold units.

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armies, navies, colonial possessions, and material comforts. Her emigrants were almost universally treated with cruelty and contempt, hunted as a sport, and forced to do the most servile work under the most servile conditions. About 1908 the Socialist and Nationalist waves of idealism began to run fast and rear high above the roof of Parliament and the material fruits of the Giolittian system. The younger generation was smitten with disgust at the chicanery of the tactics, the meanness of the destiny and rewards, to which men aspired, and ashamed of their international humility. They were also bored. They wanted something new. They hardly knew what they wanted ; but they were prepared to sacrifice themselves and others for non-material rewards. There was a neo-Hegelian current in philosophy, a nationalist irredentist movement in domestic and international affairs, a revolutionary ferment among the Socialists. W hat was common to these streams, headed in different directions ? I t was the special quality of their dynamism. Each by itself would begin by smash­ ing the Doll’s House of middle-class ideals. Let us, at this point, follow the exposition of Gentile, the philosopher who has not merely found a spiritual home and a practical outlet in the Fascist fold, but has actually helped to construct that home in a fashion more orderly and systematic than the practical Fascists were themselves able or willing to do.

Gentile's Idealism .

Gentile holds th at between 1900 and 1915 there were two souls struggling in a single State, and th at by their nature there was no room for compromise between them. The one was the reigning spirit ; the spirit th at began with a shallow materialism and positivism, enumerated the expected rewards of its intended activities, made its utilitarian balancesheet, and operated through Parliament to secure the regis­ tration of the plans made on the basis of these calculations. It was without nobility, without devotion, and regarded the satisfaction of the individual and his rather base claims for sovereignty as prior to the nation. “ They took the Cash in hand, and waived the Rest.” About 1905, a new ferment was noticeable, fated to develop, to challenge and finally overcome the first. I t was Idealism. How does Gentile define this Î

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“ It is faith in the necessity of the advent of an ideal reality, a concept of life which must not enclose itself within the limits of fact, but progress and incessantly transform itself and make itself ade­ quate to a superior law which acts upon the spirit with the force of its own intrinsic worth.” 1 Idealism in this sense, says Gentile, is the very essence of the Risorgimento, especially visible in the character of Mazzini. To him life was not a game but a mission ; individual life received its value from the missions it accepted, without material reward. The Risorgimento was such a mission, and called for the sacrifice of everyday gains, and offered the cause which transcended the individual and gave him value. That is why there were so few people who participated in the seventy-year fight. Only a few could then see what idealism implied, and accept its austere laws : such men as Gioberti, Cavour, Vittorio Emanuele, Garibaldi, and the rest of the relatively tiny group of patriots. Gentile argues th at this sense of the ideal reigned in Italy until the fall of the historic Right, since the leaders of the Right were the personal continuation of the patriotic movement. Then came the Giolittian type of régime. The Individual, instead of the State, became the major term in the State-Individual relationship. Crispi fell from power because he was not in har­ mony with this tendency of the Governments and the people of the Left. All his measures depended for their success upon a high degree of national pride, a recognition of a final religious authority in the State. It was not there. Its place was taken by the ethics of Masonry, by materialism, by the Socialist insistence upon rights and the repudiation of duties and certainly, of a general sense of Duty, such as Mazzini had taught. Impalpable realities were ridiculed ; patriotism became mere rhetoric ; and the demo-socialistic world mapped its course by Facts, repudi­ ating the Soul as its guide. Then came the reaction : anti-positivism, anti-materialism, anti-Marxism. The old Italian classics, with their call to the ideal life, were reprinted and widely discussed. The names are a warrant of the tendency. There was Vico, restored after cen­ turies, the anti-rationalist and the opponent of Descartes ; and Rosmini, Gioberti, Mazzini, Spaventa, De Sanctis. In earlier 1 O rigini e D ottrina del Fascism o, pp. 13 ff.

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pages we described the advent of Sorel, whose fundamental importance was his denial of the intellect as the sole guiding force in social life, his replacement of will for fate in the Marxian prognosis of the class-war, and of the power of religion as the dynamic force. All this was preparing a generation to use force, if necessary, to attain its ideal ; it was preparing a generation to die, if need be, for an ideal end whose consummation, whose features even, lay beyond their own lifetime.1 Hence, the collaborationist policy of the Socialists was abandoned by the younger generation ; hence patriotism, nationalism, and irredentism were fanned into an insatiable flame. Hence orthodox Liberalism, Socialism, and Masonry became the targets for attack, and from trium phant offensive were driven back on the defensive. I t is important to observe th at the various offshoots of idealism were not united in a programme. Not agreed upon what was “ great,” they were yet united in their readiness to undertake great enterprises and submerge their individual judgements and interests therein. They were equally united in hostility to the existing régime and its machinator, Giolitti. In Gentile’s opinion, the internal stress of Italy could be symbolised by the single combat of Mazzini versus Giolitti : the leader of a State against the mediator between the selfish contestants for the State. Finally, the entry of Italy into the War was the victory of Mazzinian idealism. Let us once more define this idealism in Gentile’s words, since it is Gentile's opinion that Fascism is the tendency which during and afler the War became, and still continues to be, the incarnation o f idealism : “ Life is not actually what it is, but what it ought to be ; a life altogether full of duties and difficulty, which always demands efforts of will and abnegation and hearts disposed to suffer to render possible the good : the only life worthy of being lived. An anti-materialist conviction, essentially religious.” There is no doubt, if the analysis is true, th at a young nation was heading for troubled times and extraordinary régimes, if for 1 This finds special expression in Oriani, L a R ivolta IdedU , 1906. Of th is w riter Mussolini declared in 1924 (Preface to collected edition of O riani's works) : “ We are nourished by these pages and consider Alfredo Oriani as a P oet of th e F atherland, as an an ticip ato r of Fascism , as an exalter of Italia n energies.**

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greatness beyond them. I t was making itself ready to obey, and as, in the nature of things, commands cannot be given by God save only through the mind and tongue of man, a generation was preparing itself for submission to a dictator. Nor is th at all. Those who pass away from Facts to the claims of the Soul, leave the region of measurable and therefore controllable things, and the region of self-control, and checks and balances, and leap forward without reins to their intuitions or imaginations. He goes furthest, says Cromwell, who knows not whither he goeth. There is no rudder, no chart, no pilot ; but, as Gentile would say, and as the Fascist apologists shout, action comes first, and a doctrine afterwards. Aping the famous motto of Mazzini, Pensiero e Azione, Thought and Action, they act first and think afterwards. This is not to be judged so harshly in the isolated life of an individual, for there the sins of commission and thought­ lessness are visited mainly upon the individual, and he perhaps may enjoy his remorse. But in the life of nations mistakes are visited upon millions who have had no part in the policy, and are compelled to pay for the blithe intuitions of the rulers. For a sense of messianic duty breeds a sense of self-sacrifice, and those who are prepared to sacrifice themselves have no particular compunction in sacrificing others. No liberal State can live in such an atmosphere. We must consult the opinions of two other historians, Gioac­ chino Volpe, now Professor of History in the University of Rome, necessarily Fascist, though once a Liberal; and Benedetto Croce, anti-Fascist. Volpe1 corroborates Gentile’s argument in his own independent account of the years 1900 and 1914, and adds Nationalism to Idealism. Italy reacted to the bitter, energetic, and sanguine realities of the modern age, th at of the machine, the “ strenuous life,” and well-armed imperialism. All nations were seeking new destinies ; Greater Britain was still expanding, Germany was moving oceanwards ; America was becoming an Imperial power. Nationalism was, in a world of ever greater international con­ nections and the spread of ideas, becoming more insistent and clamant and certain of itself. Enrico Corradini, the Nationalist 1 Ita lia in Cam m ino, pp. 03 ff.

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leader, then anathema to Mussolini,1 fulminated against parties, classes, individuals, and humanity, and pleaded for the passionate devotion to the fate and renewal of the nation, Italy. He denounced the Socialist conception of life, lifted the banner of opposition against Austria, incited to manifesta­ tions in favour of irredentism, and sought to deepen the meaning of such integrating institutions as the Monarchy, the Army, and the Fatherland. The international humiliation of Italy was deplored, the squalid ends of the national existence rebuked as cowardice. There was no high sense of national purpose, the idealists complained, and Giovanni Papini , 2 of the Voce of Florence, declared, “ This Italy, without a unity of its vision, needs someone to beat it, so th at it shall awaken, and someone to incite it in order th a t it shall act.” The traditional and home-keeping Italian “ patriotism ” was to be transformed into “ nationalism,” as in other countries, to assert itself in deeds and active thoughts, deliberately to proceed with Italian commerce and culture beyond the seas. Not for Italy the pacifist retirement of a Switzerland. This tendency was not necessarily illiberal, any more than the revolutionary Socialists, or new grouping among the liberals, were, but represented the rise of new energies, a substitute for a flabby laissez faire which was letting the State go to pieces. Crispi, who had died in 1907 an almost forgotten figure, was now lauded as the great Italian, “ with the true spirit of the fatherland” ; “ the last great Italian statesman and authentic man of government, th at is to say capable of willing, of initiating, of acting, without fear, without compassion, without compro­ mise.” 8 Even Socialists admitted the need of a wider interest in international affairs, and th a t it was not enough to guard one’s own patrimony. Even Nitti, Liberal of Liberals, reproved the pacifist tendencies of democracy in his work, I l Partito radicale e la nuova democrazia industriale, published in 1907. 1 Corradini, Rocco and th e rest, since 1922 Fascist idols and “ precursors ” of Fascism , were th en referred to in these term s by Lanzillo, Mussolini's bosom friend: “ I t is useless to say th a t French nationalism , tru ly adm irable for its dignified earnestness, has nothing to do w ith th e m onkey-like buffooneries of Italia n nationalism.** 8 H aving th u s helped Ita ly to get someone to beat it, th is fellow has now become a pious Catholic, very concerned about th e life of C hrist and th e life of D ante. > p. 98.

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All this was anti-Christian, anti-passive, and in favour of selfassertion, 44 sacred egoism.” Even a Catholic tendency flowed with the same inner feeling and roughly in the same direction, th at is towards national self-assertion, and political obedience in energetic fulfilment of the will of the nation. An advanced section of the Church, La Democrazia Cristiana,>although wishing to be independent of it, intended to carry these ideas to the people and the middle class, in order to win them over from their positivism, Masonry or atheism. They held with Mazzini th at either democracy would be religious or it could not exist. The Papacy itself, says Volpe, was being re-spiritualised, and even absorbed something of Italian nationalism. Nationalist and irredentist agitation gave rise to much science and pseudo-science, history and pseudo-history, regarding the race and nationality of the people in the areas concerned, especially in Bolzano and around Trieste. Nationalist societies such as the Dante Alighieri arose and planted committees all over the world, to spread the tidings of Italian culture and main­ tain the spirit of Italian immigrants. Irredentism grew stronger, and the Italians of Dalmatia, Istria, and Trentino were organised and encouraged in their work and hopes by the Lega Nazionale and other pro-Italian groups, discreetly aided by the Dante. The Nationalist movement, to become the Nationalist Association in 1910, began with the writings of Corradini1; and between 1902 and th at time worked through a large group of writers in a number of journals. In 1908 the movement became more systematically organised, and set out as its objects : 44 1. The organisation of the governing classes and all those in the orbit of plebiscitary institutions for better social services ; “ 2 . To combat the exploitation of the workers by Socialist agitation ; u 8 . To improve the relations between capital and labour ; “ 4. To guarantee good treatment to all kinds of labour and sup­ port and guide in any circumstances those workers who, personally, or in associations are prepared to co-operate in such a programme : 445. To oppose the agitation of the Leagues and the Chambers of 1 His principal w ork was published in 1914, I l N azionalism o Ita lia n o .

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Labour by the combiifed action of our associates against impositions, outrages, violation of liberty and property ; “ 6. To promote with all the appropriate means the economic interests of the country.” There was a fairly rapid spread among the upper middle class and the rich, especially the manufacturers and merchants of Milan and Turin and the high financiers of Rome, and it is not surprising to find th at its convention at the end of 1910 in­ cluded a large sprinkling of marchesi and baroni and a very large number of army officers. This association was the most energetic supporter of the Libyan War (Mussolini was for pro­ letarian reasons against it )1 ; the most energetic supporter of the Great War, even in favour of Austria, when Mussolini was still against it ; and later a very important nucleus of Fascism (when Mussolini, though striving against it, became almost indistin­ guishable from it). I t was specially the pioneer in the idea o f the subordination o f employer and employed to the Nation. The winds of doctrine blew ever more violently. Through Milan and Florence there came the impetus of James, Sorel and Bergson ; from France there blew the excited Futurist breeze, if not towards a certainty of its own, at least against the cer­ tainty of others. The authoritarian, anti-democratic, mon­ archical, nationalism of Maurras together with the Catholic authoritarianism and nationalism of Barrés leavened the new generation. All this, taken in connection with the European tension, the simmering Balkan troubles, the pressure of Austria towards the Adriatic, the Turkish renovation, the Libyan war, and further Balkan and European heralds of the approaching storm, brought the idealist, nationalist, voluntarist, action-atany-cost schools to a state of hysteria, attracted the youngeri i On A ugust 26th, 1014, Mussolini, opposing th e Idea N azionale, th e N ationalist newspaper, which was agitating for war, th u s characterised Corradini, 44 in his recent electoral cam paign a t M arostica he gave an exam ple of the m ost scandalous, indecent, vulgar, and repugnant o p portunism .. . . Corradini’s article is th e m ani­ festation, typical, qualified, and cynical, of nationalist delirium trem ens.” On th e d eath of Corradini in 1031, the Duce said in the course of a eulogy in th e Senate : 44 I t m ay be said of Corradini th a t he appeared on the threshold of th e present century as th e announcer of a new tim e which was im m in e n t.. . . He was th e advocate and agent of th e fusion between N ationalism and Fascism. H e was n o t only in 1010, b u t in 1806, n ot only a Fascist of th e first hour, b u t of th e

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men, and prepared the way for an overthrow of the liberal State. They already lived in th at state of 44high moral tension ” which, over twenty years later, Mussolini, on the crest of the wave, and director of the tempest, proclaimed as one of the funda­ mental necessities for the continuation of the Fascist régime. Had there been no war, would all these tendencies and this explosive force have settled down in the parliamentary régime ? Would they have entered into the electoral strife, using the universal franchise of 1913 to propagate their ideas and collect their supporters, and then have entered into the parliamentary combinations habitual to Italy ? Would they have changed the alignment of parties and made the old system at once more energetic and less venal ? No one can tell ; for they themselves were the products of the very Darwinian, Nietzschean, Sorelian, expansionist dæmons th at produced the War. They all sprung from the same state of mind. One without the other is practically unthinkable. But what does Croce, stout old Croce (with a grocer’s body and Minerva’s eye), say, in his History o f Italy, about the movement of beliefs and wishes in the years between 1900 and 1913 ? According to him the philosophic search for 44values ” came out into the open to wrestle with and overthrow an agnosticism and materialism which was already beyond its apogee. But instead of a well-balanced morality resulting from this, there arose only the ideological reflection o f 44 industrialism and Bismarckism, an uneasy condition of mind, a combination of lust for enjoyment, the spirit of adventure and of joy of conquest, frantic craving after power, restlessness and withal lack of enthusiasm and indifference.” Such men as D’Annunzio (once a Socialist candidate !) embodied this trend most effectively —things dazzling, rhetorical, and fundamentally gross, he sub­ stituted for rationalism. I t was not 44 idealism ” th at resulted, but 44 idealistic irrationalism ” and 44 sensationalistic spiritu­ alism.” Croce himself was not like these ; he was not a positivist but an improver upon classic idealism ; he was not like the rest who confused sentiment with ardour, praised initiative but forgot persistence, experienced restlessness but did not create move­ ment. For him, philosophy was a serious task, which meant work, contemplation, the testing of distinctions. He clung, he

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says, to liberty, against the Nietzscheans, not because it promised the will to power, but because it guaranteed the power to willy which is the moral consciousness. The rest, even Gentile the pupil and the colleague of Croce, turned to their mixture of “ antiquated theological speculation and modern decadentism,” which is Croce’s definition of Gentile’s “ idealism.” The young combined it with the spirit prevalent in Europe, violence and cynicism and a lust for conquest and adventure. Imperialism and nationalism were the fruits. To such as Gentile, the State came, by a series of philosophic stages, to be the omnipotent god, demanding sacrifices of his creatures. To Croce and those like him, the State was only “ a stern practical necessity which the moral consciousness accepts, while at the same time it dominates, controls, and directs it.” So the world moved on towards the War ; and so Italy moved on, just as inevitably, though there were final hesitations and convulsions before she entered. The next task is to trace the trajectory of neutrality, war, defeat, recovery, and victory, disappointment, convulsion—and Fascism.

Chapter IV WAR AND THE AFTERMATH I t a l y had no clear obligation to enter the war by any alliances or agreements even as binding as those of France, Russia, and England. She was the third member of the Triple Alliance, with Germany and Austria ; but her obligations were limited to sup­ port of her allies in a defensive war, and not in a war provoked by them. Nor had she any direct important interests involved in the actual struggle between the Powers. She had had ample causes to quarrel with Austria, and yet was bound to her by treaty. Neither England nor France had in the last forty years given her overwhelmingly strong reasons to join them. If her interests and her duty were both rather divided, so was opinion in the country and in Parliament. The issues raised by the Libyan war still agitated opinion. The elections of October 1913 had been fought in a bitter, irreconcilable spirit, with general accusations of violence and corruption. The Nationalist group had obtained representation, and the Catholics, the Radicals, and the Socialists were returned much strengthened. Giolitti fell in March 1914, and Antonio Salandra, a “ Liberal of the Right,” became Prime Minister. As already chronicled, the year 1914 was especially violent in Italy. The War burst upon a divided nation, governed for the time being by the conservative groups (for th at is what “ Liberals of the Right ” meant). Italy, who declared her neutrality on August 2 nd, 1914, suffered great agitation until her declaration of war in May 1915. Giolitti, whose influence was still great, was a very strong sup­ porter of neutrality, in the opinion th at much could be gained from Austria by diplomatic extortion, not involving Italy in any danger or loss. At the most critical moment in May 1915, three hundred deputies left their cards at his house as a sign of approval. Some Conservatives, such as Sonnino, were prepared to enter on the side of the Central Powers, partly out of quixotic

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regard for their engagements in the Triple Alliance, and partly to safeguard their close commercial and financial relations. Some Nationalists were for war on the side of Germany, whose ideas of the “ strong State ” and “ shining armour ” pleased them ; other Nationalists and Irredentists thought it a good opportunity to win back the unredeemed territory ; while others proposed neutrality with the threat of war, as the way to the same end. Refugees and deserters from the armies of the Central Powers formed foci of agitation. The Catholics were strong neutralists, because Austria was Catholic, because they disliked anti­ clerical France and the francophile Freemasons, and because their religion enjoined Peace. Salandra and his Conservative groups1 favoured a neutrality with extortion from Austria, a neutrality which should always have the threat of war, in it, which should give time for the necessary military and spir­ itual preparations for war, and which was expected to merge into war at some time because Italy could not miss partici­ pation in a glorious and arduous creative event in world history. The Republican P arty was in favour of the Entente. The Radicals, representative of large industry linked to French capital, were in favour of war on the side of the Entente. The bulk of the Socialists, led by the orthodox leaders of the Party, took the stand they had taken in the Libyan War : uncompromisingly against all capitalist national wars. The Reformist Socialist group, headed by Bissolati, were for inter­ vention on the side of the Entente. The Revolutionary Syndi­ calists, led by Labriola, Orano and others, were in favour of entry on the side of the Allies as a means to national mass unity, as a quickening of the national spirit, and in the hope of a revolu­ tionary situation. The country itself, as a whole, was apathetic ; neither peasants, nor small landowners, nor business men, nor independent artisans had any interest in a war. But the big industrialists of the metal and machine industries, the large landowners (with Salandra), the anarchists and syndicalists (the Sorelians), were for war on the side of England and France, the business models and partners of the former, and the spiritual second homes of the latter. But the War itself began to rouse compelling passions. Thousands of youngsters at the Universities, i Cf. Salandra, Ita ly and the Great W ar, 1982.

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inflamed by stories from the Front, and the words of the volunteer, D’Annunzio, shouted for an “ expedition of the Thousand ” to Trieste !

M ussolini and the War. W hat was Mussolini’s posi­ tion ? For some weeks he was as divided as the national mind was. He began by taking the official Socialist attitude and, together with Treves and Turati, signed the Socialist declara­ tion against war so late as September 22 nd, and this with his usual passionate certainty. But he was a revolutionary in temper, and his friends, Cesare Battisti, now returned to Italy to preach the crusade against Austria, Filippo Corridoni, the working man Socialist and nationalist of Milan, who could fill the streets more easily than Mussolini, and members of the Syndicalist group like Lanzillo and Sergio Panunzio, who carried on a polemic with Mussolini in the pages of the Avanti on the question of intervention, worked upon him. He was not by nature a friend of the German “ hordes ” ; their racial theories were not flattering to the Latin peoples. Therefore he was against Italian intervention on the Austrian side. His sym­ pathies on the other side broke out more and more clearly. The Socialist Congress of September 9th, 1914, declared for neutrality at any cost, but Mussolini was already wavering. At the end of October he asked the Executive of the Party to declare against neutrality. He was in a minority of one. He resigned, and gave up the editorship of the Avanti. This could have been no easy decision for Mussolini. I t is true th a t the evidence of de Ambris and Angelica Balabanoff tends to show th at he turned from neutrality to intervention as a way of making a career and especially to get money for a newspaper of his own.1 Even if this were true, it could not make milder the several weeks of uncertainty and spiritual torm ent : a bitter travail for a man of action, of ardent mind, and of strong pas­ sions. Early in October he had written, “ I am not ashamed to confess th at in the course of these two tragic months my mind has suffered oscillations, uncertainty, trepidation ; and who, let me ask, among men of intelligence in Italy and abroad has not suffered, more or less profoundly, the hard travail of this 1 de Ambris, op. cit., pp. 18-31.

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inward crisis? ” * I t is only if this is understood th at one can understand the fierceness of his onslaught on the old politicians and the parliamentary régime when he himself returned from the Front. I t is said th at French money was given him to found the Popolo d'Italia in December 1914. This is possible ; and if the money were accepted conscientiously to fight a cause, our concern with it would end there. But the rumour th at the money was paid for an insincere conversion set the Socialist Party irrecon­ cilably against him. I am inclined to believe, not th at his inter­ ventionism was false, but th at his neutrality was due to super­ ficial attachm ent to the international ideology of Socialism. Hitherto he had shouted dogmas. He now advocated interven­ tion because the orthodox Socialist hope in the fraternity of nations was unfounded, because he was impatient with middleclass calculations of the relative advantages of neutrality and intervention, because he felt th at great historic events were occurring, and Italy taking no part ! To know why Mussolini became a warrior, it is hardly necessary to do more than observe his physique. He itches to do ; and, as he says, neutrality would convert him into a mummy. On November 15th, 1914, the first number of his journal appeared. I t was “ a Socialist daily ” and bore the mottoes, “ Who has steel has bread,” by Blanqui, and “ The revolution is an idea which has found bayonets,” by Napoleon. The famous article “ Audacia,” appears, and with this he began to explain why war was necessary for him, and why it was the proper destiny of the Italian people. “ We must distinguish between war and war, as we distinguish between crime and crime, between blood and blood.” “ Absolute truth, about which there is no dispute and which can neither be denied nor renounced, is dead truth ; worse still, it is murderous truth. We are not, and we do not wish to be, mummies, everlastingly immovable, with our faces turned towards the same horizon and enclosed in the narrow hedges of subversive hypocrisy, where formulae are mechanically mumbled like the prayers of ritualist religions. We are men, and live men, who wish to give our contribu­ tion, however modest, to historical creation.” B onavita, op. cit., pp. 154 ff.

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I t was clear to him th at the destinies of European Socialism were closely bound up with the result of the European War. He was one of the very few men who saw th at the world after the War would be quite different from the world before 1914. “ The mind and the heart refuse to believe (remember William James's proposition that belief in the truth of a proposition tends to bring about its truth in fact1) that all this blood shed on the soil of three Continents will not yield any fruit. Everything goes to make us believe instead that the Europe of to-morrow will be profoundly transformed. More liberty or more reaction. More militarism or less militarism. . . . If to-morrow there is a little more liberty in Europe, an environment therefore politically more adapted to the develop­ ment of Socialism, to the formation of the capacities of the working classes, they will be deserters and apostates (which insult had been launched at Mussolini since the Socialist meeting at Bologna had ex­ pelled him from the Party1) who at the moment when to act was the question, declined and stood aside ; if to-morrow, instead, Prussian reaction should triumph in Europe and, after the destruction of Belgium with the planned annihilation of France, should lower the level of human civilisation, the deserters and apostates will be all of those who did nothing to avert the catastrophe.” Like so many Italians he felt the call of the Latin sister and her history. France was the land of the Revolution. Whatever Mussolini may have felt about the parliamentary system which is one of the Revolution’s products, and whatever the pressure of circumstances may have had in store for him and those principles in days still to come, France was the vindicator of human liberty and equality. “ Do you think,” he says (December 13th, 1914), “ that these senti­ mental manifestations will resurrect Belgium ? That they will raise up France ? This France which has bled for Europe in the Revolu­ tion and the wars from ’89 to ’71 and from ’71 to ’14 ? To the France of the Rights of Man do you therefore offer only some fine phrases ? Tell me—and this is the supreme reason for intervention—tell me : is it human, is it civilised, is it Socialist, to remain peacefully at the window while blood runs in torrents, and say, 41 am not going to move and nothing concerns me at all.’ ” But Germany was the country of absolutism and th at tendency to uniformity, over-organisation, and rigid sociological principle, 1 A uthor’s words in parentheses.

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which he rejected when he rejected Marxism as the death of ultimate proletarian emergence. On January 25th, 1915, he said : “ When all is said, Germany is governed by a clique of cynics : of people who justify everything ; of people who have defied treaties as scraps of paper which can be thrown into the waste-paper basket whenever it is convenient ” ; and later on, October 29th, 1915, he says, in an article on his friend Corridoni, killed at the front : “ In Filippo Corridoni interventionism was bom from the impulse to defend latinity against the barbarous tribe of flat-feet, as' Blanqui said, ‘ Which tries once more to descend from its foggy plains towards the sunny coasts of our Mediterranean.’ ” So Mussolini turned his flaming oratory against the neutralists in all classes. Away with the old Italy ! “ Is not to cry, ‘ We want war ! ’ in the existing state of affairs much more revolu­ tionary than to cry ‘ Down with war ! ’ ? ” Yes ; Mussolini saw th at the revolution might come through the war. Here was the chance ! “ Whoever thinks too much of his own skin not to go out and fight in the trenches will certainly not be found in the streets on the day of battle. . . . We must act, move, fight and if it be necessary die. Neutrals have never dominated events. They have always been over­ whelmed by them. It is blood which gives movement to the resound­ ing wheel of history ” (December 18th, 1914). And so, he cries out a word, Mwhich I would never have pronounced in normal times, but which to-day I shout loudly, with unrestrained voice, without reservations, and with a sure faith, a fearful and fascinating word : W a r/”

The Beginning of Fascism . This was the beginning of the Fascist movement in Italy, for it was the beginning of an agitation which set the people against Parliament, which showed th at determined little groups full of revolutionary élan could stir and command a people and dominate a Government. Con­ futing the massive stupidity of Karl Marx, it showed that a people could be made to act against rationally calculated

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balance-sheets of economic advantage, and be driven mad for other purposes, even for death. I t was also the beginning of Mussolini’s final stage in his hatred, ever swelling in bitterness, of the official leaders of the Socialist Party. Until the end of November 1914 he was still a member of the Party. He spoke as a Socialist. But on November 25th the orthodox leaders who had returned to the control of the Avanti had their revenge. In a meeting of some three thousand infuriated dele­ gates, Mussolini, after being heard with contemptuous interrup­ tions, was expelled from the Party. The pitilessness of his future antagonism to official Socialism was ominously foretold in his closing phrases : “ To-day you hate me, because in your heart of hearts you love me still. . . . But you have not seen the last of me ! Twelve years of my party life are, or ought to be, a sufficient guarantee of my faith in Socialism. Socialism is something which takes root in the heart. . . . But I tell you that from now onwards I shall never forgive nor have pity on anyone who in this momentous hour does not speak his mind for fear of being hissed or shouted down. . . . I shall neither forgive nor have pity on those who are purposely reticent, those who show themselves hypocrites and cowards. And you will find me still on your side. You must not think that the middle classes are enthusi­ astic about our intervention. They snarl and accuse us of temerity, and fear that the proletariat, once armed with bayonets, will use them for their own ends. Do not think that by taking away my membership card you will be taking away my faith in the cause, or that you will prevent my still working for Socialism and revolution.” 1 All over the country Fasci di azione revoluzionaria, or Groups for Revolutionary Action, sprang up to agitate for entry into the War. (They were not Mussolini’s creation.) Mussolini, Battisti, Corridoni, D’Annunzio, Nationalists, Irredentists, University youths, moved from place to place encouraging new groups, speaking at meetings. Already men who were to be among the first of the post-war Fascists were co-operating with Mus­ solini at Milan, among them Michele Bianchi, first Secretary General of the Party, and one of the leaders of the March on 1 The publication called Le O rigini e Lo Sviluppo del Fascism o, published b y th e Fascist P a rty in 1928, reports this speech only down to th e words “ hypocrites and cowards ” ; it does n o t go on to th e “ m iddle classes ” and th e continued Socialism of Mussolini.

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Rome. The groups clamoured for general revolutionary action. The Monarchy came under particularly violent attacks. By the spring of 1915 a part of the nation, but certainly not a majority, was inflamed to intervention point. The Salandra Government, though offered much by Austria, was offered more in the secret Treaty of London. On the 3rd of May the Triple Alliance was denounced. From the 18th to the 16th there were tumults for war all over the country. Responsive to the popular outcry, and therefore against the alignment of forces in Parliament, the Crown refused to accept Salandra’s resignation offered in fear of a blow from Giolitti. On May 24th (to become an anniver­ sary in the Fascist Calendar), war was declared. As Mussolini said in the Popolo of May 17th, “ The terrible week of Italy’s passion closed yesterday [with the denunciation of the Alliance] with the victory of the people. . . . The irruption of the Roman citizens in the sacred precincts of the Chamber is a sign of the times. It is only by chance that Montecitorio is not a pile of blackened bricks. But it is to the people of Italy that we owe it that Italy is to-day not at the level of Greece and Turkey. . . . A will to war. It was declared by the people above the parliamentary herd. On the body of the nation many parasites of various kinds had fastened, Giolittians, Clericals, Socialists. But the Nation—with one shake—liberated itself from its molesting and insidious burden.” Parliament had been badgered and intimidated into the grant of emergency powers to the Government. It boded no good for the parliamentary system of Italy, already in con­ tempt. Mussolini was now detached from the normal political parties, having been all his life a sworn uncompromising enemy of the bourgeoisie, and having recently become a reject of Socialism. Henceforward, if he wished to be a political force at all, this must necessarily be outside existing institutions, perhaps out­ side the parliamentary system itself. He lived in an abnormal state of exaltation. The Nation had completely permeated and enraptured him. His sense of a divine mission was evident in every action and every word. His own ordinary feelings no longer seemed ordinary, but to a high degree ennobled, even deified, and the works of his opponents darkest sin. Mussolini’s

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prose became especially pungent. He thought less subtly, and felt more strongly, than others. Surprisingly, he did not leave for the trenches a t once. His older friends did. He was in the Army from November 1915 until he was wounded in January 1917. For the student of political science, this is a most important period in the evolution of Fascism. Mussolini watched the men, one can hardly say the “ com­ rades,” around him, and meditated on the conditions of obedi­ ence, loyalty, morale, and suffering. Under fire, or in the emphatic silence of the falling snow on the Carso, thoughts ran deep. Their traces could never again be obliterated, except by as strong a personality, whose heart and experience were in opposi­ tion. But there was not such a man in Italy then, or when the War ended. (Those who did not die in the War were chased out of Italy or killed.) What obstinate creed was being tempered in the furnace of the trenches ? First, a love of the plain man, the humble in­ fantry, the peasant turned soldier a t a simple unquestioned command, suffering in silence, braving danger with patience if not initiative. The event has made them all one ; they have ceased their vaunting talk of their villages ; they talk of Italy. The urgency of leadership becomes more evident. Men will not grumble at the great inevitabilities ; they will suffer them ; but they will rebel at specific wrongs which are or seem to be the effects of bad leadership. And then, the supremacy of the Will over machines, and mere masses, numbers, of men ! “ What is morale ? To define it precisely, to enclose it in a brief phrase or term as in a command is impossible. Morale belongs to the category of imponderables. (Shades of Pareto /)l It can’t be measured ; one can feel it ; one is aware of it ; one has intuitions of it. Morale is the greater or lesser sense of responsibility, the greater or lesser impulse to the fulfilment of one’s own duty, the greater or lesser spirit of aggressiveness possessed by the soldier. Morale is relative, variable from moment to moment, from place to place. This state of spirit which is summed up in the world morale is the fundamental coefficient of victory. Pre-eminent when compared with the technical or mechanical element. He will win who wants to win ! One hundred 1 A uthor's com m ent.

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thousand cannons will not give you victory if the soldiers are not capable of moving to the assault, if they have not the courage at a given moment to expose themselves and confront death.. . . I claim the right to treat of this question because I have studied those who are with me, who share with me our bread, our shelter, our difficulties and perils ” (April 7th, 1916). There is the essence of Mussolini, of the Fascist insurrection and its victory. There, on the reverse side, is the reason for the failure of the Liberal and Socialist Parties the whole world over against dictatorial cowps d'état. There will always be the victory of a Fascist onslaught unless the will against it is at least as unsubmitting. On the death of Cesare Battisti, taken prisoner by the Austrians and hanged as a traitor, since he was technically an Austrian subject, he observes how neither Christianity, nor Catholicism, nor Socialism, nor modern Internationalism, had produced martyrs, but th at Battisti and men like him had died for their country. Corridoni is killed, that generous character, th at ardent patriot, th at good friend, th at eloquent spirit. W hat does it teach ? It emphasises again the popular character of the intervention of Italy, “ the movement of anonymous crowds, not of organised parties ! . . . the people which was for fifty years an absentee re-enters, inserts itself into the living body of Italian history.” And then he works himself up into a delirium full of meaning for the future of Italy : “ In this war which is bound to decide the fate of humanity for at least a century ; in this war, eminently revolutionary, not in the political sense of the word, but by the fact that everything is at stake, that everything is in peril and much will be submerged and much renovated, the place of Filippo Corridoni could not be among the lonely and infertile negationists in the name of the ideologies of yesterday, or among the pusillanimous who opposed the war be­ cause the war interrupted or disturbed their habits or demonstrated their infinite cowardice. Filippo Corridoni was the spirit of popular intervention. He convinced, affected, he drew people after him . . . We also in the name of our dead, wish to practise the communion of blood. We have gathered the blood which our friends by thousands and thousands have shed without fear and without complaint. It is the blood of the best youth of Italy, Latin blood . . . We look to the heavens. We look to Filippo Corridoni. We have never felt him so

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alive, so present in our ungrateful labour. His effigy looks down in silence. But we take heart ; we unseal those lips ; we rescue the spirit from the corruption of matter against oblivion ; we contend with the everlastingness of memory ; we ask of death the cry of life, and we throw it in the face of those who meditate betrayal. We shall not throw off the burden before we have arrived at our goal. The dead must not be betrayed ” (October 29th, 1917). In January 1917 Mussolini was wounded. I t was not until August 1917 th at he could leave the hospital and limp back to Milan. Mussolini’s forty wounds (some of them hardly more than scratches) were an extremely important element in his future success : he could now appeal to the people not only as the “ authentic workman ” but also as a genuine comrade-inarms. The wounds seem also to have had an important psycho­ logical effect. His career was one in which violence was practised and suffered, and his philosophy one in which violence was not outlawed. The lacerations caused by the thin steel of the explod­ ing mortar, the surgical relief of his fever, supplied him with an abiding figure of speech. Henceforth, he was to worship violence where its application had, in his opinion, a wholesome end, and to praise its uses where it cut away the gangrene. How dangerous an analogy and state of mind when applied to the life of a society ! There is some certainty about the nature of mortified flesh, and the precise use and control of surgical intervention ; but who will have the presumption to judge which of the members of the Great Society are mortified, and then cut off, not dead flesh, but human lives ? Mussolini returned to Milan, to continue the war from the editorial chair of the Popolo d'Italia. Italy’s fate was, indeed, desperate. The Russian Revolution permitted the massing of Austrians and Germans on the Italian front. The Italian troops, poorly led by Cadorna, suffered the severest hardships. And they received cold comfort from the nation behind the lines. The neutralists were at home. There were hundreds of thousands of deserters. The manufacturers, the financiers, the contractors, the middling and large landowners, were profiteering. Parliament was not steadfast in a cause which it had not chosen to support. Socialist and propaganda influence were stronger than in any of the belligerent countries. The Pope’s peace efforts had a more

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direct influence in Italy than elsewhere. The Army suffered a terrible defeat at Caporetto between October 23rd and Novem­ ber 1st, 1917. The shame, the arousing of the defensive instinct, marked the turning point. The spiritual renewal and the material reorganisa­ tion marked the second important step towards the Fascist State, the first having been intervention itself. Coming events were predicted in the commentaries of Mussolini : 44 To-day the Italian people, as they did in May, say to the men who govern the destinies of the Nation : 4Here I am, I offer you everything : my sons, my money, my hopes, my suffering.* Gentle­ men of the Government, history offers you again a unique occasion to take hold in your hands this people unique in the world. Go out towards it ! Go out towards its deep masses ! Not with abstractions, but with realisations I Touch the cords of sentiment and those of interest ! Give to the combatants, and the families of the combat­ ants, the certainty of a better to-morrow. And this people, patient, laborious, tenacious, will no longer know the fatigue of the long Calvary of blood, and it will hold firm with Roman obstinacy until victory is secured. With this human material everything is possible, even a masterpiece, when, in the men who have been placed on high by the Nation, there is the spasm of art, and not merely the routine practice of an ordinary job. . . .” (November 2nd, 1917.)

In this appeal the note of desperation is already at a pitch which portends desperate adventures. The experience of the War, and the social claims th at it had evoked, continued to excite him, and one can see the growth of the imminent expecta­ tion of a social revolution as soon it should come to an end. 44 Put yourself in the position of a soldier who has been in the trenches for two years. First, think of all that it means to have been in the trenches, the real trenches, the terrible dug-out where you go down deep into the mud, where you get covered with lice, where you get covered with blood. One day after the other and so on for months, and for years.’1 . . . We cannot have a difference of treatment and system for those who fight and those who stay at home. Two kinds of liberty, two disciplines, cannot exist, nor two ways of living and dying ” (November 9th, 1917). 1 « Mussolini's own spell of th e trenches has been calculated a t thirty -eig h t days altogether, since he spent m ost of th e tim e elsewhere and in th e officers* training camp.** Thus de Ambris, op. cit., p. 20.

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The Will to Victory and Power. He sees th at the will to victory is the chief factor of victory. He points out how all armies were forming special little groups of shock-troops and troops of assault to act as “ voluntaristic ” elements of attack and total devotion even unto sacrifice, “ elements selected from the apathetic mass, and ready to be and do something more than the others.” War teaches him th at to be a warrior is more than being a soldier. He is impressed by the aristocratic principle of selection for special volunteer duty of those who feel the beauty of personal audacity, the fascination of risk, and the taste for adventure. From this train of thought, it is not a long step to the A rditi, Fasci di Combattimento, the legions who followed D’Annunzio to Fiume (or the Sturm-Abteilungen of the Nazi movement in Germany). Will, will, and will again, is the secret of success ! “ You can lever up men as you can lever up inert matter. Human masses have the same inertia as inorganic masses. The saying, ‘ Give me a point of support and I will raise the world ’ is true also, and perhaps above all in the realm of the mind. Our problem is to find a point of support.” He instinctively finds the lever he needs : “ The battalions of those who return will have the cadenced and earnest step of those who have lived and suffered much and have seen innumerable others suffer and die. They will say, and we will say, ‘ Here in the furrow which leads to the harvest, here in the work­ shop which fashions the instruments of peace, here in the resounding city, here in the silent country, now that the work is accomplished and our end achieved, we will plant the signs of our new rights. Be­ hind us the ghosts ! Away with the corpses which stubbornly will not die, but infect with the insufferable fetidness of their decomposi­ tion the atmosphere which must be purified. We, the survivors, we who have returned, demand the right of governing Italy, not, of course to precipitate it in dissolution and disorder, but to conduct it ever higher and higher and always forward, to make it in ideas and works worthy of being among the great nations who will be the directors of the world’s civilisation of to-morrow ” (May 24th, 1918). On November 11th, 1918, the victory already a fortnight old, he says : “ It is necessary th at victory should also realise the domestic aims of the war : the redemption of labour. From now

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onwards the Italian people must be arbiters of their destinies, and labour must be redeemed from speculation and misery.”

After the War. The men returned home from the trenches. In part they had cheated themselves, hoping unreason­ ably th at the world could be made so different by the mere fact of war. In part, also, they were cheated by the fantastic promis­ sory notes in social reform made to induce them into the trenches. Yet these men were elated with the pride of accomplishment. They had performed extraordinary, unexpected feats—and had survived ! They had become conscious of their worth. But their elation was soon punctured. The old philistine world reasserted itself. The old routine awaited the returned soldiers. Back to work after so long an excursion ! back to society after so long a moral holiday ! To murder had been a glorious act, the proof of superior civilisation, proclaimed and rewarded as heroism. For three years there had existed a state of hysteria, alarms, and the keenest type of excitement which life affords—keener than sex, keener than alcohol, keener than sport, keener than the play— taking life and escaping death ! There were causes of dissatisfaction special to Italy. First, the country was made to feel abjectly defeated. The Nationalists who had been ready to fight on the side of Germany and Austria were now fanatically imperialist in their claims for Bolzano and the Dalmatian Coast. The nascent Fascist movement aided and abetted them. The Allies had used them and were now going to cheat them, as witness the treatment of Orlando and Nitti in Paris ! No one, least of all these agitators, explained to the Italians th at her secular oppressors beyond the Alps had been destroyed. Italy was singled out by President Wilson for admon­ ition regarding the claims she had made to Dalmatian territory, promised her by the Secret Treaty of London. The motives of the redemption of the Italian territories and the completion of the unity of Italy were rebuked and thwarted. The Italian Governments of the day were, in fact, just to Italy and to the outside world, but made the mistake of not being as violent in their defence as their opponents in attack. The Socialist Party screamed “ I told you so ! ” and joined in deriding those who had fought as cuckolds. They advocated renunciation. Bissolati,

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the Reformist Socialist who had fought throughout the war, left the Cabinet to work for “ renunciation.” He was against the annexation of Northern Dalmatia with Fiume, because the population was overwhelmingly Slav ; he was favourable to the return of the Dodecanese to Greece, because they were Greek ; he wished to leave the Tyrol to Austria, because its people were mainly German. But the Chauvinists said th at to be just was to be weak. The Government had made no efficient arrangements for speedy demobilisation. I t had not provided for gratuities to tide over the demobilised until the economic system recovered a new balance and momentum. As the Government had been warlike only under compulsion, it did not greet the home-coming soldiers with joyful parades. The returned soldiers were treated with contempt for having been the dupes of war-mongers ; the Socialist workmen and returned soldiers themselves said and felt these things. Furthermore, the Bolshevik Revolution pro­ duced a specially disturbing effect on Italy because of the revolutionary anarchic current which had always run through her Socialist movement. I t will be remembered th at England, steady in the steering of the ship of Government as no other country is, was in a serious state of unrest in 1919, th at the police went on strike, and there was widespread talk of direct action and industrial democracy. The Italian State was much less decisive, and far less efficient and energetic, than the English. The leaders of Labour in Italy were excessively doctrinaire, much less practical-minded, much more liable to uncritical enthusiasms and hatreds. Meanwhile, Socialist and Communist agitation was producing a highly restless and dangerous situation, and it could do this because the economic condition of the country was, in fact, serious ; 600,000 dead and one million injured caused a terrible disturbance of family economics, and a large burden for pensions. The swollen war-time industries, material and goods supplies suddenly slumped. Official figures showed 400,000 unemployed in an industrial proletariat of only four million. The internal debt had risen six-fold ; the debt of the local authorities doubled ; new taxation was proposed. Prices, taking 1918 as the basis, rose, through world scarcity, and domestic inflation, three times, four

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times, five times. And there was naturally a wage chase after them ! In the circumstances, since employers had had good times, and were now trying to stave off bad, while the workers had been promised better and better times, and taught th at they were entitled to them, the result was a series of strikes. Thus there is no doubt that, at this point, Italy needed to follow energetically the policy proposed and in the spirit expressed by Mussolini, and through Parliament, if Italian democracy was to be saved. This allocution of Mussolini’s is the key to much th at follows until October 29th, 1922. It is, as it were, Mussolini’s last word, before he turns his back upon any possibility of co-operation in the old system of government, convinced that, for his aims a t any rate, it would no longer suffice. While Mussolini had been in close touch with the people in the trenches and in Milan, the Governments, during the War and after, suffered from one of the gravest diseases of a Government (the professional disease of all Governments whatever their form, fatal unless it is consciously counteracted) isolationism. Let there be no misunderstanding : we do not allege th at Mussolini arrived at power by acting single-mindedly and purely in the light of this avowal. Nor do we assert th at he did not callously abandon its letter and spirit when he became the champion of the middle and upper classes (whether he intended to or not). But, if we are not prepared to ascribe the magical power to him of alone having changed the course of Italian history, then we must be prepared to admit, as the actors in the drama, like Bonomi, Nitti, Sturzo, Sforza, Salandra, and observers like Salvemini and Ferrerò, plainly admit, th at something must have been rotten in the State of Italy if he could have even seemed to push over a fifty-year-old system in one-half th at number of months. The price of a continuation of representative democracy was the price th at Mussolini now asked of the existing Parliament. It did not pay it. “ It is already three years that we have been crying to the Govern­ ment, *Gentlemen, go out spontaneously and generously towards those who will return from the trenches. Do not be afraid of appear­ ing to be too daring I Be great in your words and above all in your actions, because the hour, the needs, the hopes, the faith are great. And for three years we have been proclaiming the necessity of giving a social content to the War, not only for recompensing the masses

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who have defended the Nation, but to bind it also in the future to the Nation and its prosperity. . . . The ex-servicemen are returning. They are returning in twos and threes. They haven’t even the aesthetic and spiritual satisfaction of seeing themselves received triumphantly, as would be the merit of soldiers who have literally demolished one of the most powerful armies in the World. . . . The soldier who re­ turns with the intimate satisfaction of having done his duty which permits him to look down upon those who forgot their duty looks for work and there is no work. He hasn’t got the money to live on, and it is difficult to get it. In any case it is infinitely sad that men who fired their rifles against the Austrians and the Germans are obliged to hold out their hands for help which may lighten their immediate needs but cannot solve the problem. It is infinitely sad that men who were ready to die cannot find, now that their country is saved, the necessities of life ! Gentlemen of the Government, gentle­ men of the governing classes, listen to us ! If you wish we can send you packets of letters which will prove what we assert. Listen to us. Gentlemen of the Government I To-day that is still possible which would not be and will no longer be possible to-morrow.. . . You must provide. You haven’t done so because peace has broken out. . . . Not another month, not another week, not another day may pass 1 . . . Don’t enquire as you usually do 1 Don’t wait till to-morrow I Don’t oblige us to turn back to your speeches, to re-exhume your promises, to bring out into the open again your exultation. The soldier who lived in the mud of the trenches believed you. It was his duty to believe you. Now that victory has come, and with it peace earlier by many months, the ex-soldiers ask nothing more than the necessity to start again, to recommence, to begin to live again. Gentlemen of the Government, pass to actions 1’ ” (January 20th, 1919.)

Chapter V RISE AND TRIUMPH OF FASCISM Foundation of the M ovement.

On March 23rd, 1919, five days after a tremendous Bolshevik demonstration in Milan, Mussolini called a meeting in a room a t the Piazza San Sepolcro (lent by the merchants’ association), and with the 145 people who attended, founded the Fasci di Combattimento»1 This was not the first association of the kind. Here and there through­ out the country, little bands of men, independent and uncon­ scious of Mussolini, had formed patriotic groups, such as the Association of A rditi (storm troops), Anti-Bolshevik Leagues, the Association for Dalmatia, “ Italia Redenta,” “ Italia Nuova.” The new organisation saluted the fallen, the wounded, and the ex-soldiers, and declared itself ready to proceed energetically to the realisation of the material and moral demands of the associa­ tions of ex-combatants. I t declared its opposition to the imperi­ alism of other nations which might damage Italy, and equally to any Italian imperialism which might damage other nations. I t accepted the postulate of such a League of Nations as would be based on national unity, and this, as far as Italy was con­ cerned, ought to be realised to the Alps, the Adriatic, Fiume, and Dalmatia. Finally, the workers of Dalmine, who had recently gone on strike and had been congratulated thereon by Mussolini, were again applauded, since in their class battle they had hoisted the national and not the red flag. Mussolini claimed th at they were a continuation of the Revolution which began when the declaration of war was forced, and th at they would not have been afraid of Bolshevism, excepting th at it showed a ruinous result in the country of its origin. The Socialist P arty must be opposed because in essence it is conservative. i Some say 30 people ; some say 40 ; B onavita says 145. Mussolini has said 40 and 55. I f th e post hoc num ber of claim ants was counted, th ere would be m any hundreds more th a n th e hall could hold.

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“ It is fatal that majorities are static, while minorities are dynamic. We wish to be an active minority ; we wish to separate the Socialist Party from the proletariat ; but if the middle class believe that they will find in us their lightning-conductors, they are mistaken. Our device is economic democracy. And let us come to political democ­ racy : I have the impression that the existing régime in Italy has thrown open the succession. There is a crisis which leaps to the eyes of all. Throughout the war we heard of the incompetence of the people who govern, and we know that if the war was won, it was solely by the virtue of the Italian people, not at all by the intelligence and the capacity of the governors. As the succession to the régime is open, we must not vacillate. We must run. If the régime is to be over­ thrown, it must be we who occupy its place. Therefore we create Fasci : organs of creation and agitation capable of descending into the streets and crying : ‘ We, we alone, have the right to the succes­ sion, because we, we were the men who forced the country into the war and into victory.” *(Le Origini e lo Sviluppo del Fascismo, 1928, 68 ff.) He promised improvement of labour conditions ; and national syndicalism. Now began the series of fits and convulsions, the neuras­ thenia, the fears and violences, which ended only when the Fascists assumed office—thenceforward to continue in another form. As Italy by degrees awakened from her blindness during this seizure, she became surprised a t the result. If the country was surprised, Mussolini must have been astounded. His, indeed, is the strangest case of all. For in the early months of 1919, he was a revolutionary Socialist, kept out of power by the Socialists, and at the end of 1922, he had become a Nationalist Dictator put into power by the wealthy ! Events may yet prove th a t the March on Rome was for him not the end but the beginning. His progress from the one extreme to the other, first followed by Nationalist and revolutionary idealists, and then by propertied gangs, needs explanation. In early 1919, Mussolini was a Socialist still, but distrusted by all, excepting a few Syndicalist friends. As in the days of Forlì and of the Avanti, he inflamed every workers’ movement, strikes, agitation for better conditions, occasional seizures of land and factories, assaults on wealthy farmers, trying to foment revolution. In mid-July; 1919, when a widespread anti­ profiteering campaign began, Mussolini was in favour of shooting

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tKe merchants and shopkeepers who charged high prices. A few days previously he had written “ Let the land belong to the peasants.” On August 3rd, 1919, he declared for the expropria­ tion of the land, the mines, and transport. But, like certain industrialists, he was the fierce vindicator of the Italian rights to the spoils of war, and therefore the bitter enemy of the Socialist leaders. This was his general attitude until the begin­ ning of 1921, when he was lifted away by events. The only explanation of his onslaught on the Socialist and Catholic Parties, his violence to the masses, and his championship of interests which have proved a constant embarrassment since then, is that, without riding on the spontaneous movement which surged up, and organising and exaggerating all its qualities, he would have missed the last chance th at remained to him of acquiring power. Without this he would have become an entirely discredited politician, or played a minor rôle as the head of an insignificant group. Until far down into 1921 he was a Socialist, but the Socialist Party despised and distrusted him too much to permit his. re­ admission. He was regarded as an adventurer. It is possible to believe that he was still willing to co-operate with the Party in 19211; it should not have been difficult to win him back in 1919. The Socialist leaders, however, were unable to overcome common scruples and, recognising the exceptional nature of the times, trust Mussolini with leadership. They preached the gospel according to Russia, but they had no general plan for taking power by violence. They could not control the sporadic violence of the local bosses. Hoping for a parliamentary majority, or at least a situation in which they could by themselves form a Government, they refused to collaborate with the bourgeois parties in Parliament, using their strength simply to overturn one Government after another, extracting small reforms, such as the maintenance of a bread subsidy, by the way. The Soci­ alists and the Trade Unions had the cards, the potential majority, and this brought them concessions and a sense of strength which was to the upper classes more terrifying than the gaseous threats of Bolshevism. With a potential majority only, the Socialists 1 1 refer to th e truce in August 1921, and P arliam entary declarations m ade earlier in th e year.

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refused the path of violence ; but with a decided minority, there were classes ready to overthrow Parliament in order to prevent the Socialist aims from arriving at constitutional realisation. The main body of the respectable bourgeoisie regarded Musso­ lini as a trumpery adventurer : Parliament still served them. The Official Socialist Party denounced him as a renegade. These months were, indeed, the months of its triumph. It had the monopoly of the clubs and organisations of the P arty (with 200,000 members), the trade unions (with two million members), the co-operative societies, which, especially in the agricultural areas, controlled wages and prices. I t had the monopoly of employment. I t could paralyse the public services. I t held one-third (in 1920 to rise to nearly one-half) the municipalities of Italy. Mussolini was therefore driven further and further into a murderous fight with official Socialism. He bent all his efforts and employed his choicest invective on showing that the masses were slaves to the orders of a relatively few leading persons, and this by a line of argument which easily led him later to justify the suppression of representative government. “ These play with the masses of working people without ever con­ sulting them. The condition of the Party in relation to the masses is perfectly autocratic, absolutist, imperialist, bourgeois. . . . Who are the so-called Socialists who play the part of shepherds to the flock ? Why do they presume that they, and they alone, are the genuine interpreters, the authentic representatives, of the labouring masses ? and what titles of knowledge, wisdom and virtue can they show compared with the rest of humble mortals? Where is the right and the reason of their Dictatorship ? Not in their brains, which on the average are not superior to the capacity of others ; and not in their heart, which does not contain more humanitas than that contained by the other innumerable among the innumerable of human crea­ tures. The title of their Dictatorship is a simple piece of cardboard which is called a membership-ticket, and the ultimate idiot, madman, good-for-nothing, parasite, bourgeois of this world, can get it by joining the Party and paying the small yearly subscription ” (May 1st, 1919). The card they took away from him in 1914 ! the detested intellectuals ! W hat could he not have done were he then a t the head of the P arty !

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The Glass Struggle. There was plenty of inflammable material lying about for Mussolini’s incendiary tongue : the international situation, the manoeuvres in Parliament, and the class struggle immensely aggravated by the War. The latter was to give him his opportunity. Surveying the forces now swinging into position, what was their character? The War had still further enriched, and had enhanced the social prestige, the status, and the political influence, of the heavy manufacturers, financiers and contractors. The metal and machinery industries, always the favourites of Italy because it is naturally poor in them, had been especially fostered during the War. These great “ capitalist ” categories were precisely those which in every country at this period were trying to escape from control by Government and Parliament by the “ de-politicisation of in­ dustry.” They were determined to use Parliament as their instrument, as in the English post-War Parliament of (as Keynes said) “ hard faced men who looked as though they had done well out of the W ar,” or retain their own power by destroying the political power, as Stinnes and his friends were attempting in Germany. Inclined to their side in Italy were the largest landowners, producing wheat and beet-sugar. The middle tenants and peasant proprietors had been increased in numbers, partly through more extensive agriculture, partly through the power to purchase land which came with more earnings ; and they, perhaps even more avariciously than the rest, were resolved to keep their gains. These groups were ready to accept the Giolittian system while it was their protector, but they were not prepared to continue the parliamentary system should it become their despoiler by capital levies, or Socialist reforms. The professional groups and the lower middle-class artisans and shop-keepers and middlemen of all kinds, had no particular cause for solidarity with these, but, as we shall see, had concrete reasons to be jealous and frightened of the rising tide of Labour. On the other side, the large Socialist P arty and the Trade Union movement were swollen in numbers and the expectation of a proximate paradise. There was an outer inflamed fringe which indulged in revolutionary talk and strike activity (fanned, of course, by the insignificant Communist Party) ; but, soundly and firmly in the centre, were the “ reformist ” politicians, trade

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unions and co-operative societies, in town and country, thinking and acting (to their ultimate destruction, let it be noted) in terms of steady, gradual reform of working conditions, municipal control, and the constitutional rights of the majority in Parliament. It contains the wilder men ; but though these com­ mitted occasional violence and acted corruptly in a manner not abnormal in Italian politics, they were acting as individuals dis­ avowed by the Party leaders. Indeed, Mussolini regarded the Party and the Trade Union leaders as far too tame, and spent all 1919 and 1920 trying to make them revolutionary. The agricul­ tural labourers and contract-workers, cruelly exploited hitherto, had been promised land by almost all the political parties as their reward, were most cruelly exploited, let it be noticed, in the areas where Fascism later most forcibly reacted, in the valley of the Po and in Emilia. As the Orlando Government, which had brought the War to a close, eddied around in the financial and social maelstrom, Giolitti and Giolittians came out again. Great mass movements were setting the country in a storm. Not satisfied with the gen­ erally proclaimed eight-hour day and the beginnings of social insurance and pensions, the masses set themselves against the reduction of wages, and demanded collective contracts, and, what was monstrous from the point of view of the employers, workers councils to supervise their proper execution. In April, May and June, 1919, there were widespread strikes accompanied by violence. The unhappy Orlando fell in June, overturned partly by a Giolittian rebuke th at he should have been kinder to the workers. His position had been further sapped by failure at Versailles. Francesco Nitti, a protégé of Giolitti, took office, with a Cabinet strongly Giolittian, and with good intentions. B ut the Italy of 1919 was no longer th at of 1902-1914 : the “ piping times of peace ” had disappeared for ever. The old personal empirical politics of Giolitti whereby, according to Ferrerò,1 “ Thirty million men were governed by thirty persons for the benefit of three hundred thousand families,” were now challenged by the formation of real political parties : the Socialists, and the Catholic Popolari, founded in January 1919. Both had principles and policies (which was precisely Mussolini’s quarrel with them!) 1 Four Years o f Fascism.

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binding upon their leaders, and both had a foundation in the sovereignty of the masses. National humiliation at Versailles was suddenly alleviated in a dazzling way by D’Annunzio’s expedition to Fiume in Septem­ ber 1919. He held the city for 16 months. D’Annunzio and the serving officers who had engineered the coup, were followed by the types who later composed and led the Fascist squads : the sons of the lower middle-class, demobilised officers, patriotic students, dissatisfied clerks, those still waiting for a profession. The action was a hard blow to established government ; it was internationally embarrassing. The Nationalistic Associations, the Nationalist Party, and the interventionists of the upper classes, supported D’Annunzio’s action. The anti-parliamentary action by the upper classes had begun. D’Annunzio now had the succession in his hands, for a March on Rome was spoken of. Mussolini and his Fasci approved the expedition, collected sub­ scriptions for the benefit of the legionaries, and according to de Ambris, who took part in the expedition, kept most of the money for themselves.1 They declared themselves ready to rise against the Government if it attempted to deal with D ’Annunzio. The Constitution established by D’Annunzio (who had many years previously been a Socialist) had a considerable influence upon the evolution of Fascist “ corporative ” institutions.2 The black shirt came from the Arditi, the Roman formation, rites, salutes, titles and shouts reintroduced by D’Annunzio were almost at once adopted by the Fascists. So far this was but a flash in an, as yet, very dark pan. On November 16th, 1919, elections were held, the first since 1913. Proportional representation, which had been enacted by the N itti Government, was of special importance to the Social­ ists, who had hitherto been seriously under-represented. They scored a tremendous success, winning 156 seats. The Popolari obtained 101 seats and henceforth participated in all Cabinets down to and including the first Fascist Government. Mussolini, an independent candidate in Milan, was defeated with less i Cf. de Ambris, op. cit., p. 31 ff. De Ambris was th e actual composer of th e Fium e 44corporative ” constitution. H e had been one of th e m ost sincere and honoured revolutionary syndicalists. H e was a collaborator of Mussolini’s until th e la tte r callously deserted his early principles. H e therefore died in exile. * Cf. Chapter X V II. below .

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than 5,000 out o f 346,000 votes. It was an humiliating result. There were 30 ex-combatant’s representatives in the Chamber, but not a single Fascist.

M ussolini in the Doldrum s. Indeed, it is estimated by the official Fascist historian th at all over Italy there were at about this time not more than 17,000 followers of Mussolini.1 Of whom did they at this stage consist ? Of a small number of former revolutionary syndicalists ardently convinced of the regenerative quality of a revolution against Giolittian dawdle, not anti-Liberal, not anti-Socialist, except in a formal sense, ultra-patriotic, dictatorial, and nationalist, the foes of the middle classes. Of the Arditi who could not forget the war, their importance in it, and the use of bombs and daggers ; of loafers and professional criminals ; demobilised officers dissatisfied with their peace-time status, who had won many medals but no importance or future except as commercial travellers or sales­ men ; active soldiers ; spirited youths ; rich intellectuals who feared the workers, and poor intellectuals in a state of econ­ omic despair ; and a mixture of “ patriotic ” agrarians, crafts­ men, and the rest. It is interesting to recall the details of the Fascist election programme of 1919. “ The political problem : (a) Universal suffrage with regional lists, with proportional repre­ sentation and votes and eligibility for women, (b) Minimum age for voting lowered to 18 ; that for members lowered to 25. (c) Abolition of the Senate, (d) The convocation of a national assembly for the period of three years, the first object of which will be to establish the form of constitution of the State, (e) The formation of national tech­ nical councils of labour, industry, transport, social hygiene, com­ munications, etc., elected by the professional associations and trades, with legislative powers and with the right to elect a general com­ missioner with powers of a minister. The social problem : (a) The immediate promulgation of a law to establish an eighthour day for all workers. (6) Minimum wages, (c) Participation of representatives of the workers in the technical management of indus­ try. (d) The vesting in the workers organisations (who are morally and technically fit for it) of the management of industries and public 1 Chiurco, Storia della Rivoluzione Fascista, I., 56.

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services, (e) A rapid and complete systematisation of railways and transport. (/) A necessary modification of the project of a law of insurance for sickness and old age, reducing the limit of age from 65 to 55. The military problem : (a) The institution of a national militia with brief periods of in­ struction and exclusively defensive purposes, (b) The nationalisation of all arms and explosives factories, (c) A foreign national policy intended to give worth in the world to the Italian nation in the pacific competition of civilisation. The financial problem : (a) A strong extraordinary tax on capital of a progressive charac­ ter which should have the form of a real p a r t i a l e x p r o p r ia t io n of all wealth, (b) The sequestration of all the property of the religious congregation and the abolition of all episcopal allowances which constitute an enormous debt for the nation and a privilege of a few. (c) The revision of all contracts of war supplies and the sequestra­ tion of 85 per cent of war profits.” 1 Mussolini himself sums up the year 1919 in an article full of despair and gloom. While the Socialists, and the socialising Popolari, were in the full-tide of success and D’Annunzio had won glory, Mussolini was isolated and derided. His meditation for the New Year 1920, is de profundis but his title is hopeful : Navigare necesse est, non vivere. “ But for us, to navigate means to battle. Against others, against ourselves. Our battle is more ungrateful, but it is more beautiful, because we are obliged to count only upon our own powers. We have tom to pieces all the revealed truths, we have spat upon all the dogmas, we have rejected the paradises, scoffed at all the charlatans, white, red and black, who market miraculous drugs to give happi­ ness to mankind. We do not believe in programmes, in schemes, in saints, in apostles ; we do not, above all, believe in happiness, in salvation, in the promised land. We do not believe in a single solu­ tion, whether it is the economic or political or moral species, in a direct solution of the problems of life, because O ! illustrious minne­ singers of all the sacristies, life is not a straight line, and cannot ever be reduced to a segment enclosed among primordial needs. Let us return to the individual. Let us support all that exalts and amplifies the individual, that gives him greater liberty, greater well-being, 1 Chiurco, I., 240.

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greater latitude of life, and let us combat all that subdues and mortifies the individual. Two religions are fighting to-day for the dominion of the spirit and of the world : the black and the red. From two Vaticans emerge encyclicals : from Rome and from Moscow. We are the heretics of these two religions. We alone are immune from contagion. The result of this battle is for us of secondary consequence. For us the battle contains the prize in itself, even if it is not crowned by victory. The world to-day has strange analogies with that of Julian the Apostate. The ‘ Galilean of the Red Hair,’ will he win once again or will the mongrel Galilean of the Kremlin win ? Will he succeed in the overthrow of all values, as happened in the twilight of Rome ? The questions weigh upon the unquiet spirit of our con­ temporaries, but meanwhile it is necessary to navigate, even against the current. Even against the masses. Even if the shipwreck awaits the solitary and proud carriers of our heresy.** Evidently disappointed ; evidently Nietzschean ; evidently in some doubt. Would th at appeal to the liberty-giving forces ever be more than histrionic self-commiseration ? Y et, at this hour, the invisible powers were reshifting the scenery and re-distributing the parts to Mussolini’s advantage. In the year 1920 the Socialist Party threw away their strength through ineptitude ; and the nationalist resurgence began. Both these things led in 1921 to a situation where Fascism arose without the efforts of its founder, and so forcefully th at while he pretended to dominate the flood, it actually carried him out of his way—but any rate, to Power. From December 1st, 1919, to the end of June 1920, Italy was in a state of unceasing disquiet. The Socialists refused to be present when the King opened Parliament, the patriotic organi­ sations held a demonstration of protest. The Socialists answered the injury of some Deputies by a general strike. There followed a postal strike, a railway strike ; a strike in the cotton mills of Piedmont ; and another railway strike in sympathy with the cotton strikers. These main events were accompanied by a continuous round of minor disturbances. There were affrays between the strikers and patriotic organisations, who took their opportunity to make progress by pretending to do what the Government sometimes would not and could not do, namely, keep the services going by volunteer labour. There were clashes between the strikers and the police and armed forces, since the

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strikers, especially the railway-men, refused to convey Govern­ ment help to the disturbed areas. Police barracks were destroyed, especially in the Emilia and Romagna, which were violent in their Socialism. Socialist ex-service men came into conflict with patriotic students. The trouble the workers gave to the police and the Army naturally caused these to react favourably to the Fascists, who helped them. They became Fascist. Peasants and ex-service men occupied uncultivated land in the Romagna and in the South. The Agricultural Workers’ Leagues led by the Socialists and the Popolari forced the owners and lessors all over the country by terrori sation, boycott, fines, and arson to yield better wages and terms. The Parties of the Left, especially the Popolari, were a t one in demanding the expropriation of the latifundia, and the Government promised a bill. In the back­ ground was the Nitti Government, increasing the police forces, and then giving way in the hope th at the troubles would solve themselves. Nitti resigned in March 1920, and then became Premier again. W hat did he do ? He doubled the number of the carabinieri ; established a force of Royal Guards numbering 25,000. His Government was supported by the Popolari and four distinct “ Liberal ” groups ; he must propitiate the Socialists ; he was harassed by the Conservatives. He again resigned in May, on a defeat in the Chamber, but had to take office again with the same coalition. Then failure to settle the Adriatic difficulties, followed by arrests of Dalmatians and citizens and supporters of Fiume, brought down unescapable wrath upon him, and he stumbled towards downfall. The Socialists forced him to rescind a decree abolishing the substantial bread subsidy established during the War ; and in June he gave way to the only man who appeared capable of dealing with the situation— the old, old, Giolitti. He suffered the same difficulties as Nitti : the Popolari wanted liberty of the schools, and a repression of Socialist violence in the North and centre of Italy ; but he could not give the latter out of fear of Socialist strength, nor the former, for conscientious reasons. Meanwhile, Mussolini encouraged and justified popular dis­ content, but continued to repudiate Russian and Hungarian models, which were then the fashion, blamed the Government for not efficiently re-organising the public services, even

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supported proposals for the co-operation of the workers in the management of the public services, but shot poisoned arrows at the Socialist leadership. He must wait, while his Fasci spread very slowly ; but there was also hope in waiting, for he dis­ cerned the possibility of a patriotic revival. “ Liberals,” “ patriots,” Nationalists, were drawing near ; more and more of the Arditi were being absorbed. After all th at had occurred, after the death of 600,000 heroes at the Front, Giolitti still governed Italy !

The Tide Turns.

If the first half of 1920 was disturbed and threatening, the second half saw an exasperation and a final spasm in the occupation of the factories by some 600,000 workers. Industrial disturbances went on apace. There were casualties in the growing tumults and clashes between Socialists, Catholics and Fascists. There were further strikes, of tram ­ ways, of dock-labourers, and in some small centres the establish­ ment of Soviets was resolved upon and committees entrusted with the details. No utterance of Mussolini’s had been made as yet which distinguished him from the revolutionary syndicalist ; he was anxious to see trouble, anxious to see the Governments pass by in their impotent series ! Then came the stroke which at once burst the Socialist bubble, and yet so frightened the bourgeoisie that, although the event had made Fascism unneces­ sary, their fears made it inevitable. Disputes in the metal industry over wages ended with a lock­ out in the Romeo works at Milan on August 20th. The Metullurgical Federation ordered all the workers to remain in the mills. The employers’ organisation ordered a lock-out all over the country. In answer the workers seized many factories, principally in Lombardy and Piedmont. This action was against the wishes of the Trade Union Confederation. The factories were organised defensively; attem pts were made to get the owners and managers to run them ; there were Red Guards and revolutionary tribunals ; some student and Nationalist casualties occurred ; and there was sabotage and pilfering. Giolitti refused to shoot on the factories. At least one great industrialist asked him to do so, but Giolitti’s offer to begin by bombarding his factory was not accepted. His policy was to

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leave the workmen strictly alone in the expectation th at they would come to their senses of their own accord. This actually happened. The strike broke down ; and subsequent negotiations between employers and employed at Rome under the chair­ manship of Giolitti “ settled ” the dispute. The episode had some very important moral effects. Any fear of a real Bolshevik menace was shown to be false. This was the time for the Revolution, if ever ; but talk had merely been talk. Yet the agitation and the occupation had been sufficiently frightening, and caused the rich and the middle classes to look to any saviour. The weakness of the Governments which had allowed the country to arrive at such a threat, the actual terrorisation of the countryside, the continual strikes, all made the middle classes determine to take permanent and forcible counter-measures against the risen tide of Socialism. But the real Bolshevik peril was gone. The extremists had been tried and found wanting, and support fell away from them. Yet the worst effect of the episode was this, that while hitherto the belief had existed th at a constituted authority stood between the propertied and the propertyless, between order and the “ subversives,” the people now saw th at the Government could not be relied on. What was Giolitti’s understanding of this new post-war world ? He wrote : “ This episode was to me, under different shapes and conditions, an experience analogous to the general strike of 1904 (!) which had aroused so much terror and then revealed its inanity.” 1904 ! But the fact was th a t property had been occupied, and the Government had done nothing ! Mussolini himself was still in the position of a revolutionary but patriotic Socialist. His speech of the 20 th September must, in the light of circumstances, be regarded as at least a condona­ tion of the occupation of the factories.1 “ Everything must be changed in the modem city . . . It is possible to destroy in order to create anew in a form more beautiful and great, for destruction must never be carried out in the method of a savage, who breaks open a machine in order to see what is inside. We do not refuse to make changes in our spiritual life because the spirit is a 1 M emoirs, p. 487.

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delicate matter. No social transformation which is necessary is repugnant to me. Hence I accept the famous workers’ supervision of the factories and also their co-operative social management ; I only ask that there shall be a clear conscience and technical capacity, and that there shall be increased production. If this is guaranteed by the workmen’s unions, instead of by the employers, I have no hesitation in saying that the former have the right to take the place of the latter.” He goes on to say th at Russian communism is impossible in such an individualist country as Italy ; and th at the recent Socialist tour of inspection of Russia had revealed th a t Russia had failed. Mussolini, indeed, tried to make revolutionary capital for himself out of the episode, and made overtures to Buozzi, the Metal Workers’ leader, who would have none of him.1 On September 28th, however, Mussolini seems to sense the direction from which his future supporters are to come. This was a real revolution, he asserts. 44A legal system centuries old was shattered. Our legal system of yesterday was this : the article labour on the part of the workman ; salary on the part of the employer ; and there it ended.” The worker was excluded from all the rest of industrial activity. But yesterday the worker, as producer, had conquered the right to control all the economic process. He agrees with the aims of the Trade Unions to get workers* control. Giolitti’s action, once the factories were occupied, was wise. But he should have intervened two months before to stop the dispute. The Government must now act against the Socialist Party, not the Trade Unions. If the Government cannot act, 44 we invite the citizens and especially Fascists, to prepare with all means to destroy the Bolshevik plans of the Socialist P arty.” 2 Although Mussolini took the view then th at the peril was not great, and was passing, and although in November he admitted th at the situation was improving daily, the shock had been a terrible one for the middle classes. Later, Mussolini had to find an answer to critics who claimed th at he had gone over to the 1 Cf. Buozzi e N itti, Fascisme et Syndicalisme (P ans, 1930), p. 80 ff. 2 This article in 11 Popolo